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n. s. 
v. 17 
c. 1 











1 7. 



List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc v & vi. 

Contributions of Plates, Photographs, etc ... vii. 

Additions and Corrections viii. 

Annual Keports ... ix-xix. 

Treasurer's Statement xx. 

Report of Northumberland Excavation Committee, and Balance Sheet ... xxii. 

Council and Officers for 1895 xxxiii. 

Honorary Members xxxiv. 

Ordinary Members xxxv. 

Societies with which Publications are exchanged xliii. 

I. The Ancient Farms of Northumberland. By the Earl Percy, 

F.S.A 1 

II. Temple Thornton Farm Accounts, 1308. By J. Crawford 

Hodgson 40 

III. Runic Inscription on Hazel-Gill Crags, near Bewcastle. By 

W. L. Charlton 53 

IV. Witton-le-Wear Church. By the Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Vicar ... 57 

V. The ' Quigs Buring Plas in Sidgat,' Newcastle, the Swirle, and 

the Lort Burn. By Dennis Embleton, M.D. 84 

VI. Northern Monasticism. By the Rev. Alfred Boot, Vicar of St. 

John's, DarJington ... ... ... ... ... ... 91 

VII. The Winston (Co. Durham) Churchwardens' Accounts, A.D. 

1632-1695. Transcribed by Miss Edleston of Gainford ... 101 

VIII. Darlington and Hartlepool Churches. By the Rev. J. F. 
Hodgson : 

1. Darlington Church 145 

2. Hartlepool Church 201 

IX. A Survey of the Churches in the Archdeaconry of Northumber- 

and, temp. Charles II. By J. Crawford Hodgson 244 



X. Chibburn, and the Knights Hospitallers in Northumberland. 

By J. Crawford Hodgson 263 

XI. The Names of Carausius on the Koman Milestone discovered 

near Carlisle. By Major R. Mowat of Paris 281 

XII. Easington Church. By the Rev. H. E. Savage, Vicar of St. 

Hild's, South Shields 287 

Index 307 


Plan of Roman Camp of Great Chesters (Aesica) 
Details of same 

Silver Necklet from same 

Bronze Figure of Mercury from same 

Witton-le- Wear Church 

Croxdale Church, South Door 

St. Cuthbert's Church, Darlington, from N.E. 
Plan of 









Sections of Mouldings, etc. ... -j yX' 

Interior of VI. 

,. Section of original Form of Aisles of VII. 

Sections of Mouldings ... VIII. & IX. 

St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool, from S.W. X. 

New Shoreham Church, interior ... ... ... ... Xa. 

St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool, Ground Plan of XI. 

Interior from Chancel XII. 

Longitudinal Section, from East to West XIII. 

Section through Nave and South Aisle 

looking east, showing Elevation of 

Chancel Arch XIV. 

Elevation of South Side XV. 

South Doorway XVI. 

Cliibburn Preceptory from S.E XVII. 

Easington Church : View from S.E. since Restoration of 

1894-5 XVIII. 

., View from S.E. from Billings ... XIX. 

Ground Plan .. . XX. 





to face 












j 160 
| 161 

to face 




















Tile inscribed COH II ASTVR, from Aesica xxii 

Roman Inscriptions from Aesica xxii & xxiii 

Roman Vault at OUurnum xxvii 

Roman Scale Armour from Aesica xxviii 

Gold-plated fibula from Aesica xxviii 

Silver-plated ^i7>ttZ# from Aesica xxix 

A jasper intaglio, representing the Abraxas god, from Aesica xxx 

A bone Object from Aesica xxxi 

The Nave Arcade, Witton-le-Wear Church 61 

Plan of Sidgate, Newcastle, showing position of Old Burying Ground ... 84 

Plan of Old Burying Ground in Sidgate, Newcastle 89 

Seal of Bishop Pudsey 145 

Sections of Mouldings, etc., Darlington Church 154, 159, 168 

Window, South Side of Chancel of Darlington Church 160 

Pre-Conquest Inscribed Stones from Hartlepool 205,206 

Adjacent Halves of two Compound Bays of Choir of Hartlepool Church... 219 

Remains of Chibburn Preceptory, from the South ... 264 

Plan of Chibburn Preceptory 265 

Sections of Mouldings from the same 266,267 

Grave Cover, Chibburn 280 

Roman Milestone with name of Carausius, discovered near Carlisle ... 282 

Details of Columns, etc., Easington Church 288,289,290 

Decorated East Window, formerly in same Church 299 

Window formerly at East End of South Aisle of the same 300 



Charlton, W. L. : drawing of Hazel-Gill Runic Inscription, p. 55. 

Band, Middleton, for photograph of Chibburn Preceptory from the south-east, 

plate XVII. 

Ferguson, R. S. : loan of block of Carlisle Milestone, p. 282. 
Hicks, W. S. : for pen and ink drawings of details of Easington Church, pp. 288, 

289, and 290, and for plan of same, plate XX. 
Hodgson, Rev. J. F. : drawing of South Door and Arcade of Witton-le-Wear 

Church, pp. 59 and 61, and of sections of Darlington Church Capitals, etc., 

facing p. 200. 

Holmes, Sheriton : plan and details of Roman Camp of Aesica, plates 01 and 02. 
Ingledevv, Alfred E. : plan of Percy Street and of 'Quigs' Burial Place there, 

pp. 81 and 89. 
Petree, John, Jun. : for photograph of Easington Church from the south-east, 

plate XVIII. 
Pritchett, J. P. : for plan and details of Darlington Church, facing pp. ]48, 154, 

158, 160-161, 168, 170, 175, and 219. 

Raine, Rev. Canon : for permission to use block of Pudsey's Seal, p. 145. 
Rdiqiuiry, Publisher of : for permission to use blocks, pp. 205 and 206. 
Royal Archaeological Institute: for loan of woodcuts of Chibburn Preceptory, 

pp. 264-267. 
Spence, Charles James : photographs and drawings of objects from Aesica, pp. 

xxviii.-xxx., and plates 03 and 04 ; and gift of blocks, pp. xxviii., xxix., and 

Steavenson, A. L. : photographs of Church of Witton-le-Wear, plate I., and of 

South Doorway of Croxdale Church, plate II. 



Page 69, foot note, for ' Wien ' read ' Wren.' 

Page 71, line 4, and page 73, line 1. In Elmes's Life of Sir Christopher 
H '/(// it is stated that his (Sir Christopher Wren's) family was of Danish origin 
and settled at Binchester, near Bishop Auckland. 

Page 81. The 'Read Hodgson' who signs the parish book was a colliery 
owner. He was the author of The Honest Man's Companion, which was printed 
for him in 1736 and sold by Martin Bryson. 

Page 269, line 12, for 'friars ' read 'brothers.' 

Pages 279, line 12, and 280, line 16, for ' Fentun ' read ' Fenh'm.' 

Page 279, line 28, for ' Rookedale ' read ' Kookedale.' 

St. Cuthbert's Church, Darlington, from the north-east, facing p. 145, and the 
interior of the same Church, facing p. 167; St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool, 
from the south-west, facing p. 201, and interior of same from Chancel, facing 
p. 224, are from photographs by Mr. W. McLeish, of Darlington. 

('hil)burn Preceptory from the south-east is from a photograph by Mr. George 
Waters of Amble. 



[Read on the 25th July, 1894.] 

WHEN the Royal Archaeological Institute paid its last visit to New- 
castle in 1884, canon Creighton read a paper on the Northumbrian 
Border in which, among other topics, he discussed at some length the 
meaning of the word 'farm' as employed in former times in this 
county. In 1892 Mr. Dendy read a paper before this Society dealing 
largely with the same subject. In both these papers great stress was 
laid on the evidence brought forward on the occasion of the suit of the 
Attorney-General v. Trevelyan, revived in the year 1832 by Mr. 
Woodman in the Court of Chancery. I will venture to quote so much 
of Mr.. Dendy's description of the points at issue as is material for my 
present purpose. 

This suit was instituted 'to set aside an improvident lease which 
had been granted by the bailiffs and burgesses of Morpeth in 1685 
At the time the lease . . . was granted the lands of 
Netherwitton had been neither divided nor enclosed, and the portions' 
in question 'lay intermixed in the common fields. The family of 
Thornton, by purchases made both before and subsequently to the 
granting of the lease, became, in course of time, the owners of the 
whole of the rest of the township, and they had . . . destroyed 
all traces of the boundaries ... . and enclosed and brought into 
cultivation the ancient arable lands, the meadow, and large portions of 
the waste and woodlands.' 

It was ' found from the ancient grants and leases, dating from the 
time the land was parted with, and from evidence taken by commission 
in 1710, that the whole of the township of Netherwitton, at the time 
the lease was ranted, consisted, and that in 1710, although it had. 
then been enclosed, it was still deemed to consist of 19 \ farms, and 



that of those 19 J farms f> farms formed' the estate it was sought to 
recover. The object was to 'show that those 5j farms formed an 
aliquot portion of the entire 19^ farms into which the township was 
divided, or, in other words, that each of those 19^ farms was of exactly 
equal value, and that ' the suitor ' was therefore entitled, in respect of 
his 5J farms, to exactly ^ of the total value of the entire township.' 

An immense amount of evidence was adduced in support of this 
contention, but the suit was eventually compromised by the payment 
to the claimants of an agreed lump sum before the final decision of the 
court had been given, as to either the amount to which the claimants 
were entitled, or the basis upon which it should be calculated. 

It will be seen, to put it shortly, that the argument relied on was 
as follows : A ' farm ' in the sixteenth century, and under the com- 
mon field system, was an aliquot part of the value of a township. 
There were 19| farms in Netherwitton, of which 5j were let in 1685, 
Therefore the value of the farms let was to the value of the whole 
township as 5J is to 19 J. 

The force of this contention will manifestly depend upon whether, 
in what sense, and to what extent an ancient ' farm ' can be said to 
have been an aliquot part of the value of a township. I propose in 
the following pages to bring together a few facts bearing on this point, 
and also on another, viz., were these farms identical with the husband- 
lands which formed the basis of the agricultural system under the 
' common field ' method of husbandry ? 

For the extracts from the churchwardens' accounts for the parish 
of Lesbury I am indebted to the vicar, the revd. A. A. Edmundson, 
who kindly afforded me facilities for examining the originals. Mr. J. 
C. Hodgson has been so good as to enable me to make extracts from 
the parish clerks' books of other localities. To Sir William Grossman 
I am indebted for the particulars of the division of Cheswick. The 
remaining facts are all gathered from MSS. in the possession of the 
duke of Northumberland. 


The following entry appears in the books of the parish clerk of 
Warkworth in the year 1826. It seems to have been made for the 
purposes of a rate of Is. 6d. per farm for his salary : 




' Mr. Thomas La idler 3f 

Miss Watson 1 

Mr. John Wilson ... H 

Mr. Matthew Wilson 1 

Mr. Robert Wormphrey 1 T 9 ^ 

Borough Greve, Warkworth, Pattison's Close fa 

The divided farms, Birling, formerly possessed by Henry Cramlington 1 

farm, viz. : Rent. Payable. 


The revd. J. 0. Win scorn 50 5 

Henry Cramlington, esq 50 5 

Mr. Joseph Castles 26 2 

Mr. John Garrett 10 1. 

Mr. Joseph Purvis 10 1 

Mr. George Coward 10 1 

Mr. Thomas Marshall 10 1 

Mr. William Elliot 9 1 

Mr. John Dickson 8 OJ 

Mr. Mark Moor 8 Of 

Mr. Dickson 8 Of 

Mr. William Taylor 8 Of 

Mr. Thomas Turnbull 6 

Total Is. 9d.' 

Below, in a tabular form, is the information furnished with regard 
to this township by a survey of about the year 1567 : 


Hugh Finch 

Cuthbert Dobson 
Thomas Arnolde, senr. 
Thomas Arnold, junr.... 
Robert Browne... 
William Wharrier ... 

William Elder 

William Harper 
Cuthbert Elder 
Thomas Earingtone ... 









s. d. 
29 2 


28 1 

29 2 

28 1 

29 1 
29 2 
29 04 
29 1. 
29 2 

s. d. 
2 IS 4 
2 19 2 
1 4 8 
5 12 4 
5 16 8 

Here we have a state of things which seems to bear out the theory 
advanced in the Netherwitton suit. There are ten holdings, answer- 
ing to the ten farms in the parish clerk's books ; the acreage of each 


is the same ; the rents are almost identical, and the variations between 
them may be accounted for by the fact that some of the crofts attached 
to the holdings were larger than others, and that the condition of some 
of the houses or 'messuages' upon them may have been better than 
others. The fines were very unequal, but they may have been deter- 
mined rather by what the tenant could afford to pay, than by the 
value of his tenure. 

The extent of the holdings in this survey are expressly stated to 
have been arrived at by 'estimacion.' A terrier made about the year 
1616, in which the land had been carefully measured, even down to 
the sixteenth part of a perch, gives : 

Acres. Roods. Perches. 

John Huntley 



Hugh Elder 



William Wharrier 



Jane Elder, widow 



Ralphe Robinson 



William Davie 




John Barker 




Robert Arnoll 



^ 1 1 ( 

Henry Finch 



Robert Finch 




Total 471 3 36^ 

Here again are the same ten holdings, but there is a difference of 
nearly six acres, or about thirteen per cent., between the largest and the 
smallest. The estimated equality of the respective areas seems there- 
fore to have been somewhat fictitious. 

And here let me remark that though at the present day equality of 
acreage by no means implies identity of value, it did so within the 
limits of the same township under the common field system in vogue 
at this period. Each man's holding consisted of a great number of 
small strips lying scattered among those of his neighbours throughout 
the whole of the cultivated area of the township, and thus the good 
land and the bad was practically evenly divided between all the 
occupiers. It was this which gave vitality to the system, and, in spite 
of its many disadvantages, any attempt to break through it led to 
discontent. Thus at Longhoughton, a very large township, when, about 
the middle of the sixteenth century, it was divided into two parts, one 
allotted to the tenants who lived at the south end of the village, and 


the other to those who inhabited the north end, although, within each, 
common husbandry was carried on as before, yet after a few years 
there was much grumbling, each party imagining that they had come 
off worst in the allotment of their respective portions. 

Although it appears from this survey that the land was not so 
uniformly apportioned at Birling as the earlier account would indicate, 
and although the rents are not mentioned, another element of uniform- 
ity is recorded, for it is stated that the dry moulter paid to the lord 
was the same for all, viz., twenty-two bushels of bland malt. 

There were two townships of this name ; High Buston, or Over 
Buston, often, as here, called simply Buston, and Low, or Nether 
Buston. The parish clerk's book has the following entry regarding 
the former : 

' BUSTON. 8 FA.BMS. Farms. 

Thomas Buston, esq. including the late T. Embleton 2| 

Mr. Robert Embleton 3 

John Wilkinson, esq 1J 

Ditto, late Thomas Embleton 

Mr. Robert Common ^ 

W. Mills and T. Stephenson 

Amount of Cess, 
s. d. 
4 1 

4 6 

2 7 

' The late Thomas Embleton's 1 farm is taken into that of T. Buston, esq., 
and J. Wilkinson, esq.' 

In 1567, or thereabouts (for these surveys took several years to 
compile), the occupiers of Buston are given thus : 


lands. | 





A. R. P. 

s. d. 

s. d. 

Robert Buston .., 


Counted as free, as he 

had a burgage in 

Warkworth. His 

subtenant paid 5s. 

yearly to the Greve 

of Buston. 

William Earsdon... 



Thomas Byers 



Thomas Buston ... 



Thomas Wilson ... 


33 2 

1 6 


Copyhold. 1 

Roger Wilson 
John \\ilson 



28 2 

1 6 
1 6 

3 12 

Copyhold. 1 

John Wilson, jun. 


32 2 

1 6 

1 Throughout this essay the word 'copyhold' is employed to denote a tenure 
neither freehold nor leasehold. This is not th ; place to discuss the exact posi- 


To this account there is a note : 

This towne was at the fyrste planted w th xvi tennts as yett appeareth by the 
scites of there tenem u and are nowe but viii tennts the cause ys that there ys so 
little arable lande ami meadowe grounde as also pasture moore grounde w c will 
not well suffice for the livinge of so many tennts and for that also they sholde 
the better lyve and be more able to doo ther dewtyfull servyce to ther L. and 
M r they wer of xvi made but viii tennts. 

Thus, instead of there being eight holdings, as the parish clerk's 
books might have led us to expect, there were really sixteen, of whom 
eight were freeholders, and eight copy or leaseholders. In another 
otherwise complete survey, made about 1586, only the last eight 
tenements are mentioned, the freeholders being omitted. 

Why, when these sixteen tenants were reduced to eight, was not 
the number of holdings reduced to eight also ? There is here no gradual 
absorption of several small holdings into a few hands, but a deliberate 
reduction of the number of occupiers for a specific purpose. It was 
essential in the then troubled state of the country that the tenants on 
a manor should be men of sufficient substance to provide means for 
the defence of their property from attack, and that they should be, if 
possible, * hable men,' capable of joining with horse and armour in 
any operation of either a defensive or offensive character against the 
enemy. And according to our ideas it would have been simpler and 
more natural to increase the size of their holdings by throwing them 
together, rather than by keeping them distinct. But our ancestors 
did not think so, and it is probable that they had some good reason 
for what they did. 

The survey of 1616 gives for Buston : 

tion of these tenants, or to determine how far they were 'copyholders' in the 
modern sense of the term. They are frequently mentioned as holding by copy 
of Court Roll, and yet in the early part of the seventeenth century, when their 
title came before the courts of law, they failed to prove it good. The bias of the 
judges at this epoch was strongly in favour of customary tenants, or, as Lord 
Coke puts it, 'time' had 'dealt very favourably with copyholders in divers 
respects.' The Prince of Wales, who had, at his father's instigation, attempted 
to seize the customary holdings on the Crown manors in Westmoreland and 
Cumberland, was defeated, and \\hen the tenants of other lords, who had copied 
the prince's example, were brought before the Star Chamber for resisting the 
attack upon their property, the judges to whom the matter was referred decided 
in their favour. (See Elton's ('iixtoHi mid Tenant Right, 1882.) It is evident 
therefore that some serious defect must have existed i'n the title of those who 
could not sustain it even before favourable judges. Mr. Dendy has pointed 
out that where copyholds had been originally held of the church they still 


Freeholders Thomas Carre, 3 tenements ... 
Roger Buston, a messuage ... 

Total freehold 

Tenants John Wilson, senr., 1 tenement 
John Wilkinson 
John Wilson, junr. 
Robert Wilson 

Total tenement land , 
























The parish clerk's book has here ' 3 farms. John Tate, esq., 
3 farms.' But in the survey of 1567 four tenements are enumerated. 






A. R. P. 

s. d. 

s. d. 

John Turpin 

16 2 

16 8 


'There is the scite 

of a old mantion 

house in old 

Thomas Hodgeson 

7 3 20 


tyme.' Copyhold. 
Rent paid to the 

'firmar' of Bam- 

burgh, 8s. No- 

thing paid to the 
lord, because it 

is held 'in ele- 

mosina,' being 

part of the pos- 

sessions of the 

church of Bam- 

burgh. Freehold. 

William Bednell ... 




Thomas Hodgeson 

15 1 

16 8 

Of these four tenants two were freeholders, whose acreage varied 
considerably, and two were copyholders or leaseholders, the amount of 
whose holdings was more nearly identical, and who paid the same 

In the survey of 1586, as at Buston, the copyholders are alone 
mentioned, but in 1616 a very different state of things existed : 

Launcelot Ogle gent, holdeth freely of His Ma tie part of the village or towne 
of Brothericke and part as Tenant to his LOP whoe hath converted all the arable 
ground into pasture and denieth to distinguish his Lo p ' s lands from his owne 
freehold, to the end, as it seemeth, to confound the one with the other, which 
if they should not be severed whilst some, (especially one man that knoweth the 


ground best,) is living it will be unpossible, (as it is thought) to divide them 
after : the particulars as they are enclosed and divided by hedges and ditches 

follow, viz. : 

Acres. Roods. Perches. 

Twoe houses and garths lying together, said to be freehold 1 1 10 
Twoe other tenements and garths holden of his Lordship... 1 1 16 

Acres. Roods. Perches. 
Meadows, viz., North field ... 50 2 28 

South field 34 34 

Total ... 84 3 22 
Pasture, 61 a. Or. 38^ p. Common and waste, 32 a. r. 24 p. 

It seems from this that the freeholds were the king's, one of them 
having evidently fallen into his hands at the dissolution of the 
monasteries. We have here a problem not very dissimilar to that 
which the parties to the Trevelyan suit sought to solve. The earl of 
Northumberland's surveyor knew that two of these tenements belonged 
to his employer, and he wanted to ascertain what amount of land 
appertained to them. If these tenements had been ' aliquot parts of 
the value ' of the whole township, nothing would have been easier for 
him than to claim half of the soil or of its value for the lord. He 
does nothing of the kind however, but falls back on the time- 
honoured custom of appealing to the recollection of the oldest 


So far, the townships we have considered have been small. This 
is considerably larger. The number of farms in Acklington are 
stated by canon Creighton to have been eighteen. They appear in 
the parish clerk's accounts as follows : 

'The township of Acklington. 18 Farms. 

Mr. William Harper 

Mr. Henry Grey 3 

Mr. Thomas Appleby 2 

Mr. John Humphrey 1 

Mrs. Grumble 1 

Mr. John Henderson 1 

Mr. George Robioson ... ... ... ... 1 

Mr. Thomas Anderson 1 

Mr. Henry Horsley 1 

Mr. John Appleby 1 


Field-house 1 



( J 

The survey of 1567 runs thus : 'Ther is a mention of a mansion 
howse like as it hathe ben the scite of the manor nowe in the tenure of 
Edward Smales, and demysed by the name of a cotadge of y e yerly 
rent of 8 s 9 d .' 









8. d. 

s. d. 

Robert Robinson 



20 4 



William Robinson 



20 7 

4 1 4 

Roger Simpson ... 



20 4 

3 12 


Robert James 



21 4 



Thomas Wim pray 



20 4 

4 1 4 


John Urpethe 



20 4 


John Claye 



20 4 

4 14 4 

John Patersone 



20 4 


John Robinson ... 



20 4 



Robert Johnsone. .. 



20 4 



Robert Lawe 



20 4 

3 1 


John Smithe 



20 4 

3 1 4 


William Pawtersone 



20 4 

3 1 


John Brewster 



20 4 

3 1 

Thomas Andersone 



20 4 


Humphrey Harper 



10 2 

1 4 

Thomas Simpson 



20 4 

3 1 4) 


John Wright 



20 4 



Here are eighteen holdings, seventeen with an area of thirty acres 
each, and paying the same rent, but there is^one only half the size of 
the others, and paying only half the rent. Robert James had a 
cottage attached to his husbandland, with two acres, for which he paid 
12 d rent. Roger Simpson had another with two acres, and Robert 
Lawe a third. The fines again vary very much. 

Compare this ' estimated ' condition of things with that revealed 
by actual measurement in 1616 : 







A. R. P. 

A. R. P. 

Humphrey Barker 

45 23J 


Thomas A nderson 

42 3 31fi 


William Clay 

40 3 131^ 

Thomas Wright 

43 2 19i 


Martin Smart 

35 3 6i 

Thomas Horsley 

41 2 16 

John James ... 

44 38^ 

Thomas Harper 

24 3 291 

Lawrence Rishforth 

42 2 3<H 

Henry Johnson 

42 2 17^ 


John Smith ... 

42 3 14| 

Robert James 

41 2 17J 


Robert Robinson 

39 1 26| 

John Robinson 

39 1 22f^ 


John Robinson 

42 1 23i 

William Lee 
Robert Wompery 
George Hunter 

43 7 
44 241 
63 3 7tfg 



704 1 21 H 





This shows that the difference in the size of the holdings was 
much greater than it was, or was imagined to be, when the survey 
was made only by the eye. One tenant holds sixty-three acres, while 
another holds only twenty-four. Instead of there being but three 
cottages in the hands of the larger occupiers, there are ten. 

But there was also in this township another element, which did not 
exist in those above-mentioned, viz. : a body of independent cottagers, 
holding directly of the lord. These appear in the survey of 1567 
thus : 






A. R. P. 

s. d. 

s. d. 

Thomas Lawsone 





Richard Hardinge 


William Wright 

1 3 

6 8 


Robert Robinson 




William Simpsone 





Roger & William Simpsone 


6 8 



George Thewe 




Edward Smales 


8 9 

30 5 



17 1 

And thus about 1616 :- 
Roger Taylor .* 
John Wand 
John Greeves 
John Smales 
Thomas Robinson 
Roger Woinpery ... 
George Thew 



Total 43 3 1 

At this latter date therefore over five per cent, of the cultivated 
land of the township, an area equal to the size of an average husband- 
land, was in the hands of cottagers. 

All these townships had one peculiarity. Although every manor 
had its demesne land, 2 it did not lie in every township. There was 

2 The word ' demesne ' is used in two different senses : first to denote the 
hind originally occupied by the lord himself, and cultivated for his immediate 
advantage ; and, second, as applied not only to this, but also to all the copy- 
holds and to the waste. It is in the first of these significations that it is 
invariably employed in the surveys here referred to and in this essay. 


none in the above. It is not necessary to assume for this reason that 
there had never been any within their limits. The gradual absorption 
and disappearance of the demesnes is a very noticeable feature in the 
manorial history of this period. No doubt many of the freeholds had 
been carved out of them. But they had also been largely eaten up 
by, and included in the copyholds, owing partly to the carelessness of 
land agents and surveyors, and partly to the encroachments of the 
tenants. The fields were cut up into very small divisions, and much 
of the demesnes lay in strips intermingled with those of the tenants. 
Under such a state of things carelessness on the one part and pilfering 
on the other had the result naturally to be expected, and the writings 
of the time abound in allusions to * concealed ' land. At Bilton, early in 
the seventeenth century, a suit was instituted to ascertain and recover 
the demesnes appropriated by some of the tenants. At Eennington 
* there was diverse demayne lands belonging to this mano r as by ancient 
recordes appeareth, but they have bene of so long tyme occupied and 
demised together with the tenement landes that now noe man hath 
knowledg truly to separate them one from the other, and were of the 
auncient yearely value of cix s v d or thereabouts.' At South Charlton 
there were 'noe demayne landes belonging to the said manno r which 
cann be found out, onely there is a parcell of ground called Chirneside 
wich is reputed as parcel! of the demaynes heretofore belonging to 
the same.' 

Let us now turn to a township containing not only freeholders 
and cottagers, but also a certain quantity of demesne. 


The same tale is told here : ' In this Towne there hath been the 
scite of a Mannor or Capitall Mesuage, and certen Demayne lands 
used therew th , but no we the house is utterly decayed, and scarce any 
mencion where it stood, and the Demayne lands have been confusedly 
mixed with the tenements, and soe of long tyme demised, so that 
nowe they cannot be distinguished, saving some fewe parcells which 
yet doe retayne the name of Demayne lands.' But the township is 
an interesting one, for these ' fewe parcells ' introduce a fresh element 
for consideration, and the records extend to an earlier date than is 



commonly the case. It will be convenient to take these older records 
first, leaving, in this instance, the more recent evidence to follow in 
chronological order. 

In 1500 the husbandlands of Lesbury were as follows : 




B. d. 

The abbot of Alnwick ... 


John Sedman 



Thomas Fyffe 



40 2 


Robert Fyffe 

40 2 


Edmund Legh 



Thomas Page 



Robert Berop 



Robert -Smyth 

42 1 


Edmund Milner 


John Fyffe 


46 8 

William Legh .'.. 

40 2 

John Simson 

40 2 

John Sleg 


John Clege (? Siege) 

29 4 

John Wilkinson 

40 2 

William Mantell 

44 8 

Thomas Sedman 

39 4 

The vicar of Lesbury 


William Wright 



40 2 

Robert Robinson 

44 8 

There were therefore at this time twenty-three husbandlands. 
Even so early as this the rents paid by the tenants varied considerably, 
but the acreage is not recorded in this survey. 

Let us now pass to that of 1567 (see table on opposite page). 

This shows that not only did the fines and the rents vary, but 
the acreage of the arable and the meadow land did so also, even by 
'estimacion.' The portentous rent of 206s. may be a clerical error, 
though it is very distinctly entered in the original. But there can be 
no doubt about the other variations. 

At first sight there would seem to be twenty-five farms, but the 
two tenants whose names are bracketed held half a farm each. This 
is the farm set down in the roll of 1 500 under Edmund Legh's name, 
and for which he paid only 16s. 














s. d. 

8. d. 

William Harrison ... 








55 55 




41 30 






\John Carr 




,, ,, 






Edward Slegge 




39 4 

5 18 


Robert Sharpe 




42 10 


John Page 




John Rimpethe 






Edward Smyth 




41 10 



Thomas Ladyman ... 





4 16 


Thomas lilder 





8 16 


George Tomling 







Robert Christine 




42 6 



James Rennicke 







George Wilkinson ... 







Robert Mantell 




44 6 

6 13 6 


Thomas Sedman 




39 4 

5 18 


John Falkener 







William Milne 






Thomas Taylor 







Robert Wilkinson ... 







John FyfiEe 




39 4 

5 18 


Thomas Slegge 





3 12 


Another survey of 1586 differs in no important particular from 
the above, yet there are slight alterations in the rental and the 
acreage, sufficient to show that it was not held that these were, even 
theoretically, constant quantities. 

We now come to the more detailed and elaborate survey of 16 16. 

Hitherto these holdings have been entered as * husbandlands.' 
Here for the first time they are called ' farms.' The freehold, formerly 
the property of the abbot of Alnwick, and which had now passed 
through the hands of Herrison to the Fenwicks, is a * freehold ferme,' 
and is included in the following table in the * collection of the fermes ' 
of Lesbury. Even as early as 1500 some of the tenants held more 
than one farm, but now the practice had become more common, and 
in these cases the acreage of each farm is not given separately : 




Number of 

Garths and 





A. R. P. 

A. R. P. 

A. R. P. 

A. R. P. 

A. R. P. 

John Carre 


7 2 351 

114 1 Oft 

6 2 26 

22 1 31{ 

151 13H 

Robert Fenwick 


9 1 33H 

86 26j| 

3 3} 

15 2 64 

114 30-Hf 

Roger Carre 


2 3 11 

66 3 30^ 

4 1 25j 

13 3 10 

87 3 37 

George Salkeld ... 


1 254 

68 1 26ii 

4 1 36i 

13 3 10 

87 3 18& 

George Freswell 


2 3 39j 

66 1 21& 

4 1 9 

13 3 10 

87 1 39jf 

Francis Freswell 


3 30 

38 2 9J 

2 3 33f ' 

6 3 25 

49 1 18J 

Edward Shepherd 


1 1 

38 9tf 

2 34fg- 

6 3 25 

48 30$ 



1 1 29tf 

36 10 & 

2 1 5$ 

6 3 25 

46 2 30J 

Alexander Reveley 


1 7M 

36 23^ 

2 1 7tf 

6 3 25 

45 2 23|f 

William Armorer 


2 21 

36 10& 

1 3 26H 

6 3 25 

45 2 3A 

Roger Simson . . 


1 1 27 

34 2 12 

2 2 

6 3 25 

44 3 2fii 

John Hempsell . . 


1 16$ 

34 25 

1 3 5* 

6 3 25 

43 3 :-'>H 

John Milne . . 


3 3| 

33 3 4-& 


6 3 25 

43 1 38 T 8 e 

Geaorge Taylor . . 


3 12 

32 3 84-g 

2 1 llf 

6 3 25 

42 3 17A 

John Wilkinson. . 


1 27 

32 1 2J- 

2 1 12fJ 

6 3 25 

42 2 27-,% 

George Shepherd 


2 14$ 

32 1 iTfe 

2 1 22 

6 3 25 

42 22 T % 

James Sleg 


1 2 3 

22 3 35ft 

1 3 38i 

6 3 25 

33 1 22 T 3 e 

Some of these tenements, which at an earlier date had been copy- 
holds, had now been converted into leaseholds at an increased rent, 
thus making the inequality between them even greater than before. 

The ' drie Moulter ' which was paid by every tenant of a husband- 
land, and even, in some cases, by cottage holders, ' in respect of such 
malt as the tenants doe sell in the marketts, and to forreyne inhabitants, 
not ground at the lord's milne,' was also not identical. In 1567, 
eighteen of the husbandlands paid three bushels ; two, three bushels 
and six pecks; one, four kennings; one, three kennings; and one 
nothing. In 1586, twenty paid three bushels; one three bushels and 
six pecks; one six pecks ; and one four kennings. In 1616, twenty- 
one paid three bushels ; one, a boll ; and one three kennings. 

The cottages were held, as in the other townships already mentioned, 
partly by the tenants of the husbandlands, and partly directly of the 
lord. In 1500 these stood thus : 

The vicar ... 

John Wilkinson 
Edmund Legh 
John Todd ... 
John Fyffe ... 

Held with the husbandlands. 

Thomas Fyffe 

Robert Smyth 
Edmund Milner 
Robert Fyffe 



Held directly of the lord. 

Robert Todd 
Thomas Stephenson 
William Bamburgh 
Robert Henry Capell 
Robert Dyconson ... 
William Elder 

s. d. 

1 3 

2 9 
2 4 
1 3 

William Legh 
William Stephenson 
William Wilson ... 
Edward Robinson ... 
John Milne ... 
Thomas Smyth 

a. d. 
1 3 
1 3 




Here the rents are given, but not the acreage, 
the acreage, but not the rents. 

Held with the farms. 

In 1616 we get 





A. R. P. 

John Carre 


5) ... . 




2 21i 


3 20 

Roger Carre... 
Robert Fen wick 



?) " * * 


3 39 


Francis Freswell 


George Freswell 


1 33A 

John Hempsell 



George Salkeld 



Roger Simson 



John Wilkinson 



William Wilkinson 




3 3 38 

Held directly of the lord. 




A. R. P. 

John Dunne 


5 17 T % 

Thomas Band 


3 20^ 

John Harrison 


2 2 ' 15A- 

William Clarke ... 


1 29 

Thomas Duglas 


2 32 

William Milne 



George Bonner 



John Taylor 


1 32 T -V 



14 1 1 



Of the cottages held with the farms, five were freehold ; the rest 
copy or leasehold. The acreage is 1 , in some instances included in that 
of the farms, and cannot therefore be given. The total area is con- 
sequently., understated, but the deficit is included above under the 

In addition to these husbandlands and cottage lands there was a 
great variety of property in this township. There were seven free- 
holders including the vicar, holding land composed partly of strips in 
the common fields, and partly of larger plots, some of these plots being 
over seventeen acres in extent. These were not 'husbandlands' or 
'farms' like Fenwick's freehold farm, but stood in a category by 

There was the mill, a most valuable asset, paying a rent varying 
from 8 in 1500 to 30 in 1609 ; what remained of the demesne 
lands, part held on lease, and part at will; a 'house' occupied by 
William Clarke in addition to his cottage, about which there is some 
obscurity ; the common pinder's house and close ; certain common 
meadows which apparently are not included in the totals for the 
husbandlands ; and a small bit of land held by lease or copy by one 
John Stamp, who was not even an inhabitant of the township. And 
finally there were the hedges and d^es, the ' towne gaites ' and 
' laynes,' the common balks and wastes, and the great common. 

Nature of Property. 



Husbandlands or farms ; copy- 

s. d. 

A. R. P. 

hold, leasehold & freehold ... 

44 2 1 

1,057 1 11 

Freeholds, not husbandlands 

12 3 

57 1 39| 

The mill ' 




.0 13 

13 1 

Cottages held direct y from 

the lord 

1 17 9 

14 1 1ft 

John Stamp's land 

2 16ft 

Common pinder 



Common meadows 

3 8 

Hedges and dykes 

3 33| 

Towne gaites, and layues 

22 3 11 

Common balks and wastes ... 

'64 3 22 


384 3 34 


75 5 11J 

1,618 18jf 

The above table gives a fairly correct idea of the extent and 


value of these several items, though" as the rentals and the acreage 
respectively are gathered from two different surveys compiled at an in- 
terval of thirty years, they do not form a basis for mutual comparison. 
In particular the number of cottages varied much from time to time. 
The demesne lands too are probably rather under the mark, but the 
error cannot be considerable. As regards the rental it must be 
remembered that no account is here taken of the fines which were 
levied on leaseholds and copyholds alike. As they fell due at uncertain 
periods it is impossible to include them in a statement of this 

It is evident that the husbandlands furnished only fifty-eight and 
a half per cent, of the rental, and covered a little over ninety-two per 
cent, of the cultivated and occupied area of the township. 

The churchwardens' accounts for the parish at the latter half of the 
last century unfortunately do not specifically state the number of farms 
the township contained. But on' September 28th, 1783, there is an 
entry : * Agreed on by the Minister, Churchwardens and Four and 
Twenty that a cess of one shilling per farm, and three farthings per 
Coatland be laid on and collected throughout the parish of Lesbury 
or the defraying of the expenses of the church.' 

This shows that the rate was divided into sixteenths, three 
farthings being that proportion of a shilling, and that the farms were 
not the only basis of rating. The details of the amount raised on this 
occasion have not been preserved. We are therefore compelled to rely 
on an account of later date. * D r . Ralph March and Robert Swan, 
Church- wardens, for cash received from June 3 rd 1791 to June 7 th 
1793 at 1 1 s . per farm, for repairing the east front of the north Isle 
and Vestry of Lesbury Church.' 

* Cash received of the undermentioned persons.' 

In the following table (see page 18) the first and second columns 
are taken from this account ; the third, fourth, and fifth are compiled 
from other sources. 

Is it possible to discover the number of ancient farms from this 
schedule ? We have seen that the rate for 1783 was divided into 
sixteenths. Here, in eleven instances, the payments divide evenly by 
sixteen, with the results shown in the sixth column, giving a total of 
twenty-three and ten-sixteenths, or within six-sixteenths of twenty- 



four ; the number of farms we 'know to have existed two hundred 
years before, and to have been identical with the old husbandlands. 



Name of Occupier. 


Nature of Holding. 




B. d. 

8. d. 

A. R. P. 

John Swan 

5 10 3 

Hungerup farm ... 


239 1 16 


Lesbury farm 


142 1 6 

1 4 

William March 

4 5 31 

Field House farm 


268 11 


David Baird 

3 13 6 

Foxton Hall farm "I 
Cottage and land / 


163 1 30 


Robert Gardner 

2 15 1 

Waterside farm \ 
Holme farm / 


153 3 1 


William Hay 


Hipsburne farm .. 


216 2 22 


2 10i 

Mill and land 

52 10 

7 1 30 

Lawrence Gibson ... 

3 5 1\ 

Townhead farm . . 


232 6 


Thomas Richardson 

9 8 

Bridge Haugh 

William Coulter ... 

1 6 3 

Freehold farm 

65 3 37 


Henry Davison, for 

Coatland and 

Fisher's Close .. 




Robert Bell 

3 7 

Cottage and garden 


1 22 

Thomas Annett 

2 7 


William Fleming .. 


Ralph Bell 

1 3| 


William Bell 


Cottage and garden 



John Bell 


Cottage and land... 


2 3 12 

Henry & Robert Bell 


Public house,black- 

smith's shop, and 



4 3 32 


Robert Bell 

1 Oi 

Cottage and garden 


2 3 11 

John Lough 


Cottage and land .. 


William Dixon 

3 6 

Public house and 



4 1 26 

William Grey 


Cottage and garth 



Four of these six-sixteenths can be readily accounted for. It is a 
curious fact that some time ago, whilst engaged in tracing the history 
of the farms or husbandlands at Lesbury for a totally different purpose, 
and approaching the subject from an entirely distinct point of view, 
I came to the conclusion that at some period during the latter half 
of the seventeenth century a quarter of one of the farms had been 
lost. The missing quarter belongs to William Coulter, who, it will 
be seen, is credited by the calculation just made with one farm 
and a quarter, but who should properly be responsible for one 


and a half. It would swell this paper to an inordinate length to give 
all the details which have led to this conclusion, and I must therefore 
be content with recording my conviction that it is so. 

The loss of the other two sixteenths I am unable to explain, 
except by pointing out that the account is of * cash received,' and that 
it is possible that some inhabitant of the township had not paid the 
rate demanded. But the close approximation of these eleven pay- 
ments to the number of the husbandlands of byegone days is very 

The other ten payments in the account will not divide equally 
by sixteen, and the basis of rating is evidently different. Let us, for 
the sake of convenience, call the payments which divide by sixteen 
* normal ' payments, and those which do not ' abnormal.' 

It is plain that though the churchwardens professed to take the 
farms as the basis of their assessment, there was, in reality, another 
basis which applied to property outside these farms : cottages, public 
houses, the mill, etc. What it was there is nothing to show, but it 
manifestly existed. 

We are now in a position to approach the question propounded at 
the outset of this paper, viz., were the farms which formed the basis 
of local rating in the last century identical with the ancient husband- 
lands ? Canon Creighton has attempted to ascertain the extent of 
the ancient farms by dividing the area of each township by the 
number of them it contained. Mr. Dendy, proceeding apparently 
on the same principle, although he considers the farm to be the same 
as the husbandland, finds that five hundred farms, of which he has 
given a list, ' have an average of nearly one hundred and sixty acres 
of township land assignable to each of them.' If this be so it is 
certain that the ' farm ' was not the same as the ' husbandland,' for it 
would be difficult to find in any of the Northumbrian surveys a 
husbandland that amounted to even eighty acres. 

But a considerable portion of every township consisted of common 
or waste, and this was the lord's, and not the tenants'. The law on 
the point at the present day is distinct on this head. * The soil of 
the waste land of the manor is always vested in the lord of the manor, 
notwithstanding the rights which the commoners may have on it. 
The lord therefore, as owner of the soil, has the same rights as other 


owners, except so far as the existence of the right of the commoners 
may prevent him from exercising these rights.' (Williams on 
Commons, p. 150.) The rights of the commoners are limited, in the 
absence of any grant, or title of prescription (which supposes a now 
forgotten grant) to a right of ' common appendant,' and to estovers ; 
the former being defined as a privilege belonging to the owners or 
occupiers of arable land to put upon its wastes their commonable 
beasts, viz., horses, kine, or sheep, being such as either plough or 
manure the soil ; in other words, from which the arable land derives 
some benefit. The other common rights, of * common appurtenant ' 
(or the right of feeding beasts not generally commonable, such as 
swine, geese, or goats), common of vicinage, in gross, turbary, etc., 
must, in order to be held good, be determined by grant or prescrip- 
tion. The lord's position in this respect has been recognised for the 
last hundred and fifty years at least by his being assigned in the first 
place, and before any other claims are considered, a sixteenth part of 
the whole common on a division, and he is moreover entitled to 
compensation for any growing timber on the waste, to the minerals 
below the surface, and to any surplus of the waste which may remain 
after the claims of the commoners have been satisfied, such claims 
being limited to as much land as is equivalent to the right of 
depasturing as many cattle, sheep, etc., in summer as the ground each 
commoner occupies within the township or manor will enable him 
properly to maintain in winter. 

The surveys of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are in 
complete accord with these principles. They prove that the land, 
in the minds of the compilers, was divided into three classes, each 
demanding its own proper treatment. - In the first class came all 
the garths, closes, and arable and meadow land, 3 except the ' common 
meadows.' These were accurately measured, or at the least estimated 
with what precision was possible. Each man had a perfect knowledge 
of what plot, parcel, or strip of ground belonged to him, and as 
absolute and exclusive a right to it as any modern tenant farmer has 
to his holding, subject always to the rights of the lord and to the 

3 The distinction between meadow and pasture is not very accurately observed 
by some modern writers, but it is very marked in the surveys. The latter was 
used solely for crazing ; the former furnished the hay crops, and was only thrown 
open for grazing when they had been carried. 


custom of the manor, 4 and subject also to the restrictions imposed 
upon him by the exigencies of the system of common cultivation. 
The pastures formed another class. Each husbandland was credited 
with a certain number of acres in them, corresponding to a certain 
number of 'gaites.' Thus at Lesbury each husbandland claimed 
eight gaites, or 6 a. 3r. 25 p. of the common pasture, except the 
smallest husbandland, to which only four gaites, or 3 a. 1 r. 32^ p. 
were allotted. But no man could put his foot down on a particular spot 
of these common pastures and say ' this is mine.' It was held strictly 
in common. The third class comprised all the common, wastes, roads, 
common balks, and common hedges. All these were k no man's land ' 
(as indeed portions of them were sometimes called) except the lord's, 
and he held them subject to the rights of the commoners, which 
varied in every manor and township, but which included a right to a 
certain number of 'stints,' affording the agriculturist 'sufficient 
common of pasture.' 5 

The working of the system is well illustrated by one of the witnesses 
in the suit of the Attorney-General v. Trevelyan in 1847. He states 
that at that time the township of Sharperton consisted of llf farms, 
and that there 'is in the said township of Sharperton a tract of common 
and unenclosed ground, which belongs to the owners of the enclosed 
lands in the said township, and is stinted by the occupiers of the said 
enclosed lands according to the number of ancient reputed farms 
which each occupier holds, one stint being depastured on the said 
common for each reputed farm, so that I depasture thereon one stint, 
the said William Sproat two stints, the said James Nicholson depas- 

4 In making this statement I have not overlooked the evidence relating to the 
existence of the runrig system, or something similar to it in the county. There 
are several notices of exchanges of land in the surveys, invariably mentioned 
however as having taken place at a time then past, which may refer to such a 
custom. I have not met with any instance in which it can be said that it is 
clear that more is meant than a single transaction, such as might be carried out 
in the present day between owners or occupiers. The strongest case is that of 
North Middleton, but even here it seems possible to understand the account as a 
description, not very well expressed, of the ordinary common field system, at a 
time when its incidents had ceased to be familiar. But however this may be, it 
seems certain that in the sixteenth century runrig only existed exceptionally, 
if at all. and that it had entirely disappeared in townships for which terriers 
similar to those here quoted had been made. 

5 It is important to distinguish between a right, to the 'common pasture,' and 
a right to 'common of pasture.' The former referred to the pasture land, the 
latter to the common or waste. 


tured thereon five stints and a quarter of a stint ; a six year old ox 
is half a stint, which the occupier may put on every other year as a 
quarter of a stint,' etc. 

This exactly describes the condition of things before the com- 
mon fields were divided and the commons enclosed, except that the 
former having disappeared, the owners occupy the position formerly 
held by the lord of the manor. The occupiers' interest in the common 
consists of stints, not land, and the amount of these stints is not 
estimated by acres, but by the right which they confer to pasture cattle 
on the waste. A stint entitles the holder to pasturage for two beasts, 
half a stint for one beast, while the holder of a quarter of a stint can 
only put his ox upon the common in alternate years. 

If therefore, I repeat, these ancient farms embraced the whole 
township, averaging nearly one hundred and sixty acres apiece, they 
are certainly not the same as the 'hnsbandlands,' but were something 
else of which we know nothing, and to which, so far as I am aware, 
there is not the most remote allusion in any document. 

But when we reflect how often the number of husbandlands is the 
same as that of the more modern farms ; how, in many cases (as at 
Buston, where although there were only eight 'farms' in 1826, as 
against sixteen in 1567, yet these more ancient farms divide them- 
selves naturally into eight freeholds and eight leaseholds), there are 
indications pointing to a relation between them, though at this stage 
of the enquiry not a very explicable one ; how nearly the number of 
farms at Lesbury, at the end of the last century, ascertained indirectly, 
agrees with what we know of the past history of the place, it appears 
highly probable that they were identical. This view may be supported 
by other evidence, not in itself conclusive, but tending in the same 

In the churchwardens' accounts for Lesbury for 1791-3 the pay- 
ment for Hawkhill is put down as a lump sum of 10 10s. This, at 
a guinea per farm, represents ten farms. In a Manor Court Roll of 
the 15th December in the fourth year of King James I. is this 
entry : ' We find by the oath of William Alnewick of Wolden, some- 
time of Hawkle, of the age of 53, and also by the oath of &c 

that there is ten tenements and a half in Hawkle, out of which there 
is due ten bowles and a bushel of barley malt, to wit every tenement a 



bushel, 6 which they have known during all the time of their remem- 
brance to be paid.' Here half a farm seems to have been lost, just as 
a quarter of one disappeared at Lesbury, but the approximation is 

In Hodgson's History of Northumberland there is a list of the rates 
laid on the townships of the county, apparently for the purposes of 
what we should call imperial taxation, and levied on the lords of the 
manors, and the freeholders, and not on the other tenants. These 
rates are therefore probably governed by other considerations than the 
number of husbandlands. But that this had something to do with it the 
table below proves. In the first two columns are the payments made 
for each of the townships we have been concerned with, according to 
' the old book of rates,' dating at least as far back as the seventeenth 
century. The third gives the number of farms in each, and the fourth 
the sums arrived at by dividing the rate by the number of farms : 




Share per 

B. d. 

s. d. 


1 12 6 


1 4* 




1 4| 




1 4 

Buston, Upper. 



1 4J 


1 3 4 


1 3| 

The result is that each township is rated at about Is. 4d. per farm, 
or the tenth part of a mark. 

There is a feature in the more detailed and accurate surveys which 
is worth observing in this connection. In modern days when a farmer 
undertakes to cultivate two contiguous farms, they are either kept 
entirely distinct, so that they may at any time be separated without 
inconvenience ; or they are united, the acres which compose 
them are thrown together, one farm house is converted into the 
steward's house, or into cottages, one set of farm buildings becomes 
merely a steading, and the whole is treated in every way as one farm. 
The former is the common practice at the present day ; the latter was 
that pursued sixty or seventy years ago, and is the method by which 
most of our large tenancies have been created. 

6 ? Bowie. 



Our ancestors did neither. When a man held two farms the fact 
that he had two ' messuages ' or two * tenements ' was duly recorded ; 
the strips in the fields were carefully measured, even down to the six- 
teenth of a perch, and labelled (so to speak) as his ; but there is 
nothing to show to which of the two farms each strip belonged. An 
extract from a survey of a parcel in the common fields of Lesbury will 
illustrate this : 


John Hempsell, one land 

Roger Carre, two lands 

John Carre, one land 

John Hempsell, one land 

Roger Carre, two lands 

John Carre, one land 

George Shepherd, one land 

Robert Fenwick, one land 

George Sawkeld, one land 

George Taylor, one land 

George Fressel, one land 

John Carre, one land 

George Fressell, one land 

Francis Fressell, one land 

John Carre, one land 

John Milne, one land 

Roger Sympson, one land 

Alexander Reveley, one land 

John Wilkinson, one land 

Robert Fenwick, two lands, late Acton's 

William Armorer, two lands 

John Carre, three lands 

Francis Fresswell, one land 

John Milne, three lands 

William Armorer, one land 

John Hempsell 

Roger Carre, three lands 

John Carre, one land 

Some of acres of Long Sea Heugh 

Of the tenants whose names are given here, John Carre held three 
and a half farms, Robert Fenwick two and a half, Roger Carre, George 
Sawkeld, and George Fresswell two each. Yet there is nothing to 
show to which of these farms the strips belonged. The extreme pains 
and minuteness with which each bundle of strips is measured and laid 

















12 T6 












9 T % 




8 A 










6 i 




35^ a 








31 H 




down, with the utter disregard of the exact holding to which its 
component parts appertained is very striking. The two farms were 
evidently regarded as indivisible for agricultural purposes, and there 
must therefore have been some other object in keeping the fact that 
they were two messuages and two husbandlands so carefully on record. 

There is no doubt about the reason for keeping count of the mes- 
suages. 'Every tenant, Cotiuger and Cotterell doe pay yerely to the 
Lord of Alnwick one henn called a rent henne in winter tyme, except 
the Lord's Reave of the Towne for that yeare.' There are many returns 
of these rent hens extant, showing that each man paid according to 
the number of houses he had, whatever his status or the character of 
his dwelling might be. It was in truth a house tax, and a very 
valuable asset. At Prudhoe in 1607 the rent hens were considered 
4 worth to be demised' for 55s. 4d. 

If the record of the messuages was kept for a fiscal purpose it seems 
natural to suppose that of the husbandlands to have been preserved 
with a similar object, and unless it was that they might form the 
basis of local taxation it is not easy to see what it could be. 

But if the ancient farms be the same as the husbandlands, nothing 
can be more certain than that they were not aliquot parts of the whole 
township, of which they covered but a portion. The table below 
proves that in three of the five townships mentioned in this paper the 
husbandlands did not cover one half, and in one instance little more 
than a fourth of the township in which they were situated : 



T>PiYpntflp i p nf 

the Township 




covered by the 

Btrling ... 

A. R. P. 

789 1 17i 

A. R. P. 

471 3 35^ 


Brotherwick . . . 

181 OJ 

87 2 7 



728 1^ 

296 3 21 -^ 



2,691 2 4i 764 1 21J 



1,618 2 29/6 

1,057 2 li 


They did not even include in many cases the whole of the land 
under cultivation, for in addition to them there were frequently free- 
holds, leaseholds, cottage lands, etc. Nor were they equal inter se, at 


any rate in the sixteenth century, for the evidence I have adduced 
proves that they differed in acreage, .in rental, in the number of 
cottages held with them, in the amount of moulter paid to the mill ; 
in short in every particular incident to an agricultural holding. 

It would seem then that our ancestors were contented to regard as 
equal bases of assessment items which were not only relatively unequal, 
but which, in many cases, covered only a comparatively small portion 
of the area on behalf of which the rate was levied. According to our 
modern notions equality of assessment is so indissolubly connected, 
a priori, with equality of value that to many persons such a state of 
things may appear incredible. But there is no more fertile source of 
error in antiquarian researches than a proneness to import the ideas of 
our own time into the history of the past. In early days it is 
probable that the imposts arising under this system were not onerous. 
It was not the rates, but the fines and the services which were the 
cause of complaint. The difficulties attending the rearrangement of 
areas under the common field system may have been very great. The 
inhabitants may have preferred to endure a state of things, however 
anomalous, to which they were accustomed rather than to embark in a 
local revolution, which might have led to unforeseen results. It is 
more extraordinary that, long after the common fields had disappeared, 
the same system should have been tolerated, and yet the evidence 
taken in the suit so often quoted proves abundantly that, though the 
want of correspondence between the actual and supposed value of the 
holdings was fully recognised, and the more serious demands of the 
land tax and poor rate had been added to the lord's rent, church rate 
and parish clerk's fees, the same method of assessment, with certain 
minor modifications, survived until a comparatively recent date. 

The arrangement cannot always have been anomalous. It must 
have been originally created to meet the actual requirements of the 
time. If the system assumes the equality of the farms, the presump- 
tion is very strong that they were once actually equal. If these farms 
covered only a portion of the township, there must have been some 
reason why they alone were considered the basis of taxation. 

In the absence of direct evidence on this point we may fairly fall 
back upon the principle which underlies so many of the received 'laws' 
of physical science, and assume that a theory which accounts for all 


the facts is good until a better can be formulated, or until it is contra- 
dicted by some further discovery. The theory I venture to propose is 
as follows : 

At the date, probably very remote, when the plan of rating by 
farms was inaugurated, whatever the nature, variety or complexity of 
the tenures under which the land was held might be, a sharp line was 
drawn between that portion of the township which was composed of 
demesne land, and that portion which was not. The latter alone was 
rateable. 7 

This would be entirely in accord with the spirit of the manorial 
system when the rights and interests of the lord were predominant. 
In the light of this supposition the history of these farms may be 
traced as follows : 

Originally that portion of a township which was not demesne, that 
is to say which did not form a part of what has been sometimes 
described as the home farm of the lord, was divided into husbandlands 
of equal area, paying an equal ' ferme.' 8 It has been already pointed 
out that, under the common field system, areas of equal extent of the 
same kind of land (arable, meadow, or pasture as the case might be) 
must necessarily have been practically of equal value. And we have 
seen that the older and ruder the record the more the equality of the 
husbandlands or farms seems to have been assumed. 

Within this rateable area there might or might not be a certain 
number of 'Cotingers and dotterels,' holding directly of the lord. 
There is some reason to think that they were more numerous in early 
days than subsequently. A survey of the middle of the sixteenth 
century says : 

7 Mr. J. C. Hodgson informs me that the parish clerk of Warkworth's book 
contains no assessment for Acklington Park. It appears that attempts had 
been made to levy a rate ; e.g., in 1830 Mr. Reid's representative refused to pay 
Is. 6d. This corroborates the above theory, for Acklington Park was undoubtedly 
demesne land, being one of the parks attached to the castle of Warkworth, and 
it shows that so late as 1830 some land was exempt from rating, though the 
reason of the exemption had probably been forgotten. 

8 It has been shown that at Acklington and Lesbury, though in the earlier 
surveys the bulk of the husbandlands were nearly, if not quite equal, there was 
one which fell very much below the others. This is a feature of such common 
occurrence in the larger townships that it appears to be indicative of something 
in the ancient manorial economy demanding further enquiry. That it represents 
something connected with the original constitution of the manor seems pro- 
bable when we reflect that while it is easy to imagine causes which might tend 
to increase the area of a husbandland, it is more difficult to account for a 
decrease. But this does not materially affect the main argument. 


In ancyent tyme the L. nor his officers dyd not pmytt one tennt of any of 
his L. townes to enjoy twoo sevall tents and f armeholdes neyther to adjoine tent 
and cotage together but evie tennt to have one tent and to evie cotinger one 
cotage whiche nowe yn this my L. tyme ys lytell regarded to y e great impovish- 
ment of all y c reste of y c said tennts where any suche thing is. And also no 
lytell hurte and hindrance to svice to his L. then pjudice to the comone welthe 
wherfor I could wyshe the same were orderlye reaformed and y* w th out any 

So far back as the year 1500 there were several cottages at 
Lesbury in the hands of the farmers, so that the abuse, as it seems 
to have been regarded, was of long standing, but the comment of the 
surveyor evidently refers to a time when all or nearly all the cottagers 
held their land, like the other tenants, directly of the lord. Whether 
they were rated or not we cannot tell. It is possible that the rate 
imposed upon them at Lesbury in 1783 was a survival of an ancient 
charge, and it will be remembered that half a farm at Acklington in 
1826 is called the 'coatland,' though if this really represents the body 
of cottagers of the middle ages it has taken the place of half a husband- 
land. But be this as it may, the main part of the burden indubitably 
fell on the husbandlands. 

In course of years parts of the demesnes were granted to free- 
holders or leaseholders, but these, having once been demense, remained 
exempt from local taxation. Thus at Buston eight of the sixteen 
husbandlands had been doubtless demesne, and so escaped taxation. 
This was the reason why, although the number of tenants was reduced 
from sixteen to eight, there continued to be sixteen husbandlands. 
The same was the case with one of the holdings at Brotherick. 

Similarly, as time went on, some of the land which was not demense 
fell into the hands of the lord by escheat, forfeiture, failure of heirs, 
etc., and might be granted by him to freeholders or leaseholders, but 
having been part of the rateable area it continued to be subject to 
that liability. Hence the leasehold and freehold farms we find at 
Lesbury in the sixteenth century. 

Probably from the very commencement of this plan of rating the 
husbandlands had constantly tended to become more and more 
unequal, and thus to deviate from the theory of their existence. 
From time to time some of the more enterprising of the inhabitants 
would break up small portions of the moor, with or without the 


consent of the authorities. They annexed, more or less intentionally, 
portions of the demesnes to their holdings, and again exchanged these 
strips with those of other tenants, so that there was a constant accre- 
tion on the part of some, and an increasing discrepancy between the 
size of the various farms. It is easy to conceive many other ways in 
which this would come about. Although this did not apparently 
altogether escape the notice of the surveyors, they were content to 
acquiesce in it, rather than to raise a host of disputed questions which 
might lead to no final issue, and, as far as the glaring facts of the 
case would allow, they clung to the fiction that the farms were equal 
long after this had ceased to be really the case. A minute survey 
like that of 1616 proved the reverse. 

By this time the meaning of the word ' farm ' had undergone an 
important modification. It had ceased to be applied to the payment 
incident to the holding, and had become applicable to the holding itself. 
The change in the use of the word notoriously took place about the com- 
mencement of the sixteenth century throughout England generally. 

At length the day arrived when there was a very general conver- 
sion of copyholds into leaseholds. The process was not popular, but 
the practical change which it introduced into the economy of the 
manor may be easily overrated. It is a mistake to suppose that 
statements to the effect that A or B has 'yielded his copy' implies 
that he has been turned out of his holding. At Lesbury, for instance, 
numbers of the old tenants and their descendants continued for very 
many years to occupy the same holdings after they had accepted leases. 

The tenants who already had land in the township were very ready 
to take up any farms that might fall vacant. This tendency had shown 
itself freely long before the extinction of the copyholds, and it grad- 
ually led to a larger number of farms being held together than before. 

But now a much more important and radical change took place 
than was involved in the conversion of copyholds into leaseholds, viz., 
the abolition of the common fields, and the inauguration of the modern 
system of several husbandry. It is of the first importance in seeking 
to interpret the consequences which flowed from it, that we should 
have an adequate conception of the state of things existing before it, 
and the methods by which it was carried out. These differed to some 
extent in cases where the land of a township was the property of one 


individual, .and in those where it was in the hands of several proprie- 
tors. Let us take the former case first. 

Let us suppose a township consisting partly of leasehold farms, 
partly of demesne lands, partly of cottage holdings, and partly of 
common or waste. The leasehold farms were practically the old 
husbandlands. The demesnes had become almost entirely merged in 
them. When the copyholds had finally disappeared there was no 
object in keeping up the distinction between the demesnes and the 
husbandlands, and, as the same individuals held both, all trace of the 
former tended rapidly to disappear. But the land of which the hus- 
bandlands originally consisted, as well as large portions of that which 
had been demesne, lay scattered over the whole township. A held 
200 acres in 5| farms, B 120 acres in 3^ farms, C 120 acres in 3J 
farms, and so on. 

The first difficulty that would arise would be found in the varying 
character of the land of the district. The 120 acres which B would 
receive in severalty might be the worst land in the township, while 
the same amount allotted to C might be the best. The arbitrator 
would therefore be obliged in fairness to add a few acres to B, or to 
deduct a few from C. Thus there would be a further inroad into 
the small amount of equality which may still have existed between 
the farms. 

Either now or at a later date the common would be divided. 
Though, as a rule, the complete division of the waste was subsequent 
to the breaking up of the common fields, the allotment of the cultivated 
land in severalty was often seized upon as an opportunity for a partial 
division of the common also. How was the arbitrator to allot this 
common ? A with his five and a half farms of 200 acres would have 
as much land as he could corrveniently manage, while B and C on the 
contrary might be glad to take a little more. And thus the actual 
extent of a holding would, after the division, bear no relation what- 
ever to the number of 'farms' at which it was assessed. This explains 
why, in the accounts of the churchwardens of Lesbury in 1791, 
William Hay, with Hipsburne farm of 21 6 a. 2r. 22 p. and a rental 
of 220 pays 3 8s. 3d., equal to 3J farms, while David Baird, 
with Foxton Hall of 163 a. Ir. 30 p., and a rental of 190, is mulcted 
3 13s. 6d., equal to 3^ farms. This method of allotment would 
be pursued whenever more common was enclosed, until the whole had 


disappeared. It would go to increase the size of the holdings in pro- 
portion to the ability of the tenant to cultivate it, not with relation to 
the number of 'farms' he held, and thus gradually the 'farms' would 
extend, in some cases, over the whole township. In such instances 
there would be no difficulty in rating the township by farms, but it 
was a different matter where there were cottage holdings, and lease- 
holds, not liable, under the ancient system, to a rate. Sometimes also 
there were small parts of the demesnes which had not been merged in 
the farms. One of these was the lord's mill. If these hitherto unrated 
portions of the township were few, it seems that they were ignored, 
upon the principle 'de minimis non curat lex.' But where they collec- 
tively embraced a considerable area, as they did at Lesbury and at 
Acklington, it would be felt to be unfair that they should contribute 
nothing to the rate, while there would be no ancient precedent to fall 
back upon for the purpose. The course pursued in these cases was 
probably different in different places, and at different times in the same 
place. At Acklington, as has been already pointed out, the cottage 
lands may have been thrown together and treated as half a farm 
called 'Coatlands.' At Lesbury they seem to have been assessed at a 
sixteenth of a husbandland each, and the remaining hitherto unrated 
lands on some other basis, resulting in what I have called the abnor- 
mal payments in the account. That this is the true interpretation of 
these abnormal payments is rendered probable by the fact that William 
Hay's contribution for the mill is one of them, the mill being reckoned 
as part of the demesnes., His payment is clearly not determined by 
the rent or the acreage, for he pays less on the mill than Eobert Bell 
for his cottage. At Longhoughton it is said that four, and at Ren- 
nington three cottages were accounted equal to one farm. 

In those instances in which a township comprised freeholds in the 
hands of divers persons another element had to be considered in making 
an award. The question was not only how to divide the land so that 
it could be conveniently cultivated by occupiers, but also how to allot 
it consistently with the claims of owners. Where an adequate terrier 
existed there could be no difficulty. This, however, was rarely the 
case. The trouble and expense of measuring the land, as in the 
extract given above from the terrier of Lesbury, and of compiling the 
record, must have been enormous, and was probably but rarely adopted. 
Some idea of the magnitude of the undertaking may be formed when 


it is remembered that there were in the township of Lesbury alone 
3,270 strips, besides the land held in severalty by freeholders, closes, 
garths, etc. 9 When no terrier was available the award must have 
depended on the number of the farms rather than on their extent. 

That this was not the sole consideration, however, the facts 
connected with the division of the township of Cheswick tend to 
prove. There were eighteen farms in this township, besides a plot of 
land called the ' Priory Ground,' valued at 3 a year. The * several 
shares and parts of these farms .... lay promiscuously, and inter- 
mixed one part with another,' and the moor lay undivided, and had 
been enjoyed in common. 

In an award of 1719 the arbitrators state that having caused the 
arable, meadow, and pasture ground, and the waste and common, to 
be surveyed and measured, and having found them to contain 
l,907a. 2r. 37p., they had viewed the same, and had ' seriously and 
deliberately weighed and considered the nature, soil, and quality 
thereof, and the conveniences and inconveniences incident thereto.' 
They order that 325 acres of the common shall still continue common 
and undivided, and the parties are ' to have and keep thereupon such 
rateable and proportionable number of stints according to their 
respective interests in Cheswick aforesaid as the same will con- 
veniently depasture, feed and bear thereupon.' Nevertheless of this 
common they gave Sir Carnaby Haggerston 6a. 2r. 36p. in respect of 
the ' Priory Ground.' The remainder of the township they allotted 

as follows : A. R. P. 

Edward Haggerston, 4 farms 371 1 10 

Robert Wilkie, 8 farms 747 2 6 

Christopher Strangways, 3 farms 289 

Christopher Sibbitt, 2 farms 174 3 21 

Total 1,582 2 37 

A plan attached to this award gives somewhat different figures as 
the result of the operation. On it it is stated that the ' content of 
Mr. Edward Haggerston's with the Priory Land' was 371a. Ir. 10p., 
and it appears that the actual number of acres which came into the 
possession of each individual in right of their farms was 

9 The twenty-four husbandlands were divided into 3,219 strips, covering 1,057 
acres. This gives an average of rather more than 1 r. 12 p. for each strip. If, as 
has been supposed, the original size of a strip in the common fields was an acre 
or half an acre, the departure from this had, in the course of years, become con- 
siderable, and must have had an influence upon the size of the farms. 


Edward Haggerston 

Robert Wilkie 

Christopher Strangways 
Christopher Sibbitt 

Total 1,572 2 

The total acreage of the township is stated on the plan to be 
l,949a. Ir. 24p. 10 

In 1724 a further division was carried out by agreement. * It is 
agreed by and between all the parties to these presents that nothing 
herein contained shall be construed or taken to discharge or acquit 
any of the said parties of the payment of the rents payable out of 
their lands to Sir Carnaby Haggerston as lord of the manor of 
Norham castle, or otherwise prejudice his manor on any account 
whatever.' Sir Carnaby Haggerston received 10 acres, Francis Smith 
a ' small croft south of the house he dwells in ' and 13 acres, and 

A. R. P. 

Edward Haggerston 48 

Robert Wilkie 144 2 

Christopher Strangways 42 2 

Christopher Sibbitt 22 

Total 257 

The result of the two divisions allotted the land between the 
owners of the farms as follows : 

A. R. P. 

Edward Haggerston 412 2 14 

Robert Wilkie 892 13 

Christopher Strangways 330 1 27 

Christopher Sibbitt 194 2 29 

Total 1,829 2 35 

That the total number of farms was the leading idea that 
governed the transaction is proved by the fisheries on the coast 
having been allotted in the following proportions : To the Hagger- 
ston estate 4| eighteenths, to Robert Wilkie 8| eighteenths, to 
Strangways and Sibbitt conjoined 5| eighteenths. But that this was 
not the only consideration so far as the land was concerned, a calcula- 
tion of what each proprietor would have received had the allotment 
been made entirely with a view to the number of farms clearly shows. 

10 The acreage in the Ordnance Survey of 1861 is l,963a. 2r. lip. 








Total Area 




Of Area of 
l,582a. 2r. 37p. 
as Allotted 
by Deed. 

Of Area of 
l,572a 2r. 35p. 
as actually 

Of Area of 
257a. Or. Op. 
Allotted and 

Received in 
both Divisions 
(Cols. 2 and 3). 

A, E. P. 

A. R. P. 

A. R. P. 

A. R. P. 

E. Haggerston 


351 2 29 

349 1 39 

57 17 

406 2 16 

R. Wilkie 


747 1 1(5 

742 2 28 

121 1 18 

864 6 

C. Strangways ... 


307 3 2 

305 3 9 

49 3 35 

355 3 4 

C. Sibbitt 


175 3 30 

174 2 39 

28 2 10 

203 1 9 



1,582 2 37 

1,572 2 35 


1,829 2 35 

The net results of the division as actually carried out are shown 
below : 





In Excess. 


In Excess. 


In Excess. 


E. Haggerston... 
Robert Wilkie... 
C. Strangways... 
C. Sibbitt 

A. R. P. 
15 15 
4 3 25 

A. R. P. 

17 3 22 
2 18 

A. R. P. 
23 22 

A. R. P. 

9 17 

7 1 35 
6 2 10 

A. R. P. 

5 3 38 
28 7 

A. R. P. 

25 1 17 

8 2 28 




23 22 

23 22 

34 5 

34 5 

Although, therefore, the number of farms in the township was 
evidently the main guide to the arbitrators in making this division, 
yet the result was to consign 34a. Or. 5p. more to two of the 
proprietors than was allotted to the other two, and to hand over a 
small croft and 29a. 2r. 36p. to be held in severalty outside the limits 
of the farms altogether. 

Instances of this kind enable us to estimate at their true value the 
statements so frequently made by different witnesses in the course of 
the Netherwitton suit, to the effect that townships consisted of a 
certain number of farms and no more ; that these farms were areas of 
equal value, and that their number was the sole consideration which 
guided the arbitrators. Such statements are only roughly accurate, 
and it must not be forgotten that those who tendered this evidence 
referred to transactions which in general had been carried out long 
before their time, or at any rate in which they had not themselves 
taken an active part. 


Let us turn again to the account given by the parish clerks of the 
townships mentioned in the earlier pages of this paper. 

At Birling and Acklington the farms did indeed cover the whole 
extent of the township so soon as all the common had been divided. 
At Buston the eight husbandlands, which in old days had alone been 
rateable, had fallen into the hands of the owners of those which had 
been exempt, or of some of them, and the unrateable character of eight 
of the farms, and indeed their very existence, was unrecorded. Every 
owner or occupier in the township was rated, and collectively the 
township consisted of eight farms, and this was all that it concerned 
the parish clerk to know or to remember. Very much the same may 
be said of Brotherick. At Lesbury there is nothing in the resolution 
passed by the vestry to indicate that any basis of taxation existed 
besides that of the farms, except the fact that the Coatlands were to 
be rated at three farthings. It is not till we come to the details of 
the actual sum raised that we find any trace of the lands resulting in 
the ' abnormal ' payments, and those who have hitherto considered 
the subject do not appear to have turned their attention to accounts 
of this description. If more of these could be brought to light it is 
probable that they would afford a great deal of information. 

So far as the data at present in our possession go they seem to 
point to the following conclusions : 1st, that the farms which formed 
the basis of assessment at the end of the last and the commencement 
of the present century are the descendants and representatives of the 
ancient husbandlands ; 2nd, that it is highly probable, if not certain, 
that originally these husbandlands were, generally speaking, of equal 
value within the limits of the same township ; 3rd, that they con- 
stantly tended to lose this equality, and that in the sixteenth century, 
if not long before, their inequality had become very marked; 4th, 
that, notwithstanding, they continued to be regarded as equal bases 
of assessment ; 5th, that they were never conterminous with the town- 
ship, save in cases like that of Birling, in which the lord of the manor 
was the sole proprietor, and the husbandlands contained the only 
cultivated land within it. In this event they would indeed cover the 
whole area after the common had been divided, but even then the 
proportion of common added to each holding depended on other 
considerations than those of mere equality of value. 

There is another conceivable state of things in which, even if 



there were more than one owner, the farms would include the whole 
of the township after the division of the common ; viz., where there 
was no demesne, no cottage land, etc., and where the lord of the 
manor accepted a rent charge in lieu of his claim on the waste. This 
substitution of a rent charge for a portion of the land of the waste 
was not formally recognised by Act of Parliament until the year 
1846, but it is possible that it may have been adopted in some 
instances by agreement at an earlier period, though I am not aware 
of any evidence to that effect. 

Since this paper was begun Mr. Woodman has very kindly afforded 
me the advantage of examining the evidence tendered in the Nether- 
witton suit. This extensive and most valuable record of the antique 
customs connected with the tenure of land in Northumberland must 
ever be an invaluable field for the researches of the antiquary, and 
would furnish materials for many a paper. I may, however, be 
permitted to say a few words with regard to it, so far as it bears 
immediately upon the subject in hand. 

The land originally granted by king Edward VI., which formed 
the subject of the suit, is thus described at the time : 

Terrae et tenementa 
dictae nuper 
cantaria Sancti 

In comitatu 

Nuper cantaria 
Sancti Egidii 
f undata in ca- 
pella de Wyt- 
ton in parochia 
de Hartborne. 

Firma unius tenementi ] 
cum pertinentibus in / 
Netherweton predicta > xiiii" 
in tenura Johannis I 
Smythe per annum, 

Firma unius tenement! ] 
cum pertinentibus in I 
Netherweton predicta in /xiiii s 
tenura Thomae Potts I 
per annum, ' 

Firma unius tenementi \ 
cum pertinentibus in j 
Netherweton in tenura v xiiii 8 
Alexandri Ansone per j 

Firma unius tenementi \ 
ibidem cum pertinenti- f .. 
bus in tenura Johannis f 
Rogerson per annum, j 

Firma unius vastae ibidem j 
cum pertinentibus in f g 
tenura Richard! Snaw- ( 
done per annum, 

Ixiiii 9 . 


Here there are five holdings at various rents ; four of them being 
described as tenements, and one as a waste. It will be observed also 
that * firma ' here means money and not land. 

The next evidence bearing on our subject is given more than a 
hundred and fifty years after, in 1710, when some witnesses deposed 
that the lands in question were * about one third part in value ' of the 
township, and others that there were ' nineteen farmes and one half 
farme' in Netherwitton, and that the property to which the suit 
referred were ' computed and reckoned to be five farmes and one-half 
farme,' or, as one witness puts it, ' there were computed and reckoned 
to be nineteen farmes and one half farme of lands and no more in and 
belonging to Netherwitton.' 

It is not clear whether this implies that there were no more farms 
in Netherwitton than nineteen and a half, or that there was no land 
which was not included in these farms. But at any rate it would 
seem in this instance that the reverse had happened to that which 
took place at Lesbury and Hawkhill, for instead of a part of the 
farms being lost, five farms in Edward VI. time had come to be 
reckoned as five and a half in 1710. It is somewhat remarkable that 
at this date, when the common field system was still to be found in 
very many, probably in the majority of townships, there is nothing 
said (unless I have overlooked it), about these farms being equal or 
being deemed to be so. 

After this we have another break of more than one hundred and 
fifty years, and we then come upon a great body of evidence brought 
from many parts of the county as to the practice of rating by farms, 
which may be summarized for present purposes as follows : 

1st, that most, if not all the local taxation had been, and to some 
extent continued up to very recent times to be raised according to the 
number of farms in each township over a very large part of Northum- 
berland, and that for this object the farms were regarded as equal ; 
2nd, that this imaginary equality had long ceased to have any real 
existence ; 3rd, that in many cases where a division had been carried 
out these farms had been the only available means of deciding the 
respective shares of the claimants ; 4th, that in the opinion of the 
deponents these farms had originally been of equal value. 

With regard to the first and second of these heads there can be no 


dispute. The third may be accepted with certain modifications which 
have been already noticed. As to the fourth it is no disrespect to the 
witnesses to say that it rests on no better ground than the obvious 
probability that things deemed to be equal must have been so at one 
time or another. They do not profess to put it any higher, and it may 
readily be admitted that they are justified in coming to that conclu- 
sion. But they do not, and they could not, state that this equality 
existed in the sixteenth century, and the original grant seems to show 
the reverse, for it is surely more probable that five holdings, three of 
which are rented at 14s., one at 12s., and one at 10s., four of which 
were ' tenements ' and one a ' waste,' were of different values than that 
five equal husbandlands were held on different terms and described in 
different language. 

