Full text of "Archaeologia aeliana, or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity"

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ROBA

ARCHAEOLOGIA AELIANA:

OB,

RELATING TO ANTIQUITIES.

PUBLISHED BY THE

SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

VOLUME XVII.

LONDON AND NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE :
ANDREW HEID & Co., LIMITED, PRINTING COURT BUILDINGS, AKENSIDE HILL.

LONDON OFFICE : 10, BOLT COURT, FLEET STREET, E.G.

M.DCCC.XCV.

LONDON AND NEWCABTLE-UPON-TYNE :
ANDREW REID & CO., LTD., FKINTING COURT BUILDINGS, AKKNHIDK HILL.

1 7.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc v & vi.

Contributions of Plates, Photographs, etc ... vii.

Additions and Corrections viii.

Annual Keports ... ix-xix.

Treasurer's Statement xx.

Report of Northumberland Excavation Committee, and Balance Sheet ... xxii.

Council and Officers for 1895 xxxiii.

Honorary Members xxxiv.

Ordinary Members xxxv.

Societies with which Publications are exchanged xliii.

I. The Ancient Farms of Northumberland. By the Earl Percy,

F.S.A 1

II. Temple Thornton Farm Accounts, 1308. By J. Crawford

Hodgson 40

III. Runic Inscription on Hazel-Gill Crags, near Bewcastle. By

W. L. Charlton 53

IV. Witton-le-Wear Church. By the Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Vicar ... 57

V. The ' Quigs Buring Plas in Sidgat,' Newcastle, the Swirle, and

the Lort Burn. By Dennis Embleton, M.D. 84

VI. Northern Monasticism. By the Rev. Alfred Boot, Vicar of St.

John's, DarJington ... ... ... ... ... ... 91

VII. The Winston (Co. Durham) Churchwardens' Accounts, A.D.

1632-1695. Transcribed by Miss Edleston of Gainford ... 101

VIII. Darlington and Hartlepool Churches. By the Rev. J. F.
Hodgson :

1. Darlington Church 145

2. Hartlepool Church 201

IX. A Survey of the Churches in the Archdeaconry of Northumber-

and, temp. Charles II. By J. Crawford Hodgson 244

PAGE.

X. Chibburn, and the Knights Hospitallers in Northumberland.

By J. Crawford Hodgson 263

XI. The Names of Carausius on the Koman Milestone discovered

near Carlisle. By Major R. Mowat of Paris 281

XII. Easington Church. By the Rev. H. E. Savage, Vicar of St.

Hild's, South Shields 287

Index 307

LIST OF PLATES.

Plan of Roman Camp of Great Chesters (Aesica)
Details of same

Silver Necklet from same

Bronze Figure of Mercury from same

Witton-le- Wear Church

Croxdale Church, South Door

St. Cuthbert's Church, Darlington, from N.E.
Plan of

II.

III.

IV,

Sections of Mouldings, etc. ... -j yX'

Interior of VI.

,. Section of original Form of Aisles of VII.

Sections of Mouldings ... VIII. & IX.

St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool, from S.W. X.

New Shoreham Church, interior ... ... ... ... Xa.

St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool, Ground Plan of XI.

Interior from Chancel XII.

Longitudinal Section, from East to West XIII.

Section through Nave and South Aisle

looking east, showing Elevation of

Chancel Arch XIV.

Elevation of South Side XV.

South Doorway XVI.

Cliibburn Preceptory from S.E XVII.

Easington Church : View from S.E. since Restoration of

1894-5 XVIII.

., View from S.E. from Billings ... XIX.

Ground Plan .. . XX.

PAGE.

between

!xxiv
&

XXV

to face

xxviii

XXX

145

148

between

j 160
| 161

to face

167

175

200

201

216

221

224

226

232
235
236
263

287
288
290

WOODCUTS, ETC.

PAGE.

Tile inscribed COH II ASTVR, from Aesica xxii

Roman Inscriptions from Aesica xxii & xxiii

Roman Vault at OUurnum xxvii

Roman Scale Armour from Aesica xxviii

Gold-plated fibula from Aesica xxviii

Silver-plated ^i7>ttZ# from Aesica xxix

A jasper intaglio, representing the Abraxas god, from Aesica xxx

A bone Object from Aesica xxxi

The Nave Arcade, Witton-le-Wear Church 61

Plan of Sidgate, Newcastle, showing position of Old Burying Ground ... 84

Plan of Old Burying Ground in Sidgate, Newcastle 89

Seal of Bishop Pudsey 145

Sections of Mouldings, etc., Darlington Church 154, 159, 168

Window, South Side of Chancel of Darlington Church 160

Pre-Conquest Inscribed Stones from Hartlepool 205,206

Adjacent Halves of two Compound Bays of Choir of Hartlepool Church... 219

Remains of Chibburn Preceptory, from the South ... 264

Plan of Chibburn Preceptory 265

Sections of Mouldings from the same 266,267

Grave Cover, Chibburn 280

Roman Milestone with name of Carausius, discovered near Carlisle ... 282

Details of Columns, etc., Easington Church 288,289,290

Decorated East Window, formerly in same Church 299

Window formerly at East End of South Aisle of the same 300

Vll

CONTRIBUTIONS OF PHOTOGRAPHS, DRAWINGS, ETC.

Charlton, W. L. : drawing of Hazel-Gill Runic Inscription, p. 55.

Band, Middleton, for photograph of Chibburn Preceptory from the south-east,

plate XVII.

Ferguson, R. S. : loan of block of Carlisle Milestone, p. 282.
Hicks, W. S. : for pen and ink drawings of details of Easington Church, pp. 288,

289, and 290, and for plan of same, plate XX.
Hodgson, Rev. J. F. : drawing of South Door and Arcade of Witton-le-Wear

Church, pp. 59 and 61, and of sections of Darlington Church Capitals, etc.,

facing p. 200.

Holmes, Sheriton : plan and details of Roman Camp of Aesica, plates 01 and 02.
Ingledevv, Alfred E. : plan of Percy Street and of 'Quigs' Burial Place there,

pp. 81 and 89.
Petree, John, Jun. : for photograph of Easington Church from the south-east,

plate XVIII.
Pritchett, J. P. : for plan and details of Darlington Church, facing pp. ]48, 154,

158, 160-161, 168, 170, 175, and 219.

Raine, Rev. Canon : for permission to use block of Pudsey's Seal, p. 145.
Rdiqiuiry, Publisher of : for permission to use blocks, pp. 205 and 206.
Royal Archaeological Institute: for loan of woodcuts of Chibburn Preceptory,

pp. 264-267.
Spence, Charles James : photographs and drawings of objects from Aesica, pp.

xxviii.-xxx., and plates 03 and 04 ; and gift of blocks, pp. xxviii., xxix., and

xxx.
Steavenson, A. L. : photographs of Church of Witton-le-Wear, plate I., and of

South Doorway of Croxdale Church, plate II.

Vlll

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

Page 69, foot note, for ' Wien ' read ' Wren.'

Page 71, line 4, and page 73, line 1. In Elmes's Life of Sir Christopher
H '/(// it is stated that his (Sir Christopher Wren's) family was of Danish origin
and settled at Binchester, near Bishop Auckland.

Page 81. The 'Read Hodgson' who signs the parish book was a colliery
owner. He was the author of The Honest Man's Companion, which was printed
for him in 1736 and sold by Martin Bryson.

Page 269, line 12, for 'friars ' read 'brothers.'

Pages 279, line 12, and 280, line 16, for ' Fentun ' read ' Fenh'm.'

Page 279, line 28, for ' Rookedale ' read ' Kookedale.'

St. Cuthbert's Church, Darlington, from the north-east, facing p. 145, and the
interior of the same Church, facing p. 167; St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool,
from the south-west, facing p. 201, and interior of same from Chancel, facing
p. 224, are from photographs by Mr. W. McLeish, of Darlington.

('hil)burn Preceptory from the south-east is from a photograph by Mr. George
Waters of Amble.

ARGHAEOLOGIA AELIANA.

I. THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

BY THE EARL PERCY, F.S.A.
[Read on the 25th July, 1894.]

WHEN the Royal Archaeological Institute paid its last visit to New-
castle in 1884, canon Creighton read a paper on the Northumbrian
Border in which, among other topics, he discussed at some length the
meaning of the word 'farm' as employed in former times in this
county. In 1892 Mr. Dendy read a paper before this Society dealing
largely with the same subject. In both these papers great stress was
laid on the evidence brought forward on the occasion of the suit of the
Attorney-General v. Trevelyan, revived in the year 1832 by Mr.
Woodman in the Court of Chancery. I will venture to quote so much
of Mr.. Dendy's description of the points at issue as is material for my
present purpose.

This suit was instituted 'to set aside an improvident lease which
had been granted by the bailiffs and burgesses of Morpeth in 1685
At the time the lease . . . was granted the lands of
Netherwitton had been neither divided nor enclosed, and the portions'
in question 'lay intermixed in the common fields. The family of
Thornton, by purchases made both before and subsequently to the
granting of the lease, became, in course of time, the owners of the
whole of the rest of the township, and they had . . . destroyed
all traces of the boundaries ... . and enclosed and brought into
cultivation the ancient arable lands, the meadow, and large portions of
the waste and woodlands.'

It was ' found from the ancient grants and leases, dating from the
time the land was parted with, and from evidence taken by commission
in 1710, that the whole of the township of Netherwitton, at the time
the lease was ranted, consisted, and that in 1710, although it had.
then been enclosed, it was still deemed to consist of 19 \ farms, and

VOL. XVII. 1

2 TIIK ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

that of those 19 J farms f> farms formed' the estate it was sought to
recover. The object was to 'show that those 5j farms formed an
aliquot portion of the entire 19^ farms into which the township was
divided, or, in other words, that each of those 19^ farms was of exactly
equal value, and that ' the suitor ' was therefore entitled, in respect of
his 5J farms, to exactly ^ of the total value of the entire township.'

An immense amount of evidence was adduced in support of this
contention, but the suit was eventually compromised by the payment
to the claimants of an agreed lump sum before the final decision of the
court had been given, as to either the amount to which the claimants
were entitled, or the basis upon which it should be calculated.

It will be seen, to put it shortly, that the argument relied on was
as follows : A ' farm ' in the sixteenth century, and under the com-
mon field system, was an aliquot part of the value of a township.
There were 19| farms in Netherwitton, of which 5j were let in 1685,
Therefore the value of the farms let was to the value of the whole
township as 5J is to 19 J.

The force of this contention will manifestly depend upon whether,
in what sense, and to what extent an ancient ' farm ' can be said to
have been an aliquot part of the value of a township. I propose in
the following pages to bring together a few facts bearing on this point,
and also on another, viz., were these farms identical with the husband-
lands which formed the basis of the agricultural system under the
' common field ' method of husbandry ?

For the extracts from the churchwardens' accounts for the parish
of Lesbury I am indebted to the vicar, the revd. A. A. Edmundson,
who kindly afforded me facilities for examining the originals. Mr. J.
C. Hodgson has been so good as to enable me to make extracts from
the parish clerks' books of other localities. To Sir William Grossman
I am indebted for the particulars of the division of Cheswick. The
remaining facts are all gathered from MSS. in the possession of the
duke of Northumberland.

THE TOWNSHIP OF BIRLING.

The following entry appears in the books of the parish clerk of
Warkworth in the year 1826. It seems to have been made for the
purposes of a rate of Is. 6d. per farm for his salary :

THE TOWNSHIP OF BIRLING.

BIELING. 10 FABMS.

' Mr. Thomas La idler 3f

Miss Watson 1

Mr. John Wilson ... H

Mr. Matthew Wilson 1

Mr. Robert Wormphrey 1 T 9 ^

Borough Greve, Warkworth, Pattison's Close fa

The divided farms, Birling, formerly possessed by Henry Cramlington 1

farm, viz. : Rent. Payable.

The revd. J. 0. Win scorn 50 5

Henry Cramlington, esq 50 5

Mr. Joseph Castles 26 2

Mr. John Garrett 10 1.

Mr. Joseph Purvis 10 1

Mr. George Coward 10 1

Mr. Thomas Marshall 10 1

Mr. William Elliot 9 1

Mr. John Dickson 8 OJ

Mr. Mark Moor 8 Of

Mr. Dickson 8 Of

Mr. William Taylor 8 Of

Mr. Thomas Turnbull 6

Total Is. 9d.'

Below, in a tabular form, is the information furnished with regard
to this township by a survey of about the year 1567 :

Tenants.

Hugh Finch

Cuthbert Dobson
Thomas Arnolde, senr.
Thomas Arnold, junr....
Robert Browne...
William Wharrier ...

William Elder

William Harper
Cuthbert Elder
Thomas Earingtone ...

Acres.
3
2

]

3r.

Land.

Acres.
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33

Rent.

s. d.
29 2
2

28 1

29 2

28 1

29 1
29 2
29 04
29 1.
29 2

s. d.
2 IS 4
2 19 2
1 4 8
476
5 12 4
473
476
473
473
5 16 8

Here we have a state of things which seems to bear out the theory
advanced in the Netherwitton suit. There are ten holdings, answer-
ing to the ten farms in the parish clerk's books ; the acreage of each

4 THE AKCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND:

is the same ; the rents are almost identical, and the variations between
them may be accounted for by the fact that some of the crofts attached
to the holdings were larger than others, and that the condition of some
of the houses or 'messuages' upon them may have been better than
others. The fines were very unequal, but they may have been deter-
mined rather by what the tenant could afford to pay, than by the
value of his tenure.

The extent of the holdings in this survey are expressly stated to
have been arrived at by 'estimacion.' A terrier made about the year
1616, in which the land had been carefully measured, even down to
the sixteenth part of a perch, gives :

Acres. Roods. Perches.

John Huntley

Hugh Elder

William Wharrier

Jane Elder, widow

4f3

Ralphe Robinson

OOjyj

William Davie

John Barker

Robert Arnoll

^ 1 1 (

Henry Finch

17i

Robert Finch

27Sd

Total 471 3 36^

Here again are the same ten holdings, but there is a difference of
nearly six acres, or about thirteen per cent., between the largest and the
smallest. The estimated equality of the respective areas seems there-
fore to have been somewhat fictitious.

And here let me remark that though at the present day equality of
acreage by no means implies identity of value, it did so within the
limits of the same township under the common field system in vogue
at this period. Each man's holding consisted of a great number of
small strips lying scattered among those of his neighbours throughout
the whole of the cultivated area of the township, and thus the good
land and the bad was practically evenly divided between all the
occupiers. It was this which gave vitality to the system, and, in spite
of its many disadvantages, any attempt to break through it led to
discontent. Thus at Longhoughton, a very large township, when, about
the middle of the sixteenth century, it was divided into two parts, one
allotted to the tenants who lived at the south end of the village, and

THE TOWNSHIP OF BUSTON.

the other to those who inhabited the north end, although, within each,
common husbandry was carried on as before, yet after a few years
there was much grumbling, each party imagining that they had come
off worst in the allotment of their respective portions.

Although it appears from this survey that the land was not so
uniformly apportioned at Birling as the earlier account would indicate,
and although the rents are not mentioned, another element of uniform-
ity is recorded, for it is stated that the dry moulter paid to the lord
was the same for all, viz., twenty-two bushels of bland malt.
THE TOWNSHIP OF BUSTON.

There were two townships of this name ; High Buston, or Over
Buston, often, as here, called simply Buston, and Low, or Nether
Buston. The parish clerk's book has the following entry regarding
the former :

' BUSTON. 8 FA.BMS. Farms.

Thomas Buston, esq. including the late T. Embleton 2|

Mr. Robert Embleton 3

John Wilkinson, esq 1J

Ditto, late Thomas Embleton

Mr. Robert Common ^

W. Mills and T. Stephenson

Amount of Cess,
s. d.
4 1

4 6

2 7
H
4*'

' The late Thomas Embleton's 1 farm is taken into that of T. Buston, esq.,
and J. Wilkinson, esq.'

In 1567, or thereabouts (for these surveys took several years to
compile), the occupiers of Buston are given thus :

Tenants.

Husband-
lands. |

Area.

Kent.

Fine.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

s. d.

Robert Buston ..,

Counted as free, as he

had a burgage in

Warkworth. His

subtenant paid 5s.

yearly to the Greve

of Buston.

William Earsdon...

Freehold.

Thomas Byers

Freehold.

Thomas Buston ...

Freehold.

Thomas Wilson ...

33 2

1 6

400

Copyhold. 1

Roger Wilson
John \\ilson

2
2

28 2

1 6
1 6

3 12
300

Copyhold. 1

John Wilson, jun.

32 2

1 6

1 Throughout this essay the word 'copyhold' is employed to denote a tenure
neither freehold nor leasehold. This is not th ; place to discuss the exact posi-

6 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND:

To this account there is a note :

This towne was at the fyrste planted w th xvi tennts as yett appeareth by the
scites of there tenem u and are nowe but viii tennts the cause ys that there ys so
little arable lande ami meadowe grounde as also pasture moore grounde w c will
not well suffice for the livinge of so many tennts and for that also they sholde
the better lyve and be more able to doo ther dewtyfull servyce to ther L. and
M r they wer of xvi made but viii tennts.

Thus, instead of there being eight holdings, as the parish clerk's
books might have led us to expect, there were really sixteen, of whom
eight were freeholders, and eight copy or leaseholders. In another
otherwise complete survey, made about 1586, only the last eight
tenements are mentioned, the freeholders being omitted.

Why, when these sixteen tenants were reduced to eight, was not
the number of holdings reduced to eight also ? There is here no gradual
absorption of several small holdings into a few hands, but a deliberate
reduction of the number of occupiers for a specific purpose. It was
essential in the then troubled state of the country that the tenants on
a manor should be men of sufficient substance to provide means for
the defence of their property from attack, and that they should be, if
possible, * hable men,' capable of joining with horse and armour in
any operation of either a defensive or offensive character against the
enemy. And according to our ideas it would have been simpler and
more natural to increase the size of their holdings by throwing them
together, rather than by keeping them distinct. But our ancestors
did not think so, and it is probable that they had some good reason
for what they did.

The survey of 1616 gives for Buston :

tion of these tenants, or to determine how far they were 'copyholders' in the
modern sense of the term. They are frequently mentioned as holding by copy
of Court Roll, and yet in the early part of the seventeenth century, when their
title came before the courts of law, they failed to prove it good. The bias of the
judges at this epoch was strongly in favour of customary tenants, or, as Lord
Coke puts it, 'time' had 'dealt very favourably with copyholders in divers
respects.' The Prince of Wales, who had, at his father's instigation, attempted
to seize the customary holdings on the Crown manors in Westmoreland and
Cumberland, was defeated, and \\hen the tenants of other lords, who had copied
the prince's example, were brought before the Star Chamber for resisting the
attack upon their property, the judges to whom the matter was referred decided
in their favour. (See Elton's ('iixtoHi mid Tenant Right, 1882.) It is evident
therefore that some serious defect must have existed i'n the title of those who
could not sustain it even before favourable judges. Mr. Dendy has pointed
out that where copyholds had been originally held of the church they still

THE TOWNSHIP OF BROTHERICK.

Freeholders Thomas Carre, 3 tenements ...
Roger Buston, a messuage ...

Total freehold

Tenants John Wilson, senr., 1 tenement
John Wilkinson
John Wilson, junr.
Robert Wilson

Total tenement land ,

Acres.

Roods.

Perches.

104

28f

142

811

4JA

25tk

3SH*

154

THE TOWNSHIP OF BROTHERICK.

The parish clerk's book has here ' 3 farms. John Tate, esq.,
3 farms.' But in the survey of 1567 four tenements are enumerated.

Tenants.

Area.

Rent.

Fine.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

s. d.

John Turpin

16 2

16 8

368

'There is the scite

of a old mantion

house in old

Thomas Hodgeson

7 3 20

tyme.' Copyhold.
Rent paid to the

'firmar' of Bam-

burgh, 8s. No-

thing paid to the
lord, because it

is held 'in ele-

mosina,' being

part of the pos-

sessions of the

church of Bam-

burgh. Freehold.

William Bednell ...

Freehold.

Thomas Hodgeson

15 1

16 8

Of these four tenants two were freeholders, whose acreage varied
considerably, and two were copyholders or leaseholders, the amount of
whose holdings was more nearly identical, and who paid the same
rent.

In the survey of 1586, as at Buston, the copyholders are alone
mentioned, but in 1616 a very different state of things existed :

Launcelot Ogle gent, holdeth freely of His Ma tie part of the village or towne
of Brothericke and part as Tenant to his LOP whoe hath converted all the arable
ground into pasture and denieth to distinguish his Lo p ' s lands from his owne
freehold, to the end, as it seemeth, to confound the one with the other, which
if they should not be severed whilst some, (especially one man that knoweth the

8 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND:

ground best,) is living it will be unpossible, (as it is thought) to divide them
after : the particulars as they are enclosed and divided by hedges and ditches

follow, viz. :

Acres. Roods. Perches.

Twoe houses and garths lying together, said to be freehold 1 1 10
Twoe other tenements and garths holden of his Lordship... 1 1 16

Acres. Roods. Perches.
Meadows, viz., North field ... 50 2 28

South field 34 34

Total ... 84 3 22
Pasture, 61 a. Or. 38^ p. Common and waste, 32 a. r. 24 p.

It seems from this that the freeholds were the king's, one of them
having evidently fallen into his hands at the dissolution of the
monasteries. We have here a problem not very dissimilar to that
which the parties to the Trevelyan suit sought to solve. The earl of
Northumberland's surveyor knew that two of these tenements belonged
to his employer, and he wanted to ascertain what amount of land
appertained to them. If these tenements had been ' aliquot parts of
the value ' of the whole township, nothing would have been easier for
him than to claim half of the soil or of its value for the lord. He
does nothing of the kind however, but falls back on the time-
honoured custom of appealing to the recollection of the oldest
inhabitant.

THE TOWNSHIP OF ACKLINGTON.

So far, the townships we have considered have been small. This
is considerably larger. The number of farms in Acklington are
stated by canon Creighton to have been eighteen. They appear in
the parish clerk's accounts as follows :

'The township of Acklington. 18 Farms.

Mr. William Harper

Mr. Henry Grey 3

Mr. Thomas Appleby 2

Mr. John Humphrey 1

Mrs. Grumble 1

Mr. John Henderson 1

Mr. George Robioson ... ... ... ... 1

Mr. Thomas Anderson 1

Mr. Henry Horsley 1

Mr. John Appleby 1

Coatlands

Field-house 1

THE TOWNSHIP OF ACKLINGTON.

( J

The survey of 1567 runs thus : 'Ther is a mention of a mansion
howse like as it hathe ben the scite of the manor nowe in the tenure of
Edward Smales, and demysed by the name of a cotadge of y e yerly
rent of 8 s 9 d .'

Tenants.

Holding.

Rent.

Fine.

Remarks.

8. d.

s. d.

Robert Robinson

20 4

208

Copyhold.-

William Robinson

20 7

4 1 4

Roger Simpson ...

20 4

3 12

Robert James

21 4

454

Thomas Wim pray

20 4

4 1 4

John Urpethe

20 4

414

John Claye

20 4

4 14 4

John Patersone

20 4

414

John Robinson ...

20 4

310

Copyhold.

Robert Johnsone. ..

20 4

310

Robert Lawe

20 4

3 1

John Smithe

20 4

3 1 4

William Pawtersone

20 4

3 1

John Brewster

20 4

3 1

Thomas Andersone

20 4

210

Humphrey Harper

10 2

1 4

Thomas Simpson

20 4

3 1 4)

Copyhold.

John Wright

20 4

310

Here are eighteen holdings, seventeen with an area of thirty acres
each, and paying the same rent, but there is^one only half the size of
the others, and paying only half the rent. Robert James had a
cottage attached to his husbandland, with two acres, for which he paid
12 d rent. Roger Simpson had another with two acres, and Robert
Lawe a third. The fines again vary very much.

Compare this ' estimated ' condition of things with that revealed
by actual measurement in 1616 :

Tenants.

Acreage.

Cot-
tages.

Tenants.

Acreage.

Cot-
tages.

A. R. P.

Humphrey Barker

45 23J

Thomas A nderson

42 3 31fi

William Clay

40 3 131^

Thomas Wright

43 2 19i

Martin Smart

35 3 6i

Thomas Horsley

41 2 16

John James ...

44 38^

Thomas Harper

24 3 291

Lawrence Rishforth

42 2 3<H

Henry Johnson

42 2 17^

John Smith ...

42 3 14|

Robert James

41 2 17J

Robert Robinson

39 1 26|

John Robinson

39 1 22f^

John Robinson

42 1 23i

William Lee
Robert Wompery
George Hunter

43 7
44 241
63 3 7tfg

1
1
1

Total

704 1 21 H

VOL. XVJI.

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

This shows that the difference in the size of the holdings was
much greater than it was, or was imagined to be, when the survey
was made only by the eye. One tenant holds sixty-three acres, while
another holds only twenty-four. Instead of there being but three
cottages in the hands of the larger occupiers, there are ten.

But there was also in this township another element, which did not
exist in those above-mentioned, viz. : a body of independent cottagers,
holding directly of the lord. These appear in the survey of 1567
thus :

Cottagers.

Acreage.

Rent.

Fine.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

s. d.

Thomas Lawsone

Copyhold.

Richard Hardinge

200

William Wright

1 3

6 8

Copyhold.

Robert Robinson

100

William Simpsone

310

Copyhold.

Roger & William Simpsone

600

6 8

George Thewe

010

Edward Smales

200

8 9

30 5

Total

17 1

And thus about 1616 :-
Roger Taylor .*
John Wand
John Greeves
John Smales
Thomas Robinson
Roger Woinpery ...
George Thew

16
20J
28H
21*
Of
22
13*

Total 43 3 1

At this latter date therefore over five per cent, of the cultivated
land of the township, an area equal to the size of an average husband-
land, was in the hands of cottagers.

All these townships had one peculiarity. Although every manor
had its demesne land, 2 it did not lie in every township. There was

2 The word ' demesne ' is used in two different senses : first to denote the
hind originally occupied by the lord himself, and cultivated for his immediate
advantage ; and, second, as applied not only to this, but also to all the copy-
holds and to the waste. It is in the first of these significations that it is
invariably employed in the surveys here referred to and in this essay.

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 11

none in the above. It is not necessary to assume for this reason that
there had never been any within their limits. The gradual absorption
and disappearance of the demesnes is a very noticeable feature in the
manorial history of this period. No doubt many of the freeholds had
been carved out of them. But they had also been largely eaten up
by, and included in the copyholds, owing partly to the carelessness of
land agents and surveyors, and partly to the encroachments of the
tenants. The fields were cut up into very small divisions, and much
of the demesnes lay in strips intermingled with those of the tenants.
Under such a state of things carelessness on the one part and pilfering
on the other had the result naturally to be expected, and the writings
of the time abound in allusions to * concealed ' land. At Bilton, early in
the seventeenth century, a suit was instituted to ascertain and recover
the demesnes appropriated by some of the tenants. At Eennington
* there was diverse demayne lands belonging to this mano r as by ancient
recordes appeareth, but they have bene of so long tyme occupied and
demised together with the tenement landes that now noe man hath
knowledg truly to separate them one from the other, and were of the
auncient yearely value of cix s v d or thereabouts.' At South Charlton
there were 'noe demayne landes belonging to the said manno r which
cann be found out, onely there is a parcell of ground called Chirneside
wich is reputed as parcel! of the demaynes heretofore belonging to
the same.'

Let us now turn to a township containing not only freeholders
and cottagers, but also a certain quantity of demesne.

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY.

The same tale is told here : ' In this Towne there hath been the
scite of a Mannor or Capitall Mesuage, and certen Demayne lands
used therew th , but no we the house is utterly decayed, and scarce any
mencion where it stood, and the Demayne lands have been confusedly
mixed with the tenements, and soe of long tyme demised, so that
nowe they cannot be distinguished, saving some fewe parcells which
yet doe retayne the name of Demayne lands.' But the township is
an interesting one, for these ' fewe parcells ' introduce a fresh element
for consideration, and the records extend to an earlier date than is

THE ANCIENT FARMS OP NORTHUMBERLAND :

commonly the case. It will be convenient to take these older records
first, leaving, in this instance, the more recent evidence to follow in
chronological order.

In 1500 the husbandlands of Lesbury were as follows :

Tenants.

Rent.

Remarks.

B. d.

The abbot of Alnwick ...

Freehold.

John Sedman

Copyhold.

Thomas Fyffe

40 2

Robert Fyffe

40 2

Edmund Legh

Thomas Page

Robert Berop

Robert -Smyth

42 1

Edmund Milner

John Fyffe

46 8

William Legh .'..

40 2

John Simson

40 2

John Sleg

John Clege (? Siege)

29 4

John Wilkinson

40 2

William Mantell

44 8

Thomas Sedman

39 4

The vicar of Lesbury

William Wright

JohnTodd

40 2

Robert Robinson

44 8

There were therefore at this time twenty-three husbandlands.
Even so early as this the rents paid by the tenants varied considerably,
but the acreage is not recorded in this survey.

Let us now pass to that of 1567 (see table on opposite page).

This shows that not only did the fines and the rents vary, but
the acreage of the arable and the meadow land did so also, even by
'estimacion.' The portentous rent of 206s. may be a clerical error,
though it is very distinctly entered in the original. But there can be
no doubt about the other variations.

At first sight there would seem to be twenty-five farms, but the
two tenants whose names are bracketed held half a farm each. This
is the farm set down in the roll of 1 500 under Edmund Legh's name,
and for which he paid only 16s.

LESBURY SURVEY OF 1616.

Acreage.

Tenants.

Arable.

Rent.

Fines.

Remarks.

s. d.

8. d.

William Harrison ...

Freehold.

600

Copyhold.

55 55

41 30

438

\John Carr

Leasehold.

,, ,,

Edward Slegge

39 4

5 18

Copyhold.

Robert Sharpe

42 10

699

John Page

600

John Rimpethe

Edward Smyth

41 10

676

Thomas Ladyman ...

lr.

4 16

Thomas lilder

8 16

George Tomling

656

Robert Christine

42 6

784

James Rennicke

576

George Wilkinson ...

206

646

Robert Mantell

44 6

6 13 6

Thomas Sedman

39 4

5 18

John Falkener

786

William Milne

600

Thomas Taylor

800

)

Robert Wilkinson ...

600

John FyfiEe

39 4

5 18

Thomas Slegge

lr.

3 12

Another survey of 1586 differs in no important particular from
the above, yet there are slight alterations in the rental and the
acreage, sufficient to show that it was not held that these were, even
theoretically, constant quantities.

We now come to the more detailed and elaborate survey of 16 16.

Hitherto these holdings have been entered as * husbandlands.'
Here for the first time they are called ' farms.' The freehold, formerly
the property of the abbot of Alnwick, and which had now passed
through the hands of Herrison to the Fenwicks, is a * freehold ferme,'
and is included in the following table in the * collection of the fermes '
of Lesbury. Even as early as 1500 some of the tenants held more
than one farm, but now the practice had become more common, and
in these cases the acreage of each farm is not given separately :

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

Tenants.

Number of
Holdings.

Garths and
Crofts.

Arable.

Meadow.

Pasture.

Total.

A. R. P.

John Carre

7 2 351

114 1 Oft

6 2 26

22 1 31{

151 13H

Robert Fenwick

9 1 33H

86 26j|

3 3}

15 2 64

114 30-Hf

Roger Carre

2 3 11

66 3 30^

4 1 25j

13 3 10

87 3 37

George Salkeld ...

1 254

68 1 26ii

4 1 36i

13 3 10

87 3 18&

George Freswell

2 3 39j

66 1 21&

4 1 9

13 3 10

87 1 39jf

Francis Freswell

3 30

38 2 9J

2 3 33f '

6 3 25

49 1 18J

Edward Shepherd

1 1

38 9tf

2 34fg-

6 3 25

48 30$

WilliamWilkinson

1 1 29tf

36 10 &

2 1 5$

6 3 25

46 2 30J

Alexander Reveley

1 7M

36 23^

2 1 7tf

6 3 25

45 2 23|f

William Armorer

2 21

36 10&

1 3 26H

6 3 25

45 2 3A

Roger Simson . .

1 1 27

34 2 12

2 2

6 3 25

44 3 2fii

John Hempsell . .

1 16$

34 25

1 3 5*

6 3 25

43 3 :-'>H

John Milne . .

3 3|

33 3 4-&

205

6 3 25

43 1 38 T 8 e

Geaorge Taylor . .

3 12

32 3 84-g

2 1 llf

6 3 25

42 3 17A

John Wilkinson. .

1 27

32 1 2J-

2 1 12fJ

6 3 25

42 2 27-,%

George Shepherd

2 14$

32 1 iTfe

2 1 22

6 3 25

42 22 T %

James Sleg

1 2 3

22 3 35ft

1 3 38i

6 3 25

33 1 22 T 3 e

Some of these tenements, which at an earlier date had been copy-
holds, had now been converted into leaseholds at an increased rent,
thus making the inequality between them even greater than before.

The ' drie Moulter ' which was paid by every tenant of a husband-
land, and even, in some cases, by cottage holders, ' in respect of such
malt as the tenants doe sell in the marketts, and to forreyne inhabitants,
not ground at the lord's milne,' was also not identical. In 1567,
eighteen of the husbandlands paid three bushels ; two, three bushels
and six pecks; one, four kennings; one, three kennings; and one
nothing. In 1586, twenty paid three bushels; one three bushels and
six pecks; one six pecks ; and one four kennings. In 1616, twenty-
one paid three bushels ; one, a boll ; and one three kennings.

The cottages were held, as in the other townships already mentioned,
partly by the tenants of the husbandlands, and partly directly of the
lord. In 1500 these stood thus :

The vicar ...

John Wilkinson
Edmund Legh
John Todd ...
John Fyffe ...

Held with the husbandlands.
d.

Thomas Fyffe

Robert Smyth
Edmund Milner
Robert Fyffe

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY.

Held directly of the lord.

Robert Todd
Thomas Stephenson
William Bamburgh
Robert Henry Capell
Robert Dyconson ...
William Elder

s. d.

1 3

2 9
5
4
2 4
1 3

William Legh
William Stephenson
William Wilson ...
Edward Robinson ...
John Milne ...
Thomas Smyth

a. d.
1 3
1 3

7
1

1
1

Here the rents are given, but not the acreage,
the acreage, but not the rents.

Held with the farms.

In 1616 we get

Tenants.

Cot-
tages.

Acreage.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

John Carre

5) ... .

2 21i

3 20

Roger Carre...
Robert Fen wick

1
1

?) " * *

3 39

Freehold.

Francis Freswell

George Freswell

1 33A

John Hempsell

25i

George Salkeld

Roger Simson

006

John Wilkinson

32^

William Wilkinson

Total

3 3 38

Held directly of the lord.

Tenants.

Cot-
tages.

Acreage.

A. R. P.

John Dunne

5 17 T %

Thomas Band

3 20^

John Harrison

2 2 ' 15A-

William Clarke ...

1 29

Thomas Duglas

2 32

William Milne

029

George Bonner

026

John Taylor

1 32 T -V

Total

14 1 1

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

Of the cottages held with the farms, five were freehold ; the rest
copy or leasehold. The acreage is 1 , in some instances included in that
of the farms, and cannot therefore be given. The total area is con-
sequently., understated, but the deficit is included above under the
husbandlands.

In addition to these husbandlands and cottage lands there was a
great variety of property in this township. There were seven free-
holders including the vicar, holding land composed partly of strips in
the common fields, and partly of larger plots, some of these plots being
over seventeen acres in extent. These were not 'husbandlands' or
'farms' like Fenwick's freehold farm, but stood in a category by
themselves.

There was the mill, a most valuable asset, paying a rent varying
from 8 in 1500 to 30 in 1609 ; what remained of the demesne
lands, part held on lease, and part at will; a 'house' occupied by
William Clarke in addition to his cottage, about which there is some
obscurity ; the common pinder's house and close ; certain common
meadows which apparently are not included in the totals for the
husbandlands ; and a small bit of land held by lease or copy by one
John Stamp, who was not even an inhabitant of the township. And
finally there were the hedges and d^es, the ' towne gaites ' and
' laynes,' the common balks and wastes, and the great common.

Nature of Property.

Kent.

Acreage.

Husbandlands or farms ; copy-

s. d.

A. R. P.

hold, leasehold & freehold ...

44 2 1

1,057 1 11

Freeholds, not husbandlands

12 3

57 1 39|

The mill '

008

Demesnes

.0 13

13 1

Cottages held direct y from

the lord

1 17 9

14 1 1ft

John Stamp's land

2 16ft

Common pinder

008

Common meadows

3 8

Hedges and dykes

3 33|

Towne gaites, and layues

22 3 11

Common balks and wastes ...

'64 3 22

Common

384 3 34

Total

75 5 11J

1,618 18jf

The above table gives a fairly correct idea of the extent and

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 17

value of these several items, though" as the rentals and the acreage
respectively are gathered from two different surveys compiled at an in-
terval of thirty years, they do not form a basis for mutual comparison.
In particular the number of cottages varied much from time to time.
The demesne lands too are probably rather under the mark, but the
error cannot be considerable. As regards the rental it must be
remembered that no account is here taken of the fines which were
levied on leaseholds and copyholds alike. As they fell due at uncertain
periods it is impossible to include them in a statement of this
description.

It is evident that the husbandlands furnished only fifty-eight and
a half per cent, of the rental, and covered a little over ninety-two per
cent, of the cultivated and occupied area of the township.

The churchwardens' accounts for the parish at the latter half of the
last century unfortunately do not specifically state the number of farms
the township contained. But on' September 28th, 1783, there is an
entry : * Agreed on by the Minister, Churchwardens and Four and
Twenty that a cess of one shilling per farm, and three farthings per
Coatland be laid on and collected throughout the parish of Lesbury
or the defraying of the expenses of the church.'

This shows that the rate was divided into sixteenths, three
farthings being that proportion of a shilling, and that the farms were
not the only basis of rating. The details of the amount raised on this
occasion have not been preserved. We are therefore compelled to rely
on an account of later date. * D r . Ralph March and Robert Swan,
Church- wardens, for cash received from June 3 rd 1791 to June 7 th
1793 at 1 1 s . per farm, for repairing the east front of the north Isle
and Vestry of Lesbury Church.'

* Cash received of the undermentioned persons.'

In the following table (see page 18) the first and second columns
are taken from this account ; the third, fourth, and fifth are compiled
from other sources.

Is it possible to discover the number of ancient farms from this
schedule ? We have seen that the rate for 1783 was divided into
sixteenths. Here, in eleven instances, the payments divide evenly by
sixteen, with the results shown in the sixth column, giving a total of
twenty-three and ten-sixteenths, or within six-sixteenths of twenty-

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

four ; the number of farms we 'know to have existed two hundred
years before, and to have been identical with the old husbandlands.

TABLE.

Name of Occupier.

Rate.

Nature of Holding.

Rent.

Acreage.

B. d.

8. d.

A. R. P.

John Swan

5 10 3

Hungerup farm ...

200

239 1 16

LKI

Lesbury farm

142 1 6

1 4

William March

4 5 31

Field House farm

240

268 11

4^a

David Baird

3 13 6

Foxton Hall farm "I
Cottage and land /

190

163 1 30

Robert Gardner

2 15 1

Waterside farm \
Holme farm /

135

153 3 1

William Hay

383

Hipsburne farm ..

220

216 2 22

2 10i

Mill and land

52 10

7 1 30

Lawrence Gibson ...

3 5 1\

Townhead farm . .

190

232 6

Thomas Richardson

9 8

Bridge Haugh

William Coulter ...

1 6 3

Freehold farm

65 3 37

Henry Davison, for

Coatland and

Fisher's Close ..

063

Robert Bell

3 7

Cottage and garden

200

1 22

Thomas Annett

2 7

William Fleming ..

lOi

Ralph Bell

1 3|

William Bell

019

Cottage and garden

400

John Bell

019

Cottage and land...

400

2 3 12

Henry & Robert Bell

027*

Public house,black-

smith's shop, and

land

700

4 3 32

Robert Bell

1 Oi

Cottage and garden

600

2 3 11

John Lough

Cottage and land ..

William Dixon

3 6

Public house and

land

800

4 1 26

William Grey

Cottage and garth

23tf

Four of these six-sixteenths can be readily accounted for. It is a
curious fact that some time ago, whilst engaged in tracing the history
of the farms or husbandlands at Lesbury for a totally different purpose,
and approaching the subject from an entirely distinct point of view,
I came to the conclusion that at some period during the latter half
of the seventeenth century a quarter of one of the farms had been
lost. The missing quarter belongs to William Coulter, who, it will
be seen, is credited by the calculation just made with one farm
and a quarter, but who should properly be responsible for one

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 19

and a half. It would swell this paper to an inordinate length to give
all the details which have led to this conclusion, and I must therefore
be content with recording my conviction that it is so.

The loss of the other two sixteenths I am unable to explain,
except by pointing out that the account is of * cash received,' and that
it is possible that some inhabitant of the township had not paid the
rate demanded. But the close approximation of these eleven pay-
ments to the number of the husbandlands of byegone days is very
remarkable.

The other ten payments in the account will not divide equally
by sixteen, and the basis of rating is evidently different. Let us, for
the sake of convenience, call the payments which divide by sixteen
* normal ' payments, and those which do not ' abnormal.'

It is plain that though the churchwardens professed to take the
farms as the basis of their assessment, there was, in reality, another
basis which applied to property outside these farms : cottages, public
houses, the mill, etc. What it was there is nothing to show, but it
manifestly existed.

We are now in a position to approach the question propounded at
the outset of this paper, viz., were the farms which formed the basis
of local rating in the last century identical with the ancient husband-
lands ? Canon Creighton has attempted to ascertain the extent of
the ancient farms by dividing the area of each township by the
number of them it contained. Mr. Dendy, proceeding apparently
on the same principle, although he considers the farm to be the same
as the husbandland, finds that five hundred farms, of which he has
given a list, ' have an average of nearly one hundred and sixty acres
of township land assignable to each of them.' If this be so it is
certain that the ' farm ' was not the same as the ' husbandland,' for it
would be difficult to find in any of the Northumbrian surveys a
husbandland that amounted to even eighty acres.

But a considerable portion of every township consisted of common
or waste, and this was the lord's, and not the tenants'. The law on
the point at the present day is distinct on this head. * The soil of
the waste land of the manor is always vested in the lord of the manor,
notwithstanding the rights which the commoners may have on it.
The lord therefore, as owner of the soil, has the same rights as other

20 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

owners, except so far as the existence of the right of the commoners
may prevent him from exercising these rights.' (Williams on
Commons, p. 150.) The rights of the commoners are limited, in the
absence of any grant, or title of prescription (which supposes a now
forgotten grant) to a right of ' common appendant,' and to estovers ;
the former being defined as a privilege belonging to the owners or
occupiers of arable land to put upon its wastes their commonable
beasts, viz., horses, kine, or sheep, being such as either plough or
manure the soil ; in other words, from which the arable land derives
some benefit. The other common rights, of * common appurtenant '
(or the right of feeding beasts not generally commonable, such as
swine, geese, or goats), common of vicinage, in gross, turbary, etc.,
must, in order to be held good, be determined by grant or prescrip-
tion. The lord's position in this respect has been recognised for the
last hundred and fifty years at least by his being assigned in the first
place, and before any other claims are considered, a sixteenth part of
the whole common on a division, and he is moreover entitled to
compensation for any growing timber on the waste, to the minerals
below the surface, and to any surplus of the waste which may remain
after the claims of the commoners have been satisfied, such claims
being limited to as much land as is equivalent to the right of
depasturing as many cattle, sheep, etc., in summer as the ground each
commoner occupies within the township or manor will enable him
properly to maintain in winter.

The surveys of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are in
complete accord with these principles. They prove that the land,
in the minds of the compilers, was divided into three classes, each
demanding its own proper treatment. - In the first class came all
the garths, closes, and arable and meadow land, 3 except the ' common
meadows.' These were accurately measured, or at the least estimated
with what precision was possible. Each man had a perfect knowledge
of what plot, parcel, or strip of ground belonged to him, and as
absolute and exclusive a right to it as any modern tenant farmer has
to his holding, subject always to the rights of the lord and to the

3 The distinction between meadow and pasture is not very accurately observed
by some modern writers, but it is very marked in the surveys. The latter was
used solely for crazing ; the former furnished the hay crops, and was only thrown
open for grazing when they had been carried.

ATTORNEY-GENERAL F. TREVELYAN. 21

custom of the manor, 4 and subject also to the restrictions imposed
upon him by the exigencies of the system of common cultivation.
The pastures formed another class. Each husbandland was credited
with a certain number of acres in them, corresponding to a certain
number of 'gaites.' Thus at Lesbury each husbandland claimed
eight gaites, or 6 a. 3r. 25 p. of the common pasture, except the
smallest husbandland, to which only four gaites, or 3 a. 1 r. 32^ p.
were allotted. But no man could put his foot down on a particular spot
of these common pastures and say ' this is mine.' It was held strictly
in common. The third class comprised all the common, wastes, roads,
common balks, and common hedges. All these were k no man's land '
(as indeed portions of them were sometimes called) except the lord's,
and he held them subject to the rights of the commoners, which
varied in every manor and township, but which included a right to a
certain number of 'stints,' affording the agriculturist 'sufficient
common of pasture.' 5

The working of the system is well illustrated by one of the witnesses
in the suit of the Attorney-General v. Trevelyan in 1847. He states
that at that time the township of Sharperton consisted of llf farms,
and that there 'is in the said township of Sharperton a tract of common
and unenclosed ground, which belongs to the owners of the enclosed
lands in the said township, and is stinted by the occupiers of the said
enclosed lands according to the number of ancient reputed farms
which each occupier holds, one stint being depastured on the said
common for each reputed farm, so that I depasture thereon one stint,
the said William Sproat two stints, the said James Nicholson depas-

4 In making this statement I have not overlooked the evidence relating to the
existence of the runrig system, or something similar to it in the county. There
are several notices of exchanges of land in the surveys, invariably mentioned
however as having taken place at a time then past, which may refer to such a
custom. I have not met with any instance in which it can be said that it is
clear that more is meant than a single transaction, such as might be carried out
in the present day between owners or occupiers. The strongest case is that of
North Middleton, but even here it seems possible to understand the account as a
description, not very well expressed, of the ordinary common field system, at a
time when its incidents had ceased to be familiar. But however this may be, it
seems certain that in the sixteenth century runrig only existed exceptionally,
if at all. and that it had entirely disappeared in townships for which terriers
similar to those here quoted had been made.

5 It is important to distinguish between a right, to the 'common pasture,' and
a right to 'common of pasture.' The former referred to the pasture land, the
latter to the common or waste.

22 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

tured thereon five stints and a quarter of a stint ; a six year old ox
is half a stint, which the occupier may put on every other year as a
quarter of a stint,' etc.

This exactly describes the condition of things before the com-
mon fields were divided and the commons enclosed, except that the
former having disappeared, the owners occupy the position formerly
held by the lord of the manor. The occupiers' interest in the common
consists of stints, not land, and the amount of these stints is not
estimated by acres, but by the right which they confer to pasture cattle
on the waste. A stint entitles the holder to pasturage for two beasts,
half a stint for one beast, while the holder of a quarter of a stint can
only put his ox upon the common in alternate years.

If therefore, I repeat, these ancient farms embraced the whole
township, averaging nearly one hundred and sixty acres apiece, they
are certainly not the same as the 'hnsbandlands,' but were something
else of which we know nothing, and to which, so far as I am aware,
there is not the most remote allusion in any document.

But when we reflect how often the number of husbandlands is the
same as that of the more modern farms ; how, in many cases (as at
Buston, where although there were only eight 'farms' in 1826, as
against sixteen in 1567, yet these more ancient farms divide them-
selves naturally into eight freeholds and eight leaseholds), there are
indications pointing to a relation between them, though at this stage
of the enquiry not a very explicable one ; how nearly the number of
farms at Lesbury, at the end of the last century, ascertained indirectly,
agrees with what we know of the past history of the place, it appears
highly probable that they were identical. This view may be supported
by other evidence, not in itself conclusive, but tending in the same
direction.

In the churchwardens' accounts for Lesbury for 1791-3 the pay-
ment for Hawkhill is put down as a lump sum of 10 10s. This, at
a guinea per farm, represents ten farms. In a Manor Court Roll of
the 15th December in the fourth year of King James I. is this
entry : ' We find by the oath of William Alnewick of Wolden, some-
time of Hawkle, of the age of 53, and also by the oath of &c

that there is ten tenements and a half in Hawkle, out of which there
is due ten bowles and a bushel of barley malt, to wit every tenement a

THE TOWNSHIPS OF LESBURY, ETC.

bushel, 6 which they have known during all the time of their remem-
brance to be paid.' Here half a farm seems to have been lost, just as
a quarter of one disappeared at Lesbury, but the approximation is
close.

In Hodgson's History of Northumberland there is a list of the rates
laid on the townships of the county, apparently for the purposes of
what we should call imperial taxation, and levied on the lords of the
manors, and the freeholders, and not on the other tenants. These
rates are therefore probably governed by other considerations than the
number of husbandlands. But that this had something to do with it the
table below proves. In the first two columns are the payments made
for each of the townships we have been concerned with, according to
' the old book of rates,' dating at least as far back as the seventeenth
century. The third gives the number of farms in each, and the fourth
the sums arrived at by dividing the rate by the number of farms :

Township.

Bate.

Farms.

Share per
Farm.

B. d.

s. d.

Lesbury...

1 12 6

1 4*

Birlington

1 4|

Brotherick

040

1 4

Buston, Upper.

1 4J

Acklington

1 3 4

1 3|

The result is that each township is rated at about Is. 4d. per farm,
or the tenth part of a mark.

There is a feature in the more detailed and accurate surveys which
is worth observing in this connection. In modern days when a farmer
undertakes to cultivate two contiguous farms, they are either kept
entirely distinct, so that they may at any time be separated without
inconvenience ; or they are united, the acres which compose
them are thrown together, one farm house is converted into the
steward's house, or into cottages, one set of farm buildings becomes
merely a steading, and the whole is treated in every way as one farm.
The former is the common practice at the present day ; the latter was
that pursued sixty or seventy years ago, and is the method by which
most of our large tenancies have been created.

6 ? Bowie.

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

Our ancestors did neither. When a man held two farms the fact
that he had two ' messuages ' or two * tenements ' was duly recorded ;
the strips in the fields were carefully measured, even down to the six-
teenth of a perch, and labelled (so to speak) as his ; but there is
nothing to show to which of the two farms each strip belonged. An
extract from a survey of a parcel in the common fields of Lesbury will
illustrate this :

'LONG SEA HEUGHE BEGINNING AT THE NORTH SIDE.

John Hempsell, one land

Roger Carre, two lands

John Carre, one land

John Hempsell, one land

Roger Carre, two lands

John Carre, one land

George Shepherd, one land

Robert Fenwick, one land

George Sawkeld, one land

George Taylor, one land

George Fressel, one land

John Carre, one land

George Fressell, one land

Francis Fressell, one land

John Carre, one land

John Milne, one land

Roger Sympson, one land

Alexander Reveley, one land

John Wilkinson, one land

Robert Fenwick, two lands, late Acton's

William Armorer, two lands

John Carre, three lands

Francis Fresswell, one land

John Milne, three lands

William Armorer, one land

John Hempsell

Roger Carre, three lands

John Carre, one land

Some of acres of Long Sea Heugh

Of the tenants whose names are given here, John Carre held three
and a half farms, Robert Fenwick two and a half, Roger Carre, George
Sawkeld, and George Fresswell two each. Yet there is nothing to
show to which of these farms the strips belonged. The extreme pains
and minuteness with which each bundle of strips is measured and laid

18|

16*

15}$

28J

13|

12 T6

12*

"tt

10]6

9 T %

8 A

6|A

5|f

6 i

35^ a

33|

32|

23|

31 H

TOWNSHIPS OF LESBURY, ETC.

down, with the utter disregard of the exact holding to which its
component parts appertained is very striking. The two farms were
evidently regarded as indivisible for agricultural purposes, and there
must therefore have been some other object in keeping the fact that
they were two messuages and two husbandlands so carefully on record.

There is no doubt about the reason for keeping count of the mes-
suages. 'Every tenant, Cotiuger and Cotterell doe pay yerely to the
Lord of Alnwick one henn called a rent henne in winter tyme, except
the Lord's Reave of the Towne for that yeare.' There are many returns
of these rent hens extant, showing that each man paid according to
the number of houses he had, whatever his status or the character of
his dwelling might be. It was in truth a house tax, and a very
valuable asset. At Prudhoe in 1607 the rent hens were considered
4 worth to be demised' for 55s. 4d.

If the record of the messuages was kept for a fiscal purpose it seems
natural to suppose that of the husbandlands to have been preserved
with a similar object, and unless it was that they might form the
basis of local taxation it is not easy to see what it could be.

But if the ancient farms be the same as the husbandlands, nothing
can be more certain than that they were not aliquot parts of the whole
township, of which they covered but a portion. The table below
proves that in three of the five townships mentioned in this paper the
husbandlands did not cover one half, and in one instance little more
than a fourth of the township in which they were situated :

Townships.

Husbandlands.

T>PiYpntflp i p nf

the Township

Name.

Area.

covered by the
Husbandlands.

Btrling ...

A. R. P.

789 1 17i

A. R. P.

471 3 35^

Brotherwick . . .

181 OJ

87 2 7

Buston

728 1^

296 3 21 -^

Acklington

2,691 2 4i 764 1 21J

Lesbury

1,618 2 29/6

1,057 2 li

They did not even include in many cases the whole of the land
under cultivation, for in addition to them there were frequently free-
holds, leaseholds, cottage lands, etc. Nor were they equal inter se, at

26 THE ANCIENT FARMS OP NORTHUMBERLAND :

any rate in the sixteenth century, for the evidence I have adduced
proves that they differed in acreage, .in rental, in the number of
cottages held with them, in the amount of moulter paid to the mill ;
in short in every particular incident to an agricultural holding.

It would seem then that our ancestors were contented to regard as
equal bases of assessment items which were not only relatively unequal,
but which, in many cases, covered only a comparatively small portion
of the area on behalf of which the rate was levied. According to our
modern notions equality of assessment is so indissolubly connected,
a priori, with equality of value that to many persons such a state of
things may appear incredible. But there is no more fertile source of
error in antiquarian researches than a proneness to import the ideas of
our own time into the history of the past. In early days it is
probable that the imposts arising under this system were not onerous.
It was not the rates, but the fines and the services which were the
cause of complaint. The difficulties attending the rearrangement of
areas under the common field system may have been very great. The
inhabitants may have preferred to endure a state of things, however
anomalous, to which they were accustomed rather than to embark in a
local revolution, which might have led to unforeseen results. It is
more extraordinary that, long after the common fields had disappeared,
the same system should have been tolerated, and yet the evidence
taken in the suit so often quoted proves abundantly that, though the
want of correspondence between the actual and supposed value of the
holdings was fully recognised, and the more serious demands of the
land tax and poor rate had been added to the lord's rent, church rate
and parish clerk's fees, the same method of assessment, with certain
minor modifications, survived until a comparatively recent date.

The arrangement cannot always have been anomalous. It must
have been originally created to meet the actual requirements of the
time. If the system assumes the equality of the farms, the presump-
tion is very strong that they were once actually equal. If these farms
covered only a portion of the township, there must have been some
reason why they alone were considered the basis of taxation.

In the absence of direct evidence on this point we may fairly fall
back upon the principle which underlies so many of the received 'laws'
of physical science, and assume that a theory which accounts for all

A SURVEY OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 27

the facts is good until a better can be formulated, or until it is contra-
dicted by some further discovery. The theory I venture to propose is
as follows :

At the date, probably very remote, when the plan of rating by
farms was inaugurated, whatever the nature, variety or complexity of
the tenures under which the land was held might be, a sharp line was
drawn between that portion of the township which was composed of
demesne land, and that portion which was not. The latter alone was
rateable. 7

This would be entirely in accord with the spirit of the manorial
system when the rights and interests of the lord were predominant.
In the light of this supposition the history of these farms may be
traced as follows :

Originally that portion of a township which was not demesne, that
is to say which did not form a part of what has been sometimes
described as the home farm of the lord, was divided into husbandlands
of equal area, paying an equal ' ferme.' 8 It has been already pointed
out that, under the common field system, areas of equal extent of the
same kind of land (arable, meadow, or pasture as the case might be)
must necessarily have been practically of equal value. And we have
seen that the older and ruder the record the more the equality of the
husbandlands or farms seems to have been assumed.

Within this rateable area there might or might not be a certain
number of 'Cotingers and dotterels,' holding directly of the lord.
There is some reason to think that they were more numerous in early
days than subsequently. A survey of the middle of the sixteenth
century says :

7 Mr. J. C. Hodgson informs me that the parish clerk of Warkworth's book
contains no assessment for Acklington Park. It appears that attempts had
been made to levy a rate ; e.g., in 1830 Mr. Reid's representative refused to pay
Is. 6d. This corroborates the above theory, for Acklington Park was undoubtedly
demesne land, being one of the parks attached to the castle of Warkworth, and
it shows that so late as 1830 some land was exempt from rating, though the
reason of the exemption had probably been forgotten.

