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List of Plates 

Contributions of Plates, etc. ... ... ... ... iia. 

Annual Report, 1885 ... ... iii. 

Treasurer's Account ... ... viii. 

List of Officers ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... x. 

List of Honorary Members ... ... xi. 

List of Ordinary Members xii. 

List of Societies which exchange Publications ... ... ... ... ... xix. 

I. The Painter Heugh, Newcastle; and the Wind-mill. By Jas. Clephan... 1 

II. Notes on By well. By the Rev. Canon Dwarris (Illustrated) ... ... 11 

III. On the Authorities for the History of St. Cuthbert. By the Rev. 

J. L. Low 18 

IV. On Inscriptions at Jarrow and Monkwearmouth. By the Rev. G. F. 

Browne, B.D 27 

V. On the Monastery and Church of St. Peter, Monkwearmouth. By the 

Rev. J. R. Boyle (Illustrated) 33 

VI. The Pfahl-graben. By the Rev. J. Hirst 52 

VII. William Gray, the Author of the CUorograpTiia. By W. H. D. 

Longstaffe ... ... 61 

VIII. Cuthbert Gray, Merchant. By R. Welford 65 

IX. The Roman Annexation of Britain. By Prof. Hiibner (translated by 

Dr. Hodgkin) 82 

X. Newly Discovered Roman Inscriptions: 

1. On an Altar to " Fortuna Conservatrix." By John Clayton, F.S.A. 

(Illustrated) 117 

2. On a Roman Altar from Byker. By the Rev. Dr. Bruce, LL.D., etc. 

(Illustrated) 120 

3. On Centurial Stones from Gilsland. By Dr. Bruce ... ... ... 121 

4. On a Centurial Stone at Hexham, and a Slab at Jedburgh Abbey. By 

Dr. Bruce (Illustrated) 122 

5. On an Inscribed Tombstone at Carlisle. By R. S. Ferguson, F.S.A. 

(Illustrated) 127 

6. On the Discovery of Five Roman Milestones, near Chesterholm. By 

Dr. Bruce (Illustrated) 130 

XI. Unde derivatur Corstopitum ? By Dennis Embleton, M.D.. etc. ... 137 



XII. Henry Bourne, the Historian of Newcastle. By the Rev. E. H. 

Adamson, M.A. ... ... 147 

XIII. A few Jottings respecting some of the Early Members of the Society. 

By Dr. Bruce (Illustrated) ... 155 

XIV. Whittonstall Church. By the Rev. J. L. Low (Illustrated) 180 

XV. Coldingham. By the Rev. J. L. Low 186 

XVI. Roman Horse Trappings compared with Modern Examples, with 

special reference to Roman Bronzes discovered at CILTJBNUM and 

South Shields. By John Philipson (Illustrated) 204 

XVII. On the names COHSTOPITTTM and Colechester. By R. Oliver Heslop 216 
XVIII. William London, Newcastle Bookseller. By James Clephan ... 227 
XIX. Coal-Mining in Old Gateshead Explosion in " The Stony Flatt." By 

James Clephan ... ... 229 

XX. Newly Discovered Roman Inscriptions: 

1. On a Small Altar from Magna. By Dr. Bruce (Illustrated) ... 232 

2. On an Altar at South Shields. By Dr. Bruce (Illustrated) 233 

2a. On the Fragment of a Slab from Whitley Castle. By Dr. Bruce 

(Illustrated) 235 

2 J. Note on an Inscribed Votive Ring from Cilurnum. (Illustrated) . . . 235 
XXL The Town Wall of Newcastle in Pandon Dene. By the Rev. Dr. 

Hooppell 236 

XXII. Heddon-on-the- Wall: The Church and Parish. By Cadwallader J. 

Bates, M.A. (Illustrated) 240 


Page 132, line 22, for " seven inches " read " one foot seven inches." 

Page 135, line 8, " the height of the milestone is 3 feet 1 inch, the tablet on which 

the inscription is incised is 1 foot 9 inches high by 1 foot If inches wide." 
Page 169. line 5. for " Rhoeticus " read " Ehaeticus." 


The Brough Stone ... ... Plate I page iv. 

The Churches at Bywell II 11 

St. Peter's Church, Monkwearmouth ... ... ... III 46 

Windows, &c., Monkwearmouth Church ... ... IV 47 

Saxon Doorway ... ... V 48 

Saxon and other Stones in Vestry VI 50 

Roman Milestones from Crindledykes, near Chesterholm VII., VIII 134 


John Adamson ... ... ... ... IX ., 158 

John Hodgson ... ... ... IXa 160 

Algernon, 4th Duke of Northumberland ... ... X 162 

Sir John E. Swinburne, Bart. XI 162 

Mrs. Atkinson ... ... ... ... ... ... XII ., 164 

John Clayton, F.S.A r , XIII 164 

John Trotter Brockett, F.S.A XIV 164 

Sir Walter C. Trevelyan, Bart XV 166 

Robert Surtees XVI 170 

John Bruce XVLz 176 

Ralph Carr-Ellison XVII ., 178 

Robert White XVIIa 178 

Ancient Horse Trappings ... ... XVIII 208 

Examples of Ancient Bits. &c XIX 210 

Examples of the Ancient Use of Horse Trappings ... XX 212 

Modern Examples of Harness Trappings XXI 214 

Common Seal of Corbridge XXII 226 

Town Wall, Pandon XXIII 236 

Heddon-on-the-Wall Parish, Plan of XXIV 242 

Church, South Side of Chancel ... ., XXV 246 

Chancel of XXVI 246 

Details of Chancel Arch XXVII 248 

Ground Plan of ... XXVIII , 250 


Bywell Castle 16 

Saxon Stone, Monkwearmouth 28 

Facsimile of William Gray's Autograph 74 

Second Brass Coin of Hadrian (Reo. BRITANNIA) 116 

Eoman Altars to FOBTTTNA CONSEETATHIX 117, 8 

Altar from Byker 12 

Centurial Stone at Gilsland ... 121 

atHexham 122 

Inscription at Jedburgh Abbey 123 

Inscriptions 124,5,6,8 

Sculptured Stone from Stanwix 129 

Milestones 132, 3, 4, 5 

Library of the Society, Castle, Newcastle 179 

Respond of Chancel Arch, Whittonstall Church 181 

Styca of Eanbald from Coldingham 203 

Ancient Horse Trappings 205,6,7 

Roman Altar from Carvoran ... ... 232 

South Shields 234 

Inscribed Slab from Whitley Castle 235 

Inscribed Ring of Silver from CILUBNUM 235 

Circular Chamber in Roman Wall, near Heddon 241 

Old House, West Heddon 269 


The Rev. E. H. Adamson, M.A. : Plate IX. 

The Proprietor of the Athenaum : Electrotype at page iv. 

The Rev. J. R. Boyle: Plates III. and IV. 

The Rev. Dr. Bruce : Plates XVIa. and XVIIa., and Woodcuts at pages 123 and 179. 

John Clayton, P.S.A. : Plates VII., VIII., XII., and XIII., and Woodcuts at pages 

117 and (ring) 235. 
J. R. Carr-Ellison: Plate XVII. 
R. Oliver Heslop: Plate XXII. 

W. H. Knowles: Drawings at pages 181, 246 (2), 248, and 250. 
John Philipson : Plates XX. and XXI. 
C. J. Spence : Drawing at page 241. 
Sir Charles E. Trevelyan, Bart. : Plate XV. 
W. T. Watkin : Loan of Woodcut, page 126. 




James Orchard Halliwell-Phillipps, LL.D., F.R.S., 

F.S.A., Brighton 5 Nov., 1839 

His Excellency John Sigismund von Mosting, Copen- 
hagen 3 Feb., 1840 

Charles Roach Smith, F.S.A., Strood, Kent 6 Feb., 1844 

Charles Newton, M.A 5 Sept., 1841 

Ferdinand Denis, Keeper of the Library of St. 

Genevieve, at Paris 3 Feb., 1851 

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Gainsborough ,, 
Daniel Wilson, LL.D., Principal of the University of 

Toronto ... ... ... ... ... ... ,, ,, 

William Beamont, Warrington 

Aquilla Smith, M.D., Dublin 14 April, 1855 

Giovanni Monteroli, Rome 7 Nov., 1860 

Rev. Dr. Hume, Liverpool ... 3 April, 1861 

The Duca di Brolo 5 1865 

Professor Emil Hiibner, LL.D., Berlin 27 June, 1883 

Professor Mommsen, Berlin ,. 

Professor George Stephens, Copenhagen 

Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, 


A. W. Franks, Keeper of British Antiquities in the 

British Museum ... . . ... ... 

Ernest Chantre, Lyons 

A. von Cohausen, Wiesbaden 31 Dec., 1883 




Adamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, Felling, Gateshead. 
Appleton, John Reed, F.S.A., Western Hill, Durham. 
Adamson, William, Cullercoats. 
Adamson, Horatio A., North Shields. 
Arkle, Thomas, High Laws, Morpeth. 

Bruce, Rev. John Collingwood, LL.D., D.C.L., F.S.A., Newcastle. 
Barker, Chris. Dove, Radnor House, Great Malvern, Worcestershire. 
Brown, Ralph, Newcastle. 

Brooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle. 
Booth, John, Shotley Bridge. 
Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwhistle. 
Blair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields. 
Boyd, Miss Julia, Moor House, Leamside, Durham. 
Barnes, John Wheeldon, F.S.A., Durham. 
Beer, William. 

Brown, B. C., Granville Road, Newcastle. 
Bates, Cadwallader John, M.A., Heddon Banks, Wylam. 
Barkus, Benjamin, M.D., 3 Jesmoiid Terrace, Newcastle. 
Cail, Richard, Beaconsfield, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
Clayton, John, F.S.A., Chesters, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 
Crawshay, George, Haughton Castle, Hexham. 
Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 15 Albion Villas, Hove, Brighton. 
Cadogan, C. H., Brinkburn Priory, Northumberland. 
Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O. 
Carr, William Cochrane, Low Benwell, Newcastle. 
Coppin, John, Bingfield House, Corbridge. 
Carr, W. J., Printing Court Buildings, Newcastle. 
Carr, Rev. T. W., Banning Rectory, Maidstone, Kent. 
Dees, Robert Richardson, Newcastle. 
Dunn, Martin, Newcastle. 
Dodd, William, 45 Eldon Street, Newcastle. 
Daglish, W. S., Newcastle. 
Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle. 
Edwards, Harry Smith, Bythorn, Corbridge. 


Fenwick, George A., Newcastle. 

Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle. 

Gibb, Dr., "Westgate Street, Newcastle. 

Glendenning, William, Newcastle. 

Greenwell, Eev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon. F.S.A. 

Scot., Durham. 

Gregory, J. V., 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 
Gibson, Thomas George, Newcastle. 
Hailstone, Edward, Walton Hall, Wakefield. 
Hall, Eev. George Eome, F.S.A., Birtley Vicarage, Wark-on-Tyne. 
Hodgkin, Thomas, B.A., D.C.L., Benwelldene, Newcastle. 
Hoyle, William Aubone, Denton Hall, Newcastle. 
Hooppell, Eev. E. E., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L., F.E.A.S., Byers Green, 


Holmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle. 
Hunter, J. J., Whickham, Gateshead. 
Hodges, Charles Clement, St. Cuthbert's Terrace, Hexham. 
Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Haythornthwaits, Eev. Edward, Vicar of Felling, Gateshead. 
Johnson, Eobert James, Newcastle. 
Johnson, Eev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Eiding Mill. 
Jackson, Thomas, 15 Spring Terrace, North Shields. 
Longstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, Gateshead. 
Lyall, William, Lit. and Phil. Society, Newcastle. 
McDowell, Dr., The Asylum, Morpeth. 
Martin, N. H., F.L.S., Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Northbourne, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent. 

Northumberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 
Nelson, Thomas, 9 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 
Ord, Mrs. Blackett-, Whitfield Hall, Allendale. 
Oswald, Septimus, Newcastle. 
Philipson, John, Victoria Square, Newcastle. 
Pattinson, Hugh Lee, Scot's House, Boldon. 
Proud, John, Bishop Auckland. 
Pickering, William, Courant Office, Newcastle. 
Philipson, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Newcastle. 
Pease, John William, Pendower, Benwell, Newcastle. 


Pybus, Robert, Newcastle. 

Raine, Rev. Canon, York. 

Ravensworth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead. 

Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart., Blagdon, Northumberland. 

Riddell, Sir Walter, Bart., 50 Queen's Gate, London, S.W. 

Robinson, T. W. U., F.S.A., Hardwick Hall, Sedgefield. 

Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Rector of Simonburn, Huinshaugh-on-Tyne. 

Robinson, William Harris, 2 Ashfield Terrace, Newcastle. 

Robinson, J. W., 6 Gladstone Terrace, Gateshead. 

Swithinbank, George E., Ormleigh, Mowbray Road, Upper Norwood, 

London, S.E. 

Spence, Robert, North Shields. 

Spence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields. 
Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., M.P., Capheaton, Northumberland. 
Stevenson, Alexr. Shannan, Tynemouth. 
Swan, Henry T., Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Strangeways, William Nicholas, Westmorland Road, Newcastle. 
Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterburn, R.S.O. 
Steele, Rev. James, Heworth, Gateshead. 
Steavenson, A. L., Holliwell Hall, Durham. 
Taylor, Hugh, 57 Gracechurch Street, London. 
Taylor, Rev. Edward James, Portland Place, Darlington. 
Thompson, Henry, St. ^Nicholas Chambers, Newcastle. 
Trevelyan, Sir C. E. Bart., Wallington, Cambo. 
Thiedemann, C. R. F., The Cedars, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
Williamson, Rev. R. H., Whickham, Gateshead. 
Woodman, William, Morpeth. 
Warwick, John, Ryehill, Newcastle. 
Watson, Henry, Newcastle. 

Welford, Richard, Thornfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
Young, C. H., Goldspink Hall, Newcastle. 


Adamson, Rev. Cuthbert E., Westoe, South Shields. 
Armstrong, Thomas Hugh, Saltwell, Gateshead. 
Adamson, Lawrence W., Whitley, Newcastle. 
Aldam, Wm., Frickley Hall, near Doncaster. 


Boyle, Rev. John Eoberts, Normanton Terrace, Newcastle. 

Bowman, W., 15 Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Northumberland. 

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., 4 Summerhill East, Sunderland. 

Brown, J. W., 24 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Creightou, Rev. Canon, College, Worcester. 

Clephan, James, Picton Place, Newcastle. 

Clephan, Robert Calvert, High Bridge, Newcastle. 

Dixou, John A., Gateshead. 

Davies, Arthur Felix, 12 North Street, Newcastle. 

Eeles, J. Proctor, 8 St. Edmund's Terrace, Gateshead. 

Franklin, The Rev. Canon R. J., St. Mary's Cathedral, Newcastle. 

Greenwell, Francis John, Newcastle. 

Green, Robert Yeoman, Newcastle. 

Glover, William, 16 Market Street, Newcastle. 

Heslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Prince's Buildings, Akenside Hill, 


Hicks, William Searle, 19 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Hume, Geo. H., M.D., Ellison Place, Newcastle. 
Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 
Hall, James, Tynemouth. 

I'Anson, Dr. W., Westgate Hill House, Newcastle. 
Joicey, James, M.P., Dissington Hall, Newcastle. 
Johnson, Rev. John, Hutton Rudby Vicarage, Yarm. 
Lloyd, The Rev. Arthur T., Vicar of Newcastle. 
Langbehn, W. F., 11 North Terrace, Newcastle. 
Low, Rev. John Low, Vicar of Whittonstall, Stocksfield. 
Morton, Henry Thomas, Biddick Hall, Durham. 
Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields. 
Morrow, T. R., Woodhouse Terrace, Gateshead. 
Morton, Joseph Hall, South Shields. 
Mackey, Wm., Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 
Mackey, Matthew, Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 
Mason, Rev. H. B., Carr's Hill, Gateshead. 
Motum, Hill, Newcastle. 
Montgomery, W. H., 11 St. James's Street, Newcastle. 


Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields. 

Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle. 

Noble, Benjamin, Newcastle. 

Nixon, Jared, The Cottage, Winlaton, Gateshead. 

Nelson, Ralph, Bishop Auckland. 

Ormond, Richard, 3 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle. 

Pease, Alfred Edward, Pinchinthorpe, Guisbro'. 

Robinson, Alfred, J., 90 Ryehill, Newcastle. 

Redmayne, R. Norman, South Dene, Gateshead. 

Reid, George, Leazes House, Newcastle. 

Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle. 

Rogerson, John, Croxdale Hall, Durham. 

Redmayne, J. Studdert, South Dene, Gateshead. 

Reid, Win. Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle. 

Robson, Arnold H., Esplanade, Sunderland. 

Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Picktree House, Chester-le-Street. 

Scott, George, Shield Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle. 

Scholefield, Arthur, Jesmond Gardens, Newcastle. 

Short, Rev. Edward, Yicar of Woodhorn, Northumberland. 

South Shields Public Library (Lawrence Inkster, Librarian). 

Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newburn-on-Tyne. 

Steel, Thomas, Sunderland. 

Snell, Rev. B. J., M.A., B.Sc., 112 Elswick Road, Newcastle. 

Tennent, James, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Usher, Robert Thomas J., Orchard House, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Young, J. R., 20 Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 


Armstrong, T. J., 14, Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 
Armstrong, Luke, M.D., Newcastle. 
Briggs, Miss, Hylton Castle, Sunderland. 
Bruce, Gainsford, Q.C., 2 Harcourt Buildings, Temple, London. 
Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcastle. 
Clarke, William, The Hermitage, Gateshead. 
Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland. 
Dunn, William H., Belle Vue Terrace, Gateshead. 
Dixon, D. D., Rothbury. 
Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle. 


Dixon, Rev. Canon, Vicar of Warkworth. 

Dickenson, Isaac G-., Portland House, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

Emley, Fred, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Ellison, J. R. Carr-, Dunston Hill, Whickham, R.S.O. 

Ferguson, Richard S., F.S.A., Lowther Street, Carlisle. 

Frazer, Donald, Forth Station, Newcastle. 

Gibson, J. P,, Hexham. * 

Goddard, F. R., Newcastle. 

Henzell, Charles William, Tynemouth. 

Harrison, Miss Bertha, Newcastle. 

Harrison, Miss Winifred A., Newcastle. 

Harrison, Miss Grace, Newcastle. 

Hodgson, J. G-., County Club, Newcastle. 

Kirkley, James, South Shields. 

Knowles, W. H. f Catherine Terrace, Gateshead. 

Loxley, Rev. C. R. J., Rector of Jarrow. 

Marshall, Frank, 32 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Mackey, Matthew, 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle. 

Maling, Chr. Thompson, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Newcastle Public Library (W. J. Haggerston, Librarian). 

Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge. 

Park, James, 7 Fern Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Parkin, J. S., New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C. 

Pattinson, J. W., Felling House, Felling, Gateshead. 

Phillips, Maberly, 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, Newcastle. 

Robinson, John, 6 Choppington Street, Newcastle. 

Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 

Surtees, Rev. Scott F., Manor House, Dinsdale, Darlington. 

Swaby, Rev. W. P., Vicar of St. Mark's, Millfield, Sunderland. 

Schaeffer, Anton Georg, 38 Eldon Street, Newcastle. 

Taylor, Rev. W., iNew House, Waterhouses, by Durham. 

Thompson, John, The Willows, Walker. 

Tweddell, George, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Watson, Mrs. Henry, Elswick Park Terrace, Newcastle. 

Waddington, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead. 

White, William Henry, Low Condercum, Newcastle. 

Wilkinson, The Rev. G-. P., Harperley, Bishop Auckland, 



Adams, W. E., 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle. 

Adie, George, 166 Portland Road, Newcastle. 

Allgood, Miss Anne Jane, Hermitage, Hexham. 

Armstrong, Sir W. G., Cragside, Rothbury. 

Burn, John Henry, Jun., Beaconsfield, Cullercoats. 

Charlton, W. L. S., 23 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (J. E. Tinkler, Librarian.) 

Clark, Thomas Thompson, Chirton, North Shields. 

Daggett, William, Newcastle. 

Farmer, Cottingham, M.B.O.S., Abbey House, Hexham. 

Farrow, Rev. John Ellis, Felling-on-Tyne. 

Fleming, John, Gresham House, Newcastle, 

Hicks, Rev. Herbert S., Vicar of Tynemouth Priory. 

Howard, Geo., M. P., Naworth Castle, Brampton. 

Liverpool Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian.) 

Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth. 

Marshall, Rev. J. M., Grammar School, Durham. 

Mason, Rev. R. E., LL.D., Rector of Allendale, Northumberland. 

Norman, William, 29 Clayton Street East, Newcastle. 

Piper, Henry, Millfield Terrace, Gateshead. 

Potts, Joseph, North Cliff, Roker, Sunderland. 

Reid, Rev. John, M.A., 11 Hawthorn Road, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Stephenson, Thos., Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Wilson, John, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Nunwick, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 
Fullard, T. Fletcher, B.A., High School, South Shields. 
Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle. 
Scott, Walter, Newcastle. 

@* On change of address would Members please notify same, at 
once, to R. Blair, South Shields. 



Antiquaries of London, The Society of, Burlington House, London, 

(Assistant Secretary, W. H. St. John Hope). 
Antiquaries of Scotland, The Society of. 
Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The 

(Hellier Gosselin, Secretary, Oxford Mansion, Oxford Street, 

London, W.C.). 

Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, The. 
Royal Irish Academy, The. 

Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries of Copenhagen, The. 
British Archaeological Association, The (Secretaries, W. de Gray 

Birch, F.S.A., British Museum, and E. P. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., 

16 Montague Place, London). 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The (Rev. S. S. Lewis, Secretary, 

Corpus Christi College, Cambridge). 
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The. 
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, 

The (R. S. Ferguson, F.S.A., Editor, Lowther Street, Carlisle). 
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The. 
London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The (Secretary, J. E. 

Price, F.S.A., 60 Albion Road, Stoke Newington). 
Manx Society, The. 
Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The 

(Yerein fur nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte 

Numismatic Society of London, The, 4 St. Martin's Place, Trafalgar 

Square, London (Secretaries, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head). 
Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the, Harvard University, U.S.A. 
Powys-land Club, The (Editor, Morris C. Jones, F.S.A., Gungrog 

Hall, Welshpool). 

Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S.A. 
Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (Editor, 

Rev. W. A. Leighton, Luciefelde, Shrewsbury). 
Surrey Archseological Society, The. 
Thuringian Historical and Archaeological Society, The (Verein fur 

Thiiringische Geschichte und Altertumskunde) Jena, (Professor 

Dr. D. Schafer, Jena). 
Wiltshire Archaeological Society, The. 
Yorkshire Topographical and Archaeological Association, The. 


^ottetg of 



THE year 1884 will be memorable in the annals of the Society for 
two events the visit of the Royal Archaeological Institute and the 
completion of the Black Grate Museum. 

Notwithstanding that the Archaeological Institute had, so recently 
as 1882, visited the neighbouring county of Cumberland, it seemed 
fitting that the recent installation of Earl Percy as President of that 
Society should be commemorated by a visit to the county of his 
ancestors. This Society accordingly, on its own responsibility, offered 
an invitation to the Institute, which was cordially accepted, and the 
meeting which took place in consequence, from the 5th to the 13th 
of August, is one upon which both Societies may look back with 
pleasure. A succession of days of almost cloudless brilliancy, and a 
temperature which, if it had a fault, erred in the direction of too great 
heat, gave our visitors a very favourable impression of the character of 
our Northumberland summers, and greatly promoted the success of 
the excursions, which were well attended and universally enjoyed. 
Alnwick, Warkworth, Holy Island, Bamborough, Chestcrs, Ravens- 
worth Castle, Jarrow, Monkwearmouth, Corbridge, and Durham were 
all visited, and the interchange of opinions between our local antiquaries 
and the visitors could hardly fail to be profitable to both. One rainy 
day, if we had been favoured with it, would probably have caused 
more justice to be done to the very interesting loan collection of 
antiquities which was exhibited in the new Museum at the Black 



Gate; but even as it was, in presence of the uniformly brilliant 
weather, there was a fair attendance of visitors. The sectional 
meetings, held for the most part late in the evening after very long 
excursions, were necessarily somewhat hurried, but have, at any rate, 
enriched our Transactions with a number of valuable papers. 

As for the Black Gate, it will be in the remembrance of all the 
members of the Society how recently this interesting monument of 
antiquity was threatened with entire demolition. The offer of the 
antiquaries to rent it at a nominal sum for the purpose of a Museum 
was received with favour by the Corporation, and the building, which 
has been put into a state of thorough repair, is now in the occupation 
of the Society. The Roman altars are all stored upon the first floor, 
and this interesting collection, which is believed to be the finest in 
our island, can now be seen under more advantageous circumstances 
than when it was dispersed about the dark halls and passages of the 
Castle. The cost of adapting the Black Gate to its present purpose 
has been about 1,600, the funds for which have been provided 
by a special subscription from members and friends of the Society. 
The Council have every reason to be satisfied with the manner in 
which the contractor, Mr. Burton, has performed the work, under the 
able superintendence of Mr. R. J. Johnson, a statement by whom, as 
to the details of the work accomplished, is appended to this Report 
(page vi.) 

It is proposed formally to open the new Museum on a date to be 
fixed by the Society, and in order to add interest to the ceremony 
a loan collection will be formed, contributions to which have been 
solicited by your Secretaries from the chief collectors in Northumber- 
land and Durham. 

The archasological record of the year that has just closed has been 
an interesting one, and will be found, we trust, fairly set forth in our 
Transactions and Proceedings. The excavations which Mr. Clayton 
is carrying forward at Chesters between the camp and the river 
continue to interest and perplex antiquaries. The generally accepted 
theory appears to be that they disclose the site of a Roman villa, and 
in this connection it is interesting to observe some resemblances of 
plan between this building and the villas described in Cohausen's 
superb monograph on the Limes Germanicus. The hypocausts and 

Plate 2. 

ascending flues for warming the various chambers are in an 
admirable state of preservation. But the chamber at the north end 
of the building, with its five semi-circular recesses remains an 
unsolved mystery. 

The altar found at Housesteads containing an inscription in honour 
of Mars Thingsus, the work of a Frisian Cohort, greatly interests 
our German fellow-workers, who deem that this inscription may throw 
some light even on the political institutions of their and our Teutonic 

Another important sepulchral monument has been discovered at 
South Shields, only second in interest to the monument of Eegina 
which was found there some years ago. The subject of this epitaph 
was a young man, freedman of an officer in an Asturian ala (that 
which was stationed at Benwell), and may possibly have been waiting 
for a ship to convey him to the warmer climate of Italy when death 
overtook him in his northern exile. (See Vol. X., pp. 311-318.) 

In this connection we may refer to the celebrated stone found at 
Brough, in Westmoreland, and now deposited in the Fitzwilliam 
Museum. The deciphering of the inscription on this stone has been 
the subject of a keen controversy, chiefly carried on in the columns of 
the Academy. It was commenced by Professor Sayce, and has been 
continued by Messrs. Bradley, Isaac Taylor, Nicholson, Evans, and 
Kidgeway. Though some parts of the inscription still remain obscure, 
it is now universally admitted that it contains six lines in Greek hexa- 
meters, recording the fate of Hermes of Commagene, apparently a 
youth of sixteen years, who seems to have met his fate in the land of 
the Cimmerii. There is an obvious temptation to connect this word 
with the Cymric inhabitants of Britain, but some of our most 
competent Celtic scholars doubt the possibility of such a connection. 
From the character of the letters the inscription is believed to belong 
to the fifth century of our era. An inscription in Greek letters in 
honour of a Syrian youth, carved in the century which witnessed the 
fall of the Western Empire, and now brought to light upon a lonely 
hill in Westmoreland, suggests abundant materials for reflection. 
(See illustration* facing page iv.) 

* Kindly lent by the proprietors of the Athenceum, 


In mediaeval archaeology, perhaps the most interesting fact has 
been the discovery of the foundations of the Abbey of Alnwick. This 
has been accomplished by excavations carried on in Alnwick Park by 
the Duke of Northumberland, under the able superintendence of 
Mr. W. H. St. John Hope, F.S.A. 

The following is the position of the Society as regards members: 

No. of Members on January 1st, 1884 ... 181 
Elected during year 50 

Died, 1 ; Resigned, 6 7 

No. of Members on January 1st, 1885 ... 224 

In conclusion, the Council feel that they may congratulate the 
Society on the flourishing state of its affairs, and trust that in a 
district so peculiarly calculated as ours is to attract fresh recruits to 
the study of archaeology, a career of yet wider usefulness and popularity 
lies before it. 


The Black Gate was the principal entrance to the Castle enclosure, 
and is a building of great historical interest, as it forms the sole relic 
of the extensive works of Henry III. in the Castle. Up to June, 1247, 
the works of a certain new gate in the Castle cost 514 15s. lid., 
and a further sum of 36 Os. 8d. was afterwards laid out on the 
repair of a gate at Newcastle. These sums resulted in the erection of 
the fabric that now remains to us. 

Formerly the outer archway was protected by a drawbridge and 
moat, with a further outwork or barbican, but these outworks have 
entirely disappeared. 

Of the actual work of the time of Henry III. the main walls of 
the gate and the two interesting and beautiful vaulted chambers on 
either side of the archway are the principal remains. 


At the beginning of the seventeenth century the gate had become 
ruinous, and a lease of it was granted to one Stevenson, who inserted 
the stone mullioned windows, some doorways, and some pretty fireplaces 
in the style of the period. 

In the eighteenth century ruin again took place ; part of the 
eastern wall fell down and was reinstated in brick in a poor way. 

Afterwards, the place was very much neglected, and another part 
of the walling had fallen away some years ago, and was made up with 
rough wooden boards. The space was divided into tenements, hardly 
fit for human habitation, and when it came into the Society's hands 
its condition was inconceivably squalid and miserable. 

The whole of the interior was gutted, and the walls were thoroughly 
cleaned and replastered. That part which had given way was rein- 
stated in stone. New floors were put in, and a new roof was put on, 
covered with the old tiles. 

The vaulted chambers were repaired, and three fine apartments of 
considerable size have been secured, above which there are some rooms 
for a caretaker. 

A new wing joined to the east side of the gate contains the 
staircase for access to the upper stories and a porter's lodge, waiting 
room, &c. 

The chamber on the first floor being of ample size, and supported 
by the strong vaults of the ground floor, forms an admirable Museum 
for the reception of the fine collection of Roman altars, &c., belonging 
to the Society. The upper chambers are being arranged as Museums 
for the preservation and display of the other collections of the Society. 


s. d. 

1 ss I 44,1 17 4, 

January, To Balance brought forward 223 13 

Subscriptions ... " . ,_ 

Collections at the Castle OQ 9 

Books sold 

39 2 6 

Interest Z ... 14 14 5 

Examined with the Books and Vouchers and found correct, 

January 23rd, 1885. 

794 4 9 



1884. s. d. a. d. 

Andrew Reid ......... ...... 93 1 

Journal Office ............... 20 7 6 

Lambert & Co ................ 1612 6 

G. Nicholson ............... 18 9 6 


D. Mossman ............... 3 13 6 

J. Akerman ............... 13 10 

R. B. Utting ............... 91 15 

Autotype Company ... ... ... ... 5 15 4 

Sprague & Co ................ 13 

Bradbury & Co ................ 076 

Whiting .................. 19 

Ellis & White ............... 300 

J. Wilson .................. 030 

Dallas .................. 081 

Photo Engraving Company ...... ... 18 

BOOKS 133 9 5 

W. Scott .................. 15 

C. C. Hodges ... ............ 11 

Learmount ... ... ... ... ... 10 6 

Sir G. Duckett ...... ......... 12 3 

Asher&Co ................ 359 

Wm. Dodd ............... 500 

D. Nutt .................. 18 

R. Robinson ............... 1 19 6 

H. W. Ball ............... 14 

Griffin & Co ................ 060 

Town Clerk for Lease ............ 220 

Carriage of Cases ... ... ... .. 176 

Printing .................. 3 17 

Rent, 2 years ............... 200 

Charwoman ... ... ... ... ... 050 

Archaeological Institute for Case ... ... 10 

Insurance ...... ... ...... 3 12 3 

-- 23 3 9 

J. Gibson, 1 year's Salary and Gratuity... ... ...... 52 8 4 

Charwoman, &c. ... ... ...... ... ... ... 186 

Rent of Castle ..................... 026 

Insurance do. ... ...... ... ...... ... 076 

Two Cheque Books .................. 050 

Subscription to Surtees Society ... ... ... ... ... 110 

Do. Harleian Society ...... ......... 110 

T. W. Waters, Binding .................. 12 

Bronze Spear Head, from River .. ......... ... 100 

Chronicle, Advertising ... ... ... ... ... ... 046 

G.H.Moor ........................ 316 

H.Watson ........................ 12 

Mawson & Swan ..................... 12 6 

T. & J. Hancock ..................... 058 

Secretary's Expenses to London, &c. ... ... .., ... 4 12 6 

Postage and Carriage ... ...... ... ... ... 23 15 4 

Gas, Coke, and Firewood ... ...... ...... ... 205 

Commission on Subscriptions ......... ...... 10 14 

Sundries ... ... ... ............ ... 15 5 

1885, January, Balance in hand ...... ...... ...... 358 1 5 

794 4 9 











THE REV. J. C. BRUCE, LL.D., D.C.L., F.S.A. 













R. R. DEES. 



F.S.A. SCOT. (HON.) 




[Read on August 27th, 1884.] 

" TIME," says Sir- Thomas Browne, " which perfects some things, im- 
perfects also others;" brings them, perchance, to nought. Change is 
the world's great constancy. Its mutability was exercising, in 1732, 
the moralising mind of a writer in the Gentleman's Magazine. A 
recent fashionable reception had set his pen in motion, and he pictures 
one of the fair throng "in a velvet cap, with a flap let down to her 
shoulders, of the same make with one of our Newcastle carriers." The 
Newcastle waggon, immortalised in literature and art, rumbled from 
stage to stage along the Great North Road through the eighteenth 
century. It was creeping out of our streets on a Saturday morning 
of 1782, pledged to its patrons to be in London "that day fourteen 
days;" while for less leisurely travellers there was in 1785 a stage 
coach that slept but two nights on the road. The Royal Mail, of which 
England was once so proud, had its advent on the Tyne in 1786 ; and 
in three-score years came its end. Ears yet living have heard in our 
town the cry of " Tar-barrel matches, a halfpenny a bunch ;" yet where, 
now, is the tinder-box ? Flint-and-steel and the brimstone match are 
numbered with the things that were. The crack of the friction-lucifer 
is heard the whole earth round. Mr. Moseley tells us, in his Notes of 
a Naturalist on the Challenger (1875), that in the Tonga Islands he 
had some difficulty in persuading one of the natives to get fire for him 
by friction of wood, matches being so common that they do nob care to 
undergo the labour of the old process, except when driven to it by 
necessity ; and no doubt, as he observes, the younger generation will 



lose the knack of it altogether. At Banda, the metropolis of nutmegs, 
hearing the sound of music in the native quarter of the town, he made 
his way towards the house whence it came, in the hope of seeing a 
Malay dance, but found himself in the presence of a European waltz. 

The whirl of the waltz and the explosion of the lucifer are as 
ubiquitous as the electric messenger. But where are the whirling 
wands that gave animation and a name to the hills of Gateshead ; and 
where the Elizabethan mill of the Painter Heugh, in the parish of All 
Saints, Newcastle? In the earliest plan of the town wherein the 
Archaeological Institute is now in congress, "described by William 
Matthew" in 1610, and vignetted by Speed in a corner of his map of 
Northumberland, an old stob-mill in Pandon looks over the mural 
defences of Newcastle ; within which, for untold years, the mill of the 
Painter Heugh had been industriously adding to the fortunes of the 
Shaftoes. Would we measure the mutations of the centuries, we have 
but to turn to the Wills and Inventories that fill two of the volumes 
of the Surtees Society, edited by the Rev. Dr. Eaine and Canon Green- 
well, where is commemorated for our instruction the Painter Heugh in 
the time of the Tudors, with its flowers and fruit-trees blooming and 
blossoming in a succession of "little gardens," the pride and pleasure 
of the inhabitants ; while in the neighbouring ravine, that gave place 
to Dean Street less than a hundred years ago, was heard the babbling 
song of the Lort Burn, on its eager downward way to the Tyne. 
Traversing the streets of modern Newcastle, few persons would imagine, 
remarked Mr. Bouchier Richardson in 1850, that far below their feet 
"there still flowed a rapid stream, which once upon a time ornamented 
the gardens of the Franciscan Friars, and was crossed by three ancient 
stone bridges." By the side of this stream, " James Fennye, grocer 
and potticcarrie," was on the closing day of October, in or about the 
year 1560, bequeathing his body to the mother church of Newcastle, 
"to be buried within the porch of Sancte Cuthbert," and parting his 
household gods and gear among kith and kin. Pleasant home and 
loving wife he must quit for the cypress and the yew ; his orchards on 
the Tyne, his "ferine holde in Pencharde in the countie of Durham, 
with the corn there vppon now sowen ;" his "neowe howse" in New- 
castle, "lyeinge in the Syde," with "a garden in the Paynter Hughe, 
and now in the occupation of me;" also "thre letell gardens lieinge 


in the said town, in a place called the Paynter Hughe;" a name, 
as we are informed by Mr. Hodgson Hinde, occurring in 1373. 
(Archaologia jEliana, N.S., Vol. III., page 62.) 

Oswald Chapman, the Mayor of 1558, also contributes, in his will 
of 1566, a glimpse of the heugh, stretching down from Pilgrim Street 
to the burn intersecting the town. His body is to lodge in its narrow 
house "before the revestri dore" of St. Nicholas's. His spacious 
mansion in the Close, with garden and orchard and rustic surround- 
ings, passes, after the death of the testator's wife, to their son Henry, 
namesake of his maternal grandsire, Henry Anderson, oft-times Mayor. 
Well-left is the widow Marion, "connected, both by birth and mar- 
riage, with some of the wealthiest families of Newcastle." "To my 
son Mathewe," says her husband, "my house in Pilgrim Strete, at the 
heade of the Paynter Heuge, wherin Widow Collingwood dwelleth." 
Widow Collingwood had before her, from the head of the heugh, the 
prospect of a country town, besprinkled with gardens and orchards, 
and cut in twain by ravine and rivulet, the tributary waters flowing 
open to the sky, and spanned at intervals by viaducts, whose province 
it was, in concert with every variety of thoroughfare, to bring the few 
thousand inhabitants into one : a fair scene, the natural site of which, 
as it existed, riven and rugged, when man first came upon the ground 
with his rude building materials, the liveliest imagination might 
attempt to picture in vain. 

The Painter Heugh, besides its native charms of flower-bed and 
hedge-row, and grateful verdure, had, in the same century, a mill pro- 
fiting by its favouring breezes (I am assuming its alliance with the 
winds of heaven), whose wooden tower and energetic arms ministered 
to the means of its owners and the wants of the community. Mark 
Shafto, dwelling in the Side, who had been Sheriff and Mayor, and 
Governor of the Company of Merchant Adventurers, enjoying 
honours and accepting responsibilities that had fallen to the lot of his 
father before him, was settling his affairs on the 8th of November, 
1592. After expressing his desire "to be buried in the parishe 
churche of Sancte Nicholas, as neare as maye be to the sepulchre of his 
late father," he bestows personal and real estate among friends and 
relatives moneys and goods, coals and keels, houses and lands. " To 
Mark Shafto, my nephewe, and the heires mailes of his bodie, all my 


messuage, &c., scituate in a certaine streete called the Cloth Market, 
together with my mill, standing in a certaine place called the Painter 
Heughe." The historic keels, that flow to music in our popular local 
song, are all but extinct on the Tyne, floating away in the wake of 
Mark Shafto's mill ; and the steam-boat, first launched on our navi- 
gable channel in 1814, becomes lord -paramount of the Tyne. The 
wind-mill, that went merrily round within the now vanished walls of 
Newcastle, has succumbed to the Roman poet's "devourer of all things;" 
and the regiment of wands in the neighbouring borough, whose rival 
revolutions would have been a bewildering challenge to Don Quixote, 
have fallen gradually away, tower after tower going down like ninepins 
before the assaults of time. When the machinery of Mark Shafto, the 
Mayor of 1578, was crushing corn into meal, the Millers' Company of 
Newcastle could boast of a score or more of brethren, with an ancient 
play of their own, founded on the Deliverance of the Children of Israel 
from the Thraldom, Bondage, and Servitude of King Pharaoh. They 
had their penalties for the preservation of law and order ; to which, in 
a later day, they added an imposition of sixpence on every member of 
their society who should attend the burial of a brother in a black hat ; 
one-half of their income from fines going, with commendable public 
spirit, to the maintenance of Old Tyne Bridge ; that composite struc- 
ture, street and viaduct combined, which was washed away, after five 
centuries of service, by a November flood in 1771. (Brand's New- 
castle, II., 348.) 

At what time the apothecary's gardens and Mark Shafto's mill took 
possession of the Painter Heugh, and when they disappeared, records 
inform us not. Legends hover round the heights, but history is silent 
when we are unreasonable enough to ask for dates for entrances and 
exits. The Alderman's mill is cloud-capt on the heugh, like so many 
other relics of the past on which Edie Ochiltree and Monkbarns are 
not agreed. Its owner is less explicit than he might have been in 
describing his bequest. The Mayor of 1 578, whose predecessor in 1335, 
Richard Acton, was commanded by Edward III. to have him horse- 
mills and wind-mills made, does not specify in his will of what kind 
was his mill in the Painter Heugh corn-mill or fulling-mill, wind-mill 
or water mill. Time and circumstance seem to me to point to wind ; 
but inferences are apt to be frail. Happily, however, it matters little 


though I be mistaken. The mill of the Painter Heugh, which was 
and is not, has left rather a riddle than a rack behind ; and should it 
turn out that I have erred in its solution, the argument of my paper, 
as to the rise and progress and deca'y of the wind-mill, would not be 
affected by the correction of my conjecture. When it was in what 
year of the world that to hand and horse and water power, wind was 
added for the reduction of grain to meal, on the banks of the Tyne, or 
elsewhere between the Tees and the Tweed, is an open question. 
There is no laying of salt on the first beginnings of inventions or 
improvements. There are no sharp lines of demarcation in social 
progress. The old and the new overlap. "On the estates of the 
monasteries, water-mills and wind-mills," says Cosmo Innes, "were 
used for grinding corn in the thirteenth century, and previously ; 
though the rude process of the hand-mill kept its ground, in some 
districts of Scotland, to a recent period." (Scotland in the Middle 
Ages, page 146, 1860.) It was a Scotch millwright who, in the 
closing years of Bishop Bek (1283-1311), was playing his part in 
yoking wind to a mill of Norton, on the southern verge of the diocese 
of Durham. The roll of 25 Antony, under the head of " Refectione 
Molendinorum," has the item, " In solutione facta Eoberto de Tevydale 
carpentario pro meremio colpando ad unum molendinum ventriticum 
faciendum apud Norton, 20s." (Appendix to Boldon Biike, page 
xxxvi., Vol. 25 of the Surtees Society, edited by Canon Greenwell.) 

The Boldon Buke that carries us back to Pudsey's Survey of 
1183, reminds old schoolboys of the Bishopric of the tongue of their 
youth, persistently adhering to the language of bygone days ; for in 
the time of "Waterloo, youngsters still went to " skule ; " they talked 
among themselves, if not in the face of the master, of their "bukes;" 
and in holiday hours they flung their "hukes" into the tributary 
"becks" of the Tees. 

The Boldon Boole which may be pardoned, in archaeological 
company, for prompting this digression, does not help us much as to 
whether wind-mills were in existence in the county palatine when the 
now rugged and sombre keep of Newcastle was "in its newest gloss ;" 
but the sites of not a few of its mills suggest, not water, but wind, as 
the moving power ; and in the pages introductory to the Register of 
Richarde de Kellawe (1311-16), Bee's successor, edited by Sir Thomas 


Duffus Hardy, we have the advantage of the fact that Bishop Antony 
and Prior Richard having got to loggerheads, among the charges made 
against the bishop was "the dismantling of the prior's wind-mill at 
Jarewe;" a piece of incidental history for which we cannot too 
sufficiently be grateful ; for thus, in the reign of Bishop Bee, we have 
the wind-mill brought before us, over the broad palatinate, from the 
Tees to the Tyne. 

Bishop and Prior could not dwell together in peace any more than 
England and Scotland. The mill at Jarrow had been assailed in 1305. 
In 1335, Edward III., at war with the Scots, was issuing his mandate 
to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Newcastle to make him two horse-mills 
and two wind-mills, and send them to Berwick, where the authorities 
on the Tweed were to put them in instant operation, that his warriors 
might be fed. It was no very formidable demand. Every burgess of 
Newcastle had at this time, as one of his privileges, the freedom to 
have on his land either hand, horse, water, or wind mill; and the 
Mayor and Bailiffs would have no difficulty in finding craftsmen to 
respond to the royal behest. 

When Bishop Hatfield, who succeeded Bury in 1345, on the eve of 
the battle of Neville's Cross, had his Survey in hand, there were wind- 
mills in various parts of the Bishopric. G-ateshead, with two water-mills, 
had one wind-mill ; Sedgefield had wind-mill and water-mill ; and 
there were wands waving at Easington, Hartlepool, and Humbleton ; 
at Tunstall, Wearmouth, Whitburn-cum-Cleadon ; and not improbably 
at other places where neither wind nor water is indicated as the motive 
power. In the next century, the one mill with wands in Gateshead is 
becoming legion. Mention occurs in 1437 of the now dismantled 
"Wind Mill Hill," which, in days not remote, formed a favourite 
subject of the pencil and graver of Bewick. (Welford's Newcastle 
and Gateshead, Vol. I., page 297.) 

There was held in the church of Gateshead, in the month of 
November, 1501, an ecclesiastical visitation, at which miscellaneous 
matters were brought under review from a succession of parishes. 
From All Saints', Newcastle, there was a presentment that belongs to 
the subject of mills. The millers of the parish were said to frequently 
follow their vocation on festival days ; and it was enjoined upon them 
to refrain, under pain of a fine of 10s., unless in case of necessity. 


(Appendix to Ecclesiastical Proceedings of Bishop Barnes, Surtees 
Society, Vol. XXII., pp. 35, 36.) 

The wind-mill, when or where soever it first began to lend life to 
our landscapes, was plentiful with us before the Wars of the Eoses, 
which ended with the death of Richard III. on Bosworth Field, and 
the introduction of Henry VII. to the line of England's kings. The 
circling sails swept round when York and Lancaster were fighting for 
the crown, careless which of them won the prize, nor sobered by the 
shadows cast by "the whirligig of time" on the quern : Time, whose 
tooth, grinding slow and sure, is ever devouring its offspring. From 
the hand-mill in the Museum of the Antiquarian Society of Newcastle, 
to the wind-mill now on its wane, all things have their term their 
rise, their meridian, and their sunset hour. Stage-coach and mail- 
coach, tinder-box and brimstone-match, mystic Eunes and Eoman 
Wall, each in its turn becomes food for antiquaries. When first the 
British Association met at Newcastle, in the year 1838, the iron horse, 
though chafing for admission, had not yet found entrance to our 
streets ; but it has now its Central Station where the Neville Tower of 
the town-wall had stood for centuries, and the railway-whistle screams 
exultant as the passenger train scours on its lofty arch over the Side, 
deigning no glance in the direction of the Painter Heugh ; its gardens 
gone, and with them Mark Shafto's shadowy mill. 

Six-score years ago, the pastoral poet, John Cunningham, was set- 
ting to song in Newcastle the successive stages of a summer's day its 
Morning, Noon, and Eventide. He sang the experiences of some 
imaginary shepherd, Lubin or Damon, Colin or Corydon, sheltering in 
the sultry noontide hours "by the branching pines," when "not a 
leaf has leave to stir." 

Echo, in her airy round, 

O'er the river, rock, and hill, 
Cannot catch a single sound, 

Save the clack of yonder mill. 

But where the poet "piped for the shepherds" of the early days of 
George III., in many a rustic retreat by the Tyne, vainly might Echo 
listen, now, to catch the "clack" of rejoicing wands. Steam wrestles 
with wind and water, and mill-stones have their rivals in the mill- 
rollers that fashion the corn of modern harvests into flour for our 


bread. " There are in Newcastle and its vicinity," wrote Mackenzie 
in 1827, "49 wind-mills." After the flight of half a century, one 
single wind- mill remains within our borough, unfurling its sails at 
Chimney Mills, where the Town Moor and Leazes meet. With its 
light and graceful tower of trellis work, it had the famous Smeaton 
for its architect, who was called to the councils of the Corporation of 
Newcastle when the inundation of 1771 had overthrown Tyne Bridge, 
and who, dying in 1792, left behind him the Eddystone light-house as 
his characteristic monument. 

While I write, I even hear of the survival, at Ryhope, near 
Sunderland, of an old stob-mill in hale longevity, exercising its limbs 
as lustily as we Midsummer lads saw them in motion, in long-gone 
school vacations, from Dobing's waggon, that made the overland 
journey from the Tees to the Wear at the deliberate pace of two miles 
an hour. What we call progress is not all gain. There was time, in 
those delightful holiday hours, to saunter a-head of the slow wain ; 
pluck the wayside roses and woodbines, feast on the wild strawberries 
that were to be had for the gathering, and loiter along between the 
hedge-rows till the kindly waggoner picked us up on the road. " Ah, 
happy days," &c. The steed whose breath is steam tarries not for 
wild fruit or flowers. 

Ryhope and Burdon had their mill in 1183, rendering a mark to 
the revenues of Bishop Pudsey ; and Ryhope mill remains in the days 
of Bishop Lightfoot. But not so the "stob" outside the walls of 
Newcastle, "described by William Matthew" in the days of James I. ; 
nor either of the two stob-mills pictured by Charles Button in his map 
of 1771 one by pleasant Pandon Dene, the other in close neighbour- 
hood at Stepney. 

"Time, which perfects some things," took in hand the perfecting 
of the primitive mill-tower, that must be "set to the right quarter of 
the wind," like the weathercock in "Knickerbocker's New York." 
The wooden fort, that inflamed the ardour of the Knight of La Mancha, 
gave place, in reforming hands, to the stately erection, lofty and taper- 
ing, self-acting, automatic, independent ; one of those evolutions of the 
human race, "seeking out many inventions," which lead the way to 
changes unforeseen, we know not what. Steam, evoked from coal, 
was summoned to the aid of wind and water by the ceaseless ingenuity 


of man ; and the allied power becomes the greater. Wind and water, 
however, cling tenaciously to their hold. It is now as in the centuries 
to which the Professor of History in Edinburgh was inviting our 
attention in 1860 ; the older powers do not depart on the appearance 
of the younger. Hand and horse kept their place in the presence of 
the mill-race and the mill-sail ; and these abide when steam has come. 
"Time," says Bacon, "innovateth greatly, but quietly, and by degrees 
scarce to be perceived." It has made an end of Prior Richard de 
Hoton's mill at Jarrow. The Benedictine priory on one side of the 
entrance to the Tyne, and the Roman station on the other, at its silent 
bidding have sunk to reverend ruin; and it is now perfecting the 
great highway of human intercourse that rolls between. What scene 
is there, in this panoramic England of ours, that can surpass the 
pageant of the Tyne, with its appeals to the solemn and storied Past, 
the restless and progressive Present ? To the meditative mind, how 
full of thought a procession by steam from the Piers to the Swing 
Bridge from the Prior's Haven and the Lawe, past Jarrow and 
Wallsend, to the Castle and the wandless Windmill Hills ! The swift 
steam-boat, that bears the thoughtful passenger over the tide, is con- 
scious of its lineal descent from the adventurous craft that first plied 
between Newcastle and Shields seventy years ago ; and hojiv proudly it 
now introduces the stranger to the new world that has flowed from the 
funnel ! Steam is in the ascendant. On land and sea flags are dipped 
to the reigning power. The steam-coach and steam-ship, donning the 
shoes of swiftness of the nursery tale, run the round world to a point. 
The steam-mill will toil, if need be, the whole circuit of the day, 
grinding with equal pace and even quality through every hour of the 
four-and-twenty ; unlike Mark Shafto's mill of the sixteenth century, 
whose sails flung down their alternate shadows on the "little gardens" 
of the Heugh, slow or swift as the unstable wind was in the humour. 

The quaint author with whose words my paper begins awakes 
" the drums and tramplings of three conquests " that had rolled and 
trodden over the sepulchral urns exhumed in Norfolk in 1658. But 
countless are the conquests of time that have marched over the ancient 
abode of men where the members of the Archasological Institute are 
now assembled, race after race and generation upon generation effacing 
the footprints of their forerunners ; till the Painter Heugh, that type 



of vicissitude and change, with its long-obliterated "lane" leading 
from the Dog Leap Stairs of the Castle Garth to the " Pencher Place " 
of the olden time, excels, in the eye of historic retrospect, the most 
ambitious unfoldings of the transformation scene of a pantomime. 
Interesting it is to trace the course of a country or a town through 
the ages, and pleasant to be cheered on the way by romance and 
tradition and song ; but what romance can equal the prosaic facts of 
history? Here, in this "New Castle upon Tyne," whose story has 
been told by Mr. W. H. I). Longstaffe in the fourth volume of the 
Archceologia ^Eliana, N.S., was not the venerable Keep of Henry II., 
that numbers the years of the Boldon Book, offered by newspaper 
advertisement in 1782, in no vein of satiric humour, but with an air 
of business gravity that moves our admiration, to any successor of 
Shafto in want of a convenient opening for a wind-mill ? And who 
can muse, and not marvel, over the thought that the scattered walls of 
the Castle of the Conqueror, that gives the town its name, have seen 
the mill with revolving sails commencing its career in our northern 
land, and yielding up its supremacy to the all -conquering Steam that 
is now having its day. Must it, too, surrender its sceptre? The 
appropriate homes of the antiquaries in Newcastle the Keep and the 

Black Gate are of older date, as far as we can know, than the earliest 


wind-mill in the counties of Northumberland and Durham; and it 
might be no proof of their presumption were they to indulge the dream 
of outliving, also, the empire of Steam ; its throne founded on that 
great antiquity, Coal, whose stores, however vast, are disappearing from 
under our feet, year by year, to feed the myriad fires of the passing 

II. NOTES ON BYWELL, A.D. 803-1884. 


[Read at Bywell, August 12th, 1884.] 

THOUGH neither archaeologist nor ecclesiologist, I venture to offer 
some brief notices of Bywell and its churches such as, during my 
forty years incumbency, have, from one source or other, come to my 
knowledge, in hope that they may help to indicate points of interest, 
and may elicit observations and corrections from our learned and 
distinguished visitors.* 

You have before you, almost without a village, the two churches of 
Bywell Bywell St. Andrew with the tall tower in the open, Bywell 
St. Peter with the low tower among the trees. (See plate opposite.) 

An official report of the date of Queen Elizabeth (survey by Sir "W. 
Homberston, H.M. Commissioner, March 18, 1569) describes a long 
street then existing at Bywell, closed at either end by a gate ; the 
residents, it tells us, were workers in metal forgers and manufacturers 
of armour and of arms, of bits, spurs, and horse gear. 

The story of two sisters (ladies of the manor) building the two' 
churches because they could not agree to worship in the same though 
rife in other parts of England, where, similarly, two churches stand side 
by side, with scarce as many houses for them to serve is now pretty 
well exploded. I hope we are in these days nearer the mark in taking, 
as suggestion of a truer solution, though perhaps still dark, the sou- 
briquets of BLACK Church and WHITE Church, which we find in the 
mouths of the oldest inhabitants, as distinguishing the churches of 
Bywell St. Peter and Bywell St. Andrew respectively ; and with that 
clue in connecting their double existence with larger monastic estab- 
lishments elsewhere, or with cells, it may be localized here, of "black" 
and "white" monks. Certainly, sooner or later, Bywell St. Peter (the 
"black" church) was connected closely with the Black Benedictine 
Monastery of Durham, in whose patronage it was until a month ago ; 
and as for Bywell St. Andrew (the "white" church), about which less 
* The Royal Archaeological Institute. 


is told in existing records, it undoubtedly had relations later, if not 
sooner, with the Prsemonstratensian, or White Canons of BLANUHland, 
a parish which once stood within its own borders, and perhaps yet 
earlier with the Priory of Hexham, in whose patronage indeed it may 
be yet said to be, in the person of Mr. W. B. Beaumont, M.P., the lay 
impropriator of that Priory. 

As regards the name of By well, for a time I fancied it arose from 
the Norman pronunciation of Balliol (Bailleul), in whose ancient 
Barony it stands ; but one, whose name is honoured among archaeolo- 
gists, my late parishioner, John Hodgson Hinde, charged me to dismiss 
this notion, pointing out that the name was in use for this locality 
three centuries before the Balliols, as appears in the writings of the 
monk Symeon of Durham. 

In his pages we find, I presume, the earliest notice of Bywell. In 
the year 803, on the llth day of June (it is just, to be particular, one 
thousand and eighty-one years, two months, and one day since) a 
noticeable event, a striking and, probably to those engaged in it, a 
heart-stirring ceremonial took place in this retired nook of Bywell. 
The Archbishop of York of that day, and two of his suffragans, with 
other bishops, met by appointment in Bywell Biguell (was it BY the 
holy WELL ?) for the consecration of the twelfth Bishop of Lindisfarne. 
The consecrating Archbishop was EANBALD, a man known as the 
pupil and correspondent of the famous Alcuin, instructor of Charle- 
magne. We have it on record that Alcuin had written with freedom 
to his old friend, this Archbishop, remonstrating with him among other 
things (for there is nothing new under the sun) on the hunting pro- 
pensities of the Yorkshire parsons. The bishop here consecrated on 
that memorable day to the succession (perilous in those Danish times) 
to the see of Lindisfarne was ECGBEET as I reckon, the twelfth bishop. 
The fact that he was consecrated under the remote and quiet shades 
of Bywell, and only nineteen days after the death of Higbald, his 
predecessor, seems to bespeak the necessity the times imposed both for 
secrecy and for hurry. This was A.D. 803. 

I have the authority of records* preserved in the Monastery of 

* Such documents as I have before me in putting together these notes are to be 
found in Sydney Gibson's Tynemouth, and Hodgson's Northumberland having 
been extracted by my friend and former curate. Rev. A. Johnson, Vicar of Healey, 
a member of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle. I had a rare opportunity 
so long ago as in 1845. The Rev. Joseph Stevenson, of the London Record 


Durham for most of what I shall further advance ; but treading on 
unfamiliar ground, I throughout speak under correction. 

I cannot tell how the sooth may be, 
I tell the tale as 'twas told to me. 

It appears that already before the Conquest the Saxon Earls of 
Northumberland had conveyed the rectory and rectorial tithes of 
By well to the monastery at Tynemouth. 

Bywell St. Peter has been treated somewhat as a shuttlecock from 
the time of being thus, before the Conquest, made an appanage of 
Tynemouth, until a certain recent day in July, 1884, when, by the 
Newcastle Chapter Act, just passed, the patronage of it was transferred 
from the Dean and Chapter of Durham to the Archdeacon of North- 
umberland and his successors for ever. 

In the year 1074, that is presently after the Rectory of Bywell St. 
Peter had been given to Tynemouth, it would seem that the Monastery 
of Tynemouth itself, with all its lands and possessions, was made over 
by WALTHEOF, Earl of Northumberland, to the monks of St. Cuthbert, 
who were then sheltering themselves in the Monastery of St. Paul, 
at Jarrow. Not long after, Jarrow, Wearmouth, and Tynemouth 
(Bywell withal) were transferred by William de Carilef, the great 
bishop of that day, to the Monastery of Durham, when he was intrud- 
ing regular monks into the place of the seculars he had found there. 

These transferences of endowments were generally made with much 
solemnity, by charter, signed and sealed in the presence of high 
dignitaries (whether Saxon or Norman) in church and state. 

A pretty quarrel which, as years passed over, was to wax hotter and 
hotter, and to be ended only by a formal Papal adjudication, grew out of 
this latter transfer of Tynemouth to Durham ; and in the course of it 
Bywell St. Peter was more than once bandied backwards and forwards. 

The earlier Norman Earls of Northumberland appear, indeed, in 
the first instance to have acquiesced in the arrangement ; but not so 
long after, in 1090, ill-blood had risen between the Norman North- 
umberland Earl, Robert de Mowbray, and the Prince Bishop of 
Durham, William de Carilef. The chronicler ascribes the high- 
Office, was then engaged for the Dean and Chapter of Durham in sorting their 
manuscripts in the Treasury of the Cathedral, and he set in one corner for me a 
budget relating to Bywell, to which I had been recently appointed ; but alas ! both 
time and expertness in deciphering old manuscripts failed me. and, as in other cases 
of yet more serious moment, a golden opportunity slipped away from me, not easily 
to be recovered. 


handed action which followed to the animus thus excited. "Propter 
inimicitias quae inter episcopum et ilium agitabatur," says he, De 
Mowbray, with a high hand, sent soldiers and drove out the St. 
Cuthbert monks from Tynemouth, and introduced into that monastery 
monks from the far southern abbey of St. Albans. 

Before railways, one would think it "a far cry" from St. Alban's 
in Hertfordshire to Bywell in Northumberland, that they should thus 
shake hands across the Midlands ! but 

"Misery acquaints a man with strange bed-fellows." 

For a time we must suppose Byweli Rectory resting in the hands 
of St. Albans. 

In 1100, however, some ten years later, Richard, the abbot of St. 
Albans (was it in some generous mood ?), compounded with Durham 
to accept thirty shillings per annum as a sufficient acknowledgment of 
his title to the lands and other possessions of Tynemouth, reserving 
only to himself Amble and Coquet Island, with the Rectories of Bywell 
St. Peter and of Woodhorn. This covenant may have held for a time. 
But some fifty years later again we find the conflict between Durham and 
St. Albans for the possession of Tynemouth still aflame ; and at last, 
in A.D. 1174, it was referred to the Pope's arbitration. The Pope 
(Alexander III., the well-known contemporary of our Thomas Becket) 
nominated a high commission, consisting of Roger, Bishop of Worcester, 
Robert, Dean of York, and John, Treasurer of the church of Exeter ; 
and these high commissioners, by their award, ultimately sanctioned a 
compromise, the effect of which was that the status quo instead of being 
maintained was turned right round, requiring, that is, that the prior 
and whole convent of Durham "shall give up for ever to the Monastery 
of St. Alban's the Church of Tynemouth with all its appurtenances ; " 
but on the other hand, that the abbot and brethren of St. Alban's 
should, "in consideration of the aforesaid renunciation," grant to the 
Church of Durham, for ever, the Church of " Bywella," saving the right 
of Salamon, priest, as long as he shall live, and the Church of Edling- 
ham. There is a further reservation, viz., that half the proceeds of 
the tithes of the said churches (Bywell and Edlingham) shall be 
dedicated for ever to maintaining the lights always burning at the 
shrine of St. Cuthbert in Durham. 

This compromise and award proved a settlement of that long- 
standing dispute; and was confirmed by charters from all hands, 


notably by Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham, on the church's side, 
and on the lay side by Eustace de Balliol, and his son, Hugh de Balliol. 
This adjudication was done at Warwick, in the year of the incarnation 
of our Lord, 1174, and the day before the Ides of November. 

Once more in 1307 the manors of By well and Woodhorn, formerly 
possessions of the Priory of Tynemouth, were granted to John, Earl of 
Brittany, styled in the record " the king's nephew." 

Such later notices as I have seen respecting Bywell St. Peter relate 
principally to arrangements between the Priors of Durham and the 
Parsons of Bywell for provision of temporal maintenance for the vicars, 
and of spiritual ministrations to the people. 

In A.D. 1287 an altar of St. John Baptist (with a chaplain thereto) 
was endowed by one Deacon William, of Bywell. This, I conceive, is 
to be looked for at the east end of the south aisle of St. Peter's Church, 
the present organ chamber, not in the elegant fourteenth century 
chantry chapel on the north side. 

In ] 290 a chantry, with resident chaplain, was endowed at Newton, 
in the parish of Bywell St. Peter, by Sir Robert de 1'Isle, reserving 
all rights to the mother church. 

In regard to the architectural date of the two churched, I may state 
that Mr. J. H. Parker, at a meeting here with our friend, Mr. R. J. 
Johnson, some three years since, was disposed to assign the first twenty 
years of the eleventh century for the date of the tower of Bywell St. 
Andrew, and likewise of the most ancient portion of Bywell St. Peter. 

At St. Peter's there are two bells, of which Mr. C. J. Bates has 
supplied the following description: 

" There are two bells in the tower, both about two feet wide at the 
mouth and the same in height, the eastern one, if anything, the larger. 
On this eastern bell is the raised inscription, in large Gothic capitals 
of the Perpendicular period 


This is evidently a monkish hexameter verse, although there is a false 
quantity in it, the 'i' in 'cito' being short. It can hardly be meant 
that the bell was called 'the Hornet' from its faculty of virulently 
waking up the sluggards of Bywell. Probably the whole legend is 
faulty, and was to have read 'Ut surgant gentes voco horam et cito 
jacentes' (1 proclaim the hour for people rising, and summon those 



still in bed). This bell then was probably rung at sunrise, and is still 
rung on Sunday mornings at eight. The western bell bears the words 


followed by the letters of the alphabet." 

We have a silver chalice of about the year 1680, standing 8 inches 
high, with " By well S d Petri " cut on it in a cursive hand. The stalk 
is broken, and the mark WR occurs twice on the bottom. The mark, 
a well-known one of a Newcastle goldsmith, appears in a larger form 
on some of the church plate of St. Nicholas's. 

Our registers of births, deaths, and marriages date from 1663. 

Speaking of the church of Bywell St. Peter, I would invite the 
attention of archaeologists to the so-called "leper window:" to the 
springers of arches, or of arched buttresses, on the north wall of the 
chantry chapel : also to the fragment of a village cross. 

We have reason to thank God for the preservation of our churches, 
and of our lives, through the fearful thunderstorm which raged here on 


Saturday evening last, and which has, I fear, seriously damaged the 
venerable ash tree, which, from its size and age, has been a source of 
pride to the village, and which scarcely spared inflicting a superficial 
scratch only the venerable tower of St. Andrews. 

Of Bywell Castle I have only to say that it is described in Camden's 
Britannia as the "fair Castle of Biwell;" that it possibly occupies 
the site of a more ancient " BALIJOL TOWER ;" that the present 
erection is ascribed to Ralph Nevill, Earl of Westmoreland, in 1480 ; 
and that the grated iron doorway frame in it, opening on the spiral 
staircase by which the tower is ascended, has been made the subject 
of illustration, and of contrast with the prevailing construction of cor- 
responding defensive grilles on the other side of the border, indicating 
the little intercommunication that existed, in a paper recently read 
before the Scotch Antiquaries, by Dr. David Christison, F.S.A., Scot. 
In the Scotch examples the bars interpenetrate one another ; in the 
English, though only just across the border (at Naworth, at Dalston, 
at Bywell), the uprights are all in the front of the horizontals, rivetted 
and clasped alternately, and the spaces between the perpendicular bars 
are filled with oak planks. 

The Rev. Thos. Randal, B.A., in his valuable Stale of Churches in 
Northumberland, mentions a chapel dedicated to St. Helena in one (he 
knew not which) of our two parishes. Popular tradition points for its 
site to the field opposite the castle, across the river. To this the old 
foot-bridge, whose ruined piers were destroyed forty years ago, to make 
way for the existing bridge, was supposed to have led. 


BY THE REV. J. L. Low. 

[Read on November 26th, 1884.] 

IT is a very noticeable fact that, in the present day, there is a great 
change in the feeling with which the saints of old are regarded. Take, 
for example, the first and the sixth Bishops of Lindisfarne. They are 
now everywhere looked upon with respect and veneration. Yet only a 
very short while ago, St. Aidan's name was hardly known, except to 
a very few; while the name of St. Cuthbert could scarcely be mentioned 
without exciting a smile. "Whence did this arise, but from ignorance 
as to St. Cuthbert's true character on the one hand, and on the other 
from the absurd and sometimes profane legends which in the course of 
ages had gathered round his name ? 

Now there are two nearly contemporary lives of St. Cuthbert, from 
which we learn that he was a man of great holiness, consistency, and 
simplicity of character, at the same time exhibiting signs of great 
wisdom and discretion. One of these lives is by an unnamed monk of 
his own monastery of Lindisfarne, who, of course, must have had the 
best opportunities of knowing all the facts connected with his history. 
The other is by the Venerable Bede. Of this there are two versions, 
one in verse, the other in prose. Some have supposed that Bede 
was partly indebted to the monk of Lindisfarne, for we are to 
remember that he himself had no connection with Lindisfarne, any 
more than he had with York. He lived and died in the diocese of 
Hexliam, and he tells us himself that he was ordained both deacon 
and priest by Bishop John. The diocese of St. Cuthbert had the 
river Aln for its southern boundary,* which, as we all know, is at a 
considerable distance from Jarrow. Bede was probably about fourteen 
years of age when St. Cuthbert died. 

* Prior Richard's Hittory of the Church of Hexham, cap. vi. 


After these two writers there is a complete blank of four hundred 
years, till we come to Symeon of Durham. He is supposed to have 
died about 1135, that is to say, about the same length of time after 
the death of the Venerable Bede as the interval between the present 
year and the reign of Eichard III ; and it is to be borne in mind what 
manner of time these four centuries were. At their commencement 
the kingdom of Northumbria was rapidly declining. It was, in fact, 
becoming a constant scene of rebellion, treachery, and bloodshed. 
Then, fifty-eight years after the death of Bede, came the first inroad 
of the Danes into Northumbria, when Lindisfarne suffered most 
severely. Eighty-two years later came the second invasion, when the 
Bishop and the monks finally abandoned the Holy Isle. It was, 
emphatically, the dark age of the Church of England, especially in 
the North. There was little peace or order in the realm until it fell 
under the iron hand of the Conqueror, and the clergy had deteriorated 
most woefully, both in learning and morals. If we consider all this, 
the question most naturally arises, can we trust any additions which 
we find in later writers to the narratives of the two almost contem- 
porary biographers? Let us apply this question in one or two 
instances. In one of his notes to Harmion* Sir Walter Scott says, in 
reference to his unhistorical establishment of a nunnery at Lindisfarne, 
"It is altogether fictitious. Indeed, St. Cuthbert was unlikely to 
permit such an establishment, for ... he certainly hated the 
whole female sex, and in revenge of a slippery trick played to him by 
an Irish princess, he, after his death, inflicted severe penances on such 
as presumed to approach within a certain distance of his shrine." 
Now there can be no question that many such stories were told, nor is 
there any doubt that for many ages women were not permitted to 
enter the Abbey of Durham. But there is not the least hint of any 
such feeling on the part of St. Cuthbert, either in the Life by the 
Venerable Bede, or in that by the monk of Lindisfarne. On the 
contrary, there are many indications of his consideration and tender- 
ness towards women, especially in distress. We find him visiting the 
Abbess Ebba at Coldingham ;f leaving his retreat in Fame to give 
Elfleda, the Abbess of Whitby,| a meeting on the Coquet Island ; while 
a part of his directions while dying was that his body was to be 
* Canto ii., st. 19. f Baed. Vit. S. Cuthb., c. 10. J Ib., c. 24. lb., c. 37. 


wrapped in a linen cloth which had been given to him by the Abbess 
Verea. Perhaps these things may not be altogether inconsistent with 
the alleged exclusion of women from his churches ; but they certainly 
look the other way. The first intimation of anything of the kind 
occurs in Symeon of Durham, who flourished four hundred and fifty 
years after St. Cuthbert's death. It is not to be doubted that, when 
Symeoii wrote, there was such a restriction in force, and the blue cross 
beyond which women were not allowed to pass, is still to be seen in 
Durham Cathedral. Even this was a relaxation, for it appears from 
Symeon that in his day they were not allowed in the churchyard, or in 
any part of the monastery. He gives several instances of judgments 
which befel intruders, and his contemporary, Reginald of Durham, 
supplies us with more. But four hundred and fifty years is a very 
long time. The Cathedral had been in the meanwhile removed from 
Lindisfarne to Chester-le-Street, and from Chester-le-street to Durham, 
and the original church at Durham had been replaced by the grand 
church which now exists. There was abundance of time for the Prior 
and Convent to institute the rule, and then to impute its origin to 
St. Cuthbert. Symeon, too, undertakes to tell us* the particular fact 
which led St. Cuthbert to impose the restriction, and it is not the 
slipperytrick of the Irish princess, a legend which is quite unworthy 
of notice, but the disorders which, after the death of St. Cuthbert's 
friend, St. Ebba, prevailed in her Abbey of Coldingham ; which would 
have been a good reason for the Bishop to forbid double monasteries, 
but by no means a reason for forbidding women to resort to church. 
Surely, considering the silence of the old biographers, not to say that 
their testimony in other ways tends rather in the contrary direction, we 
may fairly discard Symeon's account of the origin of the usage. 

There is nothing on which Bede dwells with greater pleasure, or 
insists on more earnestly, than the entire unselfishness and unworldli- 
ness of the early Bishops. He tells of St. Aidan, that whatever money 
he received from kings, or from rich men, was immediately given to 
the poor, or used for the redemption of captives ;f especially he notes 
that St. Aidan had no possessions of his own, save his church and 
some small fields adjoining to it. The Scottish teachers in general, he 
tells us, were so free from all taint of avarice, that none of them would 

* Sym. Dunelm. Eccles., c. xxii. f Bsed. Hist. Eccles., Hi., c. 7. 


accept lands or possessions for the building of monasteries unless they 
were forced to do so by the powerful of the world.* St. Cuthbert was 
a Saxon, not a Scot (i.e. Irish), but he was the pupil of St. Eata and 
St. Boisil, Aidan's immediate disciples, and we should expect him to 
be like his teachers. Accordingly, we have not the least hint from 
Bede or the monk of Lindisfame that he ever, before or after his 
consecration to the episcopate, acquired any landed property, unless 
we are so to construe the highly figurative language in which Bede 
describes his taking possession of the islet of Fame :t " "When having 
routed the host of the tyrants (the fiends who infested the island) he 
became the monarch of the land, he built therein a city fit for his 
empire, and houses therein equally suited to the city." We are, 
therefore, somewhat surprised to learn from Symeon that, at his 
consecration as Bishop, King Egfrid gave to St. Cuthbert, in the 
presence of Theodore the Archbishop, a large part of the city of 
York :J "All the land from the wall of the church of St. Peter to the 
great gate westwards, and from the wall of the church itself to the 
wall of the city southward ; also the vill of Crayke, and three miles 
around it, that when going to York, or returning, he might have a 
dwelling in which to rest. There he set up a monastery; and, because 
this land was not sufficient, he received, in augmentation, Carlisle 
with fifteen miles around it, where also he established a monastery 
(in which the Queen afterwards put on the religious habit), and also 
instituted schools for the advancement of the service of God." Now 
it is notorious that Crayke was, till very recent times, a possession of 
the Bishops of Durham, and according to Symeon, who may well be 
trusted for a fact so near his own time, St. Cuthbert's body rested 
there just before its final arrival at Durham. Moreover, Bede tells 
us of at least two occasions || on which St. Cuthbert visited Carlisle, 
where he exercised his episcopal functions. But he has not one 
word of any landed possessions being given to St. Cuthbert, there 
or anywhere else. The example of St. Aidan, and his own antecedents, 
would lead us to the belief that if any such had been offered, they would 

* Bsed. Hist. E coles., iii., 26. 
f Baed. Vit. S. C., xvii. 
j Sym. Dtinelm, Eccl., c. ix. 

In mentioning this. Symeon speaks of the monastery in a vill which was once 
his own, "sua quondam villa." Sym. Dunelm, Eccl., c., xxvii. 
|| Vit. St. Cuth., cc. xxvii., xxviii. 


have been refused, for it is to be noted that Egfrid's donation is quite 
of a different character from the gift of small parcels of ground for the 
erection of monasteries. On the other hand, it is quite certain that 
by the time Symeon wrote, the Bishops and the Convent of Durham 
had become very eager to acquire landed property, many particulars of 
which are given by Symeon, and the Bishops and the Convent could 
not agree about their respective shares ; nay, there is too much reason 
to fear that sometimes the monks did not hesitate to fabricate docu- 
ments. Indeed, there is no doubt that this very case supplies an 
instance of fabrication, for we actually have a copy of the deed by 
which King Egfrid conveyed Crayke and Carlisle to St. Cuthbert. 
It is surely most strange that all this seems to have been unknown to 
Bede or the monk of Lindisfarne, though it is not by any means 
necessary to charge Symeon with the invention. The belief may have 
grown up in the dark times which preceded his day. But it certainly 
seems as if we might use our own discretion as to whether we accept 
it as history or not. 

It is not perhaps necessary, on this occasion, to enter on the 
question of St. Cuthbert's miracles, but one or two remarks may be 
permitted. And first, it may be noticed that they have sometimes 
been spoken of in a most exaggerated strain. For example, one to 
whom we all feel that we are under great obligations, whose memory 
we all cherish with respect, the late Dr. Raine, in his North 
Durham, speaking of St. Cuthbert's retirement in Fame, says : 
" Here he continued for nine years to practice every austerity which 
misguided zeal could impose, and, as the dulce leva-men of his leisure 
hours, to exert his supernatural powers upon the most trifling 
occasions. I pass by a whole myriad of miracles, from his cure of 
Aelfled to the story of the crows and their hog's lard." Again, after 
his consecration, " He now performed his miracles with greater facility 
and greater frequency." There is an unpleasant tone about these 
words, but what is most to be noticed is, " a whole myriad of miracles." 
A myriad is supposed to represent ten thousand, though it is frequently 
used to signify a very large number. Now the whole number of 
marvels in Bede's Prose Life is about forty, a large portion of which 
might more properly be called remarkable incidents than miracles. 
Of these forty, nine belong to the retirement in Farne, that is, on an 


average, one for every year. Twelve belong to his episcopate, five are 
posthumous, and two do not belong to him at all but to his master, 
Sb. Boisil. One of the posthumous ones is the state in which his 
body was found, eleven years after his death, which Dr. Raine is good 
enough to think not at all improbable. 

In considering this subject, we are bound to remember that the 
faith of our forefathers was then in its first fervour, for the death of 
St. Cuthbert took place just about fifty years after the first preaching 
of the gospel by St. Aidan. Men had just become acquainted with 
all the marvellous works which God had wrought in old times by the 
instrumentality of his servants. Their minds were, therefore, just in a 
condition to expect the recurrence of like wonders. And when people 
get into a way of looking for such things they are very apt to believe 
that they have met with them. Besides this, many of the things 
recorded by Bede might be paralleled by well authenticated instances 
in or near our own time such as the dream in which, on the night 
of St. Aidan's death, St. Cuthbert saw the soul of a righteous man 
carried up to heaven, and his presentiment at Carlisle as to the 
defeat and death of King Egfrid. It may be remarked that many of 
the marvellous stories are full of beauty, such as the dealings of the 
solitary with the lower animals. 

As to the healing of the sick, modes of speech still linger amongst 
us which, while the word miracle is avoided, still recognise the inter- 
position of God's merciful hand. No one would be disposed to sneer 
if he heard a pious and affectionate mother say of the unexpected 
return of a dear child from the gates of death, " God granted him to 
our prayers." Especially are such wonders to be heard of when the 
minds of men are much excited by passing events, or in times of 
unusual religious fervour. A book recording the acts and sufferings 
of the Scottish Covenanters in the seventeenth century the Scots 
Worthies, which was common enough in Scotland in my younger days 
and, for aught I know, may be met with in Northumbrian cottages 
even now contains many most marvellous incidents. John Wesley 
in his Journal, while he seems carefully to avoid the word miracle gives 
many narratives which are little short of those which Bede gives of St. 
Cuthbert. I may notice one which took place in this city, perhaps 
not far from where we are now met. It was on his second visit to 


Newcastle, and the weather was very severe, for it was the depth of 
winter. A friend of his, who was with him, became so ill that he was 
given up by the physicians. His extremities were cold, and it seemed 
as if he could not live over the night. He was insensible, but they 
prayed over him. He opened his eyes, and called for Mr Wesley, and 
from that time he continued to recover, till he was restored to perfect 
health. "I wait to hear," says Mr. Wesley, "who will either disprove 
this fact, or philosophically account for it." There is little difference 
between Mr. Wesley and the Venerable Bede, except that the former 
does not use the word miracle, and Bede throws out no challenge to 

All St. Cuthbert's marvellous acts, as given by Bede, are acts of 
love and mercy, resembling in character, if we may say so reverently, 
the miracles of the New Testament. But when we part company with 
the Venerable Bede, and come to later writers, such as Symeon and 
Reginald, the case is very different. Works of mercy are not wanting, 
but there are many of a vindictive character dire punishments in- 
flicted on invaders of the property of the Saint, that is, of the convent; 
or on women who presumed to intrude into his church or churchyard.* 
The earth opens at Norham and swallows up many thousands of Scots 
who had invaded the territory of the Saint in North Durham.f A 
rustic going to a fair at Durham, with a horse for sale, allows the 
animal to attack some sheaves of corn in a field belonging to the 
convent. The bailiff expostulates. They both become abusive, and 
the horse falls down dead.| It is satisfactory to find that the man 
becomes a penitent. A lady at Durham is returning from an evening 
party, with her husband; the street is miry, and they go into the 
churchyard; the husband escapes, being a man; his wife falls down 
senseless, and is carried home to die. David, King of Scots, married 
Maud, Countess of Huntingdon. In passing northward,! the Queen 
stops at Durham; she wishes to see the church, but is content to 
forego her wish when she is told that it cannot be permitted. Not so 
one of her ladies, whose curiosity is not to be baulked. She puts on 

* Sym. Dunelm, Eccl., c. xxvi. 

t Hist. Transl. St. Cuth., iv. p. 167 (Surtees Soc.) 

j Hist. Transl. S. C., viii., 173, Reginald, c. Ixxiii. p. 149, 

Syin., Dunelm, Eccl., c. xxiii. 

|| Reginald, cap. Ixxiv. 


a monk's dress, and gets as far as the door of the church. The Saint 
becoming aware of her presence, in great wrath calls the sacrist, and, 
in terms which cannot be called anything but bad language, commands 
him to expel the intruder. In great anger, the sacrist institutes a 
search, finds at last the poor trembling girl, assails her with a torrent 
of abuse, which shows that he had learned one lesson, at least, from 
St. Cuthbert, and expels her from the sacred precincts. In terror and 
compunction she takes the veil at Elstow, near Bedford. Certainly, 
St. Cuthbert owes little gratitude to his later historians. The St. 
Cuthbert of Symeon and Reginald is a totally different being from the 
St. Cuthbert of the Venerable Bede and the monk of Lindisfarne. 
There can be no question which is the more attractive picture, and it 
is quite needless to say which appears most in accordance with truth. 
In fact, if we are to believe Bede, and the monk of Lindisfarne, and 
also Symeon and Reginald, it is plain that St. Cuthbert's character 
must have changed very much for the worse after his death. Yet 
Symeon, in other respects, is a most valuable link in the historical 
chain ; and, notwithstanding all his absurdities and his intricate and 
inflated style, Reginald presents many most valuable historical details, 
and many most interesting pictures of mediaeval life and manners. 

These remarks on the miracles of St. Cuthbert, as narrated by later 
writers, such as Symeon and Reginald, may possibly serve to guide us 
in some degree as to the credit which is to be attached to their testi- 
mony with respect to incidents in the life of St. Cuthbert, or connected 
with it, which are not recorded by the Venerable Bede or the monk of 

My thesis has been that we may fairly use our own discretion with 
respect to such matters as what Sir Walter Scott calls his hatred of the 
whole female sex, and also with regard to the enormous donation said 
to have been conferred on St. Cuthbert when he was consecrated to 
the episcopate. It is quite certain that Crayke came into the posses- 
sion of the Bishops at some time or other, but I am not aware of any 
corroboration anywhere of the gift of the City of Carlisle and fifteen 
miles round it, that is, something between a hundred and ten and a 
hundred and twenty thousand acres, not of much value perhaps in 
those days, but still a possession of very great extent. One cannot 
help thinking of Constantine and Pope Sylvester. Is Egfrid's gift to 


St. Cuthbert to be sought for where Ariosto places Constantine's dona- 
tion to the Pope in the moon? I will not say I have proved my point. 
Indeed my object has rather been to raise a question than to prove 
anything, and I hope I may flatter myself that what I have brought 
forward is not altogether unworthy of notice. As to the miracles, 
most persons will, of course, withhold their belief as to those acts 
which really appear to be of that character; but there is a wide 
difference between respectfully thinking that such a man as the 
Venerable Bede may have been somewhat credulous, and on the other 
hand adopting an exaggerated tone as to the number of such occur- 
rences, so as to give an excuse for treating the story with ridicule. 
Neither the Venerable Bede nor St Cuthbert can, with justice, be 
called a weak or a vain man, and neither of them is a fit subject for 
ridicule or drollery. 




[Read on October 29th, 1884.] 

1. The Jarrow inscription, In hoc singular[_ian]no vita redditur mundo 

(Hubmr* 199). 

THIS is an inscription in early letters 2 to 2| inches long, on either 
side of the raised shaft of a cross on a stone now built into the north 
porch of Bede's Church at Jarrow. It is unlikely that such a 
statement should have been appended to a sepulchral inscription, and 
at the early date indicated by the character of the monument it is 
unlikely that a sepulchral inscription would state the year of death ; 
nor would there be room in the upper angles of the cross (which are 
now lost, having been on another stone) for an inscription setting forth 
the name of a deceased person and the year of his death. The dedi- 
cation stone of the Churchf states that the dedication was in the 
15th year of King Ecgfrid and the 4th of Abbat Ceolfrid (A.D. 684). 
The letters of the inscription are of exactly the same size as those 
on the dedication stone, and of the sixteen letters of the alphabet 
in the inscription fourteen are found on the dedication stone, and all 
in the same form, though three of them, A, E, and o, are found in two 
forms on the dedication stone. Thus a connection between the two is 
very probable, judging only from the two inscriptions. In assigning 
a meaning to the phrase " in this marked year life is restored to the 
world," after exhausting other suggestions, the idea of the cessation of 
some great devastation by plague or otherwise remains as the simplest 
and most probable. Bede (Hist. Abb. c. 8) says that Benedict Biscop 
made Eosterwini Abbat of Wearmouth, and then went for the fifth 
time to Rome. He returned to find sad news. Eosterwini and a 
crowd of his monks had died of a pestilence which raged through the 
whole country. Bede tells us further (c. 11) that Eosterwini had been 
four years Abbat, and (c. 8 ) that Ceolfrith was made Abbat of Jarrow 

* Inscriptiones Britannice Christiana ; Berolini, 1876. 

t See woodcut at page 199 of the Archceologia JEliana, Vol. X. 



on the eve of Benedict's fifth visit to Eome, and (c. 11, c. 12) that 
three years after Eosterwini's death Ceolfrith had been seven years 
Abbat. Thus the fourth year of Ceolfrith was the fourth year of 
Eosterwini, and the dedication of Jarrow Church took place in the year 
in which Eosterwini and a crowd of his monks died in a general 
pestilence, which is not mentioned after that year. Hence, in pious 
memory of the deliverance from the pestilence, in hoc singulari anno 
vita redditur mundo. It is well known that a cross was a necessary 
part of the dedication of a Church ; and William of Malmesbury, 
speaking of Aldhelm's dedication of Malmesbury Church a few years 
after this of Jarrow, says that it was usual to mark the occasion by 
some honorificum epigramma. 

It is an interesting fact (or probability), first pointed out by the 
Eev. J. R,. Boyle, that the stone, 2 feet square, with the inscription 

Omnium Fil Hadr., taken from the wall of Jarrow Church and 

now in the Black Gate at Newcastle, seems to have been placed like an 
oven shelf next above the stone under discussion, for it has on its edge 
the arms of a cross which must at least closely resemble those of the 
cross whose shaft is on the stone in the porch. The gauge is almost 
exactly the same, though not quite, and the cable moulding observable 
on the porch stone is carried across the edge of the Roman stone. 
These arms of the cross are shewn in the Lapidarium Septentrionale* 

2. The Jarrow inscription: ...lerchti: ...edveri: ...c crucem 
(Eubmr 200). 

This inscription is on 

a rectangular stone found 
in the walls of Jarrow 
Church, and is now in the 
Museum at Newcastle. 
Though the stone appears 
to be one end of a rectan- 
gular slab, with an inscrip- 
tion in three lines ending 
as above, it is found on 
examination of the back of 
the stone that it has been 
the arm of a cross with the 

* Page 277. No. 539. And the Archaologia Mliana, Vol. X., page 196. 


usual circular indentations at the angles. The arm has been broken 
off where the curve commences. Its dimensions are 1\ inches horizon- 
tally, and about 9 vertically, so that the cross has been of a somewhat 
stunted form. Taking the head to be of the same dimensions as the 
arms, and making due allowance for the curvature of the circular 
openings, the whole width from arm to arm must have been about 25 
inches, and deducting 1^ inches for the bands and grooves which run 
round the arms, there would be 23^ inches for each line of the inscrip- 
tion. About an inch is occupied by the stops at the end of the first 
and third lines, and 1^ inches at the end of the second. The letters 
which remain are of such a size (exclusive of the M) that six occupy 
about 4f inches, and thus there would be from 28 to 29 ordinary 
letters in each line ; there is no gap between the c and'crucem, so that 
the words ran on continuously, and spaces have not to be considered. 
Above the top line of the three there is a considerable blank space, 
just the same space as below the middle line, so that there would have 
been exactly room for another line of inscription above the present 
three. The conclusion is irresistible that there was a short line of 
letters occupying the central part of the cross above the three lines, and 
not reaching so far as the arms. For this short line there would be 
about 9^ inches, to the point where the present arm is broken off. 
There is at York, on a shaft of a cross, ad memoriam sanctorum. This 
suggests ad memoriam for the short line. The M in the Jarrow crucern 
occupies so much space that three such letters would be equivalent to 
five average letters, and thus ad memoriam would occupy about 9 
inches. This just fits the space, and it accounts for the genitives 
...berchti...edveri. Hiibner (176) states with regard to the York in- 
scription that it is impossible to determine what were the letters of 
which there are remains at the top of the fractured stone. After a 
close examination, I am satisfied that one was the base of a D and the 
other two of n or IT, with space for two more letters in the same line. 
This would give DIT[VR], and the whole may have run hcec crux con- 
ditur ad memoriam sanctorum, the idea of condere aram being probably 
familiar to residents in York at a time when Alcuin boasted of the 
Eoman remains in the midst of which they lived. Following this form, 
and taking it that the genitives at the end of two lines of the inscription 
indicate the commemoration of several persons, and that the cross was 


erected by the brethren of Jarrow, the last line which had room for 
from 28 to 29 ordinary letters, say 27 and an M may have been/rafres 
condiderunt hanc crucem, and the whole inscription to take names 
almost haphazard from the "Liber Vita" : 



If any one prefers it, Sanctorum may take the place of Badumundi. 
The party of monks thus commemorated on one cross may have died 
in the pestilence, or may have been the victims of some accident. The 
ungrammatical Welsh epitaph Senacus Prsb hie jacit cum multitudinem 
fratrum may have had a like origin. Bede relates how a whole boat- 
load of monks were almost drowned out at sea, off the mouth of the other 
Tyne. The formula suggested for the cross would be suitable for an 
accident where the sea refused to allow the survivors to use the words 
Hie requiescunt in corpore. 

3. The Monkwearmouth inscription, Hie in sepulchre requiescit 
corpore Hereberecht Prb (Hiibner 197). 

This is an inscription on a stone carrying a somewhat stiff cross, 
now in the vestry at Monkwearmouth. It was found at the time of 
the restoration of the church, below the floor of the west Porch, the 
spot where the earliest abbats were buried and whence they were 
removed by Eosterwini to be laid by the side of Benedict Biscop at the 
north side of the Sacrarium. The first five words of the inscription 
are all of one style, the letters beautifully drawn and cut. The Here- 
berecht Prb is not so well cut. Below it are two faint parallel lines, 
the distance between them being exactly the same as the length of the 
original bold letters, shewing apparently that the first workman cut 
the formula and graved lines for carrying the name when the stone 
should come to be used. There have been smaller letters on the space 
now occupied by Hereberecht Prb and they have been erased by 
scraping away a considerable amount of the surface of the stone, 
forming a concave surface on which the Hereberecht Prb is incised. 