In conclusion, I must express my obligations to Sir William 
Grossman, Mr. Dendy, Mr. J. C. Hodgson, Mr. Bateson, and other 
gentlemen who, while not committing themselves in any degree to the 
theories I have advanced in this essay, have rendered me invaluable 
assistance by the information they have furnished to me, of which I 
have ventured to avail myself more than once without acknowledg- 
ment, and by their criticisms and advice. 


If the views advanced in this paper of the origin of the Northum- 
brian farms be correct, it may possibly throw some light on the much 
vexed question of the antiquity of the manorial system with its overlord. 
It is repeatedly stated in the evidence given in the Netherwitton suit 
that the farms were also called 'ploughs' or 'plough gates.' It seems 
clear that originally the word 'farm' implied a rent, either in kind or 
money, and not the thing let. The 'plough' or 'plough gate' is 
evidently the proper title of that for the use or enjoyment of which 
the 'farm' was paid. This recalls forcibly the time when the lord 
furnished the villein, but not the free tenant, with the stock and 
implements necessary for his holding, and resumed them on the con- 
clusion of the tenancy. It is a different system from that described by 
Mr. Seebohm, in his work on the village community, where one tenant 
supplied the plough, another an ox, another two oxen, etc., to make 


up the team. Here each tenant has a plough, and although this 
seems excessive for the cultivation of a holding so small as most of the 
husbandlands were, we must recollect that the villeins were under an 
obligation to plough the demesnes, which were often of considerable 
size, and that this duty was probably imposed on every villein in the 
manor, whether the particular township in which he resided contained 
demesne land or not. The liability to assessment would thus depend 
upon whether the lord had or had not supplied the plough, and the 
' plough ' became synonymous with a villein holding, or base tenure. 

Hence if the 'farms' of Northumberland can be traced to Saxon 
times, as some have supposed, it appears to necessitate the existence 
also of a Saxon overlord, and a system presenting many of the attri- 
butes and incidents which are commonly referred to a Norman source. 

Mr. F. York Powell tells us that ' the German theory formerly 
generally accepted, that free village communities were the rule among 
the English, seems to have little direct evidence to support it. The 
English conqueror found estates cultivated by British servi and libertl 
and coloni, according to certain rules and customs for the profit of the 
dominus and patronus and their own living. He stepped into the 
Roman patron's, or even the earlier Celtic chief's, place, exacted his 
dues, and farmed more or less after his fashion.' n 

11 Social England, 1893, vol. i. p. 125. 



[Read on the 25th July, 1894.] 


SEVEN miles west of Morpeth, in the parish of Hartburn, are the 
townships of West and East Thornton. The former stands on a high 
ridge, commanding a wide and extensive view to the east, south, and 
west. ' It formerly had a chapel in it, and extensive grass-grown lines 
of houses, remains of strong masonry in the stackyard walls, and great 
quantities of hewn stone in the fences about it, prove that it was once 
a considerable village. A field to the east of it has had a strong wall 
around it. The older of the two cottages has no hewn stones in it, 
and has plainly been built before the chapel and old manorial house, 
with its accompaniment of barmkin and park walls, began to be pulled 
down.' So wrote the rev. John Hodgson in 1827. 1 One of the 
farms yet bears the name of Temple Thornton, and so keeps alive the 
memory of the local association of these fair lands with the great order 
of the Templars, whose once they were. 

The zeal, which in our day compels the devout Mohammedan of 
every nation to make the Hadj, may illustrate the feeling or fashion 
of the eleventh and twelfth century Christendom to make the pilgrim- 
age to Jerusalem. To protect these defenceless pilgrims, especially 
between the seaports and the holy city, from the attack and plunder 
of the Bedouin, was the object of the Knights Templars or ' Poor 
Fellow Soldiers of Jesus Christ.' 

The order was founded immediately after the capture of Jerusalem 
by the Crusaders in 1099. It united a brotherhood-in-arms with the 
religious profession of chastity, obedience, and poverty. The latter 
condition, however, only forbade the possession of property by the 
individual, and permitted the holding of wealth by the order. In 
1118, for its good service, Baldwin II., king of Jerusalem, granted 
1 Hodgson, Northumberland, part ii. vol. i. p. 311. 


it that habitation within the temple enclosure on mount Moriah which 
thenceforward gave it the distinctive name of ' The Knighthood of 
the Temple of Solomon,' and to the superior of the order his title of 
' The Master of the Temple.' 

The knights now assumed the duty of defending the holy places 
and the kingdom of Jerusalem. Their rule, revised by St. Bernard 
of Clairvaux, was conOrmed by papal bull ; their distinctive garb 
was a white garment or mantle, with a red cross on the left breast. 
Subsequently the members were graded as knights, priests, and serving 

The story of romantic enthusiasm which led the kings of England 
and France to serve with the Templars in the Holy Land, is too well 
known to need to be recapitulated ; men of high rank and family 
sought admission to, and prince and subject, by gift or bequest, 
identified themselves with, the order. For the management of the 
lands so granted, members of the order were detached from the parent 
house, and as ' residents ' were appointed to represent it in the differ- 
ent countries of the west. These procurators were styled ' Priors of 
the Temple,' and the duties of each in his province was to remit its 
revenues to Jerusalem, to admit members, arrange for their transport, 
and to generally represent the Master. 

The companion order of the Hospital of St. John founded for the 
succour of pilgrims, also had its home in Jerusalem and its legations 
throughout Christendom. 

Gibbon says, ' the flower of the nobility of Europe aspired to wear 
the cross and profess the vows of these respectable orders, their spirit 
and discipline were immortal, and the speedy donation of 28,000 farms 
or manors enabled them to support a regular force of cavalry and 
infantry for the defence of Palestine.' 

The immunities, ecclesiastical and civil, bestowed upon the 
Templars alienated the secular clergy, and the wealth so rapidly 
acquired had the usual twofold consequence, luxury and unguarded- 
ness on the one hand, and jealous, watchful scrutiny on the other. 
The knights were accused of having traded on their privileges in 
extending them to lay brothers or associates, in return for. gifts of 
money or other consideration, especially during the extended or 
restricted interdicts, which by the ecclesiastical policy of the age were 



laid upon nations or districts for the stiff-neckedness of rulers or 

After the fall of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem the head- 
quarters of the order were removed to Europe. There was doubtless 
felt amongst all western Christians a feeling of soreness and disappoint- 
ment at the loss of Jerusalem, a loss of which the order was made the 
scapegoat. Philip, king of France, * not from motives of avarice bufc 
inflamed with zeal for the orthodox faith,' in 1307 preferred scandal- 
ous charges against the Templars. The reigning pope, Clement V., 
who owed his elevation to the papacy ^to French influence, lent an ear 
to the accusations. All members of the order were arrested and im- 
prisoned and articles of accusation, numerous and ridiculous, exhibited 
against them. Torture, excessive, frightful, was used to wring 
confessions of guilt from, to be subsequently retracted and withdrawn 
by, the sufferers. 

One sufferer said, ' they held me so long before a fierce fire that 
the flesh was burnt off my heels, two pieces of the bone came away 
which I present to you ; ' another victim in retracting his confession 
declared that four of his teeth had been drawn out and that he had 
confessed himself guilty, to save the remainder. King Edward II. 
avowed his disbelief in the truth of the charges, but after the pope 
had issued his condemnation, by order in council on the 20th 
December, 1307, ordered the arrest of the Templars in his dominion, 
and the seizure of their property 2 simultaneously on 8th January, 
1308. The sheriffs were directed to take inventories of the goods and 
chattels, and to make provision for the sowing and tilling of the lands 
during the sequestration. They accounted annually to the Court of 

Professor Thorold Rogers tells us that ' in the fourteenth century 
the stock on a well tilled farm, and every landowner tilled his land, 
and on the whole tilled it according to the best knowledge of the time, 
was worth at least three times that of the fee simple.' 3 The follow- 
ing account rendered by the sheriff gives us the fullest particulars of 
the stock of a Northumbrian farm of that period, the admirable way 

2 The English province was founded by the first Master of the Temple, Hugh 
cle Payens, who came hither for that purpose in 1128 ; it was divided into baili- 
wicks and subdivided into preceptories. 

3 Economic Interpretation of History, p. 63 


in which the income and expenditure of the estate is set forth, is 
equalled by the detailed and exact statement of the stocktaking. It 
gives us the nature of the produce of the estate, and the relative 
proportion of the kinds of stock kept. The roll was found some 
year ago by Mr. Woodman at the Public Record Office, where he 
obtained a translation. 


The account of Guychard Charon late sheriff of the county of Northumber- 
land, of the issues, lands, and tenements, of the Master and Brethren of the 
Knights Templars in England, in the same county, from Sunday next after the 
the feast of St. Martin, to wit, the 16 th day of November, in the 2 nd year 4 of the 
reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, to the feast of St. Michael next 
following. And from the same feast of St. Michael, to the Sunday next before 
the feast of St. Cuthbert next following, in the 3 rd year : on which day he 
delivered the lands and tenements aforesaid, to Richard de Horsleye, then sheriff 
of Northumberland, to keep so long as the King shall please, to answer to the 
King for the issues thereof arising. By the King's writ and indenture between 
them made. 

The same renders account of 63s. 4d. of the rent of assize 5 of 
divers teuants > holding divers tenements, of the aforesaid 
Master and Brethren, of the manor of Thornton, and in divers 
vills. adjacent to the same manor, to wit, Wotton, Mitford, Morpeth, Newbiggin, 
Warkesworth, at the terms of Easter and Michaelmas, as contained in the roll 
of particulars, which he delivered into the Treasury, and on the extent of the 
aforesaid manor, made by Adam de Eglesfield, and returned into the Exchequer. 

And of 11 14s. 10d. of rent of assize, of freeholders and customary tenants, 
in the vills of Heylee, Corbrigge, Trepwoode, Newcastle upon Tyne, Fenham, 
Ry nton, Jesemuth "and Redewoode at the same terms. 

And of 60s. l|d. of the like rent of assize, of divers tenants in the vills of 
Mildrom, 6 Shottone, Heddon, 7 Pakkeston, 8 Kyllun, Langeton, 9 Littleburn, 10 
Welloure, Alnewyk and Baumburgh, at the same terms. 

And of 10 18s. 3d. of rent of assize, of divers tenants, holding divers tene- 
ments, in Foxden, 11 Besshopeston, Coton, 12 the town of Barnard Castle, Somer- 
hous 13 and Pelton, in the bishopric of Durham, at the same terms, as contained 
in the roll and extent aforesaid. 

And of 10s. and five quarters of oats of rent of assize, in the vill of Foxden 
at the same terms. 14 

And of 4 Os. of certain demesne lands, of the said manor, let to farm this year, 
in Fenham with certain works at the same terms. 

4 1308-9. 5 Fixed or certain rents. 6 Mindrum. 

7 Heddon among the hills near the Beaumont water no longer exists. Dr. 
Hardy. 8 Paston. 9 Lanton. 10 Lilburn. 

11 Foxton near Sedgefield. 12 Coatham. 

13 Summerhouse near Brafferton. 

14 Here the rent is paid partly in kind. 


And of 100s. of the farm of the mill of Thornton, at the same terms, so 
demised to farm by the year. 

And of 18s. of the farm of the mill of Hey lee, for the same time. 

And of 10s. of the rent of the brewery, in the vills of Thorneton and Heylee, 
at the feast of St. Michael. 

And of 2s. 5d. of 580 eggs of rent of assize, on Thornton, Heylee, and Feriham, 
at the feast of Easter, sold. 

And of 5s. lid. of 68 summer and autumn works, sold. 

And of 3s. of the farm of the dovecot at Thornton, from the feast of Easter 
to the feast of St. Michael, for half a year. 

And of 3s. from the turbary sold there, for the same time. 

And of 5s. lid. of 71 hens of rent of assize, in the vills of Thornton, Fenham, 
and Heylee, at the feast of the Nativity of the Lord. 

And of 24 15s. Od. for 24 quarters of corn, 15 6 quarters of rye and maslin, 
14 quarters of barley, 8 quarters of barley and oats mixed, 86 quarters of oats, 
received from Robert de Faudon, 16 by indenture, and so immediately sold on 
account of the fear of the coming of the Scots. 17 

And of 12s. for two stock 18 oxen sold. 

And of 76s. 8d. for three cows, and three calves their issue, and of six barren 
cows, sold about the 'gules' of August, by command of the lord the King. 

And of 27s. for three steers of the same stock, and by the same mandate so sold. 

And of 15s. for three heifers of the same stock, by the same mandate sold. 19 

And of 6s. for two bull calves of the same stock, by the same mandate sold. 

And of 13s. 6d. for 3 stirks, more than one year old, and three calves, of the 
same stock, by the same mandate sold. 

And of 10s. for one bull 20 of the same stock, by the same mandate sold. 

And of 11 13s. Od. for 107 sheep-ewes, 108 muttons, 17 hogs, rcmanents of 
the preceding account received by indenture. 

15 Corn = wheat. 

16 The sheriff of preceding year. 

17 A truce was agreed between Edward II., king of England, and Robert 
Brus, king of Scotland, in the spring of 1309, the latter had immediately 
before 'made great havoc in Northumberland.' Ridpath, Border History, 
p. 235 n. 

is \Vorking or draught oxen. 

19 In 1314 the prices of provisions as fixed by royal mandate and Act of 

Parliament were as follows : 

A stalled or corn fed ox 140 

A grass fed ox 16 

A fat stalled cow 12 

An ordinary cow 10 

A fat mutton, unshorn 018 

A fat mutton, shorn 012 

A fat goose 2 

A fat capon 002 

A fat hen 001 

24 eggs for 001 

The prices were so low that people would not bring their things to market until 

the regulation was rescinded. Bishop Fleetwood, Cln-onicoii Preriosum, p. 71. 
- There was no attempt to improve the breeds of cattle : the proof is the low 

price of bulls: a collateral proof is the low price of cows. Thorold Rogers, 

Si A Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 78. 


And of 36s. 8d. for 88 lambs 21 of issue sold. 
And of 6s. 8d. from 8 kids 22 sold before the Nativity of the Lord. 
And of 28s. from 21 hogs sold. 
And of 18d. for 6 geese sold. 

And of 8s. from four bad skins of oxen which died by the murrain. 
And of 14d. from the skins of two oxen which died of the murrain. 
And of 49s. 8d. from 69 fleeces of sheep-ewes, muttons and shear-hogs, which 
died in the murrain, sold. 

And of 4 5s. 5d. from 184 fleeces, weighing 17 stone 1 lb., sold. 
And of 2s. 6d. received for three bushels of corn, sold upon account. 
Sum total of the receipts 94 2s. 7d. 

The same accounts in 9 quarters 2 bushels of corn, 50 quarters 

EXPENSES. 6 bushels of oats bought to sow, 9 8s. 6d. to wit for each 
quarter of corn 6s. 8d. and for each quarter of oats 2s. 6d. 

And in 22^ quarters of rye, 13 quarters 2 bushels of maslin, bought for the 
use of the servants, 11 12s. Id. The price of the quarter 6s. 8d. 

And in 4 quarters of oats, bought for meal for porridge for the servants 10s. 

And in 6 quarters of oats, bought by estimation, in sheaves for the susten- 
ance of the oxen and cows 16s. 3d. 

And in 5 quarters of oats, bought for the provender of the oxen, and expended 
in their provender at seed time 12s. 6d. 

And he renders in mending ploughs and harrows 23 at different times, 12s. 

And in turf, dug to burn in the winter 3s. 

And in ointment bought to anoint sheep with, at different times 3s. 24 

And in wages of a man, keeping four score and eight lambs of this issue 
from the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, to the feast of the 
Invention of the Holy Cross next following, for 90 days taking daily a half 
penny, 3s. 9d. 

And in milk, for the sustenance of the said lambs, and for washing and 
shearing nine score and 12 muttons 3s. lld. 

And in weeding 37 acres of corn, and 101 and a half acres of oats, price of 
each acre a half penny 5s. 9d. 

And in cutting, spreading, and carrying 21 acres of hay, as well in the close 
of the court as in the fields 13s. Id. 

And in mowing, collecting, and binding 37 acres of corn, and 101 and a 

21 Average 5d. 

22 Not generally kept in the south of England : in 1291 kids were sold at Is. Id. 

23 The peasant farmer even in the sixteenth century could not afford an iron 
harrow : the teeth of this implement were oaken pins carefully dried and 
hardened at the fire. Economic Interpretation of History, p. 61. 

In 1407 a new plough cost 10 

A dung cart and all that belonged to it ... 012 

A pair of cart wheels ... ... ... ... 032 

Compotus relating to priory of Burcester. Chronicon Preciosum, p. 79. 

24 The sheep, from the latter part of the thirteenth century, was liable to a new 
disease, the scab. We can almost define the year (1280) in which this disease 
first appeared by the simultaneous record of the medicines employed for its cure, 
Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 81. 


half acres of oats, 61s. 10J. ; to wit for each acre of corn 7d. 25 and for each acre 
of oats 6d. 

And in wages of one man, beside the reapers, in autumn, to wit, for 30 days, 
taking 2d. a day 5s. 

And in wages of six carters, one cowherd, one shepherd, and one man keeping 
the manor, and making the porridge of the servants for the entire year, 40s. 

And in wages of one swineherd for 16 weeks 12d. 

And in wages of two men, going to harrow at seed time, for 31 days as well 
in winter seed time, as in Lent seed time 5s. 2d. 

And in two bushels of salt bought for the porridge of the servants lOd. 

And in mending the walls of the Grange 3s. 

And in threshing and winnowing 21 quarters of corn, rye, and maslin, 8 
quarters of barley and 44 quarters of oats 8s. ed. 28 

And in the wages of one servant keeping the manor for the time, computed 
as above, 39s. 4d., taking a penny half penny a day. 

And in the expences of brother Michael de Soureby, brother 
TEMPLARS^ Walter de Gaddesby, brother Geoffrey de Wilton and brother 

Robert de Caumvill, of the order of the Knights Templars 
being in the custody of the said Gwychard in the castle of Newcastle upon 
Tyne from the Sunday next after the feast of St. Martin in the 2 ml year of the 
reign of King Edward, to the feast of St. Michael next following in the third 
year of the reign of King Edward, to wit, for 315 days, each taking 4d. a 
day, 2 1. 27 

23 In the thirteenth century, wheat was reaped at a fraction over 5d. per acre, 
barley at 5d., oats and rye at 4d. Estimated on the price of wheat, the reaper 
of the thirteenth century received about one-twelfth of a quarter for his labour. 
Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 174. 

26 ' Our ancestors always cut their corn high on the stalk. By cutting high 
they avoided cutting weeds with their wheat, and they could reap and carry 
their produce in nearly all weathers and could dry it with comparative ease. 
They cut the stubble at their leisure, and the straw, unbruised by threshing, was 
used for thatching and fodder.' A moderate amount of stormy weather after the 
reaping and before the carrying of the corn aided the process of threshing, 
and in Northumberland, perhaps elsewhere, was spoken of as the ' barnman's 
benison.' 'The labour' of threshing the three principal kinds of corn-growing 
grasses differs with the difficulty of separating the seed from the husk, and the 
graduated rate of payment expresses the difficulty with exactness. It is 3d. for 
wheat, 2d. for barley, Id. for oats. Winnowing was performed by the women at 
about a farthing the quarter. When estimating the position of the medieval 
labourer by the side of his descendants in the eighteenth century [I reckon] 
that the former received for the labour of threshing rather more than one- 
eighteenth of the wheat he threshed, rather more than one twenty-second part 
of barley, and rather less than one-fourteenth part of oats, taking the rate of 
wages and the price of grain as the factors in the calculation. In the eighteenth 
century the peasant got one twenty-fourth part of barley and wheat, and one- 
twentieth part of the oats he threshed.' See Economic Interpretation of History, 
p. 56, and Six Centuries of Win-Tt and Wage*, pp. 171, 172, 173. 

27 The King allowed to those of the Knights Templars committed to monas- 
teries 4 d per day, which would seem to have been their usual allowance. To 
W 1 " de la More the Grand Master was allowed 2 s . To the chaplains the King 
allowed (as the knights did formerly) 3 d per clay for their diet and xx 8 for their 
stipend. Chronic on Preciosum, p. 122. 


And in expences of the said 4 brethren, 8 horsemen and 10 footmen, sent 
with the said brethren between Newcastle upon Tyne and York, for safety, and 
securely conducting them thither, for three days, by the King's writ and by his 
special mandate, and in staying there before they were, delivered to the sheriff 
of York and constable of the castle there 40s. 

Sum of expenses 56 : 10 : 7f. 

And he owes 37 : 11 : llf 

And he renders as follows : 

The same renders account of 9 quarters 2 bushels of corn 
COKN. 28 bought as above. And the whole account in seed upon 37 

acres, to wit, 2 bushels on an acre. 

The same renders account of 54 quarters 6 bushels of oats 
OATS. bought as above, for seed and for the porridge of the 

servants. And of 5 quarters of oats received by purchase for 
the provender of the horses in seed time. Sum 59 quarters 6 bushels, of which 
in seed, upon 101 and an half acres, 50 quarters 6 bushels ; and in provender for 
horses at seed time, as above 5 quarters; and in porridge of the servants, 4 
quarters. And the account balances. 

The same renders account of 22 quarters and a half of rye, 
MASLIN FOR 13 quarte rs 2 bushels and a half of maslin, bought to be 


SERVANTS delivered to the servants. Sum 35 quarters 6 bushels and a 
half, of which in delivery to 5 carters for 45 weeks, to wit, 
for the whole time of the account, 22 quarters and a half. And in delivery to 
one shepherd and one cowherd from the Sunday next after the feast of St. 
Martin, to Saturday the morrow of St. Peter ad Vincula 29 next, for 36 weeks 
and 5 days, taking a quarter for twelve weeks, 5 quarters 3 bushels and a half. 

And in delivery to one swineherd, keeping swine 80 for 16 weeks, within the 
time aforesaid, one quarter ; and in delivery to one man keeping the court, and 
making the porridge of the servants, for 45 weeks 2 quarters 6 bushels. 

And in delivery to one carter, going to cart with the horses of the manor, and 
with the horses of the said Guychard, after the death of the horses of the manor, 
from the aforesaid Sunday next after the feast of St. Martin, to Monday next, 
after the feast of St. Michael next following, for 45 weeks taking a quarter for 
12 weeks, 3 quarters and 6 bushels. Sum 35 quarters 3 bushels arid a half, 
and on sale, upon the account, as appears above 3 bushels. And the account 

The same renders account, of 3 oxen received of Eobert de 
OXEN. Fawden, by indenture, of which 2 died in the murrain and 

one remains. 

28 = Wheat. 

29 1 st August, Lammas-day. 

30 The pigs were turned into the cornfields after the crop was carried and into 
the woods to gather mast and acorns . . . The whole of the parish stock was 
put under the charge of a single swineherd, who receiving a payment from the 
owner of every pig under his charge, had a smaller wage from the lord of the 
manor to whom he was also a servant. Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 82. 












The same renders account of 25 bullocks received of the 
same, by the same indenture, of which 4 died in the murrain, 
2 were sold and 19 remain. 

The same renders account of 9 cows received of the same, by 
the same indenture, and sold as above. And the account 

The same renders account of 5 steers 3 stirks received of the 
same, by the same indenture, and sold all as above. And the 
account balances. 

The same renders account of 3 heifers received of the same, 
by the same indenture, and sold all as above. And the 
account balances. 

The same renders account of 3 calves, issue of this year, and 
sold as above. And the account balances. 

The same renders account of one bull received of the same, 
by the same indenture, and sold as above. And the account 

The same renders account of 9 score ewes received of the 
same, by the same indenture; of which 73 died in the mur- 
rain, 31 107 were sold. And the account balances. 

The above renders account of 7 score and 8 muttons re- 
ceived of the same, by the same indenture ; of which 24 died 
in the murrain, 108 were sold. And the account balances. 

The same renders account of 69 shear hogs received of the 
same, by the same indenture ; of which 52 died in the murrain, 
and 17 were sold. And the account balances. 

The same renders account of four score and 8 lambs, issue of 
this year, and sold as above. AM the account balances. 

The same renders account of 8 kids received by the same 
indenture, and sold as above. And the account balances. 

The same renders account of 24 hogs received of the same, 
by indenture ; of which 3 died in the murrain, and 21 were 
sold. And the account balances. 

The same renders account of 6 geese received of the same, 
by indenture, and sold as above. And the account balances. 
The same renders account of 149 skins of sheep that died of 
the murrain before shearing, and sold as above. And the 
account balances. 

31 From calculations made by Professor Thorold Rogers from the records of 
eight sheep-breeding estates of this period, the losses on sheep stock averaged close 
upon 20 per cent. Our forefathers, who comprehended all cattle diseases under 
the generic name of murrain, were well aware of the risks they ran from rot, 
and give the symptoms with the precision of a modern farmer. Si*c Centuries 
of Work and Wages, p. 80. 


The same renders account of 17 stone and one pound of 
WOOL. wool, coming from 180 fleeces, and sold as above. 812 And the 

account balances. 

The same renders account of two hides of the oxen that died 
HIDES. in the murrain, and four hides of bullocks, that died in the 

murrain, and sold as above. 33 And the account balances. 

COCKS, HENS, The same renders account of 71 cocks and hens, and 580 eggs 
AND EGGS. of rent, and sold as above. And the account balances. 

The same answers for 3 ploughs with all their gear received 
DEAD STOCK. of the same, by indenture, price of each 18d. ; 2 waggons, 

price 3s. ; 2 leaden cisterns, 1 price one mark ; 1 large tub 
with 2 barrels, price 5s. ; 1 washing tub, with a small brass pot ; hay for the 
sustenance of the cattle of the said manor ; 1 iron shod cart, 34 price 14s.; 4 chests ; 
2 smaller barrels ; with all charters, deeds, and muniments ; under the seal of 
brother Michael, late keeper of the said manor. 

Memorandum concerning one chalice, one black vestment, 
one missal, one gradual, one legend, found in the manor 
aforesaid. And these remain in the hands of Eobert de 

Fawdon, who stills retains them and refuses to give them up to the said 


The account of the same Guichard, of the same lands, from the feast 
of St. Michael in the 3 rd year, to Sunday next before the feast of St. Cuthbert 
next following, on which day he delivered the aforesaid lands, and tenements, 
to Richard de Horsley, now keeper of the same, by the King's writ, and inden- 
ture between them made. 

The same renders account of 5s. lid., of 71 hens of rent, at the term of 

And of 4s. 7d. of hides of two oxen, and one bullock, that died in the murrain, 

And of 1 : 10 : 5, of four quarters and a half and one bushel of corn sold, 
price of the quarter 6s. 8d. 

And of 15s. 3d., of 6 quarters and one bushel of oats, sold on account. 

And of 14s., of one iron shod cart, sold on account. 

Sum of receipts, 3 : 10 : 2. 

" The fourteenth-century wool was coarse and full of hairs. . . . The 
fleece, too, was light, an average from many entries which I have made giving 
1 Ib. 7f ozs. to the fleece. . . . Hence the animal must have been small, and 
I think I may certainly say that a wether in good condition weighed a good deal 
less than 40 Ibs. Ibid. p. 80. 

83 The ox, quit of skin, head, and offal, did not weigh on an average more 
than 400 pounds, and was worth about 11s. to sell. The hide of an ox was worth 
at least 2s., and the head and offal amply repaid the services of the butcher. 
Ibid, pages 77, 78. 

84 The cart was generally supplied with solid wheels, cut out of a tree trunk, 
for iron was too dear for tires. I have found such wheels well into the sixteenth 
century when iron was half the price at which it was purchased in the fourteenth. 
Economic Interpretation of History, p. 61. 


The same, accounts in wages of one servant keeping the 

EXPENCES. manor aforesaid, from Sunday the feast of St. Michael in the 

year abovesaid to Sunday next before the feast of St. Cuth- 

bert next following, 165 days taking ld. a day 1. 0. 7$ ; and in wages of two 

men going to harrow, in winter seed time, and in Lent seed time, for 31 days, 

2s. 7d. taking a Id. a day. And in threshing, and winnowing, 10 quarters of 

corn, 30 quarters of oats, 3s. 2d., to wit, for a quarter of corn 2d., and for a 

quarter of oats, Id. And in wages of a smith mending the iron-work of the carts 

during the time of the account, according to an agreement made with him, for 

half a year, 5s. 

Sum of expences 1 : 12 : 4. 
And he owes 1 : 17 : 10. 

And he owes of the remainder of the preceding account. 37 : !1 : ll. 
Sum which is owed 39 : 9 : 9. 

Conjoint sum which is owed 39 : 9 : 9. 
But he answers in the sixth roll of Northumberland. 

The same, renders account of 17 quarters one bushel of corn ; 
GBANGE. of which, in seed upon 22 acres of land, 5 quarters and a 
half. And two quarters sold as above, and 7 quarters 
delivered to Richard de Horsleye. And 4 quarters 5 bushels, sold as above. 
Sum 17 quarters 1 bushel. 

The same renders account of 85 quarters of oats, the produce 

OATS. of the Grange, of which in seed upon 22 acres, 11 quarters 

and a half, to wit, half a quarter on an acre. And in 

delivery of 4 carters, from the feast of St. Michael to Sunday next after the 

feast of St. Cuthbert next following, for 24 weeks, taking a quarter for 16 

weeks, 16 quarters. And to one maid servant, keeping the court, and making 

the porridge of the servants, for the said time. 3 quarters, taking a quarter for 

8 weeks. And in the sustenance of 9 oxen by estimation in the sheaf 6 quarters. 

And in meal made or the porridge of the servants, for the time of the 

account, one quarter. 

And in delivery made to Richard de Horsleye, by indenture, 41 quarters 
3 bushels. Sum 78 quarters 7 bushels. 

And sold on account, as appears above 6 quarters 1 bushel. 

The same renders account of 1 ox, remaining from the last 
STOCK Ox. account. And it died in the murrain this year. And nothing 

The same renders account of 19 bullocks which remained; 
BULLOCKS. of which two died in the murrain. And in the delivery made 

to Richard de Horsleye having custody of the lands and 
tenements by the King's writ, and by indenture made between him and the said 
Guy chard, 17 bullocks. And the account balances. 

The same answers for three ploughs, with all their gear, 

DEAD STOCK, remaining from the last account, price of each 18d., two 

waggons, price 2s., two leaden cisterns, price 1 mark ; one 

large tub with two barrels price 5s. ; 1 washing tub, with a small brass pot ; 


hay for the sustenance of the cattle of the said manor ; 3 chests ; two smaller 
barrels ; with all the charters deeds and muniments under the seal of brother 
Michael, late keeper of the said manor, and delivered to the aforesaid Richard de 
Horsleye by indenture, between him and the aforesaid Guy chard, thereof made. 

And memorandum that the said Guychard, delivered to the aforesaid Richard 
de Horsleye, 10 waggon loads of hay, by indenture, for which he has to answer 
in his account. 

In 1313 a papal decree was issued to vest the property of the 
dissolved order of the Templars in the brethren of the Hospital of 
St. John. Naturally it was disclaimed both by prince and subject, 
the former, however, in part yielded, and in November of the same 
year ordered that the lands which had not been already disposed of by 
the Crown should forthwith be yielded up to the Hospitallers. 

Some fifty or sixty years ago there was discovered in a plastered- 
over closet in Malta an ' extent ' or survey of the English possessions 
of the order in 1338. This document, edited by the rev. L. B. Larking 
with an introduction by Mr. Kemble, was printed by the Camden 
Society in 1857 (vol. 65). That portion which relates to Thornton 35 
(p. 133) may be translated as follows : 


Thornton. There is there one messuage rebuilt by brother Leonard lately 
prior ; because, after the abolition of the Templars, all the houses were uprooted 
and taken away by the lords of the fees ; the herbage of which is worth yearly x s 

And ccc acres, which are worth in time of peace vij u x s the price of the acre 
vj d ; and now on account of the war the acre is scarcely worth iij d . Total lxxv s 


THORNTON, super Marchiam Scocie, in Comitatu Northumbrie. 

Thornton. Est ibidem unum mesuagium reedificatum per fratrem Leonardum 

nuper Priorem ; quia post adnullationem Templariorum omnes domus abradicatc 

fuerunt et abducte per.dominos feodorum; cujus herbagium valet per annum x s 

Et ccc. acre que valent tempore pacis vij 1 ' x s , pretium acre vj d ; et nunc, 

propter guerram, vix valet acra iij d ... ... ... ... ... Summa Ixxv 8 

Item de redditu assiso, tempore Templariorum, valebat xxx 11 , et nunc, hiis 

diebus, non possunt levari nisi xij 1 ' 

Summa totalis rccepti et proficui ... ... ... xxiiij marce v s 


Inde in stipendio j. capellani non ad mensam, per annum ... lxij s 

In vadiis ballivi iiij. quarteria ij. busselli bladi, que valent x 8 vj d 

In vadiis j. wodewardi x s vj' 1 

Et in stipendiis eorum per annum ... . . ... ... xiij s iiij a 

In oleo, vino, et cera. pro cipella ... ij ; 

In emendatione domorum .. ... xx* 

In adventu preceptoris ibidem per annum ... ... ... ij marce 

Summa omnium expensarum et solutionum ... vij u v* 

Summa Valoris. Et sic remanent ad solvendum ad 
Thesaurarium pro oneribus supportandis ... ... ... xiij marce vj s . viij rt 

Tamen nil in presenti propter guerram Scocie 


Item, rents of assize, in the time of the Templars were worth xxx n , and now, 

in these days, there can only be raised xij u 

Sum total of receipt and profit xxiiij marks v 8 

Thence in stipend of 1 chaplain, whose board is not included, 

yearly 31 * Ixij* 

In wages of a bailiff, iiij quarters, ij bushels of wheat, which 

are worth x s vj u 

In wages of a forester x 9 vj d 

And in their stipends, yearly xiiij 9 iiij d 

In oil, wine, and wax to the chapel ij 8 

In repairing houses xx 8 

At the coming of the preceptor there, yearly ii marks 

Sum total of all expenses and payments vij" v 8 

Sum total of the valuation. And so there remains for payment to the 

treasurer to meet liabilities xiij marks vj 8 viij d 

However nothing at present on account of the Scottish war. 

This view of tke farming of the past may be closed with a glimpse 

of the farmer : 

The Plowman plucked vp his plowe 

Whan Midsomer Moone was comen in, 
And saied his bestes shuld eate inowe, 

And lige in the Grasse vp to the chin. 
Thei been feble bothe Oxe and Cowe, 

Of hem nis left but bone and skinne, 
He shoke of her shere and coulter ofdrowfi, 

And honged his harnis on a pinne. 

He toke his tabarde and his staffe eke, 

And on his hedde he set his hat, 
And saied he would sainct Thomas seke, 

On pilgremage he goth forth plat. 
In scrippe he bare bothe bread and lekes, 

He was forswonke and all forswat ; 
Men might haue sen through both his chekes, 

And euery wang-toth and where it sat. 

Our hoste him axed 'what man art thou?' 

'Sir' (quod he) 'I am an hine; 
For I am wont to go to the plow, 

And earne my meate er that I dine.' ST 

* In 1348 the great Pestilence had swept away so many priests, among other 
people, that a chaplain could hardly be gotten to serve a church, under x marks, 
or x pounds per annum, whereas before they might be had at v or iv marks, nay 
at ii, together with their diet. As the priests were not content with reasonable 
stipends the parliament cf 39 Edw. III. enacted ' If any secular man in the 
realm pay more than v marks, to any priest yearly, in money, or in other things, 
to the value ; or if he pay to such priest retained to abide at his table, above two 
marks for his gown, and his other necessaries, (his table accounted to 40 shillings) 
and thereby be attainted, he shall pay to the king fully as much as he paid to 
the aid priest. Chronwm Prwwxiim, pp. 109. 111. 

r Prologue to ' The Ploughman's Tale.' Early English Text Society. 



[Read on the 28th November, 1894.] 

SOME three years ago the writer had occasion to ride over the fells 
from the Tyne into Bewcastle. The road, for the greater part of the 
way, is mostly a mere track, hardly to be distinguished from a sheep- 
track. At most seasons of the year it is characterised in the language 
of the country as being * saft.' Nevertheless there are many things to 
see and note upon on the way, not the least of them the hospitality 
invariably extended 'outbye,' and the pressure with which one is 
bidden ' in ' at the few houses to be met with. On this occasion we 
accepted the hospitality of Mr. Dodd, the tenant of Paddaburn, a 
farm formerly part of the Hesleyside estate, and situated on the banks 
of the Irthing. Our host, a man of advanced years, and, we regret to 
say, since deceased, kindly acted as guide the next morning, and rode 
with us into Bewcastle. Our errand took the nature of a foray, for 
we both intended to * lift ' some cattle ere our return ; but times have 
altered, and in these degenerate days such commodities have, alas ! to 
be paid for in base cash. 

Mr. Dodd enlivened the journey by many a tale of past days and 
people, chief amongst which, we may mention, was the account of his 
own wedding at Grefcna Green many years before. He had given the 
worthy who officiated on that occasion to understand that he was but 
a tinker, lest he should be charged a fee on a higher scale as a farmer. 
Happening to mention the visit of the late Dr. Charlton, in 1865, to 
Baranspike, to inspect the Runic inscription there, he remarked that 
he had * set ' the doctor over into Bewcastle on that occasion. As 
time would not allow of our going out of our way to visit that 
place, Mr. Dodd suggested we should turn off a few hundred yards 
and see the inscription at Hazel-Gill Crags. These crags, by no 
means bold or extensive, lie about three miles to the north-east of 
Bewcastle church, and are on the High Grains farm, the property of 


the earl of Carlisle. We made a rough sketch of the letters on the 
rock and journeyed on. No thought existed in our mind but that we 
should find an account, probably in the Archaeologia, of these Runes. 
The matter remained forgotten until some months ago, when, in 
sorting some papers, the sketch we have mentioned turned up. An 
enquiry to the rev. Wm. Green well elicited the fact that the Hazel- 
Gill inscription was unknown to other antiquaries. This was con- 
firmed by a letter from professor Stephens of Copenhagen. It is, 
therefore, with great pleasure, not unalloyed with a shade of fear 
at the presumption of one who is but a very young student in this 
particular cult, that we lay before you a measured drawing of the 
Runes, and an attempt to grasp their meaning. 

Our second visit to the crags was made quite recently. It had 
been our intention to procure a squeeze, or even a rubbing, but a gale 
of wind and a cold driving mist made such an utter impracticability. 
We were fain to content ourselves with a critical inspection and 
measurement of the lettering. The inscription, which is very much 
shorter than that on Baranspike, and with fewer compound letters, is 
cut on the upright face of a rock some eight feet long by two feet 
high, and about fifteen feet above the surface of the ground below, 
and at a corresponding slope with the upper surface of the stone. It 
is not at first very easy to find, on account of there being but a 
distance of about two feet between it and the next rock, making, 
therefore, a sort of defile. 

There are altogether twenty-three letters : their height about two 
and a half inches, the depth still about one-eighth of an inch in the 
deepest part, the breadth but a line, and the total length two feet one 
and a half inches. The reading of the whole appears to be : 
ASKR HRADD HESiELKiL HiMTHiK^E (see illustration on opposite 
page). The Runes are of the later order, and in old Norse and purely 

The first word askr, asg or ash, a common enough Scando-Anglia 
man's name, and still retained in Askertou castle, a fortified farm- 
house of some interest not above five or six miles off, represents, 
doubtless, the name of the writer or carver of the Runes. Hradd we 
take to be a local variation of hrodd bold, quick ; the interchanges 
of a and o, we are told, being very common, as in hand, hond, land, 


o 8 

I Z 

M Z 



Jond, etc. In the next word we have, curiously enough, the very 
name by which the rocks are known to this day, Hesielkil Hazel-Gill. 
In Dr. Charlton's notes on Baranspike, he remarks upon the singular- 
ity of that crag bearing the name of the writer, * Baranr.' The last 
word, HIMTHIK^, we think, must be a form of heimthigi, a house 
carl, lodger, home taker, as given in Cleasby's Greqt Icelandic- English 
Lexicon, page 252. Thus we have the whole reading : Asker, the 
bold, at Hazel-Gill to his house carl. Professor Stephens suggests as 
a probable date the period between 950 ancl 1000 A.D. This makes 
the inscription younger, by some three or four hundred years, than 
the beautiful monument in St. Cuthbert's churchyard in Bewcastle, 
but slightly older than its neighbour Baranspike. 

We can offer no conjecture as to the reasons which influenced the 
carver to execute his work in such a spot, remote from human habita- 
tion. There this simple record of a man's work remains, after 
numerous centuries, defying sunshine and snowstorm, another small 
monument to remind us of the past history and inhabitants of the 
country around. 

Briton, Roman, Saxon, Dane, and Norman, have left traces behind 
them, less perishable than themselves, in the neighbourhood, of their 
works and the times in which they lived. We trust that it may be 
our luck in time to come to find other inscriptions, if such exist as 
yet undiscovered, and to submit them to the members of this society. 


Since the reading of the above paper it has been brought to our 
notice that an article on the Hazel-Gill inscription appears in vol. i. 
Cumberland and Westmorland Transactions (p. 318), written by the 
Rev. John Maughan, then (1873) rector of Bewcastle. 


Ed "S* 

I l 

O J 

fc 5; 

Of !> 










By the Eev. J. F. HODGSON, vicar. 
[Read at Witton on the 27th August, 1894.] 

IN visiting a strange place, one of the first points, from an archaeo- 
logical point of view, if not indeed the very first, is to enquire into 
the meaning and derivation of its name; the etymology of which, 
though oftentimes seemingly obvious enough, will nevertheless be 
found, on enquiry, to be something wholly different. Such is the case, 
not only here at Witton, but as regards the mother church and parish 
of Auckland; and, to take but one other instance from the county of 
Durham, that which the railway people, whose schoolmaster would 
seem to have been very much abroad, have within quite recent years 
converted into the lofty and romantically sounding ' Eaglescliffe.' 
Till then, ib was known as Egglescliffe, a name which might, by some, 
perhaps, be thought to have reference to the church or ecclesia which 
dominates the height, but which an appeal to history in this case, 
pace the late Cardinal Manning, neither ' heresy nor treason ' shows 
to have as little connection with a church as with eagles, but to have 
been really and originally Eggesclive the cliff, that is, belonging to, 
and occupied by, Egge or Eggi. 

Again, with respect to Auckland. Nothing could seem plainer, 
perhaps, superficially, than that the word meant Oakland. Yet, 
though the real meaning still remains altogether doubtful and obscure, 
it certainly does not mean that. Both syllables, though of com- 
paratively ancient introduction, are, notwithstanding, distinct corrup- 
tions. In 1085, the name was written Alcleat ; in 1129, Aclet ; soon 
after 1200, Aclent; and not till 1259, Aucland. 

And then as to Witton. What could seem simpler, or more self- 
evident than that it meant, as various ancient whitened cottages still 
remain to testify, the White-ton, or village ? A practical objection 
to such a derivation might, no doubt, lie in the fact that, as all 
ancient villages were more or less whitened, there was no reason why 
this one should be distinguished from the rest by such a special 



appellation. But a sufficient answer might be found in the fact of its 
peculiar position which, unlike that of most others of its class, was 
not on the ordinary level of the countryside, where, embowered 
among trees, it would speedily become inconspicuous ; but perched at 
mid-height on the slope of a broad and deep valley, where, backed 
above, beneath, and on every side, by hanging woods and fields, it 
lay a bright white patch, visible in almost all directions, for miles 
around. Yet, for all that, the answer would be quite wrong ; for 
though 'ton,' of course, means town or habitation, 'Wit' does not 
mean white but wood; Symeon, who first mentions the place, de- 
scribing it as 'Wudutun,' the ton, not merely situated in, but 
probably also built of, wood. 

In an inquisition taken in the 24th of Bishop Hatfield (13G8-9), 
we find the name assuming the intermediate form of Wottcn. When, 
where, or by whom its present designation was bestowed, I cannot 
say; but in the first year of Elizabeth (1558), when the Church 
Register commences, it is styled ' Wytton upon Wyere,' and the same 
suffix continued certainly to as late a date as 1735, when Thomas 
Lamb, the then curate, notifies that he came to reside at Witton upon 
Wear on the ninth day of June in that year. 

In 1787, however, as another memorandum, referring to the re- 
building of the Grammar school at Auckland, shows, the name would 
seem to have settled down into its present form of Witton-le-Wear. 

Of the primitive Saxon church, or its adjuncts, we have at present 
no visible remains whatever. The existing building, which imme- 
diately succeeded it, and which is under the somewhat unusual 
invocation of S. Philip and S. James, is one of the humblest class. 
It has, on that account, unfortunately, received but the scantiest 
notice from Hutchinson, who speaks of it merely as 'a neat edifice, 
prebeudal to Auckland college.' The omission of further particulars 
is the more regrettable, seeing that nearly all such ancient features as 
remained up to his time (1794) have, in the interim, been radically 

Yery small and plain, even to baldness, and consisting, in the first 
instance, simply of an aisleless nave and chancel, it must. I think, have 
been among the very earliest buildings of its class erected after the 
Conquest. Indeed, so far as existing evidence serves to show, it 



might, perhaps, lay claim to be the very earliest, for though but a 
single distinct and original feature, the south doorway, is now left, 
it carries us further back, apparently, than the like remains at either 

J.F.H. mens. ft del. 


Croxdale, Haughton, Heighington, or S. Giles's, Durham, the last ol 
which we know to have been finished in 1112. In all these cases, 
save that of Croxdale, which, though of the same type, is later and 


more ornate, the jambs are provided with nook shafts, while here, 
where there is but a single severely simple order, there is none. From 
its close agreement, amounting to practical identity of design with 
those in the transepts of the cathedral, and which are recorded to have 
been built between 1095 and 1099, we should be warranted, I think, in 
referring its construction to the very beginning of the twelfth century. 

As thus first planned, the church would seem to have continued 
without alteration for nearly a hundred years, when an aisle, opening 
by an arcade of three pointed arches, was attached to the north side 
of the nave. Like most, if not all, such appendages, it was added not 
so much, if indeed in any sense, for congregational, as for chantry 
purposes. It would therefore be of private foundation, and furnished, 
as usual, with a separate altar. That such was the case, though the 
altar itself is now, of course, gone, we have structural evidence in the 
planning of the arcade ; the eastern respond of which is advanced some 
three feet from the end of the aisle, so as to form a sort of 
screen or protection to the altar laterally, while that at the west is 
carried nearly up to the wall face. But for this reason the arrange- 
ment would be palpably absurd, for while such an abutment to the 
thrust of the arcade was not needed to the east where the north wall 
of the chancel afforded sufficient support to the west it was, as 
sufficiently evidenced by the fact that, owing to its absence, both the 
western pillar and respond have been considerably pushed out. 

Its purpose, then, being sufficiently declared, the question at once 
arises as to who may have been the founder ? On this point, I think, 
there can hardly be much room for doubt ; for it is quite clear that 
he must have been a person of considerable local importance, and 
quite above the common level of the ordinary parishioners. And just 
as the architectural evidence of the work conclusively fixes its date, 
so does history, if in a somewhat less positive way, seem to point to 
the individual at whose cost, and for whose uses, it was carried out. 

Now, we learn that during the latter part of the twelfth century, 
king Henry II. sold to Henry de Pudsey or Puteaco, the then royal 
manor of Witton, for the sum of 2,000 marks, the price of which was 
paid by his father, the bishop. To him, therefore, as lord of the place 
at the time (circa 1195-1200), and in absence of other competitors of 
at all comparable likelihood, we may, I think, fairly assign its founda- 

ARCHAEOWGIA AELIAUA, Vol. XVII, to free page 60. 

Plate II. 


''^-ow rt photograph by M r A. L. Steavenson}. 


tion. Besides the arcade which, though perfectly simple, and now 
much mutilated by the erection of galleries, is yet of excellent pro- 
portions, the only remaining feature is the east window, a single 
lancet light, at present blocked up, and only to be discovered from the 
coal-hole. Plain, to the last degree, it is interesting, nevertheless, as 
showing an early and somewhat uncommon form of treatment, the 
usual chamfer being reduced almost to vanishment, and backed by a 
broad and flat rebate. The form of its rear-arch cannot, unfortunately, 
now be traced, being hidden both by plaster-work and gallery. 

At a later period, about 1245-50, a simple but effective porch was 
added as a shelter to the south door. It has a segmental pointed 
arch, with roll and fillet moulding continued down the sides, and 
finished with a hood-mould, the whole recalling strongly, if in a 
humble way, the work of the Nine Altars. The roof still preserves 
its original pitch, and has its water-tabling and cross socket perfect. 

Such, so far as can be seen, was the condition of the building up 
to the close of the fifteenth, or beginning of the sixteenth century, 
when flat leaded roofs superseded the original high-pitched ones ; and 
two flat, or nearly flat, perpendicular windows of considerable size 
were inserted in the west, and south walls of the nave the latter 
serving to light the then new pulpit, the discovery of whose remains 
was made but the other day. 1 

And so things remained for another century and a half, till the 
time of the Civil War, when all the ancient fittings, of whatever kind, 
were here, apparently, as in so many other places, destroyed. Such 
at least may be inferred from the fact that all the older ones at the 
present day, including the south door, which bears the incised date of 
1664, belong to the period of the Restoration. 

Later alterations and defacements are, alas, but too palpably and 
obtrusively evident. In 1780, as an emblazoned and inscribed panel 
informs us, the vast compound gallery, which stretches over the 
west end of the nave, and the whole of the north aisle was inserted 
by * John Cuthbert, of Witton Castle, esquire.' Access to this was 
attained by building an external covered staircase and passage-way 
across the entire west end, thus enclosing the west window, which 
was thereupon destroyed and converted into a doorway. 
1 See Proceedings, vol. vi. p. 203. 


At a still later date, and during the present century, the original 
Norman chancel arch with its responds was pulled down and utterly 
destroyed by the then lay rector, the late Sir William Chaytor, M.P. 
for Durham, to allow space for the construction of two enormous 
pews, which so encroach upon the surface as to reduce the rightful 
approach to the altar to a mere exiguous passage-way. At the same 
time, the old oak roof being taken off, was replaced by one of deal, 
masked by a flat, white-washed ceiling, similar to others which either 
then, or thereabouts, were continued over the nave and aisle. 

The lowest depths of degradation in the long-suffering and dis- 
figured fane were, however, not yet sounded. About 1850 a hideous 
window of village-mason origin, and filled, if possible, with still more 
hideous glass, was inserted to the south-east of the chancel in memory 
of Thomas Hendry Hopper of Witton castle, esquire ; while another, 
in all respects similar, but happily without the glass, took the place 
of the fifteenth century one similarly situated in the nave ; two others, 
less objectionable, only because less in size, being broken out further 
west, one of them to light the gallery. 

Finally, the north wall of the nave aisle having fallen into ruin, 
has been reset in the meanest and most brutal manner conceivable, 
and without the least pretence to any architectural character whatever. 

The miserably degraded and forlorn aspect of the much maltreated 
building at the present time may, therefore, readily be imagined. Yet, 
even now, it is not without some features of more or less interest. 

First, in point of antiquity, may be instanced the rude old Norman 
font, perfectly plain, circular, and churn-shaped, and which batters 
greatly towards the top. 

Then, above the doorway leading to the vestry, may be seen the 
remains of a quondam funereal trophy, the projecting iron support 
for the staff of an armorial banner, now vanished, and which still 
carries a real seventeenth century helmet (not a wooden dummy as 
sometimes happens), bearing the crest, apparently, of a lamb. It was 
once, doubtless, suspended above the tomb of one of the D'Arcys, 
then, and for many years both before and afterwards, lords of the 
castle and manor of Witton. 

The much cut up and dislocated remains of some wooden panelling 
of the same, or perhaps somewhat earlier period, and which there can 


be little doubt originally formed part of the seats or pews of the same 
family, may also be observed worked up in two others of more recent 
date. The designs of the upper horizontal members or friezes for 
there are parts of two distinct patterns are effective enough ; that 
of the richer one, composed of heraldic fleur-de-lys and oak leaves, 
especially so. As to the rest of the seating, part of which may possibly 
be of seventeenth century date, the singular fact may be noted that 
instead of being level, as usual, it rises very perceptibly from south to 
north, the result of the church being built on the hill side, and its 
floor-line following the surface of the ground. 

But little else remains, I think, worth mentioning. In the midst 
of the chancel floor, however, may be found beneath the matting an 
ancient altar slab of Frosterley marble, retaining remains of its five 
crosses. Its dimensions are very small, only four feet three inches 
in length, by two feet seven and a half inches in width'; 2 it may, per- 
haps, have been taken from the chantry. Immediately west of it lies 
also another slab of the same material, which, though no crosses are 
now discernible onjt, seems pretty certainly to have been devoted to 
the same uses. It is of very similar size, though somewhat longer, 
measuring four feet eight and a half inches in length, by two feet six 
inches in width, One of its corners has, however, unfortunately been 
largely broken off. 

Southwards of, and immediately adjoining, the first of these two 
slabs, is a large blue Tees marble stone, with the Latin inscription: 

Sub hoc Marmore 

depositae sunt Exuviae 


hujus Villae Armiger. Ob : 

6 Die Maij. An Salutis 

nostrae 1731 : Annoq : 

^Etat. suss 62. 


Here lies his dear Wife Mary 

Hodgson who departed this Life April 

the l&h 1760 aged 81. 

2 Though of unusually small dimensions, these two altar slabs are yet con- 
siderably larger than some discovered during the restoration of S. David's 
cathedral, about 20 years ago. One of these is remarkably small, only 14| 
inches by 9 inches. It is marked by the usual five crosses, and had been let into 
a larger slab of a different kind of stone. But even of this, the length is only 
2 feet 10 inches : the width is 2 feet 3 inches, but a slip 2 inches wide has 
been cut away. Another, of precisely the same dimensions as this larger slab, 
was also discovered at the same time. Both are now carefully preserved at the 
back of the high altar. 


It is cracked in two, and would seem, from its moulded edges, levelled 
up to the line of the floor with cement, to have once probably 
formed part of an altar tomb ; at any rate, to have been certainly 
filched from somewhere else. 

Another Tees marble slab of large dimensions, measuring nearly 
eight feet long by four wide, occurs also in the passage-way of the 
nave eastwards : it bears neither matrix nor inscription. 

Of later date, but far greater interest than these, however, are two 
mural monuments in the chancel which should not be passed by. 
They are those of two former incumbents of the place men highly 
esteemed and famous in their day, and whose lives have conferred on 
it whatever of local fame it may formerly have possessed. Both are 
good and modest examples of their respective styles, and occupy 
central, and nearly opposite positions. That towards the south, which 
is of white marble, shows a tall classic urn with cloth thrown over it, 
and standing on a broad gradated base displaying beams of light. 
Before it, and in reference to his dual calling of pastor and pedagogue, 
appear the shepherd's crook and cane, or stick, in sal tire ; while in 
front of them are thrown a scroll and open book. On the scroll is 
inscribed : 

Sumat ante omnia Parentis 
erga Discipulos suos animum, 
ac succedere se in eorum locum, 
a guibus sibi liberi traduntur, 
existimet. Ipse nee Jiabeat vitia, 
necferat, Non austerltas ejus 
tristis, non dissoluta sit com it as : 
ne inde odium, hinc contempt us 
oriatur. Plurimus ei de honesto 
ac bono sit sermo. Nam quo scepius 
monuerit, hoc rarius castigabit. 
Minime iracundus, nee, tamen 
eorum, quoz emendanda erunt 
dissimulator : Simplex in docendo, 
patiens labor is, assiduus potius 
quam immodicus. 

Quint ilian, lib. ii. Ca. . . . 

On the two leaves of the book : 

" a good Minister of Jesus 
Christ, nourished up in the Words 
of Faith and of good Doctrine 

an Example of the Believers, in 
Word, in Conversation, in Charity, 
in Spirit, in Faith, in Purity," 



Below, on a square tablet : 



















The northern monument, of fine grained stone, consists of a well 
designed crocketed and pinnacled niche, on the field of which is cut in 
black letter : 

ftbe 1Re\>& (Beorge flewbg 
/toaster of TOtton Scbool 

jv>iif. H>ears. 
Diet) dfcag viitt^a.!)* mDccctfvi. 

*%* tlbat bis dfcemorg mfflbt not 
pass awag witb tbe (Beneratfon of 
tbose wbo bao learned of bim ano loveD 
bfm, a Scbolarsbip bas been founfceo in 
tbe THniversitg of H>urbam and tbis 
tablet erected bg some of bis ffrien&s 
anfc pupils. ^ 

Within the altar rails there lies, moreover, a blue Tees marble slab 
on which, beneath a sunk coat of arms, appears the following : 

In this Vault lie the Remains 
of J. T. H. HOPPER, Esq r , 


Who died the 30 th of October, 1812. 

Agecj 40. 


Several small square stones, it may be added, having mere initials 
rudely hacked with a pick, appear too in the pavement towards the 
west end. A reference to the register shows them to be those of 
quite common people of the humblest sort who, during the last, and 
more especially the previous century, were, for no apparent reason 
whatever, buried * in templo.' 

In this same register, which commences in the first year of 
Elizabeth, 1558, may also be found many entries relating to the 
families of Eure and Darcy, former lords of the castle and manor, as 
well as others to those of Lumley, Corners, Hutton, and Garth. 

The altar plate 3 is wholly uninteresting and modern, as is also 
the bell. 

Externally, attention may be pointed to the ancient bell-cot which, 
notwithstanding the destruction of the original roofs in the fifteenth 
century, was allowed to retain its place on the but slightly lowered 
gable. This singular arrangement has led many, viewing the church 
from a distance, and unacquainted with the fact, to imagine that it 
had no roof at all. It is worth noticing too for the fact is, I think, 
absolutely without parallel among our Durham churches that this 
bell-cot is still surmounted by its original small cross. 

One other, and, so far as I remember, unique feature about this 
small and humble sanctuary is, that it possesses still in situ, and fixed 
upon its square massive base, the lower part of the shaft of its cemetery 
cross. It stands at about five yards distance from the walls, and just 
in a line with the chancel arch. 

Finally, ere we take our leave, the well-nigh vanished sentence 
of a dial above the priest's door, reminds us of the melancholy truth 
that * Ut hora sic vita.' 

Looking back, instinctively, for a last parting view, we can scarce 
fail to note how, amid all the neglect, decay, and disfigurement that 
have befallen it, the situation of this old church lying centrally on the 
steep hill side above the village, and enthroned amidst noble trees is 
perfect ; dominating both it and the conventicles at its feet supremely, 
and proclaiming itself unmistakably as the ecclesia, both of the place 
and parish. 

3 The communion cup, which was stolen in 1832, was of Elizabethan date. 
The other communion plate, is described in the Proceeding sot the Society, vol. iii. 
p. 444. See also vol. v. p. 196, and vol. vi. p. 230. 



The title page of the oldest volume, which consists of 97 parch- 
ment leaves 12 J in. by 7| in., bears this inscription : UUYTTON UPON | 


infunt odoginta Libro 4k . 1558. 

On the third page the register proper begins with this intro- 
duction : 

This booke of Chriftnings, weddings, and burialls, Made the xxiiij dale of 
June, 1538. In the firfte yeare of The Keigne of our moft gracious Sou'igne Lady 
Elyzabeth, by the grace of God Quene of England, ffraunce and Ireland, 
defender of the faith Supreme heade afwell Ecclefiafticall as temporall. Eaphe 
Pickell & Edwarde Tefdell, churchwardens Robert Melmarby preist. 4 

The following are records of former owners of Witton castle, 
Eures, Conyers, and Darcys : 

1561 May 25. M r garett Euere, baptized. 

1562 Mai 7. Charles Euere, bapt. 
1562[3] March 18. Charles Euere, buried. 
15C3 June 4. ffrauncis Euere, baptized. 
1565[6] Jenuar 21. Willm Euere, bapt. 
1568 M r ch 13. Martha Euere, bapt. 

1586 Feb r 21. Raphe Eure, Esq., buryed. 

1567 October 18. George Conyers miles, buried. 

1575f6] March 18. George Conyers, sonne of M r . John Conyers, bapt. 

16 11 [2] ffebruar 9. Robert Harrington and Mary Conyers, maried. 

1613 Deceber 16. Willm Conyers, sonn of S r George Conyers, knight, 


1614 Aprill 18. Jhon Conyers, sonn of S r George Conyers, knight, buried. 

1637 [8] Januar 21. Thomas, sonne of Willm Darcy, Esquier, bapt. 

1638 [9] Ja. 20. John, son of Willm Darcy, Esquier, bap. 

1642 May 22. Mary, Daughter of S r Willm Darcy, knight, baptized. 

1645 July 15. Edward, sonne of S r William Darcy, En*, baptized. 

1646 May 1. Edward, sonne of S r Willm Darcy, buried. 
1651 Maij 1. Arthur, sonne of S r Willm Darcy, k*, Bapt. 

Sept. 2. Dorothy, daughter of S r Willm Darcy, Kn*, buryed. 
1653 March 29. Metcaff Robinson, Esq r ., and Margaret Darcy, Marryed. 

In the following miscellaneous extracts from the Registers the year 
beginning on the 1st January, according to our mode of reckoning, 
i& given, while in the book itself it begins on the 25th March ; and 

4 Robert Melmarby, curate of Witten, 1558. 


therefore, for instance, * 1588 Jenuar 11 ' below appears in the book 
under 1587. 6 For four years to 1561 there were no weddings. 

1562 Aprill 20. John Popelie, buryed. 

1563 Julij 29. Willm Lomlay, buried. 
Octob 21. Elizabeth blackett, bapt. 

1565 August 3. George Blackett, bapt. 

1567 Aprill 10. John Huton, buried. 

1577 May 5. John Claiton and Jane ffrysell, married. 

May 26. Willm Emerson, fill' illic' John Emerson, bapt. 

August 17. Robert Wilkinson Clarke and Margarett Danyell, maried. 
1585 Sept. 21. Oswoulde Thomson and Isabell Staindroppe, maried. 
1588 Jenuar 11. A poo re olde man named ffoster borne at hadden bridge, 

1590 March 29. Isabell Hedworth, daugh. of M r maduke hedwo r th, buried. 

August 10. John Barnes, a poore servant traviler, buryed. 

Sept. 7. A poore Woman, a straunge 1 ", named herself M r garett 
Ewbanck, burd. 

1592 May 27. John Raunthat, a poore traveler, buryed. 

1593 Novemb 26. Nicholas Heron and Adylyne Huton, maried. 

1594 August 11. Elizabeth Brabande, wife of Henry Brabande, buryed. 
1597 Aprill 23. A poore man travelinge for his releife & dyed in the 

streat, buryed. 

1600 August 13. Willm Shaftay, sonne of Perceuell Shaftay, baptized. 
August 15. Willm Shaftay, sonn to Percevell Shaftay, buryed. 

1602 ffebruar 9. Henry Rames and Elizabeth Huton, maryed. 
December 21. Willm Hearon and Katheren Shaftay, maryed. 

1603 Deceber 4. Raphe Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, bapt. 

In 1604, ' Rob. Wylkynson, curat, Cuthbert Yasey, Willm Tailer, 
churchwardens/ sign the book. 

1605 Noueb. 19. George Dowens and Isabell Lampton, maryed. 

1606 March 10. Margaret Wilkinson, wife of Robert Wilkinson, buryed. 
December 7. Lampton Dowens, sonn of George Dowens, baptized. 

1607 Noueb. 15. John Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, baptized. 

1610 Aprill 29. John He, sonn of Xpofer He, from hunwicke, baptized. 

It appeareth by an acquittance signed by henry bailes of Byshopp 
Auckland, that he had receiued the 24 day of June Ano Regni Jacobi 
Regis 4. &c. of hugh hodgson of maknele the sume of iij 1 '. viij 8 . xi d . 
granted in benevolence by thinhabitants of the chappelrie of witton 
vpon weere towarde ye erectio' of a free gramar Schole in byshoppe 
aucklande aforesaid. Testes : Rob. Wylkynson, clar., Robert ffawdon. 

1611 Jenuar 6. Henry Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, baptized. 
Dec. 8. Will m Barnes, sonn of Thomas Barnes, bapt. 

1612 Nouembe 25. Thomas Bridges, msus in iter, buried. 

5 Many of the names of Carlisle, Hodgson, Wien, Tailor, Dobinson, Hutchin- 
son, Crawe, Dixon, Diconson, Pattenson, Barnes, Mawer, Grene. 


1614 Jenuar 2. Lancelote Buoke, buried. 

ffebruarie 27. Jolm Garth, sonn of John Garth, baptized. 8 

Julij 10. Dauid Watson and ffridema Thomson, maried. 

August 28. Ma'garett Huton, daughter of Willm Huton, baptized. 

1616 Februar. 6. Petrivall Harrington, daughter of Kob r t Harrington, bapt. 
Noueber 26. Robert Jackson, Maister of arts, sonn of Henry Jackson, 


1617 Aprill 5. William Bucke, buried. 
June 15. Bryan Downes, buryed. 

1618 October 25. Agnes Huton, daughter of Willm Hutton, baptized. 

1619 April 24. Thomas Boothe, buryd. 

Maij 7. Katheren illic' filia vt mater ait Thomas Hutchinson, bapt. 
Maij 15. Was M r Kobart Wilkinson, Curate De Witton, buryed. 
Octob. 17. Thomas Parkinson, sonn of Lawranc Parkinson, bapt. 
October 24. Isabell Downes, wife of George Downes, buryed. 

1620 March 26. Robert Carre, a poore man liueinge by almes buryed. 
June 12. Was Georg Browne, base sonn of John Browne, baptized. 7 
Decemb r j. Was francis Greene buryed, qui seipsum susp : 

1621 Janu. 9. Was Elizabethe Downes, wedowe, late Wyfe to Bryiame 

Downes, gent, nonogenaria, buried. 

In 1621, 'Ra. Greene, curate, 8 Thomas Roase, George Rippon, 
churchwardens/ sign the book. 

1621 Nove'br 25. Was Johne Wentlocke, a cutter of Wood for Charcoal, 

Decemb*. 23. Was Willyam Chapman, son of Thomas Chapman, 

Decemb. 23. Was Anthonye Chapman, his Twynn brother, baptized. 

1622 March 28. Was Raphe Taler Beadman, buryed. 

1623 Mch. 21. A man found dead in the river was buryed. 
July 3. Leonard Tod, the com'on Smyth, was buried. 
Aug. 24. A poore youth found deed, buryed. 

14 or 15 Apr. Was a manchilde of Willm Childes borne, not yet 

Octo. 2. W m . Hutton, gen'., was interred nocte p. papistas. 

In 1623, * Robt. Thomson, curate; 9 John Grindall, Antho. Barnes, 
churchwardens,' sign the book. 

1624 March 19. Grace, wife of Anthony Riddin, sepulta sine sacerdote 


In 1625, 'Robt. Thomson, curat ; Ra. Green, Wm. Dikkeson, 
churchwardens,' occur. 

8 A large number of instances in which a child baptised one day is buried the 

7 A new form. Not a page almost without two or more baptisms of illegiti- 
mate children, and so continued. The page immediately preceding this contains 
two such. 8 Curate 1620-22. 9 Curate 1622-39. 


1626 Ja. 15. An Hutton, spinster, interred nocte. 

Janu. 30. Georg Marshall, found dead, was buried, 
ffebr. 17. Christopher Wilburne, interred die. 

1626 March 22. Thomas, son of Thomas Wren, bap. spurius (aspuendo). 11 
June 4. A child of John Nicholsons baptized. 

4. An other the same day baptized, both by Mi. of Sandropp. 
Noue'br 2. Jane Jackson, an old wife, buried. 
Dece. 19. W m . Byerley, a papist, interred paup'. 

1627 March 18. Hen. Jacksons wife laboured child not xtened. 
July 8. John Carlile, an old man, buryed. 

No. 6. Willm., son of Robt. Wilson, buryed and crowned, being 

No. 20. Elizabeth Nattrice, a poore widowe, buryed. 

1628 Ja. 10. Thomas Rest buryd, who fell into a pitt and so dyed. 
Aprill 27. Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Sickerwham, bapt. illegit. 11 
July 13. Wm., son of Tho. Byarley, bapt., for who Wm. Dobbison is 

bound by word not to charg y e pish. 

18. Peter Hoclson buried, killed with his own knife. 

1630 May 9th. Thomas, son of Mary Basset, baptized vidua nup' 


Mary Bassetts son, called Thomas, bapt ide* p'dca. 
Nou. 16. Wm. Wascoe, buried in cymiterio. 
1631 10 ffebr. 20. William Chyld, buried in templo. 

21. Dorrothie Law, buried in templo. 
Octobr 19. Tho. Diconson, buried by M r . Kidd. 
1632 ffebr. 22. ffrauncs, a woman child, nursed at the fforge, buried. 11 

1632 8ber 28. Gaskoyne, son of George Downes, baptized. 

1633 Aprill 8. Thomas, sonne of Joseph Cradocke, Clerke, bapt.> natus 3 

die circiter horam primam ante meridiem. 
Dece. 16. Dame Maddison, a poore widow, buried. 

1634 March 24. Robert ffawdon, parish clerke, buried. 
July 10. William Dixon, a poore old man, bur. 

Septeber 22. William, son of Christopher Heron (by bond), baptized 

No. 8. Margery Crathorne, exco'. an old gent interred. 

1635 ffebr. 14. An daughter of Joseph Cradocke, Clerke, baptized. 

ffebr. 21. old widow Jackeson, buryd, fees (this time buried in the 

March 27. Richard Benson, an old man (drowned then) buried. 

28. ffrances Draycot, excom a poore man interred. 
May 3. An daughter of John Lumley, baptized. 
June 6. ffrances Jackeson, buried in templo. 
July 25. Tobie Jackeson, a yong man, buried in templo. 

10 In 1631 several baptisms entered without the name of the child' a child 
of,' ' a daughter of.' 

11 Different forms of this class of entry. 


1636 May 21. M r . Gerard Bankes, buried in y e church. 
March 15. John, son of Henrie ffornice, bur. sine f. 

1637 May 17. Elizabeth Dixon, paup., buried (the number of paupers is 

now very remarkable). 

June 11. Georg Tayler, parish clarke, buried. 
July 30. M r . Robt. Browne, a schoolm r , buried. 
Aug. 17. Thomas Rippon, buried intestate. 
Jan. 22. Margret, daughter of John Miller, buried sine (the three 

following entries have the same ending). 

1638 7 ber 16. Arther, sonne of Edward Dalbie, gent', (baptized). 
1639 12 July 5. 2 men children of Richard Vaisies, unbapt., buried. 

8ber 23. "Willam Acroid of the Toft hill, alias Haughton house, 
within the parish of S l . Hellen Aucland, being a 
convicted recusant was interred in the Churchyard of 
Witton vpon the Weare. 
1640 Ja. 26. Tho. Talbot, a poore man, bur. 

June 7. John Cuming and Margaret Barnes, married. 

Decem. 5. William Blacket, a poore Prentice, buried. 

1642 Julij 15. An, daughter of Anthony Coming, buryd. 

Aug. 12. Edward, sonne of Robert Scogaine, minister, 18 buried. 

1643 August 6. Reanold, sonne of Anthony Coming, baptized. 

1644 ffebru. i6. Elyzabeth, wife of Joseph Cradock, Clerke, bur. 
Dece'ber 31. Dyna, daughter of Robt. Scogaine Clarke, bapt. 

1646 March 31. John Brabant & Jane Best, married. 

1649 January 28. Gartrued, illigittimate daughter of Edward Jackson, 

1649 Janu. 29. Margaret Buck, buryed. 

1651 Nov. 23. George Brabant, buryed. 

1652 June 8. George Buck and Elizabeth Booth, marry ed. 
Augu. 23. John Jerome, gentleman, buried. 

Septe. 28. Richard Buck and Grace ffaudon, marryed. 

1653 Janu. 6. Dorothy Hutton, widdow, buryed. 
June 5. Margaret, daughter of George Buck, bapt. 

About this time there are many baptisms from Hamsterley. 
Dece. 25. Willm., sonne of Metcaff Robinson, Esqr., bapt. 

1654 Jenu. 12. M rs . Ellin ffeilding, buryed. 

Octo. 29. Mary, daughter of Richard Buck, bapti. 
Dece. 30. Barbary, daughter of George Buck, bapti. 
1656 June 8. Elizabeth, daughter of George Buck, bapti. 

The name of ' Stephen Cocken ' occurs here in large letters in the 
margin; probably that of the intruded minister. 

Septr. 7. Ann, daughter of Richard Buck, bapt. 

12 In twelve consecutive burials in this year no fewer than five, and those 
quite common people, would seem to have been buried in the church, the letter 
1 1 ' or te ' being inserted at the end of each entry. 

13 Curate 1641-44. 


1659 March 2. Peregrina, daughter of Charles Wren, Gent. 
The number of still-born children for several years past is very 

1659 March 27. Margaret, daughter of Richard Buck, bapti. 

1660 Decem. i. ffrancis, a sonne of a poore trauelling woman, bapti. 

1661 July 28. Lancelot, sonne of George Buck, baptized. 
Decem. 24. Thomas, sonne of Quintine Gill, bapti. 

1662 ffebru. 16. Bartholomew Bee, buried. 

1663 Janu. 23. Lancelot, son of George Buck, buryed. 
Aprill 4. Blanch, a poore old woman, buryed. 

1664 Aprill i. Lidda Lard, buryed. 

In 1665, ' Stephen Windle, curat, John Carlisle, Ralph Goland, 
churchwardens/ sign the book. 14 

1666 Janu: 15. ffrancs, daughter of Stephen Windle, curate, bapti. 

1667 Novem. 7. Henry Young, senior, gent., buryed. 

30. Quintine Gill and Jane Vauxe, married. 

23. Robert, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, clerk, buryed. 

1668 Janua. 28. ff ranees, daughter of ffrancis Ourd, clerk, bapt. 

In 1668, 'ffrancis Ourd, curate, 15 Ralph Hodgson, John Miller, 
churchwardens,' sign the book. 

1668 Octo. 30. Eppa Beat, buryed. 

1669 January 2. ffrancis. sonne of ffrancis Ourd, Clark, bapti. 

25. John, sonne of John Garth, bapti. 

1670 Janu. 17. Anthony, sonn of John Garth, bapti. 
ffebru. 20. Henry, sonn of Mr. Tho. Brabant, bapti. 

20. Henry, sonn of M r . Tho. Brabant, buryed. 
July 19. Willm. Mostcroft & Dorothy Hutton, marryed. 

1671 Janu. 14. Willm., sonne of John Garth, bapti. 
Januarij 18. Henry Warde, gent., buryed. 

ffebru. 27. John, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, Clarke, bapti. 

1673 ffebru. 28. A childe of a poore travelling man, bury. 
March 25. Ann, daughter of John Garth, bapti. 
Decem. 2. Michael, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, clark, bapti. 

1674 March 17, Ellin, daughter of John Garth, bapti. 
March 30. Merioll Garth, buryed. 

Aprill 3. Christopher Dixon, a poore man, buryed. 
June 16. Ann Simson, a poore woman, buryed. 

1675 ffebru. 21. Robt. Ducket (being killed in a pit crowned then), buryed 
Aprill 20. Katherine Renoldson, a young woman, buryed. 

May 9. Elizabeth Carlile, a young woman, buryed. 
Octo. 29. A child of a poore travelling womans, bury. 
Noue. 3. Margaret, daughter of Toby Bowes, illigi, bapti. 

14 Stephen Windle, curate 1644-1667. 

15 Francis Orde was curate from 1667 to 1674. 



Iii 1G75, 'John Stackhouse, minister; 16 Willm How, Christo. 
Addeson, churchwardens,' sign the book. 

1676 Janu. 4. Barbary, daughter of Mr. Willm Witham, interred. 

23. [blank] of John Garth, bapti. 

1677 March 20. Anthony, son of John Garth, buryed. 

Aprill 19. Thomas, son of John Stackhouse, minister, baptized. 
24. George, son of John Garth, bapti. 

1678 Aprill 20. Thomas, son of John Stackhouse, minister, buryed. 
Julij i4. Anthony, son of John Garth, bapti. 

1679 ffebruary 8. Thomas waskoe, a young man, bury. 
March 3 d . ffrancis Tayler, gent., bury. 

June 23. Ann, daughter of John Stackhouse, minister, bapti. 
Octo. 14. Jane, daughter of Eure Markendell, bapti. 

1680 March 21. Elizabeth, daughter of John Garth, bapti. 

1681 Jany. Mary, wife of John Garth, buryed. 
1683 Sept. 14. A child of John Garths, buryed. 

1685 March 14. Ann, wife of M r . Hugh Hutchinson, buryed. 

1686 March 16. Elizabeth, wife of John Garth, buryed. 
August 25. John, son of Mr. John Stachouse, curate, buryed. 
Nouemb. 2. Ann, wife of M r . John Stachouse, buryed. 

1687 May 3i. John, y e sonne of Katherine Patteson. sepult. 
1689 March 23. Marie, y e daughter of M r . Christo Croft, sepult. 