8 It has been shown that at Acklington and Lesbury, though in the earlier
surveys the bulk of the husbandlands were nearly, if not quite equal, there was
one which fell very much below the others. This is a feature of such common
occurrence in the larger townships that it appears to be indicative of something
in the ancient manorial economy demanding further enquiry. That it represents
something connected with the original constitution of the manor seems pro-
bable when we reflect that while it is easy to imagine causes which might tend
to increase the area of a husbandland, it is more difficult to account for a
decrease. But this does not materially affect the main argument.

28 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

In ancyent tyme the L. nor his officers dyd not pmytt one tennt of any of
his L. townes to enjoy twoo sevall tents and f armeholdes neyther to adjoine tent
and cotage together but evie tennt to have one tent and to evie cotinger one
cotage whiche nowe yn this my L. tyme ys lytell regarded to y e great impovish-
ment of all y c reste of y c said tennts where any suche thing is. And also no
lytell hurte and hindrance to svice to his L. then pjudice to the comone welthe
wherfor I could wyshe the same were orderlye reaformed and y* w th out any
exclamacon.

So far back as the year 1500 there were several cottages at
Lesbury in the hands of the farmers, so that the abuse, as it seems
to have been regarded, was of long standing, but the comment of the
surveyor evidently refers to a time when all or nearly all the cottagers
held their land, like the other tenants, directly of the lord. Whether
they were rated or not we cannot tell. It is possible that the rate
imposed upon them at Lesbury in 1783 was a survival of an ancient
charge, and it will be remembered that half a farm at Acklington in
1826 is called the 'coatland,' though if this really represents the body
of cottagers of the middle ages it has taken the place of half a husband-
land. But be this as it may, the main part of the burden indubitably
fell on the husbandlands.

In course of years parts of the demesnes were granted to free-
holders or leaseholders, but these, having once been demense, remained
exempt from local taxation. Thus at Buston eight of the sixteen
husbandlands had been doubtless demesne, and so escaped taxation.
This was the reason why, although the number of tenants was reduced
from sixteen to eight, there continued to be sixteen husbandlands.
The same was the case with one of the holdings at Brotherick.

Similarly, as time went on, some of the land which was not demense
fell into the hands of the lord by escheat, forfeiture, failure of heirs,
etc., and might be granted by him to freeholders or leaseholders, but
having been part of the rateable area it continued to be subject to
that liability. Hence the leasehold and freehold farms we find at
Lesbury in the sixteenth century.

Probably from the very commencement of this plan of rating the
husbandlands had constantly tended to become more and more
unequal, and thus to deviate from the theory of their existence.
From time to time some of the more enterprising of the inhabitants
would break up small portions of the moor, with or without the

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 29

consent of the authorities. They annexed, more or less intentionally,
portions of the demesnes to their holdings, and again exchanged these
strips with those of other tenants, so that there was a constant accre-
tion on the part of some, and an increasing discrepancy between the
size of the various farms. It is easy to conceive many other ways in
which this would come about. Although this did not apparently
altogether escape the notice of the surveyors, they were content to
acquiesce in it, rather than to raise a host of disputed questions which
might lead to no final issue, and, as far as the glaring facts of the
case would allow, they clung to the fiction that the farms were equal
long after this had ceased to be really the case. A minute survey
like that of 1616 proved the reverse.

By this time the meaning of the word ' farm ' had undergone an
important modification. It had ceased to be applied to the payment
incident to the holding, and had become applicable to the holding itself.
The change in the use of the word notoriously took place about the com-
mencement of the sixteenth century throughout England generally.

At length the day arrived when there was a very general conver-
sion of copyholds into leaseholds. The process was not popular, but
the practical change which it introduced into the economy of the
manor may be easily overrated. It is a mistake to suppose that
statements to the effect that A or B has 'yielded his copy' implies
that he has been turned out of his holding. At Lesbury, for instance,
numbers of the old tenants and their descendants continued for very
many years to occupy the same holdings after they had accepted leases.

The tenants who already had land in the township were very ready
to take up any farms that might fall vacant. This tendency had shown
itself freely long before the extinction of the copyholds, and it grad-
ually led to a larger number of farms being held together than before.

But now a much more important and radical change took place
than was involved in the conversion of copyholds into leaseholds, viz.,
the abolition of the common fields, and the inauguration of the modern
system of several husbandry. It is of the first importance in seeking
to interpret the consequences which flowed from it, that we should
have an adequate conception of the state of things existing before it,
and the methods by which it was carried out. These differed to some
extent in cases where the land of a township was the property of one

30 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

individual, .and in those where it was in the hands of several proprie-
tors. Let us take the former case first.

Let us suppose a township consisting partly of leasehold farms,
partly of demesne lands, partly of cottage holdings, and partly of
common or waste. The leasehold farms were practically the old
husbandlands. The demesnes had become almost entirely merged in
them. When the copyholds had finally disappeared there was no
object in keeping up the distinction between the demesnes and the
husbandlands, and, as the same individuals held both, all trace of the
former tended rapidly to disappear. But the land of which the hus-
bandlands originally consisted, as well as large portions of that which
had been demesne, lay scattered over the whole township. A held
200 acres in 5| farms, B 120 acres in 3^ farms, C 120 acres in 3J
farms, and so on.

The first difficulty that would arise would be found in the varying
character of the land of the district. The 120 acres which B would
receive in severalty might be the worst land in the township, while
the same amount allotted to C might be the best. The arbitrator
would therefore be obliged in fairness to add a few acres to B, or to
deduct a few from C. Thus there would be a further inroad into
the small amount of equality which may still have existed between
the farms.

Either now or at a later date the common would be divided.
Though, as a rule, the complete division of the waste was subsequent
to the breaking up of the common fields, the allotment of the cultivated
land in severalty was often seized upon as an opportunity for a partial
division of the common also. How was the arbitrator to allot this
common ? A with his five and a half farms of 200 acres would have
as much land as he could corrveniently manage, while B and C on the
contrary might be glad to take a little more. And thus the actual
extent of a holding would, after the division, bear no relation what-
ever to the number of 'farms' at which it was assessed. This explains
why, in the accounts of the churchwardens of Lesbury in 1791,
William Hay, with Hipsburne farm of 21 6 a. 2r. 22 p. and a rental
of 220 pays 3 8s. 3d., equal to 3J farms, while David Baird,
with Foxton Hall of 163 a. Ir. 30 p., and a rental of 190, is mulcted
3 13s. 6d., equal to 3^ farms. This method of allotment would
be pursued whenever more common was enclosed, until the whole had

LESBURY, ACKLINGTON, ETC. 31

disappeared. It would go to increase the size of the holdings in pro-
portion to the ability of the tenant to cultivate it, not with relation to
the number of 'farms' he held, and thus gradually the 'farms' would
extend, in some cases, over the whole township. In such instances
there would be no difficulty in rating the township by farms, but it
was a different matter where there were cottage holdings, and lease-
holds, not liable, under the ancient system, to a rate. Sometimes also
there were small parts of the demesnes which had not been merged in
the farms. One of these was the lord's mill. If these hitherto unrated
portions of the township were few, it seems that they were ignored,
upon the principle 'de minimis non curat lex.' But where they collec-
tively embraced a considerable area, as they did at Lesbury and at
Acklington, it would be felt to be unfair that they should contribute
nothing to the rate, while there would be no ancient precedent to fall
back upon for the purpose. The course pursued in these cases was
probably different in different places, and at different times in the same
place. At Acklington, as has been already pointed out, the cottage
lands may have been thrown together and treated as half a farm
called 'Coatlands.' At Lesbury they seem to have been assessed at a
sixteenth of a husbandland each, and the remaining hitherto unrated
lands on some other basis, resulting in what I have called the abnor-
mal payments in the account. That this is the true interpretation of
these abnormal payments is rendered probable by the fact that William
Hay's contribution for the mill is one of them, the mill being reckoned
as part of the demesnes., His payment is clearly not determined by
the rent or the acreage, for he pays less on the mill than Eobert Bell
for his cottage. At Longhoughton it is said that four, and at Ren-
nington three cottages were accounted equal to one farm.

In those instances in which a township comprised freeholds in the
hands of divers persons another element had to be considered in making
an award. The question was not only how to divide the land so that
it could be conveniently cultivated by occupiers, but also how to allot
it consistently with the claims of owners. Where an adequate terrier
existed there could be no difficulty. This, however, was rarely the
case. The trouble and expense of measuring the land, as in the
extract given above from the terrier of Lesbury, and of compiling the
record, must have been enormous, and was probably but rarely adopted.
Some idea of the magnitude of the undertaking may be formed when

32 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

it is remembered that there were in the township of Lesbury alone
3,270 strips, besides the land held in severalty by freeholders, closes,
garths, etc. 9 When no terrier was available the award must have
depended on the number of the farms rather than on their extent.

That this was not the sole consideration, however, the facts
connected with the division of the township of Cheswick tend to
prove. There were eighteen farms in this township, besides a plot of
land called the ' Priory Ground,' valued at 3 a year. The * several
shares and parts of these farms .... lay promiscuously, and inter-
mixed one part with another,' and the moor lay undivided, and had
been enjoyed in common.

In an award of 1719 the arbitrators state that having caused the
arable, meadow, and pasture ground, and the waste and common, to
be surveyed and measured, and having found them to contain
l,907a. 2r. 37p., they had viewed the same, and had ' seriously and
deliberately weighed and considered the nature, soil, and quality
thereof, and the conveniences and inconveniences incident thereto.'
They order that 325 acres of the common shall still continue common
and undivided, and the parties are ' to have and keep thereupon such
rateable and proportionable number of stints according to their
respective interests in Cheswick aforesaid as the same will con-
veniently depasture, feed and bear thereupon.' Nevertheless of this
common they gave Sir Carnaby Haggerston 6a. 2r. 36p. in respect of
the ' Priory Ground.' The remainder of the township they allotted

as follows : A. R. P.

Edward Haggerston, 4 farms 371 1 10

Robert Wilkie, 8 farms 747 2 6

Christopher Strangways, 3 farms 289

Christopher Sibbitt, 2 farms 174 3 21

Total 1,582 2 37

A plan attached to this award gives somewhat different figures as
the result of the operation. On it it is stated that the ' content of
Mr. Edward Haggerston's with the Priory Land' was 371a. Ir. 10p.,
and it appears that the actual number of acres which came into the
possession of each individual in right of their farms was

9 The twenty-four husbandlands were divided into 3,219 strips, covering 1,057
acres. This gives an average of rather more than 1 r. 12 p. for each strip. If, as
has been supposed, the original size of a strip in the common fields was an acre
or half an acre, the departure from this had, in the course of years, become con-
siderable, and must have had an influence upon the size of the farms.

THE TOWNSHIP OF CHESWICK. 33

Edward Haggerston

Robert Wilkie

Christopher Strangways
Christopher Sibbitt

Total 1,572 2

The total acreage of the township is stated on the plan to be
l,949a. Ir. 24p. 10

In 1724 a further division was carried out by agreement. * It is
agreed by and between all the parties to these presents that nothing
herein contained shall be construed or taken to discharge or acquit
any of the said parties of the payment of the rents payable out of
their lands to Sir Carnaby Haggerston as lord of the manor of
Norham castle, or otherwise prejudice his manor on any account
whatever.' Sir Carnaby Haggerston received 10 acres, Francis Smith
a ' small croft south of the house he dwells in ' and 13 acres, and

A. R. P.

Edward Haggerston 48

Robert Wilkie 144 2

Christopher Strangways 42 2

Christopher Sibbitt 22

Total 257

The result of the two divisions allotted the land between the
owners of the farms as follows :

A. R. P.

Edward Haggerston 412 2 14

Robert Wilkie 892 13

Christopher Strangways 330 1 27

Christopher Sibbitt 194 2 29

Total 1,829 2 35

That the total number of farms was the leading idea that
governed the transaction is proved by the fisheries on the coast
having been allotted in the following proportions : To the Hagger-
ston estate 4| eighteenths, to Robert Wilkie 8| eighteenths, to
Strangways and Sibbitt conjoined 5| eighteenths. But that this was
not the only consideration so far as the land was concerned, a calcula-
tion of what each proprietor would have received had the allotment
been made entirely with a view to the number of farms clearly shows.

10 The acreage in the Ordnance Survey of 1861 is l,963a. 2r. lip.

VOL. XVII 5

34 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

ACREAGE DIVIDED IN PROPORTION TO THE NUMBER OF FARMS.

1719.

1724.

Total Area

Owner.

Of Area of
l,582a. 2r. 37p.
as Allotted
by Deed.

Of Area of
l,572a 2r. 35p.
as actually
Received.

Of Area of
257a. Or. Op.
Allotted and
Received.

Actually
Received in
both Divisions
(Cols. 2 and 3).

A, E. P.

A. R. P.

E. Haggerston

351 2 29

349 1 39

57 17

406 2 16

R. Wilkie

747 1 1(5

742 2 28

121 1 18

864 6

C. Strangways ...

307 3 2

305 3 9

49 3 35

355 3 4

C. Sibbitt

175 3 30

174 2 39

28 2 10

203 1 9

Total

1,582 2 37

1,572 2 35

257

1,829 2 35

The net results of the division as actually carried out are shown
below :

Owner.

1719.

1724.

Total.

In Excess.

Deficient.

In Excess.

De6cient.

In Excess.

Deficient.

E. Haggerston...
Robert Wilkie...
C. Strangways...
C. Sibbitt

A. R. P.
15 15
4 3 25

A. R. P.

17 3 22
2 18

A. R. P.
23 22

A. R. P.

9 17

7 1 35
6 2 10

A. R. P.

5 3 38
28 7

A. R. P.

25 1 17

8 2 28

Total

23 22

34 5

Although, therefore, the number of farms in the township was
evidently the main guide to the arbitrators in making this division,
yet the result was to consign 34a. Or. 5p. more to two of the
proprietors than was allotted to the other two, and to hand over a
small croft and 29a. 2r. 36p. to be held in severalty outside the limits
of the farms altogether.

Instances of this kind enable us to estimate at their true value the
statements so frequently made by different witnesses in the course of
the Netherwitton suit, to the effect that townships consisted of a
certain number of farms and no more ; that these farms were areas of
equal value, and that their number was the sole consideration which
guided the arbitrators. Such statements are only roughly accurate,
and it must not be forgotten that those who tendered this evidence
referred to transactions which in general had been carried out long
before their time, or at any rate in which they had not themselves
taken an active part.

SIBLING, ACKLINGTON, LESBUKY, ETC. 85

Let us turn again to the account given by the parish clerks of the
townships mentioned in the earlier pages of this paper.

At Birling and Acklington the farms did indeed cover the whole
extent of the township so soon as all the common had been divided.
At Buston the eight husbandlands, which in old days had alone been
rateable, had fallen into the hands of the owners of those which had
been exempt, or of some of them, and the unrateable character of eight
of the farms, and indeed their very existence, was unrecorded. Every
owner or occupier in the township was rated, and collectively the
township consisted of eight farms, and this was all that it concerned
the parish clerk to know or to remember. Very much the same may
be said of Brotherick. At Lesbury there is nothing in the resolution
passed by the vestry to indicate that any basis of taxation existed
besides that of the farms, except the fact that the Coatlands were to
be rated at three farthings. It is not till we come to the details of
the actual sum raised that we find any trace of the lands resulting in
the ' abnormal ' payments, and those who have hitherto considered
the subject do not appear to have turned their attention to accounts
of this description. If more of these could be brought to light it is
probable that they would afford a great deal of information.

So far as the data at present in our possession go they seem to
point to the following conclusions : 1st, that the farms which formed
the basis of assessment at the end of the last and the commencement
of the present century are the descendants and representatives of the
ancient husbandlands ; 2nd, that it is highly probable, if not certain,
that originally these husbandlands were, generally speaking, of equal
value within the limits of the same township ; 3rd, that they con-
stantly tended to lose this equality, and that in the sixteenth century,
if not long before, their inequality had become very marked; 4th,
that, notwithstanding, they continued to be regarded as equal bases
of assessment ; 5th, that they were never conterminous with the town-
ship, save in cases like that of Birling, in which the lord of the manor
was the sole proprietor, and the husbandlands contained the only
cultivated land within it. In this event they would indeed cover the
whole area after the common had been divided, but even then the
proportion of common added to each holding depended on other
considerations than those of mere equality of value.

There is another conceivable state of things in which, even if

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

there were more than one owner, the farms would include the whole
of the township after the division of the common ; viz., where there
was no demesne, no cottage land, etc., and where the lord of the
manor accepted a rent charge in lieu of his claim on the waste. This
substitution of a rent charge for a portion of the land of the waste
was not formally recognised by Act of Parliament until the year
1846, but it is possible that it may have been adopted in some
instances by agreement at an earlier period, though I am not aware
of any evidence to that effect.

Since this paper was begun Mr. Woodman has very kindly afforded
me the advantage of examining the evidence tendered in the Nether-
witton suit. This extensive and most valuable record of the antique
customs connected with the tenure of land in Northumberland must
ever be an invaluable field for the researches of the antiquary, and
would furnish materials for many a paper. I may, however, be
permitted to say a few words with regard to it, so far as it bears
immediately upon the subject in hand.

The land originally granted by king Edward VI., which formed
the subject of the suit, is thus described at the time :

Terrae et tenementa
pertinentibus
dictae nuper
cantaria Sancti
Egidii.

In comitatu
Northumbriae.

Nuper cantaria
Sancti Egidii
f undata in ca-
pella de Wyt-
ton in parochia
de Hartborne.

Firma unius tenementi ]
cum pertinentibus in /
Netherweton predicta > xiiii"
in tenura Johannis I
Smythe per annum,

Firma unius tenement! ]
cum pertinentibus in I
Netherweton predicta in /xiiii s
tenura Thomae Potts I
per annum, '

Firma unius tenementi \
cum pertinentibus in j
Netherweton in tenura v xiiii 8
Alexandri Ansone per j
annum,

Firma unius tenementi \
ibidem cum pertinenti- f ..
bus in tenura Johannis f
Rogerson per annum, j

Firma unius vastae ibidem j
cum pertinentibus in f g
tenura Richard! Snaw- (
done per annum,

Ixiiii 9 .

THE NETHERWITTON SUIT. 37

Here there are five holdings at various rents ; four of them being
described as tenements, and one as a waste. It will be observed also
that * firma ' here means money and not land.

The next evidence bearing on our subject is given more than a
hundred and fifty years after, in 1710, when some witnesses deposed
that the lands in question were * about one third part in value ' of the
township, and others that there were ' nineteen farmes and one half
farme' in Netherwitton, and that the property to which the suit
referred were ' computed and reckoned to be five farmes and one-half
farme,' or, as one witness puts it, ' there were computed and reckoned
to be nineteen farmes and one half farme of lands and no more in and
belonging to Netherwitton.'

It is not clear whether this implies that there were no more farms
in Netherwitton than nineteen and a half, or that there was no land
which was not included in these farms. But at any rate it would
seem in this instance that the reverse had happened to that which
took place at Lesbury and Hawkhill, for instead of a part of the
farms being lost, five farms in Edward VI. time had come to be
reckoned as five and a half in 1710. It is somewhat remarkable that
at this date, when the common field system was still to be found in
very many, probably in the majority of townships, there is nothing
said (unless I have overlooked it), about these farms being equal or
being deemed to be so.

After this we have another break of more than one hundred and
fifty years, and we then come upon a great body of evidence brought
from many parts of the county as to the practice of rating by farms,
which may be summarized for present purposes as follows :

1st, that most, if not all the local taxation had been, and to some
extent continued up to very recent times to be raised according to the
number of farms in each township over a very large part of Northum-
berland, and that for this object the farms were regarded as equal ;
2nd, that this imaginary equality had long ceased to have any real
existence ; 3rd, that in many cases where a division had been carried
out these farms had been the only available means of deciding the
respective shares of the claimants ; 4th, that in the opinion of the
deponents these farms had originally been of equal value.

With regard to the first and second of these heads there can be no

88 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

dispute. The third may be accepted with certain modifications which
have been already noticed. As to the fourth it is no disrespect to the
witnesses to say that it rests on no better ground than the obvious
probability that things deemed to be equal must have been so at one
time or another. They do not profess to put it any higher, and it may
readily be admitted that they are justified in coming to that conclu-
sion. But they do not, and they could not, state that this equality
existed in the sixteenth century, and the original grant seems to show
the reverse, for it is surely more probable that five holdings, three of
which are rented at 14s., one at 12s., and one at 10s., four of which
were ' tenements ' and one a ' waste,' were of different values than that
five equal husbandlands were held on different terms and described in
different language.

In conclusion, I must express my obligations to Sir William
Grossman, Mr. Dendy, Mr. J. C. Hodgson, Mr. Bateson, and other
gentlemen who, while not committing themselves in any degree to the
theories I have advanced in this essay, have rendered me invaluable
assistance by the information they have furnished to me, of which I
have ventured to avail myself more than once without acknowledg-
ment, and by their criticisms and advice.

NOTE.

If the views advanced in this paper of the origin of the Northum-
brian farms be correct, it may possibly throw some light on the much
vexed question of the antiquity of the manorial system with its overlord.
It is repeatedly stated in the evidence given in the Netherwitton suit
that the farms were also called 'ploughs' or 'plough gates.' It seems
clear that originally the word 'farm' implied a rent, either in kind or
money, and not the thing let. The 'plough' or 'plough gate' is
evidently the proper title of that for the use or enjoyment of which
the 'farm' was paid. This recalls forcibly the time when the lord
furnished the villein, but not the free tenant, with the stock and
implements necessary for his holding, and resumed them on the con-
clusion of the tenancy. It is a different system from that described by
Mr. Seebohm, in his work on the village community, where one tenant
supplied the plough, another an ox, another two oxen, etc., to make

THE NETHERWITTON SUIT. 39

up the team. Here each tenant has a plough, and although this
seems excessive for the cultivation of a holding so small as most of the
husbandlands were, we must recollect that the villeins were under an
obligation to plough the demesnes, which were often of considerable
size, and that this duty was probably imposed on every villein in the
manor, whether the particular township in which he resided contained
demesne land or not. The liability to assessment would thus depend
upon whether the lord had or had not supplied the plough, and the
' plough ' became synonymous with a villein holding, or base tenure.

Hence if the 'farms' of Northumberland can be traced to Saxon
times, as some have supposed, it appears to necessitate the existence
also of a Saxon overlord, and a system presenting many of the attri-
butes and incidents which are commonly referred to a Norman source.

Mr. F. York Powell tells us that ' the German theory formerly
generally accepted, that free village communities were the rule among
the English, seems to have little direct evidence to support it. The
English conqueror found estates cultivated by British servi and libertl
and coloni, according to certain rules and customs for the profit of the
dominus and patronus and their own living. He stepped into the
Roman patron's, or even the earlier Celtic chief's, place, exacted his
dues, and farmed more or less after his fashion.' n

11 Social England, 1893, vol. i. p. 125.

40 TEMPLE THORNTON.

II. TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308.
(EXTRACTED FROM MR. WOODMAN'S COLLECTION.)

BY J. CRAWFORD HODGSON.
[Read on the 25th July, 1894.]

INTRODUCTION.

SEVEN miles west of Morpeth, in the parish of Hartburn, are the
townships of West and East Thornton. The former stands on a high
ridge, commanding a wide and extensive view to the east, south, and
west. ' It formerly had a chapel in it, and extensive grass-grown lines
of houses, remains of strong masonry in the stackyard walls, and great
quantities of hewn stone in the fences about it, prove that it was once
a considerable village. A field to the east of it has had a strong wall
around it. The older of the two cottages has no hewn stones in it,
and has plainly been built before the chapel and old manorial house,
with its accompaniment of barmkin and park walls, began to be pulled
down.' So wrote the rev. John Hodgson in 1827. 1 One of the
farms yet bears the name of Temple Thornton, and so keeps alive the
memory of the local association of these fair lands with the great order
of the Templars, whose once they were.

The zeal, which in our day compels the devout Mohammedan of
every nation to make the Hadj, may illustrate the feeling or fashion
of the eleventh and twelfth century Christendom to make the pilgrim-
age to Jerusalem. To protect these defenceless pilgrims, especially
between the seaports and the holy city, from the attack and plunder
of the Bedouin, was the object of the Knights Templars or ' Poor
Fellow Soldiers of Jesus Christ.'

The order was founded immediately after the capture of Jerusalem
by the Crusaders in 1099. It united a brotherhood-in-arms with the
religious profession of chastity, obedience, and poverty. The latter
condition, however, only forbade the possession of property by the
individual, and permitted the holding of wealth by the order. In
1118, for its good service, Baldwin II., king of Jerusalem, granted
1 Hodgson, Northumberland, part ii. vol. i. p. 311.

THE IMMUNITIES OF THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS. 41

it that habitation within the temple enclosure on mount Moriah which
thenceforward gave it the distinctive name of ' The Knighthood of
the Temple of Solomon,' and to the superior of the order his title of
' The Master of the Temple.'

The knights now assumed the duty of defending the holy places
and the kingdom of Jerusalem. Their rule, revised by St. Bernard
of Clairvaux, was conOrmed by papal bull ; their distinctive garb
was a white garment or mantle, with a red cross on the left breast.
Subsequently the members were graded as knights, priests, and serving
brethren.

The story of romantic enthusiasm which led the kings of England
and France to serve with the Templars in the Holy Land, is too well
known to need to be recapitulated ; men of high rank and family
sought admission to, and prince and subject, by gift or bequest,
identified themselves with, the order. For the management of the
lands so granted, members of the order were detached from the parent
house, and as ' residents ' were appointed to represent it in the differ-
ent countries of the west. These procurators were styled ' Priors of
the Temple,' and the duties of each in his province was to remit its
revenues to Jerusalem, to admit members, arrange for their transport,
and to generally represent the Master.

The companion order of the Hospital of St. John founded for the
succour of pilgrims, also had its home in Jerusalem and its legations
throughout Christendom.

Gibbon says, ' the flower of the nobility of Europe aspired to wear
the cross and profess the vows of these respectable orders, their spirit
and discipline were immortal, and the speedy donation of 28,000 farms
or manors enabled them to support a regular force of cavalry and
infantry for the defence of Palestine.'

The immunities, ecclesiastical and civil, bestowed upon the
Templars alienated the secular clergy, and the wealth so rapidly
acquired had the usual twofold consequence, luxury and unguarded-
ness on the one hand, and jealous, watchful scrutiny on the other.
The knights were accused of having traded on their privileges in
extending them to lay brothers or associates, in return for. gifts of
money or other consideration, especially during the extended or
restricted interdicts, which by the ecclesiastical policy of the age were

VOL. XVII. 6

42 TKMPLE THORNTON :

laid upon nations or districts for the stiff-neckedness of rulers or
individuals.

After the fall of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem the head-
quarters of the order were removed to Europe. There was doubtless
felt amongst all western Christians a feeling of soreness and disappoint-
ment at the loss of Jerusalem, a loss of which the order was made the
scapegoat. Philip, king of France, * not from motives of avarice bufc
inflamed with zeal for the orthodox faith,' in 1307 preferred scandal-
ous charges against the Templars. The reigning pope, Clement V.,
who owed his elevation to the papacy ^to French influence, lent an ear
to the accusations. All members of the order were arrested and im-
prisoned and articles of accusation, numerous and ridiculous, exhibited
against them. Torture, excessive, frightful, was used to wring
confessions of guilt from, to be subsequently retracted and withdrawn
by, the sufferers.

One sufferer said, ' they held me so long before a fierce fire that
the flesh was burnt off my heels, two pieces of the bone came away
which I present to you ; ' another victim in retracting his confession
declared that four of his teeth had been drawn out and that he had
confessed himself guilty, to save the remainder. King Edward II.
avowed his disbelief in the truth of the charges, but after the pope
had issued his condemnation, by order in council on the 20th
December, 1307, ordered the arrest of the Templars in his dominion,
and the seizure of their property 2 simultaneously on 8th January,
1308. The sheriffs were directed to take inventories of the goods and
chattels, and to make provision for the sowing and tilling of the lands
during the sequestration. They accounted annually to the Court of
Exchequer.

Professor Thorold Rogers tells us that ' in the fourteenth century
the stock on a well tilled farm, and every landowner tilled his land,
and on the whole tilled it according to the best knowledge of the time,
was worth at least three times that of the fee simple.' 3 The follow-
ing account rendered by the sheriff gives us the fullest particulars of
the stock of a Northumbrian farm of that period, the admirable way

2 The English province was founded by the first Master of the Temple, Hugh
cle Payens, who came hither for that purpose in 1128 ; it was divided into baili-
wicks and subdivided into preceptories.

3 Economic Interpretation of History, p. 63

THE SHERIFFS' ACCOUNTS, 1308. 43

in which the income and expenditure of the estate is set forth, is
equalled by the detailed and exact statement of the stocktaking. It
gives us the nature of the produce of the estate, and the relative
proportion of the kinds of stock kept. The roll was found some
year ago by Mr. Woodman at the Public Record Office, where he
obtained a translation.

SHEEIFFS' ACCOUNTS.

The account of Guychard Charon late sheriff of the county of Northumber-
land, of the issues, lands, and tenements, of the Master and Brethren of the
Knights Templars in England, in the same county, from Sunday next after the
the feast of St. Martin, to wit, the 16 th day of November, in the 2 nd year 4 of the
reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, to the feast of St. Michael next
following. And from the same feast of St. Michael, to the Sunday next before
the feast of St. Cuthbert next following, in the 3 rd year : on which day he
delivered the lands and tenements aforesaid, to Richard de Horsleye, then sheriff
of Northumberland, to keep so long as the King shall please, to answer to the
King for the issues thereof arising. By the King's writ and indenture between
them made.

The same renders account of 63s. 4d. of the rent of assize 5 of
divers teuants > holding divers tenements, of the aforesaid
Master and Brethren, of the manor of Thornton, and in divers
vills. adjacent to the same manor, to wit, Wotton, Mitford, Morpeth, Newbiggin,
Warkesworth, at the terms of Easter and Michaelmas, as contained in the roll
of particulars, which he delivered into the Treasury, and on the extent of the
aforesaid manor, made by Adam de Eglesfield, and returned into the Exchequer.

And of 11 14s. 10d. of rent of assize, of freeholders and customary tenants,
in the vills of Heylee, Corbrigge, Trepwoode, Newcastle upon Tyne, Fenham,
Ry nton, Jesemuth "and Redewoode at the same terms.

And of 60s. l|d. of the like rent of assize, of divers tenants in the vills of
Mildrom, 6 Shottone, Heddon, 7 Pakkeston, 8 Kyllun, Langeton, 9 Littleburn, 10
Welloure, Alnewyk and Baumburgh, at the same terms.

And of 10 18s. 3d. of rent of assize, of divers tenants, holding divers tene-
ments, in Foxden, 11 Besshopeston, Coton, 12 the town of Barnard Castle, Somer-
hous 13 and Pelton, in the bishopric of Durham, at the same terms, as contained
in the roll and extent aforesaid.

And of 10s. and five quarters of oats of rent of assize, in the vill of Foxden
at the same terms. 14

And of 4 Os. of certain demesne lands, of the said manor, let to farm this year,
in Fenham with certain works at the same terms.

4 1308-9. 5 Fixed or certain rents. 6 Mindrum.

7 Heddon among the hills near the Beaumont water no longer exists. Dr.
Hardy. 8 Paston. 9 Lanton. 10 Lilburn.

11 Foxton near Sedgefield. 12 Coatham.

13 Summerhouse near Brafferton.

14 Here the rent is paid partly in kind.

44 THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARK :

And of 100s. of the farm of the mill of Thornton, at the same terms, so
demised to farm by the year.

And of 18s. of the farm of the mill of Hey lee, for the same time.

And of 10s. of the rent of the brewery, in the vills of Thorneton and Heylee,
at the feast of St. Michael.

And of 2s. 5d. of 580 eggs of rent of assize, on Thornton, Heylee, and Feriham,
at the feast of Easter, sold.

And of 5s. lid. of 68 summer and autumn works, sold.

And of 3s. of the farm of the dovecot at Thornton, from the feast of Easter
to the feast of St. Michael, for half a year.

And of 3s. from the turbary sold there, for the same time.

And of 5s. lid. of 71 hens of rent of assize, in the vills of Thornton, Fenham,
and Heylee, at the feast of the Nativity of the Lord.

And of 24 15s. Od. for 24 quarters of corn, 15 6 quarters of rye and maslin,
14 quarters of barley, 8 quarters of barley and oats mixed, 86 quarters of oats,
received from Robert de Faudon, 16 by indenture, and so immediately sold on
account of the fear of the coming of the Scots. 17

And of 12s. for two stock 18 oxen sold.

And of 76s. 8d. for three cows, and three calves their issue, and of six barren
cows, sold about the 'gules' of August, by command of the lord the King.

And of 27s. for three steers of the same stock, and by the same mandate so sold.

And of 15s. for three heifers of the same stock, by the same mandate sold. 19

And of 6s. for two bull calves of the same stock, by the same mandate sold.

And of 13s. 6d. for 3 stirks, more than one year old, and three calves, of the
same stock, by the same mandate sold.

And of 10s. for one bull 20 of the same stock, by the same mandate sold.

And of 11 13s. Od. for 107 sheep-ewes, 108 muttons, 17 hogs, rcmanents of
the preceding account received by indenture.

15 Corn = wheat.

16 The sheriff of preceding year.

17 A truce was agreed between Edward II., king of England, and Robert
Brus, king of Scotland, in the spring of 1309, the latter had immediately
before 'made great havoc in Northumberland.' Ridpath, Border History,
p. 235 n.

is \Vorking or draught oxen.

19 In 1314 the prices of provisions as fixed by royal mandate and Act of

Parliament were as follows :

A stalled or corn fed ox 140

A grass fed ox 16

A fat stalled cow 12

An ordinary cow 10

A fat mutton, unshorn 018

A fat mutton, shorn 012

A fat goose 2

A fat capon 002

A fat hen 001

24 eggs for 001

The prices were so low that people would not bring their things to market until

the regulation was rescinded. Bishop Fleetwood, Cln-onicoii Preriosum, p. 71.
- There was no attempt to improve the breeds of cattle : the proof is the low

price of bulls: a collateral proof is the low price of cows. Thorold Rogers,

Si A Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 78.

TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308. 45

And of 36s. 8d. for 88 lambs 21 of issue sold.
And of 6s. 8d. from 8 kids 22 sold before the Nativity of the Lord.
And of 28s. from 21 hogs sold.
And of 18d. for 6 geese sold.

And of 8s. from four bad skins of oxen which died by the murrain.
And of 14d. from the skins of two oxen which died of the murrain.
And of 49s. 8d. from 69 fleeces of sheep-ewes, muttons and shear-hogs, which
died in the murrain, sold.

And of 4 5s. 5d. from 184 fleeces, weighing 17 stone 1 lb., sold.
And of 2s. 6d. received for three bushels of corn, sold upon account.
Sum total of the receipts 94 2s. 7d.

The same accounts in 9 quarters 2 bushels of corn, 50 quarters

EXPENSES. 6 bushels of oats bought to sow, 9 8s. 6d. to wit for each
quarter of corn 6s. 8d. and for each quarter of oats 2s. 6d.

And in 22^ quarters of rye, 13 quarters 2 bushels of maslin, bought for the
use of the servants, 11 12s. Id. The price of the quarter 6s. 8d.

And in 4 quarters of oats, bought for meal for porridge for the servants 10s.

And in 6 quarters of oats, bought by estimation, in sheaves for the susten-
ance of the oxen and cows 16s. 3d.

And in 5 quarters of oats, bought for the provender of the oxen, and expended
in their provender at seed time 12s. 6d.

And he renders in mending ploughs and harrows 23 at different times, 12s.

And in turf, dug to burn in the winter 3s.

And in ointment bought to anoint sheep with, at different times 3s. 24

And in wages of a man, keeping four score and eight lambs of this issue
from the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, to the feast of the
Invention of the Holy Cross next following, for 90 days taking daily a half
penny, 3s. 9d.

And in milk, for the sustenance of the said lambs, and for washing and
shearing nine score and 12 muttons 3s. lld.

And in weeding 37 acres of corn, and 101 and a half acres of oats, price of
each acre a half penny 5s. 9d.

And in cutting, spreading, and carrying 21 acres of hay, as well in the close
of the court as in the fields 13s. Id.

And in mowing, collecting, and binding 37 acres of corn, and 101 and a

21 Average 5d.

22 Not generally kept in the south of England : in 1291 kids were sold at Is. Id.

23 The peasant farmer even in the sixteenth century could not afford an iron
harrow : the teeth of this implement were oaken pins carefully dried and
hardened at the fire. Economic Interpretation of History, p. 61.

In 1407 a new plough cost 10

A dung cart and all that belonged to it ... 012

A pair of cart wheels ... ... ... ... 032

Compotus relating to priory of Burcester. Chronicon Preciosum, p. 79.

24 The sheep, from the latter part of the thirteenth century, was liable to a new
disease, the scab. We can almost define the year (1280) in which this disease
first appeared by the simultaneous record of the medicines employed for its cure,
Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 81.

4G THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS :

half acres of oats, 61s. 10J. ; to wit for each acre of corn 7d. 25 and for each acre
of oats 6d.

And in wages of one man, beside the reapers, in autumn, to wit, for 30 days,
taking 2d. a day 5s.

And in wages of six carters, one cowherd, one shepherd, and one man keeping
the manor, and making the porridge of the servants for the entire year, 40s.

And in wages of one swineherd for 16 weeks 12d.

And in wages of two men, going to harrow at seed time, for 31 days as well
in winter seed time, as in Lent seed time 5s. 2d.

And in two bushels of salt bought for the porridge of the servants lOd.

And in mending the walls of the Grange 3s.

And in threshing and winnowing 21 quarters of corn, rye, and maslin, 8
quarters of barley and 44 quarters of oats 8s. ed. 28

And in the wages of one servant keeping the manor for the time, computed
as above, 39s. 4d., taking a penny half penny a day.

And in the expences of brother Michael de Soureby, brother
TEMPLARS^ Walter de Gaddesby, brother Geoffrey de Wilton and brother

Robert de Caumvill, of the order of the Knights Templars
being in the custody of the said Gwychard in the castle of Newcastle upon
Tyne from the Sunday next after the feast of St. Martin in the 2 ml year of the
reign of King Edward, to the feast of St. Michael next following in the third
year of the reign of King Edward, to wit, for 315 days, each taking 4d. a
day, 2 1. 27

23 In the thirteenth century, wheat was reaped at a fraction over 5d. per acre,
barley at 5d., oats and rye at 4d. Estimated on the price of wheat, the reaper
of the thirteenth century received about one-twelfth of a quarter for his labour.
Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 174.

26 ' Our ancestors always cut their corn high on the stalk. By cutting high
they avoided cutting weeds with their wheat, and they could reap and carry
their produce in nearly all weathers and could dry it with comparative ease.
They cut the stubble at their leisure, and the straw, unbruised by threshing, was
used for thatching and fodder.' A moderate amount of stormy weather after the
reaping and before the carrying of the corn aided the process of threshing,
and in Northumberland, perhaps elsewhere, was spoken of as the ' barnman's
benison.' 'The labour' of threshing the three principal kinds of corn-growing
grasses differs with the difficulty of separating the seed from the husk, and the
graduated rate of payment expresses the difficulty with exactness. It is 3d. for
wheat, 2d. for barley, Id. for oats. Winnowing was performed by the women at
about a farthing the quarter. When estimating the position of the medieval
labourer by the side of his descendants in the eighteenth century [I reckon]
that the former received for the labour of threshing rather more than one-
eighteenth of the wheat he threshed, rather more than one twenty-second part
of barley, and rather less than one-fourteenth part of oats, taking the rate of
wages and the price of grain as the factors in the calculation. In the eighteenth
century the peasant got one twenty-fourth part of barley and wheat, and one-
twentieth part of the oats he threshed.' See Economic Interpretation of History,
p. 56, and Six Centuries of Win-Tt and Wage*, pp. 171, 172, 173.

27 The King allowed to those of the Knights Templars committed to monas-
teries 4 d per day, which would seem to have been their usual allowance. To
W 1 " de la More the Grand Master was allowed 2 s . To the chaplains the King
allowed (as the knights did formerly) 3 d per clay for their diet and xx 8 for their
stipend. Chronic on Preciosum, p. 122.

TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308. 47

And in expences of the said 4 brethren, 8 horsemen and 10 footmen, sent
with the said brethren between Newcastle upon Tyne and York, for safety, and
securely conducting them thither, for three days, by the King's writ and by his
special mandate, and in staying there before they were, delivered to the sheriff
of York and constable of the castle there 40s.

Sum of expenses 56 : 10 : 7f.

And he owes 37 : 11 : llf

And he renders as follows :

The same renders account of 9 quarters 2 bushels of corn
COKN. 28 bought as above. And the whole account in seed upon 37

acres, to wit, 2 bushels on an acre.

The same renders account of 54 quarters 6 bushels of oats
OATS. bought as above, for seed and for the porridge of the

servants. And of 5 quarters of oats received by purchase for
the provender of the horses in seed time. Sum 59 quarters 6 bushels, of which
in seed, upon 101 and an half acres, 50 quarters 6 bushels ; and in provender for
horses at seed time, as above 5 quarters; and in porridge of the servants, 4
quarters. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 22 quarters and a half of rye,
MASLIN FOR 13 quarte rs 2 bushels and a half of maslin, bought to be

DELIVERY TO THE ... , .

SERVANTS delivered to the servants. Sum 35 quarters 6 bushels and a
half, of which in delivery to 5 carters for 45 weeks, to wit,
for the whole time of the account, 22 quarters and a half. And in delivery to
one shepherd and one cowherd from the Sunday next after the feast of St.
Martin, to Saturday the morrow of St. Peter ad Vincula 29 next, for 36 weeks
and 5 days, taking a quarter for twelve weeks, 5 quarters 3 bushels and a half.

And in delivery to one swineherd, keeping swine 80 for 16 weeks, within the
time aforesaid, one quarter ; and in delivery to one man keeping the court, and
making the porridge of the servants, for 45 weeks 2 quarters 6 bushels.

And in delivery to one carter, going to cart with the horses of the manor, and
with the horses of the said Guychard, after the death of the horses of the manor,
from the aforesaid Sunday next after the feast of St. Martin, to Monday next,
after the feast of St. Michael next following, for 45 weeks taking a quarter for
12 weeks, 3 quarters and 6 bushels. Sum 35 quarters 3 bushels arid a half,
and on sale, upon the account, as appears above 3 bushels. And the account
balances.

The same renders account, of 3 oxen received of Eobert de
OXEN. Fawden, by indenture, of which 2 died in the murrain and

one remains.

28 = Wheat.

29 1 st August, Lammas-day.

30 The pigs were turned into the cornfields after the crop was carried and into
the woods to gather mast and acorns . . . The whole of the parish stock was
put under the charge of a single swineherd, who receiving a payment from the
owner of every pig under his charge, had a smaller wage from the lord of the
manor to whom he was also a servant. Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 82.

THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS :

BULLOCKS.
Cows.
STEEES.

HEIFERS.

CALVES.

BULL.

SHEEP.
MUTTONS.

SHEAR HOGS.

LAMBS.
KIDS.

SWINE.
GEESE.

SKINS.

The same renders account of 25 bullocks received of the
same, by the same indenture, of which 4 died in the murrain,
2 were sold and 19 remain.

The same renders account of 9 cows received of the same, by
the same indenture, and sold as above. And the account
balances.

The same renders account of 5 steers 3 stirks received of the
same, by the same indenture, and sold all as above. And the
account balances.

The same renders account of 3 heifers received of the same,
by the same indenture, and sold all as above. And the
account balances.

The same renders account of 3 calves, issue of this year, and
sold as above. And the account balances.

The same renders account of one bull received of the same,
by the same indenture, and sold as above. And the account
balances.

The same renders account of 9 score ewes received of the
same, by the same indenture; of which 73 died in the mur-
rain, 31 107 were sold. And the account balances.

The above renders account of 7 score and 8 muttons re-
ceived of the same, by the same indenture ; of which 24 died
in the murrain, 108 were sold. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 69 shear hogs received of the
same, by the same indenture ; of which 52 died in the murrain,
and 17 were sold. And the account balances.

The same renders account of four score and 8 lambs, issue of
this year, and sold as above. AM the account balances.

The same renders account of 8 kids received by the same
indenture, and sold as above. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 24 hogs received of the same,
by indenture ; of which 3 died in the murrain, and 21 were
sold. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 6 geese received of the same,
by indenture, and sold as above. And the account balances.
The same renders account of 149 skins of sheep that died of
the murrain before shearing, and sold as above. And the
account balances.

31 From calculations made by Professor Thorold Rogers from the records of
eight sheep-breeding estates of this period, the losses on sheep stock averaged close
upon 20 per cent. Our forefathers, who comprehended all cattle diseases under
the generic name of murrain, were well aware of the risks they ran from rot,
and give the symptoms with the precision of a modern farmer. Si*c Centuries
of Work and Wages, p. 80.

TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308. 49

The same renders account of 17 stone and one pound of
WOOL. wool, coming from 180 fleeces, and sold as above. 812 And the

account balances.

The same renders account of two hides of the oxen that died
HIDES. in the murrain, and four hides of bullocks, that died in the

murrain, and sold as above. 33 And the account balances.

COCKS, HENS, The same renders account of 71 cocks and hens, and 580 eggs
AND EGGS. of rent, and sold as above. And the account balances.

The same answers for 3 ploughs with all their gear received
DEAD STOCK. of the same, by indenture, price of each 18d. ; 2 waggons,

price 3s. ; 2 leaden cisterns, 1 price one mark ; 1 large tub
with 2 barrels, price 5s. ; 1 washing tub, with a small brass pot ; hay for the
sustenance of the cattle of the said manor ; 1 iron shod cart, 34 price 14s.; 4 chests ;
2 smaller barrels ; with all charters, deeds, and muniments ; under the seal of
brother Michael, late keeper of the said manor.

Memorandum concerning one chalice, one black vestment,
one missal, one gradual, one legend, found in the manor
aforesaid. And these remain in the hands of Eobert de

Fawdon, who stills retains them and refuses to give them up to the said

Guichard.

The account of the same Guichard, of the same lands, from the feast
of St. Michael in the 3 rd year, to Sunday next before the feast of St. Cuthbert
next following, on which day he delivered the aforesaid lands, and tenements,
to Richard de Horsley, now keeper of the same, by the King's writ, and inden-
ture between them made.

The same renders account of 5s. lid., of 71 hens of rent, at the term of
Christmas.

And of 4s. 7d. of hides of two oxen, and one bullock, that died in the murrain,
sold.

And of 1 : 10 : 5, of four quarters and a half and one bushel of corn sold,
price of the quarter 6s. 8d.

And of 15s. 3d., of 6 quarters and one bushel of oats, sold on account.

And of 14s., of one iron shod cart, sold on account.

Sum of receipts, 3 : 10 : 2.

" The fourteenth-century wool was coarse and full of hairs. . . . The
fleece, too, was light, an average from many entries which I have made giving
1 Ib. 7f ozs. to the fleece. . . . Hence the animal must have been small, and
I think I may certainly say that a wether in good condition weighed a good deal
less than 40 Ibs. Ibid. p. 80.

83 The ox, quit of skin, head, and offal, did not weigh on an average more
than 400 pounds, and was worth about 11s. to sell. The hide of an ox was worth
at least 2s., and the head and offal amply repaid the services of the butcher.
Ibid, pages 77, 78.

84 The cart was generally supplied with solid wheels, cut out of a tree trunk,
for iron was too dear for tires. I have found such wheels well into the sixteenth
century when iron was half the price at which it was purchased in the fourteenth.
Economic Interpretation of History, p. 61.

50 THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS :

The same, accounts in wages of one servant keeping the

EXPENCES. manor aforesaid, from Sunday the feast of St. Michael in the

year abovesaid to Sunday next before the feast of St. Cuth-

bert next following, 165 days taking ld. a day 1. 0. 7$ ; and in wages of two

men going to harrow, in winter seed time, and in Lent seed time, for 31 days,

2s. 7d. taking a Id. a day. And in threshing, and winnowing, 10 quarters of

corn, 30 quarters of oats, 3s. 2d., to wit, for a quarter of corn 2d., and for a

quarter of oats, Id. And in wages of a smith mending the iron-work of the carts

during the time of the account, according to an agreement made with him, for

half a year, 5s.

Sum of expences 1 : 12 : 4.
And he owes 1 : 17 : 10.

And he owes of the remainder of the preceding account. 37 : !1 : ll.
Sum which is owed 39 : 9 : 9.

Conjoint sum which is owed 39 : 9 : 9.
But he answers in the sixth roll of Northumberland.

The same, renders account of 17 quarters one bushel of corn ;
GBANGE. of which, in seed upon 22 acres of land, 5 quarters and a
half. And two quarters sold as above, and 7 quarters
delivered to Richard de Horsleye. And 4 quarters 5 bushels, sold as above.
Sum 17 quarters 1 bushel.

The same renders account of 85 quarters of oats, the produce

OATS. of the Grange, of which in seed upon 22 acres, 11 quarters

and a half, to wit, half a quarter on an acre. And in

delivery of 4 carters, from the feast of St. Michael to Sunday next after the

feast of St. Cuthbert next following, for 24 weeks, taking a quarter for 16

weeks, 16 quarters. And to one maid servant, keeping the court, and making

the porridge of the servants, for the said time. 3 quarters, taking a quarter for

8 weeks. And in the sustenance of 9 oxen by estimation in the sheaf 6 quarters.

And in meal made or the porridge of the servants, for the time of the

account, one quarter.

And in delivery made to Richard de Horsleye, by indenture, 41 quarters
3 bushels. Sum 78 quarters 7 bushels.

And sold on account, as appears above 6 quarters 1 bushel.

The same renders account of 1 ox, remaining from the last
STOCK Ox. account. And it died in the murrain this year. And nothing
remains.

The same renders account of 19 bullocks which remained;
BULLOCKS. of which two died in the murrain. And in the delivery made

to Richard de Horsleye having custody of the lands and
tenements by the King's writ, and by indenture made between him and the said
Guy chard, 17 bullocks. And the account balances.

The same answers for three ploughs, with all their gear,

DEAD STOCK, remaining from the last account, price of each 18d., two

waggons, price 2s., two leaden cisterns, price 1 mark ; one

large tub with two barrels price 5s. ; 1 washing tub, with a small brass pot ;

DISSOLUTION OF THE ORDER. 51

hay for the sustenance of the cattle of the said manor ; 3 chests ; two smaller
barrels ; with all the charters deeds and muniments under the seal of brother
Michael, late keeper of the said manor, and delivered to the aforesaid Richard de
Horsleye by indenture, between him and the aforesaid Guy chard, thereof made.

And memorandum that the said Guychard, delivered to the aforesaid Richard
de Horsleye, 10 waggon loads of hay, by indenture, for which he has to answer
in his account.

In 1313 a papal decree was issued to vest the property of the
dissolved order of the Templars in the brethren of the Hospital of
St. John. Naturally it was disclaimed both by prince and subject,
the former, however, in part yielded, and in November of the same
year ordered that the lands which had not been already disposed of by
the Crown should forthwith be yielded up to the Hospitallers.

Some fifty or sixty years ago there was discovered in a plastered-
over closet in Malta an ' extent ' or survey of the English possessions
of the order in 1338. This document, edited by the rev. L. B. Larking
with an introduction by Mr. Kemble, was printed by the Camden
Society in 1857 (vol. 65). That portion which relates to Thornton 35
(p. 133) may be translated as follows :

THORNTON

Thornton. There is there one messuage rebuilt by brother Leonard lately
prior ; because, after the abolition of the Templars, all the houses were uprooted
and taken away by the lords of the fees ; the herbage of which is worth yearly x s

And ccc acres, which are worth in time of peace vij u x s the price of the acre
vj d ; and now on account of the war the acre is scarcely worth iij d . Total lxxv s

35 EXTENTA BONOEUM QUONDAM TEMPLI.

THORNTON, super Marchiam Scocie, in Comitatu Northumbrie.

Thornton. Est ibidem unum mesuagium reedificatum per fratrem Leonardum

nuper Priorem ; quia post adnullationem Templariorum omnes domus abradicatc

fuerunt et abducte per.dominos feodorum; cujus herbagium valet per annum x s

Et ccc. acre que valent tempore pacis vij 1 ' x s , pretium acre vj d ; et nunc,

propter guerram, vix valet acra iij d ... ... ... ... ... Summa Ixxv 8

Item de redditu assiso, tempore Templariorum, valebat xxx 11 , et nunc, hiis

diebus, non possunt levari nisi xij 1 '

Summa totalis rccepti et proficui ... ... ... xxiiij marce v s

Reprise.

Inde in stipendio j. capellani non ad mensam, per annum ... lxij s

In vadiis ballivi iiij. quarteria ij. busselli bladi, que valent x 8 vj d

In vadiis j. wodewardi x s vj' 1

Et in stipendiis eorum per annum ... . . ... ... xiij s iiij a

In oleo, vino, et cera. pro cipella ... ij ;

In emendatione domorum .. ... xx*

In adventu preceptoris ibidem per annum ... ... ... ij marce

Summa omnium expensarum et solutionum ... vij u v*

Summa Valoris. Et sic remanent ad solvendum ad
Thesaurarium pro oneribus supportandis ... ... ... xiij marce vj s . viij rt

Tamen nil in presenti propter guerram Scocie

52 THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS AT TEMPLE THORNTON.

Item, rents of assize, in the time of the Templars were worth xxx n , and now,

in these days, there can only be raised xij u

Sum total of receipt and profit xxiiij marks v 8

Reprises.
Thence in stipend of 1 chaplain, whose board is not included,

yearly 31 * Ixij*

In wages of a bailiff, iiij quarters, ij bushels of wheat, which

are worth x s vj u

In wages of a forester x 9 vj d

And in their stipends, yearly xiiij 9 iiij d

In oil, wine, and wax to the chapel ij 8

In repairing houses xx 8

At the coming of the preceptor there, yearly ii marks

Sum total of all expenses and payments vij" v 8

Sum total of the valuation. And so there remains for payment to the

treasurer to meet liabilities xiij marks vj 8 viij d

However nothing at present on account of the Scottish war.

This view of tke farming of the past may be closed with a glimpse

of the farmer :

The Plowman plucked vp his plowe

Whan Midsomer Moone was comen in,
And saied his bestes shuld eate inowe,

And lige in the Grasse vp to the chin.
Thei been feble bothe Oxe and Cowe,

Of hem nis left but bone and skinne,
He shoke of her shere and coulter ofdrowfi,

And honged his harnis on a pinne.

He toke his tabarde and his staffe eke,

And on his hedde he set his hat,
And saied he would sainct Thomas seke,

On pilgremage he goth forth plat.
In scrippe he bare bothe bread and lekes,

He was forswonke and all forswat ;
Men might haue sen through both his chekes,

And euery wang-toth and where it sat.
*****

Our hoste him axed 'what man art thou?'

'Sir' (quod he) 'I am an hine;
For I am wont to go to the plow,

And earne my meate er that I dine.' ST

* In 1348 the great Pestilence had swept away so many priests, among other
people, that a chaplain could hardly be gotten to serve a church, under x marks,
or x pounds per annum, whereas before they might be had at v or iv marks, nay
at ii, together with their diet. As the priests were not content with reasonable
stipends the parliament cf 39 Edw. III. enacted ' If any secular man in the
realm pay more than v marks, to any priest yearly, in money, or in other things,
to the value ; or if he pay to such priest retained to abide at his table, above two
marks for his gown, and his other necessaries, (his table accounted to 40 shillings)
and thereby be attainted, he shall pay to the king fully as much as he paid to
the aid priest. Chronwm Prwwxiim, pp. 109. 111.

r Prologue to ' The Ploughman's Tale.' Early English Text Society.

A RUNIC INSCRIPTION IN CUMBERLAND. 53

III. RUNIC INSCRIPTION ON HAZEL-GILL CRAGS,
NEAR BEWCASTLE.

BY W. L. CHARLTON.
[Read on the 28th November, 1894.]

SOME three years ago the writer had occasion to ride over the fells
from the Tyne into Bewcastle. The road, for the greater part of the
way, is mostly a mere track, hardly to be distinguished from a sheep-
track. At most seasons of the year it is characterised in the language
of the country as being * saft.' Nevertheless there are many things to
see and note upon on the way, not the least of them the hospitality
invariably extended 'outbye,' and the pressure with which one is
bidden ' in ' at the few houses to be met with. On this occasion we
accepted the hospitality of Mr. Dodd, the tenant of Paddaburn, a
farm formerly part of the Hesleyside estate, and situated on the banks
of the Irthing. Our host, a man of advanced years, and, we regret to
say, since deceased, kindly acted as guide the next morning, and rode
with us into Bewcastle. Our errand took the nature of a foray, for
we both intended to * lift ' some cattle ere our return ; but times have
altered, and in these degenerate days such commodities have, alas ! to
be paid for in base cash.