In "Wales, where Christianity did not die out after the Romans left 
Britain, the ordinary formula was hie jacit, rarely jacet. There seems 


to be only one Welsh case of requiescere being used, and in that case it 
is the anima not the corpus, and the reading is more probably requws[cat~\ 
than (with Hiibner 151) requicit. The Irish form seems to be 
"A prayer for so-and-so," or "Pray for so-and-so." When we come 
to the epitaphs preserved in Bede's writings we find that Hereberecht's 
epitaph followed the accepted form. It will be observed that the 
differences in the formulae of the different churches is one not of form 
only but of principle. The first English case is naturally that of 
Augustine of Kent, who died in the year 604. His epitaph is given 
by Bede in his Ecclesiastical History (II. 3). It is in prose, and 
commences with the words Hie requiescit, a well-known formula in the 
Catacombs. Coming nearer to Hereberecht's time, we find (V. 8) the 
epitaph of Archbishop Theodore of Canterbury, who died in 690. It 
is in verse, and Bede gives the lirst four and the last four of the thirty- 
four verses of which it consisted. The first verse is Hie sacer in tumba 
pausat cum corpvre prcesul. Coming down a little later, we find (V. 19) 
the epitaph of Wilfrith of Ripon, Hexham, and York. It, too, is in 
verse, and the first verse is Vilfridus hie mag mis requiescit cor pore 
prcasul. It may be added that when Bede is writing of Whithern in 
Galloway, he says that there Ninian corpore requiescit. Thus there is 
every reason to suppose that Hie in sepulchro requiescit corpore was the 
form adopted in the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow, where the 
influence of Bede's work in such matters must have been very great. 
At Whitchurch (Hants.) is a very interesting early monument with 
the bust of a woman and graceful interlacing decoration of the spiral 
character, with the inscription Hie corpus Fri(g}burgae requiescit in 
pacem sepulium. Hiibner reads Fri0burgae, and leaves space for a 
word after pace; in the latter case, there is only an M. It may 
be noted that William of Malmesbury (Gesta Pont. Angl. V. 191) 
gives a copy of the letter written to Aldhelm by an Irish exile in 
France, begging him to send some of his short sermons to the place 
ubi domnus Furseus in sancto et integro pausat corpore, i.e. Peronne 
(Bede, H. E. III. 19). The Christians of those times did not mean 
by this form of inscription that their departed friends were shut up in 
the sepulchre. The demands of metre drove the author of Theodore's 
epitaph into cum corpore, " here Theodore rests along with his body," 
but that was metre or bad Latin, and not doctrine. Wilfrith's epitaph 


brings this out quite clearly, for after commencing with the statement 
" Here rests in the body Wilfrith," the concluding verses state that 
"he has joyfully gone to the heavenly realms." The use of Presbyter, 
not Sacerdos, was in accordance with custom, so much so, that in the 
very rare cases where Sacerdos is used on a stone it has been argued 
that bishop is meant. The Liber Vita knows nothing of sacerdotes or 
episcopi till a later date, as late as the Norman Conquest ; of presbyters 
it has long lists, and all its anchorites are presbyters. Ecgberht's Ponti- 
fical used sacerdos for bishop and priest. The letters EPS have been 
read or imagined on a small cross at Hexham, and it is said that on an 
early stone dug up in 1761 at Peebles there was Locus Sancti Nicholai 
Episcopi. The word Episcopus almost certainly occurs *once and 
perhaps twice on the inner wood of St. Cuthbert's coffin. The Yarm 
stone has mbercht sac., and in Wigtonshire there is a stone with hie 
jacent sancti et pracipui sacerdotes id est Viventius et Maioriits. Sacerdos 
or its Irish equivalent is found freely in Ireland. These differences 
of use no doubt point to real differences of idea which would have 
great interest for the student of ecclesiastical history, for whom 
there certainly are sermons in stones. 

NOTE. The Rev. W. T. Southward, Fellow of St. Catharine's 
College, has suggested, since the meeting at which these remarks were 
made, that the gap after singular may be filled with i sig. This is very 
ingenious and interesting. In hoc signo vinces was probably known 
to the person who designed the inscription ; but singulare as applied 
to the signum crucis has not sufficient passion, and it could scarcely be 
taken to mean "in this sign alone," or rather, singulare would scarcely 
have been the word selected for that purpose. And it is a great 
question whether there is room on the stone for ISIG, considering how 
large a letter G is on the other side of the shaft. The remarkable 
crowding of the letters does not begin till a later point of the inscrip- 
tion. The words singulari signo do not balance well, but there may 
have been an intentional play. It would be very rash to reject Mr. 
Southward's suggestion, which has the further merit of clearing away 
all complicated questions of connection with other inscriptions and 
with passing events. 



[Read on the 29th October, 1884.] 

THE foundation of the monastery of Wearmouth antedates that of 
Jarrow by seven years. Benedict Biscop on arriving in England from 
his third journay to Rome, repaired to the court of Ecgfrid, then King 
of Northumbria. He displayed the relics and literary treasures which 
he had acquired at Rome and Vienna, " and," says Bede, "found such 
favour in the eyes of the King, that he forthwith gave him seventy 
hides of land out of his own estates, and ordered a monastery to be 
built thereon for the first pastor of his church. This was done," adds 
Bede, " at the mouth of the river Were, on the left bank (ad ostium 
fluminis Wiri ad laevam), in the 674th year from the incarnation of 
the Lord, in the second indiction, and in the fourth year of the reign of 
King Ecgfrid " ( Vita Beatorum Abbatum Wiremuthensium et Girven- 
sium, Giles's Bede, IV., p. 364). 

After a year had elapsed, Benedict went to France and engaged 
masons, whom he brought back with him, that they might " build him 
a church of stone in the style of the Romans, which he had always 
loved." Within a year the structure was roofed, and mass celebrated 
therein. When the work was well nigh complete, Benedict sent mes- 
sengers to France to bring thence " makers or artificers of glass," 
who at that time were unknown in Britain, that they might glaze the 
windows of his church, cloisters, and dining-rooms. Benedict next 
laid down rules for the government of his monastery, and departed on 
his fourth journey to Rome. On his return, amongst other treasures, 
" he brought with him pictures of sacred images, to adorn the church 
of the blessed Apostle Peter, which he had built ; namely, a picture of 
the blessed Mother of God and perpetual Virgin Mary, and also of the 



twelve Apostles, with which he intended to cover the middle vault, on 
boarding placed from wall to wall ; also pictures from the gospel history 
with which to decorate the south wall of the church, and pictures 
of the visions of the Apocalypse of the blessed John, with which to 
adorn equally the north wall ; in order that all persons entering the 
church, though unable to read, wherever they looked, might either 
contemplate the amiable aspect of Christ and his saints, though but in 
a picture, or with watchful mind remember the blessing of our Lord's 
incarnation, or having before their eyes, as it were, the separation of 
the last judgment, might be the more mindful carefully to examine 
themselves " (Bede, Vila Ablatum Wiremuth. et Girvens). Benedict 
also brought with him one John, archchanter of the Church of St. 
Peter at Rome, and abbot of the monastery of St. Martin, to teach the 
English the Roman method of chanting, singing, and ministering in 
the church. He, on arriving in England, not only communicated in- 
struction viva voce, but also left not a few writings behind him, which, 
in Bede's day, were still preserved in the library of the monastery of 
Monkwearmouth. Agatho was then Pope, and he, at the earnest soli- 
citation of Ecgfrid, gave to Biscop a letter of privilege by which his 
monastery was for ever made safe and secure from all manner of foreign 

The foundation and endowment of the church and monastery of 
Jarrow soon followed. The twin monasteries, at least during their 
early history, were but one institution, of which Biscop was the head. 
When, however, the second branch of his establishment was planted at 
Jarrow, he appointed Ceolfrid abbot there under himself, and at the 
same time made Easterwine abbot at Wearmouth. 

The story of Ceolfrid's life I have told in my paper on Jarrow,* 
and that of Easterwine must now be related. 

He was of noble birth. Although Biscop was his cousin, he neither 
expected nor received any distinction in the regimen and routine of the 
monastic life. He underwent with pleasure the usual course of monas- 
tic discipline. He went from the court of the King, at the age of 
twenty-four, to the solitude of a recluse's cell. He was an inmate of - 
Biscop's house almost, if not quite, from its foundation. His humility 
of character was apparent in the willingness, nay, the pleasure, with 
* Arch. ML, Vol. X., pp. 195-216. 


which he took part in threshing and winnowing, in milking the ewes 
and cows, and in the labours of the bakehouse, the garden, and the 
kitchen. "When, after spending eight years in the monastery, during 
seven of which he was in priest's orders, he was raised to the dignity 
of abbot, the same spirit distinguished him. Frequently, when he 
went forth on the business of the monastery, and found the brethren 
working, he joined them in their labour, guiding the shaft of the 
plough, wielding the smith's hammer, or shaking the winnowing fan. 
He was a young man of great strength, pleasant voice, handsome 
appearance, and kind and generous disposition. He ate the same kind 
of food as the rest of the brethren, and in the same apartment. After 
he became abbot he slept in the same common . dormitory as before. 
When he had held this office only four years a pestilence visited the 
district, and from its ravages the seclusion of the monastic walls 
afforded no security. Many of the brethren died, and Easterwine 
amongst the number. The last five days of bis life he spent in a 
private apartment, from which he came out one day, and sat in the 
open air. He sent for all the brethren, and took tender leave of them, 
giving to each weeping monk the kiss of peace.* 

Meantime, Benedict had departed, soon after the appointment of 
Ceolfrid and Easterwine, on his-fifth and last journey to Eome. During 
his absence the church of Jarrow was completed and dedicated. This 
event took place on the 23rd of April, 685. Xot quite seven weeks 
before (7th March) Easterwine had died, and four weeks later (20th 
May) Biscop's friend and patron, Ecgfrid, was slain in battle. After 
Easterwine's death, the brethren of Wearmouth consulted with Ceolfrid 
as to the election of an abbot, and their choice fell upon the deacon 
Sigfrid, a man skilled in theology, of courteous manners, and admirable 
temperance, whose disposition was chastened and sweetened by physical 
infirmity an incurable disease of the lungs. 

When Biscop returned, Sigfrid had been duly installed. As before, 
he brought treasures and relics in abundance. There were pictures for 
the decoration of the church at Jarrow, and others, representing scenes 

* At Jarrow the pestilence seems to have been even more fatal than at Wear- 
mouth. " In the monastery, over which Ceolfrid presided, all who could read, or 
preach, or say the antiphones and responses, were carried off, except the ahhot him- 
self and one little boy (puerulus), who was brought up and educated by that abbot, 
and now holds the office of presbyter in the same monastery" (Hist. Abbatum 
Girvensium, Auct. Anon. Giles's ede, VI., p. 421). 


in the Saviour's life, " with which he surrounded the whole church of 
the blessed Mother of God, which he had erected in the greater monas- 
tery [of Wearmouth] (Divinae historiae picturas, quibus totam beatae 
Dei Genetricis, quam in monasterio majore fecerat, ecclesiam in gyro 
coronaret)" (Bede, Vita Abbatum Wiremuth. et Oirvens.) Biscop also 
brought " two palls, entirely of silk, of incomparable work (pallia 
duo holoserica incomparandi operis), with which he afterwards pur- 
chased from King Alfrid and his counsellors three hides of land on the 
south bank of the river Wear, near its mouth." 

Shortly after his return home Biscop was seized by paralysis, which, 
during three years of suffering, increased upon him. When visited by 
the brethren he exhorted them to obey the monastic rule which he had 
given them, and which, he alleged, he had formed from the practices of 
seventeen monasteries visited by him during his travels. He requested 
earnestly that the large and noble library, which he had brought from 
Rome, should be preserved in its entirety, and neither be injured by 
neglect nor dispersed. But the one thing about which he was most 
anxious was the election of his successor. " And truly," said he, " I 
say to you, in comparison of the two evils, it would be more bearable 
to me, if God so determined, that all this place, in which I have raised 
a monastery, should be reduced to perpetual desolation than that my 
brother according to the flesh, who, as you know, walks not in the way 
of truth, should succeed me as abbot in the government of this monas- 
tery." On this speech, reported by Bede, Mr. Surtees remarks that 
Biscop's apprehensions " evidently pointed to a practice, not totally 
infrequent, of converting the headship of religious houses into a suc- 
cessive and almost lay inheritance " (Hist. Durham, II., 4).* 

Taking counsel with Sigfrid, the advances of whose malady gave 
evident proof of the nearness of his dissolution, Benedict sent for Ceol- 
frid, and, with the approval of all the brethren of Wearmouth and 
Jarrow, made him abbot of both monasteries. Sigfrid died in the 
autumn of 686. Benedict only survived him four months. He died on 
the 12th of January, 687, and was buried in the church of St. Peter, 

* But see Surtees's Hist. Durham, I., p. vii; Whitaker's Hist. Whalley, 
1st Ed., p. 41, 3rd Ed., p. 55, 4th Ed., I., p. 75 ; Raine's Priory of Hexham, I., Pref . 
p. 1 ; and Mr. Longstaffe's paper on " The Hereditary Sacerdotage of Hexham," in 
Arch. ML, N.S., VoL IV. 


The chief circumstances in Ceolfrid's life I have related in my 
previous paper. During his government, one Witmer gave, as a per- 
petual possession to the monastery of Wearmouth, ten hides of laud in 
the vill called Daldun, which he had received from King Alfrid. 
Daldun may safely be identified with Dalton.* When South (or 
Bishop's) Wearmouth was given by King Athelstan to St. Cuthbert, 
Dalton was included as one of its appurtenances. f There is evidence 
that not long after the establishment of St. Cuthbert's at Durham, 
Dalton was one of its possessions,! and to this day the gift of Witmer 
forms part of the endowment of the cathedral of Durham. 

Ceolfrid had ruled seven years at Jarrow before the jurisdiction of 
the two houses was confewred upon him. In this latter position he 
remained twenty-eight years.. His 'monastic life at Jarrow and Wear- 
mouth must have covered a period of over forty years. Finding age 
and infirmity creeping upon him, he determined to resign his charge, 
and repair to Rome, intending there to end his days. The brethern 
begged him, on bended knees, to forego his purpose. The third day 
after he had revealed his intention he set out. The account of his 
departure, as given by Bede, deserves a place here. 

Early on the morning of Thursday, the 4th of June [715], mass was 
sung in the church of the blessed Mother of God and perpetual Virgin 
Mary, and in the church of the Apostle Peter, and after those who 
were present had received the holy communion, he immediately pre- 
pared for his journey. All assemble in the church of the blessed 
Peter ; he kindles the incense, offers a prayer before the altar, pro- 
nounces a blessing upon all, standing on the steps, and holding the 
censer in his hand. They go thence, the cries of all mingling with the 
responses of the litany. They enter the oratory of the blessed martyr 
Lawrence, which was opposite the dormitory of the brethren (quod in 

* See Feodarium Prioratus Dunelmensis, p. 121. 

t Leland's Collectanea, I., p. 374; Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores Tres, pp. ccxxix- 
xxx, ccccxxiii ; Surtees's Durham, I., p. 224- ; Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum, 
Ed. 1817, 1., p. 234; Raine's Saint Cuthbert, pp. 50-51; Symeon of Durham 
(Surtees Society's Ed.), p. 149. 

t Feodarium Prioratus Dunelmensis, pp. xli, xlviii, Iv, and especially Ixxxiii. 
That these three charters of Bishop William de Karileph are palpably forgeries does 
not invalidate them as evidence that the convent of Durham actually possessed the 
estates they pretend to grant. They were, in fact, forged to afford a title to lands 
and churches already in possession. 


dormitorio fratram erat obvium).* When uttering the last farewell he 
admonishes them to preserve goodwill amongst themselves, and to 
correct transgressors according to the rule of the gospel. To all, no 
matter how grievously they may have transgressed, he offers the grace 
of his forgiveness and reconciliation. He entreats them all to pray for 
him, and to become reconciled to him, if there were amongst them any 
whom he had reproved too harshly. They go down to the shore. 
Again he gives to all the kiss of peace, and they, weeping, fall upon 
their knees. Then he offers a prayer, and with his companions ascends 
into the ship. The deacons of the church, carrying burning tapers 
and a golden cross, enter the vessel with him. He passes over the 
stream, adores the cross, mounts his horse, and departs, leaving in his 
monasteries brethren to the number of nearly six hundred, f 

This passage is valuable, since it gives us authentic information as 
to the extent of the establishment at Monkwearmouth at the time of 
Ceolfrid's departure. It mentions the churches of St. Mary and St. 
Peter, as well as the oratory of St. Lawrence. Until a comparatively 
recent period both churches existed. The account roll of the master 
of the cell of Wearmouth for the year 1360 mentions the old church as 
the receptacle of one stack of barley, being the tithes of the vills of 
Wearmouth and Fulwell.f Less than a century later the Proctor of 
Durham complains to William Hilton, son and heir of the Baron of 
Hilton, that "on Scottyman" named "John Pottes, in diuerse tymes 
has opynd and brokyn upp y e doresse of y e said Celle of Moukwermouth 
and takyn oute his corn and his hay aftre his awn will and somtym 
sett his horse in a place callid y e aid Kirke to y e hay mowe defilyng 
y e sam place and destroying hay," etc. The church designated 
"old" in these extracts was not necessarily a more ancient building 
than the other church, then as now, still used for its original purpose. 
A dismantled structure is always, in common phrase, styled "old." 

*"Quod est in dormitorio fratrum" (Hist. Abbatum Girvensium. Auct. Anon. 
Giles's Sede, VI., p. 425). 

f PitaBeatorum Abbatum Wiremuthensium et Girvensium. Giles's Sede, IV., 
p. 390. See also a somewhat longer account of the same event in the anonymous 
Historia Abbatum Girvensium (Giles's Bede, VI., pp. 423-425). 

J " In veteri ecclesia est j. tassa ordei decimalis villarum de Weremuth et Ful- 
well estimata ad . ..." (Inventories and Account Rolls of Jarrow and 
Monkwearmouth, p. 159). 

Inventories and Account Rolls of Jarrow and Monkwearmouth, p. 241. The 
document quoted in the text is dateless, but ante 1447. 


After Ceolfrid's departure his brethren returned to the church, and 
with weeping and prayer commended themselves to God. After the 
psalmody of the third hour was sung, they deliberated as to what 
should be done. A new abbot must be elected. Three days later, on 
Whitsunday, a council was held, attended by all the brethren of St. 
Peters' and the elder brethren of St. Pauls'. The utmost harmony 
prevailed, and Huetbert was chosen. He immediately, accompanied 
by some of the brethren, went to Ceolfrid, who was waiting for a ship 
in which to cross the ocean.* He confirmed their choice, gave them 
his blessing, and received* from his successor a letter of commendation, 
addressed to Pope Gregory II. On Huetbert's return, Acca, then 
bishop of Hexham, and "Wilfrid's successor there, was summoned to 
Wearmouth to confirm the election of the new abbot. 

One circumstance in Huetbert's life, which, says Bede, "was grati- 
fying and delightful to all," must be here related. 

"He took up the bones of Abbot Easterwine, which had been 
deposited in the entrance porch of the church of the blessed Apostle 
Peter, and also the bones of his former master, the Abbot Sigfrid, 
which had been buried outside the Sacrarium on the south, and 
placing both in one receptacle, but divided in the middle by a partition, 
he laid them within the same church, by the side of the body of the 
blessed father Benedict. This he did on Sigfrid's birthday, that is, the 
22nd day of August ; on which day also the wonderful providence of 
God so ordered that Witmer, the venerable servant of Christ, whom 

* The anonymous History of the Allots of Jar row declares that Huethert and 
his companions found Ceolfrid " in the monastery of Albert, which is situate in a 
place called Cornu Vallis (in monasterio Alberti, quod est situm in loco qui Cornu 
Vallis appellatur)." Dr. Haigh imagined that the site of this monastery "was 
probably at Hornsea [in Holderness], on the coast of the East Riding of Yorkshire." 
Towards this supposition the only evidence is the syllable horn, which would be 
equally pertinent for Hornby, in the North Riding. At neither place, however, 
have we record or trace of any monastic establishment. The same anonymous 
history tells us that Ceolfrid sailed from the H umber; and a passage in Bede's 
Lives implies that Huetbert overtook Ceolfrid whilst "awaiting the arrival of a 
ship in which to cross the ocean." The monastery of Cornu Vallis must therefore 
be located at or near some port on the Humber. The Praetorium of Antonine's 
first Iter, identifiable with a submerged port near the later Ravensers, within the 
river-bay formed by Spurn Point, was certainly in Cornu, and even in Cornu Vallis, 
if we remember the bold headlands of Holderness on the east, and the southern 
wolds of Yorkshire on the west, and understand by vallis the whole district drained 
by the river Hull. 


we have mentioned above, should depart, and he, who was their 
follower, was buried in the place where the aforesaid abbots were first 

To identify the "entrance porch" the porticus ingressus in 
which the remains of Easterwine had been interred, with the lower 
and earlier portion of the present tower is not difficult, as we shall 
hereafter have evidence. But the location of the Sacrarium is by no 
means so easy a task. The word itself has varied meanings. It some- 
times means the whole church ; in other cases " the most sacred part of 
the church, the place of the altar and ' confessio ' " is meant, answering 
to TO fyiov and TO lepareiov of the Greek church ; and elsewhere the 
sacristy or vestry simply is intended. The first and most extended 
meaning is not admissible in the present instance. Perhaps English 
usage will incline us to accept the last definition as the most probable, 
though herein we shall differ from Dr. Haigh, who assumes that the 
chancel or choir is meant.f Here, perhaps, I ought to quote a 
singular and perplexing passage from the anonymous History of the 
Abbots of Jarrow, wherein we are told that "Benedict was interred 
in the porch of the blessed Peter, on the east of the altar, whither also, 
afterwards, the bones of the most reverend abbots Easterwine and 
Sigfrid were translated."} Plainly, the porticus in which Easterwine 
was first interred, and that in which Benedict was buried, and to which 
the remains of Easterwine were removed, could not be the same. If 
we assume the existence of two porches, this does not remove the whole 

* This passage is so important that I adjoin the original Latin. " Sustulit ossa 
Easterwini abbatis, quae in porticu ingressus ecclesiae beati Apostoli Petri erant 
posita; necnon et ossa Sigfridi abbatis ac magistri quondam sui, quae foris Sacra- 
rium ad meridiem f uerant condita, et utraque in una theca, sed medio pariete divisa, 
recludens, intus in eadem ecclesia juxta corpus beati patris Benedict! composuit. 
Fecit autem haec die natalis Sigfridi, id est, undecimo Kalendarum Septembrium, 
quo etiam die mira Dei providentia contigit, ut venerandus Christi famulus Witmer, 
cujus supra meminimus, excederet, et in loco ubi praedicti abbates prius sepulti 
f uerant, ipse, qui eorum imitator fuerat, conderetur" (Vita Abbatum Wiremuth. et 
Girvens. Giles's Bede, IV., p. 396). 

t See his paper on the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow in the Win- 
chester volume of the Archaeological Association, pp. 432 and 434. On the word 
Sacrarium see the glossaries of Du Cange and Spelman, and Smith and Cheetham's 
Dictionary of Christian Antiquities. Stephenson supports the view to which I 
incline, rendering, in the passage in question, sacrarium by "sacristy" (Church 
Historians of England, Vol. I., Part II., p. 618). 

f'Sepultus autem est Benedictus in porticu beati Petri, ad orientem altaris, ubi 
postmodum etiam reverentissimorum abbatum Easterwini et Sigfridi sunt ossa 
translata" (Ristoria Abbatum Girvensium, Auctore Anonymo. Giles's Bede,Vl., 
p. 422). 


difficulty. The emphatic way in which Bede speaks of the later resting 
place of Easterwine and Sigfrid's bones as being within the church, 
can leave no doubt that the porticus ingressus was without. So there 
were at least two porches, and the porticus ivithin may have been a 
corridor between the churches of St. Mary and St. Peter. 

Ceolfrid left Wearmouth on the 4th of June, and on the fourth of 
the following month he sailed out of the Humber. On the 12th of 
August he landed on the shore of France, and on the 25th of Septem- 
ber died at Langres, at the age of seventy-four years. 

Huetbert is the last ofr the abbots of Wearmouth of whom Bede's 
Lives gives us any account. He was probably abbot at the time of 
Bede's death. Dr. Haigh speaks of that Cuthbert, pupil of Bede, 
whose letter to some Cuthwin, fellow-pupil, is our record of their 
master's last days and death, as Huetbert's successor in the abbacy 
(Winchester vol. Arch. Ass., p. 434). But in this he was led astray 
by Dr. Giles, whose statements on this point (Bede's Works, I., p. Ixxvi., 
Ixxviii.,) are entirely erroneous. 

From the time of Huetbert we have no record of the church and 
monastery of Monkwearmouth, till the period of the Danish invasion 
under Hinguar and Hubba. The noblest of the monasteries along the 
northern coast, says Eoger of Wendover, were destroyed by these 
pirates ; and he especially mentions Lindisfame, Tynemouth, Jarrow, 
Wearmouth, and Whitby (Bohn's Ed., I., p. 192).* 

After this comes another gap of two centuries in our history 
of the monastery of Monkwearmouth. At some period during this 
interval the church had probably been restored. By whom, or to what 
extent this was done, we shall never know. According, however, to 
the continuator of Symeon's Historia Regum, King Malcolm, in an 
extensive and barbarous raid upon the north of England, in the year 
1070, "destroyed by fire, himself looking on, the church of St. Peter, 
the prince of the Apostles, at Wearmouth " (Symeonis Dunelm. Opera 
et Coll., Surtees Society's Ed., I., p. 87). This statement is repeated 
in almost identical words by Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series, Ed. I., 
p. 121). The Liber Ruler Dunelmensis says that "Malcolm, King of 
Scotland, consumed Wearmouth by fire" (Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores 

* See also Sfatthew of Westminster (Bohn's Ed.), I., p. 411 ; and Matthaei Paris- 
iensis, Chronica Majora (Rolls Series), I., p. 393. 



Tres, p. ccccxxiv). The Liber incerti auctoris de Episcopis Lindisfarn- 
ensibus, as quoted by Leland (Coll., I., p. 381), repeats the assertion 
in almost the words of the authority first quoted. This may be also 
said of a quotation in Leland (Coll., II., p. 229) from some prologue 
of Alured's of Beverley. 

Notwithstanding all this testimony, which, after all, does not amount, 
at most, to more than two independent authorities, Mr. Surtees, and, 
at a later date, Mr. John Hodgson Hinde, felt themselves entitled 
to call the statement into question. Mr. Surtees rests his scepticism 
on two grounds. First, that the event "is related with such discrepancy, 
both of date and place ;" and second, that Symeon's "silence as to the 
almost contemporary destruction by Malcolm is strong negative 
evidence," especially as he (Symeon) says, " that from the era of the 
Danish conquest to the revival of the monastery by Aldwin, the site of 
the convent of Wearmouth lay waste and desolate two hundred and 
eight years " (Hist. Durham, II., p. 5). To this it is necessary to 
say in reply that the "discrepancy both of date and place," of which 
Mr. Surtees speaks, does not exist. The chroniclers who refer to the 
event are so unanimous, nay, almost verbally identical, that thereby 
the weight of their testimony is weakened. Symeon's silence, in 
his Historia Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, proves nothing, since therein 
Malcolm is scarcely mentioned, and his ravages in Northumbria did 
not come within the historian's plan. On the other hand, Symeon is 
rendered with extraordinary freedom when made to say that at Aldwin's 
incoming the site of the monastery of Wearmouth had lain waste two 
hundred and eight years. His words are these : " Clearly, from the 
time in which the churches in the province of the Northumbrians were 
plundered by the pagans, and the monasteries were destroyed and 
burnt, until the third year of the jurisdiction of Walcher, when, by 
Aldwin coming into that province, the monastic life therein began to 
revive, ccvm. years may be reckoned."* 

Mr. Surtees, however, though he denies that the church of Monk- 
wearmouth was burnt by Malcolm's followers, asserts " that Malcolm, 

* " Plane a tempore quo a paganis ecclesiae in provincia Nbrthanhymbrorum 
eversae, et monasteria sunt destructa atque inccnsa, usque tertium annum praesu- 
latus Walcheri, quando per Aldwinum in ipsam provinciam venientem monachorum 
in ilia coepit habitatio reviviscere, ccvm. computantur anni" (Symeonis Hist. 
Dunelm. Eccles., Ed. Mag. Rot., p. 113). 


in the same expedition in which he bore off Edgar Atheling and his 
sisters from the harbour of the Wear, did destroy a church or 
monastery on one bank of the same river," and that this " seems indis- 
putably established by the testimony of concurring historians." These 
"concurring historians," however, with one exception (Liber Ruber 
Dunelmensis) agree in declaring that the place burnt by Malcolm was 
"the church of St. Peter, at Wearmouth." 

Mr. Hinde's criticisms are both more careful and more weighty. 
He proves clearly enough that the whole account of the invasion by 
Malcolm, when the church of Monkwearmouth is said to have been 
burnt, contains so many assertions which are palpably untrue, as fairly 
to throw doubt upon the rest. One passage must be quoted here. 
"The church of St. Peter at "Wearmouth is represented [in the narrative 
of Symeon's continuator] as having been burnt down on this occasion, 
whereas we learn from Symeon that it had been for ages in ruins, its 
walls only standing, and the site, both within and without, over- 
grown by timber and by brushwood, which were cut down with much 
labour a few years later, when the edifice was at last put into a 
state of repair" (Pref. to Surtees Society's Ed. of Symeon, p. 29). 
Desirous as I am to give these words their full weight, 1 will quote 
what Mr. Hinde says elsewhere. "Neither is there the slightest 
reason to suppose that the church of St. Peter at Wearmouth had ever 
been restored since the destruction of the monastery by the Danes in 
the ninth century. At all events the accounts given of it in the 
History of the Church of Durham, III., 22, A.D. 1075, when the site 
was overgrown not only with brambles and thorns, but with forest 
trees,* is altogether inconsistent with the assumption that it was iu a 
state of repair only five years previous " (Note in Surtees Society's 
E.d. of Symeon, p. 86). The only explanation of the difficulty I can 
offer is that Symeon's reference to trees, brambles, and thorns is to be 
interpreted with some degree of latitude ; and that, although no 

* "According to the interpolator [of Syineou's Historia Sec/urn], the church of 
Wearmouth was burned under Malcolm's own eyes in 1070. Could this description 
be given of the building about five years after ? Certainly not, if we are to sup- 
pose with Mr. Hinde that the site was ' overgrown, not only with brambles and 
thorns, but also with forest trees.' But I do not see Mr. Hinde's forest trees in the 
'arbores' of Symeon. Surely in the space of five years the site would be quite 
enough overrun with brambles, elder, and ivy to give the monks some trouble to 
clear it out" (Freeman's History of the Norman Conquest of England, V., p. 898). 


restoration of the monastic buildings had taken place since the time of 
the Danish invasion, still some part of the church had been so far 
repaired as to serve the purposes of the neighbouring inhabitants.* 

In my paper on Jarrow I have repeated from Symeon the story of 
the settlement, first at Monkchester, and afterwards at Jarrow, of 
Aldwin and his companions. After a time, Aldwin was desirous of 
reviving the decayed monastic institutions elsewhere. For this purpose, 
accompanied by one Turgot, he travelled northwards to Melrose. 
Reinfrid went to Whitby, and Elf win remained at Jarrow. Turgot is 
said to have been at this time " a cleric as to his dress, but in heart 
and conduct a follower of the monastic life." The continuation of 
Symeon's Historia Regum gives a romantic account of his previous 
career, which is repeated by Roger de Hoveden. Melrose was then a 
ruin, but the pilgrims were charmed with the seclusion of the place, 
and at once commenced the observance of their monastic practices. 
Malcolm soon heard of their settlement in his dominions, and as they 
refused to swear fidelity to him, he adopted towards them a course of 

"Meantime, the venerable Bishop Walcher, by frequent letters and 
injunctions, requested, admonished, and adjured them, and at lasfc 
threatened, with the priesthood and all the people before the most holy 
body of St. Cuthbert, to excommunicate them unless they would return 
to him [in order] to remain under [the protection of] St. Cuthbert. 
Dreading, therefore, excommunication much more than the wrath of 
the king, who threatened them with death, for they were then quite 
ready to die, they left that place and returned to the bishop. He at 
once gave to them the monastery of the blessed Apostle Peter in 
Wearmouth, at one time exceedingly beautiful and renowned, as Bede, 
its inmate from infancy, describes ; but then, what it anciently was 
could scarcely be seen, such was the ruin of the buildings. Here they 
made little dwelh'ngs of boughs, and strove to teach all whom they 
could to enter with them the strait and narrow way, which leads to 
life. Here Aldwin conferred upon Turgot the monastic habit, and as 

* Corroborative of this view is a passage in the continuation of Symeon's 
Historia Regum, wherein we are told that at the time of Aldwin's arrival in the 
north, "but very few churches and these formed of branches and thatch and 
nowhere any monasteries, had been rebuilt during two hundred years " (Symeonis 
Opera, Surtees Soc. Ed., p. 94). 


he loved him most dearly as a brother in Christ, he, by word and 
example, taught him to carry Christ's easy yoke. The bishop, loving 
them with familiar affection, often invited them to converse with him, 
and sometimes summoning them to his councils, deigned most cheer- 
fully to obey their suggestions. But he gave to them the vill of 
Wearmouth itself, to which afterwards his successor, William, added 
an adjoining vill, namely Southwick, in order that he and the brethren 
who were with him, might, without great difficulty, persevere there in 
the service of Christ. For some came thither from the remote parts 
of England to live with them the monastic life, and they learned to 
serve Christ with one heart and one soul. Then they took pains to 
clear out the church of St. Peter, of which only the half-ruined walls 
were then standing ; they felled the trees and uprooted the briars and 
thorns, which had filled the whole [site] ; and when the roof was laid 
on, as at this day it is seen, they had done their best to restore 
[the place to fitness] for performing the offices of divine praise."* 

Such is Symeon's narrative. The events it relates belong to the 
year 1075. The passage in which our historian computes the period 
between the desolation of the northern monasteries by the Danes, and 
the arrival of Aldwin in the north, at two hundred and eight years 
immediately follows. He then proceeds to relate that, under the 

* Inter haec venerabilis episcopus Walcherus f requentibus eos litteris et mandatis 
rogavit, monuit, adjuravit, ad ultirnum cum clero et omni populo coram sacratissimo 
sancti Cuthberti corpore sese illos excommunicaturum minatur, nisi ad se sub sancto 
Cuthberto mansuri reverterentur. Illi ergo excommunicationem magis quain irain 
regis, quae mortem eis minabatur, formidantes, nam mori tune omnino statuerant, 
locum ilium reliquunt, ad episcopum perveniunt. Quibus statim monasterium beati 
Petri Apostoli in Wirainuthe donavit, olim, sicut habitator ejus ab infantia Beda 
describit, egregium satis ac nobile; tune autein, quid antiquitus fuerit, vix per 
ruinam aedificiorum videri poterat. Ubi de virgis facientes habitacula, quoscunque 
poterant arctam et angustam viam, quae ducit ad vitain, secuin ingredi docere 
studebant. Ibi Aldwiuus Turgoto monachicum habitum tradidit, et ut carissimum 
in Christo fratrem diligens, verbo et exemplo jugum Christi suave ilium portare 
docuit. Quos episcopus familiari caritate amplectens, saepius ad colloquium suum 
evocavit; et interdum suis adhibens consiliis, libentissime illorum dictis dignatusest 
obedire. Donaverat autem illis ipsam villam Wirarnutham, cui postea successor ejus 
Willelmus aliam proximam, videlicet Suthewic, adjecit, ut, cum his qui secum erant 
fratribus, sine magna difficultate ibidem in Christi famulatu possent perseverare. 
Nam etiam de remotis Anglorum partibus illuc aliqui advenientes, monachicam cum 
eis vitam agerc, et uno corde ac una aninia Christo didicerunt servire. Tune eccle- 
siam Sancti Petri, cujus adhuc soli parietes serniruti steterant. succisis arboribus, 
eradicatis vepribus et spinis, quae totam occupaverant, curarunt expurgare: et 
culmine imposito, quale hodie cernitur, ad agenda divinae laudis officia sategerant 
restaurare (Symeonis Historia Ecc. Dunelm., Ed. Mag. Rot., p. 112-113). 


bishop's fostering care, the monks led a quiet and peaceful life, and 
that he, like a most loving father, bestowed upon them the wealth of 
his affection, frequently visiting them, and at all times seeking most 
liberally to supply their needs. It was his intention, had he lived, to 
join their order, and to establish them in a permanent abode, near the 
body of St. Cuthbert. With this intention he laid the foundations of 
the monastic buildings at Durham. But death defeated his plans, and 
the completion of his project was left to his successor. 

In the year 1083, on Friday, the 26th day of May, the festival of 
St. Augustine of Canterbury, the monks of Wearmouth and Jarrow, 
twenty-three in all, were brought into their new home at Durham by 
Bishop William de Karileph. We can picture the monks meeting early 
in the morning in the churches of their respective houses to say their 
last mass there, joy and sadness mingling strangely in their hearts the 
while. And then the little bands depart, often looking back with 
tearful eyes to the homes hallowed by the traditions of Benedict, 
Ceolfrid, Sigfrid, Easterwine, Huetbert, and Bede. As they go they 
carry their precious relics and treasures with them the books brought 
from Eome, four hundred years before, by Biscop, and others written 
by the hand of Bede. Later in the day the fane of Durham rises 
before them, and hope and proud expectancy beat high within their 
breasts ; and, ere the early summer's sun has set, their first evensong 
has risen to heaven from their new and splendid habitation. 

From this time the monastery of Wearmouth became a cell under 
St. Cuthbert's. Its history to the dissolution I may make the subject 
of a future paper. At the latter period it was valued, according to 
Dugdale, at 25 8s. 4d., and according to Speed, at 26 9s. 9d. 

It only remains for me to describe the existing portions of the 
ancient church. In Hutchinson's day "several remains of the 
monastic buildings," forming, with the church, "three sides of a 
square," still existed, but they have since then entirely disappeared. 
Of the old hah 1 of Monkwearrnouth, which perished by fire in 1790, 
som portions were believed to be remnants of the monastery, and 
other parts to have been constructed from its ruins. These are all 
gone, and so far as I know, no pencil has perpetuated their likeness. 
The only portions of the pre-Norman buildings at Monkwearmouth 

Archjeologia Aeliana, vol. xi., p. 46. 

Plate III. 




S 1 

* ! 
ad -o* 








2 fa 


are the tower and west wall of the nave of St. Peter's church.* The 
lower portion of the tower is of different date from the upper part. 
Indeed its original height is clearly traceable, the angle of its western 
gable rising from the extremes of the second string-course, and termin- 
ating immediately below the third. This lower portion would thus 
form, originally, an "entrance porch," which antiquaries have been 
ready to identify with the "porticus ingressus," in which the bones of 
Easterwine first found a resting place. Over it was a chamber with a 
window on the west, and another on the east, looking into the nave. 
The lower portion of the tower is peculiar by reason of its three door- 
ways, the fourth belonging not to the tower but to the west wall of the 
nave. This is an arrangement of which our only other northern 
example is the tower at Jarrow, and of which the only southern 
example that I remember is the early Saxon tower of All Saints, 
Brixworth.f The west wall of the nave is evidently of somewhat 
earlier date than even the lower part of the tower, which is simply 
built against it, and not bonded into it. The doorway, which is some- 
times spoken of as the east doorway of the tower, is, therefore, really 
the west doorway of the nave, and was at first external. The two 
doorways north and south of the tower bear a remarkable resemblance 
to the walled-up doorway in the north wall of Jarrow chancel.J But 

* For the drawings of details accompanying this paper I am indebted to T. W. 
U. Robinson, Esq., of Hardwick Hall. Some years ago Mr. Robinson caused a 
beautiful and valuable series of plates of details of the Saxon portions of Monkwear- 
mouth Church to be engraved and printed for private circulation. From these 
plates, with Mr. Robinson's permission, I have selected and copied what I thought 

f See a paper on this church, by the Rev. G. A. Poole, in the Reports and 
Papers of the Associated Architectural Societies, 1850, p. 122. 

J Since my paper 011 the Church of Jarrow was printed, and. indeed, since the 
present paper was read, I have re-perused the fifth volume of Dr. Freeman's History 
of the Norman Conquest of England. A passage in his Appendix, which I had either 
previously overlooked or entirely forgotten, states his opinion of the Saxon remains 
at both Jarrow and Wearmouth. This opinion is identical with my own ; but I 
shall be believed when I say this forgotten or unobserved paragraph of Freeman's 
had no influence in bringing me to the conclusions announced in this and my pre- 
vious paper. 

The passage to which I refer is tne following : 

" I have no doubt whatever that large parts of the two churches now standing 
are the genuine work of Benedict Biscop. Each contains two distinct dates of 
Primitive Romanesque. At Wearmouth the upper part of the tower is not only 
Primitive, but clearly earlier than the restoration by Ealdwine. It connects itself, 
not with the Lincoln towers, but with the earlier type at Bywell and Ovingham. 
But it is raised on a porch, evidently older than itself, and showing signs of the 
very earliest date. Here we plainly have a piece of work of the seventh century. 
It follows that the church of Wearmouth was enlarged or repaired at some time 


the western entrance of this tower, or rather porch, for the original 
purpose of this portion should never be forgotten, despite later trans- 
formations, is its great feature of interest. A century ago the upper 
portion of this entrance, though then built up, was visible.* When 
the engravings of Monkwearmouth church in Garbutt's History of 
Sunderland (1819), and in the second volume of Surtees's History of 
Durham (1820), were published, the tower had been covered with 
roughcast, and no trace of this archway could be externally seen. 
About twenty years ago it was opened out, and the accumulated mass 
of earth which surrounded the lower portion of the tower on three 
sides was removed. The distinctively fine character of this doorway 
can leave no doubt that at the time of its erection it was intended as 
the chief entrance to the church. On this account we may safely 
regard it as the "portions ingressus" of Bede, rather than as that other 
porticus which was within the church. That, at a later period, some 
additional building was erected to the west of this porch, was clearly 
evident when the church was restored, for foundations of such a 
structure were then laid bare. In all probability these were the 
foundations of a similar building to that which still exists on the west 
side of the tower of St. Peter's, Barton-on-Humber. 

The arch of this remarkably interesting doorway rests upon cham- 
fered abaci, which, in their turn, are supported by baluster shafts. 
Each abacus rests upon two shafts placed against the thickness of the 
wall. These shafts are placed upon large stones bonding into the wall, 
and beneath these are similar stones placed vertically, and resting upon 
the foundations. A singular design is worked upon the face of each 
lower stone and continued upon the edge of the stone above it. The 
design itself, which, on each jamb of the doorway is the same, consists 
of two serpent-like forms with the tails of fish and the heads of swans. 
In the upper part of the sculpture the beaks meet and intersect in the 

between 680 and 1075. At Jarrow the appearances are different. Here also there 
are two dates of work which we must call Primitive Romanesque ; but while the 
earlier, as 1 see no reason to doubt, belongs to the age of Benedict, the later belongs 
to the age of Ealdwine. In the choir, with its windows so utterly unlike anything 
of William's age, I have no doubt that we see the building which Benedict raised, 
and in which Baeda worshipped. But in the manifestly inserted tower, and in the 
doorway forming part of the domestic buildings which stand close to the church, we 
see the Primitive style modified by the knowledge of Norman models, exactly as at 

* See the engraving of "Monks Weremouth, Durham," in Grose's Anti- 

Archzcologia Aeliana. vol. xi., p. 48. 

Plate V 



middle of the stone. The neck extends to the edge, along which the 
body is carried down, as a sort of roll moulding, a distance of about 
three feet. Then the body turns inwards, and, meeting that of the 
other creature, they twine around each other like a cable moulding, 
ascending, meantime, the middle of the stone, and, a few inches below 
the top of the lower slab, they separate, turn again towards the edges, 
and terminate, as I have said, in fish-like tails. The whole height of 
the stones upon which the design is worked is 3 feet 8 inches. The 
baluster shafts are 1 foot 9 inches in height and 10 inches in diameter. 
The abacus is 10^ inches in depth. The doorway is 8 feet 10 inches in 
height and 4 feet 9 inches in width. The arch itself is constructed of 
nine voussoirs. Along the edge of both abaci and voussoirs runs a 
delicate round moulding, which stands out from the face of the stone. 

The side doors of the tower are perfectly plain, and remind us more 
of "long and short work" than almost any other feature we find at 
Monkwearmouth. They are 6 feet high, and 2 feet 2 inches wide. 

Over the western doorway, and at the height of 12 feet 6 inches 
from the ground, we have the first string course, which exists only on 
the west side of the tower. It is 12 inches in depth, has a cable 
moulding along its upper and lower edge, and at intervals is divided 
into panels by double strips of somewhat narrower moulding of the 
same type. The panels have been filled with sculptured figures, chiefly 
of beasts ; but these are now almost obliterated A portion of this 
sculptured string course has at some period been removed, when the 
window above was carried down through it ; but that window has now 
been restored approximately to its original proportions, and a new 
stone, with cable mouldings, has been inserted to fill up the gap in the 
ancient string course. 

Above the window which I have just mentioned, and at the height 
of 20 feet 6 inches from the ground, we have the second string course, 
which runs round the three sides of the tower. North and south it 
marks the height of the original "porticus ingressus," and on the west 
the outline of the gable of that porch is distinctly visible. The space 
above the string course on the west in the ancient wall has been 
occupied originally by sculptured figures. Great stones in the wall 
itself, upon which the central figure was worked, still remain. Dr. 
Haigh conjectured that a rood had at one time adorned this space. 



The western wall of the nave is, as I have said, of somewhat 
earlier date than the tower. The proof of this is, that the walls of the 
tower are not bonded into that of the nave, and that the tower has no 
eastern wall at all. 

Along this west wall of the nave there runs, externally, a string 
course, at the height of 30 feet from the ground, and just above the 
peak of the original gable of the porch. This string is continued 
behind the present tower, and this fact proves that the higher part of 
the tower is of later date than the wall against which it is built. This 
fact is further and more positively proved by the existence, in the 
western wall of the nave, of two windows, which were blocked up when 
the higher part of the tower was built. These lights were opened out 
at the time of the last restoration, and portions of the tower were cut 
away for this purpose. Though resembling in general form the three 
lights in the south wall of Jarrow chancel, these Monkwearmouth 
windows have one especial and unique feature of interest. This is the 
employment of baluster shafts in their construction. Two of these 
shafts are employed in each window, and are so placed in the splay as 
to rest upon the lower edge of the sill, and to be, at their top, level 
with the bottom of the light. They are of precisely the same size as 
those in the western entrance, but are considerably smaller than those 
at Jarrow. In other respects they differ from the Jarrow specimens. 
The design is more delicate and refined, and indicates another genius, 
perhaps another nationality of artist. 

These shafts, since they occur both in the windows of the nave and 
in the doorway of the portions, enable us to determine that the erection 
of the latter followed very soon after that of the former. 

In the upper portion of the tower we have, on north, west, and 
south sides, double light windows, resembling in their distinguishing 
features similar windows in the towers of Billingham, Ovingham, and 
St. Andrews, Bywell.* 

It may reasonably be asked if we can assign a date to these various 
portions of the ancient church of Monkwearmouth. I think that, 
approximately, at all events, we can do so. There is no need now to 
enter upon any argument in proof of the existence of Christian edifices 
in this country of pre-Norman date. The late John Henry Parker 
* See Plate of Windows, Arch. L, Vol. X., p. 218. 


had the intention, had life been spared him, of announcing his accept- 
ance of the views of Mr. Rickman. Careful evidence, so far as our 
present subject is concerned, is adduced in a Report on the, Church 
of Monkwearmouth, signed by six members of the Architectural and 
Archaeological Society of Durham and Northumberland, and published 
in the third part of that Society's transactions. 

Here another line of evidence may be pursued. Bede's reference 
to the "porticus ingressus" as the place of Easterwine's first grave, is 
clear evidence of the existence of this portion, and consequently of the 
existing remnant of the ancient nave, in the days of Benedict. The 
later part of the tower, confessedly pre- Norman, has such points of 
identity of style with the towers of Ovingham, By well, and Billingham, 
that we cannot hesitate to assign a similar antiquity. The report which 
I have just mentioned inclines to ascribe all these structures to the 
latter part of the eighth or the first part of the ninth century. 

NOTE. My paper would scarcely approach completeness were I to take no 
notice of the fragments of the Saxon buildings which, at Wearmouth as well as at 
Jarrow, have been found from time to time. The largest number of these frag- 
ments is preserved in the vestry of Monkwearmouth Church, and of these I give 
my readers a photograph. Of baluster shafts, differing considerably in type from 
those in the porch at Jarrow, there are nineteen specimens, most of which, however, 
are fragmentary. There is a portion of a cross bearing the ordinary interlaced 
work. One of the most interesting stones is a portion, apparently of a slab, with 
very delicate knot work sculptured upon it. Another stone bears a sculptured re- 
presentation of two men in combat ; one has dropped his sword, which has been 
doubled in the conflict, and is seen falling to the ground. Three large stones with 
animals in bold relief, Mr. Brown believes to have been abaci of doorways. The 
inscribed stone, evidently a palimpsest, reads Hie IN SEPULCBO EEQVIESCIT 
COHPOEE HEBEBEBICHT PUB. The Liber Vitae of Durham mentions two presby- 
ters named Herebericht, and which of these, or whether another of the same name, 
the Wearmouth slab commemorates, cannot be determined. 

In the library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham there are two very perfect 
and beautiful baluster shafts from Monkwearmouth, as well as a square slab, bearing 
symbolic or enigmatical sculptures. Of this slab we have a wood engraving in 
Dr. Raine's preface to the Surtees Society's issue of The Inventories and Account 
Soils of Jarrow and Monkwearmouth. 



[Read on the 30th December, 1884.] 

DEAR DR. HODGKIN, When I stood with you and Dr. Bruce on 
the Roman "Wall, near Newcastle, during our Archseological Congress 
a short time ago, I hardly thought that, on that very day three weeks, 
I should be standing on the remains of the Roman Vallum just beyond 
the Danube. On my way out I read with much interest your excel- 
lent PfcM-Grabenf and on arriving at Eichstadt, on August 31st, I 
determined next day to make an expedition to the neighbouring Roman 
border-line. My old friend and professor of twenty years ago, Canon 
Suttner, now Vicar-General of the diocese, and a great authority on 
all points of local history, assured me that the best place in the neigh- 
bourhood at which the Vallum could be seen was Pfahldorf, a village 
about ten miles distant. For the information of future explorers, let 
me state how easy of access this place is from England. I left London 
at half-past eight in the evening, via, Queenborough and Flushing, and 
arrived at Frankfort within the twenty-four hours. Leaving that place 
next morning at eleven, Eichstadt is easily reached before the evening, 
via Wiirzburg and Gunzenhausen. The town of Eichstadt, hitherto 
almost unvisited by travellers, boasts a double-choired Gothic cathedral 
(not Romanesque, as stated by Bradshaiv), with Norman or Roman 
porch and towers of 1060, west choir, 1269, east choir, 1359, nave 
and chief doorway, 1396, and a remarkable double cloister with some 
spiral columns, 1471-1496, while the sepulchral effigies here and in the 
-cathedral, many from the hands of a local school of sculptors formed 
under the patronage of the Prince Bishops, deserve more than a passing 
attention. The drive down the Altmiihl valley to Kelheim will well 
repay the lover of nature ; while this latter place, remarkable for its 

* Archceologia J&liana, Vol. ix., pp. 73-161, 


beautiful Ruhmeshalle, is the nearest point to the most interesting 
portion of the Danube throughout its whole course. Steamers pass up 
and down daily, and a couple of hours up the stream takes you past 
all that is worth seeing. The founders of Eichstadt were the three 
children of a king of Wessex, SS. Willibald, Wunibald, and Walburga ; 
and the English arms, still borne by the Chapter and neighbouring 
nunnery, can be seen over one of the cathedral doors. In Bavaria a 
carriage and pair of horses can be hired for fourteen marks a day, with 

Leaving Eichstadt at noon, with my host, Canon Morgott, and the 
Vicar- General, we made straight for the high table-land on the north- 
east, and after a beautiful and bracing drive through woods of fir, pine, 
and beech, we arrived, within two hours, at the house of the parish 
priest of Pfahldorf, Herr Sirl, who kindly consented to become our 
guide. As is apparent, the name of this village comes from Pfahl= 
palus, stockade, or palisade, and dorf, the German for village. In 
Germany pfahlbiirgen was the name given to those townsmen whose 
houses abutted on the city walls, and is now commonly given by 
writers to the lake-dwellers of prehistoric times who lived in huts 
raised on piles. Moreover, the name Pfabler and Pfaller is unusually 
common amongst families bordering on the Roman Vallum. Strange 
enough, the species of palisade used by the Romans against the 
Germans, such as it is seen on the Trajan column, is still the commonest 
fence hereabouts round farm-yards and gardens. Though one of the 
oldest villages of the Bishopric of Eichstadt, Pfahldorf (population in 
1881, 384) was formed into an independent parish only in 1752, it 
having possessed hitherto only a chapel-of-ease. To the Vicar-General 
I am indebted for the following early notices of the name as belonging 
to this place. In 820, under Louis the Debonnaire, Sifridus, abbot of 
S. Emmeram's, in Ratisbon, gave to Bishop Baturicus of that city 
certain hereditary tenements in Phaldorf* Again, in 895, King 
Arnulphus restored to a vassal of the Bishop of Eichstadt certain pro- 
perty of his in Phaldorf, which had been unjustly seized by a niece of 

* Anno 820 anno Ludovic. imper. vii., indictionis xii., die Dominico iiii. Non. 
Dec. Sifridus Abbas ad S. Emeramum Ratisbon. Episcopo Baturico ibid, donat 
bona haereditaria ... ad Phaldorf. Ried, Codex. Diplom. Ratisbon., p. 18-22. 
NB. Donat ad Phaldorf casam cum curte et mancipia Waning, Radamr, Billuec, et J 
Tafolchuni et item Folchuni. 


the Emperor named Hildegarde.* In these two documents the name 
appears without an initial /. In another document of King Arnul- 
phus, bearing date 889, there is mention made of a frontier " from 
Biswangen on the Phal, and beyond the Phal to the east usque ad 
commiinem Marcham Nordgavwnsnim." f 

A few miles before reaching Pfahldorf we crossed an old Roman 
road, still in use, running over the level table-land straight into a 
village on our left. In these parts the old Roman roads are often 
called Saustrasse, from the fact that they were the best means of com- 
munication existing in the Middle Ages between country places and 
the market towns ; so that the swine-herds must needs have used them 
for their droves of swine, then the staple product of Lower Bavaria. 
Hence the easy transference of the name to the Pfahl-graben, the ditch 
and ramparb of which served alternately in various places as the best 
available means of passage between one village and another. This is 
the origin of the name sometimes given to the Pfahl, Saugraben, 
Schweinagraben. The so-called Ochsenstrasse between Straubing 
(Serviodurum) and Eining (Abusina), on the road to Augsburg 
(Augusta Vindelicorum), is, however, not derived from herds of oxen, 
but from the name of the Emperor Augustus, or from his successors 
in the Augustan line : cf., perhaps, Ochsen-Lech, in Augsburg itself.J 

Going out from the village in the opposite direction to that in 
which we had arrived, a ten minutes' walk brought us to an open 
sloping plain, with the Vallum Romanum stretching out before us on 
either side. There were, however, so many slight mounds, banks, or 
vallations, natural or artificial, running parallel with it, about a stone- 
throw's distance from one another, that I could not have discovered 
the actual Pfahlgraben but for the aid of our practised local guide. 
The place seemed well suited for a camp or entrenchment, and may 
have been such in either Roman or later times. Standing on the 

* Anno 895, Tribur. Indict, xiii. auo regni 8, iii. Non. Maj. Arnulphus Rex 
Mcgingozzo, vasallo Episcopi Erkanboldi, restituit res suas in Phaldorf . . . eidem 
a nepte Imperatoris Hildegard in juste detractas. Falkenstein, Cod. Diplom., 
p. 16; Monumenta Boica, xxxi., i., p. 146. Tribur was an old Reichsstadt, just 
below Mainz, to the south. 

f Monumenta Boica (Monuments of the Bavarian Nation), xxxi., i., p. 130; 
Falkenstein, 1. c., p. 14. 

I Compare other corruptions of Augustus; in Zaragoza (Spain) from Ceetar- 
Augusta; Autun (France) from Augustodunum, and Aosta (Piedmont) from 
Augusta Pretoria or Augusta Salasorum. 


rough farm-road by which we had come, I could distinctly trace the 
Vallum on the left almost as far as the eye could see. For a hundred 
paces or so it was clearly marked by the small white stones thrown on 
to it by the peasants while engaged in cultivating the neighbouring 
tillage land ; and, where no hedges or walls were ever seen, it no doubt 
served as a boundary. In appearance it was like a belt of coarse grass 
gently rising from either side to a height of two feet in the middle, 
and though the plough, I am told, encroaches on it on either side, it 
still maintains a width of from ten to twelve feet. On the right hand 
side of the road, and at intervals on the left, the ground had been 
brought to an almost uniform level, and bore crops of various kinds. 
Unable, therefore, to pursue the laborious task of following up the 
Vallum on the right, in the direction of Kipfenberg, over the ploughed 
and roughly broken land, where crops of roots, peas, lentils, hemp, 
rye, and potatoes gave a patch-work appearance to the ground, we 
retraced our steps for a few hundred paces, and then proceeded over 
the waste, scrub, or meadow land, to the woods which hemmed in this 
great hillside clearing like a circle. Here the direct course of the 
Vallum was plainly discernible, and we had no difficulty in tracing it 
through the woods to within a hundred yards of the sharp edge of the 
declivity overhanging Kipfenberg ; that is, for about three miles. In 
appearance, however, it was at intervals strangely diversified in its 
course. Now, it was so thickly overgrown with trees and brushwood 
as to be impassable ; now, it ran for a considerable length like a clear- 
ing ; while here and there, the woodcutter's cart-tracks ran with a deep 
rut straight through it, leaving its composition and manner of forma- 
tion plainly visible in the cutting at the sides. At times the footpath 
went round about it, but very often it ran either along its summit or 
in the fosse below. In height it seemed uniformly not more than 
three feet, until, at a greater distance from the village of Pfahldorf, 
and on nearing its termination at the Altmiihl valley, it sensibly in- 
creased to a height of from four to six feet, measuring from the bottom 
of the ditch, which here becomes deeper. This fosse, invariably 
accompanying the barrier, and evidently contemporary with it and 
incidental to its construction, had hitherto been only a foot deep, and 
in places scarcely discernible having evidently been filled up by the 
falling in of loose materials when the large stones were dug out from 


the mound above and carried away by the peasants of later days. On 
the thickly wooded part, however, over against Kipfenberg, which lies 
on the opposite side of the valley, across the river Altmiihl, the Vallum 
seems to be in an undisturbed state, and both ditch and mound may 
possess well nigh their original appearance. Pines and firs of a great 
height (I measured some two feet in diameter) here grow in thick 
profusion upon the wall or earthen barrier, amidst the great stones 
which here lie close to one another, the shining black surfaces of which 
continually peep out upon the top when not covered with thick coats 
of green moss. Some of these I lifted out of their soft beds and found 
them to be from 20 to 30 Ibs. in weight. These are the hard irregular 
magnesian limestones of the Jura formation that have been so in- 
dustriously quarried by the natives up to within quite a recent date. 
Old men remember how, in 1817, such stones were carried off from 
the Vallum Romanum to build the existing school in Pfahldorf. All 
the houses, however, of the village have been built with such stones, 
as no stone-quarries whatever are to be found in the neighbourhood. 
The Romans themselves will have come across these stones when 
they began to trench the ground, as they lie close to the surface. 
The only unusual depression of the soil I observed was in a space 
twelve feet square, just within the barrier, where formerly had stood 
one of the watch-towers or guard-houses such as are still to be seen 
represented on Trajan's column in Rome. 

That building materials and objects for household purposes for- 
merly used by the Romans were commonly found in the neighbourhood 
is shewn by the special formulary here in use in very early times for 
the blessing, or rather exorcising, of such articles, called in the phrase- 
ology of that day " vasa arte fabricata gentilium." Thus it can be 
proved that, about 1070, Bishop Gundecar II. inserted in his Ponti- 
fical (this Eichstadt Pontifical is a monument of no mean historical 
and liturgical importance) a special benedictio super vascula in antiquis 
locis reperta. 

The low wall and consequently weak palisade of this neighbourhood 
no doubt denote that the population hereabouts were more or less 
friendly to the Romans, or at least so sparsely scattered as not to be 
much feared by them. Thus the Limes Transdanubianus here par- 
took of the nature more of a border-line than of a defence. Even now- 


a-days the country is very thinly peopled ; and if great hordes or any 
reckless onslaught of the barbarians had been feared, the Komans 
would not have tarried to make the tithe-paying population within 
their borders furnish muscle and material for the building of a stouter 

On descending from the high table-land down the steep and sharp 
declivity (up which no Roman or other road ever went) into the valley 
below, the level course of which is only a few hundred yards in width, 
no trace whatever of the Vallum Eomanum can be discovered. If 
there ever was an earthen barrier across the valley it has long since 
been razed to the ground by the frequent overflowings of the Altmuhl. 
But the Roman encampment on the opposite table-land, from its lofty 
perch, high above the mediaeval keep of Kipfenberg, together with the 
Roman fortification at Arnsberg, a little lower down the valley to the 
south, commanded the passage in such a way as to render such a 
defence unnecessary. No doubt the rich and fertile vale would be used 
right and left as a secure and well-watched pasture, and for purposes 
of forage for man and beast. Here the tethered horses of the legionary 
or auxiliary cavalry would browse in peace under the eyes of their 
riders, who, from many a vantage point, kept eye upon them. 

At Pfahldorf we had sent the carriage on by the road to wait for 
us at Kipfenberg, and leaving the latter place at six, we reached Eich- 
stadt by the level ground, along the Altmuhl valley, past the Arnsberg 
tower, and many a frowning ruin of mediaeval castles darkly set amidst 
the snow-white crags and pinnacles that make this district so pictur- 
esque, at half-past eight in the evening. 

Here in Straubing (the Roman Serviodurum\ since my visit of 
three years ago, some excavations have been conducted under the eye 
of my friend Herr Adalbert Ebner, on the site of the old Roman camp 
existing on the former bank of the Danube, a stone's throw beyond the 
church of St. Peter, which was built between 1160 and 1180 in 
Romanesque style, in the old part of the town, on the site of a tete-du- 
pont, or Roman fortification, which very probably took the place of an 
old Celtic settlement. Amongst the debris at the far end of the camp 
my friend and myself had no difficulty in poking out with our um- 
brellas numerous bits of Samian ware, some fragments of black pottery, 
marked, amongst other ways, with an ornament which may be either 



a Greek omega, a crescent, or a horse-shoe (like the Murex ornament 
of Phoenician and early Greek times), pieces of a gray or commoner 
sort of ware, and a respectable fragment of a bowl with rough 
inside, used by the Roman soldiers for grinding corn. Two Roman 
iron nails were also amongst the objects I carried away. Here I may 
say that, for any one who is so minded, there is nothing to prevent 
him hiring a labourer to excavate in this place without let or hindrance 
from the municipal authorities, to whom it belongs, and who look on 
properly conducted excavations with favour. During the past two 
years thin Roman bricks have been here unearthed, bearing the in- 
scriptions of three military bodies that hitherto ,vere not known to 
have been stationed here. These are the Legio III. Italica, the Cohors 
II. Raetorum, and the Cohors I. Canathenorum, which latter body 
took its name from the town of Canatha in Coelosyria. Thus for the 
first time was discovered the name of the station occupied by the 2nd 
Rhaetian Cohort in Rhaetia. Straubing is situated, according to the 
Tabula Peutingerana, 28 millia passuum from Ratisbon and 50 millia 
passuum from Passau. Standing on a slight eminence overlooking the 
broad but not over deep sweep of the Danube, and commanding a view 
of the well-wooded hills on the other side of the river, whence their 
barbarian foes used to issue, it was a point of some strategic import- 
ance. Hence it was closely connected with another Roman camp, 
necessitated by an inward bend of the river at Oeberau, only three miles 
distant to the north-west ; with another marvellously preserved Roman 
camp at Wischelburg, twelve miles further down the river to the east ; 
and, thirdly, with the camp that, in all probability, appears to have 
existed four miles off inland to the west at Rinkam, which was the 
junction of the so-called Ochsenstrasse with the road to Ratisbon. 

On visiting Oeberau I found it to consist of a small camp only one 
and one-fifth of an English acre in extent, or eighty yards across from 
gate to gate (the Porta Principalis Dextra facing Straubing), while in 
its greatest length, one hundred and forty yards, no opening existed 
in the place of the Decumana or of the Porta Praetoria, which latter 
side looked on to the river. The whole camp is surrounded by a high 
mound, some ten feet high, in which we discovered only some bits of 
mediaeval pottery protruding on the outer side. Around the mound 
was a rather wide ditch, which could easily be filled with water from 


the Danube, which in early spring often overflows all the neighbouring 
plain, and would then cut this outlying station off from Serviodurum. 
This post is only two miles, as the crow flies, from the old Roman camp 
at Straubing, though about four by what appears to be the old Roman 
road called Hochstrasse, running as straight as possible at a little dis- 
tance from the Danube, with the ground falling away from it on 
either side. 

On reaching Wischelburg I found it to be a well-preserved Roman 
camp, four hundred paces square, and possessing two entries, due north 
and south, the Porta Pretoria and Decumana. The German name is 
supposed to be derived from its Latin predecessor, Castra Vitellia. 
The Romans here seem to have taken advantage of an eminence 
formed by the bank of the old bed of the Danube, which here approaches 
the river and rises to a height of about thirty feet, while an old bay in 
the river, by breaking into the bank, makes two sides of a quadrangle 
ready to hand. Into this wide bay, into which poured the tributary 
stream that now turns a mill nestling underneath the steep embank- 
ment, the Romans, it is supposed, brought their ships in winter. The 
two sides of the rampart looking north and west are entirely natural, 
save that the sides have been made steeper by the formation of an 
esplanade from ten to forty feet wide half way down, and at the 
western end a rampart ten feet high has been superadded. On the 
south side the bank or cliff may have been merely brought into shape 
and straightened, while on the eastern side, where the ground falls, an 
artificial rampart has been erected some thirty feet high, except at the 
north-east corner, where it reaches forty feet, and thus corresponds 
with the north-west corner. It has, moreover, been strengthened by 
a ditch, the bank of which, on the opposite side, may be fifteen feet 
high. This is still so steep that only in one place has it been brought 
into ridges for cultivation. All these embankments are covered with 
grass, and in clear-cut shape seem fresh from the hands of the work- 
men. The four corners of the camp are rounded off, and the old Roman 
street, running from gate to gate, is lined by some twenty farm houses, 
forming the present hamlet. The top of the rampart will have been 
crowned by a strong palisade, of which we are reminded by the 
wattled palisade fence that runs along the topmost barrier on the 
south-west. As at Oeberau, no excavations have yet been made here. 


Lower down the Danube which is here, at the present day, some 1,400 
feet wide, at a distance of four miles, is another still untouched Roman 
camp at Sternkirken, where coins of Maximinus and fragments of 
Roman urns have been found, while only twelve miles distant was the 
Roman station of Quintana, the present Kiinzing, after which came 
Passau (Castra Hatava). Straubing itself, where Captain Wimmer is 
now conducting excavations, may be proved to have existed as a Roman 
station in the first century from the small characters of the inscriptions 
on the bricks hitherto found which belong to that date (the 2nd Rhgetian 
Cohort is mentioned in both the "Weissenburg and Ratisbon military 
diplomas as having seen twenty-five years' service in these parts A.D. 
107, and again in 166), while the coins so far found belong to Otho, 
Trajan, Nerva, and Faustina wife of M. Aurelius. Thus Serviodurum 
appears to be an older station than Ratisbon (the Roman Regino, 
where the first historical monument is the inscription of A.D. 179, in 
which M. Aurelius and his son Commodus order the place to be 
fortified), a theory which is confirmed by the fact of the great Roman 
road running direct from Serviodurum to Abusina without passing 
through Ratisbon. 

Yours faithfully, 




[Read on December 30th, 1884.] 

WILLIAM GRAY, of Newcastle, merchant, desired to be buried in the 
burial place of his ancestors in Saint Nicholas's Church, mentioning his 
brother-in-law, Robert Ellison, in Newcastle, merchant. William 
Gray, consequently, was a son of Cuthbert Gray, of Newcastle and 

Robert Ellison was baptised in 1613-14, and Elizabeth, a daughter 
of the same Cuthbert Gray. There are tedious difficulties as to the 
details about the pedigrees of the Greys of Barton in Rydale, South- 
wick nigh Monkwearmouth, and Backworth ; but from the names of 
Cuthbert and Ralph, and persistent arms, it is pretty clear that they 
were all related, springing from the southern Greys, a stock immortal- 
ized by Lady Jane Grey. This northern branch of the southern lines 
will not be forgotten so long as four persons, viz., the gallant defender 
of the rights of the customary tenants of Durhamshire, the lively 
diarist, the inimitable annotator of Hudibras, and the first historian 
of Newcastle, are remembered. The William Gray of Newcastle, 
merchant, who married Margaret Grey, great aunt of the editor of 
Hudibras, at St. Nicholas's, on 17th September, 1655, was probably 
the author of the Chorographia. She was baptised at Chester-le- 
Street, in 1632, and therefore was much younger than the historian. 

Robert Ellison married Elizabeth Gray at the early age of 21, in 
1635, and had issue by her fourteen children, of whom eight survived. 
He was sheriff of Newcastle in 1646, during the civil commotions, and 
M.P. for it during the settled Commonwealth, which existed from 
1648-49 to 1660. Ellison had married Gray in 1635, Gray married 
Grey in 1655. Meanwhile the Chorographia had been published 
in 1649, 


The marriage of 1655, if our William Gray was the bridegroom of 
his cousin, must have been brief and childless, as in his will, which is 
dated 8th December, 1656, he does not mention any wife or child. 
Although possessed of property, he had been in trouble, probably 
arising, to a considerable extent, out of the cost of royalist delinquency, 
and the consequent composition for forfeited estate. He directs pay- 
ment of the debts due from him to Robert Procktor, the husband of 
his sister Margaret, and, stating that he had been very much engaged 
and beholden to his brother-in-law, Robert Ellison, in Newcastle, 
merchant, and to his wife, his (testator's) sister, Elizabeth Ellison, 
upon all occasions and straights, and had found much comfort and 
contentment with them, he therefore gave what appears to have been 
his whole real property to the husband. I much suspect that he had 
been received by the Ellisons as a resident on his own possessions in 
the Side, as two of his tenements there, were in Ellison's occupation, 
and he mentions neither any tenancy of his own, nor any moveables 
whatever. He must, however, one would think, have had some 
premises for his occupation of merchant. Possibly his messuage and 
water corn-mill at Pandon Dean Close were in his own tenure. Any 
pecuniary difficulties must have been fairly worked through, because 
he gave legacies, and on 6th March, 1655, had made a lease to his 
sister, Eleanor (var. Ellen) Harle, of the house in the Side in which 
she then dwelt, and two shops there, for eleven years, at a pepper-corn 
rent for the first year and a rent of 7 afterwards, which latter rent he 
bequeathed to her and her son, Edward Harle. This sort of temporary 
settlement in favour of a widowed sister at a light rent may either 
have been in connection with the marriage of 17th September, 1655, 
or the intended devise to Robert Ellison, according as to whether 
March 6th means in 1655 or in 1655-56. 

Our next information is that on 8th December, 1656, the testator, 
on the very day of his making his will, paid his bequest of 100 to 
William Prockter, and by a codicil dated 27th March, 1658, William 
Gray revoked the bequests, insomuch as he had, on that 8th December, 
1656, paid it to the legatee personally. 

The testator calls William Procktor, son, and Jane Procktor, 
daughter, of his [the testator's] sister Margaret, cousins, kinswomen, 
nieces as we now should say, leaving them each 100. I much fancy 


that the 8th December, 1656, was a more lucky day for the Ellisons 
than for the Procktors. "Whether the legacy of 100 was, on that 
day, paid before or after the execution of the will, with all its compli- 
ments and advantages, can only be a matter of conjecture. 

The rest of the will amounts to this. Samuel Ellison, a son of 
Robert, was to have 100 on his attaining the age of 18 years. 
Dorothy Oswald, a sister of the testator, was to have 10 yearly 
during her life. Elizabeth Maddison, eldest daughter of his sister 
Kebekka, then wife of William Rutter, was to have 50 payable at 
two years' end after the testator's death. The re-marriage of Rebecca 
Gray to Rutter is new. Her former husband, "William Maddison, 
brother to Sir Lionel Maddison, made his will in 1646. The arms of 
Gray, on the fine Maddison monument in St. Nicholas's Church, as to 
this match, were [I am sorry to italicize were] those of the south- 
country Grays. The next bequest of 50, to the eldest daughter of 
the said Rebekkah Rutter, payable at 16, and, in case of death, to her 
next younger sister, payable at 16, refers, as I presume, to children of 
the second marriage to Rutter. The last legacy refers to the family 
of He, of Darlington and Newcastle, over the pedigree of which, as 
given in my History of Darlington, Sir Cuthbert Sharp (whose 
signet seal on five lines gave G sharp, and whose initials in the New- 
castle Custom-house figured as the Arabic 5), George Bouchier 
Richardson, bent under herculean efforts to produce an impossible 
History of Newcastle, and I, gave special attention. Gray gives 
100 to Anne He, daughter to his sister Deborah, wife to his brother 
Robert He, merchant, on her attaining the age of 16, in failure by 
death to go to Buhner He, their eldest son, or to the next younger 
sister at that age. The register of Deborah He's burial, in 1666, 
curiously calls her Rebecca, the name of her sister. In 1666-7, Robert 
He, in consideration of his natural affection for his daughter Ann, 
re-leased to Robert Ellison (who seems to have been the family friend) 
and William Grey, of Newcastle, merchants, a house in the Side, 
adjoining that in which he himself lived. Bulmer He, her brother, 
was apprenticed to Ellison, and died in 1685-6. 

From 1667 to 10th February, 26 Car. II., 1673-4, save by an 
autograph, we practically know nothing. On that day a true and 
perfect inventory of his goods was taken.* In his own chamber were 

* See page 80. 


a standing bed and bedding, eight old pictures and a map of England, 
and a pair of horns. "In the next chamber" five bedsteads, 
apparently without bedding, a table " in the dosett or studdy" an 
" old chaire and one old desk" a " picter box," four long cushions and 
16 small old cushions. In the fore chamber, considerable good linen 
and " two lawne aprons," with a bedstead. In the Dyneing Room 
three pictures and a table. In the Lowe Hall a small marbell table, 
four cloths, and the deceased's " purse, apparell, and Library," valued 
at 20 out of the total value of his whole chattels which amounted 
to 29 16s. 3d. The strange contents of the respective localities 
suggest that, if he was a householder, his goods had been removed 
from their ordinary places 1'or convenient appraisement. Whether the 
closet or study was a parclosed portion of the " next chamber, " or 
opened out of it, may admit of doubt. The will was proved in 
1673-4, and on 23rd February of that period, Robert Ellison, the sole 
executor, gave a receipt to the Registrar at Durham for the original 
will, which was to be returned into court when wanted. We therefore, 
unfortunately, have only a certified copy to refer to, the autographed 
original never having been returned. It might be required by the 
executor in connection with the real estate. 

Enough has now been shown to account for the possession of Gray's 
own copy of his Chorographia by the descendant of Robert Ellison 
Lady Korthbourne. It lies entombed among a large collection of 
17th century small 4to tracts, collected by Gray and Ellison, or both.* 
Ellison, in September, 1660, was paid " by order of Common Councell 
the sum of 100 in parte payment of his sallarye the time he sate as 
burgesse for this towne in the longe parliament the yeares 1647 and 

Elizabeth Ellison died 30th June, 1665, and her husband on 1st 
January, 1677. Their monumental tombstone in St. Nicholas's Church 
presents the arms of Ellison impaling the arms of the southern Greys, 
and over her coat is placed the crest of a demi-swan out of a coronet, 
which continued to be worn by the Backworth Greys. 

* Since the above was written Gray's own copy has been presented to the Gates- 
head Free Library. As to the orthography of Gray and Grey, it is a mere matter 
of fancy on the part of the owners of the name. 



[Read April 29th, 1885.] 

Sir Robert Cotton, according to your request and my promisse, I have sent ij 
stones with inscriptions to Mr. Ruddell of Newcastell, who will safely keep them 
untill he can receave certain directions from you wheather he may send them to 
you as by his inclosed letter you may perceave. And so with my kind commenda- 
tions I bid you farewell. Naward, 29 Augusti, 1608. Your assured freinde, 


Yf it please you to send you letter to Mr. Ruddell by post, direct it to Mr. 
Cuthbert Gray, a merchant of Newcastell, and it will come safely and speedely 
to his hand. 

So wrote Lord "William Howard, the "Belted "Will" of history, to 
his friend Sir Robert Cotton, whose collection of antiquities he was 
assisting to increase and adorn. The letter is printed upon page 412 of 
the Howard Household Book, which forms volume 68 of the Surtees 
Society's publications. 

Who was Cuthbert Gray, the merchant so well known in Newcastle 
that a letter addressed to him by post was certain to reach its destina- 

The Grays of Northumberland, like the Carrs and the Andersons, 
puzzle the genealogist and the topographer. Testamentary documents 
and parish registers yield a bewildering array of them Johns, 
Williams, Thomases, and Francises, who are sometimes Gray and at 
other times Grey, and these again are sons, brothers, cousins, or 
godsons of other Johns and Williams, Thomases and Francises, " ays " 
and "eys," world without end. But Cuthbert Gray was a man of 
mark, and it is not difficult to trace him, his parentage, his business, 
and his family connections. 



We meet with him first in the Register of Marriages at St. Nicholas's 
Church. On the 9th December, 1600, the Register records his union 
with Elizabeth Huntley, a member of a Newcastle family that occupied 
leading positions, then and after, in the corporate body, and the 
Company of Merchant Adventurers. From other sources, we know 
that he was a son of John and Margaret Gray; his father being 
probably the " John Gray, draper," who appears as supervisor, legatee, 
witness, and funeral furnisher in various wills of the period, and who, 
on the 17th January, 1595-96, was buried in St. Nicholas's, "at the 
lower end of the said church." 

Within ten months of their marriage, a son was born to Cuthbert 
and Elizabeth Gray. Under date the 21st September, 1601, the 
baptismal register at St. Nicholas's contains this entry : 

Willm. Gray, sonne of Cuthbt. Gray, marchant, bap. : Sureties Mr. Willm. 
Huntley, marchant and Alderman ; Willm. Gray, draper ; and the wife of Robert 
Ellison, marchant, or in her place Margaret Gray, Widow, being grandmother. 

Other children, a son named John, and several daughters, came to 
Cuthbert Gray; but local interest centres in his first-born, who, 
in after years, became William Gray, merchant, author of the 

At the date when the Howard Household Book opens, Cuthbert 
Gray was in business in the Side as a merchant, and engaged, like 
many of his contemporaries, in coal-mining adventures round about 
Newcastle. Among other speculations of the same character, he had 
a lease of pits at Newbiggen, to the west of the Nuns' Moor. New- 
biggen, or part of it, was held by Lord William Howard, subject to a 
payment of 20s. a year to the Virgin Mary Hospital in Newcastle, and 
Cuthbert Gray was lessee under him at a rent of 50 per annum. 

Per quitt\ 11 Julij [1613]. Eec. of Mr. Cuthberte Gray, for the half-yeare's 
rent of Nubiggin, due at Whitsunday last, xxvft. 

Per quvtt\ Jan. 10 [1613-14]. Receaved of Mr. Cuthbert Gray, for the half 
yeare's rent of Nubiggin, due at Martinmas last, xxWi (This should be but 
xxiiijZi, because I allow the xx*. paid to the Spittle, and charge the Receiver but 
with xlixK. in all.) Homcvrd Household Book, p. 4. 

Edward Gray, possibly Cuthbert's brother Edward, collected rents 
for the Howard family in Northumberland ; Cuthbert performed 
various services for them in Newcastle. For example: some goods 


were coining from London to the Tyne, and a coachman was sent 
from Naworth to look after them. Contrary winds delayed the ship 
in which the goods were embarked, and the coachman ran short of 
money. To whom could he apply for an advance but to Cuthbert 
Gray ? 

Lent to the Coachman by Mr. Cuth. Gray, and allowed by my Lady, byding 
long at sea, xvs. HunseJwlci Book, p. 65. 

From his shop in the Side, Cuthbert Gray supplied the Howards 
with a pleasing variety of articles vinegar, cambric for the children, 
codfish, ling, and sprats, shoes for Mrs. Mary, sack and muscadine, a 
green velvet cap for Mr. Win. Howard, and a hat for the footman. 
Fortune smiled upon him so benignantly that in 1619 he was able to 
pay not only the half-year's rent of Newbiggen then due, but half-a- 
year in advance, and the same occurred in 1621. It was an unusual 
thing for tenants to pay rent in advance in those days. It has been 
an unusual thing ever since. 

The spring of 1623 was fatal to several notable persons in Newcastle. 
Robert Ledger (the Sheriff), Henry Chapman and Francis Anderson 
(Aldermen), Ralph Carr, Robert Selby, Jacob and Henry Farnaby 
(merchants), and Claudius Delaval (gentleman), were buried in April 
that year at St. Nicholas's. Among them, on the 24th of the month, 
was laid Cuthbert Gray, cut off in the prime of life and in the height 
of his prosperity. One of his last acts before signing his will on the 
19th April, was the affixing his name to a document regulating the 
vend of coal for the remainder of the year. The quantity assigned to 
him was 500 "tens," or keels, equal to 10,500 tons. 

The deceased merchant had not found time to cultivate municipal 
aspirations, nor neglected his business to look after the affairs of other 
people. How much wealth he inherited, and how much he acquired 
by his own enterprise, cannot now be ascertained, but he died a rich 
man. He had houses, lands, and mills outside Pandon Gate; two 
"mansions" in the Side; five burgages in Hillgate, Gateshead; a 
share with his wife's relations of pits at Dunstle and elsewhere, and an 
interest in mines at Newbiggen, before-named, East Denton, Higham 
Dykes (Ponteland), Newham near Whalton, Whitbie (or Fitbawe) Moor, 
in the manor of Kenton, and Bellasis near Stannington. He was a 
shipowner, too, holding three-sixteenths of the " Diligence," a twelfth of 


the "Unity," and an eighteenth of the "Mary Susan," all of Ipswich ; a 
quarter of the " Prudence," and six keels. And besides his own mills 
outside Pandon, he had a lease of a mill in Painter Heugh Shafto's 
mill, possibly, about which Mr. Clephan discoursed so genially at the 
recent visit of the Archaeological Institute. Lastly, at his house in 
the Side was a miscellaneous stock-in-trade, with plate, linen, and 
ample household gear. 

This valuable property he distributed among his wife and family. 
To William, the future historian, he bequeathed the houses, land, etc., 
outside Pandon Gate, the houses at Gateshead, and his interest in the 
pits which he shared with the Huntleys, subject to payment of his 
widow's thirds. To the widow he left his dwelling house in the Side, 
with the plate, furniture, and stock-in-trade, all his interest in ships 
and keels, and the leases of Newbiggen, Higharn Dykes, Bellasis, 
Newharn, Whitbie Moor, and East Denton for life, with equal re- 
mainders to William and John. To the latter he gave his mansion in 
the Side called "Marley's Land," and 100 to repair it, together with 
200 payable when he attained his majority. His seven daughters 
were to receive 200 each when they came of age, or married, and he 
remembered, with suitable tokens of affection, his brothers Edward, 
William, and Oswald, his sister Elizabeth, brothers-in-law George 
Huntley, John Butler, and Jacob Fferinsed, uncle Cuthbert Anderson, 
cousins John Mitford and Ralph Gray, brother Robert Anderson and 
wife, and their son William Huntley, Vicar Poore, Robert Jenison, 
Mr. Alvie, preacher, Robert Henderson, physician, and many others. 
(See Appendix I.) 

The place which Cuthbert Gray occupied as the head of so many 
commercial undertakings was not easily filled. William, the first born, 
was only just of age ; his brother and sisters were minors. To what 
extent William assisted his mother in her arduous and unaccustomed 
work does not appear. Both their names occur in the Howard House- 
hold Book, ten years after the death of the husband and father, in a 
manner which indicates a business relationship : 

March 18 [1633-34]. To Mr. William Graye, which he had layed out for the 
carriage of severall parcells from London in Candellmas tearme, 1633, as appereth 
by bill, iijli. iij*. ijrf. 

April 1 C1634]. To Mrs. Elizabeth Graye, which she had layde out for the 
portage of stuffe sent from London by Mr. Bowman. ix#. Household Book, p. 341. 


There are also entries of the payment of rent for Newbiggen at 
double the amount paid during Cuthbert's lifetime, from which it is 
to be inferred either that the rent had been increased, or that the 
widow had doubled her interest in the speculation : 

Dec. 4 [1633]. Rec. of Mrs. Elizabeth Graye, Widdow, for the halfe yeare's 
rent of one tenement at Newbiggine in the moore, and the coales pitts ther, due 
at Martinmas, 1633, Hi. 

June 19 [1634], Eec. of Mrs. Elizabeth Graye for the halfe yeare's rent of 
one tenement at Newbiggine in the Moor and the coale pitts ther, due at 
Pentecost, 1634, IK. 

For twelve years the widow of Outhbert Gray fulfilled the trust 
which her husband committed to her, and then the shadows of her life 
deepened into death. She fell a victim to one of those waves of 
pestilence which, never long absent, swept over Newcastle and Northern 
England in the summer of 1636. On Monday, the 22nd August, in 
that year, she was buried beside her husband and her kindred. Again 
the record at St. Nicholas's: 

163622 August. Elizabeth Gray, widow, bur.* 

Of eleven children born to Outhbert Gray, two, Jane and Maria, 
died in infancy. Nine were living at the time of his decease William, 
John, Margaret, Anne, Ellinor, Elizabeth, Rebecca, Dorothy, and 
Deborah. So far as can be ascertained, the family circle remained 
unbroken, save by marriage, when the mother died. William was 
approaching his thirty-fifth birthday, and his mother's death added to 
his possessions the dwelling-house in the Side, with its furniture, plate, 
etc., and one-half the family interest in the coal-mines at Newbiggen, 
Higham Dykes, etc. If the times had been favourable, William Gray, 
with this large accession of property, should have become an opulent 
citizen. But the times were sadly ww-favourable. The country was 
drifting into civil war, and within four years after Elizabeth Gray 
was interred in her parish church, Tyneside became the theatre of 

* It is assumed that the Elizabeth Gray herein named was the widow of 
Cuthbert, because no other interment of a person bearing her name can be found 
at St. Nicholas's until 1661, when Cuthbert's widow would be about eighty years 
of age. Her name does not appear in William Gray's will, dated 1656, and it is 
barely conceivable that he would have omitted her if she had been living. Yet 
in the Journals of the House of Commons, November 26, 1644, one " Eliz. Grey," 
(of what town or county is not stated) occurs among others, as obtaining from 
Parliament restitution of " collieries, and coals that are upon the stathes, stands, 
and collieries." 


military operations which crippled local industry, and for some time 
practically suspended the coal trade. Newcastle, being one of the 
"malignant" towns, suffered heavily. William Gray saw the fine 
estate left by his father gradually impoverished, and he solaced himself 
by writing a book. The year after King Charles's execution it was 
published, and he that runs may read in it traces of sadness, proofs 
that the writer was a man chastened by misfortune. 

This Town famous (he writes), being a bulwarke against the Scots : all the 
power of Scotland could never win it since the walls were built ; but of late 
being assisted by the English, was stormed, our churches and houses defaced, the 
ornaments of both plundered, and carried away, the crowne of our heads is fallen, 
woe now unto us for we have sinned. 

In the same pathetic strain he describes his more personal 
experiences : 

Many thousand people are imployed in this trade of Coales ; many live by 
working of them in the Pits ; many live by conveying them in Waggons and 
Waines to the River Tine ; many men are imployed in conveying the Coales in 
Keels from the Staithes aboard the Ships ; one Coale Merchant imployeth five 
hundred or a thousand in his Works of Coale ; yet for all his labour care and cost 
can scarce live of his trade ; nay, many of them hath consumed and spent great 
estates and dyed beggars. I can remember one, of many, that raysed his estate 

by Coale-trade ; many I remember that hath wasted great estates 

they labour and are at a great charge to maintain men to work their Collieries, 
they wast their own bodies with care, and their Collieries with working, the 
kernell being eaten out of the nut, there remaineth nothing but the shell, their 
Collieries is wasted, and their moneys is consumed : this is the uncertainty of 
Mines ; a great charge, the profit uncertain. 

Beyond the fact that he had made preparations for a second edition 
of his book we know but little of the after life of the first historian of 
Newcastle ; indeed nothing certain except the making of his will, the 
contents of which have been recently summarised by Mr. Longstaffe. 
He may have been the William Gray who was married to Margaret 
Gray of Sudick, in September, 1655, when he was fifty years old and 
she twenty- three, but if so it is noticeable that none of the names which 
usually appear in connection with this family neither Huntley nor 
Ellison occur in the record, and that the will, dated only fifteen 
months later, contains no reference to a wife, nor to any of Margaret 
Gray's family. The matter is further complicated by the fact that of 
three contemporaneous William Grays in Newcastle, one was a mer- 


chant, a son of Francis Gray, preacher at St. Andrew's, and that he, 
having been apprenticed to Joseph Tully, 26th November, 1644, would 
be about twenty-five years of age at the time when this marriage was 
celebrated. The entry of the marriage is, however, worth preserving, 
for it shows that the bridegroom availed himself of an Act only two 
years old, which withdrew from the clergy the exclusive right to 
celebrate marriage, and extended the privilege to justices of the peace. 
Under that statute, banns of marriage were to be published either on 
three Sundays at church, or on three successive weekly market days in 
the open Market Place. This done, and performance certified by a 
Eegistrar, the contracting parties might appear before a justice with 
the certificate, and joining hands, say : " I, A. B., do here, in the 
presence of God, the searcher of all hearts, take thee, C. D., for my 
wedded wife ; and do also in the presence of God, and before these 
witnesses, promise to be to thee a loving and faithful husband," the 
woman repeating the formula with the necessary alterations and 
addition of the words "and obedient " after the word "faithful." 

The register of St. Nicholas's sets out the proclamation of banns 
preceding this marriage of the Grays in due form : 

William Gray, of the towne and countie of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, marchant, 
and Margaret Gray, daughter of George Gray, of Sudick, in the countie of 
Durham, gentleman, published three severall Lord's daies according to Act of 
Parliament, in the parish Church of Nicholas [" St." omitted] in the said towne 
and countie, (to wit) the second, ninth, and sixteenth of September, in the year 

On another page, belonging to the same month, is entered the 
marriage : 

William Gray, of the towne and countie of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, marchant, 
and Margaret Gray, daughter to George Gray, of Sudick, in the countie of 
Durham, gentleman, married by Mr Thomas Bonner, alderman and justice of the 
peace for the towne and countie of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 



After the making of his will (December, 1656), William Gray 
lived seventeen years. Under what circumstances and in what position 
we know not. It is open to conjecture that his estate passed into the 
hands of his brother-in-law and principal legatee, Robert Ellison, upon 
conditions which relieved the historian from the cares of business, and 


enabled him to spend his declining years in his old home in the Side, 
which the Ellisons occupied. The inventory of his goods and chattels 
favours this view, for, apart from his purse, apparel, and library, he 
had barely 15 worth of household gear, and most of it was in 
two rooms "his owne chamber" and "the next chamber." (See 
Appendix II.) He died in February, 1673-74, aged 72, and was 
buried among his ancestors in the great church under whose shadow 
he was born, and baptised, and lived his troubled life. Once more 
the Register : 

Feb. 7, 1673. Wm. Gray, mchant., bur. 