1689 Decbe r . y e 1 st . Anne Burleson, daughter of Ann Burleso', illegit., bap. 17 
y e 29, Marie, daughter of M r . John Stackhouse, cleric, bap. 

1691 October 27. Elizabeth, daughter of M r . Jo. Stackhonse, minister, bap. 
Nove. y e 7 th . Mary Hutchinson, illegitimate, bap. 18 

1692 May y 17 th . Anthony, sonne of John Garth, sepult. 

1693 No br . the 7. Joanna, daughter of Mr. John Stackhouse, clr., bapt. 

1694 March y e 21 th . Mr. William Witham, sepult. 

June y e 22 d . Thomas Gomlin, a stranger's child, sepult. 

July the 23. Anne, daughter of M r . John Markendale, bapt. 

September y e 5 th . Jane, the daughter of M r . John Hodsho'. 
1696 February y e 4 th . John, sonne of Mr. John Hodsho', bap. 

Quyntine Gill, sepult. 

Memorand. That on ffriday the 30 th of Aprill, A Dni, 1697 ; The 
Hon ble . Robert Boothe Archdeacon of the Archdeaconry of 
Durham, w th the Rev d . Ham'ond Beaumont officiall visitted this 
Church p'sonally, & then admonished the Churchw ds . to certify, 
the repair of y Chancell, & the Erecting Railes before the Comu- 
nion Table at the next Michaelmas Visitation. 

CUTH. SMITH, Register. 

16 John Stackhouse, minister, 1674-95. We commenced with 'priest,' and 
after that had ' curate ' and ' clark,' now for the first time it is ' minister.' 

17 This is the first time in which an illegitimate child is registered under the 
name of the mother. In all preceding cases and they are legion the father's 
name only is given. 

18 Still another form of entry of illegitimate births, the name of neither 
parent being given. 


1698 June 12 th . Jo., so'ne of Jo. Davis, a vagabond beggar, sepult. 

1701 ffebru. 17 th . William Garth & Marie Moses, of Northbedbourn 

Township, nupt. 
July 30 th . Grace Buck, of Witton, sepult. 

1702 May 5 th . Thomas Wright, of y South Church Parish, & Eliza 

Dickeson, of Northbedbourn, in this Parish, nupt. 

1703 Sep. 16. A poore vagrant Scotchman, sepult. 10 

1702 Octob br . 13 th . Elizabeth, daughter of William Garth, of Northbed- 
bourn, bap. 
1701 April 3. Georg Gibson, of y Parish of Howton, cleric, & Jane 

Croft, of y e Chappelrie of Witton upon Weare, nupt. 
June 8. Thomas Miller & Jane Chayter, of Northbedbourn Town- 
ship, nupt. 
July y 6 th . Elizabeth, daughter of Eliza Moorca, a stranger at 

Witton Razis, baptized. 

1705 ffebruarie y e 12 th . Marie, y e daughter of William, son of William 
Garth, of Northbedbourn, vill bap. 

1707 Jan r ^ 22 th . Edmond, sonne of James Watson, cleric, baptized. 
March 21 th . William, sonne of William Garth, of North vill, bap. 

1708 September 12 th . Richard, sonne of a stranger, bap. eod. die. 

1709 Oc br 20th. Barbary, daughter of M r . Lancelott Sissons, cleric' born 

8'ber y e 19 th about 2 a clock in y e morning, bap. 
1708 Aug. 13 th . John, son of Lane* Sisson, cleric' sepult. 

1714 November 14 th . Mary, daughter of Mrs. Jane Gibson, of Witto, 


1715 October 16. William Dobinso' of Witto, sepult in ecclesia.- 

1717 March y e 5. Marie, daughter of Jo n Dobinso', of Witto Castle, 


1717 Sep er 22 th . Mary, wife of William Garth, of Harpelie, sepult. 
1717 March 24. Isabell, daughter of M rs . Jane Gibso', sepult in ecclesia. 

1720 July 26 th . Anne Buck of Witton, spinster, sepult. 

1721 John, sonne of William Garth, baptized y e 27 th of December. 

1720 January y e I 8t . Thomas Forrester, drowned & buried y e 9 th of y 

same month. 

1721 March 3i th . John, son of Johu Fewler of Wito vill, s e . 
Sep br 29 th . Mary Buck of Witton, sepult. 

1722 Ap' m 12 th . John Garth of low Widdefield, sepult. 

1724 Aril. 7 th Margaret, daughter of Will. Garth, Northbedburn, baptised. 

1725 March the 12. Will. Garth of Harperlie, sepult' in eccles. 

1726 August 4. William, son of M r . Reed Hodshon of Witto' Hall, bapt. 

1728 Dec. 10. Hannah, daughter of Parsevels Rogers, of Witton Castle in 

Witto' vill, baptized. 

1729 Catherine, y e daughter of M r . Henry Blackett of low Bitchbourne, 

born y e 29 th of March, 1729. ' 

19 A large number of names entered as ' poor ' at this time and a little 
previously, nine out of nineteen being so described on the single page from 
which this item is taken. 

20 All sorts of common people about this time buried ' in Ecclesia.' 


1730 April 14. Debora, y c daughter of Mr. Henry Blackett of low Bitch- 
bourn, born. 

May y 5 th . Henry Bainbridge of Wolsingham and Elizabeth Garth of 
Witto' chapplerie, nup. 

1731 May y e 6. M r . John Hodsho' of Witto' hall, sepult in ecclesia. 

1732 Ap r l 14. M r . Thomas Hodsho' of Greenfield, sepult in eeclesia. 

Memorandum That I, Thomas Lamb Clark, came to reside at 

Witton upon Wear the ninth day of June, Anno Dm', 1735. 
1734 Nov r . 5. Pare. Rogers of Witton Castle, sepult. 

1736 November 15. Simon Taylor, kill'd by his mare of Blakely, buried. 

1737 Feb. 13. Mary, daughter to John Hodgson, of Harperley, baptized. 21 

1738 March 5. Barbara, daughter to W m . Greenwell of Harperley, 


1739 July 27. Stephen Cockey Clark of Witton, buried. 

1740 ffeby. 13. Phebe, daugh tr of John Taylor Clark, baptisd. 

1741 October 13. John, son of W m . Greenwell of Harperley Hall [bapt]. 

In 1741, 'Steph. Teasdale, minister, 22 Thos. Baker, Cuthb*. 
Hodghon, churchwardens,' sign the book. 

1742 ffeby. 18. ffrancis Wilkinson of Witton Castle, buried. 

1744 July 8 th . Will" 1 ., S. of Ann Garthwaite, spurious, filiated upon Jno. 
Coats, baptized. 

October 14. Ann, daughter of John Taylor Clark, baptized. 

May y e 15. M r . Daltery of Staindrop, a superanuated Exciseman, 

Decemb r . y e 1 st . Henry Blacket, an Anabaptist, buried. 

Jan'ry 14. M r . Hunter, a Papist, buried. 
1750 Nov r . 15. Ann Garth [bur]. 

1753 May 27. Ralph Keeling, Esq r ., of Witton Castle [buried]. 
1757 May 7. Ann Brown of Bp. Auckland, an adult Quaker [bapt]. 

Nov. 11. Johnson, son of M r . Greenwell, Witton Castle [bap]. 

1759 July 28 th . Cookson, S. of Jno. Stevenson, schoolmaster [bap]. 

1760 September y e 26. M rs . Dobinson, wife of Mr. Jno. -Dobinson 23 [bur]. 

Memdm., Feby. y e 2 d ., 1761. That Mr. John Dobinson of Witton 
Castle gave me four shillings & eightpence acknowledgement for 
erecting a tombstone over his wife. As witness, Steph. Teasdale, 

1761 Isabella, D. of M r . Nicholas Greenwell, [bap]. 24 

1762 Aug'. 22 d . John Taylor Clark, [buried]. 

1763 Febry y e 8 th . John Pattison, y e Sexton. 25 

1764 April 27 th . Thomas Brown, an adult Quaker, of Bp. Auckland, 


1765 May 12 th . Elizabeth Hymers, an adult Anabaptist, [baptised]. 

' John Farrer, Minister,' occurs here. 

21 There are many other entries of Hodgsons. ** Minister, 1740-1765. 
23 There are entries of other Dobinsons. 24 Other entries of Greenwell follow 
'* The first occurrence of this officer. 


1766 Mar. 30 th . Dorothy, daug r of Jos. Scarth, an Anabap., [bapt]. 

June 22 d . Ann, daug r of Tho 8 . Smith, an adult Anab., [bapt]. 
1766 Jaly 5 th . Thomas Dickinson, \drowned together "I, .-, -, 
7 th . John Whitfield, t on June the 30 th , I 

Aug st 17 th . George Thompson, an adult Anab., [bapt.] 

In 1767 the names of both parents are, for the first time, entered 
in the baptismal registers. 

1769 Mar. 30 th . Tho s . Watson & Alice Teasdale, adult Anabaptists, 


1770 Mar. 18. Henrietta Douglas, of Witton hall, [bur]. 

1771 Apr. 29. John Hodgson, who laid violent hands on himself. The 

coroner's inquest brought it in an act of lunacy. 

1773 June 13 th . Grace, illegitimate daug r of Marg* Graydon & Jos. 

Brownbridge, putative Father, [bap]. 

Aug. 29 th . Henry Broadley Douglas, son of Charles Joseph and 
Henrietta Douglas, Witton hall, 11 [bap]. 

1774 Apr. 4 th . Hildred Smurthwaite, widow, aged 94 [bur]. 

1775 May 14 th . William Smith, an adult Anabaptist, [bap]. 
Dec r 28 th . George Proud & Mary Humble, [mar]. 

1777 Feb'y 1 st . William, illegitimate son of Eliz. Forster & W m . Brass, 

of Whorlton, [bap]. 
1777 N.B. Six persons in this year made 491 years. Their respective ages 

are, 81, 85, 70, 91, 83, and 81. Only eight persons were 

buried in this year. 
1779 May 18 th . William Garth, of Low Widdifield, aged 72. 

1781 Sepb r . 28 th . Joseph, son of Marmaduke Cradock, Esq., of Harperley, 


1782 Nov r . 20 th . John Turnbull in his way to his Settlement [bur]. 

1783 Mar 20 th . William Weston, a poor boy belonging to the Poor House 

at Wolsingham, drown'd in the Wear [bur]. 

1784 June 17 th . Jane Blackett, an adult Anabaptist. 

Sepb r . 1 st . Matthew Law crush'd to death in a coal pit [bur]. 

Dec r . 18 th . William Crosby, of Darlington P., who perished in the 

snow on Dec 1 ", the 7 tn , thro* the inclemency of the 

weather [bur]. 

1785 Oct r . 2 d . Harriett, daug r of Marmaduke Cradock, Esq., of Harperley. 

1786 Jan r y 23 d . M rs . Sarah Cradock, of Harperley, aged 75 [bur]. 
Febry 20 th . Mrs. Isabel Hodgson, formerly of Witton hall, aged 84 

Apr. 12 David Wharton, of Bp. Aukland, drown'd in passing the river 

in a boat [bur], 

Memorandum. That the Grammar School in Witton-le-Wear was 
rebuilt from the very Foundation in the Year of our Lord 1787. 
John Cuthbert, Esq re . of Witton Castle having by one or more 
Codicils left an hundred Pounds in Trust to the Rev d . John 
Farrer, Minister and Schoolmaster, and M r . Nicholas Greenwell, 


Steward at Witton Castle, for the express purpose of enlarging 
the said School. The Sum of 97 4s. Id. was receiv'd, the rest 
defray'd the Law Expenses in a Chancery Suit. 

N.B. The sum expended in rebuilding the School was 134. 

a. d. 

Rec d . of M r . Cuthbert's Legacy 97 4 1 

Rais'd by M r . Farrer & his Frds 36 15 11 .. 134 

Trustees for money left to teach 10 Boys in 1788 : 
Henry Attrick Reay, Esq r ., of Hunwick. 
Robert Hopper Williamson, Esq r ., of Whickham. 

1794 Aug*. 14 th . M r . Nicholas Green well, Witton castle, aged 78 [buried]. 

1795 William Rawes, Curate [bur]. 

Mar. 12 th . Rosetta Anne, daughter of John Thomas Hendry & Anne 
Hopper, Witton castle, [bap]. 

1796 October 18 th . Elizabeth Jane, daughter of George Pearson, Esq re ., of 

Harperly Park, and Betty, his wife, late Betty Chaytor, 
born the 1 4 th September last. 

1797 Feb. 4 th . Mary Garth, low Widowfield, 97 [bur], 

1798 Mary Anne Hopper, June 9 th , 2" d daughter of John Tho 8 . Hendry 

Hopper, Esquire, native of Middleham, by his wife, 
Anne Sparling, native of Walton, Lancashire. Born 
NoV. 9 th , 1796 [bapt]. 
Eliz. Isabella Hopper [bapt. same day]. 

1799 Martha Shirley Rawes, February 24 th , 1 st daughter of William Rawes, 

Clerk, native of Shap, Westmorland, by his wife, Anne 
Cantwell, native of S*. Bennet's, Paul's Wharf, London, 

John Bowness, March 3 rd , 1 st son of Rev d . Geo. Bowness, Curate of 
Hamsterley, a native of Kirk Andrews, Cumberland, 
by his wife, Catherine Jackson, native of Escomb. 

1800 George Bowness, Curate [bur]. 

1806 Mark Newby, July 26 th , first son of George Newby, native of Barning- 

ham, by his wife Margaret, late Crawford, native of 

Staindrop [bur]. 
1798 George Pearson, Esquire, Harperley park, Clerk of the Peace for the 

county of Durham, native of Ryton parish, 54 years, 


1810 George Wright, North Bedburn, farmer, 100 [bur], 

1811 John Thomas Hendry Hopper, Esq r ., Witton castle, 40 [bur]. 

1816 April 15 th . Calverly Bewicke Bewicke, Esq r ., & Elizabeth Phila- 

delphia Wilkinson [mar]. 

1817 Sept. 16 th . George Hutton Wilkinson, Esq r ., & Elizabeth Jane 

Pearson [mar]. 

Memoranda of the Answers to the questions contained in the schedule to an 
Act 1 Geo' 4 th intitaled an Act for taking an account of the population of 
Great Britain & of the increase or diminution thereof. 


June 4 th , 1821. What was the number of baptisms & burials in your parish 
in the several years 1811, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 & 20, distinguishing males 
from females 1 

Answer 116 males, 113 females. Total bap d 234. 
49 do., 47 do. Total buried 96. 

What has been the number of marriages in your parish in the s d time ? 
Answer 52. 

N.B. The number of illegitimate children is 22 : This lamentable increase 
of vice must in part be attributed to lax discipline, and to the manner in which 
relief is granted to paupers of this description. 

This year, 1821, the best wheat in Darlington market has been sold at six 
shillings and sixpence per bushel ; which, contrasted with the high prices during 
the war (viz., 18s. and 19s. per bushel) affords some idea of the fluctuation of 
prices to which in the space of a few years we have been subjected. 
Butcher's meat 4d., 5d., and 6d. per pound. 
Day labourer's wages per week, 10s., 12s., and 14s. 

Geo e Newby, Curate. 
William Gill, Churchwarden. 

The following are extracts from the Churchwardens' accounts : 

Hie liber mercatus erat p' ulu Parochias de witton super Weare Anno Dni 1690. 

Aprill y e 26 th Anno Dni 169i ; 

Rec d . of Ralph Potts 4 s : 8 d intereft money due upon the bond for y e wham 
It. rec d of Robert Stobbert sen. 6 s : 10 d due for intereft money upon ye bond 
January y c 10 th Anno Dni 1692 

Memrd' Asefs laid on by y e Minifter and twelve of this Parish of 4 d p' shilling 
for y e necefarie repaires of y e Church ; witness our hands 

John Stackhoufe Minister'- 6 

April 22 th 1690 Difbursed p d to M c9 Holmes for wine for Commu- 
nions (vift) whitfuntide Michaelm & Chriftmafs ... 00 14 00 

p d for a belrope 00 01 09 

p d f or a ffox head 00 Oi 00 

p d for 4 foolmart heads .. 00 Oi 04 

Septem br y e 20 th Anno Dni 169i Disbursd 

It' for mending y e Longsettle 00 00 02 00 

It' for Ale 00 00 06 00 

It' for 8 foomert heads 00 02 08 00 

It' for 2 Raven heads 00 01 00 00 

It' for 2 Badger heads 00 01 00 00 

It' for a skep for y c Minifter to knell .. 00 00 04 00 

It' f or wafhing y e Linnen 00 02 08 00 

It' for keeping out the dogs 00 04 00 00 

Aprill 25 th Ao Dni 1692, -Debitor Inp rs for a Lairftall ... 00 03 04 00 

Disbursd It' for mending y e Bier 00 00 03 00 

26 Curate 1674-1695 


It' for besoms 00 00 06 00 

It' for 6 foomert heads 00 02 00 00 

It' for one foomert, head 00 00 04 00 

[Payments for washing linen, keeping dogs out of church, for visitations, 

glazing church windows, etc., occur annually.] 

May y e 14 th Ao. Dni. 1693 : Disbursd for year 1692 H s d 

Inp r8 for a Bell rope 00 02 00 

It' to Briscoe Mires for a foomert head 00 00 04 

It' to Cuthbert Vasie for 4 Raven heads 00 00 08 

It' to Richard Kil bourn for a foomert head 00 00 04 

It' to Robert ffawdo" for whiping the dogs 00 04 00 

Aprill y e 21 st Ao Dni 1694 : Disbursed for year 1693 

It' at one Comunio' for a gallo' of Wine 00 07 00 

It' for 3 f oomard heads ... 00 01 00 

May y e 12 th Ao Dni 1695 : Disbursd for year 1694 

It' for mending y e Churchgate 00 01 80 

It' for 5 foomert heads 00 01 80 

It' for laying y e flones in y e Church & mending y e stile 00 01 00 

[Every year charges for ' foomert ' heads occur.] 
The names of the Twelve chofen men for regulating the affairs in y e Parif h 

of Witton 

M r John Hodgson John Carlile 

Nicolas Taylor Christopher Hodgshon 

Rob* Taylor Tho : Todd 

John Taylor Richard Marfhall 

M r Chris : Croft Will : Braidly 

John Richardson John Gray 

Chofsen Decemb r 21, 1695. Geo: Gibson, Minist r27 

Memorand' The Churchward 113 from May y e 1 st 1719 are by cosent to have 
6 s allowed for their Charges for the whole yeare. 

May y e 31 th 1696 It' for a Badgers head 00 00 40 

Aprill 30 th 1697 It' for flagging plaiftring & whiteing Church 09 19 00 

It' for 38 Bowles of Lime 00 19 00 

It' for 6 Bushells of Hare & ffetching ... 00 04 06 

May 11 th Ao Dni 1698 It' to widdow Turner for 2 Plates ... 00 02 00 

It' at Whitsuntide 5 Quarts of Wine 00 08 40 

It' at Xmas. 5 Quarts & a halph 00 09 20 

It' for repairing the seats in publick 00 04 00 

May 15 th Ao Dni 1699 It' for mending y e Bell 00 06 08 

It' for mending y e stile & y e Bier 00 '00 8 

It' for y e Porch Gates 00 19 

Ap r11 . 21 th Ao: Dni: 1700 It' fora Cirpcloath 02 10 

It. for a start in y e Bell 00 00 40 

May 18 th Ao. Dni. 1701 It' for a Cloath to y e Alter Table ... 00 15 06 

It' for Two poore Travellers 00 01 00 

It' for 2 Boxes to gather Almes in 00 01 04 

May 1 st Ao : Dni. 1702 ; It' for repaireing & hanging y Bell... 00 03 8 

27 Curate 1695-1707. 


It' paid for ale when Meeting was about y e poore ... 00 02 06 

It' for 3 Brock heads 00 01 00 

April 5 tu Ao Dni 170 3 it' for bringing a praier Book 00 00 60 

It' for a stile & spade 00 05 00 

May y e 4 th Ao: Dni: 1704 It' for wood & workmanship about 

Churchyard & Pindfold Doors 00 10 00 

Ap r11 18 th Ao: Dni 1706 It' for Leather to hang y e Belle tounge in 00 00 06 

It' for a Raven head 00 00 02 

May 14 th 1710 for 2 shifts for Jennet Wright 00 05 

For y e Caufie at the low end of Clemie Lonning ... 00 04 

1711 p d for mending y e dyall 00 00 6 

1714 To Ro. Tayler for a hack shaft a shovel & hanging the 

Bell Tongue 00 01 00 

1718 for a new Bel Rope 00 2 

1719 for 4 pate heads 00 02 00 

Given to John Tinsly of pilling in the County of Lan- 
caster for y e sea breaking in 00 04 00 

The names of the twelve chosen men for regulating the affairs of the Parish 

of Witton 

Read Hodgson Tho Carlile 

Jo 11 Dobinfon Chris : Hodgshon 

Robert Taylor . William Garth 

Simon Taylor Jo 11 Snaith 

James Croft W m Bnully 

George Crags George Simpson 

Thomas Gills Ezra Emerfon Minist 1 a 

Chofen May The 3 d 1719 

1721 for shifting the old Bell 00 01 00 

paid to Will Wascoe for hanging y e bells 00 09 00 

Nov br 23 d 1723 

Whereas there has been an antient Custom upon any Persons being buried in 
the Body of the Church that the Execut or Relations of such Person always 
paid ten Groats for having such Liberty into the Hands of the Church Wardens 
then in being who imploy'd the s d Moneys as they see fit having at the same 
time the Consent of the twelve of the s d Parifh for such Disposal 'Tis therefore 
order'd and agreed by and with the Consent of the Minister and twelve that no 
Person from the Date hereof shall have Liberty of being buried in the Body of 
the Church except they pay the Su m of ten Groats to the Church Wardens then 
for the time being before they be admitted into the Church or take up any 
Stones in the Body of the s d Church in Order for such Burial. 

[Signed by ' Ezra Emerson Minist 1 " and six others, including ' Stephen Corkey 
Paroc' Cleric'.'] 

1722 Paid to the Perfon for the poor man 2 

for a Badgers Head 006 

1727 For y e Bishops Ire 010 

For mending y e Punfold wall 019 

For putting y e Parchment into Regifter 6 

For mending y e Surpleth 003 

' 28 Curate 1714-1735 

VOL. XVII. 1 1 


forNatts 004 

Church cliall 050 

173i Inp 14 yards of hollin at 3 8 a yard 2 2 

To Robert Tayler for mending y e Pues 070 

for 10 ffurdailes & half at 18 d a piece 15 9 

1732 & 1733 for binding y e Bibfe 00 08 00 

Exchanging a Plate 00 00 06 

1735 Makeing a new Stile 030 

By repairing the Punfold Wall 006 

By a new Bell Rope 008 

1736 By a New Table Cloth 16 

Bya New Flagon 056 

1 737 By a pair of New Stocks & a Lock 00 05 00 

1743 N.B. This year y e following Contributions were given by y e Gentlemen 

whose names are below for procuring Queen Ann's Bounty. 

The Hon ble & right Rev d y e Bp. of Durham 50 

The patron John Cuthbert Esq re 63 

Robert Shafto Esquire 21 

Lord Crew's Trustees 20 

The Rev d M r Teasdale y e present Curate ... 50 


& some time after M rs Douglas of Witton Hall gave ... 6 6 

which defray'd y e Charges of a purchase made at Wolsingham 
1755 N.B. The Rails at y e altar were erected this year 

M rs Cuthbert gave y e Altar Cloth & M" Douglas y c Velvet pulpit Cushion. 

1762 Vestrymen chosen Janry y e 19 th 

M r Jn. Dobinson of Witton Castle 
M r Nicholas Greenwell of Witton Castle 
Peter Jones 

Robert Taylor of Witton 
George Snaith of Marshal Green 
& George Craggs of Allandale 
The other Township 

M r Anthony Atkinson of Widowfield 
William Garth of Low Widdowfield 
Thomas Briggs of y e Fold 
Thomas Hodgson of Sandy Bank 
John Jackson of Old Wadlow 
& John Atkinson Jun r of Harperley 

Witnefs Steph. Teasdale Minister 

1763 To drawing Sentences in the Church 2 11 

To taking glass out of Church Window 002 

To Fomett Heads 010 

1764 To drawing the ten Comandm 18 4 10 

To 4 Foulmarts Heads 1 4. 

1771 By a Form of Prayer 1 

By a Pitch-pipe 5 

By a Foulmart's Head 4 

1773 By a Dial 5 8 and Whitning the Ch 1.7 112 

By a Bell rope 1 g 


1775 By mending Pews & 3 Matts 2 8 

By a new Ladder 7 

By a Kope for letting down Corpse 6 

By a Fox's Head 1 

By 5 Foulmart's Heads 1 8 

1779 By 17 Foulmarts & 1 Otter's H d 6 8 

1780 By Fox & 12 Foulmarts 5 

1783 By Licence for registring without stamps 6 

By binding Book of Offices 9 

By 7 Foulmart's Heads & Almanac 211 

1793 By a Cover for Font & Seat for Sexton 14 

By 5 Foulmart's Heads 1 8 

1795 Stocks & Lock 13 6 

1797 By whitewashing & cleans Church 110 

By Looking Glafs 2 6 

1803 By a Pitch pipe 6 

1806 By Geo. Ramshaw's Bill 113 3 

By Cleaning the Gravel Walk 2 6 

1808 By Foulmarts heads 2 4 

1811 By a Foulmart's head 29 1 

1812 By Wine & porter in the time of the Fever 12 6 

By Carriag for Iron Chest 1 4 

1813 By Iron Chest 1010 

1816 By Grave Straps 4 

1820 Ornaments for pulpit 12 8 

Given to a man in distress ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 6 

1821 Window Curtains 1 6 9 

1822 Briefs 2/-, Candles 5/6 7 6 

Green cloth for Door 15 

[A sum from Mr. Sheppardson or incumbent of St. Mary le Bow in lieu of 
2 bottles of wine, of 7s. occurs regularly from 1823 to 1842, when the book ends.] 

1825 Eegistering Briefs 2 

1827 Flaggon 4 4 

1832 repairing roads in C h Garth 6 

1833 Postage of a Letter 5 

1834 Cash from Sir W m Chaytor Bart being a moiety of the expence 

of the repair of the chancel 13 19 8f 

To Cash from G. H. Wilkinson Esq r being other moiety of 

expense for the repair of the Chancel 13 19 8| 

1836 March 26 M r P. Fair's Bill for a New Bible 346 

from volontary donations toward a New Bell ... 8 10 3 

sold the old Bell 703 

1838 Aug* 6 Paid Carrier for the carriage of 2 Bells to Newcastle ... 10 6 

To a Bell Rope 6 8 

M r Abbot's Bill for a new Bell 17 5 4 

1842 To two plans of the pews in the church including frame and 

glass 170 

28 The last entry for ' vermin ' occurs this year. 



[Read on the 28th day of November. 1894.] 

AT the request of Mr. Maberly Phillips, author of the paper on the 
above subject in a former volume of the Archaeologia Aeliana, 1 I 
visited, on August 23rd last, the excavations being carried on at the 
above place, the site of the once celebrated school of the Braces, 
father and son, and quite recently of a public laundry. The history 
of this ground, so far as it could be recovered, was exhaustively re- 
lated by Mr. Phillips in the above mentioned volume on November 
28th, 1888. With this history it is far from my intention to interfere, 
it is my wish only to supplement it. 

From 1683 to 1790 the site had been, in common with ' the Ballast 
Hills' at the east end of the town, the burial ground of ministers, and 
of members and their families, of certain dissenting communities of 
Newcastle who worshipped at the Castle Garth and other meeting 

Mr. Alfred E. Ingledew, of Messrs. Oliver and Leeson, architects, 
has kindly sent me a tracing from Button's map of Newcastle of 
1775, showing the exact position of the graveyard with regard to 
1 Vol. aciii. pp. 234-251. 


Sidgate or Percy street, and a sketch on a larger scale with dimensions 
and other interesting details. 2 The dimensions are : Length, one 
hundred and ninety-four feet six inches ; width at lower end, forty 
feet six inches ; width at upper end, sixty-six feet three inches. 

It lies parallel and close to the lowest part of St. Thomas's street 
at its east side, and is bounded on its east side by Mr. Sanderson's 
Hotspur brewery, at the north end by Mr. Slater's property, and at 
the south end by Sidgate or Percy street. 

The ground consists of from three and a half feet to four and a half 
feet depth of ordinary soil, resting on a rather thin layer of yellow 
clay, below which is a thick bed of blue clay. 

During the examination of the upper part of the ground an 
ancient watercourse was discovered called the Swirle, which had 
evidently been a long time diverted from its original course through 
the ground to a culvert constructed, most likely, about 1786, when 
the plot was being levelled and walled in, to carry the water away 
from the burials ; it was led along the west side of the ground down to 
Percy street, where it is supposed to have ended in a street sewer. 
The culvert was constructed of remarkably large and peculiarly formed 
stones, which must have belonged to some ancient ecclesiastical build- 
ing. These will be more particularly noticed further on. 

It is of some little interest first to trace the Swirle and its connec- 
tion with the Lort burn. 

The water of the Swirle came from somewhere about the middle 
of the Leazes underground to the top of the Quigs' burial place, and 
was there conveyed into the culvert above noticed, and so it went 
down Percy street and under the town wall at a short distance to the 
east of the old Newgate. 

At the present time that water, I suppose, is made to issue con- 
tinuously, pro bono publico, from a small stone pant which has been 
erected near to the south border of the Leazes, at a few yards above 
and to the west of the top of St. Thomas's street. 

When, why, and from whom this little stream, and that also which 
exists at the end of Sandgate, received the name of /Swirle does not 
appear, but it must be clear that they had never been connected with 
each other when the levels of the land between them are considered. 

2 p. 89. 


In some of the old maps of Newcastle this Swirle is erroneously 
laid down as the head water of the Lort/ burn. Thus in Speed's, 
1610, the Lort burn is represented as starting from the north side 
of Sidgate, running down Sidgate to the town wall under which it 
passes a little to the east of the Newgate, thence curving a little to 
the east it traverses the grounds of the ' New House,' and after pass- 
ing under two separate rows of houses comes to the position of the 
High bridge at about the top of the old Butcher Market, under which 
it passes to the Dean, the lower part of the Side, and the east portion 
of the Sandhill to the Tyne. 

In the map of 'Ralph Gardner, gent.' of 1654, engraved by 
Hollar, the Lort burn is shown as springing from the Leazes at some 
distance above St. Thomas's street, passing through the site of the 
future 'Quigs' Buring Plas,' then down Sidgate to and under the town 
wall somewhat nearer to Newgate than in Speed, then down 
Newgate street as far as the east end of Darn Crook, where it makes 
a sharp turn to the east, and is continued in the same course as in 
Speed to the river. In Hollar's map of the same date as Gardner's, 
the Swirle is represented as the Lort burn. 

The real Lort burn, however, arises from the Nuns moor, beyond 
and to the west of the barracks, and probably from the long deserted 
coal works there, runs down the Barrack road into Gallowgate and 
Darn Crook as a considerable stream compared with the Swirle, 
which it receives as a small tributary at the point where the Swirle is 
represented as curving to the east, in Gardner's map, at the foot of 
Darn Crook in Newgate street, thence the Lort burn, running under 
the ' Chancellor's Head ' public house, takes the course marked in the 
above maps as that of the Lort down to the Tyne. 

Originally head stones or slabs had been placed over some of the 
bodies interred in this burial ground ; these had subsequently been 
removed and placed against the side walls ; later on they had been 
removed and dispersed, and later still some of them were discovered 
among very unsuitable surroundings. 

Two of these stones are known to exist at present, one in the 
Unitarian church in New Bridge street, the other in the chapel of 
the castle. For record of the former see Archaeologia Acliana, 
vol. xiii. p. 235. A few human bones had been found in the soil of 


the graveyard before excavation was begun, and also outside of the 
boundaries of the ground. 

The excavation of the burial ground was begun at the lower or 
south end and continued gradually up to the north end until the 
whole of the soil and part of the clay were dug out and carted away, 
the bones found being collected and placed aside ; the lowest part was 
quite dry, having been covered by the school buildings ; the upper 
part was open and exposed to rainfall, and possibly also to leakage 
from the culvert, and the water being retained more or less in the soil 
by the clay, the ground was very wet, and decomposition of the bodies 
and the coffins had thus been greatly favoured. 

Interments had been more frequent at the lower than at the upper 
part of the ground, but the greatest number was found at the east side 
about the middle. The number of graves indicated on the accompany- 
ing plan (p. 89) does not mean that they were the only interments 
found, for there were many others that had been made without 
coffins. The earliest deposited were the farthest gone in decomposition. 

No grave, except one at the upper east side of the ground, was 
found at a greater depth than five feet six inches, but several had 
been placed within two feet of the surface, the exceptional case being 
that which lay quite in the clay bed, another was found inclosed in a 
case of lime, possibly that of some person who had died of a malig- 
nant fever, another case was that of a large skeleton lying directly 
over another smaller, possibly husband and wife. All the bodies were 
laid with their heads to the north. An unusually large coffin was met 
with, Mr. Ingledew reports that the length of it was six feet eight 
inches, its greatest width two feet four inches, its head fourteen inches 
broad, its foot nine inches by six inches ; its sides were made of two 
thicknesses of oak, and rounded towards the bottom like the sides of a 
boat, leaving a width of four inches on the flat. The bones within 
had not been specially noticed on exhumation, but among the 
collected bones I saw none of greater size than the femur noticed 
below as measuring nineteen and a half inches in length. 

Over fifty skeletons in all were disinterred, but none quite entire, 
for the smaller bones of the hands and feet could scarcely be 
recognised, and only a few pelvic bones could be collected. The ends 
of the long bones buried in the seventeenth century were much 


decayed away, or had become detached during the excavation. A 
piece of marble engraved with a crest was discovered in the excavation. 
There were skulls and other bones of women, but the great majority 
were those of men ; none of children was obtained. 

I produced at a previous meeting one of the most recent and best 
preserved skulls and lower jaw of the same, and one of the thigh bones 
of the same skeleton, which was the biggest I had noticed. These 
were well and strongly made, but the jaws had lost during life 
several of their molar teeth. It was not possible to examine the skull 
with care before the meeting ; afterwards it and the femur were 
stolen by one of the labourers to whom they were entrusted to be 
carried back to the other bones, and the man was not to be found 
next day and has not been seen since. The femur measured nineteen 
and a half inches in length, which indicates a person of the stature of 
five feet nine inches or five feet ten inches. The average length of the 
human adult femur is eighteen inches. A second femur measured 
fourteen and three-quarter in length, and a third thirteen and 
a half inches, both probably those of women. The skull may have 
been that of a strong minister of mature or over middle age. The 
exhumed bones were collected, placed in three coffin-like boxes, 
which were interred near the position of the graveyard (see plan 
next page). 

Mr. Alfred E. Ingledew, who has obligingly given me parts of the 
preceding information, has also afforded me the following : 

' There were also exhumed several wrought iron handles of coffins. They 
had all been fixed on the ends, not the sides, of these ; they were beautifully 
turned and flanged, tapering to points, and fastened to the wood by double- 
tailed nails at the inside, where they were kept in position by a small square 
plate ; in one instance, on the head of the coffin, was found a very large handle 
in position, and a portion of what had been the plate, but on attempting to 
clear off the soil from it it was destroyed, though the marks were still visible ; 
below and at the lower end of this plate were two small shields, but so defaced 
that nothing could be distinguished on their surfaces. Around the whole of 
these ornaments were two circles, each of about one-eighth of an inch broad, 
cut in the wood, which was oak, and certain numerals were observed, of 
which only " 14 " was plainly to be seen, the rest could not be made out 
owing to the rough usage of the part by one of the labourers.' 

' Whilst the culvert above noticed was being taken up, many very interesting 
stones were brought to light. It was a two feet square drain, the walls of which 
were formed of stones beautifully moulded, for instance, heads and sills of door- 




ways and windows, two very large jamb-stones with the mouldings in perfect 
condition, two large voussoirs, or keystones of arches perfect and beautifully cut, 
mullions and portions of detached shafts, all of which had evidently come from 
some considerable sacred building, for on removing the last stone it turned out 
to be a part of the tracery of a very large window. 

These stones, as their sculpture shows, belong to the Early English 
style of architecture. 

In conclusion, I am strongly of opinion that the above stones, 
being of ecclesiastical origin and belonging to the Early English style 
of architecture, had once formed parts of the fabric of the old chapel 
of St. James at the Barras Bridge. The chapel and the Quigs' burial 
ground were only a few hundred yards apart. The houses that a few 
years ago stood on the site of the present Hancock museum of 
Natural History were built at the end of last century ; at the 
time of their erection the ground must have been completely 
broken up and the remains of the dilapidated chapel of St. James 
would be dug up and disposed of, and that must have occurred 
about the time when the burial ground of the Quigs was being 
levelled and walled in, i.e. in 1786, when stones would be wanted 
for forming the culvert to carry the Swirle, threatening the burial 
place, into the proper direction. The proprietors of that place hear- 
ing of the excavations at St. James's, and, we must suppose, having 
had permission, carried off such of the exhumed stones as best suited 
their purpose, and thus made part of their culvert. 

There is nothing to show who it was who gave away those conse- 
crated stones. The few stones preserved in front of the museum are 
characteristically carved in Early English style, several showing the 
dog-tooth ornament of that style. 



[Read on the 28th day of November, 1894.] 

THIS paper was originally written some twelve months ago for the 
purpose of being read before the South Shields Clerical Society, and at 
the time I certainly had no idea that it would go further. I therefore 
feel somewhat diffident at the prospect of reading it before the 
members of a society such as the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries, 
and I trust that all shortcomings may be treated leniently. 

I purpose to deal with some phases of monasticism more especially 
as it manifested itself in the work and results of the Celtic mission, 
to give some reason for its sudden decay, and to touch upon the 
somewhat extraordinary fact that since the building of the abbey at 
Durham there has practically arisen within the present boundaries of 
the county no independent monastic foundation of any account. 

Monasticism, both in the early British church, and in the Celtic 
church, appears to have been introduced into these islands through 
the influence of the church in Gaul. In the northern parts of the 
island, with which we are more especially interested, there appears to 
be some firm ground for us to stand upon, when we come to the end 
of the fourth century. At this period community life (and through- 
out this paper the term monasticism is used in this general sense) 
appeared in the south-west of Scotland. It owed its origin to S. 
Ninian, who was born in Galloway about the year 360 A.D. His 
parents appear to have been Christians, and he was baptized in 
infancy, a fact which proves that the Christian faith had gained a 
fairly good hold about this time. In early youth he went to Rome, 
and about 386 A.D. returned as a bishop to his own people, having 
been consecrated to that office by pope Siricius. On his way home 
he visited S. Martin of Tours, who was the founder of monasticism in 
Gaul, and from him he gained his knowledge of community life. It 
was upon the type there presented to him that S. Ninian founded his 
own religious order upon his return to Scotland. He built at 


Whithorn in Galloway (by the aid of French masons) a stone church, 
long known as ' Candida Casa,' which rapidly became the centre of a 
most important monastic community. It was a missionary and 
educational centre, in which the younger laity, together with the 
candidates for Holy Orders, were trained and instructed. Its 
influence was felt far beyond its immediate neighbourhood, and com- 
munication was established between Whithorn and Ulster, resulting in 
the founding of other communities in the sister isle. The main 
characteristic which distinguished the monasteries of the early period, 
and which separates them somewhat from the monasticism of a later 
age, was this, it was mainly practical and not contemplative. They 
were mission centres where the brethren lived in community life 
under the rule of the bishop; from these they went forth to their 
work and to them they returned. They were also educational centres 
both for clergy and laity. S. Ninian died circa 430 A.D. 

The next point where we find ourselves able to speak with some 
amount of historical evidence is with regard to the mission of S. 
Patrick. It is possible that in him we find one of the results of the 
work of the mission founded by S. Ninian, though at some little 
distance. He is said to have been born at Dumbarton, and to have 
been carried off to Ireland when about 16 ; to have returned again to 
Scotland, where he was ordained priest, and then again to have 
journeyed back again. He was consecrated bishop when about 45, 
and died about 493 A.D. 

S. Patrick's followers were what are known as the l First Order of 
Irish Saints/ and his form of community life had special features 
which distinguished it both from that which preceded it and that 
which followed. 

The proportion of bishops to presbyters was abnormally large. 
S. Patrick established a kind of tribal episcopacy, and every tribe, 
clan, and small chieftain had a special bishop. Some of the episcopate 
lived as recluses, some lived together in monasteries, some estab- 
lished schools. So great was the number of bishops in Ireland, even 
at a later date, that a stream of them was continually arriving in 
the dioceses of territorial bishops, who, at least in England, passed 
canons against them and the 'Orders' which they conferred. S. 
Patrick also founded episcopal communities, with groups of seven 


bishops in each community, generally members of the same family, 
or of the same tribe. He died about 493 A.D. 

The successor to the church of S. Patrick, at a distance of half a 
century, was the church of S. Coluinba, and with it came a change in 
monastic life. The number of bishops has lessened, the number 
of presbyters has increased. The bishops in many cases are subject 
to the abbots in the matter of jurisdiction, though they still rank as 
a superior spiritual order, with special powers. In the Columban 
monasteries all offshoots remain under the control of the parent 
foundation and under the jurisdiction of its abbot. (The abbots of 
Lindisfarne were appointed for some thirty years from lona.) The 
election of the abbot in the head monastery followed to some extent 
an hereditary principle, inasmuch as it remained always in the family 
of the founder, as in the case of lona, where the first nine abbots, as 
far as and including Adamnan, were blood relations of S. Columba. 

The Columban church was entirely monastic, though there is no 
trace of any definite rule under which the monks lived, such as that 
which distinguished the Benedictine and other orders of later times, 
who succeeded to their place and power. Discipline remained entirely 
with the abbot, and the keeping of fasts and festivals was ordered by 
him. It is probable that the canonical hours were kept by the monks, 
but the personal discipline seems not to have been modelled upon any 
fixed rule. 

This was the type of community life introduced into lona by 
S. Columba, and into Lindisfarne by Aidan. It is the type of Christi- 
anity exhibited by men who are known as the ' Second Order of Irish 
Saints,' and it retained its place in Northumbria and other parts, 
until the founding of Wearmouth and Jarrow by Benedict Biscop 
with the Benedictine rule. In a debased form it was the rule of the 
community which first founded the abbey of Durham in 995, and was 
finally dispossessed by the Benedictines under the Norman bishop 
Carilef about 1083 A.D. 

It is this Celtic mission under Aidan and his successors to which 
we of the north owe our own Christianity. It was in the summer of 
635 A.D., that bishop Aidan at the invitation of the king (Oswald) 
came to Northumbria and settled at Lindisfarne. His home was 
within the monastery, and although he was bishop, and by far the 


most important man of the community, yet there was a governing 
abbot within the monastery after the custom of the Columban 

The work of this mission is one of the most brilliant in the annals 
of the Christian church. It possessed a vigorous life, and its develop- 
ment was simply marvellous in its rapidity and extent. Within fifty 
years foundations like Lindisfarne, Melrose, Hexham, Coldingham, 
Tynemouth, Whitby, Jarrow, Wearmouth, Hartlepool, Ripon, Lasting- 
ham, and others sprang into full life, and were important ecclesiastical 
centres. But if the life was vigorous it was of short duration, and 
after this period, with the exception of one very great life, St. 
Cuthbert's, there seems to have been a gradual falling away, until 
the great invasion of the Danes in the eighth and ninth centuries. 

MONASTERIES. Some idea of the rapid growth of Christianity 
may be obtained from a glance at the dates of the following 
foundations : 

Lindisfarne (6 35) 

Gateshead (641) 

between 635-652. 

Hartlepool (641) 



Wearmouth, 673. 

Jarrow, 682. 

Hexham, 674. 

There are two points in connection with Celtic monasticism which 
are worthy of note. 

1. It has been a question with some people as to whether the 
rule observed by the Columban monks was in any way connected with 
the * Culdee ' rule, whether they were in fact Culdee monks. 

There does not seem to be any justification for assuming this, the 
Culdees being, I believe, the ' Third Order of Irish Saints.' They do 
not seem to have had any existence before the eighth century, and to 
have arisen as a protest against the decaying discipline of the 
Coluraban monks. The name seems to be of Irish origin Ceile De, 
afterwards * Colidei,' meaning ' Servants of God.' They were ascetics 
and anchorites, living at first in separate cells, but in one community. 


The strictness of their rule gradually relaxed, and in two or three 
centuries they became a secularised ecclesiastical caste. Marriage 
obtained a footing among them, and their offices became hereditary. 
They were eventually displaced by the regular bodies of canons and 
monks, Augustinian and Benedictine. They left no literature and 
were never missionary or aggressive in their work. 

2. The other point of interest in the Colurnban church is the 
establishment of double monasteries, institutions which contained 
both monks and nuns in separate wings of the same building, living 
under the same rule and governed by one head an abbess. The 
origin of these foundations is doubtful. Something of the kind 
existed in early days among the Egyptian recluses, but here the Nile 
separated the two bodies, as the Tyne is said to have done, the monks 
and nuns living under the same head at Tynemonth and South 
Shields. 1 They were almost characteristic of Celtic missions. They 
existed in Gaul, Belgium, and Germany, and in the seventh cen- 
tury there was one in Rome itself, but they were more popular 
in Ireland than elsewhere, and sprang up spontaneously with 
the first beginnings of Christianity. S. Patrick framed certain 
rules for the avoidance of scandal. In his days these institutions 
were ruled by an abbot or a bishop, but the Columban clergy 
declined the responsibility, and in all their ecclesiastical colonies 
these communities were placed under the rule of an abbess. 
They were brought into Britain by Saxon princesses from Gaul, 
whither they had been sent to be trained for the cloister. Whitby, 
Ely, Wimborne, and Coldingham, are prominent examples, and 
Montalembert states 1 that there was a double monastery at Tynemouth 
and Shields (ruled over by the abbess Verca). Archbishop Theodore 
forbade these foundations, but the order was not carried out, and they 
flourished until the Danish invasion of the ninth century, after which 
there is no trace of them, there being no provision made for them in 
the efforts of king Alfred and of Dunstan to revive the monastic life. 

It is satisfactory to find that Coldingham is the only community 
of this kind which is open to a charge of depraved life. In some of 
them the chronicles relate that a liking for dress developed among the 
nuns, and that they wore hoods and cuffs trimmed with silk, and 
arranged their veils so as to form an ornament. 

1 Montalembert, vol. iv. p. 413 note. 


We come now to the sudden collapse of the enormous work done 
by the Celtic mission. It was founded by Aidan in 635 A.D., and in 
687 A.D. St. Cuthbert died, and with him the distinctive glory of the 
work. I cannot but think that the decision of the Council of Whitby, 
with its overthrow of purely Celtic customs, struck a severe blow at 
the spirit of the Celtic mission. Its bishop (Colman) as we know, 
refused to assent to the decision, and retired with some thirty of his 
monks to lona. With the exception of the one life, the old 
enthusiasm seems to have gone with them, and the after record can 
tell us of nothing so great as the work of the first forty years. 
Simeon indeed states that the misgovernment and the dissension in 
the north was the cause of the decline of the Northumbrian church, 
and doubtless this is very largely true ; but I cannot help thinking 
that the previous reason was the first and possibly the severest blow. 
Be that as it may, at the end of the eighth century the Danes made 
their first descent upon the north, and their coming meant almost 
total destruction not only to the civil government, but also to the 
religious life of the whole of England. 

Nearly every great monastery which had been built through the 
exertions of the Scottish missionaries was pillaged and destroyed ; the 
discipline of the religious life was neglected, the monks became a 
secularised body, and Christianity was almost swept from the land. 
Monasticism fell to such a low ebb that when king Alfred, after the 
troubles with the Danes were over, founded a monastery in Mercia, he 
was unable to find any one who would consent to occupy it, so weak 
had the religious feeling of the country become. With the nunneries 
he had more success. In the north, however, the Danish invasion 
was the death blow of monasticism. The congregation of S. Cuthbert 
held together indeed for two hundred years (including the period at 
Chester-le-Street), retaining the body of the saint with them, but with 
relaxed discipline and morals ; and bishop Aldhune who founded the 
see of Durham was a married man, and his clergy, to all intents and 
purposes, secular priests. Simeon of Durham states that so terrible 
and devastating were the effects of the Danish invasion that for two 
hundred years before bishop Aldhune settled in Durham no church in 
Northumbria was either built or restored, but with regard to Jarrow, 
at least, this seems not to be quite accurate. Still, so terrible was the 


onslaught of the Danes, that their invasion was the deathblow to 
monasticism in its ancient homes of the north. In this invasion, 
Lindisfarne, Coldingham, Melrose, Tynemouth, Hexham, Jarrow, 
"Wearmouth, Hartlepool, and Whitby fell. Jarrow was probably not 
a ruin for any great period of time. It was attacked in 794 and again 
in 866 ; it was in existence as a religious house in 1020, and in 1075 
bishop Walcher gave it to some Benedictine monks who eight years 
afterwards were removed to Durham by Carilef. After this it became 
a cell to or dependent house on the great abbey at Durham, and so 
continued until the dissolution. Wearmouth was destroyed with 
Jarrow in 866, was rebuilt in 1075, and followed the fortunes of 
Jarrow, its monks being removed to Durham at the same time, and 
itself being until the dissolution a dependent house. These two, 
though founded by a Northumbrian member of the Celtic church, 
Benedict Biscop, were the first examples in the north of monks 
under the Benedictine rule. 


With the Norman bishop Carilef, the builder of the present 
cathedral, who came to Durham in 1083, a new era in monasticism 
began, but it had special features, or, perhaps it ought to be said, 
one special feature, viz., that so far at least as the present county is 
concerned, it was confined almost entirely to one centre, Durham, 
which rose to a position of the very greatest importance. But it is a 
very striking thing that from the year 995, in which the first church 
of Durham was commenced, there is no single instance (with two very 
minor exceptions) of the founding of any monastic institution within 
the county. The exceptions are the abbey at Finchale, which was 
really an extension of Durham, and even so was founded as a 
compromise, and a small Benedictine nunnery founded by Emma de 
Teisa at Neasham, near Darlington, at the end of the twelfth century. 
There is a seal and a deed of incorporation existing of the abbey of 
Baxtenford, near Neville's Cross, but it appears doubtful if the build- 
ings were ever commenced. I shall have occasion to give the reason 
later. I have not seen any explanation of this sudden cessation, or 
perhaps centralisation, with regard to monastic life, but I venture to 
give the following reasons as possible explanations : 

vrvr.. WTT - o 


1. The unique fame of S. Cuthbert. 

2. The existence of the palatinate, and the enormous possessions 

of the bishopric. 

3. A development of religious 2eal, not very great, in other 


4. The power and jealousy of the Benedictine foundation at 


5. The incursions of the Scots. 

1. The great sanctity attaching to the name of S. Cuthbert drew 
to the congregation of the saint, and to the see connected with his 
name, large benefactions. Bishopwearmouth, Westoe, Silksworth, 
Ryhope, and Seaton were given, at one time, to the see by king 
Athelstan when at Chester-le-Street. Styr gave Darlington, Coniscliffe, 
Aycliffe, etc., and Canute gave the lands between Staindrop and 
Evenwood on the occasion of the building of the abbey at Durham, 
and many large and valuable gifts came into the possession of the see. 
The natural result of this was that benefactions which might have 
been used for founding separate communities went to swell the power' 
and influence of the bishopric and the abbey. 

2. In close connection with this point, the extreme wealth of the 
bishopric must be considered. The possession of so much land by the 
occupants of the see left less room for private benevolence, and 
whether the bishops, or such of them as gave benefactions, preferred 
to exercise their charity in other directions, to be mentioned hereafter ; 
whether they objected to found institutions which, to some extent, 
might become independent, and sources of considerable trouble to 
themselves ; whether they objected to increase the power of the abbey 
by founding branch establishments of the same order, or, on the other 
hand, were unwilling to rouse its enmity by introducing 'Orders' other 
than the Benedictine ; whether any or all of these reasons influenced 
their conduct, one thing is certain, that possessing enormous power 
they did not exercise it in the direction of developing monasticism. 

3. Though there were no monastic institutions founded after the 
establishment of the see at Durham (with the exception mentioned), 
and though that period includes that in which the valleys of York- 
shire and the Lowlands of Scotland were filled with them, yet there is 


a not unimportant development in other directions which may partly 
account for it, viz., the foundation of the collegiate churches and 
hospitals of the county. Bishop Auckland, Darlington, Norton, and 
Eckington, all became collegiate centres in 1083 under bishop Oarilef 
and were instituted by him to provide maintenance for the secularised 
monks whom he ejected from the abbey at Durham. Chester-le- 
Street and Lanchester became collegiate churches under bishop Bek in 
1286 and 1283 respectively, and Barnard Castle and Staindrop, the 
one founded by Guy Baliol in the fourteenth century, and the other 
by the Nevilles in the fifteenth (1408) complete the list. All these 
were dissolved by Henry VIII. There were also three hospitals, 
Kepier, Sherburn, and Grreatham, the last two still existing, the other 
dissolved at the dissolution. They were built respectively by bishops 
Flambard, in 1112, Pudsey in 1181, and Robert de Stichel in 1272. 
This may account in some part for a lack of monastic foundations. 

4. But the power and jealousy of the abbey at Durham was a 
much more serious impediment in the way. It possessed enormous 
property and wielded immense power. Up to the time of bishop 
Carilef the congregation of S. Cuthbert had been ruled by the 
bishop, and there was one common estate. Bishop Carilef altered 
this. He endowed the abbey with a separate estate out of the 
lands of the congregation, reserving episcopal rights to himself, and 
henceforth the monastery assumed a position of unique importance. 
That they guarded this position and their rights with extreme care, 
and that their tenacity resulted in keeping out other religious orders, 
is shown by the attempt to found an Augustinian abbey at Baxten- 
ford, on the Browney at Durham, near Neville's Cross. Henry de 
Pudsey, son of the bishop, had brought from G-uisborough some canons 
of this order, and placed them on his own estate at Haswell. Wishing 
to remove them he transferred them to an estate at the place above 
mentioned, the transfer being confirmed by the bishop. But the 
Benedictines of Durham objected, and after the bishop's death they 
succeeded in making his son express penitence for his presumption, 
and ask forgiveness of the prior and convent for bringing the alien 
' Order ' so near. Further, the following terms were arranged. The 
chapter presented Henry de Pudsey with the priory at Finchale, then 
merely an oratory with lodgings for pilgrims. He on his part 


endowed Finchale with all the lands and possessions he had given to 
Baxtenford and presented the whole back again to the abbey, by 
which means the Augustinians were driven out of the county. They 
obtained some compensation in lands near G-uisborough. With the 
wealth, power, and possessions of the abbey at Durham, it proved 
almost impossible for a rival order to find a resting place in the 
county, and one cannot suppose that it would have been allowed 
within the limits of the estates over which they ruled. 

5. I come now to the last of the reasons given, viz., the incur- 
sions of the Scots, and I must confess that I have not been able to 
look up sufficiently the history of the time to form an opinion of the 
extent to which this influence prevailed. I should like also to know 
something of the state of monasticism in Northumberland as we know 
it, which insomuch as it lay as a buffer between Scotland and 
Durham, would be a determining factor in coming to a conclusion. 
Still it had an influence. In 1138 the Scots visited Finchale and nearly 
put an end to S. Godric ; in 1306 they burned Kepier hospital ; in 
1296 Hexham ; in 1314 they plundered Bearpark, and in 1346 they 
burned it. They destroyed also a Tyueside residence of the abbot of 
Durham, and in 1313 Durham itself was burned. Religious houses 
received no consideration at their hands ; on the contrary, the posses- 
sions of the inmates attracted them, and it doubtless rendered 
monasticism difficult, but I am still inclined to think that the great- 
ness of S. Cuthbert's name, the existence of the Palatinate, the wealth 
of the see, and the power and jealousy of the abbey at Durham, 
were the great reasons which rendered the county so comparatively 
destitute of religious foundations. I have, however, as I stated, been 
unable to find the point discussed, and as I have been forced to alter 
my conclusions on several matters as information came to hand, so, 
I doubt not that further knowledge may modify or enlarge the 
opinions here expressed. 



ACCOUNTS, A.D. 1632-1695. 

[Transcribed by Miss EDLESTON, of Gainford, and communicated 
to the Society on the 29th day of August, 1894.] 

THE earliest Winston parish accounts, kept with the registers in a 
safe at the rectory, are written on forty-six leaves of paper, loosely 
stitched together, without a cover. They contain the yearly accounts 
of the overseers from 1632 to 1643 the amounts collected monthly 
for the poor, with the names of the recipients, lists of the inhabitants 
as they were rated from time to time, and the names of those to 
whom the 'Poor Stock' was lent. There are no entries from 1643 
to 1647, and from that date to 1662 the names only of the church- 
wardens, overseers for the poor, and highways, and the holders of the 
poor stock, are recorded. The rest of the book contains church- 
wardens' accounts beginning in 1662, overseers' accounts and rates to 
1667, with names of parish officers to 1679, and accounts of the poor 
stock to 1698. On April 2nd, 1678, it was agreed that the parish clerk 
should have 12d. a year for writing the churchwardens' accounts in a 
book to be provided for that purpose. A book, the first three leaves 
of which are lost, contains churchwardens', overseers', and constables' 
accounts from 1677 to 1729. 

The plague which broke out at Osmoncroft and Winston in 1636 
is alluded to here. The churchwardens and overseers agreed to lend 
John Newcome 40s. to bind his son apprentice, but before all the 
money was paid five of his children died of the plague, so his son 
learnt his father's trade. In 1635, an order was made that the poor 
stock was to be paid in on Easter tuesday in the chancel, but in 1641 
the vestry is named. There is now no vestry at Winston church. In 
1677 and later, the rector, Peter Lancaster, records that he claimed 
his privilege of choosing one of the churchwardens, but waived it for 
4 this present year,' and on April 22nd, 1679, the rector and parish- 
ioners agreed, for the better management of the parish affairs, to 
choose six men to join with the churchwardens. 


During the earlier years of these accounts, there seem to have 
been communions five times a year, at Christmas, Palm sunday, 
Easter, Whitsuntide, and about Michaelmas, but after the Restoration 
at Christmas and Easter only. In 1662-3 there are payments for 
the surplice, hood, and font, and in 1664-5 several expences connected 
with the bishop's and archdeacon's visitations, for books, plastering 
the church, and writing the sentences. In 1666 the churchwardens 
received Is. 8d. for a ' lairestone.' The rectors during the period 
covered by these accounts were Richard Thursby, inducted 12th Aug., 
1631, died 7th, buried 8th July, 1651 ; Cuthbert Marley, 165.., buried 
18th Feb., 1674-5 ; and Peter Lancaster, 1675, died 5th September, 
1706, who has a monument in the chancel. The present rector, the 
Rev. F. E. Sadgrove, has most kindly lent these accounts to be copied. 

The accounts of the ouerfeers of the parish of Winstone. Richard Soarby, 
John Darnton, Ouerfeers. 1632. 

Money collected. 

Inprimis collected in May viij 8 iij d 

Item collected att the Commun' att Whitfuntide ij 8 

Item collected June 3 d viij 8 ix d 

Item collected July 3 d viij* ix d 

Item collected August 3 d viij 8 ix d 

Item collected Septemb: 9 th viij 8 ix d 

Item collected att the Commu' att Michaelmafs xxij d 

Item more w ch was not fett down iiij 8 ij d 

Item in Octob: 7 th viij 8 ix d 

Item collected Nouemb: 4 th according to a new taxat' ... ix s vj d 

Item collected collected Decemb: fecond ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att the Commu' on Christmafs day ij 8 iiij d 

Item coUected Decemb. 30 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att the Comm' on the ff east of the Epiph: ... xv d 

Item collected January 27 th ix s iij d 

Item collected ffebr. 24 th ix 8 iij d 

Item collected March 24 th ix s iij d 

Item collected att the Comm' on Palme-Sunday o. xix d 

Item collected April 21 th ix 3 iij d 

Item collected att y e Commu' Apr: 22 being East 1 " day ... xviij 3 

Sum. vj 1 xij 8 iij d 

The names of thofe that haue the almes monethly May: 2 d : 1632: 

Widow Hewetfon ij 8 ij d 

Browne ij 8 2 


...ildren of Tho: ffarrow xvj d -^4 8 4 

...abell Fewlor xij d 2... 

Widow Bawcock xij d 6... 

Eleanor Wharton . ... XJj d 3 .5 

-ViJ- 2 v] u 

Turner 3t^ d 4 2 

...grett Parkin iitf 1 2 vj d 

Sum : tota: X s ii^ d viij 8 x d . 

The names of the inhabitants of the parifh of Winston as they were 
afsefsed by the Ouerfeers of the poore of the fame parifh: May 3 d : 

Inprimis Ri : Thursby Clerke Rector there xij d 

Item M r George Bunny xij d 

Item M r Ber: Dowthwait xij d 

Ite' Henry Swainston , vj d 

Ite' Peter Bainbrigg vj d 

Ambrofe Clement iij d 

John Francklin iij d 

Widow Francklin ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ij d 

Will'Wilfon ij d 

Ri. Soarby ij d 

Tho. Miller iij d 

John Darnton ... iij d 

John Ouington of Ofmoncroft , iiij d 

John Ouington of Stubbufs iiij d 

Robert Greaues iiij d 

Barforth Demefne xvj d 

Henry Newecome ij d 

John Manne xij d 

Sum : tota : iij s i* d 

Money lent out. 

Inprimis lent to Thomas Farrow xl 8 

Item lent to James Browne xx 8 

Item lent to John Newcome xl 8 

Item lent to John Kitchin x 8 

Item lent more to John Kitchin x 8 

Item lent to Richard Farrow ... x 8 

his fuerty Christofer Farrow. 

Item to John Farrow xxS 8 

Item to Henry Bawcock xx 8 

Item to Henry Fowler x 8 

.Item to Matthew Hudfon xx 8 

The fame parties had the money lent againe and did p'mife to bring in 
the fame fureties. 


Ouerfeers for the high-wayes, Thomas Wilfon, John Franckland. 
Dayes appointed for mending the high-wayes. 

1 May 17. Ambrofe Clemett .................. ij d 

2 May 19 th . Willia' Richards' .................. ij d 

3 May 24. John ffrancklin .................. iiij' 1 

John Ouington ... ... .. ... ... ... ij' 1 

Ambrofe Clemett and Will : Richardson ... , ........ iiij d 

ffranklin ..................... iiij d 

Edward Browne. 

Nich. Haddock ..................... iiij d 

Sum tota : ix 8 iij d viij 8 x d . 

Ouerfeers for the high-wayes, Richard Soarby, John Darnton. 
The dayes appointed are the three fridayes next before Whitfuntide. 

Money giuen to the poore May 5 th : 1632. 

Inprimis giu' to the poore May 6 th ............ viij 9 iij d 

Item giuen to widow Bawcock being fick ......... o vj a 

Item giuen June 10 th .................. vj 8 vj d 

Item giuen to Eleone 1 Wharton June 10 th ......... o xij d 

Item giuen July 7 th .................. vj 8 o. 

Item giuen August 12 th .................. v 8 vj d 

Item giuen Septemb: 9 th .................. viij 8 ix d 

Item more the fame day .................. viij 8 vij d 

Item giuen to the poore Octob: 7 th ............ viij 8 x d 

Item giuen to Isabell Fowler ............... o xviij d 

Item giuen to the poore Nouemb: 4 th ............ viij 8 vj d 

Item more the fame day .................. o iiij' 1 

Item more to John Newecombe of y e money w ch collected at 

y e Comm' ..................... iij s 

Item to John Newecome being fick the next weeke Nouemb. 30 ij 8 

Item giuen to the poore Decemb: 2 d ............ viij 8 vj d 

Item more giuen to the poore ............... viij' 1 

Item more to John Newecome ............... ij 8 

Item Decemb: 30 th ..................... ix 8 iij d 

Item giuen January 27 ......... , ........ ix 8 iij d 

Item giuen to Widow Hewettfon ............ o. ij' 1 

Item giuen to the poore ffebru: 24 th ............ ix s iij (1 

Item giuen to the poore March 24 th ............ ix 8 iij d 

Item giuen to Eleoner Wharton ... ......... o. xiij d 

Item giuen to the poore April 21 th ............ ix 8 iij d 

Sum : vj 1 vj 8 x d . 
To be payd to the Ouerfeers for this yeere 1 633, v" v d . 


The names of the poore of the parifh of Winston w ch haue monethly 
Contributi' : 1633 : 

Widow Hewetfon euery moneth ij 8 

Eleoner Browne ij 8 

Tho: Farrow for his children ...' xvj d 

Widow Bawcock ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vj d 

Eleoner Wharton xij d 

Anne Prowd vj d 

Bryan Turner xij d 

Margrett Parkin vj d 

Sum: viij 8 x d . 

An: Dom' 1635. 

Matthewe Hudson euery moneth ...xij d xvij d 

Eleoner Browne the daughter of James Browne ij 8 

Thomas Farrow for his children xvj d 

Widow Bawcock vj d 

John Newcome ... vj d 

Eloonor Wharton -xij d 

Anne Prowd ... viij 8 J d 

Bryan Turner Septe: xij d 

Margrett Parkin ... ... ... ... ... ,.. Octo: vj d 

Christofer Ouington vj d 

Robert Langhorne Hi] A 

Sum: 1635: Janu: 17: viij 8 x d . 
payd Noueb: 30: 3 9 ll d . 
Beceiued of Geo: Viccars v s iiij d 
due to me xvj d / remaineth iiij 8 . 
payd out of this to James Browne ij" xx d . 
now in mine ha[n]d ij 8 iiij d a[n]d xvj d / more ij 8 . 
giuen to Bryan Turn' for 4 m'ths in Jan : iiij 8 . remaineth xxj d xii d to Mat 


Bryan Turn' oweth me iij 8 j d py d j 8 . 
I had 9 d a[nd] xiiij d . 

Money collected by the Ouerfeers. An: Domin. 1633. 

Inprimis received of the old Ouerfeers v* v d 

Item collected May the nineteenth ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att the Com' on Whitfunday ij 8 ij d 

Item collected June 16 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected July 14 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected Aug. 18 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected Septemb: 15 .. ix 8 iij d 

Item collected Octo: 13 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att the Commu' Nouemb. 3 xv d 

VOL. XVII. 14 


Item collected Nouemb: 17 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att y e Comm' Decemb: 26 ij 8 vj d 

Ite' collected Decemb: 22 ix 8 iij d 

Ite' collected Janu: 12 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected ffebr: 16 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected March: 16 ix 8 iij tl 

Item collected att y e Commu' on Palme-Sunday ij 8 ij d 

Item collected at the Commu' on Easter day xvij d 

Item collected April 10 th ix 8 iij d 

Sum vj 1 v 8 xj d . 

Money giuen to y poore May 19 th , 1633. 

Inprimis May 19 th viij 8 x d 

Item June 16 th viij 8 x d 

Item July 14 th viij 8 x d 

Item Aug: 18 viij 8 x d 

Ite'. to Eleo r Wharton being fick xviij d 

Item giuen Septemb. 15 viij 8 x d 

Item gi' Octob: 13 viij 8 x d 

Item giu' Nouemb: 17 viij 8 x d 

Item collootod fttt y 6 emea' ft& Michaolmafo ... xv d 

Ite' Decemb: 22 viij 8 x d 

Item January 12 viij 8 x d 

Item ffebruary 16 viij 8 x d 

Item March 16 viij 8 x d 

Item payd and giuen to a poore woman a trauailer iiij d 

Item giuen to the poore April 13 th viij 8 x d 

Item Will. Clibburne had in his hands iij 8 vj d 

Sum: v xj 8 iiij d : 
There remaineth to be giuen to the ouerfeers for the next 

yeere xiiij 8 vij d 

The names of thofe that haue the stock of the poore. 

Inprimis lent to Henry Fowler ten shillings x 8 

his furety 

John Francklin Henry ffowle* 

his | marke. his -j-j- m ke . 

Item to Richard ffarrow ten shillings x 

Richard ffarrowe 
his furety. 

Item lent to Thomas ffarrow fourty shillings xl 8 

Ite' to John Newcome fourty shillings xl 8 

Ite to John Kitchin tw' shillings xx 8 

Ite' to John ffarrow twenty xx 8 

Ite 1 to Jams Browne twenty xx 8 


Ite' to Henry Bawcock twenty xx 8 

Ite to Matthew Hudfon twenty ... ... ... ... ... xx 8 

This money is to be payd to the Ouerfeers on Teufday in Easter weeke. 
An: Domi' 1634: 

Ouerfeers for the highwayes in the parifh of Winston 1634. 

The dayes appointed. 
Inprimis April the 18 th being friday. 

Jte' April 33 being tonFday. 

Item May 2 d being friday. . 
Item May 16 friday. 

The dayes appointed for the high-wayes in the parifh of Winston 1635. 
Aprill 17 being friday. 
May 12 th being Mefi Tuefday. 
June 2 d being Tuefday. 

Money collected by the ouerfeers of the poore of the parifh of Winston 

for the yeare 1634. 

Inpr : receiued of the Ouerfeers xiiij 8 vij d 

Item collected May 18 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected June 15 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected July 13 ix 8 iij d 

Ite' collected Aug : 17 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att ye Commu' on Whitfunday xxiij d 

Ite' collected Septemb: 17 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att the Com' Octob: 19 xvij d 

Ite' collected Octob: 20 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected Nouemb 1 23 ix 8 iij d 

Ite' Decemb. 24 ix 8 iij d 

Ite' Collected att ye Com' on Chriftmafs day ij s vij d 

Item collected January 28 ix 8 iij d 

Itemffebr. 13 ix. 8 iij d 

Ite' March 15 ix 8 iij d 

Item collected att y e Commu' on Palme-Sunday ij 8 ob 

Item collected att y e Com' on Easter day xxj d 

Item collected April: 19 ix 8 iij d 

Sum: vj u xiij 8 iij d ob. 

Money dif burfed : 1634. 

Inpr : giuen to the poore May 18 th viij 8 x d 

Item giuen to the poore June 5 viij 8 x d 

Item giuen to the poore July 13 viij 8 x d 

Item giuen Aug : 17 viij 8 x d 

Item giuen Septemb 1 17 ... viij 8 x d 

Ite giu' Octob. 19 \iij s 


Ite giu' Nouemb: 23 viij 8 x d 

Item giu' Decemb 24 viij 8 x d 

Item giuen January 28 th viij 8 x d 

Item ffebruary 18 viij 8 x d 

Ite March 15 viij 8 x d 

Item giuen to Chriftofer Ouington euery moneth v 3 w ch is f 

in all for this yeere 4 

Item giuen to Phillis Hewettson being fick ij 8 vj d 

Item g' to the poore in April ix 8 iij d 

Sum : v 11 xitj" xj d . 
Thomas Herri son was to pay 4 s . 

Will: Clibburne had 2 s 6 d in his hand when he went away fifteene shillings 
is to be payd by Robert Pearson two pence 

The names of the Ouerfeers of the poore of the parifh of Winston for the 
yeere 1634 being elected April 8 th : Thomas Miller, William Richard- 
son. Robert Pearson was content to ferue for Thomas Miller. 
Ouerfeers of the poore : 1635. Will : Dowthwait, Tho : Smithson. 
Collected and receiued 

T TIT "IT* j TTH-f?, Tvy^Ai I"! OfT A"P f.Ti f} (/T1QT 1 lOOTFt TT)T* ~y;6 Top 4-. ypp'pp i^ -j-ji-js _y,d 

tern Collected April 4 ' is 8 j d 

Ouerfeers of the poore : 1635. John Ouington, John Francklin, thofe 
two were appointed by the Justices. 

Collected and receiued. 
Inprimis receiued of the Ouerfeers of the poore for y last 

yeere xv 8 iiij d 

Item collected att the Comm' at Whitfuntide o. xxiij d 

Item collected in May viij 8 x d 

Item collected in June 19 th viij 8 x d 

Ite collected in July 20 th ... viij 8 x d 

Ite' collected in August 23 viij 9 x d 

Item collected in Septemb. 20 viij 8 x d 

Item collected att the Commu' Octo. 4 th ij 8 j d 

Item collected Octo: 18 viij 8 x d 

Ite' collected Nouemb: 22 th viij 8 x d 

Item collected Decemb. 20 th viij 8 x d 

Item collected att the Commu' on Christmafs day ij 8 vj d 

Item collected Jany. 17 viij 8 x d 

Item collected Febru: 22 viij 8 x d 

Item collected March 20 viij 8 x d 

Item collected on Palme funday att the Com' xxij d 

Item collected on Easter day att the Com' x d 

Ite' collected April 20 viij x d 

Sum : total : vj 1 x 8 vij d . 


Thomas Miller aud Will Richardson receiued tenne pounds w ch is the 
stock of the poore of the parif h of Winston, w ch money is to be payd 
by ... to the Ouerfeers, the next yeere vppon Easter Tuefday in the 
chancell. This money was lent to the pfons whofe names are under- 

Hi: ffarrow 

Inprimis to Richard ffarrow x 8 his 2, marke 
Ite' to Henry ffowler x 3 . 

Jo : ffrancklin Henry ffowler 

his x m'ke his marke 

Tho : ffarrow fourty shillings Jo : Douthwait 
John Newecom fourty shillgs Geo : Newecom 
Hen : Bawcock twenty shillgs Jo. Ouington 
James Browne twenty shillgs Will : Wilson 
John ffarrow twenty shillgs Am : Clemett 
Matth : Hudson twenty shillgs Joh : Spooner 
John Kitchin, twenty shillgs M r Greaues. 

Money deliv r d to the ouerfeers of the poore 1635. March 31. w ch was 
lent to the pfons whofe names are underwritten. 

Henry ffowler x 8 

Ri: ffarrow xs Hen: ffowler Jo: ffrancklin 

Ri: ffarrow his ^ m'ke his + m'ke 

his l_ m'ke Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton x 8 

Christofer Farrow his furety. George Proud xs. 

George Viccars his furety. 

Item lent to Tho : Smithson May 22 th 1636 xx 8 more to him xx 8 . 

The stock of the poore of the parif h of Winston xij 1 iij 8 j d 

It was agreed vppon by the Ouerfeers of the poore of this parif h and the 
churchwardens that John Newecom e shall haue xl 8 to bindehis fonne 
apprentice : whereof xxx 8 to be payd now and x 8 the next yeere w c h 
will be 1637. 

When this money was to be payd flue of his children dyed of y e plague fo 
his fonne learned his father's trade. 

Money giuen to the poore 1635. 

Inprimio ginon e widow Howottoori being fiefee if s J d 
&e*a giuon e ke peeee April W* ix s j d 

Inprimis giuen to the poore May 31 viij 8 x (l 

Item giuen June 20 th viij 3 x d 

Item July 22 viij 8 x" 

Item August 23 viij 8 x d 

Item Septemb. 20 viij 8 x d 

Item Octob : 18 th viij 8 x d 


Ite' Nouemb. 22 th viij 8 x d 

Item Decemb. 20 th viij 8 x d 

Item January 17 viij 8 x d 

Item Febru' 22 viij 8 x d 

Item March 20 viij 8 x d 

Ite' giuen to Widow Bawcock being fick vj d 

Ite' April 20 th viij 8 x d 

Sum : v 1 vj 8 vj d . 

Eemaineth to be payd to the Ouerfeers j 1 iiij 8 j d . 
Ouerfeers of the poore : 1636. Willia' Dowthwait : Thomas Smithson. 

Money received and collected 1636. 

Inpr : received of the Ouerfeers the last yeere j 1 iiij 8 j d 

Ite' collected in May viij 8 viij d 

Item collected att y e Com' on Whit-sunday xxiij d 

Ite' collected in June viij 8 viij d 

Ite' collected att y e Com' att Michaelmafs xiiij d 

Ite' July 30 viij 8 x d 

Ite' Aug iij 8 xj d 

Ite' Sept iij 8 xj d 

Ite' Octob. 30 viij 8 viij d 

Ite'Noub. 30 viij 8 viij d 

Ite' collected att Christmafs att y Com' ,.. o xviij d 

Ite' more in December v 8 vj d 

Ite' Janu. 29 vj 8 ij d 

Ite' ffebruy 26 v 8 xj d 

Item collected March 29 v 8 xj d 

Ite' collected att the Comu' on Palmefunday xij d 

Ite' collected on Easter day xxiij d 

Money fent to John Newcombe by Will: and John Dowthwait ij 8 

w ch was dif burfed and fent to him. 

July 16: 1636. 
A note of money dif burfed for the ufe of the poore. 

Inprimis for bread for the poore of y e towne iiij 8 

Item more for John Newecom Juli : 16 th xmj d 

Ite' July 18 more J-ftty ij 8 

Ite' July 18 to the poore in the towne xij 8 

Item more July 20 iiij 8 viij cl 

Item more the fame day xj 8 viij d 

Item more iiij 8 vj d 

Item more fep 28 vj d 

Ite' Aug. 15 j 8 

Item another time ... ij 8 vj d 

Item another time Aug. 15 3 s 

Ite v 8 


The Justices gave money w ch was distributed to y e poore ... ij 8 

Money distributed to the poore, 1636. 