Mr. Dodd enlivened the journey by many a tale of past days and
people, chief amongst which, we may mention, was the account of his
own wedding at Grefcna Green many years before. He had given the
worthy who officiated on that occasion to understand that he was but
a tinker, lest he should be charged a fee on a higher scale as a farmer.
Happening to mention the visit of the late Dr. Charlton, in 1865, to
Baranspike, to inspect the Runic inscription there, he remarked that
he had * set ' the doctor over into Bewcastle on that occasion. As
time would not allow of our going out of our way to visit that
place, Mr. Dodd suggested we should turn off a few hundred yards
and see the inscription at Hazel-Gill Crags. These crags, by no
means bold or extensive, lie about three miles to the north-east of
Bewcastle church, and are on the High Grains farm, the property of

54 A RUNIC INSCRIPTION IN CUMBERLAND.

the earl of Carlisle. We made a rough sketch of the letters on the
rock and journeyed on. No thought existed in our mind but that we
should find an account, probably in the Archaeologia, of these Runes.
The matter remained forgotten until some months ago, when, in
sorting some papers, the sketch we have mentioned turned up. An
enquiry to the rev. Wm. Green well elicited the fact that the Hazel-
Gill inscription was unknown to other antiquaries. This was con-
firmed by a letter from professor Stephens of Copenhagen. It is,
therefore, with great pleasure, not unalloyed with a shade of fear
at the presumption of one who is but a very young student in this
particular cult, that we lay before you a measured drawing of the
Runes, and an attempt to grasp their meaning.

Our second visit to the crags was made quite recently. It had
been our intention to procure a squeeze, or even a rubbing, but a gale
of wind and a cold driving mist made such an utter impracticability.
We were fain to content ourselves with a critical inspection and
measurement of the lettering. The inscription, which is very much
shorter than that on Baranspike, and with fewer compound letters, is
cut on the upright face of a rock some eight feet long by two feet
high, and about fifteen feet above the surface of the ground below,
and at a corresponding slope with the upper surface of the stone. It
is not at first very easy to find, on account of there being but a
distance of about two feet between it and the next rock, making,
therefore, a sort of defile.

There are altogether twenty-three letters : their height about two
and a half inches, the depth still about one-eighth of an inch in the
deepest part, the breadth but a line, and the total length two feet one
and a half inches. The reading of the whole appears to be :
ASKR HRADD HESiELKiL HiMTHiK^E (see illustration on opposite
page). The Runes are of the later order, and in old Norse and purely
Scandinavian.

The first word askr, asg or ash, a common enough Scando-Anglia
man's name, and still retained in Askertou castle, a fortified farm-
house of some interest not above five or six miles off, represents,
doubtless, the name of the writer or carver of the Runes. Hradd we
take to be a local variation of hrodd bold, quick ; the interchanges
of a and o, we are told, being very common, as in hand, hond, land,

o 8

I Z

M Z

56 A RUNIC INSCRIPTION IN CUMBERLAND.

Jond, etc. In the next word we have, curiously enough, the very
name by which the rocks are known to this day, Hesielkil Hazel-Gill.
In Dr. Charlton's notes on Baranspike, he remarks upon the singular-
ity of that crag bearing the name of the writer, * Baranr.' The last
word, HIMTHIK^, we think, must be a form of heimthigi, a house
carl, lodger, home taker, as given in Cleasby's Greqt Icelandic- English
Lexicon, page 252. Thus we have the whole reading : Asker, the
bold, at Hazel-Gill to his house carl. Professor Stephens suggests as
a probable date the period between 950 ancl 1000 A.D. This makes
the inscription younger, by some three or four hundred years, than
the beautiful monument in St. Cuthbert's churchyard in Bewcastle,
but slightly older than its neighbour Baranspike.

We can offer no conjecture as to the reasons which influenced the
carver to execute his work in such a spot, remote from human habita-
tion. There this simple record of a man's work remains, after
numerous centuries, defying sunshine and snowstorm, another small
monument to remind us of the past history and inhabitants of the
country around.

Briton, Roman, Saxon, Dane, and Norman, have left traces behind
them, less perishable than themselves, in the neighbourhood, of their
works and the times in which they lived. We trust that it may be
our luck in time to come to find other inscriptions, if such exist as
yet undiscovered, and to submit them to the members of this society.

NOTE.

Since the reading of the above paper it has been brought to our
notice that an article on the Hazel-Gill inscription appears in vol. i.
Cumberland and Westmorland Transactions (p. 318), written by the
Rev. John Maughan, then (1873) rector of Bewcastle.

Ed "S*

I l

O J

fc 5;

Of !>

ffi
O

D
ffi

DC
E-

WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH. 57

IV. WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH.

By the Eev. J. F. HODGSON, vicar.
[Read at Witton on the 27th August, 1894.]

IN visiting a strange place, one of the first points, from an archaeo-
logical point of view, if not indeed the very first, is to enquire into
the meaning and derivation of its name; the etymology of which,
though oftentimes seemingly obvious enough, will nevertheless be
found, on enquiry, to be something wholly different. Such is the case,
not only here at Witton, but as regards the mother church and parish
of Auckland; and, to take but one other instance from the county of
Durham, that which the railway people, whose schoolmaster would
seem to have been very much abroad, have within quite recent years
converted into the lofty and romantically sounding ' Eaglescliffe.'
Till then, ib was known as Egglescliffe, a name which might, by some,
perhaps, be thought to have reference to the church or ecclesia which
dominates the height, but which an appeal to history in this case,
pace the late Cardinal Manning, neither ' heresy nor treason ' shows
to have as little connection with a church as with eagles, but to have
been really and originally Eggesclive the cliff, that is, belonging to,
and occupied by, Egge or Eggi.

Again, with respect to Auckland. Nothing could seem plainer,
perhaps, superficially, than that the word meant Oakland. Yet,
though the real meaning still remains altogether doubtful and obscure,
it certainly does not mean that. Both syllables, though of com-
paratively ancient introduction, are, notwithstanding, distinct corrup-
tions. In 1085, the name was written Alcleat ; in 1129, Aclet ; soon
after 1200, Aclent; and not till 1259, Aucland.

And then as to Witton. What could seem simpler, or more self-
evident than that it meant, as various ancient whitened cottages still
remain to testify, the White-ton, or village ? A practical objection
to such a derivation might, no doubt, lie in the fact that, as all
ancient villages were more or less whitened, there was no reason why
this one should be distinguished from the rest by such a special

VOL. XVII. 8

58 WITTOX-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

appellation. But a sufficient answer might be found in the fact of its
peculiar position which, unlike that of most others of its class, was
not on the ordinary level of the countryside, where, embowered
among trees, it would speedily become inconspicuous ; but perched at
mid-height on the slope of a broad and deep valley, where, backed
above, beneath, and on every side, by hanging woods and fields, it
lay a bright white patch, visible in almost all directions, for miles
around. Yet, for all that, the answer would be quite wrong ; for
though 'ton,' of course, means town or habitation, 'Wit' does not
mean white but wood; Symeon, who first mentions the place, de-
scribing it as 'Wudutun,' the ton, not merely situated in, but
probably also built of, wood.

In an inquisition taken in the 24th of Bishop Hatfield (13G8-9),
we find the name assuming the intermediate form of Wottcn. When,
where, or by whom its present designation was bestowed, I cannot
say; but in the first year of Elizabeth (1558), when the Church
Register commences, it is styled ' Wytton upon Wyere,' and the same
suffix continued certainly to as late a date as 1735, when Thomas
Lamb, the then curate, notifies that he came to reside at Witton upon
Wear on the ninth day of June in that year.

In 1787, however, as another memorandum, referring to the re-
building of the Grammar school at Auckland, shows, the name would
seem to have settled down into its present form of Witton-le-Wear.

Of the primitive Saxon church, or its adjuncts, we have at present
no visible remains whatever. The existing building, which imme-
diately succeeded it, and which is under the somewhat unusual
invocation of S. Philip and S. James, is one of the humblest class.
It has, on that account, unfortunately, received but the scantiest
notice from Hutchinson, who speaks of it merely as 'a neat edifice,
prebeudal to Auckland college.' The omission of further particulars
is the more regrettable, seeing that nearly all such ancient features as
remained up to his time (1794) have, in the interim, been radically
destroyed.

Yery small and plain, even to baldness, and consisting, in the first
instance, simply of an aisleless nave and chancel, it must. I think, have
been among the very earliest buildings of its class erected after the
Conquest. Indeed, so far as existing evidence serves to show, it

THE SOUTH DOOR,

might, perhaps, lay claim to be the very earliest, for though but a
single distinct and original feature, the south doorway, is now left,
it carries us further back, apparently, than the like remains at either

J.F.H. mens. ft del.

SOUTH DOORWAY OF WITTOX-LE-WEAK CHURCH.

Croxdale, Haughton, Heighington, or S. Giles's, Durham, the last ol
which we know to have been finished in 1112. In all these cases,
save that of Croxdale, which, though of the same type, is later and

60 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH:

more ornate, the jambs are provided with nook shafts, while here,
where there is but a single severely simple order, there is none. From
its close agreement, amounting to practical identity of design with
those in the transepts of the cathedral, and which are recorded to have
been built between 1095 and 1099, we should be warranted, I think, in
referring its construction to the very beginning of the twelfth century.

As thus first planned, the church would seem to have continued
without alteration for nearly a hundred years, when an aisle, opening
by an arcade of three pointed arches, was attached to the north side
of the nave. Like most, if not all, such appendages, it was added not
so much, if indeed in any sense, for congregational, as for chantry
purposes. It would therefore be of private foundation, and furnished,
as usual, with a separate altar. That such was the case, though the
altar itself is now, of course, gone, we have structural evidence in the
planning of the arcade ; the eastern respond of which is advanced some
three feet from the end of the aisle, so as to form a sort of
screen or protection to the altar laterally, while that at the west is
carried nearly up to the wall face. But for this reason the arrange-
ment would be palpably absurd, for while such an abutment to the
thrust of the arcade was not needed to the east where the north wall
of the chancel afforded sufficient support to the west it was, as
sufficiently evidenced by the fact that, owing to its absence, both the
western pillar and respond have been considerably pushed out.

Its purpose, then, being sufficiently declared, the question at once
arises as to who may have been the founder ? On this point, I think,
there can hardly be much room for doubt ; for it is quite clear that
he must have been a person of considerable local importance, and
quite above the common level of the ordinary parishioners. And just
as the architectural evidence of the work conclusively fixes its date,
so does history, if in a somewhat less positive way, seem to point to
the individual at whose cost, and for whose uses, it was carried out.

Now, we learn that during the latter part of the twelfth century,
king Henry II. sold to Henry de Pudsey or Puteaco, the then royal
manor of Witton, for the sum of 2,000 marks, the price of which was
paid by his father, the bishop. To him, therefore, as lord of the place
at the time (circa 1195-1200), and in absence of other competitors of
at all comparable likelihood, we may, I think, fairly assign its founda-

ARCHAEOWGIA AELIAUA, Vol. XVII, to free page 60.

Plate II.

SOUTH DOOR OF CRCXDALE CHURCH

''^-ow rt photograph by M r A. L. Steavenson}.

62 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

tion. Besides the arcade which, though perfectly simple, and now
much mutilated by the erection of galleries, is yet of excellent pro-
portions, the only remaining feature is the east window, a single
lancet light, at present blocked up, and only to be discovered from the
coal-hole. Plain, to the last degree, it is interesting, nevertheless, as
showing an early and somewhat uncommon form of treatment, the
usual chamfer being reduced almost to vanishment, and backed by a
broad and flat rebate. The form of its rear-arch cannot, unfortunately,
now be traced, being hidden both by plaster-work and gallery.

At a later period, about 1245-50, a simple but effective porch was
added as a shelter to the south door. It has a segmental pointed
arch, with roll and fillet moulding continued down the sides, and
finished with a hood-mould, the whole recalling strongly, if in a
humble way, the work of the Nine Altars. The roof still preserves
its original pitch, and has its water-tabling and cross socket perfect.

Such, so far as can be seen, was the condition of the building up
to the close of the fifteenth, or beginning of the sixteenth century,
when flat leaded roofs superseded the original high-pitched ones ; and
two flat, or nearly flat, perpendicular windows of considerable size
were inserted in the west, and south walls of the nave the latter
serving to light the then new pulpit, the discovery of whose remains
was made but the other day. 1

And so things remained for another century and a half, till the
time of the Civil War, when all the ancient fittings, of whatever kind,
were here, apparently, as in so many other places, destroyed. Such
at least may be inferred from the fact that all the older ones at the
present day, including the south door, which bears the incised date of
1664, belong to the period of the Restoration.

Later alterations and defacements are, alas, but too palpably and
obtrusively evident. In 1780, as an emblazoned and inscribed panel
informs us, the vast compound gallery, which stretches over the
west end of the nave, and the whole of the north aisle was inserted
by * John Cuthbert, of Witton Castle, esquire.' Access to this was
attained by building an external covered staircase and passage-way
across the entire west end, thus enclosing the west window, which
was thereupon destroyed and converted into a doorway.
1 See Proceedings, vol. vi. p. 203.

FONT, FUNEKEAL TROPHY, ETC. 63

At a still later date, and during the present century, the original
Norman chancel arch with its responds was pulled down and utterly
destroyed by the then lay rector, the late Sir William Chaytor, M.P.
for Durham, to allow space for the construction of two enormous
pews, which so encroach upon the surface as to reduce the rightful
approach to the altar to a mere exiguous passage-way. At the same
time, the old oak roof being taken off, was replaced by one of deal,
masked by a flat, white-washed ceiling, similar to others which either
then, or thereabouts, were continued over the nave and aisle.

The lowest depths of degradation in the long-suffering and dis-
figured fane were, however, not yet sounded. About 1850 a hideous
window of village-mason origin, and filled, if possible, with still more
hideous glass, was inserted to the south-east of the chancel in memory
of Thomas Hendry Hopper of Witton castle, esquire ; while another,
in all respects similar, but happily without the glass, took the place
of the fifteenth century one similarly situated in the nave ; two others,
less objectionable, only because less in size, being broken out further
west, one of them to light the gallery.

Finally, the north wall of the nave aisle having fallen into ruin,
has been reset in the meanest and most brutal manner conceivable,
and without the least pretence to any architectural character whatever.

The miserably degraded and forlorn aspect of the much maltreated
building at the present time may, therefore, readily be imagined. Yet,
even now, it is not without some features of more or less interest.

First, in point of antiquity, may be instanced the rude old Norman
font, perfectly plain, circular, and churn-shaped, and which batters
greatly towards the top.

Then, above the doorway leading to the vestry, may be seen the
remains of a quondam funereal trophy, the projecting iron support
for the staff of an armorial banner, now vanished, and which still
carries a real seventeenth century helmet (not a wooden dummy as
sometimes happens), bearing the crest, apparently, of a lamb. It was
once, doubtless, suspended above the tomb of one of the D'Arcys,
then, and for many years both before and afterwards, lords of the
castle and manor of Witton.

The much cut up and dislocated remains of some wooden panelling
of the same, or perhaps somewhat earlier period, and which there can

64 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

be little doubt originally formed part of the seats or pews of the same
family, may also be observed worked up in two others of more recent
date. The designs of the upper horizontal members or friezes for
there are parts of two distinct patterns are effective enough ; that
of the richer one, composed of heraldic fleur-de-lys and oak leaves,
especially so. As to the rest of the seating, part of which may possibly
be of seventeenth century date, the singular fact may be noted that
instead of being level, as usual, it rises very perceptibly from south to
north, the result of the church being built on the hill side, and its
floor-line following the surface of the ground.

But little else remains, I think, worth mentioning. In the midst
of the chancel floor, however, may be found beneath the matting an
ancient altar slab of Frosterley marble, retaining remains of its five
crosses. Its dimensions are very small, only four feet three inches
in length, by two feet seven and a half inches in width'; 2 it may, per-
haps, have been taken from the chantry. Immediately west of it lies
also another slab of the same material, which, though no crosses are
now discernible onjt, seems pretty certainly to have been devoted to
the same uses. It is of very similar size, though somewhat longer,
measuring four feet eight and a half inches in length, by two feet six
inches in width, One of its corners has, however, unfortunately been
largely broken off.

Southwards of, and immediately adjoining, the first of these two
slabs, is a large blue Tees marble stone, with the Latin inscription:

Sub hoc Marmore

depositae sunt Exuviae

JOHANNIS HODSHON

hujus Villae Armiger. Ob :

6 Die Maij. An Salutis

nostrae 1731 : Annoq :

^Etat. suss 62.

Also

Here lies his dear Wife Mary

Hodgson who departed this Life April

the l&h 1760 aged 81.

2 Though of unusually small dimensions, these two altar slabs are yet con-
siderably larger than some discovered during the restoration of S. David's
cathedral, about 20 years ago. One of these is remarkably small, only 14|
inches by 9 inches. It is marked by the usual five crosses, and had been let into
a larger slab of a different kind of stone. But even of this, the length is only
2 feet 10 inches : the width is 2 feet 3 inches, but a slip 2 inches wide has
been cut away. Another, of precisely the same dimensions as this larger slab,
was also discovered at the same time. Both are now carefully preserved at the
back of the high altar.

MURAL TABLETS, ETC. 65

It is cracked in two, and would seem, from its moulded edges, levelled
up to the line of the floor with cement, to have once probably
formed part of an altar tomb ; at any rate, to have been certainly
filched from somewhere else.

Another Tees marble slab of large dimensions, measuring nearly
eight feet long by four wide, occurs also in the passage-way of the
nave eastwards : it bears neither matrix nor inscription.

Of later date, but far greater interest than these, however, are two
mural monuments in the chancel which should not be passed by.
They are those of two former incumbents of the place men highly
esteemed and famous in their day, and whose lives have conferred on
it whatever of local fame it may formerly have possessed. Both are
good and modest examples of their respective styles, and occupy
central, and nearly opposite positions. That towards the south, which
is of white marble, shows a tall classic urn with cloth thrown over it,
and standing on a broad gradated base displaying beams of light.
Before it, and in reference to his dual calling of pastor and pedagogue,
appear the shepherd's crook and cane, or stick, in sal tire ; while in
front of them are thrown a scroll and open book. On the scroll is
inscribed :

Sumat ante omnia Parentis
erga Discipulos suos animum,
ac succedere se in eorum locum,
a guibus sibi liberi traduntur,
existimet. Ipse nee Jiabeat vitia,
necferat, Non austerltas ejus
tristis, non dissoluta sit com it as :
ne inde odium, hinc contempt us
oriatur. Plurimus ei de honesto
ac bono sit sermo. Nam quo scepius
monuerit, hoc rarius castigabit.
Minime iracundus, nee, tamen
eorum, quoz emendanda erunt
dissimulator : Simplex in docendo,
patiens labor is, assiduus potius
quam immodicus.

Quint ilian, lib. ii. Ca. . . .

On the two leaves of the book :

" a good Minister of Jesus
Christ, nourished up in the Words
of Faith and of good Doctrine

an Example of the Believers, in
Word, in Conversation, in Charity,
in Spirit, in Faith, in Purity,"

66 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

Below, on a square tablet :

SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF
THE REVEREND JOHN FARRER

MINISTER OF THIS PARISH

AND MASTER OF THE SCHOOL OF THIS VILLAGE.
HAVING FAITHFULLY DISCHARGED THESE IMPORTANT DUTIES

FOR XXXIII. YEARS

HE RESIGNED HIS SCHOOL A.D. MDCCXCIV.

ON BEING APPOINTED TO THE RECTORY OF SUNDERLAND NEAR THE SEA

FROM WHICH HE REMOVED IN THE FOLLOWING YEAR

TO THE VICARAGE OF STANWIX NEAR CARLISLE:

WHERE FIRM IN FAITH AND FULL OF HOPE

HE CLOSED A PIOUS AND BENEFICENT LIFE

NOV. XXIII. A.D. MDCCCVIIL, AGED LXXIII. YEARS.

ON THIS HALLOWED GROUND

DISTINGUISHED BY HIS ACTIVE SERVICES

IN ILLUSTRATING AND IMPRESSING THE SOLEMN TRUTHS OF THE GOSPEL

HIS PUPILS HAVE RAISED THIS MONUMENT
AS A TESTIMONY OF THEIR GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION

FOR HIS TRULY PARENTAL CARE AND DILIGENCE

IN TEACHING THEM THE PRINCIPLES OF LIBERAL AND USEFUL KNOWLEDGE
AND IN TRAINING THEM UP IN THE PATHS OF RELIGION AND VIRTUE.

J. BACON, JUN R ., LONDON.

The northern monument, of fine grained stone, consists of a well
designed crocketed and pinnacled niche, on the field of which is cut in
black letter :

ftbe 1Re\>& (Beorge flewbg
/toaster of TOtton Scbool

jv>iif. H>ears.
Diet) dfcag viitt^a.!)* mDccctfvi.

*%* tlbat bis dfcemorg mfflbt not
pass awag witb tbe (Beneratfon of
tbose wbo bao learned of bim ano loveD
bfm, a Scbolarsbip bas been founfceo in
tbe THniversitg of H>urbam and tbis
tablet erected bg some of bis ffrien&s
anfc pupils. ^

Within the altar rails there lies, moreover, a blue Tees marble slab
on which, beneath a sunk coat of arms, appears the following :

In this Vault lie the Remains
of J. T. H. HOPPER, Esq r ,

of WITTON CASTLE,

Who died the 30 th of October, 1812.

Agecj 40.

MURAL TABLETS, ETC. 67

Several small square stones, it may be added, having mere initials
rudely hacked with a pick, appear too in the pavement towards the
west end. A reference to the register shows them to be those of
quite common people of the humblest sort who, during the last, and
more especially the previous century, were, for no apparent reason
whatever, buried * in templo.'

In this same register, which commences in the first year of
Elizabeth, 1558, may also be found many entries relating to the
families of Eure and Darcy, former lords of the castle and manor, as
well as others to those of Lumley, Corners, Hutton, and Garth.

The altar plate 3 is wholly uninteresting and modern, as is also
the bell.

Externally, attention may be pointed to the ancient bell-cot which,
notwithstanding the destruction of the original roofs in the fifteenth
century, was allowed to retain its place on the but slightly lowered
gable. This singular arrangement has led many, viewing the church
from a distance, and unacquainted with the fact, to imagine that it
had no roof at all. It is worth noticing too for the fact is, I think,
absolutely without parallel among our Durham churches that this
bell-cot is still surmounted by its original small cross.

One other, and, so far as I remember, unique feature about this
small and humble sanctuary is, that it possesses still in situ, and fixed
upon its square massive base, the lower part of the shaft of its cemetery
cross. It stands at about five yards distance from the walls, and just
in a line with the chancel arch.

Finally, ere we take our leave, the well-nigh vanished sentence
of a dial above the priest's door, reminds us of the melancholy truth
that * Ut hora sic vita.'

Looking back, instinctively, for a last parting view, we can scarce
fail to note how, amid all the neglect, decay, and disfigurement that
have befallen it, the situation of this old church lying centrally on the
steep hill side above the village, and enthroned amidst noble trees is
perfect ; dominating both it and the conventicles at its feet supremely,
and proclaiming itself unmistakably as the ecclesia, both of the place
and parish.

3 The communion cup, which was stolen in 1832, was of Elizabethan date.
The other communion plate, is described in the Proceeding sot the Society, vol. iii.
p. 444. See also vol. v. p. 196, and vol. vi. p. 230.

68 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

THE REGISTERS.

The title page of the oldest volume, which consists of 97 parch-
ment leaves 12 J in. by 7| in., bears this inscription : UUYTTON UPON |

UUTERE THE REGIS | TER BOOKE FOR THE | CHURCHE | folia hoc

infunt odoginta Libro 4k . 1558.

On the third page the register proper begins with this intro-
duction :

This booke of Chriftnings, weddings, and burialls, Made the xxiiij dale of
June, 1538. In the firfte yeare of The Keigne of our moft gracious Sou'igne Lady
Elyzabeth, by the grace of God Quene of England, ffraunce and Ireland,
defender of the faith Supreme heade afwell Ecclefiafticall as temporall. Eaphe
Pickell & Edwarde Tefdell, churchwardens Robert Melmarby preist. 4

The following are records of former owners of Witton castle,
Eures, Conyers, and Darcys :

1561 May 25. M r garett Euere, baptized.

1562 Mai 7. Charles Euere, bapt.
1562[3] March 18. Charles Euere, buried.
15C3 June 4. ffrauncis Euere, baptized.
1565[6] Jenuar 21. Willm Euere, bapt.
1568 M r ch 13. Martha Euere, bapt.

1586 Feb r 21. Raphe Eure, Esq., buryed.

1567 October 18. George Conyers miles, buried.

1575f6] March 18. George Conyers, sonne of M r . John Conyers, bapt.

16 11 [2] ffebruar 9. Robert Harrington and Mary Conyers, maried.

1613 Deceber 16. Willm Conyers, sonn of S r George Conyers, knight,

baptized.

1614 Aprill 18. Jhon Conyers, sonn of S r George Conyers, knight, buried.

1637 [8] Januar 21. Thomas, sonne of Willm Darcy, Esquier, bapt.

1638 [9] Ja. 20. John, son of Willm Darcy, Esquier, bap.

1642 May 22. Mary, Daughter of S r Willm Darcy, knight, baptized.

1645 July 15. Edward, sonne of S r William Darcy, En*, baptized.

1646 May 1. Edward, sonne of S r Willm Darcy, buried.
1651 Maij 1. Arthur, sonne of S r Willm Darcy, k*, Bapt.

Sept. 2. Dorothy, daughter of S r Willm Darcy, Kn*, buryed.
1653 March 29. Metcaff Robinson, Esq r ., and Margaret Darcy, Marryed.

In the following miscellaneous extracts from the Registers the year
beginning on the 1st January, according to our mode of reckoning,
i& given, while in the book itself it begins on the 25th March ; and

4 Robert Melmarby, curate of Witten, 1558.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 69

therefore, for instance, * 1588 Jenuar 11 ' below appears in the book
under 1587. 6 For four years to 1561 there were no weddings.

1562 Aprill 20. John Popelie, buryed.

1563 Julij 29. Willm Lomlay, buried.
Octob 21. Elizabeth blackett, bapt.

1565 August 3. George Blackett, bapt.

1567 Aprill 10. John Huton, buried.

1577 May 5. John Claiton and Jane ffrysell, married.

May 26. Willm Emerson, fill' illic' John Emerson, bapt.

August 17. Robert Wilkinson Clarke and Margarett Danyell, maried.
1585 Sept. 21. Oswoulde Thomson and Isabell Staindroppe, maried.
1588 Jenuar 11. A poo re olde man named ffoster borne at hadden bridge,

buryed.
1590 March 29. Isabell Hedworth, daugh. of M r maduke hedwo r th, buried.

August 10. John Barnes, a poore servant traviler, buryed.

Sept. 7. A poore Woman, a straunge 1 ", named herself M r garett
Ewbanck, burd.

1592 May 27. John Raunthat, a poore traveler, buryed.

1593 Novemb 26. Nicholas Heron and Adylyne Huton, maried.

1594 August 11. Elizabeth Brabande, wife of Henry Brabande, buryed.
1597 Aprill 23. A poore man travelinge for his releife & dyed in the

streat, buryed.

1600 August 13. Willm Shaftay, sonne of Perceuell Shaftay, baptized.
August 15. Willm Shaftay, sonn to Percevell Shaftay, buryed.

1602 ffebruar 9. Henry Rames and Elizabeth Huton, maryed.
December 21. Willm Hearon and Katheren Shaftay, maryed.

1603 Deceber 4. Raphe Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, bapt.

In 1604, ' Rob. Wylkynson, curat, Cuthbert Yasey, Willm Tailer,
churchwardens/ sign the book.

1605 Noueb. 19. George Dowens and Isabell Lampton, maryed.

1606 March 10. Margaret Wilkinson, wife of Robert Wilkinson, buryed.
December 7. Lampton Dowens, sonn of George Dowens, baptized.

1607 Noueb. 15. John Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, baptized.

1610 Aprill 29. John He, sonn of Xpofer He, from hunwicke, baptized.

It appeareth by an acquittance signed by henry bailes of Byshopp
Auckland, that he had receiued the 24 day of June Ano Regni Jacobi
Regis 4. &c. of hugh hodgson of maknele the sume of iij 1 '. viij 8 . xi d .
granted in benevolence by thinhabitants of the chappelrie of witton
vpon weere towarde ye erectio' of a free gramar Schole in byshoppe
aucklande aforesaid. Testes : Rob. Wylkynson, clar., Robert ffawdon.

1611 Jenuar 6. Henry Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, baptized.
Dec. 8. Will m Barnes, sonn of Thomas Barnes, bapt.

1612 Nouembe 25. Thomas Bridges, msus in iter, buried.

5 Many of the names of Carlisle, Hodgson, Wien, Tailor, Dobinson, Hutchin-
son, Crawe, Dixon, Diconson, Pattenson, Barnes, Mawer, Grene.

70 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

1614 Jenuar 2. Lancelote Buoke, buried.

ffebruarie 27. Jolm Garth, sonn of John Garth, baptized. 8

Julij 10. Dauid Watson and ffridema Thomson, maried.

August 28. Ma'garett Huton, daughter of Willm Huton, baptized.

1616 Februar. 6. Petrivall Harrington, daughter of Kob r t Harrington, bapt.
Noueber 26. Robert Jackson, Maister of arts, sonn of Henry Jackson,

buried.

1617 Aprill 5. William Bucke, buried.
June 15. Bryan Downes, buryed.

1618 October 25. Agnes Huton, daughter of Willm Hutton, baptized.

1619 April 24. Thomas Boothe, buryd.

Maij 7. Katheren illic' filia vt mater ait Thomas Hutchinson, bapt.
Maij 15. Was M r Kobart Wilkinson, Curate De Witton, buryed.
Octob. 17. Thomas Parkinson, sonn of Lawranc Parkinson, bapt.
October 24. Isabell Downes, wife of George Downes, buryed.

1620 March 26. Robert Carre, a poore man liueinge by almes buryed.
June 12. Was Georg Browne, base sonn of John Browne, baptized. 7
Decemb r j. Was francis Greene buryed, qui seipsum susp :

1621 Janu. 9. Was Elizabethe Downes, wedowe, late Wyfe to Bryiame

Downes, gent, nonogenaria, buried.

In 1621, 'Ra. Greene, curate, 8 Thomas Roase, George Rippon,
churchwardens/ sign the book.

1621 Nove'br 25. Was Johne Wentlocke, a cutter of Wood for Charcoal,

buryed.
Decemb*. 23. Was Willyam Chapman, son of Thomas Chapman,

baptized.
Decemb. 23. Was Anthonye Chapman, his Twynn brother, baptized.

1622 March 28. Was Raphe Taler Beadman, buryed.

1623 Mch. 21. A man found dead in the river was buryed.
July 3. Leonard Tod, the com'on Smyth, was buried.
Aug. 24. A poore youth found deed, buryed.

14 or 15 Apr. Was a manchilde of Willm Childes borne, not yet

baptized.
Octo. 2. W m . Hutton, gen'., was interred nocte p. papistas.

In 1623, * Robt. Thomson, curate; 9 John Grindall, Antho. Barnes,
churchwardens,' sign the book.

1624 March 19. Grace, wife of Anthony Riddin, sepulta sine sacerdote

nocte.

In 1625, 'Robt. Thomson, curat ; Ra. Green, Wm. Dikkeson,
churchwardens,' occur.

8 A large number of instances in which a child baptised one day is buried the
next.

7 A new form. Not a page almost without two or more baptisms of illegiti-
mate children, and so continued. The page immediately preceding this contains
two such. 8 Curate 1620-22. 9 Curate 1622-39.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 71

1626 Ja. 15. An Hutton, spinster, interred nocte.

Janu. 30. Georg Marshall, found dead, was buried,
ffebr. 17. Christopher Wilburne, interred die.

1626 March 22. Thomas, son of Thomas Wren, bap. spurius (aspuendo). 11
June 4. A child of John Nicholsons baptized.

4. An other the same day baptized, both by Mi. of Sandropp.
Noue'br 2. Jane Jackson, an old wife, buried.
Dece. 19. W m . Byerley, a papist, interred paup'.

1627 March 18. Hen. Jacksons wife laboured child not xtened.
July 8. John Carlile, an old man, buryed.

No. 6. Willm., son of Robt. Wilson, buryed and crowned, being

drownd.
No. 20. Elizabeth Nattrice, a poore widowe, buryed.

1628 Ja. 10. Thomas Rest buryd, who fell into a pitt and so dyed.
Aprill 27. Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Sickerwham, bapt. illegit. 11
July 13. Wm., son of Tho. Byarley, bapt., for who Wm. Dobbison is

bound by word not to charg y e pish.

18. Peter Hoclson buried, killed with his own knife.

1630 May 9th. Thomas, son of Mary Basset, baptized vidua nup'

relicta.

Mary Bassetts son, called Thomas, bapt ide* p'dca.
Nou. 16. Wm. Wascoe, buried in cymiterio.
1631 10 ffebr. 20. William Chyld, buried in templo.

21. Dorrothie Law, buried in templo.
Octobr 19. Tho. Diconson, buried by M r . Kidd.
1632 ffebr. 22. ffrauncs, a woman child, nursed at the fforge, buried. 11

1632 8ber 28. Gaskoyne, son of George Downes, baptized.

1633 Aprill 8. Thomas, sonne of Joseph Cradocke, Clerke, bapt.> natus 3

die circiter horam primam ante meridiem.
Dece. 16. Dame Maddison, a poore widow, buried.

1634 March 24. Robert ffawdon, parish clerke, buried.
July 10. William Dixon, a poore old man, bur.

Septeber 22. William, son of Christopher Heron (by bond), baptized

wife.
No. 8. Margery Crathorne, exco'. an old gent interred.

1635 ffebr. 14. An daughter of Joseph Cradocke, Clerke, baptized.

ffebr. 21. old widow Jackeson, buryd, fees (this time buried in the

church).
March 27. Richard Benson, an old man (drowned then) buried.

28. ffrances Draycot, excom a poore man interred.
May 3. An daughter of John Lumley, baptized.
June 6. ffrances Jackeson, buried in templo.
July 25. Tobie Jackeson, a yong man, buried in templo.

10 In 1631 several baptisms entered without the name of the child' a child
of,' ' a daughter of.'

11 Different forms of this class of entry.

72 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

1636 May 21. M r . Gerard Bankes, buried in y e church.
March 15. John, son of Henrie ffornice, bur. sine f.

1637 May 17. Elizabeth Dixon, paup., buried (the number of paupers is

now very remarkable).

June 11. Georg Tayler, parish clarke, buried.
July 30. M r . Robt. Browne, a schoolm r , buried.
Aug. 17. Thomas Rippon, buried intestate.
Jan. 22. Margret, daughter of John Miller, buried sine (the three

following entries have the same ending).

1638 7 ber 16. Arther, sonne of Edward Dalbie, gent', (baptized).
1639 12 July 5. 2 men children of Richard Vaisies, unbapt., buried.

8ber 23. "Willam Acroid of the Toft hill, alias Haughton house,
within the parish of S l . Hellen Aucland, being a
convicted recusant was interred in the Churchyard of
Witton vpon the Weare.
1640 Ja. 26. Tho. Talbot, a poore man, bur.

June 7. John Cuming and Margaret Barnes, married.

Decem. 5. William Blacket, a poore Prentice, buried.

1642 Julij 15. An, daughter of Anthony Coming, buryd.

Aug. 12. Edward, sonne of Robert Scogaine, minister, 18 buried.

1643 August 6. Reanold, sonne of Anthony Coming, baptized.

1644 ffebru. i6. Elyzabeth, wife of Joseph Cradock, Clerke, bur.
Dece'ber 31. Dyna, daughter of Robt. Scogaine Clarke, bapt.

1646 March 31. John Brabant & Jane Best, married.

1649 January 28. Gartrued, illigittimate daughter of Edward Jackson,

baptized."
1649 Janu. 29. Margaret Buck, buryed.

1651 Nov. 23. George Brabant, buryed.

1652 June 8. George Buck and Elizabeth Booth, marry ed.
Augu. 23. John Jerome, gentleman, buried.

Septe. 28. Richard Buck and Grace ffaudon, marryed.

1653 Janu. 6. Dorothy Hutton, widdow, buryed.
June 5. Margaret, daughter of George Buck, bapt.

About this time there are many baptisms from Hamsterley.
Dece. 25. Willm., sonne of Metcaff Robinson, Esqr., bapt.

1654 Jenu. 12. M rs . Ellin ffeilding, buryed.

Octo. 29. Mary, daughter of Richard Buck, bapti.
Dece. 30. Barbary, daughter of George Buck, bapti.
1656 June 8. Elizabeth, daughter of George Buck, bapti.

The name of ' Stephen Cocken ' occurs here in large letters in the
margin; probably that of the intruded minister.

Septr. 7. Ann, daughter of Richard Buck, bapt.

12 In twelve consecutive burials in this year no fewer than five, and those
quite common people, would seem to have been buried in the church, the letter
1 1 ' or te ' being inserted at the end of each entry.

13 Curate 1641-44.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 73

1659 March 2. Peregrina, daughter of Charles Wren, Gent.
The number of still-born children for several years past is very
striking.

1659 March 27. Margaret, daughter of Richard Buck, bapti.

1660 Decem. i. ffrancis, a sonne of a poore trauelling woman, bapti.

1661 July 28. Lancelot, sonne of George Buck, baptized.
Decem. 24. Thomas, sonne of Quintine Gill, bapti.

1662 ffebru. 16. Bartholomew Bee, buried.

1663 Janu. 23. Lancelot, son of George Buck, buryed.
Aprill 4. Blanch, a poore old woman, buryed.

1664 Aprill i. Lidda Lard, buryed.

In 1665, ' Stephen Windle, curat, John Carlisle, Ralph Goland,
churchwardens/ sign the book. 14

1666 Janu: 15. ffrancs, daughter of Stephen Windle, curate, bapti.

1667 Novem. 7. Henry Young, senior, gent., buryed.

30. Quintine Gill and Jane Vauxe, married.

23. Robert, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, clerk, buryed.

1668 Janua. 28. ff ranees, daughter of ffrancis Ourd, clerk, bapt.

In 1668, 'ffrancis Ourd, curate, 15 Ralph Hodgson, John Miller,
churchwardens,' sign the book.

1668 Octo. 30. Eppa Beat, buryed.

1669 January 2. ffrancis. sonne of ffrancis Ourd, Clark, bapti.

25. John, sonne of John Garth, bapti.

1670 Janu. 17. Anthony, sonn of John Garth, bapti.
ffebru. 20. Henry, sonn of Mr. Tho. Brabant, bapti.

20. Henry, sonn of M r . Tho. Brabant, buryed.
July 19. Willm. Mostcroft & Dorothy Hutton, marryed.

1671 Janu. 14. Willm., sonne of John Garth, bapti.
Januarij 18. Henry Warde, gent., buryed.

ffebru. 27. John, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, Clarke, bapti.

1673 ffebru. 28. A childe of a poore travelling man, bury.
March 25. Ann, daughter of John Garth, bapti.
Decem. 2. Michael, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, clark, bapti.

1674 March 17, Ellin, daughter of John Garth, bapti.
March 30. Merioll Garth, buryed.

Aprill 3. Christopher Dixon, a poore man, buryed.
June 16. Ann Simson, a poore woman, buryed.

1675 ffebru. 21. Robt. Ducket (being killed in a pit crowned then), buryed
Aprill 20. Katherine Renoldson, a young woman, buryed.

May 9. Elizabeth Carlile, a young woman, buryed.
Octo. 29. A child of a poore travelling womans, bury.
Noue. 3. Margaret, daughter of Toby Bowes, illigi, bapti.

14 Stephen Windle, curate 1644-1667.

15 Francis Orde was curate from 1667 to 1674.

74 WITTOX-LE-WEAR PARISH :

Iii 1G75, 'John Stackhouse, minister; 16 Willm How, Christo.
Addeson, churchwardens,' sign the book.

1676 Janu. 4. Barbary, daughter of Mr. Willm Witham, interred.

23. [blank] of John Garth, bapti.

1677 March 20. Anthony, son of John Garth, buryed.

Aprill 19. Thomas, son of John Stackhouse, minister, baptized.
24. George, son of John Garth, bapti.

1678 Aprill 20. Thomas, son of John Stackhouse, minister, buryed.
Julij i4. Anthony, son of John Garth, bapti.

1679 ffebruary 8. Thomas waskoe, a young man, bury.
March 3 d . ffrancis Tayler, gent., bury.

June 23. Ann, daughter of John Stackhouse, minister, bapti.
Octo. 14. Jane, daughter of Eure Markendell, bapti.

1680 March 21. Elizabeth, daughter of John Garth, bapti.

1681 Jany. Mary, wife of John Garth, buryed.
1683 Sept. 14. A child of John Garths, buryed.

1685 March 14. Ann, wife of M r . Hugh Hutchinson, buryed.

1686 March 16. Elizabeth, wife of John Garth, buryed.
August 25. John, son of Mr. John Stachouse, curate, buryed.
Nouemb. 2. Ann, wife of M r . John Stachouse, buryed.

1687 May 3i. John, y e sonne of Katherine Patteson. sepult.
1689 March 23. Marie, y e daughter of M r . Christo Croft, sepult.

1689 Decbe r . y e 1 st . Anne Burleson, daughter of Ann Burleso', illegit., bap. 17
y e 29, Marie, daughter of M r . John Stackhouse, cleric, bap.

1691 October 27. Elizabeth, daughter of M r . Jo. Stackhonse, minister, bap.
Nove. y e 7 th . Mary Hutchinson, illegitimate, bap. 18

1692 May y 17 th . Anthony, sonne of John Garth, sepult.

1693 No br . the 7. Joanna, daughter of Mr. John Stackhouse, clr., bapt.

1694 March y e 21 th . Mr. William Witham, sepult.

June y e 22 d . Thomas Gomlin, a stranger's child, sepult.

July the 23. Anne, daughter of M r . John Markendale, bapt.

September y e 5 th . Jane, the daughter of M r . John Hodsho'.
1696 February y e 4 th . John, sonne of Mr. John Hodsho', bap.

Quyntine Gill, sepult.

Memorand. That on ffriday the 30 th of Aprill, A Dni, 1697 ; The
Hon ble . Robert Boothe Archdeacon of the Archdeaconry of
Durham, w th the Rev d . Ham'ond Beaumont officiall visitted this
Church p'sonally, & then admonished the Churchw ds . to certify,
the repair of y Chancell, & the Erecting Railes before the Comu-
nion Table at the next Michaelmas Visitation.

CUTH. SMITH, Register.

16 John Stackhouse, minister, 1674-95. We commenced with 'priest,' and
after that had ' curate ' and ' clark,' now for the first time it is ' minister.'

17 This is the first time in which an illegitimate child is registered under the
name of the mother. In all preceding cases and they are legion the father's
name only is given.

18 Still another form of entry of illegitimate births, the name of neither
parent being given.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 75

1698 June 12 th . Jo., so'ne of Jo. Davis, a vagabond beggar, sepult.

1701 ffebru. 17 th . William Garth & Marie Moses, of Northbedbourn

Township, nupt.
July 30 th . Grace Buck, of Witton, sepult.

1702 May 5 th . Thomas Wright, of y South Church Parish, & Eliza

Dickeson, of Northbedbourn, in this Parish, nupt.

1703 Sep. 16. A poore vagrant Scotchman, sepult. 10

1702 Octob br . 13 th . Elizabeth, daughter of William Garth, of Northbed-
bourn, bap.
1701 April 3. Georg Gibson, of y Parish of Howton, cleric, & Jane

Croft, of y e Chappelrie of Witton upon Weare, nupt.
June 8. Thomas Miller & Jane Chayter, of Northbedbourn Town-
ship, nupt.
July y 6 th . Elizabeth, daughter of Eliza Moorca, a stranger at

Witton Razis, baptized.

1705 ffebruarie y e 12 th . Marie, y e daughter of William, son of William
Garth, of Northbedbourn, vill bap.

1707 Jan r ^ 22 th . Edmond, sonne of James Watson, cleric, baptized.
March 21 th . William, sonne of William Garth, of North vill, bap.

1708 September 12 th . Richard, sonne of a stranger, bap. eod. die.

1709 Oc br 20th. Barbary, daughter of M r . Lancelott Sissons, cleric' born

8'ber y e 19 th about 2 a clock in y e morning, bap.
1708 Aug. 13 th . John, son of Lane* Sisson, cleric' sepult.

1714 November 14 th . Mary, daughter of Mrs. Jane Gibson, of Witto,

sepult.

1715 October 16. William Dobinso' of Witto, sepult in ecclesia.-

1717 March y e 5. Marie, daughter of Jo n Dobinso', of Witto Castle,

baptized.

1717 Sep er 22 th . Mary, wife of William Garth, of Harpelie, sepult.
1717 March 24. Isabell, daughter of M rs . Jane Gibso', sepult in ecclesia.

1720 July 26 th . Anne Buck of Witton, spinster, sepult.

1721 John, sonne of William Garth, baptized y e 27 th of December.

1720 January y e I 8t . Thomas Forrester, drowned & buried y e 9 th of y

same month.

1721 March 3i th . John, son of Johu Fewler of Wito vill, s e .
Sep br 29 th . Mary Buck of Witton, sepult.

1722 Ap' m 12 th . John Garth of low Widdefield, sepult.

1724 Aril. 7 th Margaret, daughter of Will. Garth, Northbedburn, baptised.

1725 March the 12. Will. Garth of Harperlie, sepult' in eccles.

1726 August 4. William, son of M r . Reed Hodshon of Witto' Hall, bapt.

1728 Dec. 10. Hannah, daughter of Parsevels Rogers, of Witton Castle in

Witto' vill, baptized.

1729 Catherine, y e daughter of M r . Henry Blackett of low Bitchbourne,

born y e 29 th of March, 1729. '

19 A large number of names entered as ' poor ' at this time and a little
previously, nine out of nineteen being so described on the single page from
which this item is taken.

20 All sorts of common people about this time buried ' in Ecclesia.'

76 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

1730 April 14. Debora, y c daughter of Mr. Henry Blackett of low Bitch-
bourn, born.

May y 5 th . Henry Bainbridge of Wolsingham and Elizabeth Garth of
Witto' chapplerie, nup.

1731 May y e 6. M r . John Hodsho' of Witto' hall, sepult in ecclesia.

1732 Ap r l 14. M r . Thomas Hodsho' of Greenfield, sepult in eeclesia.

Memorandum That I, Thomas Lamb Clark, came to reside at

Witton upon Wear the ninth day of June, Anno Dm', 1735.
1734 Nov r . 5. Pare. Rogers of Witton Castle, sepult.

1736 November 15. Simon Taylor, kill'd by his mare of Blakely, buried.

1737 Feb. 13. Mary, daughter to John Hodgson, of Harperley, baptized. 21

1738 March 5. Barbara, daughter to W m . Greenwell of Harperley,

baptized.

1739 July 27. Stephen Cockey Clark of Witton, buried.

1740 ffeby. 13. Phebe, daugh tr of John Taylor Clark, baptisd.

1741 October 13. John, son of W m . Greenwell of Harperley Hall [bapt].

In 1741, 'Steph. Teasdale, minister, 22 Thos. Baker, Cuthb*.
Hodghon, churchwardens,' sign the book.

1742 ffeby. 18. ffrancis Wilkinson of Witton Castle, buried.

1744 July 8 th . Will" 1 ., S. of Ann Garthwaite, spurious, filiated upon Jno.
Coats, baptized.

October 14. Ann, daughter of John Taylor Clark, baptized.

May y e 15. M r . Daltery of Staindrop, a superanuated Exciseman,
buried.

Decemb r . y e 1 st . Henry Blacket, an Anabaptist, buried.

Jan'ry 14. M r . Hunter, a Papist, buried.
1750 Nov r . 15. Ann Garth [bur].

1753 May 27. Ralph Keeling, Esq r ., of Witton Castle [buried].
1757 May 7. Ann Brown of Bp. Auckland, an adult Quaker [bapt].

Nov. 11. Johnson, son of M r . Greenwell, Witton Castle [bap].

1759 July 28 th . Cookson, S. of Jno. Stevenson, schoolmaster [bap].

1760 September y e 26. M rs . Dobinson, wife of Mr. Jno. -Dobinson 23 [bur].

Memdm., Feby. y e 2 d ., 1761. That Mr. John Dobinson of Witton
Castle gave me four shillings & eightpence acknowledgement for
erecting a tombstone over his wife. As witness, Steph. Teasdale,
curate.

1761 Isabella, D. of M r . Nicholas Greenwell, [bap]. 24

1762 Aug'. 22 d . John Taylor Clark, [buried].

1763 Febry y e 8 th . John Pattison, y e Sexton. 25

1764 April 27 th . Thomas Brown, an adult Quaker, of Bp. Auckland,

[baptised].

1765 May 12 th . Elizabeth Hymers, an adult Anabaptist, [baptised].

' John Farrer, Minister,' occurs here.

21 There are many other entries of Hodgsons. ** Minister, 1740-1765.
23 There are entries of other Dobinsons. 24 Other entries of Greenwell follow
'* The first occurrence of this officer.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 77

1766 Mar. 30 th . Dorothy, daug r of Jos. Scarth, an Anabap., [bapt].

June 22 d . Ann, daug r of Tho 8 . Smith, an adult Anab., [bapt].
1766 Jaly 5 th . Thomas Dickinson, \drowned together "I, .-, -,
7 th . John Whitfield, t on June the 30 th , I

Aug st 17 th . George Thompson, an adult Anab., [bapt.]

In 1767 the names of both parents are, for the first time, entered
in the baptismal registers.

1769 Mar. 30 th . Tho s . Watson & Alice Teasdale, adult Anabaptists,

[bap].

1770 Mar. 18. Henrietta Douglas, of Witton hall, [bur].

1771 Apr. 29. John Hodgson, who laid violent hands on himself. The

coroner's inquest brought it in an act of lunacy.

1773 June 13 th . Grace, illegitimate daug r of Marg* Graydon & Jos.

Brownbridge, putative Father, [bap].

Aug. 29 th . Henry Broadley Douglas, son of Charles Joseph and
Henrietta Douglas, Witton hall, 11 [bap].

1774 Apr. 4 th . Hildred Smurthwaite, widow, aged 94 [bur].

1775 May 14 th . William Smith, an adult Anabaptist, [bap].
Dec r 28 th . George Proud & Mary Humble, [mar].

1777 Feb'y 1 st . William, illegitimate son of Eliz. Forster & W m . Brass,

of Whorlton, [bap].
1777 N.B. Six persons in this year made 491 years. Their respective ages

are, 81, 85, 70, 91, 83, and 81. Only eight persons were

buried in this year.
1779 May 18 th . William Garth, of Low Widdifield, aged 72.

1781 Sepb r . 28 th . Joseph, son of Marmaduke Cradock, Esq., of Harperley,

[bap].

1782 Nov r . 20 th . John Turnbull in his way to his Settlement [bur].

1783 Mar 20 th . William Weston, a poor boy belonging to the Poor House

at Wolsingham, drown'd in the Wear [bur].

1784 June 17 th . Jane Blackett, an adult Anabaptist.

Sepb r . 1 st . Matthew Law crush'd to death in a coal pit [bur].

Dec r . 18 th . William Crosby, of Darlington P., who perished in the

snow on Dec 1 ", the 7 tn , thro* the inclemency of the

weather [bur].

1785 Oct r . 2 d . Harriett, daug r of Marmaduke Cradock, Esq., of Harperley.

1786 Jan r y 23 d . M rs . Sarah Cradock, of Harperley, aged 75 [bur].
Febry 20 th . Mrs. Isabel Hodgson, formerly of Witton hall, aged 84

[buried].
Apr. 12 David Wharton, of Bp. Aukland, drown'd in passing the river

in a boat [bur],

Memorandum. That the Grammar School in Witton-le-Wear was
rebuilt from the very Foundation in the Year of our Lord 1787.
John Cuthbert, Esq re . of Witton Castle having by one or more
Codicils left an hundred Pounds in Trust to the Rev d . John
Farrer, Minister and Schoolmaster, and M r . Nicholas Greenwell,

78 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

Steward at Witton Castle, for the express purpose of enlarging
the said School. The Sum of 97 4s. Id. was receiv'd, the rest
defray'd the Law Expenses in a Chancery Suit.

N.B. The sum expended in rebuilding the School was 134.

a. d.

Rec d . of M r . Cuthbert's Legacy 97 4 1

Rais'd by M r . Farrer & his Frds 36 15 11 .. 134

Trustees for money left to teach 10 Boys in 1788 :
Henry Attrick Reay, Esq r ., of Hunwick.
Robert Hopper Williamson, Esq r ., of Whickham.

1794 Aug*. 14 th . M r . Nicholas Green well, Witton castle, aged 78 [buried].

1795 William Rawes, Curate [bur].

Mar. 12 th . Rosetta Anne, daughter of John Thomas Hendry & Anne
Hopper, Witton castle, [bap].

1796 October 18 th . Elizabeth Jane, daughter of George Pearson, Esq re ., of

Harperly Park, and Betty, his wife, late Betty Chaytor,
born the 1 4 th September last.

1797 Feb. 4 th . Mary Garth, low Widowfield, 97 [bur],

1798 Mary Anne Hopper, June 9 th , 2" d daughter of John Tho 8 . Hendry

Hopper, Esquire, native of Middleham, by his wife,
Anne Sparling, native of Walton, Lancashire. Born
NoV. 9 th , 1796 [bapt].
Eliz. Isabella Hopper [bapt. same day].

1799 Martha Shirley Rawes, February 24 th , 1 st daughter of William Rawes,

Clerk, native of Shap, Westmorland, by his wife, Anne
Cantwell, native of S*. Bennet's, Paul's Wharf, London,
[bap].

John Bowness, March 3 rd , 1 st son of Rev d . Geo. Bowness, Curate of
Hamsterley, a native of Kirk Andrews, Cumberland,
by his wife, Catherine Jackson, native of Escomb.
[bap].

1800 George Bowness, Curate [bur].

1806 Mark Newby, July 26 th , first son of George Newby, native of Barning-

ham, by his wife Margaret, late Crawford, native of

Staindrop [bur].
1798 George Pearson, Esquire, Harperley park, Clerk of the Peace for the

county of Durham, native of Ryton parish, 54 years,

[bur].

1810 George Wright, North Bedburn, farmer, 100 [bur],

1811 John Thomas Hendry Hopper, Esq r ., Witton castle, 40 [bur].

1816 April 15 th . Calverly Bewicke Bewicke, Esq r ., & Elizabeth Phila-

delphia Wilkinson [mar].

1817 Sept. 16 th . George Hutton Wilkinson, Esq r ., & Elizabeth Jane

Pearson [mar].

Memoranda of the Answers to the questions contained in the schedule to an
Act 1 Geo' 4 th intitaled an Act for taking an account of the population of
Great Britain & of the increase or diminution thereof.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PARISH ACCOUNTS. 79

June 4 th , 1821. What was the number of baptisms & burials in your parish
in the several years 1811, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 & 20, distinguishing males
from females 1

Answer 116 males, 113 females. Total bap d 234.
49 do., 47 do. Total buried 96.

What has been the number of marriages in your parish in the s d time ?
Answer 52.

N.B. The number of illegitimate children is 22 : This lamentable increase
of vice must in part be attributed to lax discipline, and to the manner in which
relief is granted to paupers of this description.

This year, 1821, the best wheat in Darlington market has been sold at six
shillings and sixpence per bushel ; which, contrasted with the high prices during
the war (viz., 18s. and 19s. per bushel) affords some idea of the fluctuation of
prices to which in the space of a few years we have been subjected.
Butcher's meat 4d., 5d., and 6d. per pound.
Day labourer's wages per week, 10s., 12s., and 14s.

Geo e Newby, Curate.
William Gill, Churchwarden.

CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS.
The following are extracts from the Churchwardens' accounts :

Hie liber mercatus erat p' ulu Parochias de witton super Weare Anno Dni 1690.

Aprill y e 26 th Anno Dni 169i ;

Rec d . of Ralph Potts 4 s : 8 d intereft money due upon the bond for y e wham
It. rec d of Robert Stobbert sen. 6 s : 10 d due for intereft money upon ye bond
January y c 10 th Anno Dni 1692

Memrd' Asefs laid on by y e Minifter and twelve of this Parish of 4 d p' shilling
for y e necefarie repaires of y e Church ; witness our hands

John Stackhoufe Minister'- 6

April 22 th 1690 Difbursed p d to M c9 Holmes for wine for Commu-
nions (vift) whitfuntide Michaelm & Chriftmafs ... 00 14 00

p d for a belrope 00 01 09

p d f or a ffox head 00 Oi 00

p d for 4 foolmart heads .. 00 Oi 04

Septem br y e 20 th Anno Dni 169i Disbursd

It' for mending y e Longsettle 00 00 02 00

It' for Ale 00 00 06 00

It' for 8 foomert heads 00 02 08 00

It' for 2 Raven heads 00 01 00 00

It' for 2 Badger heads 00 01 00 00

It' for a skep for y c Minifter to knell .. 00 00 04 00

It' f or wafhing y e Linnen 00 02 08 00

It' for keeping out the dogs 00 04 00 00

Aprill 25 th Ao Dni 1692, -Debitor Inp rs for a Lairftall ... 00 03 04 00

Disbursd It' for mending y e Bier 00 00 03 00

26 Curate 1674-1695

80 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

It' for besoms 00 00 06 00

It' for 6 foomert heads 00 02 00 00

It' for one foomert, head 00 00 04 00

[Payments for washing linen, keeping dogs out of church, for visitations,

glazing church windows, etc., occur annually.]