It cannot be doubted that this entry records the burial of the 
historian, for it was in that same month of February that the inventory 
was drawn up, and that Robert Ellison proved the will and borrowed 
it, never to be returned. There is also a corroborative line in the 
books of the Merchants' Company, to the drapers' branch of which 
powerful fraternity, like his father and grandfather, he belonged : 
1673. William Gray, draper, ceases. 

Of John Gray, William's only brother, and Anne, his second sister, 
local history yields no trace, and in the parish registers they cannot 
be identified. 

Margaret, the elder sister, married Robert Procter, and died before 
1656. Her son William, named after his godfather, the historian, 
may have been the William Procter who was Sheriff of Newcastle 
in 1684. 

Ellinor was united to Robert Harle, merchant. He was present at 
the wedding dinner of George Yonge and Barbara Carr when the 
dispute arose between John Blakiston (afterwards regicide) and Vicar 
Alvey. On the 19th October, 1644, when the Scots made their final 
assault and entered Newcastle, he was buried at St. Nicholas's, with 
Captain Robert Whyte and Lieut. Robert Kirsop being possibly one 
of the combatants. 

Rebecca married on the 18th February, 1635-36, William, brother 
of Sir Lionel Maddison, and being left a widow ten years later became 
the wife of William Rutter, whose burial place, according to Bourne, 
was in the middle aisle of St. Nicholas's. 

Dorothy married one Oswald, but of her or of him we know nothing 
more than is contained in her brother's will. 


Deborah, on the 24th January, 1641-42, was united to Eobert He, 
merchant and apothecary, of whose ancestors and descendants Mr. 
Longstaffe treats copiously in his History of Darlington. She died 
during the festival of Christmas, 1666, and was buried at St. Nicholas's. 

Elizabeth, named after her mother, was the most fortunate of the 
family. She married a relative of one of her father's early friends 
Eobert, son of Cuthbert Ellison, and he, rising to a high position in 
the Commonwealth, and purchasing the estate of Hebburn,, became the 
progenitor of a race that has left its mark upon Tyneside. Their 
eldest son, Cuthbert, was heir of Hebburn, the 3rd son was ancestor 
of the Ellisons of Lintz, the 6th was Dr. Nathaniel Ellison, vicar of 
Newcastle, while one of the daughters, Elizabeth (mother's name 
still) married William Fehwick of Stanton, and thus formed an alliance 
with one of the oldest and proudest of the county families of Northum- 

Through the marriage of Elizabeth Ellison and William Fenwick 
has been preserved to us the better of two known autographs of William 
Gray. One of them is in the volume presented by Lady Northbourne 
to Gateshead Free Library, the other is on the back of the marriage 
settlement of this young couple, made "the one and twentieth day of 
February in the year of Our Lord God according to the common 
account used in England 1659, between Edward Fenwick of Stanton, 
in the county of Northumberland, Esq., and now High-Sheriff of the 
said county, and Sara, his wife, William Fenwick, sou and heir apparent 
of the said Edward Fenwick, Peter Fenwick, second son of the said 
Edward Fenwick, and Francis Neville of Chete, otherwise Chevitt, in 
the county of York, Esq., on the first part ; Robert Ellison of Heb- 
borne, in the county of Durham, and now High-Sheriff of the said 
county, and Benjamin Ellison of the town and county of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne, merchant, on the second part ; and William Fenwick of 
Wallington, in the county of Northumberland, baronet, and Christopher 
Nicholson of the said town and county of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
merchant and boothman, on the third part." [Robert Ellison gives 
his daughter a marriage portion of seven hundred pounds, and Edward 
Fenwick provides her jointure out of the manor of Stanton, subject to 
a rent charge of 30Z payable to Francis Neville.] William Gray was a 
witness to the deed by which his niece was transferred from Hebburn 



to Stanton, and he has written his name over those of his relatives, 
Robert He and Robert Huntley, in a clear, bold hand : 

Signed, sealed, and delivered by the within-named Edward, Sara, and William 
Fenwick, and Robert Ellison, Benjamin Ellison, William Fenwick, and Christopher 
Nicholson in the presence of 


It may be noted, in concluding these fragmentary evidences of 
Cuthbert Gray and his family, that both Surtees and Hodgson, in 
their pedigrees of the Ellisons, describe Elizabeth Gray as the daughter 
of "Cuthbert Gray of Newcastle and Backworth" But in Cuthbert 
Gray's will no mention is made of any property or interest in that 
place, or in any adjoining locality. The earliest association of " Gray " 
and " Backworth " appears to be upon a tombstone in St. Nicholas's, 
which records the death of Alderman "Ralph Grey," on the 5th 
December, 1676, and "Ralph Grey of Backworth, in the county of 
Northumberland, Gent.," 19th November, 1699; the latter being 
presumably a son of the former, and the former being possibly the 
"cousin Ralph," or his son, to whom Cuthberb Gray bequeaths an 
angel in token of his relationship and remembrance. 



IN the name of God, Amen. The Nineteenth day of April, Anno Regni regis 
James of England, &c., the 21st, and of Scotland the 56th, 1623.JJI, Cuthbert 
Gray, of the Town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Merchant, being weak in body, but 
of a good and perfect remembrance, thanks and praise be given^to Almighty 
God, do make and declare this my last Will and Testament in manner and form 
following (that is to say) : First and|principally*I commend and commit my 
soul into the hands of Almighty God, my Maker, and his Son, Jesus Christ, my 


Redeemer, by whom and through whose precious death and blessedness I hope to 
receive pardon and forgiveness of all my sins. My body I commit unto the earth 
from whence it came, to be buried within the parish church of St. Nicholas, 
within the Town of Newcastle-upon [sic in orig.], at the lower end of the said 
church, within the same place where my late father, John Gray, was buried ; and 
as for the worldly goods which the Lord hath endowed me withall, I give and 
bequeath as f olloweth : Item : I give and bequeath unto the poor people the 
sum of five pounds, to be distributed to them at the discretion of my executors 
hereafter named. Item : I give and bequeath unto my son, William Gray, all 
those my houses, lands, grounds, and mills, with their appurtenances, situate and 
being without Pandon Gate, which are known of late to belong or appertain 
unto me, together with all rents and profits whatsoever thereupon arising, and 
also all those my burgages or tenements, with their appurtenances, situate in 
Gateshead, in a street there called Hillgaite, one whereof is now in the occu- 
pation of Roger Brankeston, another in the occupation of Richard Browne, 
another in the occupation of one Bourie, another in the occupation of one Green, 
and another in the occupation of one Sharpe, together also with the full moiety 
and one half of all those my coal mines, houses, edifices, buildings, garths, profits, 
and commodities, with their appurtenances, and the other half thereof doth 
appertain or belong to Robert Huntley, merchant, deceased, his executors and 
administrators, and George Huntley, to have and to hold all the said houses, 
lands, grounds, and mills, together with the moiety of the said coal mines, with 
their appurtenances, unto my said son William Gray, and to the heirs of his 
body lawfully begotten or to be begotten for ever, and for default of such issue, 
unto my son John Gray, and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten or to be 
begotten for ever, and for default of such issue, then unto my daughters 
Margaret, Anne, Ellynor, Elisabeth, Rebecka, Dorothy, and Deborah Gray, 
equally to be divided amongst them, and the heirs of their bodies lawfully 
begotten or to be begotten for ever. Item : I give and bequeath unto my said 
son John Gray all that great mansion house, with all houses, edifices, buildings, 
garths, gardens, and appurtenances thereunto belonging, which was late known 
to be Marley's land, situate and being in the Sid, within the town of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne aforesaid, to have and to hold all the said mansion house, with the 
appurtenances, unto my said son John Gray, and to the heirs of his body lawfully 
begotten or to be begotten for ever, and for default of such issue, unto my son 
William Gray, and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten or to be begotten for 
ever, and for default of such issue, then unto my said daughters, Margaret, Anne, 
Ellynor, Elisabeth, Rebeckah, Dorothy, and Deborah Gray, equally to be divided 
amongst them and their heirs for ever. Item : My will and mind is that 
Elisabeth, my now wife, shall have her thirds forth of all the aforesaid lands, 
tenements, and premises above mentioned for and during her natural life. Item : 
I give and bequeath unto the said Elisabeth, my wife, all that my great mansion 
house, with the appurtenances, wherein I now dwell, situate in the Sidd afore- 
said, together with all my plate, furniture, and implements of household stuff 
thereunto belonging for and during her natural life, and after her death and 
decease I give and bequeath the said mansion house, plate, and the implements 
of household stuff, with their appurtenances, unto my said son William Gray, 
and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten or to be begotten for ever, and for 
default of such issue, unto my said son John Gray, and the heirs of his body law- 
fully begotten or to be begotten for ever, and for default of such issue, then unto 
the said Margaret, Anne, Ellynor, Elisabeth, Rebeckah, Dorothy, and Deborah 
Gray, equally to be divided amongst them and their heirs for ever. Item : I give 
and bequeath unto my said son John Gray one hundred pounds for and towards 
the repair and building of the said mansion house called Marley's land, also other 
two hundred pounds to be paid to him, the said John, when he shall accomplish 
the full age of twenty-one years. Item : I give and bequeath unto the said 
Elisabeth, my wife, all my leases of lands, tenements, and coal mines, with their 
appurtenances, in Newbiggine, Heigham Dicks, Bellasses, Newham, Whitbie 
Moor, and East Denton, with all staith rooms thereunto belonging, for and 
during her natural life, together with all my ships, keels, stock, furniture, and. 


appurtenances thereunto belonging ; and after her decease my will and mind is 
that the aforesaid leases, with the appurtenances, shall be equally divided 
between my said sons William and John Gray, and failing of them, then the 
aforesaid leases, benefits, and profits thereupon arising to redown unto my afore- 
said seven daughters, equally to be divided amongst them. Item: I give 
unto my said daughters, Margaret, Anne, Ellynor, Elisabeth, Kebecka, Dorothy, 
and Debora Gray, and every one of them, two hundred pounds a piece, and 
my will is that the same shall be paid unto them when they come to their 
several lawful years of age, or otherwise be lawfully married, and my mind 
further is that if my said daughters, or any of them, die in the meantime and 
depart this mortal life then the portion or portions of such daughter or daughters 
so dying shall be equally [sic] amongst the rest of my said daughters who shall 
be then living. Item : I give and bequeath unto my brother Edward Gray one 
twenty shilling piece, and to his wife and his son Thomas, and to either of them, 
ten shillings a piece. Item: I give unto my brother-in-law, Jacob fferinsid, 
XX B - piece of gold, and to every one of his four children an Angel for a token. 
Item : I give and bequeath unto my sister, Elisabeth Gray, xx"- Item : I give 
unto my uncle, Cuthbert Anderson, and to his wife, either of them, xx 8 -- and to 
their daughter Elisabeth xx 8 -- and to their son, Robert Anderson, x 8 - Item : I 
give and bequeath unto my brother, John Butler, and his wife, and to either of 
them, one Angel, and to every one of their children an Angel a piece. Item : I 
give unto my cousin, John Mitford, one Angel, and to his son Robert another 
Angel. Item : I give to my cousin, Ralph Gray, and Elisabeth his wife, and to 
either of them, an Angel. Item : I give to my brother-in-law, George Huntley, 
twenty shillings, his wife ten shillings, and to every one of the said George his 
children x 8 - a piece. Item : I give unto my brother, Henry Anderson, and his 
wife, to William Huntley, her son, and to the rest of her children, and to every 
of them, x 8 - a piece. Item : I give to Mr. Poore, Vicar, xx- and to his wife 
x 8 - Item : I give to Ji r. Robert Jenison xx 8 - and to my cousin Ward x 8 - Item : 
I give and bequeath to Mr. Alvie, preacher, and to Mr. Gray, either of them, an 
Angel. Item : I give unto my brother, William Gray, five pounds, and to my 
brother, Oswald Gray, twenty pounds. Item : I give unto Mr. Robert Henderson, 
physician [" phesetion,"] xx 8 - Item : I give unto my servant, Robert Gray, ten 
pounds, to be paid unto him within two years next after my death, to his wife 
xx 8 -> and to every one of his children x 8 - Item : I give to Ellynor Ruarton 
V"-- to Christian Hall v s -and to either of my other two women servants xij d - a 
piece. Item : I give to my man, Thomas Mason, x 8 to Michael Rand x 8 to my 
staithman, Roger Davison, xx 8 -- to my overman, Michael Robinson, xl*- Item : I 
give to every householder in Newbiggine who have continued and dwelt there 
for the space of three years now last past every of them v 8 - a piece. Item : I 
give to James Hensley, of Walbottle, x 8 -- to Henry Hall, of Heigham, x 8 -- and to 
my hird of Heigham x s -> And as to the rest of my goods and chattels, as well 
moveable as un-moveable, my debts, legacies, aud funeral expenses being paid 
and discharged, I give and bequeath unto the said Elisabeth, my wife, whom I 
make and ordain my full and sole Executor of this my last Will and testament, 
and I ordain, constitute, and appoint the said Jacob fferniside, John Butler, 
Edward Gray, Robert Gray, and John Mitford to be Supervisors of this my last 
will and testament, hoping that they will see all things executed and performed 
according to the tenor of this my last Will, and according to the trust and con- 
fidence which in them 1 do repose. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my 
hand and seal the day and year first above written. 

Signed, CUTH. GRAY. ($&.) 
Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of 




On the staith at Denton, 5 tens of coals 1 8Z. 

At Whitbie Moore, 20 tens 01. 


At the East Pit 12 tens of coals, at 33*. id, per ten. 

Pit within the Dyke ... 7 
First Pit in the Moore ... 18 
Middle ... 4 

Third ... 6 and coals of the value of about 

216Z. 6s. Rd. 


8th part of Dunstle Coal Mine, from Wm. Emerson 30Z. 

Athe's Lease 40Z. 

Broom Close, Stoney Copper, and Eckwell Hill ... 40Z. 
Lease of Coal and Ground at Newbiggen Quarter, and half the 

coalmine 501. 


Half of divers leases of certain coal mines in Gateshead ... 10Z. 

Lease of Higham Dykes 501. 

Bellesees 50Z. 

Lease for three lives of the mill and ground in Paynter Hewgh, 13Z. 6s. 8d. 
Leases of parcel of ground at Newham 501. 


The Diligence, of Ipswich, of 3-16th part 60Z. 

Of one quarter of the Prudence 80Z. 

Of the one twelfth part of the Unity, of Ipswich 301. 

Of the 18th part of the Mary Susan, 202. 

6 Keels .. 11. 

1623, May 19. Will of Cuthbert Gray, of the parish of St. Nicholas, Newcastle, 
proved by Bulman He and Henry Flail, witnesses thereto, and administra- 
tion of goods committed to Elizabeth Gray, his widow, who was appointed 
Guardian, &c., of John, Margaret, Agnes, Ellinor, Elizabeth, Rebecca, 
Dorothy, and Deborah. Personalty, 2138Z. 18s. 9d. 



IN the name of God, Amen. I, William Gray, of the town and county of New- 
castle-upon-Tyne, Merchant, being in good health and of sound and perfect 
memory, blessed be God, and knowing it is appointed unto all men once to die, 
and not knowing how soon it may please the Lord to call me out of this 
transitory life, being willing and desirous that what estate it hath pleased God 
to bless me with, immediately after my death should go unto whom I really and 
only intend it, and that there may be no variance nor suit between my kindred 
and friends for or concerning the same, do make and ordain this my last Will 
and Testament in manner and f orm following, that is to say : First of all I 
commend my soul into the hands of Almighty God my most glorious Creator and 


merciful father in Christ Jesus, being assured by a true and lively faith in his 
blood to have the free pardon and forgiveness of all my sins, and being made 
partaker of eternal glory. And for my body I commend it again to the earth 
from whence it was taken there to rest in hope until it shall be raised up again 
by the and power of the Lord Jesus Christ, who is the resurrection 

and the life, and become the first fruits of them that sleep in Christ, desiring 
it may be buried and interred in a comely and decent manner in the burial 
place of my ancestors in Saint Nicholas' Church, in the said town of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne. And whereas I have been very much engaged and beholding to my 
brother-in-law, Robert Ellison, of Newcastle, aforesaid, Merchant, and to. his 
wife, my sister, Elisabeth Ellison, upon all occasions and straights whatsoever, 
and have found much comfort and contentment in my dwelling and cohabiting 
with them, I give and bequeath to my said brother, Robert Ellison, his heirs 
and assigns for ever, all those my lands and tenements hereafter in and by these 
presents mentioned, specified, and expressed, that is to say, all that my messuage 
or tenement with the appurtenances situate and being in the said town and 
county of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in a street there called the Side, and now in the 
tenure or occupation of the said Robert Ellison or his assigns. Also I give and 
bequeath unto the said Robert Ellison, my brother, all that my other messuage 
or tenement with the appurtenances situate and being in the said town and 
county of Newcastle-upou-Tyne, in the street aforesaid called the Side, and now 
in the several tenures or occupations of my sister, Ellenor Harle, widow, James 
Pringle, tailor, Ralph Romaine, upholsterer, and Robert Huntley, merchant, 
their heirs or assigns. Also, I give and bequeath unto the said Robert Ellison, 
my brother-in-law, all my lands and tenements in Pandon, within the liberties 
of the said town and county of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, that is to say, one 
messuage or tenement and garden or close of land called Pandon Dean Close, 
now in the tenure or occupation of Mary Rowell, widow, or her assigns ; two 
closes of land lying and adjoining near the King's Dikes, now in the tenure or 
occupation of John Aire, miller, or his assigns ; one close of land called Dawson's 
Close or Bank Close, now in the tenure or occupation of William Farmer, or his 
assigns ; one close of land called by the name of the Paddock Close, now in the 
tenure or occupation of David Shevell, chirurgeon ; one close of land called the 
Tyler's Close; one messuage or tenement, lately built, now in the tenure or 
occupation of Margery Airey, widow, and John Ladon, and their assigns ; two 
messuages or tenements and a garth near unto Pandon Grate, now in the tenure 
or occupation of George Vertue, or his assigns. Also, I give and bequeath unto 
the said Robert Ellison, my brother, his heirs and assigns, for ever, all and every 
my houses, messuages, and tenements, and hereditaments whatsoever, situate, 
lying, and being without Pandon Gate, within the liberties of the town 
and county of Newcastle, aforesaid, in whose possession, tenure, or occu- 
pation soever they be, and all other my lands, tenements, and hereditaments 
in any place whatsoever, within the Nation and Commonwealth of England, as 
fully and amply to all intents and purposes as if they had been particularly and 
by their several and proper names herein by these presents mentioned, specified, 
and expressly declared. Also, I give and bequeath unto my God-son, William 
Proctor, son of my sister, Margaret Proctor, the sum of one hundred pounds of 
lawful English money, to be paid unto him within one year after my death. 
Also, I give unto God-daughter Jane Proctor, daughter of the said Margaret Proctor, 
the sum of one hundred pounds of like English money, to be paid unto her within 
one year after my death. Provided always, and it is my true intent and meaning, 
that unless the said William Proctor and Jane Proctor, their executors and 
administrators, do before the payment of the said several and respective sums of 
one hundred pounds, give unto my executor herein, and by these presents named, 
good and sufficient security by bond in the sum of four hundred pounds, to save, 
keep harmless, and indemnify my said executor from time to time, or at all times 
hereafter of and from all and every mortgage or mortgages, statutes, recog- 
nizances, judgments, bonds, bills, debts, duties, actions, suits, recognizances, 
accounts, claims, and demands whatsoever, which their father, Robert Proctor, 
in his lifetime, or his heirs, executors, or administrators, or all or any of them 


had, or at any time hereafter may have against me, the said William Gray, my 
heirs, executors or administrators, or any of them, for and concerning the same, 
that then my said Executor shall pay neither of the said sums of one hundred 
pounds, but shall keep and detain them in his hands until both of them shall do 
and perform the same. Also, whereas I have by one deed indented bearing date 
the 6th March, 1655, demised unto my sister, Ellenor Harle, widow, the house 
wherein she now dwelleth, situate in Newcastle, in a street there called the 
Side, and two shops belonging to the same, the one of them as was in the tenure 
or occupation of the said Ellenor Harle, and the other in the tenure or occupation 
of Thomas Teasdale, feltmaker, for the term of eleven years from Candlemas 
last past before the date hereof, for the yearly rent of a peppercorn in the first 
year, and for seven pounds a year for the other ten years, payable at Lammas 
and Candlemas, as by the said Indenture whereunto reference being had, and 
more at large it may and doth appear, I give and bequeath the said yearly rent, 
and every part and parcel thereof, for and during the term of the said demise, 
unto my said sister, Ellenor Harle, and her son, Edward Harle. Provided always, 
and it is my true intent and meaning, that unless my said sister, Ellenor Harle, 
and her son, Edward Harle, do before the keeping back and detaining of the 
said yearly rent in their hand, give unto my said executor good and sufficient 
security by bond in the sum of two hundred pounds, to save, keep harmless, and 
indemnify my said executor from all mortgage or mortgages, statutes, recogni- 
zances, judgments, bonds, bills, and demands whatsoever, which her husband, 
Robert Harle, merchant, deceased, in his lifetime, the said Ellenor, my sister, or 
the said Edward, her son, or the executors or administrators of the said Robert 
Harle, or any other persons whatsoever claiming by, from, or under them, or any 
of them, may have against me the said William Gray, my heirs, executors or 
administrators, for or concerning the same, that then my said executor shall 
yearly and every year during the whole term of the said demise take and receive 
the yearly rent in the said demise reserved. Also, I give and bequeath unto 
Samuel Ellison, one of the sons of my said brother and sister Ellison, one 
hundred pounds of lawful English money to be paid unto him when he shall 
attain the age of eighteen years, and if it shall please God he depart this life 
before he attains to that age, I give and bequeath the said sum of one hundred 
pounds unto his younger brother and next in age unto him, to be paid unto him 
when he shall attain eighteen years. Also, I give unto my sister, Dorothy 
Oswald, ten pounds a year for life. Also, I give and bequeath unto Elizabeth 
Maddison, daughter of my sister Rebeckah, now wife unto William Rutter, 
draper, fifty pounds of lawful English money, to be paid to her two years after 
my death. I give and bequeath unto the eldest daughter of ray said sister, 
Rebeckah Rutter, which she hath by her husband, William Rutter, the sum of 
fifty pounds of like money, to be paid unto her when she attains sixteen years ; 
but if it please God she depart this life before she be sixteen years old, then I 
give and bequeath the same to her younger sister, that is next in age to her, to 
be paid unto her when she shall be sixteen years. Also, I give unto Anne He, 
daughter unto my sister Deborah, wife to my brother Robert He, merchant, one 
hundred pounds, to be paid to her when she accomplish sixteen years, and if it 
please God she depart before she attains to the said age, then I bequeath the 
same to her next younger sister, and so to every sister successively ; but if it 
please God that they all die before they or any of them attain their respective 
ages of sixteen years, then I give and bequeath the said sum of one hundred 
pounds unto Bulmer He, eldest son of the said Robert and Deborah He, to be 
paid to him when he shall accomplish his full age of twenty-one, and if it please 
God the said Bulmer He depart this life before that tune, then I give and 
bequeath the same to the younger brother of the said Bulmer, and next of age 
to him, to be paid to him when he shall accomplish the age of twenty-one, and 
if he die before he be of that age, then to his younger brother, and so from 
brother to brother successively. Also, I give and bequeath unto my brother-in 
law, William Hutter, and my sister, Elisabeth, his wife, to each of them twenty 
shillings. Also, I give unto my sister, Elisabeth Ellison, and my nephew, 
Cuthbert Ellison, her son, and my niece, Elisabeth Ellison, her daughter, to every 


of them twenty shillings. Also, I give and bequeath unto my cousin, Edward 
Harle, twenty shillings; to my cousin, Robert Huntlie, merchant, twenty shillings; 
to Mr. Stephen Dockwray, preacher, twenty shillings ; to Mr. Robert Prideaux, 
twenty shillings ; to Mr. William Cole, twenty shillings ; and last, I give and 
bequeath unto the poor of the parish of Saint N icholas, in Newcastle, aforesaid, 
the sum of three pounds, to be disposed of at the discretion of my Executor of 
this my last Will and Testament I do hereby make and ordain my said brother, 
Robert Ellison, my sole and only Executor. And I do hereby revoke, adnull, 
and make void, all and every other former Wills and Testaments whatsoever by 
me at any time heretofore made and ordained. In Witness whereof, I, the said 
William Gray, have hereunto set my hand and seal, the 8th December, 1656. 
Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of 



[Examined with the original by me, GAB. NEWHOUSE, Registrar]. 

Be it known unto all men by -these presents that whereas I, William Gray, of the 
Town and County of NewcastleTUpon-Ty 116 ) Merchant, by my last Will and 
Testament in writing, bearing dat the 8th December, 1656, did give unto my 
God-son, William Proctor, son of my sister, Margaret Proctor, deceased, one hun- 
dred pounds, to be paid unto him withffl one year after my death, as in my will 
doth appear. And whereas for diverse "^Qod causes and considerations me, the 
said William Gray, specially moving, I have slijce the making of my said will paid 
the said sum of one hundred pounds unto the s&d William Proctor. Now know 
ye I, the said William Gray, do by this codiciT^evoke my said gift of the said 
sum of one hundred pounds unto the said WillianTTroctOT- In witness whereof 
I have to this present codicil set my hand and seal th\2 27ttl March, 1658. 
[Examined with the original by me, GABRIEL NE\ HOUSE > Registrar], 

Upon a sheet of paper attached to copy of the wttl at Durham. 
Mem : that I, Robert Ellison, Esq., executor of the last ^ in and Testament of 
William Gray, late of Newcastle, Merchant, deceased, do Jiereby acknowledge 
that I have received the original will of the said deceased froj 11 tne hands of Mr. 
Gabriel Newhouse, Principal Registrar of the Consistory Court $* Durham, which 
I do hereby engage well and safely to preserve and keep, and*deliver tne s 31116 
into the said Registrar's office, whenever there shall be any occ<? s ^ on * use ^he 
same. Witness my hand this 23 February, 1673. >,. 

(Signed,) ROBERT 



A true and perfect Inventory of all and singular the goodes and ct^ atte l' s WQ ereof 
William Grey, late of the towne and county of Newcastle-upon-li 6 ' Merchant, 
dyed possessed, taken and appraised the 10th day of February Ann; Regis Carol, 
sec'ndi nunc Angl' Vicesimo Sexto, Anno D'm 1673, by Robert jMitford, Wm. 
Huntley, Edward Freeman, and Christopher Qreetham, pewterer. 


In his omne Chamber. \ 

Imps : One Standing Bedd, one paire of Curtings and Vallance, l 
one feather Bedd, Bolster, and pillow, one paire of *< 

Blanketts, one rug and curteing Rods \}l. T- ** "* 

Itt : Three old wooden chaires, one large greene chaire, two high 

greene chaires, Leaven stooles, two low greene chaires ... il. vi'^J*- *J^- 


Itt : Eight old pictures and a map of England iiijg. vj<Z. 

Itt : One paire of homes xjs. iiijrf. 

Itt: Two old trunckes iiijs. 

In tlie next chamber. 

Itt : One old bedstedd, one longsatle bedd, one large chest ... vjs. viijd. 

Itt : Two bedstedds, two stript curtaines and paire of vallance, 

one close bedd, one dresser frame il. is. ijd. 

Itt: One Table in the Clossett or studdy 

Itt: One old Chaire and one old Desk 

Itt: One picter Box yjd. 

Itt : ffower long cusMn and sixteen small old Cushions, sixteene 

cushion x*. 

In the ffore Chamber . 

Itt : fifteen course Napkins, ffifteene course striped Napkins, 
twelve laid work Napkins, six plaine Napkins, and two 
dozen and ffive Diap Napkins, ffive diap table clothes, 
three Diap dresser cloathes, one large diap towell, two 
lynneing towells, five short towells, a spreedeing sheete 
and two lawne. aprons, one spreedeing sheete of one 
breedth and an halfe, three ffine table cloathes, three 
coarse table cloathes, nynteene pillowess, eight paire of 
lynneing sheetes, five old sheetes, and one chist iiijZ. vj. vjd. 

Itt: One bedd stead .. iij*. iiijd. 

In the Dyneing Room. 
Itt : Three pictures and one table xiiijs. xd. 

In the lone Hall. 

Itt: One small marbell table xs. 

Itt : One greene ffringe dresser cloth, and one greene table cloth iiijs. viijd. 
Itt : One Turkie table cloth and one greene dresser cloth ... xxxvj*. 
Itt: The deceased's purse, apparell, and library xW. 

Sum xxixZ. xvjs. . iij^. 






(From the Deutsche Bundschau, 8th May, 1878.) 


[Translated from the German by Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., Secretary, 
and read on the 6th August, 1884.] 

To the individual man in his normal state, and to the commonwealth 
in a condition of health, the possibility of developing their natural 
powers and gifts in ever widening circles is alike a necessary condition 
of life. We object, however, to that view of historical events which 
looks upon each successive stage in the life of the individual or 
of the nation as necessary results of their internal organisation, 
as well as to the view, equally erroneous, though in an opposite 
direction, which makes the march of events depend entirely on 
chaotic actions and reactions in "national instincts," the "struggle 
for existence," and such like. Just as we see soul and body, 
spirit and matter, everywhere acting upon and limiting one an- 
other, driving and driven, conditioning and conditioned, so is it 
in the field of history; and her task, her ever new and attractive 
task, never perhaps capable of entire fulfilment, continues to be 
the decision at each successive stage of the world's progress, how 
far necessity or caprice, law, or what we call chance, conscious 
will, or yielding weakness contributed as factors to the great result. 
This ever-recurring problem presents especial difficulties in those 
many instances of ancient and modern history, where the mighty 
impulse of an earlier age continued to exert an unmistakeable influence 
over events, while the visible actors in the drama seemed little adequate 
to the task assigned to them, and often appeared to be acting well-nigh 
unconsciously, urged onward by the inner might of human affairs. No 
side of the political life of the Romans has been more persistently or 
more universally misjudged than their policy of conquest. It would 
be vain to deny the fact apprehended by the more keen-sighted among 
the Romans themselves, the poets and historians of the Augustan age, 
that their foreign conquests, and their contact with Phoenician, Greek, 
and Asiatic over-civilisation brought about the decay of the good old 
customs, the disappearance of simplicity, justice, and truth. It might, 
however, be a hard task for those old critics of the course pursued by 
Roman statesmen, as well as for their modern imitators, to indicate 
how those conquests should have been avoided, or what other policy 


should have been adopted instead of them. If we put out of sight the 
annexation of Italy, which (whatever be our opinion as to the morality 
of the individual acts which brought it to pass) may undoubtedly, as a 
whole, be considered as the necessary consequence of the development 
of the Latin people, and the acquisition of the "natural frontier" 
which belonged to them, it is capable of immediate demonstration that 
the acquisition of the first trans-marine provinces of foreign tongue, 
Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and the two Spanish provinces was the 
necessary consequence of the struggle with Carthage. The oriental 
conquests next following Illyricum. Macedon, Achaia, and afterwards 
the erection of the two Pro-Qonsulates, Asia and Africa, however 
indefensible the legal titles on which they were founded, show in the 
clearest manner the same prescribed course of political development on 
the large scale, which was destined to smooth away the oppositions 
between the new state-system of the west and the Hellenised civilisa- 
tion of the east, and at the same time, to build up, as the sixth was 
passing into the seventh century of Some (B.C. 150), the future unity 
of classical culture in politics and faith, in literature and art, in morals 
and human life. 

True, the motives of the annexations following these in the seventh 
century of the state, the time of the Gracchi and of Sulla, are less 
easily discernible. They are partly strategic, and are connected with 
the desire to find the shortest lines of communication between Italy 
and the provinces, and between one province and another. Partly 
they are political, and connected with the necessity, or at any rate the 
expediency, of attaining extended space for colonisation. It was thus 
that Gallia Cisalpina and the Narbonensian province of Gallia Trans- 
alpina were added to the state. Political and strategical reasons, partly 
of doubtful advantage, and therewith the hunger for land and gold of 
the individual optimates, a hunger which was showing itself more and 
more shamelessly, and which was now hardly veiled by the forms of 
the republican constitution, explain the rounding-off of the Asiatic 
and African estate by the addition of Bithynia, Cyrene, and Crete, and 
finally of the Syrian province. But after all, this rounding-off process 
was never brought to a satisfactory termination. 

It would be an attractive and profitable enquiry to follow the 
different phases of the Roman policy of annexation during the repub- 
lican period; and this enquiry would well illustrate the phenomena 
which, notwithstanding all the difference of circumstances, recur with 
striking analogies in modern States ; those, for instance, which have 
attended the consolidation of Italy and Germany, and those which 
prepared the way for the bloody dismemberment of the Ottoman 
monarchy by the Slavs, now going on under our own eyes (1878). 
For instance, the sharp contrast which has been so often noticed 
between the formation and government of new provinces where there 
was already a sub-stratum of Hellenic culture, as in Sicily, Greece, and 
Asia, and the laborious Romanisatiou of the barbarian lands of the 
west and north. Spain, Gaul, and Illyricum would well deserve to be 
presented in detail to the minds of those who may not have the oppor- 


tunity of availing themselves of the excellent material provided in such 
scientific works as Joachim Marquardt's Roman Administration. 
Our authorities are tolerably abundant, for the history of the conquest 
and administration of the Spanish provinces, the first great expanse of 
territory destitute of an older civilisation upon which was tried the 
experiment of colonisation resting on a military government. But 
before it is possible to draw a more accurate picture than has yet been 
seen of the work of the brothers Publius and Gnaeus Scipio (the early 
wearers of that illustrious name), some preliminary researches in 
Ethnology have to be completed, the foundation for which is laid by 
the study till now too much neglected of ancient coins with Iberian 

All this must remain over for examination on some future occasion. 
For our present purpose it suffices to have briefly hinted at the earlier 
annexations to the Roman state, in order thereby to facilitate an 
accurate comprehension of those which followed from the time of 
Augustus, one alone of which is the subject of the following essay. 

In the history of annexations, as in all the other departments of 
political life, without exception, a new epoch begins with Caesar. 
Suffice it here to indicate that the work which he put in hand by the 
conquest of Gaul, the "subjugation of the west," must be looked upon 
as only the beginning of a series of magnificent enterprises, by which 
he proposed thoroughly to regenerate the Eoman state, both internally 
and externally. When the most short-sighted of all political crimes 
that were ever perpetrated, the assassination of Julius, suddenly 
arrested his brilliant career, rich in blessings for the world, the founda- 
tion of the new government so sorely needed by the vast dependencies 
of Rome, was not yet laid. On his successor lay the necessity, by fair 
means or foul, to bring this, like all the other thoughts of his uncle, 
to completion. It is known, though perhaps the fact has not yet been 
sufficiently brought out, how far, in all respects, Augustus Caesar 
lagged behind his great exemplar. True, he was able to boast, in the 
record of his deeds, publicly displayed in all the temples of the goddess 
Roma (some copies of which are preserved to our own day), that he 
had extended the bounds of all the Roman provinces, and added not a 
few new ones. In the north he annexed the Alpine lands, Raetia, 
Noridum, and the Alpes Maritimae ; in the east the Danubian lands, 
Mcesia and Pannonia, besides a multitude of Asiatic territories Gala- 
tia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, with the island of Cyprus ; in the south 
the Egyptian monarchy, now, for the first time, incorporated with 
the empire ; in the west he completed the subjugation of Spain, and 
for the further protection of the Gaulish lands he constituted the 
military frontier of the Rhine. Also he sent fleets and armies to the 
utmost extremities of the then known world, and entered into diplo- 
matic relations with the most diverse foreign princes and nations. 
But more closely considered, this world -empire, however magnificent 
it might seem to contemporaries, shows considerable gaps and flaws. 
That curious piece of political conjuring by which the constitution 
of the empire became a republic and a monarchy combined, or rather 


neither of the two, but a dyarchy in which power was shared between 
the Emperor and the Senate, all which we now recognise more clearly 
in consequence of Mommsen's researches, operated with specially ill 
effects on the two foundations of provincial administration, the 
organisation of the army, and the collection of the taxes. 

For nearly two centuries longer did it endure, until the Roman 
Empire embraced, at least approximately, the nucleus and the larger 
masses of the then accessible "orbis terrarum," not without some 
changes in the course of years. Here one ring of the chain was dropped, 
there another was narrowed or extended. " Tantae molis erat," such 
constantly renewed effort through many centuries was needed in order 
to make actual the dream so often dreamed before and since, but never 
so nearly realized as by Rome the dream of universal domination. 
Every single act in that long chain of events ought to be apprehended 
as one of a series. Yet it is also just as necessary in considering each 
to define the special impulse which brought it to pass, and to separate 
from the inner law of necessity, which is common to all, that which in 
each is merely accidental and external. 

From these points of view we may be permitted to give here a 
short sketch of the annexation of Britain. 1 


IN none of the lands of modern civilisation which once lay under 
Roman dominion is it so hard, as in the case of England, to 
bring the picture of the land as it then was into focus with that 
which we now see before us. The East, and the Romance lands of 
Southern Europe bear the stamp of the ancient culture still so plainly 
impressed on the lines of the landscape, on buildings and works of 
art, on types of face and the customs of the inhabitants, that it needs 
no violent effort, and has, in fact, been a hundred times attempted by 
poets and painters, to conjure up again the spirit of antiquity there in 
its accustomed haunt. Even in our German Rhine lands (quite apart 
from places like Trier, which might just as well be in Italy or 
Southern France as in Germany), and here and there on the Northern 
slopes of the Alps, there still breathes an aura of the classics ; and 
even the unpractised eye, when once the beholder's attention has been 
called to the subject, may ti ace in walls and towers, in. the black-eyed 
race of men, in the two- wheeled carts, and the women's fashion of 
bearing burdens on their heads, the last remains of old Roman usages. 
But in the England of to-day, through the forest of masts which fill 
her harbours, beneath the canopy of smoke which overhangs her 

1 Two years after the publication of the present paper, the author wrote an 
elaborate article on The Roman Army in Britain, which appeared in the Berlin 
Philological Journal Hermes, and also separately. Some details in the names and 
numbers of auxiliary troops, in consequence of further discoveries and researches, 
have to undergo some slight modifications. 


factories, on her soft meadowy plains, beside her bushy hills, in her 
shadowy parks, amid the din of her cities, and the endless magnificence 
of her country mansions to recognise ihcre the Britannia of the 
Komans requires study, deep study, of books and archaeological 
collections, and a certain habit of self-abstraction from the over- 
mastering influences of the present, such as is given to few. No 
marvel, therefore, that in London, the great emporium of the world, 
the city of cosmopolitan interests, in whose "Travellers' Club" the 
sum of the miles journeyed over by its members has now become past 
counting, the number is out of all proportion small, of those persons 
who have devoted the few days needful to explore some of the remains 
of Roman dominion in their own railway-intersected land. Not in 
London are such explorers to be found : one must visit the little 
country- towns, one must go to the modest homes of the country clergy 
in order to find the specialists in this branch of study the men who 
have delighted to devote their lives to its advancement. The regular 
literati, the professors of the two great English Universities, of the 
Universities of London and of Scotland, trouble themselves not about 
these matters. No Newton or Bentley, no Porson or Dobree, has yet 
condescended to notice them. Since the time of the excellent 
William Camden, Clarencieux King at Arms under Queen Elizabeth, 
and compiler of the Britannia, the first great description of the 
country,* only one Englishman has set before himself the task of 
depicting Roman Britain on a large scale, and, with very limited 
means, in his homely way, approximately completed it. This was a 
man whose name you would in vain look for among the magnates of 
English literature and science ; a contemporary of Bentley's, but 
apparently never known to that scholar ; and, to this day, even in 
England, scarcely mentioned out of those circles of local antiquaries 
to which I have just alluded, by whom, however, his book is justly 
held in high esteem, and bought at a high price. This man was 
named John Horsley, and in the 46 years of his life (1685-1731) he 
reached no higher rank than the modest position of Presbyterian 
minister at Morpeth, a little town of Northumberland, near the Scottish 
border. Even the satisfaction of seeing his folio volume, Britannia 
Romana, the result of so many years of labour, to the preparation of 
which he had sacrificed both health and substance, issue from the 
press was denied him. The book did not appear till shortly after his 
death, in the year 1732. Since his time the subject has been, it is true, 
often more or less thoroughly treated of in all sorts of great and small 
historical works, in essays, handbooks, and encyclopedias, published 
both in Kngland and abroad. But not once has any considerable 
advance been made on Camden or Horsley, far less has any really 
exhaustive treatise yet appeared, assigning to the various authorities 
their due value, -and discussing by their aid the various questions 
which present themselves for solution. 

* This book first appeared in 1586, and was six times republished during the 
author's lifetime. Often since republished and expanded, down to the present 
century, it has now swollen from a little (Latin) quarto into four (English) folios. 


And yet Britain enjoys, beyond all the later acquired provinces of 
the empire, this enviable privilege, that we possess a continuous history 
of its conquest, and of the first 40 years of its administration, from 
the eloquent mouth of the greatest historian of the imperial age. 
Tacitus, the glory of the Trajanic era, in his first book of historic 
importance, in the panegyric on his father, Gnaeus Julius Agricola, 
published by him A.D. 98, related, as we all know, the history 
of the conquest of Britain in terms of pregnant brevity. His motive 
for doing so was the fact that for Agricola the hero of his book, was 
reserved the glory, if not of absolutely completing the conquest of 
the island during his seven years of command, at any rate of bringing 
it considerably nearer than any of his predecessors. The sketch de- 
serves all the praise which has been given to it, yet we must admit that 
it deals largely in rhetorical generalities. Of ethnographic and geo- 
graphic details, only that which is absolutely necessary is given, and 
this appears to be taken from the ordinary books of reference of the 
time. Names, dates, numbers, topographical details, are almosL entirely 
wanting. The author wished, after the long and enforced silence of 
the hated reign of Domitian, to greet the new era inaugurated by 
Nero and Trajan, with a short and effective piece of high rhetorical 
perfection, not with a detailed historical treatise. Wisely limiting his 
subject, he contented himself with, as much as possible, concentrating 
all the interest in his hero. Yet, strange as it appears to us, he does 
not fail to put into the mouth of the Caledonian leader Galgacus, as 
well as into that of Agricola himself, short speeches after the pattern 
of Sallust. These speeches precede the only battle-piece in the book, 
that of the often looked for and never found Mons Graupius. 

Doubtless when, in his later and more comprehensive historical 
works, he came, in the course of his narrative, to the coasts of Britain, 
he described them with much more fullness and accuracy. The 
portions preserved to us of his latest work, the Annales (from the 
death of Augustus to that of Nero), enable us with regret over that 
which is lost to realise this fact with reference to at least one impor- 
tant episode the insurrection of the British Princess Boudicca* 
[Boadicea] against Suetonius Paulinus, the Legatus of Nero. Unfor- 
tunately, of the contemporary and yet more detailed work of Tacitus, 
which, in order of composition, preceded the Annales, the His- 
toriae (beginning with the elevation of Vespasian and ending with 
the death of Domitian), the greater part, as is well known, has 
perished. This part would just have given us the parallel representa- 
tion of the deeds of Agricola in the larger frame-work of historical 
events, and in the more perfect style of the author's maturity as a 

The Greek Dion could still use this book for the section of his 
great Roman history in eighty books, written in the early decades of 
the third century, which related to this subject. In the remains of 
this work, and extracts from it, many a precious nugget of tradition is 

* Boudicca is now recognised by all competent scholars as the authentic form 
of the name of this princess, being so spelt in Roman inscriptions. 


still preserved. Beyond all this, however, the information given in 
the Agricola, the Annales, and the Historiae of Tacitus, rightly 
understood and combined with the information furnished by other 
authorities in Britain and the rest of the empire, and with the facts 
which can be learned from inscriptions and from architectural remains 
of the period still preserved on the spot, furnishes us with a clear 
picture of the ends pursued and the means used in the annexation of 
Britain, as well as of the most eminent men who took part therein. 

The enterprise of conquering Britain came in the first rank of those 
bequeathed by Caesar to his successor. Twice, in the fourth and fifth 
years of his eight years war of conquest in Gaul, after well weighing 
all the arguments for and against, had Csesar made the attempt it is 
true, with insufficient means of transport to cross the Channel and 
to bring the "Island Celts" within the same circle of conquest in 
which their confederates on the continent were already enclosed. Both 
times, as every one knows, the undertaking failed utterly, from causes 
which are as clear as the day, and which need not here be discussed. 
In this way, quite apart from reasons of statesmanship, the military 
honour of the empire was compromised, and must sooner or later be 
cleared. The conquest of Britain, long looked upon as a necessary 
factor in the final pacification of the Gaulish and German territory, was 
after these events only a question of time and of the most favourable 
opportunity. Twice, in the years 34 and 27 B.C., had Augustus made 
all the preparations for a new expedition to Britain. He seems, how- 
ever, at last, by his residence in Gaul in the year 8 B.C., to have con- 
vinced himself of the greatness and difficulty of the enterprise ; and 
therefore to have given it up. In the record of his deeds he could only 
allege that two British princes had sought his protection, probably in 
consequence of domestic quarrels. We are expressly informed that 
diplomatic relations kept open the door of intervention for him and 
his successors. Tiberius himself, who otherwise, as is well known, 
practised the wisest moderation in external politics, looked upon the 
.occupation of Britain, in the significant words of Tacitus, as an inevit- 
able enterprise. He did not, however, proceed to its accomplishment. 
His successor, the frenzied Cains, commonly called Caligula, had enough 
of war in .the brilliant fiasco of his expedition against Germany, which 
was probably meant to form the introduction to a British war. Thus 
it came to pass that the execution of the great and never wholly aban- 
doned design was reserved for the weak-witted Claudius, the most insig- 
nificant of all the emperors of the Julian dynasty, the author of diffuse 
histories in Greek, the grammarian and rhetorician, the son of the 
valiant Drusus and of that pattern of female excellence among the 
Kornans, Antonia;* for Claudius, who was so unlike his great brother, 
Germanicus Caesar, that he passed with his contemporaries for half a 
Celt, because he chanced to be born in Lyons, and showed a marked 
predilection for his Celtic countrymen in Gaul and Spain. This stroke 

* Possibly the far-famed Clytia, in the British Museum, is a likeness of this 


of destiny appeared so wonderful to Tacitus that he thought Fate had 
surely wished to give Vespasian, the future Emperor, an opportunity 
of exhibiting himself to the world, since he commanded one of the 
legions belonging to the expeditionary army, and subdued a part of 
the south of England, including the Isle of Wight. Assuredly we 
ought not to credit Claudius himself with the military dispositions for 
the campaign (which was, no doubt, preceded by diplomatic negotia- 
tions). Those dispositions were the work of the experienced officers 
with whom he surrounded himself when, in A.D. 43, he personally 
entered upon the expedition. Upon the Emperor's staff were placed a 
number of most distinguished young officers Galba, the future Em- 
peror; Plautius Silvanus, probably a nephew of the Emperor, whose 
splendid tomb at the foot of the heights of Tivoli is known to all 
travellers to Some ; and the two sons-in-law of the Emperor, Junius 
Silanus and Pompeius Magnus, the latter a descendant of the renowned 
Pompeius. The special leader of all these, however, was AULUS 
PLAUTIUS, an elderly relation of the Emperor, who had till then exer- 
cised the next great military command in geographical position, that of 
the two armies of the Upper and Lower Rhine. In that capacity he was 
the natural leader in a war which was now finally to realise the idea of 
Caesar not only to give to the Gaulish provinces the protection of 
armies on the Rhine frontier, but also to secure the undefended coasts 
of the North by the conquest of the island which commanded them. 

Csesar had undertaken the first expedition to Britain only with 
two legions, but the second with five. This appears to have given 
roughly the measure for the order of battle of the army of Claudius, 
which we are able to reconstruct with approximate accuracy, though 
we have no information about it in the Agricola of Tacitus. The 
nucleus of the troops was composed of four legions 
II called Augusta. 
IX Hispana. 
XIV Gemina. 
XX Valeria Victrix. 

Three of these were withdrawn from the German, one from the 
Pannonian army. Naturally in forming an army the nearest troops 
at hand were made use of. In addition to these there came (as recent 
discoveries enable us to assert with confidence) a detachment (vexillatio) 
of the Vlllth Legion (also called Augusta), quartered in Mainz. Perhaps 
this came as a kind of body-guard of the general. By the side of the 
army of citizens in the legions there always marched, since the re- 
organisation of the host by Caesar and Augustus, a force of what were 
called Auxilia of about equal number ; that is to say, that the legion 
or, as we should call it, the division had alongside of it, but not 
strictly forming part of it, certain divisions of horse and foot (Alae and 
Cohortes) which were in other respects precisely similar to the legion 
in arms and organisation, but were originally recruited from the non- 
citizens of the provinces. We cannot speak with the same definiteness 
of this portion of the army as of the legions, but yet, by the help of a 
particular kind of inscriptions which I shall speak of hereafter, we are 



able, with approximate accuracy, to fix the number even of the Auxilia. 
The result of the somewhat elaborate investigation, with whose details 
I need not here trouble the reader, is to show that at least twenty-four 
aloe of cavalry and near upon sixty cohorts of infantry belonged to the 
army of Claudius, drawn, without exception, from the nationalities of 
the north and west from Thrace and Pannonia, the German lands, 
Gaul and Spain. 

Now, if we reckon the four legions, inclusive of the mounted police 
(about 120 in number) which were attached to them, at a round num- 
ber of 6,000 each an estimate which, in such an expedition as this, 
for which the full complement would be raised, is probably too low 
rather than too high, and if we reckon the Vexillatio of the 8th 
Legion at 1,000 men a number which is recommended to us by the 
analogy of similar detachments, this computation gives us for the 
army, a nucleus of 25,000 legionaries. 

The sixty cohorts of Auxilia would average from 500 to 600 men; 
and we must not forget the possibility that at this time, as often at a 
later period, there might be cohorts of a double strength ("milliary 
cohorts") from 1,000 to 1,200 men. The cavalry detachments were of 
the same strength ; and among them, too, there were sometimes double 
Alae. We thus come to a strength of Auxiliary Infantry of 30,000 
to 36,000 men that is, about equivalent to the Legionary Infantry 
and to a corps of Auxiliary Cavalry of 12,000 men. We thus get 
for the total 

Pour Legions 24,000 

Vexillation (from the 8th) 1,000 

Cohortes say 33,000 


An army of, in round numbers, 70,000 men, with the train 
belonging to it, is a very considerable one for that time, which was an 
age of highly developed military skill, but of very inadequate enlist- 
ments. The high figure says much for the importance and difficulty 
which was attributed to the operation. It is, of course, understood 
that a powerful fleet of transport ships was attached to the army to 
transport it, even if only in successive detachments, across the channel. 
There seems to have been formed from the first a special division of 
the fleet, the " Classis Britannica," which occupied a firm position in 
the southern harbours (as for instance at Lymne, in Kent), and 
remained till the end of the Roman dominion in Britain. 

As to the point or points of disembarkation, the plan of occupation 
and its execution, information entirely fails us. Still, it is possible, by 
studying the conditions of the locality, and what we know from other 
sources of the Roman tactics, and by using a peculiar kind of monu- 
mental testimony, to make some conjectures on these points, which 
can hardly be very far removed from the truth. Cassar's precise 
landing-place, after all the pains bestowed on the inquiry, and the 


most ingenious combination of observations of storms, currents, and 
tides, cannot yet be accurately determined; but, undoubtedly, this 
expedition, like Csesar's, availed itself of the prevailing wind in the 
Channel, the south-east, to cross at the narrowest point from one or 
more of the poor harbours of North France direct to the British coast. 
Where the first landing and encampment took place is a matter of 
indifference. Operations would certainly commence with the con- 
centration of the assembled army on some point, as nearly as possible 
in the middle of that part of the south coast which was available for 
landing, as to the topography of which we have now, for a long time, 
been in possession of all the information that we could desire. The 
almost unapproachable cliffs of Cornwall and Devon naturally have 
not come into the consideration. It can hardly be a mere accident 
that precisely at such an almost central point of the south-east coast, 
at Chichester, the old capital of the tribe of the Regni (now one of 
those quiet and charming cathedral towns described by Dickens in his 
last novel 1 ), a temple was built to Neptune and Minerva, in honour of 
the Imperial family, by a native prince who had received from the 
Emperor Claudius the right of Roman citizenship and the title of 
Legatus Augusti, or, as we should say, a General a la suite. In the 
park of Goodwood, belonging to the Duke of Richmond, stands the 
memorial of this "King" Tiberius Claudius Cogidubnus, as he calls 
himself, a monument unnoticed by the thousands who flock yearly to 
" glorious Goodwood." Tacitus bears express testimony to the fact 
that Claudius handed over some tribes as a present to " King 
Cogidubnus," and that up to the time of Agricola he remained 
faithful to the Romans. We can have little doubt, therefore, that 
this was one of the first points at which the army of occupation, 
supported by the arts of diplomacy, gained a footing. 

The state of civilisation then existing in the south of the island 
must not be rated too low. It was at least equal to that of the most 
advanced Gaulish tribes at the time of Caesar, and superior to that of 
the Germans at the same epoch. In the interval between Caesar and 
Claudius numerous coins of the Belgian standard had been struck by 
native princes, the name of the hero of romance, Cunobellinus or 
Cymbeline, appearing among them. There were also individual towns 
possessing what might relativelv be termed wealth. One condition of 
civilisation certainly was wanting in this, as in every barbarian land 
a condition of the most important kind for the onward march of an 
army of at least 60,000 men (I deduct 10,000 for the detachments 
required to guard the landing place and the stations of the fleet), and 
that condition was roads. The chief of the engineers in the Roman 
army their praefedus fdbrum a man whose name has not 
reached us, but, certainly, one of the highest rank in his profession, 
and a man of great acquirements in military science, no doubt then 
wove the first threads of that net-work of roads which afterwards 
gradually overspread the island in all directions. In this we see how 

1 The Mystery of Edwin Drood. 


safe may be the inherited routine of an age, not in itself fruitful in 
great thoughts, from the fact that in such work the Romans used not 
to take one needless step. This fact enables us, by means of the 
system of roads which we find afterwards existing, and by means of 
the strong castra stativa which, at any rate, the legions then possessed, to 
recognise the cause of the slow but sure occupation of Britain. North- 
westfrom Chichester, and further inland, lies the city of Winchester, 
afterwards so renowned in the story of Saxon conquest and in church 
history, then known as Yenta, the chief town of the mightiest of the 
tribes of South Britain, the Belgae, doubtless an early and vigorous 
off-shoot of the Continental tribe bearing that name. Here a little 
altar was found (now in the British Museum) erected by an " orderly" 
(as we should call him) of the Prefect of the Province, to the Italian, 
German, Gallic, and British " Matres." Of the men of these four 
countries the main body of the army was composed. Here, with a 
high degree of probability, we may fix the first seat of military, and, 
therefore, doubtless, also of civil supreme government. The place is, 
as always, chosen on a system. Just in the middle, between the two 
deeply penetrating estuaries of Thames and Severn, it was in direct and, 
no doubt, carefully guarded communication with the magnificent har- 
bour of Southampton (the ancient Clausentum), which is itself so 
incomparably defended by the Isle of Wight, lying in front of it. 
From this point followed the further impulse eastwards arid westwards, 
always along that chain of roads which we can trace with sufficient 
clearness by the Itineraries, and by their numerous remains ; and, 
which, under various names, still remained, throughout the middle 
ages, the main arteries of internal communication. 

The old biographers of Vespasian stated that he who, as has been 
already stated, was commander of one of the legions of Claudius in 
Britain, fought thirty battles, overcame two brave nations, and took 
more than twenty places belonging to them, and finally subdued the 
Isle of Wight, and that this was done partly under the nominally 
supreme command of the Emperor himself, partly under that of Aulus 
Plautius. The possession of the Isle of Wight was certainly one of the 
first objects of the occupation. I conjecture that its conquest was made 
as early as the first year, under the command of the Imperial staff 
head quarters. In that case, Vespasian will have accomplished his 
other exploits in the following years under Plautius. 

The most northerly point which was attained on the east side of 
the island, in these early years of the occupation, seems to have been 
Camulodunum, the royal castle of Cunobellinus, named after the 
British god of war, Camulus. It was probably conquered in the 
year 43. It is certain that already in the lifetime of Claudius a temple 
was erected to him there, probably conjointly with the goddesses 
Roma and Venus or Victoria, for this was the well-known designation 
of the Roman Venus as ancestress of the ^neadae and the Julian 
house. This was the central point for the provincial worship of the 
Emperors, which was immediately introduced; just as the altar of 
Augustus in the city of the Ubii, Cologne, was for the Germans ; 


that of Claudius, near Lyons, at the confluence of the Ehone and 
Saones, for the Gauls ; the temple of Augustus, at Tarragona, for 
Spain. Camulodunum was then called in official style, Colonia Victrix. 
. In the oyster-renowned Colchester, which is built on its site, there is 
now no trace of the splendour of its barbaric era, except the lofty 
position of the old castle, with its wide outlook over coast and marsh- 
land, some remains of walls, and the usual witnesses of a Roman 
settlement bronzes, gravestones, and fragments of pottery, which are 
preserved in the public and private museums of the town. A fine 
gravestone of a centurion of the XXth Legion, with a full length 
figure of the deceased in relief, an attractive work of art, probably 
of the time of Nero, is almost the only thing which can conjure up 
a remembrance of the past. 

We have no direct evidence how far westwards into the country the 
impulse of the army in the years of the first governorship may have 
penetrated. However, in another way, we can obtain some informa- 
tion on this point. Since the days of Pytheas of Marseilles, the first 
Greek who gloried in having reached the uttermost Thule (meaning 
thereby the Orkney Islands), the wealth of the mountains of Britain 
in the nobler and baser metals, and the treasures of pearls in its seas, 
had been celebrated with fabulous exaggeration, both by prose writers 
and poets. Caesar, too, when he undertook the British expedition, 
at least admitted it as an element in his calculations that he might 
possibly thereby be adding to the Roman dominions a second Spain, 
a new and inexhaustible source of mineral wealth. And so much is 
certain, that the tin and lead which were obtained from the mines of 
Devon, Cornwall, and the Scilly Islands, first probably eagerly worked 
and jealously guarded by the Phoenicians, after them by the native 
population, had from time immemorial held a foremost place among 
the articles of export from the island. On the eastern shore of the 
Severn estuary, and south of the Avon, in the northern part of what 
is now the county of Somerset, lies the still worked mining district of 
the Mendip Hills. These were the first British mines occupied by the 
Romans. The mountainous regions of Devon and Cornwall were still, 
as at their first landing, left unattacked by them. The only Roman 
places in those regions, Durnovaria (the modern Dorchester), the 
capital of the Durotrigae, from whom the country of Dorset takes its 
name, and Isca (Exeter) the chief town of the Dumnonii, do not 
appear to have become of importance till a much later period. But in 
the Mendip Hills there have been discovered at various times since 
the XVIth century, about 40 pigs of lead bearing Latin inscriptions 
stamped on them. These inscriptions contain, in far the greatest 
number of cases, the name of the reigning Emperor, as being the 
rightful owner of the mine, and of the mine itself; sometimes, 
however, we meet with the name of a private individual. In some 
cases the information is added that the metal has been obtained from 
an ore of silver. The pigs vary in weight from 50 to 225 Ibs., 
avoirdupois. The latest Imperial names that have hitherto been 
found upon them are those of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. 


But the earliest of them all, now in the British Museum, weighing 
163 Ibs., bears the name of Britannicus and the year 49. Thus, only 
six years after the invasion, we meet with the name of the heir- 
apparent, who was then only seven years old, and who died in his 
fourteenth year. It was assuredly with the consent of the Emperor, 
whose own name, by some accident, has not been met with on any of 
the pigs, that the name of his son was stamped on this product of the 
new province ; and so far at least the Roman occupation must have 
proceeded in its earliest years. "We may, with some probability, 
indicate the line 

Bath ... Silchester ... London 

(Aquae Sulis) ... (Calleva) ... (Londinium) 
with the advanced post of Colchester (Camulodunum) as the first 
northern boundary of the new province. 

In the year 44, one year after the landing, the Emperor was 
already back in Rome, celebrating his Britannic triumph. Six years 
later, in memory of this triumph, the splendid arch was erected in the 
Campus Martius, the remains of which, in the 16th century, still 
spanned the Corso, near the Sciarra Palace. Its large reliefs, repre- 
senting the march of the army past the Emperor and his generals, are 
still partially preserved, and are visible in the open entrance hall of the 
Villa Borghese. Of the inscription on the arch, a huge marble tablet 
with great inlaid letters of brass, only one-half is still preserved ; it is 
built up in the wall of a terrace near the Barberini Palace. Therein 
the Emperor boasts of having, without loss of his own soldiers, van- 
quished and subdued eleven British kings, and been the first to 
incorporate with the empire, the barbarians on the other side of the 
ocean. A second arch, erected in honour of the Emperor at the point 
of the Gaulish coast from which the expedition set forth, has vanished, 
leaving no trace. The epithet of Britannicus was refused for himself 
by Claudius who thus followed the example of his step-grandfather, 
Augustus, but it was borne thenceforward by his son, the before- 
mentioned son of Messalina (previously called Gerinanicus), whose 
melancholy fate has been rendered famous by the poetry of Corneille. 

For a space of three years longer (44-47) did Aulus Plautius, the 
first Governor of Britain, prolong his administration of the newly won 
province, that is to say, the southern portion of the island. On his 
return he received the honour of an ovation, the lesser triumph. This 
result tells a plainer tale than bulletins of battle ; the expedition must 
have been so well prepared beforehand, and conducted with such good 
fortune, as to be completely successful. 

Claudius, the squinting stammerer with water on the brain, the 
butt of his contemporaries, the man who had proved the truth of the 
proverb that one must be born a king or an idiot, Claudius had, as if 
in joke, obtained the prize of which Caesar's good fortune and 
Augustus's foresight had been baulked. He could truly boast, in the 
oration which is still preserved to us on the great tablet of brass in the 
museum of his native city, Lyons, that he had extended the empire 
across Oceanus. In the Roman Anthology are to be found no fewer 


than eight epigrams by the poets of the court, good, bad, and indifferent, 
celebrating the great event. In one of the cleverest but most malicious 
satires that have come down to us from antiquity, the younger 
Seneca's Apotheosis (or rather Apocolocyntosis, that is, not deification 
but pumpkinification) of Claudius, the author makes the unhappy 
Emperor who, upon his consecration, has tried to enter Olympus, 
and on the motion of Augustus, unanimously approved by the gods, 
has been kicked out of the realms above and sent down to Orcus 
sing a dirge of lamentation, in which among other things occurs this 
passage, with an evident allusion to the vain -glorious inscription in 
the Arch of Triumph, " I compelled the Britons on the further shore 
of the yet known sea, and the Brigantes with their blue shields, 
to load their necks with the heavy Roman chains, and I made Ocean 
himself tremble before the new sway of the axes of Rome." 


It is not my intention to trouble the reader with a historico- 
antiquarian commentary on the Agricola of Tacitus. True, there is 
none at present which one could recommend to persons desirous of a 
scientific treatment of the subject, and, apart from the charm of 
novelty which would attach to much that might be here brought for- 
ward, even what is already known is by no means devoid of general 
interest. In short sketches, the unrivalled master has in his historical 
style, in which poetry is blended with rhetoric, given a sharply outlined 
sketch of each of the predecessors of Agricola and his plan of action, 
of the successive steps of the occupation and Romanisation of the 
country. And the contour lines, again, of these sketches gain life and 
colour through the universal analogy of that which has been elsewhere 
recorded of a similar character, and through the details supplied by 
monuments and inscriptions. Only the execution of this task would 
require wider space and a more prolix style of narration than we can 
here indulge in. It must suffice here to give simply the skeleton of 
events, and the leading principles of the progressive annexation of 
Britain, without those details which are reserved for history proper, 
without a thorough description of the persons engaged, and without 
tracing the varying fortunes of the struggle as it was waged under 
different Emperors. 

About ten years after the commencement of the occupation, a con- 
siderable number of legionaries had finished their term of service, and 
it became necessary to provide for the settlement of these veterans in 
the new province, in order thus to prepare, according to the well-known 
principles of Roman administration, a settled nucleus of inhabitants, 
from whose close and constant intercourse with the fortified en- 
campments of the troops, urban life, trade, manufactures, art, 
and education might regularly develope themselves. Thus did the 
Roman camp-towns everywhere arise, whose rectangular formation is 


yet capable of recognition, at least in the streets and gateways, in the 
walls and towers of so many modern towns. More plainly still in 
those places where the sand of the desert alone covers them, and has 
kept them to our own day in almost untouched completeness, as with 
the French penal colony, Lambessa (formerly Lambaesis) in Algiers. 

The first colony of veterans in Britain, founded in Nero's time, 
under the immediate successor of Aulus Plautius was that of Camulo- 
dunum. On account of the provincial worship which, as we have 
seen, was centralised there, it became the chief capital of the new pro- 
vince, and lost, little by little, its character as the fortified station of 
the XlVth Legion, the Tamers of Britain, as they were called in the 
army. London, which was assuredly already the most important 
trading place in the country, was probably, at the same time, the seat 
of a Eoman custom-house for goods imported by Gaulish and German 
merchants, and maintained a station for the fleet. The other old 
fortresses of the native princes, such as Durovernum, the castle of the 
Cantii (Canterbury), Calleva (Silchester), Verulamium (Verulam near 
St. Albans), Durocornovium (Cirencester), and others, never became 
important Roman towns. We can see where the old earthworks 
fortifying the camp were in some degree built up and retained in 
good preservation by the consistent and easily understood usage of the 
Saxon conquerors, who called all such places expressly, castrum 
(ceaster) or camp. On the other hand, the older forts, built in places 
of great natural strength generally on high ground and without 
Eoman fortifications were known by them as burgs (Canterbury, 
ShrewsZwn/, Peterfeorow^A), or, at any rate, by their old names with- 
out the addition of ceaster. It must not be supposed, from the 
extreme frequency of the termination Chester, or its equivalents, in 
English names of places, that there were in the province an equal 
number of Roman fortresses in the proper sense of the word 
fortified encampments with permanent garrisons. In this stricter 
sense we can, in the southern portion of the island, point to but 
one Roman fortress besides Colchester. This is Glevum, an old 
settlement of the tribe of the Dobuni, called by the Saxons, 
Gleavanceaster, the modern Gloucester, a name whose mere sound, 
thanks to the mighty spell thrown upon us by Shakespeare, fills 
us with a sort of tragic awe. We now know, but the complete 
evidence has only just been collected by a modest local antiquary (Mr. 
John Bellows), that in this place another of the British legions, the 
Second, surnamed Augusta, erected its first castra stativa, round which 
also there soon grew up a colony of veterans. Strangely enough, 
Gloucester lies, as a glance at the map will show, in almost precisely 
the same parallel of latitude as Colchester; and both are almost exactly 
equidistant from Calleva (Silchester), the first point of intersection of 
the two great high roads which lead northward to the east and west of 
the island. It is possible, therefore, that the line Gloucester, Sil- 
chester, Colchester formed the second northern frontier of the 
enlarged province which was meanwhile secured by an extended system 
of roads and by new stations for the fleet on both coasts. 


These fixed camps of the legions were the natural bases of the 
further operations. The remaining legions and the collected Auxilia 
of cavalry and infantry were distributed in provisional camps and 
garrison towns. At each march onwards into hostile territory the 
General naturally sought at once to win fresh and secure bases of 
operation, on a small scale for each district, as well as on a large scale 
for the whole country. From Gloucester the onward impulse proceeded 
in the direction of Wales, the scarce-accessible land of the Silures 
and Ordovices. Venta and Isca, both situated in "Wales, indicate 
pretty well the first line of march. The first, a town of the Silures, 
now called Caerwent, must not be confounded with the Belgian Venta 
(Winchester). The second was, in the 3rd century, the head- quarters 
of the Ilnd Legion, and thence obtained the name of Castra Legionis, 
or Caerleon, Caer being the Welsh representative of Castra. 

The campaign of PUBLIUS OSTORIUS SCAPULA, the successor of 
Plautius (47-58), and also a distinguished officer, ends, it is true, with 
the rout of the Britons, so graphically described in the Annales of 
Tacitus, and with the captivity of their prince, Caratacus, the Caradoc 
of romance. It, however, by no means brought about the effectual 
occupation of the country (Wales), which was not accomplished till 
twenty years later. 

In the next six years (53-59) the frontiers of the province were 
not extended. Then SUETONIUS PAULINUS, a brave and ambitious 
but not sufficiently cautious General, the rival of Corbulo, won, con- 
siderably further to the north, on the estuary of the Deva, a new 
station for the third of the legions in Britain (the 20th, Valeria 
Victrix). This station then bore the same name as the river, but was 
afterwards called The Camp simply, (Castra = Chester). Paulinus 
then sought (61) to cross over the straits of Bangor, now spanned by 
the far-famed railway bridge, and to conquer the island of Anglesey, 
the ancient Mona. He may have imagined that desert plateau of rock 
to be larger and more important than it really is. Segontium (Caer 
Seiont) was probably then built by him in order to protect the 
crossing. * 

Meanwhile, however, the first and terribly dangerous rebellion of 
the subject princes and peoples against the Roman yoke broke out in 
the east of the island, and even, after careful pre-arrangement on 
the part of the insurgents, in Camulodunum itself, whose camp was 
then occupied only by a weak garrison. The military levy and the 
taxation, both often enforced with violence and injustice, made the 
common people, otherwise generally disposed for quiet, willing to co- 
operate in the high-flying schemes of Boudicca, Queen of the Iceni. 
They had fallen, as they often said to one another, "out of the frying- 
pan into the fire."f Instead of one prince they had now two, the 

* Aquae Sulis (Bath) and Viroconium (Wroxeter), British towns, which never 
have been Roman castra, possessed in this time already a Eoman population, as the 
tombstones of soldiers and veterans found there show. 

f Lit., "had come -from the rain into the gutter." (Sie seien von Regen in 
die Traufe gekommen.') 



Legatus and Procurator of the Emperor. The first took their sons 
from the plough ; the second their gold out of the chest and their corn 
out of the barn. The shameless injustice of the officials of the Empire 
towards the princely house, and the intolerable insolence of the veterans 
towards the common people, brought their own reward. Signs and 
wonders lent their aid to rouse the people to fanaticism. It was said 
that the statue of the Goddess of Victory in the temple of Claudius 
had either fallen from its place or else turned round on its pedestal as 
if it were ready to depart. The garrison and the veterans were 
alike massacred. Petillius Cerealis, the legatus of the nearest legion, 
(the IXth), who first marched against the insurgents, was beaten by 
them, and only just succeeded in holding his entrenchments with the 
scanty remainder of his forces, till at last Suetonius Paulinus, with a 
part of the army, appeared for his succour. This General was obliged 
to abandon flourishing cities like Londinium and Verulamium to the 
flames, and their Roman population to the Barbarians' revenge 
and thirst for plunder, in order not to squander his strength. 
However, the superior tactics of the Roman army sufficed to nip the 
insurrection in the bud, and by one victorious engagement to preserve 
the whole province for the Empire. All this is told by Tacitus in 
the Annales with far more detail and keener insight than in the 
Agricola. The recital of this and similar events in the age of Nero 
serves to bring out the political decay of the monarchy along with the 
strange moral degradation of its highest classes. But even though 
the star of the Julian dynasty was about to set, these events prove, on 
the other hand, that not yet was the Empire in any degree tottering 
in its true strongholds the army and the provincial administration. 
However dangerous this episode may have been, it gave no abiding 
check to the progress of the occupation of Britain : Chester does not 
appear to have been for a moment abandoned. 

The first Legatus of Vespasian, PETILLIUS CEREALIS (71-75), the 
same whom we have already seen in command of the IXth Legion, 
pressed forward through the east of the island, from Camulodunum, 
against the most powerful and most warlike of British tribes, the 
Brigantes. Their name, even in dealing with the events of an earlier 
time, was used by Seneca and Tacitus as almost equivalent to that of 
Britons, so great was the impression which it had made in Rome. It 
is only an accidental coincidence that it so nearly corresponds in 
sound with the word which we derive from modern Italian, brigands 
(in Italian Irrigante). Vespasian, who knew from his own experience 
the difficulties of the task, at once sent to England, from Pannonia, 
the 2nd supplemental legion (Secunda Adjutrix), which he had recently 
raised from the crews of the fleet. This was by way of relief for the 
14th, which had in the meantime been ordered back to Germany, for 
the war against the Batavian Cerealis, and never returned. The 2nd 
received from Cerealis permanent head-quarters in the colony of Lindum, 
which thence received its modern name of Lincoln (Lindum Colonia). 
Lindum and Deva lie again, like Camulodunum and Glevum, in almost 
the same parallel of latitude. The former is between that great inden- 


tation of the flat eastern coast, called " The Wash," and the harbour- 
like estuary of the Humber ; the second between the mouths of the 
Dee and the Mersey, near the modern harbour of Liverpool, and thus 
both are in the most favourable points possible for intercourse by sea. 

Meanwhile, SEXTUS JULIUS FUONTINUS (75-78), the successor of 
Cerealis in the command, one of the most eminent of Vespasian's 
officers, the learned author of books on strategy and engineering which 
are still preserved to us, had finally subdued the mountainous country 
of Wales, so that the larger southern half of the country was now 
Roman. The Chester-Lincoln line clearly indicates the third northern 
frontier of the province, at a relatively narrow portion of the island. 

The successor of Frontinus in the command was GNAEUS JULIUS 
AGRICOLA. The fact that this general, appointed by Vespasian, was 
continued in the command by that Emperor's sons and successors, 
Titus and Domitian, making his total tenure of the office more than 
seven full years (78-85), or more than twice the usual time, testifies to 
the high degree of confidence which he had learned how to inspire and 
to maintain. The masterly sketch of his government of the province 
and his warlike deeds, which we owe to the piety of his son-in-law, 
does, in its natural and pardonable zeal, slightly exaggerate the impor- 
tance of the achievements, though certainly not the nobleness of the 
man. Two sorts of enterprise might, according to his view of the 
nature of the situation, have been proposed to himself by an ambitious 
officer, experienced in war and of untiring energy and such was the 
character of Agricola either to crown the labour of his predecessors, 
by completely and definitively pacifying all the territory within the 
limits already reached (and this had certainly, as yet, by no means 
been accomplished), or to surpass his predecessors by winning for the 
Empire the widest possible space of still unconquered territory if pos- 
sible, the whole island. Agricola seems, in fact, to have attempted 
both enterprises in succession, and not entirely succeeded in either. 

In the first year of his command (78) he succeeded in quelling an 
attempt at insurrection by the Ordovices, who had almost entirely cut 
to pieces the Ala of cavalry stationed as a guard upon them, in a camp 
with whose name we are not acquainted. He also, by the help of the 
Batavian cohorts, who were excellent swimmers, succeeded in defini- 
tively conquering Anglesey, an undertaking which Suetonius Paulinus 
had been compelled to relinquish. 

In the second year (79) the work of pacification within the existing 
borders made some progress, in what direction we cannot say, as no 
names of peoples or places have been preserved to ns. 

In the third summer (80) (the winter, according to the old custom, 
was always passed in quarters) he pressed on towards the north, and 
occupied a new portion of territory, probably on the eastern coast ; 
but the bay of the sea up to which he pushed his garrisons, the estuary 
of Tanaum (so named in the manuscripts of the Agricola) is other- 
wise entirely unknown, and cannot be geographically fixed with 

* It cannot possibly have been the Firth of Tay. One feels inclined to suggest 
the estuary of the Tees. 


In the fourth year (81) begins the great expedition with the whole 
moveable army, which we must look upon as the cause of Agricola's 
prolonged command. The narrative of Tacitus (perhaps intentionally) 
doe's not give especial prominence to this obscure section of the history. 
Only this is clear, that a special expeditionary corps must have been 
formed for the purpose out of all the available troops ; but its com- 
position and strength we can only conjecture approximately from the 
details as to the last battle which Agricola fought with its aid. It must, 
with legions, cavalry, and auxiliary cohorts, have amounted in all to close 
upon 30,000 men, or more than half of the then army of Britain. A naval 
squadron accompanied the expedition, probably along the east coast. 
We must here observe that although Vespasian had again brought up 
the number of the legions to its original figure four, the legion which 
he sent over (Secunda Adjutrix) had since returned to Pannonia in 
consequence of Domitian's German campaign, and thereby Lincoln 
lost its garrison. Agricola, so we are told with terse brevity, marched 
northwards to the estuaries Clota and Bodotria, and occupied this line 
with forts. These are, as can be abundantly proved from other 
sources, the Firth of Clyde and Firth of Forth, in Scotland. It is the 
Glasgow-Edinburgh line which is here presented to us, the most 
northerly which was ever reached by the Roman occupation, and that 
not till nearly a century later. For it was on this line, as will here- 
after appear, that the Emperor Antoninus Pius placed the northernmost 
boundary-wall of the empire. Here, in the representation of the deeds 
of Agricola, there is an obvious chasm which probably the later 
explanation in the last portion of the Histories would have supplied. 
It is inconceivable that an advance so far northwards into the 
enemy's country, and even across this line, would have been undertaken 
even by the boldest of generals, until the vast area between the Chester- 
Lincoln line in the south and the Glasgow-Edinburgh line in the 
north had been, in the approved fashion, occupied with at least one 
strong garrison, and thus, the communications by land and sea being 
secured, the necessary line of retreat, and the possibility of forwarding 
supplies and reinforcements, had been guaranteed. The territory of 
the Brigantes, which occupies just that middle portion of the island, 
must necessarily, like all the earlier occupied territories, have been first 
subdued before an onward march so far beyond it could rationally 
have been thought of. Now, both by the evidence of historians and 
by that of inscriptions, it is established beyond doubt that, at latest 
under the rule of Trajan, Eburacum, the modern York, the old chief 
place of the Brigantes, became the head-quarters of the last of the 
three (now only three) British legions, namely the IXth (Hispana), and 
at the same time, the military centre of the country. [I say at latest 
under Trajan, but I hold that this change was made earlier, in the 
reign of Domitian, and by Agricola.] It is easily understood that, 
after the centre of gravity of the military operations had been trans- 
ferred into the middle and northern half of the island, while the whole 
of the south, under the influences of an abiding peace, was becoming 
more and more thoroughly Romanised, the distant Colchester would no 


longer seem a suitable place for the lodging of the Legatus and his staff ; 
while, at the same time, the camp of the XlVth Legion, once pitched 
there, had, as above stated, gradually disappeared. At Chester, and 
yet more at York, large buildings, from the end of the first century, 
were, for the first time, erected for military purposes, in their native 
fashion, by the British legions (the XXth and IXth respectively) ; and 
for this purpose they used the necessary tiles. In the southern fort- 
resses they were contented with the rubble which they found already 
in use, and with timber. In the beautiful museum at York, which 
has been formed in the still remaining chambers and in the gardens 
of the old Abbey of St. Mary's, outside the city wall, entire graves 
of the legionaries are to be found, made of the great stamped tiles 
of the IXth Legion. At York was situated the Praetorium of the 
governor, as we are expressly informed by a Greek inscription. Here, 
too, though to a small extent in comparison with other provinces, a 
municipal life was developed side by side with the military. Here the 
soldiers, coming as they did from all parts of the world, introduced 
foreign worships of all kinds. Here died the Emperors Septiniius 
Severus and Constantius Chlorus, the father of Constantine. York, 
thenceforward, was indisputably the capital of the province. The 
inference that Agricola is to be considered as its special founder can 
hardly be refuted, even though there is no mention of the fact in the 
writings of Tacitus. A fortress more or less erected by him at a 
time when no one could foresee the future importance of this fortress, 
might easily seem immaterial and not worth mentioning in the estimate 
of his deeds. York lies at a middle point between the two seas, and is 
nearly equidistant from Lincoln and Chester. The strategic system of 
occupation seems here to have concentrated all its forces in one powerful 
centre, which made the necessary basis for a forward march north- 
wards. We are expressly informed by Tacitus that in the opinion of 
experts, Agricola was considered exceptionally skilled in the choice of 
strategical positions, and that no stronghold which he had fortified 
ever succumbed to a hostile attack, or was abandoned by capitulation 
or flight. As he certainly did not find the station of Eburacum in 
existence before him he must surely have founded it himself. Nor can 
this be the only one that he called into being, since Cumberland, 
Northumberland, and the whole south of Scotland must have been ac 
least in some degree occupied before he attained to the Glasgow- 
Edinburgh line. 

In the fifth year of the war (82) he crossed by sea, apparently over 
the Firth of Clyde, to West Scotland Argyleshire and Arran ; for it 
was here that the thought occurred to him how easy it would be to 
occupy Ireland, whose shore he saw confronting him. According to 
the long established rule of Eoman policy, "Divide et impera," he 
established diplomatic relations with a party of native princes. At a 
later period he frequently remarked to his son-in-law that Ireland 
could be subdued and kept down with one single legion and moderate 
Auxilia ; and that this achievement would also facilitate the pacifica- 
tion of Britain, since then, instead of looking across the seas into a free 


country, she would see herself everywhere encompassed by the garri- 
sons of Rome. Misled by inaccurate maps, people supposed that Ireland 
lay about half-way between Britain and Spain; the resemblance of the 
name Hibernia to Hiberus (as the Romans pronounced the name of 
the Ebro), and the Iberian land, seems to have contributed to this 
result. This being so, Ireland seemed the natural connecting link 
between the three western provinces Spain, Gaul, and Britain. If, 
notwithstanding this suggestion, Domitian, or his military advisers, 
refused the IVth Legion (which was required for the purpose, since 
nune of the three then garrisoning Britain could be spared from that 
work), and the corresponding number of Auxilia which were included 
in Agricola's demand (and this refusal is what we read between the 
lines of Tacitus), we must allow that their refusal was, on the face of it, 
a wise one. 

The expedition to Ireland was given up : that island was never 
occupied by the Romans. In the sixth year of the war (83) Agricola 
marched into Eastern Scotland, in spite of the well-founded warnings 
of some of his officers (the army, on the other hand, apparently burned 
with desire now at length to reach the utmost bound of the island), 
and in spite of the fact that the army being divided into three for the 
forward march, the weak IXth Legion was again defeated and almost 
exterminated in a night skirmish. With the help of his fleet he occu- 
pied the further side of the Firth of Forth. In the part of Tacitus's 
narrative which narrates these transactions, oratorical and unusually 
copious as it is, the story unfortunately loses all further geographical 
details. The few names of places which have, after all, reached us 
the Mount Graupius, the tribe of the Borestae, and the Trucculensian 
harbour unfortunately cannot be geographically identified with even 
approximate precision. The fact is that the manuscripts of Agricola 
read the name Graupius ; in the seventeenth century some literati, 
following the then prevalent reading of Tacitus, Grampius, gave 
the name Grampian to the whole chain of mountains which, passing 
to the north of Blair Athol, travels crosswise through Scotland from 
south-west to north-east. This misspelling and misappropriation of 
the name has misled even the latest editors of the Agricolti. 

So much, however, is clear. The victory over Galgacus and his 
Caledonians in the next summer, the seventh year of the war (84), on 
Mount Graupius, notwithstanding Agricola's fine harangue to his 
troops, was bought only by heavy losses, and its strategic value was, in 
fact, nil. One of the German cohorts of the long-renowned tribe of 
the Usipii, which was stationed at one of the Roman camps on the 
coast, perhaps at Uxellodunum (Mary port, in Cumberland), slew their 
few Roman officers and endeavoured, with three transport ships, to 
reach their home. This mutiny, in spite of the tragic end of the 
audacious Viking voyage, was not unknown to the enemy, and set an 
extremely dangerous example. A retreat had to be ordered, and that 
without delay, however the necessary delay in the construction of 
winter quarters might preserve the appearance of unbroken courage. 
In fact the army receded upon the line of York, which was perhaps 


now first selected before all similar settlements on account of its central 
position, and erected into a fortress of the first rank. Northwards of 
York no monument has been found which reaches into the pre-Trajanic 
era. The fleet, however, following the example of Pytheas, circum- 
navigated the whole island, and accomplished the feat geographically 
interesting, but of no political importance of gazing upon the end of 
the world: the "Ultima Thule." 

After this hard lesson no Roman army again penetrated so far 
north. In the following year (85) Agricola was recalled, and was 
coldly received by the Emperor, although he received the highest 
military distinction the honour of a Triumph. Both this fact and 
the further rebuffs which he experienced during the eight years which 
intervened before his death are to be attributed, no doubt, to the 
jealous hatred of Domitian. This characteristic quality of the Emperor, 
insisted upon by Tacitus on every occasion, is no doubt in the main 
accurately pourtrayed. Still, it must be confessed that the two great 
tasks which were set before Agricola he had not accomplished. He 
had won no new northern boundary for the province, and by his 
Scotch expedition he had rather promoted than checked the rebellion 
which was everywhere threatening to break out among the Brigantes. 

With the close of Tacitus's biography ends all our continuous infor- 
mation as to the history of the British province. There may have 
been some good reason for the fact that Trajan, who was, all things 
considered, the greatest of Roman Emperors, does not appear to have 
interposed his strong right hand in the destinies of Britain as of almost 
all the other provinces of the empire. Unfortunately we have received 
from antiquity not one single connected account of his reign, and our 
traditions about him are too scanty and too full of gaps to permit us 
to indulge in more than conjectures as to the cause of this abstention. 
Some of his Legati in Britain, like SALVIUS LIBERALIS, who was a not 
inconsiderable orator, and NERATIUS MARCELLUS, well known as a 
learned jurist, evidently took permanent possession of a moderate 
extent of territory northwards from York, occupying it in the old- 
fashioned way by means of camps and roads. Unfortunately for us, 
none of them had a Tacitus for his son-in-law. One fact, however, 
tells its own history. The IXth Legion, towards the end of the reign 
of Trajan (to which time its latest monuments, preserved in York, 
have to be referred), vanishes clean out of the list of the Roman army, 
and is replaced under Hadrian by the Vlth, surnamed Victrix, which, 
after Augustus, had had its headquarters in Spain, more recently in 
Xanten, on the Lower Rhine. From this time onwards it acted as 
garrison at York. The IXth, which had been already twice almost 
annihilated, first under Pefcillius Cerealis in fight against Boudicca, and 
secondly under Agricola before the battle of Mount (Jraupius, and 
probably since the latter event had never regained its full strength, 
must have found its end in the battles against the Brigantes. 

So ends the second section of the history of the annexation of 



JUST as, to the astonishment of contemporaries, it had fallen to the 
lot of the insignificant Claudius to carry through in Britain the plans 
of his great predecessors, Julius and Augustus, even so was it reserved, 
not for Trajan, but for his far less warlike successor Hadrian, to make 
an essential change in the system of occupation which had hitherto 
prevailed. The still unbroken resistance of the Brigantes (com- 
memorated by the poets of the day, one of whom, Juvenal, had been 
himself an officer in Britain), and the annihilation of the IXth Legion, 
compelled him to take certain strategic measures, from which we date 
a new epoch in the government of the province. 

Hadrian is the creator of that astonishing monument of Roman 
dominion in Britain, the name of which, but by no means its full 
significance, is known, in the widest circles the Picts' Wall, as it 
used to be called, or the Roman Wall as we now call it concerning which 
every English boy, and many a German, learns at school, to forget all 
about it afterwards. I will endeavour to give a short sketch of this 
work, founded on personal observations, and on a thorough study of 
all the important treatises relating to it. 

From the mouth of the Tyne, east of Newcastle, to the Solway 
Firth, an arm of the sea west of Carlisle, there stretched right across 
the island a vast continuous system of walls and towers, of earthworks 
and fosses, of great and little castella, which were linked together by a 
Roman road, of which the easily recognisable remains still survive. 
Notwithstanding the long-continued wars with the northern barbarians, 
from the sixth century onwards, and the destructive influence which 
they must necessarily have exerted, great pieces of this work were 
still so well preserved all through the middle ages, that they were 
continuously used for purposes of defence, as contemporary chronicles 
show, in the feuds of the English and Scottish borderers, or of indi- 
vidual earls and barons with one another. It was the union of the 
two kingdoms, and the increasing prosperity of the country owing to 
the peace, which first commenced the gradual 'decay of this edifice. 
In the time of Queen Elizabeth, the border between England and 
Scotland was so unsafe, by reason of thieves and mosstroopers who 
found snug harbourage in the decaying works of the Wall, that the 
learned Sir Robert Cotton, and his companion from the Herald's 
Office, William Camden, author of the Britannia, who wished to 
visit the Wall in the year 1599, were obliged with great regret to 
abandon their project. The following century, the 17th, the great 
crisis of the political revolutions, and, at the same time, of the 
develooment of the material prosperity of England, was, for these 
very reasons, not generally favourable to antiquarian research. At 
length, in the third decade of the 18th centmy, the wall was visited 
by Antiquaries namely, by the very imaginative William Stukeley, of 
London, in the year 1734 ; by the modest Scottish music-master, 
Alexander Gordon, in 1727 ; and, at length, by the excellent John Horsley, 
whom I have already mentioned, and, by these men it was, however, im- 


perfectly described. By that time much had already disappeared which 
was still visible in the 1 6th century ; more, however, was silently re- 
moved by the great impulse since given to the cultivation of the country, 
by improved agriculture, and the formation of roads. . All this went to 
the heart of the local antiquary, who had to look on and see the 
swampy trenches of the "Wall year by year growing drier and coming 
under the plough ; the unprofitable stone heaps of walls and castles 
broken up and sold, their materials used for farm-houses and cow- 
byres, the once stony land turned into a fruitful field. Yes, all this 
was pain and grief to the antiquary ; but it was joy and profit to the 
owner and occupier, who prized the seats of an earlier culture all 
round the Roman settlements as especially fertile, and who saw the 
produce of the soil in these regions gradually multiplied till it 
was tenfold what it had once been. The highway from New- 
castle to Carlisle, which, till about 50 years ago, when the railway was 
made, was the main artery of communication between the two seas, 
runs for considerable portions of its course on the broad back of the 
Roman Wall, which the engineers simply appropriated as their founda- 
tion, thereby considerably reducing the cost of construction. It is 
true that on the same occasion, and yet more at a later period, when 
the railway was formed, accidental "finds" of all sorts of antiquities 
stimulated the zeal of collectors and repairers, and led afterwards to 
systematic excavations. Thus the omissions and the neglect of previous 
centuries have now been, in some measure, made good by redoubled 
vigilance in observing, collecting, and publishing. 