Inprimi in May 20 th .................. viij 8 viij d 

Item Jun 18 ..................... viij 8 viij d 

Itom giuon e John Nowoconi being fiek July 44 xiiij d 

Item July 17 ..................... viij 8 viij d 

Item giuen Octob. 30 .................. v 8 x d 

Item in Nouemb 1 ..................... iij 8 xj d 

Ite' att Christmafs ..................... iiij 8 vj d 

Item Jay 29 ........................ v 9 vj d 

Item Febru: 26 ..................... v 8 vj d 

Ite' March 27 .................. ... v 8 vj d 

The names of the poore of y e parif h of Winston that haue the monethly 

contributi' January: first, 1636. 

Inprimis James Browne euery moneth ............ ij 8 

Hen. Wharton ..................... ij 8 

Item Bryan Turner .................. X*f d viij d 

Item Richard Farrow .................. xij d 

Itprn j\Tflit'ji'jfTO'W -TJ-1 TO fl A T> viii^ 

Item Widow Prowd .................. ttj d xij d 

Item Christofer Ouington ............... ttj d xij d 

Item Margrett Parkin .................. ^^^ x ^ d 

Item Robert Langhorne .................. viij d d xij d 

Widow Bawcock ..................... viij d xij d 

Jane Clemett ..................... iiij d vj d 

Margrett Edwards ..................... iiij d vj d 

Item Will Siggs child left here ............... x 8 i^ d 

Su' xj 8 iiij d 

Money lent to thofe whofe names are vnderwritten to paye the next yeere 

to the ouerfeers the next yeere on Easter tuefday. 
Will Langhton 6 d Jhon Willfon 

Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton x 8 theire furety 
Henry Fowler x 8 his furety John ffranckl. 

Richard Farrow x 8 his furety + 
George Proud xxx 8 Geor. Bunny his furety -f 
Henry Bawcock xx s for one yeere John Ouington of Ofmoncroft. 
Thomas Farrow xxx 8 Jo : Dowthwait his furety 
John ffarrow xx 8 Ambrofe Clemett his furety. 
John Kitchin xx 8 his furety Ro: Greaues. 
Tho: Smithson xl s his furety Will ffrancklin 
James Browne xxs Will: Wilson his furety 
Matthew Hudson xxs Jo: Spoon r his furety. 


John Newcom xl s Sam Bynion his furety Robert Pearson x 8 

It was agreed uppon that George Proud should haue xxx 8 giuen with 

John Hudfon to teach him to be a weauer, and to haue xl 8 lent for 

two yeeres. April xj th 1637. 
The names of the inhabitants of the parifh of Winston as they were taxed 

to pay to the poore of the fayd parifh monethly. April 12 tn 1637. 

Inprimis M r George Bunny SS d xij d 

Item Richard Thursby Clerke Rector there ij 8 xx d 

Ite' M r John Dowthwait *f 8 XX d 

Peter Bainbrigg vj d 

Margrett Swainston vj d 

Ambrofe Clemett d iij d 

John Francklin iiij d Pete r Brown iij d ^ d v d 

Wffift' John Wilson ijd 4 d 

John Darneton iijd 

Widow Francklin jjd j 

M r GrOliUOO Heigley Hall iijd ijd 

John Ouington of Ofmoncroft vj d viij d 

John Ouington of Stubbufe vj d 

Thomas Miller jij d 

Willia' Richardson ijd 

Bar forth xf d 

this towne 4 9 l d 5 8 9 d 19 s ll d ... sp s d &^ 

Ouerfeers of the high-wayes ft. Je. Kiplin iif d 

Peter Bainbrigg ft W: Crawfort'h i$ d 

George Viccars Sum xj 9 iiij d 

April 14 th Mr Bunny Mr Dowthwait 

that day 21 th day. John Ouington and John ffrancklin. 

that day 29 th day. George Swainston. Pe Ba 

William Dowthwait Receiued in the towne iiij 8 j d 

Thomas Wilson In the parifh v 8 viij d 

ix 8 ix d 
Receiued of M r Hutton xxiij 8 Winston and Heigh ... ij 8 v d 

lent to Richard Farrow xx 8 Rect r xx d 

Sum. iiij 8 j d 

9 s 9d. 

Ouerfeers of the poore for this yeere. April: xj th 1637. 

M r John Dowthwait, George Swainston. 

Collected and receiued for the poore. 

Inprimis of the ouerfeers for the last yeere xxxj s vij d 

w ch was lent to the poore. 

Item collected April 30 th x 9 vj d 

Ite' May 31 xj 8 iiij d 

Item collected att the Commu' att Whitfuntide ij 8 viij' 1 


Item Collected att the Commu' att Michaelmafs ij 8 

Item collected att the Com' att Christmafs xxj d 

Item collected att the Com' on Palm funday xvij d 

Ite' collected on Easter day ij 8 

JohnKiplin j d Ro: Earle f 

Will: Dowthwait ... xj d ii*j d Sim.Wrangbam ij d -BarfortIl xffi 

Tho: Wilson ij d 

Ro: Clibburne ... p ij d 

Jo : PhiUip : Will : Vrr : ... ij d xyj d 

Ed. Crawforth j d ek. 

Jo: Kiplin j d Whetston ob 

Ri: Darneton iij d 

Jo: Darneton iij d Su' total: ix s x d 

Geo: Viccars iij d dif buried x s ij d 

4 d much. 

Ouerfeers of the poore: John Wilson, Rowland Clibburne. 
Ouerfeers of the highwayes: Tho: Smithson, Will: Dowthwait. 
The first day the 3 d day of Aprill: the fecond that day foartnight. 

Money distributed to the poore. 
Inprimis April 30 th x s vj d 

&e*a collected !a& y e Commu' ea Whitfunday ... 9 s viiirp 

Ite' May 31 th xj s iiij d 

Ite June. 
Ite July. 
Ite' August. 
Ite' Septeb'. 
Ite' Octob. 

Ite' giu' to Willia' Langhorne Octob. 30 xij d 

Ite' giu' to Margrett Newetopf being fick vj d 

Item giuen to Jane Fowler being fick xij d 

Item to Will: Langhorne Noub. 20 xij d 

Ite' to Tho: Robinson being fick vj d 

Item giuen to Willia' Langhorne Decemb. 18 th xij d 

Item giuen to Matthewe Hudson to buy his fonne apparrel . . . iiij 8 

The names of fuch as have the stock of the poore: 1638: Ge: Swainston. 

Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton x 8 . Gibson. 

Henry Fowler x s his furety Jo: Francklin. 

Robert Pearson x s his furety Jo: Dowthwait, more to him x". 

George Prowd xl 8 his furety Ge: Bunny. 

Tho. Farrow XXX s his fuerty Jo: Dowthwait 50 s . 

TllO. John Farrow xx s his furety Am: Clemett r)0 s . 

James Browne xx s his fuerty Willia' Wilson xj 3 payd April: 16 th : 

Matthewe Hudson xx s his fuerty: 4. Jo: Spooner. 

John Newecome xl 8 his fuerty SftBft. Bf BiOft. Jo. Ouington. Ofmon. 

VOL. XVII. 15 


John Kitchin is to pay xx" this yeere, but refufeth to pay. 

John Robinson xx 8 his furety Ge: Swainston. 

Tho: Smithson xl 8 + to be payd now + + 

Henry Bawcock XX s to be payd now xl 9 his furety Jo. Ouington. Ofm. 

Ri: Farrow xx 8 his furety Chr: Farrow. 

To Thomas Farrow mere lefc Jfte i4 th 4440. xx 8 . 

Item lent to John Johnfon xxx 8 his fuerety John Clemett. 
Ouerfeers of the poore March: 27: 1638: 
Rowland Clibburne, John Wilson. 
Money collected. 

Inpr: att the Com' on Whitfunday ... ij 8 viij d 

Item att the Commu' att Michaelmafs ij 8 3 d 

Ite' att the Com' att Chriftmafs xx d 

Item receiued of M r Matthew Hutton Janu: 25 th xx 8 

Ite' collected at an oth r time xx d 

Item collected on Palme Sunday and Easter day iij 9 xj d 

Item receiued more of M r Hutton xx 8 

Sum: Iij 8 

Ouerfeers of the high-wayes 1639. 
John Ouington of Stubbufs, William Francklin. 
The first day Aprill 26: being friday. 
The fecond day April 30: being tuefday. 
The 3 d the 14 th day of May being tuefday. 

1640. Ouerfeers of the high-wayes. 

John Darneton, Roger Wilfon. 

The first day April 30 th The fecond day May 7 th The third May 15. 
Money distributed to the poore 1638. 

Inprimis giuen to'a lame man a poore trauailer iiij d 

Item giuen to John Farrow for the dyett of Will' Siggs^ .. d 

fonne for a weeke ...) 

Ite' to Willia' Langhorne vj d 

Ite' to the poore in April xj d 

Ite' to the poore in May xj d 

Ite' for two shirts to Will: Sigg xxij d 

Ite' to Will: Langhorne June 22 th vj d 

Ite' to the poore in June xj d 

Item to Henry Wharton being fick ij s 

Item to the poore in July xj d 

Item giuen to Margrett Neweton being fick Aug: 16 ... vj d 

Ite'Aug xf 

Ite' Septeemb r xj d 

Item to Will: Langhorne in Septeb r vj d 

Ite' to the poore in Octob r xj d 

Item to the poore in Nouemb r xj d 

Ite' to Will: Langhorne vj d 


Ite' to Hen: Wharton ij" vj d 

Ite' to the poore in Decemb r ... ... ... ... ... xj d 

Ite' to Willia' Langhorne in Decemb r vj d 

Item to Henry Wharton in Decemb r ij 8 vj d 

Item to the poore in January xj d 

Item to Will: Langhorne in Janu' ... .4* ... ... vj d 

Ite' to Henry Wharton in Janu' ... ij 8 vj d 

Item for fkins for makeing a dublet for Will: Sigg ij 8 iij d 

Ite' for a yarde of cloth for breachs ij s 

Ite' for making his fuite xij d 

Ite' for a paire of shooes xiiij d 

Ite' for a yarde of harden vij d 

Ite' bought by Will: Dowthwait for Will: Sig one paire of~i .. g . d 

shooes and a yard of cloth / 

Item to Will' Langhorne Fe' vj d 

Ite' Henry Wharton ij 8 vj d 

Item to the poore in Februy ... xj d 

Ite' to the poore in March 31 xj d 

Item to Henry Wharton ... ij 8 vj d 

Ite' to Will Langhorne vj d 

Item difburfed more by Rowland Cliburne ij 9 

Sum. ij 1 iiij 8 viij d 

John Ouington of : St : Ouerseers of the poore 

William Francklin. April: 16: 1639. 

Money collected. 

Inprimis in the poore mans boxe left by the Ouerfeers . . . vij 8 iiij d 
Item more in the boxe w ch was giu' att feueral times ... vij 8 

Item collected att Whitfuntide ij 8 iiij d 

Ite' collected att Michfs : xx d 

Ite' collected att Christmafs ij 8 v d 

Ite' more put into the poore mans boxe Decb xx 8 

Sum : xl 8 ix d 
John Darneton Ouerfeers of the poore 

William Franoklin A P ril : 7 tn IMO. 

Roger Wilfon 

Money collected. 

Inpr : in the poore man's boxe xx 8 viij d 

Item more giu' by others xvj d 

Item collected on Palme- Sunday 3tij d 

Ite' on Easter-day ij 8 xj d 

Ite' on Whitfunday. 

Ite' more payd by M r Button June 21 xx s 

w ch was lent to Tho : ffarrow 
Ite' put into the boxe July Last. 

Ite' lent to Henry Bawcock July 8 xx 8 

Ite' put into the box July 26 ix u 

Ite' receiued of M r Hutton Nou : 21 xx s 

Ite' att Chriftms ij 8 vj d 


giuen to the poore, 1639. April 28. 

Inprimis payd Mttf April ..... ......... ix d 

Item May to Tho: Robinson and Will. Langhorne ...... xv d 

Item 8 June ........................ xv d 

Ite' July ...... ^ ............... ... xv d 

Item August 25 ..................... xv d 

Item Septeb 29 ..................... xv d 

Ite' Octob. 30 ..................... xv d 

Ite' for Will: Siggs clothes . .... ............ xx d 

Item Nouemb. Last .................. xv d 

Item Decemb. Last ..................... xv d 

Item January ..................... ix d 

Item for coales and cloathes to Hen: Wharton ..... iiij 8 

Item ffebruary ..................... ix d 

Item March 29: for coales .................. ij d 

Sum: xviij 8 j d 

vj d iiij- d euery moneth giuen to the poore to be taken out of the poor 

mans box. April: 7 th , 1641. 

Inprimis giuen to Robert Langhorne and his wife being fick ix d 

It to Will: Langhorne being fick ............ iiij* 

Item for coales to Christof r Ouington 4 Loads ...... xvj d 

It to Wid: Parkin for coales and for keeping Hen. Wharton -j ... d 
April May and June ............... j 

: Bawcook 

Item more dif burfed for Henry Wharton [w ch Wft&] and giu 
to Rob: Langhorne and Will Langhorne and to Wid. Parkin 
Sum: v 8 v d this was taken out of the poore mans box July: 13: 1640 

May: 2: 1641 The names of the poore 

In: James Browne xij d 

Ite' Wid. Bawcock xij d 

Richard ffarrow xij d 

Rob: Langhorne viij d 

Mer: Langhorne vj d 

Wid: Parkin xij d 

Bryan Turner ... ... ... viij d 

Margrett Neweton vj d 

Mar: Edwards iiij d 

Wid: Clemett ... iiij<> 

Sum vij 8 

Money collected April 1641. 
Inprimis att the Com' at Whitf'tide 

It giuen by M r Button xx 9 

w ch was lent to John Johnfon. 
The names of the poore of the parif h of Winston with the allowance 

w ch they haue monethly. April: 7: 1640. 
Inprimis James Browne xij d ij 8 

At AJ.C 111 j ' V V '" 1 1 * v r f ' O rr ... ... ... ... ,., .,, ij s 

It Ri: ffarrow Xtf d xij d 


It Wid: Bawcock xij d 

It Kobert Langhorne HJ d xij d 

It' Wid: Parkin xij d 

ItWi:Prowd viij d 

It Bryan Turn r viij d 

it Witt; Langhorno J d 

It Mar: Edwards iiij d 

It Wid: Clemett iiij d 

V B viij d Sum: x 8 ij d iiij 8 viij d 

More to Widow Parkin for keeping Henry Wharton ... ... ij d 

Sum x 8 iiij d viij 8 ij d 

Receiued euery moneth ix 8 x d 

payd out of the poore mans box euery moneth vj d 

Henry Wharton dyed June 19 xx d 

To be put into the poores boxe euery moneth xxvij d ix d 

Money dilburfed to the poor. 

Inpr: to Eliz: Scarr being fick xij d 

It' to Will: Langhorne vj d 

It' to Marg: Neweton being fick vj d 

Ite' to Jo: Sanderfon vj d 

Barforth April . . . xvj d ob 

Ge:Ree 3 d 

Joh: ffrancklin ... ij d 

May fuch as did not pay. 

Will: Richardfon ... ij d 

Jo:Wilfon i d 

Inpr: Barforth ... xvj d ob 
Jo: Wilfon ij d 

Jo: ffrancklin ij d 

Pe: Bainbrig vij d 

No collection in June. 

Inpr: Barforth xvj d ob 

It' M r Bunny and M r Dowth wait 3 s iij d 

It' Winston all except the Reef: wid. Swain Ambrofe 
Clemett and P. Bru' and Will: ffrancklin. 

April: 27: 1641. 

Memorandu' that it was agreed vppon by the parishioners of the 
parifh of Winston that all thofe of that parifh w ch haue any of the stock 
of the poore shall come in yeerely on Easter Tuefday and pay the money 
in the vestry there and bring in a bond to be sealed before they receiue 
the money againe and if any either refufe or neglect to pay it then they 
shall not haue any more of the stock but theire bond shall be put into 
fuite, and that money to be lent to fome other. 

Ouerfeers of the poore 1641, John Ouington, John Clemett. 

Money collected in April. 
Receiued of M r Hutton xx s 


Nouemb: 28, 1641. 

Inprimis giuen to the poore in Octob: iiij 8 x u 

Ite'Noub:28 iiij 8 x d 

To Ri: Harrow James Browne Mar' Parkin, Widow Bawcock,-i ,. a 

euery of thofe / 

to Rob. Langhorne vij d Bryan Turn r iiij d 

for euery moneth. 

Item more James Browne for Decemb and January ... ij 8 

Item to Margrett Neweton for two Mont iiij d 

Item more in December to the fame partys v 8 

Item to the poore in January v 9 

Sum: total: for 4 moneths xx 8 

Ouerfeers for this yere April: 12 th 1642: John Ouington of Stubbufe, 

Will: ffrancklin. 

ffor the highwayes. Inpr April 21 being Thrfday 
for the next Thursday being 28 of April. 

payd to James Browne June: 19 th 3 s 
Ite' to Widow Bawcock 

and Widow Parkin Aug. 1642. ij s more to Widow Parkin. xij d 
and to Jas Brown Nov. xj th 

Margrett Neweton Novb. iiij d 


Money giu' to the poor. 

Inpr. April 12 th for March v 8 viij* 

Item more for April and May , xj 8 iiij d 

Item June 29 th v 8 viij d 

Item July v 8 viij d 

Item August 

It' Bepteb' and Octob r 

It' Nouemb. 24 v 8 viij d 

It' Decemb. 20 v 8 viij d 

Item Janu. 29 v 8 viij d 

Item ffebruy 28 v 8 viij d 

Sum. Ij 8 

The names of the poore for theire monethly Cefse. April 12. 1642. 

Inpr: James Browne xij d 

Widow Parkin xij d 

Wid: Bawcook Clemett vj 3*j d 

Hi: ff arrow xij d 

Rob: Langhorne and the widow xij d 

Bryan Turner iiij d 

Mar: Neweton , iiij d 

Widow Prowd vj d 

Sum. v 8 viij d 


The names of thofe that haue the stock of the poor. 1642. 
Inprimis Tho. ffarrow 50" his furety M r Dowthwait 
John Newecome 40" his furety Jo: Ouington Stubbufe 
Hen: Bawcock 4.0 s his furety the fame pfon Jo: Ovington. Ofm. 
Joh. Johnfon 30 s his furety John D . . . . iO s 5 s 
Joh. Robinfon 20 8 his furety Sam: Byn' 
Joh. Kitchin 20 8 his furety Jo. Ovington. Stub: 
Geo: Prowd 40 8 his furety M r Bunny 
Matth. Hudfon 20 s Jo: Spoon r 
Bi: ffarrow 20 s his furety his fonne 
Hen: ffowl r 10 s M r 
Robert Pearfon 20 9 

Margrett Neweton 6 s ft4 Margrott Edwds W thoiro fnroty 

John ffarrow 20 s his furety Ambr: Clemett Georg. Swainston 
John Saunderfon 5s Tho. Harker 25 s 

Money collected for the poore for two moneths April and /- 

May ...{ ixS J d 

Receiued of M r Hutton June: 20 th xx 8 

More of M r Hutton Nou: 10 xx 8 

July: 30: 1643 
Receiued of M r Hutton xx 8 

Money giuen to the poore 1643. 

Inprimis March 31 th v s viij d 

Item April 30 v s viij d 

It May and June xj s 4 d 

of M r Buttons money 

It July 30 v 8 viij d 

Item Augt 30 v 8 viij d 

Item Septb: 28 ... v 8 viij d 

ItOctob:29 v 8 viij d 

Ouerfeers of the poore 1643. Thomas Wilson, Thomas Francklin. 

Ouerfeers of the poore 1647. Rowland Clibburne, Peter Browne. 

Money collected. 

Barforth xvj d 

M rs Bunny xviij d 

M r Dowthwait xviij d 

M r Thursby xviij d 

for Winston Holme ... xij d 

for Heighly ... ... ... xij d 

Willia' Wilfons farme ... iiij d 

ffrancklins farme iij d 

Ofmondcroft vj tl 

Stubbufs vi d 

Sum: 9" 5 d 

Widow Langhorne ... ij 9 

Margrett Edward xrj d 

Margrett Neweton vj d 

Bryan Turner vj d 

Richard Farrow xij d 

James Browne xij d 

Money receiued and collected for the poore 1649. 


Inprimis giuen by M r Matthew Button ... xx s 

Receiued at Raby 

More att Barf orth 

Money distributed to the poore June 10 th 1649. 

Marg. Clemett 6 d 

Ber. Scarre 6 d 

John Sanderfon 6' 1 

Anne Hugh 6 d 

John Kitchin 6 d 

Margery Hudfon 6 d 

Inprimis to Richard Farrow xij d 1 s 
It to Meri: Langhorne ... xij d 
to James Brown ...... xij d 

Margrett Neweton ...... xij d 

Tho: Marker ...... xij d 

Bryan Turner ...... xij d 

Marg. Johnfon ...... 6 d 

More giuen 
Inpr: to Bryan Turner ..................... 6 d 

More to the fame perfons June: 28 th : 
Item to Tho. Langstraffe wife for her child ............ 6 d 

Sum total: this moneth xx 8 

To Bryan Turner for cloath July 4 th ............... V 

more for making his dublett .................. 3 s 

more distributed July 29 ..................... 10 s 

More distributed to the poore Aug: 29 ............... 9 s 

More distributed Septemb. 30 th to the poore ............ 9 s 

October the 27 th More ......... ............ 9" 

November 20 ........................ 9 s 

December 20 ......... ............... 9 s 

To Bryan Turner for a doublet .................. 3 

To Matt: Hudfon ........................ 5 s 

Money lent to the poore May: 1: 1647 
Inprimis to Thomas Farrow 50 s his fuerty M r Dowthwait 
Item to Thomas Barker 25 s his furety Peter Browne 
Item to John Neweco' 40 s his fuerty Jo: Ouington of Stubbs. 

Momorand* that Katliorin Dowthwait ft4 Henr 

o "l-n 1 1 -j i- rvcx /-yp j-T^^-j a 4- **\S*~\T- r\ -j-T^ f\ 
nlllJLJLlilii U VTT vTTXy JjL'tjUlV \7T UllL? 

y fee ohillingo ycoroly tfee 

-fV-vf^^in /-\-p Q *trf\r\t+r\c< 4-t 1 1 ^l-i Y\ -f-n w^r\ /-vP A C\$> 1^f\ -i^\o irrl 
T| /It"" tTT O V v>V^l UrT IJil J "Cll" JL tliliU \7T TCT7 T7t? I Jll) V vl 

145S. Momorandu* ^fefeat Ellinor Brumoll feb^b twcntio 
Shillings of the pooros money fez w ch Goorgo Swainfton 
iuon h word therfe &hee shall ^ea fee {Shillins 

: w 


every ycoro upon E after tuofdfty untill it fee 
giuon to fee? fey Richard Darlington. 

1653. Memorandu' that Katherin Douthwaitc hath paid in 10", 5" 
more of the fortie: whereof w ch John Robinfon: hath: John Kitchin: 
payd fower shillinges according to his bond w oh joh Robinfon hath: 


1654. Memoranda' that Elliner Brumell hath payd fiue shillinges 
according to her ingagement wch John Robinfon hath: 

1656 Memorandu' that Elliuer brumell hath payd fiue shillings so that 
their is tenne beside 

1657 Memoranda' that Willia' Shaw did pay to John Newcome nine 
f hillinges w ch b.e is to difpofe on accordinge to his office, and to giue an 

1658 Memorandu': that Elliner Brumell fhall haue hir fiue f hillings 
annother yeere. 

Memorandu' that Katherine Dowthwaite fhall haue hir fiue shillings 
another yeere 

1659: Memorandu' that Elliner Brumell came in accordinge to hir 
bond, and offered hir fiue shillings: but it was ordered by the parifhoners 
that f he f hout haue it another yeere. 

Likewise Katherine Dowthwaite fhout haue appeared but fhe 
neclected to appear: and it was ordered to be Recorded 

1660. Tobias Hodgefon did pay in 3 shillings and fower pence w ch 
was due for the buriall of Raiph Hodgefon in the church w ch money was 
deliuered to the churchwardens to be difpofed on according to the 
neceffities of the church. 
Churchwardens elected April: 27: 1641. John Ouington of Stubbufe. 

William ffrancklin 

Churchwardens elected April: 12: 1642. Thomas Wilton. Thomas 

Collected by John Ouington 1641 xj 8 viij d 

Collect. Thomas Wilton vij vj ij d 

Churchwardens elected April: 4 th : 1643: Rowland Clibburne, John 

Churchwardens elected May 9 th 1647: Ralphe Hodghfon, John Simpfon. 

Septe'ber 18 th Anno Do 1653 

Collected in the par if h church of Winfton for the towne of Mai- 
borough : the su' of twentie shillinges and a penny 

Cuth: Marley, pafto: Churchwardens: Thomas Smithfon John Phillipe. 
Churchwardens 1648: Ambrofe Parkin Henry Bawcock 

Ouerfeers: Ralphe Hodgfon John Simpfon 
Churchwardens elected 1649: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston 

Ouerfeers of the poor: Reginold Browne and Henry Bawcock. 

Churchwardens elected 1650: John Ouington and John Clemett 

Ouerfeers of the poore: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston. 


elected agaie, ftttd tkey we^e eeteft4} to feme tbi& ycoro. 

Churchwardens elected: William Newecome and William Browne 

Ouerfeers of the poore: John Ouington and John Clemett. 
.. Ouerfeers of the high-wayes: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston. 
voi,. xvn. 16 


1652: Richard Darlington: thomas Warcopp: Churchwardens: 

Willia' Browne: Willia' Newcome ouerseers of the poore 
John Ouington of Ofmoncroft John Clemett ouerfeers of the highwayes. 

1653: John Phillipp 

Willia' ffawell: 

Richard Darlington 

Ouerseers, of the poore 
Thomas Warcopp 

Willia' Browne 

Ouerfeers for the highwayes. 
Willia' Newcome 

1654 Richard: Garforth: 

Thomas: Barnes: 

John: Phillip 

Ouerfeers for the poore 
thomas: Smithfon: 

Thomas: Warcop: 

_.. . . _ .. Ouerfeers for the high wayes 

Richard Darlington: 

1655 Thomas: Barnes. i 

Willia: Shaw: } Churchwardens 

Richard Garfoote ) 

_ . _, \ ouerfeers: for the poore 

ffrancis Bunny: 

Thomas Smithfon: ^ 

John Phiiiip. I ouerseers for the h ^ wa y es 

1656 the names of the Churchwardens: Willia' Viccars: John Newcome: 
Thomas: Barnes: ) 

Willia' Shaw: f ouerfeers for the poore: 

M r ffrancis Bunny : 
Richard: Garfoote 


Y ouerfeers for the highwayes. 

1657 Willia': ffawell: ~| ^ 

J- Churchwardens. 

} uerfeers for fche 

Willia': Waite 

Willia': Vicars ~| ^ 

}- Ouerfeers for the poore 
John: Newcome J 

Willia': Shaw: 

Thomas: Barnes: 

March the 31 th Anno Do': 1057 

Memerandu', it was aggreed upon by the major parte of thofe who 
meete att the Church the day aboue specefied that an order for chufeinge 
the churchwardens beinge made aprill the 19 th 1636. Should be invalled 
and for the future it Should proceede in the paiifh in this manner that is 
to fay att Weftholme tow yeeres together att Ofmancrofte one yeere att 
Stubhoufe tow yeeres, att Barfoote of the Moore fower yeeres: att New- 
fam fower yeeres, if in thefe Seuerall places theire be soe many Sufficient 
able men to difcharge that office the abelitie of Such men beinge ilefte to 
the judgement of thofe who fhall meet upon Eafter twefday^for the 
electinge of Church officers, and likewyes it was aggreed upon, upon the 



Same day that the inhabitantes of the towne of Winfton f hall Serue as 
in order they dwell if they haue thofe w ch are conceiued Sufficient by 
thofe w ch are meete together upon Eafter twefday for the Electinge of 
Church officers in confirmation of w ch we haue sett to our handes 

Cuth: Marley minis: George Bunny Francis Bunny W m Willfon 

Richard Garfott Williame Shawe 
1658: John Ouington: Samuell Bynion: Churchwardens. 

Willia': Waite: Willia': ffawell. ouerfeers for the poore 
Willia': Vicars John: Newcome ouerfeers for the highwayes 
1659: M r Marley brought in the flue f hillings w ch Margrett Newton had 
of the poores ftocke and it was deliuered to Thomas Newcome to be dif- 
poffed to thofe that had need of it 

Thomas: Newcome 
ffrancis Clemett: 
John: Ouington. 
Samuell: Bynion. 
Willia': ffawell: 
Willia': Waite: 

1660. Willia' Browne 
John: Simpfon. 
thomas Newcome 
ffrancis Clemett 
John: Ouington: 
Samuell: Bynion 

1661. Thomas: Warcopp 
John ffrankeland: 
John Simpfon: 
Willia' Browne: 

r Churchwardens 
j- ouerfeers for the poore 
j- ouerfeers for the high wayes. 
j- Churchwardens: 
J ouerfeers for y e poore 
J- ouerfeers for y e high wayes 
J- Churchwardens. 
j- ouerseers. for y e poor : 
ouerseers for y e highwayes: 


Thomas: Newcome 
ffrancis Clemett 
1662 Thomas Wilfon 

Barnard ffranckeland 
Thomas: Warcopp 
John ffrankeland 
Thomas Sudell: 

An affefment of tenn shillings p pound laid by y c consent of y e Patfon, 

y* churchw. and y e parif honers for things neceffary for y e church alfo an 

affefment of 6 s and eightpence p pound for things neceffary for y e church. 

1663: John: Compton: 

Ambrofe Clemett. 

Thomas: Wilfon 

Barnard ffrankeland 

j- ouerfeers for y e poore 
ouerfeer for y e highwayes. 


Thomas Warcop 
John ffrankeland jun r 

ouerseers for y e poore 
ouerseers for y highwayes 


Auguft: y 23 d An afsefment of fiue shillings p pound laid by y e con- 
fent of Minifter and churchwardens and y c parifhoners for, repairing ye 

church leads 

Aprill y e 12: 1664: 

Memorandu' y*: thomas Langftraffe and John ffarrow, according to 
their bond did bring in tenne fhillings w ch money was giuen to y e 
overfeers for y e poore: to be diftributed to thofe w ch had need of it 
giueing fufficient bond for it John Compton Ambrofe Clemett being 
ouerfeers for y poore. 

Memorandu' y* none of thofe w ch had y e money w ch belongeth to y e 
poore people, came in according to their ingagements but thofe immedi- 
ately above written. 

1664 M r : Bunny Willia': Richardfon Churchwardens 

John Compton Ambrofe Clemett ouerfeers for y e poore 
Thomas: Wilfon Barnard ffrankeland ouerfeers for y e high wayes: 

Auguft y e 14: 1664 

An affefment of fiue shillings p pound was laid by y e confent of y e 
Minifter and churchwardens for mending y e highwayes. 

7ber. y c : 25 th : 1664 

An affefment of fiue fhillings p pound was laid by y e confent of y e 
Minifter and parifhoners of Winfton for things belonging to y e church. 

March y e : 10 th : 

An affefment of fower shillings p pound laid by y e confent of y e 
Minifter and churchwardens for things needfull for y e church: 

An afsefment of two fhillings p pound was Layd for y e repairing of 
things belonging to y church: 

The names of y e Parifhoners as they were affefed by y e Minister 
Churchwardens and ouerfeers for y e poore. 9br: y e : 1: 1664: 

s. d. 
y e inhabitants of Weftholme 3 

y e inhabitants of Newfa' : ... 

M r George Bunny 1 4 

Willia' Viccars 2. 

John: Balmer 8 

Edward; Wright 8 

ffrancis Bunny 2 

y e inhabitants of Barfoote 

of y e moore 34 

Stubhoufe . 9 

Ofmancroft i' o' 

Winfton: Weft Demaine : ... 20 

Winfton Eaft Pernaine ... 2 

Richard Wilfon 6 

Barnard ffrankeland ... 3 

John ffrankeland junr: ... 1 

y e Parfon of Win/ton ... 1 

George Swainfton 

y e whole 16 11 

March y e 28 th 1665 officers chofen this yeere upon Eafter tuefday: 
John: Clemett John: Balmer Churchwardens. 
M r . George Bunny William Kichardfon overfeers for y e poor. 
Ambrofe: Clemett John: Compton overfeers for y e high wayes. 
March : y c 28 th 1665. Memorandu' y* Thomas Langftraffe and John 
ffarrow payd tenn fhillings according to their bond. 


Memoranda' y* Elliner Brumell payd tenn fhillings it being y e laft 
parte of her twenty 

alfo John Brownliffe payd fower fhillings according to his bond. 

lykewyes Katherine Dowthwaite payd in fiue fhillings soe y* she hath 
now of y poors ftock twenty fhillings 

Likewife John Compton and Ambrofe Clemett payd in y e tenn 
fhillings w ch was in their hands: 

Memoranda' y* all y e Severall Sumes aboue payd in being of y e poores 
ftock, was deliuered into y e hands of y e overfeers for y poore and it was 
ordered y* Anthony Eobinfon, should haue twenty shillings of it, Willia' 
Richardfon giueing his bond for it. 

alfo it was ordered y* George Reward : should haue nineteene Shillings 
Barnard ffrankland giueing his bond for it. 

alfo it was ordered y* John Newcome y e elder should haue his bond in : 
and y 1 he should haue y e nineteene shillings w ch is in his bond for another 
yeer his son John Newcome giueing his bond for it. 

alfo it was then ordered y r John Newcome y e younger f hud haue twenty 
Shillings of y e poores money ; giueing bond for it. 
May y e 4 th 1665. 

An affefment Layd by y e Minifter and Churchwardens of twelfe 
Shillings and sixpence p pound for y e whiteing and plaiftering of y e Church 
and paying for y e bookes w ch was injoyned by y e Archdeacons injunctions. 
May y e 16 th . 

Receiued then from Ifabell Tilburne y e Summe of tenn Shillings being 
halfe of y e twentie w ch her ffathir had of y e poors money soe y* their 
remains tenn shillings in her hand y e tenn w ch was receiued was giuen to 
y e overfeers : to be difpofed on. 

Receiued then : ffortie shillings from John Bell : w ch John Robinfon 
had : w ch was giuen to y e overfeers to be difpoffed on : 
May y e 26 th 1665. 

An afsefment laid for y e poore : y e day and y'eere aboue named : by y e 
confent of y Minifter Churchwardens and overfeers for y e poore. 

B. d. s. d. 

y e inhabitants of Weftholme 3 
of Neufam : 

M r . George Bunny 1 4 

Willia' vicars 2 

John Balmer ... . 8 

Edward Wright 

M r . ffrancis Bunny 

y e inhabitants of Barfoote of 

y e Moore 3 

Stubhoufe . 

An account of y e dif burfments of y e Churchwardens and ouerfeers of 
y e poore and highwayes, giuen in upon Eafter tuefday 1663 Thomas Wilfon 

Barnard ffranckeland Churchwardens . 

1 a d 
In pr' for y e font Surplice and hood 250 

Item for a warrant 006 


Item for my charges ... 6 

Item for mending y e church gates 003 

Item for a locke to y church chift 012 

Item for my oath att Durha' 022 

Item for MX Marleys charges and my owne att Durha' ... 080 

Item for books to y e church 7 10 

Item for two traces for y bellroops 006 

Item for my charges and oath att Durha' 049 

Item for wine att Chriftinmas for y e com'union 028 

Item for mending y e bier 016 

Item for mending y e Church gates 006 

Item for wine att Eafter 5 10 

Item for bread att y e same time 004 

Item for wafhing y e Surplice two times 010 

Ite: for going to Durha' 020 

So their remaineth dew to y e Church wa Thomas Wilfon 
3 s 10 d churchwarden 

In pr: for y c hood and Surplice and font 11010 

Item Willia' ffawell for feching y e font 010 

Item for my charges att Barnardcaftle 006 

Item for my oath att Durha 1 ... 020 

Item for my charges att Durha' ... 026 

Item for my charges at Durha' y e Second time 2 10 

Item Laid out 012 

So there remaines in his hand Barnard ffrankland 066 
7br: y e 30 th O 1 6 s 6 d churchwarden: 

John Compton receiued tenn shillings and a groate from Thomas 
Wilfon and Barnard ffrankeland being all y* remained in their hands 
when they made up their accounts 

Receiued by me as followeth: 

s. d. 

of Mr. Bunny: 3 10 

of George Auderfon: ... 1 3 
of John Baumer 1 6 


s d 

to Thomas Warcopp ... 10 
to Thomas ffarrow ... 80 

of Thomas Wilfon ... 8 4 
of Willia' Simpfon: ... 3 ob. 

Thomas Newcome ouerfeer for y high wayes: 
Receiued by me as followeth: 


of ffrancis Clemett 
of y e Parifh 

y e whole ... 

to Willia Richardfon and 

Nicholas Ree ... ... 1 

to Thomas ffarrow . 10 

l a d 
dew to y c parifh 024 


Thomas Sudell ouerfeer for y e high way es 
Receiued by me as followeth. 

An affefment of fiue s. p pound w ch I was to gather from y e towne and 
y e two demaines w ch came to 14 8 2 d 


to John Compton ... 5 6 

not receiued of Elizabeth 

Richardfon 1 1 ob 

to Thomas Sudell ... 7 

Soe their remaines in my hand fiue farthings 

ffrancis Clemett ouerfeer for y e high wayes. 

An accompt of y e recepts and y e difburfments of y c Churchwardens : 1664: 

Inprimis receiued for affefment of fiue Shillings p pound 

s d 
7 11 ob 

It. ffor y e com'unicants att Chriftimas and Eafter 

7 7 

y whole 

... 15 6 ob 

Inp '. 

B. d. 


ffor my oath and books att Durha' 

1 8 

ffor my charges att Durha': , 

1 10 

att y e Parke houfe [?] 


laid out att y e Second vifitation for my charges 

1 6 

for bread att Eafter 


ffor wine att our Saviours natiuitie 

4 2 

y e whole layd out 

... 14 6 

their remaines in my hand ... 

... 12 ob 

Ambrofe: Clement Churchwarden. 

What I haue receiued, of y e parifh 

l s d 

Receiued from y parifh 

... 1 68 ob 

ffor y e Demaine 


ffrom Thomas Wilfon and Barnard ffrankeland... 

... 10 4 

Mar. Receiued y whole ... 

... 2 3 3 ob 

of y e Com'unicants at our Saviours natiuitie and 



4 1 

An accompt of what I haue difburfed for y e ufe of y e Church, 

to Chriftopher Craufoote for mending y e leads 


for two boordes : 

1 8 

ffor mending y e Church gates and nailes 


ffor broomes and a tab for y e bell 


ffor a boule of lime and feching it 


ffor two labourers to lay it on 

1 9 

ffor my journey to Durha' 


ffor my second journey to Durha' 


ffor a locke to y e Church gates 


ffor bread att y e Com'union t 


ffor bread and wine att y e Com'union 

7 10 

y e whole 



What I haue Layd out of this affefment. s d 

ffor y e injunctions att Durha' to M r Bullocke 8 4 

ffor a common prayer booke for y Clerk 010 6 

ffor my charges at Durha' 026 

ffor warneing y parif honers when the workemen were to be 

agreed withall 006 

ffor whitning and playftering y e Church 2 1 

More for whiteing y c Church 040 

y c whole Layd of this aflefment 3 610 

Richard Wilfon Churchwarden 

An accompt of thofe affefments yt haue benn collected by me Willia' 
Eichardfon in y c year 1664 and parte of 1665. 

Collected an affefment of 2 s p pound : comeing to 5 8 

Collected an affefment of 5 s p pound comeing to 014 2 

Collected an affefment of 4 s p pound coming to Oil 4 

y e whole Receiued of thefe 3 affefments Ill 2 

Layd out of thefe affefments for goeing to Durha' 2 

for my oath : 012 

ffor y e Bellroopes 026 

payd to John Newcome for y e Archdeacons men 5 3 

to Mathew Hudfon : 020 

to John: Compton for oath 027 

to John Compton for his charges : , 010 

payd for y e Clerkes book 036 

payd for bording y e reading Seate and y c com'on feate ... 010 

payd for Lime 008 

ffor goeing to Durha' 026 

ffor flaging y c church 040 

ffor goeing to Durha' 020 

Layd out in all 1 10 

Collected alfo an aflefment of twelfe Shillings Sixpence 

p. pound w ch cometh to 1 15 5 

Layd out of y e aboue affefment to y c playterers 1 12 6 

ffor Bording y e Staules 020 

ffor Nailes .. . 2 ob 

Layd out 1 14 8 ob 

Willia' Richardfon Churchwarden. 

An accompt of y dif burfments of John Clemett Church- 
warden in y e yeare. 1665. 

Layd out 8 d 

ffor goeing to Durha' to y bif hopps vif itation ... 2 

ffor my oath 009 


ffor draweing y e Sentences in y e Church 11 

to ye apparitor for comeing for y e Monthly collection 016 

ffor weeding y e Churchyard 4 

ffor two books for y e Church 036 

ffor goeing to Gainford to y e Bell founder ... ... 6 

ffor beafoms to fweepe y e Church 000 

payd for wine att our Saviours Navititie 6 

payd for bread and wine att Eafter 8 6 

ffor my goeing to Durha' 

y e whole 1 13 10 ob 

An accompt of what affefments I haue collected 

An affefment of fiue Shillings p pound w ch cometh to ... 1 8 5 

Receiued of y e old Churchwdens 1 6 

Receiued of y e Com'umicants att our Saviours Nativitie ... 7 

Receiued of y e Com'unicants att Eafter 6 2 

John Clemett Churchwarden. 

An accompt of y e affefments Collected and what money hath been by 
me Difburfed in y e yeare. 1665. 

Collected an affefment of fiue Shillings p pound : s d 

Receiued of Thomas Wilfon : 16 9 

of William Vicars 13 9 

Mr. George Bunny 5 10 

Edward Wright 2 10 

Mr. ffrancis Bunny 009 

Edward Alwine 063 

Stubhoufe 042 

John: Balmer 3 

y e whole receiued 2 13 4 

Receiued alfo: of y e Communicants att our Saviours Nativitie Oil 
Receiued alfo of y e Communicants att Eafter 410 

5 11 

Receiued in all : 2 19 3 

Layd out : 

ffor goeing to Durha' 02 9 

ffor writting y e Sentences... ... ... ... ... 1 1 

ffor dreff ing y e Churchyard 004 

ffor y e .... bell 002 

ffor mending y pulpit cloth and y e quifhon 8 

ffor a plate for y e Communion 1 10 

to Raiph Hurdfon 020 

att y e Second vifitation 054 

ffor wine att our Saviours Nativitie ... 1 6 


ffor bread and wine att Eafter ............ 

ffor goeing to Durha' ............... 

to Raiph Hurdfon .................. 

y e whole: ......... ,249 

their remaines in my band 14 9 

John: Balmer Churchwarden. 
The accompt of John: Balmer as to what he had remaining in his 

hand being 14 s 9 d 

Dif burfed as followeth : s d. 

for 3 oaths att y e vifitation 034 

for Mending y bell: 033 

for wafhing y c syrplice ... 6 

ff or M r Marlies Charges: 0-20 

to Edward Wright 048 

y e whole 14 9 

John Balmer: Churchwarden 

An accompt of what hath beun collected and Difburffed by Barnard 
ffrankeland Churchwarden in y c yeare. 1666. 

Collected an affefment of 3 s 4 d p pound y e whole being 7 s 4 d ob 

alfo Receiued of John Clemett at Eafter 7 d ob 

alfo Receiued of y e Communicants att our Saviours Nativitie a 6. 

and att Eafter 069 

y c whole receiued 14 9 

Dif burft. as followeth 

Inp: for wine att Ghriftinmas 024 

Ite for wine att Eafter ... 3 

Ite' for bringing it here .. 002 

Ite' for bread ... 001 

Ite' for a book 010 

Ite' to Raiph Hudfon 020 

Ite' for going to Durha' 020 

Ite' for Mending y e Bell.. ... 9 

Ite' for beafoms 001 

Item for goeing to Durha' 020 

y whole 12 11 

Remaines in my hand 1 10 

and two fhillings and a penny \v ch John Compton 

ref ufeth to pay. in all 3 11 

More dif burffed 

to M r Marley for his charges att y c vifitation .., ... 2 
Soe their remains in my hand 111 


Collected of y e affefment of one shilling and eightpence p 

pound ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 4 6 

Dif burffed of y same affefment for my charges att Durha' 014 

ffor y c prefentment att Durha' 6 

their remaines in my hand 047 

Barnard ffrankeland. 

The accompts of Edward Wright Churchwarden in y e yeare. 1666. 

Inp : An affefment of 3 s 4 d per pound 017 9 ob 

alfo Beceiued of John: Balmer 048 

of Thomas Newcome for a Lairef tone ... 1 8 

of y e Communicants att Chr: 11 

of y e Communicants att E after 5 11 

y e whole 1 10 11 ob 

"Dif burffed of y e aboue su': 

Inp: for parchment ... .. 006 

alfo for goeing to Durha' 020 

for goeing againe to Durha' 6 

to Bartholomew Harwood 038 

for mending ye Beire 008 

ffor swapes for y e bells 010 

to Raiph Hudfon 020 

ffor bread att Chr: 002 

for bread att Eafter 006 

ffor wine att Eafter ... 11 

ffor wafhing y e Surplice 026 

for goeing to Durha' 020 

y e whole 1 12 4 

his accompt of one f hilling and eightpence p pound w ch he alfo collected : 

The whole of y e aboue affefment collected being 8 9 

Dif burffed of y e same 

Inp: dew to me upon y e other accompt : ... 1 2 ob 

alfo for Richard Wilfon att Durha' 

for his oath 010 

for his charges att Durha' 20 

in all 042 ob 

their Remaines in my hand ... ... '. 4 6 ob 

Edward Wright: Churchwarden. 
March y c 24 th 1667: 

Richard Darlington made up his accomptes y e daye aboue named and 
their remained in his hand: 5 d : 

Richard Wilfon alfo made up his accompts y e daye aboue named 
before y parif h and y c parifh was indebted to him 2 d ob 


what affefments haue benn laid for y e Church since March y 24 th 
1667: by: Richard Wilfon, and Robert Pearfon Churchwardens. 
An affefment of Six Shillings and eightpence p pound: 
alfo another affefment of three Shillings and fower pence p pound: 

B d 

George Swainfton ... 2 
Richard Darlington... 002 
Elliner Brumell ... 1 
Robert Slacke .001 

B d 
Ofmondcroft 1 

Winfton: West demaine 020 
Winfton Eaft demaine ... 2 

Richard: Wilfon 6 

Barnard ffrankland .003 le 

John ffrankeland 1 

y c Parfon 010 

who are to haue weekely allowances and what they are to haue. 

Margrett Brown 12 d p week 010 

Mathew Hurdson. 8 d p week 008 

Ann: Hugh: 6 d p week 006 

July y e : 11 th : 1665 

An affefment laid by y e Miniiter and Churchwardens for writting y e 
sentences in y e Church: of fiue shillings p pound 
April y e 17 th 1666/ 

George: Swainfton. Elected churchwardens y e day and yeare 
Edward: Wright: aboue named 

John: Clemett: 

john: Balmer: overfeers for y e poore 

Willia' Richardfon 
M r George Bunny: overfeers for y e highwayes 

Memorandu' y* Willia' Richardfon paydin thirtienine Shillings w ch he 
had of y e poores money, and it was delivered to John Balmer and John 
Clemett to be difpoffed on to thofe y* haue neceffitie of it, they taking 
fufficient bond for it 

Richard Wilion hath tenn fhillings of y e poores money, for w ch he is 
to giue John Clemett and John Balmer fufficient bond within a week: 

Thomas Newcome gaue in fiue Shillings w ch he had of y e poores money: 
w ch was deliuered to John Clemett and John Balmer to be difpoffed to 
thofe vv ch haue need taking bond for it 

Memorandu' y* it was ordered y* John Brownleffe should haue his 
fower Shillings, w ch he was to pay according to his bond another year 

none of y e other w cb had any of y poores money came in according to 
their ingagements but y e aboue named: only Ifabell Tylburne defired y* 
she might haue her tenn shillings another yeare but their was no anfwer 

returned Aprill 17* 1666 

John: Compton and Ambrofe Clemett when they made up their 
accounts had 12 s and a penny in their hands of w ch they muft giue an 


John Compton Receiued 1 s 6 d of John Simpson w ch he had collected of 
y e aflefment of 6 s 8 d p pound 

y e twelfe Shillings and a penny w ch John Compton and Ambrofe 
Clemett had in their hands was y* w ch remained of y c affefments of 6 s and 
8 d p pound and 2 s 6 d p pound. 

Aprill 21 th 1666 

Memorandu' y* Thomas Wilfon of Barfoote of y e Moore gaue twenty 
Shillings by his will to y e poore of y e parifh, w ch was to be difpofed of by 
y e confent of y e parifh for their benefitt, w ch money John Clemett hath in 
his hand untill y* it be difpoffed of: 

y e accompts of y e overfeers of y c poore: 1664 
Ambrofe Clemett. Receiued 

a d 
of y e Weft Demaine ... 4 

Richard Garf oote ... 2 

M'Marley 020 

Richard Wilfon ... 1 

Barnard ffranklin ... 6 

John: ffrankeland ... 2 

George Swainfton ... 2 

Thomas: Wilfon .068 

y e whole ... 16 6 


s d 

to Mathew Hurdfon: 006 

to Mirrioll Langhorne 006 

to Mathew: Hurdfon 020 
to Ann: Hugh: ...020 
to Robert Wilfons 

children ... 1 

to Siffely Barker ... 6 

ffor goeing to Durha' 020 

ffor an order 024 

to Margrett Browne... 020 

y e whole ... 13 4 

John: Compton. what I haue Layd: out i s d 

ffor a warrant 006 

to Ann: Hugh 006 

payd att Church: 022 

payd to Margrett Browne 026 

payd to Mathew Hurdfon 010 

payd to Elliner Bainbridge 010 

payd to John: Brownleffe ffor widow Mortons houfe rent ... 8 

y c whole 15 8 

What I have receiued 17 6 

y accompts of y e overfeers for y e poore. 1665: 

Richard Wilfon: Receiued & d 

att Weftholme 5 affefments: comeing ... 15 

att Neusa' 5 affefments. coming to 15 

att Barfoote fiue affefment coming to 16 8 

att Stubhoufe 5 affefments coming to ... ... ... ... 3 9 

att Ofmancroft 5 affefments comeing to 5 

y e whole 2 15 5 



to Margrctt Browne 
Mathew Hurdfon 
Ann* Hugh 








John Brownleffe for y houfe: 
Robert Wilfons children 



Siflele* Harker 


Elizabeth Morton 



y whole 

Willia' Richardfon what I haue collected 
of M r Marley . . 








John: Compton 
Richard Garf oote 




Margrett Darlington 


George Swainiton 


Robert- Slack ... 


Willia' ffawell- 



Elizabeth Richardfon 




Ambrofe Clemett . ... 





John: Clemett ... 





Margrett Attkinfon 





Barnard ffrankeland 



John ffrankeland 
Eliner Brumell 
Richard Wilfon... 



y e whole: 1 11 4 ob 

Dif burfled Auguft y e 12 th 
to Matthew: Hurdfon ... 

Ann: Heugh 

Margrett Browne: 

Septeber y c 2 d 
to: Mathew: Hurdfon ... 

Ann: Heugh 

Margrett Browne 

Nove'ber: y 20 th 
to: Margrett Browne 
Mathew Hurdfon: ... 
Ann: Hugh: 

8 bry e 10 th 1666 
An affefment of 3 B and 4 d p pound was laid y e day and yeare aboue by 



jan: y e 18 th 


to: Mathew: Hurdfon: 

1 6 


Margrett Browne.. . 



Ann: Heugh: 

1 2 

March y e 16 t] 



to Ann Heugh 

1 8 


Margrett Browne: ... 



Mathew Hurdfon 


Elliner Bainbridg ... 



John : Brownleffe for 



his houfe rent 



to Ann Hugh: 


for a warrant 


y whole: .. 


8 8 


y e confent of y e minifter and y e Churchwardens for things belonging to 
y e church: 

The names, of y e inhabitants of y e parif h of Winfton as they were 
affefed by y e ouerfeers of y e poore and Churchwardens. 


1 s d 1 s d 

Kichard Garfoote ... 1 1 

Cuth: Marley Rector 013 

Richard Wilfon ... 6 

Barnard ffrankeland... 003 

John ffrankeland jun: 1 ob 

Elliner Brum'ell ... 1 qr 
Margrett Darlington 

for both her cottages 001 

George Swainfton ... 2 

Barf oote of y e Moore ... 

Newfam 025 

Weftholme 025 

Stubhoufe 008 

Ofmancrofte 10 ob 

Heighley 6 ob 

John Clemett and Am- 

brofe Clemett ... 6 ob 

Willia 1 : ffawell ... 4 

Willia' Richardson ... 3 

y whole ... 15 3 qr 
John Compton ... 1 

Aprill y e 9 th 1667 
Memorandu', y 1 none of y e poores ftocke was payd in upon Eafter 


officers elected upon Eafter tuelday 

M r ffrancis Bunny: ( 

i Churchwardens: 
Richard Darlington: I 

George: Swainfton , i 

{ overfeers for y e poore 
Edward: Wright: 

John: B aimer f 

-j overfeers for y e high way es 
john: Clemett 

Aprill y e 14 th 

An affefment of one fhilling and eightpence p pound was laid y e day 
and yeare aboue named by y c confent of y e Minifter and Churchwardens 
for difcharging of charges, and things belonging to y c Church: 

( Barnard ffrankeland 
Churchwardens \ 

} Edward: Wright: 

The accompts of y e Ouerfeers for y e poore 1666: 

John: Balmer Ouerfeer his accompts. 
Collected 3 affefments w ch in y e whole did amount to ... 1 13 3 

alio collected other two affefments w ch came to 018 1 

y c whole Collected 2 11 4 

Dif burffed to y e poore. 
To Mathew Hurdfon 080 

alfo for his winding fheet 020 

to Margrett Brown 190 

toAnn:Heugh 14 6 

y<= whole 2 13 6 

John: Balmer: 




Ambrofe Clemett Overfeer for y c poor, his accompt. Collected: 

two aflefments w ch came to 01011 

Receiued out of y c poore mans box 010 

alfo three other affefments w ch came to 018 4 ob 

y e whole collected and Receiued 119 Sob 

Difburffed as ffolloweth. 

fEor a warrant: 006 

to Siffely Barker for to 

putt her Son to a trade 056 

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 2 

Margrett Browne ... 2 

Ann: Heugh 010 

July: 15: 

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 

Margrett Browne ... 

Ann: Heugh , 

July: 2i 

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 1 

Ann: Heugh 006 

Margrett Browne ... 1 

Mathew Hurdfon ... 1 
Sept r . 20: 

to: Margrett Browne: ... 2 

Ann: Heugh 010 

7br 27 th 

to: Margrett Browne ... 1 

Ann: Heugh 006 

Decmb r . 

to: Margrett Browne ... 2 

Elliner Bainbridg ... 6 

Ajin: Heugh 016 

Margrett Browne ... 1 
Jan: 20 th : 

to: Margrett Browne ... 2 

Ann: Heugh: 010 

Thomas: Barker .006 

jan: 27 th : Difburffed. 

to: Margrett Browne 010 
Ann: Heugh: ... 6 
Thomas Barker ... 4 
ffeb. 3 d 

to: Margrett Browne 010 
Ann: Heugh: ... 6 
Thomas Barker ... 4 
March: 31 th 

to: Margrett Browne 010 
Ann: Beugh: ... 6 
Thomas: Barker: 004 
Aprill 7 th 

to: Margrett Browne 010 
Ann: Heugh: ... 6 

y e whole difburffed ... 1 16 6 

Receiued also in affef- 
ments and other 
wayes: 1 19 1 ob 

Receiued of M r George 
Bunnyffory e ufeof 
y c money w ch he 
hath of y e poor ... 3 ob 

y whole ... 2 2 5 ob 


to y c poore: 1 16 6 

for y e widdowes houfe 

rent: .080 

y c whole: ... 2 4 6 

Soey'Iamoutofpurfe: 020 
Ambrofe Clemett: 

The names of y e inhabitants of y* parifh of Winfton as they were affeffed 
by y e Churchwardens and Overfeers for y poore. 





George Swainfton ... 



Margrett Darlington 



Elliner Brumell 



y e whole 


2 ob 













Barfoote of y* moore 





3 ob 





in all 




d parif h doth ammount to 




M r Cuth : Marley Hector: 
John: Compton 
Richard Garfoote 
Wilfons ffarme 
John: Wrangha' 
y e two Clemets 
Elizabeth: Richardfon 
Willia' ffawell 
Barnard ffrankeland 
John: ffrankeland jun: 

- 1667. 
The names of thofe y* haue y e money belonging to y e poores ftocke: 

John: Powe: 

John: Newcome jun: 

John: Newcome s r : 

Thomas Langstraffe and 

John: ffarow: 3 

M r George Bunny 2x 

George Heward: 

Mathew Hurdion: 

John: Brownleffe 

Robert Pearfon 

Siffele Barker 2 

John: Sanderfon 

Isabell Tylburne 

Richard Wilfon 

Difpoffed of y e poores money by y e parif h to Margar when 


w ch is not repayd [page torn.] 

Katherin Dowthwhait 

4 Dece'ber: . . . 

Memorandu' y* y e day aboue named John Brownleffe had fiue Shillings 
of y e poores money giueing him by Richard Darlington w ch money was 
receiued of M r George Bunny ; being of y* w ch he hath of y e poores money 
w ch fiue Shillings was lent to John: Brownelelfe untill Eafter tuefday next: 

March y e 24 th 1668. 

Memorandu' y* none of thofe w ch had any of y e poores ftocke came in 
to make tender according to their ingagements of y* money w ch they haue 
in their hands. 


1 X 



















officers elected. 

M r Dowtwhaite "I _, 

Y Churchwardens. 
Robert: Pearfon 

Richard Darlington ) Overfeerg for e< 

M r fErancis Bunny 

George Swainfton 1 

V overfeers for y high wayes. 
Edward: Wright 

The accompts of y Overfeers for y e poore as they were giuen in March 
24 th : 1668. 

Edward Wright collected for y maintenance of y e poore 2 1 4 s O d in y* 
parifh, and he diftributed to y e poore 2 1 2 s 6 d so their remaines in his 
hand: 1" 6 d 

George Swainfton Collected for y e poore in y towne y e Sume of 
I 1 18" ll d ob., and he diflributed to y poore I 1 16 8 6 d So their remaines in 
his hands two Shillings fiue pence halpenny. 

Aprill y 13 th 1669. 
officers elected y e day aboue named: 
M r Dowthwhaite 
Richard Garfoote 
John: Balmer 

j- Churchwardens. 

overfeers for y e poore. 
Robert: Peaifon 

Richard Darlington ) 

. - . -o ' f overfeers for y high wayes: 

M r ffrancis Bunny 

M trU Ann: Newcome of Heighley Hall gaue Six pounds, to y e poore of 
y e parifh of Winfton to buy Something for their maintenance, Aprill y e 

13 th : 1669. 

May y 31 th 

John Brownleffe payd y e fiue Shillings w ch he borrowed to Richard 
Darlington and M r Bunny of Newfa' payd in y e 39 Shillings w ch he had, 
both w ch Sumes doe remaine in Richard Darlingtons hand untill they be 

difpofled of. 

y 6 Churchwardens accompts 

Robert Pearfon made up his accompts Aprill y e 13 th 1669: and their 
remained in his hand 9 8 and Sixpence: 

Richard Wilfon made up his accompts then and their remained in his 
hand fiuepence. 

y e ouerfeers of y e poors accompts. 

M r ffrancis Bunny made up his accompts y n and their remained 4 s 6 d 
J)Once in his hand. 

Richard Darlington maide up his accompts y n and their remained in 
his hand fiuepence ob. 

Apr: 17. 1677. 

Received from Tho. ffurbey for y e use of 6 U for 3 yeares one pound 
one shilling. 


It' from Jo. ffarrow in part of his bond for y e use of y e poore eee 
pound ten shillings. 

It' from Jo. Powle in part of his bond for y e use of y e poore, fiue 


Momorand. y fc by y e agroom 1 e y e Rector & y e parishioners 

4-T-* mi. -rYV/^-k "f QfYA'i" M-A"!* l4* TITO. fi* PAT! A 1 11 f\ Afl "\rt J-.TIT/"V y^^n yi rl ct y\f>-r4- 
TJlldl liI"T7 HJii v^l/IlC-i ) TV TV titJ \7V/11U1 UXUJLLj j^ TJTT U T/v/tt'tl'vttT Utti V 

e f e aforesaid sums should bee pft^ me y e hands e Tfee. 
Warcop & Ambrose Clomott ^feefi ohoGon ohur oh w 

"CT7 V7 V Ci tjv. T 1O1 jT jpUC/i t^j TV T t? lltlU.CCL T"O ^" T-yOO-TCfcr 

AT 4"S\ T)AO Ti->i l"lT*A\TArj. f-fyp fi n 01T*O 11 C*p no TV)AT1 A fl fii, j",Ti AT 7 ! AO IT "TlTl fc 

eed hands. 4 y e othor sfe. shall feee distributod 

U(JO1 U lie? (JCClltjlOIl tjllll-ti fcCl UO ujJ. C liiOF It li\,t T~ 
WHft Wft& payd m Apf. . 78. [?.t.] [Peter Lancaster.] 

Aprill. 2. 1678. 

Payd by John ffarrow in part of y e poores money, w ch hee hath in his 
hand, ten shillings. 

Payd by Thomas ffurbey for y e use of 6 li for one yeare. 7 shill'. 
Memorand' y* three pounds of y e poores money is put into y hands of 
John Newcomb churchwarden, till such time as it can bee laid out for 
their use. 

Memorand' y* y e said Jo. Newcomb & Thomas ffarrow of Winston 
haue giuen bond for y e said three pounds. 

Apr. 22. 1679. 

Paid by Jo. Farrow in part of y e poores money, w ch hee hath in 
his hands, ten shillings. 

d Paid by Tho: ffarrow for Interest of y e 3 11 of y e poores money, 
w ch hee hath in his hands, three shillings and sixpence. 

Paid by M rs Dorothy Bunny in full of y Interest for y e poores 
money, w ch shee hath in her hands, two shillings & fourepence. 

Payd by Thorn: ffurbey for y e use of six pounds of y e poores 
mony w ch hee hath in his hands, seven shillings. 

Memorand'. y* one pound of y e poores money is put into y e hands of 
Bernard ffranklin churchwarden, till such time as it can bee laid out for 

theire use. [P.L.] . 

Apriell 17. 1688: 

7 s paid by Jo: Brumell for the ufe of six pounds. 
3 1 : 6 d paid by Tho: ffarrow & Jo: Newcom for ufe 
2" 4 d paid by Criftopher Rafe for use 

2 s 4 d paid by Amb: Clement & Hob. Dindfdale one shilling of y e ufe 
fo paid was giuen to Margret Taler & the Rist put into the poore mans 
box being in the ... fum 14 s 2 d 

Aprill y e 1 th : 1673. 
The names of y e officers elected y 11 . 


Willia 1 ffawell 


} VerfeerS f r 

> Churchwardens 
Thomas Newcom 

Tho: ffurbe ) 

_ -fL i mi. r ( overfcers for y c poore. 

Chnftopher: Thompfon ) 

Thomas Sudell 
Richard: Wilfon 

Aprill March y e 27. 1676. 
the names of y e officers Elected. 

Robart Dindfdale 1 _ 

\ Churchwardmgs 
Hugh Hodgf hon 

they are LikeViie by the Confent of the parif h to ftand ouerfeers for y* 
poore this p'fent yeare 

Thomas Newcome i 

_ > ouerfeers for y c high way es. 

Henery ffawuell 

Aprill 17. 1677. 

Memorand' y* I Pet. Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my privi- 
ledge of choosing one of y e churchwardens but waived it for this p'sent 
yeare, & consented to y e election made by y Parishioners. 
The names of y 6 Severall officers then elected by y e Parishioners of Winston 

Thomas Warcope ) . 

} churchwardens. 
Ambrose Clemett 

The same persons overseers for y e poore. 

Rob. Dinsdale ) 

overseers of y e highwaies. 

Hugh Hodgshon 

Apr. 2. i678. 

The names of y e severall officers then elected by y c parishioners of Winston. 
John Seamore Jun. 


John Newcomb. 

The same persons overseers for y e poore. 
Thomas Warcope 

overseers of y e highwaies. 
Ambrose Clemet J 

Memorand. y* I Pet, Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my privi- 
ledge of choofing one of y e churchwardens ; but waived it for this p'sent 
yeare & consented to y election made by y parishioners. 
Apr. 2. 1678. 

Memorand. y* y e day & yeare aboue written It was concluded & 
agreed upon by y Rector & parishion's of Winston then p'sent, y* y 
churchwardens accounts shall bee entered in a book, to bee provided for 
that purpose, by y e Clark of y e parish for y e time being, for w ch y e said 
churchwardens shall allowe him twelue pence yearly, w ch shall bee added 
to theire accounts. Pet. Lancaster Rect r ibid. 

Apr. 22. i679. 

Memorand' y* I Pet. Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my 

-j churchwardens. 


priviledge of choosing one of y e churchwardens ; but waived it for this 
p'sent yeare, & consented to y e election made by y Parishioners. 

The names of y e severall officers elected by y e Parishioners of Winston 
y e day & yeare last aboue written. 
Bernard ffranklin 
Will'. Granger 
The same persons overseers for y e poore. 

John Seamore Jun. ( 

< overseers of y e high way es. 
John Newcombe. 

Memorand' y* y e day & yeare last aboue written these three ensueing 
orders were agreed upon & established by y c Rector &. parishioners of 
Winston, for y e better management of y e parish affaires. 

1. That y e parishioners shall choofe six men (whereof three shall bee 
tenants of y e Lord of y c mannor of Winston, & y e other three shall bee 
Inhabitants of y e outsides of y e parish) without whofe consent y e church- 
wardens shall not lay any afsefsment, nor undertake any parish businefs: 
& if any difference shall arise amongst them, y e greater number shall 
determine it. 

.... r no money thall be distributed amongst y poore of y e parish 
in any other place but y e church only, & that upon notice given y e 
Sunday before ; and y 1 y e same shall bee distributed by both y e church- 
wardens in p'sence of y e minister: unlefs it bee in y e case of weak 
persons, who are not able to come to y e church. 

8. That all persons, who haue any of y e poores money in theire hands, 
shall either bring it in yearly upon Tuesday in Easter week, or shall 
upon y e same day giue new bond for it, with such security as shall giue 
satisfaction to y churchwardens & y e six men, or y e greater number of 
them: & for default here of y e overseers for y e poore shall within one 
moneth after put y e said person or persons in suit for ye said money. 

The names of y e six men who are chosen by y e parishioners to Joine 
with y c churchwardens in all parish affaires. 

Ambrose Clemett. ] 

Ralfe Hodgson Hugh Hodgohon. I for Winston 

Richard Darnton. ) 
Will'. Richardfon Richard Wilfo 

M r Douthwait. 
Robert Dinsdale. 

Thomas ( 

for y e outsides. 

or < Warcope 
George ( 

\ Richard Holmes 
To these were added, Apr: 17. 1688. } John Olemefct ^ 

Memorand. y 1 1 Pet. Lancaster Hector of Winston claimed my privi- 


ledge for choosing one of y churchwardens, Apr. 13. 1680. but waived it 
for this p'sent yeare, & consented to y e election made by y parishioners ; 

as in y e next page. 

Apriell. 2 th 1689 
Paid by Jo: Brumell for ufe of 6 U pounds. 7 s O d 

Paid by Jo: Newcome & Tho: ff arrow p ufe of 3" 3 s 6 d 

Paid by Criftopher Rafe for vfe of 2 a pun 2 s 4 d 

The aboue faid vfe was difpofed of eight f hillings to Tho: Warcopp & 
Hugh Hodghon ouerfeers for y 6 vfe of the poore to be Accounted for ; the 
Kelt to make the money paid in by Timothy Kipling .... an euen ium. 
Memorand' y* y e last aboue mentioned . . . . is to be accounted for to y c 
poores stock out of y e next afsefsment .... poore 
Apriell. 22 th 1690 

Paid by Jo: Brumell for ufe of 6 H 7 s O d 

Paid by Jo: Newcome & Tho: ffarrow p vfe 3 s 6 d 

Paid by Crifto: Rafe for vfe 2 s 4 d 

paid by Hugh Hodgfhon & Tho: Warcupp for the vfe of 

eight pounds 

& one f hilling & 2 d abated for 20 s which John Eles Receiued 

when they Entred out of the Eight pounds ... tot. 110 

the vfe paid in for the poores money was Giuen to the poore Apriell 
22 th : 90 only 1 s .... in the poors box 


The Ufe pd by M r Dowthwait for y power rnony was giuen teen 
f hillings of it to John tayler & a leeven to y power 

The Ufe pd: for 18 1 this year paft (viz) 1694 .... the fume of one 
pound one fhillinge .... 9 th : 1695 p' B. Dowthwaite 

.... w ch romCtillOS was paide to Jo": Eells and fiue shillings more 
made I 11 6 s paide by William Richardfon out of the Seff Collected by 
him at halfe booke of rates for the year 1694: all y c other moneys in 
y 6 : box being 15 3 d was giuen to y c the same day./ 
Apll 14. 1695 

M d : it is agreed p y c : Pifh y* Elizabeth Morton haue fiue shillings 
P Ann' giuen her towards y c paym 1 for her houfe P Ann. euery Eafter 
Teusday till further order 

The ule p d : for 18" this year paft 1696 p' John. Brumell .... and 
Dowthwaite I 11 I 8 Ap'll 20 tn 1697: w ch was .... giuen to y poor & only 
remaines in y e poor box 7 s 6 d new money & 3 ould sixpences & some braf 

.... Bernard Dowthwaite & John Brumell for 18 U this year Paft 

.... 1 s May y e 3 d : 1698: w ch was Giuen to y c poor and . . . . es in 
y e Poor Box 1 s 7 d and 3 ould Sixpences .... ould .... halfpence & 
puder halfpence 

ARCH. .\Kt.. Vol. xvii, to face p. 145. 


. v 

From the North East. 




[Read in substance at Hartlepool, June 13th, 1894.] 


THE county of Durham, among many ancient churches for the most 
part of very rude and inferior character possesses, nevertheless, two 
of extraordinary interest and 
value, viz.: those of Hartle- 
pool and Darlington. They 
belong to two entirely separate 
and distinct classes; that of 
Hartlepool to the parochial; 
that of Darlington to the col- 
legiate. But, as commonly 
happened with the churches 
of secular canons, the latter 
was of a dual, or compound 
character; the choir and tran- 
septs pertaining more parti- 
cularly to the dean and canons, 
the nave and its aisles, to the 

Both are of unusual size 
and dignity, and both are also 
well nigh contemporaneous. 
Both, too, possess the distinc- 
tion of a western doorway, 
a feature ordinarily reserved 
for those of the highest class 
cathedral and monastic but which, though occurring naturally 

NOTE. The above is the seal of bishop Pudsey, reproduced by kind permis- 
sion of the Kev. Canon Eaine, from Raine's Auckland 'Castle. 

VOL, xvii. 19 


enough at Darlington in virtue of the nature of the foundation, can 
only be accounted for at Hartlepool by its connection with the great 
priory of Guisborough, to which both its immediate predecessor and 
itself were subject. 1 

Of both churches, again, the names and histories of the builders 
are pretty certainly ascertained. 

As to Darlington, prior Wessington not only tells us that it was 
built by bishop Pudsey from the foundation, but Coldingham, that 
these were laid in the year when the ransom for the release of king 
Richard I. was levied, which fixes it to 1192. It was therefore pro- 
gressing during the three years intervening between that date and 
the death of Pudsey, which occurred on March 3rd, 1195. 2 

1 The presence of a western doorway was, apparently always, and without ex- 
ception, indicative either of inherent, or dependent dignity. As a rule it pertained 
especially to all cathedral and conventual churches, however humble, whether of 
monks or canons, regulars or seculars. When occurring in simple parish 
churches, no matter how grand their scale, or sumptuous their decoration, this 
feature may, I think, invariably be taken as denoting their appropriation either 
to some bishopric or religious house ; the accepted, and doubtless correct, theory 
being that it was provided for the solemn entry of the bishop, abbot, or prior, as 
the case might be, when coming to visit, in procession. Yet, that there were 
exceptions to the rule, on one hand at any rate, is evident from the fact that, 
although nearly all conventual churches had western doorways, some at least, as 
for example, those of the Augustinian priory of Brinkburn, and the Benedictine 
abbeys of Buildwas and Romsey had none ; nor were they probably the only 
instances. Nor must it be supposed on the other hand, that though, apparently, 
all parish churches having western doorways were dependent as above described, 
all churches so dependent were necessarily provided with them. This would 
seem only to have been the case where those churches were either built or 
rebuilt after the date of their appropriation : those already built being suffered 
to continue as they were. Nor again, were all collegiate churches, unless like 
those of Bipon, Fotheringay, Tattersall, St. Stephen's Westminster, or St. 
George's Windsor, built specially for the purpose provided with them ; some, like 
those of Staindrop and Lanchester. ancient parish churches which were made 
collegiate only at a later date, never having had any at all. That of Chester-le- 
Street affords us an interesting example of an ancient parish church which, if 
previously without one, yet, on being extended westwards at the period of the 
collegiate foundation, temp, bishop Bek, was then duly furnished with this 
customary feature. 

2 John de Wessington, who was prior of Durham from 1416 to 1446, and 
lived, therefore, some one hundred and twenty years after the event, can only, of 
course, have derived his information from either history or tradition. It is 
none the less valuable, however, on that account, since it does not oppose, but 
simply corroborates, the actually contemporary account of Coldingham which 
runs thus : 

' Rex igitur de terra Syriae revertens, a Duce Ostriciae captus, et Imperatori 
venditus, legatariis in Angliam directis, mandavit suae liberationi celerius et 
uberius ab omnibus subveniri ; aurumque et argentum ecclesiarum et vasa sancta, 
vel eorum redemptionem, ad se transmitti, Episcopus, autem, ecclesiam Dunhel- 
mensem nullam volens sustinere diminutionem, quam novis semper decoris 
optabat incrementis proficere, thesaurum datum centum marcis redemit, et 
illibatum loco muneris ecclesiae restituit ; misitque Regi duo millia libras argenti ; 


With respect to Hartlepool, though our information is neither so 
precise nor circumstantial as in the case at Darlington, it is yet 
scarcely the less certain or assured. For, though documentary proof 
be not, indeed, forthcoming, the internal evidence of style alone fixes its 
erection as surely to the closing years of the life, as do its vast scale 
and sumptuous splendour of decoration to the munificence, of Robert 
de Brus IV., the contemporary, for twenty years, of bishop Pudsey, 
and who, marrying Isabel, daughter of William the Lion, king of 
Scots, died in 1191. 3 

Darlington (see plan, plate IV.), as befitting its purpose, is a cross 
church, and not merely a cross church for cross churches, as at Bowes 
and Hamsterley, are sometimes found on the smallest scale and of the 
humblest character but a cross church with a central tower and 
spire ; and what is specially characteristic for even cross churches 
with central towers, and of great size, as at S. Mary's, Nottingham, 
were frequently only parochial with choir and transepts in two storeys 
and of the same height as the clearstoreyed nave, features which at 
once serve to point out its more than parochial dignity. 

Hartlepool, on the other hand, as a purely parochial church, or, 
to speak more exactly, chapel, for notwithstanding its importance it had 
no higher rank, was built without transepts ; features which, whenever 

quae ille minus gratanter excepit, eo quo censeret modicum praestitisse, quern 
sub obtentu liberationis suae immanes copias didiscerat adunasse. Inter tarn 
multiplicium tempestatum vicissitudines constructione ecclesiae de Derningtona 
non destitit ; in qua, clericis constitutis, ordinem qui olim in Dunelmo fuerat 
renovare decrevit.' Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores tres (9 Surtees Society publ.) p. 14. 