May y e 14 th Ao. Dni. 1693 : Disbursd for year 1692 H s d

Inp r8 for a Bell rope 00 02 00

It' to Briscoe Mires for a foomert head 00 00 04

It' to Cuthbert Vasie for 4 Raven heads 00 00 08

It' to Richard Kil bourn for a foomert head 00 00 04

It' to Robert ffawdo" for whiping the dogs 00 04 00

Aprill y e 21 st Ao Dni 1694 : Disbursed for year 1693

It' at one Comunio' for a gallo' of Wine 00 07 00

It' for 3 f oomard heads ... 00 01 00

May y e 12 th Ao Dni 1695 : Disbursd for year 1694

It' for mending y e Churchgate 00 01 80

It' for 5 foomert heads 00 01 80

It' for laying y e flones in y e Church & mending y e stile 00 01 00

[Every year charges for ' foomert ' heads occur.]
The names of the Twelve chofen men for regulating the affairs in y e Parif h

of Witton

M r John Hodgson John Carlile

Nicolas Taylor Christopher Hodgshon

Rob* Taylor Tho : Todd

John Taylor Richard Marfhall

M r Chris : Croft Will : Braidly

John Richardson John Gray

Chofsen Decemb r 21, 1695. Geo: Gibson, Minist r27

Memorand' The Churchward 113 from May y e 1 st 1719 are by cosent to have
6 s allowed for their Charges for the whole yeare.

May y e 31 th 1696 It' for a Badgers head 00 00 40

Aprill 30 th 1697 It' for flagging plaiftring & whiteing Church 09 19 00

It' for 38 Bowles of Lime 00 19 00

It' for 6 Bushells of Hare & ffetching ... 00 04 06

May 11 th Ao Dni 1698 It' to widdow Turner for 2 Plates ... 00 02 00

It' at Whitsuntide 5 Quarts of Wine 00 08 40

It' at Xmas. 5 Quarts & a halph 00 09 20

It' for repairing the seats in publick 00 04 00

May 15 th Ao Dni 1699 It' for mending y e Bell 00 06 08

It' for mending y e stile & y e Bier 00 '00 8

It' for y e Porch Gates 00 19

Ap r11 . 21 th Ao: Dni: 1700 It' fora Cirpcloath 02 10

It. for a start in y e Bell 00 00 40

May 18 th Ao. Dni. 1701 It' for a Cloath to y e Alter Table ... 00 15 06

It' for Two poore Travellers 00 01 00

It' for 2 Boxes to gather Almes in 00 01 04

May 1 st Ao : Dni. 1702 ; It' for repaireing & hanging y Bell... 00 03 8

27 Curate 1695-1707.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PARISH ACCOUNTS. 81

It' paid for ale when Meeting was about y e poore ... 00 02 06

It' for 3 Brock heads 00 01 00

April 5 tu Ao Dni 170 3 it' for bringing a praier Book 00 00 60

It' for a stile & spade 00 05 00

May y e 4 th Ao: Dni: 1704 It' for wood & workmanship about

Churchyard & Pindfold Doors 00 10 00

Ap r11 18 th Ao: Dni 1706 It' for Leather to hang y e Belle tounge in 00 00 06

It' for a Raven head 00 00 02

May 14 th 1710 for 2 shifts for Jennet Wright 00 05

For y e Caufie at the low end of Clemie Lonning ... 00 04

1711 p d for mending y e dyall 00 00 6

1714 To Ro. Tayler for a hack shaft a shovel & hanging the

Bell Tongue 00 01 00

1718 for a new Bel Rope 00 2

1719 for 4 pate heads 00 02 00

Given to John Tinsly of pilling in the County of Lan-
caster for y e sea breaking in 00 04 00

The names of the twelve chosen men for regulating the affairs of the Parish

of Witton

Read Hodgson Tho Carlile

Jo 11 Dobinfon Chris : Hodgshon

Robert Taylor . William Garth

Simon Taylor Jo 11 Snaith

James Croft W m Bnully

George Crags George Simpson

Thomas Gills Ezra Emerfon Minist 1 a

Chofen May The 3 d 1719

1721 for shifting the old Bell 00 01 00

paid to Will Wascoe for hanging y e bells 00 09 00

Nov br 23 d 1723

Whereas there has been an antient Custom upon any Persons being buried in
the Body of the Church that the Execut or Relations of such Person always
paid ten Groats for having such Liberty into the Hands of the Church Wardens
then in being who imploy'd the s d Moneys as they see fit having at the same
time the Consent of the twelve of the s d Parifh for such Disposal 'Tis therefore
order'd and agreed by and with the Consent of the Minister and twelve that no
Person from the Date hereof shall have Liberty of being buried in the Body of
the Church except they pay the Su m of ten Groats to the Church Wardens then
for the time being before they be admitted into the Church or take up any
Stones in the Body of the s d Church in Order for such Burial.

[Signed by ' Ezra Emerson Minist 1 " and six others, including ' Stephen Corkey
Paroc' Cleric'.']

1722 Paid to the Perfon for the poor man 2

for a Badgers Head 006

1727 For y e Bishops Ire 010

For mending y e Punfold wall 019

For putting y e Parchment into Regifter 6

For mending y e Surpleth 003

' 28 Curate 1714-1735

VOL. XVII. 1 1

82 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

forNatts 004

Church cliall 050

173i Inp 14 yards of hollin at 3 8 a yard 2 2

To Robert Tayler for mending y e Pues 070

for 10 ffurdailes & half at 18 d a piece 15 9

1732 & 1733 for binding y e Bibfe 00 08 00

Exchanging a Plate 00 00 06

1735 Makeing a new Stile 030

By repairing the Punfold Wall 006

By a new Bell Rope 008

1736 By a New Table Cloth 16

Bya New Flagon 056

1 737 By a pair of New Stocks & a Lock 00 05 00

1743 N.B. This year y e following Contributions were given by y e Gentlemen

whose names are below for procuring Queen Ann's Bounty.

The Hon ble & right Rev d y e Bp. of Durham 50

The patron John Cuthbert Esq re 63

Robert Shafto Esquire 21

Lord Crew's Trustees 20

The Rev d M r Teasdale y e present Curate ... 50

204

& some time after M rs Douglas of Witton Hall gave ... 6 6

which defray'd y e Charges of a purchase made at Wolsingham
1755 N.B. The Rails at y e altar were erected this year

M rs Cuthbert gave y e Altar Cloth & M" Douglas y c Velvet pulpit Cushion.

1762 Vestrymen chosen Janry y e 19 th

M r Jn. Dobinson of Witton Castle
M r Nicholas Greenwell of Witton Castle
Peter Jones

Robert Taylor of Witton
George Snaith of Marshal Green
& George Craggs of Allandale
The other Township

M r Anthony Atkinson of Widowfield
William Garth of Low Widdowfield
Thomas Briggs of y e Fold
Thomas Hodgson of Sandy Bank
John Jackson of Old Wadlow
& John Atkinson Jun r of Harperley

Witnefs Steph. Teasdale Minister

1763 To drawing Sentences in the Church 2 11

To taking glass out of Church Window 002

To Fomett Heads 010

1764 To drawing the ten Comandm 18 4 10

To 4 Foulmarts Heads 1 4.

1771 By a Form of Prayer 1

By a Pitch-pipe 5

By a Foulmart's Head 4

1773 By a Dial 5 8 and Whitning the Ch 1.7 112

By a Bell rope 1 g

EXTRACTS FROM THE PARISH ACCOUNTS. 83

1775 By mending Pews & 3 Matts 2 8

By a new Ladder 7

By a Kope for letting down Corpse 6

By a Fox's Head 1

By 5 Foulmart's Heads 1 8

1779 By 17 Foulmarts & 1 Otter's H d 6 8

1780 By Fox & 12 Foulmarts 5

1783 By Licence for registring without stamps 6

By binding Book of Offices 9

By 7 Foulmart's Heads & Almanac 211

1793 By a Cover for Font & Seat for Sexton 14

By 5 Foulmart's Heads 1 8

1795 Stocks & Lock 13 6

1797 By whitewashing & cleans Church 110

By Looking Glafs 2 6

1803 By a Pitch pipe 6

1806 By Geo. Ramshaw's Bill 113 3

By Cleaning the Gravel Walk 2 6

1808 By Foulmarts heads 2 4

1811 By a Foulmart's head 29 1

1812 By Wine & porter in the time of the Fever 12 6

By Carriag for Iron Chest 1 4

1813 By Iron Chest 1010

1816 By Grave Straps 4

1820 Ornaments for pulpit 12 8

Given to a man in distress ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 6

1821 Window Curtains 1 6 9

1822 Briefs 2/-, Candles 5/6 7 6

Green cloth for Door 15

[A sum from Mr. Sheppardson or incumbent of St. Mary le Bow in lieu of
2 bottles of wine, of 7s. occurs regularly from 1823 to 1842, when the book ends.]

1825 Eegistering Briefs 2

1827 Flaggon 4 4

1832 repairing roads in C h Garth 6

1833 Postage of a Letter 5

1834 Cash from Sir W m Chaytor Bart being a moiety of the expence

of the repair of the chancel 13 19 8f

To Cash from G. H. Wilkinson Esq r being other moiety of

expense for the repair of the Chancel 13 19 8|

1836 March 26 M r P. Fair's Bill for a New Bible 346

from volontary donations toward a New Bell ... 8 10 3

sold the old Bell 703

1838 Aug* 6 Paid Carrier for the carriage of 2 Bells to Newcastle ... 10 6

To a Bell Rope 6 8

M r Abbot's Bill for a new Bell 17 5 4

1842 To two plans of the pews in the church including frame and

glass 170

28 The last entry for ' vermin ' occurs this year.

84 THE ( QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGATT,' NEWCASTLE :

V. THE 'QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGATT,' NEW-
CASTLE, THE SWIRLE, AND THE LORT BURN.

By DENNIS EMBLETON, M.D.
[Read on the 28th day of November. 1894.]

AT the request of Mr. Maberly Phillips, author of the paper on the
above subject in a former volume of the Archaeologia Aeliana, 1 I
visited, on August 23rd last, the excavations being carried on at the
above place, the site of the once celebrated school of the Braces,
father and son, and quite recently of a public laundry. The history
of this ground, so far as it could be recovered, was exhaustively re-
lated by Mr. Phillips in the above mentioned volume on November
28th, 1888. With this history it is far from my intention to interfere,
it is my wish only to supplement it.

From 1683 to 1790 the site had been, in common with ' the Ballast
Hills' at the east end of the town, the burial ground of ministers, and
of members and their families, of certain dissenting communities of
Newcastle who worshipped at the Castle Garth and other meeting
houses.

Mr. Alfred E. Ingledew, of Messrs. Oliver and Leeson, architects,
has kindly sent me a tracing from Button's map of Newcastle of
1775, showing the exact position of the graveyard with regard to
1 Vol. aciii. pp. 234-251.

THE LORT BURN, THE SWIRLE, ETC. 85

Sidgate or Percy street, and a sketch on a larger scale with dimensions
and other interesting details. 2 The dimensions are : Length, one
hundred and ninety-four feet six inches ; width at lower end, forty
feet six inches ; width at upper end, sixty-six feet three inches.

It lies parallel and close to the lowest part of St. Thomas's street
at its east side, and is bounded on its east side by Mr. Sanderson's
Hotspur brewery, at the north end by Mr. Slater's property, and at
the south end by Sidgate or Percy street.

The ground consists of from three and a half feet to four and a half
feet depth of ordinary soil, resting on a rather thin layer of yellow
clay, below which is a thick bed of blue clay.

During the examination of the upper part of the ground an
ancient watercourse was discovered called the Swirle, which had
evidently been a long time diverted from its original course through
the ground to a culvert constructed, most likely, about 1786, when
the plot was being levelled and walled in, to carry the water away
from the burials ; it was led along the west side of the ground down to
Percy street, where it is supposed to have ended in a street sewer.
The culvert was constructed of remarkably large and peculiarly formed
stones, which must have belonged to some ancient ecclesiastical build-
ing. These will be more particularly noticed further on.

It is of some little interest first to trace the Swirle and its connec-
tion with the Lort burn.

The water of the Swirle came from somewhere about the middle
of the Leazes underground to the top of the Quigs' burial place, and
was there conveyed into the culvert above noticed, and so it went
down Percy street and under the town wall at a short distance to the
east of the old Newgate.

At the present time that water, I suppose, is made to issue con-
tinuously, pro bono publico, from a small stone pant which has been
erected near to the south border of the Leazes, at a few yards above
and to the west of the top of St. Thomas's street.

When, why, and from whom this little stream, and that also which
exists at the end of Sandgate, received the name of /Swirle does not
appear, but it must be clear that they had never been connected with
each other when the levels of the land between them are considered.

2 p. 89.

86 THE ' QUIGS BURING PLAS IN 8IDGATT,' NEWCASTLE :

In some of the old maps of Newcastle this Swirle is erroneously
laid down as the head water of the Lort/ burn. Thus in Speed's,
1610, the Lort burn is represented as starting from the north side
of Sidgate, running down Sidgate to the town wall under which it
passes a little to the east of the Newgate, thence curving a little to
the east it traverses the grounds of the ' New House,' and after pass-
ing under two separate rows of houses comes to the position of the
High bridge at about the top of the old Butcher Market, under which
it passes to the Dean, the lower part of the Side, and the east portion
of the Sandhill to the Tyne.

In the map of 'Ralph Gardner, gent.' of 1654, engraved by
Hollar, the Lort burn is shown as springing from the Leazes at some
distance above St. Thomas's street, passing through the site of the
future 'Quigs' Buring Plas,' then down Sidgate to and under the town
wall somewhat nearer to Newgate than in Speed, then down
Newgate street as far as the east end of Darn Crook, where it makes
a sharp turn to the east, and is continued in the same course as in
Speed to the river. In Hollar's map of the same date as Gardner's,
the Swirle is represented as the Lort burn.

The real Lort burn, however, arises from the Nuns moor, beyond
and to the west of the barracks, and probably from the long deserted
coal works there, runs down the Barrack road into Gallowgate and
Darn Crook as a considerable stream compared with the Swirle,
which it receives as a small tributary at the point where the Swirle is
represented as curving to the east, in Gardner's map, at the foot of
Darn Crook in Newgate street, thence the Lort burn, running under
the ' Chancellor's Head ' public house, takes the course marked in the
above maps as that of the Lort down to the Tyne.

Originally head stones or slabs had been placed over some of the
bodies interred in this burial ground ; these had subsequently been
removed and placed against the side walls ; later on they had been
removed and dispersed, and later still some of them were discovered
among very unsuitable surroundings.

Two of these stones are known to exist at present, one in the
Unitarian church in New Bridge street, the other in the chapel of
the castle. For record of the former see Archaeologia Acliana,
vol. xiii. p. 235. A few human bones had been found in the soil of

EXCAVATION OF THE SAME. 87

the graveyard before excavation was begun, and also outside of the
boundaries of the ground.

The excavation of the burial ground was begun at the lower or
south end and continued gradually up to the north end until the
whole of the soil and part of the clay were dug out and carted away,
the bones found being collected and placed aside ; the lowest part was
quite dry, having been covered by the school buildings ; the upper
part was open and exposed to rainfall, and possibly also to leakage
from the culvert, and the water being retained more or less in the soil
by the clay, the ground was very wet, and decomposition of the bodies
and the coffins had thus been greatly favoured.

Interments had been more frequent at the lower than at the upper
part of the ground, but the greatest number was found at the east side
about the middle. The number of graves indicated on the accompany-
ing plan (p. 89) does not mean that they were the only interments
found, for there were many others that had been made without
coffins. The earliest deposited were the farthest gone in decomposition.

No grave, except one at the upper east side of the ground, was
found at a greater depth than five feet six inches, but several had
been placed within two feet of the surface, the exceptional case being
that which lay quite in the clay bed, another was found inclosed in a
case of lime, possibly that of some person who had died of a malig-
nant fever, another case was that of a large skeleton lying directly
over another smaller, possibly husband and wife. All the bodies were
laid with their heads to the north. An unusually large coffin was met
with, Mr. Ingledew reports that the length of it was six feet eight
inches, its greatest width two feet four inches, its head fourteen inches
broad, its foot nine inches by six inches ; its sides were made of two
thicknesses of oak, and rounded towards the bottom like the sides of a
boat, leaving a width of four inches on the flat. The bones within
had not been specially noticed on exhumation, but among the
collected bones I saw none of greater size than the femur noticed
below as measuring nineteen and a half inches in length.

Over fifty skeletons in all were disinterred, but none quite entire,
for the smaller bones of the hands and feet could scarcely be
recognised, and only a few pelvic bones could be collected. The ends
of the long bones buried in the seventeenth century were much

88 THE 'QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGA.TT,' NEWCASTLE.

decayed away, or had become detached during the excavation. A
piece of marble engraved with a crest was discovered in the excavation.
There were skulls and other bones of women, but the great majority
were those of men ; none of children was obtained.

I produced at a previous meeting one of the most recent and best
preserved skulls and lower jaw of the same, and one of the thigh bones
of the same skeleton, which was the biggest I had noticed. These
were well and strongly made, but the jaws had lost during life
several of their molar teeth. It was not possible to examine the skull
with care before the meeting ; afterwards it and the femur were
stolen by one of the labourers to whom they were entrusted to be
carried back to the other bones, and the man was not to be found
next day and has not been seen since. The femur measured nineteen
and a half inches in length, which indicates a person of the stature of
five feet nine inches or five feet ten inches. The average length of the
human adult femur is eighteen inches. A second femur measured
fourteen and three-quarter inch.es in length, and a third thirteen and
a half inches, both probably those of women. The skull may have
been that of a strong minister of mature or over middle age. The
exhumed bones were collected, placed in three coffin-like boxes,
which were interred near the position of the graveyard (see plan
next page).

Mr. Alfred E. Ingledew, who has obligingly given me parts of the
preceding information, has also afforded me the following :

' There were also exhumed several wrought iron handles of coffins. They
had all been fixed on the ends, not the sides, of these ; they were beautifully
turned and flanged, tapering to points, and fastened to the wood by double-
tailed nails at the inside, where they were kept in position by a small square
plate ; in one instance, on the head of the coffin, was found a very large handle
in position, and a portion of what had been the plate, but on attempting to
clear off the soil from it it was destroyed, though the marks were still visible ;
below and at the lower end of this plate were two small shields, but so defaced
that nothing could be distinguished on their surfaces. Around the whole of
these ornaments were two circles, each of about one-eighth of an inch broad,
cut in the wood, which was oak, and certain numerals were observed, of
which only " 14 " was plainly to be seen, the rest could not be made out
owing to the rough usage of the part by one of the labourers.'

' Whilst the culvert above noticed was being taken up, many very interesting
stones were brought to light. It was a two feet square drain, the walls of which
were formed of stones beautifully moulded, for instance, heads and sills of door-

VOL. XVII.

90 THE 'QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGATT,' NEWCASTLE.

ways and windows, two very large jamb-stones with the mouldings in perfect
condition, two large voussoirs, or keystones of arches perfect and beautifully cut,
mullions and portions of detached shafts, all of which had evidently come from
some considerable sacred building, for on removing the last stone it turned out
to be a part of the tracery of a very large window.

These stones, as their sculpture shows, belong to the Early English
style of architecture.

In conclusion, I am strongly of opinion that the above stones,
being of ecclesiastical origin and belonging to the Early English style
of architecture, had once formed parts of the fabric of the old chapel
of St. James at the Barras Bridge. The chapel and the Quigs' burial
ground were only a few hundred yards apart. The houses that a few
years ago stood on the site of the present Hancock museum of
Natural History were built at the end of last century ; at the
time of their erection the ground must have been completely
broken up and the remains of the dilapidated chapel of St. James
would be dug up and disposed of, and that must have occurred
about the time when the burial ground of the Quigs was being
levelled and walled in, i.e. in 1786, when stones would be wanted
for forming the culvert to carry the Swirle, threatening the burial
place, into the proper direction. The proprietors of that place hear-
ing of the excavations at St. James's, and, we must suppose, having
had permission, carried off such of the exhumed stones as best suited
their purpose, and thus made part of their culvert.

There is nothing to show who it was who gave away those conse-
crated stones. The few stones preserved in front of the museum are
characteristically carved in Early English style, several showing the
dog-tooth ornament of that style.

NORTHERN MONASTICISM. 91

VI. NORTHERN MONASTICISM.

BY THE REV. ALFRED BOOT, VICAR OP ST. JOHN'S, DARLINGTON.
[Read on the 28th day of November, 1894.]

THIS paper was originally written some twelve months ago for the
purpose of being read before the South Shields Clerical Society, and at
the time I certainly had no idea that it would go further. I therefore
feel somewhat diffident at the prospect of reading it before the
members of a society such as the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries,
and I trust that all shortcomings may be treated leniently.

I purpose to deal with some phases of monasticism more especially
as it manifested itself in the work and results of the Celtic mission,
to give some reason for its sudden decay, and to touch upon the
somewhat extraordinary fact that since the building of the abbey at
Durham there has practically arisen within the present boundaries of
the county no independent monastic foundation of any account.

Monasticism, both in the early British church, and in the Celtic
church, appears to have been introduced into these islands through
the influence of the church in Gaul. In the northern parts of the
island, with which we are more especially interested, there appears to
be some firm ground for us to stand upon, when we come to the end
of the fourth century. At this period community life (and through-
out this paper the term monasticism is used in this general sense)
appeared in the south-west of Scotland. It owed its origin to S.
Ninian, who was born in Galloway about the year 360 A.D. His
parents appear to have been Christians, and he was baptized in
infancy, a fact which proves that the Christian faith had gained a
fairly good hold about this time. In early youth he went to Rome,
and about 386 A.D. returned as a bishop to his own people, having
been consecrated to that office by pope Siricius. On his way home
he visited S. Martin of Tours, who was the founder of monasticism in
Gaul, and from him he gained his knowledge of community life. It
was upon the type there presented to him that S. Ninian founded his
own religious order upon his return to Scotland. He built at

92 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

Whithorn in Galloway (by the aid of French masons) a stone church,
long known as ' Candida Casa,' which rapidly became the centre of a
most important monastic community. It was a missionary and
educational centre, in which the younger laity, together with the
candidates for Holy Orders, were trained and instructed. Its
influence was felt far beyond its immediate neighbourhood, and com-
munication was established between Whithorn and Ulster, resulting in
the founding of other communities in the sister isle. The main
characteristic which distinguished the monasteries of the early period,
and which separates them somewhat from the monasticism of a later
age, was this, it was mainly practical and not contemplative. They
were mission centres where the brethren lived in community life
under the rule of the bishop; from these they went forth to their
work and to them they returned. They were also educational centres
both for clergy and laity. S. Ninian died circa 430 A.D.

The next point where we find ourselves able to speak with some
amount of historical evidence is with regard to the mission of S.
Patrick. It is possible that in him we find one of the results of the
work of the mission founded by S. Ninian, though at some little
distance. He is said to have been born at Dumbarton, and to have
been carried off to Ireland when about 16 ; to have returned again to
Scotland, where he was ordained priest, and then again to have
journeyed back again. He was consecrated bishop when about 45,
and died about 493 A.D.

S. Patrick's followers were what are known as the l First Order of
Irish Saints/ and his form of community life had special features
which distinguished it both from that which preceded it and that
which followed.

The proportion of bishops to presbyters was abnormally large.
S. Patrick established a kind of tribal episcopacy, and every tribe,
clan, and small chieftain had a special bishop. Some of the episcopate
lived as recluses, some lived together in monasteries, some estab-
lished schools. So great was the number of bishops in Ireland, even
at a later date, that a stream of them was continually arriving in
the dioceses of territorial bishops, who, at least in England, passed
canons against them and the 'Orders' which they conferred. S.
Patrick also founded episcopal communities, with groups of seven

THE COLUMBAN CHURCH. 93

bishops in each community, generally members of the same family,
or of the same tribe. He died about 493 A.D.

The successor to the church of S. Patrick, at a distance of half a
century, was the church of S. Coluinba, and with it came a change in
monastic life. The number of bishops has lessened, the number
of presbyters has increased. The bishops in many cases are subject
to the abbots in the matter of jurisdiction, though they still rank as
a superior spiritual order, with special powers. In the Columban
monasteries all offshoots remain under the control of the parent
foundation and under the jurisdiction of its abbot. (The abbots of
Lindisfarne were appointed for some thirty years from lona.) The
election of the abbot in the head monastery followed to some extent
an hereditary principle, inasmuch as it remained always in the family
of the founder, as in the case of lona, where the first nine abbots, as
far as and including Adamnan, were blood relations of S. Columba.

The Columban church was entirely monastic, though there is no
trace of any definite rule under which the monks lived, such as that
which distinguished the Benedictine and other orders of later times,
who succeeded to their place and power. Discipline remained entirely
with the abbot, and the keeping of fasts and festivals was ordered by
him. It is probable that the canonical hours were kept by the monks,
but the personal discipline seems not to have been modelled upon any
fixed rule.

This was the type of community life introduced into lona by
S. Columba, and into Lindisfarne by Aidan. It is the type of Christi-
anity exhibited by men who are known as the ' Second Order of Irish
Saints,' and it retained its place in Northumbria and other parts,
until the founding of Wearmouth and Jarrow by Benedict Biscop
with the Benedictine rule. In a debased form it was the rule of the
community which first founded the abbey of Durham in 995, and was
finally dispossessed by the Benedictines under the Norman bishop
Carilef about 1083 A.D.

It is this Celtic mission under Aidan and his successors to which
we of the north owe our own Christianity. It was in the summer of
635 A.D., that bishop Aidan at the invitation of the king (Oswald)
came to Northumbria and settled at Lindisfarne. His home was
within the monastery, and although he was bishop, and by far the

94 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

most important man of the community, yet there was a governing
abbot within the monastery after the custom of the Columban
foundations.

The work of this mission is one of the most brilliant in the annals
of the Christian church. It possessed a vigorous life, and its develop-
ment was simply marvellous in its rapidity and extent. Within fifty
years foundations like Lindisfarne, Melrose, Hexham, Coldingham,
Tynemouth, Whitby, Jarrow, Wearmouth, Hartlepool, Ripon, Lasting-
ham, and others sprang into full life, and were important ecclesiastical
centres. But if the life was vigorous it was of short duration, and
after this period, with the exception of one very great life, St.
Cuthbert's, there seems to have been a gradual falling away, until
the great invasion of the Danes in the eighth and ninth centuries.

MONASTERIES. Some idea of the rapid growth of Christianity
may be obtained from a glance at the dates of the following
foundations :

Lindisfarne (6 35)

Melrose
Gateshead (641)

between 635-652.

Hartlepool (641)

Coldingham

Whitby.

Wearmouth, 673.

Jarrow, 682.

Hexham, 674.

There are two points in connection with Celtic monasticism which
are worthy of note.

1. It has been a question with some people as to whether the
rule observed by the Columban monks was in any way connected with
the * Culdee ' rule, whether they were in fact Culdee monks.

There does not seem to be any justification for assuming this, the
Culdees being, I believe, the ' Third Order of Irish Saints.' They do
not seem to have had any existence before the eighth century, and to
have arisen as a protest against the decaying discipline of the
Coluraban monks. The name seems to be of Irish origin Ceile De,
afterwards * Colidei,' meaning ' Servants of God.' They were ascetics
and anchorites, living at first in separate cells, but in one community.

THE COLUMBAN CHURCH. 95

The strictness of their rule gradually relaxed, and in two or three
centuries they became a secularised ecclesiastical caste. Marriage
obtained a footing among them, and their offices became hereditary.
They were eventually displaced by the regular bodies of canons and
monks, Augustinian and Benedictine. They left no literature and
were never missionary or aggressive in their work.

2. The other point of interest in the Colurnban church is the
establishment of double monasteries, institutions which contained
both monks and nuns in separate wings of the same building, living
under the same rule and governed by one head an abbess. The
origin of these foundations is doubtful. Something of the kind
existed in early days among the Egyptian recluses, but here the Nile
separated the two bodies, as the Tyne is said to have done, the monks
and nuns living under the same head at Tynemonth and South
Shields. 1 They were almost characteristic of Celtic missions. They
existed in Gaul, Belgium, and Germany, and in the seventh cen-
tury there was one in Rome itself, but they were more popular
in Ireland than elsewhere, and sprang up spontaneously with
the first beginnings of Christianity. S. Patrick framed certain
rules for the avoidance of scandal. In his days these institutions
were ruled by an abbot or a bishop, but the Columban clergy
declined the responsibility, and in all their ecclesiastical colonies
these communities were placed under the rule of an abbess.
They were brought into Britain by Saxon princesses from Gaul,
whither they had been sent to be trained for the cloister. Whitby,
Ely, Wimborne, and Coldingham, are prominent examples, and
Montalembert states 1 that there was a double monastery at Tynemouth
and Shields (ruled over by the abbess Verca). Archbishop Theodore
forbade these foundations, but the order was not carried out, and they
flourished until the Danish invasion of the ninth century, after which
there is no trace of them, there being no provision made for them in
the efforts of king Alfred and of Dunstan to revive the monastic life.

It is satisfactory to find that Coldingham is the only community
of this kind which is open to a charge of depraved life. In some of
them the chronicles relate that a liking for dress developed among the
nuns, and that they wore hoods and cuffs trimmed with silk, and
arranged their veils so as to form an ornament.

1 Montalembert, vol. iv. p. 413 note.

96 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

We come now to the sudden collapse of the enormous work done
by the Celtic mission. It was founded by Aidan in 635 A.D., and in
687 A.D. St. Cuthbert died, and with him the distinctive glory of the
work. I cannot but think that the decision of the Council of Whitby,
with its overthrow of purely Celtic customs, struck a severe blow at
the spirit of the Celtic mission. Its bishop (Colman) as we know,
refused to assent to the decision, and retired with some thirty of his
monks to lona. With the exception of the one life, the old
enthusiasm seems to have gone with them, and the after record can
tell us of nothing so great as the work of the first forty years.
Simeon indeed states that the misgovernment and the dissension in
the north was the cause of the decline of the Northumbrian church,
and doubtless this is very largely true ; but I cannot help thinking
that the previous reason was the first and possibly the severest blow.
Be that as it may, at the end of the eighth century the Danes made
their first descent upon the north, and their coming meant almost
total destruction not only to the civil government, but also to the
religious life of the whole of England.

Nearly every great monastery which had been built through the
exertions of the Scottish missionaries was pillaged and destroyed ; the
discipline of the religious life was neglected, the monks became a
secularised body, and Christianity was almost swept from the land.
Monasticism fell to such a low ebb that when king Alfred, after the
troubles with the Danes were over, founded a monastery in Mercia, he
was unable to find any one who would consent to occupy it, so weak
had the religious feeling of the country become. With the nunneries
he had more success. In the north, however, the Danish invasion
was the death blow of monasticism. The congregation of S. Cuthbert
held together indeed for two hundred years (including the period at
Chester-le-Street), retaining the body of the saint with them, but with
relaxed discipline and morals ; and bishop Aldhune who founded the
see of Durham was a married man, and his clergy, to all intents and
purposes, secular priests. Simeon of Durham states that so terrible
and devastating were the effects of the Danish invasion that for two
hundred years before bishop Aldhune settled in Durham no church in
Northumbria was either built or restored, but with regard to Jarrow,
at least, this seems not to be quite accurate. Still, so terrible was the

NORMAN BISHOPS. 97

onslaught of the Danes, that their invasion was the deathblow to
monasticism in its ancient homes of the north. In this invasion,
Lindisfarne, Coldingham, Melrose, Tynemouth, Hexham, Jarrow,
"Wearmouth, Hartlepool, and Whitby fell. Jarrow was probably not
a ruin for any great period of time. It was attacked in 794 and again
in 866 ; it was in existence as a religious house in 1020, and in 1075
bishop Walcher gave it to some Benedictine monks who eight years
afterwards were removed to Durham by Carilef. After this it became
a cell to or dependent house on the great abbey at Durham, and so
continued until the dissolution. Wearmouth was destroyed with
Jarrow in 866, was rebuilt in 1075, and followed the fortunes of
Jarrow, its monks being removed to Durham at the same time, and
itself being until the dissolution a dependent house. These two,
though founded by a Northumbrian member of the Celtic church,
Benedict Biscop, were the first examples in the north of monks
under the Benedictine rule.

NORMAN BISHOPS.

With the Norman bishop Carilef, the builder of the present
cathedral, who came to Durham in 1083, a new era in monasticism
began, but it had special features, or, perhaps it ought to be said,
one special feature, viz., that so far at least as the present county is
concerned, it was confined almost entirely to one centre, Durham,
which rose to a position of the very greatest importance. But it is a
very striking thing that from the year 995, in which the first church
of Durham was commenced, there is no single instance (with two very
minor exceptions) of the founding of any monastic institution within
the county. The exceptions are the abbey at Finchale, which was
really an extension of Durham, and even so was founded as a
compromise, and a small Benedictine nunnery founded by Emma de
Teisa at Neasham, near Darlington, at the end of the twelfth century.
There is a seal and a deed of incorporation existing of the abbey of
Baxtenford, near Neville's Cross, but it appears doubtful if the build-
ings were ever commenced. I shall have occasion to give the reason
later. I have not seen any explanation of this sudden cessation, or
perhaps centralisation, with regard to monastic life, but I venture to
give the following reasons as possible explanations :

vrvr.. WTT - o

98 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

1. The unique fame of S. Cuthbert.

2. The existence of the palatinate, and the enormous possessions

of the bishopric.

3. A development of religious 2eal, not very great, in other

directions.

4. The power and jealousy of the Benedictine foundation at

Durham.

5. The incursions of the Scots.

1. The great sanctity attaching to the name of S. Cuthbert drew
to the congregation of the saint, and to the see connected with his
name, large benefactions. Bishopwearmouth, Westoe, Silksworth,
Ryhope, and Seaton were given, at one time, to the see by king
Athelstan when at Chester-le-Street. Styr gave Darlington, Coniscliffe,
Aycliffe, etc., and Canute gave the lands between Staindrop and
Evenwood on the occasion of the building of the abbey at Durham,
and many large and valuable gifts came into the possession of the see.
The natural result of this was that benefactions which might have
been used for founding separate communities went to swell the power'
and influence of the bishopric and the abbey.

2. In close connection with this point, the extreme wealth of the
bishopric must be considered. The possession of so much land by the
occupants of the see left less room for private benevolence, and
whether the bishops, or such of them as gave benefactions, preferred
to exercise their charity in other directions, to be mentioned hereafter ;
whether they objected to found institutions which, to some extent,
might become independent, and sources of considerable trouble to
themselves ; whether they objected to increase the power of the abbey
by founding branch establishments of the same order, or, on the other
hand, were unwilling to rouse its enmity by introducing 'Orders' other
than the Benedictine ; whether any or all of these reasons influenced
their conduct, one thing is certain, that possessing enormous power
they did not exercise it in the direction of developing monasticism.

3. Though there were no monastic institutions founded after the
establishment of the see at Durham (with the exception mentioned),
and though that period includes that in which the valleys of York-
shire and the Lowlands of Scotland were filled with them, yet there is

THE ABBEY AT DURHAM. 99

a not unimportant development in other directions which may partly
account for it, viz., the foundation of the collegiate churches and
hospitals of the county. Bishop Auckland, Darlington, Norton, and
Eckington, all became collegiate centres in 1083 under bishop Oarilef
and were instituted by him to provide maintenance for the secularised
monks whom he ejected from the abbey at Durham. Chester-le-
Street and Lanchester became collegiate churches under bishop Bek in
1286 and 1283 respectively, and Barnard Castle and Staindrop, the
one founded by Guy Baliol in the fourteenth century, and the other
by the Nevilles in the fifteenth (1408) complete the list. All these
were dissolved by Henry VIII. There were also three hospitals,
Kepier, Sherburn, and Grreatham, the last two still existing, the other
dissolved at the dissolution. They were built respectively by bishops
Flambard, in 1112, Pudsey in 1181, and Robert de Stichel in 1272.
This may account in some part for a lack of monastic foundations.

4. But the power and jealousy of the abbey at Durham was a
much more serious impediment in the way. It possessed enormous
property and wielded immense power. Up to the time of bishop
Carilef the congregation of S. Cuthbert had been ruled by the
bishop, and there was one common estate. Bishop Carilef altered
this. He endowed the abbey with a separate estate out of the
lands of the congregation, reserving episcopal rights to himself, and
henceforth the monastery assumed a position of unique importance.
That they guarded this position and their rights with extreme care,
and that their tenacity resulted in keeping out other religious orders,
is shown by the attempt to found an Augustinian abbey at Baxten-
ford, on the Browney at Durham, near Neville's Cross. Henry de
Pudsey, son of the bishop, had brought from G-uisborough some canons
of this order, and placed them on his own estate at Haswell. Wishing
to remove them he transferred them to an estate at the place above
mentioned, the transfer being confirmed by the bishop. But the
Benedictines of Durham objected, and after the bishop's death they
succeeded in making his son express penitence for his presumption,
and ask forgiveness of the prior and convent for bringing the alien
' Order ' so near. Further, the following terms were arranged. The
chapter presented Henry de Pudsey with the priory at Finchale, then
merely an oratory with lodgings for pilgrims. He on his part

100 NORTHERN MONASTICISM.

endowed Finchale with all the lands and possessions he had given to
Baxtenford and presented the whole back again to the abbey, by
which means the Augustinians were driven out of the county. They
obtained some compensation in lands near G-uisborough. With the
wealth, power, and possessions of the abbey at Durham, it proved
almost impossible for a rival order to find a resting place in the
county, and one cannot suppose that it would have been allowed
within the limits of the estates over which they ruled.

5. I come now to the last of the reasons given, viz., the incur-
sions of the Scots, and I must confess that I have not been able to
look up sufficiently the history of the time to form an opinion of the
extent to which this influence prevailed. I should like also to know
something of the state of monasticism in Northumberland as we know
it, which insomuch as it lay as a buffer between Scotland and
Durham, would be a determining factor in coming to a conclusion.
Still it had an influence. In 1138 the Scots visited Finchale and nearly
put an end to S. Godric ; in 1306 they burned Kepier hospital ; in
1296 Hexham ; in 1314 they plundered Bearpark, and in 1346 they
burned it. They destroyed also a Tyueside residence of the abbot of
Durham, and in 1313 Durham itself was burned. Religious houses
received no consideration at their hands ; on the contrary, the posses-
sions of the inmates attracted them, and it doubtless rendered
monasticism difficult, but I am still inclined to think that the great-
ness of S. Cuthbert's name, the existence of the Palatinate, the wealth
of the see, and the power and jealousy of the abbey at Durham,
were the great reasons which rendered the county so comparatively
destitute of religious foundations. I have, however, as I stated, been
unable to find the point discussed, and as I have been forced to alter
my conclusions on several matters as information came to hand, so,
I doubt not that further knowledge may modify or enlarge the
opinions here expressed.

THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE PARISH OF WINSTON. 101

VII. THE WINSTON (CO. DURHAM) CHURCHWARDENS'

ACCOUNTS, A.D. 1632-1695.

[Transcribed by Miss EDLESTON, of Gainford, and communicated
to the Society on the 29th day of August, 1894.]

THE earliest Winston parish accounts, kept with the registers in a
safe at the rectory, are written on forty-six leaves of paper, loosely
stitched together, without a cover. They contain the yearly accounts
of the overseers from 1632 to 1643 the amounts collected monthly
for the poor, with the names of the recipients, lists of the inhabitants
as they were rated from time to time, and the names of those to
whom the 'Poor Stock' was lent. There are no entries from 1643
to 1647, and from that date to 1662 the names only of the church-
wardens, overseers for the poor, and highways, and the holders of the
poor stock, are recorded. The rest of the book contains church-
wardens' accounts beginning in 1662, overseers' accounts and rates to
1667, with names of parish officers to 1679, and accounts of the poor
stock to 1698. On April 2nd, 1678, it was agreed that the parish clerk
should have 12d. a year for writing the churchwardens' accounts in a
book to be provided for that purpose. A book, the first three leaves
of which are lost, contains churchwardens', overseers', and constables'
accounts from 1677 to 1729.

The plague which broke out at Osmoncroft and Winston in 1636
is alluded to here. The churchwardens and overseers agreed to lend
John Newcome 40s. to bind his son apprentice, but before all the
money was paid five of his children died of the plague, so his son
learnt his father's trade. In 1635, an order was made that the poor
stock was to be paid in on Easter tuesday in the chancel, but in 1641
the vestry is named. There is now no vestry at Winston church. In
1677 and later, the rector, Peter Lancaster, records that he claimed
his privilege of choosing one of the churchwardens, but waived it for
4 this present year,' and on April 22nd, 1679, the rector and parish-
ioners agreed, for the better management of the parish affairs, to
choose six men to join with the churchwardens.

102 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

During the earlier years of these accounts, there seem to have
been communions five times a year, at Christmas, Palm sunday,
Easter, Whitsuntide, and about Michaelmas, but after the Restoration
at Christmas and Easter only. In 1662-3 there are payments for
the surplice, hood, and font, and in 1664-5 several expences connected
with the bishop's and archdeacon's visitations, for books, plastering
the church, and writing the sentences. In 1666 the churchwardens
received Is. 8d. for a ' lairestone.' The rectors during the period
covered by these accounts were Richard Thursby, inducted 12th Aug.,
1631, died 7th, buried 8th July, 1651 ; Cuthbert Marley, 165.., buried
18th Feb., 1674-5 ; and Peter Lancaster, 1675, died 5th September,
1706, who has a monument in the chancel. The present rector, the
Rev. F. E. Sadgrove, has most kindly lent these accounts to be copied.

The accounts of the ouerfeers of the parish of Winstone. Richard Soarby,
John Darnton, Ouerfeers. 1632.

Money collected.

Inprimis collected in May viij 8 iij d

Item collected att the Commun' att Whitfuntide ij 8

Item collected June 3 d viij 8 ix d

Item collected July 3 d viij* ix d

Item collected August 3 d viij 8 ix d

Item collected Septemb: 9 th viij 8 ix d

Item collected att the Commu' att Michaelmafs xxij d

Item more w ch was not fett down iiij 8 ij d

Item in Octob: 7 th viij 8 ix d

Item collected Nouemb: 4 th according to a new taxat' ... ix s vj d

Item collected collected Decemb: fecond ix 8 iij d

Item collected att the Commu' on Christmafs day ij 8 iiij d

Item coUected Decemb. 30 ix 8 iij d

Item collected att the Comm' on the ff east of the Epiph: ... xv d

Item collected January 27 th ix s iij d

Item collected ffebr. 24 th ix 8 iij d

Item collected March 24 th ix s iij d

Item collected att the Comm' on Palme-Sunday o. xix d

Item collected April 21 th ix 3 iij d

Item collected att y e Commu' Apr: 22 being East 1 " day ... xviij 3

Sum. vj 1 xij 8 iij d

The names of thofe that haue the almes monethly May: 2 d : 1632:

Widow Hewetfon ij 8 ij d

Browne ij 8 2

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 103

...ildren of Tho: ffarrow xvj d -^4 8 4

...abell Fewlor xij d 2...

Widow Bawcock xij d 6...

Eleanor Wharton . ... XJj d 3 .5

-ViJ- 2 v] u

Turner 3t^ d 4 2

...grett Parkin iitf 1 2 vj d

Sum : tota: X s ii^ d viij 8 x d .

The names of the inhabitants of the parifh of Winston as they were
afsefsed by the Ouerfeers of the poore of the fame parifh: May 3 d :
1632.

Inprimis Ri : Thursby Clerke Rector there xij d

Item M r George Bunny xij d

Item M r Ber: Dowthwait xij d

Ite' Henry Swainston , vj d

Ite' Peter Bainbrigg vj d

Ambrofe Clement iij d

John Francklin iij d

Widow Francklin ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ij d

Will'Wilfon ij d

Ri. Soarby ij d

Tho. Miller iij d

John Darnton ... iij d

John Ouington of Ofmoncroft , iiij d

John Ouington of Stubbufs iiij d

Robert Greaues iiij d

Barforth Demefne xvj d

Henry Newecome ij d

John Manne xij d

Sum : tota : iij s i* d

Money lent out.

Inprimis lent to Thomas Farrow xl 8

Item lent to James Browne xx 8

Item lent to John Newcome xl 8

Item lent to John Kitchin x 8

Item lent more to John Kitchin x 8

Item lent to Richard Farrow ... x 8

his fuerty Christofer Farrow.

Item to John Farrow xxS 8

Item to Henry Bawcock xx 8

Item to Henry Fowler x 8

.Item to Matthew Hudfon xx 8

The fame parties had the money lent againe and did p'mife to bring in
the fame fureties.

104 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ouerfeers for the high-wayes, Thomas Wilfon, John Franckland.
Dayes appointed for mending the high-wayes.

1 May 17. Ambrofe Clemett .................. ij d

2 May 19 th . Willia' Richards' .................. ij d

3 May 24. John ffrancklin .................. iiij' 1

John Ouington ... ... .. ... ... ... ij' 1

Ambrofe Clemett and Will : Richardson ... , ........ iiij d

ffranklin ..................... iiij d

Edward Browne.

Nich. Haddock ..................... iiij d

Sum tota : ix 8 iij d viij 8 x d .

Ouerfeers for the high-wayes, Richard Soarby, John Darnton.
The dayes appointed are the three fridayes next before Whitfuntide.

Money giuen to the poore May 5 th : 1632.

Inprimis giu' to the poore May 6 th ............ viij 9 iij d

Item giuen to widow Bawcock being fick ......... o vj a

Item giuen June 10 th .................. vj 8 vj d

Item giuen to Eleone 1 Wharton June 10 th ......... o xij d

Item giuen July 7 th .................. vj 8 o.

Item giuen August 12 th .................. v 8 vj d

Item giuen Septemb: 9 th .................. viij 8 ix d

Item more the fame day .................. viij 8 vij d

Item giuen to the poore Octob: 7 th ............ viij 8 x d

Item giuen to Isabell Fowler ............... o xviij d

Item giuen to the poore Nouemb: 4 th ............ viij 8 vj d

Item more the fame day .................. o iiij' 1

Item more to John Newecombe of y e money w ch collected at

y e Comm' ..................... iij s

Item to John Newecome being fick the next weeke Nouemb. 30 ij 8

Item giuen to the poore Decemb: 2 d ............ viij 8 vj d

Item more giuen to the poore ............... viij' 1

Item more to John Newecome ............... ij 8

Item Decemb: 30 th ..................... ix 8 iij d

Item giuen January 27 ......... , ........ ix 8 iij d

Item giuen to Widow Hewettfon ............ o. ij' 1

Item giuen to the poore ffebru: 24 th ............ ix s iij (1

Item giuen to the poore March 24 th ............ ix 8 iij d

Item giuen to Eleoner Wharton ... ......... o. xiij d

Item giuen to the poore April 21 th ............ ix 8 iij d

Sum : vj 1 vj 8 x d .
To be payd to the Ouerfeers for this yeere 1 633, v" v d .

PARISH OP WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 105

The names of the poore of the parifh of Winston w ch haue monethly
Contributi' : 1633 :

Widow Hewetfon euery moneth ij 8

Eleoner Browne ij 8

Tho: Farrow for his children ...' xvj d

Widow Bawcock ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vj d

Eleoner Wharton xij d

Anne Prowd vj d

Bryan Turner xij d

Margrett Parkin vj d

Sum: viij 8 x d .

An: Dom' 1635.

Matthewe Hudson euery moneth ...xij d xvij d

Eleoner Browne the daughter of James Browne ij 8

Thomas Farrow for his children xvj d

Widow Bawcock vj d

John Newcome ... vj d

Eloonor Wharton -xij d

Anne Prowd ... viij 8 J d

Bryan Turner Septe: xij d

Margrett Parkin ... ... ... ... ... ,.. Octo: vj d

Christofer Ouington vj d

Robert Langhorne Hi] A

Sum: 1635: Janu: 17: viij 8 x d .
payd Noueb: 30: 3 9 ll d .
Beceiued of Geo: Viccars v s iiij d
due to me xvj d / remaineth iiij 8 .
payd out of this to James Browne ij" xx d .
now in mine ha[n]d ij 8 iiij d a[n]d xvj d / more ij 8 .
giuen to Bryan Turn' for 4 m'ths in Jan : iiij 8 . remaineth xxj d xii d to Mat

Huds'.

Bryan Turn' oweth me iij 8 j d py d j 8 .
I had 9 d a[nd] xiiij d .

Money collected by the Ouerfeers. An: Domin. 1633.

Inprimis received of the old Ouerfeers v* v d

Item collected May the nineteenth ix 8 iij d

Item collected att the Com' on Whitfunday ij 8 ij d

Item collected June 16 ix 8 iij d

Item collected July 14 ix 8 iij d

Item collected Aug. 18 ix 8 iij d

Item collected Septemb: 15 .. ix 8 iij d

Item collected Octo: 13 ix 8 iij d

Item collected att the Commu' Nouemb. 3 xv d

VOL. XVII. 14

106 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Item collected Nouemb: 17 ix 8 iij d

Item collected att y e Comm' Decemb: 26 ij 8 vj d

Ite' collected Decemb: 22 ix 8 iij d

Ite' collected Janu: 12 ix 8 iij d

Item collected ffebr: 16 ix 8 iij d

Item collected March: 16 ix 8 iij tl

Item collected att y e Commu' on Palme-Sunday ij 8 ij d

Item collected at the Commu' on Easter day xvij d

Item collected April 10 th ix 8 iij d

Sum vj 1 v 8 xj d .

Money giuen to y poore May 19 th , 1633.

Inprimis May 19 th viij 8 x d

Item June 16 th viij 8 x d

Item July 14 th viij 8 x d

Item Aug: 18 viij 8 x d

Ite'. to Eleo r Wharton being fick xviij d

Item giuen Septemb. 15 viij 8 x d

Item gi' Octob: 13 viij 8 x d

Item giu' Nouemb: 17 viij 8 x d

Item collootod fttt y 6 emea' ft& Michaolmafo ... xv d

Ite' Decemb: 22 viij 8 x d

Item January 12 viij 8 x d

Item ffebruary 16 viij 8 x d

Item March 16 viij 8 x d

Item payd and giuen to a poore woman a trauailer iiij d

Item giuen to the poore April 13 th viij 8 x d

Item Will. Clibburne had in his hands iij 8 vj d

Sum: v xj 8 iiij d :
There remaineth to be giuen to the ouerfeers for the next

yeere xiiij 8 vij d

The names of thofe that haue the stock of the poore.

Inprimis lent to Henry Fowler ten shillings x 8

his furety

John Francklin Henry ffowle*

his | marke. his -j-j- m ke .

Item to Richard ffarrow ten shillings x

Richard ffarrowe
his furety.

Item lent to Thomas ffarrow fourty shillings xl 8

Ite' to John Newcome fourty shillings xl 8

Ite to John Kitchin tw' shillings xx 8

Ite' to John ffarrow twenty xx 8

Ite 1 to Jams Browne twenty xx 8

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 107

Ite' to Henry Bawcock twenty xx 8

Ite to Matthew Hudfon twenty ... ... ... ... ... xx 8

This money is to be payd to the Ouerfeers on Teufday in Easter weeke.
An: Domi' 1634:

Ouerfeers for the highwayes in the parifh of Winston 1634.

The dayes appointed.
Inprimis April the 18 th being friday.

Jte' April 33 being tonFday.

Item May 2 d being friday. .
Item May 16 friday.

The dayes appointed for the high-wayes in the parifh of Winston 1635.
Aprill 17 being friday.
May 12 th being Mefi Tuefday.
June 2 d being Tuefday.

Money collected by the ouerfeers of the poore of the parifh of Winston

for the yeare 1634.

Inpr : receiued of the Ouerfeers xiiij 8 vij d

Item collected May 18 ix 8 iij d

Item collected June 15 ix 8 iij d

Item collected July 13 ix 8 iij d

Ite' collected Aug : 17 ix 8 iij d

Item collected att ye Commu' on Whitfunday xxiij d

Ite' collected Septemb: 17 ix 8 iij d

Item collected att the Com' Octob: 19 xvij d

Ite' collected Octob: 20 ix 8 iij d

Item collected Nouemb 1 23 ix 8 iij d

Ite' Decemb. 24 ix 8 iij d

Ite' Collected att ye Com' on Chriftmafs day ij s vij d

Item collected January 28 ix 8 iij d

Itemffebr. 13 ix. 8 iij d

Ite' March 15 ix 8 iij d

Item collected att y e Commu' on Palme-Sunday ij 8 ob

Item collected att y e Com' on Easter day xxj d

Item collected April: 19 ix 8 iij d

Sum: vj u xiij 8 iij d ob.

Money dif burfed : 1634.

Inpr : giuen to the poore May 18 th viij 8 x d

Item giuen to the poore June 5 viij 8 x d

Item giuen to the poore July 13 viij 8 x d

Item giuen Aug : 17 viij 8 x d

Item giuen Septemb 1 17 ... viij 8 x d

Ite giu' Octob. 19 \iij s

THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ite giu' Nouemb: 23 viij 8 x d

Item giu' Decemb 24 viij 8 x d

Item giuen January 28 th viij 8 x d

Item ffebruary 18 viij 8 x d

Ite March 15 viij 8 x d

Item giuen to Chriftofer Ouington euery moneth v 3 w ch is f

in all for this yeere 4

Item giuen to Phillis Hewettson being fick ij 8 vj d

Item g' to the poore in April ix 8 iij d

Sum : v 11 xitj" xj d .
Thomas Herri son was to pay 4 s .

Will: Clibburne had 2 s 6 d in his hand when he went away fifteene shillings
is to be payd by Robert Pearson two pence

The names of the Ouerfeers of the poore of the parifh of Winston for the
yeere 1634 being elected April 8 th : Thomas Miller, William Richard-
son. Robert Pearson was content to ferue for Thomas Miller.
Ouerfeers of the poore : 1635. Will : Dowthwait, Tho : Smithson.
Collected and receiued

T TIT "IT* j TTH-f?, Tvy^Ai I"! OfT A"P f.Ti f} (/T1QT 1 lOOTFt TT)T* ~y;6 Top 4-. ypp'pp i^ -j-ji-js _y,d

tern Collected April 4 ' is 8 j d

Ouerfeers of the poore : 1635. John Ouington, John Francklin, thofe
two were appointed by the Justices.

Collected and receiued.
Inprimis receiued of the Ouerfeers of the poore for y last

yeere xv 8 iiij d

Item collected att the Comm' at Whitfuntide o. xxiij d

Item collected in May viij 8 x d

Item collected in June 19 th viij 8 x d

Ite collected in July 20 th ... viij 8 x d

Ite' collected in August 23 viij 9 x d

Item collected in Septemb. 20 viij 8 x d

Item collected att the Commu' Octo. 4 th ij 8 j d

Item collected Octo: 18 viij 8 x d

Ite' collected Nouemb: 22 th viij 8 x d

Item collected Decemb. 20 th viij 8 x d

Item collected att the Commu' on Christmafs day ij 8 vj d

Item collected Jany. 17 viij 8 x d

Item collected Febru: 22 viij 8 x d

Item collected March 20 viij 8 x d

Item collected on Palme funday att the Com' xxij d

Item collected on Easter day att the Com' x d

Ite' collected April 20 viij x d

Sum : total : vj 1 x 8 vij d .

PARISH OP WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 109

Thomas Miller aud Will Richardson receiued tenne pounds w ch is the
stock of the poore of the parif h of Winston, w ch money is to be payd
by ... to the Ouerfeers, the next yeere vppon Easter Tuefday in the
chancell. This money was lent to the pfons whofe names are under-
written.

Hi: ffarrow

Inprimis to Richard ffarrow x 8 his 2, marke
Ite' to Henry ffowler x 3 .

Jo : ffrancklin Henry ffowler

his x m'ke his marke

Tho : ffarrow fourty shillings Jo : Douthwait
John Newecom fourty shillgs Geo : Newecom
Hen : Bawcock twenty shillgs Jo. Ouington
James Browne twenty shillgs Will : Wilson
John ffarrow twenty shillgs Am : Clemett
Matth : Hudson twenty shillgs Joh : Spooner
John Kitchin, twenty shillgs M r Greaues.

Money deliv r d to the ouerfeers of the poore 1635. March 31. w ch was
lent to the pfons whofe names are underwritten.