After Horsley, John Hodgson, the painstaking historian of his 
native county Northumberland (after 1820), and pre-eminently for the 
last 30 years, J. Collingwood Bruce, of Newcastle, have done the 
greatest service in clearing up the history and describing the manner 
of building and the antiquities of the Wall. Algernon, fourth Duke 
of Northumberland, caused to be executed at his own cost [by Henry 
McLauchlan] a careful topographic survey of the whole Wall, and the 
Roman roads and castles which were connected with it, making, at 
the same time, excavations at various points. Roman antiquities 
of every kind from the whole North of England are preserved in the 
public collections of Durham, Newcastle, and Carlisle ; in the private 
museums of the Duke of Northumberland, at his splendid castle of 
Alnwick; and in the not less interesting collection of Mr. John 
Clayton, at Chesters, on the Wall. The copiously illustrated works 
of Dr. Bruce, the Description of the Wall (1867), and the Lapidarium 
Septentrionale, a collection of the stone monuments of the entire 
North, published in 1875 by the Antiquarian Society of Newcastle, 
to a certain extent make up to a distant student the lack of personal 

For the scientific reconstruction of the Wall and its camps, two 
kinds of documents are now at our disposal: 

I. When it became necessary to provide the camps on the line 
of the Wall with permanent garrisons, the British legions, reduced 
to three in number, as I have said, were already assigned to their 



respective quarters (at Glevum, Deva, and Eburacum) ; moreover, 
none of the camps were constructed on so large a scale as to accom- 
modate a whole legion, but only so as to contain one or more cohortes 
or alae, or other small detachments. Thus it is not the legiones, but 
the auxilia, with which we have now to deal. Now the names and 
numbers of the auxiliary forces stationed in Britain are given in five 
inscriptions on bronze tablets, which have been found in the island, 
and which are now preserved in the British Museum. These are the 
so-called military diplomas, bronze tablets in the form of diptychs, 
containing some particular soldier's copy (engraved in the usual double 
fashion, both within and without the diploma), of an imperial privile- 
gium, which, for the non-citizens serving in particular corps therein 
named, and for the veterans, legitimates retrospectively after a certain 
number of years of service, their marriages with foreign wives, and 
bestows upon them the rights of citizenship, as well as other privileges. 
Nearly eighty of such documents have now been found, in all the 
provinces of the empire, covering the period from Claudius to Dio- 
cletian ; it may be said that they supply us with the army list of the 
Roman host. The five diplomas which relate to the British army belong 
to the years 98, 103, 105, 124, and 146 of our era, and thus to the reigns 
of Trajan, Hadrian, and Antoninus Pius. Together with the other in- 
scribed stones found in England, they give us an almost complete survey 
of the cohortes and alae which once garrisoned the numerous stations 
of the province. This is one species of documentary evidence as to 
the British troops ; and it gives also the basis for a statistical com- 
putation of the non-legionary portion of the army of Claudius, for a 
detailed examination leads us to the surprising result, that by far the 
largest part of the auxiliary troops had been, from the beginning, in 
the province, and remained there till its final evacuation. At any 
rate, hardly one cohort or ala was permanently removed from Britain ; 
involuntary departures, like that of the mutinous cohort of Usipii, 
were replaced by fresh enlistments. On the other hand, so far as we 
can judge by comparing the statistics of the corps which garrisoned 
the other provinces, no considerable augmentation of the original 
muster-rolls seems to have taken place during the same interval. 

II. A confirmation hereof is afforded to us by the second kind of 
documentary evidence, which has a bearing on this question. It is 
well-known that we still possess the State Hand-book of the two 
empires, known as the Notitia Dignitatum, which was compiled 
under the Emperors Honorius and Arcadius in the first decades of 
the fifth century. This book contains the distribution of the army 
through the provinces. It is this book alone that we have to thank 
for the knowledge of the names of most of the Roman stations 
along the Wall. The corps of soldiery which are reported as doing 
garrison duty therein, are, almost without exception, the same which 
we know, from the diplomas and from inscriptions, to have been 
stationed there since the beginning of the first century. So little 
liable to changes, at any rate as regards its component parts, was the 
organisation of the army during the three first centuries of our era. 


The idea of formally closing the frontiers of the empire by a series 
of fortified works at places adapted thereto, was not for the first time 
carried into execution in Britain. The earliest example may, perhaps, 
have been set by the Median Wall between Euphrates and Tigris, 
mentioned in the Anabasis of Xenophon, the building of which was 
ascribed by legend to Semiramis. On the Lower Rhine we find 
Tiberius already beginning a similar boundary wall against the Ger- 
mans. From the Sieg and Lahn to near Aschaffenburg, on the Main, 
and then again from the Main at Wertheim to the Danube, above 
Ratisbon, was carried the line of the most extensive work of the kind, 
the German Pfahlgraben, erected chiefly under Trajan and Hadrian. 
Unfortunately, of this we still lack a complete topographical survey 
such as we possess for its English rival. On the Lower Danube, 
from river to sea, parallel to the section of the railway from 
Tschernavodja to Kustendsche (Constantia), are still preserved the 
ruins of a similar erection of Trajan's. Hadrian, the greatest builder 
of any age, whose edifices surpass even those of the Kings of Egypt 
and Assyria in number, variety, and extent, came himself to Britain 
in the year 121 the poets of his court celebrated the inconceivable 
self-denial of this journey and there conceived the idea, not indeed 
of hermetically sealing up the empire from the north by such a 
building that idea, owing to a false analogy derived from the Chinese 
Wall, has often been quite incorrectly attributed to him but rather 
of changing the character of the defensive warfare which had been 
hitherto carried on upon the border, and which, like every true system 
of defence, had also in it an element of the offensive. Henceforward, 
instead of a mere bundle of castles loosely tied together by roads, there 
was to be one prolonged frontier castle, which might serve as a firm 
basis of operations, not only against the north, but also against the 
south, where the loyalty of the Brigantes was by no means assured. 
Gates and roads led northwards across the Wall ; advanced posts 
pushed out in the same direction showed that then, at least, the 
Roman authorities were by no means prepared to renounce the schemes 
of Agricola, and to abandon the northernmost portion of the island 
for ever to the barbarians. 

Beginning at Wallsend, near the mouth of the Tyne, to the east of 
the smoke-famed City of Newcastle, with its Norman keep and its 
modern High Level Bridge, the Wall runs for about eighty Roman or 
seventy-four English miles, a straight course over hill and dale, till it 
reaches Bowness, on the southern shore of the Solway Firth. Through- 
out its entire course the work is evidently divided into three different 
parts on the south side a wall of earth; on the north the stone wall 
with little forts and a multitude of sentry-boxes [turrets]; between 
them the seventeen great stations, and the line of road which connected 
them one with another. 

The earth-wall [Vallum] on the south itself consists of three por- 
tions. A fosse 30 feet broad (in round numbers) and 10 feet deep 
lies in the middle of the work. A single mound rises to the north of 
this fosse and a double one to the south, each at a distance of 24 feet. 


The northern mound, and the innermost of the two southern mounds, 
are each 6 to 7 feet high, with rounded and slowly rising profiles, 
the southernmost mound is somewhat lower. The core of the mound 
is often, especially in swampy ground, irregular rubble stone-work. 
The distance of the collective earth-work [Vallum] from the Wall on 
the north varies between 180 and 200 feet. In one place, about half- 
way between the two seas, where the Wall climbs the rocks to a height 
of more than 300 feet above the sea level, while the Vallum keeps to 
the bottom of the valley, the interval between them is as much as 500 
feet. The earth-work is at both ends some miles shorter than that 
which is built of stone. 

This stone-wall on the north, as is shown by the still almost uni- 
formly visible foundations, is from 6 to 8 feet broad. Its original 
heights, crowned with battlements, are, of course, no longer to be seen. 
Bede, who lived in the eighth century, at the neighbouring convents 
of Wearmouth and Jarrow, south of the Tyne estuary, saw it still 12 
feet high. Various witnesses in the sixteenth century speak of it as 
in several places still 16 feet high 8 to 10 is the height still reached 
in one part of its course. It was probably originally about 20 feet 
high. The core of the Wall is composed of what is called opus incer- 
tum a concrete, hard as rock, of great and little blocks of stone 
welded together with mortar. The northern front is faced with toler- 
ably regular blocks of moderate dimensions, generally 20 inches long, 
10 broad, and 8 high, which as a rule have their long side laid in the 
depth of the Wall, while their short side is turned outwards. The 
southern front is systematically treated with less care and regularity ; 
the blocks are smaller and more unsightly than in the north. 

The stone that has been used is a pretty hard quartz-like sandstone, 
which is found in the heights south of the Wall. A series of quarries 
from which it was brought can still be traced. Fugitive inscriptions, 
carved in the live rock, preserve the remembrance of the Roman work- 

At unequal distances the Wall was joined by rectangular buildings 
[turrets] of about 10 feet square, with one door of entrance in the 
southern side. The inner fabric was of wood. Already in Horsley's 
time, of the 320 turrets of this kind, which, according to the distances, 
are computed to have once existed along the whole line of the Wall, 
only three in one place were to be seen continuously; and now their 
foundations only remain in a very detached state. 

At intervals of about one Roman mile from one another, but of 
course varying somewhat, in order to take advantage of a favourable 
configuration of the ground, there are certain lesser stations, of which 
in all within nearly eighty have been enumerated. The English call 
these buildings, not unsuitably, mile-castles. They are quadrangular 
enclosures surrounded by walls, the corners rounded off on the south 
side, about 60 feet square. The northern face generally coincides with 
the Wall, sometimes projects a little beyond it. There are gates, not 
only of ingress, in the southern side, but also of egress in the northern. 
The mile-castles are thus, in the wonted fashion, fortified gates. Of 


buildings inside them virtually nothing has been discovered ; they can 
only have been block-houses of wood. 

On the northern side, wherever the ground allows of it, there runs 
a fosse of the same dimensions as that of the earth-wall on the south, 
30 feet broad and 8 or 9 feet deep. Where rivers, like the Tyne, 
intersect the course of the Wall, bridges, built in excellent style, pro- 
tected by tetes-du-pont on each bank, carry on the road alongside of 
the Wall. 

Lastly, we come to the seventeen great camps called Stallones or 
Preetenturae, which, with the exception of three, somewhat south of 
the earth-wall, lie between it and the stone-wall at very unequal dis- 
tances from each other; on an average they are five miles apart. It is 
quite possible that Hadrian's engineers may have included in their 
system of fortification points already occupied by the native population, 
or camping-grounds selected in the earlier marches of the Eoman 
troops. In all essential points, however, they are constructed upon 
one uniform plan, and must have come into being at the same time. 
No monuments have yet been discovered in them which can with 
certainty be referred to the pre-Hadrianic age. Of the list of their 
names preserved in the Notitia Dignitatum, one clearly points to T. 
.ZElius Hadrianus as the founder Pons ^Elius, the name given, out of 
compliment to him, to the station now represented by Newcastle, with 
its Roman bridge over the Tyne, the foundations of which have been 
recently discovered under those of the mediaeval bridge. 

The camps are all alike of the well-known oblong form. Their 
extent varies, according to the nature of the ground, between three and 
six acres (five to nine Prussian " morgeii "). Walls of about 5 feet in 
thickness, mounds, and fosses, surrounded them. In almost all, the 
four principal gates and the chief streets intersecting one another at 
right angles are still clearly visible. Round some of them, as round 
the larger coloniae, great suburban buildings have clustered ; baths, 
small temples, in one instance even an amphitheatre. The best pre- 
served, formerly called " Borcovicium," now known to the country 
people as House-steads, is called by the local Antiquaries " the English 

At two places, in the east and the west, the roads leading north- 
wards intersect the Wall. On each of them, in Northumberland and 
southern Scotland, are situated at suitable distances two camps, and 
one is also pushed forwards about the middle of the Wall, thus making 
five in all. 

The architectural features, which I have condensed into the briefest 
possible space, speak clearly enough for themselves. From the other 
sources of our knowledge, which have been described above, the mili- 
tary diplomas, the Notitia Dign-ilatum, and the inscriptions found on 
the spot, they receive yet clearer light. The Legatus of Hadrian, 
under whose orders the work was begun in the years 122-124, and 
probably soon afterwards finished in all its essential features, was 
named AULUS PLATORIUS NEPOS, an officer well known on other 
grounds. The work was executed by the three legions then stationed 


in Britain, Ilnd, Vlth, and XXth, while service at the front mean- 
while devolved on detachments from three others, Vllth (stationed in 
Spain), and VHIth and XXIInd, both from Mainz, the former of which 
had already contributed a detachment to the army of invasion under 
Claudius. Besides the legions, a large part of the auxiliary cohorts 
and alae who garrisoned the camps laboured at the work. Many 
inscribed tablets, large and small, attest the share taken by each section 
of the troops in the building, often adding the measurement of the 
portions completed by each. In this way nearly every centuria had its 
share in the glory of the great work, and the record was wisely pre- 
served in inscriptions as a reward of their honourable emulation. 

If you stand on the steep cliff near House-steads and look down, 
northwards over the little Northumbrian lakes, southwards over the 
rich hill-pastures which the railroad traverses, you will soon recognise, 
your attention being called thereto by experienced eyes, the lines of 
Murus and Vallum stretching away up hill and down dale, straight as 
an arrow's flight, and losing themselves at last westwards and east- 
wards in the hazy distance. In the shady park of Chesters, where, on 
the wooded banks of North Tyne, lies the station of Cilurnum ; in the 
little hotel of Gilsland Spa near Rose Hill ; at Stanwix, the elegant 
villa suburb of Carlisle, with its charming view over the far-famed 
Lake district of Cumberland, which includes the high-lying site of 
the Roman camp of Petrianae ; on the sea-shore at the two ends ; 
and at many other places, you can still see detached portions of the 
Wall in relatively good preservation, and allow it to work its full 
impression on your mind. Still the visitor to these places will gene- 
rally feel at first a certain sense of disappointment, like him who for 
the first time treads the Roman Forum or wanders through the narrow 
streets of Pompeii. Hard is it to keep down this feeling; but 
gradually it yields to the delight of intelligent appreciation, which is 
won by enthusiastic devotion to the study. It is with the eyes of the 
intellect, but with them alone, that the magnificent bulwark of Roman 
might in Northern England can be rightly beheld. 


IF it were necessary to prove that in very deed the Wall of Hadrian 
by no means closed up the province from the North, but with its 
nearly eighty gates and its five camps advanced beyond its line, was 
rather a great offensive work intended to place the ever-advancing 
occupation by the Romans on a surer footing than that transitory one 
of Agricola's for all this we have fully sufficient witness, the Wall of 
Antoninus. It is quite possible that the widely circulated biography of 
Tacitus may have suggested the idea of again pursuing, with more 
preparation and under happier auspices, the end which Agricola had 
attained, only to abandon it namely, the occupation of the line Clota- 


Bodotria (Glasgow-Edinburgh), decidedly the narrowest part of the 
whole island. This time also the army would have the great advan- 
tage of Hadrian's Wall as a base of operations. Just 20 years after the 
commencement of Hadrian's work, his successor, Antoninus Pius, 
erected an earth-work on this line (as we are expressly told in the only 
passage of any historian which has been preserved relating thereto). 
Of this earth-work large and clear traces remained down to the last 
century ; and inscriptions in abundance found in its neighbourhood 
threw the same light on its history which similar evidence has thrown 
on the work of Hadrian. The common people called the rampart 
Graham's Dyke (or Gryme's Dyke), after Graeme, the hero of Scottish 
Saga, and ancestor of the Graham Clan. It must be admitted that the 
Vallum Antonini, early abandoned as we shall see that it was, has not 
left such clear traces of itself as the massive Wall of Hadrian. More- 
over, we do not yet possess for it so careful a topographical sketch, 
combining the results of regular excavations, as we can refer to in the 
case of its southern rival. The line of the earth-wall, which is only 
very briefly alluded to in the Scottish chronicles, appears for the first 
time on an old map of Scotland, prepared by Timothy Pont, in the 
year 1565. William Camden (1599), the Scottish antiquaries, Sir 
Robert Sibbald (1607), and Dr. Irvine (1685), and again the English- 
man, William Stukeley (1720), give us only very superficial notices of 
it. We have to thank Gordon and Horsley, those antiquaries of the 
eighteenth century, of whom we have already spoken in connection 
with the English Wall, for a somewhat more accurate description of 
this work also. But the first trustworthy details were the result of the 
general military survey, which was commenced in Scotland after the 
rebellion of 1745. It is the merit of William Roy, a distinguished 
officer of engineers, who was at a later period Major-General; and who 
won fame in the Seven Years' War, to have made, in the year 1764, a 
survey of the Scottish earth-wall, which is to this day the only accurate 
topographical sketch of it that we possess. The gallant officer spent a 
vast amount of time and trouble in reconnoitring a great number of old 
fortified places, all over Scotland. He believed that he had found 
certain criteria by which to decide as to the origin of such fortifications, 
whether British, Roman, Saxon, Danish, Scottish, and so on. Sup- 
ported by these reasonings, which were, from the nature of the case, 
often defective, he undertook to reconstruct Agricola's march to the 
north, from calculations as to the topographical hindrances which he 
would meet with, the marching powers of his troops, their commis- 
sariat, and the like ; and he hoped in this way finally to settle the 
locality of the fight on Mount Graupius. In this, of course, he was 
disappointed, as his calculations, however carefully conducted, rested, 
for the most part, on false (or at any rate uncertain) premises. The 
question of the scene of the battle on Mount Graupius remains an open 
one, like that of the battle in the Teutoburger Wald, and many more 
of the like kind. But to the industry which he applied to its solution 
we owe, as has been already said, the survey of the earth-wall and its 
stations, which General Roy executed under circumstances which were 


at any rate relatively favourable. In the century which has elapsed 
since he wrote, the destruction of the remains still visible in his time 
has gone forward with giant strides [the construction first of a road, 
then of a canal, and finally of a railway between Edinburgh and 
Glasgow having been the most powerful agents of destruction]. Roy's 
description is followed throughout by the excellent John Hodgson 
(1828). The last person who has described the earth-wall, without 
adding anything of his own, is the late Eobert Stuart (1840), an intel- 
ligent bookseller of Glasgow, but no scholar. To the second edition 
of the Cakdonia Romana of this author, a higher value has been 
imparted by some investigations made on the spot by Mr. John 
Buchanan, banker, of Glasgow, and Stuart's father-in-law. 

Few words are needed to describe the manner of its construction. 
From Carridden, near Borrowstoness, on the Firth of Forth, to 
West Kilpatrick, on the Clyde, near Dumbarton, a fosse about 40 feet 
wide and 20 deep is cut through the almost uniformly level country 
for a distance of, in round numbers, 40 Roman, or 37 English, miles, 
that is about half as long as the Wall of Hadrian. This fosse is 
accompanied on its southern side, at a distance of, on an average, 15 
to 20 feet, by the earth-wall, almost everywhere like that of Hadrian, 
with a core of stones inside it, which has served for centuries as a 
quarry. The measurements are hard to determine. Roy, with some 
exaggeration, estimates the breadth at the base at 24 feet, the height, 
inclusive of a breast-work, at 20 feet ; but (even in his time) the Wall 
was nowhere preserved higher than 5 to 6 feet. We cannot find that 
there ever was one uniform angle of the profile, and must conclude 
that from the first the gradient varied according to the nature of the 
ground. Only in certain places, for instance between Rough Castle 
and Castle Gary, have the foundations of turrets and mile-castles been 
observed ; of these there are now no remains. Uniformly south of the 
fosse, there lie, at very unequal distances from one another, the ten 
great camps, with their northern face invariably coinciding with the 
Wall, all of square or oblong form ; varying in dimensions from 500 
feet by 300 to 300 by 200, surrounded with a broad mound and fosse ; 
generally, when the road intersects them, with three gates, sometimes 
with only one gate on the south side, with the north side invariably 
closed. No traces have been recognised of edifices in the inside of 
those camps ; such buildings as there were were probably of wood. As 
with the Wall of Hadrian, the camps are linked together by a military 
road, running always south of the fosse, and generally south of the 
camps, but sometimes intersecting the latter. It is a curious thing 
that none of the previous investigators of the Wall have noticed that 
the names of the ten camps are preserved, though in a grievously dis- 
figured state, by the author of the Itinerary, which was put together 
in the sixth century by some one at the court of Ravenna, writing in 
the Greek language, and which we now possess in a sadly erroneous 
re-translation into Latin, the work of some uneducated scribe. About 
50 inscriptions have been found in the stations along the Wall. They 
are preserved, for the most part, in the museum founded by the illus- 


trious Hunter, at the University of Glasgow. Only a few are to be 
seen at Edinburgh (in the museum at the Royal Institution). They 
are chiefly large stone tablets, executed in an uniform fashion, contain- 
ing a dedication to the Emperor Antoninus Pius, inscribed by that 
particular section of the troops which executed the portion of the Wall 
to which the inscription refers. The number of paces [pedatura] in 
this portion is then added. On many there are reliefs in somewhat 
rough workmanship, representing some gods, Mars, Victory, and the 
Courage of the Emperor, the Emperor high on his horse, riding down 
the foe, a festal sacrifice in his honour, the symbols of the legions for 
example a boar and similar subjects. No other Emperor than Antoninus 
Pius is ever met with upon them. The legatus of the Emperor, who 
commenced the building in the year 142, and who, probably, also 
completed it, was called QUINTUS LOLLIUS URBICUS. He is known to 
us by the monuments which record his governorship in Al'rica, before 
he came to the province of Britain. The troops who executed the 
work were, again, detachments of the three British legions, and of the 
cohorts and alae stationed along the line of Hadrian's Wall. 

It is clear from this description that the rampart of Antoninus was, 
in all essential features, a repetition of that of Hadrian, built on the 
same principles (only without the stone wall on the north, which was 
perhaps contemplated, but never executed), and with the same end in 
view to complete the pacification of the territory lying south of it, 
and to commence the subjugation of that lying north. At least one 
considerable camp in advance of it to the north is still visible, that of 
Ardoch, northward from Stirling. There the gravestone of a soldier 
of a Spanish cohort has been found. He must have done garrison 
duty at this place for some time at the end of the second century. 
This is the most northerly inscription in the Latin tongue that we 
know of. 

The Wall of Antoninus is the last great strategic construction that 
the history of the British province has to show us. With it the story 
of the annexation itself comes to a close. We must not here tell in 
detail the story of the province for the three following centuries, down 
to the withdrawal of the last Roman garrison, though that, too, 
possesses an interest quite above the average of provincial history. 
Though literary narrative here fails us, we can trace by means of the 
monuments, even in small details, how, for the next 60 years after the 
successful exertions of Hadrian and Antonine, especially under the 
mild sway of the philosophical Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and down to 
the confines of the first and second century of our era, a period of 
peace and of material prosperity ensued, even for Britain. In the 
comparatively mild southern portion of the island, trade and agricul- 
ture flourished. Numerous villas, provided with all the southern 
luxuries of warm baths and spacious halls with mosaic pavements, as 
large, and of as various designs as those which we meet with in the 
Rhine Valley, in Southern France and Spain, have been discovered in 
this part of Britain. The hot springs of the goddess Sulis-Minerva, at 
Bath (that most comfortable of the watering places of last century), 


were even at that time in great request among the provincials. Many 
objects of art, of beautiful workmanship, which have been found in 
these places, bear witness to the cultivated artistic taste of their former 

A building so large as the whole extent of Hadrian's Wall, exposed 
to all the severity of a northern climate, required constant attention, 
and hence proceeded the frequent repairs of which we find mention in 
various monuments. Of the attacks of enemies, however, we find no 
mention, though the charred embers and blackened stones of some of 
the camps and mile-castles show that such attacks did take place. 

Under Commodus, the son of Marcus A urelius, we find the old instinct 
for freedom of the Brigantes again asserting itself here and there. The 
valiant Emperor Septimius visits Britain in person, along with his two 
sons, Caracalla and Geta, in order to restore the discipline of the 
troops, which had been relaxed during the long interval of peace, to 
arm the camps anew, and to put down this insurrectionary movement. 
So comprehensive was his activity with reference to the Wall of 
Hadrian that on the pages of his encomiastic biographer [Spartianus] 
he, not the earlier Emperor, is represented as the builder at least of its 
stone walls, its gates, and towers. This is a manifest error, and one 
that is easily confuted by the above-mentioned architectural evidence. 
It has, however, given rise in very recent times to a lively controversy 
between the antiquaries of two English counties. The Northumbrians, 
arguing from the name of their own town, Pons ^Elius, claimed, and 
were fully justified in claiming, Hadrian as founder of the whole work 
in all its parts, as the man whose one mind planned it all. The men 
of Cumberland, on the other hand, maintained the claims of Severus, 
especially because in the mediseval says and sagas of their home the 
Wall was still called Gual Sever, the Wall of Severus. 

At the same time, the great camps between the English and 
Scottish Walls were rebuilt from the foundations and enlarged by 
order of Severus. One of these, High Rochester, the ancient Bre- 
menium, which the Duke of Northumberland, to whom the ground 
belongs, has allowed to lie, for the most part, unoccupied, shows with 
great clearness the plan and arrangement of a Roman camp. 

The statement of some of the ancient authorities that by Severus 
also a Murus of thirty-two Roman miles in length was built across the 
island cannot be easily applied (as some modern writers have sought to 
apply it) to the Wall of Antoninus Pius, for this, as all excavations 
have proved, was always only an earthen wall of the length of forty 
Roman miles, not a Murus ; and not a single epigraphical testimony 
except the frequent ones relating to Antoninus Pius has been found on 
the line of the Scottish Wall. The idea of a Murus built by Severus 
may have arisen from the fact, misinterpreted in his favour, that a 
thorough repair of Hadrian's Wall (perhaps for an extent of thirty-two 
miles) was due to him. 

Besides the land of the Brigantes, Wales, the country of the 
Silures, was the centre of perpetual attempts at insurrection on the 
part of its warlike inhabitants. Any one who has seen the vast masses 


of Snowdon, and the romantic gorges of South Wales will easily under- 
stand that the peculiar conformation of this country almost invites to 
guerilla warfare. Here, too, Severus took measures of a permanent 
kind. As was before related, he removed the 2nd Legion from their 
old head-quarters at Gloucester to Caerleon, in South Wales. He also 
erected new forts overlooking the Irish Sea. 

The great military importance of the province found its expression 
in the pronunciamento of the British army in favour of Albinus, the 
anti-Emperor, proclaimed in Gaul and Germany. In order to guard 
against such dangers for the future, Severus divided the command of 
the province between two officers of equal rank, the legati of the 
upper and lower provinces. In other provinces it had been sought, 
long ago, to guard in similar fashion against the dangers of the great 
military commands. The partition of the office in Britain seems, 
however, not to have been of long continuance. 

But it was under the Emperor Severus that the first step back- 
wards was taken in Britain. There is a tradition which seems worthy 
of credit, that then first the garrisons were withdrawn from the camps 
upon the Scottish Wall. The comprehensive scheme of new fortifica- 
tions for the Hadrianic Wall, and for the camps covering it in front, 
seems to have stood in very close connection with this measure. Only 
the stations of the road along the course of the Scottish Wall are still 
mentioned in the itineraries of the empire. 

In the course of the third century, under the modifying influence 
of the centrifugal tendencies towards independence and federalism, 
which were then sweeping in all directions through the empire, the 
offspring themselves of the dreams of nationality already haunting the 
imperial armies, York, like Lyons and Trier, becomes for a little 
time the seat of a rival Csesarship of not inconsiderable importance ; 
I allude to the reign of Carausius. But Diocletian's strong re- 
construction of the true Roman monarchy, and Constantine's additions 
thereto, in connection with the division of the empire between east 
and west, a division which, it is true, foreshadowed "the beginning of 
the end," did for the present destroy the head of the hydra. The 
barbarians pressing into the country by land, over the northern 
frontier, by sea upon the eastern coast, like a wave breaking far out at 
sea, but ever stoutly gnawing at the shore, and at last coming on with 
yet stronger and more evident impulse, dashed off the varnish of 
Eoman civilisation, which had perhaps never penetrated very deeply, 
except in the immediate neighbourhood of the camps and fortresses, and 
did not adhere deeply even there. While in the interior of the country, 
especially in the centre and west of the island, the Roman element had, 
as it appears, long yielded to the native influence, nearly to the last, 
as the Notitia Digmtatum shows, the dying empire kept its hand upon 
the Wall of Hadrian, upon the places by the coast, and, before all, 
upon the harbours of the Channel. Still, towards the end of the 
fourth century, earnest attention was given, as is shown by the mile- 
stones which have been preserved, to the work of keeping in good 
repair, and even extending the net-work of roads which bound the 



camps together. In this last epoch a new interest the religious 
came to the front in the province, as in the empire. The native 
British population, little Romanised, but early won over to Christianity 
the lower orders in the country kept their Christian faith true in 
spite of all invaders, even maintaining their own special forms and 
dogmas in the face of the Saxon conquerors, when these too, in the 
course of the following centuries, had been converted to Christianity. 
But this subject, though it belongs to a still practically unwritten 
chapter of history, must not be entered upon here. By the middle of 
the fifth century the province was definitively abandoned by Rome. 

"We are now at the end of our task. Should any one ask what was 
the permanent result of the annexation of Britain, achieved by so many 
toils and sacrifices, and maintained with such stubborn strength, the 
most concise answer (though it is one of a negative kind) is furnished 
by a phenomenon with which we are all familiar the English language. 
That language is essentially Germanic ; it has Romanic elements, but 
it owes them exclusively to the Norman invasion. Never, therefore, 
did the Roman conquest lead in Britain, as it did lead in Southern 
France and Spain, to a veritable assimilation. Strangers did the 
Roman conquerors remain during the four centuries of their tarriance 
in Britain ; as strangers did they at length retire before the fresh 
nationalities for whom it was reserved, not merely to become lords of 
the country, but to find in it their enduring home. 



[Read on the 29th October, 1884.] 

THE Roman buildings recently discovered between the eastern rampart 
of the station of Cilurnum and the river North Tyne have been already 
partially excavated, and the further excavation is in progress ; but the 
buildings are found to be more extensive and more important than 
was expected, and it is probable that the excavation may not be com- 
pleted till the spring of next year, when a full description of the 
structures by an abler hand than mine, with an accurate plan of the 
whole, will be laid before the Society. In the meantime, detached 
objects will necessarily be met with, 
which ought at once to be brought 
before the Society. One of such 
objects, being an altar inscribed to 
the goddess Fortune, of which a 
woodcut from a drawing from the 
pencil of Mr. Blair, our colleague, 
and one of our secretaries, is 
here annexed. The figure of the 
goddess is sculptured on the face 
of the altar. In one hand she 
holds a cornucopia, in the other a 
wheel both of them appendages 
of the goddess, and generally found 
upon her statues. The following 
is an expanded reading of the in- 
scription : 




ici YENENV- 



The ravages of time, on the features and dress of the goddess, are 
apparent, but every letter is legible. The use of tied letters in this 
inscription indicates that its date was not earlier than the reign of 

Antoninus Pius, when the 
use of ligatures, or tied 
letters, was first introduced. 
Eoman altars to Fortune 
are very frequently found, 
but the application to her 
of the epithet Conservatrix 
is almost unique. Only 
two more examples are in 
existence in Britain, one* 
was found in the year 1740 
(and remains) at Netherby, 
in Cumberland, the seat 
of Sir Frederick Ulric 
Graham, Bart., and we 
will now endeavour to 
trace the history of the 
third. In Orellius a 
similar altar is described 
as having been found at 
Bath ; but in the seventh 
volume of the Corpus In- 
scrip. Latin., No. 211, we 
are informed that the men- 
tion by Orellius, of Bath 
as the place where this 
altar was found, is a mis- 
take, and that, in fact, it 
was found at or near Man- 
chester, and was either 
lost or concealed. Mr. W. 
Thompson Watkin of Liverpool, in going systematically through (on 
the 30th of May, 1884) the collection of Roman inscriptions and 
sculptures preserved in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, came upon 
* See Woodcut aboye. 





this identical altar. It seems that in 1875 it was presented to the 
museum by the Rev. J. W. Burgon, M.A., now Dean of Chichester, 
and from him we learn that it was purchased early in this century at 
a sale, by his father, a distinguished official in the British Museum, 
who gave it to a relation of the name of Johnson resident at Cheshunt 
in Hertfordshire, at whose death it came to his nephew, the Rev. J. 
"W. Burgon. Horsley, in his Britannia Rom ana,* describes this Altar, 
and gives us the inscription as follows : 


CONSBRVA- (v and A ligulate) 


Nivsf MAB- 

Though he refers us to Camden's Britannia as his authority, we 
can find there no mention of the altar; but we find it described in 
one of Bishop Gibson's interpolations in his translation of Camden,J 
in which he speaks of it in the following terms : " Another inscrip- 
tion was dug up at the same place, by the River Medlock, in the 
year 1616. The stone is three quarters long, fifteen inches broad, 
and eleven thick, and is preserved entire in the garden at Hulme, the 
seat of the Blands, lords of the town of Manchester, by marriage with 
the heiress of the Moseleys. It seems to be an altar dedicated to 
Fortune by L. Senecianusf Martius, the third governor or commander 
of the Sixth Legion." The dedicator of the Cilurnum altar, like the 
dedicators of the two altars found last year at Borcovicus, is a German 
serving in the Roman army ; but the particular branch of the service 
to which he belonged is not stated, as is done in the case of the dedi- 
cators of the two altars at Borcovicus. 

* P. 301 and plate N. 61 (Lancashire I). 

t By the courtesy of Mr. Arthur J. Evans, the curator of the Ashmolean 
Museum, we are able to stafe that Horsley's reading of the name of the dedicator 
of the altar SENECIANIVS is correct, and that Bishop Gibson is wrong. 

I Page 966. 

Alparc or Aldport. 



BRUCE, LL.D., D.C.L., V.P. 

[Bead on the 26th November, 1884.] 

IN making the cutting for a road at the east end of Byker Bridge, a 
Roman altar was found about three weeks ago. As the inscription on 
it is nearly effaced, its value consists simply in its indicating the course 
of the Wall in its passage to the station of Pons JElii. 

The altar is a small one, but it is well formed. It is 1 foot 
10 inches high and 11 inches broad. It has the usual capital and 
projecting base. The capital is ornamented by two lines of the cable 
pattern moulding. On its top is the focus, as usual, on which the 
offering was burnt, and on each side of it are indications of the volutes 
which are supposed to symbolize the faggots used in burning the sacri- 
fice. At some late period a hole has been bored through the upper 
angle of the stone at its right hand side. 

Unfortunately, owing to the altar having been made use of as a 
sharpening stone, the greater part of the inscription, which it once no 

doubt bore, has been worn off. Usually 
inscriptions on Roman altars begin with 
the name of the gods to whom they are 
dedicated, put in the dative case. Here 
the inscription begins with the name 
of a man, probably the dedicator, in the 
nominative case. The inscription has 
consisted of seven lines. The first and 
second lines are complete, they are : 



D.I . . . 

Q . . . . 
PB .... 

cv . . . . 

Of the other lines we have only the initial letter or letters ; they 
seem to be (3rd line) D.I, (4th) or Q, (5th) P E. Any attempt to 
draw any meaning out of this inscription beyond the name of the 


dedicator, if such it be, can only be guess work. Yet I will ven- 
ture upon an expansion of the third line, in the full expectation 
that it will be objected to by more able epigraphists than myself. I 
would venture to read : IVLius MAXIMVS SACmfos Dei Invicti 
Mithrce. " Julius Maximus, priest of the unconquered god Mithras." 
Mithras, the Persian sun god, was extensively worshipped along the 
line of the Roman Wall. As the sun is the chief agent in the hands 
of the living God in promoting light and warmth and growth, it was 
natural that those who could not or would not rise up to the conception 
and worship of the first Great Cause, should be satisfied with the 
adoration of this work of His hands. 


[Read on the 28th January, 1885.] 

THE Rev. A. Wright, Yicar of Over-Denton, has recently called my 
attention to three unrecorded centurial stones found in the neighbour- 
hood of Gilsland. Two of these I have examined along with him ; 
the third has been discovered since I was last in the west. 

In the garden wall at Willowford farm house, close to the front 
door, is a stone which bears the inscription 



" The Century of Oocceius Regulus." 

A stone, which is now in the possession of Mr. John Armstrong, 
of the Crooks, and was found by him in a field-wall between Gap and 
Chapel House a few years ago, bears the 
following inscription : 


Some of the letters are very obscure. The last two letters of the 
second line and the last three of the third are in ligature. After 
considerable trouble, Mr. Wright and I came to the conclusion that 
the reading of it was probably as follows : Cohoriis sextae, centuria 
Caledonii Secundi, "The century of Caledonius Secundus (or 

Secundinus) of the sixth Cohort." 



The third stone* was found at Newhall, which is to the north-west 
of Wallend. The inscription seems to read : 


"The century of Laetinus (or Laetianus) of the second Cohort." The 
only letter about which there seems to be any doubt is the last letter 
of the last line, it may be an N, or we may have IA. 

The stone has seemingly been cut down for building purposes since 
being taken out of the Roman Wall. 


[Read on the 29th April, 1885.] 

I HAVE had an opportunity of examining the centurial stone which 
you informed me had been discovered at Hexliam lately, and is now in 
the possession of Mr. Gibson. It seems that it was taken out of the 
wall of a house which had been built in the seventeenth century say 
about 1640. 

The stone bears all the characteristics of a Roman walling stone. 
It is sixteen inches long, tapering, as is usual, from its outer to its 
inner extremity. Its face is 1 foot in width, and 8s inches in height, 
and is, as almost universally is the case, cut across the lines of strati- 
fication. The inscription is as you 
represented it to be, thus : 


The only point on which there can 
be any doubt is, as you are aware, the 
last two letters of the second line. You 
were disposed to regard them as two M'S in ligature. I saw the inscrip- 
tion in a particularly good light, and I thought I saw in the last 
character a horizontal stroke, giving it the appearance of MA in ligature. 
I may mention that the letters have been formed by a series of punctu- 
rings, a mode which we have frequently noticed. 

* This and the stone from Willowford farm-house are now in the possession of 
Mr. George Howard, M.P., at Naworth Castle. 


Now, as to the reading of the inscription. If I am right as to the 
last character being MA, it probably is : 

Cohortis nonae, centuria Ma 
rci Comati 

If the last letter be an M, the reading may be : 
Cohortis nonse, centuria Ma 
rci Communis. 

Both of these names, Dr. Htibner (from whom I have heard since 
he got your squeeze of the stone) suggests as likely ones, though 
neither of them have previously occurred in British inscriptions. 

This stone forms another link in the chain of reasoning which 
would rank Hexham among the posts occupied by the Romans. 

The woodcut on the preceding page, from a photograph which Mr. 
Gibson has prepared with his usual skill, gives a perfect representation 
of this interesting relic. 

Several days ago there was sent to me, by direction of the Marquis 
of Lothian, a plaster of Paris cast of a Roman inscription found upon 
a stone that is built into the north turret stair of Jedburgh Abbey. 
I was asked to give his lordship my views respecting it. As the stone 

Q ^ C & A ^pIVL . 

has to a large extent escaped the notice of writers upon Scottish 
archaeology,* and as the troops and their tribune, who inscribed it, seem 
to have hailed from HABITANCUM, the modern Risingham, a station on 
the Watling Street, on our side of the Border, it may be agreeable to 
this society to have a brief account of it. 

* It is described in Jeffrey's History of Roxburghshire, and a figure of it 
given, but the inscription is not fully represented. 



Most of the letters of the inscription are distinct ; one or two are 
partially obliterated, and one or two have been purposely effaced. 
Notwithstanding this circumstance I have no doubt that it is to be 

read as already given. The expansion 
of it will necessarily be Jovi optima 
maxima vexillatio Retorum Gaesatorum 
quorum curam agit Julius Se-verinus 
tribunus. "To Jupiter the best and 
greatest, the vexillation of Raetian 
spearmen under the command of Julius 
Severinus (dedicates this)." 

The word Retorum is manifestly a 
rustic spelling of the word Raetorum. 
"We have only once before, in our 
British antiquities, met with the word 
Gafsati. It occurs on the fine large 
slab in our own museum, which came 
from Risingham, and is here shown. 
It is No. 628 in our Lapidarium Septen- 
trionak, and No. 1,002 in the seventh 
volume of the. Corpus Inscriptionum 
Latinarum (vol. vii). The last line 
of the inscription reads Cokors prima 
Vangionum, item Raeti gaesati et ex- 
ploratores .... poswrunt. 

The term gaesati has been derived 
from the word gaesum or gaesa, signi- 
fying a spear or javelin. The weapon 
in question was one which, at first, was 
only used by barbaric tribes; but it 
was eventually adopted by some of the 
Roman forces. These Raetians were 
evidently armed with it. 

Two altars found at Risingham, 
but now lost, have probably been dedi- 
cated by the Raeti. The reading on them is VEXII G R, which 
Professor Hiibner expands thus : Vexillarii Germani Raeti. See 
Lapid., Nos. 391, and 392, and C.LL., Nos. 987, 988. 



There is another stone in our museum, also from Risingham, which 
sheds light upon the Jedburgh inscription. It is an altar to Fortune, 
being No. 602 of the Lapidarium Septentrionale and No. 984 of the 
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (vol. vii). The inscription reads : 


" To Fortune, that brings back in safety, Julius Severinus, the tribune, 
on the completion of the bath, erects this altar in discharge of a vow, 
willingly and to a most deserving object." There can be little doubt 
that the IVLIVS SEVERINVS of this altar is the IVL SEVER of the 



Jedburgh inscription. Hence we may conclude that the body of 
Raetians whom we find at Risingham is the same force which have 
left their mark on the stone in Jedburgh Abbey. Risingham is quite 
in the north of Northumberland, and, as we have stated, is situated on 
the Watling Street ; Jedburgh is but a short way within the Scottish 
border, and is within two miles of the Watling Street. The one place 
would be but an easy march from the other. 

Professor Hiibner, I may mention, agrees with me in the reading 
which I have given of the inscription. 

NOTE. A Vexillation of Raeti and Norici is mentioned on an altar 
found at Manchester, which is represented in the woodcut (kindly lent 
by Mr. W. T. Watkin): 



[Read on the 25th March, 1885.] 

Lowther Street, Carlisle, 24th March, 1885. 

MY DEAR DR. BRUCE, For some time past excavations for build- 
ing purposes have been in progress in Carlisle on a site known as the 
Spring Garden Bowling Green, and situate on the east side of Lowther 
Street, at its northern end. It therefore lies immediately outside of 
the north-east angle of the Roman and mediasval city. With the 
exception of a small public house and some sheds this site has never 
been built upon. It was a garden and bowling green in 1745, when 
its hedges were cut down for fear they might give shelter to the 

I have watched the excavations with interest. Over most of the 
area there was a thin stratum of garden soil, while the earth below 
had never been disturbed. Close to Lowther Street a trench, filled up 
with mud and miscellaneous matter, marked the city ditch, which was 
open in the memory of many now living. On the north side of the 
garden was found a deep pocket of made soil, in which was the slab I 
am about to describe. Many animal bones, including, it is said, the 
skeleton of a donkey, were found here ; and also two skulls, which I 
did not see, but which are said to be human. The slab was in this 
pocket ; it was in an inclining position, face upwards, at an angle of 
about 45 with the horizon. Most unfortunately, before its nature was 
suspected, a cart passed over it and broke off the top of the stone, 
which was at once knocked into fragments, and either built into foun- 
dations or pitched away at any rate, it cannot be found. 

The extreme height of the slab is now 4 feet 8 inches, and breadth 
3 feet 2 inches. It is of considerable thickness and weight, and is of 
the local soft red sandstone. A deep alcove is cut in the upper part, 
in which is a figure now headless, the head and the top of the alcove 
having been destroyed by the cart. The height of the figure is 2 feet 
2 inches. It represents a child in upper and under tunic. The under 
tunic reaches to the little feet, which peep out beneath it, and its tight 
sleeves come down to the wrists ; the upper tunic comes to the knees, 
and has large sleeves reaching to the elbows. A girdle is round the 


waist, and a large scarf or comforter has been wrapped round the 
child's throat and chest to protect it from the cold. The child probably 

died of bronchitis. 
The costume, if in 
woollen material, 
would be at once 
warm, sensible, and 
convenient. The 
left hand is raised to 
the breast, the right, 
extended down- 
wards, holds a fir- 

Below the figure 
a panel is cut in the 
stone, 2 feet 2 inches 
broad by 1 foot high, 
and having on each 
side the well-known 
dovetail projections. 
D i s 


The letters are 
unusually distinct, 
though before the 
stone was washed I 
had some doubt as 
to the final 1 1 1, as 
a flaw in the stone 
f|| made it look like ui 
(not vi) ; but after 
the stone was washed 
and placed in the Museum, under strong light, both sun and gas, the 
in came out clear. 

I venture to read this 


" Vacia, an infant of three years ; " 




and Professor Clark and Mr. Watkin agree ; as I also gather from your 
card, does Professor Hiibner. 

"Vacia" occurs on a slab found at Great Chesters (Lap. Sep., 282), 

which is expanded as 



You will be glad to hear that the Roman bagpiper has at last made 
his appearance in the Museum. I had him brought from Stanwix in 


October last ; but, owing to his weight over half a ton we dare not 
take him up the stairs and over the floor. However, a few days ago, 
we opened a back entry, and the - Corporation workmen hauled the 
piper up with tackle to a safe place, with a cross wall under him. He 
is much disfigured with tar from the water butt, which he latterly 

supported. I remain, yours truly, 



[Read on the 29th July, 1885.] 

AT one of our recent meetings I ventured to remark that our Society 
was more fortunate than most of those in the South of England, for 
whereas they were very rarely able to boast of a new inscription of the 
Roman era, we had a fresh one to discuss nearly every month. In 
quick succession we have had laid before us, in papers by Mr. Clayton, 
Mr. R. S. Ferguson, and myself : An account of two milestones found 
at Cawfields ; two very important altars, found at Housesteads, dedi- 
cated to Mars Thingsus and two German divinities by Germans 
serving in the Roman army in a Dutch Cohort ; an altar found at 
Chesters, dedicated to Fortuna Conservatrix ; a funereal stone found 
at South Shields, and another discovered at Carlisle. To-night I have 
the happiness to describe, under the auspices of our senior Vice- 
President, on whose estate they have been found, no less than five mile- 
stones, all of them having inscriptions. It may be well first of all to 
describe the place in which they were found. The farm of Crindle 
Dykes lies to the south of the Housesteads farm, and of the public 
road extending from Newcastle to Carlisle called the Military Road 
in consequence of its having been formed for military purposes after 
the rebellion of 1745. Passing over the crown of the hill, which is 
here a striking object in the landscape, it extends down its southern 
slope towards the river South Tyne. But there is another and a more 
ancient road which traverses the Crindle Dykes farm from east to west, 
and which has been used from time immemorial as a township highway. 
It was known in the Middle Ages as the Stanegate, or the Stone Road, 
being so called in contradistinction to the unpaved roads which 


usually prevailed in earlier times. This road is in reality a Eoman 
one. As such it is laid down in the Survey of the Roman Wall by 
Mr. MacLauchlan a survey most accurately executed, and for which 
we are indebted to the sound judgment and generous spirit of Algernon, 
the fourth Duke of Northumberland. In this survey the road is laid 
down as proceeding from Walwick Grange, a hamlet adjacent to the 
station of CILURNUM, passing Fourstones, Newbrough, and Chester- 
holm (the Eoman VINDOLA.NA), and coming to Carvoran (the Roman 
MAGNA). Here it meets the Maiden Way, the great Roman road on 
which the traffic between the south and the north was carried on, and 
then proceeds westward to Birdoswald (the Roman AMBOGLANNA). 
Mr. MacLauchlan professes only to trace the Stanegate from Walwick 
Grange to Birdoswald, but he indicates the possibility of its extension 
to CILURNUM. In order to test this matter, a cutting was made by 
Mr. Clayton two or three years ago, on the presumed Hue of its course 
between the southern gateway of CILURNUM and Walwick Grange, 
when a nearly perfect Roman road was discovered about two feet 
beneath the surface. It was twenty-seven feet in width, and had 
kerb-stones on each side of it. It may also be stated that traces of 
this road have been found westward of Birdoswald, and are laid 
down on Mr. MacLauchlan's survey, thus leading to the opinion 
that it extended from Birdoswald in the direction of Carlisle. 

The five milestones that I am now to describe, have been found on 
the north side of the Stanegate, on the Crindle Dykes farm. The 
stones were all found in near contiguity with each other. In the 
course of the excavations which were made, the original Roman road 
was exposed at about two feet below the existing highway, with 
its accustomed kerb - stones. These milliaries were found exactly 
one Roman mile to the east of one which is still standing on the 
Stauegate, in the immediate vicinity of VINDOLANA, on the spot where, 
doubtless, Roman hands placed it, sixteen or seventeen centuries ago. 
In consequence of its long exposure to the elements, the inscription 
which it once bore is now nearly obliterated ; some strokes which may 
be portions of letters can be discerned, but nothing can be made of 
them. Horsley seems to have read the inscription. He says, "The 
military way that passes directly from Walwick Chesters to Carvoran 
is here [Chesterholm] very visible, and close by the side of it stands a 
piece of a large rude pillar with a remarkable inscription upon it in 



large letters, but very coarse, BONO REIPVBLICAE NATO. No doubt 
this was a compliment to the reigning emperor."* A generation or 
so ago another stone was standing a Roman mile to the west of this 
one, but it was split in two by the occupant of the farm and the 
severed parts made use of as gate-posts. The fragments of this stone 
at present lie by the side of the road. 

Now it was at the distance of a Roman mile from the milestone 
which is still standing, that the five milestones I am now to describe 
were found. The circumstance of this part of the farm having been 
subjected to the modern process of tile draining, was the cause of their 
being brought to light. The stones have all been carefully photo- 
graphed by our skilled associate, Mr. Gibson, and copies of his work 
are, by Mr. Clayton's desire, laid upon our table. From the photo- 
graphs it will be observed that the stones are very rudely dressed, and 
that the task of deciphering the inscriptions is not an easy one. I 
shall not be at all surprised if some of my 
present readings should eventually be found 
to need revision. 

The earliest of the stones belongs to the 
time of Severus Alexander. It is a nicely 
rounded pillar, four feet six inches high, and 
seven inches in diameter. The inscription 
on it seems to be this : 



no [FEL. AVG. p. M.] 

cos PP CVR 

L[E]G- AVG. [PR. PR.] 


Imperatori Caesari 
Severe [Alexandro] 
Pio [felici Augusto pontifici maximo] 
consuli, patri patriae, curante 
legato Augusti propraetore 
millia passuum quatuordecim. 
"To the Emperor, Caesar, Severus [Alexander, happy, august, chief 

* Britannia Romana, p. 228. 


priest] Pius, consul, father of his country, (this stone was erected) by 

order of Imperial legate (and propraetor). Fourteen miles." I 

may remark that the A and the v at the end of the 5th line are 
ligulate, and have the appearance of two xs. The Severus to whom 
this stone is dedicated, is probably Severus Alexander ; the character 
of the lettering upon it being precisely similar to that on another 
milestone found at Cawfields, which was brought under the notice of 
this Society a short time ago,* and which undoubtedly belongs to this 
emperor. An important inscription found at Chesters, and bearing 
the name of Elagabalusf as Augustus, and of Severus Alexander 
as Caesar, bears the date of A.D. 221. In this inscription Marius 
Yalerianus is represented as being the Imperial Legate at the time. 

The next stone seems to bear the name of 
Maximinus, but which of the Emperors of that 
name it is difficult to say, though, judging from 
the coarseness both of the stone and of the 
lettering, it is probably of the later Emperor, 
Maximinus Daza, who reigned from A.D. 305 
to A.D. 314. The stone is precisely similar in 
character to another milliary of Maximinus, 
which was discovered at Corbridge, and is now 
in the Museum of the Duke of Northumber- 
land, at Alnwick Castle. See Lapidarium Sep- 
Unirionale, No. 643. The newly discovered 
pillar is five feet two inches high, and has a 
diameter at top of one foot two inches, and at 
bottom of one foot eight inches. The inscrip- 
tion is : 

IMP Imperatori 

CAE Caesari 

MAXI Maxi 

MINO Mino 

AVG Augusto 

NOB Nobilissimo 

CAES Caesari. 

" To the Emperor Caesar Maximinus Augustus (and) the most noble 

* Archaeologia Aeliana, IX. 211. f Lapidarium Septentrionale, Xo. 121. 



The stone which comes next in chronological order has not the 
usual form of a milestone, but is a flat slab measuring two feet four 
inches in length, by one foot four inches in breadth; the lower end bears 
marks of recent fracture. Its inscription presents no difficulties; it is 

M AYR Marcus Aurelius 

PROBVS Probus 

p F INVIC Pius, felix, invictcs 

AVG Augustus. 

" Marcus Aurelius Probus Pius, happy, uncon- 
quered, Augustus." Probus reigned from A.D. 
276 to 282. He was a most successful warrior 
and a wise governor. " History," says the late 
Professor Ramsay, in Smith's Dictionary of 
Greek and Roman Biography, "has unhesi- 
tatingly pronounced that the character of Pro- 
bus stands without a rival in the annals of 
imperial Rome, combining all the best features 
of the best princes who adorned the purple." He was murdered by 
his soldiers in consequence of his employing them in laborious works of 

public utility. It is interesting to find in 
our immediate neighbourhood so distinct a 
notice of so remarkable a man. No other 
stone found in Britain bears his name. 

We now come to the period of the 
Constantines. On a rounded column of 
very coarse millstone grit, three feet seven 
inches high and eleven inches in diameter, 
is the annexed inscription : " To the Em- 
peror Flavius Valerius Constantinus Pius, 
happy, unconquered, Augustus, the son of 
the deified (Augustus Constantius)." This 
inscription strongly resembles one which 
was discovered some years ago on the side 
of the road leading into the Roman station 
of Ancaster in the county of Lincoln, 
which is figured in Mr. C. Roach Smith's 
Collectanea Antiqua, Vol. V. p. 149, and which forms No. 1170 in the 
Corpus laser iplionum Latinarum, Vol. VII. The second line of the 

FL (?) 


P. T 





pio felici 




[Augusti filio] 



inscription has here been to some extent conjecturally restored; a flaw 
in the stone partially interfering with it. The pillar was found in two 
pieces, but the parts fit accurately together. 

The fifth stone is dedicated to Constantine the Great and to his son 
Flavius Julius Constans. The stone is peculiar in its form; for the most 
part it is cylindrical, but the portion on which the inscription is carved 










Imperatori Caesari 
Flavio Valerio 
pio Augusto et 
Flavio Julio 
filio Augusti 

forms a flat moulded tablet. 
The height of it is three feet 
two inches, and the width 
about one foot two inches. 
The following is the inscrip- 
tion : " To . the Emperor 
Flavius Valerius Constantinus 
Pius Augustus, and to the 
Caesar Flavius Julius Con- 
stans the son of the Au- 
gustus " The latter 

part of the fourth line of 
the inscription is somewhat 
bleared; some read NOB, in- 
stead of the reading I have given. The last line is so obscure as to 
have as yet resisted all attempts to unravel it. 

Besides these five stones, which are nearly entire, 
fragments of two others have been found in the 
same place. One of these has inscribed on it, of 
a large size, the well-formed letters IM, forming 
probably part of the word Imperator. The mile- 
stone, of which this fragment formed a part, has, it 
is feared, been destroyed long ago. Another frag- 
ment, forming apparently the bottom of a pedestal, 
has on it the letters L. i. Can these be intended 
for Leuga una, one league. On many French 
milestones leagues are given instead of miles. 

Now it will naturally cause surprise that so many 
milestones should have been found in one spot. 
If used for the ordinary purpose of informing a 
traveller as to his progress on his journey, they would not require re- 
newal at such short intervals as the inscriptions on these seem to indicate. 


Besides, they do not, for the most part, give the distance from any 
place, but simply give the name of an emperor ; and this is the case 
generally with milestones from the fourth century downwards. Mr. "W. 
Thompson "Watkin, in a paper which appears in the last volume of our 
Transactions,* states that it is a common thing, especially on the con- 
tinent, to find milestones in groups, and that it was the custom to 
renew these milliary columns in the reigns of successive emperors. 

The Romans attached great importance to the construction of 
roads. It was only by having the means of easy access to the most 
distant of her possessions that Rome could hold the supremacy of 
empire which she did for so long a period. The charge of constructing 
or renewing her roads was committed to her greatest men, and they 
not only saw that they were constructed and kept . in order, but 
they themselves laid out large sums upon them. Julius Caesar was 
at one time Curator of the Appian Way, and he laid out great sums of 
his own money upon it. During the first years of Augustus, Agrippa 
repaired various roads at his own expense.f The office of Curator viae 
was always considered a high dignity, and seems eventually to have been 
generally assumed by the emperors themselves. In the best ages of 
the republic and of the empire, the inspectors of the ways sought to 
benefit the state by making and maintaining its roads ; in the decline 
of the empire, they sought to get benefit to themselves out of the roads. 
When each claimant of the purple had to assert his rights in the face 
of many rivals, the assuming the charge of the roads throughout the 
world was one mode of gazetting his pretensions. Hence the mile- 
stones seem to have been renewed as regularly as emperor after 
emperor met the usual fate of such functionaries, assassination, in the 
latter days of the empire. 

In concluding this paper, may I express the hope that ere long I 
may have the privilege of bringing other milliaries before the notice of 
this Society, which, as yet, lie under the sod. 

* Archaeologia Aeliana, X. 130. 

* Article VIAE. in Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities. 



[Read on the 27th May, 1885.] 

GENTLEMEN, I am no antiquary, but take a good deal of 
interest in all that can throw light upon the obscurity of the past of 
this our district. I beg to ask you if the following communication 
may be of interest to your Society, in elucidation of the above query ? 

In reading lately a little book entitled La Bretagne, by M. Emile 
Souvestre (Paris, 1867 ; Collection Levy) M. Souvestre is himself a 
Breton, and an acknowledged authority on the subject of Brittany 
and the Bretons I came upon the passage which I here quote : 
" L'e"poque de sa fondation (de Kemper ou Quimper) est inconnu ; 
cependant, quelques antiquaires ont cru qu'elle etait la continuation de 
Corisopitum, la capitale des Corisopites, ou les Remains avaient fonde" 
un grand etablissement militaire." 

Reading this passage a second time, it struck me forcibly that the 
name Corisopitum, of a place in Armorica, looked and sounded to my 
Northern eyes and ears wonderfully like Corstopilum, the Roman name 
for the station at Corbridge, in Northumberland, at which place also 
there existed a large Roman military establishment ; and then, reflect- 
ing that the defenders of the Roman Wall were for the most part 
auxiliaries drawn from Gaul as well as from other regions of Europe, 
not to mention Asia and Africa, I was prompted to hazard the follow- 
ing conjectures, namely 

1. That among the garrisons per lineam valli, and their supports, 

there might have been a garrison from Armorica. 

2. That such garrison might, perhaps, have been mainly composed 

of a detachment of fighting men drafted from Corisopitum to 

3. That these men might have given the name of their natal place 

to the station to which they had been transported. 

4. That, in the course of time, the name Corisopitum had been 

roughened into Corstopitum. 



I wish now to try and show that these conjectures are not quite 
devoid of probability. 

Not only were there Roman remains in abundance at Corisopitum, 
for M. Souvestre informs us that " un des faubourgs de Keinper, celui 
de Locmaria, est encore jonche" de d6bris de briques et de poterie 
roraaine," but Dr. Bruce, at page 339 of his great work The Roman 
Wall, tells us that " the site of this ancient city (Corstopitum) has 
been long under cultivation, but coins and fragments of pottery 
(Roman) are still frequently turned up by the plough." 

Further, M. Souvestre goes on to say, "tout recemment on a 
de"couvert, non loin de la, au chateau de Poulquinant, des rnedailles 
de Marc Aurele." And Dr. Bruce adds to his previous notice " that 
a broken slab is built into the front wall of a house at the east end of 
Corbridge, the inscription on which reads, Imperato[ri] M. Aurelio 

Both Corisopitum and Corstopitum then, were great Roman mili- 
tary towns in the time of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, and his name 
occurs in or near to the ruins of both. 

Before the time of the Romans in Armorica, there was a town on, 
or close to, the site of Corisopitum, called Kemper. This is an 
Armorican Celtic word, as M. Souvestre informs us, " compounded of 
Kern = with, and per or her, the root of the verb lera = to flow, the 
town being situated at the confluence of the rivers Odet and Stheir." 
In Welsh, can also means with. 

After the Roman yoke was broken from off the neck of Armorica, 
which was about the date A.D. 375, the Roman name Corisopitum was 
dropped, and the old Celtic name Kemper resumed, the absurd and 
misleading modern French name, as M. Souvestre says, being Quimper. 

When the Roman military establishment was founded at Kemper, 
and received the appellation of Corisopitum, there is no clear evidence 
to show, but it could not have been until long after Caesar's time, nor 
until the Romans had overrun and subjugated the whole of Armorica. 

The date of the founding of Corstopitum is also quite uncertain ; 
it might have been, and almost certainly was, an important road station 
on Watling Street before the Wall was thought of, on account of the 
favourable position of the place. It may have been founded by 


The names Corisopitum and Corstopitum are evidently variants one 
of the other, but their meaning has not been explained. That " pain- 
ful" antiquary, William Burton, Batchelor of Lawes, in his Commen- 
tary on Antoninus His Itinerary, &c., clxv., p. 42, says: "The first 
syllable of the name may be for curia ; but what the last syllables 
signifie I am to learne, and, which is worse, have none to teach me." 

Nothing in The Roman JFa//of Dr. Bruce to indicate the meaning 
of Corstopitum is to be seen, whilst Horsley, Hodgson, and other 
antiquaries are equally silent on this head.* 

When such authorities fail, how can an inexperienced individual hope 
to succeed ? 

Very many ancient place-names, however, as is well known, have 
meanings, if these can be ferreted out ; so, striving to divine and 
unearth the meaning of Corstopitum, I have come to the conclusion 
that this is a name compounded of a Celtic and a Latin word. Thus 
Corisopitum, or Corstopitum, appears, on analysis, to be made up of 
corsen or korsek (Armoric), cors (Welsh and Cornish )= moor, bog, fen, 
and oppidum or opitum (Latin), a town. So Corisopitum is equivalent 
to cors-opidum, but a Roman tongue would call it Coris-opidum, and 
this would easily, to careless ears and mouths, become Corisopitum. 

Corstopitum, the British form of the word, preserves the unbroken 
Celtic cors, and has got inserted, for some possibly local northern 
necessity of speech, the letter t between cors and opitum, making 
Corstopitum, thus distorting the half Celtic, half Latin word, and 
obscuring for posterity the etymology of the ancient appellation of 
our Corbridge. 

* In Horsley's Britannia Bomana, p. 397, is the following note: " Corstopitum, 
in the edition of H. Surita (as Cambden, p. 1,085 informs us) is Corstopilum." 

In Dr. Gale's MSS. it was Corisopito, and Coriosopito in another. The learned 
doctor supposes the name to be taken from the Corisopitenses in Gaul. For he says, 
p. 9, Coriosopitum cicitas erat in Gallia Lugdunense tertia, quee et scribitur 
Corisopitum. Camden observes that Corbridge is called Corobridge by Hoveden, 
and Cure by Huntingdon, which may seem to favour its being the icvpiu or KO/JI'U 
mentioned by Ptolemy. But it is very possible that all these names have arisen from 
the first syllable in the antient one of Corstopitum, or it may be from a supposition 
that Corstopitum was the same with Ptolemy's Curia. Some learned antiquaries 
derive the name from Cohortis oppidum." 

1 find by this note, which I saw first only on the 6th of May, that Dr. Gale has 
forestalled me in supposing the name Corstopitnm to be taken from the Corisopitenses 
in Gallia Lugdunensis tertia, that is, in Armorica, but I nowhere find the derivation 
of the word. Dr. Gale's MSS. are here inaccessible to me. 

It may be observed that even Horsley takes cor and not cors to be the first 
syllable of Corstopitum. Cohortis oppidum is an unlikely solution of the difficulty. 


If this derivation be correct, then both Corisopitum and Corsto- 
pitum signify town of the moor, and are equivalent to Morton, or 
Morwick, or Fenton, or Fenwick, all well known north country names, 
and the Corisopiti were the people of the town of the moors or fens. 

In a poem by M. Brizeux, " Les Bretons," are the following lines 
which may be quoted from M. Souvestre, in support of the above 
diagnosis of the condition of these Armorican people : 

" Rejouis-toi, Kemper, dans tes vieilles murailles ! 
Vois avec quelle ardeur, 6 reine de Cornouailles, 
Tes fils de tous les points de 1'antique eveche, 
Pecheurs et montagnards, viennent a ton marcheV' 

That the district around Kemper is hilly, moory, and wild, we 
may be satisfied by referring to the first pnge of M. Souvestre's 
opuscule above quoted. He writes: "It is, as you go southwards 
from the little town of Chateaulin, disposed in ridges one above 
another, like the steps of some giant staircase, beyond which are 
plateaux, covered (in autumn) with buckwheat in flower, adorned 
with umbrageous eminences and heather-clad heights, from which you 
look down upon the tall twin spires, ivy-clad ramparts, and grey 
houses, half hidden among trees, of the ancient and noble capital of 
Armorican Cornwall Kemper the history of which is by turns 
legend, chronicle, and drama." 

The Corisopiti were, doubtless, part of the Celtic tribe or clan of 
the Veneti, and so named by the Romans, as among them was estab- 
lished the military post or castellum Corisopitum. They occupied 
part of the south-western coast of the Armorican promontory the 
Breton Cornouaille in the present department of Finisterre, and are 
located, in the maps that show the disposition of the Gaulish tribes 
under the Roman empire, between the Osismi on the west and the 
Yeneti on the east. All these were mountaineers, fishermen, hardy 
and brave sailors. 

The Veneti, so called perhaps from the Armoric menez=& moun- 
tain, menesidi= mountaineers ; mene'z being the equivalent of the 
Cornish venedh=a. mountain, the m and the v, initial letters, being 
mutations, or interchangeable are celebrated in history as having, 
in the time of Julius Caesar, and under his very eyes and those of 
his army, fought and lost a tremendous naval battle in Quiberon 


Bay. off St. Gildas, with a Roman fleet under Decimus Brutus. 
They had 220 strong, oak-built, well-equipped vessels engaged. 
They were the most powerful and influential people in that part of 
Gaul, had auxiliaries in the combat from all the maritime tribes from 
the Loire to the Scheldt, and had sent for help even from Britain, with 
which island they had for long been in constant commercial relations. 
The fight occurred in A.u.c 698 B.C. 56. 

The Corisopiti are not mentioned by Caesar in his Commentaria de 
Bella Gallico, lib. iii., as one of the confederate tribes on the above 
occasion, for the good reason that Corisopitum had not up to that 
time been founded, for though P. Crassus had once before defeated 
these maritime tribes on land, the province of Armorica had not been 
completely occupied more Romano. But Corisopitum was afterwards 
founded among the Veneti, to keep them in awe of the Roman power, 
and then the people around took the name of Corisopiti.* 

On the subject of the extracts below I would observe that, if the 
Veneti of the Adriatic came at that early period from the East, namely, 
from Asia Minor, and settled on the Euganean Hills, and there is nothing 
to prove the fallacy of this tradition, and they were, as we are told, a 
numerous, seafaring, enterprising people, and feared by their neigh- 
bours, it would most likely be that the Baltic Venedi, now represented 
by the Wends or Wanderers, were an offshoot from the Adriatic 
Veneti, and that the Armoric Veneti were in the same case. Some 
maintain that the migration has on the contrary been from the north 
to the west and south. 

The Armoric Veneti appear to have sufficiently resembled the 

* The following extracts from Hazlitt's History of the Origin and Rise of the 
Republic of Venice, London, 1858, chap. 1, are not devoid of interest in connection 
with the Armorican Veneti : " Several centuries before the commencement of the 
Christian era, the Veneti were dwelling among the Euganean Hills (near Padua). 
Their dominion comprehended 1,500,000 inhabitants, who were known and feared 
by the neighbouring peoples as the uncorrupted scions of a hardy race ....'' 

" Their intrepidity carried them so far as to encounter, in more than one regular 
engagement, the victorious arms of Julius Caesar, who experienced at the hands of 
these bold and adroit mariners, fully as determined a resistance as had been offered 
by the Aedui and Helveti." 

Page 4. " A few coincidences seem to favour a supposition that the Veneti of 
the Adriatic ar,d the Venedi of the Baltic were originally, though, as it is admitted, 
at a very remote period, one and the same people." 

Page 5. " Again, there are some ethnologists who maintain that this people 

came from Vannes, a town in Armorica Gallica Most probably the 

Veneti came from Mysia, now Anatolia." 

Pages 1 and 2. " The produce of the salt pits and fisheries, on which the Veneti 
mainly subsisted, also formed the germ of an extensive commerce with Britain and 
the adjacent islands." 


Adriatic Veneti in pursuits, in enterprise, in bravery, and in wide spread 
influence, to convince any one that they were people of the same stock 
with them. Both were mountaineers, fishers, sailors, and traders ; both 
were hardy, brave, industrious, and lovers of liberty ; both had numerous 
and well-manned stout ships, and traded with distant as well as nearer 
countries, and doubtless with each other ; and, what is curious and 
interesting is, that they both had commerce with the British islands, 
and, possibly, had penetrated the Phoenician mystery of the Cassi- 
terides, or Tin Islands. Both had powerful influence over their 
neighbours ; and both had fought bloody battles, by sea and land, 
with the Roman power under Julius Caesar. 

It is presumed that the capital of each was called Venice. Venetia 
on the Adriatic was founded by the Veneti and their, friends, who 
were fleeing to the sea-side marshes and lagoons from the face of the 
northern barbarians. 

The Armoric capital would surely have been built by the Armoric 
Veneti, perhaps aided by the mother city. Its name is now Vannes, 
pronounced in modern French, Vann ; but a Celt would make two 
syllables of it, and call it Vanned. Now, we have only to replace the a 
by an e, and we have then Vennes, which, in pronunciation, is virtually 
the same as Venice. Many an Irish Celt would call Venice Vannis. 

Then, again, if the words Veneti, Venedi, and Venice are from 
me'nez or venedh, a mountain, in Celtic language in German Venice 
is called Venedig most likely these Veneti were once a nation or 
powerful tribe of Celtic mountaineers, who had migrated from the East 
to the head of the Adriatic, and, in the course of time, sent off colonies 
by sea to Armorica and to the shores of the Baltic ; and it ought not to 
surprise us at hearing of Celts coming from Asia, for they came 
originally thence, and, moreover, it is known that Galatia was once 
peopled by western Celts or Gauls, though this is disputed, and 
Galatia is in the modern Turkish province of Anadoli or Anatolia. 

If the Corisopiti ever were deported to Britain, it was at a much 
later date than that of the famous sea-fight, and probably about the 
time when Hadrian came to this island, for he had made extensive 
preparations for his Britannic expedition, and left his rear everywhere 
in quietude and security. 

The 2nd and the 20th Legions were already here, and he brought 
over with him the victrix, the pia, the fidelis, legio sexta. Vexillations, 


each 1,000 strong, from each of five other legions were sent over to 
him from Gaul by his legates there ; moreover, of auxiliaries he had 
six alae and twenty-one cohorts. 

In the Malpas Diploma mention occurs of the 2nd Ala of Gauls, 
styled Sebosiana, or Ebosiana, as being in Britain in the time of 
Trajan ; but none of that nation are named in the Sydenham Diploma, 
which is also of Trajan's time, and none in the Eiveling Diploma in 
the reign of Hadrian, A.D. 124, that is, about two years after Hadrian's 
departure from the island. There are, however, it should be remarked, 
gaps in those lists of names. 

On Dr. Bruce's map in his Lapidarium Saptentrionah, showing the 
localities whence it is believed that forces were drawn for building and 
battling in the mural districts of Britain, the following corps are 
placed in the southern parts of Armorica, namely : 

The 2nd Cohort of Gauls. 

The 4th Cohort of Gauls, stationed in Britain at Vindolana, and in 
Cumberland at Beck and Walton Houses; and the Ala Sebosiana 
placed at Hunnum, about a mile or so above Corstopitum. 

Also, the following are located on the northern coast of Armorica, 
and on a part of that of Normandy : 

The 4th Cohort of Brittoni. 

Besides these, it has been ascertained that the 2nd and 4th Cohorts 
of Gaulish Equites were stationed at Risingham and at Penrith ; and 
the 5th Cohort of Gauls at South Shields and at Cramond in Scotland. 

The 2nd and 6th Legions were at Corstopitum, as inscriptions 

"We can, therefore, easily believe that the Corisopiti were either 
incorporated with some of the above numerous Cohorts of Gauls, or 
were sent over as auxiliaries to the legions ; and that they must have 
been a considerable and important body of men, these Armoric Vene- 
tians, to have imposed an Armoric name on a British station under 
Roman rule. 

It is matter for curious reflection that these Corisopito-Venetians, 
the allies of the Britons against the Romans in Caesar's time, should 
have been transported in Hadrian's time to the banks of the Tina, to 
assist in the defence of the land of their old commercial friends. 

Hadrian's "Wall was commenced in A.D. 120, or soon after the 
arrival of that great road, bridge and wall builder in Britain ; and the 


mums, which he had planned and seen in part erected during his two 
years' stay, was continued to its completion, for seven or eight 
years more, by his legate, Aulus Platorius Nepos, an eminent com- 
mander, who does not seem to have got as much credit among the 
moderns as he deserves, for the great work which he accomplished. 

The wall would be finished in A.D. 130, or thereabouts. 

In the Itinerary Corstopitum is named as the first station on the 
great Roman road leading to the south from Bremenium. 

That road existed before the Wall was built, and was perhaps the 
work of Agricola, in about the year A.D. 80. It would necessarily 
receive an accession of strength and importance at the time when, and 
at the part where, it was crossed by the Wall the station on the road 
and those on the Wall would mutually aid and support each other. 

At this great and doubly protected quadrivium for there was a 
road from east to west along the south side of the Wall, as well as one 
from south to north along Watling Street, or whatever it was called by 
the Romans and down the sloping land to the river Tyne, it is easy 
to imagine that a large and much mixed population would in those 
days congregate ; and here it may have been that the Armoric exiles 
were located, when they were imported to assist in building and 
defending the mural barrier, and where they left the name of their 
Armoric home. 

In the Notitia, compiled about A.D. 403, the name Corstopitum 
does not occur, whilst that of Hunnum does, the former being a road 
station, the latter a Wall station. 

The transportation of the Venetian Corisopiti, granting that they 
were transported, could hardly have been accomplished until Armorica 
had been entirely subdued by the Romans. Then those conquerors, 
following their traditional custom, had found it both convenient and 
politic to transfer a body of warlike, turbulent, liberty-loving seafarers, 
fishermen and mountaineers, from their homes to a distant part of 
Britain, where their energies, as friendly auxiliaries, might be made to 
render signal service to the SPQR in defence of the great Wall, where 
also their bellicose proclivities might, at the same time, be indulged, 
instead of their remaining in Armorica a continual source of disaffec- 
tion and revolt, and a waste of military power. 

The Corisopiti, on their arrival on the banks of the Tyne possibly 
by water, as Hadrian, as well as Agricola, had a fleet, would pro- 


bably find that they understood, or could easily learn, the form of 
Celtic language in use here at that time ; and this might in some 
degree help to reconcile them to their new quarters, which would be 
still less repugnant to their minds when they found them pitched in a 
broad, pleasant, sheltered valley, bounded on the north by a ridge of 
moory hills, and on the south by a lively river, with moors beyond, all 
which might put them in mind of their own moors, or menez, and 
their own streams, the Odet and the Stheir. 

The name Corstopitum would continue to designate the place, now 
Corchester and Corbridge, until the coming of the heathen Anglo- 
Saxons, unless the northern barbarians had previously abolished it. 
There is nothing to show that the place had ever been called Kemper 
a name which, by the Romans, would have been suppressed. 

The various modern names of Corstopitum, such as Corcester, 
Corchester, Corbow, Corbrugh, Corabrige, Corebrigia, Corobridge, 
Corbridge, Colchester, Coicester, Colbrigge, Colburgh, Colebruge, &c., 
have been formed, it would appear, from a misapprehension or ignor- 
ance of the etymology of its Latin name, and of the Celtic language, 
which had long disappeared from the district. Even the little burn on 
the west of Corstopitum has got more than one wrong name, being 
called the Cor and the Corve. 

Leland, in his Itinerary, Vol. V., 3rd edition, 1769, writing about 
Corbridge, says: "Ther be evident tokens yet scene where the olde 
Bridg was, and therabout cummith downe a praty Broke on the same 
side that that the Toun is on, and hard by it and goit into Tine. 

" I thing verely that this Broke is caulled Corve, though the Name 
be not welle knowen there, and that the Toune berith the Name of it. 

" By this Broke, as emong the Euines of the olde Toun, is a place 
caullid Colecester, wher hath bene a Forteres or Castelle. The peple 
ther say that ther dwelled yn it one Yotun,* whom they fable to have 
been a Gygant." f 

* Yotnn : name of the ancient deities of Scandinavia the Jotnar. who preceded 
Odin and his hierarchy, and with their worshippers were expelled by Odin, Thor 
and Balder, &c., and their devotees, and took refuge in lotunheim and Utgard, in 
Finnland, near the White Sea. This name and fable in connection could only have 
originated during the dominion of the Northmen, and had been traditionally handed 
down to Leland's time. 

t Gygant, from the Latin gigas, gigantis, Greek <yfya, <y*yaj'TO?, Anglo-Saxon 
gigant a gigantic person, a giant. In the Newcastle dialect the adjective is 
formed not from the classical gig as, but from the English ^iawtf, as a " giantic chep 
or fellah." 


When the Angles, Saxons and others had penetrated to the line of 
the "Wall, they would find, as in other parts of Britain, many of the 
Roman place-names strange and ill-suited to their organs of speech 
and temper, and would, therefore, either supplant them by designations 
of their own, or compromise the matter by coining a composite name, 
as the Romans had done before them, at Keraper and elsewhere. 

One can imagine a band of these rude warriors inquiring of the 
occupiers of the place in question its name, and on learning it to be 
Corstopitum, bursting into a loud hoarse laugh at the absurdity to 
them of the appellation. 

The name was too long, and meant nothing to them ; so they con- 
tented themselves with what appeared to be the first syllable of the 
Roman name, leaving out the s, which in Celtic formed the last letter 
of the word cors, and suffixed to cor, their own word for bridge the 
Roman bridge standing there as a most important and useful object ; 
and thus with brycg, Iricg or bryc, and cor, they made a new name for 
Corstopitum viz., Corbryc or Corbrigg, a shorter and to them an 
easier and more intelligible one,* and which is still popular by Tyne- 
side, notwithstanding that it is pronounced elsewhere, and written, 

If the above conjectures which I have hazarded are well founded, 
and have been sufficiently supported by what has been adduced, so that 
they may claim at least some degree of probability approaching to 
truth, they lead to one explanation of the names Corstopitum and 
Corbridge, which have long been in want of that desideratum. 

In conclusion, permit me to say that if the names of all the other 
stations on the Roman Wall, and the races of their various garrisons 
and defenders, could be satisfactorily made out, additional interest and 
charm to those already existing would be conferred on that world- 
celebrated ruin of Roman greatness. I am, Gentlemen, your obedient 


7iH MAY, 1885. 

English people at the present day are much given to shorten words in common 
use ; thus a perambulator is called a pram., a cabriolet a cab., an omnibus a 'bus, a 
public-house a pub., a platform a plat., delirium tremens, D.T., and the Reference 
department of the Free Library here in Newcastle is called by some the Ref. room ! 
Such is the laziness of the brain and the speech organs. 



Read on the 29th July, 1885. 

HENKY BOURNE, the subject of this notice, was a native of Newcastle, 
and, as appears by. the register of St. John's Church, was baptized 
December 16, 169 i. His parents seem to have been in a humble 
station. Thomas Bourne, his father, was a tailor, but lowliness of 
birth and poverty of circumstances did not prevent him from attaining 
a respectable position and rising to some degree of eminence and dis- 
tinction. After the usual amount of schooling, he was apprenticed, 
October 9, 1709, to Barnabas Watson, a glazier at the head of the 
Side. Soon, however, discovering such a decided taste for literary 
pursuits, and such an extraordinary aptitude for acquiring and retain- 
ing knowledge, he was permitted, before completing the full term of 
his apprenticeship, to quit his master's employment and follow the bent 
of his inclination. Accordingly he returned to school, and applied 
himself diligently to his studies. Queen Elizabeth's Grammar School 
had already attained considerable celebrity, both from the learned 
masters who had presided over it and from the eminent men who had 
been educated within its walls. At this period the head master was 
the Reverend Edmund Lodge, of whom, however, little is known 
excepting that he was some time curate of St. Nicholas, and upon his 
retirement from the school in 1738, after having held the mastership 
for upwards of twenty years, was appointed curate of Whickham by 
the rector, the Reverend Dr. Thomlinson, who, in his MS. correspond- 
ence preserved in our Library, speaks of him in high terms of praise 
and commendation. It is to be regretted we have no means of ascer- 
taining the names of any of Bourne's schoolfellows. Horsley, the 
famous antiquary, was about ten years his senior, and in all probability, 


therefore, must have left before he entered. Through the aid of some 
i ind friends, who appreciated his rising talent, he was transplanted 
from the Grammar School of Newcastle to the University of Cam- 
bridge. Who were his patrons and benefactors we do not know, but 
he tells us himself that the Corporation of Newcastle at that time 
allowed 5 per annum to every youth who went from the Grammar 
School to either of the Universities ; and there is no reason to doubt 
that he profited by this wise and commendable liberality. Nor must 
it be overlooked that 5 in those days would be worth considerably 
more than the same sum in times like these, when luxuries have in- 
creased and expenses multiplied. Besides, his admission as a sizar 
would confer upon him certain immunities and privileges, and mater- 
ially curtail the expenses of a college life. The following record of his 
admission is from the books of Christ's College, Cambridge, and is 
valuable for the information it gives respecting his birthplace, parent- 
age, and education: "1717, Jun. 25. Henricus Bourne, a Thoma 
patre oriundus, natus in Novo Castro super Tynam ibidemque a 
Mgro Lodge literas edoctus vigesimo secundo oetatis anno adrnissus est 
ut sizator sub cura Mgri Atherton Soc. Coll." The loss of time occa- 
sioned by his apprenticeship sufficiently accounts for the apparently 
late period of his entering the University. His tutor, the Reverend 
Thomas Atherton, then fellow of Christ's, and subsequently rector of 
Caufield Parva, county Essex, was also a native of Newcastle, being 
the son of Henry Atherton, M.D., who held the office of town's physi- 
cian, and gave communion plate to the church of All Hallows. Dr. 
Atherton was the author of a work now very rare entitled The 
Christian Physician. Thomas Atherton had been himself educated at 
the Grammar School under Mr. Lodge's predecessor, the reverend and 
learned Thomas Rud, who was afterwards master of the Chapter 
School at Durham. Doubtjgsa, therefore, he would take an interest in 
Bourne, and be anxious to do him justice; but whether he distinguished 
himself in any way during his abode at the University cannot be 
ascertained. We know only that he took the degree of B.A. in 1720, 
and that of M.A. in 1724 ; but previously to the latter date he had 
left college and become engaged in parochial work. One of his con- 
temporaries at College, though his junior by six years, was Mr. 
Granville Wheler, the only surviving son and heir of the celebrated 


oriental traveller, and excellently learned and pious divine, the Rev. 
Sir George Wheler, prebendary of Durham, and rector of Houghton- 
le-Spring. This gentleman, who afterwards entered into holy orders 
in compliance with a wish expressed in his father's will, and inherited 
his good qualities as well as his estates, became prebendary of South- 
well and rector of Leake, in Nottinghamshire. He was a Fellow of 
the Royal Society, and highly distinguished for his discoveries in 
electricity and his attainments in various branches of natural philo- 
sophy. He married the Lady Katharine Maria, daughter of Theo- 
philus, seventh Earl of Huntingdon, and died at his seat, Otterden 
Place, county Kent, in 1770. With him it would seem, during their 
residence at Cambridge, Bourne contracted a close friendship and 
intimacy, which, if we consider the difference of their respective 
circumstances and position in life, appears rather unaccountable, un- 
less we may be allowed to hazard the conjecture that they were 
chamber-fellows, occupying the same apartments the sizar waiting 
upon the student, and gradually insinuating himself into the other's 
good opinion and affectionate regard by the meritoriousness of his 
conduct in that relation. Be that as it may, their friendship, however 
originated, continued after their separation on leaving College ; and 
Bourne chose him for the patron of a little work on the Epistles and 
Gospels, published by him in 1727, as we shall see presently, and 
addressed to him the following dedication : 


SIR, The labours of study, of whatsoever kind they are, do naturally choose 
their proper patrons. There will be always some excelling in every sort of 
knowledge to whom the various parts of learning will be more justly adapted. 

As, then, every part of the Common Prayer speaks the breathings of the 
greatest of saints, the earliest antiquity, and the soundest faith, so a treatise on 
any part of it will be most suitably patronised by a lover of our Church and a 
practiser of her doctrines, by one skilled in her offices and unshaken in her faith. 
I hope, therefore, you'll excuse the freedom of a dedication, since the nature of 
this performance calls for this protection of it. 

Or whether you are considered as sprung from a great ornament of our 
Church, from one learned in antiquity, truly orthodox, primitive in his example, 
and holy in his life ; or whether, as you are allied to that noble family which 
gives examples to the world of the earliest virtue and a lasting piety, of venera- 
tion for the Church and esteem for her clergy, of such as rejoice in doing good 
works to the one and deeds of hospitality to the other, your right to this treatise 
is not a little strengthened. 


But when, together with these, I reflect on your placing me in your friendship 
and familiarity, and the many kind and affectionate offices you have done me, 
you'll easily pardon my choice, as it affords me so just a patron, and gives me an 
opportunity of somewhat acknowledging your many favours to, Sir, your most 
obliged and most humble servant, 


It remains to be stated that Mr. Wheler's name occurs in the list 
of subscribers to Bourne's posthumous work, The Hislory of Newcastle. 

In a MS. book in the Vestry of St. Nicholas, we find it recorded 
on the occasion of his preaching for the first time in that church, Feb. 
5th, 1720-1, that he was ordained by Edmund Gibson, Bishop of 
Lincoln, afterwards Bishop of London, and well known as a zealous 
antiquary and editor of Camden's Brilannia. We are unable to 
give the precise date of his ordination, or to state where he first 
exercised his ministry ; but in 1722 he was licensed to the curacy of 
All Hallows, in his native town, in succession to the eccentric Cuth- 
bert Ellison, at this time removed to the vicarage of Stannington, on 
the nomination probably of the Rev. William Bradford, the then 
Vicar of Newcastle, whom he survived, and of whom, in his history, he 
gives the following character : "He was universally beloved, being a 
man of great humanity and condescension, and of an open, generous 
temper, and very much lamented at his death, on account of these and 
his many other good qualities." The parochial chapelry of All 
Hallows or All Saints was one of the largest cures in the kingdom, and 
many of the principal inhabitants had their residence within its limits. 
Though, so far as preaching was concerned, the curate or minister was 
relieved by the two lecturers whom the Corporation generously provided, 
yet his duties were onerous and pressing, for he was responsible for 
saying the morning and evening prayers, not only on Sundays and 
holidays, but on every day of the week ; for baptising, marrying, and 
burying the parishioners ; for visiting the sick and relieving the poor, 
for imparting spiritual advice and consolation to .all who required 
either from him. And we believe that Henry Bourne faithfully and 
diligently fulfilled his office as a parish priest and pastor of the flock 
entrusted to his care and oversight. We may, I think, properly infer 
so much from the praise he bestows on those of his brethren who dis- 
tinguished themselves in this respect, and the sympathy he manifests 
in speaking of their work. 


In 1728 some gentlemen of the parish founded a lecture by sub- 
scription, for the instruction of the people in the rubric and liturgy of 
the church. This lectureship was settled upon Bourne, who delivered 
his coarse on alternate Sunday evenings, from Low Sunday or the 
Sunday after Easter, until the Sunday after Holy Cross, the 14th of 
September. He resided in Silver Street, in the immediate vicinity of 
the church, and there, after a lingering illness, he expired at 4 p.m., 
Feb. 16, 1732-3, at the early age of 37, and was buried two days 

He was twice married. At page 94 in his History, where he is 
describing the monuments in All Saints' Church, he thus alludes to 
the burial place of his first wife " At the east end of this tomb of the 
family of the Collingwoods, under a stone with a Latin inscription on 
it, which formerly belonged to one Blount, lies interr'd the body of 
Margaret Bourne, wife of Henry Bourne, curate of this church of All 
Hallows. She dyed Aug. 8th, 1727, in the 30th year of her age. Awi/ 

UVTTJ o Kvpio? tvpeiv eA.609 Trapu Kvpiov ev eicetvtj TTJ yfiepa." We do 

not know the maiden name of the lady for whom this pious wish is 
expressed (2 Tim. i. 18), but she had three children, one of whom, 
Thomas, died in infancy, the others, Henry and Eleanor, survived 
their father, and joined in dedicating his posthumous work to the 
Mayor and Corporation, but, unfortunately, we fail to find any subse- 
quent traces of them. Bourne's second wife, whom he married May 
20th, 1728, was Alice, daughter of Mr. Ellis Inchbald, whose name 
occurs as one of the original subscribers to the charity school set up in 
1709. By this lady he had two children, Christian and Ellis, both of 
whom died in infancy, the mother long survived her husband, and, 
having found a retreat in Mrs. Davison's Hospital, died there in the 
year 1772. Although, as we have seen, this exemplary clergyman was 
almost incessantly employed in parochial work, he yet found time for 
indulging his literary taste and pursuing his antiquarian researches. 
His first essay was the little work entitled Antiquitates Vulgares 
or the Antiquities of the Common People, which issued in 1725, as 
did also the other works he published, from the press of John White, 
the printer who came from York and started the C oar ant newspaper, 
in 1711. The author had a practical object in view in the publication 
of it, as he wished to show which of the customs commonly prevalent 


amongst the people might be innocently retained and should be en- 
couraged, and which, on the other hand, were more honoured in the 
breach than in the observance of them. The volume was gracefully 
dedicated to the Corporate Body, whom he commends as, both in their 
public and private capacities, encouragers of learning and rewarders of 
merit. " You," he says, " not only lay the ground- work here, but you 
help to the top of art and science in the greater schools of learning." 
He expresses the obligation under which he feels himself bound, of 
offering to them the first fruits of his literary labour as the genuine 
offspring of their generosity. This work having become scarce, was 
re-printed by Brand in 1777, with considerable addenda to each 
chapter, and an appendix. His next appearance in print was in 1727, 
as the author of a small but useful liturgical manual, showing the 
" harmony and agreement between the Collects, Epistles, and Gospels, 
as they stand in the Book of Common Prayer." This is the little 
work that was dedicated to his old college friend, Mr. Granville 
Wheler, and its publication probably led to the foundation of the 
lecture which we have already mentioned. The principal work, 
however, on which he bestowed so much care and labour, and on 
which his fame chiefly rests, was the History of Newcastk-upon- 
Tijne, or the Ancient and Present State of that Town. He had been 
long collecting, with indefatigable industry, materials for his pur- 
pose, when, in September, 1731, he inserted an advertisement asking 
for the perusal of ancient deeds and writings, and any other informa- 
tion respecting the monasteries, churches, charities, almshouses, &c., 
of the town. His proposal for publishing the work by subscription 
was issued in November, 1731, but before it could be finally prepared 
for the press, the author took ill and died, and it was not until three 
years afterwards that the book was announced as ready for delivery to 
the subscribers. In the preface, Bourne, whilst acknowledging with 
gratitude the generous help afforded him by a few, complains of the 
ill nature and malice of many, who took all means and opportunities 
to decry the work and lessen it in public estimation. There were 200 
subscribers and the price was 10s. 6d. There were very few copies 
printed on large paper ; only three are known to exist, one of which 
has been recently exhibited by Miss Boyd, in our Museum; another is 
in the possession of Mr. Robinson, Pilgrim Street; and the third, which 


was the presentation copy to Sir Walter Blackett, and was, we believe, 
profusely illustrated, was sold at Mr. Brockett's sale for 50, to a Mr. 
Jupp. When we consider the early period at which Bourne wrote 
and that his was the first attempt, if we except the Chorographia of 
Gray, to illustrate the history and antiquities of Newcastle, and that 
he laboured under all the difficulties and disappointments to which he 
alludes in his preface, we must, I think, allow that he achieved a great 
result and well deserved the thanks of posterity. No one can peruse 
Bourne's History without being convinced of his wide and extensive 
reading, and of his familiarity with classical, patristic, and mediaeval 
literature, as well as with all the best authors of more modern times. 
We cannot fail to be pleased with the quaintness and simplicity of his 
style, the reverential tone that pervades his pages, and his regard for 
learning and piety, his respect for antiquity, and his desire to preserve 
and hand down the records and remains of the past, which, but for his 
loving care and labour, might have been altogether neglected and lost; 
especially also his enthusiasm for Newcastle, which in his time must 
have been such a picturesque town with such pleasant environs. This 
thin folio of 245 pages, if I dare to say so in this place, has a greater 
charm for me than the ponderous tomes of his successor, not that I 
wish to depreciate Brand, but I do maintain that considering the use 
he has made of Bourne, quoting him in almost every page, he should 
have formed a more generous estimate of his predecessor's labours, and 
given him more credit than he has done. 




[Read March 25th and August 26th, 1885.] 