The history of Galfrid, who was a monk of Durham, and, at the time it was 
written, sacrist of the cell of Coldingham, extends from the year 1152 to the year 

3 In the latest archaeological description of the county of Durham, the writer, 
speaking of Hartlepool church, tells us, in an astonishing flight of fancy, that it 
speaks : ' as authentically as any written document could, of the rapid growth 
and prosperity ' (of the town) ' which preceded its erection. In the enthusiasm 
to which success gives birth, the merchants of Hartlepool said : " We will build a 
church ! " From the first they contemplated a splendid design, and this they 
executed worthily.' The 'merchants,' however, are unfortunately made to 
' enthuse ' somewhat prematurely, seeing that at the time mentioned they had 
practically no existence, a weekly market even, not being granted till after the 
church was finished, nor the privilege of an annual fair conceded till 1216. But 
one person, it is hardly necessary to say, viz., Robert de Brus IV., the lord and 
owner of the whole place and parish, had either the power to build so magnifi- 
cent a structure or transfer it, when built, to his grandfather's foundation at 
Guisborough, which, as we learn, his father still farther enriched with six oxgangs 
of land in Stranton, and one in the mother parish of Hart. That bishop Pudsey, 
who merely confirmed the grants of the two Roberts de Brus, father and son, 
had, as supposed, anything to do with the actual erection of the church, is, of 
course, quite out, of the question. 


occurring in parish churches, were invariably private mortuary chapels, 
belonging usually to different families, and built at different times. 
The reason why they are not found here is simply this, viz., that the 
whole church, owing its existence to private liberality, the founder 
was minded, from the first, to erect and set apart its immense 
and splendid chancel as a place of sepulture for himself and his 
family instead. 4 

Another, and very important point to notice about these two 
churches is the circumstance that their designers were skilled archi- 
tects, and not, as so often happened, mere rude country masons, who, 
in a more or less ignorant and blundering fashion, copied the works 
of such men as best they could. Consequently they afford us the best 
possible evidence of the progress of local architectural art at a given 
time the last decades of the twelfth century. A careful examination 
of their respective details becomes, therefore, very instructive, especially 
in connection with the final developments of the Transitional style. 

Both churches, I may add, have been partially illustrated and 
described by Mr. Billings in his Durham County; while of Hartlepool 
a series of rough, but carefully measured folio plates, with accom- 
panying text, has been given by Messrs. Perry and Henman, in their 
work on the Architectural Antiquities of the County of Durham. 

Darlington church, though lacking similar illustration, has, on the 
other hand, been described not only by Mr. Longstaffe in his History 
and Antiquities of the Parish of Darlington, but by no less an authority 
on architecture than the late Sir Gilbert Scott ; though, I am con- 
strained to say, with a very different result from what might naturally 
have been expected. Unfortunately, he was not a north-country 
man, nor intimately acquainted with north-country work; hence, 
perhaps, to some extent, the strange mistakes he has fallen into. 

Without occupying myself, however, by pointing out all the 
blunders, both as to dates and facts, which he has committed in 
respect to Pudsey and his works, it will suffice that I confine myself 
strictly to what he says about the church of Darlington. 

4 The original length of the chancel is said to have been twenty-three and a 
half yards. It consisted of three compound bays of two arches each, of which the 
westernmost one only, and that half new, now remains. Outside, in the church- 
yard, though once in the midst of the chancel, may still be seen the remains of a 
very late Brus altar-tomb, showing clearly, by the place of honour it originally 
occupied, to whom the erection both of church and chancel was due. 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. f to face p. 148/ 

Plate IV. 



In a lecture delivered on the spot, June 3rd, 1862, he declared 
that he 'had found the greatest possible difficulty in making the 
church accord with the history (of the Transitional period generally) 
he had just been going through. The date of the erection was 
involved in perplexity, history being extremely poor in this respect. 
Historians, so far as their labours had been searched, did not tell us 
with any certainty when the church was built, or by whom. They 
said Bishop Pudsey founded a collegiate church in Darlington. One 
historian went so far as to say Bishop Pudsey began the building, 
and another nearly contemporary historian said that the troubles 
Bishop Pudsey had to go through in the latter part of his life did not 
cause him to cease in the construction of the new church at Darlington. 
It was therefore perfectly certain that what Bishop Pudsey did in the 
church at Darlington was at the very close of his episcopate, and it 
might fairly be inferred that he never finished it, but that it was 
going on at the time of his death in 1194.' 

Now, before proceeding further in quotation, let me first of 
all direct attention to the way in which the most precise and 
positive statements of contemporary writers, and those of the highest 
standing, are summarily swept aside as of no account at all. Though 
Wessington tells us that the bishop built the church from its founda- 
tions, and Coldingham, that these were laid in 1192, Sir Gilbert is 
bold enough to assert that the date of its erection is 'involved in 
perplexity,' and its history 'very poor.' Yet, of how many of our 
ancient churches have we anything like such early and exact accounts 
as these ? 

But Coldingham tells us something quite as important as the date 
of its foundation, if not more so indeed, and that is, that so eager was 
the bishop in the prosecution of his purpose that ' among all the vicis- 
situdes of such varied tempests he did not desist from the construction 
of the church of Darlington, in which, clerks being appointed, he 
determined to renew the order which was formerly at Durham.' 

In other words, we are assured on the absolutely unimpeachable 
authority of a contemporary witness, that the works commenced in 
1192 were continued, without cessation, till the bishop's death in 1195. 


The assertion, moreover, that Pudsey's work commenced ' at the 
very close of his episcopate,' it should be noted, though quite true in 
a loose sense, as compared with the length of his reign of forty-two 
years, is yet quite untrue in an exact sense, the sense, that is, in which 
Sir Gilbert would have us understand it, I mean in comparison of 
the length of time requisite for the completion of the fabric in all its 
more important parts. 

Begun, as we have seen, in 1192, and doubtless considering what 
manner of man its founder was, and how great his anxiety for its 
completion with a full complement of workmen, the building was 
pushed forward with unflagging zeal up to the time of the bishop's 
death on March 3rd, 1195. There were thus three years a year for 
each limb, during which the choir and transepts, at any rate, would 
be progressing in the bishop's lifetime a period, as need hardly be 
pointed out, not merely sufficient, but much more than sufficient for 
their completion. 5 But Sir Gilbert, ignoring all such considerations, and 
as blind, appparently, to the broad general witness of the building, as 
deaf to the voice of history, goes on to ask the question, ' What do 
we find here?' and makes answer, 'A building which every here and 
there had details which at once reminded us of the period of the 
Transition, but at the same time intimately mixed up with those 
which did not belong to the Transition at all. There were details of 
1190 or 1200 side by side with details of 1220 or 1230, or even 
later.' And then he proceeds to tell us that, ' With the single excep- 
tion of the buttresses, the architecture was that of the advanced Early 
English style ; many of the windows evidently did not belong to 
Pudsey. The abaci were round and did not appeal* extremely early 
specimens, while many of the mouldings had been worked to suit 
square abaci, and some were subsequently trimmed off to prevent 
their overhanging. The conjecture which he came to was that Bishop 
Pudsey began the church and carried it up to the string-course below 

5 It was with the architecture of the choir and transepts that Sir Gilbert's 
remarks had principally to do, and in answer to which the present account is for 
the most part directed, being designed to show that all three were the actual 
work of the bishop himself, and completed during his lifetime. But that there 
was not only abundant time for the completion of these, but of the nave also, 
there can be no doubt ; nor is there anything in the character of the western 
parts to show that they were not either finished, or, at least, in progress at the 
time of the bishop's death. 


the windows. He thought, too, that Bishop Pudsey had prepared a 
great quantity of material for carrying the work on, and that after his 
death some considerable interval must have transpired before the 
work was commenced again, and that whenever that might have been, 
the builders went upon the plan commenced by Bishop Pudsey, and 
used up, so far as they could, the prepared work left behind ; thus 
the new capitals were formed on the round system, although the 
mouldings were square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, 
would have overhung the circles. Throughout the whole of the 
building, with the exception of the lower part, and certain details 
which he believed were prepared before, the whole work belonged, 
instead of to Bishop Pudsey, very probably to the end of the first 
quarter of the thirteenth century.' 

Such are the ' difficulties ' alleged to be discovered by Sir Gilbert in 
the three eastern limbs of the church (for with the nave generally he 
is not much concerned), and such the 'short and simple plan' he 
devises for getting rid of them. For myself, I can only say that both 
one and other suffice to fill me with a sense of utter and blank amaze- 
ment : though after all, perhaps, it should not be so surprising to find 
the same measure meted out to the architecture as is measured to 
the history. 

Let us endeavour, however, with the help of exact illustrations of 
the building itself, and of its more important details, to see how far its 
witness bears out the plain statements of Wessington and Coldingham 
on the one hand ; or the hasty and superficial speculations of Sir 
Gilbert on the other. We shall see, I think, that, plausible as his 
imaginary difficulties may, perhaps, appear at first sight, a very little 
examination only is needed to show how contradictory and self- 
destructive they are; and how absolutely, because practically, impossible 
his solution of them. Referring, then, to his address, we observe, first 
of all, the statement that the church has * every here and there details 
which at once remind us of the period of the Transition, but at the 
same time intimately mixed up with those which do not belong to the 
Transition at all. There are details of 1190 or 1200 side by side with 
details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' 

Now observe, for some, perhaps, might fail to do so, the skilfully 
disguised attempt which lurks beneath these apparently simple and 


innocent expressions to throw dust into the eyes of the unwary, and, 
at the same time, blur and obscure the clear, sharp lines of history. 
* Every here and there details which remind us of the period of the 
Transition,' says Sir Gilbert ; as though the whole of the existing 
work, like the period itself in which we are assured it was wrought, 
was not positively, and without any reminiscence at all, that of the 
Transition. * Details of 1190 or 1200,' he proceeds, 'side by side 
with details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' Of these last we will 
take full account by- and- by, but, meanwhile, how of 1190 or 1200 ? 
Between 1190 and 1200 was a decade of no ordinary kind, but one, 
on the contrary, of the intensest architectural activity, in which 
changes of style were advancing day by day with a speed altogether 
phenomenal. The details of 1190 and those of 1200, so far from 
being, as might seem to be suggested, practically interchangeable, 
belonged to two entirely separate classes, viz., those of the Transition, 
and of the perfectly developed Early English, respectively. And with 
neither one nor the other of these dates could the choir and transepts 
have any connection at all. Not with 1190, for they were not then 
begun; nor with 1200, for they had then been finished five years. With 
the style of the intermediate and historically defined period, however, all 
three and their several parts are in the most perfect and exact accord ; 
Transitional, yet so late in the style as to have lost all mixture of the 
Romanesque; First Pointed, yet in style so immature and undeveloped 
as to have gained none of the distinguishing features of the purely 
Early English. 

But, to pass from what to the uninitiated may seem, perhaps, 
something like hair-splitting niceties, Sir Gilbert tells us that those 
details, whatever their precise date, which every here and there remind 
us of the period of the Transition, are intimately mixed up with others 
which do not belong to the Transition at all, with those, indeed, ' of 
1220 or 1230, or even later ! ' 

Well, it can only be asked, where are those later details, details 
which, from first to last, Sir Gilbert, like some others who have 
echoed him, so carefully abstains from particularising ? They are cer- 
tainly not discoverable in the choir, the earliest part of all, and 
which, though very slightly, yet perceptibly, differs both in expression 
and detail from the transepts ; which, again, differ somewhat, not in 


style, but merely in detail, from each other. Nor, again, does the 
closest scrutiny reveal them in the transepts, which necessarily, and 
more especially on their eastern sides, went up directly and con- 
secutively after it. 6 

' With the single exception of the buttresses,' Sir Gilbert declares, 
* the architecture is that of the advanced Early English style, many of 
the windows evidently did not belong to Pudsey. The conjecture 
which he came to was that Bishop Pudsey began the church and 
carried it up to the string-course below the windows. He thought, 
too, that Bishop Pudsey had prepared a great quantity of material for 
carrying the work on, and that after his death some considerable 
interval must have transpired before the work was commenced again, 
and that, whenever that might have been, the builders went upon 
the plan commenced by Bishop Pudsey, and used up, so far as they 
could, the prepared work left behind.' 

So far Sir Gilbert : now, let us to the building, and see what 
answer it returns to his allegations. 

Up to the lowest string-courses,* which, like the bands of ashlar 
work beneath run evenly, and without a break around both choir and 
transepts in their entirety, all is admittedly of Pudsey's work. All is 
perfectly plain, and the string-courses themselves are of the same char- 
acter. And yet Sir Gilbert would have us believe that these few courses 
of simple ashlaring were all that the whole force of masons the bishop 
could command were able to erect during three full years. Having 
carried up the walls so far, they then, according to his account, 

6 It should be observed, for the fact is very unusual, and noteworthy, that, as 
the church was first built, it so continued without alteration or insertion of any 
kind, save in regard to the heightening of the nave aisles, and the repairs conse- 
quent on the settlement of the tower piers in the fourteenth century, to the last. 
There were, therefore, no such after changes of plan, or insertions of windows, 
or other features, of slightly later date, as Sir Gilbert's remarks might lead any 
one unacquainted with the building to imagine ; such, for example, as the great 
north window of the Nine Altars at Durham, where the original design was 
abandoned for a later one while the works were yet in progress ; or in the choir 
of S. Andrew Auckland, where the original early Early English lights were built 
up, and late ones inserted in their place when the church was made collegiate 
under bishop Bek. All the several limbs, with all their details though, of 
course, the lower parts of each being built first, were, to that extent, earlier 
than the upper are, respectively of the same date throughout ; so that it is 
quite impossible to pick out any one or more particular features and affirm 
them to be of one period, while the rest are of another. 
* See p. 154, figs. 1 and 2. 





Fig. 1. 

Fig. 2. 

Fig. 4. 

Fig. 3. 

Fig. 5. 

Pig. l.-Outer Lower String-course. Fig, 2. Inner Lower String-course 

Beneath Lower Windows of Choir and North and South Transepts. 
Fig. 3. Outer Hood of Lower Windows, Choir and North Transept. 

Fig. 4. Inner String below Upper Windows of Choir, North and South Transept, and Nave. 
Fig. 5. Outer String below Upper Windows of Choir and South Transept. 


instead of proceeding in the regular way, suddenly stopped building 
altogether ; and, for no conceivable reason, and despite the bishop's 
anxiety, set themselves to preparing ' a great quantity of material,' 
which they most unaccountably and persistently refrained from fixing. 
The whole of this accumulated mass, instead of being placed in 
position as it was finished and as, according to universal rule, it 
would have been anywhere else was thereupon, he ' conjectures,' left 
either lying about, a very wilderness of carved work, or stacked 
up in vast heaps for thirty, or five and thirty years or more. And 
thus, by the invention of this beautifully 'simple plan,' we learn how 
'details of 1190 or 1200 are found side by side with details which,' 
he assures us, 'are of 1220 or 1230, or even later !' 

But, however satisfactory upon the surface, and to his hearers, at 
the moment, nothing could be more so, examination shows it to be 
not merely erroneous, but impossible. For on what basis does it rest ; 
and what is the special * difficulty ' it has been designed, on the mere 
spur of the moment, to explain away ? Why, simply the presence of 
round abaci on the capitals of the little columns of the window-jambs 
and wall arcades, and which, Sir Gilbert thinks ought, like the general 
outline of the mouldings, to have been square also. 'The abaci' he 
says, ' were round and did not appear extremely early specimens, 7 while 
many of the mouldings had been worked to suit square abaci, and 
some were subsequently trimmed off to prevent their overhanging. 
The new capitals (that is, ' of 1220, or 1230, or even later,' for the 

7 All of them, on the contrary, bear witness to their purely Transitional char- 
acter. Compare, for example, the capitals on page 160 with those given by Sir 
Gilbert in his lectures on Mediceval Architecture, L, 123, taken from Ripon 
and Fountains, where the identity of style and almost of form will be seen at a 
glance. Compare them also with one of the corbels at the west end of the 
chapel of Auckland castle, also built by bishop Pudsey, a work evidently 
contemporaneous with this at Darlington, and where both round and square 
abaci are used in the same composition. These capitals, it may be added, are 
worked in that excessively hard and intractable material, Frosterley marble. 
The first pair of detached capitals, east of them,in the same material, have their 
abaci, which are of exactly the same section, square, and the foliage natter. All 
the rest to the east, or low end of the hall (for it was built originally 
as the great hall of the manor) are circular, like those of the upper part of the 
western respond, only plain, and without foliage. It would be interesting to 
know what Sir Gilbert would have had to say with regard to the elaborately 
moulded arches that these several capitals carry ; whether, that is, they were 
designed for round, or for square, abaci. They are all exactly alike throughout, 
and it would certainly have taxed his ingenuity, as it would seem to have done 
that of the original builders, as to which form suited them best. They solved 
the difficulty there, as at Darlington, by using both. 


originals of Pudsey's time are supposed either never to have been 
worked ab all, or, if so, rejected on the resumption of the works) were 
formed on the round system, although the mouldings were square, 
which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, would have overhung 
the circles.' 

Now, just consider what this really means. Sir Gilbert himself is 
far too astute to tell you, for if he did, his ' simple plan ' would be seen 
to collapse at once. 'The mouldings,' he says, 'are square,' while the 
capitals which carry them ' are round ;' the one, that is, according to his 
interpretation, are of Pudsey's time, the others 'of 1220, or 1230, or 
even later.' He has just stated that Pudsey's workmen had prepared 
' a great quantity of material,' but he judiciously refrains from adding 
how great that quantity, that is, of those earlier ' square mouldings,' 
was. I need hardly waste time, perhaps, in pointing out the utter 
inconsistency of this assertion with the other made previously, viz., 
that ' with the single exception of the buttresses, the architecture was 
that of the advanced Early English style,' but simply refer you to 
the place these, so-called, square-sectioned Pudseyan mouldings occupy 
in the building. So far from consisting, as, on some sudden stoppage 
of the works, might naturally be expected, of a few voussoirs and 
jamb, or other mouldings ready worked for the setter's hand, but 
unlaid ; will it be believed that, on the contrary, they not only em- 
brace the whole of the wall-arcades and of the arch-mouldings of the 
windows of the choir, both inside and outside, as well as of nearly 
all the windows and wall-arcades in both storeys of the transepts, but 
of the great arches of the crossing, and of those opening into the nave 
aisles as well ? 

Sir Gilbert, we see, all unconsciously, makes the fatal mistake of 
proving too much ; for if, as he implies, and rightly implies, that 
what he calls the square-edged mouldings are of Pudsey's time ; then, 
since not merely the wall-arcades, of which he was speaking more 
particularly, but almost the whole of the arch-mouldings of the three 
eastern limbs, are also square-edged, they too, together with the walls 
of which they form so large a part, and whose interior surfaces they 
entirely overlie, must necessarily be of his time too. It is that simply 
enormous mass of material, therefore, the accumulation of which, to 
such an extent, must, of course, have been absurdly and monstrously 


impossible, that we are asked to believe, was not only left lying useless 
for thirty years or more, but, after that, along with the greater part 
of the nave, erected by some benefactor of whom history (and even 
Sir Gilbert) knows nothing. 


But, these 'square-sectioned' mouldings constitute only half, and 
that the lesser half, of the ' difficulties ' discovered. In a building of 
Pudsey's date their presence was not only natural but inevitable. 
What seems to be his supreme difficulty is the presence * side by side,' 
and ' intimately mixed up with ' such mouldings, of ' capitals formed 
on the round system' and having 'round abaci.' These, he calls 'new,' 
and ' conjectures ' to have been cut on the resumption of the work 
some thirty or more years after Pudsey and his men had ceased. 
He does not stop, however, to consider the dilemma in which this 
' conjecture ' lands him. When Pudsey's masons, as we have seen on 
internal evidence, carved the entire arch-mouldings of the three 
eastern limbs, as well as all the window- jambs and columns in con- 
nection with them, one of two things must have happened, either they 
cut the little capitals pertaining to them, or they did not. If not, 
there remains the fact that, when every other piece of sculpture, with- 
out exception, was finished, these small, but important features, without 
which the rest could not be put together, were, in an utterly incom- 
prehensible way, left out. If they did cut them, then the still more 
incomprehensible fact results that when, after so long an interval, the 
works were once more started, the builders deliberately destroyed the 
whole of the capitals which were made to fit these arch-moulds, only 
to carve, at infinite labour and ex pence, 'new' ones which, as Sir 
Gilbert tells us, do not. 

So much for theory : now for fact. All Sir Gilbert's ' difficulties ' 
centre, let me repeat, in the circumstance that, whereas the arch- 
moulds are ' square,' the abaci are, what it suits him to call, ' round.' 
Yet, that is exactly what, in the choir more especially, they are not. 
And then he adds that they are not merely round, but ' do not appear 
extremely early specimens.' Well ; taking those of the choir to begin 
with, what do we find ? On the outside, both above and below, and 
on the alternate sides of each window, capitals whose abaci are, so far 


as I know, unique, since they are neither round nor square, but of a 
form exactly intermediate between the two ; square as to their general 
outline, but, instead of being brought to a point, having their salient 
angles gently rounded off. So far, indeed, from 'not appearing ex- 
tremely early specimens,' nothing more intensely Transitional, whether 
in form or spirit, could be conceived. Their opposite capitals in every 
case, though exactly corresponding in other respects, and therefore 
of the same age, have their abaci of the commoner and more fully 
rounded form. 

In the interior again, we find the abaci of the wall-arcade capitals 
modelled in much the same way, not 'round,' but formed of parallel 
straight sides with rounded fronts, and admirably suited to the section 
of their arch-moulds, which sit upon them perfectly. (See p. 159, A 
and B, below.) 

More than this, however ; for besides their abaci, several of these 
caps are enriched with foliage. Of what style then is this, of Pudsey's 
day, or of 1230, or later ? Throughout, we find the stiff, formal, up- 
right arrangement, and somewhat pinched and cramped grouping so 
characteristic of the last decade of the twelfth century. The one 
solitary exception to this prevailing stiffness is discovered in the lower 
range of the north side, where, by a happy inspiration, the little 
trefoil leaves, as stiff in arrangement however as the rest, are shown in 
motion as though agitated by the wind. 8 Yet, curiously enough, this 

8 This slight variation of treatment has, of course, nothing whatever to do 
with any difference of date, all are alike in that respect, but simply with 
the innate love of change, and inventiveness of the carver. Though the 
particular conceit became afterwards very generally adopted, and in a measure 
characteristic of the pure Early English style, yet, like all other forms of detail, 
it had its prototypes, and they may be found scattered about liberally in all 
parts. Among other and early examples may be instanced the beautiful waving 
and curling foliage of the choir capitals at Lincoln Minster, built by St. Hugh 
between 1190 and 1200. at the very time the works at Darlington were going 
on ; and where, it may be noted, the round abacus is used exclusively. Other 
early examples of wind- waved foliage may be referred to, of a slightly later 
character, at Coleby, in the same county ; as also at Moulton and Whaplode, 
where, on the other hand, it is somewhat stiffer and earlier. It may be further 
worth mentioning, perhaps, in connection with the subject of arch-moulds and 
abaci, that at Coleby, the architect, who was evidently an able man, set Sir 
Gilbert's rules completely at defiance ; for though the arches are of the usual 
two chamfered orders, the capitals and abaci of the clustered columns, which 
are clusters of eight, are not only of a different, but contrarient form, the 
outline of the abaci of their main pointed bowtels projecting sharply beyond 
the semi-octagonal faces of the arch-moulds at the cardinal points ; while 
round, projecting capitals introduced intermediately, and in front of the 
recessed angles between the two orders have, of course, no arch -moulds to 
carry at all. 


Pier? of 



more advanced looking cap is found supporting the arch-moulds of the 
central window, which are the earliest in type of all, and, like those of 

its fellow opposite, re- 
produce, with curious 
similarity, the style of 
Pudsey's great Norman 
doorway in the castle hall 
at Durham some twenty 
years earlier. 9 Then, 
again, above this on two 
I of the capitals of the up- 
! per, and therefore later, 
| storey, may be seen, 

9 It has been urged by 
more than one professional 
architect that the embossed 
fret-moulds of these lower 
central windows are Norman, 
and derived from an earlier 
building. No greater mistake 
could be made. In the first 
place, as careful examination 
abundantly proves, they are 
of the very latest period of 

the Transition, and synchronize exactly with all other parts of the same 
range. They simply reproduce, with much modification, a form of ornament 
which had then all but expired, just like the south doorway of the contemporary 
church of Hartlepool, which contains the only piece of Transitional zig-zag 
in that building. (See an admirable view in Billings's Durham County. ,) And 
the reason for the adoption of this fretted pattern, and the exact place selected 
for its introduction, may be seen clearly enough on reflection. Throughout the 
whole of these lower ranges of windows the excessive, nay, almost exclusive, use 
of parallel lines, light and dark, of rolls and hollows, alternately, both in jambs 
and arches, can hardly fail to be observed. Now, the necessity for relieving the 
otherwise inevitably monotonous effect of this arrangement, so obvious to the 
old builders, may still be seen on scanning their work, and imagining for a 
moment, this fretwork removed ; as well as, how exactly in the right place it is, 
by picturing it, when there, in any other position. All must see how, un- 
deniably, it is not only the right thing, but the right thing in the right place. 
That, then, is its artistic raison d'etre. But there are other reasons for regarding 
the work as contemporaneous with its surroundings. To suppose it to have come 
from an earlier church would be to suppose its insertion there precisely at the 
period when it was about to be demolished, not, I venture to think, a very 
likely supposition. And then, the following facts would remain to be explained, 
viz., how it came to pass that the mouldings, cut as they are to the same section 
as the rest, should happen, by a further coincidence, nothing short of miraculous, 
to be of exactly the same dimensions, both of breadth and depth ; and that the 
fretwork should have been planned so as to fit, with the utmost nicety, two 
differently proportioned surfaces, exactly filling the under side, or soffit, while 
leaving the precise amount of margin requisite for effect, between the points of 
the frets and the hood mouldings on the face ; whereas, had they been merely 


ARCHAEOLOOIA A ELI AN A, Vol. XVII. (between pp. 160 and 161.) 

CJxjpcl? SapliDgto 

reduced -frojp 


Plate V. 

ARCHAEOLOGIA AEL1ANA, Vol. XVII. (between pp. 160 and 161.) 


.efajft of qtf j?cj 
fc/J) ^' 

Jqji;]3 , 



Plate VI. 



L .1 _ 


though, as might be expected, with far fuller and freer modelling, that 
emphatically Transitional form of volute so familiar in his chapel of 
the Galilee, and which dates from 1175. 10 

Clearly, therefore, since all the string-courses, window-jambs, arch- 
moulds, hood-moulds (see plates V. and VI.), wall-arcades, and sculp- 

old material re-used, they would, to an almost dead certainty, have had to be 
trimmed and adapted, tant bien que trial, to their position. 

Another point to be explained, too, would be the presence, which can only be 
detected on the closest scrutiny, of the most perfect and beautifully formed 
dog-tooth that essentially Early English ornament, as it is usually considered 
at the intersection of the frets, and which is more highly developed even than 
that which decorates, so remarkably, the adjoining windows to the east. And 
then would come the further fact, which could not be explained at all, viz. : 
that on either side, the pointed bowtel mouldings of the adjoining blank arches 
are worked out of the same stones from which these fretted voussoirs spring ; 
thereby proving, beyond contradiction, that they are the work, not only of the 
same time, but of the same man. 

But, it is objected further, that at the apex the points of the frets do not fit 
with that degree of exact, and mathematical precision which they ought to do, 
and that, therefore, the voussoirs cannot, originally, have been designed either 
for their present shape or place. The objection, however, is taken from a purely 
modern standpoint, and in complete ignorance or forgetfulness of medieval 
methods. Men were not then, it should be remembered, the mere machines they 
so commonly are now ; nor did they either set about, or execute, their work with 
that mechanical and office-planned precision so dear to the modern architect and 
clerk of works. Beginning with their arch-moulds at the bottom, they simply 
went on cutting till they approached the top, and then filled in the intervening 
space with stones of the required size. In many cases, as in the fine Early 
English arcades at Kirkby Stephen church, that space proved to be too narrow 
to allow the perfect penetration of the voussoir, which being thus brought to a 

5oint before it reached the bottom, had no intrados at all. In the Norman 
oorway of Heighington church, again, to take a more strictly local example, 
the single row of arch zig-zags, which are all of large size, are brought so close 
together at the crown that the pattern could not be carried on, and so the small 
intervening space had to be treated in just such an irregular and abortive way 
as its width allowed. 

Here, at Darlington, the utmost that can be said is that, in one instance, the 
figures, when they reach the apex, fall barely short of such absolute exactness 
as might have been achieved had the dimensions of each stone been first of all 
drawn out at full size, and then copied to a hair's breadth and that is all. 

10 Astonishing as Sir Gilbert's account of the capitals of these wall-arcades 
is, it would seem, in one particular at least, to be surpassed by that of a 
local antiquary (quoted approvingly by another) with respect to such of 
them as exhibit these Transitional volutes. Because, apparently, they occur in 
a very stiff and early form in the Galilee capitals, where the extreme tips of the 
leaves only are curled up in a sharp point beneath the angles of the square 
abaci ; he, at once, after echoing Sir Gilbert's dictum that ' we have mouldings 
intended for square abaci resting on round ones,' jumps, with even greater 
precipitancy, to the conclusion that these volutes notwithstanding their 
difference of design, and that they conform to their position beneath the round 
abaci as perfectly as all the rest had been originally provided with square 
ones ; which latter, although both arch-moulds and volutes were, according to 
his view, cut specially to fit them, were afterwards, and out of pure wrong- 
headedness, rounded off ! A slightly later form of this very volute, I may add, 
enriched with shallow flutings, may be seen beneath a circular abacus in the 
northern jamb of the central eastern lancet of Kirkham abbey church. 

VOL. XVIT. 21 


tured foliage in both storeys are perfectly uniform, and of the most 
distinctly Transitional character imaginable throughout, no place for 
the advanced Early English style of the end of the first quarter of the 
thirteenth century, 'or of details of 1220 or 1230, or later,' is to be 
found in the choir. They must consequently be sought, if they are 
to be Tound at all, in the crossing and transepts. 

That these, generally, are of a slightly later date, though without 
any ' solution of continuity,' cannot be doubted. The stern, archaic 
severity of style, so striking in the windows of the eastern limb, 
becomes, in those of the upper stories of the transverse ones, greatly 
softened ; the obtuse design of the earlier choir-window heads springing 
up here into lighter lancet forms, while the square, unmoulded edges 
(see Plates V. and VI.) which distinguish them so remarkably, dis- 
appear in those of the transepts altogether. 

Here, then, at length, we might expect to discover some of those 
4 many windows ' which Sir Gilbert declares ' evidently did not belong 
to Pudsey.' They vary somewhat ; those of the south transept, like all 
the rest of its details as pertaining to the choir of the Lady 
chapel 11 being much richer than those of the north, which only 
formed its nave. On the exterior, the one clearstorey group has a 
moulded outer order enriched with double rows of nail-head, which is 
carried on slender, cord-like shafts having caps but no bases, while 
the other is formed merely of two orders of broad and simple chamfers. 
(For those on east side, as well as those of choir, see frontispiece.) 
And thus, either group, viewed from the outside, might quite easily, 
for anything that appears to the contrary, be, as Sir Gilbert says, 
' of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' But, just as in literature, we know 

11 Sir Gilbert, if I may be pardoned for saying so, seems, in an 
unguarded moment, to have fallen into the vulgar error of assuming that the 
richer work must, prima facie, be the later. In Darlington church, taken as a 
whole, the exact contrary is the case, the contrast between the comparatively 
late and plain work of the nave, and that of the choir and transepts being very 
striking. It never, apparently, occurred to Sir Gilbert, any 'more than to the 
local antiquaries who have treated of the subject, that the greater richness of 
the south transept is due, not to its later date, which its own details, as well 
as other and structural reasons, prove to be impossible, but to its having 
formed the choir of the Lady chapel, as the presence of two contemporary 
piscinae there, while there is none in the plainer northern one, sufficiently 
shows. The church is thus seen to consist really, as it were, of two churches, 
whose respective naves and chancels cross each other at right angles, with a 
central tower and spire, common to both, at the intersection. 


what usually happens when, for controversial purposes, a sentence, 
or even part of a sentence, is severed from its context, so here, with 
these windows. For we have but to go inside and view them in 
connection with the blank arcades of which they are integral parts, 
to see at once that they are of practically the same date as those 
below, and which follow, with more or less exactness, those of 
the choir. What the true date and character of these arcades is 
may be discovered from the fact that in those of the north transept 
there occur, mixed up indiscriminately with rounded, octagonal, and 
semi-round and square ones, like those of the choir, no fewer than 
six square abaci, three of them in the clearstorey, and which, by a 
strange irony of fate, support, not, as according to his theory they 
ought to do, square-shaped mouldings which they would exactly fit, 
but broad chamfered ones, which, according to it, they don't fit 
at all. 12 


The whole of this arcading, however, demands the closest atten- 
tion, for it gives Sir Gilbert's undigested and superficial theory the 
completest answer possible. His main contention against the choir 
and transepts being the actual work of bishop Pudsey, as the 
historians assert them to be, was that the arch-moulds of their 
arcades were * square.' while the abaci of the capitals which receive 
them were ' round.' Then, since the square abacus, like the square 
section of mouldings, was the earlier, and the round, in either case, 
generally, the later form, he at once saw a 'difficulty,' The two 
forms (i.e., from a purely theoretical, and cut and dried office 
point of view) did not agree, and therefore could not (as every one, 
previous to the delivery of his lecture, had imagined) be contem- 

12 Sir Gilbert, in one place, particularizes the simpler details of the north 
transept as representing part of that ' great quantity of material ' which 
Pudsey's workmen had prepared, but not placed. But as the chancel and its 
details are evidently the earliest parts of the church, anything that remained 
over after the stoppage, which he asserts took place at the level of the lowest 
string-course, would naturally, on the resumption of the works, be used up there. 
And then, since the moulds of the lower arcade are entirely square sectioned, 
and as Sir Gilbert assures us, cut to be received on square abaci, how curious a 
thing is it to find that the actual builders did not see things in that light at 
all, but fitted what he calls the square-edged arch-moulds to round abaci, 
while they took square abaci and fitted them to chamfered arch-moulds, with 
which, according to his theory, they could have no affinity whatever 


porary. So he at once jumped to the conclusion that, historians 
notwithstanding, these round abaci must belong ' to the end of 
the first quarter of the thirteenth century,' Darlington mean- 
while going for five and thirty years or more without a church, of 
which all the other parts were ready, and waiting only for these little 
caps. And then, strange to say, when, after this long probation it 
got them, they did not fit ! Why the carvers of 1230, after all their 
experience in the use of the round abacus, which, though invented 
by English William, at Canterbury, eleven years before the founda- 
tions of Pudsey's church were laid, was then a novelty, should, 
nevertheless, not make them fit ; and why Sir Gilbert should parade 
the fact of such misfitting as a proof of the lateness, rather than, as 
might naturally be supposed, earliness, of their date, is as unintel- 
ligible as unexplained. 'Many of the mouldings,' he says (they are 
all, however, practically alike (see p. 159, A and B, below), ' had been 
worked to suit square abaci, and some were subsequently trimmed off 
to prevent their overhanging, the new capitals were formed on the 
round system, although the mouldings were square, which, but for the 
trimming of the mouldings, would have overhung the circles.' 

But, supposing for the moment, the fact to be as stated, how can it 
possibly be held to show, or even suggest, that these abaci are of 1230 
rather than 1193 or 1194? Surely the men of 1230, when the 
feverish activity of the Transition had passed, and architectural life 
had settled down into comparative calm, were far likelier, from 
long experience of their use, to work with greater exactness than 
those of the earlier date, who, having to adapt a somewhat unfamiliar 
feature to well established forms, treated it with all the charac- 
teristic freedom of their day. The fact is, however, that this 
trimming off of the mouldings, of which Sir Gilbert makes so much, 
does not occur in the choir, the earliest part, at all. Nor is it 
discoverable in the multitudinous examples of the south transept, 
which comes next ; 13 but only, and that so slightly as to escape 

13 That the south transept is, in the main, somewhat the earlier of the two, 
and not built ' of fresh materials, with details entirely of their own, about 1220 ; ' 
while ' the north one was built of many of the old materials left behind ' by 
bishop Pudsey, as stated by Sir Gilbert Scott and echoed by his followers, may 
be inferred from the same reasons which induced the old builders everywhere to 
commence at the east end, viz. : that it was the altar end, which it was universally 
felt desirable to have finished first. Now, the south was the altar end of the 


notice altogether unless specially searched for, in three instances in 
the north transept, the latest of the three limbs. And then, what, 
after all, does it prove ? Evidently no point of date, nor any unsuit- 
ableness of the rounded abaci to their arch-moulds, which here, in the 

transept, and would therefore, naturally, on the same principle, be brought to a 
speedier completion than the north, which, to some extent, could afford to wait. 
That both went up systematically as far as the lowest string-course, with the 
choir, we have clear proof from the fact, never noticed by Sir Gilbert, that, out- 
side, the same courses of stone are carried uniformly round all three of them, the 
top row throughout being remarkable for its much greater depth, and for the 
shape of its stones which are nearly cubical. The second stage containing the 
lower range of windows, is not, however, carried round in such even courses ; 
and it is clear from its details, that the whole of the choir was then, with the 
exception of their inner eastern angles, gone on with and completed before, and 
independently of the transepts. In the clearstoreys of both transepts the 
uniformity of line which distinguishes that of the choir is no longer either main- 
tained or attempted ; the courses of the masonry which, however, is of the same 
general character, being there broken. With respect to the two upper stages of 
the transepts, those of the south, needful for its earlier completion, would seem 
to have been pushed forward more immediately. That both of them are later 
than those of the choir is shown by their distinct advance, as well in point of 
plan as of style ; for whereas the arcades of the choir are all wide and of one 
size, they are here much more numerous and contracted, two blank arches in- 
stead of one being inserted, where practicable, between the windows. And then, 
instead of the arch-moulds consisting any longer, as there, of a single pointed 
bowtel below, and a round one above, between two simple hollows, we find a 
roll and fillet between two hollows, the outer edges of the outermost one of 
which are worked off into a chamfer. But, like those of the choir, all its arcade 
capitals still continue to be round. In the lower range of the north transept, 
on the other hand, though the arch-moulds are practically the same in section 
and arrangement as in the south, the capitals vary. Here, for the first time, we 
have square and octagonal forms intermingling with the round ; while in the 
clearstorey the round capitals and all moulded forms disappear entirely both 
inside and out, nothing but the simpler, though evidently later, chamfers being 
used either for arches or abaci. 

A further reason for supposing the north transept to be, in its upper parts, 
the later of the two, may be seen in the fact that, while the arch opening from 
the south transept to the nave aisle has its shafts, like those of the two earlier 
eastern piers, as also those of the south-western one, composed exclusively of 
pointed bowtels : although the northern shafts of the corresponding arch of the 
north transept are of similar pattern, two of the southern ones, like most others 
of the north-west pier with which they are incorporated, are round. And just 
as the capitals of the south-west pier show an advance on those of the two 
eastern ones in having pointed and moulded bells below their square abaci, 
which the latter enriched with stiff, Transitional foliage, like those of the choir 
and south-transept arcades have not. so the capitals of this great north-west 
pier show a still further advance upon these, by having the points of their chief 
abaci no longer left square, but either canted or rounded off ; all which, being 
interpreted means that, though the lowest part of the north transept followed 
on, like the south, after that of the choir, and the northern responds, of the 
aisle-arch, naturally, went up along with it ; the north-west pier itself, without 
which, of course, the transept could not be completed, was not proceeded with 
for some little while after, its more advanced details being necessarily contem- 
poraneous with the upper parts of the north transept which are bonded into, and 
superimposed upon, it. 

But a further, and, perhaps, more convincing proof that the south side of the 
church, generally, was built before the north may be seen on comparison of the 


remaining instances, as elsewhere, they fit perfectly ; but simply the 
free, careless handling of the sculptor, who, in these particular capitals, 
struck his circle, some quarter of an inch or so, too small. How con- 
temptuous of such petty niceties he was, indeed, appears in another case, 
which seems to have been planned of set purpose. Here (see p. 159, 
C, below), instead of making his arch-moulds spring from any abacus 
at all, he boldly sets their square springing block on the top of it, and 
leaves its angles standing out defiantly. Such open disregard of tame 
propriety would clearly have driven a modern clerk of works stark mad. 
Only one further remark on the arcading of this transept, I think, 
need be offered. On the outside, in the gable, which must necessarily 
have been built after the walls were finished, is an arcade of three arches, 
the central one pierced for a window. It is the only piece of external 
arcading in the three eastern limbs, the precursor of that which, later 
on, was applied to the clearstoreys and west end of the nave, and, 
doubtless, therefore, among, if not the very latest of the earlier parts. 
What, then, does it show us ? So far from any * details of 1220 or 
1230, or even later,' exactly the same severe Transitional arch-moulds 
as are found in the lower windows of the choir, and tell it not in 
(rath carried, which they are not, on capitals with square abaci ! 14 


And now, leaving this part of the subject, let us turn our attention 
to the great arches and piers of the crossing, and the easternmost 
arches and responds of the nave which are incorporated with, and form 

north and south clearstoreys of the nave. Towards the south the arcades are 
separated into compartments of three by narrow intervening strips of blank 
walling, across which the hood moulds of the arches are carried horizontally, the 
effect, though not, perhaps, positively bad, being yet far from satisfactory. On 
the north side the design has been altered by making the arcade continuous, an 
immense improvement. The collective evidence, then, of this later north nave- 
clearstorey, of the later north-west pier, and of the two upper storeys of the 
north transept, in which the square and octagonal abaci, which are seen else- 
where only in the crossing arches and their small, upper, angle shafts, unques- 
tionably the latest portions of the three eastern limbs, all tend to show that the 
work was carried on first towards the south, leaving the northern portions to the 
last ; the two upper storeys of the north transept following immediately after 
those of the south, while the nave and its clearstoreys, carried on after their 
completion, followed, evidently, the same course. 

14 It is only proper, however, to say that these capitals and abaci were cased 
many years ago with cement, and therefore some degree of uncertainty must 
naturally attach to their evidence. But as to the severe and early type of the 
window mouldings there can be no uncertainty at all. They are Transitional, 
and nothing else. 


parcel of, them. Strange to say, Sir Gilbert would seem to have been 
so entirely absorbed with the comparatively trivial and unimportant 
wall-arcades and the abaci of their petty capitals as to have over- 
looked these, the grandest and most conspicuous features of the church, 
altogether. That they are also the latest parts of the richer and 
earlier work, is clear from the fact that till the choir, transepts, and 
eastern nave-arches, with the walling above them, were built, these 
great crossing arches and their western piers could not have been set 
up ; the eastern extremities of the nave walls being needed for abut- 
ments to the two arches ranging east and west, just as, under similar 
circumstances, was the case in the cathedral at Durham about a 
century before. It is clear, therefore, that the subject of their date is 
of the last importance, since it must either confirm, or conclusively 
negative, Sir Gilbert's contention that the parts which preceded them, 
the south transept more particularly, are 'of the end of the first 
quarter of the thirteenth century.' 

Let us then examine, as carefully as may be, these great crossing 
arches; the piers and their caps which carry them; together with those 
attached members, the arches opening into the nave aisles, and the 
eastern nave arches, with the responds belonging to each respectively, 
which are built up into, and form part of, the two western ones. 

Now, among the various distinctive details of the Transitional 
period, no one, it may safely be affirmed, is at once so universally met 
with, and characteristic, as that known as the ' pointed bowtel.' It is 
formed by two sides of a, more or less, equilateral spherical triangle ; and 
is used, as well in arch-mouldings, as in shafts. Probably the earliest 
local instance of its use in the former capacity occurs in the arches of 
the Galilee (1175), where we see double ribs of this section used 
alternately with, and as a foil to, zigzags. As a shaft we have it 
locally in the responds of the Transitional parts of Staindrop, and 
St. Helen's Auckland, churches ; and very freely, both as shaft and 
moulding, in the nave and choir at Hartlepool. It supplies, indeed, 
one of the most distinct and crucial tests of style that can be found. 

Where, then, and to what extent, does it appear here ? Well, first 
of all and chiefly in the twelve clustered shafts of the north-east and 
south-east piers, the two earliest of the four, which are wholly, and 
without exception, of this form. Next, in the three shafts of the re- 



spond, or semi-pillar of the arch opening to the south aisle of the nave, 
southwards. (See p. 168 for section, cap, and arch-moulds.) Then, 
in the great south-western pier in which the corresponding shafts of 
the respond of the aisle arch are imbedded, and which, to the exclu- 
sion of all other forms, contains twelve such shafts. After that, in 
the principal, and two lateral shafts of the respond of the arch opening 
to the north nave aisle, northward; and then, lastly, in the great 
north-west pier where, being used only for the principal shafts, it 
appears four times towards the cardinal points. (See pp. 159 and 170 
for sections and other details.) That is to say, out of forty-two shafts 
altogether, no fewer than thirty-four are pointed; only eight round 
ones, and those wholly subordinate, being found in the north-west 
pier, the latest of the four. 

Nor is that all, for besides being used so abundantly as a shaft, it 
figures conspicuously as a moulding, the three soffit moulds of the 
four great square-sectioned crossing arches being also of this form. 

But the evidence of the pointed bowtel is far from being all that 
is adducible as to the date of the transepts and crossing. All the 
twelve capitals of the two eastern piers, infinitely more important 
than those of the wall-arcades, and decorated with strongly marked 
Transitional foliage, are surmounted by rigidly square abaci. In 
the south-west and north-west piers again, while the abaci of the 
subordinate pointed or rounded shafts follow their outlines respectively, 
all the main shafts, together with the rectangular portions, have their 
abaci square, those of the north-west pier having their angles just 
perceptibly softened and rounded off. These arches and piers of the 
crossing and nave aisles are seen, in their every detail in short, to be 
of markedly and indisputably Transitional character throughout, and 
to have no more connection with the ' advanced Early English 
architecture of the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century ' 
on the one hand, than with that of Flambard or Galfrid Rut us on the 

But yet further and, if possible, more convincing proof of the true 
date of these transepts. Sir Gilbert, it will be remembered, allowed 
that, up to the string-courses below the lower windows, the work 
is of Pudsey's day. And so, both outside and inside, the respective 
string-courses pursue their way throughout choir and transepts uni- 
xvn. 22 


"Etefoih of 


formly. That, so far, is sufficient proof that all, up to that height, 
at any rate, is of one date. The lowest interior string-course, 
however, is but one out of four, the next to it being that which 
surmounts the lower windows and wall arcades. And this, too, 
although altered for one of richer character above the altars of the 
south transept, is of equally pronounced Transitional character as the 
one below, and carried uniformly throughout both choir and north 
transept. Then, after that, we come to the second horizontal main 
string below the upper, or clearstorey windows, once more of precisely 
the same frank, uncompromising Transitional section as that below the 
lower windows. And this, after running round the entire choir, and 
being continued as an abacus mould to the square capitals of the two 
eastern piers, is then, after traversing the three sides of both transepts, 
not only used again as abacus mould to the two western piers, but 
carried on as a string below the clearstorey windows to the west end of 
the nave. Last of all is the fourth, or uppermost string, or hood- 
mould of the clearstorey which, of exactly the same unmistakable 
contour as those below, is continued round the choir and south 
transept, though changed for one f a somewhat altered form in the 
north; (see p. 154, fig. 1). 

Since then, the whole skeleton and framework of the three eastern 
limbs, as shown by these several string-courses, of which Sir Gilbert 
was in far too great haste to take any account at all, are for the most 
part continuous, identical, and of Transitional style, it follows that 
the whole must be continuous, identical, and of Transitional style 
too. In other words, we see from their own internal evidence that 
they are not what Sir Gilbert Scott 'conjectures' them to be, viz., 'of 
the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century,' but exactly 
what the historians declare that they are the actual work of Pudsey 
himself, and finished in his lifetime. 


We come now, at length, to the nave. That Pudsey lived to see the 
completion of this part of the structure is, I think, somewhat doubtful. 
Up to, and including the easternmost arch of the nave on either side, 
which, as we have seen, with the walls above them, were necessary as 
abutments to the crossing, the work was throughout of a highly 


enriched and ornate character. There, however, that character 
suddenly and at once stops, and for good. True, the nave was only 
the place of the parishioners, a sort of vestibule or ante-chapel to the 
more strictly collegiate choir which lay beyond, and its comparatively 
austere simplicity might well enough be accounted for on such 
grounds alone. But there may, not improbably, have been other 
grounds than these. In the first place, it is not easy, on such view of 
the case, to account for the magnificence of its eastern arches and their 
supporting pillars, differing so entirely as they do from all the rest. 
There are no signs of these eastern bays having ever formed part of 
the sanctuary of a people's altar, or of any screen work which served 
as a reredos to it ; though such, indeed, might possibly have been the 
case, as at the collegiate church of Bonhommes at Edington, and 
elsewhere. Were they only designed to indicate such a purpose as this, 
however, a far simpler ordonance would have sufficed; nor would 
there have been any need for the arches opening from the side aisles 
to the transepts to have been of the like degree of richness. The 
explanation would, perhaps, rather seem to be that Pudsey's death took 
place when the works had reached that particular point. Then, the 
stream being cut off from the fountain head, the idea of completing 
the church according to the original scheme, already commenced, was 
forthwith abandoned ; all further operations being thenceforth carried 
on and finished by his executors in a far less expensive way than 
before, and with just such remnant of means as they could command. 
That any actual stoppage of the works took place, however, there 
is nothing, I think, to show. There is no more difference of style 
observable, indeed, between the work of the transepts and that of the 
nave, than between that of the choir and of the transepts, that is to 
say, the mere slight advance accruing from daily growth, and nothing 
more. With the single exception of the Transitional string-course 
below the clearstorey windows, which, as there were no breaks to mark 
the change, was doubtless continued for the sake of uniformity, the 
merging of the Transitional into more distinctly Early English forms 
is accomplished so gradually as to be hardly perceived, or even per- 
ceivable. Yet, for all that, it is there and can be felt. But a very 
perceptible change in plan, if not in detail, and one which is 
patent to the eyes of the most casual observer, is to be seen in the 


treatment of the wall-arcades. Hitherto, throughout the church, both 
in the choir and transepts, with the single exception of the triplet in 
the north transept gable already referred to, they have been confined 
strictly to the interior. In the nave they are confined just as strictly 
to the exterior, a commencement made at the eastern interior angles 
of the north and south clearstoreys being instantly stopped. The 
three western bays on either side are not only much plainer in style 
than the eastern ones, but, as a reference to the ground plan will 
show, of much wider span. The arches, of three perfectly plain 
chamfered orders, are carried on alternate circular and octagonal 
pillars counterchanged, the one form being set opposite the other, 
and the same order is observed in their responds. Owing to their 
increased span, the curvature of these arches is excessively obtuse ; 
so much so that in the westernmost ones it is almost, if not quite 
impossible, to distinguish them from semicircles. 15 A grave defect is 
also observable in the circular columns ; they are much too massive 
for their superincumbent arch-moulds. From there being three rows 
of chamfers employed, the result is that the outermost rows in the 
several arches, at the point of springing, almost touch each other, a 
mere edge only being left between them. Viewed full front, the effect 
is unobjectionable enough ; but diagonally, and at right angles to the 
line of chamfers, then the column appears to be nearly twice the 
diameter of what it carries, a proportion, it is hardly necessary to say, 
as constructively wrong as it is artistically bad. We have heard 
what Sir Gilbert has had to say about certain of the ' square-edged ' 
arch-moulds of the choir and transept wall-arcades not fitting their 
round abaci, but, in two or three cases, slightly overhanging them, 
and the astonishing theory he constructed to account for such 
microscopical discrepancy. It cannot, therefore, but excite curiosity 
as to what he would have said in the case of this indisputably later 
work, where diamond-shaped arch-moulds are set on round capitals 
nearly double their own bulk, and which they make no pretence to fit 
at all ! 1G But, like the great crossing arches and their supports, they 

15 In the case of the westernmost arches on either side, the rounded form is 
intensified through the failure of the foundations having caused the west wall 
and the attached responds to fall out, thus allowing the arches to spread. 

16 It cannot be too much insisted on how thoroughly self -invented, fictitious, 
and contrary to all experience this theory of Sir Gilbert's as to the exact 
correspondence to be looked for between the outline of arch-moulds and their 


would doubtless have proved highly inconvenient to his newly invented 
theory, and so he, very judiciously, never either saw, or mentioned 
them at all. In the octagonal shafts, which are much slighter than 
the circular ones, and whose capitals expand considerably, this mistake 
is avoided. 

As originally constructed, the external walls of the side aisles were 
little more than half their present height, the roofs descending to the 
top of the dwarf Early English buttresses which still remain at the 

abaci is. As a matter of fact it can scarcely, in practice, be found to receive 
any illustration at all. If, for example, we take the very commonest of 
thirteenth century arch forms, i.e., of two plain chamfered orders carried on 
circular shafts, we see that while the abaci are round the arches sit on them in 
the form of a cross ; whereas, to suit such forms, the abaci, according to bis 
showing, should be of a quatrefoil or cruciform plan, which, except in the rare 
case of quadruple columns, they never are. But however full of such theories 
Sir Gilbert might be, the old architects knew evidently nothing of them, and 
cared less. These very mouldings at Darlington which he persists so constantly 
in calling ; square ' are really, at their springing, nothing of the kind, but 
consist of two rolls, filleted or plain, between three hollows, which sit upon 
their circular abaci in as natural and artistic a way as possible. Had he, when 
in the neighbourhood, but extended his researches in local Transitional work as 
far as Billingham, he would have seen with what practical contempt his ideas 
were treated by the builder of the south arcade there. As usual, the arches are 
of two square orders, with their angles rounded off, thus forming at their 
springing line an exact Greek cross. But the abaci from which they spring are 
squares enclosing those crosses. It results, therefore, that the projecting angles, 
as any one may see by first drawing a square, then applying others of the 
same size to each of its four sides, and then drawing another enclosing the 
whole, are of precisely the same size as the four limbs ; in other words, that 
these abaci are exactly twice the size of the arch-moulds which they carry, 
while bearing no resemblance whatever to them in shape. Nor is that all. The 
columns which carry these abaci and arch-moulds are five in number, a stout 
circular one in the middle, with four smaller ones attached. But in what way ? 
Not, as might naturally be expected, beneath the four limbs of the cross, which 
they would thus serve, or at least seem, to carry, but beneath the projecting 
square angles of the abaci, where there is, of course, nothing at all for either 
shafts or abaci to carry. 

And then, if not too much shocked with these Billingham examples, he had 
gone on to examine the really ' advanced Early English work ' in the Nine 
Altars at Durham, he might have seen enough, not only to check all further 
enquiry, but any repetition of his theory, for all time to come. He tells us in 
respect of the three particular instances in which the round abaci of the 
Darlington wall-arcades are cut just perceptibly too small, that the arch-moulds 
had^to be trimmed off, for if that had not been done, they would have overhung 
their abaci ; and then, on the strength of that frightful state of things, proceeded 
to construct his theory of there being thirty, or five and thirty years difference 
of date between the two. What then would he have said in the case of the arch 
opening from the Nine Altars chapel into the south aisle of the choir, where 
there is no resemblance between the mouldings and their abaci at all, and 
where two of them would, if continued, have overshot the abaci altogether ? As 
it] was, we find the sculptor turning the ' difficulty,' which his contemptuous 
disregard of mathematical niceties had brought about, into simple sources of 
artistic triumph by carving the extremity of the one into a distorted face, 
horror struck at being about to be launched into space, and carrying the other 
on the widespread wings of a flying eagle. 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. (to face p. 175/ 

Plate VII. 

^Cuthberfs Church DorJinpton . 

N. Original form of AisJe$. 

measured ^Drxaurn by 

A. Exiting Cap of main Arcade 
B Corbel in Aile Wall. 
C Springer o-f Cr>o$/\r>c!h. 
D Toothings in Spa ndj'i) 

of IDain Arcade. 
E Line of Flashing Groove 

against Transept Vail. 
Y SugQe^fed Form of 
d FOT-TD of Roof. 

uJ U 5 LJ 



west end and on both sides. Inside, these steeply inclined roofs were 
carried on transverse arches of stone, which much resembled, and 
acted as, flying buttresses, spanning the aisles from just above the 
capitals of the pillars to corbels set at a much lower level in the out- 
side walls. Two of these latter, together with the springer of one of 
the transverse arches, may still be seen in the north aisle. As the 
accompanying illustration (see plate VII.) shows, these supports con- 
sist of something more than a simple half-arch, having an apex and 
part of an opposite side attached to the wall of the nave as well. Exact 
restoration proves what, from the existing fragment, is not at once 
apparent on the spot, viz., that if continued, the line of the inner side 
would form a perfect counterpart to that of the outer one ; in other 
words, that both sides, being of the same radius, and struck from the 
same level, would form a nearly equilateral arch. 17 When, at a later 
date, the outer walls of the aisles were raised, these transverse arches, 
no longer suited to the altered circumstances, were destroyed. 

As almost everywhere else in the country, this raising of the walls 
was effected for the purpose of obtaining more light. Large and fine 
Decorated windows of two lights, with square heads and admirably 
drawn net-tracery, were accordingly, about the middle of the four- 
teenth century, made to take the place of the original low and dwarf 
lancets. They have been slightly, but most carefully, restored 
wherever decayed, during the late Sir Gilbert Scott's restoration, and 
in a way which should serve as a model in all like cases everywhere. 

Turning to the exterior, we at once observe that arch-moulds 
exactly similar to those of the transepts, consisting of a roll and fillet 

17 The restored elevation of this transverse arch has been most kindly drawn, 
after careful measurement, at my suggestion, by Mr. Pritchett, architect, of 
Darlington. The latest published archaeological account of the church, repeat- 
ing the statement made in Mr. Longstaffe's history, says that the aisles 
were vaulted. This, as the drawing shows, is a complete mistake. There 
was never any vaulting whatever. Though not by any means unique, this 
fashion of supporting the roofs of the side aisles was somewhat uncommon. We 
find it still existing in the contemporary nave aisles at Hartlepool, notwith- 
standing the raising of the outer walls there as here, though, in that case, the 
arches are equal sided, and sprung from the same, or nearly the same, level. In 
Llandaff cathedral pointed transverse stone arches, similar to these at Darling- 
ton, also occur ; but again, owing to the different proportions of the arcades, of 
perfect and complete form. At lona, too, there is a very curious application of 
the same principle. In that case, however, instead of the transverse supports 
being slight and resting upon corbels as in the foregoing instances, they consist 
of massive moulded half-arches descending from above the capitals of the 
columns to the base of the outer walls, where they rise independently from the 


between two hollows, and surmounted by a hood, are continued 
along the clearstoreys, three arcades, of which the central one is 
pierced for a window, being given to each bay. And again, notwith- 
standing that the section of the arches is what, in the case of the 
choir and transepts, it suited Sir Gilbert to call square, we find 
them, precisely as before, fitted to caps having round abaci, than 
which nothing more suitable could be conceived, and which all fit 
perfectly. But of these, so conspicuous, and impossible to be ignored 
as they are, and in respect of whose several parts it would be futile 
to suggest any disparity of date, he has, once more, nothing whatever 
to say. They are, in fact, exactly the self-same characteristic mould- 
ings of the period which are met with all over the country, and 
carried on capitals of just such rounded form as were commonly and, 
indeed, universally, applied to them. 

The same line of arcading which forms the clearstorey is continued, 
with a slightly increased height, across the west end of the nave. 
This is pierced for two windows at that level, and for one over them 
in the gable, the whole forming, perhaps, as chastely simple and 
elegant a composition as can be found. Below, in the great west 
doorway, we meet, under a pedimented head, with a deep archway of 
three orders of square-set roll-and-hollow mouldings, but, like those 
of the choir, without fillets, and carried on similar round caps, 
as perfectly fitted to each other as caps and mouldings, of any sort, 
can be anywhere. Of these, once more, however, since they would 
have proved utterly subversive of his theory, Sir Gilbert, although 
he himself supplied them with new shafts and circular capitals, has, 
prudently, not a word to say. 

On the north and south sides are similar shafted doorways, but 
smaller and simpler, and having only plain chamfers for their arch- 
moulds. Both originally had porches, the walls of which rose high 
above those of the low side aisles, and, standing out transeptally, 
served to break the monotony of their continuous and steeply sloping 
roofs. The ridges of these porch roofs were about level with those of the 
aisles themselves beneath the clearstorey, but both roofs and porches 
were, apparently, destroyed when the aisle walls were raised to their 
present height. 

A slight, but marked difference of design occurs in the nave 


clearstoreys which, since it is, I think, universally unnoticed, seems 
worth pointing out. Towards the south, each bay is marked off by 
the introduction of flat and narrow pilaster buttresses, or wall strips ; 
just sufficient to mark the distinction and no more. Small and in- 
significant as they are, however, they serve, quite visibly, to interrupt 
and mar the continuity of the arcade. Towards the north these 
pilaster strips are omitted ; and, however correct in principle they 
may be, very greatly, I think, to the advantage of the general effect. 
Though there would, of course, be no break in the continuance of the 
works, this improved arrangement would seem to point pretty clearly 
to the fact that the north clearstorey of the nave, like the upper part 
of the north transept, followed, if not the completion, at least the 
commencement, of that opposite to it. 


With the single exception of the roof of the choir, those of the 
church generally, up to the time of the late restoration, retained not 
only very nearly their ancient pitch, but also their ancient leaden 
coverings. Having suffered no greater loss than that of the decayed 
ends of their rafters, the defect was all the more readily made good, 
and they have now, once more, been brought back to their proper 
height. 18 An entirely new roof of corresponding form and character 
having also been placed upon the chancel, in lieu of a very poor and 
flat one of the fifteenth century, the general outline of the building 
which, till then, had been utterly ruined, has also recovered its pristine 
dignity. At the same time, nearly the whole of the east end above 
the lowest string-course, which had been destroyed in 1748, and 

18 In Mr. Longstaffe's History of Darlington, a work, generally speaking, 
full of interesting and valuable detail, some highly original and surprising 
ideas in connection with the roofs of the church are broached. Instead of being 
of the original construction, as they unquestionably are, he supposes them to be 
of the Decorated period, and to have supplanted those of Pudsey's or some later 
date. These, he imagines, were of stone, springing, not as they should have 
done, and as everywhere else, in such cases, they invariably did, from the bottom 
of the clearstorey, but from the top, and coinciding in form and altitude with the 
open discharging arches which surmount those of the crossing. Then, these 
vaulted roofs being, in the fourteenth century, held accountable for the various 
settlements which took place at that time, instead of the weight of the new tower 
and spire which actually caused them, and below, and in immediate connection 
with which they alone occurred, led, as he supposes, to their removal, and to the 
erection of the present roofs in their stead. But, ingenious as the theory may 
be, it is far too ingenious to be true ; the very slightest knowledge of construo 


rebuilt in a cheap and nasty fashion, was taken down and recon- 
structed according to the original design, and, very largely, with its 
own disembedded and original materials. These proved to be of the 
utmost value as affording evidence not only of what the design was, 
but of the exact form and proportion of its component parts. Pre- 
vious to this discovery, Sir Gilbert, jumping to just as hasty and 
erroneous a conclusion with respect to its plan as to that of its date, 
had a large and very fine folio drawing, prepared by the late Mr. 
R. J. Johnson, showing it in what purported to be its original con- 
dition. That, notwithstanding the considerably greater width of the 
choir, and the fact that the head of the low central buttress remained 
intact below the lowest string-course, as it does still, he * conjectured ' 
to consist of four lancet lights, arranged two and two in each storey 
like those of the transepts, with the buttress running up between 
them, and a foiled circle in the gable over all. The recovered vous- 
soirs prove, however, what the very slightest reflection might have 
shown, that such could not possibly have been the case. The head of 
the buttress, as clearly appeared, was fixed in the first instance where 
it is ; because, though with a different grouping, the east end, like the 
sides, was lighted in each stage by three windows, which, of course, 
forbade its being carried higher. 19 Yet, Sir Gilbert, esteeming its 

tion sufficing to show that it is impossible. Independently of the fact that such 
vaults were unknown in English architecture, it may be added that unless the 
space to be covered be very narrow and the supporting walls low and of great 
strength or very powerfully buttressed, vaults sprang from their summits would 
speedily and surely fall. But the height and breadth of the four limbs of 
Darlington church are too great, and the construction of the walls too feeble to 
have allowed the erection of any such vaults at all ; and which, even if erected, 
instead of standing for two centuries, as supposed, would not, probably, have 
stood for as many weeks. Moreover, the action of the vaults would have been 
to thrust all the walls of the church, in their entire extent, out from the top, 
which is not the case ; and not to have driven them vertically into the ground 
beneath the angles of the tower only, as has actually happened. 

19 In three other thirteenth-century Durham churches, the same remarkable 
feature of a dwarf buttress in the centre of the east wall of the chancel, and 
stopped short below the sill of the central lancet, also occurs. We see it at 
Gainford, within a few miles' distance, where the work is exactly contem- 
poraneous with this at Darlington, and as the similarity of some of the 
decorative features to those in the south transept there serves to show, probably 
executed by the same man. Also at Ryton, of rather later date, and again at 
Easington, where there are five lights instead of three. It is found also in the 
case of the fine thirteenth-century abbey church of Egliston, near Barnard 
Castle, beneath the sill of the large and very peculiar east window of five lights, 
which, under a deep and richly moulded arch penetrating the entire thickness 
of the wall, fills the whole extremity of the choir. 


witness of no more account than that of the historians, and as hastily 
impatient of it as of the architecture of the other parts, had it carried 
up, theoretically, notwithstanding. 

But, to the recovered details. They showed, in the first place, that 
the mouldings of the triplets followed exactly in each storey the 
respective patterns of the side lights. But they happily did more than 
this. They enabled the radii of the arches, and consequently the 
width of the windows, to be accurately ascertained. Still more, and 
most important, perhaps, of all, a double springer connecting the 
central light with that on one side, showed that the three, besides 
being of unequal width, were also of unequal height; the one side of 
it taking the curve of the head of the lower or side light, while the 
other one went up vertically. Every available stone has been carefully 
replaced in these fine and impressive windows, both inside and out; while 
the sections of the capitals of the recovered nook-shafts, too mutilated 
for reinsertion, have been carefully reproduced. (See Plates V. and VI.) 
Like the rest, they fit their places and their mouldings admirably. 20 

But little further, from an architectural point of view, remains to 
say. As left by its first builders, the church continued untouched till 
about the middle of the fourteenth century, when, as we have seen, 
the aisles were raised, and the tower, which, till then, had remained 
unfinished, received its rich upper storey and tall tapering spire ; 
crowning glories, but alas ! crowning griefs. Admirable in design, and 
harmonizing perfectly with all below, they served, as in the parallel, if 
far grander case of Salisbury, to give just that amount of increased 
richness so desirable for accentuating such features, and relieving at the 
same time the, perhaps, otherwise, somewhat monotonous uniformity 
of the rest. 

20 The restoration of the chancel was committed by the then lay impropriator, 
Harry, fourth duke of Cleveland, to Mr. J. P. Pritchett of Darlington, to 
whose courtesy and kindness, and that of his son, Mr. H. D. Pritchett, the 
society is indebted for the use of all such of his many drawings, photographs, 
plans and sections of parts, and mouldings, as might be deemed useful for the 
illustration of this account. Several of the latter were taken at the time, of 
full size, neither sketched nor measured, but traced from the stones themselves, 
which, after being carefully cleaned, were laid upon the paper. The accompany- 
ing sections, reproduced from these tracings, may therefore be depended upon 
for absolute and altogether exceptional accuracy. I am happy to add here my 
testimony to the extreme care and perfect success with which the restoration of 
the chancel, using the term in its fullest and most exact sense, has been carried 
out. Nothing, indeed, could have been done in an abler, more scrupulously con- 
scientious, or conservative wav. 


Inspired, in all likelihood, by the arcading of the clearstorey, the 
fourteenth-century architect adopted a similar scheme of decoration 
for his belfry stage. 21 If not quite unique it must, I think, be very 
nearly so, and is, at any rate, of a very unusual character indeed. 
As will be seen from the exterior views, it consists of a series of 
five pointed arches on each face of the tower, the central one of which 
only pierces the wall, divided into two lights each, and filled, like 
the aisle-windows, with net-tracery. As in their case again, this is 
beautifully formed, and has the peculiarity, very rare indeed at its 
period, of having soffit cusping. This contrast of proportions imparts 
a degree of delicacy and refinement to the work altogether admirable ; 
and which, but for the circumstance of the design being continuous 
and not confined to a single panel, might probably not have occurred. 
Why the long destroyed mullions of the central windows should not 
have been replaced either at, or since, the time of the restoration, but 
the openings suffered to remain blocked with hideous louvre-boards 
passes comprehension. The black ugliness of these blotches constitutes 
a blemish and eye-sore visible, far and wide, in all directions ; and goes 
farther, outside, to spoil the effect of the church, and of all that has 
been done for it, than could easily be imagined. 

Only the lower third of the spire is original, the upper parts having 
been destroyed by lightning 'on Tuesday, the 17th July, 1750.' In 
the rebuilding which, on the whole, was effected in a very creditable 
and praiseworthy manner, the angle beading, which still remains 
below, was, most unfortunately, omitted, to the great detriment of its 
effect. The wonderful softness and richness of outline imparted, not 
merely to the angles themselves, but to the spire as a whole, by a 
device so seemingly trivial, could hardly, I think, be realized before 
viewing what remains of it in connection with the comparatively bald 
nakedness of the rest. Nothing, perhaps, could serve to illustrate 
more completely the masterly skill and judgment of the old builders 
than the adoption of so simple and effective a feature as this. 

21 In the History of Darlington it is stated that ' The tower has a series of 
five Early English arches at each side filled with Decorated tracery, the centre 
one pierced as a belfry window.' The arches, of course, are nothing of the 
kind, but of late fourteenth-century work, of the same date as the walls, of 
which they form part, of the spire which surmounts, and of the tracery which 
not only fills, but is incorporated with, and worked out of the same stones as 


A few words only as regards the present state and aspect of the 
church in conclusion. Notwithstanding the vast amount of money, 
care, and talent which have been expended on it, the interior of the 
building, although galleries and other obstructions of phenomenal 
magnitude have been cleared away, remains still in a condition utterly, 
and from every point of view, deplorable. Not that anything, as so 
almost universally happens, has been done amiss, far from it; but 
that, while so many things have been done, and done as well as 
possible, that which above all else cried out for remedy has simply 
been left undone. 

I have already spoken of the new tower and spire as being some- 
thing more than crowning glories, viz., crowning griefs. Could their 
builders only have foreseen half the mischief that was to follow, it may 
safely, I think, be said of their work, that they would have ' let that 
alone for ever.' Sir Gilbert Scott, however, unless gravely mis- 
reported, would seem to have taken a wholly different view of the 
case, and come to the conclusion that they not only calculated before- 
hand what disasters would ensue, but proceeded at once, and before 
commencing operations, to provide the remedies. These, as the 
plan and views will help to show, amounted to nothing less than 
the deliberate destruction of nearly all the chief beauties of the 
church. The westernmost windows of the choir, both above and 
below on each side, together with their attached wall-arcades, were 
accordingly solidly blocked up ; the splendid clustered shafts at the 
eastern intersection of the transepts, up to and including their fine 
foliated capitals, embedded in shapeless masses of rude masonry; 
the eastern windows of the transepts, one below in the north, and 
two, one above and another below, in the south, likewise built up ; 
huge ungainly props or buttresses constructed across the angles 
of the choir and transepts externally; and worst, or nearly worst 
of all, perhaps, the beautiful wall-arcading of both choir and tran- 
septs, but especially of the south transept, filled up flush with 
stonework, thereby completely ruining the whole beauty and symmetry 
of its design. But worse, if possible, than all this put together, at 
any rate from a practical, or utilitarian point of view, in order to 
prevent the buckling of the eastern piers, a platform of solid stone, 
some thirteen feet high and seven broad, and pierced in its centre 


by a low and narrow archway, exactly like a bridge, was introduced 
between them, shutting off the choir, all but entirely, from sight and 
sound, and leaving it as practically useless, as its adjoining parts dis- 
figured. 22 All this, unhappily, has been allowed to remain precisely 
as it was. And all this, Sir Gilbert asks us to believe, the builders of 
the tower and spire perpetrated deliberately, with their eyes open, and 
in cold blood, before they commenced their work. < Bishop Pudsey, 
he thought, never intended the piers to support a tower of anything 
like the weight of the one resting upon them. The builders of the 
tower, indeed, had evidently distrusted them, as they built up the 
windows, as was seen on both sides of the piers, and also constructed 
the screen.' 

How such an idea could have presented itself to any mind what- 
ever, least of all to that of a practical builder and archaeologist like 
Sir Gilbert Scott, seems altogether unintelligible. Where, it may be 
asked, in all the length and breadth of the land, is anything like a 
parallel case to such proceedings to be found ? Desperate remedies to 
avert impending ruin may be seen, scattered all over, plentifully 
enough ; but where, a single instance of wholesale propping and muti- 
lation practised speculatively beforehand, when, to all appearance, the 
existing works, exhibiting no signs of weakness or decay, seemed fully 
equal to the purpose ? It was never, in any case, until signs of failure 
made their appearance, that such remedies were either supplied or 
dreamt of. Nor, indeed, was it possible in such cases, any more than 
in that of the human subject, to know, before the development of the 
symptoms, either the kind or extent of the remedies required, or 
whereabouts they should be applied. How, at York for example, 
could the builders of the central lantern possibly have imagined that 
the enormous piers, capable apparently, of carrying any weight that 
could be laid upon them, would prove inadequate to the load of 
even such a structure, nearly all windows, and vaulted merely with 
wood? But we see, as they themselves did when too late, how 

22 Whether ' William the engineer,' who was employed by bishop Pudsey 
during the latter part of his life, was the designer of the church at Darlington or 
not, cannot now be said. From the total absence of all engineering capacity 
displayed in its construction, however, as in that of other works presumably 
proceeding from the same hand, we might be led to suppose that, in all 
probability, he was. As an architect, from the artistic point of view, he was 
doubtless a conspicuous success ; as an engineer, like his works, structurally 
considered, in an only too literal sense a failure. 


its weight drove those piers vertically eight inches into the ground, 
and not only dragged down and dislocated all the adjoining masonry 
in the most frightful way along with them, but pushed the piers 
and arches of the transepts also greatly out of place. All the 
patchings and pieceings which, in order to conceal distortions and 
make good defects, were necessarily on a very extensive scale, and, 
as we may be sure, very reluctantly undertaken, took place, not, of 
course, as Sir Gilbert would make out in the case of Darlington, 
beforehand, but only after the extent and direction of the settlements 
was revealed. 

And so, too, at Canterbury, where much the same kind of thing 
occurred, only on a far more extensive scale, and in a slightly different 
way. There too, when under very similar circumstances to those at 
York, prior Goldstone, in 1495, carried up the splendid * Angel Steeple,' 
he had, as the builders in that case, to make use of vast piers containing 
the work of various periods from that of Lanfranc (1070-77) down to 
about a century before his own. These also, refaced largely as they 
were at the latter date, looked, doubtless, thoroughly efficient. But 
the usual result followed, and that, apparently, without delay, for the 
same prior is reported to have built not the tower only, but that 
unparalleled system of arch-bracing and buttressing which still serves 
to keep it up. Two great strainer arches then, would seem, almost 
immediately, to have been thrown across, at about mid-height, below 
the western and southern arches ; while four other smaller arches were 
built as additional supports to the two western piers on which they 
rested, across the east ends of the north and south aisles of the nave, 
and beneath the easternmost nave arches on either side ; those last- 
named arches themselves being further immensely strengthened by 
the introduction of massive inner arches carried on additional 
responds applied to the crossing, and final nave, piers alike. (For 
a full and most admirable account of these works, see the late 
Professor Willis's Canterbury Cathedral.} In the case of a tower built 
anew from the foundations, it is clear that an architect would be 
able, to some approximate extent, to calculate the amount of pressure 
and thrust which it would exercise, and provide for both accordingly. 
But, in cases such as these, it was otherwise. They neither did, nor 
could, know what the hearts of those huge and superficially strong 


piers were like. They had no idea whatever either of the quality 
or extent of the unsound work within, nor could they possibly 
predicate whereabouts, or how far, they would yield to the new 
strain, or, indeed, whether they would yield at all. At Chichester, as 
we know, the piers of the central tower, though wholly unfortified 
by extraneous support, yet bore their new load, rotten, as recent 
experience has shown their cores to have been, for full five hundred 
years. How then, could the builders, either at Canterbury or York, 
form any idea of when, or where, or in what shape, or to what 
extent, the yielding, if it ever occurred at all, would declare 
itself? Though the exact date of the Canterbury work is 
unknown, nothing, I think, could serve to show more clearly 
than the very intricacy and extent of the system of stiffening 
and counterfchrusts established there, that it must necessarily 
have been carried out, not by any mere previous guess-work at weak- 
nesses of which there were no signs, but only after such weaknesses 
had declared themselves, and then, at the precise points, and to the 
exact degree, required. 