Henry ffowler x 8

Ri: ffarrow xs Hen: ffowler Jo: ffrancklin

Ri: ffarrow his ^ m'ke his + m'ke

his l_ m'ke Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton x 8

Christofer Farrow his furety. George Proud xs.

George Viccars his furety.

Item lent to Tho : Smithson May 22 th 1636 xx 8 more to him xx 8 .

The stock of the poore of the parif h of Winston xij 1 iij 8 j d

It was agreed vppon by the Ouerfeers of the poore of this parif h and the
churchwardens that John Newecom e shall haue xl 8 to bindehis fonne
apprentice : whereof xxx 8 to be payd now and x 8 the next yeere w c h
will be 1637.

When this money was to be payd flue of his children dyed of y e plague fo
his fonne learned his father's trade.

Money giuen to the poore 1635.

Inprimio ginon e widow Howottoori being fiefee if s J d
&e*a giuon e ke peeee April W* ix s j d

Inprimis giuen to the poore May 31 viij 8 x (l

Item giuen June 20 th viij 3 x d

Item July 22 viij 8 x"

Item August 23 viij 8 x d

Item Septemb. 20 viij 8 x d

Item Octob : 18 th viij 8 x d

110 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ite' Nouemb. 22 th viij 8 x d

Item Decemb. 20 th viij 8 x d

Item January 17 viij 8 x d

Item Febru' 22 viij 8 x d

Item March 20 viij 8 x d

Ite' giuen to Widow Bawcock being fick vj d

Ite' April 20 th viij 8 x d

Sum : v 1 vj 8 vj d .

Eemaineth to be payd to the Ouerfeers j 1 iiij 8 j d .
Ouerfeers of the poore : 1636. Willia' Dowthwait : Thomas Smithson.

Money received and collected 1636.

Inpr : received of the Ouerfeers the last yeere j 1 iiij 8 j d

Ite' collected in May viij 8 viij d

Item collected att y e Com' on Whit-sunday xxiij d

Ite' collected in June viij 8 viij d

Ite' collected att y e Com' att Michaelmafs xiiij d

Ite' July 30 viij 8 x d

Ite' Aug iij 8 xj d

Ite' Sept iij 8 xj d

Ite' Octob. 30 viij 8 viij d

Ite'Noub. 30 viij 8 viij d

Ite' collected att Christmafs att y Com' ,.. o xviij d

Ite' more in December v 8 vj d

Ite' Janu. 29 vj 8 ij d

Ite' ffebruy 26 v 8 xj d

Item collected March 29 v 8 xj d

Ite' collected att the Comu' on Palmefunday xij d

Ite' collected on Easter day xxiij d

Money fent to John Newcombe by Will: and John Dowthwait ij 8

w ch was dif burfed and fent to him.

July 16: 1636.
A note of money dif burfed for the ufe of the poore.

Inprimis for bread for the poore of y e towne iiij 8

Item more for John Newecom Juli : 16 th xmj d

Ite' July 18 more J-ftty ij 8

Ite' July 18 to the poore in the towne xij 8

Item more July 20 iiij 8 viij cl

Item more the fame day xj 8 viij d

Item more iiij 8 vj d

Item more fep 28 vj d

Ite' Aug. 15 j 8

Item another time ... ij 8 vj d

Item another time Aug. 15 3 s

Ite v 8

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. Ill

The Justices gave money w ch was distributed to y e poore ... ij 8

Money distributed to the poore, 1636.

Inprimi in May 20 th .................. viij 8 viij d

Item Jun 18 ..................... viij 8 viij d

Itom giuon e John Nowoconi being fiek July 44 xiiij d

Item July 17 ..................... viij 8 viij d

Item giuen Octob. 30 .................. v 8 x d

Item in Nouemb 1 ..................... iij 8 xj d

Ite' att Christmafs ..................... iiij 8 vj d

Item Jay 29 ........................ v 9 vj d

Item Febru: 26 ..................... v 8 vj d

Ite' March 27 .................. ... v 8 vj d

The names of the poore of y e parif h of Winston that haue the monethly

contributi' January: first, 1636.

Inprimis James Browne euery moneth ............ ij 8

Hen. Wharton ..................... ij 8

Item Bryan Turner .................. X*f d viij d

Item Richard Farrow .................. xij d

Itprn j\Tflit'ji'jfTO'W -TJ-1 TO fl A T> viii^

Item Widow Prowd .................. ttj d xij d

Item Christofer Ouington ............... ttj d xij d

Item Margrett Parkin .................. ^^^ x ^ d

Item Robert Langhorne .................. viij d d xij d

Widow Bawcock ..................... viij d xij d

Jane Clemett ..................... iiij d vj d

Margrett Edwards ..................... iiij d vj d

Item Will Siggs child left here ............... x 8 i^ d

Su' xj 8 iiij d

Money lent to thofe whofe names are vnderwritten to paye the next yeere

to the ouerfeers the next yeere on Easter tuefday.
Will Langhton 6 d Jhon Willfon

Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton x 8 theire furety
Henry Fowler x 8 his furety John ffranckl.

Richard Farrow x 8 his furety +
George Proud xxx 8 Geor. Bunny his furety -f
Henry Bawcock xx s for one yeere John Ouington of Ofmoncroft.
Thomas Farrow xxx 8 Jo : Dowthwait his furety
John ffarrow xx 8 Ambrofe Clemett his furety.
John Kitchin xx 8 his furety Ro: Greaues.
Tho: Smithson xl s his furety Will ffrancklin
James Browne xxs Will: Wilson his furety
Matthew Hudson xxs Jo: Spoon r his furety.

112 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

John Newcom xl s Sam Bynion his furety Robert Pearson x 8

It was agreed uppon that George Proud should haue xxx 8 giuen with

John Hudfon to teach him to be a weauer, and to haue xl 8 lent for

two yeeres. April xj th 1637.
The names of the inhabitants of the parifh of Winston as they were taxed

to pay to the poore of the fayd parifh monethly. April 12 tn 1637.

Inprimis M r George Bunny SS d xij d

Item Richard Thursby Clerke Rector there ij 8 xx d

Ite' M r John Dowthwait *f 8 XX d

Peter Bainbrigg vj d

Margrett Swainston vj d

Ambrofe Clemett d iij d

John Francklin iiij d Pete r Brown iij d ^ d v d

Wffift' John Wilson ijd 4 d

John Darneton iijd

Widow Francklin jjd j

M r GrOliUOO Heigley Hall iijd ijd

John Ouington of Ofmoncroft vj d viij d

John Ouington of Stubbufe vj d

Thomas Miller jij d

Willia' Richardson ijd

Bar forth xf d

this towne 4 9 l d 5 8 9 d 19 s ll d ... sp s d &^

Ouerfeers of the high-wayes ft. Je. Kiplin iif d

Peter Bainbrigg ft W: Crawfort'h i$ d

George Viccars Sum xj 9 iiij d

April 14 th Mr Bunny Mr Dowthwait

that day 21 th day. John Ouington and John ffrancklin.

that day 29 th day. George Swainston. Pe Ba

William Dowthwait Receiued in the towne iiij 8 j d

Thomas Wilson In the parifh v 8 viij d

ix 8 ix d
Receiued of M r Hutton xxiij 8 Winston and Heigh ... ij 8 v d

lent to Richard Farrow xx 8 Rect r xx d

Sum. iiij 8 j d

9 s 9d.

Ouerfeers of the poore for this yeere. April: xj th 1637.

M r John Dowthwait, George Swainston.

Collected and receiued for the poore.

Inprimis of the ouerfeers for the last yeere xxxj s vij d

w ch was lent to the poore.

Item collected April 30 th x 9 vj d

Ite' May 31 xj 8 iiij d

Item collected att the Commu' att Whitfuntide ij 8 viij' 1

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 113

Item Collected att the Commu' att Michaelmafs ij 8

Item collected att the Com' att Christmafs xxj d

Item collected att the Com' on Palm funday xvij d

Ite' collected on Easter day ij 8

JohnKiplin j d Ro: Earle f

Will: Dowthwait ... xj d ii*j d Sim.Wrangbam ij d -BarfortIl xffi

Tho: Wilson ij d

Ro: Clibburne ... p ij d

Jo : PhiUip : Will : Vrr : ... ij d xyj d

Ed. Crawforth j d ek.

Jo: Kiplin j d Whetston ob

Ri: Darneton iij d

Jo: Darneton iij d Su' total: ix s x d

Geo: Viccars iij d dif buried x s ij d

4 d much.

Ouerfeers of the poore: John Wilson, Rowland Clibburne.
Ouerfeers of the highwayes: Tho: Smithson, Will: Dowthwait.
The first day the 3 d day of Aprill: the fecond that day foartnight.

Money distributed to the poore.
Inprimis April 30 th x s vj d

&e*a collected !a& y e Commu' ea Whitfunday ... 9 s viiirp

Ite' May 31 th xj s iiij d

Ite June.
Ite July.
Ite' August.
Ite' Septeb'.
Ite' Octob.

Ite' giu' to Willia' Langhorne Octob. 30 xij d

Ite' giu' to Margrett Newetopf being fick vj d

Item giuen to Jane Fowler being fick xij d

Item to Will: Langhorne Noub. 20 xij d

Ite' to Tho: Robinson being fick vj d

Item giuen to Willia' Langhorne Decemb. 18 th xij d

Item giuen to Matthewe Hudson to buy his fonne apparrel . . . iiij 8

The names of fuch as have the stock of the poore: 1638: Ge: Swainston.

Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton x 8 . Gibson.

Henry Fowler x s his furety Jo: Francklin.

Robert Pearson x s his furety Jo: Dowthwait, more to him x".

George Prowd xl 8 his furety Ge: Bunny.

Tho. Farrow XXX s his fuerty Jo: Dowthwait 50 s .

TllO. John Farrow xx s his furety Am: Clemett r)0 s .

James Browne xx s his fuerty Willia' Wilson xj 3 payd April: 16 th :

Matthewe Hudson xx s his fuerty: 4. Jo: Spooner.

John Newecome xl 8 his fuerty SftBft. Bf BiOft. Jo. Ouington. Ofmon.

VOL. XVII. 15

114 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

John Kitchin is to pay xx" this yeere, but refufeth to pay.

John Robinson xx 8 his furety Ge: Swainston.

Tho: Smithson xl 8 + to be payd now + +

Henry Bawcock XX s to be payd now xl 9 his furety Jo. Ouington. Ofm.

Ri: Farrow xx 8 his furety Chr: Farrow.

To Thomas Farrow mere lefc Jfte i4 th 4440. xx 8 .

Item lent to John Johnfon xxx 8 his fuerety John Clemett.
Ouerfeers of the poore March: 27: 1638:
Rowland Clibburne, John Wilson.
Money collected.

Inpr: att the Com' on Whitfunday ... ij 8 viij d

Item att the Commu' att Michaelmafs ij 8 3 d

Ite' att the Com' att Chriftmafs xx d

Item receiued of M r Matthew Hutton Janu: 25 th xx 8

Ite' collected at an oth r time xx d

Item collected on Palme Sunday and Easter day iij 9 xj d

Item receiued more of M r Hutton xx 8

Sum: Iij 8

Ouerfeers of the high-wayes 1639.
John Ouington of Stubbufs, William Francklin.
The first day Aprill 26: being friday.
The fecond day April 30: being tuefday.
The 3 d the 14 th day of May being tuefday.

1640. Ouerfeers of the high-wayes.

John Darneton, Roger Wilfon.

The first day April 30 th The fecond day May 7 th The third May 15.
Money distributed to the poore 1638.

Inprimis giuen to'a lame man a poore trauailer iiij d

Item giuen to John Farrow for the dyett of Will' Siggs^ .. d

fonne for a weeke ...)

Ite' to Willia' Langhorne vj d

Ite' to the poore in April xj d

Ite' to the poore in May xj d

Ite' for two shirts to Will: Sigg xxij d

Ite' to Will: Langhorne June 22 th vj d

Ite' to the poore in June xj d

Item to Henry Wharton being fick ij s

Item to the poore in July xj d

Item giuen to Margrett Neweton being fick Aug: 16 ... vj d

Ite'Aug xf

Ite' Septeemb r xj d

Item to Will: Langhorne in Septeb r vj d

Ite' to the poore in Octob r xj d

Item to the poore in Nouemb r xj d

Ite' to Will: Langhorne vj d

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 115

Ite' to Hen: Wharton ij" vj d

Ite' to the poore in Decemb r ... ... ... ... ... xj d

Ite' to Willia' Langhorne in Decemb r vj d

Item to Henry Wharton in Decemb r ij 8 vj d

Item to the poore in January xj d

Item to Will: Langhorne in Janu' ... .4* ... ... vj d

Ite' to Henry Wharton in Janu' ... ij 8 vj d

Item for fkins for makeing a dublet for Will: Sigg ij 8 iij d

Ite' for a yarde of cloth for breachs ij s

Ite' for making his fuite xij d

Ite' for a paire of shooes xiiij d

Ite' for a yarde of harden vij d

Ite' bought by Will: Dowthwait for Will: Sig one paire of~i .. g . d

shooes and a yard of cloth /

Item to Will' Langhorne Fe' vj d

Ite' Henry Wharton ij 8 vj d

Item to the poore in Februy ... xj d

Ite' to the poore in March 31 xj d

Item to Henry Wharton ... ij 8 vj d

Ite' to Will Langhorne vj d

Item difburfed more by Rowland Cliburne ij 9

Sum. ij 1 iiij 8 viij d

John Ouington of : St : Ouerseers of the poore

William Francklin. April: 16: 1639.

Money collected.

Inprimis in the poore mans boxe left by the Ouerfeers . . . vij 8 iiij d
Item more in the boxe w ch was giu' att feueral times ... vij 8

Item collected att Whitfuntide ij 8 iiij d

Ite' collected att Michfs : xx d

Ite' collected att Christmafs ij 8 v d

Ite' more put into the poore mans boxe Decb xx 8

Sum : xl 8 ix d
John Darneton Ouerfeers of the poore

William Franoklin A P ril : 7 tn IMO.

Roger Wilfon

Money collected.

Inpr : in the poore man's boxe xx 8 viij d

Item more giu' by others xvj d

Item collected on Palme- Sunday 3tij d

Ite' on Easter-day ij 8 xj d

Ite' on Whitfunday.

Ite' more payd by M r Button June 21 xx s

w ch was lent to Tho : ffarrow
Ite' put into the boxe July Last.

Ite' lent to Henry Bawcock July 8 xx 8

Ite' put into the box July 26 ix u

Ite' receiued of M r Hutton Nou : 21 xx s

Ite' att Chriftms ij 8 vj d

116 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

giuen to the poore, 1639. April 28.

Inprimis payd Mttf April ..... ......... ix d

Item May to Tho: Robinson and Will. Langhorne ...... xv d

Item 8 June ........................ xv d

Ite' July ...... ^ ............... ... xv d

Item August 25 ..................... xv d

Item Septeb 29 ..................... xv d

Ite' Octob. 30 ..................... xv d

Ite' for Will: Siggs clothes . .... ............ xx d

Item Nouemb. Last .................. xv d

Item Decemb. Last ..................... xv d

Item January ..................... ix d

Item for coales and cloathes to Hen: Wharton ..... iiij 8

Item ffebruary ..................... ix d

Item March 29: for coales .................. ij d

Sum: xviij 8 j d

vj d iiij- d euery moneth giuen to the poore to be taken out of the poor

mans box. April: 7 th , 1641.

Inprimis giuen to Robert Langhorne and his wife being fick ix d

It to Will: Langhorne being fick ............ iiij*

Item for coales to Christof r Ouington 4 Loads ...... xvj d

It to Wid: Parkin for coales and for keeping Hen. Wharton -j ... d
April May and June ............... j

: Bawcook

Item more dif burfed for Henry Wharton [w ch Wft&] and giu
to Rob: Langhorne and Will Langhorne and to Wid. Parkin
Sum: v 8 v d this was taken out of the poore mans box July: 13: 1640

May: 2: 1641 The names of the poore

In: James Browne xij d

Ite' Wid. Bawcock xij d

Richard ffarrow xij d

Rob: Langhorne viij d

Mer: Langhorne vj d

Wid: Parkin xij d

Bryan Turner ... ... ... viij d

Margrett Neweton vj d

Mar: Edwards iiij d

Wid: Clemett ... iiij<>

Sum vij 8

Money collected April 1641.
Inprimis att the Com' at Whitf'tide

It giuen by M r Button xx 9

w ch was lent to John Johnfon.
The names of the poore of the parif h of Winston with the allowance

w ch they haue monethly. April: 7: 1640.
Inprimis James Browne xij d ij 8

At AJ.C 111 j ' V V '" 1 1 * v r f ' O rr ... ... ... ... ,., .,, ij s

It Ri: ffarrow Xtf d xij d

PARISH OP WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 117

It Wid: Bawcock xij d

It Kobert Langhorne HJ d xij d

It' Wid: Parkin xij d

ItWi:Prowd viij d

It Bryan Turn r viij d

it Witt; Langhorno J d

It Mar: Edwards iiij d

It Wid: Clemett iiij d

V B viij d Sum: x 8 ij d iiij 8 viij d

More to Widow Parkin for keeping Henry Wharton ... ... ij d

Sum x 8 iiij d viij 8 ij d

Receiued euery moneth ix 8 x d

payd out of the poore mans box euery moneth vj d

Henry Wharton dyed June 19 xx d

To be put into the poores boxe euery moneth xxvij d ix d

Money dilburfed to the poor.

Inpr: to Eliz: Scarr being fick xij d

It' to Will: Langhorne vj d

It' to Marg: Neweton being fick vj d

Ite' to Jo: Sanderfon vj d

Barforth April . . . xvj d ob

Ge:Ree 3 d

Joh: ffrancklin ... ij d

May fuch as did not pay.

Will: Richardfon ... ij d

Jo:Wilfon i d

Inpr: Barforth ... xvj d ob
Jo: Wilfon ij d

Jo: ffrancklin ij d

Pe: Bainbrig vij d

No collection in June.

July.
Inpr: Barforth xvj d ob

It' M r Bunny and M r Dowth wait 3 s iij d

It' Winston all except the Reef: wid. Swain Ambrofe
Clemett and P. Bru' and Will: ffrancklin.

April: 27: 1641.

Memorandu' that it was agreed vppon by the parishioners of the
parifh of Winston that all thofe of that parifh w ch haue any of the stock
of the poore shall come in yeerely on Easter Tuefday and pay the money
in the vestry there and bring in a bond to be sealed before they receiue
the money againe and if any either refufe or neglect to pay it then they
shall not haue any more of the stock but theire bond shall be put into
fuite, and that money to be lent to fome other.

Ouerfeers of the poore 1641, John Ouington, John Clemett.

Money collected in April.
Receiued of M r Hutton xx s

118 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Nouemb: 28, 1641.

Inprimis giuen to the poore in Octob: iiij 8 x u

Ite'Noub:28 iiij 8 x d

To Ri: Harrow James Browne Mar' Parkin, Widow Bawcock,-i ,. a

euery of thofe /

to Rob. Langhorne vij d Bryan Turn r iiij d

for euery moneth.

Item more James Browne for Decemb and January ... ij 8

Item to Margrett Neweton for two Mont iiij d

Item more in December to the fame partys v 8

Item to the poore in January v 9

Sum: total: for 4 moneths xx 8

Ouerfeers for this yere April: 12 th 1642: John Ouington of Stubbufe,

Will: ffrancklin.

ffor the highwayes. Inpr April 21 being Thrfday
for the next Thursday being 28 of April.

payd to James Browne June: 19 th 3 s
Ite' to Widow Bawcock

and Widow Parkin Aug. 1642. ij s more to Widow Parkin. xij d
and to Jas Brown Nov. xj th

Margrett Neweton Novb. iiij d

1642

Money giu' to the poor.

Inpr. April 12 th for March v 8 viij*

Item more for April and May , xj 8 iiij d

Item June 29 th v 8 viij d

Item July v 8 viij d

Item August

It' Bepteb' and Octob r

It' Nouemb. 24 v 8 viij d

It' Decemb. 20 v 8 viij d

Item Janu. 29 v 8 viij d

Item ffebruy 28 v 8 viij d

Sum. Ij 8

The names of the poore for theire monethly Cefse. April 12. 1642.

Inpr: James Browne xij d

Widow Parkin xij d

Wid: Bawcook Clemett vj 3*j d

Hi: ff arrow xij d

Rob: Langhorne and the widow xij d

Bryan Turner iiij d

Mar: Neweton , iiij d

Widow Prowd vj d

Sum. v 8 viij d

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 119

The names of thofe that haue the stock of the poor. 1642.
Inprimis Tho. ffarrow 50" his furety M r Dowthwait
John Newecome 40" his furety Jo: Ouington Stubbufe
Hen: Bawcock 4.0 s his furety the fame pfon Jo: Ovington. Ofm.
Joh. Johnfon 30 s his furety John D . . . . iO s 5 s
Joh. Robinfon 20 8 his furety Sam: Byn'
Joh. Kitchin 20 8 his furety Jo. Ovington. Stub:
Geo: Prowd 40 8 his furety M r Bunny
Matth. Hudfon 20 s Jo: Spoon r
Bi: ffarrow 20 s his furety his fonne
Hen: ffowl r 10 s M r
Robert Pearfon 20 9

Margrett Neweton 6 s ft4 Margrott Edwds W thoiro fnroty

John ffarrow 20 s his furety Ambr: Clemett Georg. Swainston
John Saunderfon 5s Tho. Harker 25 s

Money collected for the poore for two moneths April and /-

May ...{ ixS J d

Receiued of M r Hutton June: 20 th xx 8

More of M r Hutton Nou: 10 xx 8

July: 30: 1643
Receiued of M r Hutton xx 8

Money giuen to the poore 1643.

Inprimis March 31 th v s viij d

Item April 30 v s viij d

It May and June xj s 4 d

of M r Buttons money

It July 30 v 8 viij d

Item Augt 30 v 8 viij d

Item Septb: 28 ... v 8 viij d

ItOctob:29 v 8 viij d

Ouerfeers of the poore 1643. Thomas Wilson, Thomas Francklin.

Ouerfeers of the poore 1647. Rowland Clibburne, Peter Browne.

Money collected.

Barforth xvj d

M rs Bunny xviij d

M r Dowthwait xviij d

M r Thursby xviij d

for Winston Holme ... xij d

for Heighly ... ... ... xij d

Willia' Wilfons farme ... iiij d

ffrancklins farme iij d

Ofmondcroft vj tl

Stubbufs vi d

Sum: 9" 5 d

Widow Langhorne ... ij 9

Margrett Edward xrj d

Margrett Neweton vj d

Bryan Turner vj d

Richard Farrow xij d

James Browne xij d

Money receiued and collected for the poore 1649.

120 THE CHURCH WARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Inprimis giuen by M r Matthew Button ... xx s

Receiued at Raby

More att Barf orth

Money distributed to the poore June 10 th 1649.

Marg. Clemett 6 d

Ber. Scarre 6 d

John Sanderfon 6' 1

Anne Hugh 6 d

John Kitchin 6 d

Margery Hudfon 6 d

Inprimis to Richard Farrow xij d 1 s
It to Meri: Langhorne ... xij d
to James Brown ...... xij d

Margrett Neweton ...... xij d

Tho: Marker ...... xij d

Bryan Turner ...... xij d

Marg. Johnfon ...... 6 d

More giuen
Inpr: to Bryan Turner ..................... 6 d

More to the fame perfons June: 28 th :
Item to Tho. Langstraffe wife for her child ............ 6 d

Sum total: this moneth xx 8

To Bryan Turner for cloath July 4 th ............... V

more for making his dublett .................. 3 s

more distributed July 29 ..................... 10 s

More distributed to the poore Aug: 29 ............... 9 s

More distributed Septemb. 30 th to the poore ............ 9 s

October the 27 th More ......... ............ 9"

November 20 ........................ 9 s

December 20 ......... ............... 9 s

To Bryan Turner for a doublet .................. 3

To Matt: Hudfon ........................ 5 s

Money lent to the poore May: 1: 1647
Inprimis to Thomas Farrow 50 s his fuerty M r Dowthwait
Item to Thomas Barker 25 s his furety Peter Browne
Item to John Neweco' 40 s his fuerty Jo: Ouington of Stubbs.

Momorand* that Katliorin Dowthwait ft4 Henr

o "l-n 1 1 -j i- rvcx /-yp j-T^^-j a 4- **\S*~\T- r\ -j-T^ f\
nlllJLJLlilii U VTT vTTXy JjL'tjUlV \7T UllL?

y fee ohillingo ycoroly tfee

-fV-vf^^in /-\-p Q *trf\r\t+r\c< 4-t 1 1 ^l-i Y\ -f-n w^r\ /-vP A C\$> 1^f\ -i^\o irrl
T| /It"" tTT O V v>V^l UrT IJil J "Cll" JL tliliU \7T TCT7 T7t? I Jll) V vl

145S. Momorandu* ^fefeat Ellinor Brumoll feb^b twcntio
Shillings of the pooros money fez w ch Goorgo Swainfton
iuon h word therfe &hee shall ^ea fee {Shillins

: w

every ycoro upon E after tuofdfty untill it fee
giuon to fee? fey Richard Darlington.

1653. Memorandu' that Katherin Douthwaitc hath paid in 10", 5"
more of the fortie: whereof w ch John Robinfon: hath: John Kitchin:
payd fower shillinges according to his bond w oh joh Robinfon hath:

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 121

1654. Memoranda' that Elliner Brumell hath payd fiue shillinges
according to her ingagement wch John Robinfon hath:

1656 Memorandu' that Elliuer brumell hath payd fiue shillings so that
their is tenne beside

1657 Memoranda' that Willia' Shaw did pay to John Newcome nine
f hillinges w ch b.e is to difpofe on accordinge to his office, and to giue an
account.

1658 Memorandu': that Elliner Brumell fhall haue hir fiue f hillings
annother yeere.

Memorandu' that Katherine Dowthwaite fhall haue hir fiue shillings
another yeere

1659: Memorandu' that Elliner Brumell came in accordinge to hir
bond, and offered hir fiue shillings: but it was ordered by the parifhoners
that f he f hout haue it another yeere.

Likewise Katherine Dowthwaite fhout haue appeared but fhe
neclected to appear: and it was ordered to be Recorded

1660. Tobias Hodgefon did pay in 3 shillings and fower pence w ch
was due for the buriall of Raiph Hodgefon in the church w ch money was
deliuered to the churchwardens to be difpofed on according to the
neceffities of the church.
Churchwardens elected April: 27: 1641. John Ouington of Stubbufe.

William ffrancklin

Churchwardens elected April: 12: 1642. Thomas Wilton. Thomas
Francklin

Collected by John Ouington 1641 xj 8 viij d

Collect. Thomas Wilton vij vj ij d

Churchwardens elected April: 4 th : 1643: Rowland Clibburne, John

Francklin.
Churchwardens elected May 9 th 1647: Ralphe Hodghfon, John Simpfon.

Septe'ber 18 th Anno Do 1653

Collected in the par if h church of Winfton for the towne of Mai-
borough : the su' of twentie shillinges and a penny

Cuth: Marley, pafto: Churchwardens: Thomas Smithfon John Phillipe.
Churchwardens 1648: Ambrofe Parkin Henry Bawcock

Ouerfeers: Ralphe Hodgfon John Simpfon
Churchwardens elected 1649: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston

Ouerfeers of the poor: Reginold Browne and Henry Bawcock.

Churchwardens elected 1650: John Ouington and John Clemett

Ouerfeers of the poore: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston.

1651.

elected agaie, ftttd tkey we^e eeteft4} to feme tbi& ycoro.

Churchwardens elected: William Newecome and William Browne

Ouerfeers of the poore: John Ouington and John Clemett.
.. Ouerfeers of the high-wayes: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston.
voi,. xvn. 16

122 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

1652: Richard Darlington: thomas Warcopp: Churchwardens:

Willia' Browne: Willia' Newcome ouerseers of the poore
John Ouington of Ofmoncroft John Clemett ouerfeers of the highwayes.

1653: John Phillipp

Churchwardens:
Willia' ffawell:

Richard Darlington

Ouerseers, of the poore
Thomas Warcopp

Willia' Browne

Ouerfeers for the highwayes.
Willia' Newcome

1654 Richard: Garforth:

Churchwardens
Thomas: Barnes:

John: Phillip

Ouerfeers for the poore
thomas: Smithfon:

Thomas: Warcop:

_.. . . _ .. Ouerfeers for the high wayes

Richard Darlington:

1655 Thomas: Barnes. i

Willia: Shaw: } Churchwardens

Richard Garfoote )

_ . _, \ ouerfeers: for the poore

ffrancis Bunny:

Thomas Smithfon: ^

John Phiiiip. I ouerseers for the h ^ wa y es

1656 the names of the Churchwardens: Willia' Viccars: John Newcome:
Thomas: Barnes: )

Willia' Shaw: f ouerfeers for the poore:

M r ffrancis Bunny :
Richard: Garfoote

Y ouerfeers for the highwayes.

1657 Willia': ffawell: ~| ^

J- Churchwardens.

} uerfeers for fche

Willia': Waite

Willia': Vicars ~| ^

}- Ouerfeers for the poore
John: Newcome J

Willia': Shaw:

Thomas: Barnes:

March the 31 th Anno Do': 1057

Memerandu', it was aggreed upon by the major parte of thofe who
meete att the Church the day aboue specefied that an order for chufeinge
the churchwardens beinge made aprill the 19 th 1636. Should be invalled
and for the future it Should proceede in the paiifh in this manner that is
to fay att Weftholme tow yeeres together att Ofmancrofte one yeere att
Stubhoufe tow yeeres, att Barfoote of the Moore fower yeeres: att New-
fam fower yeeres, if in thefe Seuerall places theire be soe many Sufficient
able men to difcharge that office the abelitie of Such men beinge ilefte to
the judgement of thofe who fhall meet upon Eafter twefday^for the
electinge of Church officers, and likewyes it was aggreed upon, upon the

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM.

123

Same day that the inhabitantes of the towne of Winfton f hall Serue as
in order they dwell if they haue thofe w ch are conceiued Sufficient by
thofe w ch are meete together upon Eafter twefday for the Electinge of
Church officers in confirmation of w ch we haue sett to our handes

Cuth: Marley minis: George Bunny Francis Bunny W m Willfon

Richard Garfott Williame Shawe
1658: John Ouington: Samuell Bynion: Churchwardens.

Willia': Waite: Willia': ffawell. ouerfeers for the poore
Willia': Vicars John: Newcome ouerfeers for the highwayes
1659: M r Marley brought in the flue f hillings w ch Margrett Newton had
of the poores ftocke and it was deliuered to Thomas Newcome to be dif-
poffed to thofe that had need of it

Thomas: Newcome
ffrancis Clemett:
John: Ouington.
Samuell: Bynion.
Willia': ffawell:
Willia': Waite:

1660. Willia' Browne
John: Simpfon.
thomas Newcome
ffrancis Clemett
John: Ouington:
Samuell: Bynion

1661. Thomas: Warcopp
John ffrankeland:
John Simpfon:
Willia' Browne:

r Churchwardens
j- ouerfeers for the poore
j- ouerfeers for the high wayes.
j- Churchwardens:
J ouerfeers for y e poore
J- ouerfeers for y e high wayes
J- Churchwardens.
j- ouerseers. for y e poor :
ouerseers for y e highwayes:

Churchwardens.

Thomas: Newcome
ffrancis Clemett
1662 Thomas Wilfon

Barnard ffranckeland
Thomas: Warcopp
John ffrankeland
Thomas Sudell:

An affefment of tenn shillings p pound laid by y c consent of y e Patfon,

y* churchw. and y e parif honers for things neceffary for y e church alfo an

affefment of 6 s and eightpence p pound for things neceffary for y e church.

1663: John: Compton:

Ambrofe Clemett.

Thomas: Wilfon

Barnard ffrankeland

j- ouerfeers for y e poore
ouerfeer for y e highwayes.

Churchwardens

Thomas Warcop
John ffrankeland jun r

ouerseers for y e poore
ouerseers for y highwayes

121 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Auguft: y 23 d An afsefment of fiue shillings p pound laid by y e con-
fent of Minifter and churchwardens and y c parifhoners for, repairing ye

church leads

Aprill y e 12: 1664:

Memorandu' y*: thomas Langftraffe and John ffarrow, according to
their bond did bring in tenne fhillings w ch money was giuen to y e
overfeers for y e poore: to be diftributed to thofe w ch had need of it
giueing fufficient bond for it John Compton Ambrofe Clemett being
ouerfeers for y poore.

Memorandu' y* none of thofe w ch had y e money w ch belongeth to y e
poore people, came in according to their ingagements but thofe immedi-
ately above written.

1664 M r : Bunny Willia': Richardfon Churchwardens

John Compton Ambrofe Clemett ouerfeers for y e poore
Thomas: Wilfon Barnard ffrankeland ouerfeers for y e high wayes:

Auguft y e 14: 1664

An affefment of fiue shillings p pound was laid by y e confent of y e
Minifter and churchwardens for mending y e highwayes.

7ber. y c : 25 th : 1664

An affefment of fiue fhillings p pound was laid by y e confent of y e
Minifter and parifhoners of Winfton for things belonging to y e church.

March y e : 10 th :

An affefment of fower shillings p pound laid by y e confent of y e
Minifter and churchwardens for things needfull for y e church:

An afsefment of two fhillings p pound was Layd for y e repairing of
things belonging to y church:

The names of y e Parifhoners as they were affefed by y e Minister
Churchwardens and ouerfeers for y e poore. 9br: y e : 1: 1664:

s. d.
y e inhabitants of Weftholme 3

y e inhabitants of Newfa' : ...

M r George Bunny 1 4

Willia' Viccars 2.

John: Balmer 8

Edward; Wright 8

ffrancis Bunny 2

y e inhabitants of Barfoote

of y e moore 34

Stubhoufe . 9

Ofmancroft i' o'

Winfton: Weft Demaine : ... 20

Winfton Eaft Pernaine ... 2

Richard Wilfon 6

Barnard ffrankeland ... 3

John ffrankeland junr: ... 1

y e Parfon of Win/ton ... 1

George Swainfton

y e whole 16 11

March y e 28 th 1665 officers chofen this yeere upon Eafter tuefday:
John: Clemett John: Balmer Churchwardens.
M r . George Bunny William Kichardfon overfeers for y e poor.
Ambrofe: Clemett John: Compton overfeers for y e high wayes.
March : y c 28 th 1665. Memorandu' y* Thomas Langftraffe and John
ffarrow payd tenn fhillings according to their bond.

TARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 125

Memoranda' y* Elliner Brumell payd tenn fhillings it being y e laft
parte of her twenty

alfo John Brownliffe payd fower fhillings according to his bond.

lykewyes Katherine Dowthwaite payd in fiue fhillings soe y* she hath
now of y poors ftock twenty fhillings

Likewife John Compton and Ambrofe Clemett payd in y e tenn
fhillings w ch was in their hands:

Memoranda' y* all y e Severall Sumes aboue payd in being of y e poores
ftock, was deliuered into y e hands of y e overfeers for y poore and it was
ordered y* Anthony Eobinfon, should haue twenty shillings of it, Willia'
Richardfon giueing his bond for it.

alfo it was ordered y* George Reward : should haue nineteene Shillings
Barnard ffrankland giueing his bond for it.

alfo it was ordered y* John Newcome y e elder should haue his bond in :
and y 1 he should haue y e nineteene shillings w ch is in his bond for another
yeer his son John Newcome giueing his bond for it.

alfo it was then ordered y r John Newcome y e younger f hud haue twenty
Shillings of y e poores money ; giueing bond for it.
May y e 4 th 1665.

An affefment Layd by y e Minifter and Churchwardens of twelfe
Shillings and sixpence p pound for y e whiteing and plaiftering of y e Church
and paying for y e bookes w ch was injoyned by y e Archdeacons injunctions.
May y e 16 th .

Receiued then from Ifabell Tilburne y e Summe of tenn Shillings being
halfe of y e twentie w ch her ffathir had of y e poors money soe y* their
remains tenn shillings in her hand y e tenn w ch was receiued was giuen to
y e overfeers : to be difpofed on.

Receiued then : ffortie shillings from John Bell : w ch John Robinfon
had : w ch was giuen to y e overfeers to be difpoffed on :
May y e 26 th 1665.

An afsefment laid for y e poore : y e day and y'eere aboue named : by y e
confent of y Minifter Churchwardens and overfeers for y e poore.

B. d. s. d.

y e inhabitants of Weftholme 3
of Neufam :

M r . George Bunny 1 4

Willia' vicars 2

John Balmer ... . 8

Edward Wright

M r . ffrancis Bunny

y e inhabitants of Barfoote of

y e Moore 3

Stubhoufe .

An account of y e dif burfments of y e Churchwardens and ouerfeers of
y e poore and highwayes, giuen in upon Eafter tuefday 1663 Thomas Wilfon

Barnard ffranckeland Churchwardens .

1 a d
In pr' for y e font Surplice and hood 250

Item for a warrant 006

126 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Item for my charges ... 6

Item for mending y e church gates 003

Item for a locke to y church chift 012

Item for my oath att Durha' 022

Item for MX Marleys charges and my owne att Durha' ... 080

Item for books to y e church 7 10

Item for two traces for y bellroops 006

Item for my charges and oath att Durha' 049

Item for wine att Chriftinmas for y e com'union 028

Item for mending y e bier 016

Item for mending y e Church gates 006

Item for wine att Eafter 5 10

Item for bread att y e same time 004

Item for wafhing y e Surplice two times 010

Ite: for going to Durha' 020

So their remaineth dew to y e Church wa Thomas Wilfon
3 s 10 d churchwarden

In pr: for y c hood and Surplice and font 11010

Item Willia' ffawell for feching y e font 010

Item for my charges att Barnardcaftle 006

Item for my oath att Durha 1 ... 020

Item for my charges att Durha' ... 026

Item for my charges at Durha' y e Second time 2 10

Item Laid out 012

So there remaines in his hand Barnard ffrankland 066
7br: y e 30 th O 1 6 s 6 d churchwarden:

John Compton receiued tenn shillings and a groate from Thomas
Wilfon and Barnard ffrankeland being all y* remained in their hands
when they made up their accounts

Receiued by me as followeth:

s. d.

of Mr. Bunny: 3 10

of George Auderfon: ... 1 3
of John Baumer 1 6

Difburfed

s d

to Thomas Warcopp ... 10
to Thomas ffarrow ... 80

of Thomas Wilfon ... 8 4
of Willia' Simpfon: ... 3 ob.

Thomas Newcome ouerfeer for y high wayes:
Receiued by me as followeth:

Difburfed

of ffrancis Clemett
of y e Parifh

y e whole ...

to Willia Richardfon and

Nicholas Ree ... ... 1

to Thomas ffarrow . 10

l a d
dew to y c parifh 024

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 127

Thomas Sudell ouerfeer for y e high way es
Receiued by me as followeth.

An affefment of fiue s. p pound w ch I was to gather from y e towne and
y e two demaines w ch came to 14 8 2 d
Difburfed

to John Compton ... 5 6

not receiued of Elizabeth

Richardfon 1 1 ob

to Thomas Sudell ... 7

Soe their remaines in my hand fiue farthings

ffrancis Clemett ouerfeer for y e high wayes.

An accompt of y e recepts and y e difburfments of y c Churchwardens : 1664:

Inprimis receiued for affefment of fiue Shillings p pound

s d
7 11 ob

It. ffor y e com'unicants att Chriftimas and Eafter

7 7

y whole

... 15 6 ob

Inp '.

B. d.

ffor my oath and books att Durha'

1 8

ffor my charges att Durha': ,

1 10

att y e Parke houfe [?]

laid out att y e Second vifitation for my charges

1 6

for bread att Eafter

ffor wine att our Saviours natiuitie

4 2

y e whole layd out

... 14 6

their remaines in my hand ...

... 12 ob

Ambrofe: Clement Churchwarden.

What I haue receiued, of y e parifh

l s d

Receiued from y parifh

... 1 68 ob

ffor y e Demaine

063

ffrom Thomas Wilfon and Barnard ffrankeland...

... 10 4

Mar. Receiued y whole ...

... 2 3 3 ob

of y e Com'unicants at our Saviours natiuitie and

att

Eafter

4 1

An accompt of what I haue difburfed for y e ufe of y e Church,

to Chriftopher Craufoote for mending y e leads

150

for two boordes :

1 8

ffor mending y e Church gates and nailes

004

ffor broomes and a tab for y e bell

002

ffor a boule of lime and feching it

010

ffor two labourers to lay it on

1 9

ffor my journey to Durha'

039

ffor my second journey to Durha'

047

ffor a locke to y e Church gates

010

ffor bread att y e Com'union t

008

ffor bread and wine att y e Com'union

7 10

y e whole

281

130 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

What I haue Layd out of this affefment. s d

ffor y e injunctions att Durha' to M r Bullocke 8 4

ffor a common prayer booke for y Clerk 010 6

ffor my charges at Durha' 026

ffor warneing y parif honers when the workemen were to be

agreed withall 006

ffor whitning and playftering y e Church 2 1

More for whiteing y c Church 040

y c whole Layd of this aflefment 3 610

Richard Wilfon Churchwarden

An accompt of thofe affefments yt haue benn collected by me Willia'
Eichardfon in y c year 1664 and parte of 1665.

Collected an affefment of 2 s p pound : comeing to 5 8

Collected an affefment of 5 s p pound comeing to 014 2

Collected an affefment of 4 s p pound coming to Oil 4

y e whole Receiued of thefe 3 affefments Ill 2

Layd out of thefe affefments for goeing to Durha' 2

for my oath : 012

ffor y e Bellroopes 026

payd to John Newcome for y e Archdeacons men 5 3

to Mathew Hudfon : 020

to John: Compton for oath 027

to John Compton for his charges : , 010

payd for y e Clerkes book 036

payd for bording y e reading Seate and y c com'on feate ... 010

payd for Lime 008

ffor goeing to Durha' 026

ffor flaging y c church 040

ffor goeing to Durha' 020

Layd out in all 1 10

Collected alfo an aflefment of twelfe Shillings Sixpence

p. pound w ch cometh to 1 15 5

Layd out of y e aboue affefment to y c playterers 1 12 6

ffor Bording y e Staules 020

ffor Nailes .. . 2 ob

Layd out 1 14 8 ob

Willia' Richardfon Churchwarden.

An accompt of y dif burfments of John Clemett Church-
warden in y e yeare. 1665.

Layd out 8 d

ffor goeing to Durha' to y bif hopps vif itation ... 2

ffor my oath 009

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 131

ffor draweing y e Sentences in y e Church 11

to ye apparitor for comeing for y e Monthly collection 016

ffor weeding y e Churchyard 4

ffor two books for y e Church 036

ffor goeing to Gainford to y e Bell founder ... ... 6

ffor beafoms to fweepe y e Church 000

payd for wine att our Saviours Navititie 6

payd for bread and wine att Eafter 8 6

ffor my goeing to Durha'

y e whole 1 13 10 ob

An accompt of what affefments I haue collected

An affefment of fiue Shillings p pound w ch cometh to ... 1 8 5

Receiued of y e old Churchwdens 1 6

Receiued of y e Com'umicants att our Saviours Nativitie ... 7

Receiued of y e Com'unicants att Eafter 6 2

John Clemett Churchwarden.

An accompt of y e affefments Collected and what money hath been by
me Difburfed in y e yeare. 1665.

Collected an affefment of fiue Shillings p pound : s d

Receiued of Thomas Wilfon : 16 9

of William Vicars 13 9

Mr. George Bunny 5 10

Edward Wright 2 10

Mr. ffrancis Bunny 009

Edward Alwine 063

Stubhoufe 042

John: Balmer 3

y e whole receiued 2 13 4

Receiued alfo: of y e Communicants att our Saviours Nativitie Oil
Receiued alfo of y e Communicants att Eafter 410

5 11

Receiued in all : 2 19 3

Layd out :

ffor goeing to Durha' 02 9

ffor writting y e Sentences... ... ... ... ... 1 1

ffor dreff ing y e Churchyard 004

ffor y e .... bell 002

ffor mending y pulpit cloth and y e quifhon 8

ffor a plate for y e Communion 1 10

to Raiph Hurdfon 020

att y e Second vifitation 054

ffor wine att our Saviours Nativitie ... 1 6

132 THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

ffor bread and wine att Eafter ............

ffor goeing to Durha' ...............

to Raiph Hurdfon ..................

y e whole: ......... ,249

their remaines in my band 14 9

John: Balmer Churchwarden.
The accompt of John: Balmer as to what he had remaining in his

hand being 14 s 9 d

Dif burfed as followeth : s d.

for 3 oaths att y e vifitation 034

for Mending y bell: 033

for wafhing y c syrplice ... 6

ff or M r Marlies Charges: 0-20

to Edward Wright 048

y e whole 14 9

John Balmer: Churchwarden

An accompt of what hath beun collected and Difburffed by Barnard
ffrankeland Churchwarden in y c yeare. 1666.

Collected an affefment of 3 s 4 d p pound y e whole being 7 s 4 d ob

alfo Receiued of John Clemett at Eafter 7 d ob

alfo Receiued of y e Communicants att our Saviours Nativitie a 6.

and att Eafter 069

y c whole receiued 14 9

Dif burft. as followeth

Inp: for wine att Ghriftinmas 024

Ite for wine att Eafter ... 3

Ite' for bringing it here .. 002

Ite' for bread ... 001

Ite' for a book 010

Ite' to Raiph Hudfon 020

Ite' for going to Durha' 020

Ite' for Mending y e Bell.. ... 9

Ite' for beafoms 001

Item for goeing to Durha' 020

y whole 12 11

Remaines in my hand 1 10

and two fhillings and a penny \v ch John Compton

ref ufeth to pay. in all 3 11

More dif burffed

to M r Marley for his charges att y c vifitation .., ... 2
Soe their remains in my hand 111

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 133

Collected of y e affefment of one shilling and eightpence p

pound ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 4 6

Dif burffed of y same affefment for my charges att Durha' 014

ffor y c prefentment att Durha' 6

their remaines in my hand 047

Barnard ffrankeland.

The accompts of Edward Wright Churchwarden in y e yeare. 1666.
Collected

Inp : An affefment of 3 s 4 d per pound 017 9 ob

alfo Beceiued of John: Balmer 048

of Thomas Newcome for a Lairef tone ... 1 8

of y e Communicants att Chr: 11

of y e Communicants att E after 5 11

y e whole 1 10 11 ob

"Dif burffed of y e aboue su':

Inp: for parchment ... .. 006

alfo for goeing to Durha' 020

for goeing againe to Durha' 6

to Bartholomew Harwood 038

for mending ye Beire 008

ffor swapes for y e bells 010

to Raiph Hudfon 020

ffor bread att Chr: 002

for bread att Eafter 006

ffor wine att Eafter ... 11

ffor wafhing y e Surplice 026

for goeing to Durha' 020

y e whole 1 12 4

his accompt of one f hilling and eightpence p pound w ch he alfo collected :

The whole of y e aboue affefment collected being 8 9

Dif burffed of y e same

Inp: dew to me upon y e other accompt : ... 1 2 ob

alfo for Richard Wilfon att Durha'

for his oath 010

for his charges att Durha' 20

in all 042 ob

their Remaines in my hand ... ... '. 4 6 ob

Edward Wright: Churchwarden.
March y c 24 th 1667:

Richard Darlington made up his accomptes y e daye aboue named and
their remained in his hand: 5 d :

Richard Wilfon alfo made up his accompts y e daye aboue named
before y parif h and y c parifh was indebted to him 2 d ob

134 THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

what affefments haue benn laid for y e Church since March y 24 th
1667: by: Richard Wilfon, and Robert Pearfon Churchwardens.
An affefment of Six Shillings and eightpence p pound:
alfo another affefment of three Shillings and fower pence p pound:

B d

George Swainfton ... 2
Richard Darlington... 002
Elliner Brumell ... 1
Robert Slacke .001

B d
Ofmondcroft 1

Winfton: West demaine 020
Winfton Eaft demaine ... 2

Richard: Wilfon 6

Barnard ffrankland .003 le

John ffrankeland 1

y c Parfon 010

who are to haue weekely allowances and what they are to haue.

Margrett Brown 12 d p week 010

Mathew Hurdson. 8 d p week 008

Ann: Hugh: 6 d p week 006

July y e : 11 th : 1665

An affefment laid by y e Miniiter and Churchwardens for writting y e
sentences in y e Church: of fiue shillings p pound
April y e 17 th 1666/

George: Swainfton. Elected churchwardens y e day and yeare
Edward: Wright: aboue named

John: Clemett:

john: Balmer: overfeers for y e poore

Willia' Richardfon
M r George Bunny: overfeers for y e highwayes

Memorandu' y* Willia' Richardfon paydin thirtienine Shillings w ch he
had of y e poores money, and it was delivered to John Balmer and John
Clemett to be difpoffed on to thofe y* haue neceffitie of it, they taking
fufficient bond for it

Richard Wilion hath tenn fhillings of y e poores money, for w ch he is
to giue John Clemett and John Balmer fufficient bond within a week:

Thomas Newcome gaue in fiue Shillings w ch he had of y e poores money:
w ch was deliuered to John Clemett and John Balmer to be difpoffed to
thofe vv ch haue need taking bond for it

Memorandu' y* it was ordered y* John Brownleffe should haue his
fower Shillings, w ch he was to pay according to his bond another year

none of y e other w cb had any of y poores money came in according to
their ingagements but y e aboue named: only Ifabell Tylburne defired y*
she might haue her tenn shillings another yeare but their was no anfwer

returned Aprill 17* 1666

John: Compton and Ambrofe Clemett when they made up their
accounts had 12 s and a penny in their hands of w ch they muft giue an
account

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 135

John Compton Receiued 1 s 6 d of John Simpson w ch he had collected of
y e aflefment of 6 s 8 d p pound

y e twelfe Shillings and a penny w ch John Compton and Ambrofe
Clemett had in their hands was y* w ch remained of y c affefments of 6 s and
8 d p pound and 2 s 6 d p pound.

Aprill 21 th 1666

Memorandu' y* Thomas Wilfon of Barfoote of y e Moore gaue twenty
Shillings by his will to y e poore of y e parifh, w ch was to be difpofed of by
y e confent of y e parifh for their benefitt, w ch money John Clemett hath in
his hand untill y* it be difpoffed of:

y e accompts of y e overfeers of y c poore: 1664
Ambrofe Clemett. Receiued

a d
of y e Weft Demaine ... 4

Richard Garf oote ... 2

M'Marley 020

Richard Wilfon ... 1

Barnard ffranklin ... 6

John: ffrankeland ... 2

George Swainfton ... 2

Thomas: Wilfon .068

y e whole ... 16 6

Difburffed:

s d

to Mathew Hurdfon: 006

to Mirrioll Langhorne 006

to Mathew: Hurdfon 020
to Ann: Hugh: ...020
to Robert Wilfons

children ... 1

to Siffely Barker ... 6

ffor goeing to Durha' 020

ffor an order 024

to Margrett Browne... 020

y e whole ... 13 4

John: Compton. what I haue Layd: out i s d

ffor a warrant 006

to Ann: Hugh 006

payd att Church: 022

payd to Margrett Browne 026

payd to Mathew Hurdfon 010

payd to Elliner Bainbridge 010

payd to John: Brownleffe ffor widow Mortons houfe rent ... 8

y c whole 15 8

What I have receiued 17 6

y accompts of y e overfeers for y e poore. 1665:

Richard Wilfon: Receiued & d

att Weftholme 5 affefments: comeing ... 15

att Neusa' 5 affefments. coming to 15

att Barfoote fiue affefment coming to 16 8

att Stubhoufe 5 affefments coming to ... ... ... ... 3 9

att Ofmancroft 5 affefments comeing to 5

y e whole 2 15 5

136

THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

Difburffed:
to Margrctt Browne
Mathew Hurdfon
Ann* Hugh

17
9

John Brownleffe for y houfe:
Robert Wilfons children

Siflele* Harker

Elizabeth Morton

y whole

Willia' Richardfon what I haue collected
of M r Marley . .

2
1

John: Compton
Richard Garf oote

Margrett Darlington

George Swainiton

Robert- Slack ...

Willia' ffawell-

Elizabeth Richardfon

Ambrofe Clemett . ...

John: Clemett ...

Margrett Attkinfon

Barnard ffrankeland

John ffrankeland
Eliner Brumell
Richard Wilfon...

5
5
8

y e whole: 1 11 4 ob

Dif burfled Auguft y e 12 th
to Matthew: Hurdfon ...

Ann: Heugh

Margrett Browne:

Septeber y c 2 d
to: Mathew: Hurdfon ...

Ann: Heugh

Margrett Browne

Nove'ber: y 20 th
to: Margrett Browne
Mathew Hurdfon: ...
Ann: Hugh:

8 bry e 10 th 1666
An affefment of 3 B and 4 d p pound was laid y e day and yeare aboue by

jan: y e 18 th

to: Mathew: Hurdfon:

1 6

Margrett Browne.. .

Ann: Heugh:

1 2

March y e 16 t]

to Ann Heugh

1 8

Margrett Browne: ...

Mathew Hurdfon

Elliner Bainbridg ...

John : Brownleffe for

his houfe rent

to Ann Hugh:

for a warrant

y whole: ..

8 8

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 137

y e confent of y e minifter and y e Churchwardens for things belonging to
y e church:

The names, of y e inhabitants of y e parif h of Winfton as they were
affefed by y e ouerfeers of y e poore and Churchwardens.

1666

1 s d 1 s d

Kichard Garfoote ... 1 1

Cuth: Marley Rector 013

Richard Wilfon ... 6

Barnard ffrankeland... 003

John ffrankeland jun: 1 ob

Elliner Brum'ell ... 1 qr
Margrett Darlington

for both her cottages 001

George Swainfton ... 2

Barf oote of y e Moore ...

Newfam 025

Weftholme 025

Stubhoufe 008

Ofmancrofte 10 ob

Heighley 6 ob

John Clemett and Am-

brofe Clemett ... 6 ob

Willia 1 : ffawell ... 4

Willia' Richardson ... 3

y whole ... 15 3 qr
John Compton ... 1

Aprill y e 9 th 1667
Memorandu', y 1 none of y e poores ftocke was payd in upon Eafter

Tuesfday,

officers elected upon Eafter tuelday

M r ffrancis Bunny: (

i Churchwardens:
Richard Darlington: I

George: Swainfton , i

{ overfeers for y e poore
Edward: Wright:

John: B aimer f

-j overfeers for y e high way es
john: Clemett

Aprill y e 14 th

An affefment of one fhilling and eightpence p pound was laid y e day
and yeare aboue named by y c confent of y e Minifter and Churchwardens
for difcharging of charges, and things belonging to y c Church:

( Barnard ffrankeland
Churchwardens \

} Edward: Wright:

The accompts of y e Ouerfeers for y e poore 1666:

John: Balmer Ouerfeer his accompts.
Collected 3 affefments w ch in y e whole did amount to ... 1 13 3

alio collected other two affefments w ch came to 018 1

y c whole Collected 2 11 4

Dif burffed to y e poore.
To Mathew Hurdfon 080

alfo for his winding fheet 020

to Margrett Brown 190

toAnn:Heugh 14 6

y<= whole 2 13 6

John: Balmer:

VOL. XVII.

138

THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ambrofe Clemett Overfeer for y c poor, his accompt. Collected:

two aflefments w ch came to 01011

Receiued out of y c poore mans box 010

alfo three other affefments w ch came to 018 4 ob

y e whole collected and Receiued 119 Sob

Difburffed as ffolloweth.

fEor a warrant: 006

to Siffely Barker for to

putt her Son to a trade 056

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 2

Margrett Browne ... 2

Ann: Heugh 010

July: 15:

to: Mathew Hurdfon ...

Margrett Browne ...

Ann: Heugh ,

July: 2i

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 1

Ann: Heugh 006

Margrett Browne ... 1

Mathew Hurdfon ... 1
Sept r . 20:

to: Margrett Browne: ... 2

Ann: Heugh 010

7br 27 th

to: Margrett Browne ... 1

Ann: Heugh 006

Decmb r .

to: Margrett Browne ... 2

Elliner Bainbridg ... 6

Ajin: Heugh 016

Margrett Browne ... 1
Jan: 20 th :

to: Margrett Browne ... 2

Ann: Heugh: 010

Thomas: Barker .006

jan: 27 th : Difburffed.

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Heugh: ... 6
Thomas Barker ... 4
ffeb. 3 d

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Heugh: ... 6
Thomas Barker ... 4
March: 31 th

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Beugh: ... 6
Thomas: Barker: 004
Aprill 7 th

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Heugh: ... 6

y e whole difburffed ... 1 16 6

Receiued also in affef-
ments and other
wayes: 1 19 1 ob

Receiued of M r George
Bunnyffory e ufeof
y c money w ch he
hath of y e poor ... 3 ob

y whole ... 2 2 5 ob

Difburft:

to y c poore: 1 16 6

for y e widdowes houfe

rent: .080

y c whole: ... 2 4 6

Soey'Iamoutofpurfe: 020
Ambrofe Clemett:

The names of y e inhabitants of y* parifh of Winfton as they were affeffed
by y e Churchwardens and Overfeers for y poore.