WHEN, at our last meeting, our genial President, the Earl of Ravens- 
worth, was sketching, on the occasion of the opening of the Black 
Gate, the previous history of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, 
my imagination seemed to call into existence the men who had made 
that history, and to summon into this room the worthies whom once 
I used to meet here, but who, long ago, have left us. If I had been 
ready of speech I should then, on the conclusion of our President's 
address, have asked permission to have named some of them, but 
prudence made me forbear. On mentioning this fact to our junior 
Secretary, Mr. Blair, he encouraged me to bring the subject forward 
at this meeting. This I venture to do, though with much hesitation. 

The Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne was founded 
in the year 1813. Its first meeting place was Loftus's Long Room, 
in the lower part of Newgate Street, on the east side. 

I think it may with truth be stated that ours was the earliest of all 
the provincial societies now existing for the promotion of the study of 
Archaeology. It was not until the year 1843 that the British Archae- 
ological Association was formed, and I believe it was owing to the 
impulse given by the peripatetic meetings of this Society and its twin 
sister, the Royal Archaeological Institute, that most of our local bodies 
owe their existence. That we should have started into being thirty 
years before most of the county societies of this country seems to me 
to be something to boast of, and to have been owing to the fact that 
John Horsley, the author of the Britannia Romana, had impressed the 



stamp of his mind upon the educated portion of our community a 
hundred years previously. With such an example before us we 
northerners could not well resist the study of the history of our 
country from its earliest period. 

Mr. John Bell may, I think, claim the merit of having first sug- 
gested the formation of this Society. He was brought up to the 
profession of his father, who, originally a bookseller, afterwards 
became a land surveyor, in which calling he acquired distinction 
by his skill and accuracy. Mr. John Bell was not a highly 
educated man, but he was an industrious collector of antiquarian 
facts, and exceedingly fond of archseological research. By the 
publication in 1812 of the work entitled Rhymes of Northern 
Bards, being a curious collection of old and new Songs and 
Poems peculiar to the Counties of Neivcastle-upon-Tyne, Northum- 
berland, and Durham, edited by John Bell, jun., he has laid the 
inhabitants of these northern parts under a lasting obligation. 
In the possession of our senior Yice-President, Mr. Clayton, is a col- 
lection of papers in six volumes, of quarto size, each volume bearing 
the following title, An Account of the Rise and Progress of the 
Antiquarian Society of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, by John Bell, Pro- 
jector thereof. The volumes consist of a miscellaneous collection of 
papers relating to the Society some in manuscript, some in print ; of 
cuttings from newspapers; of letters from various members of the 
Society and others, bearing upon its general business, and of circulars, 
together with occasional pages of narrative and criticism by the editor 
himself. Altogether the collection is an interesting one, but it would 
be greatly improved by being weeded of a good deal of irrelevant 

I will give a few jottings from these volumes, and first of all we 
will take Mr. Bell's account of the origin of the Society. 

" In March, 1803, when I went to the Quayside [as a bookseller] 
several [coin] collectors brought me several of their collections when, 
after a little while, we agreed to form a [Numismatic] Society. 
We pledged ourselves to give our duplicates [coins], of whatever kind, 
to the Society to form a collection, and to contribute one shilling per 
month to purchase numismatical books. The meetings were held once 
a week in the office of Mr. John Airey, an attorney." The Society 


existed but for a short time. Here is Mr. Bell's account of its close. 
"All went on well until Christmas that year (1803) when J. Bell went 
on a visit to Durham. On his return he found that they had quarrelled 
at a meeting or two which was held whilst he was from home, and had 
fixed to break it up." And broken up it was. 

Mr. Bell did not despair. In due time he got seventy circulars 
printed, which stated that as " the Counties of Northumberland and 
Durham have been productive of vast fragments of antiquity the 
Roman Wall, the various fields of feudal warfare, etc.," it was desirable 
that "a depository should be formed for the preservation of relics of 
antiquity, and that a society should be formed of gentlemen . . . 
who would contribute information for the use of younger members." 

Mr. Bell addressed the greater part of these circulars to the leading 
gentry of the two counties. But with little success. In his narrative 
he goes on to say, " The answers thereto which I received were nearly 
all declining, several saying there was already an established society 
(the Literary and Philosophical) which would answer all the purposes 
intended." He did not, however, despair. He made one more effort ; 
and how often is it that success attends us when we doggedly persevere 
in spite of the greatest discouragements! He says, "Out of the few 
remaining unsent circulars I addressed one to his Grace, Hugh, 
(Second) Duke of Northumberland, who immediately replied, offer- 
ing to assist the project all in his power." This gave him great 
encouragement, and rightly, as the event proved. Mr. Bell proceeds, 
" And the following post or two brought letters from David William 
Smith, Esq.* (afterwards a Baronet), and others more or less connected 
with his Grace (who had been previously sent to and declined), 
requesting to be considered as members from the first, on which 
Mr. John Adamson, attorney, joined me, and a meeting held from 
which another was called, when my project went forward : in arrang- 
ing which, amongst other books necessary for carrying on the Society, 
I proposed a guarded book to preserve the letters and communications, 
in which I unfortunately inserted all the replies I had received to my 
circular, but very many of which, in the course of time, ceased to exist!" 
A copy of this circular is preserved in Mr. Bell's Collections. 

* Sir David Smith was a Commissioner for the management of the estates of 
the Duke of Northumberland. 


The preliminary meeting which Mr. Bell refers to in this para- 
graph, and which resulted in the formation of the Society, took place 
in Mr. Adamson's office. Mr. Bell continued to be for many years a 
useful and active officer of the Society. At first he was its Treasurer, 
but eventually, in consequence of some disarrangement of his private 
affairs, he resigned the office, which was assumed by Mr. Adamson, 
in addition to the other office which he held, that of Secretary, con- 
jointly with the Rev. John Hodgson, the Historian. Mr. Bell on 
relinquishing the Treasurership became Librarian to the Society, on a 
small salary ; and in virtue of this office he attended at the rooms of 
the Society every Wednesday evening to give out books to applicants. 

I think I may say that for well nigh forty years Mr. Bell and Mr. 
Adamsou were the backbone of the Society. A number of able men 
lent it strength from time to time, but most of these, through death or 
removal, were members for only short periods. 

In a passage which I have quoted from Mr. Bell's account of the 
Society he says, " Mr. John Adamson, attorney, joined me." 

Mr. Adamson was originally intended for commercial pursuits, and 
at an early age was sent to Lisbon, where an elder brother was estab- 
lished in business. Here his strong attachment to literary pursuits 
manifested itself, and he became familiar with the classical writers of 
Portugal. On his return to England he continued his Portuguese 
studies, and in addition to other smaller publications which, from time 
to time, he issued, gave to the world The Memoirs of the Life and 
Writings of Camoens, the Portuguese poet. This work was very 
favourably reviewed by Southey in The Quarterly. On coming home, 
Mr. Adamson abandoned commerce and became an attorney -at-law. 
Early in life he obtained the office of Under-Sheriff of Newcastle, 
which he held until the passing of the Municipal Reform Bill, when 
the office became subject to appointment by the Sheriff who was annually 
elected. In 1825 he was elected a Secretary of the Literary and 
Philosophical Society, an office which he held till his death. Mr. 
Adamson was also Secretary to the Newcastle and Carlisle Railway, 
and filled other important situations. The department of antiquities 
in which he chiefly excelled was Numismatics. He contributed several 
papers to the Antiquarian Societies of London and Newcastle, the most 
important of which was an account of the discovery at Hexham,in 1832, 

ARCH^OLOGIA ;LIANA, VOL. xi., p. 158. 

Jo fa* 



(From a Drawing by Mole, in the possession of the Rev. G. H, Adamson, M.A.) 


of a large number of Saxon coins called Stycas. This paper was pub- 
lished in the transactions of both Societies, illustrated by thirty-two 
quarto plates. Mr. Adamson died, after a short illness, on September 
28th, 1855, aged 68 years. At the monthly meeting of this Society, held 
on October 3rd, 1855, Dr. Charlton, Mr. Adamson's colleague in the 
Secretaryship, is reported to have commenced the business with the 
following statement : " He would now read the minutes of the last 
meeting, which were in the handwriting of his lamented colleague, the 
late Mr. Adamson, whose loss they must all regret. He had been 
connected with the Society throughout its whole existence, in good 
times and in bad, and no member rejoiced more than Mr. Adamson in 
its recent prosperity, even when his own health was failing. He had 
ever experienced from him the greatest kindness, and now that he was 
gone he knew not how he could discharge alone the duties of his office." 

We now leave for a season Mr. Bell and Mr. Adamson, but I may 
have occasion to refer to them again afterwards. 

The Society, as I have said, met first in Loftus's Long Eoom. 
This was better adapted for large public meetings than for the con- 
ferences of learned Societies, and our Antiquaries very soon, by 
permission of the Literary and Philosophical Society, met in one of 
their rooms in Ridley Court, in the Groat Market. After this, attracted 
perhaps by the appropriateness of the locality, they met, by per- 
mission of the Corporation, in the Old Castle. I believe the King's 
Chamber was the room in which they assembled. But the per- 
mission of the Corporation was not the only one that was required. 
In looking over Mr. Bell's collection I find a copy of a document 
which reads somewhat strangely in these modern times. It is a licence 
from His Majesty's Justices of the Peace for this Society to meet in 
the Castle. This curious piece of antiquity reads as follows : 

" We, two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in and for the Town and 
County of Newcastle-upon-Tyne assembled at a Special Session held at the Guild- 
hall of the said town and county, this Second day of May, in the year of Our Lord 
One Thousand Eight Hundred and Seventeen, for the purposes of granting Licences 
to open Houses, Rooms, or other buildings for the purposes mentioned in an Act of 
Parliament, passed in the Fifty-seventh year of His present Majesty's reign, 
intituled ' an Act for the more effectually preventing Seditious Meetings and 
Assemblies,' do hereby, by virtue and in pursuance of the said Act grant licence to 
the Rev. John Hodgson and John Adamson, gentlemen, both of Newcastle aforesaid, 
to open a certain part of the ancient Castle of Newcastle-upon-Tyne aforesaid, and 


situate there, for the purpose of holding debates or conversations concerning and 
making inquiry into antiquities in general, but more especially concerning and into 
antiquities of the North of England and the Counties of Northumberland, Cumber- 
land, and Durham, such licence to continue in force for one whole year and no 
longer. Given under our hands and seals the day and year above written. 


I am not aware that a second licence was ever afterwards sought 
or obtained. However, their lodgings in the Castle during the cold 
months of winter were found to be so uncomfortable that notwith- 
standing the fitting nature of the site they were obliged to forsake 
them. For a time they availed themselves of Mr. Adamson's offer 
to hold their Monthly Meetings in his office in Westgate Street. They 
did so for the first time on the 5th November, 1817. Until the 
Society got established quarters of its own the Housteads altars and the 
headless figures of the Dece Matres belonging to the Society were ranged 
round the grass-plat in Mr. Adamson's Garden, behind his house. 
They next obtained a chamber in Farrington's Yard, Bigg Market. 
They met there for the first time on the 7th July, 1819. It 
was here, whilst I was yet a boy, that I first of all came into the solemn 
presence of the Antiquaries of Newcastle. My father, being a member 
of the Society, thought proper to take me with him on one occasion. 
If on that night I had thought that an antiquarian pilgrimage of 
something like half-a -century was before me I should, I have no doubt, 
have brought away with me a vivid reminiscence of all that was said 
and done, and that the portraiture of all the literati present would 
have been stamped upon the tablet of my memory. As it was I 
remember nothing of what was said or done, and I know not who was 

Doubtless the Rev. John Hodgson was there. He was one of the 
chief promoters of the Society at this early period. He was then 
Incumbent of Jarrow, with Heworth, and hence within easy distance 
of Newcastle. He had previously been Curate at Lanchester and had 
carefully studied the Roman camp there. He published a small book 
of poetry, the chief piece in which is LONGOVICUM, a Vision. The notes 
to this poem contain much valuable antiquarian information. In 
addition to other works he also published in 1812 a small guide called 
The Picture of Newcastle, in which, at its close, he gives an interesting 

Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xi., p. 160. 

Plate IXa. 


history of the Roman "Wall. For a number of years he was the most 
prominent figure in the Antiquarian Society. At its second monthly 
meeting he read an elaborate paper on The Study of Antiquities, a 
paper which all of us might now read with advantage. It was the 
first paper printed in the Transactions of the Society. His Subsequent 
contributions were very numerous and very valuable. Upwards of 
twenty are printed in the Archceologia JEliana. I need not mention 
the History of Northumberland, by which he is best known in the 
world of literature. The last published volume, as we are all aware, 
contains an elaborate and learned account of the Roman Wall. In it 
he lucidly establishes the fact which Stukely and others before him 
had surmised, that both the Vallum and the Afurus were the work of 
Hadrian. It is curious to notice how the commercial value of the 
History has increased as time has gone on. I bought my copy of Mr. 
Charnley, the principal bookseller in Newcastle in his day, for 9. I 
do not suppose you can purchase a copy now for much under 50. 

Mr. Hodgson and Mr. Adamson were the first Secretaries of the 
Society. In 1823 Mr. Hodgson became Yicar of Kirkwhelpington, 
and being unable, on account of the distance, to attend the monthly 
meetings of the Society he resigned his office, and was elected Vice- 
President. It was my misfortune not to have become personally 
acquainted with Mr. Hodgson, of whose kindness all who did know 
him speak most highly. 

The first patron of the Society was Hugh, the second Duke of 
Northumberland, whose influence, as we have seen, was so potent for 
good in the formation of the Society, and one of the first presentations 
made to it was a string of gold beads, derived from an ancient British 
cairn on one of his farms. At his death the third Duke accepted of the 
office, and on his demise, Algernon, the fourth Duke, became patron. 
He was much attached to this Society. He always spoke of it as our 
Society. I need not say how much he did to elucidate the early 
history of the county, the name of which he bore ; and here I may 
mention a little anecdote bearing on his name. Mr. Albert Way and he 
were sitting together. The Duke was signing a number of documents 
of a business character ; all at once, looking up, he said to Mr. Way, 
" What a happy man you are." Mr. Way was somewhat surprised at 
his being felicitated in such a way by a person of such wealth and 


renown as the Duke of Northumberland, and asked for an explanation. 
" You see," said the Duke, " three letters spell your name W, A, Y ; 
but here have I to go labouring on, N, 0, R, T, H, U, M, B, E, R, 
L, A, N, D before I can effect my signature. You are a happy man." 
Amongst .other noble works which owe their existence to his wise 
liberality, I may mention the Surveys of the Watling Street and the 
Wall. It was at his suggestion that the Lapidarium Seplentrionale 
was undertaken, and he largely contributed to its cost. His excava- 
tion of the Camp of BREMENIUM is recorded in the Transactions of 
the Archaeological Institute. And here I may refer to the earnest 
desire which he entertained to heal the breach which had occurred 
in the Archaeological Association, which, shortly after its birth, 
was broken up into two societies the Association and the Institute. 
When about to begin his excavations at BBEMENIUM, the High 
Rochester of the present day, he asked the President of the Society 
of Antiquaries to send down to him at Alnwick some skilled men 
to advise with him respecting his mode of proceeding with the 
excavation. His object was to invite to his Castle the leaders of the 
two Societies, wisely thinking that if he got their legs under his 
mahogany he would be able to bring them to be of one mind. I do 
not know how it was, but the desirable scheme fell through. Probably 
his design was perceived, and the feud at that time was too hot to 
allow the parties to approach one another.* When our Society obtained 
the full possession of the Castle in 1848, and had succeeded in putting 
it into a state of complete repair, it was resolved to celebrate the 
event by holding a banquet in it. This took place on the 3rd August 
of that year. Not less than eighty-four persons sat down at the tables 
in the great hall. The Duke presided with his usual grace and tact. 
The banners of the chieftains who, in ancient days, had fought in the 
Border-land, floated over our heads, and the music of the Northumber- 
land pipes gave forth the battle tunes and the gathering airs of other 
times. When the Archaeological Institute met in Newcastle in 1852, 
the Duke, though at that time First Lord of the Admiralty, came 
down to the north, and besides attending the meetings in Newcastle, 
entertained the Society and its friends right royally at Alnwick. 

* Mr. C. Roach Smith, who was a member of the Council of the Society of 
Antiquaries at this time, gives an account of this matter in his Retrospections. 
Vol. I., p. 81. 

KCH^EOLOGIA ^ELIANA, VOL. xi., p. 162. 

Plate x. 



(From a miniatvre by SIR W. Ross, in the possession of his widow). 


Plate xi 



(From the Painting in the possession of the Literary and Philosophical Society of 

Newcastle- upon- Tyne}. 


Sir John Edward Swinburne, Bart., of Capheaton, was the first 
President of the Society, and he continued to hold that office until his 
death. Sir John was an encourager of antiquaries, and did much, I 
believe, to cheer and assist the Rev. John Hodgson. He very nearly 
reached the age of one hundred years. The Society were watching for 
the event, and were prepared to go out in a considerable body to 
Capheaton on the birthday to congratulate their President upon 
becoming a true antiquary a very antiquity himself. Unhappily 
before the event he fell and broke the tendo Achillis of one leg, and 
being, in consequence, unable to take his usual exercise, he pined and 
died about three months before attaining the requisite age. It is 
worthy of remark that the name of an ancestor of Sir John's, " The 
Honourable Sir John Swinburne, Bart.," occurs among the subscribers 
to Gordon's Itinerarium Septentrionale. 

Amongst other eminent men of the early era must be reckoned 
Mr. Thomas Hodgson, the editor of the Newcastle Chronicle. He 
had, I have understood, a remarkable memory. It is said that without 
taking a single note he could report a speech verbatim ; and that he 
actually did so report some of the election speeches of Earl Grey, the 
father of the present. He devoted himself to the study of Eoman 
antiquities, and attained great cleverness in the elucidation of inscrip- 
tions. He left three MS. volumes containing disquisitions upon the 
Roman inscriptions of the north ; and I have heard it stated that he 
contemplated a new edition of The Britannia Romana. 

Amongst the names of those who attended the very first meeting 
of the Society is that of Mr. Nathaniel Clayton, of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, the father of our vice-president, Mr. John Clayton, who has 
done so much by pen and spade to elucidate the early history of our 
country, and who, until arthritic pains benumbed his limbs, attended 
our meetings so regularly, always cheering us by his presence. 

At this first meeting, moreover, our early fathers showed their 
loyalty to the fair sex. The following is the last minute of that day's 
proceedings : " Mrs. Atkinson, of Temple Sowerby [the grandmother 
of our Mr. Clayton], was admitted an honorary member of the Society. 
Signed on behalf of the meeting, John Carr." Those of us who 
have seen her library, and her collection of coins, as well as of 


objects of natural history, all of which are preserved at Chesters, will 
not wonder that her merits as an antiquary obtained this mark of 

Sir Charles Miles Lambert Monck, Bart., M.P., was present at the 
first meeting of our Society, and he was one of our first vice-presidents. 
The only reminiscence that I have of him was this : he attended the 
great banquet held in the Old Castle in 1848, but having left his hat, 
great coat, and umbrella in the lower dungeons, where we assembled 
before dinner, he descended to these lower chambers in the dark, after 
the banquet, and losing his way, was nearly detained in them all night. 
It is believed that Sir Charles Monck was the only person who was in 
the habit of quoting Greek in the House of Commons, to the astonish- 
ment, though not, probably, to the edification of the members. 

The name of John Trotter Brockett occurs amongst those who 
assembled in Loftus's Long Room on the 23rd January, 1813, for the 
formation of this Society, and it continues upon its books until his 
death in 1842. He was a solicitor in good practice, but not being of 
a robust constitution his leisure hours were chiefly spent in retirement, 
and in the diligent cultivation of his favourite studies, literary and 
antiquarian. He was a skilful numismatist, and was succassful in 
collecting a large number of rare and valuable books. His coins, like 
his books, were remarkable not only for their number but their perfect 
condition. He had a magnificent series of Eoman gold coins, from 
the time of Julius Cassar down to the very close of the Empire. I 
lived for two years next door to him in Albion Street, but to my great 
regret now I never saw either his coins or his books ; but my attention 
had not then been directed to the study of Archaeology. Dr. Dibden, 
the author of the Bibliographical Decameron, however, visited him, 
and this is what he says of him " In fact the zeal, activity, and 
anxiety of my friend, in all matters relating to the literary, scientific, 
and antiquarian welfare of his native town, have no limits, and know 
no diminution. They rise up and lie down with him. One thing 
particularly struck me in his closely-wedged, miscellaneous collection, 
the choice ' u and nicety of each article: A golden Nero, or a first 
Walton's Angler, was as well-nigh perfect as it might be ; and his 
Horsky was only equalled by his Hock." Again, the bibliographer 

ARCH^EOLOGIA /ELIANA, VOL. xi., p. 164. 

Plate xii. 



From a Miniature in the possession of her Grandson, J. Clayton, Esq., F.S.A., Senior Vice- President.} 

Watt W. 




writes : " Mr. Brockett is justly proud of his Horsley. He opened 
it with evident satisfaction. They are all at Newcastle necessarily 
JJorsky-m&d. I suffered him to enjoy his short-lived triumph. His 
copy was upon small paper, of most enviable size and condition. 
' Were you ever at Belvoir Castle ? ' observed I. ' Never,' replied 
he. ' Then take care never to visit it ; for there is a copy upon large 
paper such as eyes never beheld. Having seen and caressed it, you 
will throw this into the Tyne.' ' I shall take care to avoid Belvoir 
Castle,' was my friend's reply." 

Mr. Brockett has bequeathed to posterity one important anti- 
quarian work, his Glossary of North Country Words. This book is 
not one of mere temporary value. The speech of a people is indicative 
of their character. The simple and expressive words which are fast 
passing away from us, bespeak the blunt but manly habits of our 
ancestors. Even the local pronunciation of the various districts 
of the country is instructive. And here I may be permitted to 
introduce a little anecdote. Mr. Alderman George Forster, whom I 
remember in my early youth, had the burr like most of his fellow- 
1 townsmen. On a visit to London he put up at what is now Wood's 
Hotel, Furnival's Inn. Here he scraped acquaintance with a Dane. 
This gentleman one day said to the Alderman, " How long hab you 
been in dis contree ? " He, thinking that he meant how long he had 
been in London, replied, "Three weeks." "Dearee me," said the 
Dane, " and you do speake de langidge nearly as well as I do who 
have been here tree monts." Perhaps we got our burr from Den- 
mark. Railways are, however, destroying all our local peculiarities. 

In our library are two manuscript volumes in folio, entitled 
Annals and Historical Events relating to Newcastle-upon-Tyne. They 
are from the pen of Mr. Brockett, and are very carefully compiled, 
and will prove of great value to any one who shall undertake to write 
a History of Newcastle. The penmanship of the volumes is exceed- 
ingly neat and clear. 

Mr. Brockett's eldest son was a youth of singularly brilliant parts. 
Like his father he had a taste for antiquarian pursuits, and had the 
ordinary span of life been given him he would have greatly dis- 
tinguished himself. He was a member of our Society for little 
more than a year, death cutting him off at an early age. His father 


sustained the shock with much fortitude, but it is believed to have 
been the remote cause of his own death, which occurred in October, 
1842, when he was only in the fifty-fourth year of his age. 

Sir "Walter Calverley Trevelyan, of "Wellington, was one of our 
early members, and he continued with us to the last. He did not 
often attend our meetings, but he contributed to our Transactions many 
important inedited MSS., and laid us under great obligations by giving 
us several important Roman Sculptures and inscriptions, and presenting 
to our Library on various occasions many valuable books. The last 
present which he made us, as far as I recollect, was the Ephemeris 
Epigraphica ; and about forty volumes, all that were then published, of 
the Annali del? Institute di Corrispondenza Archeologica, both of them 
works which are esssential to every one following epigraphical pursuits. 
In having the panels of the grand central hall at Wallington filled with 
pictures representing important events in the history of Northumbria, 
he in a very effective and agreeable way has contributed to the 
advancement of archaeological science. 

The Rev. Anthony Hedley was another of the active spirits that 
animated the Institution in its earlier days. He was for some time 
curate of Hexham, and afterwards of St. John's Church in this town. 
But later in life he retired from active service and removed to 
Chesterholm, the VINDOLANA of the Romans, which was his property. 
Here he built for himself a small but ornate cottage. He excavated 
the station, and discovered several of those fine altars which now are 
safely lodged in the portico of the mansion at Chesters. He wrote 
a valuable paper on " The Etymology of the Names and Places in 
Northumberland," which appears in the first volume of the Archceolgia 
jEliana. In this paper he mentions the tendency which modern 
improvements have to obliterate the ancient features of the country. 
" "Within my own recollection," he says, " almost every old house in the 
dales of Rede and Tyne was what is called a Peel house, built for 
securing its inhabitants and their cattle in moss-trooping times." 
Mr. Hedley caught a death-chill whilst overlooking one day the 
excavation of a fine vessel in the station. He lies in the neigh- 
bouring churchyard of Beltingham, and when I visited his grave a 
Roman altar, with an obliterated inscription, lay upon it. 

The Rev. William Turner, the minister of Hanover Square Chapel, 
was a frequent attendant at the meetings of the Society. He was a 


Plate IF. 


most benevolent man, and had a general acquaintance with literature. 
He was one of the founders of the Literary and Philosophical Society. 
He was not a ready speaker, but he wrote shorthand well, and anything 
that he had writ ten he could read quite fluently. He used, sometimes, 
at meetings, to scratch down in shorthand what he had occasion to say, 
not venturing to utter a single sentence without having done so. I 
remember one night when he was advertised to deliver a lecture in the 
Joiners' Hall, he was long in making his appearance. At last when 
he did come it was evident that he was in great tribulation. But 
what was the matter we could not find out. It was not without many 
a gasp and many a hiatus that he managed to let us know that he had 
lost, for the time being, his book of lectures, and that he could not go 
on without it. There is a paper by Mr. Turner in the first quarto 
volume of the Archceolog-ia ^Eliana* 

Mr. William Peters, a lawyer in town, was another of the early 
members. If I remember rightly he was the last man but one in New- 
castle who wore a pig-tail ; Mr. Milner, the hardwareman, in Mosley 
Street, was the last. He was Steward of the Barony of Wark, and 
presided over the Court Leet of that Barony In those days the North 
Tyne was spanned by fewer bridges than at present, and Mr. Peters 
had to cross it on horseback in the course of his peregrinations. On one 
occasion the river was fuller than he could have wished, and he took 
up a boy on his horse in front of him to keep him in the shallowest 
part. In spite of all, the horse got dangerously deep down in the 
water, and Mr Peters' heart began to pant. " Are you not afraid ? " 
he said to the boy. " No," says the boy, " I'm a top swimmer." I 
am afraid Mr. Peters was not comforted. He got safely over, how- 
ever, to attend many more courts and meetings of the Society of 

Mr. G-. A. Dickson, who, I believe, was a linen-draper in Newcastle, 
seems to have been an ardent friend of the Society in its earliest years. 
He presented several altars to it, and his descriptions of them are given 
in our Transactions. 

Amongst the other generous donors of altars and other valuable 

relics were Mr. Gibson of Eeedsmouth, who gave us the inscribed 

stones which had long lain about the station of Housesteads ; the 

"Rev. Mr. Wastell, of Newbrough, who ordered the antiquities found 

* pp. 122 and 123. 


upon his estate at Walltown to be sent to the Society ; and Lieutenant- 
Colonel Coulson, of Blenkinsopp, who gave the antiquities from 

There is one name that stands prominent among the supporters of 
the Society, to which I must now refer that of Mr. John Hodgson 
Hinde. For long occupied with politics, he being for many years one 
of the members for the borough of Newcastle, he was prevented from 
attending so much as he would the meetings of our Society. When 
relieved from these cares he was a tower of strength to us. He was 
an excellent scholar, he had a clear and a correct judgment, and was 
able to draw from the facts which he ascertained, wise and truthful 
conclusions. His papers are numerous, and of excellent quality. 

The Society was at one time anxious that one of its members, if 
the right man could only be found, should complete the History of 
Northumberland, which the Rev. John Hodgson, to the regret of every 
one, had left unfinished. Many eyes were turned to Mr. Hodgson 
Hinde, and in accordance with general desire he compiled the first 
volume of the History namely, that devoted to the general history of 
the county, which the original writer had not touched. But here he 
stopped. Again, at the instigation of Mr. Thomas Gray, a tobacconist 
in the town, he began to write a History of Newcastle, a few sheets of 
which were printed at the press of Mr. George Bouchier Richardson, 
one of our members. But Mr. Gray leaving the town the work was 
stopped. This I exceedingly regret. Mr. Hodgson Hinde had all 
the powers and the experience necessary to the authorship of a really 
good history of Newcastle. He read middle-age manuscripts with ease. 
If any one would have relieved him of the commercial and the mechani- 
cal part of the task, he would with pleasure have done all the mental 
work, for the mere pleasure of doing it, and let his mechanical colleague 
have had all the honour of it. I exceedingly regret that these ideas 
did not occur to me when he was still in his mental prime. I believe 
that if I, or some one else, had stood between him and the printing 
press the work would have been done. 

Another of the early members of our Society was the Rev. Hugh 

Salvin, one of the clergy officiating under Mr. Collinson, in Gateshead. 

In the first volume of our quarto Transactions* is a paper by him, 

consisting of a translation from the German of a pamphlet by J. 

* Archaologia jEliana, I., pp. 219-230. 


Andreas Buchner, on the Devil's Wall, or great Eoman "Wall, in 
Germany. Although this pamphlet contained many erroneous views, 
it opened the eyes of .Englishmen to this great Continental work of 
defence of the Roman era. It possibly prepared the way for Mr. Yates's 
able paper on the Limes Rhoeticus and Limes Transrhenanus of the 
Roman Empire* which was read at the Newcastle meeting of the 
Archaeological Institute in 1852, and for the still more complete and 
able treatise on the same subject by our Secretary, Dr. Hodgkin, 
which is published, accompanied by admirable illustrations, in the 
ninth volume of the new series of our Transactions.! 

Mr. Salvin was an able and very amiable man, and was besides 
well skilled in many branches of science. But like many able 
men, he was an absent man. On one occasion, when walking 
out to Jesmond to dine with Mr. Losh, he was overtaken by 
a heavy shower of rain, and was well nigh wet through. Mr. Losh 
kindly offered him a suit of his own clothes, and he went up 
into a bedroom to effect the change. When dinner was announced, 
Mr. Salvin did not make his appearance. After waiting a considerable 
time, a servant was sent up stairs to say that dinner was waiting. Mr. 
Salvin, forgetting the object for which he had gone up stairs, had 
undressed and got into bed, where he was comfortably reposing when 
the servant made his entry. I have been reminded by my friend, the 
liev. E. H. Adamson, of another instance of Mr. Salvin's temporary 
obliviousness, which might have had serious results. Hurrying one 
day along the street he met his Rector, Mr. Collinson. After exchang- 
ing the usual greetings, they entered upon the discussion of an article 
which had appeared in a recent number of the Edinburgh or Quarterly 
Review, when all at once Mr. Salvin remembered that he had taken 
poison by mistake, and was on his way to a chemist's for an emetic. 
Happily, he was, after all, not too late. Mr. Salvin, at an early 
period in the history of our Society (1824), became a chaplain in 
the Royal Navy ; but he eventually became Vicar of Alston, where he 
died in 1852. 

One of the original members of our Society was Robert Surtees of 

* Proceedings of the Royal Archceological Institute, 1852 ; Newcastle, Vol. 
I., pp. 97-134, 

f Jrchaeoloffia Mliana, IX., pp. 73-161. 


Mainsforth, the author of The History and Antiquities of the County 
Palatine of Durham. I do not find that he took an active part in its 
affairs, or contributed any papers to its Transactions ; but by giving 
the Society the countenance of his name, he added greatly to its 
strength. He was a truly able man ; he was intimately acquainted 
with the Greek and Eoman classics, his heraldic knowledge was deep, 
and his skill in tracing the pedigrees of the chief families of his county 
could not be surpassed. In the best and highest sense of the word, he 
was a good man ; he delighted in doing good, and as far as was in his 
power, he rejoiced in making others happy. He was withal a bright 
and cheerful man, and no one loved a harmless joke more than he. 
He did not consider himself to be an antiquary, arid in one of his 
letters to the Rev. John Hodgson, published in his Life, by Mr. Taylor, 
he says so, and yet he was an antiquary in reality of the highest order. 
He probably meant that he was not a Roman antiquary ; and here I 
may be allowed to indulge in the expression of a thought which has 
often occurred to me. The field of antiquarian research is so extensive 
that few persons none but those most highly gifted can be skilled 
in all its parts. The circumstances by which we are surrounded, or 
our natural tastes, lead us to select the one or the other branch of 
archaeological research the field of British antiquities, or Roman, or 
Saxon, or Mediaeval. Now, we are naturally disposed to think the field 
of our own peculiar choice to be preferable to all others, and to under- 
rate the studies of our companions in other walks. The Black-letter 
antiquary is thankful that he does not waste his time over "Roman 
rubbish," and the man who holds converse with the heroes of Imperial 
Rome is perhaps tempted to think lightly of " the mere Medievalist." 
On the other hand, the student of Egyptian and Babylonian hiero- 
glyphics and sculptures is apt to crow over all. But surely there is 
room for us all. Why not rejoice in this division of labour, and why 
not encourage one another to pursue diligently the paths we have 
severally chosen. The North of England presents a very inviting field 
to the student of Roman antiquities ; it is nothing remarkable there- 
fore, if topics of this nature are more frequently brought before this 
Society than those of other eras ; but assuredly the student of this 
branch of archaeology would greatly forget himself if he were not 
willing, most gladly to give way and welcome to the front the inquirer 

ARCH/EOLOG/A AELIANA, \b/xr,p.i70. 


t- \^<-^\ 


into the ways of the original inhabitants of our country, or of our Saxon 
forefathers, or of the men who flourished under the Plantagenets and 

I have said that Mr. Surtees was a man of humour. He loved a 
joke. He was a medieval antiquary, and he sometimes made fun of 
what I may call his elder brethren. He was amused at the eagerness 
with which Eoman antiquaries often scan a coin. I have been told 
that in the indulgence of this vein he used occasionally, when crossing 
the Tyne Bridge at Newcastle, or the Framwelgate Bridge at Durham, 
to toss a penny or a halfpenny into the water, that the antiquaries of 
a subsequent era might have the rich satisfaction of examining and 
describing them, of smelling and tasting them. Here are some lines of 
his upon what he calls 

" Oh ! the antiquary's pleasure ! 

Kusty medals are his treasure 

Many a canker'd piece he pores on, 

With heads of ancient sons of on, 

Antoninus, Galba, Trajan, 

Many an ugly, grinning pagan, 

Neither nose nor eyes remaining 

That's the field to show his training. 

He can run by scent and savour; 

Knows an Otho by the flavour" 
&c. &c. &c. 

It is well known that he was the author of the piece of which the 
following is the first stanza : * 

" Hoot awa', lads, hoot awa', 

Ha' ye heard how the Ridleys, and Thirlwalls, and a', 
Ha' set upon Albany Petherstonhaugh, 
And taken his life at the Deadmanshaugh : 

There was Williuioteswick, 

And Hardriding Dick, 

And Hughie of Hawden, and Will of the Wa', 
I canna' tell a', I canna' tell a', 
And mony a mair that the deil may knaw." 
&c. &c. 

which Sir Walter Scott introduces into his Marmion\ as a genuine 

* Life of Surtees (Surtees Society, Vol XXIV.), p. 238. 
t Canto I., Note M. 


No one was more anxious to avoid hurting the feelings of another, 
and yet on this subject he seems to have been unable to restrain a 
laugh at the expense of his friend the historian of Northumberland. 

It seems that the Kev. John Hodgson and he had examined the 
Roman camp at Jarrow together, and that in their friendly conversa- 
tion, Mr. Hodgson had laid particular stress upon the finding of a 
denarius of Vitellius, and giving it as a proof of the Roman occupation 
of the place. In due course the second volume of the History of 
Durliam makes its appearance, and after giving in it an account of some 
Roman inscriptions which were found in Jarrow, and some Roman 
foundations and a wall, he concludes the sentence with these words : 
" And on this very spot was found a silver coin of Aulus Vitellius." 
He does not put a note of exclamation after the statement of this fact, 
but he appends the following note : 

" ' Trifles light as air, &c. 
[Are to the jealous confirmation strong as proofs of holy writ.'] 

I am well aware of the force of this piece of artillery .when pointed 
against antiquaries, yet a Denarius of Aulus Vitellius, which weighs, 
or, according to the best Paris goldsmiths, ought to weigh, sixty grains, 
found exactly where it should be, is no such trifle. ' Friendly reader,' 
if thou dost not believe, ex imo corde, that a Roman station, fort, or 
village, on the line or within the pale of Agricola's wall, existed at 
Jarrow, ' I do in very sober sadness, call thee Giaour ,-' and thou wilt 
recollect that I am now far advanced into the middle provinces, the 
Flavia Caesarieusis of a second volume, without having hitherto had 
occasion to adjure so powerful a spirit as Tom Coryat."* Surtees had 
finished his course before Hodgson published his account of Jarrow, 
and the reference which the historian of Northumberland makes to 
the note we have quoted is brief and kindly in the highest degree. He 
says:f "Though Surtees, of dear and revered memory, has told some 
of the opinions I mentioned on the spot respecting the Roman origin 
of Jarrow, in a tone of sceptical levity, he has not, however, scattered 
all of them to the winds." He then gives his reasons for supposing 
that Jarrow might be a place for traffic in corn, and goes on to show 
the use he wished to make of the coin of Vitellius. His remarks are : 

* History of Durham, Vol. II, p. 69. 

t History of Northumberland, Part II., Vol. III., p. 230. 


"Aulus Vitellius was destroyed in A.D. 69, after a short reign of 352 
days: as his coins therefore could not be in quantity enough to 
continue long in circulation, it seems probable to infer that the wall 
in which the forementioned denarius was found was constructed not 
many years after his death." He adds that it may have been put up 
by the soldiers of Agricola, but certainly not later than the reign of 

Years ago the pen so ably wielded by the amiable and gifted 
Hodgson, fell from his hand, and his history, as well as that of his 
much esteemed fellow-labourer, has been left incomplete. To cur able 
Yice-President, Mr. W. Hylton Dyer Longstaffe, the antiquarian 
world looks for the completion of the History of Durham, and our 
fellow-member, Mr. Cadwallader J. Bates, has shown in the numerous 
papers which he has laid before the Institute and our Society, how 
specially fitted he is to follow in the footsteps of the lamented Hodgson. 
Should I be right in my forecast on this subject, every British patriot 
must wish both of these gentlemen success in their labours. 

On the 5th July, 1815, "The Rev. J. Raine, proposed by Messrs. 
Hodgson, Murray, and Brumell, was balloted for and unanimously 
elected." So say the minutes of that date. Dr. Raine, the author of 
North Durham, and other works of importance, was always heartily 
welcomed when he was able to attend our meetings. He was the 
friend of Hodgson and Surtees, and the helper of both. I well 
remember his last appearance amongst us. He read on that occasion 
a paper on some Inscriptions in Chillingham Castle, which appears 
in the third volume of the Archceologia JEliana, 8vo. series.* In a 
note to this paper Mr. Longstaffe has the following remarks : " The 
hand of death has been heavy in 1858. The late Dr. Raine proposed 
to inspect the inscriptions at Chillingham, to which the excellent 
paper given above refers, and to revise his essay. The lamentable 
decay of his health prevented his intended journey. His words now 
can only be given as they were read at our anniversary meeting, but 
they possess a high interest as almost his last literary effort, and for 
their admirable delineations of character." 

As this paper is probably in the hands of very few of our present 
members, I may perhaps be permitted to extract from it a humorous 

* pp. 277-286. 


account of the courtship of Robert Lambe, the Vicar of Norham, 
more than a century ago. Dr. Eaine thought that Mr. Lambe, who 
was literally "dripping with Latin and Greek," might be the author of 
the Chillingham inscriptions. But let that pass. Latin and Greek 
do not satisfy all the wants of life. Lanibe had for some time been 
Minor Canon in the Cathedral of Durham. " He had not long been 
settled in Norham," says Dr. Raine, " before he began to feel the 
want of a wife ; and along with the want came the recollection of a young 
woman who resided in Durham, of the name of Philadelphia Nelson, 
the daughter of a well-known carrier between London and Edinburgh, 
and a female of high character and respectability, upon whom he was 
not long in settling his affections. The result was a proposal by 
letter ; and in due time the lovesick Vicar was accepted. Another 
request was then made, which, even to the carrier's daughter, must, I 
think, have appeared to be of somewhat an unusual kind : ' I cannot 
leave my parish to come to you. I really wish you would put yourself 
into one of your father's waggons and come down to me. I will meet 
you on such a day at Berwick ; but as I want our meeting to be as 
private as possible, and as I have no very distinct recollection of your 
personal appearance, I have to propose that you will meet me upon 
the pier there, with a tea caddy under your arm to prevent any 
chance of mistake.' There was then living in Berwick a person 
of the name of Howe, who had risen to high rank in the Navy, and 
who, thrice a day, for the sake of exercise, walked to the end of 
this said pier, and then returned home to his meals. One day, 
before dinner, the gallant old Admiral met in his walk a young 
woman with a tea caddy under her arm, who, as he saw at 
once, was a stranger ; but he took no further notice of the matter. 
Before tea, after an interval of three or four hours, he met in the same 
place the same person, walking up and down with the caddy under 
her arm, and looking townwards with an anxious eye ; but still he 
spoke not neither did she. Late in the evening the Admiral went 
out for his third and concluding walk, and, sure enough, there 
was the self -same female, no longer walking up and down with the 
tea caddy, but sitting upon a stone, fairly worn out, with the tea 
caddy beside her, and apparently anxious to be spoken to, that she 


might have an opportunity of telling her tale of distress. The 
Admiral's gallantry was touched by her beseeching eye. He addressed 
her, and heard her tale of Lambe and his breach of promise to meet 
her on that very day and make her his wife at Norham. ' Ha ! said 
he, ' Robin Lambe is a great friend of mine. This is just like him. 
He has forgot all about it ; but he'll make you a capital husband. 
Come home with me, young woman, and you shall be kindly treated 
for the night.' The girl, nothing fearing, complied. In the morning 
he put her into a coach, and went along with her to Norham. Lambe 
blushed and apologised, and the two were married a few days after- 
wards, the Admiral giving the bride away." 

It seems a pity to add another word to this amusing and bright 
story. But how often in life is it that dark clouds overshadow the 
brightest prospects. Dr. Raine adds : " The poor girl died in 
childbed of her first child a daughter." 

In the list of members of the Society for the year 1822, 1 notice 
the name of "Mr. John Buddie, Wallsend, Northumberland." 
Mr. Buddie was at that time a prominent character amongst the 
notabilities of the North, and for many years subsequently. At a 
period when the coal trade held its head above all the industries of the 
district, he was its chief representative being the most distinguished 
" viewer " of the North. He was a man of agreeable presence, and of 
great conversational powers. He did not take an active part in the pro- 
ceedings of our Society ; but he had the good sense to belong to it. It 
was from him that I first learned the fact that the eastern rampart of the 
station of SEGEDUNUM, "Wallsend, was continued down the bank into 
the River Tyne to the lowest point of the tide. Bathing in the river 
when a boy, he had often noticed this fact. I heard him relate the 
following incident which, though not of antiquarian interest, gives us 
a picture of times that are past. One of his pitmen, out of regard to 
him, had gathered for his use a large quantity of hazel nuts, and not 
wishing to give his master the trouble of divesting them of their shells 
he had brought them all under the influence of his own grinders. Mr. 
Buddie in accepting the kind present, remarked to the donor that 
he had been at the trouble to crack them. "Yes" said the pitman, 
"and did not my ja's wark (ache)." I have heard Mr. Buddie remark 


that the pitmen had already nearly all lost the pit language. They 
had become refined in their speech. There are no pitmen now-a-days, 
they are all "miners." There are no "viewers," they have all become 
"mining engineers." 

I have stated that when the Society removed from the Old Castle 
it held its meetings in Farrington's Yard, Bigg Market After a time 
the members assembled for a short period in Mr. Adamson's house. 
When, however, the Literary and Philosophical Society erected their 
present commodious premises, the Society procured apartments in the 
same building. These were in the rear of the structure, but were 
eventually absorbed by the present lecture room. 

For several years the anniversary meetings of the Society were 
succeeded by an " annual dinner" price, one guinea. This festive 
entertainment must have caused a large expenditure of mental energy. 
A report of one of them (January, 1829) is given in one of Mr. 
Bell's newspaper cuttings ; and I find that not less than twenty-seven 
toasts were given, and most of them responded to. Hard work this ! 

During the history of this Society, I only know of one man who 
was black-balled. That person was Mr. Eneas Mackenzie, the well- 
known author of Histories of Newcastle, Northumberland, and 
Durham. This took place on the 3rd March, 1824. Perhaps this 
circumstance accounts for a remark which Mr. Mackenzie makes in 
his account of the Antiquarian Society in his History of Newcastle : 
"This Society has not evinced much zeal in the discovery of the 
remains of antiquity."* 

As is the case with most societies, ours has had its times of dull- 
ness as well as of prosperity. In the Annual Report for 1847, the 
following passage occurs: "The Council regret to state that only 
one new ordinary member has been added to the list, while three have 

been lost to the Society by death or resignation The 

member added is the Rev. J. C. Bruce." I may be pardoned if I 
make another extract from the same document, as it indicates 
the beginning of a new state of things. " The Rev. J. C. Bruce 
read a lecture on the Castles of England, and particularly that of 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, illustrated with large and beautiful drawings. 

* p. 487. 

Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xi., p. 176. 

Plate XVIa. 





Born 1775 Died Oct. 31* 1834- Aged 59. 


It was proposed that a Committee should be formed to see what 
could be done towards the preservation and restoration of the Old 
Castle, and to solicit subscriptions." 

A committee was formed, and it set to work vigorously. As a 
proof of the success of their exertions, I may refer to a minute of the 
proceedings of the Society at its annual meeting the next year 
(1848) : " A vote of thanks to the Corporation for so readily having 
granted a lease of the Castle, and for the munificent donation of 
250 towards the restoration of the building, was carried by 

The work of restoration was begun at once, under the care of Mr. 
Dobson, an eminent architect of that day ; and on the 3rd August of 
the same year, the banquet, to which I have already referred, was held 
in the great hall, to commemorate our occupation of the grand old 
keep. Long ago we had an eye to the Black Gate. In the Gateshead 
Observer of October 6th, 1855, is the following reference to the 
subject, at a meeting held here on the previous "Wednesday : " Dr. 
Charlton returned to the subject of the Black Gate of the Castle. 
The Duke of Northumberland, he said, had suggested its conversion 
into a muniment room, in which Newcastle and Northumberland 
records and papers might be preserved for reference. He should regret 
to see a relic, of which they ought to be so proud, destroyed or occupied 
as miserable tenements. Mr. Clayton, who was in the chair, said "the 
town, he was sure, would view the question with no sordid feelings. 
The Black Gate now yielded a revenue to the Corporation of 60, 
being occupied by twelve families comprising sixty individuals. It 
was a garrison in itself. No doubt it could be restored, or rather 
developed for little restoration would be required. And in doing so 
the Corporation would only be following up the step which they took 
some forty years ago, when they purchased the Castle from the grantees 
of the Crown, and preserved it from destruction. The purchase was 
made in 1813, at a cost of 600 ; besides which a larger sum, pro- 
bably, had been expended on the Castle, but no account had been kept. 
The inhabitants of the Black Gate, he was inclined to believe, would 
be loth to abandon their stronghold, for there were families in it who 
had lived there twenty years." 


Now, happily, the Black Gate has been developed, and put to a use 
worthy of its historic interest. 

After the Society removed from the rooms of the Literary Society 
to the Castle, as its permanent abode, it recovered its former vigour 
and activity. But there were some signs of the formation of two parties 
the old party and the young party. The young ones thought that 
the old ones did not move fast enough the old ones thought the young 
ones wanted to go too fast. Now that I am an old man, and have 
the feelings of one, I wish, in reviewing this part of our Society's 
history, that we of the young party had deferred more to the feelings 
of the founders of the Society Mr. Adamson and Mr. Bell. I wish 
that all feeling had been repressed, and that we had patiently waited 
till each step could have been unanimously and harmoniously taken. 
However, we are thoroughly harmonious now, and long may we 
continue to be so. 

And now I have done. These jottings have run on to a greater 
length than I had anticipated, and yet I have left unnamed several 
men who served the Society well. 

Sir Cuthbert Sharp, the author of the History of Hartlepool, the 
Memorials of the Rebellion &f 1569, and of the Bishopric Garlands, was 
one of its earliest members, but, on his removal to a distance, he 
ceased to attend ; but he rejoined us when he became Collector of the 
Customs of Newcastle. He backed up us of the younger party in our 
little controversies, on account of which, I suppose, Mr. Bell, in his 
Collections, amusingly denominates him " Cuddy Sharp." Mr. John 
Fenwick, was an early member, and he con tinned to be so till his death. 
Dr. Charlton was the author of several papers in our Transactions, and 
did good service for many years in the capacity of Secretary. The late 
Mr. Ealph Carr-Ellison was an earnest worker ; of him I have already 
given some jottings (see Proceedings, Vol. I., p. 125). Mr. Kell, a 
solicitor, and for some time Town Clerk of Gateshead, helped on greatly 
the common cause. He rendered me invaluable assistance in the 
pilgrimage along the Roman Wall, which some of us undertook in the 
summer of 1848 ; and he was the soul of the Melodies Committee, 
which put forth strenuous efforts to preserve from oblivion the ancient 
music of Northumbria ; and Mr. Robert White, who was a poet as well 

iRCH^EOLOGIA ^ELIANA, VOL. xi., p. 178. 

Plate xvii. 



Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xi., p. 174. 

Plate XVIIa. 



as an antiquary. He was the author of a valuable work on the Battle 
of Otterburn, of papers in our Transactions on the Battles of Flodden 
Field and Neville's Cross, and of another in which he pays a graceful 
tribute to the memory of Mr. J. Hodgson Hinde. He wrote also 
several interesting papers for Richardson's Table Boole* These old 
members, and several others, I hope, some one else will ere long bring 
under our notice. 

My remarks have for the most part been of a light and trivial 
nature. My papers, usually, from the dryness of their details, are not 
a little trying to the patience of those who are not addicted to 
epigraphical pursuits. In endeavouring for once to change my course, 
I have, perhaps, overshot the mark ; in which case I hope you will 
excuse me. 

* For a genial notice of Mr. Robert White, by Mr. Clephan, see Archceologia 
Mliana, Vol. VII., p. 274, etc. 

Library of the Society in the Castle ; formerly used as a School Koom. 




BY THE REV. J. L. Low. 

[Read on the 26th August, 1885.J 

THIS church was rebuilt in the year 1830, and the architecture is 
neither better nor worse than was to be expected at that period. It 
consists of a nave, about fifty feet long by twenty-six feet wide. 
Eleven feet are partitioned off at the west end for a vestry and vesti- 
bule, both of very good dimensions. A somewhat slender tower at 
the west end contains a bell. There is an outhot at the east end, ten 
feet deep by fourteen feet wide, for the Holy Table. The walls, though 
of no great thickness, have been most faithfully built ; for although the 
situation is very exposed, particularly to the west, there is no sign of 
damp in the west wall a very unusual thing in a church in such a 
position. The ceiling, fourteen feet high, is flat, with a cornice all 
round, and an ornament in the centre from which hangs a corona with 
six lamps. It is seated with rather high pews, which, however, are of 
very good materials and workmanship, with doors. All the seats are 
alike, without any distinction between rich and poor. The whole dis- 
plays very good intentions on the part of the builders, leaving it to be 
regretted that their ideas which, however, were only those of the 
time were not of a more ecclesiastical tone. 

At this distance of time, it is difficult to get any trustworthy 
information as to the character of the building which the present one 
replaced. An application made some years ago to an aged priest, who 
happened then to be the oldest in the diocese of Durham, and had 
been ordained as curate of Shotley and Whittonstall in the year 1818, 
only elicited the response that in his day Whittonstall Church was 
" a perfect hovel." At the time of his acquaintance with Whittonstall, 
very few had the knowledge necessary to judge, from existing remains, 
what such a building may once have been. Of course, this remark 
applies with still greater force to surviving parishioners. All that has 



been got from them is : that the building was very small and very 
dilapidated ; that there was something like an arch in the wall at the 
west end, and further westward, ruins ; no belfry, and consequently no 
bell ; and that there were three small windows in the east end. 

One stone alone of the 
old building, as far as is 
known, remains, but it is an 
important one. It is clearly 
one of the corbels of what 
must have been a very good 
Early English chancel arch, 
bearing a very strong resem- 
blance to those at Medom- 
sley, on the opposite hill in 
the county of Durham. 
It must be owned that these are very slender materials for forming 
an opinion, but an attempt may be made to guess what they suggest. 

1. The one stone remaining is the corbel of a chancel arch, there- 
fore the church consisted of a nave and chancel. 

2. The chancel had opened into the nave with an arch of Early 
English character of considerable beauty. 

3. The east end of the chancel was lighted by three lancets. 

4. In 1830 the chancel only was in use, the nave being in ruins, 
the chancel arch remaining, but built up, the chancel itself being in a 
very dilapidated state. 

In fact, the church seems to have borne some resemblance to 
Medomsley and the two churches at Bywell, particularly to St. Peter's, 
which was the mother church, though not, perhaps, so lofty as that 
is. All things considered, it seems likely that Whittonstall Chapel 
was originally built early in the thirteenth century, while the manor 
was still in the possession of the Baliols. It may possibly have 
been a copy, on a smaller scale, of the mother church of St. Peter's, 
just as we see that Durham Cathedral, a few score years earlier, was 
reproduced in miniature in the island of Lindisfarne. 

The chapelry is conterminous with the estate of Whittonstall, 
comprising the two townships of Whittonstall and Newlands. It 
originally belonged to the Baliols. This distinguished and very 


powerful family, as is well known, was ruined in consequence of their 
pretensions to the crown of Scotland, towards the end of the thirteenth 
century. But before this, the manor of Whittonstall and its appur- 
tenances had been granted to the Darrayns, in whose possession it 
appears to have remained nearly a century, and then to have passed to 
the Menevylls. There are several deeds extant referring to transactions 
between the Darrayns and the Menevylls ; but the final deed seems to 
be one dated at Midsummer, 1366, by which Isabella, widow of "William 
de Kellaw, daughter and heiress of Robert Darrayn, Knight, releases 
all right to Whittonstall and Newlands in favour of "William de 
Menevyll and Dionisia his wife. These two seem to have had no 
family ; but, by a second wife, William de Menevyll had a daughter, 
Isabella, who became the wife of Sir William Claxton, lord of Claxton, 
in the Bishoprick of Durham. Their son, Sir William Claxton, 
became heir to Emma Tyndale, the lady of Dilston, by which means 
Dilston and Whittonstall came to be vested in the same owners. Sir 
William's son, Sir Robert, had four daughters, the second of whom, 
Joanna, was married to John Cartington of Cartington Tower, near 
Rothbury, and seems to have had Dilston and Whittonstall as her 
portion. Anne, the daughter and heiress of John and Joanna Carting- 
ton, married Sir Edward Radclyffe of Derwentwater, in the county of 
Cumberland, who was still living in the second year of Henry VIII. 
Their descendant, Sir Francis Radclyffe, was created by James II. 
Baron Tyndale, Viscount Radclyffe and Langley, and Earl of Der- 
wentwater. The melancholy fate of his grandson, James, third and 
last Earl of Derwentwater, is well known. He was a most amiable 
and accomplished nobleman, but, being engaged in the rising in favour 
of the Stewarts at the beginning of the reign of George I., he was 
beheaded, and all his estates were forfeited to the Crown. These 
estates were assigned by the Government for the support of the Royal 
Hospital for Seamen at Greenwich, and continued in the possession of 
the Commissioners for more than a century and a half. The estate of 
Whittonstall was sold in 1872 by the Lords of the Admiralty to Joseph 
Laycock, Esq., Alderman of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

It was, of course, while Whittonstall was the property of the 
Commissioners for Greenwich Hospital that the Chapel of Whitton- 
stall was rebuilt, and no doubt the Commissioners contributed liberally 
to the work. 


The Manor House, or "Whittonstall Hall, occupied a site on the 
very summit of the hill which separates the valley of the Tyne from 
that of the Derwent, and must have commanded a very magnificent 
view of both valleys. It stood hard by the Roman Way, commonly 
called Watling Street, which leads from Corbridge to Lanchester. No 
ruins remain, only some ridges and mounds ; but there are some old 
hedgerows, which seem to mark the avenues by which the house was 
approached. That the manor was one of considerable importance 
seems to be indicated by the fact that the privilege of a chapel was 
conceded to the lord and his tenants. 

The church stands between 300 and 400 yards northwards from 
the site of the Hall, just under the summit of the hill. It is nearly 
five miles from the Parish Church of Bywell St. Peter's. There is 
no record of any ancient endowment, but the chapel seems, in the 
reign of Queen Elizabeth, to have had its own minister. After the 
insurrection of 1569, it was objected against Thomas Swalwell, curate 
of Medomsley, " That thou, in the tyme of the laite Rebellion, diddest 
procure, suffer, and maintayne one Sir John Cowper, curat of 
"Whittonstall, to churche three women, and marye certain persones in 
latton [Latin], in such rite and form as was prescribed _by the Pope, 
at Medomsley." In the Visitation Roll of Bishop Barnes's Chancellor 
in 1578, the names occur of George Cowper as curate of Whittonstall; 
William Strother, a Scotsman, curate of Shotley; William Assheton, 
vicar of Biwell Andrew ; and Thomas Wilkinson, vicar of Biwell 
Peter; so that these four churches at that time had each its own 
minister. Shotley is designated as a parish church, Whittonstall as a 
chapel. At a later period it was different. A history of Northumber- 
land, published in 1811, says that Whittonstall "has a small chapel, 
which belongs to the Vicarage of Bywell St. Peter, wherein divine 
service is performed once a month." This seems to indicate that the 
service was performed by the Vicar of Bywell, but the statement pro- 
bably refers to a date previous to 1811 ; for in the list of clergy at the 
end of the book, Michael Maughan is given as the curate (incumbent) 
of Whittonstall, as well as of the adjoining parish of Shotley. In 
1774 a grant was obtained from Queen Anne's Bounty and Whitton- 
stall became a perpetual curacy. A farm of 74 acres, bearing the 
ominous name of Wetbottoms, was purchased in the moorlands of the 
Parish of Brancepeth, the rent of which could not be great ; and pre- 


vious to 1836 the living was usually held in conjunction with that of 
Shotley. The two Bywells were also held together, sometimes with a 
third or fourth living. Such was the order of things half-a-century 
ago. Not only were two or three of the best livings heaped upon some 
fortunate ecclesiastic, but two or three very small ones were accumu- 
lated on some poor priest, to eke out what must have been at the best 
a very scanty maintenance. The incumbents of Whittonstall and 
Shotley seem commonly to have had duties elsewhere, and their place 
was supplied by a sub-curate, who officiated in the two churches alter- 
nately, living, sometimes in great poverty, in the parsonage of Shotley 
at Unthank (which, by the way, is mentioned as their residence in the 
time of Queen Elizabeth), for there was no glebe house at Whittonstall. 
The Act restraining pluralities put an end to this system. Both 
livings were augmented ; Shotley by the trustees of Lord Crewe, and 
Whittonstall by the Dean and Chapter of Durham, the appropriates 
of the great tithes of the Parish of Bywell St. Peter's. Separate in- 
cumbents were appointed, and, in course of time, a glebe house was 
built at Whittonstall. Meantime, a huge town, named Crook, had 
grown up close to Wetbottoms, which began to be called by the more 
agreeable name of Wheatbottom, and coal was discovered under the 
glebe, which has tended much to the improvement of the benefice. 

For a long series of years Mr. Simpson Brown was sub-curate of 
Shotley and Whittonstall, living in straitened circumstances in the 
parsonage at Unthank. He is understood to have been the son or 
grandson of a Mr. John Brown, an early convert of Mr. Wesley's, 
who mentions him repeatedly in his Journals. Mr. Wesley took care 
of the young man's education, and, in course of time, he was 
ordained. During his lifetime Mr. Brown erected a gravestone in 
Whittonstall churchyard, in memory of some members of his family, 
who were buried there. This gravestone is remarkable as being one 
of the earliest works of the sculptor Lough, who began life as a stone- 
mason under a builder in the parish of Shotley. Mr. Brown retired 
from his curacy in 1818, and sixteen years after was himself buried in 
Whittonstall churchyard, at the age of 93. He is the ancestor of 
several highly respectable clergymen in the dioceses of Durham and 
Newcastle. Mr. Brown's immediate successor as sub-curate of Whit- 
tonstall and Shotley, was Mr. James Green, who eventually became 
vicar of St. John's in Weardale. He lived to be the oldest priest in 


the diocese of Durham, and died a few years ago, when he was con- 
signed to his last resting place by the vicar of Whittonstall, the place 
where, upwards of sixty years before, he had begun his ministry. 

In this present day of church restoration and adornment, one can 
hardly look upon such a church as Whittonstall Church now is, without 
regret, but we must take into account the days in which it was built. 
The ancient churches were then full of the traces of Puritan ascendency. 
Little account was made of a middle aisle. Very commonly the pulpit, 
which was the one centre of attraction, was placed against the south 
wall ; or, if the church had aisles, against a pillar half-way down the 
nave, and all the seats were made to face it, so that many were turned 
away from the holy table. There were many four-sided pews where 
two sets of worshippers faced each other. Churches like All Saints, 
Newcastle, had not lost their prestige, which after all, on some accounts, 
they well deserved. According to the prevailing ideas of the worship 
of the sanctuary, the ancient churches with their long chancels and 
the obstruction of pillars and arcades, were very inconvenient. Whit- 
tonstall Church was built according to the ideas of the time ; and no 
doubt, when it was finished, the worthy men who had the care of it 
looked upon their work as a triumph of common sense, and their new 
church as admirably adapted, much more so than the ancient churches, 
to the requirements of the reformed ritual. Moreover, all the ancient 
churches in the neighbourhood were at that time in a most miserable 
state of decay and squalor, and continued to be so for many years 
more. In these circumstances, for a long time after it was built, 
Whittonstall Church must have been regarded as one of the most con- 
venient and handsome churches for some distance round, with its 
spacious vestibule and vestry, its middle aisle, its substantial and well- 
constructed seats, all alike for rich and poor at a time when some of 
the neighbouring churches were disfigured by hideous four-posters for 
the more important parishioners and none of the seats turned away 
from the holy table. Beyond doubt it was far in advance of most of 
the churches of the same rank in the county, and, in point of arrange- 
ment, superior to many city churches of great pretensions and repute. 
Let us honour good intentions where we see such evident tokens of 
them, and forbear to try the work of our recent predecessors by 
principles of which neither they nor anyone else at that time had any 



BY THE REV. J. L. Low. 

[Read on the 28th October, 1885.] 

COLDINGHAM is a place of great antiquity, being first mentioned by the 
Venerable Bede, under the somewhat high-sounding name of Coludi 
Urbs, as the site of a monastery, in the time of Oswy. King of North- 
umbria, who began his reign A.D. 642. It was, according to a usage 
then common in the Anglo-Saxon church, a double monastery, consisting 
of two communities, one of men and another of women, under the same 
head. It was founded by a Saxon Princess, Ebba, daughter of 
Ethelfrid the Ravager, and great grand-daughter of Ida, the Man of 
Fire, who founded the kingdom of Bernicia. She was the sister of 
the two Kings, Oswald and Oswy. It is generally believed that she 
made her profession under Finan, the second Bishop of Lindisfarne. 
Her brother Oswy, it is said, first intended to marry her to a Scottish 
Prince, but yielded to her wishes to consecrate her life to the service 
of God. Most writers say that she first presided over a small com- 
munity of women on the banks of the Northumbrian Derwent, at a place 
where there had been a Roman station, and now named after her, Ebba- 
ceaster,orEbchester. But there is nothing of this in Bede, and it is pos- 
sible that the name of the place, whatever its real meaning may be, 
suggested the story. Hilda, a daughter of the rival house of ^Blla, after 
presiding over a monastery at Hartlepool, had finally settled in the far 
south of Deira, the southern division of Northumbria, at Streanes- 
halch, better known by its Danish name of Whitby. Ebba, on the other 
hand, chose for the site of her house the far north of Bernicia, the 
northern province, on a bold and precipitous headland, which still 
retains her name, St. Abb's Head. The situations of her monastery and 
that of Hilda's were very similar ; each a lofty promontory looking over 
the North Sea, and exposed to all its wild storms no token of life 


but the scream of the sea bird. Perhaps an occasional boat might 
be seen, but this would be very rare. On the whole nothing could 
exceed the picturesque desolation of the spot where Ebba fixed her 
abode. The coast - of Fife can be seen on a clear day to the north- 
ward, with the Isle of May in the foreground, the solitary rock of the 
Bass in the near neighbourhood to the west, while on the east the 
view stretches along the Northumbrian coast to Lindisfarne, Bam- 
burgh, and the Fame Islands. The promontory is of immense 
height, though 500 feet perpendicular* may be an exaggeration. 
The building would be of a very humble character, like all these early 
monasteries, probably of wood, as Lindisfarne, and, no doubt, also 
the Mailros of that day. Modern refinement, and what at least 
deems itself to be enlightenment, may smile at the high-born Saxon 
lady and her brethren and sisters settling on this desolate spot to sing 
their psalms of penitence and praise, and to encourage one another 
in the pursuit of holiness, " declaring plainly that they sought a 
better country, that is, an heavenly." Doubtless they had good reasons for 
choosing their lot and the place of their habitation, and the moral 
force of their example could not but tell favourably on their fierce and 
warlike countrymen. 

The earliest notice we have of Ebba's monastery from the 
Venerable Bede is in his Life of St. Cuthbert, "When Guthbert 
was Provost of Mailros, the fame of his holiness had reached Ebba, 
"who ruled a monastery situated in the place which is called the 
City of Colud, and was esteemed by all alike for her piety and her 
nobility, for she was the uterine sister of King Oswy." She sent to 
Cuthbert praying him to visit her and her community, that 
they might profit by his exhortations. He could not refuse to grant 
the request of the handmaid of God, so he came to the place, and 
remained some days, setting forth the way of righteousness alike by 
his deeds and his words. It was his wont, when all were at rest, to 
go out alone to prayer during the night, and when he had thus passed the 
watches of the night, to return home when the community met for 
morning prayer. One night a brother of the monastery saw him 
going quietly out, and curiosity tempted him to follow. He went 

* Montalembert. Les Moines d'Occ., XIII.. ch. 2, "qui descend a pic de prs 
de cinq cents pieds dans TOcean." 


down to the sea, on the margin of which the monastery stood, waded 
into deep water till the waves covered his arms and reached his neck, 
and passed the dark hours of the night singing psalms to the accompani- 
ment of the melody of the waves.* When dawn approached, he came to 
land, and bent his knees in prayer on the shore. As he was thus employed, 
two sea-otters came out of the water, lay down before him, and began to 
warm his feet with their breath and to wipe them with their hair. 
Having rendered him this service, and received his blessing, they 
returned to their native element. He then went home, and joined the 
brethren in their morning lauds. The brother who had been 
watching him was so struck with terror that he could hardly find his 
way home. The first thing that he did was to prostrate himself 
before Cuthbert, and with tears to entreat pardon, having no doubt 
that the holy man knew all. Cuthbert replied, "What aileth thee, . 
my brother ? What hast thou done ? Hast thou been tracing my 
footsteps in my night journey? On this sole condition I pardon 
thee, that, as long as I live, thou never tell anyone what thou hast 
seen." The brother promised, and kept his word, for never, while 
Cuthbert lived, did he speak of the matter to anyone. 

When Oswy died, he was succeeded by his son Egfrid, the nephew 
of Ebba. This Prince was first married to Edilthryda or Etheldreda, 
one of the daughters of Anna, King of the East Saxons, and, by her 
mother, niece of St. Hilda. Etheldreda had been married before, but 
had kept her virginity, and she did the same after her marriage to 
Egfrid. When she had been twelve years his wife, she at length 
obtained from him a most reluctant consent that she should take the veil, 
and it is somewhat remarkable that she did not go to her own aunt, Hilda, 
but to her husband's aunt, Ebba, at Coldingham. Here she received 
'the veil from the famous Bishop Wilfrid. She remained at Colding- 
ham about a year, when she heard that her husband was coming to 
recall her. By Ebba's advice she took flight, and went to Ely, where 
she had a large possession, which had been given to her by her former 
husband. Here she founded a monastery, which, two hundred years 
after was destroyed by the Danes. It was rebuilt afterwards, as a 
Benedictine Monastery, and created an Episcopal See by Henry I. 
Etheldreda is still regarded as the founder and patroness of Ely.f 

* Pervigiles undisonis in laudibus tenebras noctis exegit. 

f Her name stands in the Calendar of the Prayer Book, 17th October. 


Wilfrid's part in this transaction seems to have given offence to the 
King, and he was never again reconciled to Wilfrid. Ermenburga, 
Egfrid's second queen, fomented the quarrel, and Wilfrid was eventu- 
ally deprived of his Bishopric. He appealed to the Pope, and 
obtained a decision in his favour. But Egfrid declined to obey the 
papal rescript, alleging that the decision had been obtained by mis- 
representation, and instead of being restored to his See, Wilfrid was 
spoiled of his goods and cast into prison. The Queen appropriated 
his reliquary, and wore it as an amulet, about her neck. Wilfrid's 
place of confinement was Dunbar, not far from Coldingham. After 
a time the King, accompanied by the Queen, came to visit his aunt, the 
Abbess of Coldingham. While they were there, the Queen became very 
ill, and the Abbess administered to them both a severe rebuke for 
their treatment of Wilfrid, telling the Queen that, if she wished to 
recover, Wilfrid must be set at liberty, and she must restore his 
reliquary. She was obeyed the reliquary was restored, Wilfrid 
was released, and the Queen recovered her health. 

There is no reason to doubt the personal devotion and piety of 
Ebba, but it must be owned that she was not altogether happy in the 
management of her monastery. After her death, which took place in 
683, the monastery was destroyed by fire, and its sad fate was looked 
upon as a judgment caused by the misconduct of its inmates. Yet they 
were warned beforehand. There was in the monastery a monk named 
Adamnan, who led a life of great strictness and devotion. One day 
he had occasion to go to some distance with another of the brethren. 
As they were returning, when they came within sight of the lofty 
buildings of the monastery, Adamnan burst into tears, while the dis- 
tress of his countenance betrayed the agitation of his mind. In 
answer to his companion's enquiry, he foretold the destruction of the 
monastery on account of the irregularities by which it was defiled. 
Adamnan's companion lost no time in telling the Abbess what he 
had heard, and she sent at once for Adamuan. He told her that 
recently, when he was watching and praying during the night, 
a visitor, who was unknown to him, appeared, and commended him 
for employing his time so well. He then proceeded to tell him that 
he had gone through the house and visited every cell and every bed, 
and found that there were none among its inmates but himself who 


took any care for their souls. The cells, which were intended for reading 
and prayer, were the scenes of idle talk and junketing, while the 
virgins dedicated to God employed their leisure in making very fine 
garments, either to adorn their own persons, as if they were brides, or 
to give them away, so as to win for themselves the friendship of men 
outside. The Abbess asked why he did not tell her all this sooner. 
He said he was afraid of disturbing her ; but there was this comfort, 
that the ruin would not come while she lived. The story of the vision 
was made known to the community, and produced a reform for the 
present ; but, after Ebba's death, they returned to their old ways, and 
became even worse. Then, when they were saying "Peace and 
safety," the destruction which had been foretold overtook them. 

It seems, however, that before long the monastery was restored, 
but so far as appears, for women only, and, it may be hoped, was ordered 
with greater regularity. It was afterwards (about 870) destroyed by 
the Danes, like Lindisfarne, Mailros, and other religious houses, and 
there is a legend which, however, comes before us at too late a date 
to be at all trustworthy that another Ebba was then the Abbess, and 
that, when the attack of the barbarians was impending, she called the 
sisters together, and in their presence mutilated her face with a knife 
in a very shocking manner, exhorting them all to follow her example 
in order to preserve their honour. They at once did so, and the 
expedient succeeded so far as their honour was concerned, but in the 
rage of their disappointment the Danes destroyed them all. 

For two centuries Coldinghain lay waste, and the monastery was 
never rebuilt on the same site. Only the ruins of a chapel which 
belongs to a later period mark the spot. Little change has taken place 
in the surroundings. Fast Castle and Tantallon are the creations of 
later times, but the opposite coast of Fife, the Isle of May, the Bass, 
and all the natural scenery are the same the scream of the seabird is 
the same as that to which Ebba and her brethren and her sisters 
listened. The roll of the North Sea is the same as that which was the 
accompaniment to St. Cuthbert's nocturnal psalm. The very ground 
all around is the same, for cultivation has not approached the site of 
the ancient monastery. These reflections render it a spot of deep 
interest to all who delight in recalling the memory of the simple piety 
and devotion of these ancient times. 


After a desolation of two centuries the Monastery of Coldingham 
was revived, but, like Mailros, on a different site, and like Ely, 
Whitby, and many others, for a different class of religious the monks 
of the order of St. Benedict. The new site is as much distinguished 
for its soft beauty as the old was for its wild grandeur. It is placed 
in a valley about two miles inland from St. Abb's Head. It was founded 
and amply endowed about the year 1100 by Edgar, King of Scots, 
" and given to God and St. Cuthbert, to the Church of Durham, and 
the monks serving God, and to them who should hereafter serve 
Him in that church, for ever, and for the souls of his father and mother, 
and for the health of his own soul and body, of his brothers and 
sisters, and for all his ancestors and successors." Edgar was one of 
the sons of King Malcolm Canmore and St. Margaret, and was next in 
succession to his father ; but Donald, a brother of his father, usurped 
the throne. After a time, by the help of auxiliaries from England, 
led to battle, it is said, under the banner of St. Cuthbert, he overcame 
all opposition, and was seated on his father's throne. Out of gratitude 
to St. Cuthbert for the help which he believed he had afforded him, 
he founded this house in his honour. Succeeding kings of Scotland, 
great lords, with others of humbler rank, enriched it with their bene- 
factions, including the advowson of several churches. It was peopled 
by a colony of monks from Durham.* The Prior was always a monk 
of Durham, appointed by the Prior and convent of that place, and 
removable at their pleasure, though he was generally allowed to retain 
his office until his death or promotion, or until he found it desirable to 
retire. Several of the Priors of Coldingham became Priors of Durham, 
a very great advancement. "We have some accounts of the allowances 
made to a retiring Prior of Durham, and also many of the allowances 
made to a retiring Prior of Coldingham, and the difference between 
the two marks very strongly the splendour of the Priorate of Durham 
and the comparatively humble condition of the Prior of Coldingham.f 

* The great Abbey of Durham had eight cells or dependent houses Coldingham 
ill Berwickshire, Holy Island and Fame Island in Northumberland, Jarrow, Wear- 
mouth, and Finchale in Durham, Lytham in Lancashire, and Stamford in Lincoln- 
shire besides Durham College in Oxford where some of the younger monks resided 
for the purpose of study. 

f As to a Prior of Durham, Robert de Walworth (who had been Prior of 
Coldingham), on his retirement in 1391, was to have lodging either in the cell 
of Finchale, or at Durham in the apartments called Coldingham, with food and 
drink for himself, for a monk as his chaplain, and for a gentleman, a clerk, a 


The first two centuries after the foundation of the Benedictine 
Priory of Coldingham were years of quiet and prosperity. There was, 
upon the whole, with occasional interruptions, peace between England 
and Scotland, and it need hardly be said that this was very essential 
to the comfort of a house situated in one of two independent countries, 
and affiliated to a greater house in the other. During these two 
hundred years Scotland was, for the most part, peaceful and happy, 
making very great advances in prosperity, in wealth, and all the 
accompaniments of civilized life. Yet there were occasional breaches 
of the peace, and from its position, so near the border, Coldingham 
necessarily felt the effects. In 1214 the foolish and wicked King, 
John (certainly the worst in every way who ever ruled England) made 
an inroad into Scotland, in the course of which Coldingham was 
burned. Still, on the whole, the two kingdoms maintained mutual 
peace, and Scotland enjoyed prosperity ; but this favourable state of 
things was not destined to last. Towards the end of the thirteenth 
century the direct succession to the crown of Scotland failed. Many 
candidates came forward to claim the crown on the grounds of collateral 
kinship to the family which had become extinct. Reference was 
made to Edward I., King of England, and he availed himself of the 
opportunity to claim the over-lordship of Scotland. The Scottish 
nation would not give up their independence, and the result was that 
as the two preceding centuries had been a time of peace, occasionally 
interrupted by warfare, the three which followed were a time of war, 
broken now and then by truces more or less prolonged. And this state 
of things lasted until, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, 
James VI. of Scotland was called to the throne of England as the 
nearest heir to the crown. But by that time the Priory of Coldingham 
had ceased to exist. 

In these troublous times of war between England and Scotland the 

valet, and a page (garcio), with fire and other necessaries for his apartments, 
and all reasonable demands for himself and visitors ; for other expenses, a great 
part, if not the whole of the tithes of Pittington, near Durham. The provisions 
for two subsequent Priors on retirement are much the same, only that instead of 
the tithes they were to have a stipend of forty pounds. As to a Prior of Colding- 
ham, Adam de Pontefracto, on his retirement in 1339, was to have apartments 
and food, with fuel and light, and one servant, also a pajmeut of ten marks 
a-year. To John Oil in 1416, and Thomas Nessbit in 1456, was assigned a pension 
of ten marks a-year, charged on fisheries on the Tweed. There is no mention of 
apartments and food. Perhaps they were taken for granted. 


possessions of the Church of Durham, on the borders or near them, as 
Lindisfarne, Norham, and Coldingham, were exposed to great disasters, 
so that the income of the church was much impaired. And, notwith- 
standing their ample endowments,* the monks of Coldingham were often 
reduced to great straits, and sometimes had to leave their home and go 
to Holy Island, or even to Durham. Besides all this, the litigations in 
the court of Rome, caused by disorders about to be mentioned, were a 
very heavy drain on the resources of Durham. 

In 1304 a strange kind of aggression was attempted on the Priory 
of Coldingham. From the very beginning of his episcopate, Antony 
Bek, Bishop of Durham, was on very bad terms with the Prior and 
Convent of Durham. He had a particular aversion to Richard de 
Hoton, who was Prior at the time, and he scrupled at no means by 
which he might annoy him and his brethren. Hugh, Bishop of 
Biblis, in Palestine, had been expelled from his See by the Saracens, 
and thus reduced to poverty ; and the Bishop of Durham, who, though 
he was also Patriarch of Jerusalem, might have been expected to be a 
defender of the rights of the Convent, suggested to the Pope, Benedict 
XI., that he should provide for Hugh with the revenues of the Priory 
of Coldingham. The Pope adopted the suggestion, and issued letters 
accordingly. It was not to be expected that the Prior and Convent of 

* In the Surtees volume on Coldingham Priory there is an account of the income 
of the monastery. The allusions it contains to forfeitures subsequent to the battle 
of Falkirk, in which Wallace was defeated by the English, fix its date about the 
year 1298. The roll is not quite complete; but, adding together what we have, the 
rental amounts to 338. Nearly two centuries and a half later, Henry VIII. dis- 
solved all the religious houses whose income did not exceed 200; and this proved 
fatal to all the monasteries in the diocese of Durham, but the great Abbey of Dur- 
ham itself. If we consider that in these two centuries and a half .very great changes 
must have taken place in the relative value of money and land, 338 seems a very 
large income in 1298. 

A curious indication of the wealth of Coldingham is to be found in a letter from 
William Lamberton, Bishop of St. Andrews, to Richard de Kellaw, Bishop of Dur- 
ham, in the year 1311, complaining that the monks of Coldingham refused to con- 
tribute to the expense of sending delegates to the Council of Vienne, holding that 
they were not bound to do so. Now it did happen sometimes, when there was a 
schism in the papacy, that one Pope was owned in Scotland and another in England ; 
in which case the monks of Coldingham would be in a dilemma between their 
allegiance to Durham on the one hand, and the obedience they owed to their 
diocesan, the Bishop of St. Andrews, on the other. But there was nothing of the 
kind here ; Clement V., who summoned the Council, though not a Pope to be 
proud of, was owned by all, and the Council was attended by delegates from 
England^ Scotland, and France alike. The Bishop of St. Andrews remarks that 
their excessive wealth had rendered them proud and insubordinate : " Sed ipsi 
monachi propter nimiam, ut credirnus, mundanorum habundanciain in tantam 
superbiam sunt elati. ut suis superioribus obedienter respondere . . . non curant 


Durham would submit to be thus robbed without protesting against 
it. They pleaded that the Pope's letters had been obtained surrep- 
titiously by the suppression of truth and the suggestion of falsehood on 
the part of the Bishop of Durham. The protest furnishes some inter- 
esting particulars about the Priory of Coldingham. 1. The Prior was 
not appointed, as the Bishop had alleged, by the Prior of Durham, 
but by the common consent of the Prior and Convent. 2. There 
were residing at Coldingham thirty monks in the time of peace, and 
seven in time of war between England and Scotland. At this time 
there were seven, and when peace returned there would be thirty. 
These lived upon the revenues of Coldingham, and in addition, in 
time of peace, paid sixty-nine pounds every year to the Prior and 
Convent of Durham. If their revenues were taken away, the pay- 
ment to Durham would cease, and the monks would have to return to 
Durham, to the scandal of religion and great loss and damage to the 
Convent of Durham. 3. The revenues of Coldingham arose from 
possessions bestowed on the church of St. Mary and St. Cuthbert at 
Coldingham by various kings of Scotland, for the good of their own 
souls and those of their ancestors and successors. If the revenues were 
taken away, divine service would cease, to the hurt and damage of the 
founders. Hugh came to England and presented the papal letters to 
King Edward I., in the Parliament at Westminster. But the King 
and Parliament refused to admit them, and thus the whole design was 

Robert II., King of Scotland (1371-1390), the first of the 
h'ne of Stewart, formed the design of withdrawing Coldingham 
from its dependence on Durham, and placing it under the 
Benedictine Monastery of Dunfermline. This wears on the sur- 

* There is a remarkable letter addressed to Edward 1. in 1286, by the Community 
of Scotland, in reference to the marriage proposed between Edward's son and their 
young Queen, Margaret (the Maid of Norway). It is interesting chiefly from the 
view it gives of the civil and ecclesiastical dignitaries of Scotland at the time, and 
the order of their precedence. It is signed 

1. By the Bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow, who did not become Archbishops 
until 200 years later. 

2. By two Guardians of the Realm. 

3. By the ten remaining Bishops of that day. 

4. By twelve Earls. 

5. By twenty-three Abbots (nearly the whole). 

6. By eleven Priors among whom the Prior of St. Andrews ranks first, and the 
Prior of Coldingham second, thus showing the importance of Coldingham. 

7. By forty-eight Barons. 


face the aspect of a very arbitrary and unjust proceeding ; but there 
are some considerations which may tend at least to modify this 
view. The Priory was founded by a Scottish king, and at a time 
when there were few, if any, great religious houses in the land.* His 
mother, "St. Margaret, had been the means of erecting a stately church 
at Dunfermline, but there was no monastic foundation there till the 
time of her youngest son, the second successor of Edgar, David I. To 
him also was due the foundation of all the stately monasteries in the 
neighbourhood of Coldingham, Kelso, Melrose. Jedburgh, and Dry- 
burgh. Edgar, himself, was at peace, and in alliance with England ; 
indeed, it was by English aid that he had been seated on the throne. 
The foundation was a thank-offering to God and St. Cuthbert. What 
more appropriate, considering all these circumstances, than to place 
his new foundation under the protection of St. Cuthbert at 
Durham ? 

But in the time of Eobert II.' all this was changed. England and 
Scotland had been engaged for nearly a century in bitter warfare the 
English determined to entirely subjugate Scotland, the Scots contend- 
ing for the independence of their country. It was manifestly most 
inconvenient that there should be a colony of Englishmen, especially 
so near the Border, appointed at the will of Englishmen, in all but 
complete independence of the Scottish king, for the Prior and Con- 
vent of Durham declined to allow him to have any voice in the 
selection of a brother of their own house to be Prior of Coldingham. 
On the other hand, there were now many religious houses of great 
importance in Scotland. Dunfermline belonged to the same monastic 
order as Durham, and there it was that King Edgar's father, Malcolm 
Canmore, and his saintly mother, Queen Margaret, were buried ; and 
there, it might very fairly be said, if the royal founder had lived in 
King Robert's days, he would have placed the superiority over 

From the first, Coldingham was in the position of what came to 
be called an u alien priory," that is, a cell in one kingdom dependent 
on some greater house in another, and possibly hostile, country. There 

* There is good reason for believing Coldingham to he the oldest monastic founda- 
tion of more recent times in Scotland. It was founded by Edgar in 1098. Scone, 
most likely the next in order of time, by his successor, Alexander I., while in the 
reign of David I., the youngest of Malcolm Canmore and St. Margaret's sons, there 
were a great number Duufermline among the rest. 



were many of these in England ; as a natural consequence of the 
close connection which long subsisted between England and Normandy, 
some great Norman monasteries had their dependent cells in England. 
When England lost Normandy, and was at war with France, this 
came to be found a great inconvenience, and, early in the fifteenth 
century, the King and Parliament of England dissolved all "alien 
priories," confiscated their revenues, and granted them to the Crown 
for secular purposes surely a far more violent and unwarrantable 
proceeding than King Robert's design of transferring a cell, situated 
in his kingdom, from a monastery in a hostile country to a monastery 
of the same order in his own. It is not at all likely that any religious 
house in Scotland had cells in England, but many of them had pro- 
perty in that country, of which they were entirely deprived by the 
English. It is not perhaps necessary to mention that charges of mis- 
conduct had been brought against English Priors of Coldingham, 
because when a measure of this kind is in view, such charges are never 
wanting. It is very possible that they were true, but it is equally 
possible, perhaps even likely, that they were not. Whatever might be 
the truth of these allegations, they were put forward as the reason for 
the change which the King contemplated, and a charter was issued 
investing the Abbot of Dunfermline with the right of appointing 
the Prior of Coldingham, and filling the house with monks of his own 

Among all her dependencies, Coldingham was the richest jewel in 
the crown of Durham, and it is not to be supposed that the Prior and 
Convent would tamely submit to be deprived of it. They made their 
protests to the King of Scotland and to the Bishop of St. Andrews, 
in whose diocese Coldingham was situated, and to whom the priors on 
their appointment had to promise obedience. They got the King of 
England to interfere in their favour, but it does not appear that the 
charter granted to Dunfermline was ever cancelled. Both digni- 
taries, the Abbot of Dunfermline and the Prior of Durham, presented 
to the Priory of Coldingham, and it would appear that sometimes the 
nominee of the one and sometimes the nominee of the other was in 
possession. About 1441 the Prior and Convent of Durham appointed 
John Oil, a monk of Durham ; and the Abbot of Dunfermline 
appointed William Boys, a monk of Dunfermline. Each pleaded his 


cause before the Bishop of St. Andrews, and the Prior of Durham 
himself made a reply to the pleadings of Boys. The paper of the 
monk of Dunfermline was a very able and learned one, much more so 
than that of the Prior of Durham. In the course of it he names a 
whole series of monks appointed Priors of Coldingham by the Abbot 
of Dunfermline, and some of these seem to have been actually in 
possession, at least for a time. The ultimate decision, however, on 
this occasion was in favour of Oil.* 

The frequent wars between England and Scotland were not the only 
source of trouble and loss to the Priory of Coldingham. The kingdom 
of Scotland was scarcely ever in the enjoyment of internal peace. The 
authority of the sovereign, who was often a minor, was very much 
hampered, and not seldom set at naught by a fierce and turbulent 
nobility ; and the border clans were at all times rude and lawless. It 
was difficult for Coldingliam to maintain its position, even in times of 
peace, and the Prior and Convent were induced by this state of things 
to have recourse to the dangerous expedient of making a powerful noble- 
man their bailiff and protector. This was the great Archibald, Earl of 
Douglas. The powers conferred on him by the Prior and Convent of 
Durham and the Prior of Coldingham are very extensive. They 
constitute him " their sovereign bailie and governor of all their lord- 
ship and lands of the house and barony of Coldingham granting him 
full power and authority for them and in their name, to their use and 
profit, all their lands to sett, farms to raise, courts to hold, amercements 
to raise, trespassers to punish, briefs to execute, tenantry to recognise, 
the same tenants and tenantry to distrain and to hold till arrears be 
paid, and in general to do all things that by law and custom appertain 

* We find the Prior of Durham exercising discipline upon delinquent monks at 
Coldingham. In 1453 there is a letter from him to the Prior of Coldingham, con- 
cerning one John Moorby, who disgraced the order by too much frequenting the 
houses of the laity and common taverns, and indulging in beer (exercens cerevisiee, 
we owe the Lord Prior thanks for this phrase). John is recalled to Durham ; and 
when it is represented to the Prior that he is in bad health (perhaps a consequence 
of his exercise) he is still ordered to come, but a carriage (vectura) is to be provided 
and a monk in good health sent with him. The Prior of Durham is to send 
another monk to Coldingham to supply his place. 

Again, John Dorward and Robert Knoute are accused of strolling about the 
neighbourhood, and indulging in idle and offensive talk. They are not to be allowed 
to go out of the monastery without leave from the Prior, which is to be very 
sparingly granted; and a paternal letter is addressed to them by the Prior of 
Durham, pointing out the evil of their ways and enjoining amendment and sub- 
mission to their own Prior. 


to the office of governor and sovereign bailie." The Earl's stipend was 
to be one hundred pounds Scots. 

It was soon found that Douglas's engagements would not allow him 
to perform his duties in person, and he devolved them upon Alexander 
Home, a member of one of the most powerful border families. This 
arrangement seems to have gone on for forty or fifty years, and then, 
as might have been expected in these lawless and unscrupulous times, 
the Homes intruded two members of their own family into the priory 
Patrick Home, archdeacon of Teviotdale, and John Home, a canon 
of the Collegiate Church of Dunbar. Protests, of course, followed ; 
remonstrances to the Bishop of Glasgow, in whose diocese Teviotdale 
was situated, to the Bishop of St. Andrews, who was John Home's 
diocesan as well as that of the Priory of Coldingham ; appeals to Rome 
and to the Kings of England and Scotland. But the Homes kept 
possession for twenty years, when the dispute was settled in favour of 
Durham ; though, as the next transaction proves, the Homes did not 
forego their claims. 

After the middle of the fifteenth century, the history of the Priory 
of Coldingham becomes very obscure.* There appears no trace of any 
appointment of a Prior by the authorities at Durham later than 1469. 
It seems as if either, notwithstanding the ratification of Oil's appointment, 
the Abbot of Dunfermline ultimately gained the victory, or, what is more 
likely, the Homes bade defiance to both. In 1469, Matthew Wren was 
sent from Durham, and. in his time it was that the usurpation of the 
Homes seemed at least to come to an end. The next assault on the 
priory came from the King of Scots. James III. had built a magnifi- 
cent Chapel Eoyal at Stirling. Unfortunately he lacked funds where- 
with to endow it, but these he thought might be provided by the 
suppression of some other religious house. The English priory on 
the border seemed, for several reasons, the most suitable for his purpose. 
Accordingly, in 1485, he obtained an Act of Parliament for the 
purpose. The scheme was to dissolve the priory ; appropriate one-half 

* In the accounts of the monastery we find inany entries of sums paid for students 
and scholars at Oxford. Perhaps this was unique among Scottish monasteries. But 
the Abbey of Durham had a college of its own at Oxford, called Durham College. 
Being a monastic foundation, it fell at the Reformation. Sir Thomas Pope pur- 
chased the site and buildings, and founded Trinity College ; which during the 
present century has given a Cardinal to the Roman Church, and three heads of 
houses to the University of Durham. 


of the revenues to the support of the Chapel Royal, and with the other 
half to found and endow a collegiate church for secular canons at 
Coldingham. But these proceedings aroused the determined opposition 
of Lord Home and his kindred, who seem by this to have regarded 
Coldingham as in a great measure their own property. They violently 
drove away the Commissioners who came from the Archbishop of St. 
Andrews* to carry out the dissolution ; and historians are agreed that 
this was one link in the chain of events which led to the rebellion 
which ended in the defeat and death of the unhappy King. 