At "Wells and Salisbury, again, both of whose central towers, pos- 
sessing piers of less bulk, and more uniform construction than those 
of Canterbury and York, and therefore more analogous to the case of 
Darlington, we find all the buttressing appliances to be subsequent, 
not prior to, the new works. At Wells, indeed, not only those works, 
and the mischiefs they caused, and the means taken to remedy them, 
but the Chapter Acts as well, remain to tell us all particulars. Just 
as at Darlington, the original early piers and arches, with the super- 
structure, had been carried up only to the roofs. There the building 
stopped. Then, some thirty years or so before the tower and spire of 
Darlington were built, the upper parts of the tower were proceeded 
with in 1321. In less than six years time, however, though of no 
great height or weight, the Chapter meetings tell us of the threatened 
ruin of the structure. * One thousand pounds spent and two hundred 
pounds of debt,' says Professor Willis, 'attest the expenditure, and the 
means resorted to are still too visible. The lofty tower arches, 
excepting the eastern, are each,' he proceeds, ' obstructed by a massive 
frame of masonry, consisting of an inverted arch, resting upon a low 
arch, each spandril space being occupied by a circle, connecting these 


two arches with the tower arch responds, between which they stand, 
in such a manner as effectually to prevent the latter from bulging in. 
The fractured and distorted masonry of the nave was also repaired or 
rebuilt, its triforium spaces walled up, and other buttressing con- 
trivances introduced. These various devices have proved perfectly 
successful in sustaining the tower, but detract greatly from the beauty 
of the interior.' The remedies, we see, were applied, as doubtless 
they were at Canterbury, just where the actual development of 
fractures showed that they were needed. For how, otherwise, could 
the restorers have known beforehand, or even guessed, that in this 
case as in that, the two western piers only would give way, while the 
two eastern ones would stand firm, and need no buttressing at all ? 
Priors and convents, like private people, did not usually, one may sup- 
pose, anticipate evils that might possibly not exist, nor incur doctors' 
bills and discomfort till something really ailed them. 

Salisbury, however, affords the exactest parallel of all of these to 
Darlington. There the addition was not merely of a tower, but of a 
spire as well. There, too, no remnants of an earlier building were 
incorporated in the existing one, and there too the walls had been 
carried up only to the ridges of the roof. Moreover, exactly as 
at Darlington, the original builders, as is clear, had never designed 
the piers and arches of the crossing to carry anything like the load 
subsequently laid upon them. Both buildings also, as well as their 
after additions, are curiously contemporaneous : the foundations of 
Darlington having been laid in 1192, and those of Salisbury in 1220 ; 
while the tower and spire of Salisbury were commenced about 1331, 
and those of Darlington about 1350. 

But, just as at Wells and Canterbury, so here again ; no sooner 
were the new works completed, than symptoms of approaching ruin 
set in. Chapter meetings from 1387 to 1417, testify to the danger, 
and to the anxious collection of funds wherewith to meet it. How 
threatening it was the remedies applied prove. Again, curiously 
enough, as at Wells and Canterbury, it was the western piers which 
gave way. Although not so massive as those employed at Wells, the 
remedies resorted to were similar in kind, namely, the introduction of 
inverted arches into the north and south openings of the small 
transept ; and of a similar contrivance to the north and south tower 

VOL. XVII. 24 


arches, consisting of a bridging arch, which connects the responds of 
those arches, and acts as a strut to prevent them from bulging. Also a 
variety of arched braced and other props and ties were introduced into 
the apertures to relieve the great arches from part of the superincum- 
bent weight by distributing it on the adjacent walls, and so prevent 
them from spreading. Price enumerates no fewer than one hundred 
and twelve of these additional supports, exclusive of iron bandages. 

As in the preceding instances, and others innumerable elsewhere, 
the whole of the remedial appliances were due, we see, not to fore- 
thought, but afterthought ; and brought to bear, not speculatively, on 
parts which, for anything the builders could tell, would never need 
them, but precisely at the points of actual, or threatened, failure. 

And such, beyond all shadow of doubt, was the case here also at 
Darlington. There was just this difference, however, between it and 
the several instances above cited ; that whereas their towers stood 
upon four detached piers, this, though a cross church, had, owing to 
the fact of the choir being aisleless, two only of its four piers detached ; 
the other two, consisting of semi-piers, being embedded in, and sup- 
ported by, the angle walls of the choir and transepts. But how could 
the builders of the tower and spire here, any more than there, have 
imagined at the commencement of their work, when both piers and 
arches were perfectly sound and symmetrical, and presented every 
appearance of strength, that their foundations were deficient ? And 
how, still less, could they have imagined that those parts which, to all 
seeming, possessed such superabundant strength at the two eastern 
angles, would yet give way, and be the first to yield ? With no 
evidence whatever of such weakness before them, how is it possible to 
conceive those men pitching beforehand on the very parts which, 
above all others, seemed firmest and most secure, and applying to 
them that vast, and, so far as the appearance of the church is 
concerned, hideously destructive system of internal and external 
buttressing which we see to-day? Yet, that is precisely what we are 
asked to believe they did. Were they, indeed, gifted with such a 
supernatural degree of foresight as that view of their conduct pre- 
supposes ; it might well be asked how it happened that they did not 
rather apply themselves to the root of the matter at once; and instead 
of permanently crippling and disfiguring the building at a vast cost, 


adopt the far cheaper plan of underpinning the piers, and so save 
both church and money at the same time. It is but too evident, 
however, that Sir Gilbert was here speaking with the same rash and 
inconsiderate haste as he did before. For, if he had but allowed 
himself time to think, or examine even superficially, the building 
whose history he was professing to trace, he might have seen that, 
theory apart, its evidence here, as elsewhere, belied his utterance ; the 
dragged down and distorted arches of the choir windows showing 
clearly that the settlements must have taken place before their 
openings were blocked. 

But it is only due to Sir Gilbert's memory to say that the per- 
petuation of those frightful degradations to which the erection of the 
tower and spire gave birth is due to others rather than to himself. 
It is, indeed, public knowledge that had he been left to follow his 
own professional and artistic instincts, those never sufficiently to be 
lamented evils would long since have been got rid of, and the church, 
once more, brought back to its pristine use and beauty. Most un- 
happily, however, he was not allowed to have his own way; for while 
the works of restoration were in progress, and the question of clearing 
away the obstructive arch was mooted, it at once called forth a 
vehement, if little more than individual, opposition. The bare sug- 
gestion was at once publicly denounced as vandalism ; the wanton 
destruction of an ancient monument of the most precious and unique 
character ; and heaven and earth invoked to witness to the sacrilege. 
The consequence was that Sir Gilbert, yielding weakly to such an 
outburst of zeal, untempered by either knowledge or discretion, 
refused to take further steps ; nor could all the after-solicitations or 
remonstrances of sober-minded and rational people induce him to alter 
his resolve. As so often happens, the opportunity once gone cannot, 
there is too much reason to fear, now, or perhaps ever, be recalled. 
At the time, however, all the mischief incurred could easily have been 
obviated, and, comparatively speaking, at a trifling expence. While 
the costly shoring was in place, and the tower arches were blocked 
solidly with timber, not only could the bridge, which was then dis- 
covered to be as practically useless 23 as obstructively frightful, have 

25 Such, I was assured by the master mason employed during the restoration, 
was positively the case. Not only, as he took occasion to prove to Sir Gilbert 


been readily removed, but all the cumbrous casing of the piers along 
with it ; and those most central and beautiful features, together with 
the adjacent windows and wall arcading, have been restored, and 
opened out to view. As the extra cost for remedying these evils would 
now, it is said, amount to between one and two thousand pounds, the 
time for doing so seems relegated, consequently, to the Greek kalends. 
Such, from a purely architectural standpoint, are the observations 
I have to offer with regard to this most interesting, and once beautiful 
church. It neither is, nor ever was, my purpose to give anything in 
the nature of a general, or popular, account, either of the building or 
its history. My concern has been altogether with the critical 
examination of its structure and details ; and if I have succeeded in 
disentangling either one or other from the maze of wild theory and 
ignorant speculation in which they have latterly been involved ; and 
in vindicating the claims of the great, if not, according to modern 
views, perhaps, good, bishop Hugh Pudsey, to be not merely the 
founder, but actual builder of it, I shall be well content. 


In order that those who having neither sufficient knowledge of 
architectural detail, nor patience, if they had, to follow the account 
contained in the foregoing pages, may yet be able to grasp its general 
scope and purpose ; as also, that those who have done so, may possess 
it in a briefer and more convenient form; I have thought that the 
following summary might, possibly, prove useful ; giving Sir G. 
Gilbert Scott's various assertions on the one side, and the refutations 
of them, in as condensed a form as may be, on the other : 

I. In the first place, then, Sir Gilbert affirms that ' the date of 

personally, by thrusting a shovel as far as it would reach underneath, were the 
foundations worthless, but he further ascertained that it had no hold upon the 
side walls so as to act towards them as a buttress. As a strainer arch its 
planning alone shows that, from the first, it could have been of no account. 
Had the man who designed it really understood his business, he might here, as 
at Rushden and Finedon, have converted a structural need into an archi- 
tectural beauty, by throwing a flat strong arch of open stone work from side 
to side, and so, while preventing the piers from bulging, and without obstruct- 
ing either sight or sound, have provided a noble chancel screen and rood loft at 
the same time. It was undoubtedly a great opportunity then, as since, lost. 
At the present time, whatever slight support it may once have offered, it is, 
there is every reason to think, of no more practical use than a waggon load 
of hay. 


Darlington church is involved in perplexity that historians do not 
tell us with any certainty when the church was built, or by whom.' 

On the contrary, the contemporary historian prior Galfrid of 
Coldingham, tells us distinctly, that the church was built by bishop 
Pudsey, and that its foundations were laid in 1192 ; adding, what is 
of the highest importance in connection with the architectural 
evidence that, notwithstanding the various troubles which beset 
the latter part of his life, he suffered nothing to interfere with the 
progress of the works, a statement corroborated by prior Wessington, 
of Durham (1416-1446), who, speaking either from local history or 
tradition, says that Pudsey built it from the very foundations. 

II. In the next place Sir Gilbert says that ' we have a building 
which every here and there has details which at once remind us of the 
period of the Transition, but at the same time intimately mixed up with 
those which do not belong to the Transition at all ; there are details of 
1190 or 1200, side by side with details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' 

But, instead of finding, as asserted, in a purely Early English build- 
ing, a few scattered details which every here and there remind us of those 
of the Transitional period, the architecture, both of choir and transepts, 
as their mouldings, the only true tests of date or style, prove, is that 
of the Transition throughout. The sections of the several string- 
courses, which are carried along the walls in their entirety from below 
the sills of the lower windows to above the heads of the upper ones, 
are thoroughly Transitional, and not Early English at all ; whence it 
follows that the walls themselves, of which they may be said to form 
the skeleton or framework, are Transitional also. And then, as none 
of the windows or other features is, or is even pretended to be, later 
insertions, it follows, further, that they, too, must be of the same 
period. But more than this : the mouldings of these windows, as the 
reduced full-size sections show, are no more Early English, or anything 
like it, than are the string-courses, but of the most pronounced 
Transitional type imaginable, with double square edges instead of 
chamfers in the lower ones of the choir, and with the roll moulds 
of the sides, both there and in those of the transepts, returned hori- 
zontally along the sills, exactly as in the chapel of Sherburn hospital, 
which was already built by Pudsey in 1185, some eight years or more 
before the works at Darlington were commenced. 


The only details which could for a moment, and that only when 
seen from the outside, be attributed to 1220 or 1230, are the clear- 
storey windows of the transepts ; but even these, when examined from 
the inside, are discovered, from their Transitional hood, and arch- 
moulds, and the square abaci of their accompanying capitals, to be of 
just the same date as all the rest. 

III. In the next place, Sir G-ilbert says that 'the architecture of 
the building was that of the advanced Early English style, with one 
exception ; that was the flat buttresses, which were exactly similar io 
those found in Norman buildings, and to those of Ripon cathedral.' 

This statement will be seen to contain in itself as complete a 
refutation as could possibly be applied to it ; the very existence of 
these flat buttresses which are quite unknown to the advanced Early 
English style, and are continued round the whole of the choir and 
transepts from base to summit, proving both in itself, and in connec- 
tion with the other details, that they, and the entire intervening wall 
spaces, are of the same early and Transitional period. 

IV. Again, Sir Gilbert ' conjectures ' that bishop Pudsey began 
the whole eastern part, and carried it up to the string-course below 
the windows; also that he 'prepared a great quantity of materials for 
carrying the work on, and that after his death some considerable time 
must have transpired before the work was commenced again,' when 
' the builders used up, so far as they could, the prepared work left 
behind, and then, the new capitals were formed on the round system, 
although the mouldings were square ; ' and, ' with the exception of the 
lowest part, and certain details prepared before, the whole belonged, 
instead of to Pudsey, to the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth 

It is conceded that the bishop carried up the basement of the three 
eastern limbs as far as the string-course below the lower windows. 
But this consists only of a few courses of perfectly plain walling which 
could easily have been built in three months. Yet this, we are asked 
to believe, was all that the bishop and the whole body of masons at 
his command were able to accomplish, despite his eagerness, in three 
full years ! Then, the details which were before spoken of as every 
here and there reminding us of those of the Transitional period, are 
now described as a great quantity of materials actually prepared in the 


bishop's lifetime, which was that of the Transition itself, but not set 
in their place. All such details, however, as none knew better than 
Sir Gilbert himself, are, and always were, set as soon as ready, and not 
left to accumulate. More than this : we are asked to believe that all 
this material, after lying idle for thirty years or more, was then, 
together with the whole body of the church, erected by some person 
wholly unknown either to history or tradition. And all this monstrous 
fiction he bases on the fact that while the moulding of the wall-arcades 
are what it suits his purpose to call square, the abaci of their little 
capitals, or some of them, are round. But, since the mouldings, con- 
sisting of a simple roll, or roll and fillet between two hollows, are, as 
Sir Gilbert perfectly well knew, precisely those used throughout the 
whole of the late Transitional and Early English period, and univer- 
sally carried on round abaci, the statement, it is clear, can only have 
been made to throw dust in the eyes of the unwary ; and account, in 
an, apparently, marvellously clever way, for what was perfectly simple 
and commonplace, and required no accounting for at all. 

Again, in attributing the so-called square mouldings to Pudsey's 
time, while referring the little capitals that carry them to 1225 or 
1230, he left himself no time to consider how far his argument carried 
him ; for, instead of stopping short at a few details ' here and there,' 
it embraces not only the whole of the arcade and window moulds of 
the three eastern limbs, but the great arches of the crossing, together 
with those opening into the nave aisles, and of all the nave clearstoreys 
and great western doorway as well. The whole of this enormous mass 
of material, which would have blocked up the entire surface of the 
ground far and wide, we are invited to believe was, instead of being 
put together as it was finished, for no conceivable reason whatever, 
left lying about for thirty years awaiting the little circular capitals 
which alone had not been cut ; and which, when they were, according 
to his showing, did not fit. Yes, out of the whole multitude, Sir Gilbert 
found one (he tells us so expressly) whose arch-moulds overhang it ! 
And on this basis, which exactly represents the feat of erecting a 
pyramid upon its apex, he constructs his theory. So far from the 
mouldings overhanging their capitals as he asserts they would all, or 
almost all, do if not trimmed off, there are, out of the entire number, 
three only, which do so to the minutest conceivable extent ; and that, 


not through any unfitness of the round abaci to their place, but simply 
through the carver's having cut them some quarter of an inch or so too 
small. It should be observed that, throughout the entire range of the 
three eastern limbs, the idea of the sculptor has been to restrain the 
diameter of his abaci within the least possible limits, a sort of reaction, 
probably, from the excessive projection of the earlier square forms, 
and that, in the three particular instances specified, he has carried 
this system just the veriest trifle too far. In the somewhat later nave 
clearstoreys, and the great western doorway, the abaci are of a fuller 
and freer development, proving clearly that those of the choir and 
transepts are, not as Sir Gilbert tries to make out, thirty years later 
than the whole of their surroundings ; but, as might naturally be 
supposed, of the same period, consequently somewhat tentative and 

Y. 'Looking at the two transepts,' Sir Gilbert continues, 'he 
should say that the north one was built of many of the old materials 
left behind, and the south one of fresh materials, with details entirely 
of their own. Those details were of the Early English style.' But, as 
the choir was undoubtedly built before either of the transepts, any 
details left behind, after the imaginary cessation of the works, would 
naturally be used up there. And then the details of the north transept, 
unlike those of the south, are similar to, and all of a piece with, those 
of the crossing, which must necessarily have followed after the erection 
of both transepts, as otherwise its great arches would have been with- 
out support. Besides, its upper parts could only have been built after 
the erection of the north-west pier, which is manifestly the latest of 
the four crossing piers, since they are both built into, and upon, it, 
just as the corresponding parts of the south transept are built into, 
and upon, the earlier south-west pier. 

As to the south transepts being built ' about the end of the first 
quarter of the thirteenth century of fresh materials, with details 
entirely of their own,' he has, through a hasty impression of general 
effect, simply fallen into the vulgar error of assuming that the richer 
work must naturally be the later ; without stopping to examine the 
mouldings which, even in the very topmost string-courses, are of the 
intensest Transitional character, and continuations of those similarly 
situated in the choir. 


VI. * Bishop Pudsey,' Sir Gilbert tells us finally, ' never intended 
the piers to support a tower of anything like the weight of the one 
resting upon them. The builders of the tower, indeed, had evidently 
distrusted them, as they built up the windows, as was seen on both 
sides of the piers, and also constructed the screen.' 

The first sentence of this statement is undoubtedly true. But, 
instead of mutilating the finest features of the church beyond remedy 
by the blocking up of the windows and wall-arcades of the choir 
and transepts, and the casing of the eastern piers of the crossing 
with hideous masses of rude masonry, by way of preliminary safe- 
guards; it is evident that such remedies were, and could only be, 
applied here, as in all other similar cases, after the new works were 
finished, and the results became apparent. Otherwise, how were the 
builders, who could not possibly know anything of the deficient foun- 
dations, to tell which, if any, of them would give way, or to what 
extent ? That the remedies were only applied after the settlements 
took place, and not before, as alleged by Sir Gilbert, may be inferred, 
not merely from analogy, but from the face of the adjacent window 
arches being dragged down in a way that could not have happened 
had they been previously blocked up. 

One thing only, I think, needs stating here, finally, and in express 
terms ; and that is, that the church, one of the noblest and most 
deeply interesting buildings to be found, is not, as Sir G. Gilbert Scott, 
in spite of contemporary history, endeavoured to make it appear, in the 
main, the work of some wholly unknown and unheard of person, or 
persons, of the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century, who 
availed themselves of the commenced, but abortive, attempt of bishop 
Pudsey to erect it ; but, on the contrary, up to, and inclusive of the 
eastern arches of the nave, undoubtedly that of the bishop himself, and 
completed by him in his lifetime. Whether so much can be said for 
the western parts which, by whomsoever built, went up without delay, 
is possibly, though only possibly, doubtful. That the three years of 
the bishop's life, after the foundations were laid, were not only suffi- 
cient, but more than sufficient, for the completion of the whole fabric, 
exclusive of the later tower and spire, any builder can testify who, 
without the least hesitation, would undertake to do the like in half the 
time, or less ; while, that there was money enough, is shown by the 

VOL. XVII. 25 


fact that, at the very moment of the bishop's death, he directed the 
sum of 2,000, an enormous sum in those days, and equal, at least, 
40,000 in our own, which he had promised the king for the earl- 
dom of Northumberland, though he was then unable to enjoy the 
dignity, to be paid. 

The building, consequently, in a way to which I knew no parallel, 
shows us in the most perfect and instructive manner imaginable, the 
gradually progressive steps by which the distinct Transitional style of 
the choir passes through what Sir Gilbert, in his excellent lectures on 
Mediaeval Architecture, aptly calls the ' transition from the transition ' 
of the transepts, into the pure Early English of the west front of the 
nave ; a lesson which no one interested in the study, seeing no one 
other building in the kingdom, perhaps, contains the like, should on 
any account neglect to lay to heart, for it will well repay his utmost 

The following principal dimensions of the church have been 
supplied by Mr. Pritchett, who, unsolicited, has, in the kindest 
manner, taken them specially, and with the greatest care, for the 
present account : 

Width across Transepts. 

Ft. In. 

Length of chancel 35 6 

West wall of chancel ... 36 

Inside of tower 19 

West wall of tower 3 6 

Nave .. , 71 6 

Total .. .. 133 

Ft. In. 

Transepts, each 25 6 

Do. 25 G 

Tower 21 6 

Walls of tower 36 

Do. 3 6 

Total . 79 6 

Width across Nave, etc. 

Ft. In. 
... 22 4 

Aisle ... 

9 2 


9 2 

Pier wall 

3 2 


3 2 

Total ' 47 

Ft. In. 

Height of nave roof from floor to ridge 65 

Height of tower to top of parapets 85 O 1 

Height of spire to top of vane 183 8 

Total outside length to face of pilasters above plinth ... 145 6 

Total width across transepts of pilasters above plinth ... 92 

Arch. Ael., Vol. XV II., to face p. XXX. 

Plate 04 


From a photograph by 3Ir. C. J. Spence. 

A ></!. .!'/'. vol. xvii. To fiie i- p. Hi 

s. crTnr.Kiirs ciinu'H. DARLINGTON 




To the account already given I have thought it desirable to add 
the two accompanying plates and descriptions to show still more 
clearly, and on a larger scale, examples of some of the abaci of 
Darlington church, and of the way in which their arch-moulds really 
sit upon them. They are reduced from carefully measured full size 
drawings taken by myself, and will serve to show, far more intelligibly 
than words can do, how entirely misleading and erroneous the late Sir 
Gr. G. Scott's statements respecting them are. 

Plate VIII. fig. 1, shows one from the lower range of the north 
end of the north transept. In this instance, as in several others which 
occur quite indiscriminately, it will be observed that the arch-moulds 
do not descend to the circular abacus at all, but are received upon a 
square block with a steeply sloping surface. Further, it will be 
observed that the fillets of these arch-moulds do not, of course, project 
so far as the angles of the square block on which they rest, but that 
the angles of the block are broached into them, so as to unite the 
rectangular and oblique surfaces. And these broaches, which belong 
plainly to the block, and not in the least to the arch-moulds, it will be 
further observed, just come up to, without overhanging, even the 
inner line of the abacus. What then becomes of Sir Gilbert's allegation 
that 'the capitals were formed on the round system, although the 
mouldings were square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, 
would have overhung the circle ? ' Why, even the square block itself 
does not overhang the circle, how much less then the mouldings which 
are set well within the angles of the block ; and where again, it may 
be asked, does the trimming come in ? The square block rests square 
and level on its bed, but there is no trimming, whittling away or 
paring down, as seems to be implied, of any kind whatever. In the 
corresponding capital to the right, the moulds descend straight down 
upon the abacus proper, without the intervention of any square block. 
I have stated in the text that there are just three cases altogether 
only to be detected on the closest scrutiny and when purposely hunted 
for in which the points, not of the mouldings, but only of the square 
blocks from which they spring, can be detected as just perceptibly 
overhanging the circular lines of the abaci ; and but one which does 

VOT,. XVIT. 26 


so to an extent which can be seen without difficulty. I find that, in 
the desire to be strictly accurate, I have admitted considerably too 
much. Such, indeed, seemed to be the case when viewed from below, 
that is, from the ground. But, when seen from the top of a ladder, 
below, or on a level with, the eye, the actual plan is discovered to be 
quite different. The upper moulds of the abaci (as the elevation of 
one of the capitals on plate IX. will show) are rounded, forming a 
quarter of a circle, and it is seen that in these three instances, out of 
the whole number, the points of the square blocks barely overlap the 
inner lines of these mouldings, and thus, when seen from underneath, 
show minute and dark triangular surfaces. And it is just these points 
of the beds of the square blocks which Sir Gilbert speaks of as being 
trimmed off, as, otherwise, they would have overhung the circles. But 
this is absurd; for, so far from overhanging they don't reach the outer 
lines of the circles by half, or three-quarters, of an inch. Had the 
angles of the blocks been continued down till they reached the rounded 
surface of the moulds, or, had the moulds at the point of contact been 
left square or level, so as to form a seat, then these apparently project- 
ing angles would have disappeared altogether, and the argument 
founded on their presence along with them. As it is, the beds have 
been simply left to themselves, thus showing at the angles of the 
blocks a minute gap or space where the rounded mould of the abaci 
falls away from them. In what sense they can be said to be ' trimmed 
off,' when thus severely 'let alone,' passes comprehension. (See 
section given on plate IX. fig. 3, which will explain the arrangement 
perfectly.) Only in one case do the angles of the block project as far 
as the outer line of the abacus the one single individual instance 
which Sir Gilbert specifies with such emphasis, and on which his whole 
theory is constructed. The idea, or caprice, of setting the square block 
upon the circular abacus is, in effect, very much the same as that of 
setting a square abacus upon a round or pointed bell shaped capital, 
as shown in the case of the respond of the arch opening into the south 
aisle of the nave, and where the projecting angles are seen supported 
by foliage. 

Plate VIII. No. 2, shows mouldings practically identical with 
those above described and illustrated from Darlington, but with the 
roll and fillet moulds only brought somewhat closer together at their 


seat, or line of springing. In the course of a few inches, however, 
they clear themselves, when the mouldings become perfectly developed 
and the appearance of the two sets is then identical. In the groining 
of the south porch of S. Andrew Auckland church, where similar 
mouldings occur, the three roll and fillet moulds of the transverse and 
diagonal ribs are brought so close together at the point of springing 
from the abaci of the caps that the intervening hollows disappear 
altogether. They are, moreover, brought to the extreme verge of the 
abacus which can barely hold them, entirely filling up the whole 

Now, it is not a little curious to note how every word that Sir 
Gilbert Scott urged so persistently against the arch-moulds and abaci 
of the Darlington arcades being contemporaneous, applies in exactly 
equal proportion to those at Durham ' the capitals are formed on the 
round system, although the mouldings are square, and worked to suit 
square abaci.' And his inference or ' conjecture,' it will be remembered 
was that, the square mouldings were worked by Bishop Pudsey's 
masons inter 1192 and 1195, while the circular capitals which carry 
them were not worked 'till 1220, or 1230, or even later.' How then 
about the * square moulds ' and 4 round abaci ' here, of, practically, the 
same identical pattern ? He invented, out of his own inner conscious- 
ness, and against the express witness of history and common-sense, the 
theory that there was a gap of some five and twenty or thirty years 
between the cutting of the Darlington arch-moulds and caps, because 
of the alleged incompatibility of their square and circular forms. 
How then is their concurrence to be explained, on such hypothesis, in 
the present instance? The 'square' mouldings cannot be thrown 
back to the twelfth century (as Sir Gilbert would have them at 
Darlington) for the work of the Nine Altars was not commenced till 
after 1235, in which year the Norman apse, the very centre of whose 
destroyed walls is now occupied by them, was still standing. No one, 
not even Sir Gilbert himself, nor yet those who have so long and 
confidently echoed him, could pretend that any such gap occurred 
here. And yet the features are precisely the same in both cases. 
' The abaci are round, while the mouldings are square.' Sir Gilbert, 
it will be remembered, explains the supposititious discrepancy by 
asserting that those at Darlington 'were worked to suit square abaci.' 


But here, we have indisputable proof that they were worked to suit 
nothing of the kind, but the round abaci which they still surmount, 
and which, being worked with a free hand instead of, as nowadays, 
with scale and compasses, they fit with just such varying degrees of 
accuracy as they do at Darlington ; no two, in either case, probably, 
being in all respects alike. There is precisely as much, or as little, 
difference between the two in one case, in fact, as in the other. 

Plate IX. fig. 3, shows abacus and arch-moulds from east side of 
lower arcade of north transept. This is the one only example in which 
the square block comes up to the outer line of the abacus. The dotted 
lines on the plan serve to show, in connection with the square angle 
lines of the block, by how much the latter overhang the inner line of 
the abacus, and to what extent this is seen from below. The fact is 
clearly due to the carelessness or indifference of the carver, who could, 
of course, by slightly altering his proportions, have made the abacus 
of this particular cap fit its arch-moulds as perfectly as all the rest, 
had he but taken pains, or desired, to do so. This, however, he 
evidently did not; and the result, as so commonly happens in old work, 
and in none more conspicuously than in the Chapel of the Nine Altars, 
is thoroughly refreshing so human, unfettered, and free is it. But 
it may equally well, and quite as likely, perhaps, as not, have been 
so planned deliberately and of set purpose, for the square block sits 
upon and overhangs the abacus moulding much like the upper square 
member of the capital figured below overhangs the bell of the capital 
itself. Let me add that, however absurd the idea of a quarter of a 
century's difference of date between the arch-moulds and their capitals 
may appear, even when viewed from the floor of the church, it becomes 
ludicrously and preposterously so when they are seen from a ladder and 
close to the eye ; workmanship, style, material, and general character 
being all absolutely ' identical and homogeneous.' 

Plate IX. fig. 4, shows capital supporting block and arch-moulds 
figured above. I have already stated in the text that the foliage of 
all those caps in the choir and south transept which are so enriched 
is of distinctly transitional character, thus completely negativing in a 
further, and quite independent, way Sir Gilbert's * conjecture ' that 
because those capitals were round they must belong to the first quarter 
of the thirteenth century. And exactly the same argument applies to 


these plainer and later ones of the north transept. For the mouldings 
of the whole of these, just like the foliage of the others, are not, as Sir 
Gilbert would make believe, advanced Early English at all, or anything 
like it. On the contrary, as this one example, in all respects thoroughly 
typical of the rest, shows, especially in the pointed bowtel member of the 
abacus, it is Transitional, and nothing else. In other words it is proved, 
like all the rest, by its own internal evidence, and in exact accordance 
with history and common-sense, to be of precisely the same style and 
period as the arch-moulds it carries, and as the rest of the arcading of 
which it forms one of the most curious and interesting parts. 

I append the following notes of all the caps at present visible. 

Beginning at the lower south-east angle, the first two arches are 
seen to be blocked, and their capitals embedded in masonry. After 
these, the first column has square abacus and foliage. This is new. 
The next, shown in plate IX. figs. 3 and 4, has square block on 
round abacus, and is the only one whose angles come up to the outer 
ring of the abacus. The next has round abacus and square block, 
and the next, the same. In the angle cap the abacus is round and 
full, and there is no block. 

North end ; the first cap has abacus round and full without block. 
Next, same. Then the one shown on plate VIII. fig. 1. Then the 
end one, round and full, with block. 

West side, beginning at north end; the first cap has a square 
abacus. Next, round and full abacus, with square block. Two next, 
round, with square blocks. Next and last abacus, round and full, and 
without block. 

Upper range, beginning, as before, at south-east angle; the first 
and blank arch only is moulded, all the rest chamfered. First cap has 
abacus round and full. Next, though the arch-moulds are chamfered, 
square, with foliage. Next, square and plain. Next, octagonal ; and 
next, square, with angle rounded off. 

North end, where all the arches are chamfered; the first cap from 
the east is round ; all the remaining three being octagonal. 

West side ; all the arches are chamfered ; and of the five capitals, 
all are octagonal save the central, which is square. 




Arcade mouldings, north end of north transept, showing square 
springing block set upon round abacus, reduced from full size ; with 
same shown in geometrical elevation, reduced from one-third full size. 
4 The capitals are formed on the round system, although the mouldings 
are square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, would 
overhang the circles' ! Sir G. G. Scott. 


Arcade mouldings beneath Feretory platform, chapel of Nine 
Altars, showing similar mouldings springing from round abacus, 
reduced from full size. These mouldings are seen to come up to the 
inner line of the abacus, though the Darlington ones ' which, but for 
the trimming of the mouldings would overhang the circles ' do not. 


Arcade mouldings, east side of north transept, showing square 
springing block set on round abacus, reduced from full size. In this 
instance only do the angles of the block extend as far as the outer line 
of the abacus. Sir Gilbert Scott tells us that, ' in one instance he had 
found a square moulding placed upon a round abacus and with its 
corner crushed away, which evidently showed that the moulding was 
not intended to rest upon a capital of that form.' Whether this is the 
* one instance ' referred to, I cannot say. But there is no ' crushing 
away ' that I can see about it ; nor, though I have looked diligently 
all over the church, can I find anything of the kind anywhere. It is 
possible that the base of some one moulding like the edges of divers 
abaci may have accidentally become chipped, but that is, of course, quite 
another thing ; and, in such a multitude of examples, were the fact to 
be actually as stated, it would simply show that, owing to free drawing, 
one moulding of one side of one arch came, or threatened to come, 
perhaps, a quarter of an inch beyond the inner line of its cap ; or, it 
may be, even less. 


Capital supporting mouldings shown above, reduced from full size. 
As already stated, it will be seen to be of distinctly Transitional 
character, and, as a consequence, exactly synchronous with its arch- 
moulds and other surroundings. 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. (To face page 200.) 

Plate VIII. 

J. F. H. mens. et delt. 


Plate IX. 



J. F. H. nuns, et delt. 



No greater or more striking contrast of situation could probably 
be found among our ancient Durham churches than that which exists 
between those of Darlington and Hartlepool ; the one seated in a low 
and sheltered spot beside a still, scarce moving stream ; the other on 
the point of a rocky and exposed peninsula, where, scourged by wild 
winds and wetted with salt spray, it echoes to the thunder of the sea. 
Nor is the force of contrast much diminished in respect of their several 
conditions ; for whereas Darlington church, however much disfigured, 
has come down to us practically intact, well nigh half of that of 
Hartlepool, owing to neglect and elemental stress, has, like the cliffs it 
once surmounted, perished altogether. Closely contemporaneous in 
structure, both churches are, moreover, built in honour of two equally 
famous and closely contemporaneous local Saxon saints; Darlington, of 
S. Cuthbert ; Hartlepool, of S. Hild. 1 But whereas S. Cuthbert had no 

1 Of both an account has been left us by Venerable Bede who himself also 
was the contemporary of both, having been born in the neighbourhood of Wear- 
mouth in the year 674, and, after passing his whole life in the sister monastery 
of Jarrow, died there on the 27th of May, 735. His notice of Hild, full of 
interest as far as it goes, is yet somewhat brief, and couched in general terms ; 
but of Cuthbert he has given the whole life from childhood, including all 
particulars of his death and burial, both in prose and verse. Of all three 
saintly personages the first and earliest was Hild, who, born in 614, renounced 
the world at the age of thirty-three, in 647 ; became abbess of Heruteu in 649 ; 
and died abbess of Whitby in 680,. when Bede was but in his seventh year. 
Cuthbert, who came next, was born at some place unknown, but probably in 
the district of the Lothians, about the year 637. At any rate, when in 651 he 
entered the monastery of Melrose, he was still, as Bede tells us, only on the 
threshold of adolescence ' vir Domini Cudberctus ab ineunte adolescentia jugo 
monasticae institutionis collum subdidit, Vita S. C'nthbai'ti, 1.' He would then 
be fourteen, which, since the period of adolescence was, strictly speaking, fixed 
between fifteen and thirty, would doubtless be close upon, if not indeed precisely, 
the age suggested. Thence migrating with abbot Eata to Eipon as hostellar for 
awhile, he returned with him in 661 to Melrose, where, after succeeding his master 
Boisil in the priorate, he was wont, leaving the cloister, to traverse all the country 
far and near, teaching and preaching the word of God, oftentimes for weeks 
together. Leaving Melrose in 664, he became prior of Lindisfarne under his 
old superior Eata. There, though his life was one of great mortification and 
humility, he gave it up after twelve years, in 676, for the still harder one of 
utter solitude, first on the mainland, and then on Fame, where he constructed 
a rude hut of stone and turf. On that barren, storm-swept rock he subsisted 
for nine years, visited only at intervals by his brethren. Then, in 685, on the 
deposition of Tuiiberct, bishop of Hexham, by the synod of Twyford, he was 
unanimously called on to accept the see. This, however, he steadfastly refused 
to do, till the whole synod, with Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, and 
Ecgfrid, king of Northumbria, at its head, sought him in his cell. Being at 
length overcome by their entreaties, he was shortly afterwards consecrated by 

VOL. XVII. * 7 


personal connection or association whatever with Darlington, S. Hild 
was, both in her life and labours, directly identified with Hartlepool. 
Known originally, as we learn from Beda, by the name of Heruteu, 
Insula Cervi, or Hart's Island, it is not a little wonderful to find how, 
within fifty years of the landing of S. Augustine on the shores of 
Kent, this remote and solitary headland was selected by Heiu, 2 the 
first of Northumbrian female saintly recluses, as the site of a monas- 
tery which she founded there about 640. After ruling it for a few 
years she retired, in 649, to Tadcaster, whence, migrating into 
Cumberland, she founded, under the name of Begu or Bega, as is said, 
tHe more famous establishment of S. Bees. 3 At Hartlepool she was 
succeeded by S. Hild, daughter of Hereric, a nephew of King Aeduini. 4 

Theodore and six' other bishops ; but, during the year, exchanged his see of 
Hexham for that of Lindisfarne with Bata. As bishop of Lindisfarne he 
laboured even more abundantly than he had done as prior of Melrose, visiting 
the remotest and wildest parts of his diocese, and teaching and confirming the 
still half heathen people. Thus two laborious years were passed ; when, feeling 
the approach of death, he retired once more, in 687, to Farne, where, within a 
few weeks, he died ; Bede, his biographer, who like himself had entered the 
religious life in childhood, being then thirteen. 

2 ' Keligiosa Christi famula Heiu, quae prima feminarum fertur in provincia 
Nordanhymbrorum propositum vestemque sanctimonialis habitus, consecrante 
Aedano episcopo, suscepisse. Sed ilia post non multum ternpus facti monasterii 
secessit ad civitatern Calcariam, quae a gente Anglorum Kaelcacaestir appellatur, 
ibique sibi mansionem instituit. 1 Budae, H. E. iv. 23. For reasons for supposing 
Tadcaster to be the place referred to, see Camden, Brit. col. 714. 

3 In recording the death of Hild at Whit by, Bede tells us how there was 
then in the monastery of Hackness. thirteen miles distant, and which she herself 
had founded that same year, a nun named Begu, who for above thirty years 
had been dedicated to the divine service, #nd who in a vision saw her soul, 
amidst celestial light, and a choir of attendant angels, transported into heaven. 
Whether this was the same person as Heiu, as some would endeavour to make 
out, seems, I think, more than doubtful. Her entry into the religious life can 
scarcely, in the first place, be said to agree even tolerably with that of Heiu, 
which commenced in or about 640, and must then have extended to forty, 
instead of thirty, years. Besides which, had she been really the same as Heiu, 
it would have been only natural for the historian, who had already mentioned 
her, to have said so. Nor, finally, would it seem likely that after having been 
the pioneer of the monastic movement in Northumbria, as well as abbess of 
Heruteu for nine yeai-s, she should be found, more than thirty years later on. 
a simple sister in the newly founded house at Had: 

4 Bede calls him ncpos, and tells how, together with the king, he received the 
faith from Paulinus : 'Cum quo etiam rege ad praedicationem beatae memoriae 
Paulini, primi Nordanhymbrorum episcopi, fidem et saci-amenta Christi suscepit, 
atque haec, usquedum ad ejus visionem perveniie nieruit, intemerata servavit." 
He died in exile, and of poison. Hi> wife's naim: > d, and the follow- 

tie account of her dream respecting him and the future glories of their 
child. After speaking of the immense influence which Hild exercised, not only 
on her immediate friends and followers, but also on those far off to whom the 
i'auie of her virtues had come, he proceeds : ; Oportebat namque impleri 
somnium, quod mater ejus Bregusuid in infantia cjus viclit : quae (cum vir ejus 
Hereric exsularet sub rege Brittonum Cerdice, ubi et veneno periit.) vidit per 


This royal lady having devoted herself to the religious life at the age 
of thirty-three years, had proceeded as far as Bast Anglia on her way 
to make her profession at Chelles, of which her sister Heresuid was 
abbess. 5 Being detained there for the space of twelve months, 
however, while awaiting a favourable passage, she was then prevailed 
upon to return northwards by S. Aidan, 6 first bishop of Lindisfarne, 

somnium, quasi subito sublatum eum quaesient cum otnni diligentia, nullumque 
ejus uspiam vestigium apparuerit. Verum cum sollertissime ilium quaesisset, 
extemplo se reperire sub veste sua monile pretiosissimum ; quod dum attentius 
consicleraret tanti fulgore luminis refulgere videbatur, ut omnes Brittaniae fines 
illius gratia splendoris impleret. Quod, nimirum, somuium veraciter in filia ejus, 
de qua loquimur, expletum cst ; cujus vita non sibi solummodo, sed multis bene 
vivere volentibus exempla operum lucis praebuit.' Bedae, H.E. iv. 23. 

5 The late Rev. D. Haigh, in an account of the discoveries made in the 
cemetery of the Saxon monastery at Hartlepool (Journal of British Arch. Assoc. i. 
185) asserts that Heresuid was abbess of Chelles at the time that Hild set forth 
thither. Beda, however, makes no such statement, His words are (H-ist. iv. 23) : 
' Nam et in eodem monasterio soror ipsius Heresuid, mater Alduulii regis 
Orientalium Anglorum, regularibus subdita disciplinis ipso tempore coronam 
exspectabat aeternam.' Pagi, however, discusses at great length the question 
whether Heresuid were ever even an inmate there at all, and decides that Beda 
was mistaken when he made the assertion that she was. 

6 Brought by King Oswald whose first care on coming to his kingdom was 
to Christianize it from lona. in 635. Mindful, perhaps, of his old home, and 
choosing a similar retreat, the king, at his own request, granted him the island 
of Lindisfarne as the seat of his bishopric. Though disagreeing strongly with 
his Scottish manner of observing Easter, Bede's admiration of his character is 
unbounded ' pontificem Aedanum, summae mansuetudinis et pietatis ac 
moderaminis virum, habentemque zelum Dei, quamvis (as regards Easter only) 
non plene secundum scientiam.' Bedac, H.E. iii. 3. And then, after telling 
how King Oswald 'ejus admonitionibus, humiliter ac libenter in omnibus 
auscultans, ecclesiam Christi in regno suo multum diligenter aedificare ac 
dilatare curavit.' lie proceeds to draw the following glowing picture : ' Ubi 
pulcherrimo saepe spectaculo contigit, ut, evangelizante antistite, qui Anglorum 
linguam perfectc non noverat, ipse rex suis ducibus ac ministris interpres verbi 
exsisteret coelestis ; quia nimirum, tarn longo exsilii sui tempore linguam 
Scottorum jam plene didicerat.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 3. And as he preached, so 
we are told, he lived. 'Nihil enim hujus mundi quaerere, nil amare, curabat ; 
cuncta, quae sibi a regibus vel divitibus seculi donabantur, mox pauperibus, qui 
occurrerent, erogare gaude'bat. Discurrere per cuncta et urbana et rustica loca, 
non equorum dorso, sed pedum incessu vectus, nisi si major forte necessitas 
compulisset, solebat ; quatenus ubicumque aliquos vel divites vel pauperes 
incedens aspexisset, confestirn ad hos divertens, vel ad fidei suscipiendae 
sacramentum, si infi deles essent, invitaret, vel si fideles, in ipsa eos fide 
confortaret, atque ad eleemosynas operumque bonorum exsecutionem et verbis 
excitaret et factis.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 5.- 

Nor was he satisfied only with distributing the gifts which he received from 
the rich among the poor, but he sought out also, and redeemed therewith, those 
who had been unjustly sold into bondage, educating and advancing, moreover, 
such of them as were worthy, to the priesthood. 

Of his love for his friend King Oswald, and how entirely he succeeded in 
imbuing him with Christ-like charity and humility, we learn from the oft- told 
tale of a certain Easter festival : ' fertur quia tempore quodam, cum die 
sancto paschae, cum praefato episcopo consedisset ad prandium, positusque esset 
in mensa coram eo discus argenteus regalibus epulis refertus, et jamjamque 
essent manus ad panem benedicendum missuri, intrasse subito ministrum ipsius, 


who gave her a hide of land north of the Wear on which she con- 
structed a small monastery. But Heiu, relinquishing her charge a 
year afterwards, she at once abandoned the place, and proceeding to 
Heruteu, was invested with the rule of that house. Here she con- 
tinued as abbess till 655, when King Osuiu, in discharge of a vow 
devoting his young daughter Aelfled to a religious life, if God should 
give him victory over Penda, king of Mercia, placed her under 
Hild's care. Two years later, in 657, after having governed the 
monastery of Heruteu for eight years only, she too, like its foundress 
Heiu, forsook it, selecting another, though equally wild site, at 
Streaneshalch, or Whitby. 7 Thither Aelfled accompanied her, and on 

cui suscipiendorum inopum erat cura delegata, ft indicasse rcgi quia multitude 
pauperum undccumque adveniens maxima per plateas sederet, postulans aliquid 
eleemosynae a rege ; qui mox dapes sibimet appositas deferri pauperibus, se<l et 
discum conf ringi, atque eisdem minutatim dividi, praecepit. Quo viso, pontifex, 
qui adsidebat, delectatus tali facto pietatis, apprehendit dextram ejus, ct ait, 
' Nunquam inveterascat haec manus;' quod et ita juxta votum benedictionis ejus 
provenit. Nam cum, interfecto illo in pugna, manus cum brachio a cetero essent 
corpore resectae, contigit ut hactenus incorruptae perdurent.' Bedae, H. E. iii. 6. 

How little store Aidan himself set by any worldly goods and comforts, and 
to what excess he carried his practice of almsgiving, Bede further tells us in the 
story of the horse which Oswald's successor, Osuini. gave him as a help to 
travelling, not only the very best in the royal stables, but equipped with regal 
trappings as well. Happening shortly afterwards, while thus mounted, to meet 
a beggar in the way who asked an alms, the bishop at once dismounted, and 
ordered both horse and trappings to be bestowed on him, ' for not only,' says he, 
' was he very compassionate, but a friend of the poor, and, as it were, a father of 
the wretched.' Osuini, however, naturally enough, hardly saw things in that 
light, for we read ' Hoc cum regi 'esset relatum, dicebat episcopo, cum forte 
ingressuri essent ad prandium, " Quid voluisti, domine antistes, equum regium, 
quern te conveniebat proprium habere, pauperi dare ? Numquid non habuimus 
equos viliores plurimos. vel alias species, quae ad pauperum dona sufficerent, 
quamvis ilium eis equum non dares, quern tibi specialiter possidendum elegi ? 
Cui statim episcopus, " Quid loqueris," inquit, il rex ? Numquid tibi carior est ille 
filius equae, quam ille filius Dei" ? Quibus dictis, intrabant ad prandendum, et 
episcopus quidem residebat in loco suo.' Bcdac, H. E. iii. xiv. Then, the transient 
cloud being speedily dispersed, the bishop became greatly affected, and, bathed in 
tears, foretold the king's untimely and tragic death. Hastened by grief at the news 
of it, his own occurred but twelve days afterwards, August 31st, 651, in a humble 
shed attached to the west end of the church of Hamburgh', which served him as 
a temporary residence. He was buried at Lindisfarne; first in the cemetery, 
afterwards in the new cathedral. Thence his remains were transferred to 
Durham where an ancient picture of him, in glass, may still be seen in the Te 
Deum window. 

T At the same time we are told that Oswiu devoted his daughter to perpetual 
virginity, he also offered twelve estates, ' possessiones ' or ' possessiunculas,' as 
they are called, each of which contained ten 'familiae' or hides of land, a 
hundred and twenty in all. Six of these 'possessiones' were in the province of 
Deira, the modern Yorkshire ; and six in the province of Bernicia, the more 
northern parts of Northumbria, including Durham; 'in quibus, ablato studio 
railitiae exercendam militiarn coelestem, supplicandumque pro pace 
gentis ejus aeterna, devotioni sedulae monachorum locus facultasque suppeteret.' 



her death in 680, succeeded her as abbess. 8 After Hild's departure, 
the monastery of Heruteu is heard of no more ; and whether it con- 
tinued till the Danish devastations of 800, when the churches of 

Tinmouth and Hartness 'smoaked in ruins,' or till 867, when the 
Durham churches and monasteries were destroyed far and wide, 
cannot now be said. 9 Most likely, however, the monastic settlement 
did not long survive the date of Hild's departure. Such, at least, so 

That of Streoneshalch was one of them, and thither accordingly Hild, carrying 
the young child along with her, was induced to emigrate. 

' They told how in their convent-cell 
A Saxon princess once did dwell, 
The lovely Edelfled. 

And how, of thousand snakes, each one 
Was changed into a coil of stone, 
When holy Hilda pray'd.' 
Scott, Marmion, cant. ii. 13. 

8 Aelfled continued, first as ' discipula,' and afterwards as ' magistra,' or 
abbess, till she reached the age of fifty-nine, when, ' ad cornplexum et nuptias 
Sponsi coelestis virgo beata intraret.' There, too, where she had lived and died, 
she was also buried. ' In quo monasterio et ipsa, et pater ejus Osuiu, et mater 
ejus Aeanfled, et pater matris ejus Aeduini, et multi alii nobiles in ecclesia sancti 
apostoli Petri sepulti sunt.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 24. 

9 The writer of an account of Tynemouth priory in the series of ' Abbeys 
of Great Britain' now (1895) in course of publication in the Builder, states, 
apparently on the authority of the late Sidney Gibson's History, that ' On the 
invasion in 865 the monastery was burned, and also the nuns of St. Hilda, who 
had fled thither from Rartlepool for refuge.' But Mr. Gibson gives no authority 
for his statement respecting the nuns ; referring only in a note to a passage about 
the destruction of Tynemouth by Hingmar and Hubba in Leland's Collectanea, 
iii. 179 (ed. 1774, vol. iv. 114), his extract, however, making no mention of the 
nuns at all. Nothing is said on the subject either in the Saxon Chronicle, 
Florence of Worcester, Leland's Extracts, or the Vita Oswini of the Surtees 
Society ; so far, therefore, it rests on the unsupported testimony of Mr. Gibson 



: ' : 

far as it goes, is the inference to be drawn from the discoveries made 
in the cemetery attached to it in the years 1833, 1838, and 1843. 
It was only, apparently, some twenty yards long, and situate about 
135 yards to the south-east of the church, in a spot still bearing the 

traditional name of Cross Close. 
In it were two rows of interments, 
all, with two exceptions, those of 
females, and all lying, in the still 
uneradicated Pagan fashion, north 
and south. In each case the heads 
reposed on small square stones as 
on cushions, while above each were 
other stones somewhat larger, but 
still less than a foot square, adorned 
with crosses, and bearing the names 
of the deceased.* 

From the close similarity of these 
last to others mentioned by Beda, 

as well as from the character of the lettering, and forms of the 
crosses, the whole belonged evidently to one and the same early 
period, viz., the latter half of the seventh century. Besides the 
occurrence of the pillow stones, another curious point of resemblance 
presented by these interments to others of Pagan origin in the barrow 
mounds of Kent was, that the five molar teeth on either side, and in 
both jaws of the skeletons, were worn quite smooth, as though ground 
down with files. The names of the two males discovered amongst those of 
the nuns were Ediluini and Vermund, the latter in connection with that 
of Torhtsvid. Very curiously, both were found occurring again upon 
a third stone, bearing the compound inscription ' Orate pro Edilvini 
orate pro Vermund et Torhtsvid.' But, whether the Edilvini was, as 

himself. That he invented the occurrence, however, is not likely, since in 
describing it he says, as though quoting some ancient author, that they were 
thereby ' translated by martyrdom to heaven.' It would seem most likely, not- 
withstanding, I think, that such poxxibly ancient, but unknown, writer, whoever 
he may have been, drew his facts from his imagination rather than from any 
other source ; and, regarding Tynemouth as a naturally stronger position than 
Hartlcpool, just as naturally imagined that the equally imaginary nuns would 
flee there in their terror. 

* Of three of these stones, of which illustrations are given on this and the 
preceding page, two are in the Black Gate museum, Newcastle, the third is in the 
Durham Chapter library. They are reproduced by consent of the editor of the 


the late Mr. Haigh was inclined to think, the famous count of that 
name who, at the command of King Osuiu, murdered Osuini, king of 
Deira, at Grilling, near Richmond, in 651, 10 is, though far from im- 
possible, a point on which opinions may, perhaps, differ. 


Short, however, as the rule of Hild was, and as the continuance of 
her monastery may, perhaps, have been at Heruteu ; she left behind 
her, notwithstanding, the undying fragrance of a saintly life and 
name. And so, when upwards of five centuries after her death at 
Streoneshalch, a church, no longer monastic, but parochial, came to 
be built at Hartlepool, it was dedicated, very fitly, in her honour. 

In the interim, little or nothing more is known either of Heruteu 
or Hartness, than of the monastery. Indeed, from the time of the 
Danish ravages in the ninth-century to the period immediately pre- 
ceding the Norman Conquest, its history is almost a blank. Billingham, 
it is true, is recorded to have been built by Ecgred, bishop of Lindis- 
farne (830-845), and given by him to the see ; and much of his work 

10 The circumstances are thus narrated by Bede (H. E. iii. 14.): ' Habuit 
autem Osuiu primis regni sui temporibus consortem regiae dignitatis, vocabulo 
Osuini, de stirpe regis Aeduini, hoc est, filium Osrici, de quo supra retulimus, 
virum eximiae pietatis et religionis ; qui provinciae Derbrum in maxima omnium 
rerum affluentia, et ipse amabilis omnibus, praefuit. Sed nee cum eo ille, qui 
ceteram Transhumbranae gentis partem ab aquilone, id est, Berniciorum pro- 
vinciam, regebat, habere pacem potuit ; quin potius, ingravescentibus causis 
dissensionum, miserrima hunc caede peremit. Siquidem, congregate contra 
invicem exercitu, cum videret se Osuini cum illo, qui plures habebat auxiliarios 
non posse bello confligere, ratus est utiiius, tune demissa intentione bellandi, 
servare se ad tempora meliora. Remisit ergo exercitum, quern congregaverat, ac 
singulos douium redire praecepit, a loco qui vocatur Vilfaraesdun, id est, Mons 
Vilfari, et est a vico Cataractone decem ferme millibus passuum contra solsti- 
tialem occasum secretus ; divertitque ipse cum uno tantum milite sibi fidelissimo, 
nomine Tondheri, celandus in domo comitis Hunvaldi, quern etiam ipsum sibi 
amicissimum autumabat. Sed, heu, proh dolor ! longe aliter erat ; nam ab eodem 
comite proditum eum Osuiu, cum praefato ipsius milite per praefectum suum 
Aediluinum detestanda omnibus morte interfecit. Quod factum est die decima 
tertia kalendarum Septembrium (20 Aug.) anno regni ejus mono, in loco qui 
dicitur ' Ingetlingum ' , ubi postmodum castigandi hujus facinoris gratia, monas- 
terium constructum est ; in quo pro utriusque regis (et occisi, videlicet, et ejus, 
qui occidere jussit), animae redemtione, quotidie Domino preces offerri deberent.' 

Speaking of the murdered king's personal characteristics and appearance, 
Beda describes him as being 'of a winning aspect, lofty stature, pleasant address, 
courteous manners, bountiful to all alike, whether gentle or simple; whence it 
happened that, through his royal dignity of mind, countenance, and deserts, he 
was beloved of all ; and that from all the neighbouring provinces the noblest 
flocked to his service, among whose glories of virtue and modesty, the chiefest 
was humility.' He was canonized, and his history is given in the Acta SS. 
Aug. Tom. iv. p. 57. 


still stands in the church there to bear witness to the fact ; but of 
Heruteu we hear nothing. Shortly before the Norman invasion, 
however, Fulk de Panell, besides vast territories which he possessed in 
other parts, held also those of Hart and Hartness. Through the 
marriage of his daughter Agnes with Robert de Brus, son of one of 
the Conqueror's followers, the whole of these were eventually trans- 
ferred to that family. In 1129, this Robert de Brus II. (son of 
Robert de Brus I.), at the instance of Pope Calixtus II. and Thurstan, 
archbishop of York, founded the monastery of Guisborough, endowing 
it, among other things, with the churches of Stranton, Hart, and 
their dependent chapels of Seaton and Hartlepool. 

Like Ecgred's church of Billingham, that of Hart, referred to in 
Brus's grant, and of much the same period, probably, is still in part 
standing ; but of its chapel at Hartlepool there are no remains at all. 
Though pretty certainly of later date, it would, doubtless, be of 
equally humble character and dimensions as those of the mother 
church. But, whatever its age or capacity, it was destined, within 
some sixty years or so of its bestowal, to make way for the splendid 
structure whose remains we see to-day. As to the origin of this last 
there cannot, of course, be a shadow of doubt. But as regards 
the actual individual builder, the case is otherwise. Of the Brus 
family the founder, Robert de Brus I. died at some unknown period, 
but probably early in the twelfth century, when he was succeeded, at 
Hart and Hartlepool, by his second son, Robert de Brus II. who died 
in the sixth of Stephen, 1140, a date far too early for him to have 
had any connection with the present church. To him succeeded his 
son, Robert de Brus III. who was living in 1171, but who also, as is 
evident, could have had no more to do with its erection than his 
father or grandfather. His son and successor was Robert de Brus IV. 
who, married to Isabel, natural daughter of William the Lion, king 
of Scots, died in 1191 ; a point of time which, from our present point 
of view, and in absence of historic evidence, was about the most 
awkward and perplexing imaginable. For it makes it practically 
impossible to say with certainty, whether the entire building, the 
tower only excepted, should be referred to him or to his son. But 
a very few years, say four or five, on either side would have freed 
the subject of all doubt, and rendered it absolutely certain. As it is, 


it seems to hang almost upon a balance. But yet, I think, we may 
say pretty confidently, to which side it clearly inclines ; and, com- 
paring the work with that of the Trinity chapel at Canterbury, 
completed by William the Englishman in 1185, with that of the choir 
at Ripon, built by Archbishop Roger (died 1181), and with the 
vestibule of S. Mary's abbey at York, of very nearly the same period, 
on the one side, and with that of Darlington on the other, there can 
be but little doubt (taking the subject of his marriage also into 
account) that it is to Robert de Brus IV. 11 that the choir and nave 
of Hartlepool church are due. For, while a strong general likeness, 
including the profuse use of foliage in connection both with square 
and circumscribing circular abaci may be observed there and in two 
of those earlier instances, there is, at the same time, a distinct and 
palpable advance, yet only just such an advance as might reasonably 
be supposed to occur between all three and the work at Hartlepool. 

It must, I think, nay feel sure, have been in progress, though 
practically completed, at the time of Robert de Brus IV.'s death in 1191 ; 
and therefore, even allowing four years for the operations, need not 
have been commenced before 1188. The style itself bears every 
indication of this ; and taking 1191 as the central point or pivot, I 
should certainly say that the internal evidence of style is in favour 
of the work belonging to the four previous, rather than to the four 
succeeding, years. 12 But that a pause occurred when the nave was 

11 Hutchinson (History of Durham, iii. 17), following Dugdale, gives only 
two, instead of four, generations of the Brus family between the time of the 
Norman Conquest and that of William de Brus, who died in 1215. He thus 
makes Robert de Brus I., who was a fighting man of great consequence in 1066, 
and who could hardly therefore, on the most modest computation, have been 
born later than 1040, not only found the priory of Guisborough in 1129, but 
take part in the Battle of the Standard in 1138, when Dugdale, considering he 
must then have been close upon a hundred, might well speak of him as ' an old 
soldier' In like fashion, his second son, Robert de Brus II., is, apparently, 
made to live till 1196, a date which, if correct, would at once have removed all 
doubt as to the builder of the church at Hartlepool. With both writers the 
mistake would seem to have occurred from the uncommon circumstance of four 
Roberts following each other in succession. 

12 The difference between the work at Ripon, and that at Canterbury and 
S. Mary's abbey, York, lies chiefly in this, viz., that in the former case it is 
perfectly plain, whereas in the latter, at York especially, it is highly enriched. 
At Canterbury, too, though in the crypt, the pointed style, including the use of 
the round abacus, is perfectly developed ; in the upper parts, the main lines, 
involving the use of the round arch, had to be accommodated to those of the 
earlier work of William of Sens. But, though not concluded till 1185, the 
designs were made in 1179, when William the Englishman succeeded to the 
direction. In like manner at Ripon, the works, as we learn from the words of 




finished is plain enough ; for the tower bears witness not only to a 
slightly later style, but, probably, to a different hand. It may, indeed, 
without hesitation be referred both to the times and person of Robert 
de Brus IV.'s son and successor, William de Brus, who bore sway 
as lord of Hartlepool from 1191 to 1215. 


For size, and sumptuous splendour of decoration, the church 
commenced, and well nigh, if not quite, completed by Robert de Brus 
IV., was wholly without a rival among the parish churches of its day, 
not merely in the county of Durham, but in the north generally. 
Indeed, it may well be questioned whether anything comparable to 
it of its class could be found in all England. That the architect 
employed in its construction, whoever he may have been, was the 
same as that of the similarly situated monastic church of Tynemouth, 13 

Archbishop Roger himself, had been begun, and must therefore have been 
designed, some time before his death ' quod dedimus operi beati Wilf ridi de 
Ripon ad aedificandam basilicam ipsius quam de novo inchoavimus mille libras 
veteris monetae.' And so, too, at York, the work at S. Mary's abbey, which 
corresponds closely with that of the palace known to have been built by Arch- 
bishop Roger even to the exact correspondence in the length and diameter of 
the shafts must also necessarily have been designed some years before 1181, 
which was that of Roger's death. But, in addition to these, there are three other 
well-known and most important dated examples, the round of the Temple church, 
London, which was consecrated in 1185 ; the retro-choir of Chichester cathedral, 
begun in 1186 ; and the famous choir of Lincoln minster, commenced probably in 
the same year, and which has long and deservedly held the supreme distinction 
of being the first great work of the purely pointed, or Gothic, style in England. 
The old Norman choir was cleft in twain, as Benedict of Peterborough tells us, 
by an earthquake, in 1185; and the year following was the first of the pontificate 
of Bishop Hugh of Grenoble, commonly known as S. Hugh of Lincoln, under 
whose enthusiastic administration he is said to have worked, like a common 
labourer, with his own hands the task of rebuilding was at once commenced. 
But, both here and at Chichester, all traces of Norman influence have vanished 
utterly, and the Early English style reigns untrammelled and supreme. As the 
Hartlepool work, therefore, need not have been planned till two years later even 
than these last, there need be no hesitation whatever for referring it to a period 
lying between 1188 and 1191. 

13 The work in the choir at Tynemouth is of a very strongly marked and 
individual type indeed, both as regards its general design and details. Its 
dominant note, as at Hartlepool more particularly as shown in the choir is 
that of power, wedded to a no less masculine and vigorous type of foliaged 
decoration. The fact of the two churches being not only so closely con- 
temporaneous and analogous in character, but locally in such near neighbourhood, 
renders the probability of their common authorship, I think, about as certain as 
anything of the kind can be. Where the man came from, and who he may have 
been, is, of course, another matter altogether. I have often been struck, how- 
ever, with the surprising similarity of style, and especially of foliage, which 
exists between the Tynemouth work and that in the magnificent choir of New 
Shoreham in Hampshire slightly the earlier of the two. The resemblance is at 


is, I think, judging from internal evidence, as certain as that he 
was not the Willielmus Ingeniator, engaged by Pudsey ; and to whom, 
as is not unlikely, the design of Darlington church is due. For, 
although of almost exactly the same period, the two buildings reflect, 
in a curiously marked manner, the widely divergent idiosyncrasies of 
two wholly different men. Not merely that the details and general 
scheme of the two are unlike, but that their whole spirit and conception 
are opposed and contrary. Indeed, it would be no easy task to point 
out two other local examples which illustrate so distinctly the 
characteristics of what are known as the ecole laique and the ecole 
ecdesiastique, as do these two buildings respectively. 

But, while the scale of the church alone points clearly to the rising 
prosperity and increased, and increasing, population of the place ; the 
character of its construction, and lavish richness of adornment show, 
if possible, still more clearly that they could have had no say or share 
whatever in its erection. Built, unmistakably, as a parish church, it 
is yet far from being, and in no sense is, a mere parish church, pure 
and simple, magnified. The typical parish church, of any size, 
consists, normally, of a chancel, nave with two aisles, and a western 
tower. But the chancel, especially in the earlier periods, was, as a 
rule, and, indeed, almost universally, aisleless. 14 Whenever, in a 

once so close, and the character of the work itself so special and individualistic, 
that, far apart as the two places are, I have long conjectured that the same architect 
must have been employed on both. The designer of the Nine Altars chapel at 
Durham would seem, without doubt, to have been a south-country man ; and so, 
just as easily, may he of Tynemouth and Hartlepool have been also. 

14 So, Mr. Fergusson, in his excellent History of Architecture, ii. 63, in 
speaking of the typical English parish church, says : ' In almost every instance 
the nave had aisles, and was lighted by a clerestory. The chancel was narrow and 
deep, without aisles and with a square termination. There was one tower, with 
a belfry, generally, but not always, at the west end ; and the principal entrance 
was by a south door, usually covered by a porch of more or less magnificence, 
frequently vaulted, and with a room over it.' Churches of this class, that is 
parish churches in the strictest and most exclusive sense, as not having any 
adjuncts in the shape of private chapels, whether insular or transeptal, and to 
every part of which the whole body of parishioners had full access as of right, 
may be found in every variety of size all over the kingdom. Some, indeed, 
though of course relatively few, are of the very first rank in size and dignity. Such, 
for example, are those of Walpole S. Peter, Norfolk ; and S. Botolph, Boston, Lin- 
colnshire. Of these the former, which is of excessive richness of decoration through- 
out, is no less than about two hundred feet in length by seventy-five in breadth, 
and with very large north and south porches. In vastness of size, however, both 
of length, breadth, and height, that of Boston stands out altogether without 
a rival. Admirably constructed, of splendid material, and, like that of Walpole, 
consisting of a nave of seven bays and chancel of five, with fourteen fine two- 
light clerestory windows on each side the nave, very broad and spacious, and with 


twelfth, thirteenth, or even early fourteenth-century building, we find 
aisles attached to the chancel, they will, in almost every case, be found 
to be later additions, and commonly of different dates. Being in all 
cases private mortuary chapels, they were, like transepts, purely 
parasitical accretions to the original structure, with which, save only 
in respect of contact, they had no connection whatever. 

At Hartlepool, however, the case was different. Here, as so rarely 
happened, the church, although of quite exceptional, and, at the time 
of its erection, probably, unequalled, size, was built at a single effort, 
and by a single individual. As founder, he was consequently in a 
position to make his own arrangements ; and so, while providing his 
new town with a simple parish church, or, to be more precise, chapel, 
in the ecclesiastical sense; to make it, while retaining the usual 
characteristics of such buildings, something more in purely personal 
sense. He designed its immense and splendid chancel, in short, 
though serving as that of the parish, to be his own chantry chapel and 
burial place as well ; and, while containing the high, or parish altar, to 
be provided with others for more particular and, perhaps, private use. 
Hence its aisles which naturally involve and presuppose their presence ; 
provision for which was the sole cause of their erection. 15 With the 

a length of between two and three hundred feet ; it terminates westward in a 
tower, by far the loftiest in England the west window of which, in eight lights, 
is no less than seventy-five feet high and whose total elevation is upwards of 
three hundred. No such parish church, and constructed on such a severely 
simple plan, it may safely be said, is to be seen in all the world. 

15 The whole subject of aisles, which is a very far reaching and complex one, 
has never yet, like the kindred one of transepts, received, as far as I know, any- 
thing like the degree of attention it deserves. Both one and other, indeed, have 
all along, and by all alike, been simply accepted as facts, without the least 
enquiry as to their origin or the purposes for which they were planned. As a 
rule, our most ancient churches, which were usually very small, were aisleless ; 
sometimes, as at Worth and Dover, cruciform ; but more commonly consisting of 
simple parallelograms, nave and chancel, as at Escomb, Headbourn Worthy, 
Corhampton, and Bradford-on-Avon, among those of Saxon, and others innu- 
merable, like Haughton-le-Skerne, of Norman, and later, date. Then, in process 
of time, but more particularly during the latter part of the twelfth, and early 
years of the thirteenth centuries, aisles, almost always very narrow, began to 
be added to the naves, frequently only on one side to begin with, and then 
afterwards, as at Aycliffe and Pittington, on the other. Very frequently, how- 
ever, as at Coniscliffe, Winston, and Witton-le-Wear, a second or corresponding 
aisle was never added on the other side at all. Towards the end of the twelfth 
century, and afterwards, the common rule, save where the churches were of the 
very smallest, was that the aisles were erected along with, and as natural and 
recognised features of them, their width and height increasing as time went on 
in a gradual and steadily progressive ratio. 

Another class of what are commonly called aisles may also frequently be met 
with, consisting of broad and lofty adjuncts, sometimes nearly equalling, some- 


exception of little more than the western halves of its westernmost 
compound bays, the whole of this magnificent structure was taken 
down and destroyed in 1724. Continuous neglect and consequent 
decay had doubtless long set in and left their marks upon it ; but the 

times even, as at Staindrop, far exceeding the naves in width, to which, as in 
that case, at Heighington, and in the lately destroyed church of Middleton- 
in-Teesdale, they are commonly attached on the south side. Frequently, as 
at Staindrop originally, they are under independent gabled roofs, and are 
sometimes of the same, sometimes of less, and sometimes of greater length than 
the naves, and prolonged to a greater or less extent, along the side of the chancel. 
Such were always, I think, for the larger part of their area, private mortuary 
chapels, being simply built lengthways, instead of crossways as a transept, and in 
all cases provided with an altar. 

There was also another class of aisles, narrow, and, of original, or at any rate 
early, construction, not terminating at the east end of the nave, but pro- 
longed for one or more bays alongside the chancel. Of this arrangement we 
have a curious and interesting example at Auckland S. Helen's, a small village 
church with an open bell-cot, where the aisles are continued to about half the 
length of the chancel into which they open uniformly by two massive, but 
minute, pointed arches on each side. The case is interesting on this account, 
that the church originally consisted of two round-arched Transitional bays only, 
with a chancel of corresponding length. About the middle of the thirteenth 
century, however, the nave was lengthened by another assimilated bay westward, 
and the chancel prolonged proportionally eastward, to which period the extended 
portions of the aisles, doubtless sepulchral chapels, belong. Many similar 
examples of nave aisles thus extended, but usually of later date, may be found 
also all over the country. An exceptionally curious and instructive instance 
occurs in the magnificent fifteenth-century church of S. Mary, Bury St. 
Edmunds, the nave of which is 140 feet long, with a width of 68 across the 
aisles. To the chancel, which was then 55 feet in length, John Barret, before 
1468, added a north aisle, which, together with its splendid painted oak roof 
bearing his initials in the centre of each panel, still remains. What is of special 
interest, however, in this connection is the occurrence of a wish expressed in his 
will that if anyone thereafter should build another similar aisle to the south, it 
should be connected with the nave aisle, not by a transverse arch as usual, but 
by cutting the jamb of the existing east window of the nave aisle down to 
the ground in order that the carvings and figures erected by him about that 
window and the altar beneath it might not be destroyed. When, about twelve 
years later, one Jankyn Smith built such a prospective south aisle, the request, 
as is evident, was not complied with. But what became of the altar, whether it 
was allowed to continue more or less in its original position, or whether it was 
removed to the east end of the new aisle, does not appear. And so in numberless 
other cases of the like kind, that of S. Helen's Auckland possibly among them. 
In the church of Skipton in Craven may be seen a remarkable feature which has 
long and greatly exercised the wits of the local antiquaries, but which, regarded 
in the light of the above evidence, may, I think, readily be accounted for. The 
nave with its aisles would seem to have been rebuilt in the first quarter of the 
fourteenth century; the chancel, with two corresponding aisles, in unbroken 
connection and without any transverse arches, in the following one. Now about 
the middle of the south aisle wall occur three sedilia and a piscina of the earlier 
or fourteenth-century date, exactly opposite the first pillar of the chancel, and 
on which the chancel arch, if there had been one, would have rested. Super- 
ficially they seem unconnected with the site of any possible altar whatever. 
But when they were erected the original chancel would have no aisles at all, and 
they would pertain to the altar at the east end of the new aisle of which they 
structurally formed a part, and which was made to extend a few feet eastwards 
along the side of the old chancel. When, about a century afterwards, the 


sordid spirit of post-reformation greed and indifference from which 
they sprang, joined to the prevailing poverty of the place, then took 
the swifter and more radical course of wholesale destruction ; thus, as 
might, perhaps, be hoped, effectually annihilating all evidence of past 
shame, and need of future expenditure at the same time. 16 

chancel was rebuilt with aisles, as at Bury, the east wall of the fourteenth- 
century aisle was taken down ; but, as in that case, what became of the 
altar is uncertain. 

The question, however, still confronts us, viz., Why were the original and ex- 
ceedingly narrow aisles added to the naves at all ? It seems difficult to imagine 
that increased accommodation, considering many of them were only six or seven 
feet in width, could have been the sole or even primary cause of their introduc- 
tion, especially when there is such general, not to say universal, evidence of their 
having had altars at their east ends. In many small, aisleless churches, as at 
Cockfield in Durham, and Boarhunt in Hants, a small altar was anciently placed 
on either side of the chancel arch. 

A certainly curious and remarkable fact should further be mentioned in con- 
nection with this subject, and that is, that where two aisles have either been added 
or originally built, it so much more frequently happens that the evidences of a 
former altar are to be found on the south than on the north side ; a circumstance 
at once raising the question as to whether the latter was either, always or 
usually, provided with them. 

I need only add, in conclusion, the remark that, although in numberless 
instances there are now no visible proofs of the former existence of altars in 
aisles, it by no means follows that such do not or did not originally exist. In 
almost every case it will be found that the projecting bowl of the piscina in 
aisles, where pews have been intruded, has been broken off, and the recesses 
blocked up and plastered over, so that it is only when the walls come to be 
stripped that the remains can be detected. Sometimes again, as at Gainford, 
the wall has been rebuilt, and all evidence, no matter how specially interesting 
soever it may be, deliberately destroyed. But there still remain many other 
cases, as at Easington, where the arrangement of the windows alone sufficiently 
witnesses to the fact of the eastern end of the aisle having formerly been a 

It is greatly to be hoped that in all cases where the destruction has not 
already been complete, the hand of the restoring architect, so effectual hitherto 
in " blotting out history," should be stayed from annihilating these frequently 
beautiful, and always historically, as well as ecclesiologically, interesting 

16 It is possible, perhaps, that want of means, as well as of inclination, may 
have had much to do with the state of ruin into which the church was allowed to 
fall. At any rate, in a petition of the mayor and others addressed to her majesty's 
justices of the peace praying that they would recommend the queen to grant 
letters patent for the repairs of the church, and dated April 7th, 1714, after stating 
that ' there are noe lands within y e s'd corporation to be rated towards y repair 
thereof,' it is added that ' most of your petition'rs and inhabitants of y e corpor- 
ation are poor fishermen, who by y decay and want of encouraging that most 
important and beneficial employ, are become allogether unable to repair the 
the same, y c expence whereof would at a moderate computation for stone, wood, 
lead, and other materials, besides workmanship, amount to eighteen hundred and 
eighty-four pounds and upwards,' etc. But no result would seem to have 
followed this petition, since, two years later, the condition of the building was 
found to be still ruinous. 

A brief granted by George I. on February 5th, 1719, however, to collect the 
sum of 1,732 and upwards, for repairing and rebuilding the church, met with 
considerable success. The preamble, which is in nearly the same words as the 


Of the eastern arrangements of this well nigh unique chancel we 
have, consequently, no exact knowledge whatever; only, on either side, to 
the extreme west, the early pointed entrance doorways of the chantry 
priests, and that is all. Foundations of the eastern parts have, from 
time to time, however, been dug up in what is now the churchyard, 
and the original length of the structure thus certainly ascertained. 
Their witness agrees pretty fairly, I believe, with that given in bishop 
Talbot's licence to take it down, viz. : twenty-three yards and a half ; 
though, if there were three compound bays, and if all the bays were of 
equal span, this would be some four and a half feet too short. 

This single fact of itself, however, is quite sufficient, I think, in 
the absence of proof positive to the contrary, to raise the gravest 
doubts as to whether there were really three such bays or not. Indeed, 
the extremely early date of the work, coupled with the very unusual, 
if not altogether unparalleled, occurrence of aisles in a simple parish 
church, being then continued to the eastern extremity of the chancel, 
renders it pretty certain that there could only have been two such 
bays; and that the sacrarium, or eastern end of the choir proper, 
originally, as at present, projected clearly beyond them. 17 

petition, adds that the choir was then 'almost entirely unroofed, and the steeple, 
pillars, and walls of the same so much decayed by length of time, that the 
whole fabrick will inevitably fall to the ground, unless speedily prevented by 
taking down and rebuilding some, and repairing the decayed parts thereof.' 

What the subscriptions actually amounted to does not appear, but the work 
of repair was commenced immediately. At a meeting held on September 22nd, 
1721, it was agreed that the church and chancel should be continued its full 
length and breadth ; that the roof should be flattened to four or six feet pitch ; 
that the north wall, if advisable, should be taken down and rebuilt ' but in 
fear y e cash arising from y e brief may not answer y e expectation, y e said wall 
shall be referred until y e last y* y e s d church shall be new flagged, pued and 
whitened, and in respect to y e glory of y e antiquity of s d church, what repairs y 
windows may want, they shall be wrought after y e same model as they now are ; 
and as for y e chancel y* is referred until y e earle of Scarborough's consent is got 
in writing ; and y* y e steeples both in and outside be repaired. 5 

The admirable design of maintaining the church in its full dimensions, and 
restoring the windows after the ancient plan, could not, unhappily, be carried 
out at any rate, was not ; for on May 22nd, 1724, bishop Talbot gave leave to 
take down the roof, and cover the church with a flat one ; and for the chancel, 
which was then seventy and a half feet in length, to be reduced to one of fifteen 
feet within the walls. 