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM.

139

1667.

George Swainfton ...

Margrett Darlington

Elliner Brumell

y e whole

2 ob

Ofmancroft

Stubhoufe

Barfoote of y* moore

Newfa'

3 ob

Weftholme

in all

d parif h doth ammount to

M r Cuth : Marley Hector:
John: Compton
Richard Garfoote
Wilfons ffarme
John: Wrangha'
y e two Clemets
Elizabeth: Richardfon
Willia' ffawell
Barnard ffrankeland
John: ffrankeland jun:

- 1667.
The names of thofe y* haue y e money belonging to y e poores ftocke:

John: Powe:

John: Newcome jun:

John: Newcome s r :

Thomas Langstraffe and

John: ffarow: 3

M r George Bunny 2x

George Heward:

Mathew Hurdion:

John: Brownleffe

Robert Pearfon

Siffele Barker 2

John: Sanderfon

Isabell Tylburne

Richard Wilfon

Difpoffed of y e poores money by y e parif h to Margar when

fhewasficke

w ch is not repayd [page torn.]

Katherin Dowthwhait

4 Dece'ber: . . .

Memorandu' y* y e day aboue named John Brownleffe had fiue Shillings
of y e poores money giueing him by Richard Darlington w ch money was
receiued of M r George Bunny ; being of y* w ch he hath of y e poores money
w ch fiue Shillings was lent to John: Brownelelfe untill Eafter tuefday next:

March y e 24 th 1668.

Memorandu' y* none of thofe w ch had any of y e poores ftocke came in
to make tender according to their ingagements of y* money w ch they haue
in their hands.

1 X

140 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

officers elected.

M r Dowtwhaite "I _,

Y Churchwardens.
Robert: Pearfon

Richard Darlington ) Overfeerg for e<

M r fErancis Bunny

George Swainfton 1

V overfeers for y high wayes.
Edward: Wright

The accompts of y Overfeers for y e poore as they were giuen in March
24 th : 1668.

Edward Wright collected for y maintenance of y e poore 2 1 4 s O d in y*
parifh, and he diftributed to y e poore 2 1 2 s 6 d so their remaines in his
hand: 1" 6 d

George Swainfton Collected for y e poore in y towne y e Sume of
I 1 18" ll d ob., and he diflributed to y poore I 1 16 8 6 d So their remaines in
his hands two Shillings fiue pence halpenny.

Aprill y 13 th 1669.
officers elected y e day aboue named:
M r Dowthwhaite
Richard Garfoote
John: Balmer

j- Churchwardens.

overfeers for y e poore.
Robert: Peaifon

Richard Darlington )

. - . -o ' f overfeers for y high wayes:

M r ffrancis Bunny

M trU Ann: Newcome of Heighley Hall gaue Six pounds, to y e poore of
y e parifh of Winfton to buy Something for their maintenance, Aprill y e

13 th : 1669.

May y 31 th

John Brownleffe payd y e fiue Shillings w ch he borrowed to Richard
Darlington and M r Bunny of Newfa' payd in y e 39 Shillings w ch he had,
both w ch Sumes doe remaine in Richard Darlingtons hand untill they be

difpofled of.

y 6 Churchwardens accompts

Robert Pearfon made up his accompts Aprill y e 13 th 1669: and their
remained in his hand 9 8 and Sixpence:

Richard Wilfon made up his accompts then and their remained in his
hand fiuepence.

y e ouerfeers of y e poors accompts.

M r ffrancis Bunny made up his accompts y n and their remained 4 s 6 d
J)Once in his hand.

Richard Darlington maide up his accompts y n and their remained in
his hand fiuepence ob.

Apr: 17. 1677.

Received from Tho. ffurbey for y e use of 6 U for 3 yeares one pound
one shilling.

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 141

It' from Jo. ffarrow in part of his bond for y e use of y e poore eee
pound ten shillings.

It' from Jo. Powle in part of his bond for y e use of y e poore, fiue

shillings.

Momorand. y fc by y e agroom 1 e y e Rector & y e parishioners

4-T-* mi. -rYV/^-k "f QfYA'i" M-A"!* l4* TITO. fi* PAT! A 1 11 f\ Afl "\rt J-.TIT/"V y^^n yi rl ct y\f>-r4-
TJlldl liI"T7 HJii v^l/IlC-i ) TV TV titJ \7V/11U1 UXUJLLj j^ TJTT U T/v/tt'tl'vttT Utti V

e f e aforesaid sums should bee pft^ me y e hands e Tfee.
Warcop & Ambrose Clomott ^feefi ohoGon ohur oh w

"CT7 V7 V Ci tjv. T 1O1 jT jpUC/i t^j TV T t? lltlU.CCL T"O ^" T-yOO-TCfcr

AT 4"S\ T)AO Ti->i l"lT*A\TArj. f-fyp fi n 01T*O 11 C*p no TV)AT1 A fl fii, j",Ti AT 7 ! AO IT "TlTl fc

eed hands. 4 y e othor sfe. shall feee distributod

U(JO1 U lie? (JCClltjlOIl tjllll-ti fcCl UO ujJ. C liiOF It li\,t T~
WHft Wft& payd m Apf. . 78. [?.t.] [Peter Lancaster.]

Aprill. 2. 1678.

Payd by John ffarrow in part of y e poores money, w ch hee hath in his
hand, ten shillings.

Payd by Thomas ffurbey for y e use of 6 li for one yeare. 7 shill'.
Memorand' y* three pounds of y e poores money is put into y hands of
John Newcomb churchwarden, till such time as it can bee laid out for
their use.

Memorand' y* y e said Jo. Newcomb & Thomas ffarrow of Winston
haue giuen bond for y e said three pounds.

Apr. 22. 1679.

Paid by Jo. Farrow in part of y e poores money, w ch hee hath in
his hands, ten shillings.

d Paid by Tho: ffarrow for Interest of y e 3 11 of y e poores money,
w ch hee hath in his hands, three shillings and sixpence.

Paid by M rs Dorothy Bunny in full of y Interest for y e poores
money, w ch shee hath in her hands, two shillings & fourepence.

Payd by Thorn: ffurbey for y e use of six pounds of y e poores
mony w ch hee hath in his hands, seven shillings.

Memorand'. y* one pound of y e poores money is put into y e hands of
Bernard ffranklin churchwarden, till such time as it can bee laid out for

theire use. [P.L.] .

Apriell 17. 1688:

7 s paid by Jo: Brumell for the ufe of six pounds.
3 1 : 6 d paid by Tho: ffarrow & Jo: Newcom for ufe
2" 4 d paid by Criftopher Rafe for use

2 s 4 d paid by Amb: Clement & Hob. Dindfdale one shilling of y e ufe
fo paid was giuen to Margret Taler & the Rist put into the poore mans
box being in the ... fum 14 s 2 d

Aprill y e 1 th : 1673.
The names of y e officers elected y 11 .

142 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Willia 1 ffawell

} VerfeerS f r

> Churchwardens
Thomas Newcom

Tho: ffurbe )

_ -fL i mi. r ( overfcers for y c poore.

Chnftopher: Thompfon )

Thomas Sudell
Richard: Wilfon

Aprill March y e 27. 1676.
the names of y e officers Elected.

Robart Dindfdale 1 _

\ Churchwardmgs
Hugh Hodgf hon

they are LikeViie by the Confent of the parif h to ftand ouerfeers for y*
poore this p'fent yeare

Thomas Newcome i

_ > ouerfeers for y c high way es.

Henery ffawuell

Aprill 17. 1677.

Memorand' y* I Pet. Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my privi-
ledge of choosing one of y e churchwardens but waived it for this p'sent
yeare, & consented to y e election made by y Parishioners.
The names of y 6 Severall officers then elected by y e Parishioners of Winston

Thomas Warcope ) .

} churchwardens.
Ambrose Clemett

The same persons overseers for y e poore.

Rob. Dinsdale )

overseers of y e highwaies.

Hugh Hodgshon

Apr. 2. i678.

The names of y e severall officers then elected by y c parishioners of Winston.
John Seamore Jun.

churchwardens.
John Newcomb.

The same persons overseers for y e poore.
Thomas Warcope

overseers of y e highwaies.
Ambrose Clemet J

Memorand. y* I Pet, Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my privi-
ledge of choofing one of y e churchwardens ; but waived it for this p'sent
yeare & consented to y election made by y parishioners.
Apr. 2. 1678.

Memorand. y* y e day & yeare aboue written It was concluded &
agreed upon by y Rector & parishion's of Winston then p'sent, y* y
churchwardens accounts shall bee entered in a book, to bee provided for
that purpose, by y e Clark of y e parish for y e time being, for w ch y e said
churchwardens shall allowe him twelue pence yearly, w ch shall bee added
to theire accounts. Pet. Lancaster Rect r ibid.

Apr. 22. i679.

Memorand' y* I Pet. Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my

-j churchwardens.

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 143

priviledge of choosing one of y e churchwardens ; but waived it for this
p'sent yeare, & consented to y e election made by y Parishioners.

The names of y e severall officers elected by y e Parishioners of Winston
y e day & yeare last aboue written.
Bernard ffranklin
Will'. Granger
The same persons overseers for y e poore.

John Seamore Jun. (

< overseers of y e high way es.
John Newcombe.

Memorand' y* y e day & yeare last aboue written these three ensueing
orders were agreed upon & established by y c Rector &. parishioners of
Winston, for y e better management of y e parish affaires.

1. That y e parishioners shall choofe six men (whereof three shall bee
tenants of y e Lord of y c mannor of Winston, & y e other three shall bee
Inhabitants of y e outsides of y e parish) without whofe consent y e church-
wardens shall not lay any afsefsment, nor undertake any parish businefs:
& if any difference shall arise amongst them, y e greater number shall
determine it.

.... r no money thall be distributed amongst y poore of y e parish
in any other place but y e church only, & that upon notice given y e
Sunday before ; and y 1 y e same shall bee distributed by both y e church-
wardens in p'sence of y e minister: unlefs it bee in y e case of weak
persons, who are not able to come to y e church.

8. That all persons, who haue any of y e poores money in theire hands,
shall either bring it in yearly upon Tuesday in Easter week, or shall
upon y e same day giue new bond for it, with such security as shall giue
satisfaction to y churchwardens & y e six men, or y e greater number of
them: & for default here of y e overseers for y e poore shall within one
moneth after put y e said person or persons in suit for ye said money.

The names of y e six men who are chosen by y e parishioners to Joine
with y c churchwardens in all parish affaires.

Ambrose Clemett. ]

Ralfe Hodgson Hugh Hodgohon. I for Winston

Richard Darnton. )
Will'. Richardfon Richard Wilfo

M r Douthwait.
Robert Dinsdale.

Thomas (

for y e outsides.

or < Warcope
George (

\ Richard Holmes
To these were added, Apr: 17. 1688. } John Olemefct ^

Memorand. y 1 1 Pet. Lancaster Hector of Winston claimed my privi-

144 THE CHURCHWARDENS 1 ACCOUNTS OF WINSTON PARISH.

ledge for choosing one of y churchwardens, Apr. 13. 1680. but waived it
for this p'sent yeare, & consented to y e election made by y parishioners ;

as in y e next page.

Apriell. 2 th 1689
Paid by Jo: Brumell for ufe of 6 U pounds. 7 s O d

Paid by Jo: Newcome & Tho: ff arrow p ufe of 3" 3 s 6 d

Paid by Criftopher Rafe for vfe of 2 a pun 2 s 4 d

The aboue faid vfe was difpofed of eight f hillings to Tho: Warcopp &
Hugh Hodghon ouerfeers for y 6 vfe of the poore to be Accounted for ; the
Kelt to make the money paid in by Timothy Kipling .... an euen ium.
Memorand' y* y e last aboue mentioned . . . . is to be accounted for to y c
poores stock out of y e next afsefsment .... poore
Apriell. 22 th 1690

Paid by Jo: Brumell for ufe of 6 H 7 s O d

Paid by Jo: Newcome & Tho: ffarrow p vfe 3 s 6 d

Paid by Crifto: Rafe for vfe 2 s 4 d

paid by Hugh Hodgfhon & Tho: Warcupp for the vfe of

eight pounds

& one f hilling & 2 d abated for 20 s which John Eles Receiued

when they Entred out of the Eight pounds ... tot. 110

the vfe paid in for the poores money was Giuen to the poore Apriell
22 th : 90 only 1 s .... in the poors box

1693

The Ufe pd by M r Dowthwait for y power rnony was giuen teen
f hillings of it to John tayler & a leeven to y power

The Ufe pd: for 18 1 this year paft (viz) 1694 .... the fume of one
pound one fhillinge .... 9 th : 1695 p' B. Dowthwaite

.... w ch romCtillOS was paide to Jo": Eells and fiue shillings more
made I 11 6 s paide by William Richardfon out of the Seff Collected by
him at halfe booke of rates for the year 1694: all y c other moneys in
y 6 : box being 15 3 d was giuen to y c the same day./
Apll 14. 1695

M d : it is agreed p y c : Pifh y* Elizabeth Morton haue fiue shillings
P Ann' giuen her towards y c paym 1 for her houfe P Ann. euery Eafter
Teusday till further order

The ule p d : for 18" this year paft 1696 p' John. Brumell .... and
Dowthwaite I 11 I 8 Ap'll 20 tn 1697: w ch was .... giuen to y poor & only
remaines in y e poor box 7 s 6 d new money & 3 ould sixpences & some braf

.... Bernard Dowthwaite & John Brumell for 18 U this year Paft

.... 1 s May y e 3 d : 1698: w ch was Giuen to y c poor and . . . . es in
y e Poor Box 1 s 7 d and 3 ould Sixpences .... ould .... halfpence &
puder halfpence

ARCH. .\Kt.. Vol. xvii, to face p. 145.

PLATE III.

. v

ST. CUTHBERT'S CHURCH, DARLINGTON,
From the North East.

THE CHURCH OF ST. CUTHBERT, DARLINGTON.

145

VIII. THE CHURCHES OF DARLINGTON AND HARTLE-
POOL VIEWED BRIEFLY, AND IN ARCHITECTURAL
COMPARISON.

BY THE REV. J. F. HODGSON.
[Read in substance at Hartlepool, June 13th, 1894.]

1. DARLINGTON CHURCH.
I.

THE county of Durham, among many ancient churches for the most
part of very rude and inferior character possesses, nevertheless, two
of extraordinary interest and
value, viz.: those of Hartle-
pool and Darlington. They
belong to two entirely separate
and distinct classes; that of
Hartlepool to the parochial;
that of Darlington to the col-
legiate. But, as commonly
happened with the churches
of secular canons, the latter
was of a dual, or compound
character; the choir and tran-
septs pertaining more parti-
cularly to the dean and canons,
the nave and its aisles, to the
parishioners.

Both are of unusual size
and dignity, and both are also
well nigh contemporaneous.
Both, too, possess the distinc-
tion of a western doorway,
a feature ordinarily reserved
for those of the highest class
cathedral and monastic but which, though occurring naturally

NOTE. The above is the seal of bishop Pudsey, reproduced by kind permis-
sion of the Kev. Canon Eaine, from Raine's Auckland 'Castle.

VOL, xvii. 19

146 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

enough at Darlington in virtue of the nature of the foundation, can
only be accounted for at Hartlepool by its connection with the great
priory of Guisborough, to which both its immediate predecessor and
itself were subject. 1

Of both churches, again, the names and histories of the builders
are pretty certainly ascertained.

As to Darlington, prior Wessington not only tells us that it was
built by bishop Pudsey from the foundation, but Coldingham, that
these were laid in the year when the ransom for the release of king
Richard I. was levied, which fixes it to 1192. It was therefore pro-
gressing during the three years intervening between that date and
the death of Pudsey, which occurred on March 3rd, 1195. 2

1 The presence of a western doorway was, apparently always, and without ex-
ception, indicative either of inherent, or dependent dignity. As a rule it pertained
especially to all cathedral and conventual churches, however humble, whether of
monks or canons, regulars or seculars. When occurring in simple parish
churches, no matter how grand their scale, or sumptuous their decoration, this
feature may, I think, invariably be taken as denoting their appropriation either
to some bishopric or religious house ; the accepted, and doubtless correct, theory
being that it was provided for the solemn entry of the bishop, abbot, or prior, as
the case might be, when coming to visit, in procession. Yet, that there were
exceptions to the rule, on one hand at any rate, is evident from the fact that,
although nearly all conventual churches had western doorways, some at least, as
for example, those of the Augustinian priory of Brinkburn, and the Benedictine
abbeys of Buildwas and Romsey had none ; nor were they probably the only
instances. Nor must it be supposed on the other hand, that though, apparently,
all parish churches having western doorways were dependent as above described,
all churches so dependent were necessarily provided with them. This would
seem only to have been the case where those churches were either built or
rebuilt after the date of their appropriation : those already built being suffered
to continue as they were. Nor again, were all collegiate churches, unless like
those of Bipon, Fotheringay, Tattersall, St. Stephen's Westminster, or St.
George's Windsor, built specially for the purpose provided with them ; some, like
those of Staindrop and Lanchester. ancient parish churches which were made
collegiate only at a later date, never having had any at all. That of Chester-le-
Street affords us an interesting example of an ancient parish church which, if
previously without one, yet, on being extended westwards at the period of the
collegiate foundation, temp, bishop Bek, was then duly furnished with this
customary feature.

2 John de Wessington, who was prior of Durham from 1416 to 1446, and
lived, therefore, some one hundred and twenty years after the event, can only, of
course, have derived his information from either history or tradition. It is
none the less valuable, however, on that account, since it does not oppose, but
simply corroborates, the actually contemporary account of Coldingham which
runs thus :

' Rex igitur de terra Syriae revertens, a Duce Ostriciae captus, et Imperatori
venditus, legatariis in Angliam directis, mandavit suae liberationi celerius et
uberius ab omnibus subveniri ; aurumque et argentum ecclesiarum et vasa sancta,
vel eorum redemptionem, ad se transmitti, Episcopus, autem, ecclesiam Dunhel-
mensem nullam volens sustinere diminutionem, quam novis semper decoris
optabat incrementis proficere, thesaurum datum centum marcis redemit, et
illibatum loco muneris ecclesiae restituit ; misitque Regi duo millia libras argenti ;

COLLEGIATE, HARTLEPOOL PAROCHIAL. 147

With respect to Hartlepool, though our information is neither so
precise nor circumstantial as in the case at Darlington, it is yet
scarcely the less certain or assured. For, though documentary proof
be not, indeed, forthcoming, the internal evidence of style alone fixes its
erection as surely to the closing years of the life, as do its vast scale
and sumptuous splendour of decoration to the munificence, of Robert
de Brus IV., the contemporary, for twenty years, of bishop Pudsey,
and who, marrying Isabel, daughter of William the Lion, king of
Scots, died in 1191. 3

Darlington (see plan, plate IV.), as befitting its purpose, is a cross
church, and not merely a cross church for cross churches, as at Bowes
and Hamsterley, are sometimes found on the smallest scale and of the
humblest character but a cross church with a central tower and
spire ; and what is specially characteristic for even cross churches
with central towers, and of great size, as at S. Mary's, Nottingham,
were frequently only parochial with choir and transepts in two storeys
and of the same height as the clearstoreyed nave, features which at
once serve to point out its more than parochial dignity.

Hartlepool, on the other hand, as a purely parochial church, or,
to speak more exactly, chapel, for notwithstanding its importance it had
no higher rank, was built without transepts ; features which, whenever

quae ille minus gratanter excepit, eo quo censeret modicum praestitisse, quern
sub obtentu liberationis suae immanes copias didiscerat adunasse. Inter tarn
multiplicium tempestatum vicissitudines constructione ecclesiae de Derningtona
non destitit ; in qua, clericis constitutis, ordinem qui olim in Dunelmo fuerat
renovare decrevit.' Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores tres (9 Surtees Society publ.) p. 14.

The history of Galfrid, who was a monk of Durham, and, at the time it was
written, sacrist of the cell of Coldingham, extends from the year 1152 to the year
1214.

3 In the latest archaeological description of the county of Durham, the writer,
speaking of Hartlepool church, tells us, in an astonishing flight of fancy, that it
speaks : ' as authentically as any written document could, of the rapid growth
and prosperity ' (of the town) ' which preceded its erection. In the enthusiasm
to which success gives birth, the merchants of Hartlepool said : " We will build a
church ! " From the first they contemplated a splendid design, and this they
executed worthily.' The 'merchants,' however, are unfortunately made to
' enthuse ' somewhat prematurely, seeing that at the time mentioned they had
practically no existence, a weekly market even, not being granted till after the
church was finished, nor the privilege of an annual fair conceded till 1216. But
one person, it is hardly necessary to say, viz., Robert de Brus IV., the lord and
owner of the whole place and parish, had either the power to build so magnifi-
cent a structure or transfer it, when built, to his grandfather's foundation at
Guisborough, which, as we learn, his father still farther enriched with six oxgangs
of land in Stranton, and one in the mother parish of Hart. That bishop Pudsey,
who merely confirmed the grants of the two Roberts de Brus, father and son,
had, as supposed, anything to do with the actual erection of the church, is, of
course, quite out, of the question.

148 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

occurring in parish churches, were invariably private mortuary chapels,
belonging usually to different families, and built at different times.
The reason why they are not found here is simply this, viz., that the
whole church, owing its existence to private liberality, the founder
was minded, from the first, to erect and set apart its immense
and splendid chancel as a place of sepulture for himself and his
family instead. 4

Another, and very important point to notice about these two
churches is the circumstance that their designers were skilled archi-
tects, and not, as so often happened, mere rude country masons, who,
in a more or less ignorant and blundering fashion, copied the works
of such men as best they could. Consequently they afford us the best
possible evidence of the progress of local architectural art at a given
time the last decades of the twelfth century. A careful examination
of their respective details becomes, therefore, very instructive, especially
in connection with the final developments of the Transitional style.

Both churches, I may add, have been partially illustrated and
described by Mr. Billings in his Durham County; while of Hartlepool
a series of rough, but carefully measured folio plates, with accom-
panying text, has been given by Messrs. Perry and Henman, in their
work on the Architectural Antiquities of the County of Durham.

Darlington church, though lacking similar illustration, has, on the
other hand, been described not only by Mr. Longstaffe in his History
and Antiquities of the Parish of Darlington, but by no less an authority
on architecture than the late Sir Gilbert Scott ; though, I am con-
strained to say, with a very different result from what might naturally
have been expected. Unfortunately, he was not a north-country
man, nor intimately acquainted with north-country work; hence,
perhaps, to some extent, the strange mistakes he has fallen into.

Without occupying myself, however, by pointing out all the
blunders, both as to dates and facts, which he has committed in
respect to Pudsey and his works, it will suffice that I confine myself
strictly to what he says about the church of Darlington.

4 The original length of the chancel is said to have been twenty-three and a
half yards. It consisted of three compound bays of two arches each, of which the
westernmost one only, and that half new, now remains. Outside, in the church-
yard, though once in the midst of the chancel, may still be seen the remains of a
very late Brus altar-tomb, showing clearly, by the place of honour it originally
occupied, to whom the erection both of church and chancel was due.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. f to face p. 148/

Plate IV.

SIR GILBERT SCOTT ON THE CHURCH. 149

II.

In a lecture delivered on the spot, June 3rd, 1862, he declared
that he 'had found the greatest possible difficulty in making the
church accord with the history (of the Transitional period generally)
he had just been going through. The date of the erection was
involved in perplexity, history being extremely poor in this respect.
Historians, so far as their labours had been searched, did not tell us
with any certainty when the church was built, or by whom. They
said Bishop Pudsey founded a collegiate church in Darlington. One
historian went so far as to say Bishop Pudsey began the building,
and another nearly contemporary historian said that the troubles
Bishop Pudsey had to go through in the latter part of his life did not
cause him to cease in the construction of the new church at Darlington.
It was therefore perfectly certain that what Bishop Pudsey did in the
church at Darlington was at the very close of his episcopate, and it
might fairly be inferred that he never finished it, but that it was
going on at the time of his death in 1194.'

Now, before proceeding further in quotation, let me first of
all direct attention to the way in which the most precise and
positive statements of contemporary writers, and those of the highest
standing, are summarily swept aside as of no account at all. Though
Wessington tells us that the bishop built the church from its founda-
tions, and Coldingham, that these were laid in 1192, Sir Gilbert is
bold enough to assert that the date of its erection is 'involved in
perplexity,' and its history 'very poor.' Yet, of how many of our
ancient churches have we anything like such early and exact accounts
as these ?

But Coldingham tells us something quite as important as the date
of its foundation, if not more so indeed, and that is, that so eager was
the bishop in the prosecution of his purpose that ' among all the vicis-
situdes of such varied tempests he did not desist from the construction
of the church of Darlington, in which, clerks being appointed, he
determined to renew the order which was formerly at Durham.'

In other words, we are assured on the absolutely unimpeachable
authority of a contemporary witness, that the works commenced in
1192 were continued, without cessation, till the bishop's death in 1195.

150 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

The assertion, moreover, that Pudsey's work commenced ' at the
very close of his episcopate,' it should be noted, though quite true in
a loose sense, as compared with the length of his reign of forty-two
years, is yet quite untrue in an exact sense, the sense, that is, in which
Sir Gilbert would have us understand it, I mean in comparison of
the length of time requisite for the completion of the fabric in all its
more important parts.

Begun, as we have seen, in 1192, and doubtless considering what
manner of man its founder was, and how great his anxiety for its
completion with a full complement of workmen, the building was
pushed forward with unflagging zeal up to the time of the bishop's
death on March 3rd, 1195. There were thus three years a year for
each limb, during which the choir and transepts, at any rate, would
be progressing in the bishop's lifetime a period, as need hardly be
pointed out, not merely sufficient, but much more than sufficient for
their completion. 5 But Sir Gilbert, ignoring all such considerations, and
as blind, appparently, to the broad general witness of the building, as
deaf to the voice of history, goes on to ask the question, ' What do
we find here?' and makes answer, 'A building which every here and
there had details which at once reminded us of the period of the
Transition, but at the same time intimately mixed up with those
which did not belong to the Transition at all. There were details of
1190 or 1200 side by side with details of 1220 or 1230, or even
later.' And then he proceeds to tell us that, ' With the single excep-
tion of the buttresses, the architecture was that of the advanced Early
English style ; many of the windows evidently did not belong to
Pudsey. The abaci were round and did not appeal* extremely early
specimens, while many of the mouldings had been worked to suit
square abaci, and some were subsequently trimmed off to prevent
their overhanging. The conjecture which he came to was that Bishop
Pudsey began the church and carried it up to the string-course below

5 It was with the architecture of the choir and transepts that Sir Gilbert's
remarks had principally to do, and in answer to which the present account is for
the most part directed, being designed to show that all three were the actual
work of the bishop himself, and completed during his lifetime. But that there
was not only abundant time for the completion of these, but of the nave also,
there can be no doubt ; nor is there anything in the character of the western
parts to show that they were not either finished, or, at least, in progress at the
time of the bishop's death.

DATE OP THE DETAILS. 151

the windows. He thought, too, that Bishop Pudsey had prepared a
great quantity of material for carrying the work on, and that after his
death some considerable interval must have transpired before the
work was commenced again, and that whenever that might have been,
the builders went upon the plan commenced by Bishop Pudsey, and
used up, so far as they could, the prepared work left behind ; thus
the new capitals were formed on the round system, although the
mouldings were square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings,
would have overhung the circles. Throughout the whole of the
building, with the exception of the lower part, and certain details
which he believed were prepared before, the whole work belonged,
instead of to Bishop Pudsey, very probably to the end of the first
quarter of the thirteenth century.'

Such are the ' difficulties ' alleged to be discovered by Sir Gilbert in
the three eastern limbs of the church (for with the nave generally he
is not much concerned), and such the 'short and simple plan' he
devises for getting rid of them. For myself, I can only say that both
one and other suffice to fill me with a sense of utter and blank amaze-
ment : though after all, perhaps, it should not be so surprising to find
the same measure meted out to the architecture as is measured to
the history.

Let us endeavour, however, with the help of exact illustrations of
the building itself, and of its more important details, to see how far its
witness bears out the plain statements of Wessington and Coldingham
on the one hand ; or the hasty and superficial speculations of Sir
Gilbert on the other. We shall see, I think, that, plausible as his
imaginary difficulties may, perhaps, appear at first sight, a very little
examination only is needed to show how contradictory and self-
destructive they are; and how absolutely, because practically, impossible
his solution of them. Referring, then, to his address, we observe, first
of all, the statement that the church has * every here and there details
which at once remind us of the period of the Transition, but at the
same time intimately mixed up with those which do not belong to the
Transition at all. There are details of 1190 or 1200 side by side with
details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.'

Now observe, for some, perhaps, might fail to do so, the skilfully
disguised attempt which lurks beneath these apparently simple and

152 DARLINGTON CHURCH:

innocent expressions to throw dust into the eyes of the unwary, and,
at the same time, blur and obscure the clear, sharp lines of history.
* Every here and there details which remind us of the period of the
Transition,' says Sir Gilbert ; as though the whole of the existing
work, like the period itself in which we are assured it was wrought,
was not positively, and without any reminiscence at all, that of the
Transition. * Details of 1190 or 1200,' he proceeds, 'side by side
with details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' Of these last we will
take full account by- and- by, but, meanwhile, how of 1190 or 1200 ?
Between 1190 and 1200 was a decade of no ordinary kind, but one,
on the contrary, of the intensest architectural activity, in which
changes of style were advancing day by day with a speed altogether
phenomenal. The details of 1190 and those of 1200, so far from
being, as might seem to be suggested, practically interchangeable,
belonged to two entirely separate classes, viz., those of the Transition,
and of the perfectly developed Early English, respectively. And with
neither one nor the other of these dates could the choir and transepts
have any connection at all. Not with 1190, for they were not then
begun; nor with 1200, for they had then been finished five years. With
the style of the intermediate and historically defined period, however, all
three and their several parts are in the most perfect and exact accord ;
Transitional, yet so late in the style as to have lost all mixture of the
Romanesque; First Pointed, yet in style so immature and undeveloped
as to have gained none of the distinguishing features of the purely
Early English.

But, to pass from what to the uninitiated may seem, perhaps,
something like hair-splitting niceties, Sir Gilbert tells us that those
details, whatever their precise date, which every here and there remind
us of the period of the Transition, are intimately mixed up with others
which do not belong to the Transition at all, with those, indeed, ' of
1220 or 1230, or even later ! '

Well, it can only be asked, where are those later details, details
which, from first to last, Sir Gilbert, like some others who have
echoed him, so carefully abstains from particularising ? They are cer-
tainly not discoverable in the choir, the earliest part of all, and
which, though very slightly, yet perceptibly, differs both in expression
and detail from the transepts ; which, again, differ somewhat, not in

DETAILS ALL SHOW PUDSEY's WORK. 153

style, but merely in detail, from each other. Nor, again, does the
closest scrutiny reveal them in the transepts, which necessarily, and
more especially on their eastern sides, went up directly and con-
secutively after it. 6

' With the single exception of the buttresses,' Sir Gilbert declares,
* the architecture is that of the advanced Early English style, many of
the windows evidently did not belong to Pudsey. The conjecture
which he came to was that Bishop Pudsey began the church and
carried it up to the string-course below the windows. He thought,
too, that Bishop Pudsey had prepared a great quantity of material for
carrying the work on, and that after his death some considerable
interval must have transpired before the work was commenced again,
and that, whenever that might have been, the builders went upon
the plan commenced by Bishop Pudsey, and used up, so far as they
could, the prepared work left behind.'

So far Sir Gilbert : now, let us to the building, and see what
answer it returns to his allegations.

Up to the lowest string-courses,* which, like the bands of ashlar
work beneath run evenly, and without a break around both choir and
transepts in their entirety, all is admittedly of Pudsey's work. All is
perfectly plain, and the string-courses themselves are of the same char-
acter. And yet Sir Gilbert would have us believe that these few courses
of simple ashlaring were all that the whole force of masons the bishop
could command were able to erect during three full years. Having
carried up the walls so far, they then, according to his account,

6 It should be observed, for the fact is very unusual, and noteworthy, that, as
the church was first built, it so continued without alteration or insertion of any
kind, save in regard to the heightening of the nave aisles, and the repairs conse-
quent on the settlement of the tower piers in the fourteenth century, to the last.
There were, therefore, no such after changes of plan, or insertions of windows,
or other features, of slightly later date, as Sir Gilbert's remarks might lead any
one unacquainted with the building to imagine ; such, for example, as the great
north window of the Nine Altars at Durham, where the original design was
abandoned for a later one while the works were yet in progress ; or in the choir
of S. Andrew Auckland, where the original early Early English lights were built
up, and late ones inserted in their place when the church was made collegiate
under bishop Bek. All the several limbs, with all their details though, of
course, the lower parts of each being built first, were, to that extent, earlier
than the upper are, respectively of the same date throughout ; so that it is
quite impossible to pick out any one or more particular features and affirm
them to be of one period, while the rest are of another.
* See p. 154, figs. 1 and 2.

V/\T VVTT ^V

154

DARLINGTON CHURCH :

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

Fig. 4.

Fig. 3.

Fig. 5.

Pig. l.-Outer Lower String-course. Fig, 2. Inner Lower String-course

Beneath Lower Windows of Choir and North and South Transepts.
Fig. 3. Outer Hood of Lower Windows, Choir and North Transept.

Fig. 4. Inner String below Upper Windows of Choir, North and South Transept, and Nave.
Fig. 5. Outer String below Upper Windows of Choir and South Transept.

THE ABACI OF A PURELY TRANSITIONAL CHARACTER. 155

instead of proceeding in the regular way, suddenly stopped building
altogether ; and, for no conceivable reason, and despite the bishop's
anxiety, set themselves to preparing ' a great quantity of material,'
which they most unaccountably and persistently refrained from fixing.
The whole of this accumulated mass, instead of being placed in
position as it was finished and as, according to universal rule, it
would have been anywhere else was thereupon, he ' conjectures,' left
either lying about, a very wilderness of carved work, or stacked
up in vast heaps for thirty, or five and thirty years or more. And
thus, by the invention of this beautifully 'simple plan,' we learn how
'details of 1190 or 1200 are found side by side with details which,'
he assures us, 'are of 1220 or 1230, or even later !'

But, however satisfactory upon the surface, and to his hearers, at
the moment, nothing could be more so, examination shows it to be
not merely erroneous, but impossible. For on what basis does it rest ;
and what is the special * difficulty ' it has been designed, on the mere
spur of the moment, to explain away ? Why, simply the presence of
round abaci on the capitals of the little columns of the window-jambs
and wall arcades, and which, Sir Gilbert thinks ought, like the general
outline of the mouldings, to have been square also. 'The abaci' he
says, ' were round and did not appear extremely early specimens, 7 while
many of the mouldings had been worked to suit square abaci, and
some were subsequently trimmed off to prevent their overhanging.
The new capitals (that is, ' of 1220, or 1230, or even later,' for the

7 All of them, on the contrary, bear witness to their purely Transitional char-
acter. Compare, for example, the capitals on page 160 with those given by Sir
Gilbert in his lectures on Mediceval Architecture, L, 123, taken from Ripon
and Fountains, where the identity of style and almost of form will be seen at a
glance. Compare them also with one of the corbels at the west end of the
chapel of Auckland castle, also built by bishop Pudsey, a work evidently
contemporaneous with this at Darlington, and where both round and square
abaci are used in the same composition. These capitals, it may be added, are
worked in that excessively hard and intractable material, Frosterley marble.
The first pair of detached capitals, east of them,in the same material, have their
abaci, which are of exactly the same section, square, and the foliage natter. All
the rest to the east, or low end of the hall (for it was built originally
as the great hall of the manor) are circular, like those of the upper part of the
western respond, only plain, and without foliage. It would be interesting to
know what Sir Gilbert would have had to say with regard to the elaborately
moulded arches that these several capitals carry ; whether, that is, they were
designed for round, or for square, abaci. They are all exactly alike throughout,
and it would certainly have taxed his ingenuity, as it would seem to have done
that of the original builders, as to which form suited them best. They solved
the difficulty there, as at Darlington, by using both.

156 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

originals of Pudsey's time are supposed either never to have been
worked ab all, or, if so, rejected on the resumption of the works) were
formed on the round system, although the mouldings were square,
which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, would have overhung
the circles.'

Now, just consider what this really means. Sir Gilbert himself is
far too astute to tell you, for if he did, his ' simple plan ' would be seen
to collapse at once. 'The mouldings,' he says, 'are square,' while the
capitals which carry them ' are round ;' the one, that is, according to his
interpretation, are of Pudsey's time, the others 'of 1220, or 1230, or
even later.' He has just stated that Pudsey's workmen had prepared
' a great quantity of material,' but he judiciously refrains from adding
how great that quantity, that is, of those earlier ' square mouldings,'
was. I need hardly waste time, perhaps, in pointing out the utter
inconsistency of this assertion with the other made previously, viz.,
that ' with the single exception of the buttresses, the architecture was
that of the advanced Early English style,' but simply refer you to
the place these, so-called, square-sectioned Pudseyan mouldings occupy
in the building. So far from consisting, as, on some sudden stoppage
of the works, might naturally be expected, of a few voussoirs and
jamb, or other mouldings ready worked for the setter's hand, but
unlaid ; will it be believed that, on the contrary, they not only em-
brace the whole of the wall-arcades and of the arch-mouldings of the
windows of the choir, both inside and outside, as well as of nearly
all the windows and wall-arcades in both storeys of the transepts, but
of the great arches of the crossing, and of those opening into the nave
aisles as well ?

Sir Gilbert, we see, all unconsciously, makes the fatal mistake of
proving too much ; for if, as he implies, and rightly implies, that
what he calls the square-edged mouldings are of Pudsey's time ; then,
since not merely the wall-arcades, of which he was speaking more
particularly, but almost the whole of the arch-mouldings of the three
eastern limbs, are also square-edged, they too, together with the walls
of which they form so large a part, and whose interior surfaces they
entirely overlie, must necessarily be of his time too. It is that simply
enormous mass of material, therefore, the accumulation of which, to
such an extent, must, of course, have been absurdly and monstrously

SIR GILBERT SCOTT'S DIFFICULTIES AS TO DATE. lf>7

impossible, that we are asked to believe, was not only left lying useless
for thirty years or more, but, after that, along with the greater part
of the nave, erected by some benefactor of whom history (and even
Sir Gilbert) knows nothing.

III.

But, these 'square-sectioned' mouldings constitute only half, and
that the lesser half, of the ' difficulties ' discovered. In a building of
Pudsey's date their presence was not only natural but inevitable.
What seems to be his supreme difficulty is the presence * side by side,'
and ' intimately mixed up with ' such mouldings, of ' capitals formed
on the round system' and having 'round abaci.' These, he calls 'new,'
and ' conjectures ' to have been cut on the resumption of the work
some thirty or more years after Pudsey and his men had ceased.
He does not stop, however, to consider the dilemma in which this
' conjecture ' lands him. When Pudsey's masons, as we have seen on
internal evidence, carved the entire arch-mouldings of the three
eastern limbs, as well as all the window- jambs and columns in con-
nection with them, one of two things must have happened, either they
cut the little capitals pertaining to them, or they did not. If not,
there remains the fact that, when every other piece of sculpture, with-
out exception, was finished, these small, but important features, without
which the rest could not be put together, were, in an utterly incom-
prehensible way, left out. If they did cut them, then the still more
incomprehensible fact results that when, after so long an interval, the
works were once more started, the builders deliberately destroyed the
whole of the capitals which were made to fit these arch-moulds, only
to carve, at infinite labour and ex pence, 'new' ones which, as Sir
Gilbert tells us, do not.

So much for theory : now for fact. All Sir Gilbert's ' difficulties '
centre, let me repeat, in the circumstance that, whereas the arch-
moulds are ' square,' the abaci are, what it suits him to call, ' round.'
Yet, that is exactly what, in the choir more especially, they are not.
And then he adds that they are not merely round, but ' do not appear
extremely early specimens.' Well ; taking those of the choir to begin
with, what do we find ? On the outside, both above and below, and
on the alternate sides of each window, capitals whose abaci are, so far

158 DARLINGTON CHURCH.

as I know, unique, since they are neither round nor square, but of a
form exactly intermediate between the two ; square as to their general
outline, but, instead of being brought to a point, having their salient
angles gently rounded off. So far, indeed, from 'not appearing ex-
tremely early specimens,' nothing more intensely Transitional, whether
in form or spirit, could be conceived. Their opposite capitals in every
case, though exactly corresponding in other respects, and therefore
of the same age, have their abaci of the commoner and more fully
rounded form.

In the interior again, we find the abaci of the wall-arcade capitals
modelled in much the same way, not 'round,' but formed of parallel
straight sides with rounded fronts, and admirably suited to the section
of their arch-moulds, which sit upon them perfectly. (See p. 159, A
and B, below.)

More than this, however ; for besides their abaci, several of these
caps are enriched with foliage. Of what style then is this, of Pudsey's
day, or of 1230, or later ? Throughout, we find the stiff, formal, up-
right arrangement, and somewhat pinched and cramped grouping so
characteristic of the last decade of the twelfth century. The one
solitary exception to this prevailing stiffness is discovered in the lower
range of the north side, where, by a happy inspiration, the little
trefoil leaves, as stiff in arrangement however as the rest, are shown in
motion as though agitated by the wind. 8 Yet, curiously enough, this

8 This slight variation of treatment has, of course, nothing whatever to do
with any difference of date, all are alike in that respect, but simply with
the innate love of change, and inventiveness of the carver. Though the
particular conceit became afterwards very generally adopted, and in a measure
characteristic of the pure Early English style, yet, like all other forms of detail,
it had its prototypes, and they may be found scattered about liberally in all
parts. Among other and early examples may be instanced the beautiful waving
and curling foliage of the choir capitals at Lincoln Minster, built by St. Hugh
between 1190 and 1200. at the very time the works at Darlington were going
on ; and where, it may be noted, the round abacus is used exclusively. Other
early examples of wind- waved foliage may be referred to, of a slightly later
character, at Coleby, in the same county ; as also at Moulton and Whaplode,
where, on the other hand, it is somewhat stiffer and earlier. It may be further
worth mentioning, perhaps, in connection with the subject of arch-moulds and
abaci, that at Coleby, the architect, who was evidently an able man, set Sir
Gilbert's rules completely at defiance ; for though the arches are of the usual
two chamfered orders, the capitals and abaci of the clustered columns, which
are clusters of eight, are not only of a different, but contrarient form, the
outline of the abaci of their main pointed bowtels projecting sharply beyond
the semi-octagonal faces of the arch-moulds at the cardinal points ; while
round, projecting capitals introduced intermediately, and in front of the
recessed angles between the two orders have, of course, no arch -moulds to
carry at all.

159

Pier? of

160

DARLINGTON CHURCH.

more advanced looking cap is found supporting the arch-moulds of the
central window, which are the earliest in type of all, and, like those of

its fellow opposite, re-
produce, with curious
similarity, the style of
Pudsey's great Norman
doorway in the castle hall
at Durham some twenty
years earlier. 9 Then,
again, above this on two
I of the capitals of the up-
! per, and therefore later,
| storey, may be seen,

9 It has been urged by
more than one professional
architect that the embossed
fret-moulds of these lower
central windows are Norman,
and derived from an earlier
building. No greater mistake
could be made. In the first
place, as careful examination
abundantly proves, they are
of the very latest period of

the Transition, and synchronize exactly with all other parts of the same
range. They simply reproduce, with much modification, a form of ornament
which had then all but expired, just like the south doorway of the contemporary
church of Hartlepool, which contains the only piece of Transitional zig-zag
in that building. (See an admirable view in Billings's Durham County. ,) And
the reason for the adoption of this fretted pattern, and the exact place selected
for its introduction, may be seen clearly enough on reflection. Throughout the
whole of these lower ranges of windows the excessive, nay, almost exclusive, use
of parallel lines, light and dark, of rolls and hollows, alternately, both in jambs
and arches, can hardly fail to be observed. Now, the necessity for relieving the
otherwise inevitably monotonous effect of this arrangement, so obvious to the
old builders, may still be seen on scanning their work, and imagining for a
moment, this fretwork removed ; as well as, how exactly in the right place it is,
by picturing it, when there, in any other position. All must see how, un-
deniably, it is not only the right thing, but the right thing in the right place.
That, then, is its artistic raison d'etre. But there are other reasons for regarding
the work as contemporaneous with its surroundings. To suppose it to have come
from an earlier church would be to suppose its insertion there precisely at the
period when it was about to be demolished, not, I venture to think, a very
likely supposition. And then, the following facts would remain to be explained,
viz., how it came to pass that the mouldings, cut as they are to the same section
as the rest, should happen, by a further coincidence, nothing short of miraculous,
to be of exactly the same dimensions, both of breadth and depth ; and that the
fretwork should have been planned so as to fit, with the utmost nicety, two
differently proportioned surfaces, exactly filling the under side, or soffit, while
leaving the precise amount of margin requisite for effect, between the points of
the frets and the hood mouldings on the face ; whereas, had they been merely

SOUTH CHANCEL.

ARCHAEOLOOIA A ELI AN A, Vol. XVII. (between pp. 160 and 161.)

CJxjpcl? SapliDgto

reduced -frojp

Plate V.

ARCHAEOLOGIA AEL1ANA, Vol. XVII. (between pp. 160 and 161.)

Clxjpcb

.efajft of qtf j?cj
fc/J) ^'

Jqji;]3 ,

Plate VI.

>/C/ppefWp^<

Ogftjcje

L .1 _

THE GALILEE CHAPEL, DURHAM. 161

though, as might be expected, with far fuller and freer modelling, that
emphatically Transitional form of volute so familiar in his chapel of
the Galilee, and which dates from 1175. 10

Clearly, therefore, since all the string-courses, window-jambs, arch-
moulds, hood-moulds (see plates V. and VI.), wall-arcades, and sculp-

old material re-used, they would, to an almost dead certainty, have had to be
trimmed and adapted, tant bien que trial, to their position.

Another point to be explained, too, would be the presence, which can only be
detected on the closest scrutiny, of the most perfect and beautifully formed
dog-tooth that essentially Early English ornament, as it is usually considered
at the intersection of the frets, and which is more highly developed even than
that which decorates, so remarkably, the adjoining windows to the east. And
then would come the further fact, which could not be explained at all, viz. :
that on either side, the pointed bowtel mouldings of the adjoining blank arches
are worked out of the same stones from which these fretted voussoirs spring ;
thereby proving, beyond contradiction, that they are the work, not only of the
same time, but of the same man.

But, it is objected further, that at the apex the points of the frets do not fit
with that degree of exact, and mathematical precision which they ought to do,
and that, therefore, the voussoirs cannot, originally, have been designed either
for their present shape or place. The objection, however, is taken from a purely
modern standpoint, and in complete ignorance or forgetfulness of medieval
methods. Men were not then, it should be remembered, the mere machines they
so commonly are now ; nor did they either set about, or execute, their work with
that mechanical and office-planned precision so dear to the modern architect and
clerk of works. Beginning with their arch-moulds at the bottom, they simply
went on cutting till they approached the top, and then filled in the intervening
space with stones of the required size. In many cases, as in the fine Early
English arcades at Kirkby Stephen church, that space proved to be too narrow
to allow the perfect penetration of the voussoir, which being thus brought to a

5oint before it reached the bottom, had no intrados at all. In the Norman
oorway of Heighington church, again, to take a more strictly local example,
the single row of arch zig-zags, which are all of large size, are brought so close
together at the crown that the pattern could not be carried on, and so the small
intervening space had to be treated in just such an irregular and abortive way
as its width allowed.

Here, at Darlington, the utmost that can be said is that, in one instance, the
figures, when they reach the apex, fall barely short of such absolute exactness
as might have been achieved had the dimensions of each stone been first of all
drawn out at full size, and then copied to a hair's breadth and that is all.

10 Astonishing as Sir Gilbert's account of the capitals of these wall-arcades
is, it would seem, in one particular at least, to be surpassed by that of a
local antiquary (quoted approvingly by another) with respect to such of
them as exhibit these Transitional volutes. Because, apparently, they occur in
a very stiff and early form in the Galilee capitals, where the extreme tips of the
leaves only are curled up in a sharp point beneath the angles of the square
abaci ; he, at once, after echoing Sir Gilbert's dictum that ' we have mouldings
intended for square abaci resting on round ones,' jumps, with even greater
precipitancy, to the conclusion that these volutes notwithstanding their
difference of design, and that they conform to their position beneath the round
abaci as perfectly as all the rest had been originally provided with square
ones ; which latter, although both arch-moulds and volutes were, according to
his view, cut specially to fit them, were afterwards, and out of pure wrong-
headedness, rounded off ! A slightly later form of this very volute, I may add,
enriched with shallow flutings, may be seen beneath a circular abacus in the
northern jamb of the central eastern lancet of Kirkham abbey church.

VOL. XVIT. 21

162 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

tured foliage in both storeys are perfectly uniform, and of the most
distinctly Transitional character imaginable throughout, no place for
the advanced Early English style of the end of the first quarter of the
thirteenth century, 'or of details of 1220 or 1230, or later,' is to be
found in the choir. They must consequently be sought, if they are
to be Tound at all, in the crossing and transepts.

That these, generally, are of a slightly later date, though without
any ' solution of continuity,' cannot be doubted. The stern, archaic
severity of style, so striking in the windows of the eastern limb,
becomes, in those of the upper stories of the transverse ones, greatly
softened ; the obtuse design of the earlier choir-window heads springing
up here into lighter lancet forms, while the square, unmoulded edges
(see Plates V. and VI.) which distinguish them so remarkably, dis-
appear in those of the transepts altogether.

Here, then, at length, we might expect to discover some of those
4 many windows ' which Sir Gilbert declares ' evidently did not belong
to Pudsey.' They vary somewhat ; those of the south transept, like all
the rest of its details as pertaining to the choir of the Lady
chapel 11 being much richer than those of the north, which only
formed its nave. On the exterior, the one clearstorey group has a
moulded outer order enriched with double rows of nail-head, which is
carried on slender, cord-like shafts having caps but no bases, while
the other is formed merely of two orders of broad and simple chamfers.
(For those on east side, as well as those of choir, see frontispiece.)
And thus, either group, viewed from the outside, might quite easily,
for anything that appears to the contrary, be, as Sir Gilbert says,
' of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' But, just as in literature, we know

11 Sir Gilbert, if I may be pardoned for saying so, seems, in an
unguarded moment, to have fallen into the vulgar error of assuming that the
richer work must, prima facie, be the later. In Darlington church, taken as a
whole, the exact contrary is the case, the contrast between the comparatively
late and plain work of the nave, and that of the choir and transepts being very
striking. It never, apparently, occurred to Sir Gilbert, any 'more than to the
local antiquaries who have treated of the subject, that the greater richness of
the south transept is due, not to its later date, which its own details, as well
as other and structural reasons, prove to be impossible, but to its having
formed the choir of the Lady chapel, as the presence of two contemporary
piscinae there, while there is none in the plainer northern one, sufficiently
shows. The church is thus seen to consist really, as it were, of two churches,
whose respective naves and chancels cross each other at right angles, with a
central tower and spire, common to both, at the intersection.

ROUND ABACUS INVENTED BY ENGLISH WILLIAM, AT CANTERBURY. 163

what usually happens when, for controversial purposes, a sentence,
or even part of a sentence, is severed from its context, so here, with
these windows. For we have but to go inside and view them in
connection with the blank arcades of which they are integral parts,
to see at once that they are of practically the same date as those
below, and which follow, with more or less exactness, those of
the choir. What the true date and character of these arcades is
may be discovered from the fact that in those of the north transept
there occur, mixed up indiscriminately with rounded, octagonal, and
semi-round and square ones, like those of the choir, no fewer than
six square abaci, three of them in the clearstorey, and which, by a
strange irony of fate, support, not, as according to his theory they
ought to do, square-shaped mouldings which they would exactly fit,
but broad chamfered ones, which, according to it, they don't fit
at all. 12

IV.

The whole of this arcading, however, demands the closest atten-
tion, for it gives Sir Gilbert's undigested and superficial theory the
completest answer possible. His main contention against the choir
and transepts being the actual work of bishop Pudsey, as the
historians assert them to be, was that the arch-moulds of their
arcades were * square.' while the abaci of the capitals which receive
them were ' round.' Then, since the square abacus, like the square
section of mouldings, was the earlier, and the round, in either case,
generally, the later form, he at once saw a 'difficulty,' The two
forms (i.e., from a purely theoretical, and cut and dried office
point of view) did not agree, and therefore could not (as every one,
previous to the delivery of his lecture, had imagined) be contem-

12 Sir Gilbert, in one place, particularizes the simpler details of the north
transept as representing part of that ' great quantity of material ' which
Pudsey's workmen had prepared, but not placed. But as the chancel and its
details are evidently the earliest parts of the church, anything that remained
over after the stoppage, which he asserts took place at the level of the lowest
string-course, would naturally, on the resumption of the works, be used up there.
And then, since the moulds of the lower arcade are entirely square sectioned,
and as Sir Gilbert assures us, cut to be received on square abaci, how curious a
thing is it to find that the actual builders did not see things in that light at
all, but fitted what he calls the square-edged arch-moulds to round abaci,
while they took square abaci and fitted them to chamfered arch-moulds, with
which, according to his theory, they could have no affinity whatever

164 DARLINGTON CHURCH:

porary. So he at once jumped to the conclusion that, historians
notwithstanding, these round abaci must belong ' to the end of
the first quarter of the thirteenth century,' Darlington mean-
while going for five and thirty years or more without a church, of
which all the other parts were ready, and waiting only for these little
caps. And then, strange to say, when, after this long probation it
got them, they did not fit ! Why the carvers of 1230, after all their
experience in the use of the round abacus, which, though invented
by English William, at Canterbury, eleven years before the founda-
tions of Pudsey's church were laid, was then a novelty, should,
nevertheless, not make them fit ; and why Sir Gilbert should parade
the fact of such misfitting as a proof of the lateness, rather than, as
might naturally be supposed, earliness, of their date, is as unintel-
ligible as unexplained. 'Many of the mouldings,' he says (they are
all, however, practically alike (see p. 159, A and B, below), ' had been
worked to suit square abaci, and some were subsequently trimmed off
to prevent their overhanging, the new capitals were formed on the
round system, although the mouldings were square, which, but for the
trimming of the mouldings, would have overhung the circles.'

But, supposing for the moment, the fact to be as stated, how can it
possibly be held to show, or even suggest, that these abaci are of 1230
rather than 1193 or 1194? Surely the men of 1230, when the
feverish activity of the Transition had passed, and architectural life
had settled down into comparative calm, were far likelier, from
long experience of their use, to work with greater exactness than
those of the earlier date, who, having to adapt a somewhat unfamiliar
feature to well established forms, treated it with all the charac-
teristic freedom of their day. The fact is, however, that this
trimming off of the mouldings, of which Sir Gilbert makes so much,
does not occur in the choir, the earliest part, at all. Nor is it
discoverable in the multitudinous examples of the south transept,
which comes next ; 13 but only, and that so slightly as to escape

13 That the south transept is, in the main, somewhat the earlier of the two,
and not built ' of fresh materials, with details entirely of their own, about 1220 ; '
while ' the north one was built of many of the old materials left behind ' by
bishop Pudsey, as stated by Sir Gilbert Scott and echoed by his followers, may
be inferred from the same reasons which induced the old builders everywhere to
commence at the east end, viz. : that it was the altar end, which it was universally
felt desirable to have finished first. Now, the south was the altar end of the

DATES OF TRANSEPTS. 165

notice altogether unless specially searched for, in three instances in
the north transept, the latest of the three limbs. And then, what,
after all, does it prove ? Evidently no point of date, nor any unsuit-
ableness of the rounded abaci to their arch-moulds, which here, in the

transept, and would therefore, naturally, on the same principle, be brought to a
speedier completion than the north, which, to some extent, could afford to wait.
That both went up systematically as far as the lowest string-course, with the
choir, we have clear proof from the fact, never noticed by Sir Gilbert, that, out-
side, the same courses of stone are carried uniformly round all three of them, the
top row throughout being remarkable for its much greater depth, and for the
shape of its stones which are nearly cubical. The second stage containing the
lower range of windows, is not, however, carried round in such even courses ;
and it is clear from its details, that the whole of the choir was then, with the
exception of their inner eastern angles, gone on with and completed before, and
independently of the transepts. In the clearstoreys of both transepts the
uniformity of line which distinguishes that of the choir is no longer either main-
tained or attempted ; the courses of the masonry which, however, is of the same
general character, being there broken. With respect to the two upper stages of
the transepts, those of the south, needful for its earlier completion, would seem
to have been pushed forward more immediately. That both of them are later
than those of the choir is shown by their distinct advance, as well in point of
plan as of style ; for whereas the arcades of the choir are all wide and of one
size, they are here much more numerous and contracted, two blank arches in-
stead of one being inserted, where practicable, between the windows. And then,
instead of the arch-moulds consisting any longer, as there, of a single pointed
bowtel below, and a round one above, between two simple hollows, we find a
roll and fillet between two hollows, the outer edges of the outermost one of
which are worked off into a chamfer. But, like those of the choir, all its arcade
capitals still continue to be round. In the lower range of the north transept,
on the other hand, though the arch-moulds are practically the same in section
and arrangement as in the south, the capitals vary. Here, for the first time, we
have square and octagonal forms intermingling with the round ; while in the
clearstorey the round capitals and all moulded forms disappear entirely both
inside and out, nothing but the simpler, though evidently later, chamfers being
used either for arches or abaci.