The events of the following reign seem to indicate that whether 
the patronage of Coldingham was nominally vested in the Abbot of 
Dunfermline or not, the real power was in the hands of the King. 
The Scottish Church had now become very corrupt. Its wealth was 
very great, and the Crown assumed the sole power of bestowing the 
greater preferments, such as bishoprics , and abbacies, and many very 
unworthy men were intruded into the highest offices men who took 
no care for the discharge of the duties of their calling not only 
occupying civil offices, for which, in those days when the lay nobility 
were not only turbulent, but also very ignorant, there might be some 
excuse ; but mingling in family feuds, not seldom appearing in the 
field. Their moral character besides was- often very bad. They were 
great pluralists, it being quite the order of the day for one man to hold 
a bishopric and several abbacies at the same time. 

Two appointments to the Archiepiscopal See of St. Andrews would 
almost seem to indicate that they were preparing the way for the 
Calvinistic Reformers, by proving beforehand that the office of bishop 
was 4 quite superfluous. On a vacancy in the year 1497, James 
Stewart, Duke of Ross, tke King's brother, a young man of twenty- 
one, was appointed Archbishop. He was also Chancellor of the 
Kingdom and Commendator of the Abbey of Dunfermline, and in that 
capacity would claim a right over the Priory of Coldingham. Deeds 
were dated in such a year of his administration, from which it may 
be inferred that he enjoyed the emoluments of his high office ; but it 
is very doubtful whether he was ever consecrated. Indeed, he was 
removed by death before he attained the canonical age. After his 
decease, the See was kept vacant for some years, being intended for 

* St. Andrews became an Archbishopric in 1472. 


one who was then a mere child, Alexander Stewart, illegitimate son of 
James IV. His appointment was sanctioned by the Pope, at the 
instance of his father. He also was Chancellor of the kingdom, at the 
age of sixteen, and Commendator of Dunfermline and Coldingham. 
He is said to have been a youth of great promise, and his father took 
great pains with his education, sending him abroad for that purpose. 
He attracted the esteem and affection of the great Erasmus. But he 
perished with his father in the fatal field of Flodden before he attained 
the age of twenty. The priory now came into the hands of another 
prelate, Andrew Forman, Bishop of Moray. He seems to have been 
a friend of the Homes, and on attaining the Archbishopric of 
St. Andrews, he gave it up that a member of that family might suc- 
ceed. David Home was afterwards murdered by Hepburn of Hailes: 
a curious illustration of the fearful state of the Scottish border, and 
perhaps, also, an indication of the wealth of this piece of preferment. 
At length, when the Reformation came, about 1560, all the Scottish 
monastic foundations fell, and, with the rest, Coldingham. The title 
of Prior continued to be held by various laymen as their claim to the 
property of the priory, and this usage did not cease till some time in the 
seventeenth century. But the priory was entirely secularized, and, 
as. might be supposed, the Homes came in for a large share of the 

What befel the church and monastic buildings at the time of the 
Reformation we know not, but there are two periods on record at which 
they must have sustained much damage, James V. died in 1542, 
leaving his daughter, the unfortunate Queen Mary, a child of a few 
days old. Two years after a fierce contest took place between the 
Regent Arran and his opponents, in which Coldingham was besieged 
by the Regent, and battered by his cannon. It was a time when 
there was no security for churches. Just before this a great tumult 
had taken place in Dundee, when the religious houses there and the 
neighbouring Abbey of Lindores were destroyed. At the same time 
Henry VIII. was wooing the baby Queen for his son Edward in a 
very rough fashion at the point of the sword and his hostility was 
especially directed against the abbeys, because he had been unable to 
prevail on his nephew, the king just deceased, to follow the example 
he had set in England in seizing on the property of the monasteries. 


It was then that Kelso, Melrose, Jedburgh, and Dryburgh were 
irretrievably ruined. Rather more than a century after, Cromwell 
invaded Scotland, and gained his great victory over the Scots at 
Dunbar, near Coldingham, and then the priory again suffered most 
severely. There was at that time a massive square tower at the north- 
west angle of the transept, and in this the occupants of the priory 
defended themselves for some days. But the cannon of the besiegers 
having rendered it insecure they were forced to surrender. The tower 
continued to stand in its shaken condition till about 1776, when it fell. 
There were old people still alive in 1836 who remembered it, and 
represented it as having been about 90 feet high. After the sur- 
render, as it would seem in very wantonness, the enemy placed a 
quantity of gunpowder in the church, by the igniting of which the 
south wall was levelled with the ground. It was rebuilt in the style 
of the time, when the church was refitted as a place of worship in 
1662.* It is hardly needful to add that, as in all similar cases, the 
buildings were treated as a quarry of ready-hewn stone by the people 
of the town and the neighbourhood for nearly a century and a half. 
All this, and especially the last-mentioned circumstance, amply 
accounts for the remains of Coldingham Priory being so very scanty. 
The conventual buildings have almost entirely perished, and the north 
and east sides of the choir, with a few poor fragments of the nave, 
are all that remain of what was once a very beautiful church. The 
choir has been repaired by the erection of a south and west wall, and 
the addition of a roof, and now serves as the parish church. It is 
evidently regarded with pride, and is most sedulously cared for by the 
minister and his heritors. The churchyard is a pattern of neatness 
and good order. Unfortunately, the debris of the ruins have raised it 
far above the natural level, and having been long used as a cemetery, 
it is perhaps impossible now to ascertain the dimensions and arrange- 
ments of the nave by any excavations. Nevertheless, these scanty 
remains are full of interest. 

The choir, or rather what remains of it, is extremely beautiful. 
It has 'no aisles, and belongs to the Transition period, when the old 
Romanesque or Norman was changing into the First Pointed or Early 
English. On the outside, there is an arcade of semicircular arches, 

* Carr's Hixtory of Coldingham, p. 312, and note a book of great research to 
which the writer has been considerably indebted. 


above which are pointed windows with rich mouldings. In the inside 
there are two arcades, one above the other, the upper one having a 
pointed window at every third arch. In both arcades the arches are 
divided by shafts with capitals, no two of which are alike. In the 
upper arcade there is behind these shafts, in the thickness of the wall, 
a passage which runs all round. The lower arcade was, till a late 
period, almost hidden by galleries or lofts, and the shafts had been cut 
away to give more room for the pews, by which every corner of the 
church was filled. But the lofts have been removed, the shafts and 
everything else have been restored as carefully as possible. The 
minister was desirous that the interior of the south wall should have 
been decorated in the same way as the north wall, but the expense, 
which would have been very great, seems to have frightened the 
heritors ; though Scottish heritors, as a rule, cannot be called unduly 
parsimonious with their churches. It would certainly have been a 
mistake to have continued the arcades over the interior of the west 
wall, for, while there is little doubt that the south side was formerly 
ornamented like the north, there was no wall anciently at the west, 
but an arch opening into the choir from the transept. There is 
nothing unsightly about the south and west walls, which are built of 
excellent ashlar. It is indeed most satisfactory to see an ancient 
church and the surrounding cemetery so well cared for. Some frag- 
ments still left show that the nave was Norman, and remind us of 
Lindisfarne, which is a likeness of Durham, though somewhat later. 
The choir as it stands is clearly subsequent to the time of the founda- 
tion of the monastery. A question suggests itself Have we the 
original choir ? It was usual to build the choir first, and hence we 
should infer that the choir had been rebuilt. Yet, belonging as it 
does, to the Transition period, it seems strange that it should have 
been rebuilt so soon. Was the original choir destroyed at an early 
period, perhaps in some of the frequent disturbances on the border ?* 

* In 1854, in the process of the repairs of the church, which have been so admir- 
ably carried out, the foundations of a more ancient building were discovered. Now 
the character of the architecture of the present church, especially of the remains of 
the nave, make it all but certain that it was coaeval with the foundation of the 
Benedictine Priory in 1098. On the other hand, there is no doubt that St. Ebba's 
Monastery stood on the promontory which bears her name. The words of the 
Venerable Bede, in describing St. Cuthbert's nocturnal penance, seem decisive : 
" Ille egressus monasterio . . . desceudit ad mare, cujus ripae monasterium idem 
superpositmn erat." The newly discovered foundations, therefore, do not belong to 
Ebba's Monastery. What then are they ? We must remember that, between the 


From measurements taken when the foundations were more easily 
traceable than they are now, it appears that the nave was of equal 
dimensions with the choir, viz. : 90 feet by 25. The transept 41 feet 
by 34. Some years ago the foundations of an octagonal building, 
supposed to be the chapter house, were discovered about 30 yards 
from the north-east corner. Chapter houses were sometimes very 
small there is a remarkable instance at Llandaff Cathedral but this 
one seems to be at a very great distance from the church, though we 
cannot now tell what there was between. A print of the year 1836 
shows a modern-belfry on the west gable. This has been removed, no 
doubt on account of its incongruity, and the bell now hangs on the 
gable of a somewhat stately south porch. 

Towards the end of August last, a party of gentlemen connected 
with the Durham and Northumberland Architectural and Archaeo- 
logical Society paid a visit to Coldingham on a most lovely day. 
They left Berwick about ten o'clock in the forenoon and drove to 
Coldingham, by Ayton, through a most beautiful country. They 
proceeded first to St. Abb's Head, and visited the site of the ancient 
monastery. There they were joined by the Rev. David Munro, the 
minister of Coldingham, who made the party welcome to his parish, 
and showed them every attention. After this they retraced their steps 
to Coldingham, and visited the remains of the Benedictine priory wi'h 
so much interest, that it was the general feeling that the place deserved 
another visit, and a somewhat more minute inspection than the time 
permitted on that occasion. The President of the Durham Society 
proposes to make another visit next year, and this Society could not 
do better than join their Durham friends in an excursion to a place 
of such beauty and of so very great interest. 

destruction of Ebba's Monastery by fire, about 685, and tbe foundation of the Bene- 
dictine priory, 400 years elapsed, and, though 'we cannot trust the legend of the 
second Ebba and her nuns, we may well believe the monastery was re-built. The 
site may even then have been changed. Anyhow, during four centuries there was 
ample time for a church to have been built oii the present site and destroyed, wholly 
or partially, perhaps more than once, by the Danes. But the discoveries of 1854 
seem to make it certain that the present site was not occupied for the first time in 

Styca of EANBALD (from Coldingham). 






[Read on the 26th November, 1885.] 

SOME time ago Mr. Robert Blair, F.S.A., one of our secretaries, 
brought under my notice some objects that had been discovered within 
the eastern rampart of the Roman Castrum at South Shields and which 
he believed were Roman horse trappings. Mr. Blair asked me to 
describe their uses, and determine their proper positions in the 
accoutrements of a horse. This I have attempted, but being sensible 
of the acquirements that are necessary to do justice to such a subject, 
I have some diffidence in submitting my opinions to the members, and 
I therefore claim their indulgence for my communication, as, although 
an old member of the Society, I prefer rather to listen than to take 
an active part in the discussions. I am, moreover, actuated by a 
desire to create an interest in the harness of the ancients ; a subject 
that antiquaries seem to have passed over for more ambitious studies. 

Such relics as those possess an unfailing fund of interest for me, 
inasmuch as, in one of my own particular branches of manufacture, I 
am enabled by their means to institute a comparison between the work- 
manship of the Romans and that of the age in which we live, and to 
judge whether our progress in some arts, is not more seeming than 

If the identity of such objects as horse trappings could be 
established with sufficient certainty, an expert would be able to 
designate exactly how the horses of the Romans were harnessed, as 



their form would show him how and where the component parts had 
been connected. But it is necessary to approach the subject wkh 
caution, seeing that so many objects of bronze, for which no other use 
can be assigned, are without hesitation, described as horse trappings. 
This is to be regretted as it causes confusion. 

On the other hand, it frequently occurs that conjecture specifies 
quite a different use for such antiquities, while, if they were carefully 
examined, and it was remembered that bronze was the favourite metal 
of the Romans for making such objects, and if due allowance was made 
for the decay after so many centuries of concealment, they would be 
found almost identical with modern horse furniture. 

The antiquities submitted by Mr. Blair are six in number (see 
Nos. 1 4), two of them (3 and 4j being in duplicate. 

These objects have been lent, with other remains from South 
Shields, to the Black Gate Museum, which it is hoped will soon become 
the repository of all our chief local antiquities. 

No. 1, which evidences 
high class workmanship, is 
an ornamental boss or shield 
of circular form, with raised 
perforated centre of wheel 
pattern. On the circum- 
ference there are three square 
loops. This I believe to be 
the breast ornament of a 
horse, one of those decora- 
tions termed phakrae-bos&es, 
discs, or crescents of metal No 

which are seldom mentioned in the singular number. There is a note in 
the Journal of the British Archceological Association 1 drawing attention 
to the fact that it resembled very closely an object found at Bologna, and 
described by the Count GL Gozzadini 2 (see No. 5, p.'207). This similarity 
gave rise to the remark that it seemed singular that this remote castrnm 
should be connected, by the discovery of similar objects, with an Etruscan 
burial place in Italy. Now, in my opinion, this similarity tends to con- 

1 Vol. XXXVI., pp. 109 and 110. 

2 Di Sepolcreto Etrusco scoperto presso Bologna, p. 25. 


firm the correctness of my views, as the Romans borrowed the use of 
phalerae from the Etruscans. Although these ornaments were worn as 
marks of distinction by Roman soldiers, and even by the Negro slaves of 
the more opulent, they are more commonly referred to as being attached 
to the horse's bridle, where they were worn as pendants, according to 
Dr. Smith, so as to produce a terrific effect when shaken by the motion 
of the horse ; but if phalerae were often strapped down, as is evident 
by the loops projecting from the rim, how could they be shaken so as 
to produce noise ? 

"We find phalerae often mentioned by the Latin writers. We are 
told that the phalerae hung down the breast. Ramsay in his Roman 
Antiquities, tells us that they were ornaments attached to horse furni- 
ture or to the accoutrements of the rider. 

The number of loops projecting from the rim of the Shields speci- 
men, enables us to determine the manner of its use, i.e., whether it 
belonged to the fiorse or its rider. If it had been worn on the breast 
of the man there would have been four loops, whereas there are only 
three, and these loops indicate that its position was the breast of the 
horse. Two of the loops would hold the straps which are shown by 
numberless examples to have passed over the shoulders of the horse, 
from the breast to the saddle, and the third would have served as a 
means of attachment for the strap passing from the breast between the 
fore-legs to the girths. Thus the ornament would be held in position 
and would serve for defence as well as decoration. 

No. 2 is another well-designed ornament of similar 
character. Although there is only provision for two 
straps it might have been used for the same purpose as 
No. 1, because the breast straps of a horse may be 
variously arranged, and it is evident that the Romans had 
several methods. It is surprising to find a remnant of 
leather attached to the smaller hole. 

There were two bronzes like No. 3 found. They 
have undoubtedly been used with a strap, but I believe 
at one end only, and I conjecture them to have been 
employed in fastening the ends of a belt, as the circular 
extremity appears shaped to receive and hold a knob. 
(See No. 124, Plate XXI., for a modern example.) 



No. 4. 

There were also two specimens found exactly 
similar to No. 4. It is a very interesting device and 
has probably been used for ornamenting harness, as 
three pins project at the back. It somewhat resembles 
one of late Celtic style in the Duke of Northumber- 
land's collection. (See Catalogue, 1 iXo. 7X1, p. 146 
and also Plate XVIII, No. 55.) 

No. 7 (Plate XVIII.) is, without 
doubt, a rosette belonging to a horse's 
bridle, and closely resembles one found 
at Cilurnum. (See No. 15, Plate XIX.) 

The Romans used these decorations 
in abundance. On all the horses seen 
on ancient monuments which a learned 
writer has designated "irresistible evi- 
dence, which no future historian can 
controvert, because they are not liable NO. 5. 

to the corruptions and uncertainties introduced by copyists into manu- 
scripts," we find a profusion of these objects ; as many as four being 
used on a single bridle, one on each side as is our present custom, one 
on the forehead and one on the lower part of the face. 

No. 6 is the remains of a spur. The similarity in form, particularly 
at the ends, between this and some modern spurs is very marked. 

No. 6a is a large ornament resembling a solitaire. The front has 
been enamelled, of which some portions remain. There is a dis- 
tinguishing feacure in the design of this and of Nos. 2 and 4. The 
centre lines of each terminate in three points. This has likely been 
used to decorate or secure some portion of wearing apparel, although 
there are many parts of harness in which it could have been utilized. 

When examining Mr. Blair's bronzes it occurred to me that I had 
seen some of a very similar kind amongst the antiquities at Chesters, 
and by the kindness of John Clayton, Esq., F.S.A., I am permitted to 
produce drawings of these relics which were discovered at Cilurnum 
(Chesters), and which have not, to my knowledge, been previously 
described. There is a striking similarity between some of them and 
those belonging to Mr. Blair which cannot fail to be observed. No. 8 

1 A Descriptive Catalogue of Antiquities, chiefly British, at AlnwicJc Castle, 
edited by J. C. Bruce, LL.D. 


is presumably a spoon, and is very well preserved. It does not, how- 
ever, concern us at present ; but being a part of the same find is 
included on this sheet. Very similar to No. 792 in the Aluwick 
Catalogue, page 146. 

Nos. 9, 10, and 11 are pendent ornaments similar to the modern 
forehead or face-drops, and those which are occasionally used on the 
quarters and neck of a horse. Both the backs and fronts are shown 
in the plate. These relics have suffered but little by seventeen 
centuries of concealment, all being in excellent condition. Nos. 10 
and 11 are remarkable for the designs on their face-sides. No. 11 
appears to have been inlaid or enamelled. The monogram S is plainly 
discernible, and as the surface has been enamelled or inlaid it has 
evidently appertained to the appointments of some distinguished person. 

It is remarkable that a Greek sophist in the household of Severus's 
wife should be the only classical author who speaks of the art of 
enamelling horse trappings. He said, " The barbarians who live in the 
ocean pour such colours on heated brass, and they adhere to it and become 
as hard as stone, and thus preserve the designs that are made in them." 

No. 12 (Plate XIX.) is a portion of a rosette. 

Nos. 13, 14, and 15 are rosettes. The back views show the loops 
for straps on the two latter. They differ from the modern rosette in 
having the loops cast solid. A portion of a bronze stud adheres to the 
back of No. 15, which, in design, somewhat resembles the rosette in 
Mr. Blair's collection. No. 13 has been fastened with a stud or pin, 
and may have been used to decorate a breast strap. 

No. 16a and b is a circular case 1^ inches diameter, with two aper- 
tures measuring f inch by \ inch. The most probable use of this 
would be to hold in position two straps that crossed each other. 

Nos. 17 and 24 are ornamental nails or rivets, resembling No. 113 
(Plate XXL). These are largely used in modern harness. 

Though much corroded, No. 18 1 is one of the most pleasing speci- 
mens in the collection. This bit, which is almost intact, of which each 
side is shown, is a facsimile of the snaffle bit, the simplest and most 
humane that can be placed in a horse's mouth. It is agreeable to find 
that in the time of Antoninus Pius the Romans treated their horses 
kindly, and knew how to cultivate that vigour and activity which is 
everywhere portrayed in the horses depicted on ancient monuments. 

1 The same bit is again shown at No. 69, before the mud and rust came off. 

Archaeologia Aeliana. Vol. XI. p. 208. 

Plate XVIII. 

J.Ptnlvpson. del. 



No. 19 has the appearance of a double stud, but by the loop at the 
back it would serve as a rosette. To me, however, this relic, which 
shows no signs of decay, does not appear so suitable for harness as it 
would be for securing some portion of wearing apparel, such as the 

No. 20 is a large ornament that has either been used on the 
breast or quarter-cloth of a horse, and of remarkable beauty in design. 

Nos. 21, 22, 29, and 31 are specimens of the turret which, at the 
present day, is fixed in the saddle and through which the reins pass, 
but which, in Roman harness, was secured in the straps that passed 
round the body or the neck of the horse. No. 31 is slightly orna- 
mented. The inside of the ring of No. 29 is considerably worn by the 
rubbing of the reins. These turrets were probably fastened to the 
saddle or backhand by a loop of leather. 

No. 23 is a mass of studs and other things intermingled and 
adhering together. In one part we observe a broken piece corrugated 
like the hilt of a sword, and suggesting the idea that the whole of these 
metallic objects had appertained to the sword belt of a Roman soldier. 

Nos. 25, 26, and 28. The two former rings are bronze, but 28 is 
stone ; 25 is similar in shape and size to the ivory and metal rings 
now commonly used for coupling the reins of a pair of horses. It may 
be added, however, that in harness, rings of this form are used for 
breast straps and for various other purposes. 

No. 27 appears to be a portion of some ornamental device like 
No. 20. 

No. 30 is another fanciful ornament somewhat resembling a 
dolphin. It also possesses pins at the back for fixing it in position. 

Nos. 8 to 31 were discovered during the excavations at CILURNUM, 
carried on so diligently and with such liberality by Mr. Clayton. 
No. 16, 18, 19, 20, 29 and 31 have been found within the lasb three 

Some interesting specimens in very perfect preservation have 
several times attracted my attention in the Black Gate Museum. The 
precise locality of their discovery does not appear to be known, nor 
can I find that they have ever been brought under notice at any of our 
meetings. They are Roman horse trappings of bronze, and are 
represented on Plate XVIII. 


Nos. 32, 33, and 34 are rosettes of chaste design, all exceedingly 
well executed. 

No. 35 is a boss suitable for decorating the face-drop of a bridle. 

Although Nos. 36 and 37 may have been used for harness ; they are 
more probably the remains of fibulae. 

Nos. 38 and 39 are two pendent ornaments that have, in all prob- 
ability, been employed as face-drops. 

It is to be observed that these specimens lack that pleasant aeru- 
ginous appearance to be found in the majority of bronzes, and which 
is so distinguishable in the South Shields and Chesters antiquities. 
I suppose, however, that they have been coated with a lacquer, or 
varnished, doubtless with a view of protecting them from the air. 

On the same sheet are shown four objects described by Henry 
Harrod, Esq., F.S.A., in a letter to Mr. Akerman, Secretary of the 
Society of Antiquaries of London. Mr. Harrod supposed these 
remains, which were found at Westhall, a small village about three 
miles north-east of Halesworth, to be horse trappings, and his surmise 
was correct. Nos. 40, 42, and 43 are turrets. The designs evince 
considerable artistic skill. The provision for the leather loops is very 
plain. No. 41 is a rosette, of which two views are shown. 

There are also two rosettes and a buckle, all Roman bronzes, 
mentioned in the third volume of Montfaucon's work. They are 
numbered 44, 45, and 46. 

I have also reproduced some equestrian figures in order that I 
may indicate in what part of the accoutrements of the horse and his 
rider such ornaments as I have described would be used. (Plate XX.) 

By No. 47, an equestrian figure of Alexander, we obtain a very 
clear idea of the arrangement of rosettes on the bridle, and of the 
phalerae on the horse. 

The decoration of the horse's head is also clearly distinguished in 
No. 48, taken from a drawing of a statue of Nonius Balbus. 

No. 49, a sketch taken from Dr. Overbeck's Pompeii, shows the 
rein turrets and the ornaments that were used on the bridle. 

In Professor Duncan's Caesar are shown two horses, each having 
four broad straps connected by a circular ornament on the breast. 
These ornaments, shown by Figure 50, would have four loops instead 
of three as in the Shields specimen. 

\ichaeologia Aeliana Vol. XI . p. 210. 

Plate XIX. 

J.Philip son del. 



For confirmation of the opinions I had formed and which I have 
ventured to submit to this meeting, I have referred to various authori- 
ties for examples of similar or nearly similar bronzes, some of which 
are shown on Plate XVIII. 

No. 51 was obtained from an Alemannic grave at Seengen on the 
lake of Hallwyl, Canton Aargau, Switzerland, and is described in the 
Archcfiologia. 1 This disc, though more costly and elaborate in workman- 
ship, has evidently been used for a similar purpose to that discovered at 
South Shields. The framework is of bronze, with a raised outer rim 
projecting, and a central plate of silver exhibiting in repousse work an 
armed knight on his steed, but owing to the damaged condition of the 
plate, it was not altogether easy to determine details. Unlike the Shields 
disc, the one under notice had originally had four square loops pro- 
jecting from the rim but only three remained. Although it might 
have been worn on the breast of the rider serving as a kind of 
thorax, Mr. Wylie believed, and with apparent good reason, that it 
was just such an ornament as I have mentioned, but he said the chief 
argument against it having been used as a frontlet or breast ornament 
of the horse was, that they should have expected to have found the 
remains of the horse, which was not the case. 

Nos. 52 and 53, are two bronze buckles, apparently Saxon, found 
near Dieppe. The designs are remarkable, particularly that of the 
larger. The upper part of the tongue bears a grotesque head within a 
zig-zag border. 

No. 54, is described in Vol. XLVII of the Archceologia. It was 
found 15 feet 2 inches deep, during the excavations at Caesar's 
Camp, as was 57. 

No. 55, is the ornament of late Celtic style, found in the Eoman 
station of Bremenium, and which I referred to as somewhat resembling 
in design one of Mr. Blair's. 2 

Nos. 58 and 59 are taken from Montfaucon. The learned author 
surmises that the buckle has been used in connection with a chariot. 
It is larger than an ordinary buckle for personal wear, and has probably 
been employed at the ends of the traces or on other large straps. No. 
59 is the head of a large nail supposed to have been used in some 

1 Vol. XLIV., p. 100, "An example of Phalerae and other Antiquities from Swit- 
zerland," by VV. M. Wylie, F.S.A. 

2 See No. 791 in the Catalogue of the Alnwick Castle Collection, page 146, and 
described as a bronze ornament. 

A A 


part of a chariot. It may have been, however, that it was used as an 
ornamental nail in a harness pad or saddle, in the same manner as the 
rivets that are used at the present time. 

No. 60 is a collection of buckles of different sizes and designs from 
Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. .These would 
be used for the smaller scraps of harness. 

For those numbered 61, 1 am indebted to the Collectanea Antigua 
of Mr. Roach Smith, F.S.A. 

Fig. 63 is taken from the catalogue of antiquities at Alnwick Castle. 
This is an excellent example of horse furniture belonging to the late 
Celtic period. The design of the buckle is rare. The horse's head on 
either side of the outer rim leaves little room for uncertainty as to 
its use. 

Figs. 62 and 65 having some bearing on our subject, I am induced 
to reproduce them although they were found in an Anglo-Saxon 
Cemetery at Stowling, in Kent, by John Brent, Esq., F.S.A. No. 62 
is a bronze buckle, and No. 65, a large circular bronze ornament with 
a design in the centre like the Arabic numeral 3. Mr. Brent believed 
this ornament to belong to the girdle. 

No. 64 is described by Mr. Roach Smith, in Vol. IV. Collectanea 
Antiqua. Both the plan and section of this relic are shown. Mr. 
Smith draws attention to the remarkable cross upon it. He also adds 
that the inside of the ring is much worn, as if by the constant attrition 
of a chain or thong. This has evidently served the same end as 
the modern turret which is attached to the pad or saddle and through 
which the reins pass. 

Fig. 66 represents a bronze ornament found at Carnac, and des- 
cribed by Mr. James Miln at page 95 of Archceological Researches. 
This specimen of tine workmanship forms an equilateral triangle, and 
has probably been used as an ornament for the side of a pad or saddle. 

The horse bit found at Cilurnum, Nos. 18 and 69 (Plate XIX.), 
being such a truly remarkable specimen, has led me to search through 
the works of our greatest authorities, for antiquities of a like nature. 

I have been sucessful in finding a great variety discovered at differ- 
ent times and places, but so far as my experience goes, there is only 
one that bears any similitude to this interesting relic, and that is the 
ancient British horse bit, No. 7 1. 1 It was found at Hamden Hill, 
1 See page 89 of the Duke of Northumberland's Catalogue. 

Archaeologia Aeliana, Vol. XI.p.212. 

Plate XX. 

' PMipson, del 




near the village of Stoke-under-Hamden, with fragments of British 
chariots by Sir Richard Colt Hoare, Bart., F.R.S. The ancients do not 
appear to have progressed so far in the art of cruelty to animals as we 
have. Their bits display a great diversity in shape and size, but, 
none of them possess that modern instrument of exquisite torture, the 
"high port." For the sake of comparison with the Cilurnum bit, No. 
69, I have represented the modern snaffle, No. 70. I need not com- 
ment upon the resemblance, one is almost a facsimile of the other. 

No. 72 is an elegant specimen belonging to the late Celtic or early 
iron period. It was found in Ireland, and is numbered 470 in the 
Duke of Northumberland's catalogue. Though elaborate in design, it 
would not prove very hurtful to the mouth of a horse. 

Fig. 73 represents a bronze bit that was found in fragments on the 
Duke of Northumberland's Stanwick Estate. It is now in the British 
Museum. A turret was also found, something like No. 31. 

No. 74 is a bronze bit, presumed to have belonged to Celtic horse 
trappings. It is described by Dr. Smith in Volume XV. of the Pro- 
ceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, but I find that 
in The Rhind Lectures in Archceology for 1881, Dr. Anderson, in 
speaking of the Celtic art, refers to this bit as exhibiting that art 
in a very striking manner. There is a marked peculiarity about it, 
which is that the loops of the cheek rings have been cast with the 
loops of the mouthpiece, an operation implying technical skill and 
great experience of complicated moulding. 

Nos. 75 and 76, are bronzes taken from ancient graves at 
Palestrina and Cervetra. 

No. 77, although simple in form, is cumbrous, and the most 
primitive looking of the whole. It was found in France, and is de- 
scribed in Vol. XXXV. of the Archceoloqia. From the large size of this 
bit it is inferred that it was not only used for a large horse but by a 
very powerful man. The plan of twisting the mouthpiece is practised 
at the present day. 

On Plate XX. I have reproduced some drawings of figures taken 
from Trajan's Column, 

In No. 78 we are able to discern the position occupied by the 
sword of the cavalry soldier, and it may justly be inferred that such 
studs as were found at Cilurnum, would be employed to secure the belt 
and straps by which it was suspended. 


In No. 79, the pendent ornaments of a trichotomous form attached 
to the neck-straps and breast-bands are very plainly seen. 

No. 80 shows us one of those split neck-straps, that would require 
an ornament with four loops to secure it. 

In the sketch No. 81, the decorations of the bridle, breast, and 
quarter-straps are clearly shown. 

No. 84 shows the bridle of a Roman cavalier's horse, on which the 
rosettes are plainly depicted. No. 82, although a mediaeval example, 
will show the continuauce of the custom. No. 83 is almost the only 
example I have been able to find where the horses are shown with neck 
collars and hames, which would necessitate the use of kidney links, 
such as No. 57 (Plate XVIII). 

By No. 86, we find that in some instances the reins passed through 
or around a circular object at the top of the neck-^strap instead of 
through turrets on the saddle. On ancient Egyptian monuments a 
precisely similar arrangement may frequently be observed. 

For the sake of comparison, Plate XXI. shows modern horse 
trappings similar in size and shape to many of those found at Shields and 
at Chesters. Chief among those I would draw attention to the bit, to 
the various rosettes and hanging ornaments, and to the rein turrets. 
Their resemblance to the ancient examples is so great that it need 
not be dwelt upon. "With the outline and design, however, the 
similarity ends, as under the same conditions the modern horse 
trappings would not exist more than a fractional part of the time that 
has elapsed since the Romans withdrew from Britain. That the 
ancients were far advanced in the art of moulding, and cunning in the 
composition of their bronzes, is testified by the statuary of Rhodes, 
Delphi, and Athens. The ancient method of casting buckles is 
evidenced by Figs. 67 and 68 (Plate XVIIL), which is a sketch of stone 
moulds, described at page 125, Vol. I., of the Proceedings of the 
Scottish Society. The metal from which such objects were formed 
would, I believe, be an alloy composed of about 90 per cent, copper 
and 10 per cent, tin, to which latter metal ancient bronzes owed their 
best properties. 

In the foregoing remarks I have endeavoured to prove that 
the bronzes found at South Shields and at Cilwrnum are horse 
trappings, and to indicate what their specific uses have been. The 
employment of such ornaments was not confined to the Romans. 

2) 12*. 





Similar decorations were used for horse trappings many centuries 
before the Christian era, from the time of Jehu, in fact. Jehu, the Son 
of Nimshi, ascended the throne about 885 B.C., and paid tribute to one 
of the Assyrian kings, and it is evident from the sculptures discovered 
by Mr. Austen Layard, M.P., Colonel Rawlinson, and others, that 
the Assyrians in the time of this king, whatever his name may have 
been, not only used rosettes in various parts of their harness, but used 
also ivory and mother-of-pearl studs in large numbers for decorating 
the trappings of their horses. The horse furniture of the Assyrians 
would appear to have been of the most elaborate and costly character, 
richly embroidered, and hung with a profusion of bells, rosettes, and 

Mr. Layard gives in one of his works a very fine example from a 
bas-relief at Kouyunjik, from which we gather that, in addition to the 
rosettes that are invariably found on the bridles, the neck-bands and 
breast-plates or collars of Assyrian horses were profusely ornamented 
with these studs. Hanging from the neck-bands and reins, down by 
the shoulder of the horse, we frequently observe a pendent object, 
somewhat resembling the modern face-drop or trace-bearer, em- 
bellished by a large rosette or star of metal, as Mr. Layard terms it. 

Although a great deal more might be said upon the subject of 
Eoman horse trappings, I will not pursue the subject further to-night. 

My object in trespassing upon your good nature has been to give 
a little more prominence to those remains which have been found in 
such numbers, and I venture to express a hope that my humble eflFort 
may result in other communications regarding objects of 'a similar 
nature that have been discovered in this neighbourhood. 

The modern examples (Plate XXI.) comprise Nos. 87, 88, 89, and 
90, ornaments for the front of bridle, and at present used for dray 
cart harness, &c. ; 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, and 97, designs of bridle 
rosettes ; 101, 104, and 105, falls or ornaments for the breast of a dray 
horse ; 98, a modern spur ; 99 and 100, modern snaffle and double 
ringed bit ; 102 and 103, saddle rivets or studs; 104 and 105, swivels ; 
106, 114, 116, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, and 124, modern swivels for 
men's belts or straps; 109, 111, and 112, buckles ; 108, rings ; 117, 
hames and kidney links ; 107 and 110, turrets for pads. 




[Read on the 25th November, 1885.J 

THE recondite paper of Dr. Embleton, "Unde derivatur Corstopitum?" 
(Archceologia JEliana, Vol. XL, N.S., p. 137), reopens a question which 
has exercised the minds of antiquaries from an early period. In the 
light of modern philological research, it might be thought that the 
last word had been said upon the subject ; but there are some con- 
siderations which suggest reflection as to the etymology of this singular 

John Horsley, in a note {Britannia Romana, London, 1732, p. 397, 
note), refers to Dr. Gale's MSS., and says, " The learned doctor sup- 
poses the name to be taken from the CORISOPITENSES, in Gaul. For 
he says (p. 9), ' Coriosopitum civitas erat in Gallia Lugdunensi tertia, 
guce et scribitur Corisopitum.'' " 

Dr. Embleton has most ingeniously supported this supposition of 
Dr. Gale, and holds that the names of Corisopitum, in Armorica, and 
of Corstopitum on the Tyne, are variants one of the other. The 
settler in a strange land gives familiar names to the places in which he 
has settled, and, it is supposed by Dr. Embleton, that auxiliary troops, 
brought from Corisopitum in Gaul, gave the name of their birthplace 
to their new home. " In course of time the name of Corisopitum 
had been roughened into Corstopitum." TJience (replies Dr. Embleton 
to his query) is derived the Corstopitum of the first Her. 

But this theory, so ably demonstrated, fixes a date to the naming 
of the place "an uncertain date," it is true but, if the supposition 
be accepted, it follows that the naming of the place must date from 
the assumed arrival of American auxiliaries, under Roman leadership, 
" probably about the time when Hadrian came to this island," says 
Dr. Embleton ("Unde derivatur," p. 142). The place itself "may 
have been founded by Agricola" (p. 138). 


The coincidence of a Corisopitum in Gallia, and a Corstopitum 
on the Tyne is a remarkable one, but synonymous place-names are 
not singular. Instances of such are sufficiently familiar, and they do 
not necessarily require us to explain their existence by reference to 
such an immigration as is now being considered. 

There are some points worthy of examination before we admit even 
the possibility of an Armorican origin of the name as it appears on Tyne- 
side. "We may not limit the history of Corstopitum by the Roman 
conquest. We may yet further date back its importance as a place ; 
for it had its genesis at an epoch when the Neolithic man possessed 
the soil, and gave way before his Kymric conqueror, and an earlier 
than the Roman entered upon the goodly land and possessed it. It 
was, indeed, a fair inheritance, and one that must, in the earliest periods, 
have been made the home of man ! " The fine amphitheatre," as the 
Rev. John Hodgson calls it (Memoir, by Rev. Jas. Raine, Vol. II. 
p. 172), in which Corbridge is situated presents advantages of soil 
and climate which have been recognised equally by the prehistoric as 
by the later peoples who have dwelt here. In the levels or plains which 
form the floor of the amphitheatre, we find rich earth to the depth of 
twenty feet in places, like the still deposit of an ancient lake bed. East- 
wards, the sheltering uplands were at one time covered with the forest, 
stretching beyond By well, which, down to medieval times, attracted 
the smiths and ironworkers, just as a coal-field now attracts the 
modern craftsman. To an early people the forest, as the haunt of 
wild animals, was at once the source of food, and fire, and clothing, 
whilst the broad Tyne brought an abundance of salmon to supplement, 
in its season, the other supplies of food. Let us see, then, in how far 
these natural resources were the means of attracting population. 

If we follow the great Roman road as it goes northward from 
Ebchester (VINDOMORA), the descent from the ridge, separating the 
Derwent from the Tyne valley, is a direct course, but as the "Watling 
Streetj-eaches the Tyne valley bottom, it takes a sudden sheer to the 
west, and so keeps on by the south bank of the river from Riding 
Mill to the railway station at Corbridge, whence it curves northward 
to reach the mauy-piered bridge, which carried it over the river to the 
Roman city on the north bank of the Tyne. In doing this it passed 
to the west of the Roman station, and actually doubles upon itself in 


its oblique passage of the river. Commenting upon this fact, Mr. 
Maclauchlan observes " Had there been no British place of defence 
here," i.e., in Corstopitum, "it does not seem probable that the 
Watling Street would have come so far to the westward ; but having 
gained the level of the Tyne at Riding Mill, the rise to Farnley would 
have been avoided, the river would have been crossed near the tunnel, 
and the height to IStagshaw Bank have been gained diagonally, .rather 
than as in the present manner, and without the nearly right-angle 
which it makes at Cor bridge." (Memoir written during a survey of the 
Watling Street in the years 1850 and 1851, by Henry Maclauchlan.) 

But this inference is no mere conjecture. You have here, says Canon 
Greenwell, a district rich in all the products necessary for life. It was 
a district likely to be occupied at a very early period, and so we find 
it to have been. The evidences of its pre-Romau occupation are seen 
in the very great numbers of stone implements which have been 
discovered. Besides these, a great number of bronze implements have 
been found ; and there are a considerable number of burial places, 
whose age is attested by the finding of urns quite of a different 
character from Roman ones. (Address by Canon Greenwell to the 
Archaeological Society of Durham and Northumberland, at Corbridge, 
July 23rd, 1884.) 

Now, it is evident that a place j of such importance, showing a 
continuity of occupation, not only in the early bronze age, but by the 
ruder men of Neolithic times, must have had a name before the 
Roman came. This name must have been so distinctive that it would 
not be improbable to assume that its root is preserved to us in the 
Latimzel form in which it has come down to us. It is by no means 
so probable, on the other hand, that an archaic name would be 
superseded by the imported name of a town in Gaul, brought here by 
a troop of auxiliaries, or by never so many settlers, subsequent to its 
re-establishment as a post by the first Roman army of occupation. 

Whatever conjecture may be hazarded as to the etymology of the 
Latinized name, it is well to consider that our single authority for the 
word Corstopitum is the fact of its insertion, by the way, in the 
Antonine Itinerary. The road tables are probably the work of compilers 
at Rome, from notes furnished them ; and it is likely that all the copies 
were made from one original compilation. (Guest, Oriyines Cetticae, 


Vol. II. " The four ways.") If so, the accuracy of the officials in 
spelling outlandish names may be sometimes questionable, just as in 
later times our India Office has misspelt important place-names in 
the great eastern dependency. If then we may assume that the first 
syllable is rightly given, we may not be equally certain that the latter 
part of the word is correctly spelt in the Iter. Such a clerical error 
would render the etymology of the latter part of the word obscure, as 
we now find it. 

There is another point to be noticed, [and that is the fact of two 
places, each bearing a distinctive place-name. There is the town of 
Corbridge as it stands, and there is the open field, in which stood the 
Eoman city. The centre of the site, according to Mr. Maclauchlan's 
measurement, is 665 yards north-west by west of Corbridge Church 
tower. The two places are quite apart, and their separation is cave- 
fully marked in the local nomenclature. The Roman city is invariably 
known on the spot as COLECHESTER. It is never called CorcliesUr by 
a native. It is to the pages of such as Gordon and Hutchinson that 
we owe the existence of the corrupt word Corchester. It is the more 
important that we should possess an accurate record of this fact, as we 
consider the former greatness of this site. It was about three times 
larger than the quadrangular sites of the Pretenturce on the "Wall. 
Maclauchlan describes it as " an irregular ellipse, with a transverse 
diameter of about 420 yards, and a conjugate of 280 yards. The 
area may have been about 22 acres" (Maclauchlan, Memoir on 
Survey, supra). This, then, was no mere temporary camp, but a city 
which, from the strategic advantage of its site, was from the first 
occupied in force ; which grew in wealth ; and which was held to the 
very eve of the Roman evacuation. 

Dr. Bruce realises the bustle and stir of this Roman life, whose 
very trinkets and trappings have shown some simulacrum of their long 
dead owners. " The tokens of wealth and luxury round here," he 
says, "are unusual in the region of the "Wall." "The station of 
Corstopitum," he continues, "is situated on a sunny knoll, in a 
peculiarly fertile district. It is protected on the north by the Wall, and 
on the south by the broad expanse of the Tyne. Here, therefore, 
if anywhere in Northumberland, might those who had leisure and 
wealth find a secure retreat." (Rev. J. Collingwood Bruce, LL.D., 



F.S.A., The Roman Wall, 3rd edition, 1867, p. 340). Horsley says 
that Corstopitum " must have been abandoned before the writing of 
the Notitia" because it is nowhere mentioned in it (Britannia 
Romana, pp. Ill and 398). But the discovery of a coin of Theodosius 
on the spot, by the late Captain Walker (Proceedings of the Society 
of Antiquaries of Newcastle, Vol. I., N.S., p. 171), suggests the possi- 
bility of its occupation to the end of the Roman dominion in this 
country. This, then, is the Station known to-day as Colechester, as 
distinguished from the adjacent town of Corbridge. In this connection 
it is much to be regretted that the Ordnance Survey perpetuates this 
altogether conjectural word, Corchester. 

It is an easy way to explain the existence of two words, Colechester 
and Corbridge, by assuming that a simple linguistic change, attri- 
butable to the peculiarity of the Northumbrian throat, has degraded 
" Cur " into " Cole." " The corruption will not surprise those," says 
Mr. Maclauchlan, " who have observed the peculiar effect produced by 
the letter 'r' in the delivery of a native Northumbrian" (Mac- 
lauchlan, Memoir, supra). Now, as native Northumbrians, we 
must protest against misrepresentation. If there is one thing in our 
vernacular that we consider a strong point, it is this very sound of the 
" r." The Northumbrian rolls it as a sweet morsel, not under his 
tongue, but from the great deep of his throat. He is not likely to 
cease to cherish it ; and he is altogether unlikely to euphonize it by 
trippingly sounding it as a labial. A Corbridge hind, who to-day 
distinguishes his village as Corbrig from the adjoining Colechester, 
uses the names by which his forefathers discriminated between the two 
places. The antiquity of this distinction has been carefully noted by 
Mr. Longstaffe; and as far back as the twelfth century we have records 
of both names. (Archceologia JEliana, Yol. II., N.S., pp. 33-38.) 

Whilst Northumberland was still a franchise of the kingdom of 
Scotland, there is a grant of Dilston by Henry the Earl, which is 
indited thus " Henricus filius regis Scottorum, &c. Salutem. Sciatis 
me concessisse et reddidisse Willelmo filio Alfrici de Corbrugia." This 
Scottish grant is confirmed by the King of England, who styles Fitz 
Alfric " de Colubrugia" A.D. 1128-30 (Hodgson's Northumberland, 
Part 2, Vol. III., p. 16). There we have Cor and Col used apparently 
as interchangeable names in two contemporaneous documents, one of 
which is witnessed in Rouen, and the other in Roxburgh. 


In the " Placita de quo Warranto " we have both Corbrigg and 
Colebrigg again so used. (Hodgson's History of Northumberland, 
Part 3, Vol. I., passim.) Again, there is a coin of Prince Henry extant, 
for the notice of which we are indebted to Mr. Longstaffe, and it estab- 
lishes the fact of a mint having been in existence in Corbridge. The 
initial syllable of the legend reads " COL " (Longstaffe, Archceologia 
j&liana, Vol. VII., N.S., p. 72). There are evidently two names thus 
early in use, and they appear to have been indifferently applied to 
designate the town. How much this indiscriminate use is owing to 
clerkly inaccuracy we cannot tell ; the fact to be noted is, that there 
were thus early two names in existence. 

The present day distinction between Corbridge (the inhabited 
town) and Colechester (the suburban field) is specially noted in an 
early deed A.D. 1356 (quoted Archceologia Mliana, Vol. II., N.S., 
p. 37), where conveyance is made of " half an acre in the field of 
Corbrigg, viz., in Colchestr." In quoting this deed, Mr. Longstaffe 
calls special attention to the spelling of Colechester, and adds signifi- 
cantly, " Here is an early notice of the Roman station. Once for all, 
I would earnestly beg of our etymologists and Roman antiquaries to 
study our collections of old charters very carefully." 

When, therefore, we have found that the initial sounds of Cor and 
Cole, have, from remote periods to this day, maintained accurate and 
distinctive meanings, may we not conclude that this is not one word, 
passing through a course of linguistic change in transmission, as has 
been alleged, but that here are two root words ? " The names of 
places," says Dr. Isaac Taylor, " are conservative of the more archaic 
forms of a living language, or they embalm for us the guise and 
fashion of speech in eras the most remote. These topographic words, 
which float down upon the parlance of successive generations of men, 
are subject in their course to less phonetic abrasion than the other 
elements of a people's speech" (Words and Places, p. 2). "This 
difference in spelling was not lost on our earlier antiquaries," says Mr. 
Longstaffe, in speaking of Colechester (Archceologia JEliana, supra}. 
It is most unfortunate that it should have been at any time lost 
sight of! 

Of the various conjectures as to'the etymology of the name, that 
of Camden is that Corstopitum was one of the places noted by 


Ptolemy. It will be seen by reference to the map of these islands, in 
Mercator's copy of Ptolemy (Horsley, Britannia Romana, p. 306), 
that what is now the county of York is laid down with remarkable 
accuracy. The contour of the coast line is very clear, whilst the 
relative positions of the towns mentioned in the first Her are here 
fairly preserved. Eboracum, Isurium, Cataractonium, follow each 
other in the exact sequence of the Iter. The north-eastern corner of 
this tract is rounded off by a large bay the wide mouth of the 
Vedra fluvius ['Oefya], just as it now is by the great Tees bay. If 
we follow Ptolemy's map beyond Catterick Bridge, along the line of 
the first Iter, which has brought us from York, we should come upon 
Vinovium, Vindomora, and Corstopitum as next in order. But we find 
only a Vinnovium (Omwoviov of Ptolemy) on the west coast ; and in 
the track of the Iter we have the very remarkable names of Kovpta, 
KoXuvto, and Kopia. If we accept the Vedra as the Tees, and the 
Alaunus as the "Wear, then the Boderia Aestuarium would coincide 
with the mouth of the Tyne. Assuming this, and following up the 
course of the river, we have the coincidence of Kopiu just where we 
should expect to find Corstopitum. This reasoning evidently led to 
Camden's suggestion of the possible identity of the places. It is, too, 
in keeping with Horsley's rule for the interpretation of Ptolemy, in 
which he suggests that " the promontories and mouths of the rivers 
are, I think, best known from inspection, and comparing Ptolemy's 
map of Britain with some modern ones" (Britannia Romana, p. 363). 
But at this point a catastrophe overtook the Alexandrian map maker. 
The "fault" familiar to a geologist, or the "trouble" of the miner, are 
small in comparison with " the grand false step," as Horsley calls it, 
which the geographer has made. The whole of North Britain is bent 
round, and, " after this grand turn, all is confounded," says Horsley, 
" and the degrees of latitude turned into longitude" (Britannia 
Romana, p. 361). The western coast is extended in consequence, and 
the eastern coast is compressed, as we see, so that Horsley, in his endea- 
vours to make the two sides correspond, calls the Vedra the Tyne, puts 
the Tees down near York (Dunum Sinus), and identifies the Boderia 
with the Frith of Forth. Subjected to this torsion, the northern and 
southern isthmuses are made to come into their places, and Forth and 
Clyde and Tyne and Solway duly face each other. With all deference 


to so high an authority as John Horsey, it may not be too great a 
presumption to doubt this conclusion. It would lead to Colania being 
far into Scotland, and to Coria being placed yet further north, in the 
direction of Peebles. If we, on the other hand, simply allow the fact 
that the map is at wist, and that consequently the Tyne is put opposite 
to the Clyde, then we may note the coincidence of a Colania and a 
Coria hereabouts, and compare the fact of the survival, in one place, 
of the two vocables Col and Cor. 

It has been suggested that Cor is a corruption of the British word 
Caer a camp (Maclauchlan, Memoir, supra). Dr. Embleton gives 
the root as " Corsen or Korsek (Armoric), Cors (Welsh) moor, bog, 
fen." As an imported name this might have denoted the place, but 
it certainly does not apply as a descriptive title to such a spot. 

Mr. Flavell Edmunds (Traces of History in the Names of Places, 
sub. Cor-Core) gives the derivation of this British word " Cor " as 
from " Corwg a wicker boat or coracle," and instances Corbridge as 
an example, Now, this far-fetched word is worthy of careful examina- 
tion. It has diffused itself as widely as the Aryan migration. The 
Greek yvpds is the Latin Curvus curved, bent. The basket maker's 
work was the curving of willows, and his finished ware was Corbis a 
basket. The very word lives to-day in the modern German Korb, and 
in the familiar pitman's corb or corve of our own district. The British 
Corwg is a basket boat, the coracle of the Severn fisherman to this day. 
The British were famous for their skill in wicker work ; and the first 
discoverer who applied his handicraft to make a coracle must have 
been a notable inventor ; for, consider the laborious work of hollowing 
out a solid tree trunk, till, by the help of fire and the rudest imple- 
ments, it was fashioned in the likeness of a cumbersome and most 
cranky boat, and contrast the art that could " corve," with woven 
alders, a light, portable, and, when hide-bound, an equally buoyant 
skiflF, and you will see that the invention had revolutionised the rough 
life by river and mere. The solid tree-hewn boats were navigated on 
the smooth, still reaches of the Tyne ; and their remains, deep buried 
in the ooze, as we have seen them, testify of the early floods which 
carried them adrift from the upper river. These would, in their turn, 
be superseded by the coracle ; and at Corbridge, if anywhere, the 
fisherman would make his home beside its long still reaches of smooth, 



navigable water. Down to comparatively late times the importance of 
the fishermen of Corbridge continued, and their "Fisch-shamblesgat" 
and "Fisher's Market" appear in the Black Book of Hexham, 
and continue in the " Scamble Gate" of the Award map of 1775, 
and the " Scramble Gate " of to-day. Whether the coracle men 
gave the distinctive name or not, the fact is noteworthy that we have 
so widely known a root word as this archaic and most polyglot Cor, 
that it might most aptly be applied to denote the place, and that, as it 
was a common property in the languages of the peoples who formed 
the western migrations, its accurate transmission would be ensured. 

As to the other word Cole, " Dr. Todd," says Horsley, " supposes 
(Philosophical Transitions, No. 330) the name Colcester to have been 
Herculcester, i.e., Castra Herculis. What led him to this opinion is 
the altar found here with the Greek inscription on it, by which it 
appears to have been dedicated to the Tyrian Hercules" (Britannia 
Romano,, p. 397). But this explanation does not commend itself. 


The more likely interpretation is that, as in the Essex Colchester, 
and in Lincoln, we have the root word of the Latin Colonia, so here, 
on the Tyne, we may have another Colonia preserved in the word that 
has so persistently been attached to the place. " There is, unluckily," 
says Mr. H. C. Coote, " no liber Coloniarum for Britain, and we are 
left entirely without official details of the successive foundations of 
those colonial cities which eventually covered our island" (The 
Romans of Britain, p. 123). This supposition would give us Corsto- 
pitum Colonia, and would explain the survival of the two root words 
Cor and Cole. 

These two names Jwere transmitted to the first Angle settlers. 
They set up their stockaded tun alongside the Roman ruins not on 
the site of the earlier foundation. As the "ruines of the olde town" 
were strikingly apparent even in Leland's time, much more must they 
have formed a distinctive mark in the minds of the earliest English. 
We see this in the superstitious dread which attached itself in their 
eyes to the place. The powers of evil possessed the old buildings, and 
a "Jotun" dwelt in them. This dark figure, from the Teutonic 
demonology, still lives in the legends of the people as " the Giant 
Cor ;" but in Leland's time his very name had survived. " The peple 
there say that there dwellid yn it one Yoton whom they fable to have 
been a gy-gant." (Itinerary, ed. 1769, Vol. V., p. 112.) 

But, to our forefathers, the most marked feature was the great 
bridge which bestrode the Tyne, and carried the Watling Street, and 
so the archaic Cor and Col were compounded with the English word 
brig or bridge ; and, as we have already seen, Corbrig and Colebrig 
were used indifferently in naming the place. Speaking of the Watling 
Street and the Foss, Dr. Guest says, " There can be little doubt that 
in the twelfth century these magnificent works existed in nearly their 
original state" (Origines Celticae, Vol. II., " The four ways," p. 238). 
Judging by the condition of the piers, as described in modern times 
even, we may readily surmise that so huge a structure was long after 
the Eoman period in fair condition. From abutment to abutment its 
length measures 272 feet, and the character of its work may be judged 
by inspecting some of its finely moulded stones which yet exist. 

The early spelling of the place-name points to the fact that bridge, 
and not burgh, was the compound of the word. If burgh had been 


the word, we should not have had it spelled Iricge as early as the 12th 

It was the 13th century before the inhabitants built another bridge. 
In 19th Henry III. (i.e. 1234), Syraon de Diveleston "granted the 
Burgesses of Corebrig to found the head of the bridge upon his land 
of Dilston." That bridge, as can be seen, was on the line of the 
existing bridge, which replaced the mediaeval structure in 1674. To 
the deed of Symon de Diveleston is affixed the common seal (No. 1 of 
annexed Plate) of the burgesses, on which the spelling is COREBRIGIE. 
Thus has the continuity of Oorbridge been maintained as the name of 
the town, whilst the adjacent Roman site became distinguished from it 
by the diminutive of Col Englished as Colechester accurately dis- 
criminated, as we have seen, in a deed dated 1356 ; again specified in 
the Award under the Enclosure Act of 1776, where certain Lammas 
lands are described as " situate in that part of the West Field called 
Colchester;" and still so designated in the folk-speech of to-day. 


Since Mr. Heslop's paper has been in type, the following notes on the subject 
have been received from Professor Hubner, of Berlin : 

i. " Dr. Gale took this [COBISOPITTTM, see p. 216] from the false reading of bad 
manuscripts of the Notitia Galliarum ; the true one is CIVITAS CORIOSOLITUM 
(for CTJBIOSOLITUM), which has nothing to do with COESTOPITUM. See Seeck's 
edition of the Notitia Dignitatum (Berlin, 1876), p. 264." 

ii. " I am not quite sure of the etymology of the Essex Colchester [see p. 225] 
(CAMALODUNUM = Camalu = Coleceaster ?). But if the Northumbrian Colechester 
has to be derived from Colonia, this Colonia can by no means have been a Roman 
colony like Lindum (Lincoln). Colonia in later times may signify only a small 
settlement of Roman Colon! . 

Archaeologia Aeliana, Vol. XI., p. 226. 

Plate XXII. 

No. i. 

No. 2. 



(temp, igth Hen. iij.) 


(temp, latter part of reign Hy. iij. or early in Ed. i.) 

Device : A cross slightly patee between 4 men's heads 
in profile looking at each other. 




[Read February 24th, 1886.] 

MIDWAY in the seventeenth century there were two remarkable men 
in Newcastle William Gray and William London, who distinguished 
themselves in authorship, each in his own characteristic way. The 
former, better known in the present day than his contemporary, pub- 
lished his Chorographia, or a Survey of Neivcastle-upon-Tine, in the 
year 1649. The original edition and the reprints of 1813 and 1818 are 
in the library of the Society of Antiquaries ; and Mr. Welford and Mr. 
Longstaffe have also contributed welcome memoirs of the author and 
his father, Cuthbert Gray, merchant, to this volume of the Transactions* 
in further discharge of the debt due to the memory of the earliest of 
our local historians. That William London should not, like William 
Gray, be a household word on the Tyne, is owing chiefly to the nature 
of his subject, The Use of Books, which is not local, but general. His 
time, however, will come ; and, meanwhile, unable as I am myself to 
meet his claim, I would fain help to keep it alive. If I can do no 
more, I would not willingly do less. Therefore, pending the promise 
of his future day, let me add one little leaf to the literature of the 
Society on William London. 

Mr. Longstaffe, editing for the Surtees Society the Memoirs of the 
Life of Mr. Ambrose Barnes, annexes a copious chronological appendix, 
in which due place is given to the bookseller and stationer who pub- 
lished, in 1657, his Catalogue of the most Vendible Books in England, 
with An Introduction to the Use of Books, worthy to stand by the side 
of the kindred discourse of the tutor of Edward the Third, Richard de 
Bury, Bishop of Durham from 1833 to 1345 ; and, indeed, the peculiar 
* pp. 65-81 and 61-64. 



name of the Newcastle bibliopole was, in some distant quarters, mis- 
construed into William Juxon, Bishop of London, a Lord Treasurer 
of the seventeenth century ! Yet he who turns to Mr. Longstaffe's 
instructive leaves, in the fiftieth volume of the Surtees Society's 
publications, illustrative of the religious life of Newcastle and the 
district through a succession of generations, will find that after Crom- 
well and his Council had scattered the Four-and-Twenty of Gateshead 
in the summer of 1658, William and John London were among the 
foremost of the inhabitants of St. Mary's substituted in their room, 
and that when, after the Eestoration, the government of Gateshead, in 
common with that of all England, was remodelled, although John 
London was retained in the Vestry William London was not. 

John was a family name with the Londons. In the month of 
January, 1668-69, John, son of Samuel London, born on the 12th of 
November, had baptism and register in St. Mary's, Gateshead ; and 
some sixteen years later, February 3rd, 1684-85, as appears by the 
books of the Merchants' Company in Newcastle, John London, son of 
Samuel London of Gateshead, gentleman, was apprenticed to Jonathan 
Hargrave, merchant adventurer and mercer, and had enrolment on the 
17th of March thereafter. 

Both sides of the river have records wooing research, and promising 
the reward of success to loving and patient pens in any grateful 
endeavour to give William London, one of those trusty tradesmen 
whose " tokens " passed current through the country in times of com- 
mercial need, the prominence due to the author of the Catalogue and 
the Introduction in the life and literature of Newcastle and the Tyne. 




[Read February 24th, 1886.] 

IN the affectionate Memoir of the Rev. John Hodgson, historian of 
Northumberland, written by the Rev. Dr. Raine, author of the 
History of North Durham, the Felling explosion, which swept away 
upwards of ninety lives by a sudden blast of the mine, occupies 
appropriately a considerable number of pages. The catastrophe had 
happened during Mr. Hodgson's incumbency of Jarrow with Heworth, 
and found, in the faithful friend and pastor, one whose kindness and 
energy were equal to the occasion. " In the month of May, in the 
year 1812, an explosion," says the biographer, "took place of so 
dreadful a nature as to surpass in its awful consequences, with perhaps 
only one exception, any calamity of the kind which had previously 
occurred either in his own parish or in the whole mining district of the 
North of England." 

Of the "one exception" to which Dr. Raine alludes, he gathers a 
note from Mr. Hodgson's MS. folio of local words, under the word 
Cramer, a tinker or mender of broken china, etc. : " Itinerant 
cramers formerly lodged in summer at Cramer Dykes, near the head 
of Gateshead, where there was a great colliery, in which above a 
hundred persons were killed by an explosion in the year 1700." 

In preceding years there had been occasional mining fatalities in 
the parish ; as, for instance, in October, 1621, when, among the 
burials of St. Mary's, Gateshead, we read of " Richard Backas, burn'd 
in a pit;" and in February, 1692, "Michael Laurin, slain in a pit." 
Later on, in October, 1705, the instructive church register has a tragic 
recital of loss of life by a colliery explosion, which fell under the eye 


of the writer of these pages far on to a generation ago, and was given 
to the columns of the Newcastle, Chronicle after its century and a half 
of repose in the safe keeping of St. Mary's. Time-honoured is now 
its date, and commends the sad tale of other days, which so well has 
been preserved, to suitable reception in the Archcsologia JEliana. 
The patient recorder traces the burials through a succession of 
October days, from the 4th to the 13th, accompanying the mournful 
narrative with the words, " These were slain in a coal-pitt in the 
Stony Flatt which did fire," the total number being 31. 

October 4. Cuthbert Richinson, Michael Richinson, Ralph 
Richinson, brothers ; William Robinson, John Liddel ; John Broune, 
Clement Broune, William Broune, brothers ; Robert, son to Clement 
Broune. " Blown up the pitt," John, son of John Broune, Adam 
Thompson, Joseph Jackson ; Abigail, daughter to Joseph Jackson ; 
James Hastings, overman ; Michael Walker, his servant. 

5. Leonard Jordan, John Green, John Distans, Richard Fletcher. 
John Hall, William Maine, Thomas Riddel, Thomas Huggison. 

6. Bryan Thornton, Michael Thompson, Robert Cooke, Matthew 
Hastings, overman, son to John Hastings. 

7. John Sayers. 

10. Edward Jordan, John Todd. 

13. Thomas Ridsdall. 

Three brothers of one family perished three of another. Three 
fathers with sons : a father with his daughter. Such are some of the 
facts as they appear in the register ; and they may assist the reader in 
realizing, after the lapse of nine score years, the prolonged Gateshead 
agony of the reign of Queen Anne. It had one feature of aggra- 
vation now absent from our colliery explosions. Not men alone, but 
also women, were then employed as miners ; and amongst those who 
were "blown up the pitt" in 1705, was "Abigail, daughter to Joseph 
Jackson." It was not, indeed, until the year 1842, that the employ- 
ment of women in our mines was rendered illegal by Act of Parlia- 
ment. The author of The Pitman's Pay, Alderman Thomas Wilson, 
of Fell House, Gateshead, refers, in a note to the preface of his edition 
of 184.3, to the time when "it was customary to send girls down the 
coal-pits." " That disgraceful practice," he states, " ceased in this 
neighbourhood nearly sixty years ago. The custom was more pre- 


valent on the Wear than on the Tyne. Here, again, has ' the march 
of intellect,' which, in the opinion of many, will bring a * creep ' upon 
society, superseded ' the wisdom of our ancestors,' and rescued ' the 
pitman's daughter' from the debasing slavery of descending into a 

The " Stony Flatt," the scene of the disaster of 1705, was a 
portion of the table-land on the east of Bensham. It was then 
unenclosed, but Union Lane runs over the area, and it extended across 
the space of the field fronting Normanby Terrace in the memory of 
Gatesiders yet young. In this part of the parish of St. Mary, coals 
were brought to the surface from depths ranging between about twenty 
or thirty and fifty or sixty feet ; and in our own century the remains 
of pit-shafts and coal-workings have been discovered in the course of 
sewerage and other operations. The spade, that friend of the anti- 
quary, lets in the light upon the footprints of generations that are 
gone. Even the natural gravity of the earth will sometimes give way, 
here as elsewhere, and courteously invite the curious and observant 
eye to glimpses of what has been. 





[Read on the 27th January, 1886.] 

IF my wishes could be realized I should present to this Society, at 
each of its monthly meetings, a newly discovered Roman altar or 
inscription. Of late we have been pretty fortunate. At our last 
meeting, however, we had none ; and on this our anniversary gather- 
ing I have only a little one to report. However, the weather has been 
very bad during the last few weeks, and that may have interfered with 
the work of discovery. 

A little while ago, I received from our senior 
vice-president, Mr. Clayton, a paper impression of 
a small altar, which had been found by his drainers 
in the immediate vicinity of the station of MAGNA, 
the modern Carvoran, which has recently come into 
his possession. The altar is a rude one, and the 
letters of the inscription have the appearance of 
having been partially worn down by friction. Still, 
I think, they are legible. I have since seen the 
altar, and I now present a copy of the inscription 
as I read it, both on stone and paper. 

The word DEO on the first line is plain, but what god was intended 
the remainder of the inscription failed to show me. The second line 
may be either FALIT or ALIT, for what seems to be an E or F at the 
beginning of the line may be only a chance stroke. I ransacked the 
lists of the gods of Greece and Rome and Roman Britain, to see if 


there was any deity or genius whose name began with these letters, but 
I could find none. In my despair, I sent off the paper impression to 
our excellent friend and most skilful epigraphist, Professor Hiibner, of 
Berlin. In the course of a few days I received from him a post card, 
in which, after kindly greetings on the occasion of the new-born year, 
and friendly messages to Mr. Clayton, he says, " The new little altar 
from MAGNA (may the soil of that new-bought place of antiquity give 
us some Mars Thingsus or the like again !) is curious. Is the E or F 
at the beginning of the second line a real letter ? It seems to me 
different, not so deeply cut, much like a stroke which I see at the end 
of the first line after DEO. If so, I venture to read DEO | ALIT |j i GAV| 
ROV||VOTV ; that is Deo Aliti Gauro votu[m solvit]. Compare Ovid, 
Metam. II., p. 714 ' Inde revertentes dens adspicit ales ;' and Statius, 
Thebiados IV., p. 605 ' . . . quern jam dens ales averno reddiderat.' 
The ' deus ales,' the winged god, is Mercury. Gauro is, I think, the 
(probably Celtic) name of the dedicator." 

So far Dr. Hiibner. His reading is manifestly an ingenious one ; 
and it is, so far as I can see, the true one. It would, however, be 
more satisfactory to me if Gauro, supposing him to be a native Briton 
and consequently not very familiar with the Roman mythology, had 
addressed the god in the usual manner MERCVRIO, rather than by the 
epithet ALITI. 

I may also mention that the drainers at MAGNA have turned up 
the larger part of a male statue. The sculptors seem to have left it in 
a crude and unfinished state. The lower part of it has been broken off. 
It has been brought to Chesters. So far as I have been able to observe, 
there are no marks on it by means of which we can identify it with 
any deity. 


AN altar to .ZEsculapius which is carved on all four sides. On the back 
is a garland, on the right hand side the pratfericulum or pitcher used 



in the sacrifice, and on the left the patera or dish on which the offering 

was laid. The inscription on the front is 




"To the god ^Esculapius, Publius 
Yiboleius Secundus presents as a gift 
this altar." Dr. Hiibner, to whom a 
paper impression of this altar was 
sent, observes that the spelling Es- 
culapio for jffisculapio is rustic in 
its character but not uncommon, 
and that Viboleius is a rather scarce 
nomen gentile. Judging from the 
form of the letters, the scarcity of 
the name, and the simplicity of the 
whole dedication, he considers that 
this is one of the oldest epigraphical 
monuments found in South Shields, 
and that it belongs to the second century, not later. The altar is now 
in the Free Library Museum at South Shields. 

Altars to -ZEsculapius are not common in Britain. Of the few that 
have been found, two have inscriptions in Greek. One of these was 
found at Lanchester,* the other at Maryport.f The worship of ^scu- 
lapius was introduced from Greece into Rome in the year B.C. 293. 
Livy (x., 47) tells us that "The many prosperous events of this year 
were scarcely sufficient to afford consolation for one calamity a pesti- 
lence which afflicted both town and country, und caused a prodigious 
mortality. To discover what end or what remedy was appointed by the 
gods for that calamity, the books were consulted, and there it was 
found that ^Esculapius must be brought to Rome from Epidaurus." 
The principal seat of the worship of .ZEsculapius in Greece was Epi- 
daurus. Greek priests may have been brought thence to conduct the 
worship of the deity in other places, hence the Greek inscriptions. 

* Lapid. Sept., p. 361, No. 687. f Lapid. Sept., p. 445, No. 878. 



In the Homeric poems ^Esculapius does not appear to be considered 
as a divinity, but merely as a human being. Zeus killed JEsculapius 
with a flash of lightning, as he feared lest men might gradually con- 
trive to escape death altogether; or, according to others, because Pluto 
had complained of vEsculapius diminishing the number of the dead too 
much. It is curious to find trade jealousies existing among the gods 
of Greece and Rome. But, on the request of Apollo, Zeus placed 
^Esculapius among the stars.* 

THE fragment of a slab found at Whitley Castle, a camp situated on 
the Maiden Way, about two miles north of Alston. The letters which 
remain may perhaps be thus expanded 



The meaning of which seems to be: 
" A building restored under the super- 
intendence of Fuscus, imperial legate and propraetor .... 
an officer of consular rank, of the Province of Britain." The absence 
of names and of the larger part of the inscription prohibits further 
conjecture. In writing thus far, I have had the assistance of Dr. 

A votive ring of base silver from CILTJRNUM, in- 
scribed on the bezel DN | EP which Mr. C. Roach 
Smith reads D[EO] NEp[TVNo].f 

* Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities. 

f Numismatic Chronicle. Vol. V. (3rd Ser.), p. 253. 





[Read on July 6th, 1881.] 

THE Corporation of Newcastle have been for some time engaged on 
vast works in Pandon Dene and its neighbourhood, in connection 
with the great scheme of improvement resolved upon by them some 
time ago. Acres of houses and other buildings have been demol- 
ished, and excavations on a very extensive scale have been pushed 
forward. During the progress of these works some very interesting 
discoveries have been made. A long stretch of the old Town Wall 
of Newcastle has been exposed, extending right across the Dene, from 
the western bank, near the Manors, to the eastern bank at the Sallyport 
Gate. I am sorry to say much of it has been already destroyed, and 
little, if any, of it will be visible when the works upon which the Cor- 
poration are engaged shall be completed. The whole, or very nearly 
the whole, of this long reach of wall was entirely hidden before these 
demolitions and excavations began. The accumulation of soil was, in 
part, answerable for this, but far more the fact that it was completely 
buried amongst buildings. Houses, warehouses, and sheds were built 
close up to it ; indeed, it was incorporated with them, forming, in some 
cases the side wall, in other cases the end wall, and sometimes the 
foundation, of various structures. When I visited it last, there were 
places where the plaster and paperhangings of a room were still 
adhering to it, and other places where the chiselled holes to receive 
the ends of joists were visible on its face in two long lines. The finest 
portion of the Wall still forms the end of Wheatley's iron warehouse 
in Stock Bridge, and will not be demolished, though it will soon be com- 



pletely hidden again. This contains about nine hundred square feet, and 
stands about thirty feet high. From this point the "Wall ran across 
the Dene. How lofty it was I cannot say, for much of it was already 
demolished when I saw it first (on June 23rd), and the work of 
destruction was rapidly proceeding. In this neighbourhood a long 
stretch was being completely rooted up, the workmen employing gun- 
powder for the purpose, as it was too firmly built and compact to be 
rent asunder by any gentler means. As soon as the old street that 
ran up the Dene was crossed, the Wall was seen rising to a consider- 
able height (see Plate XXIII.) ; and, viewed from the inside of the ruined 
houses, presented many fine squares of splendid masonry. Near the 
Sallyport Gate it was still standing many feet in height, and continued 
so past the Gate for a considerable distance down Causey Bank. 

Throughout the whole distance it was finely built. It was faced 
on both sides with large squared stones, sometimes as much as eighteen 
inches in length by twelve inches in breadth, and the inside was 
grouted. The thickness, from face to face, was eight feet. 

There are several peculiar features to notice at various points. Thus 
in the splendid piece of Wall, forming the north end of Wheatley's iron 
warehouse at Stock Bridge, the excavations revealed several courses of 
chamfered stones one above another, rising like steps as the hill rises. 
This work is very good, and must be of early date. At the end of 
the warehouse the courses of chamfered stones exhibit, where the 
continuation of the Wall abuts against the Wall containing them, 
a "return" southwards, showing clearly that the adjoining continu- 
ation is of later date, and indicating, I think, with certainty, that 
when the Wall containing these chamfered courses was built the 
Town Wall of Newcastle did not include so large an area as in later 
times, but ran along the western bank of the Dene, which must 
have been wholly outside the fortifications. Near to the Sallyport 
Gate, again, is a striking feature. There must have been a breach 
in the Wall on the west side of the Gate at some early period, made 
either by assailants in some war or siege, or by the authorities of the 
town for purposes of reconstruction, for the junction of new and old 
masonry is most observable. Beyond the Sallyport Gate, going down 
Causey Bank in a southward direction, there is a fine piece of Wall, 
exhibiting on the outside chamfered work like that at Stock Bridge, 


and on the inside the remains of a tower, or platform, with nine large 
projecting corbels still in position. The Wall here has been pierced 
for doorways of modern tenements, and modern staircases and passages 
have been formed in its thickness. The occurrence of the chamfered 
work on the two banks, but not, as far as I was able to discover at 
the time of my visit, in the Dene, suggests the possibility of there 
having been in early times a detached work on the height of Pandon, 
which was at a later period connected with the town by the " Long 
Wall" spanning the valley. 

The works at present being carried out by the Corporation com- 
prise the filling up the valley to a certain height, the levelling of 
the bank on the west, and the hill on the east, the building a huge 
retaining wall, well on to sixty feet in height from its foundations, 
and the construction of a number of new streets upon the site, running 
in various directions. The direction of the retaining wall unfortu- 
nately crosses the direction of the ancient Town Wall, with which it 
nevertheless nearly coincides, at a small angle. Hence the uprooting 
of the latter through a great portion of its extent. The clerk of the 
works explained to me that this was necessary, lest if the new wall 
were built part on and part off the Old Wall, the latter would " break 
the back " of the former. The fine fragment of Wall at Wheatley's 
iron warehouse will not be destroyed, but the new wall is being 
built close up against it, so that it will be completely hidden. The 
present intention, I am told, is to spare the Sallyport Gate, if it should 
be found possible, and to underbuild it, which would seem certainly 
to be necessary, as the hill in its immediate proximity is to be reduced 
in height between thirty and forty feet ; but the fine reach of Wall 
to the south of it, exhibiting decided indications of early work, is to 
come down, and has already been sold to a citizen of Newcastle, who 
has bought it for the sake of the materials. 

As I have just intimated, on reaching the western bank of the 
Dene the Wall turns northward. It does so at a right angle or nearly a 
right angle. At the corner is a tower, standing about twenty-five 
feet above the plateau of the western bank, and very picturesque in 
its ruin. The Wall, as it runs northward from the tower, stands six 
or eight courses high, exhibiting one chamfered course at the bottom, 
and making directly in the line of Croft Lane and Croft Street for the 


recently destroyed Weavers' or Carliol Tower. Shortly after I visited 
it last month the workmen, I have no doubt, would come to a 
further portion of it, and would destroy it, as they would find it run- 
ning right athwart the line of the new street. I hope, however, the 
exact position of the Wall will be distinctly marked in the pavement 
of the new street, or in the walls of the buildings that will in process 
of time rise on each side of it. 

Mixed with the grouting of the core of the wall are many pieces of 
unburnt coal, some very minute, some as large as peas or marbles. 
Opinions may differ as to whence these fragments found their way 
into the mortar. Some may think with the lime from the kiln; I 
incline to think with the sand from the shore. 




[Read on the 25th November, 1885.] 

ON June the 19th, the Society visited the village of Heddon- on-the- 
"Wall, seven miles to the west of Newcastle, in the course of the first 
country meeting held in 1885. 

Our country meetings should, it is believed, not only afford pleasant 
excursions to those taking part in them, and opportunities for examining 
places of archaeological interest with all the advantages resulting from 
the concentration of kindred eyes and minds, but should further aim 
at revivifying the study of local history among the people of the 
districts visited, and by incorporating in the publications of the Society 
all the information contributed or elicited, do something, in howsoever 
piecemeal a fashion, towards the completion or the revision of our 
great County Histories. If that information be not as systematic and 
definite as is to be desired, that surely forms no reason for withholding 
it altogether. It is on these considerations that the following notes 
on the parish and church of Heddon have been hastily collected, as a 
supplement to the report of the Society's visit already issued. 1 

The hill on which Heddon Church stands, in the centre of the 
village, and the steep mound known as Heddon Law in the north-east 
corner of the parish, are two natural strongholds that must have been 
occupied at a very early period. Each rises to about 500 feet above 
the sea-level. From Heddon Law the view is uninterrupted right 
away north to Simonside, and the weird Scots pines growing on it 
form so distinctive a landmark far out at sea that Government is said 
to have interfered for their preservation. In the Great Rebellion, the 
Scotch army fixed their headquarters at Heddon Law previous to the 

1 Proceedings Soc. Ant. Newc., Vol. IT., p. 46. 


battle at Newburn, and round it a volunteer camp was formed during 
the scare of an invasion of England by the first Napoleon. The 
Church Hill is sheltered from the west by the slightly higher range of 
Heddon Common, with its stone quarries ; but a central mound, rising 
on a high plateau that falls on several sides into a natural trench 
where huts and hovels might be grouped in safety and commanding 
the whole Tyne valley from Gateshead to Prudhoe, was a position of 
the first importance in primaeval warfare. Traces of hut-circles were 
to be seen on Heddon Common and on the Resting Hill, near the head 
of the lane leading from the railway station. 

The north fosse of the Roman Wall, and the southern which accom- 
panies the Vallum, are both deeply incised on the Great Hill a little 
east of the village ; and owing to a slight deviation of the Carlisle 
Road in the intermediate slack, a considerable fragment of the Wall 
has been preserved among the roots of an old hedge. A year or two 
ago, Mr. Clayton had some excavations made which resulted in laying 
bare four or five courses of masonry on the north face, still in a most 
perfect state ; and much of the bank above them is found to consist of 
the original core. At the same time the base of a singular circular 
turret was unearthed. 2 All these remains have recently had the same 

2 See Dr. Brace's Handbook to the Roman Wall, 2nd Ed., p. 51, and illus- 
tation above. 


generous care bestowed upon them that is so much valued by visitors 
to CILUENUM. The twelfth mile-castle, reckoning from Wallsend, was 
somewhere in Heddon village. 3 The Vallum passed through Jerry's 
Pond and Haddock's Hole, as the ground west of the' pond is called. 
Dr. Lingard, in 1807, noticed two inscribed stones at Heddon, showing 
that parts of the Wall here were built by the Fourth Cohort of the 
Twentieth Legion, Valeria Victrix, 4 and the Century of Julius Rufus. 6 
Both have disappeared. My attention has recently been called by the 
Rev. C. Bowlker to a stone in the byre of the vicarage, about 15 
inches long and 9 inches high. This is evidently a centurial stone. 
The inscription is gone. 6 The site of the fourteenth mile-castle may 
be made out near an angle of the generally straight road soon after 
re-entering Heddon parish to the west of Rudchester, a township 
which, containing the thirteenth mile-castle and the important station 
of VINDOBALA, happens to be in Ovingham parish. The western limb 
of Heddon parish (which although it only extends over 4,725 acres 
an unusually small area for Northumberland has somewhat the shape 
of a spider) is formed by the township of Whitchester; but though this 
name is so evidently borne in antithesis to Rudchester, no outline of a 

8 This mile-castle probably stood to the east of the pond, on the hill-top 
now covered with ruins of cottages. The Rev. G. Bowlker, vicar of Heddon, has 
heard that the people who lived in these cottages, in digging a hole in front of 
them for burying a horse, came on old foundations and what they described as a 
grave-stone with letters on it. This they promptly broke up. Can it have been 
an inscription recording the names of Hadrian and his legate Platorius Nepos, 
like those found in the mile-castles at Castle-Nick, Milking Gap, &c. 1 

4 Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 35, No. 40. 

* Lap. Sept., p. 39, No. 54. 

8 " 1752, November. The workmen employed in making the military road to 
Carlisle found a great number of curious Roman coins and medals in the ruins 
of the old Wall near Heddon. They had been deposited in wooden boxes, which 
were almost decayed ; yet several of the medals were as fresh and fair as if but 
newly struck. Some were of silver, but the most part of copper and a mixture 
of a coarser metal. Several of the most curious were purchased by the Royal 
Society." Sykes's Local Ile.cords, 1., p. 204. " On February 6th, 1856, the Rev. 
James Raine, jun. presented thirty-one Roman, coin's, in third brass, discovered 
at Heddon-on-the-Wall." Proc. Soc. Antiq. Nerve., Vol. I. (O.S.) p. 95. " These 
were believed to have been found about the year 1820. They are small copper 
.coins, in good preservation, belonging to the reigns of Maximian, (onstantine, 
Constans, Magnentius, Constantius junior, Valens, and Arcadius. The latest of 
them belongs to the year 394, and bears the emperor's head laureated, and the 
inscription [D. N. ARCJADIVS P. P. A[VG] ; on the reverse is [V]EBS BO[MA], 
with an armed figure standing, holding the Labarum in his right hand, a Victoriola 
in his left (see Birago, p. 623). Secreted probably during that disastrous period 
which culminated in the final withdrawal of the legions from Britain, the un- 
fortunate owner never returned to claim them. Bruce's Roman Wall, 3rd Ed. 
p. 125. 

D A L T N 




D U R H A M 




camp can be even imagined. 7 In the grass field 8 just east of the new 
lodge at the entrance to Close House, is an oblong entrenchment, with 
rounded corners and indications of gateways, that has hitherto escaped 
notice. Traces of a causeway leading towards this from the Wall in a 
south-westerly direction are said to have been discovered in the glebe, 
and there is reason to suppose that the " Alde-heway," mentioned in 
the thirteenth century, passed by or through it. 

Coming now to English times, it is remarkable that in the Hundred 
Rolls 9 in 1274, Heddon appears as " Edwinistre." 10 Whether this is 
a corruption of the " Hidewinestremes " n mentioned eighteen years 
later, or the other way round, 12 seems hard to determine. Heddon may 
or may not have been, like Ad Gefrin l3 and Edwinesburh, 14 one of the 
hill forts of King Edwin ; but at any rate there appears to be no 
reasonable ground for not identifying " Heddon-super-Murum " with 
" Ad Murum," the royal " villa " of Oswy, which Bede plainly says was 
" close to the Wall, at the distance of twelve miles from the eastern 
sea." 15 Our great historian tells us, too, the Wall was built " from sea 
to sea;" 16 and if, therefore, we measure the distance given, along its 
course, where, we are entitled to demand, was " Ad Murum " if not at 
the twelfth mile-castle ? 17 

7 Leuris's Topographical Diet., 1844, sub Whitchester, certainly has: "Within 
the township is the site of a Roman station, defended on every side by deep 
ravines." A so-called cairn, on the high ground near Turpin's Hill, yielded, it 
is said, in 1795, a chest of coins of Domitian, Antoninus Pius, and Faustina. 
Hutchinson (Hist. Northd., Vol. I., p. 128) says " there are said to be some remains 
of a fort at Whitchester; but all this seems to be a mistake. There is somewhat 
like the remains of an earthen rampart, and between Whitchester and Harlow 
Hill is a round hill with a trench about it, &c." 

8 Field No. 44, Houghton and Close House Township. Ord. Sur., 25-in. scale. 

9 Hodgson's Northumberland, III., i., p. 115. 

19 Cf. Oswestry, i.e. Oswaldestre. Just over the Cumbrian Border we 
have Birdoswald, a Celticized form of ' Oswaldesburh." Possibly the place- 
names " Edwinestre," and Birdoswald mark the limits of the English Pale 
under Edwin and Oswald. 

11 "Quod dominus rex habebit totum portum maris a mari usque ad 
locum qui dicitur Hidewinestremes." Hodgs. A'orthd., III., ii., p. 348. 

12 The expression "terra de Edenstrem (?)" in the grant of Reginald de 
Kenebell quoted postea p. 246 n. 27, considerably strengthens the surmise that it is 
" Hedwinestremes," which is the corruption. 

13 Yevering Bell. 

14 Edinburgh. 

15 Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk. Ill, c. 22. 
11 Bede, Eccles. Hist., bk. I., c. 12. 

17 Owing to erroneous measurement or fanciful etymology, " Ad Murum " 
has been placed at Pandon, Benwell, Walbottle, and Welton. Surely the non 
plus ultra has been reached in the tradition (?) that Paulinus baptised Egbert in 

E E 


The jurisdiction of the Corporation of Newcastle over the Tyne as 
far as the Hedwin Streams may be supposed to have had its origin in 
times when the river was navigable, at least for small craft, up to that 
point ; and the gradual silting up of the lower reaches, which in the 
twelfth century doubtless took the trade of Newburn till then the 
great shipping place on the Tyne down to Newcastle, may at an 
earlier date account for the rise of Newburn. 18 Moreover, when, on 
the Roman evacuation, the ^Blian Bridge was broken down, such 
traffic as there was must have been diverted to Stannerford, near Close 
House, in those days the first safe ford up the river, and travellers 
north, after crossing it, would come to the "Wall (" Ad Murum ") at 

At Heddon, then, in A.D. 653, both Peada, prince of the Middle 
Angles, and Sigebert, king of the East Saxons, were baptised, with 
their followers, by Finan, bishop of Lindisfarne, at the court of King 
Oswy ; and hence they took home with them to Repton and to Tilbury 
the missionaries who formed the germs of the present dioceses of 
Lichfield and London. 19 

The fact that Heddon Church was once, if it is not now, dedicated 
to St. Andrew 20 is some proof of its high antiquity. St. Gregory was 
still only Abbot of the Monastery of St. Andrew in Rome, which he 
had founded, when the angelic countenances of the fair-haired young 
Angles in the slave market rivetted his attention, and caused him to 
proclaim that Deira was to be rescued from the wrath of God, and 
Alleluia chanted in the realm of King .ZElla. Augustine when he set 
out on his mission was prior of that same monastery. St. Andrew may, 
then, in no legendary sense, have been regarded as the Apostle of Britain. 
"When SS. Peter and Paul had been honoured in the dedication of the 

the King's Well at Walltown, near Haltwhistle ! Proceedings Soc. Ant. Newc., 
Vol. 1. (N.S.), P- 160. Mr. Longstaffe's identification of Rudchester with "Ad 
Murum (Aroh.^1., Vol. IV., N.S., p. 56) is not happy, resting, as it does, on 
the supposition that Bede's miles were of quite arbitrary length, to say nothing 
of the extreme improbability of an English king fixing on a 'Chester' for his 
' villa, which would require a site of greater natural strength. "Ad Murum" 
was obviously a point of strategic importance, and a church might be expected 
to mark the scene of so great an event in the history of the Conversion of 

8 Newburn (Nyweburne), i.e. the Newlurh. Cheeseburn. near Stamfordham, 
ilearly a corruption of " Cheseburgh ;" and we find Simonburn called in early 
ff^I^ ,, y; " Brinkb urn " Brincaburch," Sockburn " Sochasburg," &c. 
19 Bede, Eeclet. Hint., bk. III., c . 22. 

- See l' arta Walteri de Bolebec de advocatione Ecclesie de Hedone" 
pot tea p. 246 n, 25. 


metropolitan church of Canterbury, the second cathedral founded by 
Gregory's missionaries, that of Rochester, was inscribed to St. Andrew ; 
and when, a century later, Wilfrid, on his return from Rome, built at 
Hexham the church that surpassed in splendour all others north of the 
Alps, he placed it under the especial patronage of that saint. The 
numerous churches on the Tyne dedicated to St. Andrew may be 
supposed to have been founded before the destruction of Hexham in 
the ninth century. As soon as St. Andrew was adopted as the national 
saint of Scotland (so much of which formed part of the Great 
Northumberland) his popularity south of the Border must have 
waned. Heddon is at present assigned to St. Philip and St. James, 21 
and although they were, as at Rock and "Whittonstall, probably sub- 
stituted on the revival of interest in such matters through ignorance 
of the original patron, it is curious that the orientation the whole 
church pointing almost due north-east agrees with May Day, their 
festival. 22 

Heddon Parish includes six townships Heddon - on - the - Wall, 
East Heddon, West Heddon, Houghton, Whitchester, and Eachwick. 
The first three may possibly be sub-divisions of one original township, 
but East Heddon appears as "Hydewin" or " Hedwin " after the 
village of Heddon had settled down to the present form of the name. 
How these six townships, originally independent of one another for 
civil purposes, came to group themselves into the present ecclesiastical 
parish cannot be explained. Possibly many townships in Northum- 
berland lost their churches in the ravages of the Danes in the ninth 

After the Norman Conquest, these six townships formed an enclave, 
or isolated portion of the Barony of Styford, bestowed by Henry I. on 
Hugh de Bolbec 23 . His grandson, Walter de Bolbec, having founded 

21 In Ecton's Thesaurus Rervm Eccles., p. 756, we find Heddon entered 
as " Hedwallen, Vic. S. Andr.." so that the change to SS. Philip and James has 
been made since its publication in 1742. By what ecclesiastical process are the 
intruders to be ejected, and St. Andrew reinstated as rightful patron ? 

22 The day of the old Village Feast has been forgotten. What survives of 
Heddon Hopping is now held on the Monday of the first whole week after the 
Midsummer Fair at Stagshawbank, for the very practical reason that the show- 
men, &c., used to be returning from the fair at that time. Newburn Hopping 
comes a week after Heddon, that at Lemington a week after Newburn, and 
so the company made their way to the Lammas Fair at Newcastle. 

28 The Bolbecs derived their name, still preserved in that of Bolbeck Com- 
mon, in Shotleyshire, from the town of Bolbec, near the mouth of the Seine, in 


the Praemonstratensian monastery of Blanchland 24 in 1165, "gave 
all the rights and patronage which he and his ancestors had in the 
Church of St. Andrew at Heddon to God and the Church of St. Mary 
at Blanchland, and the canons serving God there, for the sake of the 
souls of his father, Walter, and of his other ancestors," by a charter 25 
witnessed by his lady and mother Sibilla, by his brother Hugh de 
Bolbec, by Wielard the parson of Styford, Hugh de Crawedon, 26 
Reginald de Kenebell 27 , Ralph de Gray, 28 and others. 

Normandy. Their arms were vert, a lion rampant arg. At Bywell St. Andrew's, 
the principal church in the Bolbec Barony, is an early sepulchral slab with a 
shield bearing a lion rampant. The parish of Bywell St. Andrew was all in the 
Bolbec. that of Bywell St. Peter, with which it is so strangely intermingled, all 
in the Baliol Barony. A Hugh de Bolbec founded the Cistercian Abbey of 
Woburn in A.D. 1145. 

24 Dugdale, Monasticon. ed. Caley, &c., VI., p. 886. Blanchland, in North- 
umberland (probably till then called Wulwardhope), derives its name from the 
Praemonstratensian priory of Blanche Lande, in Normandy, which was founded 
by Richard de Haye, Constable of Normandy, in 1155. Ibid. p. 1116. 