It is interesting to know, on the authority of Brand, that, in aid of these 
grievously needed repairs, the corporation of Newcastle contributed the sum of 

17 1 am not, of course, referring to town, more especially fortified town 
churches, which had constantly to be squeezed into all kinds of holes and 
corners, and assume such shapes accordingly. A curious illustration, among 
others of early date, may be seen in the church of S. John, Winchester. It 


Indeed, the only instance I know in which the choir aisles, of what 
from first to last would seem to have been actually nothing more than 
a mere parish church, are continued, at an equally early date, as far as 

forms an almost exact square, the eastern end or side of which is very oblique, 
being bounded by a street, while the side aisles, whose outer walls were greatly 
advanced during the thirteenth century, are much wider than the central one, 
which is of the twelfth. It is only three bays in length, and without any 
structural division of nave or chancel whatever; therefore, quite abnormal in 
plan, and altogether outside the ordinary range of parish churches. 

During the twelfth and thirteenth century, aisles reaching to the east end 
of the choir are usually found in cathedral and monastic churches only ; and it 
is not a little surprising to note in how many, even of this class, they fail to do 
so. Thus, in the ancient cathedrals of Worcester and Rochester the side aisles 
terminate at one, and two, bays from the east gable respectively. In those of 
Oxford, Bristol, and Southwell, all, originally, Augustinian abbey churches, in 
the first at one, and in the two others at two. bays. At Durham and Peter- 
borough, the aisles ended at the springing of the great central apse, allowing in 
the latter case for ranges of five windows above and below. At Lichfield, on 
the reconstruction of the choir on a greatly enlarged scale, early in the 
fourteenth century, the central portion was advanced in unbroken line for three 
bays beyond the range of the aisles, and then terminated in a three-sided apse. 
In the Welsh cathedrals of Bangor and St. Asaph, while the side chapels left 
the sacrarium of the former free towards the south, the choir of the latter had 
no aisles at all. In the fine thirteenth-century cathedral of Kilkenny, the 
eastern bay of the choir is also wholly free from aisles or chapels, as is also the 
case at lona, and in the great metropolitan cathedral of S. Andrew's. The 
splendid cathedral of Elgin, too, has the two easternmost bays of its choir free ; 
and while that of Brechin, like St. Asaph's, has neither aisles nor chapels, those 
of Dunblane and Dunkeld have the whole of their choirs free to the south, and 
both their sacraria free also to the north. 

And the like restriction may also be observed in the planning of many 
monastic and collegiate choirs. Thus, to take one of the earliest and grandest 
among those of the Benedictine order, that of S. Martin at Dover, a building 
300 feet in length, by 160 across the transepts commenced, however, by 
Corbeuil, archbishop of Canterbury, for a church of Austin Canons we find, 
exactly as at S. Andrew's, the choir supported by two great angle turrets pro- 
jecting to an exact square beyond its aisles, which, three bays in length, terminate 
apsidally. The same arrangement again holds good in the case of the Pre- 
monstratensian church of S. Radegund, near Dover, which dates from 1191, 
and where the sanctuary, two bays in length, projects, with massive angle 
turrets, beyond the extremity of the aisles. The sacrarium also of the great abbey 
church of Jedburgh, a Transitional addition to the aisled Norman choir, which 
originally ended probably in an apse, stands out clear of those aisles. At Laner- 
cost, also of an early, though somewhat later, date, a similar arrangement is met 
with, the sanctuary of two bays standing clear of the contemporary aisles or 
chapels on either side. The eastern bay of the choir again stood clear of its aisles or 
chapels in the Premonstratensian church of Dale Abbey, Derbyshire, also of the 
thirteenth century. And such, too, is the case at Beverley minster, beyond the 
aisled eastern transept of which the easternmost bay of the choir stands out 
distinct from base to summit. We see also the aisles of the choir terminating 
westward of the sanctuary square in the small but exceedingly interesting local 
example of Finchale priory church, near Durham, commenced circa 1196. 
And the same thing occurs again in the splendid fourteenth-century choir of 
Melrose abbey, as also in that of Dorchester, the sacraria of both of which are 
occupied on all three sides by large and magnificent traceried windows. Add to 
these, which may doubtless stand as samples of an indefinite number more, the 
typical plans of the early Cistercian churches, which, as a rule, consisted of a 
similar aisleless sanctuary projecting beyond the line of transeptal chapels, as at 

ARCH. AEL. Vol. XVII. (to face page 216). 



Part of north side of Choir, showing peculiar design of Triforium. 


the east end, occurs in the case of S. Mary's, New Shoreham. The 
curiously close parallel observable in divers particulars between the 
circumstances of this building and those of Hartlepool church are very 
striking. In the first place, the mother churches of Hart, and 
S. Nicholas, Old Shoreham, were bestowed by their Norman lords, 
Kobert de Brus and William de Braose, on the abbeys of G-uisborough, 
and S. Florence, at Saumur, in Anjou, in 1075 and 1129 respectively. 
Then, at a considerably later date, the dependent chapels of those 
churches, viz., those of Hartlepool, and S. Mary of New Shoreham, 
were rebuilt by the grandsons of the original donors on a scale of 
splendour, far surpassing that of the mother churches, that of Hartle- 
pool, by Robert de Brus IV., about 1188 ; that of New Shoreham, by 
William de Braose II., about 1130. And further, both were rebuilt 
for the use and benefit of rapidly rising seaport towns. 

All direct historical reference to the church of New Shoreham is, 
however, wanting ; and it is only by means of very scanty and 
collateral evidence that we can arrive at any reasonable explanation as 
to how its choir came to assume its present size and form. 

From this we learn that after the donation of the churches of 
S. Nicholas de Soraham, S. Peter de Sela, S. Nicholas de Brembria, 
and S. Peter de Yeteri-ponte, the abbey of S. Florence, established at 
Sele (now called Beeding), a small priory of Benedictine monks, to 

Buildwas, Roche, Kirkstall, etc., and it at once becomes evident in how many 
instances, even of cathedral and conventual churches, the aisles stopped short of 
the eastern extremity of the choirs. 

And then, among parish churches innumerable, we find the same practice 

S. Mary. Bury S. Edmunds, in all of which the eastern bay, at least, was un- 
encroached upon. In the last mentioned instance, indeed, when the south aisle 
came to be added, circa 1485, the chancel, though already fifty-five feet in 
length, was extended, as though for the express purpose of allowing its sacrarium 
to stand clear, by an extra eighteen feet. 

But, what is more directly to our present purpose is the fact that the same 
arrangement is found in such a marked and emphatic manner in the case of 
Tynemouth priory church, designed, as there seems so much reason for believing, 
by the same architect as that of Hartlepool. There, the eastern projection, 
which contains a series of triple lights in each face, forms a practically exact 
square. And such, were there only, as I imagine to have been the case, two 
compound bays on each side, would be the case at Hartlepool, as well. For, since 
the chancel was just seventy feet and a half in length, and two such bays would 
extend to fifty feet, there would then, including the eastern responds, remain a 
space exactly twenty-two feet and a half long, by twenty-one feet and a half 
wide, and which would probably be lighted in much the same way in the parish, 
as it was in the priory, church. 

VOL. XVII. 29 


which these churches, which all lay close together, were attached. 
At the date of this foundation, the parish of New Shoreham did not 
exist, being then part of that of S. Nicholas, Old Shoreham. But that 
it was both formed, and the church of S. Mary built there, by the 
monks in the interval between that time and circa 1103, is proved by 
the following passage in the confirmation charter of Philip de Braose, 
son of the benefactor : ' lerosolimis autem praedictus Philippus 
rediens ecclesiam sanctae Mariae de Nova Soraham, quia monachorum 
praedictorum exstitit juris, diligenter concessit et confirmavit.' To 
this spot, then, it would seem certain that the monks settled at Sele 
(and who, as a matter of fact, continued there till the suppression) 
were at least designed to be removed ; for not only was the church, 
even as first built, a grand cruciform structure, with nave and aisles 
of six bays and central tower, utterly out of keeping with a parish 
consisting only of sixty-six acres ; but the original aisleless Norman 
choir was taken down and rebuilt on a greatly enlarged scale, and in 
the most sumptuous style of monastic splendour towards the close of 
the twelfth century. To suppose that such a work as this, consisting, 
as it does, of five bays in length, with north and south aisles, triforium 
and clearstorey, vaulted throughout with stone, and sculptured from 
end to end with a prodigality of the richest detail, was designed for 
the sole use of a small country parish, is as preposterous as it is against 
all analogy ; and its erection for conventual or mortuary uses, or both, 
perhaps, as well as for those of the parish, must therefore, I think, be 
assigned to one or more of the lords of Braose (for there was a 
manifest pause between the lower, or transitional, and the upper, or 
lancet, portion of this great choir), or to their joint action, possibly, 
with the convent of S. Florence. 

It is somewhat of a coincidence that, of these two singularly fine 
churches, but one half of each has been left to us, with, in either case, 
just a fragment, a single bay, of the other ; though at Hartlepool it 
is the choir, at Shoreham, the nave, which has thus perished. A far 
more singular coincidence is that, in a perfectly independent and 
disconnected way, I should have been led to the conclusion, I might 
almost say conviction, that one and the same architect was answerable 
for both. I have already expressed the opinion that the architect of 
Tynemouth was the architect of Hartlepool ; and years ago, and before 



paying any attention to Hartlepool at all, I was led from the strongly 
marked and peculiar character of their details to fancy that the same 
bond of union existed between Tynemouth and Shoreham. It may, 
of course, be mere conjecture and nothing more ; but all three, it may 
be observed, are contemporaneous ; all are, or were, on the sea, and 
all of the very highest architectural excellence, as well as powerfully 
marked individuality of treatment ; thus, at any rate, suggesting, I 
think, if nothing more, the probability, or at least possibility, of a 
common authorship. 

Be that, however, as it might, these bays were certainly the most 
original and peculiar features of the church ; and, so far as I know, 
unique. Though of far less frequent use in this country than in France 
or Germany, compound bays are, in themselves, common enough,whether 
in connection with vaulting, or, as here, with simple wooden roofs. 
Besides such examples as those of Bourges, Laon, Sens, Noyon, "Worms, 
Spires, Zurich, Heiligenkreutz, Limbourg, Trebitsch, and many others, 
we have at home one of the finest possible illustrations at Durham; in the 
smaller and later imitative example of Waltham abbey; as also, though 
less conspicuously, perhaps, in the beautiful priory church of Boxgrove 
in Sussex. But in none of these, varying as they do in many ways, is 
there any approach to the peculiar arrangement found at Hartlepool. 
In every case the component arches, whether round or pointed, are of 
uniform and symmetrical shape, and spring throughout from the same 
level. Here they do not, and herein lies their singularity. In every 
double, or compound, bay the supporting pillars are of different heights, 
the lower one occupying the centre. The consequence is that the 
sides of each arch, though struck from corresponding centres, are 
uneven, their longer inner sides rising from a tangent, the outer and 
shorter from an angle. There is not space enough allowed by the 
arrangement, in fact, for the outer half of either arch to be completed 
by being carried down to the level of its springing line ; and, if pro- 
duced, the mouldings of such as came in contact would intersect. 
The two sides being thus unequal, the apex of each arch is consequently 
eccentric to the opening, while the arch itself in kind, if not in degree, 
is made to resemble those transverse aisle arches of which we have 
already taken note at Darlington. Full of masculine vigour and 
originality, the raison d'etre of the design is to be found, not in mere 


empty love of eccentricity, but of variety, and in the desire of 
emphasizing that distinction which was sought to be expressed between 
the eastern and western divisions of the church. 18 The intercolumnar 
spaces of the several sub-bays also are narrower than those existing in 
the nave arcades, a circumstance which serves still further to mark 
the difference. Among these latter, but two out of the six bays on 
either side, viz., the second and the fourth, are of the same span, ten 
feet eleven inches ; the rest varying from nine feet three and a half 
inches in the fifth, to eleven feet ten inches in the first. Judging 
from their remains, those of the chancel were, on the other hand, of the 
same uniform dimensions, nine feet four inches, or thereabouts, through- 
out. A further point of difference to be noted also is that, while the 
capitals of the lower alternate columns of the chancel arcades are on the 
same level as those of the nave, the capitals of the higher alternate 
columns, which are brought into more immediate connection with the 
latter by their position next the chancel arch, range above them by 
more than their own height ; all which particulars, though not, 
perhaps, very striking or conspicuous in themselves, yet serve, 
collectively, while not interfering with the general uniformity of 
plan, to produce such a contrast, and stamp such diversity of char- 
acter on the several parts, as not only to define their respective uses, 
but delight both eye and mind as well. 


But these, however interesting, are far from comprising all, or the 
most important, differences of design to be found between the chancel 
and the nave. Of exactly the same width both in the centre and side 
aisles, while within a few inches of the same height, and a few feet of 

18 The only other instance I am aware of in which this very singular principle 
is carried out is in the choir at New Shoreham. I have already, and quite 
independently of this circumstance, expressed the idea that the architect of 
Hartlepool church was the same as that of Tynemouth, and that the architect of 
Tynemouth was one with that of Shoreham. It is certainly not a little curious 
to find that a piece of design so excessively rare, if not, indeed, practically 
unparalleled as this, should be found in these two most remarkable buildings, 
all the more so, if they proceeded from two wholly different hands. At Hartle- 
pool the arrangement occurs, as we see, in the pier- arches, or ground storey ; at 
Shoreham, in the triforium, or blind storey ; where, from the necessity of the 
case, however, the application of it is exactly reversed, the short sides of the 
arched openings lying inwards to the centre, instead of outwards to the circumfer- 
ence, as here. I may, doubtless, be mistaken ; but, so far as I can call to mind, 
nothing of the kind has come under my observation elsewhere in the kingdom. 


the same length, the distinction between the two great ritual divisions 
of the building, though never forced or violent, is maintained, more 
or less markedly, in every single feature. Thus in the clearstorey, 
which, though of just perceptibly smaller dimensions in the choir, 
follows the same design throughout, while in the nave the windows 
are set exactly above the centres of the arches, in the choir they are 
not ; but, on either side, the western, instead of the centre, line of the 
light comes immediately above the apex of each arch, the whole 
window, that is the glazed part of it, lying to the east. This, how- 
ever, is but a slight matter in comparison with the rest of the 
composition. At Darlington, as we have seen, the wall arcading 
both in the choir and transepts is confined strictly to the interior, 
while in the nave it is kept just as strictly to the exterior. At 
Hartlepool, though the same system is applied to the nave it has no 
place whatever in the choir, the rich triplet arcading being adopted 
on the inside as well as on the out. Nor is that all, for rich as is the 
external decoration in the depth and beauty of the arch mouldings 
and floriated capitals of the shafts which carry them, in the interior 
these mouldings and supporting shafts are doubled, the outer of the 
two orders being carried on rich projecting corbels. The effect, as 
may well be imagined, even in its present fragmentary condition is, 
owing to the consequent depth of the arcades and the closeness with 
which they are set, of astonishing beauty and magnificence. 

As in the case of the compound bays beneath, the design of this 
clearstorey is, 1 think, probably unique ; at any rate I cannot call to 
mind a parallel example anywhere in which a similar arrangement is 
found. For, as will be seen, in order to gain sufficient depth for the 
outer order of the arcades, the usual, I might say universal, method 
of construction is here exactly reversed, the thicker part of the 
walling being placed, not at the bottom, but at the top. That is to 
say, that although the inner mouldings of the clearstorey arcades and 
their shafts are here, as elsewhere, set back, the whole of the outer 
mouldings, together with the shafts that carry them, their hood- 
moulds, and the superincumbent masonry are set forward, and 
completely overhang the pier arches and wall surfaces below. Thus, 
in striking contrast to the nave clearstorey with its simply pierced 
window openings, this of the choir may be said, in a way, to con- 


stitute a sorfc of grand cornicione as well. Taken altogether, and 
despite the loss of its eastern elevation, the finest perhaps of all, it 
may safely be said, I think, that no nobler or statelier chancel of a 
simple parish church or chapel could be found in all the land than 
that of this sea-girt, weather-beaten church of Hartlepool. 

The contrast offered by it to that of Darlington, however, is about 
as complete and striking as possible. Thus, while the latter was 
aisleless, it was aisled. While the walls of Darlington were about 
five feet higher than they were long (viz., forty feet by thirty-five feet), 
those of Hartlepool were, at the lowest computation, more than twice 
as long as they were high (viz., seventy feet six inches by thirty-four 
feet). Again, while Darlington had but three bays, Hartlepool had, 
or had space for, six ; while Darlington was arcaded in two stories, 
Hartlepool was but in one ; and the clearstorey which, at Dar- 
lington, was arcaded only on the inside, was, at Hartlepool, arcaded 
on the outside too. And then both the arcadings and window open- 
ings present an equal degree of contrast. At Hartlepool, for in- 
stance, while the latter are but about two feet wide, by six feet 
three inches high, at Darlington they are three feet wide, by nine 
feet six inches high ; and while the intercolumniations of the Hartle- 
pool clearstorey, taken between the windows, measure but three feet 
wide, with a height to the points of the arches of eight feet, 
those of the Darlington clearstorey have a width of no less than six 
feet three inches, with a height of twelve feet. At Hartlepool again, 
there are not only two blank arcades, but a narrow strip of walling as 
well, between each light ; at Darlington, but a single arcade ; and 
while, in the former case, all are acutely pointed, in the latter they are 
so obtuse as to differ little from a semicircle. At Hartlepool, once 
more, the clearstorey windows, small as they are, were about double the 
size of those in the aisles below ; while at Darlington, both ranges of 
windows, which are on the same plane, are of equal size ; and each 
more than twice as large as the largest of those at Hartlepool. 

No doubt, the special purpose, and consequently plan, of each 
building had largely to do with such structural differences of proportion 
and arrangement. Yet, curiously general as they are, we cannot but 
feel, after all, how far they fall short of that radical and essential 
difference, might it not rather, perhaps, be styled contrariety ? of 


spirit, or cast of mind, which inspired and directed their several authors. 
The one vast, broad, gloomy, rich to excess in detail, yet full in every 
part of concentrated force and power, and as fitted for the hall of 
some great military chief as for a church ; the other narrow, light, 
lofty, ascetic even in the calm and chaste simplicity of its decoration, 
the very ideal of spiritual seclusion and separation from the world. I 
speak, of course, of the two chancels as they were originally ; for at 
Hartlepool there is unhappily but a fragment, while at Darlington, 
though we have the whole, it is in such a shockingly mutilated con- 
dition structurally, and decoratively, so grossly misued with hideous 
stained glass, and other kindred, yet more violently accentuated 
horrors, that it is only by blotting- them all out, and restoring in 
imagination the obliterated features, that its ancient beauties can be 

Of all the remaining internal features at Hartlepool, by far the 
finest and most majestic is, undoubtedly, the chancel arch. Like the 
church itself it stands wholly apart and distinct from all other local 
examples of its class. Indeed, it would be difficult, if not impossible, 
I think, in respect of the combined qualities of height, massiveness, 
and general richness of moulding and sculptured detail, to find its 
equal anywhere. Rising to within a trifle of the full height of the 
clearstoreys, it has an elevation of about thirty-two and a half feet 
above the floor of the nave, and is carried on groups of five clustered 
shafts. These are crowned by rich capitals, with beautifully modelled 
Transitional volutes, springing under, and curling over, foiled, or 
circular bells surmounted by square abaci. The arch itself which 
springs at a height of twenty feet, is very obtuse and composed of 
three orders of rich roll-and-fillet and hollow mouldings, square set, 
and with hood moulds on each side. That there are some few instances 
of late Norman or early Transitional chancel arches with a greater 
profusion of ornament, as at Norham, and Tickencote churches for 
example, may be true enough. But they all, as far as I know, fall 
far short of this at Hartlepool in two main particulars, viz., want of 
height, and in having all their enrichments, as in doorways, confined 
to one, that is the western, face only. Here, however, both sides are 
alike ; the eastern one, so far from shrinking into utter nothingness, 
or vanishing altogether, as in such cases, being so far the richer of the 

Arch. Ad. vol. xvii. To face p. 224. 

Plate XII. 



two, that it has an additional shaft carried up at each angle of the 
chancel, and thus showing on that side groups of four, instead of 
three, as towards the nave. 

The only other chancel arch in the county, if indeed it can 
properly be called so, which can be compared with this of Hartlepool, 
is that at Darlington, where it is simply one of four carrying the 
central tower. It is specially interesting and instructive in the present 
enquiry, however, as serving to set in stronger contrast, perhaps, than 
any other feature, the widely differing- characteristics of their respective 
authors. Of much the same form, but set at a much greater height, 
it is yet notwithstanding its position and the load it was, even 
originally, meant to carry, as striking both in itself and its supports, 
for delicate and slender elegance of proportion, as are the others for 
their superabundant and colossal massiveness and strength. To turn 
from one to the other, indeed, is like turning from a statue of Hebe or 
Aphrodite to one of Hercules. 


We come now to the nave, where the superiority of that of Hartle- 
pool to Darlington nave is, even its present state, not merely evident, 
but pronounced. In the first place, though but twelve feet longer, 
that is to say, eighty-three feet six inches as against seventy-one feet six 
inches, it has the great advantage of having six bays instead of four ; 
and in the second, of having those bays of, generally, uniform design 
and character throughout. But, in its present state, and owing to 
similar causes, the nave of Hartlepool has suffered quite as severely as 
the choir and transepts of Darlington ; and conveys, therefore, but a 
very imperfect idea of its pristine proportions and beauty. For not 
only is it deprived of some five and twenty feet of its length, but the 
noble tower arches and piers, with the vaulted roof and west window 
beyond, which originally presented well nigh as grand an effect west- 
wards as did the chancel eastwards, are wholly obliterated by masses 
of rude walling which cut the church in two from top to bottom. 
With these, and the precise reasons for their introduction, however, 
we shall have to deal by and by. At present it is the nave itself, or 
rather what is visible of it, that demands attention. 

Of this, which includes all lying eastwards of the tower, though 
the height is somewhat less^ the length and breadth differ but little 

VOL. XVII. 30 


from those of Darlington. Thus, while the nave at Darlington is 
seventy-one feet six inches in length, that of Hartlepool is eighty-three 
feet six inches ; and while the width of the central aisle in the former 
is twenty-two feet four inches, in the latter it is twenty-two feet six 
inches ; the entire width, from aisle wall to aisle wall, being, in either 
case, forty-seven feet and forty-four feet six inches ; and the height 
forty feet and thirty-six feet respectively. Though, as a reference to 
the plan and geometrical elevation will show, the dimensions of the 
six bays which compose it, and which correspond exactly on either 
side, vary very considerably, the actual effect is as perfectly pleasing 
and harmonious as could be wished. The contrast, therefore, which 
the work, taken as a whole, offers to that of our own day, both in 
planning and effect, is very great, as complete, in fact, as can be. 
Now, according to universal practice, every bay, down to the minutest 
particular, would be the exact counterpart of all the rest ; the natural 
result being that the whole would appear as though it were, and as, 
indeed, it might just as well, perhaps, really be, cast in compo or 
other material from a mould. Nor would the dead, uninteresting, 
machine-made aspect end even here ; for, not if the clerk of works 
could help it, would the least difference of tint or marking in any of 
the stones be allowed to disturb that monotonous uniformity of colour- 
ing which, both in itself, and as evidence of competent supervision, he 
feels to be so desirable in every part. Note well, however, for too 
much, or minute attention, whether from an antiquarian or artistic 
point of view, can hardly be given to the subject, how entirely 
different were the spirit and principles which governed the twelfth- 
century architect. Working, not from a mechanical, but a natural 
standpoint, he sought for unity, not through uniformity, but variety ; 
for oneness of purpose, not by the repetition of identical features, but 
through manifold, nay infinite, yet harmonious, differences of detail and 
expression. And so, when his great nave came to be set out, instead of 
dividing it, as would inevitably be the case nowadays, into six mathe- 
matically exact and equal parts, he took care that no two consecutive 
ones should be alike. 19 Even its two sides, though corresponding exactly 

19 The same principle of diversity in unity is consistently and ingeniously 
adhered to in the cathedral church of Durham, not only as regards the setting 
out of the original Norman design in all its parts, but also in the subsequent 
additions of the Gallilee and Nine Altars cliapcls. A reference to the figures in 


in their several dimensions, are made to differ perceptibly, if slightly, 
both in planning and decoration ; and thus bear witness to that intelli- 
gent and quickening spirit which, scorning the base fetters of 

Mr. Billings's admirable and carefully-measured plans (Durham Cathedral, 
Plates iii., iv., and xxxiv.) will show that though there, as at Hartlepool, the 
opposite sides of the choir and nave naturally and very properly correspond 
with each other, the intercolumnar spaces of the several bays vary in every 
single instance save one, viz., the second and third from the east in the nave, 
which, however, belong to two different compound bays, the spans of whose 
respective arches vary perceptibly, and are separated the one from the other by 
a dividing pier of greater diameter than their own. 

Omitting, then, the easternmost bay of the choir, a thirteenth- century altera- 
tion and substitute for the original Norman bay immediately west of the curve 
of the central apse, we find that, of the four remaining bays, the first has a span 
of fourteen feet nine inches ; the second, of fourteen feet one and a half inches ; 
the third, of fourteen feet two inches ; and the fourth, corresponding in width 
to the eastern aisle of the transept, of eleven feet nine and a half inches ; the 
four, which constitute four compound bays, being parted from each other by a 
broad central pier of no less than sixteen feet eleven inches diameter. 

Passing the transept, and proceeding onwards to the nave, we see that the 
first arch of the first compound bay has a span of eleven feet six and a half 
inches, while that of the second is twelve feet ten and a half inches. Of the 
second compound bay, while the first arch is of the same dimensions as the last- 
mentioned, viz., twelve feet ten and a half inches ; the second is no less than 
fifteen feet eight inches ; the arches of the third compound bay measuring 
fifteen feet six and a half inches and fifteen feet seven inches respectively. 
Then, between the next great pier in regular sequence, and the still larger one 
supporting the western tower, comes a single arch having a span of twelve feet 
eleven and a half inches, and, finally, that beneath the tower itself, with one of 
sixteen feet two and a half inches. 

But by far the most remarkable development of the system is found in the 
planning of the two halves of the great transept which, composed of two com- 
pound bays each, have, on either hand, as from the common centre of the 
crossing, their intercolumnar spaces arranged in gradually diminishing order. 
Whether the idea of producing an effect of distance and increased size through 
the medium of a kind of false perspective had any share in the design or not, 
cannot be said ; but even if it had, the plan adopted was perfectly legitimate, 
and stands quite apart from that utterly reprehensible and theatrical trickery of 
lowering the vault, and approximating the side walls which was sometimes 
resorted to. As it is, anything more thoroughly scientific and artistically 
admirable than this piece of planning could hardly be conceived: the effect, in a 
not very large area, of enormous strength, as well as of constant variety and dis- 
tance, obtained by the multiplication and subordination of the points of support, 
and swift vanishing of the spaces between them, stamping the work not merely 
as that of a master in the art, but with a character absolutely unique. 

For, though diminishing gradually from the crossing, the diminution is not, 
be it observed, regular or in geometrical progression : quite the contrary. Had 
such been the case the eye would have been able to detect the fact at once, and 
then all that sense of freshness and mystery which pervades the actual work 
would vanish instantaneously, since the whole, though in some sort varied, 
would both be, and be felt to be, fraudulent and mechanical. All such results 
are avoided, however, by the consummate skill evinced in the arrangement. 
Though in both compound bays that nearest the centre, or crossing, is percep- 
tibly "the larger of the two, yet the two really central ones are so nearly alike, 
differing in span by only three inches, that they serve to dispel any idea of pro- 
portionate diminution entirely, and so relieve both eye and mind at the same 
time. Thus, taking the north side by way of illustration (for the proportions of 
each half of the transept differ somewhat, though not very materially, in every 


mechanical repetition, could yet achieve a well balanced and symmetri- 
cal whole, by means of, and notwithstanding, a free diversity in all 
its component parts. 

Commencing our examination then on the south side we find that 
out of the six bays which make it up, no fewer than five are 
differently spaced, and, as a consequence, have arches of varying 
span and curvature ; while of the five columns which carry them 
three only are alike, the remaining two differing in design, not only 
from the rest, but also from each other. 

First, however, as to the spacing. Taking the bays in due order, 
the first, or easternmost one, measured from pier to pier, will be seen 
to have a span of eleven feet ten inches, the second of ten feet eleven 
inches, the third of eleven feet, the fourth, like the second, of ten feet 
eleven inches, the fifth, which is the narrowest, of nine feet three and 
a half inches, and the sixth of nine feet nine inches, the average of 
the whole being a fraction over ten feet seven and a quarter inches. 
What particular circumstance, if any, may have governed the 
remarkable contraction of the two western bays, cannot now, of 
course, be said. At Lincoln minster, where, in a nave of seven bays, 
precisely the same thing occurs and, though on a much larger scale, 
in almost precisely similar proportions the efficient cause was clearly 
that of economy. For when the new nave was planned, and the very 
unusual average intercolumnar space of 22-30 feet was assigned 
to each of the five eastern bays, it was doubtless with the intention 

particular), the first arch of the first compound bay, which is that of the choir 
aisle, has a span of ten feet five inches, while that of its fellow arch is only 
seven feet six inches : next to this comes the first arch of the second compound 
bay with a span of seven feet three inches, the diameter of the great pier which 
separates them being eleven feet three inches, while the span of its fellow arch, 
the extreme one to the north, is only five feet six inches. 

And a similar law of variation will be found to govern the laying out and 
spacing both of the Gallilee chapel and that of the Nine Altars, though in the 
case of the former, as there are five aisles of but four bays each, the spacing of 
the latter is practically uniform, the western one alone, in every case, being a 
few inches wider than the rest. Yet, though for the most part but slightly, the 
width of the aisles themselves varies in every instance, that towards the south 
being thirteen feet eight inches ; the next, thirteen feet seven inches ; the central 
one, thirteen feet nine inches ; the following thirteen feet eleven inches, and the 
northernmost, twelve feet eleven inches. 

As to the Nine Altars, the variations are simply legion, no two things, and 
frequently even halves of the same things, being alike in almost any part of it ; 
and hence, in part, the result that, for grace and power and fascinating 
charm, it stands, I think I may say, alone, even among the greatest works of its 
great age. 


of clearing away the Norman west front of Eemigius altogether, 
continuing: the arcades of the same dimensions throughout, and 
erecting a new west front, possibly like that of Peterborough, in a 
similar style, and at right angles with them, which the actual Norman 
front is not. But by the time the fifth bay was finished funds failed ; 
the retention of the old work became a matter of necessity ; and the two 
western bays had, consequently, to be at once and violently contracted 
to a space of only seventeen feet each, in order to make them fit in 
with it. Such a sudden and severe interference with the integrity of 
the original scheme, has, however, issued in the most disastrous 
results ; for whether it be that the vast scale on which the work was 
commenced has caused the disparity of spacing in the arcades to 
appear too pronounced; that the dimensions of the earlier eastern 
ones were not (as, indeed, under the circumstances, they could not be) 
duly accommodated to them ; that the intended length of the nave 
was so greatly curtailed ; or, as is most probable, to the combined 
action of all these causes ; the unity of that nave, which, had it 
only been completed as it was commenced, would probably have been 
the most daring, scientific, and beautiful thirteenth-century work of 
the kind in the land, has been completely destroyed, not only as a 
whole, but in the proportion of its leading parts. 

But at Hartlepool there were no such limitations ; the lower parts 
of the tower, though continuous, being certainly of later construction. 
At the same time owing partly, perhaps, to the smaller scale, partly 
to the considerable variation pervading the four eastern bays, and 
partly to the entire structure having reached the limits originally 
designed for it ; the general unity, as well as relative proportion of 
parts, are in no way interfered with or impaired. Whether viewed 
from the west when they are in the immediate foreground, from the 
east when in far and sharp perspective, or from any intermediate 
standpoint, the effect of these narrow bays either alone, or in connection 
with the rest is equally fine, nor is their actual difference from them 
in size even suggestive of disparity. 


Besides the different spacing of its bays, and the difference in 
plan of the columns of the south aisle among themselves, and of all of 


them from thosa of the north aisle, another mark of distinction is 
seen in the fact that, while the southern arches are enriched with hood 
moulds, those towards the north have none. And a further point of 
interest is this, viz., that these hood moulds, like the earlier ones of 
the choir, are indented, a circumstance tending to show that the 
south side of Hartlepool nave, like that of Darlington, was built first. 

Again, the arch moulds of the two arcades which, in either case, 
are of two orders, though in the same style, and producing a very 
similar effect, differ completely in every detail, save one, which is 
that the central mould of the soffit of the inner order consists in 
both of a pointed bowtel. The feature of chiefest interest in the 
southern range, however, is perhaps found in the broad eastern bay, 
as well above, in the clearstorey, as below, in the arcade and aisle 

Though to no striking extent, or in any way interfering with the 
unity of the general design, the easternmost clearstorey window on 
either side is appreciably taller than the rest, the height to the 
springing of the arch being four feet eleven inches, and four feet two 
inches, respectively. But, again, the inequality is so skilfully masked 
by the string course, which also forms the hood mould, being 
carried at the same level throughout, through taking the arch of the 
taller light as its springing line and those of the others at nine 
inches above, that, in the general view, the eye is neither conscious 
of, nor suspects, any difference at all. The reason of this difference, 
which though slightly more apparent on the outside because of the 
accompanying blank arcades, yet even there interferes to no greater 
extent with the unity of the whole, is to be found in the fact of this 
eastern bay having formed a chantry chapel. That such, inde- 
pendently of the inference to be drawn from its greater size and 
larger clearstorey light, was certainly the case, is proved not only by 
the presence of the original piscina, but by the occurrence of a respond 
in the south wall opposite to, and of the same section as the first 
column, and which, instead of a mere corbel, as in all the other bays, 
carries the transverse arch, and so serves to mark it off the more 
emphatically from them. 20 

20 Besides the high, or parish altar, there were also certainly three other 
subsidiary or chantry altars in the church or chapel of S. Hild, viz., those of S. 

THE NAVE. 231 

These transverse arches constitute one of the most unusual, and 
also, it must be confessed, difficult and perplexing features of the 
church. Unlike those at Darlington they are richly moulded, and 
springing on either hand from nearly the same levels, have their sides, 
in consequence, of nearly the same length. But in the south aisle 
more particularly, many of them are most curiously and unaccountably 
mis-shapen, as though either from settlement or excessive pressure. 
Nothing of the kind, however, as is evident both from the vertically 
of the walls on either side and the horizontal level of the courses 
overhead has ever happened to them, and the cause must therefore be 
sought in the original construction. Their malformation is all the 
more remarkable, seeing that the curvature of the whole of the other 
arches throughout the building, whether great or small, is so 
exceptionally and perfectly symmetrical. It cannot easily, therefore, 
be attributed either to ignorance or carelessness. The first and most 
obvious explanation would seem to be that before the raising of the 
outer walls they had been struck intentionally from very unequal 
centres, and at distinctly different levels ; thus, in rampant fashion, 
and following the inclination of the steep ancient roofs, presenting 
much the same general . outline and effect as those at Darlington. 
Then, when the outer walls were raised to their present height in the 
fifteenth century, that the corbels were raised too, and the irregular 
arches adapted to their new forms and positions with the least 
amount of trouble possible. But as there is no evidence of the 

Helen, S. Mary, and S. Nicholas, two of which would probably occupy the eastern 
extremities of the north and south aisles of the choir ; the other, that of the 
south aisle of the nave. All three were refounded in the time of bishop Skirlaw 
(1388-1405) who in the eighth year of his episcopate, granted leave to the mayor 
and commonalty of Hartlepool to found anew a chantry for one chaplain, to 
the honour of S. Helen, at the altar of the blessed Helen, to pray for the good 
estate of the bishop ; of Matilda, wife of Roger de Clifford, and their heirs ; and 
of the mayor and commonalty ; as also for their souls when they shall have 
departed this life, etc., according to statutes to be made and determined by the 
mayor and commonalty. 

A similar licence empowered the mayor, etc.. to found to the honour of the 
blessed Virgin Mary, one chantry of two chaplains, to pray at the altar of the 
blessed Mary, etc., as before, and permission was likewise given to the said mayor, 
etc., to assign certain messuages to the keepers of the fabric of the church of 
S. Hild, for the purpose of supplying a light at the altar of the blessed Virgin 
Mary, and for sustaining the choir of the said church. 

A further licence was also granted to refound, etc., to the honour of S. 
Nicholas, one chantry of one chaplain, to pray at the altar of S. Nicholas, in this 
chapel, etc., as before, and that the mayor, etc., may grant eight messuages to 
John Abel, chaplain keeper of the chantry and his successors for ever. 


corbels having ever occupied a lower level, which the height of the 
unaltered capital of the respond renders indeed impossible, and as the 
line of the original roof would, as experiment shows, have cleared the 
arches in their present form perfectly, such theory is, of course, 
untenable. Still the deformity exists, and that in so pronounced a 
fashion, and in so many instances, that it needs to be accounted for. 
Why there should have been any discrepancy at all in so simple 
a matter, when once the respective springing lines were deter- 
mined, does not appear. The actual difference of level between the 
corbels and the capitals of the columns from which, in the south 
aisle, the arches spring is so trifling, only about four inches, as to 
be practically non-existent, and offers no explanation whatever for 
such singular and excessive deformity; while mere carelessness, 
though it might account for the irregularity in a single instance, 
could hardly be held to do so in so many. The only remaining way 
of explaining the actual state of things, short of wanton recklessness 
or stupidity, would seem to be that, an irregular curvature with an 
uneven springing line having been designed for the arches originally, 
and a certain number of voussoirs cut to that form, the idea, before 
the arches were actually turned, was abandoned, and the prepared stones 
worked up on a nearly level springing line in the way we now see. 

But, however this may be, certain it is that on building the north 
aisle a different system was pursued, and the cross arches, instead of 
springing from the capitals of the columns, as in the south aisle, 
were made to do so from independent capitals applied to the inner 
shafts of the columns at a lower level ; that is to say, with their abaci 
rather lower than the neck moulds of the capitals of those columns. 
The result, whatever the cause of a contrary one to the south, is that 
the transverse arches are, if not absolutely, yet quite fairly, regular. 

Though corresponding exactly in the span of its pier arch with 
that opposite, the eastern bay of the north aisle possesses neither of 
the two characteristics, of the respond or piscina, which are found 
there ; nor can it certainly be said, therefore, whether an altar, as 
might be supposed, ever occupied it or not. In all other respects the 
two bays, both above and below, correspond exactly, save in one, and 
that is that, the arrangement of the clearstorey hood mould, to which 
1 have called attention on the south side, is here all but reversed. 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII (to face page 232). 

Plate XIV. 


Heotioii through Nave and South Aisle 

looking east, showing elevation of 

Chancel Arch 

Half Plan of Piers to South Nave Arcade 


But then, even in this uniformity, we see a difference in the design of 
the columns from that of all those with which they are contrasted. 
Thus, on the south, we have three patterns ; here on the north, though 
but one, a fourth ; for while that which most nearly resembles it con- 
sists of a pointed bowtel applied to the centre of each face of a square ; 
here, the figure, as in the great north-west pier of the tower at 
Darlington, is a cluster of eight, viz., four pointed, and as many 
round, shafts set alternately. 

As ever with the true artist, indeed, the architect of Hartlepool 
church refused slavishly to repeat himself; and being a free agent, 
free, that is, to design afresh, improve, and vary all previous ideas as 
he went on, the light of that * Lamp of Life ' which was within him 
breaks forth and lightens all portions of his work alike. And so, 
though commencing with the clearstorey hood moulds, and noting, step 
by step, the variations occurring in every detail down to the sections 
and arrangements of the pillars, we find yet further proof of his 

theless, shafts so exactly similar to these at Hartlepool, and whose position and 
reason of their occurrence is so curious that they may well be mentioned here 
all the more so that neither one nor other has ever been referred to or, 
apparently, even noticed by the late Sir G. G. Scott, Mr. Sharpe, or any other 
writer on that very remarkable building. As originally planned, and even 
built, up to the base of the clearstorey, it was intended, evidently, to be vaulted 
with stone, no fewer than five vaulting shafts being set in a peculiarly French 
fashion with their bases on the capitals of the pier arches. On arriving at the 
clearstorey, however, this original intention was abandoned and a simple wooden 
roof, without any vaulting, determined on, instead. There, consequently, the 
group of vaulting shafts abruptly terminated, and single slender shafts with 
square abaci, exactly resembling those at Hartlepool, were superimposed upon 
them to carry, as there, the tie beams of the roof. At Darlington, though the 
idea of such divisional shafts would seem never to have been seriously contem- 
plated, there is, notwithstanding, a curiously apparent and abortive attempt 
made in that direction, at the springing of the eastern nave arches on each side. 
But it is carried up, like the vaulting shafts at Ripon, only as high as the clear- 
storey string course, and there ends. Whether these shafts were intended to be 
carried higher, and all the succeeding bays to be similarly marked off. cannot 
now, of course, be said, any more than whether, on the other hand, they were 
meant only to indicate, like the richer arches which they serve to emphasize and 
segregate from the rest, the sacrarium of a people's altar which, like that of 
Jesus, or the great cross, at Durham and elsewhere, was placed below the western 
arch of the crossing. But. whatever their object, they were neither continued 
nor yet completed. The only instance we have, and that in a building which, 
though not designed originally for sacred uses, is yet of contemporary date. 
occurs in the chapel of the bishop's palace at Auckland. Here, however, as there 
was no clearstorey, they are much shorter than those at Hartlepool. They are 
also much more highly enriched, springing from foliaged corbels, and having 
capitals of the same' character. They have now, with excellent taste and 
judgment, been applied to a new use, viz.. the support of very finely executed 
and designed full length figures of angels playing on musical instruments, which 
both give them a meaning, and serve to fill up the bare and blank wall spaces 


inventiveness awaiting us in their bases. Again, as with themselves, 
the arrangement of the one side would seem to be opposed to that of 
the other ; not, that is, in detail, but as a whole. Thus, while the 
circumscribing line of all those towards the south, the difference in 
their shafts notwithstanding, is circular, on the north it is octagonal. 
Nor is this all. On the south the bases stand, as usual, separate and 
disconnected. On the north, for some reason, not now readily 
explicable, they were, though such is no longer the case, connected 
by a plinth a few inches higher than the nave floor. Whether 
the floor of the aisle was continuous with that of the nave, 
or raised to the height of the plinth is, however, as uncertain as, 
seeing there were no inequalities of surface to account for it, the 
presence of the plinth itself is unintelligible. But, that it was there, 
whatever its raison d'etre may have been, and that it had one we 
cannot doubt, is undeniable. 


But two other features of the twelfth-century architect's design 
remain to be noticed, I think, the south doorway and the windows 
of the aisles. The latter are now, unhappily, all gone, and the only 
evidence we have respecting them is that of the single small light 
remaining in the engaged bay of the tower, with whose general 
details and proportions the rest presumably agreed. It is remarkably 
small, only four feet six inches in height, by one foot in breadth, and 
consequently a mere loop. But, taken in connection with the pitch of 
the roofs, also preserved there, it enables us to understand perfectly 
that solemn and impressive effect of light and shade which formed so 
important an element in the original plan, and of which we could 
otherwise have little or no conception. By its aid, however, we can 
see at once how marvellously grand and overpowering must have 
been the expression of mystery, and power, and vast extent, which 
characterized the work as it left its master's hand; and how 
miserably it has been lessened, almost, if not altogether, to vanish- 
ment, by subsequent alterations. 23 Till then, practically, the whole of 

23 Unfortunately, similar mischief has, in varying degrees, befallen almost, if 
not all, of our earlier churches. Certainly none in the county of Durham has 
escaped, and that Hartlepool should have suffered no further than it has is a 
subject for much thankfulness. To a larger extent, because on a far larger and 
grander scale than any other, it must, I think, have displayed the marvellous 


the illumination would be derived from the windows of the clearstorey, 
subdued and separate bars of light divided by broad intervening belts 
of shadow, sufficient, doubtless, to throw up in full relief the general 
forms and details of the architecture, but little or nothing more. 
However great the skill displayed in other parts of the construction, 
it may well be questioned, I think, whether it exceeded or even 

gain accruing from a system of carefully thought-out and subdued lighting, 
accompanied by the powerful effect of well-regulated and disposed gloom. It 
certainly seems strange that while in pictorial art the utmost attention should 
be given habitually by the greatest masters to the due proportion and distribu- 
tion of light and shade ; in architecture, the noblest and most impressive art of 
all, we should have come, in modern practice, not merely to treat so important 
a point with indifference or contempt, but to have lost sight of its very existence 
altogether. In time, perhaps, our architects, or such of them as would be artists, 
as well as, or rather than, mere builders, will wake up to a sense of their loss 
and strive to remedy it. At Hartlepool, the effect of contrast was, so far as we 
can judge, more highly accentuated and intense, probably, than elsewhere. 
For, though the nave could never have been light, the western parts of the choir 
were still less so, and the whole illumination, as such, must have been concen- 
trated directly upon the high altar from the great triplets which, whether in 
one or two stages, at the east end, and probably also at the sides, as at 
Tynemouth, would bathe it, and that all the more strikingly by comparison, in a 
perfect flood of light. Much the same thing, though owing to its wholly 
different arrangement, in a more graduated fashion, would also be seen at 
Darlington. Here too, originally, the nave must have been wrapped in com- 
parative obscurity, and its lighting, derived notwithstanding, or rather, perhaps, 
on account of its aisles, almost wholly from the clearstorey, been in marked 
contrast with that of the eastern parts. To it succeeded immediately the piers 
and arches of the crossing which, in the absence of a lantern, had no direct 
light at all, the brighter light of the transepts coming in only indirectly on 
either side. But beyond them, in due course, the choir with its eighteen great 
lights in double rank, above and below, shone forth glorious and resplendent, a 
symbol and picture, as it was meant to be, of heaven's brightness in comparison 
with that of earth. 

And just the same simple, but beautiful and expressive arrangement, is seen 
to have obtained, in an equally artistic, if far humbler, way in the little neigh- 
bouring church of Gainford, a small and perfectly plain structure, consisting of 
chancel, nave, with north and south aisles, and, like Hartlepool, engaged western 
tower. Unlike either it or Darlington, however, its architecture, which may 
very well be owing to the village mason, is simplicity itself. Yet, lor all that, a 
fully proportionate degree of dignity and fine effect was gained. 

As so often happens in the churches of adjacent Richmondshire, the west 
end, both of nave and aisles is entirely without windows of any kind, the west, 
towards which quarter the abrenunications of baptism were directed, being held 
to be emphatically typical, or under the special dominion of, the devil. 
Occupied, then, not only by the massive piers and arches of the tower, but 
by others spanning the aisles as well, it was altogether unlighted and in gloom. 
The unclearstoreyed nave of three bays, with aisles descending nearly to the 
ground, had but very small and narrow lancets, the sole remains of which, 
surmounted by vesicas, are now to be seen only at the east end. Farther on, 
however, and in the most striking, not to say startling, contrast lay the chancel 
flooded with light from nine broad and lofty lancets, three at the end, and 
three on each side. Looking westwards, was looking into gradually deepening 
darkness, the way of sin and death ; looking eastwards was ' looking unto 
Jesus,' ' from darkness unto light,' ' from death to life.' ' from the power of 
Satan unto God.' 

ARCIJ AEL. Vol. XVII (toflup*<* V.J71 

Plate XI 7. 

Eiymvai fr John ,Sa4iUrr 


hMithoi by 6tonitAtirist'turiuunJ:lit>ba-l \ViUiam, 1 


equalled that masterly power of lighting which set them off to such 
wonderful advantage, and endued them with an aspect so majestic 
and sublime. Nowadays, such matters seem never to be thought of; 
and in new churches a chief requirement is held to be fulfilled if, 
under a factory-like glare of equal and untempered light, the smallest 
type, on the thinnest and worst paper, can be read in every corner. 

The south doorway, simple in design, yet rich and beautiful in 
effect, is of singular interest. Like the lower central, north and south 
windows of the choir at Darlington, it contains the one solitary 
instance of fret, or zig-zag moulding in the church. More than that, 
both the mould itself and the method of its application are practically 
identical ; the only difference being that in this, the earlier example, 
those little conical and dog-tooth enrichments which there stud the 
interstices of the frets in so rich and remarkable a way, are wanting. 
As there, and in other instances innumerable, notably at Nunmonkton 
and Brinkburn, it shows us with what difficulty the men who, for the 
best parts of their lives, perhaps, had been used to the exquisitely rich 
and refined details of the Transitional style, brought themselves to 
abandon altogether its more salient and characteristic details; and 
how lingeringly, and with what affection, they still clung to and 
recurred to them in some one feature or other, while suppressing them 
in all the rest. 

A singular freak, or rather accident, perhaps, may be noticed in 
one of the voussoirs of the arch, the lowest to the west, being left 

The most curious and remarkable point, however, and which, 
could it but have been brought under the notice of the late Sir Gr. G-. 
Scott, might not only have proved highly instructive, but saved him 
from much wild conjecture, is seen in the capitals of the little nook 
shafts on each side. Here, at Hartlepool, the section of the arch 
moulds, altogether unlike that at Darlington, is rigidly and absolutely 
rectangular. Yet, though this, if any, may seem to require, nay 
demand, square abaci, the architect has, notwithstanding, provided 
it with round ones. The effect, it is true, is scarcely satisfactory ; 
but then, this is owing to the perfectly flat sides of the arch-stones 
having nothing in common with the circular form of their seat, into 
the centre of which the sharp point of the angle cuts violently. At 


Darlington, however, where the combination of so called square 
mouldings and round abaci created such a ' difficulty ' as could be solved 
only by the ' conjecture ' of there being a difference of thirty or five 
and thirty years between the two, nothing of the kind occurs. For 
there, as we have seen, the sides of the arch-stones instead of being 
flat, as here, consist of deep rolls and hollows ; and instead of a hard 
right angle, present, on the contrary, a hollow to the front. In that 
case, in short, the square outline of the arch-moulds is purely imaginary; 
in this, it is real. 


We come now, at last, to the tower, incomparably the finest 
thirteenth-century structure of its kind in the county ; and, in con- 
nection with its added buttresses, the most remarkable and picturesque, 
perhaps, in all England. (See frontispiece, plate X.) 

Massive and simple in outline, it rises in four stages ; of which the 
lower three correspond in height with the arcades, clearstorey, and 
roof respectively, and was supported, in the first instance, at the angles 
by pairs of flat gabled buttresses terminating beneath the corbel table 
of the fourth, or belfry, stage only. Above this, whether actually or 
intentionally cannot now be said, would spring the spire which was, or 
was meant to be, almost certainly, of wood covered with lead, as at 
Whitburn and Ryton. As the upper stages, however, are necessarily 
of somewhat later date, it will be convenient to take account, in the 
first place, of the lowest one, which went on more or less continuously 
with the nave of which it structurally formed part, and without which 
the former could not be completed. For the tower being what is 
known technically as engaged, standing, that is, with three of its 
sides enclosed in the body of the church to which it opened by as 
many arches, it is clear that the two eastern piers must not only have 
been built, but the north and south arches turned, before the 
western bays of the nave could possess either adequate support or 
abutment. These must, therefore, be regarded as being substantially 
contemporaneous with the nave and its aisles, with which they were 
both in contact and continuous. Most unfortunately they are at 
present, as for many centuries past, completely shut out from view ; 
and, worse than that, solidly embedded in masonry; a rough and 
massive wall, the whole height and breadth of the nave and aisles, 


blocking up the great eastern tower arch and its piers, as well as 
those opening to the aisles, while other and similar ones do the like 
office for those in line with the arcades to the north and south. The 
west window being also built up and the interior encumbered with 
wooden shoring to prop the vault, the whole interior forms a sort of 
labyrinthine black hole where sight and motion are almost equally 

Like that of the chancel, the tower arch is of altogether exceptional 
proportions, occupying the whole space from the columns of the 
arcades up to the full height of the clearstorey. With the exception of 
the hood mould, however, its details are wholly buried. And such, 
too, is the case with the lateral arches. 

Of the original west doorway all that can be said is that it was of 
considerably larger size than the existing, and slightly later, one ; and 
that it was enriched with nook shafts separated by rows of beautifully 
formed dog-tooth, the inner one exactly reproducing those found in 
the frets of the choir windows at Darlington. 

The plan of the tower is very remarkable, far bolder and more 
original, however, than scientific. The only approach to anything 
like solidity, indeed, is seen in the two western angles, and that, at 
best, of a very doubtful and, as the event has proved, quite inadequate, 
kind. Practically, it was designed to stand on four open arches, the 
eastern one the full height and width of the nave walls, and resting 
simply on slender clustered columns continuous with those of the 
arcades. North and south were arches of the same height, but greater 
span than these ; while the arch of the west doorway, nearly twelve 
feet in span, was of proportionate height. But even so, and with the 
existing method of construction, the tower might, perhaps, have main- 
tained its stability had it not been for the introduction, at the same 
height as the clearstorey, of the massive quadripartite vault. Nor 
need any serious mischief, even then, possibly, have happened, if only 
sufficient care and forethought had been exercised. But the radically, 
and well nigh universally, pernicious practice of the age prevailed, and 
the work was started from wholly inefficient foundations. With the 
solid rock at a depth of only seven feet beneath him, the architect 
was content to go no further down with them than four feet, thus 
leaving three feet of compressible material between the two. Such 


a proceeding would have been foolish and risky enough, even had the 
walls been carried uniformly down to the ground on all four sides. So 
far from it, however, their whole weight, together with that, as well as 
the active thrust of, the vaulting, was brought to bear upon four narrow 
isolated points, and so disaster became not only inevitable, but almost 

Beautiful exceedingly as it is in its entirety, as a piece of archi- 
tectural composition, and beyond all praise, when taken in connection, 
as it was originally intended to be, with the design of the nave, the 
faults of this tower, like those of so many other grand works of its 
period, were all attributable to mere lack of experience. Backed by 
this, the design might, with perfect ease, have been rendered per- 
manently secure. What it needed was, in the first place, an absolutely 
rigid foundation to resist vertical pressure ; after that compact and 
close jointed masonry, without any rubble filling, at the four corners, 
to resist lateral pressure ; and then the vaulting to be sprung from 
just so many courses of horizontally jointed voussoirs as would suffice 
to resist the thrust of the central radiated ones, and thus sustain the 
whole in equilibria without its exercising any active thrust on the flat 
pilaster buttresses whatever. But, unhappily, every one of these three 
essential conditions is lacking ; and hence the necessity for that system 
of buttressing which it became imperative to apply. How vast, and 
probably unique, it is, a reference to the ground plan and external 
views will show far better than any verbal description. Yet, it may be 
pointed out that while the clear internal diameter of the tower is only 
about eighteen feet, the projection of the four lateral buttresses is about 
twenty ; while that of the two western ones is no less than twenty- 
seven ; all six being carried up to half the height of the entire structure. 
Reckoning this enormous mass along with that employed in blocking 
the four arches of the ground storey, the two others spanning the nave 
aisles, and the windows of the upper parts, the singular fact is forced 
upon us that a considerably greater amount of masonry has been used 
to prop the tower up than was adopted originally for its construction. 

And then it will be observed further, that the whole of this 
gigantic system of buttressing is of very early date ; only a little more 
advanced in style, in fact, than the tower itself. In other words that, 
just as might have been expected, the process of disruption set in at 


once, and proceeded at such a pace that within fifty years or so, it 
became necessary, in order to avoid imminent ruin, to bolster it up in 
the way we now see. 

But if the original architect was ignorant and inexperienced as 
regards foundations, his successor, untaught by his mistakes, was 
every whit as much so. For, from first to last, his buttresses have 
been just as great a source of anxiety as the tower itself ; and again, 
and again has his work forced the query Quis custodiet custodes ? 
Twice, if not thrice, during the present century have the props them- 
selves yielded, and are even now, at the present moment, propped with 
wooden stays themselves. And all from the selfsame cause, absence 
of due foundation. Apparently the later architect flattered himself 
that the inert mass of his additions would offer an amount of passive 
resistance that would obviate all further trouble, never dreaming that, 
owing to the same cause, the same results must necessarily follow. 

It is not a little curious to note the wild nonsense that has found 
place in print respecting this tower and its supports. Thus Mr. 
Billings, whose admirable illustrations of the architectural antiquities 
of the county are but ill supported by the text, can find nothing better 
to say than : ' This once magnificent building is marked by peculiari- 
ties of a perplexing description, and it is no easy task to decipher the 
intention of its architect. Especially singular are the enormously 
massive buttresses jutting from the tower. Looking at their extra- 
ordinary form, we might fancy the original design had for its object a 
cross church, consisting of nave, transepts, choir, and chancel, and 
that, this intention being altered, the buttresses were placed against 
the tower to compensate for the loss of support which the complete 
members would have given it ; but on a closer inspection of the 
masonry we discover portions of the walls, windows, and (upon the 
buttress sides) the coping stones of the roofs of three small chapels, 
attached to the west, north, and south of the tower, and all of the 
Early English period when the church was first built. The southern 
chapel, indeed, still exists.' And then he continues : ' A survey of the 
interior of the tower satisfies us of the necessity of large buttresses, for 
they sustain the lateral pressure of a lofty and heavy stone ribbed 
groining, which is undoubtedly the best constructed specimen of the 
kind in the county.' 

VOL. xvii. 32 


Astonishing as such utterances are, how a man of Mr. Billings 
intelligence could ever have brought himself to utter them, is more 
astonishing still. For the whole history and explanation of the several 
features are ' writ ' so ' large ' upon their face, that ' even a wayfaring 
man, though a fool,' need not * err therein.' So far from anything 
perplexing occurring either in the building as a whole, or in any of 
its parts, all, on the contrary, is as plain and clear as daylight. 

Begun at the east end of the splendid chancel, continued unin- 
terruptedly throughout the nave, and ended with the lower parts of 
the tower, everything pursued a perfectly normal course. That a 
brief, but only a brief, pause took place, however, would seem most 
likely. The details, not only of the upper stages, but also of the small 
visible fragment of the original west doorway, show a distinct advance 
upon those in all other parts of the church, and suggest, at least, the 
influence of another, and a different, mind. The square abacus used so 
unreservedly elsewhere is throughout abandoned, and altogether the 
character of the work seems of a less masculine and gentler kind. 
And then as regards the intention of ' its architect,' there were, if not 
three, certainly two of them, of whose intentions there can be no 
doubt. The builder of the upper part of the tower, whether the 
same as that of the lower or not, simply carried up his work as it had 
been begun and then stopped. That he never contemplated the 
possibility of its carrying a stone spire, the usual finish of towers at 
that time, is clear from the fact that he prepared no squinches or 
angle arches to carry one. Were any such crowning member ever 
added, it must evidently, therefore, have been of wood. But it soon 
became plain enough that the tower could not support itself, let alone 
a spire of any kind at all. The powerful thrust of the vault, set at so 
great a height, and with next to nothing in the shape of buttresses to 
resist it, speedily threatened to bring the whole structure to the 
ground. Hence, therefore, the need of additional support, the vast- 
ness of which measures at once the imminence of the danger and the 
anxiety of the later architect to meet it. That is simply the whole 
history of the place, and of the ' intention of its architect.' 

As to the three ' chapels,' one of which * indeed still exists,' they 
neither have, nor ever had, save in Mr. Billings's imagination, any 
existence at all. The two compartments, north and south, were just 


the continuations of the north and south aisles ; while that to the 
west, if it were really ever covered in, was neither more nor less than 
a mere portico or shed to the west doorway, a very natural adjunct 
after the enormous buttresses which constituted its side walls were 
once built. 

The only ' perplexing ' feature of the case is as to what should be 
done to open out and efficiently restore this most imposing part of the 
church to its original use and beauty, and how to do it. Theoretically, 
the best and only perfect way would be to take the tower down to the 
ground entirely, put in competent foundations, and then carefully 
reconstruct its bulged and shaken walls, vault included, with its own 
materials exactly in its ancient state. The whole of the blocked, 
distorted, and expanded arches and twisted walls and pillars could 
then be symmetrically reset and opened out ; and the entire space, 
now shut off and left in dirt and darkness, be brought back to light 
and life. Long may this glorious heirloom of the ages be handed on 
in its integrity to the generations yet unborn, as the noblest local 
record of the past, a masterpiece of its age and class, not merely 
unequalled but unapproached. 


The following most interesting particulars relating to the founda- 
tions of the tower and its buttresses have been kindly supplied to me 
by Mr. J. Carse, late clerk of works : ' In some cases there were no 
foundations to the tower. The N.E. angle was built on the surface, 
on what appeared to be puddled clay, with a few large boulders 
thrown in amongst it. The foundations of the buttresses went down 
to the rock, but were composed of nothing else than loose rubble, 
narrowing in to the bottom. Under the S.E. buttress I found a split 
or fissure in the rock about an inch and a half wide, with a current 
of air blowing out. I tried to fill it with cement, but it was out of 
the question ; it went away as though going down some drain.' 



[Read on the 27th day of February, 1895.] 

The following survey of the churches grouped under their respec- 
tive deaneries of Newcastle, Morpeth, Alnwick, Bamburgh, and 
Corbridge, comprised in the one archdeaconry of Northumberland, was 
drawn up in the period of revived ecclesiastical discipline which followed 
the restoration of Charles II. and the passing of the Act of Uniformity. 
Frequently quoted by the Rev. John Hodgson, and recently in the 
new county history, the copy to be read before you to-night is from 
the collection of Mr. Woodman; and the most valuable of the notes 
appended are abridged from the minute book of the visitations of the 
sensible and sagacious Archdeacon Singleton, for the use of which the 
writer is indebted to the Rev. W. Greenwell. It will be observed that 
some important parishes are unnoticed. 



1. What churches are destitute, how long, and who are the impro- 

priators ? What the value of the impropriacon, and in whose 
deanry ? 

2. What churches want competent maintenance, and what their stip- 

ends are now ? 

3. What scandalous ministers ? 

4. What chief seducers to popery or sects ? 

5. What churches are ruinous ? 

6. What gleeb concealed or confounded, and how long ? 

7. What schooles, and howe far asunder, free schooles especially, and 

whether any be decayed ? 



1. All the parochial churches in this deanry are impropriated. 

2. The impropriators of the rectory 1 of Newcastle are the deane and 

chapter of Carlile valet p' annu' 90". The vicaridge itselfe valet 
p' annu' . . . 

3. The impropriators of the rectory 2 of Tinemouth are ye earle of 

Northumberland and Ralph Delevall, baron', valet p' annu' 
460 K . The vicar hath a salary of 30 Ji p' annu' out of which is 
paid to the curate of Earsden 3 chappell 04 U 13 s 04 d . Tinmouth 
chappell is unfinished. 

4. The impropriator of ye rectory of Benton 4 is Coll. Baliol. Oxon., 

valet p' annu' 60 11 . The vicaridge 40 U p' annu'. 

5. The impropriator of the rectory of Ponteland 5 is coll. Merton 

Oxon., valet p' annu' 126". The vicaridge 90 U p' annu'. 

1 The rectory of Newcastle was given by Henry I. to the church of Carlisle. 
In 1 193 it was in the prior and convent. Brand, vol. i. p. 238. 

2 The rectory was parcel of the possessions of the priory of Tynemouth. In 
Horsley's time the patronage was in dispute, but according to Randal the advow- 
son was in the duke of Northumberland for one turn, and Sir John Hussey 
Delaval for two turns ; it then contained besides the parish churchthe chapels 
of Earsdon, Blyth, Seaton- Delaval, and Dissington. The duke of Northumber- 
land has now the sole right of presentation. 

' The impropriation is half in the duke of Northumberland, and the other 
half bequeathed by Sir M. Milbank for charitable uses. The church was 
" repaired" as the inscription over the entrance says, but in reality rebuilt in 
1792 nearly on the old style ; it contains two thousand persons.' Archdeacon 
Singleton's Visitation, 1826. 

3 ' The minister's stipend arises from the interest at 4 per cent, of 1,200 : a 
farm of 44 acres at Long Framlington lets for 22 per annum : 66 farms pay 
him at the rate of 6s. 8d. per each farm. The duke of Northumberland has been 
urged by his bailiff to dispute the latter payment as concerns his property as 
a matter of right, but gives per annum 5 ; this is a ruinous step to the poor 
curate since others dispute, without making the present as the duke does. I pre- 
sume that upon the whole his income may amount to 125 per annum. They 
have a neat little cup and cover with the date 1618, with the names of the 
churchwardens.' Ibid. See Proc., vol. iii. p. 268, for description of cup and cover. 

4 ' Long Benton vicarage is in the patronage of Balliol coll. Oxford, who have 
the great tithes ; their chancel is not so creditable as the body of the church. 
Mr. Clapp, the vicar, has been non-resident for 26 years, and his parish shews it. 
The college occupy their impropriation themselves/it is worth about 1,400. The 
vicar's income from glebe and tithes is 245.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation. 

5 ' Ponteland vicarage which is worth 700 is in the gift of Merton college. 
The impropriation is worth more than 2,000 per annum. There are 140 acres 
of glebe well denned, and let in three distinct farms. The vicarage house, which 
is an old tower, has been much improved by the good and costly additions of 
the present vicar. I forebore at present to press them to paint their church, 
but they must do it soon, saving the gallery whimsically painted or perhaps dis- 
tempered by Whittle " the Camboe poet," a sort of ingenious vagrant whose 
memory is cherished by the country people.' Ibid. 


6. The impropriator of the rectory of Heddon 6 is S r Tho. Widdring- 

ton, valet p' annu' 60 n . The vicaridge 24 11 p' annu'. 

7. The impropriator of the rectory of Newburne 7 is DrTus Ep'us 

Carlio], rented at 140 11 p' annu', vicaridg 80 1 '. 

8. These places are destitute, namely, the chappell of Earsdon for 3 

years. The chappells of North & South Gosforth 2 years. 
The Id. bpp. deane & chapter of Carlile are ye impropriators. 
The tithes are of a considerable value. The vicar of Newcastle 
of his accord contributes towards South Gosforth to his power. 

9. Seducers are so many that they are hard to be found out. The 

most active and visible are for popery, viz., Thomas Riddell of 
ffenham, Esq., Robert Lawson of New C[astle,] merchant, John 
ffenwicke sometimes at Bedlington sometimes at N[ew] C[astle.] 

10. For sects, Will. Durant 8 & John Pringle 9 of New [as tie,] Alexander 

Gordon of Tinmouth, John Ogle of Kirkely. 10 Many con- 
venticles are held in New C[astle] by papists & schismaticks, 
shoemakers, &c. 

11. Cramlington (where Mr. Dickenson officiates without a licence) & 

Gosforth chappells 11 and Benton church are ruinous. The chan- 
cell of South Gosforth hath nothing remaining but sorry walls. 

6 ' The impropriation is in the Bewick family, and produces annually about 
250. The vicarage, which has vicarial tithes de jure, and is endowed with 
the great tithes of West Heddon, is worth about 350. The chancel is curious, 
but wanted whitewash. It appears that the Scotch army encamped on Heddon 
Laws the night before the passage of the Tyne into Durham.' Ibid. 

1 ' Newburn church is in a most discreditable state. Roof, pews, beams, 
covering all neglected and bad. The chancel as bad as the rest, and the 
impropriators' pew the worst of all. The impropriation is in the bishop of 
Carlisle, it is worth above 1 ,000 per annum. The vicarage is worth 260. This 
is an opulent parish, and the church frequented by gentlemen.' Ibid. 

8 Wm. Durant in 1645, lecturer of St. Nicholas, married a sister of Sir Jas. 
Clavering. Cf. Life of Ambrose Barnes, and Welford, Men of Mark. 

9 John Pringle, a man of learning, a physician and pastor, ' married a choice 
and good woman with whom he got a very great fortune.' He was ousted from 
the vicarage of Eglingham, and died at Newcastle, circa 1619. Calamy, and 
Life of Ambrose Barnes. 

10 The son of John Ogle of Kirkley married the daughter of John Thompson, 
the ejected rector of Bothal, and their son, Nathaniel Ogle, married Elizabeth, 
daughter and co-heiress of Jonathan Newton of Newcastle, counsellor-at-law, by 
his wife, Isabel Jennison, a near kinswoman of Dr. Jenison, the puritan vicar of 
Newcastle. Alexander Gordon, in 1663, was bound over that he should not with- 
in 20 days speak or contrive against the king or government. Life of Ambrose 

11 ' South Gosforth. It is proposed to sever Gosforth from Newcastle, and 
make it an independent parish. Sir M. W. Ridley has the great tithe, the vicar's 
[of Newcastle] revenue from this part of his parish amounts to about 180.' 
Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828. 


12. Not one ffree schoole, but in Newcastle which is kept in very good 

condition. Mr. Oxley 12 is chiefe schoolemaster, and there are 
under him two ushers. 

13. [A private chapel belonging to ye prior of Tinmouth.]* Benwell 

chapell is destitute, the gleeb worth 12 U or 14 n which Mr. Shaftoe 
holdes for 40 U p' annu'. The vicar of Newcastle would gladly 
recover it to ye church if he knew how, & belongs to himselfe. 

14. There is in Newcastle one .... Thomson, once a schismatical 

preacher in Duresme, who is accused for practising clandestine 
marriages in divers parts of Northumberland. 


1. Mr. Edward Prowse 13 parson of Bothall 14 is blamed by some for 

scandall & negligence. Mr. John Thompson of Pyseworth 15 
once a schismaticall minister, now turned . farmer, a chief 

2. Mr. Thornton of Neather-witton is a seducer & (as it is said) will 

let no land unless they revolt to popery. 

3. Henry ffenwick of Elsden parish seduces some to the sect of the 


4. The gleeb of Elsden church hath been concealed many years. 

12 Amor Oxley was vicar of Kirknewton, and was displaced from the master- 
ship of the Grammar school at Newcastle in 1645 as a Eoyalist; in 1656 the 
common council, in consideration of his great wants, ordered him 40 as arrears 
of salary, and in 1662 he was restored to his office. He lost his library ' when 
the town was stormed and plundered by the Scots.' He bequeathed his books to 
the library of the school, and dying in 1669 was laid near his wife at the entrance 
to the quire of St. Nicholas. 

13 Edw. Prowse rector of Bothal and Sheepwash. 1660-1667. Randal. 

u 'The value is 1,400 per annum. The old church at Shipwash is entirely 
gone down, the font is in the rector's farm yard. I begged them to look to their 
spouts, and to restore the heraldic blazoning on the timbers of the roof, and to 
repair the only six remaining folios of the long list in Dr. Sharp's book. The 
monument of the Bertrams, that of Ann Wilson, the Ogle pedigree on the wall, 
the painted glass in the windows, and the carved capitals on the north side of 
the entrance into the chancel are all curious and should be preserved. An old 
cup and cover 1571. The glebe stretches across the water into Bedlingtonshire 
but is deemed to be Northumberland.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1826. 
See Proc, vol. iii. p. 240, for note of cup and cover. 

15 John Thompson the ejected rector married c4rr.a 1650 Catherine Wilson 
of Pegsworth, an heiress, and with her in 1652 sold lands in Old Moor to Mr. 
Lawson of Longhirst. Calamy says, ' he was taken in the bishopric and im- 
prisoned in the common gaol at Durham for his nonconformity, the imprison- 
ment brought him into a dropsy of which he died. He was a man of learning, a 
man of peace, and an excellent preacher.' 

* Marginal note. 


5. A stipend of 06 U 13 s 08 d p' annu' belongs to the chappell of 

Corsonside. Mr. Gram, 16 the curate, is sordid & scandalous. 
The impropriator is John Hall of Otterburne, esq., valet 
p' annu' 18". 

6. The impropriators in Northumberland are generally recusants. 

7. The vicar of Midford 17 hath onely a stipend of xvj 11 p' annu' from 

ye impropriato rs of that rectory, namely, Edward Radcliffe, 
baronett, a papist, & Henry Rawling of Newcastle,] a notorious 
sectary, valet p' annu' 80 11 . 


1. Is in the gift of the lord b'pp. of Duresme. The stipend is 12 U p' 

annu' paid by his ma tie . The church is destitute about a year. 
But till my 1. b'pp. be pleased to provide otherwise 'tis for the 
present supply'd by a combination of neighbour ministers 
appointed by the archdeacon. The church is likewise ruinous. 
The chancell a goodly ffabrick, ready to fall down. 

2. The impropriato 1 is Mr. Charles Brandling. 

16 John Graham, vicar of Corsenside, 1617-1682. Randal. 

" The rectory of Mitford in 1289 was given to the priory of Lanercost. In 
1648 Henry Rawling was one of those who petitioned the Parliament, demand- 
ing justice on the king. Life of Ambrose Barnes. 

' Mitford vicarage is in the gift of the bishop of Durham, but it has only the 
name, being entirely stripped of the tithes. Colonel Mitford, who resides in 
Hampshire, is the impropriator ; his tithes may be worth 700 per annum. 
The church is venerable and spacious, but the chancel from which the leaden 
roof has been taken is now covered with a grey slate, steep and decaying, and is 
unceiled within, and the south porch belonging to the Mitfords of Mitford is 
also in a bad condition.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1826. 

18 Alnwick was a chapelry of Lesbury ; its tithes with the abbey at the 
beginning of the seventeenth century came into the hands of the Brandlings, 
who a hundred years later sold the abbey to the Uoubledays. In 1717 Francis 
Brandling, as a Roman catholic, registered his estate in the corn tithes of 
Denwick, Bilton, Hawkhill, and 6/12 of the corn tithes of Alnwick and Lesbury 
[all parcel of the rectory of Lesbury] : fractions of the tithes remained until 
recently with his descendants or heirs the Cooksons and Ildertons. 

' Alnwick is in the gift of the parishioners by a sort of compromise with the 
bishop for so long as they shall pay from their corporate funds a certain 
stipend named in the agreement to the curate.' Archdeacon Singleton's 
Visitation, 1826. 

' [In 1603 Henry Strother, Matthew Kelharn, and Cuthbert Mason were 
presented ' for going about the making of matches on the Sundaie."]' Ibid. 

' The duke of Northumberland has become patron of the living by reason of 
endowment, part of which is the admirable glebe-house which he has built and 
conveyed to the benefice.' Ibid. 1836. 


3. The value of the impropriation of the tythes of all kinds is 200 U 

p' annu' or thereabouts. If but the petty tithes were added to 
the stipend it would make a competency. 

4. Many papists & schismaticks. 

5. A free schoole & xvj 11 salary belonging to it. 

THE RECTORY OF Howies. 19 

Belonging to the arch-deaconry of Northumberland, both church and 
chancel were ruinous, the chancell repaired by the arch-deacon, 
'tis of late destitute of a curate, but supplyed by the arch- 
deacon's care. 


1. The impropriator 8 are the warden & ffeliowes of Merton coll. in 

Oxon. ye value of the impropriac'on is 300 U p' annu'. Two 
ruinous chappells in that parish, Rock & Rennington, both 
destitute for 15 years or thereabouts. 

2. The stipend now is 60 11 p' annu'. 

3. The church is much out of order. 

4. The Gleeb that did anciently belong to Rock chappell is now 



1. In the gift of the 1. bp. of Carlisle valet p' annu' 66 11 6 s 8 d . 

2. The impropriac'on belongs to the 1. b'p of Carlisle valet p' annu' 

400 U . 

19 In 1734 the church of Howick, according to Mark, was in very good order, 
but in 1746 it was replaced by one built by Sir Henry Grey after the style of a 
Greek temple. Neither drawing nor description of the old church has survived, 
and the only remains which exist are some two or three tombstones on the 
chancel floor, and in the grave yard five ancient grave covers one of the 
thirteenth century, coped with a flat top. Cf. also new County Hist. vol. ii. 
p. 361. 

20 Cf. new County Hist. vol. ii. p. 73. 

a ' The vicarage of Warkworth in ye office of First Fruits for land in East 
Chivington four shillings, for the which the incumbent receiveth eight shillings 
per annum. By an abstract of the Court Rolls holden in that manner the 
30 Oct., 1626, it appeareth that one Robert Albone holdeth in right of glebe 
land these nineteen stints or grassings besides arable land and meadow. For 
land in West Chevington six shillings and eight pence for the which the 
incumbent receiveth 13 s 4 d per annum.' Terrier, dated 23 Oct., 1663. Wark- 
worth parish chest. 

1 The impropriation belongs to the bishopric of Carlisle, and is rented 
by Sir M. Ridley; it is worth 3,000 per annum. The vicarage is worth 
400 per annum from undisputed tithes, but a suit is now pending for adjist- 
ment. The vicar, however, has no endowment. The population is 3,000. the 


3 Gleeb anciently belonging to the church, as appears in the office of 
ffirst ffruites, in Nether Buston, valued there at 6 s , for which 
the incumbent receives nothing. In East Chevington 4 s . In 
West Chevington 6 s 8 (1 , 

4. One chappell in ye parish Chivington 22 very much ruined & vacant. 

5. No schooles, no papists, but many schismaticks. Mr. Humphrey 

Bell 23 of Whooddon, in Warkworth parish, is a notorious seducer 


1. In ye donac'on of his ma tie the value 85 U p' annu'. 

2. The impropriato r is Mr. Charles Brandling, the value of the 

impropriac'on is 80 11 p' annu', and the value of the irnpro- 
priac'on of Bilton & Hacle is 50 11 p' annu'. 