A further reason for supposing the north transept to be, in its upper parts,
the later of the two, may be seen in the fact that, while the arch opening from
the south transept to the nave aisle has its shafts, like those of the two earlier
eastern piers, as also those of the south-western one, composed exclusively of
pointed bowtels : although the northern shafts of the corresponding arch of the
north transept are of similar pattern, two of the southern ones, like most others
of the north-west pier with which they are incorporated, are round. And just
as the capitals of the south-west pier show an advance on those of the two
eastern ones in having pointed and moulded bells below their square abaci,
which the latter enriched with stiff, Transitional foliage, like those of the choir
and south-transept arcades have not. so the capitals of this great north-west
pier show a still further advance upon these, by having the points of their chief
abaci no longer left square, but either canted or rounded off ; all which, being
interpreted means that, though the lowest part of the north transept followed
on, like the south, after that of the choir, and the northern responds, of the
aisle-arch, naturally, went up along with it ; the north-west pier itself, without
which, of course, the transept could not be completed, was not proceeded with
for some little while after, its more advanced details being necessarily contem-
poraneous with the upper parts of the north transept which are bonded into, and
superimposed upon, it.

But a further, and, perhaps, more convincing proof that the south side of the
church, generally, was built before the north may be seen on comparison of the

166 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

remaining instances, as elsewhere, they fit perfectly ; but simply the
free, careless handling of the sculptor, who, in these particular capitals,
struck his circle, some quarter of an inch or so, too small. How con-
temptuous of such petty niceties he was, indeed, appears in another case,
which seems to have been planned of set purpose. Here (see p. 159,
C, below), instead of making his arch-moulds spring from any abacus
at all, he boldly sets their square springing block on the top of it, and
leaves its angles standing out defiantly. Such open disregard of tame
propriety would clearly have driven a modern clerk of works stark mad.
Only one further remark on the arcading of this transept, I think,
need be offered. On the outside, in the gable, which must necessarily
have been built after the walls were finished, is an arcade of three arches,
the central one pierced for a window. It is the only piece of external
arcading in the three eastern limbs, the precursor of that which, later
on, was applied to the clearstoreys and west end of the nave, and,
doubtless, therefore, among, if not the very latest of the earlier parts.
What, then, does it show us ? So far from any * details of 1220 or
1230, or even later,' exactly the same severe Transitional arch-moulds
as are found in the lower windows of the choir, and tell it not in
(rath carried, which they are not, on capitals with square abaci ! 14

And now, leaving this part of the subject, let us turn our attention
to the great arches and piers of the crossing, and the easternmost
arches and responds of the nave which are incorporated with, and form

north and south clearstoreys of the nave. Towards the south the arcades are
separated into compartments of three by narrow intervening strips of blank
walling, across which the hood moulds of the arches are carried horizontally, the
effect, though not, perhaps, positively bad, being yet far from satisfactory. On
the north side the design has been altered by making the arcade continuous, an
immense improvement. The collective evidence, then, of this later north nave-
clearstorey, of the later north-west pier, and of the two upper storeys of the
north transept, in which the square and octagonal abaci, which are seen else-
where only in the crossing arches and their small, upper, angle shafts, unques-
tionably the latest portions of the three eastern limbs, all tend to show that the
work was carried on first towards the south, leaving the northern portions to the
last ; the two upper storeys of the north transept following immediately after
those of the south, while the nave and its clearstoreys, carried on after their
completion, followed, evidently, the same course.

14 It is only proper, however, to say that these capitals and abaci were cased
many years ago with cement, and therefore some degree of uncertainty must
naturally attach to their evidence. But as to the severe and early type of the
window mouldings there can be no uncertainty at all. They are Transitional,
and nothing else.

USE OF THE ' POINTED BOWTEL.' 1 67

parcel of, them. Strange to say, Sir Gilbert would seem to have been
so entirely absorbed with the comparatively trivial and unimportant
wall-arcades and the abaci of their petty capitals as to have over-
looked these, the grandest and most conspicuous features of the church,
altogether. That they are also the latest parts of the richer and
earlier work, is clear from the fact that till the choir, transepts, and
eastern nave-arches, with the walling above them, were built, these
great crossing arches and their western piers could not have been set
up ; the eastern extremities of the nave walls being needed for abut-
ments to the two arches ranging east and west, just as, under similar
circumstances, was the case in the cathedral at Durham about a
century before. It is clear, therefore, that the subject of their date is
of the last importance, since it must either confirm, or conclusively
negative, Sir Gilbert's contention that the parts which preceded them,
the south transept more particularly, are 'of the end of the first
quarter of the thirteenth century.'

Let us then examine, as carefully as may be, these great crossing
arches; the piers and their caps which carry them; together with those
attached members, the arches opening into the nave aisles, and the
eastern nave arches, with the responds belonging to each respectively,
which are built up into, and form part of, the two western ones.

Now, among the various distinctive details of the Transitional
period, no one, it may safely be affirmed, is at once so universally met
with, and characteristic, as that known as the ' pointed bowtel.' It is
formed by two sides of a, more or less, equilateral spherical triangle ; and
is used, as well in arch-mouldings, as in shafts. Probably the earliest
local instance of its use in the former capacity occurs in the arches of
the Galilee (1175), where we see double ribs of this section used
alternately with, and as a foil to, zigzags. As a shaft we have it
locally in the responds of the Transitional parts of Staindrop, and
St. Helen's Auckland, churches ; and very freely, both as shaft and
moulding, in the nave and choir at Hartlepool. It supplies, indeed,
one of the most distinct and crucial tests of style that can be found.

Where, then, and to what extent, does it appear here ? Well, first
of all and chiefly in the twelve clustered shafts of the north-east and
south-east piers, the two earliest of the four, which are wholly, and
without exception, of this form. Next, in the three shafts of the re-

168

DARLINGTON CHURCH. 169

spond, or semi-pillar of the arch opening to the south aisle of the nave,
southwards. (See p. 168 for section, cap, and arch-moulds.) Then,
in the great south-western pier in which the corresponding shafts of
the respond of the aisle arch are imbedded, and which, to the exclu-
sion of all other forms, contains twelve such shafts. After that, in
the principal, and two lateral shafts of the respond of the arch opening
to the north nave aisle, northward; and then, lastly, in the great
north-west pier where, being used only for the principal shafts, it
appears four times towards the cardinal points. (See pp. 159 and 170
for sections and other details.) That is to say, out of forty-two shafts
altogether, no fewer than thirty-four are pointed; only eight round
ones, and those wholly subordinate, being found in the north-west
pier, the latest of the four.

Nor is that all, for besides being used so abundantly as a shaft, it
figures conspicuously as a moulding, the three soffit moulds of the
four great square-sectioned crossing arches being also of this form.

But the evidence of the pointed bowtel is far from being all that
is adducible as to the date of the transepts and crossing. All the
twelve capitals of the two eastern piers, infinitely more important
than those of the wall-arcades, and decorated with strongly marked
Transitional foliage, are surmounted by rigidly square abaci. In
the south-west and north-west piers again, while the abaci of the
subordinate pointed or rounded shafts follow their outlines respectively,
all the main shafts, together with the rectangular portions, have their
abaci square, those of the north-west pier having their angles just
perceptibly softened and rounded off. These arches and piers of the
crossing and nave aisles are seen, in their every detail in short, to be
of markedly and indisputably Transitional character throughout, and
to have no more connection with the ' advanced Early English
architecture of the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century '
on the one hand, than with that of Flambard or Galfrid Rut us on the
other.

But yet further and, if possible, more convincing proof of the true
date of these transepts. Sir Gilbert, it will be remembered, allowed
that, up to the string-courses below the lower windows, the work
is of Pudsey's day. And so, both outside and inside, the respective
string-courses pursue their way throughout choir and transepts uni-
xvn. 22

170

"Etefoih of

DAELINGTON CHURCH. 171

formly. That, so far, is sufficient proof that all, up to that height,
at any rate, is of one date. The lowest interior string-course,
however, is but one out of four, the next to it being that which
surmounts the lower windows and wall arcades. And this, too,
although altered for one of richer character above the altars of the
south transept, is of equally pronounced Transitional character as the
one below, and carried uniformly throughout both choir and north
transept. Then, after that, we come to the second horizontal main
string below the upper, or clearstorey windows, once more of precisely
the same frank, uncompromising Transitional section as that below the
lower windows. And this, after running round the entire choir, and
being continued as an abacus mould to the square capitals of the two
eastern piers, is then, after traversing the three sides of both transepts,
not only used again as abacus mould to the two western piers, but
carried on as a string below the clearstorey windows to the west end of
the nave. Last of all is the fourth, or uppermost string, or hood-
mould of the clearstorey which, of exactly the same unmistakable
contour as those below, is continued round the choir and south
transept, though changed for one f a somewhat altered form in the
north; (see p. 154, fig. 1).

Since then, the whole skeleton and framework of the three eastern
limbs, as shown by these several string-courses, of which Sir Gilbert
was in far too great haste to take any account at all, are for the most
part continuous, identical, and of Transitional style, it follows that
the whole must be continuous, identical, and of Transitional style
too. In other words, we see from their own internal evidence that
they are not what Sir Gilbert Scott 'conjectures' them to be, viz., 'of
the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century,' but exactly
what the historians declare that they are the actual work of Pudsey
himself, and finished in his lifetime.

VI.

We come now, at length, to the nave. That Pudsey lived to see the
completion of this part of the structure is, I think, somewhat doubtful.
Up to, and including the easternmost arch of the nave on either side,
which, as we have seen, with the walls above them, were necessary as
abutments to the crossing, the work was throughout of a highly

172 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

enriched and ornate character. There, however, that character
suddenly and at once stops, and for good. True, the nave was only
the place of the parishioners, a sort of vestibule or ante-chapel to the
more strictly collegiate choir which lay beyond, and its comparatively
austere simplicity might well enough be accounted for on such
grounds alone. But there may, not improbably, have been other
grounds than these. In the first place, it is not easy, on such view of
the case, to account for the magnificence of its eastern arches and their
supporting pillars, differing so entirely as they do from all the rest.
There are no signs of these eastern bays having ever formed part of
the sanctuary of a people's altar, or of any screen work which served
as a reredos to it ; though such, indeed, might possibly have been the
case, as at the collegiate church of Bonhommes at Edington, and
elsewhere. Were they only designed to indicate such a purpose as this,
however, a far simpler ordonance would have sufficed; nor would
there have been any need for the arches opening from the side aisles
to the transepts to have been of the like degree of richness. The
explanation would, perhaps, rather seem to be that Pudsey's death took
place when the works had reached that particular point. Then, the
stream being cut off from the fountain head, the idea of completing
the church according to the original scheme, already commenced, was
forthwith abandoned ; all further operations being thenceforth carried
on and finished by his executors in a far less expensive way than
before, and with just such remnant of means as they could command.
That any actual stoppage of the works took place, however, there
is nothing, I think, to show. There is no more difference of style
observable, indeed, between the work of the transepts and that of the
nave, than between that of the choir and of the transepts, that is to
say, the mere slight advance accruing from daily growth, and nothing
more. With the single exception of the Transitional string-course
below the clearstorey windows, which, as there were no breaks to mark
the change, was doubtless continued for the sake of uniformity, the
merging of the Transitional into more distinctly Early English forms
is accomplished so gradually as to be hardly perceived, or even per-
ceivable. Yet, for all that, it is there and can be felt. But a very
perceptible change in plan, if not in detail, and one which is
patent to the eyes of the most casual observer, is to be seen in the

THE GROUND PLAN. 173

treatment of the wall-arcades. Hitherto, throughout the church, both
in the choir and transepts, with the single exception of the triplet in
the north transept gable already referred to, they have been confined
strictly to the interior. In the nave they are confined just as strictly
to the exterior, a commencement made at the eastern interior angles
of the north and south clearstoreys being instantly stopped. The
three western bays on either side are not only much plainer in style
than the eastern ones, but, as a reference to the ground plan will
show, of much wider span. The arches, of three perfectly plain
chamfered orders, are carried on alternate circular and octagonal
pillars counterchanged, the one form being set opposite the other,
and the same order is observed in their responds. Owing to their
increased span, the curvature of these arches is excessively obtuse ;
so much so that in the westernmost ones it is almost, if not quite
impossible, to distinguish them from semicircles. 15 A grave defect is
also observable in the circular columns ; they are much too massive
for their superincumbent arch-moulds. From there being three rows
of chamfers employed, the result is that the outermost rows in the
several arches, at the point of springing, almost touch each other, a
mere edge only being left between them. Viewed full front, the effect
is unobjectionable enough ; but diagonally, and at right angles to the
line of chamfers, then the column appears to be nearly twice the
diameter of what it carries, a proportion, it is hardly necessary to say,
as constructively wrong as it is artistically bad. We have heard
what Sir Gilbert has had to say about certain of the ' square-edged '
arch-moulds of the choir and transept wall-arcades not fitting their
round abaci, but, in two or three cases, slightly overhanging them,
and the astonishing theory he constructed to account for such
microscopical discrepancy. It cannot, therefore, but excite curiosity
as to what he would have said in the case of this indisputably later
work, where diamond-shaped arch-moulds are set on round capitals
nearly double their own bulk, and which they make no pretence to fit
at all ! 1G But, like the great crossing arches and their supports, they

15 In the case of the westernmost arches on either side, the rounded form is
intensified through the failure of the foundations having caused the west wall
and the attached responds to fall out, thus allowing the arches to spread.

16 It cannot be too much insisted on how thoroughly self -invented, fictitious,
and contrary to all experience this theory of Sir Gilbert's as to the exact
correspondence to be looked for between the outline of arch-moulds and their

174 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

would doubtless have proved highly inconvenient to his newly invented
theory, and so he, very judiciously, never either saw, or mentioned
them at all. In the octagonal shafts, which are much slighter than
the circular ones, and whose capitals expand considerably, this mistake
is avoided.

As originally constructed, the external walls of the side aisles were
little more than half their present height, the roofs descending to the
top of the dwarf Early English buttresses which still remain at the

abaci is. As a matter of fact it can scarcely, in practice, be found to receive
any illustration at all. If, for example, we take the very commonest of
thirteenth century arch forms, i.e., of two plain chamfered orders carried on
circular shafts, we see that while the abaci are round the arches sit on them in
the form of a cross ; whereas, to suit such forms, the abaci, according to bis
showing, should be of a quatrefoil or cruciform plan, which, except in the rare
case of quadruple columns, they never are. But however full of such theories
Sir Gilbert might be, the old architects knew evidently nothing of them, and
cared less. These very mouldings at Darlington which he persists so constantly
in calling ; square ' are really, at their springing, nothing of the kind, but
consist of two rolls, filleted or plain, between three hollows, which sit upon
their circular abaci in as natural and artistic a way as possible. Had he, when
in the neighbourhood, but extended his researches in local Transitional work as
far as Billingham, he would have seen with what practical contempt his ideas
were treated by the builder of the south arcade there. As usual, the arches are
of two square orders, with their angles rounded off, thus forming at their
springing line an exact Greek cross. But the abaci from which they spring are
squares enclosing those crosses. It results, therefore, that the projecting angles,
as any one may see by first drawing a square, then applying others of the
same size to each of its four sides, and then drawing another enclosing the
whole, are of precisely the same size as the four limbs ; in other words, that
these abaci are exactly twice the size of the arch-moulds which they carry,
while bearing no resemblance whatever to them in shape. Nor is that all. The
columns which carry these abaci and arch-moulds are five in number, a stout
circular one in the middle, with four smaller ones attached. But in what way ?
Not, as might naturally be expected, beneath the four limbs of the cross, which
they would thus serve, or at least seem, to carry, but beneath the projecting
square angles of the abaci, where there is, of course, nothing at all for either
shafts or abaci to carry.

And then, if not too much shocked with these Billingham examples, he had
gone on to examine the really ' advanced Early English work ' in the Nine
Altars at Durham, he might have seen enough, not only to check all further
enquiry, but any repetition of his theory, for all time to come. He tells us in
respect of the three particular instances in which the round abaci of the
Darlington wall-arcades are cut just perceptibly too small, that the arch-moulds
had^to be trimmed off, for if that had not been done, they would have overhung
their abaci ; and then, on the strength of that frightful state of things, proceeded
to construct his theory of there being thirty, or five and thirty years difference
of date between the two. What then would he have said in the case of the arch
opening from the Nine Altars chapel into the south aisle of the choir, where
there is no resemblance between the mouldings and their abaci at all, and
where two of them would, if continued, have overshot the abaci altogether ? As
it] was, we find the sculptor turning the ' difficulty,' which his contemptuous
disregard of mathematical niceties had brought about, into simple sources of
artistic triumph by carving the extremity of the one into a distorted face,
horror struck at being about to be launched into space, and carrying the other
on the widespread wings of a flying eagle.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. (to face p. 175/

Plate VII.

^Cuthberfs Church DorJinpton .

N. Original form of AisJe$.

measured ^Drxaurn by

A. Exiting Cap of main Arcade
B Corbel in Aile Wall.
C Springer o-f Cr>o$/\r>c!h.
D Toothings in Spa ndj'i)

of IDain Arcade.
E Line of Flashing Groove

against Transept Vail.
Y SugQe^fed Form of
d FOT-TD of Roof.

uJ U 5 LJ

DECORATED WINDOWS IN AISLES. 175

west end and on both sides. Inside, these steeply inclined roofs were
carried on transverse arches of stone, which much resembled, and
acted as, flying buttresses, spanning the aisles from just above the
capitals of the pillars to corbels set at a much lower level in the out-
side walls. Two of these latter, together with the springer of one of
the transverse arches, may still be seen in the north aisle. As the
accompanying illustration (see plate VII.) shows, these supports con-
sist of something more than a simple half-arch, having an apex and
part of an opposite side attached to the wall of the nave as well. Exact
restoration proves what, from the existing fragment, is not at once
apparent on the spot, viz., that if continued, the line of the inner side
would form a perfect counterpart to that of the outer one ; in other
words, that both sides, being of the same radius, and struck from the
same level, would form a nearly equilateral arch. 17 When, at a later
date, the outer walls of the aisles were raised, these transverse arches,
no longer suited to the altered circumstances, were destroyed.

As almost everywhere else in the country, this raising of the walls
was effected for the purpose of obtaining more light. Large and fine
Decorated windows of two lights, with square heads and admirably
drawn net-tracery, were accordingly, about the middle of the four-
teenth century, made to take the place of the original low and dwarf
lancets. They have been slightly, but most carefully, restored
wherever decayed, during the late Sir Gilbert Scott's restoration, and
in a way which should serve as a model in all like cases everywhere.

Turning to the exterior, we at once observe that arch-moulds
exactly similar to those of the transepts, consisting of a roll and fillet

17 The restored elevation of this transverse arch has been most kindly drawn,
after careful measurement, at my suggestion, by Mr. Pritchett, architect, of
Darlington. The latest published archaeological account of the church, repeat-
ing the statement made in Mr. Longstaffe's history, says that the aisles
were vaulted. This, as the drawing shows, is a complete mistake. There
was never any vaulting whatever. Though not by any means unique, this
fashion of supporting the roofs of the side aisles was somewhat uncommon. We
find it still existing in the contemporary nave aisles at Hartlepool, notwith-
standing the raising of the outer walls there as here, though, in that case, the
arches are equal sided, and sprung from the same, or nearly the same, level. In
Llandaff cathedral pointed transverse stone arches, similar to these at Darling-
ton, also occur ; but again, owing to the different proportions of the arcades, of
perfect and complete form. At lona, too, there is a very curious application of
the same principle. In that case, however, instead of the transverse supports
being slight and resting upon corbels as in the foregoing instances, they consist
of massive moulded half-arches descending from above the capitals of the
columns to the base of the outer walls, where they rise independently from the
ground.

176 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

between two hollows, and surmounted by a hood, are continued
along the clearstoreys, three arcades, of which the central one is
pierced for a window, being given to each bay. And again, notwith-
standing that the section of the arches is what, in the case of the
choir and transepts, it suited Sir Gilbert to call square, we find
them, precisely as before, fitted to caps having round abaci, than
which nothing more suitable could be conceived, and which all fit
perfectly. But of these, so conspicuous, and impossible to be ignored
as they are, and in respect of whose several parts it would be futile
to suggest any disparity of date, he has, once more, nothing whatever
to say. They are, in fact, exactly the self-same characteristic mould-
ings of the period which are met with all over the country, and
carried on capitals of just such rounded form as were commonly and,
indeed, universally, applied to them.

The same line of arcading which forms the clearstorey is continued,
with a slightly increased height, across the west end of the nave.
This is pierced for two windows at that level, and for one over them
in the gable, the whole forming, perhaps, as chastely simple and
elegant a composition as can be found. Below, in the great west
doorway, we meet, under a pedimented head, with a deep archway of
three orders of square-set roll-and-hollow mouldings, but, like those
of the choir, without fillets, and carried on similar round caps,
as perfectly fitted to each other as caps and mouldings, of any sort,
can be anywhere. Of these, once more, however, since they would
have proved utterly subversive of his theory, Sir Gilbert, although
he himself supplied them with new shafts and circular capitals, has,
prudently, not a word to say.

On the north and south sides are similar shafted doorways, but
smaller and simpler, and having only plain chamfers for their arch-
moulds. Both originally had porches, the walls of which rose high
above those of the low side aisles, and, standing out transeptally,
served to break the monotony of their continuous and steeply sloping
roofs. The ridges of these porch roofs were about level with those of the
aisles themselves beneath the clearstorey, but both roofs and porches
were, apparently, destroyed when the aisle walls were raised to their
present height.

A slight, but marked difference of design occurs in the nave

THE ROOFS. 177

clearstoreys which, since it is, I think, universally unnoticed, seems
worth pointing out. Towards the south, each bay is marked off by
the introduction of flat and narrow pilaster buttresses, or wall strips ;
just sufficient to mark the distinction and no more. Small and in-
significant as they are, however, they serve, quite visibly, to interrupt
and mar the continuity of the arcade. Towards the north these
pilaster strips are omitted ; and, however correct in principle they
may be, very greatly, I think, to the advantage of the general effect.
Though there would, of course, be no break in the continuance of the
works, this improved arrangement would seem to point pretty clearly
to the fact that the north clearstorey of the nave, like the upper part
of the north transept, followed, if not the completion, at least the
commencement, of that opposite to it.

VII.

With the single exception of the roof of the choir, those of the
church generally, up to the time of the late restoration, retained not
only very nearly their ancient pitch, but also their ancient leaden
coverings. Having suffered no greater loss than that of the decayed
ends of their rafters, the defect was all the more readily made good,
and they have now, once more, been brought back to their proper
height. 18 An entirely new roof of corresponding form and character
having also been placed upon the chancel, in lieu of a very poor and
flat one of the fifteenth century, the general outline of the building
which, till then, had been utterly ruined, has also recovered its pristine
dignity. At the same time, nearly the whole of the east end above
the lowest string-course, which had been destroyed in 1748, and

18 In Mr. Longstaffe's History of Darlington, a work, generally speaking,
full of interesting and valuable detail, some highly original and surprising
ideas in connection with the roofs of the church are broached. Instead of being
of the original construction, as they unquestionably are, he supposes them to be
of the Decorated period, and to have supplanted those of Pudsey's or some later
date. These, he imagines, were of stone, springing, not as they should have
done, and as everywhere else, in such cases, they invariably did, from the bottom
of the clearstorey, but from the top, and coinciding in form and altitude with the
open discharging arches which surmount those of the crossing. Then, these
vaulted roofs being, in the fourteenth century, held accountable for the various
settlements which took place at that time, instead of the weight of the new tower
and spire which actually caused them, and below, and in immediate connection
with which they alone occurred, led, as he supposes, to their removal, and to the
erection of the present roofs in their stead. But, ingenious as the theory may
be, it is far too ingenious to be true ; the very slightest knowledge of construo

178 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

rebuilt in a cheap and nasty fashion, was taken down and recon-
structed according to the original design, and, very largely, with its
own disembedded and original materials. These proved to be of the
utmost value as affording evidence not only of what the design was,
but of the exact form and proportion of its component parts. Pre-
vious to this discovery, Sir Gilbert, jumping to just as hasty and
erroneous a conclusion with respect to its plan as to that of its date,
had a large and very fine folio drawing, prepared by the late Mr.
R. J. Johnson, showing it in what purported to be its original con-
dition. That, notwithstanding the considerably greater width of the
choir, and the fact that the head of the low central buttress remained
intact below the lowest string-course, as it does still, he * conjectured '
to consist of four lancet lights, arranged two and two in each storey
like those of the transepts, with the buttress running up between
them, and a foiled circle in the gable over all. The recovered vous-
soirs prove, however, what the very slightest reflection might have
shown, that such could not possibly have been the case. The head of
the buttress, as clearly appeared, was fixed in the first instance where
it is ; because, though with a different grouping, the east end, like the
sides, was lighted in each stage by three windows, which, of course,
forbade its being carried higher. 19 Yet, Sir Gilbert, esteeming its

tion sufficing to show that it is impossible. Independently of the fact that such
vaults were unknown in English architecture, it may be added that unless the
space to be covered be very narrow and the supporting walls low and of great
strength or very powerfully buttressed, vaults sprang from their summits would
speedily and surely fall. But the height and breadth of the four limbs of
Darlington church are too great, and the construction of the walls too feeble to
have allowed the erection of any such vaults at all ; and which, even if erected,
instead of standing for two centuries, as supposed, would not, probably, have
stood for as many weeks. Moreover, the action of the vaults would have been
to thrust all the walls of the church, in their entire extent, out from the top,
which is not the case ; and not to have driven them vertically into the ground
beneath the angles of the tower only, as has actually happened.

19 In three other thirteenth-century Durham churches, the same remarkable
feature of a dwarf buttress in the centre of the east wall of the chancel, and
stopped short below the sill of the central lancet, also occurs. We see it at
Gainford, within a few miles' distance, where the work is exactly contem-
poraneous with this at Darlington, and as the similarity of some of the
decorative features to those in the south transept there serves to show, probably
executed by the same man. Also at Ryton, of rather later date, and again at
Easington, where there are five lights instead of three. It is found also in the
case of the fine thirteenth-century abbey church of Egliston, near Barnard
Castle, beneath the sill of the large and very peculiar east window of five lights,
which, under a deep and richly moulded arch penetrating the entire thickness
of the wall, fills the whole extremity of the choir.

THE EAST END. 179

witness of no more account than that of the historians, and as hastily
impatient of it as of the architecture of the other parts, had it carried
up, theoretically, notwithstanding.

But, to the recovered details. They showed, in the first place, that
the mouldings of the triplets followed exactly in each storey the
respective patterns of the side lights. But they happily did more than
this. They enabled the radii of the arches, and consequently the
width of the windows, to be accurately ascertained. Still more, and
most important, perhaps, of all, a double springer connecting the
central light with that on one side, showed that the three, besides
being of unequal width, were also of unequal height; the one side of
it taking the curve of the head of the lower or side light, while the
other one went up vertically. Every available stone has been carefully
replaced in these fine and impressive windows, both inside and out; while
the sections of the capitals of the recovered nook-shafts, too mutilated
for reinsertion, have been carefully reproduced. (See Plates V. and VI.)
Like the rest, they fit their places and their mouldings admirably. 20

But little further, from an architectural point of view, remains to
say. As left by its first builders, the church continued untouched till
about the middle of the fourteenth century, when, as we have seen,
the aisles were raised, and the tower, which, till then, had remained
unfinished, received its rich upper storey and tall tapering spire ;
crowning glories, but alas ! crowning griefs. Admirable in design, and
harmonizing perfectly with all below, they served, as in the parallel, if
far grander case of Salisbury, to give just that amount of increased
richness so desirable for accentuating such features, and relieving at the
same time the, perhaps, otherwise, somewhat monotonous uniformity
of the rest.

20 The restoration of the chancel was committed by the then lay impropriator,
Harry, fourth duke of Cleveland, to Mr. J. P. Pritchett of Darlington, to
whose courtesy and kindness, and that of his son, Mr. H. D. Pritchett, the
society is indebted for the use of all such of his many drawings, photographs,
plans and sections of parts, and mouldings, as might be deemed useful for the
illustration of this account. Several of the latter were taken at the time, of
full size, neither sketched nor measured, but traced from the stones themselves,
which, after being carefully cleaned, were laid upon the paper. The accompany-
ing sections, reproduced from these tracings, may therefore be depended upon
for absolute and altogether exceptional accuracy. I am happy to add here my
testimony to the extreme care and perfect success with which the restoration of
the chancel, using the term in its fullest and most exact sense, has been carried
out. Nothing, indeed, could have been done in an abler, more scrupulously con-
scientious, or conservative wav.

180 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

Inspired, in all likelihood, by the arcading of the clearstorey, the
fourteenth-century architect adopted a similar scheme of decoration
for his belfry stage. 21 If not quite unique it must, I think, be very
nearly so, and is, at any rate, of a very unusual character indeed.
As will be seen from the exterior views, it consists of a series of
five pointed arches on each face of the tower, the central one of which
only pierces the wall, divided into two lights each, and filled, like
the aisle-windows, with net-tracery. As in their case again, this is
beautifully formed, and has the peculiarity, very rare indeed at its
period, of having soffit cusping. This contrast of proportions imparts
a degree of delicacy and refinement to the work altogether admirable ;
and which, but for the circumstance of the design being continuous
and not confined to a single panel, might probably not have occurred.
Why the long destroyed mullions of the central windows should not
have been replaced either at, or since, the time of the restoration, but
the openings suffered to remain blocked with hideous louvre-boards
passes comprehension. The black ugliness of these blotches constitutes
a blemish and eye-sore visible, far and wide, in all directions ; and goes
farther, outside, to spoil the effect of the church, and of all that has
been done for it, than could easily be imagined.

Only the lower third of the spire is original, the upper parts having
been destroyed by lightning 'on Tuesday, the 17th July, 1750.' In
the rebuilding which, on the whole, was effected in a very creditable
and praiseworthy manner, the angle beading, which still remains
below, was, most unfortunately, omitted, to the great detriment of its
effect. The wonderful softness and richness of outline imparted, not
merely to the angles themselves, but to the spire as a whole, by a
device so seemingly trivial, could hardly, I think, be realized before
viewing what remains of it in connection with the comparatively bald
nakedness of the rest. Nothing, perhaps, could serve to illustrate
more completely the masterly skill and judgment of the old builders
than the adoption of so simple and effective a feature as this.

21 In the History of Darlington it is stated that ' The tower has a series of
five Early English arches at each side filled with Decorated tracery, the centre
one pierced as a belfry window.' The arches, of course, are nothing of the
kind, but of late fourteenth-century work, of the same date as the walls, of
which they form part, of the spire which surmounts, and of the tracery which
not only fills, but is incorporated with, and worked out of the same stones as
themselves.

TOWER AND SPIRE. 181

A few words only as regards the present state and aspect of the
church in conclusion. Notwithstanding the vast amount of money,
care, and talent which have been expended on it, the interior of the
building, although galleries and other obstructions of phenomenal
magnitude have been cleared away, remains still in a condition utterly,
and from every point of view, deplorable. Not that anything, as so
almost universally happens, has been done amiss, far from it; but
that, while so many things have been done, and done as well as
possible, that which above all else cried out for remedy has simply
been left undone.

I have already spoken of the new tower and spire as being some-
thing more than crowning glories, viz., crowning griefs. Could their
builders only have foreseen half the mischief that was to follow, it may
safely, I think, be said of their work, that they would have ' let that
alone for ever.' Sir Gilbert Scott, however, unless gravely mis-
reported, would seem to have taken a wholly different view of the
case, and come to the conclusion that they not only calculated before-
hand what disasters would ensue, but proceeded at once, and before
commencing operations, to provide the remedies. These, as the
plan and views will help to show, amounted to nothing less than
the deliberate destruction of nearly all the chief beauties of the
church. The westernmost windows of the choir, both above and
below on each side, together with their attached wall-arcades, were
accordingly solidly blocked up ; the splendid clustered shafts at the
eastern intersection of the transepts, up to and including their fine
foliated capitals, embedded in shapeless masses of rude masonry;
the eastern windows of the transepts, one below in the north, and
two, one above and another below, in the south, likewise built up ;
huge ungainly props or buttresses constructed across the angles
of the choir and transepts externally; and worst, or nearly worst
of all, perhaps, the beautiful wall-arcading of both choir and tran-
septs, but especially of the south transept, filled up flush with
stonework, thereby completely ruining the whole beauty and symmetry
of its design. But worse, if possible, than all this put together, at
any rate from a practical, or utilitarian point of view, in order to
prevent the buckling of the eastern piers, a platform of solid stone,
some thirteen feet high and seven broad, and pierced in its centre

182 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

by a low and narrow archway, exactly like a bridge, was introduced
between them, shutting off the choir, all but entirely, from sight and
sound, and leaving it as practically useless, as its adjoining parts dis-
figured. 22 All this, unhappily, has been allowed to remain precisely
as it was. And all this, Sir Gilbert asks us to believe, the builders of
the tower and spire perpetrated deliberately, with their eyes open, and
in cold blood, before they commenced their work. < Bishop Pudsey,
he thought, never intended the piers to support a tower of anything
like the weight of the one resting upon them. The builders of the
tower, indeed, had evidently distrusted them, as they built up the
windows, as was seen on both sides of the piers, and also constructed
the screen.'

How such an idea could have presented itself to any mind what-
ever, least of all to that of a practical builder and archaeologist like
Sir Gilbert Scott, seems altogether unintelligible. Where, it may be
asked, in all the length and breadth of the land, is anything like a
parallel case to such proceedings to be found ? Desperate remedies to
avert impending ruin may be seen, scattered all over, plentifully
enough ; but where, a single instance of wholesale propping and muti-
lation practised speculatively beforehand, when, to all appearance, the
existing works, exhibiting no signs of weakness or decay, seemed fully
equal to the purpose ? It was never, in any case, until signs of failure
made their appearance, that such remedies were either supplied or
dreamt of. Nor, indeed, was it possible in such cases, any more than
in that of the human subject, to know, before the development of the
symptoms, either the kind or extent of the remedies required, or
whereabouts they should be applied. How, at York for example,
could the builders of the central lantern possibly have imagined that
the enormous piers, capable apparently, of carrying any weight that
could be laid upon them, would prove inadequate to the load of
even such a structure, nearly all windows, and vaulted merely with
wood? But we see, as they themselves did when too late, how

22 Whether ' William the engineer,' who was employed by bishop Pudsey
during the latter part of his life, was the designer of the church at Darlington or
not, cannot now be said. From the total absence of all engineering capacity
displayed in its construction, however, as in that of other works presumably
proceeding from the same hand, we might be led to suppose that, in all
probability, he was. As an architect, from the artistic point of view, he was
doubtless a conspicuous success ; as an engineer, like his works, structurally
considered, in an only too literal sense a failure.

TOWER AND SPIRE. 183

its weight drove those piers vertically eight inches into the ground,
and not only dragged down and dislocated all the adjoining masonry
in the most frightful way along with them, but pushed the piers
and arches of the transepts also greatly out of place. All the
patchings and pieceings which, in order to conceal distortions and
make good defects, were necessarily on a very extensive scale, and,
as we may be sure, very reluctantly undertaken, took place, not, of
course, as Sir Gilbert would make out in the case of Darlington,
beforehand, but only after the extent and direction of the settlements
was revealed.

And so, too, at Canterbury, where much the same kind of thing
occurred, only on a far more extensive scale, and in a slightly different
way. There too, when under very similar circumstances to those at
York, prior Goldstone, in 1495, carried up the splendid * Angel Steeple,'
he had, as the builders in that case, to make use of vast piers containing
the work of various periods from that of Lanfranc (1070-77) down to
about a century before his own. These also, refaced largely as they
were at the latter date, looked, doubtless, thoroughly efficient. But
the usual result followed, and that, apparently, without delay, for the
same prior is reported to have built not the tower only, but that
unparalleled system of arch-bracing and buttressing which still serves
to keep it up. Two great strainer arches then, would seem, almost
immediately, to have been thrown across, at about mid-height, below
the western and southern arches ; while four other smaller arches were
built as additional supports to the two western piers on which they
rested, across the east ends of the north and south aisles of the nave,
and beneath the easternmost nave arches on either side ; those last-
named arches themselves being further immensely strengthened by
the introduction of massive inner arches carried on additional
responds applied to the crossing, and final nave, piers alike. (For
a full and most admirable account of these works, see the late
Professor Willis's Canterbury Cathedral.} In the case of a tower built
anew from the foundations, it is clear that an architect would be
able, to some approximate extent, to calculate the amount of pressure
and thrust which it would exercise, and provide for both accordingly.
But, in cases such as these, it was otherwise. They neither did, nor
could, know what the hearts of those huge and superficially strong

184 DARLINGTON CHURCH COMPARED WITH

piers were like. They had no idea whatever either of the quality
or extent of the unsound work within, nor could they possibly
predicate whereabouts, or how far, they would yield to the new
strain, or, indeed, whether they would yield at all. At Chichester, as
we know, the piers of the central tower, though wholly unfortified
by extraneous support, yet bore their new load, rotten, as recent
experience has shown their cores to have been, for full five hundred
years. How then, could the builders, either at Canterbury or York,
form any idea of when, or where, or in what shape, or to what
extent, the yielding, if it ever occurred at all, would declare
itself? Though the exact date of the Canterbury work is
unknown, nothing, I think, could serve to show more clearly
than the very intricacy and extent of the system of stiffening
and counterfchrusts established there, that it must necessarily
have been carried out, not by any mere previous guess-work at weak-
nesses of which there were no signs, but only after such weaknesses
had declared themselves, and then, at the precise points, and to the
exact degree, required.

At "Wells and Salisbury, again, both of whose central towers, pos-
sessing piers of less bulk, and more uniform construction than those
of Canterbury and York, and therefore more analogous to the case of
Darlington, we find all the buttressing appliances to be subsequent,
not prior to, the new works. At Wells, indeed, not only those works,
and the mischiefs they caused, and the means taken to remedy them,
but the Chapter Acts as well, remain to tell us all particulars. Just
as at Darlington, the original early piers and arches, with the super-
structure, had been carried up only to the roofs. There the building
stopped. Then, some thirty years or so before the tower and spire of
Darlington were built, the upper parts of the tower were proceeded
with in 1321. In less than six years time, however, though of no
great height or weight, the Chapter meetings tell us of the threatened
ruin of the structure. * One thousand pounds spent and two hundred
pounds of debt,' says Professor Willis, 'attest the expenditure, and the
means resorted to are still too visible. The lofty tower arches,
excepting the eastern, are each,' he proceeds, ' obstructed by a massive
frame of masonry, consisting of an inverted arch, resting upon a low
arch, each spandril space being occupied by a circle, connecting these

WELLS, SALISBURY, AND CANTERBURY CATHEDRALS. 185

two arches with the tower arch responds, between which they stand,
in such a manner as effectually to prevent the latter from bulging in.
The fractured and distorted masonry of the nave was also repaired or
rebuilt, its triforium spaces walled up, and other buttressing con-
trivances introduced. These various devices have proved perfectly
successful in sustaining the tower, but detract greatly from the beauty
of the interior.' The remedies, we see, were applied, as doubtless
they were at Canterbury, just where the actual development of
fractures showed that they were needed. For how, otherwise, could
the restorers have known beforehand, or even guessed, that in this
case as in that, the two western piers only would give way, while the
two eastern ones would stand firm, and need no buttressing at all ?
Priors and convents, like private people, did not usually, one may sup-
pose, anticipate evils that might possibly not exist, nor incur doctors'
bills and discomfort till something really ailed them.

Salisbury, however, affords the exactest parallel of all of these to
Darlington. There the addition was not merely of a tower, but of a
spire as well. There, too, no remnants of an earlier building were
incorporated in the existing one, and there too the walls had been
carried up only to the ridges of the roof. Moreover, exactly as
at Darlington, the original builders, as is clear, had never designed
the piers and arches of the crossing to carry anything like the load
subsequently laid upon them. Both buildings also, as well as their
after additions, are curiously contemporaneous : the foundations of
Darlington having been laid in 1192, and those of Salisbury in 1220 ;
while the tower and spire of Salisbury were commenced about 1331,
and those of Darlington about 1350.

But, just as at Wells and Canterbury, so here again ; no sooner
were the new works completed, than symptoms of approaching ruin
set in. Chapter meetings from 1387 to 1417, testify to the danger,
and to the anxious collection of funds wherewith to meet it. How
threatening it was the remedies applied prove. Again, curiously
enough, as at Wells and Canterbury, it was the western piers which
gave way. Although not so massive as those employed at Wells, the
remedies resorted to were similar in kind, namely, the introduction of
inverted arches into the north and south openings of the small
transept ; and of a similar contrivance to the north and south tower

VOL. XVII. 24

186 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

arches, consisting of a bridging arch, which connects the responds of
those arches, and acts as a strut to prevent them from bulging. Also a
variety of arched braced and other props and ties were introduced into
the apertures to relieve the great arches from part of the superincum-
bent weight by distributing it on the adjacent walls, and so prevent
them from spreading. Price enumerates no fewer than one hundred
and twelve of these additional supports, exclusive of iron bandages.

As in the preceding instances, and others innumerable elsewhere,
the whole of the remedial appliances were due, we see, not to fore-
thought, but afterthought ; and brought to bear, not speculatively, on
parts which, for anything the builders could tell, would never need
them, but precisely at the points of actual, or threatened, failure.

And such, beyond all shadow of doubt, was the case here also at
Darlington. There was just this difference, however, between it and
the several instances above cited ; that whereas their towers stood
upon four detached piers, this, though a cross church, had, owing to
the fact of the choir being aisleless, two only of its four piers detached ;
the other two, consisting of semi-piers, being embedded in, and sup-
ported by, the angle walls of the choir and transepts. But how could
the builders of the tower and spire here, any more than there, have
imagined at the commencement of their work, when both piers and
arches were perfectly sound and symmetrical, and presented every
appearance of strength, that their foundations were deficient ? And
how, still less, could they have imagined that those parts which, to all
seeming, possessed such superabundant strength at the two eastern
angles, would yet give way, and be the first to yield ? With no
evidence whatever of such weakness before them, how is it possible to
conceive those men pitching beforehand on the very parts which,
above all others, seemed firmest and most secure, and applying to
them that vast, and, so far as the appearance of the church is
concerned, hideously destructive system of internal and external
buttressing which we see to-day? Yet, that is precisely what we are
asked to believe they did. Were they, indeed, gifted with such a
supernatural degree of foresight as that view of their conduct pre-
supposes ; it might well be asked how it happened that they did not
rather apply themselves to the root of the matter at once; and instead
of permanently crippling and disfiguring the building at a vast cost,

SETTLEMENT OF TOWER AND SPIRE. 187

adopt the far cheaper plan of underpinning the piers, and so save
both church and money at the same time. It is but too evident,
however, that Sir Gilbert was here speaking with the same rash and
inconsiderate haste as he did before. For, if he had but allowed
himself time to think, or examine even superficially, the building
whose history he was professing to trace, he might have seen that,
theory apart, its evidence here, as elsewhere, belied his utterance ; the
dragged down and distorted arches of the choir windows showing
clearly that the settlements must have taken place before their
openings were blocked.

But it is only due to Sir Gilbert's memory to say that the per-
petuation of those frightful degradations to which the erection of the
tower and spire gave birth is due to others rather than to himself.
It is, indeed, public knowledge that had he been left to follow his
own professional and artistic instincts, those never sufficiently to be
lamented evils would long since have been got rid of, and the church,
once more, brought back to its pristine use and beauty. Most un-
happily, however, he was not allowed to have his own way; for while
the works of restoration were in progress, and the question of clearing
away the obstructive arch was mooted, it at once called forth a
vehement, if little more than individual, opposition. The bare sug-
gestion was at once publicly denounced as vandalism ; the wanton
destruction of an ancient monument of the most precious and unique
character ; and heaven and earth invoked to witness to the sacrilege.
The consequence was that Sir Gilbert, yielding weakly to such an
outburst of zeal, untempered by either knowledge or discretion,
refused to take further steps ; nor could all the after-solicitations or
remonstrances of sober-minded and rational people induce him to alter
his resolve. As so often happens, the opportunity once gone cannot,
there is too much reason to fear, now, or perhaps ever, be recalled.
At the time, however, all the mischief incurred could easily have been
obviated, and, comparatively speaking, at a trifling expence. While
the costly shoring was in place, and the tower arches were blocked
solidly with timber, not only could the bridge, which was then dis-
covered to be as practically useless 23 as obstructively frightful, have

25 Such, I was assured by the master mason employed during the restoration,
was positively the case. Not only, as he took occasion to prove to Sir Gilbert

188 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

been readily removed, but all the cumbrous casing of the piers along
with it ; and those most central and beautiful features, together with
the adjacent windows and wall arcading, have been restored, and
opened out to view. As the extra cost for remedying these evils would
now, it is said, amount to between one and two thousand pounds, the
time for doing so seems relegated, consequently, to the Greek kalends.
Such, from a purely architectural standpoint, are the observations
I have to offer with regard to this most interesting, and once beautiful
church. It neither is, nor ever was, my purpose to give anything in
the nature of a general, or popular, account, either of the building or
its history. My concern has been altogether with the critical
examination of its structure and details ; and if I have succeeded in
disentangling either one or other from the maze of wild theory and
ignorant speculation in which they have latterly been involved ; and
in vindicating the claims of the great, if not, according to modern
views, perhaps, good, bishop Hugh Pudsey, to be not merely the
founder, but actual builder of it, I shall be well content.

RECAPITULATION.

In order that those who having neither sufficient knowledge of
architectural detail, nor patience, if they had, to follow the account
contained in the foregoing pages, may yet be able to grasp its general
scope and purpose ; as also, that those who have done so, may possess
it in a briefer and more convenient form; I have thought that the
following summary might, possibly, prove useful ; giving Sir G.
Gilbert Scott's various assertions on the one side, and the refutations
of them, in as condensed a form as may be, on the other :

I. In the first place, then, Sir Gilbert affirms that ' the date of

personally, by thrusting a shovel as far as it would reach underneath, were the
foundations worthless, but he further ascertained that it had no hold upon the
side walls so as to act towards them as a buttress. As a strainer arch its
planning alone shows that, from the first, it could have been of no account.
Had the man who designed it really understood his business, he might here, as
at Rushden and Finedon, have converted a structural need into an archi-
tectural beauty, by throwing a flat strong arch of open stone work from side
to side, and so, while preventing the piers from bulging, and without obstruct-
ing either sight or sound, have provided a noble chancel screen and rood loft at
the same time. It was undoubtedly a great opportunity then, as since, lost.
At the present time, whatever slight support it may once have offered, it is,
there is every reason to think, of no more practical use than a waggon load
of hay.

RECAPITULATION. 189

Darlington church is involved in perplexity that historians do not
tell us with any certainty when the church was built, or by whom.'

On the contrary, the contemporary historian prior Galfrid of
Coldingham, tells us distinctly, that the church was built by bishop
Pudsey, and that its foundations were laid in 1192 ; adding, what is
of the highest importance in connection with the architectural
evidence that, notwithstanding the various troubles which beset
the latter part of his life, he suffered nothing to interfere with the
progress of the works, a statement corroborated by prior Wessington,
of Durham (1416-1446), who, speaking either from local history or
tradition, says that Pudsey built it from the very foundations.

II. In the next place Sir Gilbert says that ' we have a building
which every here and there has details which at once remind us of the
period of the Transition, but at the same time intimately mixed up with
those which do not belong to the Transition at all ; there are details of
1190 or 1200, side by side with details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.'

But, instead of finding, as asserted, in a purely Early English build-
ing, a few scattered details which every here and there remind us of those
of the Transitional period, the architecture, both of choir and transepts,
as their mouldings, the only true tests of date or style, prove, is that
of the Transition throughout. The sections of the several string-
courses, which are carried along the walls in their entirety from below
the sills of the lower windows to above the heads of the upper ones,
are thoroughly Transitional, and not Early English at all ; whence it
follows that the walls themselves, of which they may be said to form
the skeleton or framework, are Transitional also. And then, as none
of the windows or other features is, or is even pretended to be, later
insertions, it follows, further, that they, too, must be of the same
period. But more than this : the mouldings of these windows, as the
reduced full-size sections show, are no more Early English, or anything
like it, than are the string-courses, but of the most pronounced
Transitional type imaginable, with double square edges instead of
chamfers in the lower ones of the choir, and with the roll moulds
of the sides, both there and in those of the transepts, returned hori-
zontally along the sills, exactly as in the chapel of Sherburn hospital,
which was already built by Pudsey in 1185, some eight years or more
before the works at Darlington were commenced.

190 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

The only details which could for a moment, and that only when
seen from the outside, be attributed to 1220 or 1230, are the clear-
storey windows of the transepts ; but even these, when examined from
the inside, are discovered, from their Transitional hood, and arch-
moulds, and the square abaci of their accompanying capitals, to be of
just the same date as all the rest.

III. In the next place, Sir G-ilbert says that 'the architecture of
the building was that of the advanced Early English style, with one
exception ; that was the flat buttresses, which were exactly similar io
those found in Norman buildings, and to those of Ripon cathedral.'

This statement will be seen to contain in itself as complete a
refutation as could possibly be applied to it ; the very existence of
these flat buttresses which are quite unknown to the advanced Early
English style, and are continued round the whole of the choir and
transepts from base to summit, proving both in itself, and in connec-
tion with the other details, that they, and the entire intervening wall
spaces, are of the same early and Transitional period.

IV. Again, Sir Gilbert ' conjectures ' that bishop Pudsey began
the whole eastern part, and carried it up to the string-course below
the windows; also that he 'prepared a great quantity of materials for
carrying the work on, and that after his death some considerable time
must have transpired before the work was commenced again,' when
' the builders used up, so far as they could, the prepared work left
behind, and then, the new capitals were formed on the round system,
although the mouldings were square ; ' and, ' with the exception of the
lowest part, and certain details prepared before, the whole belonged,
instead of to Pudsey, to the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth
century.'

It is conceded that the bishop carried up the basement of the three
eastern limbs as far as the string-course below the lower windows.
But this consists only of a few courses of perfectly plain walling which
could easily have been built in three months. Yet this, we are asked
to believe, was all that the bishop and the whole body of masons at
his command were able to accomplish, despite his eagerness, in three
full years ! Then, the details which were before spoken of as every
here and there reminding us of those of the Transitional period, are
now described as a great quantity of materials actually prepared in the

RECAPITULATION. 191

bishop's lifetime, which was that of the Transition itself, but not set
in their place. All such details, however, as none knew better than
Sir Gilbert himself, are, and always were, set as soon as ready, and not
left to accumulate. More than this : we are asked to believe that all
this material, after lying idle for thirty years or more, was then,
together with the whole body of the church, erected by some person
wholly unknown either to history or tradition. And all this monstrous
fiction he bases on the fact that while the moulding of the wall-arcades
are what it suits his purpose to call square, the abaci of their little
capitals, or some of them, are round. But, since the mouldings, con-
sisting of a simple roll, or roll and fillet between two hollows, are, as
Sir Gilbert perfectly well knew, precisely those used throughout the
whole of the late Transitional and Early English period, and univer-
sally carried on round abaci, the statement, it is clear, can only have
been made to throw dust in the eyes of the unwary ; and account, in
an, apparently, marvellously clever way, for what was perfectly simple
and commonplace, and required no accounting for at all.

Again, in attributing the so-called square mouldings to Pudsey's
time, while referring the little capitals that carry them to 1225 or
1230, he left himself no time to consider how far his argument carried
him ; for, instead of stopping short at a few details ' here and there,'
it embraces not only the whole of the arcade and window moulds of
the three eastern limbs, but the great arches of the crossing, together
with those opening into the nave aisles, and of all the nave clearstoreys
and great western doorway as well. The whole of this enormous mass
of material, which would have blocked up the entire surface of the
ground far and wide, we are invited to believe was, instead of being
put together as it was finished, for no conceivable reason whatever,
left lying about for thirty years awaiting the little circular capitals
which alone had not been cut ; and which, when they were, according
to his showing, did not fit. Yes, out of the whole multitude, Sir Gilbert
found one (he tells us so expressly) whose arch-moulds overhang it !
And on this basis, which exactly represents the feat of erecting a
pyramid upon its apex, he constructs his theory. So far from the
mouldings overhanging their capitals as he asserts they would all, or
almost all, do if not trimmed off, there are, out of the entire number,
three only, which do so to the minutest conceivable extent ; and that,

192 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

not through any unfitness of the round abaci to their place, but simply
through the carver's having cut them some quarter of an inch or so too
small. It should be observed that, throughout the entire range of the
three eastern limbs, the idea of the sculptor has been to restrain the
diameter of his abaci within the least possible limits, a sort of reaction,
probably, from the excessive projection of the earlier square forms,
and that, in the three particular instances specified, he has carried
this system just the veriest trifle too far. In the somewhat later nave
clearstoreys, and the great western doorway, the abaci are of a fuller
and freer development, proving clearly that those of the choir and
transepts are, not as Sir Gilbert tries to make out, thirty years later
than the whole of their surroundings ; but, as might naturally be
supposed, of the same period, consequently somewhat tentative and
immature.

Y. 'Looking at the two transepts,' Sir Gilbert continues, 'he
should say that the north one was built of many of the old materials
left behind, and the south one of fresh materials, with details entirely
of their own. Those details were of the Early English style.' But, as
the choir was undoubtedly built before either of the transepts, any
details left behind, after the imaginary cessation of the works, would
naturally be used up there. And then the details of the north transept,
unlike those of the south, are similar to, and all of a piece with, those
of the crossing, which must necessarily have followed after the erection
of both transepts, as otherwise its great arches would have been with-
out support. Besides, its upper parts could only have been built after
the erection of the north-west pier, which is manifestly the latest of
the four crossing piers, since they are both built into, and upon, it,
just as the corresponding parts of the south transept are built into,
and upon, the earlier south-west pier.

As to the south transepts being built ' about the end of the first
quarter of the thirteenth century of fresh materials, with details
entirely of their own,' he has, through a hasty impression of general
effect, simply fallen into the vulgar error of assuming that the richer
work must naturally be the later ; without stopping to examine the
mouldings which, even in the very topmost string-courses, are of the
intensest Transitional character, and continuations of those similarly
situated in the choir.

RECAPITULATION. 193

VI. * Bishop Pudsey,' Sir Gilbert tells us finally, ' never intended
the piers to support a tower of anything like the weight of the one
resting upon them. The builders of the tower, indeed, had evidently
distrusted them, as they built up the windows, as was seen on both
sides of the piers, and also constructed the screen.'

The first sentence of this statement is undoubtedly true. But,
instead of mutilating the finest features of the church beyond remedy
by the blocking up of the windows and wall-arcades of the choir
and transepts, and the casing of the eastern piers of the crossing
with hideous masses of rude masonry, by way of preliminary safe-
guards; it is evident that such remedies were, and could only be,
applied here, as in all other similar cases, after the new works were
finished, and the results became apparent. Otherwise, how were the
builders, who could not possibly know anything of the deficient foun-
dations, to tell which, if any, of them would give way, or to what
extent ? That the remedies were only applied after the settlements
took place, and not before, as alleged by Sir Gilbert, may be inferred,
not merely from analogy, but from the face of the adjacent window
arches being dragged down in a way that could not have happened
had they been previously blocked up.

One thing only, I think, needs stating here, finally, and in express
terms ; and that is, that the church, one of the noblest and most
deeply interesting buildings to be found, is not, as Sir G. Gilbert Scott,
in spite of contemporary history, endeavoured to make it appear, in the
main, the work of some wholly unknown and unheard of person, or
persons, of the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century, who
availed themselves of the commenced, but abortive, attempt of bishop
Pudsey to erect it ; but, on the contrary, up to, and inclusive of the
eastern arches of the nave, undoubtedly that of the bishop himself, and
completed by him in his lifetime. Whether so much can be said for
the western parts which, by whomsoever built, went up without delay,
is possibly, though only possibly, doubtful. That the three years of
the bishop's life, after the foundations were laid, were not only suffi-
cient, but more than sufficient, for the completion of the whole fabric,
exclusive of the later tower and spire, any builder can testify who,
without the least hesitation, would undertake to do the like in half the
time, or less ; while, that there was money enough, is shown by the

VOL. XVII. 25

104 DARLINGTON CHURCH : MEASUREMENTS.

fact that, at the very moment of the bishop's death, he directed the
sum of 2,000, an enormous sum in those days, and equal, at least,
40,000 in our own, which he had promised the king for the earl-
dom of Northumberland, though he was then unable to enjoy the
dignity, to be paid.