M " Universis, <fcc. Walterus de Bolebek salutem. Noverit, &c., me dedisse, &c. 
Deo et ecclesias !S. M arise de Blancalanda, et canonicis ibidem Deo servientibus, 
quicquid juris et patronatus ego et antecessores mei habuimus in ecclesia 
S. Andrese de Redone, cum suis pertinentiis, in puram et perpetuam elemosi- 
nam, &c., pro anima patris mei Walter!, et pro animabus aliorum antecessorum 
meorum. Hiis testibus, domina mea et matre Sibilla ; Hugone de Bolibek fratre 
meo ; Wielardo persona de Stiford ; Hugone de Crawedone, Heginaldo de Kenebel; 
Thurstan filio Ricardi ; Ranulfo de Grey ; Rogero de Cogners, Eustachio clerico, 
Gilberto de la Vale, &c." Dugdale, Monasticon, VI., p. 886. 

26 The Crawedons, who are supposed to have come from Crowdon, near Clap- 
ton, about 1 miles S.W. of Cambridge, held Houghton, Whitchester, and Walling- 
ton, under the Bolbecs. 

27 This Reginald de Kynebell held in 1168, as ' Keginald fil. Wimundi, the 
whole of Benwell of Walter de Bolbec, as half a knight's fee of new feoffment. 
(Liber Niger Scaccarii, Hodgson's Northd., III., iii., p. 302.) In one place in 
the Testa de Neville, Benwell (originally ' Bynnewalle,' Sym. Dun. Hist. 8. Cutkb., 
sec. 24), actually appears as Kenebell ' Rics de Kenebell, tenet medietatem de 
Kenebell ;' and though this is immediately followed by ' Robtus de Wycestr' et 
Henr' de la Val tenent aiteram medietatem de BenemelV (Hodgson's Northd., III., 
i., p. 205), there can be little doubt that Reginald, the son of Wimund, somehow 
took his surname from the fee he held. Together with ' Walter de bolebec' and 
others, ' Rainald de Kynebel' witnessed the charter granted (1157-1185) by 
William de Vescy to the burgesses of Alnwick (Tate's Alntvir.k, Vol. II., 
App., p. 1.): and we know that in the time of Walter de Bolbec, this 
Reginald held also certain lands in Heddon probably those afterwards 
rented by Robert de Whitchester since he granted a free passage 
and landing-place to the monks of Newminster for their 'ship' in his land 
of Edwinestre (?) and liberty of going and returning by the new road he 
conceded to them through his coppice to the great road that led towards 
Throckley. If through stress of flood or wind they could not row in the custom- 
ary place they were not to be molested. ' Riginaldus de Kynebell, salutem. 
Sciatis me pro sal. an. m. et domini mei Walter! de Bolbeke et omn. her. m. cone, 
et hac m. carta conf. Deo et B. M. et mo. de Novo Mon. liberum passagium et 
rivagium cum navi sua in terra mea de Edenstrem (?), et liberum ire et redire 
per novam viam quam concessi eis per boscum meum usque ad magnam viam 
quae vadit versus Trokeslau. Et si forte vi aquse vel venti non possunt loco 
solito applicare, non inde a me vel meis cambuntur. Hiis testibus, &c." New- 









Plate XXVI. 

rchaeologm Aeliana, Vol. XI. p. 246 


The canons of Blanchland, on obtaining this grant of Heddon 
Church, appear to have immediately commenced building the present 
chancel. It was usual for monastic foundations to rebuild or improve 
churches given them, and thus please villagers only too glad, probably, 
to escape from the deadening monotony of the parochial system, even 
at the cost of seeing their great tithes appropriated to a distant abbey. 
For some reason the great tithes of the township of West Heddon 
were reserved to the vicar of Heddon-on-the-Wall, who is consequently 
rector of West Heddon. 

If anything be left of the Church of St. Andrew before 1165 it is 
the quoin of rough stones (see Plate XXV.), the alternate ones placed 
about two feet on end, that is seen built for eighteen inches from the 
chancel into the east wall of the south aisle. This apparent piece of 
' long-and-short' work may be the east end of the south wall of a very 
early nave. 

The Norman chancel (see Plate XXVI.) is divided inside into two 
portions by a fine zigzag arch, peculiar in construction and still more 
peculiar in position. The double row of teeth forming this zigzag are 
not, as in most instances, arranged perpendicularly, but stick out 
horizontally as if in the wide-open mouth of some monster. A row of 
similar half-teeth are worked in below the roll-band, which, with the 
moulding above, completes the arch. Two zigzag lines incised in what 
carrying out the comparison forms the jaw beneath the lower set 
of fangs, considerably heighten the effect. 29 

From some cause that is not apparent 30 this arch has been so 

minster Cartul., Surtees Soc., 66, p. 52. The object of this ferry was to put the 
Cistercians of Newminster, near Morpeth, in direct communication across the 
Tyne with their possessions at Chopwell, on the Derwent. The course of the 
river must have much changed since that time. The Hedwin Streams are now a 
shallow rapid ; the present ferry is about half'-a-mile further down the river, and 
lies entirely in the parish of Ryton, the ferryman's house and the wooded field 
round it, called Ryton Island, being in the county of Durham, although on the 
north bank of the Tyne. The Editor of the Nemminster Cartulary, the Rev. J. T. 
Fowler, seems not to have been aware of the locality of ' Edenstrem.' 

The early mention of a Grey in Northumberland is interesting. The Greys 
appear to have obtained Wallington from the Crawdens by marriage, and from 
them it passed in the same way to the Wellingtons. Newminnter Cart., Surt. 
Soc., 66, p. 261. 

29 Other examples of zigzag arches treated in this horizontal fashion are to be 
seen at Norham and Jedburgh ; but the finest of all are perhaps those at St. 
Peter's, Northampton, and in the Great Hall of Rochester Castle. 

30 It has been suggested that this depression may have been caused by the 
superincumbent weight of the east wall of a central tower between this arch and 
the nave. The abandonment of this project, or the fall of the tower, would 
account for the slightly later date of the west portion of the chancel. 


depressed as to acquire a flat appearance in the centre ; indeed, a small 
keystone seems to have been inserted. The springers of the upper 
part of the arch are, especially on the south side (which has a nick 
cut in it to show a little more of the zigzag), entirely hidden by the 
walls of the western portion of the chancel, which are decidedly 
Norman, though possibly not of the same date as those of the vaulted 
compartment to the east of the arch. The flat springers of the arch 
stand on either side 4 inches further in than the springers of the 
double ribs that support this vault. On the north side, the flat 
springer of the arch is 6 inches high, that of the double rib 8 inches ; 
on the side the proportions are reversed, being 7 and 5| inches 
respectively. The walls of the chancel lean over considerably to the 
outside. 31 Outside, this zigzag arch is supported by two characteristic 
Norman buttresses, without set-offs, that finish with a rough slope to a 
string-course just below the parapet. At about 8 feet from the ground 
these buttresses are crossed by the semi -hexagonal string-course that 
runs round the walls and corner buttresses of the east portion of the 
chancel, but is not continued round the west portion. 

A string-course runs round also the interior of the east portion ; 
slabs are laid at its north-east and south-east angles to carry single 
pilasters set corner-wise on, from which the double ribs of the vault 
spring, intersecting each other, over to the eastern of the triple 
semi-columns, set on similar slabs, but in the line of the walls, the 
two western of which, on either side, support the zigzag arch. These 
pilasters have all flat-faced capitals, with escalloped or invected edges. 
The north cluster differs from the west in having what look like 
small stems between the escalloping (see Plate XXVII). The bases 
of the two single pilasters and of the two clusters are all different. 
The base-mouldings of the clusters are carried an inch or two further 
along the wall to the east and west. 

One of the original little round-headed Norman windows, a mere 
6-inch slit, 3 feet long, nobly splayed on the inside, is preserved in the 
north wall, near the altar. Outside, three holes have been punctured 
in the stone above it, perhaps for a grating. Probably there was a 

11 The enormous number of interments in this chancel may have caused the 
foundations to slide in. More than a thousand persons have probably been buried 
inside the church. 

Ar chae olo gisi Aeliana. , Vol . XI . to fcu p . 2 4 8 . 

Plate XX VII. 


similar window in the east wall. 32 The eastern angles of the chancel 
are overlapped by Norman buttresses like those already described. 

In the eastern portion of the chancel there is, in the south wall, a 
doorway with a plain tympanum that looks almost earlier than Nor- 
man ; and in the north wall, above the present vestry door, is a semi- 
circular doorhead in a single stone, which also bears a very archaic 
character. This doorhead seems now at a great height from the 
ground, but the bases of the chancel arch prove the chancel floor to 
have been originally about eight inches above the present level. In 
breaking the arch for the organ-chamber through the wall to the west 
of this doorhead, part of the splay of a Norman window was found 
beneath the plaster, covered with the red and black frescoing that 
appears to have been general throughout the church, and is especially 
to be noticed on the simple Norman font. 

It is very dry work minutely describing a building of considerable 
complexity that is not before the eyes of an audience. Those who 
take an interest in the architectural puzzles connected with Heddon 
Church may again visit it when summer comes round, and perhaps 
deign to put these notes in their wallet. My own theory thrown out 
without dogmatism is that the canons of Blanchland found the 
Church of St. Andrew at Heddon consisting simply of an ancient nave 
with, probably, an apse at the east end. Intending to build an entirely 
new church they began the vaulted compartment over the present altar to 
the east of the apse, in order to have this ready for the celebration of 
mass 33 before pulling down the old nave. The zigzag arch was to 
have been the chancel arch of their new church. But when this 
sanctuary was finished the canons changed their minds, from motives 

M u ji rs _ Jane Cowling, formerly of Richmond, widdow, was interred in the 
Quire under y e caster Little Window. Jan. y e 25th 17<)f ." (Heddon Register.) 
The easier Little Window probably means the original Norman east window, 
which seems to have been taken out at the ' restoration,' about 1840, when a 
plain three-light window with the Bewick e arms and the letters M. B. in coloured 
glass was inserted, to be removed in 1873. Mrs. Jane Cowling was the mother- 
in-law of the Rev. Miles Birkett, vicar 1693-1709. Her interment under, or just 
behind, the communion-table appears now revolting and irreverent ; but then it 
was quite in the ordinary course, for we read also that ' Mary, dau. to James 
Carmichael, vicar, was buried in the church nigh the south end of the communion- 
table, Sept. the 9th, 1712 ;' her sister, Eleanor, on 26th April, 1721, 'nigh the 
south wall just below the steps ; ' while their father and mother were both buried 
in the chance], ' within the rails.' 

33 In the autumn of 1884 I noticed at Linz, on the Danube, a good example, 
in the new cathedral building there, of this anxiety to finish the east end of a 
church first, especially for the services of the Latin ritual. 


of economy, and joined it on as best they could to the old nave, 
destroying the apse in the process. 34 

The history of the rest of the church is comparatively plain sailing. 
Probably before the close of the twelfth century the two eastern bays 
of the north aisle were thrown out. These are very noble examples 
of Transition work. The semi-column at the chancel corner, and the 
column west of it have elaborate Norman capitals ; the massive 
arches they support are pointed. At successive periods during the 
thirteenth century the two double-lancet windows in the south wall of 
the chancel (with curious faces that in the east one crowned 
between the tops of their lights) were inserted ; another bay, with a 
round column of much the same character but considerably higher than 
the Transition ones and a wide soaring arch, was added to the north 
aisle ; the present chancel arch (the semi-octagonal shafts of which 
rise from different levels, the north one having the more elaborate 
capital with nail-head mouldings, the south one the more elaborate 
base) was erected ; and the south aisle built. The pillars of the south 
aisle have octagonal capitals, the arches internal ribs ; the moulding 
over the arches does not come down to the capitals as it does over 
those of the north aisle. 

The roof over the nave, and the two aisles, came originally down in 
one long straight pitch that has left its mark on the east wall of the south 
aisle (see Plate XXV). This was very usual at that time, but the walls of 
the aisles must, in consequence, have been very low, and the windows in 
them wretchedly small. Probably there was a sort of gable for additional 
height above the principal door of the church which opened into the 
westernmost bay of the south aisle. The square capitals of the detached 
shafts on each side of this door that support a bold architrave with 
a hood moulding over it, are buried in the rough acute-arched vault- 
ing of the porch, an addition probably of the fourteenth century. The 
bases of these shafts are hidden by stone seats. The walls of the aisles 
were probably raised when the porch was built, and roofed to a pitch 

M Mr. C. C. Hodges, I am glad to say, concurs in this view. On the other 
hand, the Rev. J. R. Boyle, who, in company with Mr. W. H. Knowles (see Appen- 
dix A), has spared no pains in studying Heddon Church, refuses to recognize the 
quoins at the juncture of the chancel and south aisle as ' long-and-short ' work, 
but refers them to the same Transitional epoch as the semi-Norman bays of the 
north aisle. On the question of fact as to the character of the quoins, we are 
completely at variance ; and I submit that Mr. Boyle's theory fails to explain 
how it was that the zigzag arch did not become the chancel one. 



flatter than that of the nave, though not so flat as their present pitch, 
as may also be seen on the east wall of the south aisle. About 1840 
the gallery which had been erected at the west end of the church was 
taken down, and, as a substitute, the nave was lengthened and an extra 
bay added to each aisle, at the same time, probably, a clean sweep was 
made of all the old monuments, &c. An octagonal vestry was built out 
at the west end of the nave, in place of one under the gallery which 
was pulled down. This eccentric vestry was, in its turn, demolished 
about 1870, and one in no better taste added on the north of the 
chancel, destroying its external features. In 1873, the church was 
conscientiously repaired, and an organ chamber inserted between the 
new vestry and the north aisle. 

The first vicar of Heddon whose surname we know is John de 
Darlington, who exchanged the living for that of Kirkharle in 1350. 

The following list 35 gives, as far as has been ascertained, the dates 
when his successors were appointed, and whether they resigned or died : 

1350. John de Kirkeby. 1626. Thomas Taylor. 

John de Shotton, r. 1628. Edward Say, r. 

1434. John Alnwick. 1628. William Wilson. 

William Baxter, r. 1642. Samuel Raine, d. 37 

1492. Richard Bronndon. 1662. Thomas Clarke, d. 

Christopher Cowper, d. 1669. Robert Dobson, d. 38 

1542. Edward Clemetson, d. 1673. Samuel Rayne, d. 39 

1547. Galfrid Glenton, d. 1693. Miles Birkett, d. 40 

1577. James Beake, r. 1709. James Carmichael, d. 4 ' 

. 1577. Nicholas Bonnington, r. 1743. Andrew Armstrong, d. 

1579. Henry Wilson, d. 36 1796. Thomas Allason, d. 

1580. Francis Coniers. 1830. John Alexander Blackett, r. 4S 
1584. James Hobson, d. 1848. John Jackson, d. 

1613. Henry Bureil, d. 1850. Michael Heron Maxwell, d. 

1622. Jeremiah Hollyday, d. 1873, Charles Bowlker. 

35 Hed. Reg. This list, said to be taken from the books at Durham, is by no 
means accurate. 

36 This Henry Wilson, according to Hodgson (Northd., II., ii., p. 91, n.), 
became vicar of Longhorsley in 1587, and did not die till 1610. 

37 Samuel Raine appears to have been ejected under the Commonwealth, and 
Heddon Parish practically joined to Newburn, the cure of both being supplied 
by Mr. Thomas Dockery. Eccles. Inquests, A.D. 1650; Hodg. Northd., III., iii., 
Iviii. Dockery appears to have remained vicar of Heddon as late as 17th June, 
1662, when he officiated at a marriage. In that month Clarke first appears as 
vicar in the Registers ; he died 4th Jan., 1669, Hed. Reg. 

i8 Dobson died 27th Feb., 1671. Hed. Reg. 

39 Rayne was buried in the chancel, 16th March, 1691. Hed. Reg. 

40 Birkett came to Heddon, 7th August, 1691, and dying 24th May, 1709, was 
buried in the church on the 29th. Hed. Reg. Mr. Miles Birkett, minister of 
Horton, and Mrs. Jane Cowling of Bedlington, were married at Bedlington, Sept. 
21, 1688. Hodgson's Northd., II., ii., p. 543. 

41 Carmichael came from Ponteland 26th July, 1709 ; he died 10th June, 1743. 
Hed. Reg. 

42 Collated to the Rectory of Wolsingham, co. Durham ; assumed the surname of 
Ord, in addition to Blackett, on his wife succeeding to the Whitfield estate in 1855. 



In the"Verus Yalor " taken in A.D., 1288, in consequence of 
Pope Nicholas IV. having granted the tenths of all benefices to 
Edward I. for six years, the trne annual value of Heddon rectory is 
returned at 25 Os. 8d, that of the vicarage at 6 5s. 8d. In the 
"Nova Taxatio " of A.D. 1318, Heddon does not figure, doubtless 
owing to its having been laid waste by the Scots. Another ecclesiastical 
assessment, the "Nonarum Inquisitio" made in A.D., 1340, states 
that the tithes (valued at the same sum as in the " Verus Valor") were 
that year assigned to the maintenance of John de Banestre and his 
companions in the garrison of Berwick. By A.D. 1535 the value of 
the vicarage had fallen to 4 8s. Od. 

At the end of the thirteenth century the Bolbec Barony, on the 
failure of the male line, passed to two co-heiresses, Margery, wife to 
Ralph Fitzwilliam of Greystoke, and Philippa, wife to Roger de 
Lancaster. In the partition that took place between their representa- 
tives, William de Greystoke and Robert de Herle, in A.D. 1335, the 
manor of Heddon fell to the former, and so descended, like the Barony 
of Morpeth, through the Dacres to the Howards, Earls of Carlisle. 43 

By analysing the entry relating to the Bolbec Barony in the 
Liber Niger** we find that in 1168, Whitchester and Houghtou were, 
together with Wallington, held by Hugh de Oraudene as one knight's 
fee ; and "West Heddon by ' Gospatricius ' as ^ knight's fee. Some 
time before then Hugh de Bolbec had given ' Hedwine ' (East Heddon), 
and Angerton with Matfen, Fenwick, etc., etc., to William de Lisle, 
to whom, and his heirs, Walter de Bolbec confirmed them ; 45 but 
though, on William de Lisle's death, his nephew Robert de Lisle suc- 
ceeded to the other lands in this grant, he appears to have lost both 
Hedwine and Angerton, in spite of the sums he paid (1187-1197), to 
have legal recognition of his rights. 46 

The " Testa de Nevill " gives us the names of the sub-tenants of 
the Bolbecs in Heddon parish about A.D. 1240: 

Wydo de Araynis held East Heddon as knight's fee; Sibilla de 

13 The manor of West Heddon, however, appears to have fallen to Herle, and 
(with the Bolbec portion of Bywell) to have been conveyed through the families 
of Hastings, Neville, and Fenwick, to Mr. W. B. Beaumont. 

M Hodgson's Northd., III., iii., p. 302. 

' Walt, de Bolebec sal. me redidisse Willo de Insula homini meo et 
heredibus ad tenend. de me terras illas quas pater meas p. servitio donavit ei 
etc." Hodgson's Northd., II., L, p. 167n. 

46 Maqnus Rotulus Pipce. Hodgson's Northd., III., iii., pp. 43, 45, 48, 50, 
55, 57. 60. 


Crauden, Whitchester and Houghton; Eustace Delaval, Each wick, 
as knight's fee; and Robert de Hydewin del West, West Heddon, 
as ^ knight's fee; while Roger de Wycester paid lid. a year for forty 
acres of land in Heddon-on-the-Wall, and Robert de Wycester 15d. 
for the same number there. 

It is remarkable that the family which took its name from Whit- 
chester, and afterwards, inter-marrying with the Delavals, became of 
considerable importance in the county, had already ceased to hold it. 
From the Craudens Whitchester and Houghton passed, probably by 
marriage, to the Turpins. 47 In A.D. 1290, Richard Turpin of 
Houghton had a great lawsuit with the Prior of Tynernouth, to 
which monastery Wylam belonged, in order to settle the boundary 
between them. The chief point in dispute was whether Turpin or 
the Prior had most right to one half of 10 acres of moor, 20 
acres of ploughed land, and 60 acres of wood in Houghton. The 
description 48 of the boundary of these is most interesting, from 
mentioning many ancient local names and several old roads that may 
have been Roman. It ran north from the " Thwertonerdyk " (as the 
Roman Wall was then called) to the stream running between the 
" Strother " of Houghton and that of Rudchester, 49 then west along 
this stream to the " Redeford," then down it south to the " Holleford," 
and sos down further to " Rysdenburne " 50 and on to the ploughed land 
of Wylam. It then kept to the ditch of this land to the " lonning " 
that led out of Wylam Wood, when it again turned south, following 
the " Sygpeth-way " 51 between Houghton Wood and Wylam Wood as 

47 Yet the Whitchesters seem to have been back again at Whitchester in 1251, 
when ' Roger Wytcestr ' had a grant of free warren in Whitchester, ' Hencton ' 
(Houghton ? ). and Benwell. Cal. Hot. Chart. 35. Hen. iii. secunda pars, mem. 3. 
(See Hodgson's Northd., III., ii., p. 390). 'Torphinus' was an old name in the 
North: we meet with it in 1219. Hodgson's Northd., III., i., p. 230. The 
famous or infamous Dick Turpin had no connection with these parts, being the 

son of a farmer at Thackstead, in Essex. He settled at Beverley as a horse- 
stealer, and was hung at York, 1 7th April, 1 739. The ride ascribed to him by 
Ainsworth was really performed by Nevison ('Swift Nick') about 1676. 
Record* of York Castle, Twyford & Griffiths, p. 251. 

48 Placita de Banco, Paschas, anno 18 Edw. I., rot. 76. See Hodgson's Northd., 
II., iii., p. 282n. 

49 ' Houghton Strother' seems to have been to the north of the Wall, and a 
continuation of the Hassock Bog. 

5U ' Holleford ' probably has some connection with Holleyn Hall. ' Rysden- 
burne ' (' Ryfdenburne ' ?) is now the Rift Dean Burn. 

41 The ' Sygpeth-way,' judging from the indications of its direction here given, 
led from the Street House George Stephenson's birthplace to the Roman 
station at Rudchester. 

254 ttEDDOtf-ON-THE-WALL. 

far as "Wylara Haugh. Here it took an easterly direction along the 
ditch between Wylam Haugh and Houghton "Wood to the west end of 
" Albery Strother," 52 skirting this it made south to the west side of 
the Pools, then west along a certain ditch to a rivulet that ran 
to the water of Tyne. The right of grazing in common on Houghton 
Moor was to be reserved to the prior as far as the " Thwertonerdyk " 
on the west side, then past the west side of the " Brounehille" 53 and 
" Hyndeshawe " down south by the " Greneleghe " 54 to the " Sygpeth- 
waye, " as the prior had held it by a boundary which began at the 
north of "Wylam Moor; then went down to the south along the 
" Thwertonerdyk " to the " Thornrawe," and from the " Thornrawe " 
south to Martin's Pool 55 and so to the " Alde-heway." 56 Continuing 
south down "Alde-heway" to beyond the " Ravenesbourne " 57 it 
returned to follow this, with some trifling deviations, south to the 
" Standande-stan " 58 and kept on in the same direction across the 
" Fyscher-way " 59 to the water of Tyne. The jury consisted of twelve 
knights ; Richard Turpin won the day. 

This Richard Turpin presented Ralph de Thuysill, as perpetual 
chaplain, to the chantry of the Close in Heddon parish. 60 Ralph de 
Thuysill died on Saturday, the feast of the Translation of the blessed 
Thomas the Martyr (7th July), A.D. 1312 ; and by some means a 
certain John Abel contrived to be admitted by the Bishop of Durham 
(Richard de Kellawe) to the chaplaincy, disregarding the fact that 
Richard Turpms son and heir, ' John called (dictus) Turpyn, lord of 
the town of Qwychestr',' had presented Laurence de Hunnyngburn (or 

48 ' Albery ' appears to have been the name of an old English settlement near 
Close House, which, owing to the corruption of ' Albery ' into ' Abbey,' was after- 
wards incorrectly called ' Abbey-le-Close.' 

ss ' Bromehille' (?), now Broomy Hill, covered with wood, between Houghton 
and Close House. 

M Now Close Lee. 

M One of the ponds either to the north or the south of Houghton. 

16 The ' Old Highway ; ' a road leading direct from Houghton to Wylam. 

47 Now 'Raven's Dean,' along the lower part of the Close House avenue. The 
upper part of the burn seems to have been put into field-drains. 

48 The two ' Standing Stones ' in the grass field north of the Newburn and 
Wylam Railway, near Stannerford; the tops of them are now only just visible. 
Their excavation might lead to some discoveries. 

49 The ' Fisher Way.' The road down the Tyne valley here was so called. 
From Newburn the ' Fish Path ' strikes across the fields through West and East 
Denton Denes towards Elswick Lane. 

80 Keglstnim Palatinum Dunelmense (Rolls Series), I., p. 423, referred to in 
Welford's Newcastle and Gate&eaA in the, 14t?< and 15th Centuries, p. 30. 


Homborn). Turpyn remonstrated ; and on the 9th of June, 1313, 
the Bishop wrote from Auckland to the Archdeacon of Northum- 
berland at Newcastle, bidding him inquire, 'in proximo plena loci 
capitulo, ' of the neighbouring rectors and vicars as to the value of 
the chantry and the true patron. The Archdeacon and ruridecanal 
chapter (among whom were Thomas, vicar of Newburn, and Thomas, 
vicar of Heddon-on-the-Wall) met on the 12th of June, and reported 
in favour of John Turpyn and Laurence de Hunnyngburn, the latter 
of whom had, they stated, led a praiseworthy life (laudabiliter conver- 
satus} in the archdeaconry for upwards of fifteen years ; the chantry 
was worth 60 pence annually. John Abel did not appear at this 
inquiry, and thus rendered himself liable to the pains of contumacy. 
The Bishop, however, wished to treat him leniently ; and on Aug. the 
6th wrote from Stockton again to the Archdeacon, to cite Abel to 
appear in the Galilee at Durham, on the Thursday next before the 
Assumption of the Virgin (15th August), 61 and on the following day, 
foreseeing that he would be unable to preside at the court in person, 
issued a commission to determine the whole matter. 62 

The Turpins appear not to have remained content with securing 
the patronage, but to have taken actual possession of the chantry 
property. At any rate, on the 2nd December, 1415, Henry V. at 
Westminster directed a writ to the Escheator of Northumberland, to 
inquire into the possessions of the chantry called ' le Cloos,' some of 
which were suspected to have been abstracted and alienated ; and 
from the report of the inquiry, held at the Castle of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, on the first Thursday in January, 1416, before Eobert Lisle, the 
Escheator, and a jury of twelve, we learn that there belonged to the 
chantry a messuage, a chapel, fifty acres of tillage, and ten acres of 
meadow, all surrounded by a ditch, but that these had all been in the 
possession of Nicholas Turpyn, for his own use and profit, ever since 
the 16th of April, 1391, but by what right they, the jury, could not 
say. After this wholesale appropriation on Turpyn's part, the jury 
were naturally able to add that no one else had taken anything from 
the chantry in question. 63 

In a curious French document, dated London, 2nd March, 1377, 

61 Reg. Pal. Dun., I., p. 409. 

62 Ibid. I., p. 410. 

63 Cal. Inq. ad quod damnum. p. 369. 2 Hen. V.. No. 10. See Appendix B. 


Joan, widow of "William de Graystok, the Good Baron of Morpeth (and 
of Anthony, the last Lord Lucy of Cockermouth and Langley, who died 
in the Holy Land in 1368), gives the custody of Nicholas, son and 
heir of Thomas Turpin of Whitchester, during his minority, to John 
de Belasise. 64 

At the Inquisition taken in 1412, to prove the age of "William de 
Carnaby of Halton, Nicholas Turpyn gave evidence that he was in the 
church at Carnaby's baptism in 1391, and, in corroboration, mentioned 
that in going home he met divers huntsmen chasing a fox out of his 
wood. By a singular coincidence, another witness was John Bellasis, 
probably the same as Turpyn's guardian, who, while hunting a hare 
in the company of his friends, John Strother and Thomas Hasil- 
rigg, met the women carrying the young Carnaby to church. 66 

At some time between A.D. 1415 and A.D. 1424, 66 Houghton appears 
to have passed by marriage to the family of Reade, while a younger 
branch of the Turpins continued at Whitchester. 67 A sort of Old 

M " As toutz ceux qui cestz lettres verount ou orrount, Johanne de Graystok, 
dame de Morpath, salutz en Dieu. Sachetz nous avoire graunte a Johan de 
Belasise del counte de Northumbre, la garde de corps et des terres ensemblement 
od la mariage Nicholays fitz et heire Thomas Torpen de Whechestre esteant en 
nostre garde per la mort de dit Thomas, et a cause de nounage le dit heire. Et 
pour ceo que le dit Thomas les dits terres de nous tient per service de chivaler. 
A avoire et teigner au dit Johan, ses executours et assignez a le ditz garde et 
mariage tanque au pleine age le dit heire ensemblement od toutz autres comoditez 
et profitz que purrount sourder et avener en le mesne temps par cause de garde 
durant la nounage de dit heire et nous 1'avandite Johanne dame de Morpath la 
dite garde de corps et des terres od la mariage de dit heire ensemblement od les 
profitz avantditz au dit Johan de Belasise garaunteroms et defendroms contre toutz 
gentz par y cestz noes lettres. Done a Loundr' desoutz nostre sealle le secunde 
jour de Marce, 1'ane nostre seigneur le Roy Edwarde tierce puise le Conquest 
synkauntisme." Ancient Roll printed in Surtees Soc., 66, p. 296. 

w Forster's History of Cartridge, p. 193. 

86 Nicholas Turpyn of Whitchester, 'gentilman,' and Thomas de Reede of the 
Close, ' gentylman,' gave a bond for 50 marks to Robert Elmet (see post, p. 265), 
to be paid at the feast of St. Peter, ' Ad Vincula,' next ensuing, on 8th June, 1424 
(A'emmi-nster Cartulary, Surtees Soc., 66, p. 261) ; and Nicholas Turpin and 
Thomas Reide were on the jury that inquired into the right of presentation to 
Elsdon Rectory in RedesAs.\Q, 31st August, 1429. Hodg. Northd., III., ii., p. 44. 

7 Nicholas Turpyn of Whitchester, ' armiger,' and William Howden of Bed- 
lington, mason, granted a quitclaim of all their lands and tenements in ' Hughe ' 
(near Btamfordham) to Robert Elmet, 20th July, 1425 (New. Cart., p. 261). 
Martyn Turpyn heads the Muster Roll for Whitchester in 1538 (see post, p. 259), 

and in the Liber Feodarii, 1568, is the entry : ' Turpin Tho Whitchester 

cu. cert, terris in Cholerton et Howghton' (Hodg. Northd., III., iii., Pref. Ixv.). 
'Martin Turpen, Esq r -, counstable, of Morpeth,' in 1550 (Hodg. Northd., 
[II., ii., p. 246), was an Enclosure Commissioner in 1552 (Leges Marchiarum, p. 
331). About the same time Matthew Turpen was a Gentleman Searcher of the 
Fords within Langley Barony (Ibid, p. 297). The family then disappear, leaving 
their name in Turpin'sHill (Hall ?), a farm-house at Whitchester. 


Mortality interest attaches itself to an ancient family that has long 
been forgotten in the parish where it lived for seven generations ; I 
therefore give the 


ARMS. Or, on a chevron between three garbs gu., as many ears of wheat (?) stalked 

and leaved arg. 

Thomas Reade of the Close, ^= Joane, dau. and hr. of Nicholas Turpin. 

i ^ 

George Reade of the Close, =^ . . . dau. of ... Horsley. 

Gerrard Reade of the Close, =p . . . dau. of ... Fenwick of Little Herle. 
Clement Reade of the Close, == Margaret, dau. of Nicholas Turpin. 
Richard Reade of the Close, =p Anne, dau. of John Orde of Orde. 

Clement Reade of the Close, = Anne. dau. of Sir Gilbert Errington of 
1615, Errington. 

1. Gerrard Reade of . . . =p Anne, daughter of 
born 1587. Thomas Metham 

of Goenake (sic), 
in com. York. 

Dorothy, ux. Mabell, ux. 2. Henry. 4. Richard. Elizabeth, ux. Anne, ux. 

John Reade Richard Car- 3. Francis. Mary. Arthur Leigh. Nicholas Bran- 
of Heddon. rock. Margarett. 5. Clement. tingham. 


A family of five sons and seven daughters appears to have so 
encumbered their estates that, in 1620, the Reades sold "the manor, 
chantry, and chapel of Abbe-le-Close, and the whole hamlet of 
Houghton " 68 to Robert Bewicke of Newcastle. They do not seem, how- 
ever to have forgotten their old inheritance, for " Mr. Clement Read, 
gentleman in Yorkshire, left by his last will and testament, at his 
departure in the year 1668 the sum of five pounds to ye church- 
wardens of ye town and parish of Heddon-upon-the-Wall in stock, and 
six shillings yearly thereof interest to be distributed unto ye poor of ye 
town of Heddon the last day of December for ever." 69 

Robert Bewicke of Close House was Mayor of Newcastle in 1628 and 
1629. He was the elder son of Andrew Bewicke, Mayor in 1538, who was 

68 Burke's Landed Gentry, 6th ed., I., p. 124. 

69 Heddon Register. The disappearance of all the funds left for the poor at 
Heddon gave rise to a great scandal. See Mackenzie's Hist, of Northd., Vol. II., 
p. 374. 


the third son of Peter Bewick, Sheriff in 1477 and Mayor in 1490. 70 
His direct descendant, Calverley Bewicke, Esq., of Close House, High 
Sheriff of Northumberland in 1782, and elected M.P. for Winchelsea 
in 1806 and 1812, at his death, without issue, in 1815, left the 
reversion of his estates to his nephew, Calverley Bewicke Anderson, 
Esq., who thereupon assumed the surname of Bewicke, and Close 
House is now the property of his grandson. 71 

At the dissolution of the chantries by parliament (1 Ed. VI. cap., 
14.), in 1547, the lands belonging to that of Close House are said to have 
been granted by the King to the Radcliffes, and subsequently purchased 
from them by the Reades. 72 

The chapel, however, continued to be used for occasional services. 
In the parish books is the following entry by vicar Birkett : " At Close 
House Chappel, Jan. y e 2nd, 170f. Communicants Thomas Bewick, 
Sen' , Esq., his lady and Daughter, Mr. Carr, Mrs. Mary Mitford, John 
Pattison, and Myself. Collected of y e communicants 8s. Od. Preached 
from St Luke 2, 21 : 'His name was called Jesus.'" On July the 
7th, 1712, Matthew, son to Michael and Grace Gray of Gray's House, 
was baptized in Close House Chapel; and on "June the 24th, 1718, 
Mr. John Cowling, Curate of St. Nicholas', in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
and Mrs. Margaret Ward of the parish of St. John's in Newcastle 
aforesaid, widow, were Married with License in the Chappel of Close- 
House by Mr. Joseph Carr, Curate of St. John's." At the erection 
of the present mansion in 1779, the chapel, which stood on the site of 
the large bow-window, was pulled down. 

70 The Bewicke family acquired the estate of Urpeth, co. Durham, in 1640 : 
for their full pedigree see Surtees's Durham, II., p. 193. William Bewick, of 
Newcastle, merchant, by his will dated 16th Nov., 1550, gives directions for being 
buried in St. Nicholas's, 'before Saynte Katheren altar; ' and there, until recently, 
was the family burial-place. 

71 Burke's Landed Gentry, 6th ed., I., p. 124. The arms of Bewicke are, 
Arg., five lozenges in fesx gu., between three bears' heads erased sa. Each lozenge 
is usually charged with a mullet arg.; but these mullets being the difference of a 
third son, might now be omitted. Peter Bewick, as a second son, differenced the 
coat when Sheriff, in 1477, with a crescent gu, and when Mayor in 1490 with a 
crescent az. The bears' heads, originally plain, were borne lang'ited gu., by 
Andrew Bewicke as Sheriff, 1528, and have been subsequently muzzled or. The 
lozenges may be an adaptation of the fusils of Percy or Montagu, and the bears' 
heads point to Berwick. The crest, the head of a bugle (or wild ox), erased at the 
neck arg., armed, maned,and gorged with a mural crown, gu. (Burke's Landed 
Gentry, 1st ed., I., p. 93), is now blazoned as a goafs head, &c. &c. 

T2 Mackenzie's Hist, of Northd., Vol. II., p. 377, but this is probably fiction, as 
Close House Chapel was certainly not founded by the Ratcliffs of Cartington 
Castle, as stated by Mackenzie, and no mention of it occurs among the Certificates 
of Charities existing at the Reformation, preserved at the Public Record Office. 


Whitchester township made a good show at the view of Musters 73 
taken by Sir Eeginald Carnaby, Sir John Fenwick, and John Swin- 
bourne, Esq., 19th April 1538; there appeared from it 

" Martyn Turpyn. James Bell. 

John Dixson. Thomas Bell. 

Wyllm Bell. John Bell. 

Thomas Armstrong. Rychard Symson. 

John Croser. Able with horse and harnes." 

James Can* of Whitchester, gent., appears in the list of county 
freeholders in 1628. In 1663, the whole township valued at 100 
a year belonged to Sir Thomas Widdrington, of Cheeseburn Grange. 74 
Only the northern part of the township, the farm of Loudside, now 
belongs to the Cheeseburn estate. Whitchester proper has come 
through the Thompsons 75 to the family of Johnson ; while the part 
south of the Military Road, known as High Seat, was purchased from 
a family called Mills in the county of Durham, by Mr. Dobson, of 
Harlow, at the beginning of the century. 76 

Eachwick would seem to have been, after the English conquest, 
the " wig " or fortified abode of a noble bearing a name like Acca. 
Half the manor of Eachwick was given to the prior and convent of 
Hexham, about A.D. 1140, by Eobert, son of Hubert de la Vale and 
his mother Richolda ; and Richolda confirmed to them her rights in 

73 Arch, jfll., IV. (O.S.), pp. 173-4. A plantation in the north-west part of Whit- 
chester township is known by the name of Scythesand Wood. Nothing is more 
treacherous than the superficial etymology of place-names ; but Alf wold, King 
of Northumberland, was murdered by a conspiracy headed by the ealdorman 
Sicgan, on 17th September, 788, at a place called Scythlescester near the Wall 
(in loco qui dicitur Scythlescester juxta mnmtrn), Sym. Dun. Hist. Itegvm, 
sec. 54., and there seems no reasons for concluding this to have been CILURNUM. 
A church, dedicated to SS. Cuthbert and Oswald, was built on the spot, which is 
an argument against suggesting it to have been Whitchester. Whitchester, 
however, was once a much more important place than we now imagine. I do 
not know why a well at the south end of the township is called Finer's Well ; 
there seems to have been no family of that name in the district. An enthusiasist 
on the subject of holy wells would, I suppose, remind us of the saintly Finan, 
Bishop of Lindisfarne. (See ante, p. 244.) 

74 Hodgson's Northd., III., i., p. 290. 

75 Mackenzie's Hist, of Northd., Vol. II., p. 377. 

76 The Dobsons (said to have come from Patterdale, in Westmoreland) served 
in Cromwell's army, and participated in the plunder of Dundee. One of them 
married Jane, dau. of John Ridley of Hardriding. Mr. Dryden, the present 
owner of the High Seat, has in his possession an unredeemed bond showing that 
' John Dobson of Harley-upon-the-Hill, yeoman,' lent 50 to Ralph Widdrington 
of Cheeseburn Grange, and William Widdrington, his son, on 16th May, 1699, 
to be repaid on the 14th Dec. following. The indebtedness of Jacobite families 
made them often callous of losing their nominal estates in the Stuart cause. 



the other moiety. The Delavals held the adjoining manor of Dissing- 
ton in capite. The tenants of the demesne lands of the prior at 
Eachwick had the right of grinding their corn free at the Dissington 
mill, the next turn after the lord's ; eight of the prior's cottagers there 
might choose what mill they liked; but his seven bondagers were obliged 
to take their corn to Dissington, and pay multure, and as an acknowledg- 
ment for the profits thus conceded, the lord of Dissington was bound to 
always rise at the approach of the prior of Hexham and offer him 
his seat, unless he was prevented ' by the condescension of the superior,' 
while his lady was every year to offer, on St. Andrew's Day, two cor- 
porax cloths at the high altar of Hexham. 77 

During the reign of Henry III., Peter de Faudon gave 7 acres at 
Eachwick to Hexham Priory. It received also 10 acres there from 
Thomas de Echewyk. All these grants were, in consequence of the 
originals having been burnt by the Scots, made the subject of an 
inquisition taken at Newcastle, the Friday before Holy Cross Day, A.D. 
1295, by a jury, on which Richard Turpyn and William de Echewyk 
served, and confirmed by Edward I. in the charter of Inspeximus 
given there under the Great Seal, 23rd November 1297. 78 

Edward II. granted a license at Pontefract, 12th February, 1823, for 
the Prior and Convent to further receive, as part of twenty librates to 
be excepted from the action of the statute of mortmain, one messuage 
and 18 acres of land at Eachwick from William de Belyncham. 79 

Their next acquisition of rights in this neighbourhood was the 
result of rather complicated transactions. John de Faudon, lord of 
that manor, gave, it appears, all his lands in Eachwick, Whitchester, 
Harlow, and Dalton, to William de Hoghton, and his lawful issue, at 
a rent of 25s. 8d. in perpetuity, but in default these lands to revert to 
himself and his own heirs. This rent-charge he afterwards made over to 
the Prior and Convent of Hexham. His reversionary interest he 
gave to Gilbert de Minstre-acres, chaplain, and Thomas de Raneton ; 
and this they transferred also to the Prior and Convent. William de 

77 Raine's Mem. of Hexham, vol. ii. (Surt. Soc., 46), pp. 43-5. It is 'strange 
that an historian generally so trustworthy should have entirely missed the point 
of these passages, and represented these singular customs as intended ' to free 
the prior's tenants at Eachwick from any charge for multure.' Ibid. Preface, 
pp. xxiii.-iv. 

78 Raine's Hexham. ii., pp. 108, 114. 

79 Ibid, ii., p. 132, 



Hoghton did die without issue, 80 and Gilbert 'leMilnestonacres' obtained 
a special license from Edward III. at Eeading, 20th June, 1347, to 
assign the lands in question, consisting of 9 messuages, '161 acres of 
arable, and 5 acres of meadow, to the Prior and Convent. 81 They 
accordingly took possession of 5 husband-lands of 24 acres each, with 
cottages at Eachwick, but they failed to enter on the lands at 
Harlow, in Prudhoe Barony, for want of a license from the Earl of 
Angus, who was John de Faudon's immediate over-lord there. 82 This 
license, strange to say, they never applied for, though the Black Book, 
completed in A.D. 1479, still has a careful memorandum that the 
scattered lands of John de Faudon might always be recognised by the 
fact of their being the southernmost of the long strips into which 
the arable fields of the peasantry were then divided. 

The Black Book of Hexham gives 83 a list of the possessions of the 
House at Eachwick which is worth translation on account of the curious 
local names borne by them in the fifteenth century. 

The Prior and Convent, then, held there one capital messuage the hall, or 
manor house with four gardens and two tofts ; also, a ploughed croft of half- 
an-acre on the north side of the " Hellilaw-thornes," another containing a rood 
of meadow to the north near the manor-house, and a third of half-an-acre to the 
west on the 'Hogh-lawe.' They held also 88 acres of demesne land (in tillage) 
there, viz. : 

Acres. Roods. 

On the " Park-flatt" 

On the " Strothre flatt" ... 

In the " Hope" ... 

At " Chereyarde-syd" 84 and " Dalton-hogh" 

On " Swarden-syde" 85 

On"Goseacre" ... 

On " Medeburne-syde" 86 ... 

At the " Honnle-therne" 

On the " Brome-landes" ... 

On the u Schot-well" 

On the " Ra-syd" 

In " Calf-strothre" 

At the " Lonyngton-heved" 

The " Hare-law" 

80 Ibid, ii., p. 46. In the Originalia, 3 Ed. iii. Ro. 12. Nicholas de Hoghton 
pays (A.D. 1330) 50s. for having a license to give a lay fee in Heddon-on-the-Wall 
and Whitchester, to be held in mortmain. Hodgson's JVortkd., III., ii., 305. 
The fee in question consisted of 90 acres in Whitchester and Heddon-on-the-Wall, 
and an annual rent of 20s. Nicholas de Hoghton gave these to the Abbey 
of Blanchland. Ibid. III., i., p. 68. See Appendix C. 

81 Ibid, ii., p. 141. 62 Ibid. p. 46. ** Ibid. p. 44. 

84 'Cherry-yard-side' (?), a very tempting name ! In the MS. of the Black 
Book, Cheeseburn, between Eachwick and Stamfordham, is called ' Chereburghe ' 
(Raine's Hexham, ii., p. 52). Cf. Cherryburn the birthplace of Bewick. 

85 There is still a Swardenburn in Eachwick. 

86 The Med Burn runs through Eachwick and South Dissington to the Pont. 





















On " Hobbis-flatt," the east side ... ... ... 4 2 

On either side of the " Gladin-croke" ... ... 4 2 

Near the " Out-ganges" ... ... ... ... 6 

On either side of the " Gladin-croke" 87 ... ... 4 2 

On the " Hegh-lawes," the south side ... ... 1 

To the north of John de Naffirton's garden in two 

places ... ... ... ... ... 3 

On the " Stane-flatt" ... ... ... ... 3 1$ 

To the north of the " Brad-medowe" ... ... 1 

On the " Lame-rodes," in the middle ... ... 1 

On the South-kelawes," 88 in the middle ... ... 4 2 

To the south, on the " Hegh-lawes." in the Lang-landes ,3 
On the " Treuen-brige" ... ... ... ... '0 2 

On " Elly-bank" ... ... ... ... 1 

At the east end on the " North-hope" ... ... 1 

To the west side on the " Hare-lawe" ... ... 1 2 

At the west end, on the " Ra-syd"... ... ... 3 

Of meadow, they held half-an-acre in " Calf-strothre," and three roods in the 

" Lym-kylne-medow." 

The whole of these demesne lands were divided into four husband-lands. 
Seven acres of demesne meadow were kept in hand, and let out annually to 

the several tenants at the lord's will. For this grass 10s. a year was formerly 

paid, but now only 9s. 

The Prior and Convent had also a fee farm rent of 8d. ; 18 acres called 

" Fre-Mayden's-Land," or " Bellingeham's-Land" ; seven lots of 24 acres each 

held by Bondagers ; 8 cottages, with small holdings attached to them ; and John 

de Faudon's 5 husband-lands of 24 acres each. 

In all, there had been formerly twenty-two holdings which at the 
end of the fifteenth century had come to be in the hands of eight 
persons. The Scottish raids and the .Wars of the Koses may 
account for this and the number of ruined tofts and waste lands. 
As a picture of the state of village society in Northumberland at 
the time, the names of these persons, the nature and extent of their 
holdings, and the rents paid, shall be here given : 

A demesne husband land, including 
the toft called the capital mes- 
suage, with a garden and two crofts 


One-third of three demesne husband- 
lands, let for 17s., and containing 
57 acres 

A Freehold Farm, with cottage held by 

A "bondagium," with a waste toft 

A cottage with a croft 

Two cottages with a waste croft 

Brewery ... 

30 acres ; rent, 16s. 

19 acres ; rent, 5s. 8d. 



Os. 8d. 
6s. Od. 
Is. Od. 
3s. Od. 
Is. Od. 

60 acres ; rent, 17s. 4d. 

17 This land seems to be twice entered. 

88 Kyloe is still the name of a farm in Eachwick. 




One-third of the three demesne hus- 

A "bondagium," with a toft 
A cottage... 


One-third of the three demesne hus- 


Fre-Mayden's, or Bellingham's-Land, 

with a toft 
The " Brewing-land," a cottage and 

waste toft 

JOHN DE SYBE, " nativus domini" 
A waste " bondagium," with a toft 
A " bondagium," with a croft built 
Two cottages, one being built 
A husband-land 
A husband-land . 

A " bondagium," with a toft 


A " bondagium," with a waste toft 
A husbandland, with a croft built 
A husbandland 
A cottage, with a croft 

A " bondagium," with a toft 


Two cottages, one being built 

19 acres ; rent, 5s. 8d. 

24 9s. 6d. 

1 ., Os. 6d. 

44 acres ; rent, 15s. 8d. 

19 acres ; rent, 5s. 8d. 

18 acres 
2 ,. 

; rent. 

6s. Od. 
2s. Od. 

20 acres 

24 acres 

; rent, 
; rent, 


8s. Od. 

8s. Od. 
10s. 6d. 
2s. Od. 
6s. Od. 
6s. Od. 

102 acres ; rent, 32s. 6d. 
24 acres ; rent, 6s. Od. 
24 acres ; rent, 6s. Od. 


5s. Od. 
5s. Od. 

72 acres; rent, 16s. 3d. 

24 acres ; rent, 8s. Od. 

6 acres ; rent, 3s. 6d. 

The largest farmer in the village appears from this to have been 
John de Syre, the ' nativus domini,' or serf. This is very remark- 
able if it be true that at that time, in the eye of the law, a ' nativus 
domini ' was ' really a slave, and belonged to his lord as much as the 
negro did to the planter.' 89 

The tenants of the Priory had pasture in common on the moor 
between Eachwick and Whitchester ; but they might not cut 
' brueras,' or turf, on this common, unless the tenants of the manor 
of "Whifcchester did so too. The total of the lands of the Priory, 
besides the common, appears to have been about 437 acres, the rents 
6 17s. lid. 

89 Raine's If ex ham, ii., Pref., p. xx. 



By the time of the Reformation, the names of all these tenants in 
Eachwick had disappeared. A survey * said to have been made at 
the dissolution of Hexham Priory A.D. 1536, contains the following 
particulars of the tenants there : 

a tenement with edifices, 
one close of medow in the Lawe West f eld 
arrable land 
in the West-more ... 

a tenement. 

one cloose in the Weste-f elde 
land arrable 

a tenement, 
a cloose in the feldes 
land arrable 

a tenement. 
a garth in the feldes 
land arrable 

a tenement. 

one croft in the West-f elde 
land arrable 

a tenement with edifices, 
medoo in the West-f elde 
land arrable 

acres ; rent, 16s. 4d. 


acres; rent, 13s. 4d. 



acres ; rent, 21s. 8d. 

acres ; rent, 21s. 6d. 

acres j rent, 12s. 6d. 

2 acres. 

6 acres ; rent, 8s." 

All these tenants had common of pasture. The total of this rent-roll 
comes to 93s. 4d. for 77f acres. 

The Abbey of Newminster was also possessed of lands in Each- 
wick under the following circumstances : 

On 3rd May, 1386, John Basset, son of William de Whalton and Isabel his 
wife, sister and heir of John Basset, of Cowpen, granted all his lands and tene- 
ments in ' Echewyke ' to John de Whitlawe. The execution of this deed was 
witnessed at Eachwick by Alexander de Cresswell, John de Midelton de Slikburn, 
Will, de Cratnlington, Robert de Bellingham de Hirste (?), William de Bpens, 

90 Raine's Hexham, pp. 164-5. 


and many others. 91 These same lands, 92 which appear to have formed part of 
the dowry of Marjory Lisle, wife of William de Mitford, ' gentilman,' of Mitf ord, 
and to have consisted mainly of four husbandlands and two cottages, were 
granted by his son John de Mitford to Robert Elmet by a deed dated Eachwick, 
26th June, 1426, in the presence of Sir William Heron, sheriff of Northumber- 
land, Sir John de Mydylton, escheator of the county, Robert de Musgrave, 
Nicholas Turpyn, Simon de Weltden, and others, with an accompanying proviso 
that if within the four following years, John de Mitford should pay ten pounds 
of good and lawful money of England to Robert Elmet or his heirs, &c., at the 
altar of the Blessed Virgin in the parish church of Stamfordham, this grant 
should be void, and John de Mitford re-enter into possession at the expiry of a 
year, during which Robert Elmet was to remain at the rent of 23s. 9 * The 10 
was no doubt the original purchase money, and the 23s. represented the interest 
yielded by that amount invested in land at that time. In order that no questions 
arising from settlements or entails might invalidate this grant, John and Marjory 
de Mitford gave a bond for 15 to Robert Elmet, 28th June, 1425, which, however, 
was to be of no effect as long as he continued undisturbed in his possession by 
them and their heirs 94 . On 8th May, 1489, Robert Elmet of ' Echewyk' granted 
there these lands to John Androwson, chaplain. William Jaye, and Alexander 
Watson of Morpeth, and constituted Robert Horsley, of Mylnburn, his attorney 
for giving them possession : on the 15th of May, at Morpeth, he confirmed the 
transfer of them by these trustees to Robert Charleton, abbot of Newminster, and 
his convent. 95 To be perfectly safe, the abbot got Bartrand de Mitford, of Mitford, 
to renounce any possible right he might have to them, by deed at Newminster, 
31st December, 1489." 6 

The half of the 'demeynes de Echewyk,' which had been in the occupation of 
John Mastilion deceased, was conveyed, at Eachwick, 10th April, 1466, by Robert 
Preston to William Thomson, merchant ; as was also a messuage there, inhabited 
then by William Elder, and formerly by his father Thomas Elder, to Thomson 
and Agnes his wife, 24th April, 1467. As security, Preston granted Thomson and 
his wife an annual rent-charge of four marks issuing from his lands at Hawk- 
well, and from a messuage at Eachwick, then inhabited by Robert Whyte, 20th 
February, 1472 ; this rent-charge, however, was to be suspended as long as they 
were left in peaceable possession of the mediety and messuage. Subsequently, 
by deed dated Eachwick, 4th December, 1475. Preston conveyed all his lands and 
tenements there to Thomson. In May, 1489, Thomson and his wife conveyed 
the same to John Androson, chaplain, William Harle, and William Jay, by deed 
at Newcastle, and constituted Christopher Rawe their attorney for giving posses- 
sion : on the 16th of the same month there, they assented to the transfer of these 
lands to the abbot and convent of Newminster. 97 

On the Muster Eoll of 1 538 only " Henry Blaklok, James Atchison, 
and Eauf Wallis " are returned for Eachwick, and they had " naither 
hors nor harnes." In the Feodary's Book, 1568, certain lands and 
tenements in Eachwick are mentioned as held by James Dodd and the 
heirs of John Ellison. 98 

After the Eeformation, Roger Fenwick of Bitchfield purchased 
Eachwick Hall and divers lands of the Crown, to be held by fealty 
only, as of the manor of East Greenwich, subject to a certain fee farm 

91 Newminster Cartulary, Surtees Soc., 66, p. 196. 

95 Ibid. p. 194. 93 Ibid. p. 190. 
94 Ibid. pp. 191 and 2. M Ibid. p. 193. 

96 Bertram Mitford did so as grandson and heir of John Mitford, not as Over- 
lord of Eachwick, as is erroneously stated by the editor of the Cartulary. 

97 Newminster Cartulary, pp. 186-90. 

98 Hodgson's Northumberland, III., iii., Pref., p. Ixv. 


rent, and in 1589 he settled the same on Anthony Fen wick, his second 
son. On 22nd Nov., 1611, George and Peter Ward sold to Mark 
Errington of Ponteland, as trustee for Anthony Fenwick, and George 
his son, a messuage and three farms in Eachwick. These and other 
lands Errington afterwards transferred to George Fenwick of New- 
castle, merchant. 


ABMS OF SCTTBFIELD. Gu., a bend dancettee between six martlets arg. Crest. 
A hand gauntletted ppr. holding a pistol. 

" The Scurfields of Eachwick were descended from Thomas de Scrutevill, lord 
of half the vill of Kibblesworth, co. Durham, A.D. 1356." Surtees' Durham, ii., 
p. 216-18. 

Sir John Fenwick of Wallington and == Margery Harbottle of Bitchfield. 
Fenwick, 1528. 

John Fenwick of Fenwick, &c. Roger Fenwick of === Ursula Heron. 

Bitchfield, 1538. J 

Roger Fenwick of Bitchfield, a gentleman =f Margaret Widdrington. 
of the Middle Marches, 1550, pur- 
chased lands in Eachwick, 1589. 

Roger Fenwick of Bitchfield, 1622. Anthony Fenwick =p . . . 

J" of Eachwick, liv- 

ing in 1611. 

John Fenwick of Eachwick, =p . . . George Fenwick, ^= . . . 

gent., 1628. 

merchant adven- 
turer, of New- 

Ann, only child, d. unmarried. Margaret Fenwick ^= William Scurfield 1(> 

sold Eachwick to Sir 
Thos. Widdrington, 

Ralph, Scurfield, gent., re-purchased Each- =p Jane . . . . , d. 12th May, 1689. 
wick, in 1670, from Thomas, ( Lord 
Windsor, and Ursula his wife, daugh- 
ter of Sir Thomas Widdrington, d. 
16th Feb.. 1675. 1U1 

Ralph Scurfield of Eachwick, Esq., High = Sarah Bell, widow of Jonathan Pilsbury 
Sheriff of Northumberland, 1699, d. of Newcastle, shipowner, 

s. p. 1st Sept., 1728, and left Each- 
wick to his brother-in-law, Edward 

99 Hodgson's Northumberland, II., ii., p. 291. 

100 William Scurfield was appointed Under- Sheriff of Newcastle, 10th August, 
1642. Brand, II., p. 190. 

1)1 In the chancel of St. John's, Newcastle, was a stone with the inscription 
"Sepulchrum Radulphi Scourfield generosi quiobiit Februarii 16, 1675, et Janae 
uxoris ejus quse obiit Mail 12, 1689. Quorum films Radulphus Scourfield 
Armiger, de comitatu Northumbrie quondam vicecomes, obiit Septembris 1, 
1728." Brand's Newcastle, I., p. 114. 




ARMS OF SPEABMAN. Az. on a chev., erm. between three tilting spears erect or, 
headed arg., as many bells sa., for difference. 102 Crest. A demi-lion rampant 
holding in his mouth a spear ppr. Motto. Dum spiro spcro. 

Robert Bell, agent to Sir John Fenwick, ^= Elizabeth, daughter of James Oliver, 

d. 1725, aged 95. 

owner of the Wine Cellar Stairs, 
Hexham, d. 1736, aged 90. 


of New- 



Sarah Bell, 
widow of 
Ralph Scur- 
field of Each- 
wick, married 
thirdly, John 
Ogle of Eg- 
lingham, Esq., 
and d. 1756, 

Ed ward Bell, of New- 
castle and of Each- 
wick Hall, major 
Militia, died 15th 
April, 1743; buried 
at St. John's, New- 
castle. 103 

Mary Atkins, daugh- Charles 
ter and heiress of Bell 
William Atkins of of Each- 
Sheraton, co. Dur- wick, 
ham, d. 23rd July, 1743. 
1739; bur. at St. ^ 
John's, Newcastle. 

William Potter = (1) Elizabeth Bell (2) =p George Spearman, 

eldest son of 
William Potter 
of Hawkwell, d. 
s.p. 1747. 

d. 14th April, 
1792, aged 69. 

eldest surviving 
son of Philip 
Spearman of 
Preston, Esq., b. 
1710, d. 1st Nov., 

Sarah Ann Edward 

Bell, Bell. Bell, 

d. unm. d. inf. 

1763. 1744, 

Ralph Spearman of Eachwick Hall, born Mary Spearman, born 18th May, 1751, 

4th Sept., 1749, died unmarried 13th died unmarried 26th February, 1827, 

July, 1823, aged 74 ; buried at Heddon- aged 76. 

Ralph Spearman of Eachwick acted the part of a great antiquary, 
so much so that he was erroneously believed to have been the prototype 
of Sir Walter Scott's ' Jonathan Oldbuck.' It is doubtful, however, 
whether his learning was even so sound as that of the Laird of Monk- 
barns. 104 His vanity led him to endeavour to trace his descent and name 
from the ' lords of Aspramont, a castle and county on the confines of 
Lorraine and Bar.' His new hall at Eachwick was built entirely for 
show : being three stories high, with gingerbread battlements, and of 
great length, though only one room thick. At the time of the 
window-tax this led to its being rated at a very large sum. Seen 
from a distance, it quite deceives a stranger by its palatial appearance. 
Mr. Spearman was so far successful that the neighbourhood still 

102 A lozenge with these arms is engraved on the chalice, paten, &c., given by 
' Mrs. Mary Spearman' to Heddon Church in 1824.. 

102 In the cross aisle of St. John's, Newcastle, rvasihe inscription : " Sepulchrum 
Edwardi Bell et Marise uxoris ejus," with the arms of Bell impaling Atkins. 

104 It is fair to mention that Surtees ' considered himself deeply indebted ' to 
Mr. Spearman ' for a variety of useful materials and much interesting informa- 
tion.' Hist. Durham, I., p. 94. 



believe that Eachwick belonged to his family for generations. A letter 
accidentally preserved in the church books at Heddon is a capital 
illustration of his combined pedantry, liberality, and pride : 

" Mr. Spearman sends enclosed five Shillings, being the Assessed Value of 
the Movement of the Winnowing part of a Threshing Machine, found by the 
Coroner and Inquest, a Deodand forfeit to him on the death of Mary Lawson, as 
Lord of the Manour of Eachwick Hall Lands, by Grant from James first, King 
of Great Brittain, in the year of our Lord 1610, and requires the Vicar and 
Church-Wardens of the Parish of Heddon on the Wall to distribute it to the 
Poor at Discretion. Eachwick Hall. Friday, March 27th, 1813." 

In his will he stated that he was determined to follow "the example 
of Abraham, and to consider his Eleazar as heir to all his house," and 
consequently entailed his property at Eachwick on his steward Mr. 
Hunter and his elder sons, on condition of their taking the name of 
Spearman, with a remainder in favour of his very distant kinsmen, the 
Spearmans of Thornley, co. Durham. In equity the estate should 
have gone to Sarah Bell, granddaughter of his great-uncle Charles 
Bell, and wife of Eobert Clayton, Esq., of Newcastle. His aged 
sister survived for about four years, and left written testimony of her 
gratitude to Mr. Hunter Spearman for the way in which she was 
treated after her brother's death. The entail was not barred, and took 
effect on the death of the last Mr. Hunter Spearman, to the prejudice 
of his younger brother who is a land-owner in the township, and 
continues to bear the name of Spearman. 105 

The family longest connected with Eachwick were the Akensides. 106 
The name of Thomas Akenside, gent., of Eachwick, appears on the 
list of freeholders in Northumberland in 1628 ; and immediately to 
the right on entering Heddon Church is a marble tablet to the memory 
of " Captain William Akenside of the 14th Regmt. of Foot, son of 
William Akenside, late of Eachwick, who died 22 October, 1830, 

105 The following elaborate coat was ' granted in 1827 to John Hunter, Esq., 
on his taking by sign-manual the name and arms of SPEARMAN : Az. on a chevron 
erminois, between three tilting spears erect, arg., headed or. three bells sa., and 
for dutinction a canton ermine ; the crest being : A lion rampant ppr., with a 

collar arg., therefrom pendant a bellsa., and supporting a tilting-spear as in the 
arms; the spear entwined, for distinction, with a branch of laurel ppr.'' 
Burke's General Armoury. 

106 There is a curious petition of Hugh Akenside, of Hawkwell (near Stam- 
fordham), to Quarter Sessions in 1718, for relief for his wife, he being in Morpeth 
Gaol for debt. He states that ' his ancestors, had beene inhabesters in Hawk- 
well near 200 yeares.' Extracts Sessions Records of Northumberland, in Lib. 
Soc. Antiq., Newc. Akenside was the name of a place in Redesdale, mentioned 
in the Inq. post mortem of Eleanor, wife of Robert Umfreville, in 1363. 
Hodgson's Northd., II., i., p. UOn. 


aged 49." Mark Akenside, the poet (1721-1770), belonged to this 
family, of which his father was a younger son settled in business as 
a butcher in Newcastle, and it was his uncle of Eachwick who bore all 
the expenses of his education. 107 

Eachwick is entered in the Eate Book of 1663: 108 

" Eachwicke, Castle Ward, West Division. 

Sir Tho. Widdrington 60 Rental. 

Tho. Okenside 8 

Clemt. Barker 8 

Ann Readhead, widd. 8 
Tindale Ward, East Division. 

S'r Tho. Widdrington 60 Rental. 

Tho. Pattison 12 

Tho. Pattison, junior 12 

Geo. Clark 8 " 

WEST HEDDON in 1628 belonged to Mr. John Read, gent., and in 
1663 was the property of Mr. Richard Reed valued at 40. But 
'John Carr of Eshet and Mrs. 
Dorothy Hunter of West Heddon 
were married by Mr. Rayne, 
March ye 29th, 1687' at Hed- 
don Church. They had several 
children, and seem to have paid 
particular attention to the selec- 
tion of godparents. 109 Mr. John 
Carr of West Heddon was buried - 
in the church, 20th December, 
1738. A marble tablet on the 
north wall of the chancel commemorates Robert Newton Lynn, Esq., 

107 Richardson's Borderer's Table Book, II., p. 184. The Akensides were 
Dissenters (see Bucke's Life of Akenside, p. 1) ; their baptisms are consequently 
entered in the register in the following disrespectful fashion: '3 Mar., 170^, 
Hannah, daughter to Thomas and Ann Akenside of Eachwick, said to be 
baptized by somebody ;' and ' Abraham, son to Thomas Akenside of Eachwick, a 
Dissenter, said to be baptized by somebody, 18 Dec., 1716.' Two twins of the 
family were called Moses and Aaron. 

108 Hodgson's Northd., III., i., pp. 255 and 289. It does not appear how the 
singular boundaries of the Wards originated. As can be seen from the map 
accompanying this paper they were not conterminous with those of the town- 
ships. The vicarage grounds at Heddon and the glebe, form isolated portions of 
Castle Ward in the midst of Tindale Ward. 

109 ' Thomas filius Johannis et Dorotheas Carr de West Heddon Gener : Bap- 
tizatus erat 22 die Mensis Septembris, 1692. Gulielmo Carr de Eshet Anniger, 
Martino ffenwick Gener: Domina ffenwick Susceptor.' The sponsors to 
their son Ralph, on 28th Dec., 1699, were ' Mr. Michael Mitford et Edward 
Collingwood et Domina Delavale.' 



who died at West Heddon in 1794. West Heddon afterwards became 
the property of the Misses Peareth of an old Newcastle family, who 
lived at Heddon House there, 110 and they left it to their niece, the 
late Mrs. George Burdon. To the north of the farmhouse at West 
Heddon, itself a curious old building, is what seems to be half of a 
manor-house of the Eeads, with a good doorway and Jacobean 
windows, now used as a cottage. 111 (See vignette, p. 269.) 

At EAST HEDDON, the remains of the ancient residence of a branch 
of the Fenwick family have been turned into granaries, hen-houses, 
and cattle-sheds. At the east end of this range there is on the ground- 
floor a huge kitchen fire-place, and above it one with Tudor details. 
The windows exhibit delicate mouldings of a later date. 

According to the Muster Roll of 1538, Lancelot Fenwick was the 
principal person in East Heddon at that time: 


Lancelott Fenwyk. 
Edward Haw. 
Wyllm Tomson. 
John Talylyor. 

Gerard Lauerok. 

Edward Tomson. 

Henry Brown. 

Thomas Broyt' 

Able with horse and harnes.' 

I give the pedigree of the Fen wicks of East Heddon, founded on the 
Heralds' Visitation A.D. 1615 and the Heddon Eegisters. It is evident 
there are great discrepancies in this pedigree, and it requires to be 
explained from title-deeds, wills, &c. 

East Heddon afterwards came into the possession of the Corporation 
of Newcastle, and was by them sold to the Eidleys of Blagdon. 

110 Burke's Landed Gentry, 6th ed., p. 1218. Their father, William Peareth 
of Usworth (1704-1775), was an Alderman of Newcastle for nearly half a century. 
It should be noticed, however, that the ancient arms of PENRITH, borne by 
Thomas Penrith, Sheriff of Newcastle, 1434 : Arg., three chevronels braced in 
base, ffu., on a chief az., a lion passant of the field, and (with the chief 0M.) by 
John Penrith, M.P., Mayor, 1458, do not correspond with the arms of PEARETH, 
C?w., a, chevron arg., 'between three pears or, 

II The 'old Hall' is said to have stood to the east at right angles to this 
building, and to have faced the south. There are considerable traces of founda- 
tions. In the old ' stay-at-home ' days, we frequently find a son, on his marriage, 
building a new house close to his father's. 



AKMS : Quarterly. 1 and 4 Per fess gu. and arg., six martlets counterchanged ; 

a fleur-de-lys for difference, for FENWICKE. 

2 and 3 Arg., three cinquefoils sa., for BUBBOWDEN. 

Mary, da. of Will"? Strother, =p John Fenwicke, of =F Elizabeth, sister of Sir Roger 
1st wife. Newburn. | Widdrington, 2nd wife. 

1. John Fenwicke, 2. William,=j= Joan 4. Roger, 

of Newburn and d. before I Musgrave. from whom the 
Wallington. 3 July, Fenwicks of Stan- 

1485. ton, Nunriding, 

From whom the Fen- and Greenleighton. 
wicks of Fenwick, 
Wallington, Meldon, 
Shortflat, Bywell, 
Bitchfield, Eachwick, 
Ralph. etc. 

i ' 1 3. Robert, 

William, 'fatuus et rom w h om the Fenwicks 

s.p. idiota,' 1501. o f Chibburn and Kenton. 

5. Ralph, 

from whom the 

Fenwicks of 


6. Gerard =p dau. and co- 
heir of John 
de Burrow- 

1. Georsre ~ 

2 John 3 Tristram, * 


i 1 r 

05 -4 00 


i ' 

Fenwicke, of 

dau. of 

from whom the from whom 

t- 1 

Q $ 



Harbottle & 


Fenwicks of theFenwickes g 



p^ i-j C 




of Kirk 

Prudhoe (to of Brinkburn g 


' 5r" 

o 1 <' 


1550 ; also of 


Wm. Fenwick, (to the pre- 





East Heddon 

of Thames St., sent George 



& Burradon. 

London, 1663). Gerard Charles 



Fenwicke of 







co. Rutland.) 


1. Martin Fenwicke, of East 
Heddon and Burradon. 
Will proved 31 July, 

Anne, dau. of William 2. Tristram. 3. Charles. 
Ogle, of Cockle Park. 

George Fen- =^ Elizabeth, dau. Anne, m. Margaret, Edith, Isabella, Mary, m. 
wicke, of of John Hed- George died 1618; m. m. Cuth- Richard 

East worth, of Har- Bell, of to be bur. Allenson. bert Mit- Whitwange, 

Heddon, raton. Bellasis. at Bothal. ford, of of Dunstan, 

1615. Mitford. Northum- 


1. William Fenwick, of East 
Heddon, born 1585, died 

2. Richard. 3. Martin. 4. John. 5. George. Isabell. 

Cuthbert Fenwick, of East =p Anne ; Elizabeth, 

Heddon ; bur. 2 Nov., 1679. | bur. 16 Oct., 1677. m. Edmund Bed well (Bednell ?). 

1. John Fenwick, of East Heddon, =p Anne 
died before 1733. 

2. Martin (?). Ruth, 

bp. 25 Aug., 1667. 

Anne Fenwick, 

bp. 15 Ap.. 


Elizabeth, Jane, Frances, Cuthbert, 

bp. 6 Ap., bp. 21 Mar., bp. 3 June, bp. 31 Jan., bp. 23 Feb., 1697; 
1680. 1682. 1684. 1687. bur. ' in quire,' 

24 Jan., 1733. 


In ' the Order of the Watches upon the Middle Marches made by 
the Lord "Wharton, Lord Deputy Generall of all the three Marches 
under my Lord of Northumberland's Grace, the Lord Warden Generall,' 
in October, 1552, 'the Watch at the Head of Weltonburn -Inning and 
Nesbet-dyke was appointed to be set with two men of the Inhabitors of 
Heddon of the Wall, Thorklaye, Est-Hedwen, Haugton, and the Close:' 
and with two more men from them the Watch was to be set nightly 
'at the Holl- banks by West-Oustone' The inhabitants of Eachwick 
furnished their quota at ' Stannerden-f ord ; ' those of Whitchester 'on 
the Wall at Welton-lurm! Among the Overseers of these Watches 
were 'Martyn Fenwyke, Clement Rede, and Thomas Eede. 112 


Rychart Elwyk. Thomas Atkynson. 

Thomas Bartley. Mhomas Trumwell. 

Robert Sclatter. Willm Myddylton. 

Ric. Sclatter. Willm Hill. 

Able with hors and harnes." 

Comparing these names on the Muster Roll of A.D. 1538 with the 
earliest entries we meet with in the Register of Heddon-on-the-Wall, in 
1656, we notice a marked movement of the population, due no doubt to 
the confiscation of the monastic lands, the revolution in agriculture that 
followed the enclosures of 1554, and the cessation of the Border wars. 
In the Register (unless Trumwell be an error for Creswell) we meet 
with two only out of the seven families mentioned on the Muster Roll, 
but that, curiously enough, in the two first " Baptissings" given : 

" Dorthy Hill, daughter to Henry, of heddon on y e wall, was baptised f eb. 
y e 16th;" "Sara Bertley was baptized by Mr. Dockrey, mnistr., of Newburn, y e 
14th of May, 1656." 

In the interval, 113 three leading families appear to have settled in 
Heddon village the Fenwicks, the Creswells, and the Barkases. 114 
There are wills of all these in the Probate Registry at Durham, where 
I have made the following extracts : 

" In the name of God amen. The seventeenth daye of March A- D ni - 1584, 
I Jerard ffenwick of the pshe of Heddon de Wall, within the countye of north - 
umberland, Sick in bodye, but whole in mynd, and of perfitt remembrance, 
mayke this my last will and Testament in maner and fform ffolowing : ffirst I 
give and bequeath my Souelle to Almightye God and my bodye to be buryed in 

12 Leges Marchiarum, pp. 280-1. 

113 On the 30th Oct., 1569, the Inq. post mortem of Anthony, second son of 
William Swinburne, of Capheaton, was held at Heddon-on-the-Wall. Hodg. 
Nortlid., II., i,, p. 232. 

114 Other early surnames occurring in the Registers are Collin, Peascod, and 


Heddon Church. Itm, I give to John ffenwick, of Barwick, my brother, my Two 
Tenements, lying and being in Ovington. 115 to occupie and enjoye unto such tyme 
as marmaduke ffenwicke, Sonne unto my brother, Martyne ffenwick, come of 
lawful age, at which tyme my will is that my Sayd brother John shall deliver 
them to the sayd marmaduke, provided that in the meane tyme my sayd 
brother John shall fine them in his owne name. Also, I give unto my sayd 
brother John Eight oxen to be delivered to the sayd marmaduke at such 
tyme as he shall come of Lawf ull age, and my sayd Brother John to bring uppe 
the sayd marmaduke with meat, drink, and cloth, and to keppe him at the scoole 
all the sayd tyme." Then after providing that if Marmaduke Fenwick died 
under age, the Tenements were to pass to the heirs male of John, with 
remainders in default first to the heirs male of his brother Ambrose Fenwick, 
and then to the heirs male of Martin Fenwick, he proceeds : " And whereas the 
Tennants dwelling uppon the Two Tenements haith but now remayning ffoure 
years, if my brother John and they doe not agre, so that they depart from them, 
my will is yt. my executors give unto them the Somme of six pounds, Thirteen 
shillings, and fourepence, to be equallye divided between them." Among the 
legacies are : " To Martyn ffenwick all the cattle of mine about his house, 
* * also, 10 bolls of rye in Longwitton this year, and 10 bolls next year, 
* * * To Raiph Peareth 2 bolls of rye. To George Shafto 2 kine and one quey, 
with their calves, that is with Nicholas Clarke, and 12 sheep with John Carnaby, 
of Langlye. To the poor of Heddon parish 4 bolls of rye. * * * To Anne Read 
10s. * * * To Matthew Soppett's wife 1 boll of rye. To George Raymes, 1 
bushell of rye. To Gerard Sanderson, one of my best Lambes, and if he dye to 
be delivered to his father. * * * To James Hobson 1 boll of rye." 

He appointed his " breathreu Ambrose and John" executors and 
residuary legatees. The will is witnessed by " Mr. Martyne ffenwick, 
George fennick, Edward Criswell, Xpfer richardson, Robert Hill, Richard 
Browne, James Hobson, vicar, Thomas Softlye, George raimes, &c." 

The inventory attached to Gerard Fenwick's will is curious : 

"8 oxen 13 6s. 8d. 

8 oxen at matphen 9 Os. Od. 

14kyne 15 Os. Od. 

6 yonge cattle 14 Os. Od. 

4 score and 3 ewes 16 Os. Od. 

12 whethers 48s. Od. 

7 rames 23s. Od. 

30 sheppe hogges 4 13s. 4d. 

6 dinmontes 3 3s. 4d. 

3 mayres and a foole 4 6s. 8d. 

18 bowlls of oattes 46s. 8d. 

10 bowlls of wheat 53s. 4d. 

Otts on the ground 49s. Od. 

Wheat on the ground 32s. Od. 

more in otts 26s. Od. 

rye on the ground 27s. Od. 

more 40 bowlls of rye 8 Os. Od. 

30 bowlls of otts 4 Os. Od. 

wheat rye and big at Longwitton 7 Os. Od. 

40 bowlls of ottes 5 6s. 8d. 

in swyne 12s. Od. 

the waynes, ploughes, and ploughegeare ... 30s. Od. 

in household stuffe 40s. Od. 

123 4s. Od." 

115 In the Survey of Crown Lands in Northumberland, about 1608, preserved 
at the Land Revenue Record Office, Marmaduke Fenwick appears as ' an ancient 
freeholder' of lands at Ovington, late in the tenure of William Carr. 


But the most extraordinary thing is the list of moneys, in all 82 
15s. Od. lent out by Gerard Fenwick to nearly a hundred different 
neighbours. We should now consider him a sort of country banker, 
but in these days he was no doubt regarded as an usurer. The notices 
of the cattle at Matfen, the sheep at Langley, and the corn at Long- 
witton, show how wide the ramifications of farming were in those days, 
owing to a complicated system of land tenure. 

Ann Barkas by her will, A.I>. 1585, desired to be buried in Heddon 
Churchyard. She left her property among her children, George Barkas, 
Jeffrey Barkas, Anne Barkas, and Elizabeth Grenooe, and appointed 
as their respective guardians, her brother William Mydleton, 116 her 
brother-in-law Symon Ladleye, William Hill, and Elizabeth Grenooe's 
father (s-ic) Steven Grenooe. The witnesses were William Mydelton, 
Symond Ladleye, Steven Grenooe, Edward Stocco, and James Hobson. 
The inventory was taken by Edward Cresswell, Edward Stoccoei 
Matthew Foster, and Jeffrey Barkas. 

The will of Anne Cresswell of Heddon- on-the- Wall, 2 March, 
1614, directs her body to be buried in Heddon Church, and mentions 
her sons Anthony, Clement, and Arthur, 117 her daughter Margaret 
Barkas, Isabell 118 her son's wife, William Barkas, her son Clement's 
daughter Mabell Barkas, and her son Arthur's daughter Mabell. 119 

Through the Hedworths of Harraton, co. Durham, the Cresswells 
of Cresswell and the Fenwicks of East Heddon were near cousins. 
Cuthbert Cresswell, a younger brother of John Cresswell of Cresswell, 
was Queen Elizabeth's supervisor of coal-mines in Northumberland ; 
and Richard Fenwick, her receiver for Wylam and Ellington, employed 
Robert Cresswell as his deputy. The Cresswells at Heddon lived in a 
house just east of the churchyard, which was rebuilt in 1821 ; they 
eventually farmed a quarter of Heddon-on-the-Wall township. William 
Cresswell died in 1730 "at least 90 years of age," and there were 
Cresswells christened at Heddon as late as 1771. About 1780, the 

116 The will of a William Middleton, of Heddon, dated 31st March, 1578, is 
among the Enrolments at Durham. 

117 Arthur Cresswell. bur. 18th Sept., 1674. Hed. Reg. 

118 The fact that ' Isabell Cresswell, wiffe to Arthure Cresswell, depted. 
October ye 28th, 1671, buryed in Hedon upon ye Wall Church,' appears no less 
than three times in the Registers, once (as above) in the clerk's book, again in 
Latin in the vicar's small private book, and lastly (with the addition 'de Wal- 
bottell ') as the first entry in the more orderly Register commenced in that year. 

119 The will of Thomas Cresswell, of Heddon, proved 1621, is also at Durham. 


family are said to have ruined themselves by horse-racing, and their 
farm was let to Matthew Eobson from North Tyne. 120 It is curious to 
see how the cadets of ancient houses stayed on at home in their own 
county, descending from knights and squires to yeomen, and, probably, 
at last to mere labourers. 

At one time in South Northumberland, if a man's name was not 
Ogle, the heavy odds were that it was Fenwick. According to the 
Heralds' Visitations, Lancelot Fenwick of East Heddon, A.D. 1538, 
would appear to have been the fifth son of Gerard, the sixth son of 
John Fenwick, who married the heiress of Wallington. Lancelot had 
five brothers still younger. Nor was this prolific increase confined to 
this one branch of the race, so probably there was no exaggeration in 
the old ballad : 

" I saw cum merching owre the knows, 
Fyve hundrid Fennicks in a flock." l21 

It would be difficult to deny that any Fenwick in particular at the 
present day is not a descendant of so numerous a clan. I have been 
at some trouble in arranging the various families of Fenwicks entered 
in the Heddon registers in genealogical tables, which, however, must only 
be regarded as hypothetically correct. The first entry relating to the 
main line at East Heddon, is the notice of the burial of Anne, wife of 
Cuthbert Fenwick, on 16 Oct., 1677 ; the last, that of the burial of 
their granddaughter, Mary Fenwick, "in the quire," 24 Jan., 1733. 
As regards the families in Heddon village, both Thomas Fenwick who 
died in 1691, and Martin Fenwick, Lord Carlisle's bailiff, who died in 
1709, appear to have been thrice married ; the latter had twenty 
grandchildren. That all these families were branches of the East 
Heddon family is, I take it, sufficiently proved by their having been 
buried with them ' in the quire ; ' only a William Fenwick of West 
Heddon was buried outside in the churchyard on 17 Feb., 1711. 
Additional evidence of consanguinity is afforded by the fact of Mr. 
Martin Fenwick of East Heddon having stood godfather to Martin, 
the sixth son of Bailiff Martin, on 28 May, 1700. 

120 MSS. Thos. Bates. My father had intended writing an account of various 
places and families in Northumberland, but unfortunately left few notes towards 
it. I made, however, memoranda of many of his recollections. C. J. B. 

121 Ballad of the Redeswire Raid. Legendary Ballads of England and Scot- 
land (Chandos Classics), p. 144. 










ttfiDfcON-ON-ME-WALL. 277 

Among the MSS. in the collection of the Society of Antiquaries of 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, is a lease for twenty-one years, dated 1590, 
from the Crown to George Mason, of the corn tithes of Heddon-on- 
the-Wall, Eachwick, &c., also land and houses at Heddon, late the 
possessions of the monastery of Blanchland. 122 

In 1602, depositions were taken by commission at Newcastle in 
the suit of Clement Anderson v. Ellen Mitford, respecting " lands, &c. 
in Heddon-on-the-Wall, and the tithe of the parish leased originally 
by the monastery of Blanchland to Roger Mitford and Edmund 
Claxton, left by Roger to his wife Anne, by her to Oswald Mitford 
defendant's late husband, and left by him to the defendant." m 

The great tithes of Heddon subsequently came into the possession 
of the Bewickes of Close House, by whom they have been, for the 
most part, sold to the owners of the respective lands subject to them, in 

The Proceedings of the Court of High Commission, at Durham, 124 
have preserved for us a vivid, though not particularly edifying, picture 
of William Wilson, vicar of Heddon in 1628. Anthony Todd, then 125 
aged 26, deposes that he " never sawe Mr. Wilson weare the surplisse, 
saveing at Easter last, albeit he hath been curat at Heddon for a yeare or 
more. Hath seene Mr. Wilson at sundry tymes sweare and utter these 
wordes when he was in his drinke ' What he was a squire's sonne;' and 
soe braveing in this manner of his birth, that none there should be 
like unto him." Mr. Wilson frequented widow Reed's ale-house, and 
would sit there drinking her " home-brewed " for an hour or more, 
" till he got forward in his drink;" then, if anyone advised him to be 
civil and temperate, and show some respect to his cloth, he would 
reply: "I doe not greatly care for my coate; I am a squire's sonne, 
and soe I respect my birth as much as my coate." It is not surprising 
that the Dean and Chapter of Durham the see was vacant sequestered 
the living, and gave the charge of it to Thomas Taylor, clerk, and 

122 See Appendix D. 

123 38th Report Dep. Keep. Publ. Rec., p. 439. There is at Durham the will 
of Oswald Mitforth, of Stamfordham, proved in 1589. The history of the 
Mitfords, who afterwards settled at Ovingham and Hexham, and came to be 
represented by the talented Mary Russell Mitford, requires elucidation. 

124 Surtees Soe. Pub., vol. 34, p. 8. 

125 ' Bella Todd, wife to Anthony Todd, smith, in Heddon ye Wall, depted 
this life, Aprill ye 9th, 1657.' ' Anthony Todd, depted this life, Jany. ye 29th, 

Hed. Reg. 


James Carr, gent., of Whitchester. But Wilson openly told Carr in 
church that he would obey no sequestration. The sequestrators had 
indeed to obtain a citation against the parishioners, who kept their 
tithes back from them, and for all of whom, Wilson boasted he would 
answer that " none should stirr there feete." Wilson was thereupon 
suspended and ordered " to publiquely and penitentily acknowledge 
his offence in his ordinarie apparell;" but on Mr. Taylor showing him 
this order, he, " in very scornfull manner, answered he would obey 
noe such bible-babies." The consequence was that Robert Mitford, 
the messenger of the Court, arrested Wilson on 29th January, 1629, 
and with much difficulty, for " in very stubborne and peremptory 
manner " he refused to move, brought him down " the towne-gate of 
Heddon." The noise of their struggle brought Christopher Hopper 126 
to the door of his house, and Mitford drawing out the warrant, 
required his assistance "in his Majestie's name." Instead of answer- 
ing, Hopper came and took the vicar's cloak, in order that he might 
escape more easily, and then, leaning against his door, laughed and 
jeered at the messenger. At last, Mitford proposed to Wilson that he 
should go to widow Reed's, to which he only too readily assented. 
Her son, Thomas Reed, gent., aged 21, was bailiff of the town, and 
Mitford, no doubt, reckoned on his aid, but when he came in he told 
Mitford that he was no common bailiff, but Lord William Howard's 
bailiff, and that, as long as he was in the house he would 
assist him, but " when," he said, " you are gone forth of the doores, I 
know what I have to do," and, in order that his meaning might be 
quite clear, added that " it had been weh 1 done of the wives of the 
towne to have joyned together and have stoned Mitford forth of the 
towne, in regard of his hyndering divine service." Mitford saw his 
errand was hopeless, so he contented himself with taking a bond for 
50 from Wilson that he would put in an appearance at Durham; and 
in the end, after various fines and sentences of imprisonment, Wilson 
appears to have got off free, under plea of poverty. Thomas Reed, 
against whom proceedings were also instituted, submitted at once, but 
the costs in his case were so heavy that he took to flight, and was heard 
of in London in 1635. 127 

126 Christopher Hopper, depted this life, twenty-fourth day of May, 1657.' 

J 1 ' ' ! . ivGg. 

27 Surtees Soc., 34, pp. 18-19. John Reede, of West Heddon, gent., was 
likewise proceeded against for abusing Thomas Taylor, clerk. Ibid. p. 15. 


Thomas Eeed, clerk of Heddon-on-tke-Wall, hardly the same 
person as Lord William Howard's bailiff, prosecuted Isabel Oxley, wife 
of William Oxley, in 1633-4 for "blasphemous words." She was 
" accompted a great scoulder;" she had cursed George Fenwick "in 
verye destestable manner," and greeted Reed with: " Plague light of 
the and thine beastes, and lett never they nor anie thing thou hast 
prosper nor doe well ! " The penance enjoined led her, it is to be 
trusted, to mend her ways: time was accorded to do so, as she lived 
thirty years longer. 128 

William Fenwick, of East Heddon, and his eldest son Cuthbert, 
were prosecuted for contumacy in connection with the schismatic 
preaching of Cornelius Glover, 129 at Heddon. On 16th January, 1638, 
William Fenwick is stated to have ' fled forth of Northumberland.' 13 
Notwithstanding this it seems these Fenwicks took the Royalist side 
in the Civil War; for, when General Leslie entered Northumberland 
with the Scots army in 1644, and on the 3rd of February summoned 
Newcastle to surrender, Colonel Fenwick, in company with Sir Mar- 
maduke Langdale, sallied out of the town early on the Monday follow- 
ing and routed two regiments of Scots horse at Corbridge. On the 
22nd of February the main force of the Scots marched from Newcastle 
to Heddon-on-the-Wall, where they lay all night in the open field. 
Advancing next day up the Tyne towards Corbridge, they found them- 
selves confronted by the English cavalry, who, however, retreated in 
the night, leaving behind them only a Scots Major Agnew, Colonel 
Fenwick's prisoner, to preserve FenwicKs house, near Heddon, from 
plunder. 131 

The earliest Church Registers are contained in a little old book 
evidently kept by the parish clerks, 1656-1771. The entries are 
scattered up and down, and the book itself is in a very decayed state. 
The first baptism entered is that of Dorothy Hill, 16th February, 165f ; 
the first marriage (curiously enough, a civil one, during the Common- 
wealth), that of " Tho. ffenwick and Mary * * * * In Heddon ye 
Wall, Lawfully married by Justice Delavel, ye 28th * * * 1657;" 
and the first Burial that of Henry (?) Hopper, in Heddon Church-yard, 

m Surt. Soc., 34, p. 73. ' Isabella Oxley, wife of William Oxley, bur. Dec. 12, 
1666.' Hed. Reg. 

m Surt. Soc., 34, p. 111. 

180 Ibid. 34, p. 110. 

131 Sykes's Local Records, I., pp. 94-95. 


" ye 9th of May, 1656." In 1663, Thomas Clarke, the first vicar after 
the Restoration, commenced a neat register in Latin, in a long, parch- 
ment book ; and this seems to have been continued by some subsequent 
vicars for their private use. In 1671, a regular register was begun in a 
proper book, but several entries were copied out of the two older 
books so that some appear three times over. 

The following entries arranged chronologically may prove of 

" Jo. Salvin, sonne to waiter salvin, scholmaster, of Heddon on y e wall, was 
baptized by Mr. Dockiy, y e 2th of Decembr. 1656. 

" Will. Archer, in Heddon on y e wall, had a daughter baptized by prest Hall, 
called Margret Archer. March, 1656. 

" Barbra Madlen, deprted this life Septr. y e 5th, 1658, and was buryed in 
Heddon Church garth. 

" Tho. Hill and Margret Kell Lawfully publised 3 several Sabaths, and Maryed 
by Mr. Dockery, mnster of newburn, Jun y e * * 1659. 

" Jean Laidler, daughter to William Laidler clarke, off Heddon one the wall, 
was born in Newton Hall, in y e Parish of Bywell Peter, and was baptised Jun 
y a 12 day, 1662, and dwelt there three years after. 

" Georgius films Edwardi Birkly Molindinarius (ic) baptizatus erat Julii 30, 

" Hi Quorum sequuntur nomina sepulti fuerunt a lege condita vulgo dicta 
' an act for burying in woolen' : 132 Nicholaus filius f rancisci Bowmer de Eachwich 
sepult, legal, 23 Julii, 1679. Jurat-Barbara Crowfoot et Franciscus Bowmar 30 

"Anna Rea sepulta erat intra Templum 15 Julii, 1696. 

"April y e 20th, 1697. Memdm. yt Anthony Creswell paid Roger Heaton, 
Church Warden, 4s. for Thos. Fenwick's and his wife's Lair-stones, 13 * and yt Luke 
Rea paid 2s. for his wife. 

" Anne, Daughter to James Tweddal, in the Queen's Service, and Ursula his 
wife, Baptised October the 2nd, 1709. 

"Henry, son to John and Alice Glendinning of Houghton-Cragg House, 
baptized 19 Aug., 1711. 

" of East Heddon, a spinnsr, was buried Aug. 9th, 1719. 