The building, consequently, in a way to which I knew no parallel,
shows us in the most perfect and instructive manner imaginable, the
gradually progressive steps by which the distinct Transitional style of
the choir passes through what Sir Gilbert, in his excellent lectures on
Mediaeval Architecture, aptly calls the ' transition from the transition '
of the transepts, into the pure Early English of the west front of the
nave ; a lesson which no one interested in the study, seeing no one
other building in the kingdom, perhaps, contains the like, should on
any account neglect to lay to heart, for it will well repay his utmost
care.

The following principal dimensions of the church have been
supplied by Mr. Pritchett, who, unsolicited, has, in the kindest
manner, taken them specially, and with the greatest care, for the
present account :

Width across Transepts.

Ft. In.

Length of chancel 35 6

West wall of chancel ... 36

Inside of tower 19

West wall of tower 3 6

Nave .. , 71 6

Total .. .. 133

Ft. In.

Transepts, each 25 6

Do. 25 G

Tower 21 6

Walls of tower 36

Do. 3 6

Total . 79 6

Width across Nave, etc.
Nave

Ft. In.
... 22 4

Aisle ...

9 2

Pier wall

3 2

Do.

3 2

Total ' 47

Ft. In.

Height of nave roof from floor to ridge 65

Height of tower to top of parapets 85 O 1

Height of spire to top of vane 183 8

Total outside length to face of pilasters above plinth ... 145 6

Total width across transepts of pilasters above plinth ... 92

Arch. Ael., Vol. XV II., to face p. XXX.

Plate 04

ROMAN BRONZE FIGURE OF MERCURY, FROM AESICA.

(FULL SIZE.)
From a photograph by 3Ir. C. J. Spence.

A ></!. .!'/'. vol. xvii. To fiie i- p. Hi

s. crTnr.Kiirs ciinu'H. DARLINGTON

EXTERIOR OK (/KOSSIXCI, I.OMKIN-G SOUTH.

DARLINGTON CHURCH. 195

ADDENDA.

To the account already given I have thought it desirable to add
the two accompanying plates and descriptions to show still more
clearly, and on a larger scale, examples of some of the abaci of
Darlington church, and of the way in which their arch-moulds really
sit upon them. They are reduced from carefully measured full size
drawings taken by myself, and will serve to show, far more intelligibly
than words can do, how entirely misleading and erroneous the late Sir
Gr. G. Scott's statements respecting them are.

Plate VIII. fig. 1, shows one from the lower range of the north
end of the north transept. In this instance, as in several others which
occur quite indiscriminately, it will be observed that the arch-moulds
do not descend to the circular abacus at all, but are received upon a
square block with a steeply sloping surface. Further, it will be
observed that the fillets of these arch-moulds do not, of course, project
so far as the angles of the square block on which they rest, but that
the angles of the block are broached into them, so as to unite the
rectangular and oblique surfaces. And these broaches, which belong
plainly to the block, and not in the least to the arch-moulds, it will be
further observed, just come up to, without overhanging, even the
inner line of the abacus. What then becomes of Sir Gilbert's allegation
that 'the capitals were formed on the round system, although the
mouldings were square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings,
would have overhung the circle ? ' Why, even the square block itself
does not overhang the circle, how much less then the mouldings which
are set well within the angles of the block ; and where again, it may
be asked, does the trimming come in ? The square block rests square
and level on its bed, but there is no trimming, whittling away or
paring down, as seems to be implied, of any kind whatever. In the
corresponding capital to the right, the moulds descend straight down
upon the abacus proper, without the intervention of any square block.
I have stated in the text that there are just three cases altogether
only to be detected on the closest scrutiny and when purposely hunted
for in which the points, not of the mouldings, but only of the square
blocks from which they spring, can be detected as just perceptibly
overhanging the circular lines of the abaci ; and but one which does

VOT,. XVIT. 26

196 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

so to an extent which can be seen without difficulty. I find that, in
the desire to be strictly accurate, I have admitted considerably too
much. Such, indeed, seemed to be the case when viewed from below,
that is, from the ground. But, when seen from the top of a ladder,
below, or on a level with, the eye, the actual plan is discovered to be
quite different. The upper moulds of the abaci (as the elevation of
one of the capitals on plate IX. will show) are rounded, forming a
quarter of a circle, and it is seen that in these three instances, out of
the whole number, the points of the square blocks barely overlap the
inner lines of these mouldings, and thus, when seen from underneath,
show minute and dark triangular surfaces. And it is just these points
of the beds of the square blocks which Sir Gilbert speaks of as being
trimmed off, as, otherwise, they would have overhung the circles. But
this is absurd; for, so far from overhanging they don't reach the outer
lines of the circles by half, or three-quarters, of an inch. Had the
angles of the blocks been continued down till they reached the rounded
surface of the moulds, or, had the moulds at the point of contact been
left square or level, so as to form a seat, then these apparently project-
ing angles would have disappeared altogether, and the argument
founded on their presence along with them. As it is, the beds have
been simply left to themselves, thus showing at the angles of the
blocks a minute gap or space where the rounded mould of the abaci
falls away from them. In what sense they can be said to be ' trimmed
off,' when thus severely 'let alone,' passes comprehension. (See
section given on plate IX. fig. 3, which will explain the arrangement
perfectly.) Only in one case do the angles of the block project as far
as the outer line of the abacus the one single individual instance
which Sir Gilbert specifies with such emphasis, and on which his whole
theory is constructed. The idea, or caprice, of setting the square block
upon the circular abacus is, in effect, very much the same as that of
setting a square abacus upon a round or pointed bell shaped capital,
as shown in the case of the respond of the arch opening into the south
aisle of the nave, and where the projecting angles are seen supported
by foliage.

Plate VIII. No. 2, shows mouldings practically identical with
those above described and illustrated from Darlington, but with the
roll and fillet moulds only brought somewhat closer together at their

ADDENDA. 197

seat, or line of springing. In the course of a few inches, however,
they clear themselves, when the mouldings become perfectly developed
and the appearance of the two sets is then identical. In the groining
of the south porch of S. Andrew Auckland church, where similar
mouldings occur, the three roll and fillet moulds of the transverse and
diagonal ribs are brought so close together at the point of springing
from the abaci of the caps that the intervening hollows disappear
altogether. They are, moreover, brought to the extreme verge of the
abacus which can barely hold them, entirely filling up the whole
surface.

Now, it is not a little curious to note how every word that Sir
Gilbert Scott urged so persistently against the arch-moulds and abaci
of the Darlington arcades being contemporaneous, applies in exactly
equal proportion to those at Durham ' the capitals are formed on the
round system, although the mouldings are square, and worked to suit
square abaci.' And his inference or ' conjecture,' it will be remembered
was that, the square mouldings were worked by Bishop Pudsey's
masons inter 1192 and 1195, while the circular capitals which carry
them were not worked 'till 1220, or 1230, or even later.' How then
about the * square moulds ' and 4 round abaci ' here, of, practically, the
same identical pattern ? He invented, out of his own inner conscious-
ness, and against the express witness of history and common-sense, the
theory that there was a gap of some five and twenty or thirty years
between the cutting of the Darlington arch-moulds and caps, because
of the alleged incompatibility of their square and circular forms.
How then is their concurrence to be explained, on such hypothesis, in
the present instance? The 'square' mouldings cannot be thrown
back to the twelfth century (as Sir Gilbert would have them at
Darlington) for the work of the Nine Altars was not commenced till
after 1235, in which year the Norman apse, the very centre of whose
destroyed walls is now occupied by them, was still standing. No one,
not even Sir Gilbert himself, nor yet those who have so long and
confidently echoed him, could pretend that any such gap occurred
here. And yet the features are precisely the same in both cases.
' The abaci are round, while the mouldings are square.' Sir Gilbert,
it will be remembered, explains the supposititious discrepancy by
asserting that those at Darlington 'were worked to suit square abaci.'

198 DARLINGTON CHORCH :

But here, we have indisputable proof that they were worked to suit
nothing of the kind, but the round abaci which they still surmount,
and which, being worked with a free hand instead of, as nowadays,
with scale and compasses, they fit with just such varying degrees of
accuracy as they do at Darlington ; no two, in either case, probably,
being in all respects alike. There is precisely as much, or as little,
difference between the two in one case, in fact, as in the other.

Plate IX. fig. 3, shows abacus and arch-moulds from east side of
lower arcade of north transept. This is the one only example in which
the square block comes up to the outer line of the abacus. The dotted
lines on the plan serve to show, in connection with the square angle
lines of the block, by how much the latter overhang the inner line of
the abacus, and to what extent this is seen from below. The fact is
clearly due to the carelessness or indifference of the carver, who could,
of course, by slightly altering his proportions, have made the abacus
of this particular cap fit its arch-moulds as perfectly as all the rest,
had he but taken pains, or desired, to do so. This, however, he
evidently did not; and the result, as so commonly happens in old work,
and in none more conspicuously than in the Chapel of the Nine Altars,
is thoroughly refreshing so human, unfettered, and free is it. But
it may equally well, and quite as likely, perhaps, as not, have been
so planned deliberately and of set purpose, for the square block sits
upon and overhangs the abacus moulding much like the upper square
member of the capital figured below overhangs the bell of the capital
itself. Let me add that, however absurd the idea of a quarter of a
century's difference of date between the arch-moulds and their capitals
may appear, even when viewed from the floor of the church, it becomes
ludicrously and preposterously so when they are seen from a ladder and
close to the eye ; workmanship, style, material, and general character
being all absolutely ' identical and homogeneous.'

Plate IX. fig. 4, shows capital supporting block and arch-moulds
figured above. I have already stated in the text that the foliage of
all those caps in the choir and south transept which are so enriched
is of distinctly transitional character, thus completely negativing in a
further, and quite independent, way Sir Gilbert's * conjecture ' that
because those capitals were round they must belong to the first quarter
of the thirteenth century. And exactly the same argument applies to

ADDENDA. 199

these plainer and later ones of the north transept. For the mouldings
of the whole of these, just like the foliage of the others, are not, as Sir
Gilbert would make believe, advanced Early English at all, or anything
like it. On the contrary, as this one example, in all respects thoroughly
typical of the rest, shows, especially in the pointed bowtel member of the
abacus, it is Transitional, and nothing else. In other words it is proved,
like all the rest, by its own internal evidence, and in exact accordance
with history and common-sense, to be of precisely the same style and
period as the arch-moulds it carries, and as the rest of the arcading of
which it forms one of the most curious and interesting parts.

I append the following notes of all the caps at present visible.

Beginning at the lower south-east angle, the first two arches are
seen to be blocked, and their capitals embedded in masonry. After
these, the first column has square abacus and foliage. This is new.
The next, shown in plate IX. figs. 3 and 4, has square block on
round abacus, and is the only one whose angles come up to the outer
ring of the abacus. The next has round abacus and square block,
and the next, the same. In the angle cap the abacus is round and
full, and there is no block.

North end ; the first cap has abacus round and full without block.
Next, same. Then the one shown on plate VIII. fig. 1. Then the
end one, round and full, with block.

West side, beginning at north end; the first cap has a square
abacus. Next, round and full abacus, with square block. Two next,
round, with square blocks. Next and last abacus, round and full, and
without block.

Upper range, beginning, as before, at south-east angle; the first
and blank arch only is moulded, all the rest chamfered. First cap has
abacus round and full. Next, though the arch-moulds are chamfered,
square, with foliage. Next, square and plain. Next, octagonal ; and
next, square, with angle rounded off.

North end, where all the arches are chamfered; the first cap from
the east is round ; all the remaining three being octagonal.

West side ; all the arches are chamfered ; and of the five capitals,
all are octagonal save the central, which is square.

200 DESCRIPTION OF PLATES VIII. AND IX.

PLATES VIII. AND IX.

1. DARLINGTON CHURCH.

Arcade mouldings, north end of north transept, showing square
springing block set upon round abacus, reduced from full size ; with
same shown in geometrical elevation, reduced from one-third full size.
4 The capitals are formed on the round system, although the mouldings
are square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, would
overhang the circles' ! Sir G. G. Scott.

2. DURHAM CATHEDRAL.

Arcade mouldings beneath Feretory platform, chapel of Nine
Altars, showing similar mouldings springing from round abacus,
reduced from full size. These mouldings are seen to come up to the
inner line of the abacus, though the Darlington ones ' which, but for
the trimming of the mouldings would overhang the circles ' do not.

3. DARLINGTON CHURCH.

Arcade mouldings, east side of north transept, showing square
springing block set on round abacus, reduced from full size. In this
instance only do the angles of the block extend as far as the outer line
of the abacus. Sir Gilbert Scott tells us that, ' in one instance he had
found a square moulding placed upon a round abacus and with its
corner crushed away, which evidently showed that the moulding was
not intended to rest upon a capital of that form.' Whether this is the
* one instance ' referred to, I cannot say. But there is no ' crushing
away ' that I can see about it ; nor, though I have looked diligently
all over the church, can I find anything of the kind anywhere. It is
possible that the base of some one moulding like the edges of divers
abaci may have accidentally become chipped, but that is, of course, quite
another thing ; and, in such a multitude of examples, were the fact to
be actually as stated, it would simply show that, owing to free drawing,
one moulding of one side of one arch came, or threatened to come,
perhaps, a quarter of an inch beyond the inner line of its cap ; or, it
may be, even less.

4. DARLINGTON CHURCH.

Capital supporting mouldings shown above, reduced from full size.
As already stated, it will be seen to be of distinctly Transitional
character, and, as a consequence, exactly synchronous with its arch-
moulds and other surroundings.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. (To face page 200.)

Plate VIII.

J. F. H. mens. et delt.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII.

Plate IX.

J. F. H. nuns, et delt.

ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL. 201

2. HARTLEPOOL CHURCH.
I.

No greater or more striking contrast of situation could probably
be found among our ancient Durham churches than that which exists
between those of Darlington and Hartlepool ; the one seated in a low
and sheltered spot beside a still, scarce moving stream ; the other on
the point of a rocky and exposed peninsula, where, scourged by wild
winds and wetted with salt spray, it echoes to the thunder of the sea.
Nor is the force of contrast much diminished in respect of their several
conditions ; for whereas Darlington church, however much disfigured,
has come down to us practically intact, well nigh half of that of
Hartlepool, owing to neglect and elemental stress, has, like the cliffs it
once surmounted, perished altogether. Closely contemporaneous in
structure, both churches are, moreover, built in honour of two equally
famous and closely contemporaneous local Saxon saints; Darlington, of
S. Cuthbert ; Hartlepool, of S. Hild. 1 But whereas S. Cuthbert had no

1 Of both an account has been left us by Venerable Bede who himself also
was the contemporary of both, having been born in the neighbourhood of Wear-
mouth in the year 674, and, after passing his whole life in the sister monastery
of Jarrow, died there on the 27th of May, 735. His notice of Hild, full of
interest as far as it goes, is yet somewhat brief, and couched in general terms ;
but of Cuthbert he has given the whole life from childhood, including all
particulars of his death and burial, both in prose and verse. Of all three
saintly personages the first and earliest was Hild, who, born in 614, renounced
the world at the age of thirty-three, in 647 ; became abbess of Heruteu in 649 ;
and died abbess of Whitby in 680,. when Bede was but in his seventh year.
Cuthbert, who came next, was born at some place unknown, but probably in
the district of the Lothians, about the year 637. At any rate, when in 651 he
entered the monastery of Melrose, he was still, as Bede tells us, only on the
threshold of adolescence ' vir Domini Cudberctus ab ineunte adolescentia jugo
monasticae institutionis collum subdidit, Vita S. C'nthbai'ti, 1.' He would then
be fourteen, which, since the period of adolescence was, strictly speaking, fixed
between fifteen and thirty, would doubtless be close upon, if not indeed precisely,
the age suggested. Thence migrating with abbot Eata to Eipon as hostellar for
awhile, he returned with him in 661 to Melrose, where, after succeeding his master
Boisil in the priorate, he was wont, leaving the cloister, to traverse all the country
far and near, teaching and preaching the word of God, oftentimes for weeks
together. Leaving Melrose in 664, he became prior of Lindisfarne under his
old superior Eata. There, though his life was one of great mortification and
humility, he gave it up after twelve years, in 676, for the still harder one of
utter solitude, first on the mainland, and then on Fame, where he constructed
a rude hut of stone and turf. On that barren, storm-swept rock he subsisted
for nine years, visited only at intervals by his brethren. Then, in 685, on the
deposition of Tuiiberct, bishop of Hexham, by the synod of Twyford, he was
unanimously called on to accept the see. This, however, he steadfastly refused
to do, till the whole synod, with Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, and
Ecgfrid, king of Northumbria, at its head, sought him in his cell. Being at
length overcome by their entreaties, he was shortly afterwards consecrated by

VOL. XVII. * 7

202 ST. IIILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

personal connection or association whatever with Darlington, S. Hild
was, both in her life and labours, directly identified with Hartlepool.
Known originally, as we learn from Beda, by the name of Heruteu,
Insula Cervi, or Hart's Island, it is not a little wonderful to find how,
within fifty years of the landing of S. Augustine on the shores of
Kent, this remote and solitary headland was selected by Heiu, 2 the
first of Northumbrian female saintly recluses, as the site of a monas-
tery which she founded there about 640. After ruling it for a few
years she retired, in 649, to Tadcaster, whence, migrating into
Cumberland, she founded, under the name of Begu or Bega, as is said,
tHe more famous establishment of S. Bees. 3 At Hartlepool she was
succeeded by S. Hild, daughter of Hereric, a nephew of King Aeduini. 4

Theodore and six' other bishops ; but, during the year, exchanged his see of
Hexham for that of Lindisfarne with Bata. As bishop of Lindisfarne he
laboured even more abundantly than he had done as prior of Melrose, visiting
the remotest and wildest parts of his diocese, and teaching and confirming the
still half heathen people. Thus two laborious years were passed ; when, feeling
the approach of death, he retired once more, in 687, to Farne, where, within a
few weeks, he died ; Bede, his biographer, who like himself had entered the
religious life in childhood, being then thirteen.

2 ' Keligiosa Christi famula Heiu, quae prima feminarum fertur in provincia
Nordanhymbrorum propositum vestemque sanctimonialis habitus, consecrante
Aedano episcopo, suscepisse. Sed ilia post non multum ternpus facti monasterii
secessit ad civitatern Calcariam, quae a gente Anglorum Kaelcacaestir appellatur,
ibique sibi mansionem instituit. 1 Budae, H. E. iv. 23. For reasons for supposing
Tadcaster to be the place referred to, see Camden, Brit. col. 714.

3 In recording the death of Hild at Whit by, Bede tells us how there was
then in the monastery of Hackness. thirteen miles distant, and which she herself
had founded that same year, a nun named Begu, who for above thirty years
had been dedicated to the divine service, #nd who in a vision saw her soul,
amidst celestial light, and a choir of attendant angels, transported into heaven.
Whether this was the same person as Heiu, as some would endeavour to make
out, seems, I think, more than doubtful. Her entry into the religious life can
scarcely, in the first place, be said to agree even tolerably with that of Heiu,
which commenced in or about 640, and must then have extended to forty,
instead of thirty, years. Besides which, had she been really the same as Heiu,
it would have been only natural for the historian, who had already mentioned
her, to have said so. Nor, finally, would it seem likely that after having been
the pioneer of the monastic movement in Northumbria, as well as abbess of
Heruteu for nine yeai-s, she should be found, more than thirty years later on.
a simple sister in the newly founded house at Had:

4 Bede calls him ncpos, and tells how, together with the king, he received the
faith from Paulinus : 'Cum quo etiam rege ad praedicationem beatae memoriae
Paulini, primi Nordanhymbrorum episcopi, fidem et saci-amenta Christi suscepit,
atque haec, usquedum ad ejus visionem perveniie nieruit, intemerata servavit."
He died in exile, and of poison. Hi> wife's naim: > d, and the follow-

tie account of her dream respecting him and the future glories of their
child. After speaking of the immense influence which Hild exercised, not only
on her immediate friends and followers, but also on those far off to whom the
i'auie of her virtues had come, he proceeds : ; Oportebat namque impleri
somnium, quod mater ejus Bregusuid in infantia cjus viclit : quae (cum vir ejus
Hereric exsularet sub rege Brittonum Cerdice, ubi et veneno periit.) vidit per

MONASTERY FOUNDED BY HEIU. 203

This royal lady having devoted herself to the religious life at the age
of thirty-three years, had proceeded as far as Bast Anglia on her way
to make her profession at Chelles, of which her sister Heresuid was
abbess. 5 Being detained there for the space of twelve months,
however, while awaiting a favourable passage, she was then prevailed
upon to return northwards by S. Aidan, 6 first bishop of Lindisfarne,

somnium, quasi subito sublatum eum quaesient cum otnni diligentia, nullumque
ejus uspiam vestigium apparuerit. Verum cum sollertissime ilium quaesisset,
extemplo se reperire sub veste sua monile pretiosissimum ; quod dum attentius
consicleraret tanti fulgore luminis refulgere videbatur, ut omnes Brittaniae fines
illius gratia splendoris impleret. Quod, nimirum, somuium veraciter in filia ejus,
de qua loquimur, expletum cst ; cujus vita non sibi solummodo, sed multis bene
vivere volentibus exempla operum lucis praebuit.' Bedae, H.E. iv. 23.

5 The late Rev. D. Haigh, in an account of the discoveries made in the
cemetery of the Saxon monastery at Hartlepool (Journal of British Arch. Assoc. i.
185) asserts that Heresuid was abbess of Chelles at the time that Hild set forth
thither. Beda, however, makes no such statement, His words are (H-ist. iv. 23) :
' Nam et in eodem monasterio soror ipsius Heresuid, mater Alduulii regis
Orientalium Anglorum, regularibus subdita disciplinis ipso tempore coronam
exspectabat aeternam.' Pagi, however, discusses at great length the question
whether Heresuid were ever even an inmate there at all, and decides that Beda
was mistaken when he made the assertion that she was.

6 Brought by King Oswald whose first care on coming to his kingdom was
to Christianize it from lona. in 635. Mindful, perhaps, of his old home, and
choosing a similar retreat, the king, at his own request, granted him the island
of Lindisfarne as the seat of his bishopric. Though disagreeing strongly with
his Scottish manner of observing Easter, Bede's admiration of his character is
unbounded ' pontificem Aedanum, summae mansuetudinis et pietatis ac
moderaminis virum, habentemque zelum Dei, quamvis (as regards Easter only)
non plene secundum scientiam.' Bedac, H.E. iii. 3. And then, after telling
how King Oswald 'ejus admonitionibus, humiliter ac libenter in omnibus
auscultans, ecclesiam Christi in regno suo multum diligenter aedificare ac
dilatare curavit.' lie proceeds to draw the following glowing picture : ' Ubi
pulcherrimo saepe spectaculo contigit, ut, evangelizante antistite, qui Anglorum
linguam perfectc non noverat, ipse rex suis ducibus ac ministris interpres verbi
exsisteret coelestis ; quia nimirum, tarn longo exsilii sui tempore linguam
Scottorum jam plene didicerat.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 3. And as he preached, so
we are told, he lived. 'Nihil enim hujus mundi quaerere, nil amare, curabat ;
cuncta, quae sibi a regibus vel divitibus seculi donabantur, mox pauperibus, qui
occurrerent, erogare gaude'bat. Discurrere per cuncta et urbana et rustica loca,
non equorum dorso, sed pedum incessu vectus, nisi si major forte necessitas
compulisset, solebat ; quatenus ubicumque aliquos vel divites vel pauperes
incedens aspexisset, confestirn ad hos divertens, vel ad fidei suscipiendae
sacramentum, si infi deles essent, invitaret, vel si fideles, in ipsa eos fide
confortaret, atque ad eleemosynas operumque bonorum exsecutionem et verbis
excitaret et factis.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 5.-

Nor was he satisfied only with distributing the gifts which he received from
the rich among the poor, but he sought out also, and redeemed therewith, those
who had been unjustly sold into bondage, educating and advancing, moreover,
such of them as were worthy, to the priesthood.

Of his love for his friend King Oswald, and how entirely he succeeded in
imbuing him with Christ-like charity and humility, we learn from the oft- told
tale of a certain Easter festival : ' fertur quia tempore quodam, cum die
sancto paschae, cum praefato episcopo consedisset ad prandium, positusque esset
in mensa coram eo discus argenteus regalibus epulis refertus, et jamjamque
essent manus ad panem benedicendum missuri, intrasse subito ministrum ipsius,

204 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

who gave her a hide of land north of the Wear on which she con-
structed a small monastery. But Heiu, relinquishing her charge a
year afterwards, she at once abandoned the place, and proceeding to
Heruteu, was invested with the rule of that house. Here she con-
tinued as abbess till 655, when King Osuiu, in discharge of a vow
devoting his young daughter Aelfled to a religious life, if God should
give him victory over Penda, king of Mercia, placed her under
Hild's care. Two years later, in 657, after having governed the
monastery of Heruteu for eight years only, she too, like its foundress
Heiu, forsook it, selecting another, though equally wild site, at
Streaneshalch, or Whitby. 7 Thither Aelfled accompanied her, and on

cui suscipiendorum inopum erat cura delegata, ft indicasse rcgi quia multitude
pauperum undccumque adveniens maxima per plateas sederet, postulans aliquid
eleemosynae a rege ; qui mox dapes sibimet appositas deferri pauperibus, se<l et
discum conf ringi, atque eisdem minutatim dividi, praecepit. Quo viso, pontifex,
qui adsidebat, delectatus tali facto pietatis, apprehendit dextram ejus, ct ait,
' Nunquam inveterascat haec manus;' quod et ita juxta votum benedictionis ejus
provenit. Nam cum, interfecto illo in pugna, manus cum brachio a cetero essent
corpore resectae, contigit ut hactenus incorruptae perdurent.' Bedae, H. E. iii. 6.

How little store Aidan himself set by any worldly goods and comforts, and
to what excess he carried his practice of almsgiving, Bede further tells us in the
story of the horse which Oswald's successor, Osuini. gave him as a help to
travelling, not only the very best in the royal stables, but equipped with regal
trappings as well. Happening shortly afterwards, while thus mounted, to meet
a beggar in the way who asked an alms, the bishop at once dismounted, and
ordered both horse and trappings to be bestowed on him, ' for not only,' says he,
' was he very compassionate, but a friend of the poor, and, as it were, a father of
the wretched.' Osuini, however, naturally enough, hardly saw things in that
light, for we read ' Hoc cum regi 'esset relatum, dicebat episcopo, cum forte
ingressuri essent ad prandium, " Quid voluisti, domine antistes, equum regium,
quern te conveniebat proprium habere, pauperi dare ? Numquid non habuimus
equos viliores plurimos. vel alias species, quae ad pauperum dona sufficerent,
quamvis ilium eis equum non dares, quern tibi specialiter possidendum elegi ?
Cui statim episcopus, " Quid loqueris," inquit, il rex ? Numquid tibi carior est ille
filius equae, quam ille filius Dei" ? Quibus dictis, intrabant ad prandendum, et
episcopus quidem residebat in loco suo.' Bcdac, H. E. iii. xiv. Then, the transient
cloud being speedily dispersed, the bishop became greatly affected, and, bathed in
tears, foretold the king's untimely and tragic death. Hastened by grief at the news
of it, his own occurred but twelve days afterwards, August 31st, 651, in a humble
shed attached to the west end of the church of Hamburgh', which served him as
a temporary residence. He was buried at Lindisfarne; first in the cemetery,
afterwards in the new cathedral. Thence his remains were transferred to
Durham where an ancient picture of him, in glass, may still be seen in the Te
Deum window.

T At the same time we are told that Oswiu devoted his daughter to perpetual
virginity, he also offered twelve estates, ' possessiones ' or ' possessiunculas,' as
they are called, each of which contained ten 'familiae' or hides of land, a
hundred and twenty in all. Six of these 'possessiones' were in the province of
Deira, the modern Yorkshire ; and six in the province of Bernicia, the more
northern parts of Northumbria, including Durham; 'in quibus, ablato studio
railitiae terrestris.ad exercendam militiarn coelestem, supplicandumque pro pace
gentis ejus aeterna, devotioni sedulae monachorum locus facultasque suppeteret.'

HILD FOUNDED MONASTERY AT WHITBY.

205

her death in 680, succeeded her as abbess. 8 After Hild's departure,
the monastery of Heruteu is heard of no more ; and whether it con-
tinued till the Danish devastations of 800, when the churches of

Tinmouth and Hartness 'smoaked in ruins,' or till 867, when the
Durham churches and monasteries were destroyed far and wide,
cannot now be said. 9 Most likely, however, the monastic settlement
did not long survive the date of Hild's departure. Such, at least, so

That of Streoneshalch was one of them, and thither accordingly Hild, carrying
the young child along with her, was induced to emigrate.

' They told how in their convent-cell
A Saxon princess once did dwell,
The lovely Edelfled.

And how, of thousand snakes, each one
Was changed into a coil of stone,
When holy Hilda pray'd.'
Scott, Marmion, cant. ii. 13.

8 Aelfled continued, first as ' discipula,' and afterwards as ' magistra,' or
abbess, till she reached the age of fifty-nine, when, ' ad cornplexum et nuptias
Sponsi coelestis virgo beata intraret.' There, too, where she had lived and died,
she was also buried. ' In quo monasterio et ipsa, et pater ejus Osuiu, et mater
ejus Aeanfled, et pater matris ejus Aeduini, et multi alii nobiles in ecclesia sancti
apostoli Petri sepulti sunt.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 24.

9 The writer of an account of Tynemouth priory in the series of ' Abbeys
of Great Britain' now (1895) in course of publication in the Builder, states,
apparently on the authority of the late Sidney Gibson's History, that ' On the
invasion in 865 the monastery was burned, and also the nuns of St. Hilda, who
had fled thither from Rartlepool for refuge.' But Mr. Gibson gives no authority
for his statement respecting the nuns ; referring only in a note to a passage about
the destruction of Tynemouth by Hingmar and Hubba in Leland's Collectanea,
iii. 179 (ed. 1774, vol. iv. 114), his extract, however, making no mention of the
nuns at all. Nothing is said on the subject either in the Saxon Chronicle,
Florence of Worcester, Leland's Extracts, or the Vita Oswini of the Surtees
Society ; so far, therefore, it rests on the unsupported testimony of Mr. Gibson

206

ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

: ' :

far as it goes, is the inference to be drawn from the discoveries made
in the cemetery attached to it in the years 1833, 1838, and 1843.
It was only, apparently, some twenty yards long, and situate about
135 yards to the south-east of the church, in a spot still bearing the

traditional name of Cross Close.
In it were two rows of interments,
all, with two exceptions, those of
females, and all lying, in the still
uneradicated Pagan fashion, north
and south. In each case the heads
reposed on small square stones as
on cushions, while above each were
other stones somewhat larger, but
still less than a foot square, adorned
with crosses, and bearing the names
of the deceased.*

From the close similarity of these
last to others mentioned by Beda,

as well as from the character of the lettering, and forms of the
crosses, the whole belonged evidently to one and the same early
period, viz., the latter half of the seventh century. Besides the
occurrence of the pillow stones, another curious point of resemblance
presented by these interments to others of Pagan origin in the barrow
mounds of Kent was, that the five molar teeth on either side, and in
both jaws of the skeletons, were worn quite smooth, as though ground
down with files. The names of the two males discovered amongst those of
the nuns were Ediluini and Vermund, the latter in connection with that
of Torhtsvid. Very curiously, both were found occurring again upon
a third stone, bearing the compound inscription ' Orate pro Edilvini
orate pro Vermund et Torhtsvid.' But, whether the Edilvini was, as

himself. That he invented the occurrence, however, is not likely, since in
describing it he says, as though quoting some ancient author, that they were
thereby ' translated by martyrdom to heaven.' It would seem most likely, not-
withstanding, I think, that such poxxibly ancient, but unknown, writer, whoever
he may have been, drew his facts from his imagination rather than from any
other source ; and, regarding Tynemouth as a naturally stronger position than
Hartlcpool, just as naturally imagined that the equally imaginary nuns would
flee there in their terror.

* Of three of these stones, of which illustrations are given on this and the
preceding page, two are in the Black Gate museum, Newcastle, the third is in the
Durham Chapter library. They are reproduced by consent of the editor of the
Reliquary.

DISCOVERY OF PRE-CONQUEST GRAVESTONES. 207

the late Mr. Haigh was inclined to think, the famous count of that
name who, at the command of King Osuiu, murdered Osuini, king of
Deira, at Grilling, near Richmond, in 651, 10 is, though far from im-
possible, a point on which opinions may, perhaps, differ.

II.

Short, however, as the rule of Hild was, and as the continuance of
her monastery may, perhaps, have been at Heruteu ; she left behind
her, notwithstanding, the undying fragrance of a saintly life and
name. And so, when upwards of five centuries after her death at
Streoneshalch, a church, no longer monastic, but parochial, came to
be built at Hartlepool, it was dedicated, very fitly, in her honour.

In the interim, little or nothing more is known either of Heruteu
or Hartness, than of the monastery. Indeed, from the time of the
Danish ravages in the ninth-century to the period immediately pre-
ceding the Norman Conquest, its history is almost a blank. Billingham,
it is true, is recorded to have been built by Ecgred, bishop of Lindis-
farne (830-845), and given by him to the see ; and much of his work

10 The circumstances are thus narrated by Bede (H. E. iii. 14.): ' Habuit
autem Osuiu primis regni sui temporibus consortem regiae dignitatis, vocabulo
Osuini, de stirpe regis Aeduini, hoc est, filium Osrici, de quo supra retulimus,
virum eximiae pietatis et religionis ; qui provinciae Derbrum in maxima omnium
rerum affluentia, et ipse amabilis omnibus, praefuit. Sed nee cum eo ille, qui
ceteram Transhumbranae gentis partem ab aquilone, id est, Berniciorum pro-
vinciam, regebat, habere pacem potuit ; quin potius, ingravescentibus causis
dissensionum, miserrima hunc caede peremit. Siquidem, congregate contra
invicem exercitu, cum videret se Osuini cum illo, qui plures habebat auxiliarios
non posse bello confligere, ratus est utiiius, tune demissa intentione bellandi,
servare se ad tempora meliora. Remisit ergo exercitum, quern congregaverat, ac
singulos douium redire praecepit, a loco qui vocatur Vilfaraesdun, id est, Mons
Vilfari, et est a vico Cataractone decem ferme millibus passuum contra solsti-
tialem occasum secretus ; divertitque ipse cum uno tantum milite sibi fidelissimo,
nomine Tondheri, celandus in domo comitis Hunvaldi, quern etiam ipsum sibi
amicissimum autumabat. Sed, heu, proh dolor ! longe aliter erat ; nam ab eodem
comite proditum eum Osuiu, cum praefato ipsius milite per praefectum suum
Aediluinum detestanda omnibus morte interfecit. Quod factum est die decima
tertia kalendarum Septembrium (20 Aug.) anno regni ejus mono, in loco qui
dicitur ' Ingetlingum ' , ubi postmodum castigandi hujus facinoris gratia, monas-
terium constructum est ; in quo pro utriusque regis (et occisi, videlicet, et ejus,
qui occidere jussit), animae redemtione, quotidie Domino preces offerri deberent.'

Speaking of the murdered king's personal characteristics and appearance,
Beda describes him as being 'of a winning aspect, lofty stature, pleasant address,
courteous manners, bountiful to all alike, whether gentle or simple; whence it
happened that, through his royal dignity of mind, countenance, and deserts, he
was beloved of all ; and that from all the neighbouring provinces the noblest
flocked to his service, among whose glories of virtue and modesty, the chiefest
was humility.' He was canonized, and his history is given in the Acta SS.
Aug. Tom. iv. p. 57.

208 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

still stands in the church there to bear witness to the fact ; but of
Heruteu we hear nothing. Shortly before the Norman invasion,
however, Fulk de Panell, besides vast territories which he possessed in
other parts, held also those of Hart and Hartness. Through the
marriage of his daughter Agnes with Robert de Brus, son of one of
the Conqueror's followers, the whole of these were eventually trans-
ferred to that family. In 1129, this Robert de Brus II. (son of
Robert de Brus I.), at the instance of Pope Calixtus II. and Thurstan,
archbishop of York, founded the monastery of Guisborough, endowing
it, among other things, with the churches of Stranton, Hart, and
their dependent chapels of Seaton and Hartlepool.

Like Ecgred's church of Billingham, that of Hart, referred to in
Brus's grant, and of much the same period, probably, is still in part
standing ; but of its chapel at Hartlepool there are no remains at all.
Though pretty certainly of later date, it would, doubtless, be of
equally humble character and dimensions as those of the mother
church. But, whatever its age or capacity, it was destined, within
some sixty years or so of its bestowal, to make way for the splendid
structure whose remains we see to-day. As to the origin of this last
there cannot, of course, be a shadow of doubt. But as regards
the actual individual builder, the case is otherwise. Of the Brus
family the founder, Robert de Brus I. died at some unknown period,
but probably early in the twelfth century, when he was succeeded, at
Hart and Hartlepool, by his second son, Robert de Brus II. who died
in the sixth of Stephen, 1140, a date far too early for him to have
had any connection with the present church. To him succeeded his
son, Robert de Brus III. who was living in 1171, but who also, as is
evident, could have had no more to do with its erection than his
father or grandfather. His son and successor was Robert de Brus IV.
who, married to Isabel, natural daughter of William the Lion, king
of Scots, died in 1191 ; a point of time which, from our present point
of view, and in absence of historic evidence, was about the most
awkward and perplexing imaginable. For it makes it practically
impossible to say with certainty, whether the entire building, the
tower only excepted, should be referred to him or to his son. But
a very few years, say four or five, on either side would have freed
the subject of all doubt, and rendered it absolutely certain. As it is,

THE BRUS FAMILY. 209

it seems to hang almost upon a balance. But yet, I think, we may
say pretty confidently, to which side it clearly inclines ; and, com-
paring the work with that of the Trinity chapel at Canterbury,
completed by William the Englishman in 1185, with that of the choir
at Ripon, built by Archbishop Roger (died 1181), and with the
vestibule of S. Mary's abbey at York, of very nearly the same period,
on the one side, and with that of Darlington on the other, there can
be but little doubt (taking the subject of his marriage also into
account) that it is to Robert de Brus IV. 11 that the choir and nave
of Hartlepool church are due. For, while a strong general likeness,
including the profuse use of foliage in connection both with square
and circumscribing circular abaci may be observed there and in two
of those earlier instances, there is, at the same time, a distinct and
palpable advance, yet only just such an advance as might reasonably
be supposed to occur between all three and the work at Hartlepool.

It must, I think, nay feel sure, have been in progress, though
practically completed, at the time of Robert de Brus IV.'s death in 1191 ;
and therefore, even allowing four years for the operations, need not
have been commenced before 1188. The style itself bears every
indication of this ; and taking 1191 as the central point or pivot, I
should certainly say that the internal evidence of style is in favour
of the work belonging to the four previous, rather than to the four
succeeding, years. 12 But that a pause occurred when the nave was

11 Hutchinson (History of Durham, iii. 17), following Dugdale, gives only
two, instead of four, generations of the Brus family between the time of the
Norman Conquest and that of William de Brus, who died in 1215. He thus
makes Robert de Brus I., who was a fighting man of great consequence in 1066,
and who could hardly therefore, on the most modest computation, have been
born later than 1040, not only found the priory of Guisborough in 1129, but
take part in the Battle of the Standard in 1138, when Dugdale, considering he
must then have been close upon a hundred, might well speak of him as ' an old
soldier' In like fashion, his second son, Robert de Brus II., is, apparently,
made to live till 1196, a date which, if correct, would at once have removed all
doubt as to the builder of the church at Hartlepool. With both writers the
mistake would seem to have occurred from the uncommon circumstance of four
Roberts following each other in succession.

12 The difference between the work at Ripon, and that at Canterbury and
S. Mary's abbey, York, lies chiefly in this, viz., that in the former case it is
perfectly plain, whereas in the latter, at York especially, it is highly enriched.
At Canterbury, too, though in the crypt, the pointed style, including the use of
the round abacus, is perfectly developed ; in the upper parts, the main lines,
involving the use of the round arch, had to be accommodated to those of the
earlier work of William of Sens. But, though not concluded till 1185, the
designs were made in 1179, when William the Englishman succeeded to the
direction. In like manner at Ripon, the works, as we learn from the words of

VOL XVII.

210 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

finished is plain enough ; for the tower bears witness not only to a
slightly later style, but, probably, to a different hand. It may, indeed,
without hesitation be referred both to the times and person of Robert
de Brus IV.'s son and successor, William de Brus, who bore sway
as lord of Hartlepool from 1191 to 1215.

III.

For size, and sumptuous splendour of decoration, the church
commenced, and well nigh, if not quite, completed by Robert de Brus
IV., was wholly without a rival among the parish churches of its day,
not merely in the county of Durham, but in the north generally.
Indeed, it may well be questioned whether anything comparable to
it of its class could be found in all England. That the architect
employed in its construction, whoever he may have been, was the
same as that of the similarly situated monastic church of Tynemouth, 13

Archbishop Roger himself, had been begun, and must therefore have been
designed, some time before his death ' quod dedimus operi beati Wilf ridi de
Ripon ad aedificandam basilicam ipsius quam de novo inchoavimus mille libras
veteris monetae.' And so, too, at York, the work at S. Mary's abbey, which
corresponds closely with that of the palace known to have been built by Arch-
bishop Roger even to the exact correspondence in the length and diameter of
the shafts must also necessarily have been designed some years before 1181,
which was that of Roger's death. But, in addition to these, there are three other
well-known and most important dated examples, the round of the Temple church,
London, which was consecrated in 1185 ; the retro-choir of Chichester cathedral,
begun in 1186 ; and the famous choir of Lincoln minster, commenced probably in
the same year, and which has long and deservedly held the supreme distinction
of being the first great work of the purely pointed, or Gothic, style in England.
The old Norman choir was cleft in twain, as Benedict of Peterborough tells us,
by an earthquake, in 1185; and the year following was the first of the pontificate
of Bishop Hugh of Grenoble, commonly known as S. Hugh of Lincoln, under
whose enthusiastic administration he is said to have worked, like a common
labourer, with his own hands the task of rebuilding was at once commenced.
But, both here and at Chichester, all traces of Norman influence have vanished
utterly, and the Early English style reigns untrammelled and supreme. As the
Hartlepool work, therefore, need not have been planned till two years later even
than these last, there need be no hesitation whatever for referring it to a period
lying between 1188 and 1191.

13 The work in the choir at Tynemouth is of a very strongly marked and
individual type indeed, both as regards its general design and details. Its
dominant note, as at Hartlepool more particularly as shown in the choir is
that of power, wedded to a no less masculine and vigorous type of foliaged
decoration. The fact of the two churches being not only so closely con-
temporaneous and analogous in character, but locally in such near neighbourhood,
renders the probability of their common authorship, I think, about as certain as
anything of the kind can be. Where the man came from, and who he may have
been, is, of course, another matter altogether. I have often been struck, how-
ever, with the surprising similarity of style, and especially of foliage, which
exists between the Tynemouth work and that in the magnificent choir of New
Shoreham in Hampshire slightly the earlier of the two. The resemblance is at

WITHOUT A RIVAL IN NORTH FOR SIZE AND SPLENDOUR. 211

is, I think, judging from internal evidence, as certain as that he
was not the Willielmus Ingeniator, engaged by Pudsey ; and to whom,
as is not unlikely, the design of Darlington church is due. For,
although of almost exactly the same period, the two buildings reflect,
in a curiously marked manner, the widely divergent idiosyncrasies of
two wholly different men. Not merely that the details and general
scheme of the two are unlike, but that their whole spirit and conception
are opposed and contrary. Indeed, it would be no easy task to point
out two other local examples which illustrate so distinctly the
characteristics of what are known as the ecole laique and the ecole
ecdesiastique, as do these two buildings respectively.

But, while the scale of the church alone points clearly to the rising
prosperity and increased, and increasing, population of the place ; the
character of its construction, and lavish richness of adornment show,
if possible, still more clearly that they could have had no say or share
whatever in its erection. Built, unmistakably, as a parish church, it
is yet far from being, and in no sense is, a mere parish church, pure
and simple, magnified. The typical parish church, of any size,
consists, normally, of a chancel, nave with two aisles, and a western
tower. But the chancel, especially in the earlier periods, was, as a
rule, and, indeed, almost universally, aisleless. 14 Whenever, in a

once so close, and the character of the work itself so special and individualistic,
that, far apart as the two places are, I have long conjectured that the same architect
must have been employed on both. The designer of the Nine Altars chapel at
Durham would seem, without doubt, to have been a south-country man ; and so,
just as easily, may he of Tynemouth and Hartlepool have been also.

14 So, Mr. Fergusson, in his excellent History of Architecture, ii. 63, in
speaking of the typical English parish church, says : ' In almost every instance
the nave had aisles, and was lighted by a clerestory. The chancel was narrow and
deep, without aisles and with a square termination. There was one tower, with
a belfry, generally, but not always, at the west end ; and the principal entrance
was by a south door, usually covered by a porch of more or less magnificence,
frequently vaulted, and with a room over it.' Churches of this class, that is
parish churches in the strictest and most exclusive sense, as not having any
adjuncts in the shape of private chapels, whether insular or transeptal, and to
every part of which the whole body of parishioners had full access as of right,
may be found in every variety of size all over the kingdom. Some, indeed,
though of course relatively few, are of the very first rank in size and dignity. Such,
for example, are those of Walpole S. Peter, Norfolk ; and S. Botolph, Boston, Lin-
colnshire. Of these the former, which is of excessive richness of decoration through-
out, is no less than about two hundred feet in length by seventy-five in breadth,
and with very large north and south porches. In vastness of size, however, both
of length, breadth, and height, that of Boston stands out altogether without
a rival. Admirably constructed, of splendid material, and, like that of Walpole,
consisting of a nave of seven bays and chancel of five, with fourteen fine two-
light clerestory windows on each side the nave, very broad and spacious, and with

212 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

twelfth, thirteenth, or even early fourteenth-century building, we find
aisles attached to the chancel, they will, in almost every case, be found
to be later additions, and commonly of different dates. Being in all
cases private mortuary chapels, they were, like transepts, purely
parasitical accretions to the original structure, with which, save only
in respect of contact, they had no connection whatever.

At Hartlepool, however, the case was different. Here, as so rarely
happened, the church, although of quite exceptional, and, at the time
of its erection, probably, unequalled, size, was built at a single effort,
and by a single individual. As founder, he was consequently in a
position to make his own arrangements ; and so, while providing his
new town with a simple parish church, or, to be more precise, chapel,
in the ecclesiastical sense; to make it, while retaining the usual
characteristics of such buildings, something more in purely personal
sense. He designed its immense and splendid chancel, in short,
though serving as that of the parish, to be his own chantry chapel and
burial place as well ; and, while containing the high, or parish altar, to
be provided with others for more particular and, perhaps, private use.
Hence its aisles which naturally involve and presuppose their presence ;
provision for which was the sole cause of their erection. 15 With the

a length of between two and three hundred feet ; it terminates westward in a
tower, by far the loftiest in England the west window of which, in eight lights,
is no less than seventy-five feet high and whose total elevation is upwards of
three hundred. No such parish church, and constructed on such a severely
simple plan, it may safely be said, is to be seen in all the world.

15 The whole subject of aisles, which is a very far reaching and complex one,
has never yet, like the kindred one of transepts, received, as far as I know, any-
thing like the degree of attention it deserves. Both one and other, indeed, have
all along, and by all alike, been simply accepted as facts, without the least
enquiry as to their origin or the purposes for which they were planned. As a
rule, our most ancient churches, which were usually very small, were aisleless ;
sometimes, as at Worth and Dover, cruciform ; but more commonly consisting of
simple parallelograms, nave and chancel, as at Escomb, Headbourn Worthy,
Corhampton, and Bradford-on-Avon, among those of Saxon, and others innu-
merable, like Haughton-le-Skerne, of Norman, and later, date. Then, in process
of time, but more particularly during the latter part of the twelfth, and early
years of the thirteenth centuries, aisles, almost always very narrow, began to
be added to the naves, frequently only on one side to begin with, and then
afterwards, as at Aycliffe and Pittington, on the other. Very frequently, how-
ever, as at Coniscliffe, Winston, and Witton-le-Wear, a second or corresponding
aisle was never added on the other side at all. Towards the end of the twelfth
century, and afterwards, the common rule, save where the churches were of the
very smallest, was that the aisles were erected along with, and as natural and
recognised features of them, their width and height increasing as time went on
in a gradual and steadily progressive ratio.

Another class of what are commonly called aisles may also frequently be met
with, consisting of broad and lofty adjuncts, sometimes nearly equalling, some-

FOUNDED BY ROBEET DE BRUS IV. 213

exception of little more than the western halves of its westernmost
compound bays, the whole of this magnificent structure was taken
down and destroyed in 1724. Continuous neglect and consequent
decay had doubtless long set in and left their marks upon it ; but the

times even, as at Staindrop, far exceeding the naves in width, to which, as in
that case, at Heighington, and in the lately destroyed church of Middleton-
in-Teesdale, they are commonly attached on the south side. Frequently, as
at Staindrop originally, they are under independent gabled roofs, and are
sometimes of the same, sometimes of less, and sometimes of greater length than
the naves, and prolonged to a greater or less extent, along the side of the chancel.
Such were always, I think, for the larger part of their area, private mortuary
chapels, being simply built lengthways, instead of crossways as a transept, and in
all cases provided with an altar.

There was also another class of aisles, narrow, and, of original, or at any rate
early, construction, not terminating at the east end of the nave, but pro-
longed for one or more bays alongside the chancel. Of this arrangement we
have a curious and interesting example at Auckland S. Helen's, a small village
church with an open bell-cot, where the aisles are continued to about half the
length of the chancel into which they open uniformly by two massive, but
minute, pointed arches on each side. The case is interesting on this account,
that the church originally consisted of two round-arched Transitional bays only,
with a chancel of corresponding length. About the middle of the thirteenth
century, however, the nave was lengthened by another assimilated bay westward,
and the chancel prolonged proportionally eastward, to which period the extended
portions of the aisles, doubtless sepulchral chapels, belong. Many similar
examples of nave aisles thus extended, but usually of later date, may be found
also all over the country. An exceptionally curious and instructive instance
occurs in the magnificent fifteenth-century church of S. Mary, Bury St.
Edmunds, the nave of which is 140 feet long, with a width of 68 across the
aisles. To the chancel, which was then 55 feet in length, John Barret, before
1468, added a north aisle, which, together with its splendid painted oak roof
bearing his initials in the centre of each panel, still remains. What is of special
interest, however, in this connection is the occurrence of a wish expressed in his
will that if anyone thereafter should build another similar aisle to the south, it
should be connected with the nave aisle, not by a transverse arch as usual, but
by cutting the jamb of the existing east window of the nave aisle down to
the ground in order that the carvings and figures erected by him about that
window and the altar beneath it might not be destroyed. When, about twelve
years later, one Jankyn Smith built such a prospective south aisle, the request,
as is evident, was not complied with. But what became of the altar, whether it
was allowed to continue more or less in its original position, or whether it was
removed to the east end of the new aisle, does not appear. And so in numberless
other cases of the like kind, that of S. Helen's Auckland possibly among them.
In the church of Skipton in Craven may be seen a remarkable feature which has
long and greatly exercised the wits of the local antiquaries, but which, regarded
in the light of the above evidence, may, I think, readily be accounted for. The
nave with its aisles would seem to have been rebuilt in the first quarter of the
fourteenth century; the chancel, with two corresponding aisles, in unbroken
connection and without any transverse arches, in the following one. Now about
the middle of the south aisle wall occur three sedilia and a piscina of the earlier
or fourteenth-century date, exactly opposite the first pillar of the chancel, and
on which the chancel arch, if there had been one, would have rested. Super-
ficially they seem unconnected with the site of any possible altar whatever.
But when they were erected the original chancel would have no aisles at all, and
they would pertain to the altar at the east end of the new aisle of which they
structurally formed a part, and which was made to extend a few feet eastwards
along the side of the old chancel. When, about a century afterwards, the

214 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

sordid spirit of post-reformation greed and indifference from which
they sprang, joined to the prevailing poverty of the place, then took
the swifter and more radical course of wholesale destruction ; thus, as
might, perhaps, be hoped, effectually annihilating all evidence of past
shame, and need of future expenditure at the same time. 16

chancel was rebuilt with aisles, as at Bury, the east wall of the fourteenth-
century aisle was taken down ; but, as in that case, what became of the
altar is uncertain.

The question, however, still confronts us, viz., Why were the original and ex-
ceedingly narrow aisles added to the naves at all ? It seems difficult to imagine
that increased accommodation, considering many of them were only six or seven
feet in width, could have been the sole or even primary cause of their introduc-
tion, especially when there is such general, not to say universal, evidence of their
having had altars at their east ends. In many small, aisleless churches, as at
Cockfield in Durham, and Boarhunt in Hants, a small altar was anciently placed
on either side of the chancel arch.

A certainly curious and remarkable fact should further be mentioned in con-
nection with this subject, and that is, that where two aisles have either been added
or originally built, it so much more frequently happens that the evidences of a
former altar are to be found on the south than on the north side ; a circumstance
at once raising the question as to whether the latter was either, always or
usually, provided with them.

I need only add, in conclusion, the remark that, although in numberless
instances there are now no visible proofs of the former existence of altars in
aisles, it by no means follows that such do not or did not originally exist. In
almost every case it will be found that the projecting bowl of the piscina in
aisles, where pews have been intruded, has been broken off, and the recesses
blocked up and plastered over, so that it is only when the walls come to be
stripped that the remains can be detected. Sometimes again, as at Gainford,
the wall has been rebuilt, and all evidence, no matter how specially interesting
soever it may be, deliberately destroyed. But there still remain many other
cases, as at Easington, where the arrangement of the windows alone sufficiently
witnesses to the fact of the eastern end of the aisle having formerly been a
chantry.

It is greatly to be hoped that in all cases where the destruction has not
already been complete, the hand of the restoring architect, so effectual hitherto
in " blotting out history," should be stayed from annihilating these frequently
beautiful, and always historically, as well as ecclesiologically, interesting
memorials.

16 It is possible, perhaps, that want of means, as well as of inclination, may
have had much to do with the state of ruin into which the church was allowed to
fall. At any rate, in a petition of the mayor and others addressed to her majesty's
justices of the peace praying that they would recommend the queen to grant
letters patent for the repairs of the church, and dated April 7th, 1714, after stating
that ' there are noe lands within y e s'd corporation to be rated towards y repair
thereof,' it is added that ' most of your petition'rs and inhabitants of y e corpor-
ation are poor fishermen, who by y decay and want of encouraging that most
important and beneficial employ, are become allogether unable to repair the
the same, y c expence whereof would at a moderate computation for stone, wood,
lead, and other materials, besides workmanship, amount to eighteen hundred and
eighty-four pounds and upwards,' etc. But no result would seem to have
followed this petition, since, two years later, the condition of the building was
found to be still ruinous.

A brief granted by George I. on February 5th, 1719, however, to collect the
sum of 1,732 and upwards, for repairing and rebuilding the church, met with
considerable success. The preamble, which is in nearly the same words as the

CHANCEL DESTROYED IN 1724. 215

Of the eastern arrangements of this well nigh unique chancel we
have, consequently, no exact knowledge whatever; only, on either side, to
the extreme west, the early pointed entrance doorways of the chantry
priests, and that is all. Foundations of the eastern parts have, from
time to time, however, been dug up in what is now the churchyard,
and the original length of the structure thus certainly ascertained.
Their witness agrees pretty fairly, I believe, with that given in bishop
Talbot's licence to take it down, viz. : twenty-three yards and a half ;
though, if there were three compound bays, and if all the bays were of
equal span, this would be some four and a half feet too short.

This single fact of itself, however, is quite sufficient, I think, in
the absence of proof positive to the contrary, to raise the gravest
doubts as to whether there were really three such bays or not. Indeed,
the extremely early date of the work, coupled with the very unusual,
if not altogether unparalleled, occurrence of aisles in a simple parish
church, being then continued to the eastern extremity of the chancel,
renders it pretty certain that there could only have been two such
bays; and that the sacrarium, or eastern end of the choir proper,
originally, as at present, projected clearly beyond them. 17

petition, adds that the choir was then 'almost entirely unroofed, and the steeple,
pillars, and walls of the same so much decayed by length of time, that the
whole fabrick will inevitably fall to the ground, unless speedily prevented by
taking down and rebuilding some, and repairing the decayed parts thereof.'

What the subscriptions actually amounted to does not appear, but the work
of repair was commenced immediately. At a meeting held on September 22nd,
1721, it was agreed that the church and chancel should be continued its full
length and breadth ; that the roof should be flattened to four or six feet pitch ;
that the north wall, if advisable, should be taken down and rebuilt ' but in
fear y e cash arising from y e brief may not answer y e expectation, y e said wall
shall be referred until y e last y* y e s d church shall be new flagged, pued and
whitened, and in respect to y e glory of y e antiquity of s d church, what repairs y
windows may want, they shall be wrought after y e same model as they now are ;
and as for y e ch