" Mrs. Phoebe Martin, buried in the chancel, just without the Rails, and close 
to the South Wall, 31 March, 1731. 

" William Brown, weaver, formerly of this town, buried 4 May, 1731. 

William, son to Edward and Margaret Tate. of Roman Wall house, of Whit- 
chester, baptized 12 July, 1730. 

" Thomas, son of Thomas Conyers, Baptized July 9th, 1738. 

"Jan. 21, 1741. Buried in the Church-yard, att the east end of the Chancel, 
a stranger who called himself John Penny, and died att Eachwick, and said he 
came from Staffordshire. 

There seems to have been very great distress about 1700 : 

" Isabella, dau. of Richard and Marjory Peel, baptised ; a poor Collyer, ran 
away next day, 5 June, 1698. 

" Thomas, son to Charolinus Campbel, a Scotch man, a Beggar, and a Cripple, 
and Ann, his wife, was baptized in y e Church, feb. y e 10th, 169f. 

" William, son to William and Jennet Greeve, a wandring Scotch Collier, 
baptized 2 Ap., 1699. 

SJ 30 Car., II., cap. i., by which burying in any shroud, etc., not made of 
sheep's wool was prohibited under a penalty of 5 ; an affidavit to this purpose 
was to be made either to a magistrate or the officiating minister. 

* J i.e. Flat grave-stones on the church floor. 


"John Dodd, of Wall, a poor Beggar, dyed in Collin's fold, sepult Ap. 3, 1699. 

" James, son to Issabel Hogge, a poor Begging Widdow, of Allnick parish, sep. 
5 May, 1699. 

" A poor Beggar woman dyed in John Barkas house, came from Hexham, 28 
May, 1699. 

" John Swir, a poor begging Collier, late of Benwell, buried Aug. 26, 1699. 

" Nicholas Lingley, of West Heddon, an old Beggar, bur. 26 Oct. 1699. 

" Thomas Thompson, bur. 2 Feb., 170y, a poor old soldjer. 

" Martin, son. and Isabel, Daughter to William Jameson, of East Heddon, a 
poor Scotch-Man, were baptized 5 May, 1701. 

"July y e 19th, 1703, old Issabel Ladler was poorly buried. 

" Old John Bitson sepult. May y e 10th, 1706, very poor. 

The number of fashionable weddings from a distance that took 
place at one time in Heddon Church is astonishing : 

" Mr. Johannes Nelson et Mra. Philadelphia Bellamy de Durham nupt. f uere 
in ecclesia nostra parochiali p. licent. Aug. 29, 1685. 

" Mr. Ralph Anderson and Mrs. Ann Anderson of Newcastle, married by 
Miles Birkett, vicar, 1702. 

"April ye 8th, 1703. Mr. Philip Philipson of the Parish of St. Nicholas in 
Newcastle-upon-Tine, and Mrs. Mary Addison of the Parish of Ovingham were 
marryed (having obtain'd a license y e day before) by M. Birkett, vicar. 

" Oct. y e 10th, 1703. Mr. John Newby and Mrs. Anne Hunter of y e Parish 
of Houghton in y e spring, were marryed by License. 

" Mr. Matthew Wallas and Mrs. Mary Simpson of Benwell, 18 Mar., 1708. 

" Henry Woodruffe and Sarah Otterington of St. John's, Newcastle, 13 
May, 1711. 

" Mr. Ralph Snawdon of All Saints, Newcastle, and Mrs. Grace Milburn of 
St. Nicholas, 2 Nov., 1714. 

" Mr. Thomas Hall and Mrs. Mary Mitford both of Elsdon parish, 11 Aug. 

" Mr. Michael Dawson of St. Andrew's, Newcastle, and Mrs. Barbara Trewhit 
of South Shields, 18 Oct., 1715. 

"Mr. Richard Wilkinson of Durham and Mrs. Hannah Sutton of South 
Shields, 10 Sept., 1716. 

" Mr. Thomas Slater of All Saints. Newcastle, and Mrs. Christian Blacket 
of Ovingham, 7 May, 1722. 

" Mr. George Sureties of Gateshead, and Mrs. Isebel Slator of Newcastle, 16 
Ap., 1723. 

" Mr. Thomas Valentine of Warkworth, and Mrs. Anne Dawson of All Saints, 
Newcastle, 12 Mar., 1723. 

" Thomas Clennel, Esq., of the Parish of Allenton, and Mrs. Philadelphia 
Robinson of this parish, 7 July, 1724. 

" Mr. Michael Dawson and Mrs. Frances Armorer, both of Newcastle, 23 
Sept., 1725. 

" Mr. John Gee and Mrs. Elizabeth Robinson, both of Newcastle, 5 Dec., 

" Utrick Whitfield, Esq., and Mrs. Mary Eden of St. John's Chappelry in 
Newcastle, Sept. 21, 1738." 

The Parish Books begin in 1671. There is a list of churchwardens 
from that year to 1703. The first collection mentioned is one in the 
former year for the people of Halton, who had suffered grievously from 
fire ; the following " collections to briefs," curious in their way, were 
probably made also in most other parishes : 

"18 Mar. 1677. Collected to a brief for those of Eaton, near Windsor, 
that suffered by fire, y e sume of three shilings and a pennye. 


" 7, 8, 9, &c. Oct., 1678. For building of St. Paul's church in London, y e sum 
of one pound two shillings and elevenpence. 

" 29 Sept. 1678. A brief for the towne of Wem was published and nothing 
collected. y e day being ill and few at church and y e brief almost out. 

" Collected to a brief for y e ffrench Protestants y e sum of eighteen shillings 
and two pence on y e week days next after y tf Lord's day whereon it was published 
and that was y e 20th day of May, 1683, it not coming to hand here till y e 
Tuesday before, which was y e 15th day of y e same month. 

"Sept. 21, 1684. Collected to a brief (the last among several) for New 
Market, 4s. 10d. All these briefs were granted by Kg. Charles 2d. Y e last was 
publisht as if uppermost. 184 

" Oct. 22, 1700. Collected for the captives at Machanes, 1, Os. lOd. 

"July 26th, 1709. Collected on a Brief for Cannongate in North Britain, 
1, Os. TAd 

" Collected in this parish for George Wood of Heddon-on-the-Wall, who had 
his house and all his household goods burnt by a sudden and accidental fire, 
Sept. 30th, 1709. 

" Nov. 24th and 25th, 1709. Collected from house to house upon a Brief for 
the relief of the poor Palatines, 10s. 4d. 

" 18th June, 1710. For the protestant church of Mittau in Courland, SB. 

In " good King Charles' golden days " ecclesiastical discipline was 
strenuously upheld. " About ye latter end of November, 1681, from 
ye Archdeacon's court, held att Newcastle," writes vicar Eayne, " I 
received notice from Mr. Slagge yt George Barkas of Each wick, was 
absolved from excommunication;" and 

"October y e 2nd, 1681, an excommunication was publisht against Matthew 
Robson, William Patterson and wife, Thomas Spouer land Samuell Spouer, who 
were likewise excommunic. before. 

Feb. 24th, 168f, Excom: was denounced by order from y e Bshop, against 
Thomas Spouer, Matthew Robson, Wm. Patterson, Thomas Robson, Wm. Robson, 
Hannah Robson, Margaret Kell, and Isabell Laidler." 

There is a quaintness about the following note accidentally pre- 
served among the Registers: 

" ffor Mr. Brecket, 
Minister at Heddon-upon-the-Wall, 


Sir, This may certif ie you that y e banns of marriage betwixt John Morpeth, of 
ours, and Hannah Barkas, of yours, were thrice published according to y e canon, 
nemine contradicente, witness my hand this 8th of June, 1698. 
Tho. Jones, 

Curate in Hexham." 

Full lists of the communicants are preserved from Easter 1694 to 
Easter 1711. Among them vicar Birkett mentions " my deare spouse 
and my mother Cowling." At Easter, 1738, there were about 86 com- 
municants, more than a ninth of the population, and yet people of the 
present day talk of the torpor of the Church in the 18th century! 

In 1704, the bell was re-cast at the cost of 4 10s. Od., and the 
church repaired; " all which was done at the request of Mr. Birkett, 
134 A curious instance of the Merry Monarch's partiality for Newmarket. 


vicar and the Instigation of Robt. Bewicke, Esq." In 1 724, 23 16s. 8d. 
was expended in " new roofing the south Isle of the church." The 
road from the Vicarage to the Church was repaired in 1715, at the 
expense of the parish, but it was expressly provided that this should 
form no precedent against it being maintained for the future by the 

Vicar Armstrong, in 1754, remarks with evident satisfaction, that 
in the parish, " at this time, there was not so much as one Papist, 135 
nor a Dissenter of any other Denomination, but Presbyterian." He has 
left us a list of " the Exact number of souls " for that year: 

Families. Souls. Presbyterians. 

Heddon-on-the- Wall and its Precincts ... ... 78 304 1 

Closehouse, Houghton, &c. .. 15 78 

High Seat, &c. 3 20 1 

Whitchester 6 27 

Loudside ... 6-28 

Eachwick, &c. ... 36 131 5 

West Heddon, &c 8 44 1 

East Heddon Lordship ... 23 122 5 

175 754 13 

About this time, he adds, ' one year with another ' there were 5 
marriages, 18 baptisms, and 10 burials. 

There are no such details afforded again till the Eev. J. A. 
Blackett became vicar in 1830, and composed a most elaborate specu- 
lum gregis. 

Although the inquest after the death of Lord William Howard, 
taken at Carlisle, 22nd April, 1642, states that he died seized of the 
manor of Heddon-on-the- Wall as part of the barony of Morpeth, 136 
half the manor appears to have passed into the hands of Sir Eobert 
Wingfield of Upton, co Northampton, M.P. for Stamford, probably 
as a grant from the Crown, obtained through the influence of his 
uncle William Cecil, Lord Burghley, the celebrated minister of Queen 
Elizabeth. At any rate, on the 29th April, 1631, Sir Robert Wingfield 
sold to Henry Deth of Stamford, Esq., for 600, (a moiety of) the 
manor of Heddon-upon-the-Wall with messuages, mills, coalmines, &c., 

135 On September 3, 1780, Vicar Armstrong returned three men and three 
women in the parish as Papists, or reputed Papists, to the Bishop of Durham, in 
a letter sealed with his arms : </u., three dexter arms vambraced,ppr. Original 
in possession of Mr. Blair. 

136 In the Feodary's Book, 1568, Lord Dacre appears as seized of only the 
mediety of the ' ville de Heddon. super murum.'- Hodgson's JVorthd., III., iii., 
Pref ., p. Ixii. 

J J 


suits, services, courts, courts leet, courts baron, views of frank-pledge, 
&c., the advowson of the church (sic), and the 5th part of the Kectory 
or parsonage, appropriate with the tithes belonging to such part. 137 All 
this Deth immediately sold, on the 27th January following, to Ralph 
Carr of Darwentcoate, co. Durham, gent., for 620. Oarr was 
fortunate enough to obtain 720 on 28th April, 1635, from Eeynold 
Horseley of Milburn, gent., and Richard Pearson of Newcastle, gent., 
trustees of James Metham of London, Esq., for the manor, &c., but 
with the reservation to himself of the coal-mines, &c. From a fine, 
wherein Metham and Pearson were the plaintiffs, and Carr and 
Dorothy, his wife, the deforcants, we learn that the appurtenances of 
this portion of Heddon Manor were then 7 messuages, 6 cottages, 1 
water corn mill, 300 acres of (ploughed) land, 100 acres of meadow, 
100 acres of pasture, and 50 acres of furze and heath. Reynold 
Horseley of High Callerton, gent., the surviving trustee, and Tobias 
Pearson of Durham Moor House, gent., son and heir of Richard 
Pearson, conveyed the moiety of the manor, &c., in 1659, to James 
Metham of Newcastle, gent., cousin and heir to James Metham, 
deceased. In 1661, this James Metham sold it for 800 to Julian 
Dent of Newcastle, widow. 138 Julian Dent died intestate in 1689, 
leaving two daughters (Isabel, wife of William Bigge, attorney-at-law 
of Newcastle, and Julian, wife of John Hindmarsh, gent., of Little 
Benton), who consequently each became possessed of a quarter of the 
manor. 139 

On 28th Sept., 1717, the lands of the manor were partitioned by 
award between Thomas Bigge of Little Benton, gent., and his aunt, 
Julian Hindmarsh, and the Earl of Carlisle, who owned the other 
moiety. The whole lands contained 1,020 acres, or thereabouts : 504 
acres on the west side of the township were assigned to Lord Carlisle ; 
260 acres, the north-east part, to Mrs. Hindmarsh ; and 256 acres, the 
south-east part, to Mr. Bigge ; 13 acres of glebe being given to the 
vicar on the south-side of the Roman Wall in lieu of the stints 
claimed by him, and the mill and the stone 140 under the common left 

117 From deeds at Heddon. C. J. B. 1M Ibid. 

" In Hodgson's Northumberland, II., i., p. 98, there is given a much elaborated 
pedigree of the Bigge family, which, however is inaccurate as regards the Heddon 

40 Belted Will had the stone, carved with his arms above the great gateway 
at Naworth. brought from Heddon in 1626. Surt. Soc. Pub. 68, p. 238. 


undivided. The houses occupied by the tenants too were excepted from 
this division. But on 25th February, 1731, a further award separated 
those of the Bigge and Hindmarsh quarter. John Cresswell and 
William and Anthony Barkas, yeomen, were the principal tenants of 
the former. 141 In 1810 Mr. Chas. Wm. Bigge sold his estate to Mr. 
George Bates of Aydon, and about the same time Lord Carlisle's 
interest was acquired by the Clayton family. 142 

The mining rights reserved in 1635 were sold by Francis Carr, Esq., 
son and heir of Ralph Carr, to Henry Widdrington, Esq. of Black 
Heddon, and by him ' bargained and sold, Jan. 26, 1654, to the Hon. 
Charles Howard of Naworth Castle.' These rights being specifically 
defined as the winning of coal, heap room, wayleave, and liberty to build 
' cottages, lodges, hovels, and shields,' Mr. George Grey, to whom a 
dispute between Mr. Slater, the lessee of Lord Carlisle's colliery, and 
Mr. Hindmarsh, the owner of the surface, was submitted in 1730, 
held that Lord Carlisle and his tenant had no right to throw the water 
drawn out of the pit on Mr. Hindmarsh's ground, nor to dig a trench 
for its conveyance, but that the water might be carried off under- 
ground. 143 Subsequently the coal was leased by Lord Carlisle to Mr. 
Barkas, who employed William Brown as his overman. Brown was a 
remarkably able man, and when afterwards Mr. Barkas threw up his 
lease owing to the bad state of trade, the story goes that in buying 
some flannel for his pit clothes from Mr. Bell, a wealthy draper in 
Newcastle, he happened to mention what a pity it was that the Heddon 
pits should be laid in, and the partnership of Bell and Brown was 
consequently formed to work them, 144 and the adjacent royalty of 
Throckley. William Brown removed to a house at Throckley Fell, 

141 From deeds at Heddon. C. J. B. 

142 The Hindmarsh quarter of Heddon-on- the- Wall township was left by 
Thomas Hindmarsh to Sarah, daughter of the Rev. Leonard Shafto, rector of 
Gateshead (d. 1731), and wife of the Rev. Thomas Orde [see Burke's Landed 
Gentry OKDE of WEETWOOD], whose daughter, Elizabeth Orde, married 1775 
Thomas Shadforth, master mariner, of Newcastle, and left three sons and a 
daughter, Elizabeth, wife of Captain John Button. The whole property was 
held in undivided eighteenths among Sarah Shafto's descendants, and naturally 
neglected. The Orde and Shadforth shares having been ultimately purchased by 
Mr. Clayton, and the Button share by Mr. Bates in 1867, a division has since been 
carried out. 

143 MSS. Thos. Bates, to whom this was communicated by Mr. Woodman. 
The Court Rolls of Heddon Manor, which should contain much curious rural 
history, are supposed to be at Castle Howard. 

144 Heddon was the first place where coals were screened to separate the 
' round ' from the ' small.' The practice was begun in 1784. 


and should be gratefully remembered by antiquaries from the fact of 
his having saved the Hercules of VINDOBALA from further injury. 145 

Messrs. Bell and Brown built a row of houses for their workmen 
fronting the Carlisle road, at the east boundary of Heddon parish. 
These houses standing empty at the time of the French Revolution, 
were prepared for the reception of the refugee clergy. " They pre- 
sented," says Mackenzie, " a pleasing spectacle to the passing traveller. 
The entrance to the apartments on the second story was by a flight 
of steps on the outside, which landed on a gallery that ran nearly the 
whole length of the building. In the front were plots of ground for 
gardens, which were kept in excellent order by the respective posses- 
sors. This society of strangers frequently experienced the hospitality 
and benevolence of the neighbouring gentry. They erected a large 
sun-dial with an inscription upon it expressive of their gratitude to 
the English nation." 146 These houses, since known as Frenchman's 
Row, were at that time dignified with the name of Heddon Square. 
In the Church Register we find, under the year 1799 : 

" The Revd. James Bricquebec, of Heddon Square, French Clergyman, Died 
May llth; Buried May 12th. Age 72 years. 

" The Revd. John Lewis Anthony Dufresne, of Heddon Square. French 
Clergyman, Died April 21st ; Buried April 22nd. Age 69. 

" The Revd. John Foucard, of Heddon Square, Died June 5th : Buried June 
6th. Age 39. 

In his answers to the Visitation questions propounded by the 
Bishop of Durham (Shute Barrington) in 1801, Vicar Allason wrote : 
" There are no Papists in the Parish, natives of this Kingdom But 
there are Thirty-eight Emigrant Priests, who assemble at stated times, 
in a Room set apart for the purpose of public Worship, agreeable to 
the Romish Ritual." 147 

It seems these emigrants also cultivated a field or two in Throckley 
township, and there are those still alive who can remember the 

145 Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 48, No. 82. Outside the east end of the 
south aisle of Heddon Church is a tablet with : ' Hie reponuntur cineres spe 
beatae Resurrectionis Johannis et Agnis Liberorum Gulielmi Brown de Throckley 
Fell. Johannes obiit decimo nono Die Januarii 1748 Anno setatis tertio, Agnes 
obiit die secundo Feb. 1748 JStat. dec. mense. Quales fuere dies ille supremus 
indicabit.' On a flat stone beneath is, ' The Family Burial Place of William 
Brown, Esq.,' with the conventional arms of BBOWN : On a plain bend cotised 
three lions passant, and the motto ' Suivez liaison,' which is still used by the 
DIXON-BBOWNS. of Unthank. For an account of the older grave-stones in the 
churchyard see Appendix E. 

* Mackenzie's Northumberland, Vol. II., p. 375, 

117 Original in possession of Mr. Blair. 


strange sight of the ecclesiastics digging in their long robes. Their 
home was afterwards turned into a poor-house for the Castle Ward 
Union, and, on this being removed to Ponteland, let out into tene- 
ments. In 1883 the whole was thoroughly repaired, with the gardens 
replaced in front, instead of the high walls of the workhouse yard. 
The plaster had crumbled nearly all off the face of the huge dial, 
but this is now to be restored in accordance with the few traces of the 
figures and border left. As an appropriate motto, the old French 
adage has been suggested : 



An inquisition relating to the Manor of Barrasford, on the death of Margery, 
daughter of Richard Umfrevill and second wife of Eoger de Merley, was held at 
Heddon-on-the-Wall on the Monday after the feast of St. Peter in Cathedra, 
1292. Hodgson's Northumberland, II., ii., p. 470, n. 6. 

P. 256, n. 66. ' Thomas Reed of Old Town (in Redesdale), gentleman, and 
Gawen Reed of Corsenside, were, in 1556, witnesses to a deed of Clement Reed 
of the Close, in the parish of Heddon-on-the-Wall, whose ancestor, Thomas Reed, 
was probably a cadet of the Reeds of Redesdale.' Spearman's notes, Ibid. II., i., 
p. 138. 

P. 258, n. 71. The arms of BAKWICK, co. Northumberland, were: Or, three 
'bears' heads erased sa., muzzled arg.; those of BARWICK of Button, co. York: Arg., 
three bears' heads erased sa., muzzled gu. Edmondson's Heraldry, Vol. II. 

P. 278, n. 127. Cuthbert Milburne, alias Cuddy of the Learn, was, for various 
felonies, including the theft of two horses from Thomas Reed of Heddon-on-the- 
Wall, sentenced, at the Newcastle Assizes in 1629, to be sent to the wars with 
Captain Clark. Arch. Ml., I. (O.S.), p. 159. 




THE plan and architectural drawings of Heddon Church, which Mr. 
W. H. Knowles has most kindly allowed to be used as illustrations of 
this paper, did not, unfortunately, reach me till my verbal description 
of the church was already in the press. A few words in explanation of 
the Plates may be of service. 

Plate XXV. The two elevations of the east wall of the south aisle 
show the "long and short" quoins of the south-east angle of the 
ancient nave and the three lines of water-tabling. The monumental 
tablet is that to the memory of the Brown children, p. 286, n. 145. 

The south side of the chancel is represented by Mr. Knowles with 
such fidelity that the points at issue with Mr. Boyle can be almost as 
well understood as on the spot. The western double-lancet is, I insist, 
an undoubted insertion, and this insertion has greatly disturbed the 
surrounding masonry; but that the course of masonry above that 
window, and the door with the plain tympanum to the left of it, are 
the most decided Norman cannot, in my opinion, be gainsayed. 

Plate XXVI. In this view of the interior of the chancel the old 
semi-circular door-head is seen over the new vestry door on the left. 
An external door in the north wall of a chancel is an unusual feature ; 
there was one at Jarrow. On the right it will be noticed that the 
courses of masonry continue perfectly level under both the arch and 
the window to the west of it. An iron ring for a lamp yet remains in 
the key-stone of the groined vault. The floor of the whole chancel 
was originally almost as high as the middle of the second altar step. 

Plate XXVII. This is a sketch of the northern cluster of triple 
pillarets that support the arch in the chancel. As is mentioned in the 
text, the capitals differ from those of the southern cluster by the short 
stems that protrude between the scallops. 

Plate XXVIII. The primary object of this plan was to show the 
Norman bay at the east end of the chancel ; this is given in black. 
The quoins at the east of the south aisle are marked by Mr. Knowles 
(judging independently) as those of the ancient nave. The rest of the 


shading merely shows old work without discriminating between the 
diversities of style. Perhaps it is as well that this should be the case, 
so long as the west bay of the chancel is made the subject of contro- 
versy ; but it must be remembered that the piers formed by the 
responds of the chancel arch and of those of the nave are anything but 
homogeneous masonry. Portions, too, of the porch are ancient. 


Inquiry into the Possessions of Close House Chantry. A.D. 1415. 
Inquisitio ad quod damnum, 2 Hen. F., No. 10 (Public Record Office). 

Henry V. at Westminster, on the &th of December, 1415, having heard that 
the possessions of the chantry of the Close, in the parish of Heddon-on-the-Wall. 
have been alienated, directs his Escheator in Northumberland to hnld an inquiry 
into the case. On the Thursday next before tlie feast of the Circumcision 
(Janry the 1st), Robert dc Lisle, the Escheator, empanels a jury of twelve at the 
Castle of Newcastle-on-Tyne, and they report that Nicholas Turpyn has occupied 
and enjoyed a messuage, a chapel, .fifty acres of tillage, and ten acres of meadow, 
forming the entire property of the chantry, ever since the \&th of April, \^th 
Richard II., but by what title they cannot say. 

[ Writ.~\ Henricus Dei gratia Rex Anglie et Francie et Dominus Hibernie 
Escaetori suo in Comitatu Northumbrie salutem. Quia datum est nobis intelligi 
quod diversa terre, tenementa, prata, pasture, redditus, et alie possessiones 
Cantarie vocate le Cloos, in parochia de Heddone on the Walle juxta villain Novi 
Castri super Tynam, que de patronatu nostro existit, spectancia et pertinencia, 
per diversos ligeos nostros ab eadem Cantaria subtracta et elongata existunt in 
Cantarie predicte depauperacionem et exheredacionem manifestam, Nos volentes 
in hac parte per te plenius cerciorari, tibi precipimus quod per sacramentum 
proborum et legalium hominum de balliva tua per quos rei veritas melius sciri 
poterit, diligenter inquiras que terre tenementa prata pasture redditus et posses- 
siones predicte Cantarie spectent sive pertineant et que et cujusmodi terre tenementa 
prata pasture redditus et possessiones ab eadem Cantaria subtracta et elongata 
existant, et ad quantam summam se extendant per annum et per quos vel per 
quern quibus temporibus et quo modo, Et inquisicionem inde distincte et aperte 
factam nobis in Cancellariam nostram sub sigillo tuo et sigillis eorum per quos 
facta fuerit sine dilacione mittas et hoc breve. Teste me ipso apud Westmonas- 
terium vi die Decembris anno regni nostri secundo. Asplion. 

[Endorsed.] Responsio Roberti Lisle Escaetoris Northumbrie patet in 
Inquisicione huic brevi consuto. 

Inquisicio capta apud castrum Domini Regis de Novo Castro super Tynam 
die mercuric proximo post festum circumcicionis Domini anno regni regis Henrici 
quinti post conquestum Anglie secundo. coram Roberto Lisle Escaetore Domini 
Regis in comitatu Northumbrie virtute brevis dicti Domini Regis eidem Escaetori 
directi et huic inquisic'oni consuti, per sacramentum Johannis Lisle, Roberti 
Musgrave, Roberti Carlele. Edwardi Witwange, Johannis Dolfamby, Willielmi 
Benete, Ricardi Thwenge, Johannis Robson, Rogeri Gybunsone, Roberti Throk- 
lawe, Thome Molde, et Roberti Dawsone, Juratorum, Qui dicunt super sacra- 
mentum suum quod cantarie vocate le Cloos, in parochia de Heddone on ye 
Walle juxta villain Novi Castra super Tynam, spectant et pertinent unum messu- 
agium, una capella, quinquaginta acre terre arabilis, et decem acre prati, cum 
pertinenciis que per quamdam fossam circumclauduntur, que per Nicholaum 
Turpyn ab eadem cantaria subtracta et elongata existunt et valent et se extend- 


unt per annum in omnibus exitibus ultra reprisas ad quatuor marcas. Et dicunt 
predicti juratores quod dictus Nicholaus Turpyn occupavit dictam cantariam, 
messuagium, capellam, quinquaginta acras terre arabilis, et decem acras prati, 
cum pertinenciis a sexto decimo die Aprilis anno regni regis Ricardi secundi 
post conquestum Anglie xiiij usque in die capcionis hujus inquisicionis et inde 
per totum tempus antedictum exitus firmam et proficia inde proveniencia ad 
usum suum proprium percepit et habuit quo titulo predicti juratores ignorant. 
Dicunt eciam predicti juratores super sacramentum suum quod nulla alia terre 
tenementa prata pasture seu possessiones dicte cantarie spectant sive pertinent, 
quodque nulla alia terre tenementa prata pasture redditus vel possessiones ab 
eadem cantaria, exceptis prius exceptis, aliqualiter subtracta vel elongata existunt 
prout dictis juratoribus constare possit ad presens. In cujus rei testimonium 
huic inquisicioni predicti juratores sigilla sua apposuerunt. Datum die, anno, et 
loco supradictis. 


Gift of Lands, at Heddon and Whitchester to the Abbey of Blanchland 
by Nicholas de Hoghton. A.D. 1329. 

Inquisitio Post Mortem 3 Ed. III., No. 126. (Public Record Office). 

Edward III. at York, on t~he 4th of August, 1328, orders Simon de Grimsby, 
his Escheator north of the Trent, to hold an inquiry as to whether Nicholas de 
Soghton may be safely permitted to give two messuages, ninety acret of land, and 
a rent of twenty shillings, at lie ddon-on-the- Wall and Whitchester, to tlie Abbot 
and Convent of Blanchland, in order that they may provide a chaplain to say 
mass daily in the parish church of Heddon-on-the- Wall far the soul of Nicholas 
de Hoghton, and the souls of his father and mother and other ancestors for ever. 
The inquiry is held at Corbridge, on the Saturday after the feast of the Annun- 
ciation of the Virgin by a jury, mho say that Nicholas de Hoyhton may be per- 
mitted to do so, without prejudice to the King or otfters. The lands he proposes 
to give are worth 30*. a year, and are, together with the rent in question, held 
by him of John de Lancaster (son and heir of Roger de Lancaster and Philippa 
de Bolbeck Hodgson's Northumberland, II., i., p. 239) for 2s. ; but, besides 
these, he holds a messuage and twenty-four acres of him in Whitchester, and a 
messuage and twenty acres of Robert de Hydewin in West Heddon, and these 
afford ample security for the performance of all his feudal services. 

[ Writ.'] Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Anglie Dominus Hibernie et Dux 
Aquitanie dilecto et fideli suo Simoni de Grimmesby Escaetori suo citra Trentam 
salutem. Mandamus vobis quod per sacramentum proborum et legalium 
hominum de balliva vestra per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit diligenter 
inquiratis si sit ad dampnum vel prejudicuim nostrum ant aliorum si concedamus 
Nicholas de Hoghtone quod ipse duo mesuagia quater viginti et decem acras 
terre et viginti solidatas redditus cum pertinentiis in Hedone . . the Walle et 
Whittecestre dare possit et assignare dilectis nobis in Christo Abbati et Conventui 
de Alba Landa ad inveniendum quendam Capellanum divina pro anima ipsius 
Nicholai et animabus patris et matris ac aliorum antecessorum suorum et omnium 
fidelium defunctorum in ecclesia parochiali de Hedone on the Walle singulis 
diebus celebraturum. Habendum et tenendum eisdem Abbati et Conventui et 
successoribus suis ad inveniendum Capellanum predictum divina ibidem sicut 
predictum est singulis diebus celebraturum imperpetuum, necne. Et si sit ad 
dampnum vel prejudicium nostrum aut aliorum tune ad quod dampnum et quod 
prejudicium nostrum et ad quod dampnum et quod prejudicium aliorum et 
quorum et qualiter et quo modo et de quo vel de quibus predicta mesuagia et 
terra et redditus teneantur et per quod servicium et qualiter et quo modo et 
quantum predicta mesuagia et terra valeant per annum in omnibus exitibus 
juxta verum valorem eorundem et qui et quot sunt ruedii intra nos et prefatum 


Nicholaum de mesuagiis terra et redditu predictis et que terra et que tene- 
inenta eidem Nicholao remaneant ultra donacionem et assignacionem predictas 
et ubi et de quo vel de quibus teneantur et per quod servicium et qualiter 
et quo modo et quantum valeant per annum in omnibus exitibus et si terre et 
tenementa eidem Nicholao remanencia ultra donacionem et assiguacionem 
predictas sufSciant ad consuetudines et servicia tarn de predictis mesuagiis terra 
et redditu sic datis quam die aliis terris et tenementis sibi retentis debita facienda 
et omnia alia onera que sustinuerint vel sustinere consueverint ut in sectis 
visibus franciplegii auxiliis tallagiis vigiliis finibus redemcionibus amerciamentis 
contribucionibus et aliis quibuscumque emergentibus sustinendis et quod idem 
Nicholaus in assisis juratis et aliis recognicionibus quibuscunque poni possit 
prout ante donacionem et assignacionem predictas poni consuevit. Ita quod 
patria per donacionem et assignacionem predictas in ipsius Nicholai defectum 
magis solito non oneretur seu gravetur. Et inquisicionem inde distincte et 
aperte factam nobis sub sigillo vestro et sigillis eorum per quos facta fuerit sine 
dilacione mittatis et hoc breve. Teste me ipso apud Eboracum iiij. die Augusti 
anno regni nostri secundo. 

Inquisicio capta coram Simone de Grymesby Escaetori Domini Regis citra 
Trentam abud Corbrigge die sabbati proxima ante festum Assumpcionis beate 
Marie Virgiiiis anno regni Hegis Edwardi tercii a conquestu secundo per sacra- 
mentum Koberti Hydvvinwest, Willielmi de Eggiscliffe, Roberti de Lumley, 
Simonis de Waskerley, Johannis filii Alicide de Corbrigge, Willielmi de Hydewin, 
Willielmi filii Ade, Johannis de Bechefeld, Ade de Uockefeld, Ade de Aydene, 
Willielmi de Ovington, et Thome Hunter, Juratorum, si sit ad dampnum vel preju- 
dicium Domini Regis predicti ant aliorum si idem Dominus Rex concedat 
Nicholao de Hoghtone quod ipse duo' messuagia quater viginti et decem acras 
terre et viginti solidatas redditus cum pertinentiis in Hedone on the Walle et 
Whittecestre dare possit et assignare Abbati et Conventui de Albalanda ad 
inveniendum quendam capellanum divina pro anima ipsius Nicholai et animabus 
patris et matris ac aliorum antecessorum suorum et omnium fidelium def unctorum 
in ecclesia parochiali de Hedone on the Walle singulis diebus celebraturum, 
Habendum et tenendum ipsis Abbati et Coventui et successoribus suis imper- 
petuum, necne. Qui dicunt super sacramentum suum quod non est ad dampnum 
nee prejudicium Domini Regis nee aliorum. Item dicunt quod predicta terra 
tenementa et redditus tenentur de Johanne de Langcastre per servicium ij s. per 
annum pro omni servicio et dicta messuagia et terra valent per annum in 
omnibus exitibus juxta verum valorem xxx s. Et dicunt quod predictus Johannes 
de Langcastre est medius inter dominum Regem et ipsum Nicholaum de tene- 
mentis predictis. Et dicunt quod adhuc remanent penes dictum Nicholaum 
unum messuagu im et xxiiij acras terre in Whittecestre et unum messuagium et 
xx acras terre in Hydewin west ultra donacionem et assignacionem predictas et 
dicta messuagia et xxiiij acre terre in Whittecestre tenentur de Johanne de 
Langcastre per servicium trium denariorum ad Wardam castri Novi Castri 
super Tinam et quo ad cornagium per annum et valent per annum in omnibus 
exitibus xxiiij .?. Et predicta messuagia et xx acre terre in Hydewynwest 
tenentur de Roberto de Hydewin per servicium ij *, ad predictam Wardam 
et obsli quo ad cornagium per annum et valent per annum in omnibus exitibus 
xvj *. Et dicunt quod predicta terre et tenementa eidem Nicholao ultra 
donacionem et assignacionem predictas remanentia sufficiunt ad consuetudines 
et servicia tarn de predictis messuagiis terra et redditu sic datis quam de aliis 
terris et tenementis sibi retentis debita facienda et ad omnia alia onera que 
sustinint et sustinere consuevit juxta tenorem brevis. Et dicunt quod idem 
Nicholaus in assisis juratis et aliis recognicionibus quibuscumque poni potest 
prout ante donacionem et assignacionem predictas poni consuevit. Ita quod 
patria per donacionem et assignacionem predictas in ipsius Nicholai defectum 
magis solito non oneretur seu gravetur. In cujus rei testimonuim predicti Jurati 
sigilla sua apposuerunt huic Inquisicioni. Datum apud Corbrigge die et anno 

[Eudored.~] Fiat per finem quinquaginta solidorum. 



Lord Treasurer's Remembrances of Exchequer. Originalia. Roll 22. 
3 Ed. III. Northumbr. in r vj to . (Public Record Office.) 

For the consideration of 50s., the King, at Wallingford, on the 23rd of April, 
1329, g rants a license to Nicholas de Hoghton to give these lands, fyc., to be held 
in mortmain. 

Grossi fines. 

Nicholaus de Hoghtone finem fecit cum Kege per quinquaginta solidos pro 
licencia habenda dandi et assignandi laicum feodum in Hedone on the Walle et 
Whittestre ad manum mortuam habendum. Teste Rege apud Walyngford xxiij 
die Aprilis. 


Lease of the Great Tithes of Heddon Parish, &c., to George Mason, 

A.D. 1590. 

{From the original in the Library of the Society of Antiquaries of 

Queen Elizabeth at Westminster, on the 21st of March, 1590, grants by letters 
patent, a Lease for 21 years to George Mason, gent., at theold rent of 11 17s. 0d., 
of the tithes of grain of Heddon-on-the- Wall, Eachwick, Hedmin, Whitchestcr, 
and Houghton Close and Orange, together with the tithe barns of Heddon and 
Eachwick, and the tithes of salmon at Heddon, as these were lately held by Roger 
Mitford and Edmund Claxton, at the rent of 5 ; also all the other possessions 
of the monastery of Blanchland at Heddon, which they have held at the rent of 
7, including the right of digging and drawing coal and other ore with wayleave 
and staithleave ; and likewise the tithe of these premises amounting to 2 17*. 0<i. 

Elizabeth dei gratia Anglie, francie et hibernie, Regina, fidei defensor, &c. 
Omnibus ad quos presentes Litere pervenerint salutem : Cum quidam vetus 
annualis redditus Quatuordecem librorum septemdecem solidorum et unius oboli 
pro premissis inferius specificatis jamdiu abhinc fuit responsus et decimis inde 
cujusdam summe Quinquaginta septem solidorum et unius oboli nunc multisque 
Annis preteritis racione cujusdam dimissionis de quibusdam Rogero Mitforde 
et Edmundo Claxton f acte, Sciatis igitur quod nos pro eo quod dilectus Subditus 
noster Georgius Mason generosus predictum annualem redditum Quatuordecem 
librorum septemdecem solidorum et unius oboli pro premissis respondere offert, 
de Avisamento dilectorum et fidelium Consiliariorum nostrorum Willielmi 
Baronis de Burghley Thesaurarii nostri Anglie, Johannis Fortescue Armigeri 
Subthesaurarii Curie Scaccarii, ac Rogeri Manwoode militis Capitalis Baronis 
ejusdem Scaccarii, Tradidimus concessimus et ad firmam dimisimus, ac per 
presentes tradimus concedimus et ad firmam dimittimus prefato Georgio Masone 
omnes illas decimas nostras granorum annuatim et de tempore in tempus pro- 
venientes crescentes sive renovaturas intra villas et campos de Heddone super 
murum, Echewyk, Hedwyne, Whichester, Houghtone Close et Grainge, in 
comitatu nostro Northumbrie, ac horrea decimalia de Heddon et Echewyk 
predictis cum uno gardino eidem horreo decimali de Echewyk spectanti ac 
decimas nostras Salmonum de Heddon predicto, cum omnibus et singulis eorum 
pertinentiis universis modo vel nuper in tenura sive occupacione dictorum Rogeri 
Mitford et Edmundi Claxton vel assignatorum suorum seu assignatorum eorum 


alterius annual! redditu Quinque librorum, Necnon omnia ilia terras, tenementa, 
domos, cotagia, clausa, piscaria, prata, pasturas, moras, communia pasture, terras, 
arrabiles, medietatem molendini aquatici, insuper et woodhames, cum omnibus 
aliis proficiis, easimentis, et commoditatibus eisdem premissis spectantibus sive 
pertinentibus, scituatis et existentibus in villa cam pis territoriis et bund is de 
Heddon super murum predicto, Necnon libertatem fodiendi et hauriendi intra 
libertates et bundas predictas carbonem lapideum sive aliquod aliud genus de le ore 
ibidem, unacum Waileve et staithleve per et trans campos et bundas predictos 
pro cariagio eorundem, modo vel nuper in tenura sive occupacione dictorum 
Rogeri Mitforth et Edmundi Claxton vel assignatorum suorum seu assignatorum ' 
eorum alterius annuali redditu Septem librorum, Que omnia et singula premissa 
nuper monasterio de Blauncheland in dicto comitatu pertinencia et spectancia ac 
parcellas possessionum inde quondam existentes ac omnia et singula domos, 
edificia, structuras, horrea, stabula, columbaria, hortos, pomaria, gardinos, terras, 
tenementa, prata, pascua, pasturas, lezas, brueras, communia, vasta, jampna, 
mariscos, aquas, aquarum cursus, gurgites, ripas, stagna, vinaria, piscaria, 
piscaciones, proficia, commoditates, advantagia, emolumenta, hereditamenta 
nostra quecunque cum eorum pertinenciis universis aut cum eisdem seu eorum 
aliquo vel aliquibus antehac usualiter per redditum inferius in his presentibus 
literis nostris patentibus reservatum dimissis, locatis, habitis, cognitis, accept is. 
usitatis, occupatis. seu reputatis existere, Exceptis tamen semper et nobis 
heredibus et successoribus nostris omnino reservatis omnibus grossis arboribus, 
boscis et subboscis premissorum, Habendum et tenendum predictas decimas 
granorum et cetera omnia et singula premissa superius per presentes dimissa cum 
eorum membris et pertinenciis universis, exceptis prius exceptis, prefato Georgio 
Masone executoribus et assignatoribus suis a festo Annunciacionis beate Marie 
virginis proxime futuro usque ad finem termini et per terminem viginti et unius 
Annorum extunc proxime sequentium et plene complendorum, Eeddendum inde 
annuatim nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris Quatuordecem libros septem- 
decem solidos et unum obolum legalis monete Angelie ad f esta sancti Michaelis 
Archangeli et Annunciacionis beate Marie virginis ad manus Ballivorum vel 
Receptorum premissorum pro tempore existencium per equales porciones 
solvendos durante termino predicto. Et predictus Georgius Masone, executores, 
et assignatores sui omnia domos et edificia ac omnia sepes, 'fossata, inclusa, 
littora, ripas, et muros maritimos, necnon omnes alias necessarias reparaciones 
premissorum in omnibus et per omnia de tempore in tempus totiens quotiens 
necesse et oportunum fuerit sumptibus suis propriis et expensis bene et 
sufficienter reparabunt, supportebunt, sustiniebunt, escurebunt, purgabunt, et 
manutenebunt, durante termino predicto ac premissa sufficienter reparata et 
manutenta in fine termini dimittent. Et Volumus ac per presentes concedimus 
prefato Georgio Masone, executoribus, et assignatoribus suis quod bene licebit eis 
de tempore in tempus capere precipere et habere de in et super premissis cre- 
scentibus competens et sufficiens houseboote, hedgboote, fyreboote, ploughboote, 
et carteboote ibidem et non alibi annuatim expendendum et occupandum. 
durante termino predicto, Et quod habeant materiaturam in boscis et terris 
premissorum crescentem ad et versus reparaciones domorum et edificiorum 
premissorum per assignacionem et supervisionem Senescalli seu Subsenescalli aut 
aliorum officialium nostrorum ibidem pro tempore existencium durante termino 
predicto. Proviso semper quod si contigerit predictum redditum superius per 
presentes reservatum a retro fore non solutum in parte vel in toto per spacium 
Quadraginta dierum post aliquod festum festorum predictorum quout prefertur 
solvi debeat quod tune et deinceps hec presens dimissio et concessio vacua sit ac 
pro nullo habeatur Aliquo in presentibus incontrario inde non obstante Aliquo 
statuto, actu, ordinacione, provisione, proclamacione sive restrictione incontario 
inde antehac habito, facto, edito, ordinato seu proviso, Aut aliqua alia re, causa, 
vel materia quacunqe in aliquo non obstante. In cujus rei testimonium has 
literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipsa apud Westmonasterium 
vicesimo primo die marcii Anno regni nostri Tricesimo secundo et per breve de 
private sigillo &c. Buggyn. 



There are four, only four, tombstones of ancient appearance in 
Heddon churchyard that are still legible, but as these are gradually 
falling to pieces, the inscriptions are worth placing on record. 

(1) Just south of the path, at the south-east corner of the porch, is 
a headstone in memory of a child, bearing a good old border name : 

" Here lieth interred The Body of IANE REVEL Y, who departed this Life A'Gust 
ye 26th day, 1724, AGed 2 yeares." 

(2) A little to the south of this last, we read : 

" Here Lyeth interr'd ye Body of lohn, son of Ralph peascod of Heddon on ye 
wall, who died May ye 12tb, 1730, aged 21 years, also Wm. & bridget, who died 

(3) To the east of the footpath, halfway between the entrance to 
the churchyard and the porch, is a small stone with embattled edges, 
having on its east face : 

4i Here Heth interred ye b * * * of IOHN BEWICK, of Darras Hall, Husbandman, 
who dyd Nov br ye 24, 1730, aged 26 years ; " and on its west face, " * * * * that 
the said lohn Bewick hath left the sum of ten pounds to the poor of the parish 
of Heddon on the wall to be Distributed among them at the Discretion of the 
Vicar and Churchwardens of the said parish." 

(4) At the south-west corner of the church : 

" Here Lieth the Body of lohn Waddle, who Departed luly ye 17, 1731, aged 
44 years." 



S. Abb's Head, 186. 

Abel, John, 254. 

Acton, Richard, 4. 

Ad Gefrin, 243. 

Ad Murum, 243. 

Adamiian, 189. 

A damson, Rev. E. H., on Henry Bourne, 

the Historian of Newcastle, 147- 
Adamson, John, 157, biographical notice 

of, 158. 
^Esculapius, altar to, 234; altars to, 

Agricola, 87 ; arrives in Britain ; 99 

conquests by, 99 ; invades North 

Britain, 100 ; proposed invasion of 

Ireland, 101 ; battle with Galgacus, 

102; recalled to Rome, 103. 
S. Aidan, Bishop of Lindisfarne, 20. 
Airey, John, 156. 
Akenside family, of Eachwick, 208 ; 

Thomas, 268; William, 268; Hugh, 

268 ; Mark, 269 ; Hannah, 2(>9 ; Ann, 

269 ; Abraham. 269. 
Alaunus, river, 222. 
S. Albans, Abbey of, 14 ; monks from, 

brought to Tynemouth, 14 ; Richard, 

Abbot of, 14. 

Albums, the anti- Emperor, 113. 
Aid win arrives at Jarrow, 44; visits 

Melrose. 44; Wearmouth given to, 

44 ; restores church of St. Peter, 45. 
Alexander, equestrian figure of. 210. 
Alexander III., Pope, 14. 
Allason. Thomas, 251. 
All Saints, or All - Hallows. Bourne 

appointed curate of, 150. 
All Saints, Brixworth. 47. 
Alnwick, John, 251. 
Alvie, Vicar, 68, 72, 76. 
Anderson, Clement, 277 ; Cuthbert, 68, 

76 ; Elizabeth, 76 ; Francis, 67 ; 

Henry, 3/76 ; Robert. 68, 76. 
S. Andrew, churches dedicated to, 245. 
St. Andrews, Archbishops of, 199. 
Angerton, 252. 
Anglesev, Island of, 97; conquest of, 


Anna, King of East Saxons, 188. 

Annotson. John, 263. 

Antiquaries, Society of, Newcastle ; 
notices of early members of, 155 ; 
J. Bell's collections relating to, 156 ; 
founding of, 157; first meetings of, 
158, 159; licence to meet in the 
castle, 159. 

Antiquitates Vulgares, or the Anti- 
quities of the Common People, pub- 
lication of, 151 ; I'eprint of, by 
Brand, 152. 

Antoniiie's Itinerary, 139, 218. 

Antoninus Pius, Wall of, 110. 

Araynis, Wydo de. 252. 

Arch, triumphal, to Claudius, 94. 

Ardoch, camp at, 113. 

Armorica, 137, 138; Roman soldiers 
from, 143; 216. 

Armstrong, Andrew, 251 ; 283. 

Arnsberg. 57. 

Arnulphus, King, 53. 

Ashmolean Museum, Roman altar in, 


Assheton, William, vicar. Bywell St. 

Andrew, 183. 

Assvrians. harness used by, 215. 
Astell, William. 80 ; Isaac. 80. 
Atkins. Mary. 267. 
Atkinson, Mrs., 163 ; James, 265. 
Atherton, Rev. Thos., 148 ; Dr. Henry, 

Augustus Csesar. annexations to Rome 

by, 84. 

Aulus Platorius Nepos, 109, 144. 
Aulus Plautius, 89 ; ovation to, 94. 
Aynwyk, John de. 252. 


Balliols, the, of Bywell, 12. 

Balliol, Eustace de, 15 ; Hugh de, 15. 

Banestre, John de, 252. 

Barkas family, of Heddon, 274. 

Barkas, George, 282 ; William, 285. 

Bates, C. J., 173 ; on Heddoii-on-the- 

Wall, the church and parish, 240. 
Bates. George, 285. 
Baturicus, Bishop, 53. 

L L 


Baxter, William, 251. 

Beake, James, 251. 

Bede's Life of S. Cuthbert, 18; account 
of the founding of Weal-mouth Mon- 
astery, 33. 

Bek. Bishop Antony, 5; attempts to 
alienate the revenues of Coldingham, 

Bell Family Robert. 267 ; John, 267 ; 
William," 267 ; Sarah, 267 ; Edward. 
267; Charles, 267, Elizabeth, 267; 
Ann, 267. 

Bell. John, his i( Rhymes of Northern 
Bards," 156 ; his collections relating 
to the Society of Antiquaries, 156; 
projects the formation of the Society, 
157, appointed the Treasurer. 158. 

Bell and Spearman of Eachwick, pedi- 
gree of, 267. 

Bell and Brown, Messrs., 285. 

Bells in Bywell St. Peter, 15 ; inscrip- 
tion on Bells, 15. 

Bellasis, John, 256. 

Benedict Biscop, 27 ; founds Monkwear- 
mouth monastery, 33 ; brings masons 
and glass makers from France, 33 ; his 
journey to Rome, 33, 35 ; returns 
from Rome, 35 ; death of, 36 ; burial 
place of, 40. 

Bewicke Family, 257; Andrew, 257; 
Peter, 258 ; Calverley, 258, William, 
258 ; Thomas, 258. 

Bewicke, Robert, purchases manor of 
Close House, 257. 

Bigge, Isabel, 284; William, 284; 
Thomas, 284 ; Charles William, 285. 

Birdoswald, 243. 

Birkett, Miles, 251, 282. 

Bit, bridle, Roman, 208, 212. 

Blackett, John Alexander, 251, 283. 

Blakiston, John, 72. 

Blaklok, Henry, 265. 

Blanchland Monastery and Bywell St. 
Andrew, 12. 

Blanchland, monastery at, founded, 246; 
Heddon church presented to, 246 ; 
gift of lands at Heddon, &c., to, bv 
Nicholas de Hoghton, 290. 

Boderia Aestuarium, 222. 

Bodotria, estuary of, 100. 

Bolbec Barony, 252. 

Bolbec, Hugh de, 245, 252 ; Walter de, 
245, 252. 

Buldon Buke. the, 5. 

Boudicca. Queen, rebellion under, 97. 

Bonner. Thomas, 71. 

Bonnington, Nicholas, 251. 

Boss, bronze, for horse decoration, 205. 

Bourne. Henry, memoir of, 147 ; sent 
to grammar school, 147; at Cambridge 

University, 148 ; ordination of. 150 ; 
appointed curate of All Saints, 150 ; 
his marriages, 151 ; death of, 151 ; 
publication of his "Antiquitates Vnl- 
gares," 151 ; his Harmony of the 
Collects, &c., 152; his History of 
Newcastle. 152. 

Bourne, Thomas, 147 ; Margaret, 151 ; 
Alice, 151; Henry, 151 ; Eleanor, 151. 

Bowes, John, 71 ; Mrs., 264. 

Bowlker, Charles, 242, 251. 

Bowre, William, 264. 

Boyle. Rev. J. R., on the monastery 
and church of S. Peter, Monkwear- 
mouth. 33. 

Boys, William, monk of Dunfermline, 

Bradford, Rev. W., 150. 

Brand, Rev. J., his reprint of "Anti- 
qnitates Vulgares," 152 ; his History 
of Newcastle, 153. " 

Bremenium, 114; excavations at, 162; 
bronze ornament found at, 211. 

Brenklaw, John de, 262. 

Brent, John, on Saxon buckle, &c., 212. 

Bricquebec, Rev. James, 28(i. 

Bridge, Roman, at Corbridge, 225. 

Brigantes, the, 98. 

Britain, the Roman annexation of, 82 ; 
various projects of invasion, 88; 
mineral wealth in, 93. 

Britanuicus, title of, 94. 

Britons, insurrection of, suppressed, 98. 

Brittany, John. Earl of, 15. 

Brockett, John Trotter, biographical 
notice of, 164 ; bis coins and library, 
164 ; Dr. Dibdin's visit to, 164 ; his 
Glossary of North Country Words, 
165 ; J. T. Junr.. 165. 

Broundon, Richard, 251. 

Brown, Rev. Stephen, 184 ; John, 184 ; 
William, 285. 

Browne, Rev. G-. F., on inscriptions at 
Jarrow and Monkwearmouth, 27. 

Browne, Sir Thomas, quoted, 1, 9. 

Bruce, John, 160. 

Bruce, Dr. J. C., on a Roman altar from 
Byker, 120; on centurial stones near 
Gilsland, 121 ; on two unpublished 
Roman inscriptions, 122 ; on the dis- 
covery of five Roman milestones, 130 ; 
on some of the early members of the 
Society of Antiquaries, Newcastle, 
155; on Corstopitum, 219 ; on a small 
altar from Magna. 232 ; on an altar 
from South Shields, 233. 

Buchner, J. A., on the Devil's Wall, 169. 

Buckles, bronze. Saxon, 211. 

Buddie. John, 175. 

Hulnuui. Robert, 80. 



Bureil. Henry, 251. 

Burgon, Rev. J. W., 119. 

Burr, the Northumbrian, 220. 

Burton's Commentary on Antoninus, 
quoted, 139. 

Bury, Bishop Richard de, 227. 

Butler, John, 68, 76. 

Byker, Roman altar found at, 120. 

By well, notes on. 11 ; village of, in 1569, 
11 ; origin of the two churches. 11 ; 
origin of name, 12. 

By well, supposed dates of the churches. 
15 ; bells in St. Peters, 15. 

Byvvell St. Peter and Durham monas- 
tery, 11 ; tithes of, conveyed to Tyne- 
inouth, 13 ; transferred to Durham, 
13; final settlement and grant to 
Durham, 14. 

By well St. Peters, 181. 

Bywell Castle, 17. 


Caerleon, 97. 

Caerwent, 97. 

Caledonius Secundus, 121. 

Camden, Wm., 104, 111 ; " Britannia," 

Camulodunum, 92; temple at, 92; 

foundation of, 96. 
Caratacus taken captive, 97. 
Carausius, 115. 

Carilef , Bishop William de, 13, 46. 
Carlisle given to S. Cuthbert, 21. 
Carlisle, inscribed tombstone found at, 

Carlisle, Earl of, 284; acquires the 

manor of Heddon, 252. 
Carmichael, James, 251. 
Carnaby, William de, 256. 
Carnac, bronze ornament found at, 212. 
Carr, James, 259, 278; Francis, 285; 

John, 269; Ralph, 67, 269,284; 

Robert, 80. 

Cartington, John, 182 ; Anne, 182. 
Castle, Newcastle, lease of, granted to 

the Society of Antiquaries, 177. 
Castra Batava, Roman station of, 60. 
Castra Vitellia (Wischelburg), camp 

of, 59. 

Centurial stones near Gilsland, 121. 
Ceolfrid, abbot of Jarrow, 27, 34; 

appointed abbot of both monasteries, 

36; resigns and departs for Rome, 37 ; 

death of, 41. 

Cervetra, bronzes from graves at, 213. 
Chapman, Marion, 3 ; Henry, 3, 67 ; 

Matthew, 3. 

Chapman, Oswald, his will, quoted, 3. 
Charlton, Dr. Edward, 178. 
Chester, 97. 

ChSchester, Roman temple at, 91. 

Chimney Mills, windmill at, 8. 

" Chorographia," publication of, 70. 

Christ's College, Cambridge, Rev. H. 
Bourne at, 148. 

Christianity, introduction of, into 
Britain, 116. 

Cilurnum, excavations at, 117; horse 
trappings found at, 207, 209, 212 ; 
ring found at, 235. 

Clarke, Thomas, 251, 280. 

Claudius invades Britain, 89 ; legions 
forming his army, 89, 90 ; triumphal 
arch to, 94 ; satire on, 95. 

Clausentum (Southampton), 92. 

Clayton, John, 163, 285; Nathaniel, 163. 

Clayton, John, on an altar to Fortuna 
Conservatrix, 117. 

Claxton, Sir Wm., 182; Sir Robert, 182; 
Joanna, 182; Edmund, 277. 

Clernetson, Edward, 251. 

Clephan, Jas., the Painter Heugh aud 
the Wind-mill, 1 ; on William London, 
bookseller, 227 ; on coal-mining in 
Old Gateshead; explosion in the 
" Stony Flatt," 229. 

Clerke, Mrs., 264. 

Close House, family of Reade of, 257 ; 
sold to Robert Bewicke, 257 ; chapel 
of, 258. 

Close House Chantry, possessions of, 289. 

Clota, estuary of, 100. 

Cloth Market, 4. 

Coach, the stage, 1. 

Cocceius Regulus, 121. 

Coins, Roman, found at Heddon, 242. 

Colania, 223, 225. 

Colchester, Roman remains at, 93. 

Coldingham, by the Rev. J. L. Low, 
186; Ebba, first abbess, 186; Bede's 
notice of, 187; S. Cuthbert at, 187; 
burning of. 189; restored, 190; 
destroyed by the Danes, 190 ; rebuilt 
on new site, 191 ; refounded by King 
Edgar, 191 ; given to Durham, 191 : 
Benedictine monks at. 191 ; destroyed 
by King John, 192 ; income of, 193 ; 
attempt to alienate the revenues of, 
193; protest of the monks against. 
194; proposed transfer of to Dunferm- 
line, 195 ; priors of appointed by 
abbot of Dunfermline, 196; sufferings 
of the monks from the wars, etc., 
197 ; appointment of Earl of Douglas 
as protector, 197; connection of i Home 
family with, 198; James III. attempts 
to seize the revenues of, 198 ; sup- 
pression of, 200; destruction of the 
buildings. 201; present remains of, 
201, 202 ; visit to, 203. 



Cole, William, 80. 

Colechester, on name of, by R. O. 

Heslop, 216, 219. 
Collects, Epistles, and Gospels, harmony 

of, by Rev. H. Bourne, 152. 
Colling'wood. Edward, 74. 
Colubrugia, Alfric de, 220. 
Commodus, 114. 
Coniers, Francis, 251. 
Constans, Flavius Julius, inscription to, 


Constantinns, Flavius Valerius, inscrip- 
tion to, 134, 135. 
Cor, the brook, 145 ; derivation of the 

name, 223. 

Coracles on the Tyne. 223. 
Corbridge, 137 ; various names of, 145 ; 
fine situation of. 217 ; approach of 
Watling Street to, 217; distinction 
between and Colechester, 220, 221 ; 
mint at, 221. 
Corbrugia. Alfric de, 220. 
Corchester, 219. 
Coria, 223. 
Corisopiti, the, 140, 142 ; their removal 

to Britain. 144. 
Corisopitum, 137, 216 ; Roman remains 

at, 138. 

Corstopitum, station of, 137, 144; on 
origin of name, 139; modern names of, 
145; on name of by R. O. Heslop, 
216; Maclauchlanon,218; Dr. Bruce 
on, 219. 

Cotton, Sir R., 104. 
Coulson, Col. J. B., 168. 
Cowling, Mrs. Jane, 249. 
Cowper, Sir John, curate of Whitton- 

stall, 183 ; George, curate, 183. 
Cowper, Christopher, 251. 
Cramer Dykes, explosion in colliery at, 


Crauden, Sibilla de, 253. 
Craudene. Hugh de, 252. 
Crawedon, Hugh de, 246. 
Crayke, vill of, 21, 25. 
Cresswell family, of Heddon, 274. 
Crindle Dykes, Roman milestones found 

at, 130. 

Cunningham, John, 7. 
Cunobelliuus, coins of, 91. 
S. Cuthbert, on the authorities for the 
history of, 18 ; lives of, 18 ; his sup- 
posed hatred of women, 19; takes 
possession of Fame, 21 ; gift to by 
King Egfrid. 21 ; his miracles, 22, 24. 
Cuthbert, pupil of Bede, 41. 


Daldun, lands at. given to Weal-mouth. 37. 
Dalton, 37. 

Danes invade Northumbria, 19, 41. 

Danube. Roman camps on the, 58. 

Darlington, John de. 251. 

Darrayn, family of. 182; Isabella, 182 ; 
Robert, 182. 

David I., King, founds monasteries, 195. 

Davison. Roger, 76. 

Dean Street, 2. 

Delaval, Claudius, 67 ; Eustace, 253. 

Dent, Julian, 284. 

Derwentwater, Francis, first Earl of. 
182 ; James, third Earl of, 182. 

Deth, Henry. 283. 

Deva, (Chester). 97. 

Dibdin. Dr. T F., 164. 

Dickson, G. A., 167. 

Diplomas, military, 100. 

Dissingtou, 260. 

Diveleston, Symon de. 226. 

Dobuifif's waggon, 8. 

Dobson. John, 177 ; Robert, 251. 

Dobson family, 259. 

Dockwray, Stephen, 80. 

Dodd, James. 265. 

Dog Leap Stairs, 10. 

Dorward. John.monk of Coldingham,197. 

Douglas. Archibald, Earl of, appointed 
protector of Coldingham, 197. 

Dufresne, Rev. J. L., 286. 

Dunbar. Bishop Wilfrid imprisoned at, 

Dunfermline monastery, transfer of 
Coldingham to, 195 ; abbots of, ap- 
point priors to Coldingham, 196. 

Durham monastery and Bywell St. 
Peter, 11, 13, 14.' 

Durham Cathedral, women excluded 
from, 20. 

Durham Abbey, cells to, 191. 

Durham, monks of Wearmouth and 
Jarrow removed to, 46. 

Durham, prior and convent of, oppose 
the appointment of priors of Colding- 
ham by abbots of Dunfermline, 196. 

Durham College, Oxford, 198. 

Durnovaria (Dorchester), 93. 

Dwarris, Rev. F., Notes on Bywell, 11. 

Eachwick, 245, 253, 259; purchased 
by Roger Fenwick, 265 ; Ralph 
Spearman builds new hall at, 267; 
the property of the Akensides, 268 ; 
lands at, in possession of priory of 
Hexham, 261 ; lands at, in possession 
of Abbey of Newminster, 264. 

Eanbald, Archbishop, 12 ; Styca of, 

Easington, mills at, 6. 



East Heddon, 245. 252. 270. 

Easterwine, abbot of Wearniouth, 27, 
34 memoir of. 34 ; appointed abbot, 
35 ; death of. 35. 

Ebba, abbess of Coldingbam. 19, 186 ; 
death of, 190. 

Ebchester, 186. 

Ebner, Herr Adalbert. 57. 

Eboracum (York), 100. 

Ecgbert. Bishop, consecration of. at 
Bywell. 12. 

Ecgfrid, King, gives land to Benedict 
Biscop. 33 ; death of, 35. 

Echewyk. Thomas de, 260 ; William de, 

Edgar, King of Scots, founds Colding- 
ham, 191. 

Edmunds, Flavell, on derivation of the 
word Cor, 223. 

Edward I.. King, 192. 194. 

Edward III. orders mills from New- 
castle. 6. 

Edwinesburh, 243. 

Edwinistre, 243. 

Egfrid, King, gift to S. Cuthbert, 21, 

Eichstadt, 52; founders of, 53; Pon- 
tifical of, 56. 

Elneda, abbess of Whitby, 19. 

Ellison, Benjamin, 73 ; Cuthbert, 73, 
79; Rev. Cuthbert, 150; Elizabeth, 
73,78,79; John, 265; Rev. Nathaniel, 
73 ; Robert, 78, 80 ; Samuel, 63, 79 ; 
Thomas, 264. 

Ellison, Robert, 61 ; marriage of, 61, 
62, 73 ; death of, 64 ; purchases Heb- 
burn, 73. 

Ellison, Ralph Carr, 178. 

Ely, foundation of monastery at, 188. 

Embleton, D., " Unde Derivatur Cor- 

. stopitum ? " 137 ; on Corstopitum, 

Enamelled horse trappings, 208. 

England, Pre-Roman, '85. 

Ermenburga, queen, 189. 

Ethelreda, queen, 188, 

Ethelfrid, king, 186. 


Parnaby, Jacob and Henry, 67. 

Fast castle, 190. 

Faudon, Peter de, 260 ; John de, 260. 

Fennye, James, his will quoted, 2. 

Fenwick. 252. 

Fenwick family, Ann, 266; Anthony, 
266 ; Edward, 73 ; George, 266 ; Sir 
John, 266; John, 178,266; Margaret, 
266 ; Roger, 266 ; Peter, 73 ; Colonel, 
279 ; William, marriage of, 73. 

Fenwick, Gerard, of Heddon, will of. 

Fenwick, Roger, purchases Eachwick. 


Fenwick families at Heddon, &c., pedi- 
gree of, 276. 
Fenwick and Scurfield of Eachwick, 

pedigree of, 266. 
Fenwicke of East Heddon, pedigree of, 

Ferguson, R. S., on a Roman inscribed 

tombstone found at Carlisle, 127. 
fferinsed, Jacob. 68, 76. 
Finan, bishop, 186 ; baptizes Peada and 

Sigebert, 244. 

Fisher's Market. Corbridge, 224. 
Fitzwilliam. Ralph, 252. 
Fleet, the Roman, 90. 
Formaii, Andrew, bishop of Moray, 200. 
Forster, Alderman George, 165. 
Fortuna Conservatrix, Altar to, 117. 
Fortune, Altars to, 118, 125. 
Fosse of the Pfahlgraben, 55. 
Foucard, Rev. John, 286. 
Freeman, Edward, 81 . 
Freeman's " Norman Conquest " quoted, 

Frenchman's Row, 286. 


Galba, 89. 

Gale on the name of Corstopitum, 139. 


Galgacus. victory over, 102. 
Gateshead, the four-and-twenty of , 228; 

coal mining in old, 229. 
Gateshead church, visitation at, 6. 
Gauls, cohorts of, in Britain, 143. 
Gibson, George, 167. 
Gibson, Bishop Edmund, ordains Rev. 

H. Bourne, 150. 

Gilsland, Centurial stones near, 121. 
Glenton, Galfrid, 251. 
Glevum (Gloucester), 96. 
Gloucester, 96. 
Glover, Cornelius, 279. 
Goodwood park, 91. 
Gordon, Alexander, 104, 111. 
Gospatricius, 252. 
Graham's Dyke, 111. 
Graupius, mount (wrongly called Gram- 

pius), 102; battle at, 102. 
Gray, Cuthbert, 61 , account of, by R. 

Welford, 65; marriage of, 66; his 

dealings with the Howards, 66, 67; 

death of, 67; property belonging, 67; 

will of, 74 ; inventory of property, 77. 
Gray, William, author of the " Choro- 

graphia," 61, 66 ; marriage, 61, 71 ; 

bequests to, 68, 75 ; death of, 72; will 



of, 62, 77 ; inventory of his goods, 
63, 80 ; Ins copy of the " Chorogra- 
phia," 64. 

Gray, Elizabeth, 61, 66; bequests to, 
68, 75 ; death of, 64, 69. 

Gray, Ralph de, 246. 

Gray, Anne, 72 ; Edward, 66, 68, 76 ; 
George, 71 ; John, 66, 72, 75 ; Mar- 
garet, 66, 70, 71; Oswald, 68, 76; 
Ralph, 68 ; Robert, 76 ; William, 68, 

Greetham, Christ., 81. 

Grey, Lady Jane, 61. 

Grey, Margaret, 61 ; Elizabeth, 68. 

Grey, Ralph, of Back worth, 74. 

Green, Rev. James, 184. 

Greenwell, Rev. Canon, address at Cor- 
bridge, 218. 

Greenwich Hospital, Whittonstall estate 
granted to, 182. 

S. Gregory, 244. 

Greystoke, William de, 252. 


Hadrian's Wall, 104; description of 
107 et seq. 

Hadrian, expedition to Britain, 142; 
commences the Roman Wall, 143. 

Hall, Christian, 76 ; Henry, 76. 

Hamden Hill, British horse bit found 
at, 212. 

Harbottle, Margery, 266. 

Harle, Eleanor, 62, 72, 79 ; Edward, 62, 
79,80; Robert, 72. 

Harness decorations, Roman, 207. 

.Harrod, Henry, on ancient horse trap- 
pings, 210. 

Hartlepool, mills at, 6. 

Hartlepool, monastery at, 186. 

Hatfield, Bishop, 6. 

Hawkwell, 268. 

Hazlitt's " Republic of Venice," quoted. 

Heddon-on- the- Wall, C. J. Bates on, 

Heddon, remains of Roman Wall at, 
241 ; inscribed stones at, 242 ; Roman 
coins found at, 242 ; parish of, 245 ; 
hopping, 245 ; vicars of, 251 ; value 
of rectory and vicarage, 252 ; manor 
of 252 ; great tithes of, 277 ; church 
registers of, 279, 280; fashionable 
weddings at, 281 ; parish books, 281 ; 
"collections to briefs," at, 282 ; num- 
ber of souls in parish, 283 ; lease of 
great tithes of, to George Mason, 292 ; 
old tombstones in churchyard, 294. 

Heddon Church, 244 ; presented to the 
monastery of Blanchland, 246 ; build- 

ing of, 247 ; description of, 247 ; 
chancel of, 247 ; nave of. 251 ; vestry, 
251 ; plan and drawings of, 288. 
Heddon Common, 241 . 
Heddon Law, 240. 
Heddon Square, 286. 
Hedley, Rev. Anthony, 166. 
Hedwin Streams. 244* 247. 
S. Helena, chapel of, at Bywell, 17. 
Henderson, Robert, 68, 76. 
Henzell, James, 76. 
Herculcester, 224. 
Hercules, altar to, 224. 
Hepburn of Hailes, 200. 
Hereberecht, inscription to, 30. 
Herle, Robert de. 252. 
Heslop, R. O., on the names Corstopitum 

and Colchester, 216. 
Hexham, inscribed stone found at, 122. 
Hexham Priory, lands given to, 259, 
260 ; lands at Eachwick in possession 
of, 261. 

Hidewinestremes, 243. 
Hilda, abbess of Whitby, 186. 
Hildegarde, 54. 
Hill, Dorothy, 279. 
Hilton, William, 38. 
Hinde, J. Hodgson, 12, 43, 168. 
Hindmarsh, Julian, 284; John, 284; 

Thomas, 285. 
Hirst, Rev. Jos., on "The Pfahl- 

graben," 52. 
Hobson, James, 251. 
Hochstrasse, Roman road, 59. 
Hodgkin,Thos., translation of Hiibner's 
Roman annexation, 82 ; letter to, on 
the Pfahlgraben, 52. 
Hodgson, Rev. John, 105, 158; bio- 
graphical notice of, 160; on the 
Felling explosion, 229. 
Hodgson, Thomas, 163. 
Hoggissone, William, 263. 
Hoghton, Nicholas de, gift of lands to 

Blanchland, 290. 
Hoghton, William de, 260; Nicholas 

de, 261. 

Hollyday, Jeremiah, 251. 
Home family, connection of, with Cold- 

ingham, 198, 199. 
Home, Alexander, 198; David, 200; 

John, 198 ; Patrick, 198. 
Hooppell, Rev. Dr., on the Town Wall 
of Ne\vcastle-upon-Tync, in Pandon 
Dene, 236. 

Hopper, Christopher, 278. 
Horse trappings, Roman, 204. 
Horsley, John, 86, 104, 111, 119, 131, 

216, 220; on Ptolemy's map, 222. 
Horsley, Reynold. 284. 
Hoton, Richard de, prior, 193. 



Houghton, 245, 252. 

Howard, Charles. 285. 

Howard household book, 66, 68, 69. 

Howard, Lord William, letter of, 65. 

Hiibner's, Prof.. Inscriptiones Britanniae 
Christiana;, 27, 28, 30; the Roman 
annexation of Britain, 82; on Cor- 
stopitum, 226 ; on the inscription on 
an altar from Magna, 233 ; on the 
altar to JSsculapius, 234. 

Huetbert, abbot of Wearmouth and 
Jarro\y, 39 ; removes bones of Easter- 
wine and Sigfrid, 39. 

Hugh, bishop of Biblis, Palestine, 193. 

Humbleton, mills at, 6. 

Hunnyngburn, Laurence de, 254. 

Hunter, John, 268; takes name of 
Spearman, 268. 

Huntley, George, 68, 76 ; William, 66, 
68, 81 ; Robert, 74, 80. 

Huntley, Elizabeth, wife of Cuthbert 
Gray, 66. 

Hydewin del West, Robert de, 253. 


He, family of. 63 ; Anne, 63, 79 ; Buhner, 
63, 76, 79 ; Deborah, 63, 73 ; Robert, 
63, 73, 74. 

Innes, Cosmo, on mills in the middle 
ages, 5. 

Ireland, proposed invasion of, by Agri- 
cola, 101. 

Irvine, Dr., 111. 

Isca (Exeter), 93. 

Isle of Wight occupied by the Romans, 


Jackson, John, 251. 

James III. attempts to seize revenues of 
Coldingham, 198. 

James IV., 200. 

James V., 200. 

Jarrow, mill at, dispute respecting, 6. 

Jarrow, on inscriptions at, 27, 28 ; dedi- 
cation stone in church of, 27; arrival 
of Aldwin at, 44. 

Jarrow Monastery founded, 34; monks 
of, removed to Durham, 46. 

Jedburgh Abbey, Roman inscription at, 

. 123. 

Jenison, Robert, 68, 76; Robert, jun., 

John, archchanter of St. Peters, 34. 

John, King, destroys Coldingham, 192. 

Julius Caesar's invasion of Britain, 88. 

Julius Caesar, assassination of, 84. 

Julius Maximus, 121. 

Julius Severinus, 124, 125. 

Junius Silanus, 89. 


Kell, William, 178. 

Kellawe, Bishop Richard de, 5, 193. 

Kemper, 138 ; situation of, 140. 

Kenebell, Reginald de, 246. 

Kipfenberg, vallum near, 55. 

Kirkeby, John de, 251. 

Kirsop, Robert, 72. 

Knoute, Robert, monk of Coldingham, 

Kiinzing, Roman station, 60. 


Laetinus, 122. 

Lambe, Rev. Robert, 174. 

Lamberton, Wm, Bishop of St. Andrews, 

Lancaster, Roger de, 252. 

S. Lawrence, oratory of, Wearmouth, 
37, 38. 

Layard, A. H., 215. 

Laycock, Jos., purchases Whittonstall, 

Lead, pigs of, found in Mendip Hills, 93. 

Lead and tin mines, 93. 

Ledger, Robert, 67. 

Leland's Itinerary on Corbridge, 145. 

Leper window in Bywell St. Peter, 16. 

Library at Wearmouth, founded by 
Benedict Biscop, 36. 

Lindisfarne, Bishops of, 18 

Lindum (Lincoln), 98. 

Lisle, William de, 252 ; Robert de, 252. 

L Isle, Robert de, endows chantry at 
Newton, 15. 

Lodge, Rev. E., master of grammar 
school, 147. 

Loftus Long Room, 155, 159. 

Longstaffe, W. H. D., 10, 173; on 
William Gray, 61 ; on Colechester, 

London, William, bookseller, 227; his 
catalogue of books, 227; essay on 
the use of books, 227; one of the 
four-and-twenty of Gateshead, 228. 

London, John, 228 ; Samuel, 228. 

London as a Roman town, 9G. 

Lort burn, 2. 

Lough, J. G., 184. 

Low, Rev. J. L., on the authorities for 
the History of S. Cuthbert, 18; on 
Whittonstall church, 180 ; on Cold- 
ingham, 186. 

Lucifer -matches, 1. 

Lynn, Robert Newton, 269. 


Mackenzie, Eneas, 176. 
Maclauchlan's Survey of Roman Wall, 



Maclauchlan, H., on Corstopitum, 218. 
Maddison, Elizabeth, 63 ; William, 63, 

Magna, Roman altar found at, 232 ; 

statue found at, 233. 
Mail coach, the royal, 1. 
Malcolm, King, burns Wearmouth 

church, 41 ; opinions on, 42. 
Malcolm Canmore, King, 191. 
Manchester, altar found at, 126. 
Marcus Comatius, or Communis, 123. 
Marcus Aurelius, 113, 138. 
Mary Queen of Scots, 200. 
S. Mary, church of, Wearmouth, 37, 38. 
Mason, George, 277; lease of great 

tithes of Heddon to, 292. 
Mason, Thomas, 76. 
Matfen, 252. 

Matthew, W., plan of Newcastle, 2. 
Maughan, Michael, curate of Whitton- 

stall, 183. 

Maximinus, inscription to, 133. 
Maxwell, Michael Heron, 251. 
Medomsley church, 181. 
Melrose, Aldwin at, 44. 
Mendip Hills, Roman mines in, 93; 

pigs of lead found, 93. 
Menevyll, family of, 182 ; William de, 

182 ; Isabella, 182. 
Metham, James, 284. 
Middleton, William, 274. 
Milburne, Cuthbert, 287. 
Mile-castles of the Roman Wall, 108. 
. Milestones, Roman, 130; groups of, 136. 
Military diplomas, 106. 
Millers' Company, 4; their mystery 

play, 4. 

Mills in ancient times, 5. 
Milner, Adam, 263. 

Mines of lead and tin in Devon, etc., 93. 
Miracles ascribed to S. Cuthbert, 22, 24. 
Mitford, Ellen, 277; John, 68, 76; 

Oswald, 277; Robert, 70, 81, 278; 

Roger, 277. 

Monasteries destroyed, 41. 
Monasteries founded by David I., li)5. 
Mcnck, Sir Charles M. L., 164. 
Monkwearmouth, on inscription at, 27, 

Monkwearmonth, on the monastery and 

church at, 33 ; foundation of, 33 ; 

Easterwine, abbot of, 34; Sigfrid, 

abbot of, 35 ; united to Jarrow, 36 : 

Huetbert, abbot of, 39 ; destroyed by 

the Danes, 41 ; given to Aldwin, 44 ; 

monks of, removed to Durham, 46; 

becomes a cell under S. Cuthbert, 46 ; 

value of, 46. 
Moorby, John, monk of Coldingham, 


Mowbray, Robert de, dispute between, 
and Bishop Carilef, 13 ; brings monks 
from St. Albans to Tynemouth, 14. 

Munro, Rev. D., 203. 

Murus of the Roman Wall, 108. 


Neratius Marcellus, 103. 

Nero, Britain under, 96. 

Neville, Francis, 73. 

Newburn, 244. 

Newcastle, stob-mills at, 8 ; number of 
wind mills in. 8 ; history of, by Rev. 
H. Bourne, 152; Society of Anti- 
quaries of, 155 ; J. Bell's collections 
relating to, 156 ; Town Wall in Pan- 
don Dene, 236. 

Newhall, inscribed stone found at, 122. 

Newhouse, Gabriel, 80. 

Newminster, monks of, grant of passage 
and ferry to, 246. 

Newminster, abbey, land in Eachwick 
belonging to, 264. 

Newton, chantry at endowed, 15. 

Norman monasteries, calls of, in Eng- 
land dissolved, 196. 

Norran, Anthony, 76. 

North road, the great, 1. 

Northumberland, village society in, . 
15th century, 262. 

Northumberland, Henry, Earl of, grant 
by, 220. 

Northumberland, Duke of, 185. 

Northumberland, Hugh, second Duke, 
151 ; Algernon, fourth Duke, 161, 

Northumberland's, Duke of, collections, 
207, 208, 211, 212, 213. 

Norton, wind mill at, 5. 

Notitia Dignitatum, 106. 


Oeberan, Roman camp at, 58. 

Oil, John, prior of Coldingbam, ]!"!(!. 

Orde, Sarah, 285. 

Ordovices, insurrection of the, 99. 

Oswald, Dorothy, 63, 72, 79. 

Oswald, King, 186. 

Oswestry. 243. 

Oswy, King, 186, 187, 188. 

Oxley, Isabel, 279. 

i P. 

Painter Heugh, and the wind mill, 1, 2. 
Palestrina, bronxes from graves at, 213. 
Pandon, stob-mill in, 2. 
Pandnii Dean Close, Gray's mill at, 62. 
Pandoii Dene, Newcastle, the town 
wall in, 236. 


Passau, Roman station, 60. 

Peada, baptism of, 244. 

Pearith family, 270. 

Pearson, Richard, 284; Tobias, 284. 

Pendent ornaments for foreheads of 
horses, 208, 210. 

S. Peter's church, Wearmonth, 33; 
relics and pictures for, from Rome, 
34, 36; Benedict Biscop buried in, 
36 ; the Sacrarium of, 40 ; burnt by 
King Malcolm, 41 ; restored by Aid- 
win, 45 ; description of, 46 ; the 
"porticus ingressus" at, 47; tower 
of, 47, 49 ; windows in, 50. 

Peters, William, 166. 

Petillius Cerealis, 98. 

Pfahldorf, 52, 53. 

Pfahlgraben, Rev. J. Hirst on the, 52. 

Phalerse, Roman, 206. 

Philipson, John, on Roman horse trap- 
pings, 204. 

Plautius Silvanus, 89. 

Pompeius Magnus, 89. 

Font's, Timothy, map of Scotland, 111. 

Poore, Vicar, 68, 76. 

Pope, Sir Thomas, 198. 

" Porticus ingressus," St. Peter's 
church, Wearmouth, 47, 48. 

Prideaux, Robert, 80. 

Probus, inscription to, 134. 

Procktor, Robert, 62, 72, 78, William, 
62,72,78,80; Jane, 62, 78. 

Ptolemy's map of Britain, 222. 

Publius Ostorius Scapula, 97- 

Publius Viboleius Secundus dedicates 
altar to -(Esculapius, 234. 

Pudsey, Bishop Hugh, 15. 

Pytheas of Marseilles, 93. 


Quintana, Roman station of, 60. 
Quintus Lollius Urbicus, 113. 


Radclyffe, Sir Edward, 182; Sir Francis, 


Raetian spearmen, 124. 
Raine, Rev. James, 173 : on S. Cuth- 

bert at Fame, 22. 
Raine, Samuel, 251. 
Rand, Michael, 76. 
Randal, Rev. Thos., 17. 
Ratisbon, 60. 
Rawlinson, Col., 215. 
Rayne, Samuel, 251, 282. 
Reade, of Close House, pedigree of, 257. 
Reade, Thomas, 257; George, 257; 

Gerrard, 257; Clement, 257; Richard. 


Reed, John, 269; Richard. 269; Thomas, 

278, 279. 
Reginald of Durham, 20; miracles of 

S. Cuthbert, recorded by, 24. 
Richard, abbot of St. Albans, 14. 
Ring found at Cilurnuin, 235. 
Risingham, inscriptions found at, 124. 
Roads, formation of, by Romans, 91 
Robert II., King of Scotland, transfers 

Coldingharn to Dunfermline, 194. 
Robinson, Michael, 76; T. W. U., 47. 
Roger de Hoveden, 41. 
Roman annexation of Britain, 82. 
Roman bagpiper, figure of, 129. 
Roman camps on the Danube, 58. 
Roman camp-towns, origin of, 95, 96. 
Roman horse trappings, J. Philipson 

on, 204. 

Roman inscribed stone from Jarrow, 28. 
Roman inscriptions, 117, 122, 232. 
Roman milestones, found at Crindle 

Dykes, 130. 

Roman policy of annexation, 83. 
Roman roads, importance of, 136. 
Roman road near Pfahldorf, 54. 
Roman Wall, building of, by Hadriai.. 

104 ; visitors to, 104 ; writers on, 

105 ; description of, 107 et seq. ; 

vallum of, 107 ; the stone wall, 108 ; 

turrets of, 108; mile-castles, 108; 

stations, 109; attributed to Severus, 

114; remains of, at Heddon. 241. 
Romans leave Britain, 116. 
Rosse, Amabille de, 263. 
Roy, William, on the Antonine Wall. 


Ruarton, Ellynor, 76. 
Rud, Rev. T., master of grammar school, 


Hudchester, 242. 
Rutter, Rebekka, 63, 72, 79 ; William, 

63,72, 79. 
Ryhope, stob-mill at, 8. 


Sacrarium, the, at Wearmouth church. 

Salvin, Rev. H., 168. 

Salvius Liberalis, 103. 

Saustrasse, roads called, 54. 

Saxon buildings, fragments of, in Wear- 
mouth church, 51. 

Say, Edward, 251. 

Scott, Sir. W., note on S. Cuthbert, 19. 

Scottish church, corruption in. 199. 

Scurfield, William, 266; Ralph, 266. 

Sedgefield, mills at, 6. 

Seeugen, Switzerland, remains found in 
grave at, 211. 



Segontium, 97. 

Selby, Robert, 67. 

Senecianus Martius, 119. 

Serviodurum, 60. 

Severus visits Britain, 114; repairs 

Roman Wall. 114. 

Severus Alexander, inscription to, 133. 
Sextus Julius Frontinus. 99. 
Shadforth, Thomas, 283. 
Shafto, Mark, his will quoted, 3. 
Sharp, Sir Cuthbert, 178. 
Shotley and Whittonstall, curacies of, 


Shotton, John de, 251. 
Sibbald, Sir Robert. 111. 
Sifridus, abbot of S. Emmeram's, 53. 
Sigebert, baptism of, 244. 
Sigf rid, abbot of Wearmouth, 35 ; death 

of. 36. 

Sirl, Herr, 53. 
Smeaton. J., 8. 
Smith, C. Roach, "Collectanea Antiqua," 


Smith, Sir D. W , 157. 
Smyth, Roger, 263. 
South Shields, Roman horse trappings 

found at, 204 ; on an altar from, 233. 
Southwick, vill of. given to Wear- 
mouth, 45. 
Souvestre, M. Emile, ' La Bretagne " 

quoted, 137, 140. 
Spearman family, Phillip, 267 ; George, 

267; Mary, 267; arms of, 267,268. 
Spearman, Ralph, of Each wick, 267 j 

builds new hall, 267 ; will of, 268. 
Speed's map of Northumberland, 2. 
Spur, Roman, 207. 
Stanegate, the, 130. 
Stannevford, ford at, 24 i. 
Stanwick, bronze bit found at. 213. 
Stations of the Roman Wall. 109. 
Straubing, Roman camp at, 57. 
Steam mills, 9. 

Steam power, changes caused by, 9. 
Sternkirken, Roman camp at, 60. 
Stewart, Alexander, 200. 
Stewart, James, Archbishop of St. 

Andrews, 199. 

Stirling, Chapel Royal at, 198. 
Stony Flatt, the, explosion in, 229 ; list 

of persons killed, 230. 
Strother, Wm., curate of Shotley, 183. 
Stuart's, Robert, 4i Caledonia Romana," 


Stukeley, Win., 104, 111. 
Styford, barony of, 245. 
Suetonius Pauiinns, 97. 
Surtees, Robert, 170; his ' History of 

Durham," quoted, 36, 42. 
Suttner, Canon, 52. 

Swalwell, Thos., curate of Medomsley, 


Swinburne, Sir John E., 163. 
Symeon of Durham, 19, 20, 41; 

miracles of S. Cnthbert recorded by, 

Syre, John de, 263. 


Tacitus's History of Agricola, 87, 95; 
his lost work JSistoriae, 87. 

Tanaum, estuary of, 99. 

Tantallon castle, 190. 

Taylor, Isaac, on the names of places, 

Taylor, Thomas, 251. 

Tees bay, 222. 

Theodosius, coin of, 220. 

Throckley colliery, iJSo. 

Thuysill, Ralph de. chaplain, 254. 

Tiberius Claudius Cogidubnus. 91. 

Tin and land mines, 93. 

Tinder boxes, 1. 

Tower of Wearmouth church. 47, 49. 

Trajan, reign of, 103. 

Trajan's column, figures from, 213. 

Trevelyan, Sir W. C., 166. 

Trinity College, Oxford, 198. 

Tunstall, mills at, 6. 

Turgot, 44. 

Turner, Rev. Wm., 166. 

Turpin, John, 254 ; Joane, 257 ; Mar- 
garet, 257; Martin, 256; Nicholas, 
256 ; Richard, 260 ; Thomas. 256. 

Turpin, Richard, lawsuit with the Prior 
of Tynemouth, 253. 

" Turret " of harness, 209, 210. 

Turrets of the Roman Wall. 108. 

Tyndale, Emma, of Dilston, 182. 

Tyne, River, steam-boats or., 9. 

Tynemouth monastery, tithes of By well 
St. Peter conveyed'to, 13; monastery 
and lands made over to the monks of 
Durham, 13 ; monks from St. Albaiis 
brought to, 14 ; disputes respecting, 
14 ; final transfer of, to St. Albans, 

Tynemouth, prior of, lawsuit with 
Richard Turpin, 253. 


Unthank, parsonage of Shotley, 184. 
Usipii, cohort of, mutiny of, 102. 


Vallum of the Roman Wall, 107. 
Vannes, 142. 

Vacia, tombstone to, 128. 
Vedra river, 222. 



Veneti, the, 140; naval battle with 
the Romans, 141 ; origin of, 141, 142. 

Venice, city of, 142. 

Venta (Winchester), 92; altar found 
at, 92. 


Vespasian, 89, 92, 98. 
Vindobala, station of, 242. 

Vindolana, Roman milestone near, 131. 

Waggon, the Newcastle, 1. 

Walcher, Bishop, 44. 

Wales, Roman invasion of, 97 ; sub- 
jection of, 99 ; insurrection in, 114. 

Wall, Richard, 81. 

Wall of Antoninus Pius. 110; de- 
scription of, 112; garrisons with- 
drawn from, 115. 

Waller, Matthew, 263. 

Wallington, 252. 

Wallis, Rauf, 265 ; Robert. 264. 

Walls on the Continent, 107. 

Walters, Richard. 264. 

Waltheof, Earl of Northumberland, 13. 

Walworth, Prior Robert de, 191. 

Wastell, Rev. Mr., 167. 

Watches on the Middle Marches, order 
of, 272. 

Waterhouse. Richard, 80. 

Watkin. W. Thompson. 118. 

Watling street, 138, 144, 217. 

Watson, Barnabas. 147 ; Robert, 263. 

Way, Albert, 161. 

Weannouth, mills at, 6, 

Welford, Richard, on Cuthbert Gray, 
merchant, 65. 

Wesley, John, Journal quoted, 23. 

West, John, 74. 

West Heddon, 245, 252, 269. 

Westhall, horse trappings found at, 210. 

Wetbottoms farm, 183, 184. 

Wetherley, Henry, 74. 

Wheler, Rev. Sir'Geo., 149. 

Wheler, Granville, 148 ; his friendship 
with Bourne, 149 ; Bourne's dedica- 
tion of a book to him, 149. 

Whitburn, mills at, 6. 

Whitchester, 242, 245, -252. 259. 

Whitchurch. monument at, 31. 

White, Robert, 179. 

Whitley Castle, slab found at; 235. 

Whittonstall Church, by the Rev. J. 
Low, 180 ; description of, 180, 185 ; 
the old church, 181 ; resemblance to 
St. Peters, Bywell, 181 ; situation of, 
183; curates of, 183. 

Whittonstall estate sold to Jos. Lay cock, 

Whittonstall Hall. 183. 

Whyte, Robert. 72. 

Widdrington, Henry, 285 ; Margaret, 
266 ; Sir Thomas, 259, 266. 

Wielard, parson of Styford, 216. 

Wilfrid, Bishop, 188, 189. 

Wilfrith, Bishop, epitaph of, 31. 

Wilkinson, Thos., vicar of Bywell St. 
Peter, 183. 

William of Malmesbnry, 28. 

Wilson, Henry. 251. 

Wilson, deacon, endows altar. 15. 

Wilson, William, vicar. 251 ; sequestra- 
tion of, 277. 

Winchester, the Roman Venta, 92. 

Wind mill, Painter Heugh, 1, 2. 

Wind mills in Newcastle. 1827, 8. 

Wind mills, origin of, ">. 

Windmill hills. 4, 6. 

Windows in Woarmouth church, 50. 

Wingfield, Sir Robert. 283. 

Wischelberg, Roman cam]) at. 58, 59. 

Witmer gives land at Daldun to Wear- 
mouth, 37 ; burial of, 40. 

Women employed in collieries. 230. 

Woodhorn, manor of, 15. 

Wren, Matthew, prior of Coldingham, 

Wright, Rev. A., 121. 

Wycester, Roger de, 253 ; Robert de, 


Yonge, George, 72. 

York, the capital of Roman Britain, 
101 ; importance of, 101. 



DA Archaeologia aeliana