3. The vicar, Mr. Cox, resides at Barwick. 25 

4. The church and chancell ruinous, no schooles, no seducers. 


1. In the donac'on of his ma tie the stipend 20 11 p' annum. 

church holds 600, but there are no free sittings, and the rated inhabitants of 
Chevington chapelry are entirely unprovided with accommodation. I pressed 
their case upon the notice of the parish. They have a clock repaired by the 
town. The clerk was appointed in 1825 by the vicar, he is paid 1 s 6 U by each 
farm, 3 d a house at Easter, and church fees. The four church wardens come in 
by rotation, the vicar appointing the town church warden. They gather their 
church rate by an ancient custom from the farms one gathering produces 
29 8" at 4 s per farm. The Grey arms are on the gallery, but there are few if 
any memorials of the Percies. I requested that their dilapidated pew might be 
repaired.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation. 1826. 

22 The chapelry of Chevington comprised the three townships, of East and West 
Chevington and Hadston. Tradition says its chapel was a thatched building 
destroyed by fire: the Sessions Records inform us that certain persons were 
apprehended in 1717 for stealing the chapel bell. Subsequent to the decay of 
the chapel the parishioners resorted to the mother church of Warkworth, where 
they were treated somewhat as step-children, church rates being demanded from, 
but no seats being appropriated to them. 

28 Humphrey Bell was the ejected vicar of Ponteland, though he was much 
solicited to conform, yet upon mature deliberation he refused it, and was 
content to turn farmer for a livelihood. ... He was a learned man, as his 
MSS. testify. He died in 1671.' Calamy. At the sessions held at Alnwick in 
1682, Mrs. Margaret Bell and her son, Mr. Samuel Bell of Wooden, were pre- 
sented to be dissenters so reputed. She was buried at Lesbury in 1697. Their 
son. Samuel Bell of Wooden, married Susanna, daughter of John Grey of 
Howick, and left issue. Wooden is not in Warkworth, but in Lesbury parish. 

24 Cf. new County Hist. vol. ii. p. 443. 

85 Wm. Cox vicar of Lesbury 1663-1666, fellow of Brasenose, and vicar of 

245 ' Shilbottle vicarage worth about 220. The impropriation is in various 
hands, to wit, Mr. Cook of Newton Hall, Mr. Bacon, Lieut. Selby, R.N., Mr. 
Sanderson Ilderton. The chancel is. however, repaired by the parishioners, who 


2. The impropriato* 8 are Mr. Charles Brandling, Mr. W. Selby of 

Beel, Mr. Ratcliffe of Spinleston, Mr. Leonard Thqrneton, & 
Mr. George Lislei. The impropriac'on valet 6 3 n p' annu'. 27 

3. Gleeb anciently belonging to the church is now in ye possession of 

Mr. William Selby. 

4. The church is in a reasonable condic'on. 

5. No schooles in the parish, noe papists, noe seducers to popery nor 



1. In the donac'on of the dean & chapter of Carlile. 

2. The impropiators are Mr. Clavering of Callilee, Mr. Collingwood 

of Eslington, Baronet Ratcliffe of Dilston, all papists. The 
value of which impropriac'on is 200 11 per annum. 

3. The stipend of the vicaridge is now 50 11 p' an', but anciently the 

tith corne of Whittingham belonged to it, worth 26 U p' annu', 

have a church fund arising from the rent of lands, called ' Lord's lands,' which 
produces at present 24 15s. per annum. The population is 870, but the church 
contains only 188, without any free sittings. There are no catholics and very 
few dissenters. The church is in excellent order, but wants painting, and I 
called upon them to endeavour to meet their increasing population with pro- 
portionate church room, and at all events, not to suffer the churchyard fence to 
deteriorate. This fence is maintained by a variety of persons. There are 18 
acres of glebe, well maintained and well fenced.' Archdeacon Singleton, Visita- 
tion, 1826. 

27 The rectory was parcel of the possessions of Alnwick abbey. The great 
tithes were sold by the crown trustees, Morrice and Phillips, in 1600. Certain 
of them were purchased in 1627 by Win. Selby of Beal, and are yet in the 
possession of his descendants. In 1717 Francis Brandling of Bilton Banks 
registered as a Roman catholic the corn tithe of Shilbottle. 

28 'The church is in excellent order but their communion 

plate is mean, and their walls have a sort of conventicle aspect for want 
of " the select sentences," " the King's Arms, etc." The population is 1,730 ; the 
church, with the addition of its recently erected gallery, contains 360. The 
catholics in this, their stronghold, amount to 100. The protestant dissenters are 
liberal, and frequent the church; they amount to 900. The Clavering family 
are catholics, and a priest is maintained by them. The dean and chapter of 
Carlisle are the impropriators, and the chancel is upheld by their lessees, Lord 
Ravensworth, Messrs. Clavering, Pawson, Atkinson, Tarleton, and those who are 
locally termed the " lairds of Glanton." There are meeting houses for catholics 
and protestant dissenters. The parsonage is an old but respectable tenement, 
and with its trim garden maintained in the decent simplicity of clerical taste. 
The glebe, which is all within the township of Whittingham, amounts to 50 
acres, moderately fenced, but well ascertained ; it is chiefly grass-land. The 
vicar has six stints in Eslington wood, at present let to Lord Ravensworth at 
12 per annum. The pillars in the church are curious.' Archdeacon Singleton's 
Visitation, 1828. 

' Alas ! these pillars have been removed. I called for caution and delay and 
reconsideration, but the parishioners wanted room, the vicar was zealous, and I 
had no power to plead merely architectural curiosity against the spiritual neces- 
sities of the people.' Ibid. 1841. 


which the dean and chapter are about to deduct from the 
church and lease to Mr. Collingwood of Eslington a recusant. 29 

4. The said Mr. Collingwood & Mr. Clavering of Callile, are seducing 

papists and keep priests. There are also many other papists & 

5. There is a petty schoole kept. 

6. Mr. Tallantire ye minister reported scandalous but now said to be 

reformed upon ye arch-deacon's publique admonic'on. 


1. The stipend is 40 U per annum. 

2. The Lord Grey is impropriator of ye tithe corn of Newton which 

is worth 20 11 p' annu', and of ye tith corne of Chillingham, 12 H 
per annu'. 

3. The church is in good reparac'on. 

4. The gleeb lands found and boundred, and the terrier sent to be 

registered in the Consistory Court at Durham. 

5. No seducers, papists, recusants, nor sectaries, and no free schoole. 

1. Both these have been destitute of curates 4 years. Allington's 
stipend is at most but 13 U 06 s 04 d . 

9 George Collingwood of Eslington was out in the '15, was taken, tried at 
Liverpool, found guilty, and lost his life and estate. Horsley says his fate was 
generally lamented and pitied, he himself having had the character of an 
inoffensive and peaceable gentleman. 

30 The rectory of Chillingham was parcel of the possessions of Alnwick abbey. 
The corn tithes of Chillingham and Newton were granted in 1605 by James I. to 
Lindley and Starkey, who immediately after sold them to Sir Ea. Grey of 

' The Rev. John Sandford of Baliol college, Oxford, son of the titular bishop 
of Edinburgh, and what has had a more immediate influence on his appoint- 
ment, the godson of the bishop of Durham, has been recently appointed vicar. 
He is building a new vicarage house, apparently in a sort of Gothic taste, 
and of considerable dimensions. Why he has placed it obliquely to the 
village street I know not. The earl of Tankerville proposes to pull down a 
row of old miserable houses to the eastward of it, which will render its position 
very agreeable. Mr. Sandford is at present engaged in endeavouring to make 
an amicable settlement with Lord Tankerville on the score of tithes. His lord- 
ship, I apprehend, is contented to forego the gross payment mentioned in Dr. 
Sharp's folio for the tithes of his land. The vicar has had reference to an old 
and absurd endowment, which claims to have been granted by Julius Caesar ! 
This document is in many instances more against him than for him ; and if he 
be well advised he will stick to prescription. The vicar has the corn tithes of 
Hebburn, and the benefice, I presume, may be worth 400 per annum in good 
years.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828. 

91 ' The appropriation of Allenton and Holystone, says Archdeacon Sharp 
(circa 1730), was in the Benedictine nunnery'of Holystone after the dissolution 



2. The impropriato rs (all recusants) are S r Edward Widdrington of 
Cartington, Mr. Thurloe of Rothbury, Mr. Selby. The value 
of ye impropriac'on is at least 240 11 p' annum. 


The church is in good repair. The impropriator 8 are Mr, 
Brandling and Mr. Salkell valet p' annu' 100 n . 

2. The vicar, Mr. Greave, is accused for intemperance and neglect. 

3. The chappell of fframlington 33 is totally ruined and destitute. 


1. The impropriato rs are Mr. Brandling & Mr. Archbold, the value is 
50 11 p' annum. 

both places being granted into lay hands it became an impropriation which is 
now worth between 400 and 500 per annum. Mr. Selby of Biddleston has 
two-thirds, Mr. Talbot, Lady Sherborn (now duchess of Norfolk), and others 
the remaining third. The duchess's part lately sold to B. Storrer, sen., of 
Bothbury.' Horsley's Northumberland. 

' Allenton is a curious old church, and the ascent to the chancel and altar 
rare and imposing. In the sort of crypt beneath the chancel is the Selby burial 
place.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1839. 

82 Felton was granted to Brinkburn by Wm. Bertram the second. Mark 
Grieve was presented to the vicarage in 1661 and deprived in 1669. 

' Alex. Davison, esq., of Swarland, is the impropriator ; the impropriation 
is worth 600 per annum. The vicarage is worth 350, including the glebe, 
which lets for 130, besides 7 acres usually occupied with the parsonage 
house, which is excellent. The population is 2,000, but there are 50 catholics, 
and dissenters generally are increasing for want of church room. The sacra- 
mental utensils are mean. There is one plain silver cup and cocoa nut shell 
tipped with silver. There is a curious old stone in the pavement near the vestry 
door. The boundaries between Felton and Warkworth are defined by stones 
placed in Acklington park. Mr. Riddell repairs the south aisle.' Archdeacon 
Singleton's Visitation, 1826. For notes of plate, see Proc. vol. iv. p. 181. 

33 ' Framlington chapel is in a very sad and disgraceful condition, the pews 
ruinous within and the walls ruinous and unseemly with filth and abominations 
without. The curate is a stipendiary curate to the vicar of Felton, but without 
a single farthing of stipend. He receives an ancient payment from the crown 
of 6 Is., and a scanty and varying subscription of the inhabitants may produce 
about 30 per annum. For this he gives double duty on Sundays, the vicars 
pretending that by ancient custom they are only compelled to do, or to find 
duty at Framlington every third Sunday in summer and every fourth in winter, 
this too with a population of 840. The late good and generous bishop of 
Durham gave the curate 30 per annum, and he is reduced to teach the village 
school, and to share the house and garden with the clerk, the parish making 
this disposition, to whom the house belongs. The clerk is paid by groats col- 
lected at Easter, and he has the churchyard, which is in a horrible state, inter- 
sected with paths, and the recepticle of all the filth of the village and of the 
adjoining schoolhouse. There is neither glebe nor parsonage. The earliest 
register in the curate's keeping begins in 1723, but at Felton there is a Framling- 
ton register commencing in 1654.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1826. 

34 Longhoughton, originally a chapelry in the parish of Lesbury, was made into 
a vicarage by the abbot of Alnwick shortly before the dissolution of that house. 

John Curry, M.A. of Queen's coll., Oxon., son of Edward Curry of Carmonby, 
Cumberland, vicar of Longhoughton, 1663-1665. Cf. new County Hist., vol. ii. 
p. 392. 


2. The minister, Mr. Currie, is not instituted nor inducted, valet 
p' annum circiter 30 11 . 


The church is ruinous and so the chappel of Bolton. 


The church is in good repaire. The chappels of Brandon and Bewick 
are totally ruined & destitute. The parishone rs generally schis- 
maticks, presbyterians, independants, or anabaptists. 

ALNAM. 37 

The church is ruinous and destitute. The earl of Northumberland 

is patron. 


The church is ruinous and destitute. Mr. Ogle is patron, valet 120 11 

p' annum. 


The church is ruinous. 

te The rectory of Edlingham was parcel of the possessions of the priory of 
Durham, and belonging to the officially the church was not visited by Arch- 
deacon Singleton. 

36 The rectory of Eglingham was parcel of the possessions of Tynemouth. 
Though this survey does not mention the chapel of West Lilburn, Mark states 
that it was in ruins in 1734. 

'Eglingham. Population, 1,750; church room, 350; dissenters about two- 
thirds. . . . The registers begin about the close of the usurpation, and the 
vicar has a tin box filled with valuable papers and muniments. The chancel is 
repaired under a rate raised upon the impropriators, who at present are Lord 
Tankerville, Messrs. Allgood, Brown, Ogle, and Baker. The 40 of Mr. 
Hymers's money mentioned in Dr. Sharp's folio is still secured on the Bewick 
Turnpike Trust. . . . The situation already agreeable will hereafter become 
convenient when the neighbouring gentry shall have learned to appreciate the 
necessity of good roads. At present it would appear that they are leagued with 
their tenantry and each other for the purpose of eluding the Highway Acts. 
There are the remains of several dilapidated chapels in this parish, to wit- 
Bewick, Lilburn, Wooperton, &c. The chapel yards are still in the vicar, and 
as he cherishes the honourable intention of hereafter restoring them to their 
pristine utility, he is careful in preserving the rights of way to them in spite of 
some jobbing attempts to defeat him. ... He has built a girls' school and 
room for the mistress on his glebe. The late vicar built a boys' school over his 
coach house a whimsical position. Glebe (inter alia), Bewick chapel yard, 
I acre; West Lilburn chapel yard, 3 roods 14 perches; Brandon chapel yard. 
32 perches ; Wooperton chapel yard (has been ploughed out, but the vicar has 
reclaimed it), 3 roods.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828. 

91 The rectory of Alnham was parcel of the possessions of Alnwick abbey. 
Certain of the tithes were granted by James I. in 1605 to Lindley and Starkey. 

' Alnham usually, but not of necessity, united with Ilderton. The population 
is about 150. There is no parsonage house but an old tower, long uninhabited 
and uninhabitable. Revenues 59 per annum.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visita- 
tion, 1828. 

38 'Ilderton rectory, for such it is, although denuded of every sort of rectorial 


The church is ruinous, the meanes usurped. 


The curate thereof is schismaticall. 


The church is ruinous and destitute. The impropriato Mr. ftbrster; 
valet per annu' 300 n , and the stipend 06 11 13 s 04 d p' annu'. 

advantage, is dedicated to St. Michael. There is an old cup and cover ; on the 
cover, anno 1583, a scroll pattern running round. Flagon, cup, and paten, "The 
gift of Ann third wife of Robt. Roddam esq. admiral of the White, to the parish 
church of Ilderton 1803." This inscription and the full blazon of the Roddam 
arms are on all the three pieces, and the motto Nee deficit alter, surely not very 
inappropriate for a man who had found a third wife ! Mr. Smith, the late vicar, 
in a lawsuit, in which he was supported by the patron, caused the glebe to be 
ascertained and restored. It now consists of 48 acres, well fenced, and lying 
contiguous to the house, which is in tolerable condition, but built with a sham 
castellation. There is 1 acre at Rosedon.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 
1828. For note of communion plate, see Proc. vol. iii. p. 333. 

Pearson v. Ilderton. 7 Oct. 1787. After three weeks sitting the commission 
closed, respecting the glebe land of Ilderton, and sealed up. Nicholas Brown, 

39 ' Kirknewton. This church is dedicated to St. Gregory, and is a vicarage 
in the gift of John Davidson of Otterburn, esq. I should have said disposal 
rather than gift, for I believe the family of Mr. Robinson, the present incumbent, 
made a purchase of it from the trustees of Mr. Davidson when that gentleman 
was a minor. The last incumbent was Dr. Thomas, the vicar of Chillingham, 
and whatever his merits may have been, he was indebted for this preferment to 
his age. The excellent Mr. Bouchier, the former vicar, died so unexpectedly 
that the trustees had made no arrangements for appointing a successor, and 
were obliged to supply the vacancy with one whose numbered years would give 
the greatest reason to calculate on an early presentation. . . . However, it 
is right in this case to say that during Dr. Thomas' incumbency the curacy was 
respectably filled by Mr. Wood. I have heard that the original intention of the 
trustees was to nominate Mr. Witton of Rennington, a man at that time in 
extreme old age, but it was found utterly impossible to convey him to the bishop 
for institution, and impossible that he could ever read himself in.' 

There is a tradition of a parochial chapel yard at Akeld, bu.t it seems now to 
be alienated, and I was told the high road to Wooler passed through it.' Arch- 
deacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828. 

40 ' Carham has retained the memory of its dedication to St. Nicholas, the 
tutelary saint of mariners and fishermen. The patronage is in the Compton 
family, the impropriation belonging to the elder brother, whilst a junior has 
the church, being at the same time rector of St. Olave's, Exeter. There is some 
litigation in the parish on the score of tithes, principally between laymen, viz., 
Lords Tankerville and Grey on one part, and Mr. Compton on the other, but I 
understand the former have had a verdict. As this was only a quarrel for the spoils 
of the church I did not make an enquiry into the particulars. The annual value 
of the benefice may now, in the extreme depression of wool, be taken at 150 per 
annum. [Repairs needed to] the fence round the Wark chapel yard, or as it is 
locally called the burial ground at Gilly's Nick, I suppose St. Giles'. The 
population amounts to 1,300, the church will seat 200, which I fear is a number 
equal to the exigencies of the parish, as a very large proportion of the inhabitants 
are members of the Kirk of Scotland. 1 Ibid. 1828. 



The church is ruinous, ye stipend 10 11 , the p'sent incumbent supplies 
also Lowick. Most of ye ministers in the deanry are 



1. S r - Edward Widdrington's lady of Cartington. 

2. W m Clenell of Rothbury. 

3. M r W m Clenell of Clenell (seduced w th in these 2 years by his 

Eve) Sr. Edw. Oharlton's lady of Hesleside. 

4. Sr. Cuth. Heron of Chipchase his lady (himselfe a protestant). 

5. Mr. Clavering of Callale. 

The highest seducers are the 3 ladies, especially the Lady Widdring- 
ton, who by her almes hath of late gained an 100 proselytes. 


1. The names of the impropriato rs of all the tithes heretofore belong- 

ing to the parochial church of Balmbrough and within that 
parish are menc'oned in an information in writing declaring 
every particular place where such tithes do yearely chance and 
renew, and are estimated in the first page of that informac'on 
to amount to the yearely value of 323 H 13 s 4 d , which full 
informac'on is in ye hands of ye archdeacon. 

2. The names of the impropriato rs of all the tithes and places yearely 

chanceing and renewing within the chappelries of Bel ford, 42 
Lucker, Beadnell, 4 3 and Tughill, 44 being all chapels dependent 

41 ' Hamburgh, a perpetual curacy endowed, however, with some portions of 
vicarial tithes. The church dedicated to St. Bartholomew (-nc). The church 
room is ample, for many of the parishioners are of the Kirk of Scotland, and 
there is one family of catholics.' Ibid. 1828. 

42 ' Belford chapel is comparatively a modern structure, but the builders have 
wisely decorated it, with the carved stones of an older chapel which once stood 
on the adjoining hill. Mr. Clark's pew in a gallery is very handsome.' Ibid. 1826. 

43 ' This very neat little chapel was built by subscription. The population 
amounts to 291, and the chapel contains 170. The clerk has fees by 
custom, such as a groat per house and 6d. a plough, and in addition 
to this a collection is made for him every Sunday except those on 
which sacrament is administered : he computes his annual profits at about eight 
guineas a year. I dislike these weekly collections, they are unusual in the 
church of England, whose officers should not be paid in the way of alms, and 
moreover it produces an uncertain, and therefore an unsatisfactory, return.' 
Ibid. 1828. 

44 ' Tughall chapel. There is a handsome Saxon arch remaining which might, 


on the parochial church of Bamburgh, are menc'oned in the 
second page of the said informac'on, and doe amount to the 
yearely value of 573". In all 89 6 U 13 s 4 d . The minister 
incumbent hath out of all these onely 13 U 06 s 8 d per annu'. 
The chappells of Belford, 41 Lucker, and Tughill are destitute. 
My lord b'pp of Edinburghe sent a complaint to the arch- 
deacon that ministers (Borderers) do baptise and marrie those 
that come to them out of his diocese ; upon enquirie the 
archdeacon is informed that one Patrick Hudson of Brankston 
is one of these, but he is not presented. 


The quire altogether ruinous, without any roofe. The body of the 
church little better, without door or vvindowes, faulty in the roof, 
that none can sitt dry in the church in time of raine, the walls 
not plaistered nor the flower paved, no ffont, noe communion 
table, no cloth nor vessells thereto belonging, no desk, noe 
surpless, no register, noe chest, noe vestry, no house for the 
parson, what was, is totally demolished, no gleeb nor tith that 
he can get possession of, but hath served for nothing nigh these 
three years past. 


1. The parish church of Corbridge, especially the chancel (belonging 

to ye dean & chapter of Carlile) is very ruinous, in the late 
wars ye Scots did burne all the seats. 

2. Mr. Humphrey Dacres of Haltwhistle is presented by the church 

wardens for a notorious drunkard being soe drunke on the first 
Sonday in this yeare as he would not come to doe service in 
the church. There are sundry other foule & scandalous infor- 
mac'ons brought in publikely against him, by occasion whereof 
many of that parish are said to be lately fallen away to popery. 

I should imagine, be worked with advantage into a new edifice. The burial 
ground is still used. The total of the Bamburgh glebe in Tughall amounts 
to 20a. 3r. 34p., of which 3a. Or. 32p. are in the same enclosure with the ruin.' 
Ibid. 1828. 

45 ' Ford. The oldest registers commence in 1683. The rector keeps a book of 
registration for the dissenters of his parish ; he found the custom, and I like 
him for continuing it. The rectory house is old, with small and low rooms, but 
the view is delightful over one of the richest and best cultivated plains in the 
Island.' Ibid. 1828. 



3. Mr. Andrew Hall, vicar of Byvvell S* Andrew, reported scandalous 
and admonished by the arch-deacon. 

1. What cures are destitute, how long and who are the impropriato rs , 

what value the impropriac'on, & in what deanry ? 

2. What churches want competent maintenance, and what theire 

stipends are now? 

The Ansivers. 


1. Hath alwaies been full. The impropriato rs are the deane & chapter 
of Carlile. The impropriac'on of the value of 160 U de claro 
2 p' annu', ye stipend 60" p' annu. 


1. Vacant two yeares after his ma tie came in, now supplyed by Mr. 

John Lumlee minister there. The impropriato r Mr. Ra. 
Anderson or Mr. ffrancis Addison (for at p'sent they are at law 
about it). The impropriac'on valued at 300 11 per annum. 

2. Wants competent maintenance. The stipend now being but 20 

marks per annum. 

46 ' Corbridge. The impropriation which was formerly rented [from the dean 
and chapter of Carlisle] by the late Mr. Errington is now in the hands 
of Sir Ed. Blackett and Mr. Donkin of Sandoe ; it is worth 1,400 
per annum. The vicarage, including glebe, tithes, and all dues scarcely 
surmounts 400 per annum. The church is a perfect cross, but has suffered 
much by tasteless alterations and repairs. The fine old lancet windows 
are barbarised, but the buttresses and fantastic headed door of the chancel, 
and above all the fine old Saxon arch are worthy of much admiration. 
There is a fine old tower in the church yard which was formerly the vicarage, 
and is of course the fortalice alluded to in the licence of King Edward IV. It 
now belongs to the duke of Northumberland, probably by exchange. The 
actual vicarage is at the east end of the town, and is at inconvenient distance 
from the church. It is low and covered by grey slates. The only curiosity is 
the necessary house, I may say almost entirely of Roman altars or armorial 
remains. One of these last consists of three most volant horses and three rings. 
It is a performance of Vicar Walton, who made an immense collection during 
his incumbency and sold it to the Grahams of Netherby.' Ibid. 1828. 

47 ' Ovingham is a perpetual curacy, the impropriation being in the hands of 
Chas. Bigge, esq. of Linden. The church is a very large and lofty structure, 
being in the main in a very satisfactory state, although the grey slates uncieled 
give it an uncomfortable aspect. Some of the pillars are very fine.' Ibid. 

The rectory of Ovingham was parcel of the possessions of Hexham. John 
Lumley was vicar, 1662-1664. 


1. Hath alwaies been full. The iinpropriato r the Id. b'pp. of Durham. 

The value of it above 200 U p' annu'. 

2. Hath good and competent maintenance. The vicaridge being 

worth at p'sent 90 11 per annum. 


1. Hath alwaies been full. The impropriato 1 Mr. Henry Thornton. 

The value of it 48 U per annu'. 

2. Wants competent maintenance. The vicaridge now being but 18 11 

per annum. 


1. Hath alwaies been full. The impropriato rs are ye deane and 

chapter of Durham. The value of it eight score pounds per 

2. Hath competent maintenance being lately endowed and augmented 

(according to his ma tie3 letter) by the said impropriato rs to the 
value of above 60 11 p' annum. 


1. Hath been most supplied by Mr. Hall of Bywell St. Andrew, till of 

late. The impropriator Mr. Henry Thornton ; the impropria'con 
valued and lett at 28 U p 1 annu'. 

2. Wants competent maintenance. The curate there haveing at 

p'sent (and never had more) but twenty nobles per annu'. 

48 ' Stamfordham is in the gift of the Lord Chancellor. The impropriation 
belongs to the bishop of Durham, and is worth about 900 per annum. The 
vicarage half that sum. The population of the parish including the parochial 
chapelry of Ryal amounts to 1,827. Of catholics, with the worthy Mr. Riddell 
of Cheeseburn Grange at their head, there are 70, and protestant dissenters 100. 
They have a silver chalice, " the gift of J. Pearson, esq., to the parish church of 
Stamfordham, 1774," a plate with the same inscription, and an old unmarked 
silver cup.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828. For note of plate see 
Proc. vol. iv. p. 135. 

Stamfordham was appropriated to Hexham by Edward I. The grant is 
printed by the Surtees Soc. vol. xlvi. p. 118. 

49 ' Slaley. I rode to it with Mr. Silvertop, lord of the great neighbouring 
barony of Bolbeck, and a very liberal and enlightened member of the church of 
Rome. The minister is an infirm old man of the name of Smith, recently 
appointed by Mr. Beaumont to this now perpetual curacy, which was once a 
member of Bywell St. Andrew's. The representatives of the Thorntons of 
Nether- Witton have the impropriation. The old Saxon doorway is curious, the 
old King's or Queen's arms grotesque, and the pewing of the church the most 
satisfactory part of it. They have a small footless communion cup. The poor 
curate received no delapidation, and his house is of course wretched. The 
delapidation system is a bad one in all cases, but dreadful and ruinous in these 
very small benefices. It is a living pauper suing a dead one.' Archdeacon 
Singleton's Visitation, 1828. 


1 It is supplied at p'sent. It was vacant about half a yeare after his 
ma tie came in. The impropriator Sir William ffenwick. The 
impropriac'on valued at 160 11 p' annu'. But most of it sold to 
the Mercers at London, and paid to the lecturer at Hexham and 

2. Hath hardly competent maintenance. The vicaridge worth but 
40 11 per annu'. 


1. It is a rectory and well endowed. Billingham dependes upon 

Simonburne, and is supplied & provided for by the parson of 

2. The rectory worth 120 11 p' aunu'. 


1. Hath been alwaies supplied. Sir W m ffenwick is patron. But 
who is impropriator is not well knowne. The impropriac'on 
having been formerly sold by Sir John ffenwick to several 
persons, viz., to S r Cuthb. Hearon, to Mrs. Anne Charleton, to 
the Lady Younge, to Richard Errington of Bukelee, to Nicholas 

50 ' Chollerton. Archdeacon Sharp congratulated himself on the introduction 
of Venetian and sash windows. Look at these below [drawing] and tremble for 
the caprices of archidiaconal taste. The impropriation is held under the 
Mercers' Company, by the lecturers of Hexham and Berwick, their nominees. 
Mr. Bird values his benefice at 400 per annum. My enquiries about the old 
stone in the churchyard induced Mr. Bird to dig it up, and from the annexed 
drawing it would appear to have been an altar.' Ibid. 1828. This must be the 
Roman altar still in the church yard. 

61 ' Simonburn. The old fortalice has been pulled down, but the more modern 
parsonage house has a great air of respectability, if not of good taste. The 
population is 900, usual congregation, 120. There are two or three roman 
catholic families, but such is the efficacy of residence and church room 
that there are very few presbyterians, and most of the people belong the 
establishment. The Allgoods have a very large parlour-like pew, and a 
monument, and, I fear, a vault. I saw in Simonburn village two of the finest 
beach trees in a close of Mr. Allgood's which have ever come under my 
observation.' Ibid, 1832. 

52 ' Bellingham church, which was formerly a chapel under the great Simon- 
burn rectory, has now become independent and rectorial under the "Act of 
division." It is dedicated to St. Cuthbert, on whose day the village fair is kept 
under the common appellation of " Cuddy's Fair." ' Ibid. 1832. 

M In 1663 the vicar of Warden would be John Shafto of Carry coats, the 
founder of Haydon Bridge school. 

' The vicarage house is in decent repair, and has all that picturesque irregularity 
which is characteristic of an old official residence where each successive incum- 
bent has added what suited his own convenience, without any reference to 
what had been erected before, or might be added afterwards. Mr. Beaumont 
is patron, and the value of the whole vicarage may be 500 per annum.' Ibid. 


ffairelamb of B'ppside, to Alexander Stokell of White-Chappell, 
to my lord of Newcastle. S r W m ffenwick hath part of the 
tithes in his owne hand. The whole impropriac'on valued at 
193 11 p' annu'. 

2. Hath competent maintenance. The vicaridge being lett at p'sent 
for 50 U p. annu.' 


1. It hath been alwaies supplied. The impropriato r Mr. Nevill of 

Cheat. The impropriac'on valued at 300 U per annu 1 . 

2. Hath competent maintenance. The vicaridge being lett at p'sent 

at 70 U p' annu'. 


Is a rectory worth but 25 11 p' annu'. 


Is a rectory worth 34 11 p' annu'. 


Is a rectory, hath competent maintenance, worth at present per 
annu' 60 U . 


1. Hath been alwaies supplied. The impropriato rs are S r Edw: 
Ratcliffe & John Whitfield. The impropriac'on valued at 60 11 
p' annu'. 

51 Haltwhistle. The rectory was granted by Edward VI. in 1553 to John 
Wright and Thos. Holmes. In 1585 it belonged to Nicholas Ridley of Willi- 
moteswyke, by whose grandson Musgrave Ridley it was forfeited to the Common- 
wealth, and sold to the Nevilles of Chevet. They sold to the Blacketts. 
Hodgson, pt. ii. vol. iii. p. 436. 

Humphry Dacres, vicar, 1633, was discharged from the cure by the commis- 
sioners for the ministry in the county. Ibid. p. 125. 

' Haltwhistle. No canonical decoration is omitted in this church from the 
King's arms at the west end to the crimson velvet cover of the communion 
table at the east end. I was well pleased to see over the vestry door a large 
table on which was painted a catalogue of benefactions. There are four church- 
wardens appointed conjointly by the minister and select vestry of twelve. The 
revenues of the benefice amount to about 600 per annum, exclusive of 12 acres 
of ancient glebe in Haltwhistle, and I think 330 in Milkrich and Henshaw. The 
chancel is maintained by Sir E. Blackett of Matfen. Haltwhistle is full of 
uncouth but curious old houses which betoken the state of constant insecurity 
and of dubious defence, in which the inhabitants of the Border were so long 
accustomed to live. The very pig styes which are objects not very discernible 
from the dwelling house, have the crenellations and loop holes.' Archdeacon 
Singleton's Visitation, 1828. 

55 ' Knarsdale is a very poor rectory in the gift of the lord chancellor, and poor 
as it is, it was much worse when the Rev. Mr. Bewsher was appointed to it in 1824. 
It appears that the sacrament was never administered for the last six years of Mr. 
Todhunter's incumbency' [Bewsher's immediate predecessor.] Ibid. 1832. 

58 The grant of the advowson of Alston to the convent of Hexham is printed 
by the Surtees Soc. vol. 46. p. 119. 


2. Wants competent maintenance. 

1. GARRAGILL and Alston both one, and alwaies supplied by one and 

the same man. The impropriato rs named and impropriac'on 
valued as under Alston appeares. 

2. They both want maintenance. The stipend to them both is but 

12 11 6 8 8 d p' annu 1 with some small gleeb. 

Other Inquiries. 


Corbridge : The chancell very ruinous. 

Chollerton : The chancell is so ruinous that it is ready to drop down. 
Nether warden : Is quite down and continues so. And the churches 

generally w th in are very rude and little decency or beautie in 

Haltwesle : In bad repaire. 

NOTE. This Survey may be read and compared with that styled the 
1 Oliverian Survey.' printed in the Archaeologia Aeliana, quarto series, vol. iii, 
p. i 10. 



[Read on the 27th day of March, 1895.] 

* FOR men strongly moved by the Christian faith it was natural to 
yearn after the scenes of the Gospel narrative. In old times this 
feeling had strength to impel the chivalry of Europe to undertake 
the conquest of a barren and distant land, and . . . there were 
always many who were willing to brave toil and danger for the sake of 
attaining to the actual and visible Sion. These venturesome men 
came to be called Pelerins or Pilgrims.' 2 

To provide more effectively for the reception and shelter of 
these pilgrims to Jerusalem, there was established a military 
brotherhood whose companions were designated the knights of 
St. John. 'I will not,' says Mr. J. M. Kemble, * waste time or 
space upon ... the theory and place in history of the order 
of Hospitallers or Knights of St. John of Jerusalem . . . Nor 
is it needful to speak of the honour and dignity of their gallant 
companions in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; nor of the 
grandeur of their early wars in Palestine, and, what are better known ; 
their later wars in Rhodes and Malta . . . Leaving all such 
questions, our present business is to see how, while the order of the 
Knights Hospitallers did exist, and its brethren were to be found in 
many parts of Europe, they managed the estates from which they 
derived their wealth, and with it their power.' 3 

The earliest and chief possession of the order in Northumberland 
was at Chibburn, a small manor between Widdrington and the white 
shore of Druridge bay. The mansion house and roofless walls of the 

1 Compare the ' Temple Thornton Farm Accounts,' p. 40. The woodcuts 
illustrating this paper have been kindly lent by the Royal Archaeol. Institute. 

2 Kinglake, Crimea, vol. i. p. 41. 

1 Introduction to the Report of Prior Philip de TJiame to the Grand-Master 
JBlyan de Villanova, for A.D. 2338. 65 Camden Soc. 1857, p. xiii. 





chapel of the preceptory remain virtually as they were left by the 
Hospitallers. Their architectural features have been described in a 
paper by the late Mr. F. R. Wilson, printed in a former volume of the 
transactions (Arch. AeL, vol. v. p. 113) of this society; in a short 
account by Mr. J. H. Parker in his Domestic Architecture in England 
in the Fourteenth Century ; and in a valuable paper of great accuracy, 
contributed by Mr. Woodman to the Archaeological Journal, vol. xvii. 
pp. 35-38. Mr. Woodman says : 

The building has been defended by a moat, enclosing an area of about 100 
yards in diameter ; the walls are of stone, and the roof had been originally 
covered with freestone slates. The buildings, as will be seen on the accompany 
ing ground-plan, formed a parallelogram, having a courtyard (A) in the middle ; 

on the west side is the dwelling house (B) ; the chapel (C) occupies the entire 
south side, and various offices have been on the north and east. The principal 
entrance was by an arched gateway (D) into the court on the north side. The 
dwelling house (B) is of two stories, and has been divided into three apartments 

VOL. xvii, 35 



on each floor. On the ground floor is a passage (E) with a low arched doorway, 
and there are four mullioned windows, two of three lights, and the others of 
two lights each ; the stairs leading to the upper floor are constructed of solid 
blocks of wood ; the ceiling of the ground floor is formed merely by the oak 
joists and boards of the floors of the apartments above, both joists and boards 
having a reed run along their angles, and the under surface of the boards was 
planed smooth, and left without any plaster. The windows of the upper floor 
opening towards the west are now flush with the wall, being of comparatively 
modern construction, but originally they appear to have rested on corbels 
projecting about twelve inches, and this arrangement may have served, it is 
supposed, for some purpose of defence. 

There is also access to this floor by stone stairs (F) from the court. In each 
apartment is a spacious fire-place, deeply recessed, having the lintel formed of 
a very large stone, with a relieving arch above. In one of the upper chambers 
an old partition remains, consisting of oak planks set in grooves at the top and 
bottom. The edges of the planks are reeded on the face ; they measure about 
five inches broad and three inches thick, and are placed four inches apart, the 
intervening spaces being filled up with clay and straw. 

The southern or external wall of the chapel (C) had probably undergone 
many alterations before it ceased to be used for a place of worship. At the east 
end (G), which some have supposed more modern than the rest, is a pointed 
window of four lights (see section of jamb, fig. 1) ; on the south side were two 
large square-headed windows, possibly 
more modern than the western part 
of the building; and at about mid- 
height there is a string-course (see sec- 
tion, fig. 2) which rose over the large 
windows and fell at the doorway. 
There have apparently been two en- 
trances, one on the north side (H) by 
a pointed arch with mouldings (see 
section of door jamb, fig. 3), and the 
other on the south (I), a plain-pointed 
doorway with a drip-stone. On each 
side of the latter door there is an ogee window widely splayed and square-headed 
on the inside ; above, and a little to the west of the doorway, is a double ogee 


window with drip-stone above ; a cornice ran along beneath the roof (see section, 
fig. 4). Immediately over the arch of the south doorway there are two escut- 


cheons ; the charges are nearly obliterated, but traces of a cross patee, doubtless 
for the knights of St. John, may be seen on one, and a quarterly coat on the 
other. The east end (G) has an oblique buttress at 
the south-east angle, and possibly a similar buttress 
may have existed at the other angle. 

In the chapel a peculiarity deserves notice ; 
there is a floor nearly on a level with that of the 
upper rooms and communicating with them ; the 
upper chamber so formed had a fireplace in a mas- 
sive chimney which is built from the ground, pro- FIG 4 
jecting on the outside near the entrance door (H). 
The floor does not extend to the east window, but 
about two-thirds of the entire length from the west 
end. This chamber probably opened at the east end into the chapel, and was 
doubtless used by the principal inmates of the house at the time of divine service. 
Another example of such an arrangement may be noticed in the chapel in 
Warkworth castle. The piscina remains in the south-east angle ; human bones 
have been occasionally found, and a grave slab with a cross flory now forms 
the threshold of the door leading from the courtyard into a stable (see p. 280). 
This slab is of greater width at the head than at the foot ; the head of the 
cross carved upon it is pierced in the centre with a large curvilinear lozenge. 
In one of the windows the upper portion of a stone coffin may be seen, placed 
in a cavity of the wall. There remains a corbel or truss rudely carved in oak, 
which may have been intended to represent the mitred head of a bishop, or 
possibly an angel, with a fillet round the forehead ornamented in front with a 
cross. Of the roof, now wholly fallen, a few strong rafters remained in 1853, 
supporting thatch. The original roof may have been of higher pitch. 5 

But Mr. "Woodman's collection contains some imprinted docu- 
ments which, with some other notices printed in the appendix, will 
yield all that is known of the connection of the Hospitallers with this 

The date or period of the acquisition of Chibburn by the order 
can only be inferred. The manor of Widdrington was held in the 
time of Henry II. by Bertram de Widdrington of Walter fitz- William 
as of his barony of Whalton, but his right of possession was disputed 
by William Tascha. To decide the cause a wager of battle or judicial 
duel was appointed to be fought at Whalton, when on the non-appear- 
ance of Tascha and of his surety, Alan de Dririg, the judgment of the 
court was given for Widdrington and attested by a large number of 
the gentlemen of the district. Now, the absence from this list of the 
names of the preceptor and brethren of Chibburn offers negative 

5 The Archaeological Journal, 1860, pp. 35-38. 


evidence that the house was not then founded. 6 On the suppression of 
the Templars in 1308, efforts were made by the Hospitallers to get 
themselves declared heirs to their possessions, their claim being sup- 
ported by the pope. Before the king would make the desired grant, 
an enquiry was made into the temporal position of the claimants, and 
the return made in 1313 to the mandate of the nuncio, preserved in 
Bishop Kellaw's Register, makes particular mention of the house of 
Chibburn ; a proof that this estate was an original possession, and not 
a reversion from the Templars. 

The next notice is to be found in the report made in 1338 by 
prior Philip de Thame to the grand-master Elyan de Villanova. It 
was discovered by the Rev. Lambert Larking in 1839 in a plastered 
over closet at Malta, and contains a detailed account of the income 
and outgoings of the bailiwick of Chibburn under its preceptor, 
brother John de Bilton. 


Chibburn There is a manor there, built and ruinous, of which the 

manor house is worth yearly 6s. 

There are 190 acres of land there, at 4d. an acre, and they are 

worth 63s. 4d. 

Also 8 acres meadow, at 2s. an acre, worth 16s. 

6 In the Calendar of Escheats in the sixth year of Henry IV., there is 
mention of ' Willelmus Heron Chevalier et Elizabetha uxor ejus Escheti maner. 
de Temple Thornton LVI acre terr. ut de hospit. de Chilburne,' and in the Great 
Pipe Roll, anno 1228, in the twelfth of Henry III., ' Et de x 8 de quadam navi 
fracta in Chilburnemue.' In the appendix to North Durham (dclxxi. p. 116), 
Dr. Raine prints a grant to Holy Island, witnessed by John de Crauinne, the 
preceptor of Chibburn, and Alan and Robert, clerks of the same place. 

Chiburn. Est ibidem unum manerium edificatum et ruinosum, cujus 

herbagium valet per annum vj 8 

Sunt ibidem ix xx x. acre terre, pretium acre iiijd. et valent Ixiij 8 iiij d 

Item viij. acre prati, pretium acre ijs. et valent xvi 8 

Item de redditu assiso per annum xx marce, tempore pacis, 
que nunc propter guerram Scotie vix levari possunt : 
per annum ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ex 8 

Item ffraria ibidem per annum, ratione guerre supradicte, 
xij marce et dimidia, et non plus, quia ista bajulia est 
in marchia Scotie. 

Et de perquisitis curiarum per annum x 8 

Item de pastura, tarn pro vaccis quam pro bidentibus ... xl 8 

Et de firmis et molendinis per annum v marce 

Summa totalis recepti et proficui dicte bajulie ... xxxv marce xij 8 


Reprise. Inde in expensis domus ; videlicet, pro preceptore, ij. 
fratribus, et aliis de farnilia domus, prout decet, et 
etiam aliis supervenientibus, causa supradicta. In 



Also for assize rent, 20 marks yearly in time of peace, which 
now can scarcely be raised on account of the Scotch 
war: yearly ..................... 110s. 

Also the brotherhood there, yearly 12 marks and not more, 
for the above reason, because that bailiwick is in the 
Scottish march ..... ....... 12^ marks 

And for perquisites of the courts, yearly ......... 10s. 

Also for pasture, both for cows and sheep ......... 40s. 

And for farms and mills, yearly ......... 5 marks 

Sum total of receipts and profits of the said bailiwick 35 marks 12s. 


Thence in household expences ; viz., for the master, two friars, 
and others of the household, as is becoming, and also for 
others who come in, for the aforesaid cause. In bread, 
furnished yearly, 25 quarters at 3s. a quarter, worth ... 75s. 

In brewing ale, 28 qrs. brasei ordei,' at 2s. a quarter worth 56s. 

In cooking expences, as in flesh, fish, etc., 18d. a week ... 78s. 

And in robes, mantles, and other things necessary for the 

master and his brotherhood ............ 69s. 4d. 

And for the salary of one chaplain, yearly ......... 15s. 

And for the salary of one chamberlain, yearly ...... 10s. 

Also for a groom, 5s., and for one villein, 3s .......... 8s. 

And for the salary of one ' lotricis,' yearly ......... 12d. 

Pensioner. Also William de Wyrkelee received yearly, for the term of 

his life by charter of the chapter ............ 20s. 

Ixxv 8 



pane f urnito per annum xxv. quarteria, pretium quar- 

terii iijs. et valent ............... 

cerevisia bracianda xxviij. quarteria brasei ordei, 

pretium quarterii ijs. et valent ............ 

in expensis coquine, ut in carne pisce et aliis, per 

septimanam xviijd. ............... 

Et in robis, mantellis, et aliis necessariis preceptoris, et 

confratris sui 
Et pro stipendio unius capellani per annum ...... 

Et in stipendio j. camerarii per annum ......... 

Item pro palefridario vs. et pro j. pagetto iijs. 

Et in stipendio unius lotricis per annum ..... 

Pensioria- Item Willelmus de Wyrkelee capit per annum, ad ter- 
rius. minum vite, per cartam capituli ......... 

Item cuidam senescallo defendendo negotia domus per 

Item clerico colligenti confrariam per annum ...... 

Summa omnium expensarum et solutionum xxvj marce vj 8 viij d 
Summa Valoris. Et sic remanent ad solvendum ad 

Thesaurarium pro oneribus supportandis ix marce, vj 8 viij d 

Et non plus quia terra est destructa et depredata pluries 

per guerram Scotie. 

} Prater Johannes de Bilton, s. preceptor. 
Prater Johannes Dacombe, capellanus. 
Frater Simon Dengayne, s. 
The Hospitallers in England (65 Carnden Society's publications), p. 52. 

lvj s 

lxxviij s 
Ixix 8 iij d 

XV s 
X s 

viij 8 
xij d 

xx 8 

vj 8 viij d 
j marca 


Also to a certain steward, defending the affairs of the house, 

yearly 6s. 8d. 

Also to a clerk defending the brotherhood, yearly 1 mark 

Total of all expences and payments 26 marks 6s. 8d. 

Total value : And so there remain, to be paid to the 

Treasurer for meeting obligations 9 marks 6s. 8d. 

And no more, because the land has been laid waste and 
plundered several times by the Scottish war. 

{Brother John of Bilton, preceptor. 
Brother John Dacombe, chaplain. 
Brother Simon Dengayne. 

Between the year 1313 and the suppression of the order, the 
Hospitallers had acquired by gift and possibly by purchase many other 
estates and lands in the county. They are enumerated in the Minis- 
ter's Accounts of 5 Edward vi. Besides Chibburn and Temple 
Thornton there were lands at Meldon, Morpeth, Ulgham, North Seaton, 
Newbiggin, Ellington, Shilbottle, Warkworth, Spindleston, Fallodon, 
Woodhall, Felton, Bolton, Alnwick, Stanforth-hall, Temple Healey, 
Whalton, Kenton, Longwitton, Thockrington, Denton, Fenham, Kil- 
lingworth, Edlingham, Hoborn, Bockenfield, Burton, Milburn-grange, 
Chevington, Morwick, and coal mines at Fenham, which, with some 
arrears recovered in that year, produced a gross income of 25 2s. lOd. 

Two years afterwards, Sir John Widdridgton and Cuthbert Mus- 
grave of Harbottle, in consideration of 756 Is. 5^d., obtained a grant 
under the great seal, of the manor of Chibburn and certain lands 
which had belonged to Newminster at Shotton, adjacent to the 
Widdrington manor of Plessy. 

At the end of the sixteenth century Chibburn was in the posses- 
sion of Hector Widdrington of Berwick, a natural son of Sir John 
Widdrington. He was presumably a tenant. 

His will and inventory remain at Durham. They are as follow: 

In the name of God Amen, I Hector Wooddrington, one of the Constables of 
Horsmen of her Ma tiel Towne of Barwicke upon Twede, thoughe sike in bodye 
yett of good and p'fect remembra'nce the Lord be thanked therfore, do make 
and ordayn this my last Will and Testam* in mannr and forme followinge. 
First I bequythe my Soul to Almightye God and my bodye to be buryed in the 
earthe. Itm I gyve and bequythe unto Ralphe Wooddrington the House in 
Barwike wherin I nowe dwell, and fiftye pounds in moneye to be payd hym by 
my executorys uppon the receipt of my goods and debts. Itm I gyve and 
bequythe unto Isabell Graye, Dowghter unt' my Sister Marye Graye, fourty 
pounds to be payd as is aforesaid. Itm I gyve and bequethe unto my Sister 


Rebecka Wooddrington, ten pounds. Itm I gyve and bequythe unto my Brother 
Isacke Wodrington his eldest sonne Robt. Ten pounds. Itm I gyve and 
bequythe unto my Serva'nts Mathewe Humphraye and Thomas Raye, eyther of 
them, ten pounds and all the Corne betwene them I have lying at CHIBBURNE. 
Itm I gyve and bequythe unto Steven Bell, fortye shillings. Itm I gyve unto 
Roland Archer, syxe pounds. Itm I gyve and bequythe vnto Marye Lancaster, 
in remembran'ce of my good will towards her one hundrethe angells. Itm I 
gyve vnto Thomas Garratt and Hector Garratt, Ten pounds betwene them to be 
equalye devyded. Itm I gyve and bequythe vnto John Harwood, Ten pounds. 
Itm I gyve unto Willm. Tappye, in concyderac'on of all his paynes and debts I 
owe him, fyve pounds. The rest of all my Goods and Chattalls, moveables and 
immovables, Bonnds, Bills debts, and debts, Lands Leases, reckinng w ch anye maner 
of wayes are dewe to me, my debts beinge payd and my Funerall expences 
discharged, I gyve and bequythe unto Elizabethe Ladye Woodrington her heirs 
and assigns for ev r , whom I ordayne and make my sole and full Executrixe of 
this my last Will and Testament. In witnes wherof to these pr'sents I have 
sett my hand the xxviij daye of Aprill 1593 in the fyve and thirtye yeare of the 
raigne of O r Sovraigne Ladye Elizabethe, by the Grace of God, Quene of England, 
France and Ireland, Defende* of the Faythe, &c. 

Hector Woodrington his mark X. 

I give unto Willm Teasdall xl 8 and unto Hector Hall xl 8 . Itm to 
Emay xx 8 and a cote in the p r 'senc' of Willm Garford John Harwood 

Thomas his mark Ra y e ' 

[The inventory taken 15 May, 1593, after enumerating testator's goods at 
Berwick amounting to ciii 11 xi 8 ii sets outj 

Itm Good of the said Hector Wooddrington at Chiburne presed by Willm. 
Garford, Robt. Trumble, Vincent Tailer and Rowland Archer. 

Imprimis one flanders chist... ... ... ... ... iiij 8 

Itm in the same chist, iiij table clothes, and tow cupbord 

clothes xiij 8 iiij d 

Itm vii napkins ij 8 iiij d 

Itm one Featherbed, one bolster, two pillowes,ij Blanketts, 
one pece of blewe Clothe, one quilt, and one covringe 

of arras xc" 

Itm one greate chist vij 8 

Itm one Basin and Ewre, iiij pewder dishes, v Saucers, 

syx Porringgers, and three broken candelsticks ... viij 8 
Itm one quishinge of arras worke and two pec 8 of nedell 

worke for quishings ... ... ... ... ... xiii d 

Itm one cros bowe and a Racke xiij 8 iiij d 

Some iiij" is 8 ii d 

Somma totalis viii 11 iiij d 

W. Garford Robert Tromble Vincent X Tayler 
Roland X Archer. 

During the seventeenth century Chibburn may have been used, as 
the Rev. John Hodgson suggests, as a dower house for the ladies of 


the Widdrington family. During the last decade it was occupied by 
one of the family of Burrell of Long Houghton and Lesbury, for on 
the llth November, 1697, George Burrell of Chibburn, conveyed a 

messuage and close in Alnmouth to Brown. 

With the rest of the Widdrington estate it was forfeited for the 
part taken by William Lord Widdrington in the rebellion of 1715, and 
was subsequently sold to the York Buildings Company. While in the 
Crown a survey was made, from which the following is extracted : 
NORTHUMBERLAND. [Extract from] A survey of the estate late of the Lord 
Widdrington at Widdrington castle in the parish of 
Woodhorne in the county aforesaid taken July 3 1717 
5 yards & a half to the perch. 8 

Tenants. Chiburne in the Chapelary. 

John Annett 26 : 13 : 04 Three houses and Homesteads 

TVm Annpff 9fi 1 3 04 Meg's meadow ) 10 

The Fattingfield Pasture } 16 

JohnGarrett 2 Whitefield and oakes do. and arable 56 

AA The Cow Close Meadow and arable ) 18 

The Linck pasture } 24 

ST. JOHN'S FLATT, meadow arable 

and pasture 26 

The Greens and ST. JOHN'S PAS- 
TUBE 27 

acres 177 80 : 00 : 00 

Though the mansion house must have been well known to Horsley, 
who resided at Widdrington, where, besides his ministerial avocation, 
he acted as agent to the York Buildings Company, 9 it is not noticed 
in his Northumberland. It was dismissed by the Rev. John Hodgson 
in a few words, and attracted little notice until about 1846, when a 
commencement was made in pulling down some of the buildings for 
the sake of the material, a proceeding fortunately quickly arrested by 
the judicious interference and protestations of neighbouring anti- 
quaries and men of taste. The mansion has not ceased to be occupied, 
formerly as a farm house, latterly in tenements by labourers. During 
last summer, at the intercession and recommendation of the Rev. Wm. 
Green well, the present owner, Mr. Taylor of Chipchase, by the replac- 
ing of fallen stones, the mending of roofs and of chimney stacks, and 
by the judicious running of cement into the interstices and rents in 
the walls, has done what was necessary to preserve and keep good 
these unique buildings for many years to come. 

8 ' From the original in the Tower of London among the papers taken from 

House relating to the rebellion of 1715. W. W.' 
9 Newcastle Journal, 13th January, 1721/2. 




Walterus, filius Willelmi omnibus hominibus suis et amicis francis et Anglis 
presentibus et futuris salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse Bertramo de 
Wdringtuna villam que vocatur Wdringtuna et medietatem Burgundie 10 cum 
omnibus pertinentiis suis in bosco et in piano ; in pratis et in pascuis ; in 
aquis et molendinis, liberas et quietas sibi et heredibus suis in perpetuum 
tenendas a me et heredibus meis sicut pater suus melius et liberius eas 
una die et una nocte tenuit et ipsemet hactenas tenuit pro servicio unius 
militis faciendo in feudo et hereditate. Cognitum etiam vobis sit omnibus 
qui has litteras videritis vel auderitis quod ilia calumpnia quam Willelmus 
Tasca habuit adversus Bertram de Wdrington quod Bertram dirationavit 
juditio curie domini sui et quod Willelmus nequiter earn amisit eo quod die 
cepit in curia summi domini Walter! filii Willelmi de nequitia sua defendend. et 
hoc se defecit ; et Alanus de Dririg parem suum vadem suum dedit ad proban- 
dum ilium de nequitia et ille suum dedit et diem cepit ad defendendum se 
judicio curie domini sui, scilicet, duello et ad dies constitutes et terminatos nee 
venit nee contra manclationem immo ut nequam se deficit et ideo judicio curie 
summi domini Walteri filii Willelmi ut nequam earn amisit et Bertramo sicut 
recto heredi remisit sicut propria hereditas sua. Et quod ego Walterus filius 
Willelmi warranto hoc judicium quod factum f uerit apud Weltuna de appella- 
cione Alani de Dririg et de defectu Willelmi Tascha. Hoc sciendum quod 
Hodonellus de Umframvilla hoc judicium fecit et testimonio suo approbat illud 
cum his qui subsequntur. Testibus Willelmo de Merlay, Widone Tyson, Willelmo 
de Turbrevilla, Waltero filio Stanceli, Kichardo fratre ejus, Ulfchill de Swyne- 
burna, Davido de Buivilla, Johanne filio Semani, Wilardo de Trophill, Rogero 
fratre ejus, Richardo filio Semani, Radulfo de Sancto Petro, Willelmo de Grene- 
villa, Richardo Bartrum, Umfrido de Ogla, Gilberto filio ejus, Roberto de Newham, 
Roberto de Unflanwilla, Huctredo filio Faramani, Willelmo filio Alfredi, Hugone 
filio Stanfelini, Osberto Presbitero de Weltun, Osberto Presbitero de Ortun, 
Willelmo de Hebra, Herberto Preposito de Mitford, Alstar filio Glessan, Roberto 
filio Petri, Roberto Belmis, Rogero filio Grunbald. 11 



Exchequer Remembrancer's Office, Originalia Roll, 7 Edw. vi. part 2. 
Rex omnibus ad quos etc. Salutem. Sciatis quod nos pro summa septingen- 
tarum quinquaginta sex librarum septem decem denariorum et unius obuli 
legalis monete Anglie ad manus Edmund! Pekham militis ad usum nostrum 
per dilectum nobis Johannem Wytheryngton de Wytheryngton in Comitatu 
Northumbrie militem et Cuthbertum Musgrave de HarbotteJl in dicto Comitatu 
Northumbrie armigerum praemanibus bene et fideliter soluta unde fatemur nos 
plenarie fore satisfactos et resolutos eosdemque Johannem et Cuthbertum 

10 Burgundea = Burradon in Tynemouthshire. 

11 Hodgson, part ii. vol. ii. p. 248. 

VOT- XVII. 36 


heredes, executores ct administratores suos inde acquietatos et exonerates esse 
per presentes de gratia nostra special! ac ex certa sciencia et mero motu nostris 
dedimus et concessimus ac per presentes damus et concedimus prcfatis Johanni 
Wytherington et Cuthberto Musgrave totum Dominium et Manerium nostrum 
de Chibborne cum suis juribus, incmbris et pertincntiis universis in Comitatu 
nostro Northumbrie parcellum possessionum nuper praeceptoris montis Sancti 
Johannis Baptistc in Comitatu nostro Eboraci nuper Prioratui sive Hospital! 
sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia modo dissolute dudum spectantium et 
pertinentium ac parcellum possessionum inde existentium ; ac omnia et singula 
mesuagia, molendina, tof ta, cotagia, columbaria, ortos, pomeria, Gardina, Domos, 
edificia, terras, tenementa, prata, pascuas," pasturas, communias, boscos, sub- 
boscos, vasta, Jampnum, bruere, moras, mariscos, aquas, Stagna, Vivaria, piscaria, 
piscaciones, redditus, reversiones, servicia, feoda militum, Warda, maritagia, 
escaeta, relevia, Curias letas, visa ffrancorum plegiarum ac omnia ad visum 
[francie] plegiae pertinentia, catalla, 12 Waiviata, extrahitura, catalla felonum et 
fugitivorum ac felonum de se et in exigend. posit. ; Necnon deodandum, 
fines, amerciamenta, herietta, liberas Warrenas, ac omnia [alia] jura, juris- 
dictiones et proficua, commoditates, emolumenta et hereditamenta nostra, 
quecumque cum pertinentiis suis universis scituata, jacentia, et existentia in 
Chibborne, in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie ac alibi in eodem Comitatu North- 
umbrie, dicto Dominio et manerio de Chibborne quoquomodo spectantia vel 
pertinentia aut ut membripartes vel parcella ejusdem Dominii et Manerii antehac 
habita, cognita, accepta, usutata, seu reputata, existentia ac eciam omnes omnimodis 
decimas bladorum, garbarum, granorum et feni ac alias decimas quascumque in 
Chibborne in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie dicto nuper preceptori Montis sancti 
Johannis Baptisteet dicto nuper prioratui sive Hospitali sancti Johannis Jerusalem 
in Anglie quondam spectantia pertinentia ac parcellum possessionum inde exist- 
entium ; ac eciam totum illud messuagium et tenementum nostrum et unum le 
Garthe nostrum ac omnes terras et pasturas nostras, continentes per estimationem 
triginta octo acras ; ac communiam pasture cum omnibus et singulis suis pertin- 
entiis in Shotton juxta Stannyngton in dicto Comitatu nostro Northumbrie modo 
vel nuper in tenura sive occupacione Kogeri Blackberd ac nuper monasterio de 
Newmynster in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie dudum spectantem et pertinentem 
ac parcellum possessionum inde nuper existentium ; Necnon totum illud Cotagium 
sive tenementum nostrum cum pertinentiis in Shotton alias dictum Shotton 
juxta Stannyngton in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie modo vel nuper in tenura 
sive occupacione Johannis Cowper nuper Monasterio sive Dominio Monalium 
infra villam Novi Castri super Tinam dudum spectantem et pertinentem ac 

parcellum possessionum inde nuper existen " 

Et he littere nostre patentes vel Irrotulamenta earundem erunt annuatim et de 
tempore in tempus tarn dicto Cancellario et Generalibus supervisoribus ac consilio 
nostro dicte Curie nostro Augmentacionum et Revencionum Corone nostre, quam 
omnibus Receptoribus, auditoribus et aliis omciariis et ministris nostris heredum 

11 Pastura is used for all kinds of pasture, in meadows, fields, etc. ; pascua is 
a place set apart for cattle, e.g., mountains, moors, marshes, plains, untilled 

12 Waiviatum, things with no owner assigned to them. 

13 Ebor. m. 95. 


et successorum nostrorum quibuscumque pro tempore existente sufficiens War- 
rantum et exoneratio in hac parte ; volumus eciam ac per presentes concedimus 
prefatis Johanni Wytheryngton et Cuthberto Musgrave, quod habeant et habebunt 
has litteras nostras patentes sub magno sigillo nostro Anglie debito modo factum 
et sigillatum absque fine seu feodo magno vel parvo nobis in 14 Hanaperio nostro 
seu alibi ad usum nostrum proinde quoquomodo reddendo solvendo vel faciendo. 
Eo quod expressa mencio, etc. In cujus rei, etc., apud Westmonasterium secundo 
die Maii. 


Newminster incip. 4-5 Edw. vj. 

Percell. possessionum nuper preceptoris Montis Sancti Johannis Baptiste in 
Comitatu Eboraci. 

Balliatum terrarum et possessio- ) Compotus Johannis Taylor deputati Roberti 
num in Comitatu Northumbrie I Fenwicke Ballivi sive Collectoris reddituum 
dicto nuper preceptori pertinen- [et firmarum ibidem per tempus supradic- 
tium. J turn. 

Idem onerat super compotum de Ixvi 8 viii d de arreragiis ultimi 
ARRERAGIA. compoti anni proximi precedentis prout in pede ejusdem 
plenius patet. Summa Ixvi 8 viii d . 

Sed reddet compotum de iiij lj ' vj s de redditibus et firmarum tarn 
TEMPLE liberorum tenentium quam tenentium ad voluntatem domini 

THORNETON Regis in Templethorneton solvendo annuatim ad festa Sancti 
Martini in Hieme et invencionis Sancte Crucis equaliter. Et 
de xvi s de firma tocius capelle de Thorneton ac unius parvi clausi vocati Chaple 
Yarde et unius molendini aquatici cum suis pertinenciis in Thorneton simull cum 
omnibus et singulis decimis eidem capelle pertinentibus quoquo modo spectan- 
tibus sic modo dimiss. Roberto Bullocke per Indenturam sub sigillo Curie 
Augmentation um datum apud Westmonasterium xii die Julii anno regis Henrici 
viii vi xxxvii per annum solvendo ad festa Sancti Michaelis Arch, annunciationis 
Beate Marie Virginis prout in dicta Indentura in compoto anni Regis Edwardi 
sexti primi ad largum declaratum plenius patet. Et de xvj d de firma unius 
parcelli terre vastae jacentis in dicta villa de temple-thorneton predicta super 
quam quidem parcellum terre scilicet cujusdem Molendini quondam statuit cum 
gardino eidem annexato in tenura predicti Roberti Bullok de novo repertum per 
examinacionem dicti compoti super hunc compotum coram Auditore solvendo 
ad terminos predictos per equales porciones. Summa iiij 11 viij 8 viii d . 

Et de xx d de redditibus Assise in Meldone predicto exeuntibus 

REDDITUS ASSISE de certis terris vocatis Heron Land, Bores land solvendo ad 

DE MELDONE. 15 festum Sancti Martini in Hieme et invencionis Sancti Crucis 

equaliter. Et de xii 8 viij d de firma iiij or cotagiorum cum pert. 

11 Office of the Treasury to which are brought moneys for sealing charters, etc. 

15 Meldon is very near to Temple Thornton, and belonged to the Heron family, 
who seem to have been munificent donors to the order. This family also possessed 
the estate and barony of Hadston, in the parish of Warkworth, and closely adjoin- 
ing Chibburn. Their later seat was at Bokenfield, in the parish of Felton, out of 
which the order drew 12d. per annum. 


cmmirilX PEBCEPTOEY : 




ibidem in ten urn, et occupacione uxoris Roberta Watson, Rob. Rothcrome, Job. 

Rocbester, Job Hale de anno in annum solvendo ad festa predicta cqualiter. 

Summa xiiij 8 iiij' 1 . 

Et de xii d de firrna certarum terarrum in tenura Job. Harrison 
per annum solvendo ad festum Sancti Martini etc. Summa xij' 1 . 

Et de iiij 1 ' de firma dominii sive manerii de Cbibborne cuin 
omnibus terris, dominicis, pratis, pascuis, pasturis aliis profi- 
cuis, ac commoditatibus quibuscumque eidern dominio sive 
manerio spectantibus, sic dimiss. Joh.'Affenwicle per inden- 
turam sub sigillo Curie Augment, etc , pro termino annorum misericordie ad buc 
coram auditore ostens. Reddendo inde ad festa Annunc. Beate Marie Virginis et 
Sancti Michaelis Arch, ultra stipendium capellani divina servicia infra capellam 
dicti dominii Celebrantis, per annum. Summa iiij 1 '. 

Et de ii s ii d de redd, et firmis tarn liberorum quam custu- 
HUGHAM." mariorum tenentium ac ad voluntatem domini L'egis in villa 
de Hugham predicta per annum solvendo ad festa predicta 
equaliter. Summa ii s ii d . 

Et de vj s de redd, et firmis in villa de Woodhorne seaton per 
annum solvendo ad festa predicta per equales porciones. 
Summa vj 8 . 

Et de v 8 ij d de redd, et firmis tarn liberorum tenentium quam 
NEWBIGGINGE. tenentium custumariorum in Newbigginge predicto annuatim 
solvendo ad festa predicta per equales porciones. Summa 
v 8 ij d . 

Et de v 8 dc redd, et firm, in Ellington predicto solvendo 
ELINGTON. annuatim ad festa predicta per equales porciones in tenura 
diversorum tenentium ad voluntatem domini Regis solvendo 
ut supra. Summa v 8 . 

Et de ij s iiij d de redd, et firm . . . terrarum in Shilbottell 
SHILBOTTELL. predicto in tenura diversorum tenentium solvendo ad festa 
Sancti Martini in Hieme et Pentecostes per equales porciones. 
Summa ii s iiij 11 . 

Et de v 8 de redd, et firmis in Warkeworthe predicto in tenura 
WABKE WORTH E.' 7 diversorum tenentium Solvendo annuatim ad festa predicta 
per equales porciones. Summa v 8 . 

Et de vj 8 viii d de redd, et firm, terrarum et tenementorum in 
SPINDLESTON. Spindlestone predicto in tenura diversorum tenentium 
Solvendo annuatim ad terminos equaliter. Summa vi 9 viii' 1 . 

11 Ulgham, a chapclry in the parish of Morpeth. 

" 1 Edw. I. Robt. de Hampton, Sheriff of North d , accounts with the King, 
and takes credit for 2 marks granted to the Knights Templars for 2 years, and 
the Sheriff charges himself with 8 s 8 d for 13 acres of land and one toft for the 
Sergeanty of Tokesden, received from the Prior of the Hospital of Jerusalem in 
England, and also of .11 Jls. from the same for the years aforesaid. J'ijx- /,W/.v, 
1, 2, and 3 Edw. III., all in one roll. There is still a field close to Togston, but 
in Acklington township, called Temple-hill. 


Et de ij s de redd, et firm, terrarum in Fallowdowne predicto 
FALLOWDOWNE. 18 in tenura diversorum tenentium. Solvendo annuatim ad 
festa predicta equaliter. Summa ij s . 

Et de x 8 de redd, et firm, terrarum et tenementorum ibidem 


-p in tenura diversorum tenentium Solvendo annuatim ad 

festa predicta per equales porciones. Summa x s . 

BOLTONE IN Et de vii ^ de redd * 6t firm ' diversorum terrarum et 
tenementorum in Bolton et Cookedale. Solvendo annuatim 


ad testa, etc. oumma vnj 8 . 

FELTOUN - Et de "^ de redd- et firm ' in Felton P redicto in tenura 
diversorum tenentium Solvendo annuatim, etc. Summa iiii d . 

~ 19 Et de vj 8 viii d de redd, et firm, trium messuagiorum extra 

. villam de Alnewicke cum totis terris in le Southside de 

Alnewicke predicto Solvendo annuatim, etc. Summa vj 8 viij a . 

Et de xl s de firma cujusdam graungie vocate Staynforthall 
STANFOKTHALL. cum omnibus terris, pratis, pascuis, pasturis eidem pertin. 
dimiss. Christofero Burrell per indenturam ut dicitur Sol- 
vendo, etc. Summa xl 8 . 

Et de liii 8 iiij d de firma duarum porcionum omnium illorum 
TEMPLE HELAY. !O terrarum, pratorum, pastur. cum suis pert, in Temple Helawe 

predicto dimiss. Cuthberto Radcliffe militi de anno in 
annum reddendo inde annuatim ad dicta festa per equales porciones. Et de 
xxvj s viij d de firma tercie partis terrarum, pratorum et pastur. in Temple Helaye 
predicto dimiss. Job. Orde per annum Solvendo, etc. Summa iiij 11 . 

Et de xviij 8 de firma duorum tenementorum vocatorum 
LYNDON BEIG. Templehouse et Shepewoode cum pert, scituat. jacentium et 

existentium in dicto Com. Nortbumbrie cum omnibus terris, 
pratis, pascuis, et pasturis communis, proficuis, commoditatibus et emolumentis 
quibuscumque dictis tenementis quoquo modo spectantibus et pertin. sic 
dimiss. per indenturam sub sigillo Curie Augmen. pro termino xxj annorum 
Reddendo inde ad festa predicta prout tarn in dicta Indentura data xx die 
Decembris anno Regis Henrici viii" xxxviij quam in compoto de anno Regis 
Edwardi vi u primo ad largum et plenius patet. Summa xviij 8 . 

Et de ij s de firma certarum terrarum in Whawton predicto 
WHAWTON. dimiss. Geo. Simpson ad voluntatem Domini Regis 
Solvendo annuatim, etc. Summa ij 8 . 

Et de iiij 8 de firma certarum terrarum cum suis pert, in 
KENTON. Kentone predicto sic dimiss. Wm Baynett de anno in 
annum. Solvendo, etc. Summa iiij 8 . 

11 Fallodon, in the parish of Embleton. 

19 The Alnwick lands began at the top of Clayport. On them is built the 
mansion called Swansfield. Tate, ii. p. 65. 

20 Temple Healey, in the chapelry of Netherwitton. 


Et de v 8 de firma certarum terrarum cum suis pert, in Longe- 
LONGWITTON. witton predicto dimiss. Robt Stephenson de anno in 

annum. Solvendo ad festa Sancti Martini in Hieme, et inven- 

cionis Sancti Crucis equaliter. Summa v 8 . 

Etde xx s de firma omnium terrarum et tenementorumcum pert. 
THOKEINGTON. 21 jacentium in villa et campis' de Thorneton, parva Babington, 

et Riall infra communes ibidem vocatos Temple lande cum 
libertatibus, Fraunchisis, proficuis commoditatibus eisdem terris et tenementis 
spectantibus et pertin. sic dimiss. Edw ^Shaftoo per indenturam sub sigillo 
nuper prioratus Hospitalis Sancti Job.. Jerusalem in Anglia datam xviij die Mail 
anno Regis Henrici viii vi x pro termino xl annorum prout tam In dicta indentura 
quam in compoto anni precedents plenius patet. Solvendo, etc. Summa xx 8 . 

Et de xiii 8 iiij d de firma certarum terrarum et tenementorum 
DENTONE." cum suis pert, in Dentone predicto dimiss. Anthonio Errington 
Solvendo, etc. Summa xiii 8 iiij d . 

Et de xlvj 8 viij d de firma omnium illorum terrarum, pratorum 
FENDHAM. et pasturarum vocatorum Feneham ac unius tenementi super 

eandem pasturam edificati cum universis boscis subboscis 
mineriis carbonum et metellorum de et in predictis terris pratis et pasturis 
vocat. Feneham tantummodo except, et reservat. sic dimiss. Geo. Davell 
per indenturam sub sigillo communi prioris nuper hospitalis Sancti Job. 
Jerusalem in Anglia datum xxij die Novembris anno Regis Henrici viii' 1 xxix 
pro termino xxj annorum extunc proxime sequentium per annum Solvendo ad 
festa purificationis Beate Marie Virginis et Sancti Petri quod dicitur ad vincla prout 
tam In dicta Indentura quam in compoto anni precedentis. Summa xlvi 8 viii d . 

Et de viij 8 de firma certarum terrarum, etc., in Killingworth 
KILLING WO BTHE. predicto dimiss. Job. Killingworthe ad voluntatem Domini 
Regis Solvendo ad festa Sancti Martini et pentecostes 
equaliter. Summa viij 8 . 

Et de x 9 de firma cujusdam pasture vocate Le Nooke in 
TlNDALE. Tindale in tenura assignatorum Gilbert! Stokalle per annum 
Solvendo, etc. Summa x 8 . 

Et de ii 8 de redd, assise diversorum liberorum tenentium 
EDLINGHAM. domini Regis in Edlingham predictum Solvendo ammatim, 
etc. Summa ii 8 . 

Et de xviij d de redd, assise diverssorum liberorum tenentium 
HOLBOENE. Domini Regis in Holborne predicto Solvendo, etc. 
Summa xviij d . 

Et de xii d de redd, assise, etc., in Bucken felde predicto 

Solvendo, etc. Summa xij d . 

Et de ij s de firma unius clausi terre vocati Sancte Johannes 
BURTON. lande in tenura Stephenson per annum Solvendo, etc. 
Summa ii 8 . 

21 Thockrington, Little Bavington, and Ryal. 

22 Denton and Fenham, near Newcastle. 


Et de xij d de redd, assise liberorum, etc., de Milborne graunge 
predicto annuatim Solvendo ad festa Sancti Martini in Hieme 
et Invencionis Sancti Crucis equaliter. Summa xij d . 

p , 23 Et de ij s de redd, assise diversorum liberorum, etc., et de 

Chibbington predicto Solvendo, etc. Summa ii s . 

Et de ij 8 de redd, assisse, etc., de Merricke predicto Solvendo, 


etc. Summa ij s . 

Et de xij d de firma unius cotagii in Bellegate in tenura et 
ALNEWICKE. occupacione Roberti Muscrope ad voluntatem domini Regis. 
Solvendo annuatim ad festum Sancti Martini. Summa xij d . 

Et de vj" xiij 8 iiij d de firma tocius mineri carbonum hoc anno 

MINERUM terris et pasturis vocatis Fentun invent, dimiss. Radulfo 

CARBONUM. Carre et aliis mercatoribus ville Novi castri super Tinam per 

Indenturam misericordie ad hue viss. per annum Solvendo ad 

festa annunciationis Beate Marie Virginis et Sancti Michaelis Arch, equaliter. 

Summa vj 1 ' xiij 8 iiij d . Summa totalis oneris xxxv" ij 8 x d . 

Idem computat in f eodo dicti computant ballivi et collectoris 
FEOD ET omnium et singulorum reddituum et firmarum predictorum 
REGARD. ad lx 8 per annum cum vj 8 viij d plus eidem allocatum in 
recompensacione mane laboris sue hoc anno sustentat in et 
super collectionem reddituum et firmarum predictorum ex discretione auditoris 
et receptoris quam solebat allocari viz. in allocatione hujusmodi per tempus 
hujus compoti lx 8 et in regardo dato clerico auditoris pro scriptura hujus 
compoti et omnis parcelli ejusdam ad ij 8 per annum viz. in allocatione hujus- 
modi per tempus hujus compoti prout allocatum est alio auditori Curie 
Augmentationum ij 8 . Summa Ixij". 

Et in decasu reddituum diversorum terrarum et tenementorum 

DECASUS in Boltone et Rookedale superius onerat. ad viij 8 per 

REDDITUS. annum in titulo pro se Eo quod jacet vastum et in occupatione 

per totum tempus hujus compoti et nihil inde levari potest 

survev^ancl to ex sacramen t dicti computationis super hunc compotum 

certifie et supra, coram auditore et sic in decasu per tempus hujus compoti 

viij 8 . Et in decas. redd, custumariorum tenentiuni de 

Hugham superius onerat. ad ij 8 ij d per annum in titulo pro se eo quod jacet 

vastum et in occupatione per totum tempus hujus compoti et nihil inde 

levari potest ex sacramento etc. ij 8 ij d . Et in decasu redd, liberorum 

tenentium domini Eegis de Holborne superius onerat. ad xviij d per annum in 

titulo pro se Eo quod jacet vastum et in occupatione per multos annos elapsos 

nulla districcio ibidem habenda est ex sacramento computat. super hunc 

compotum et sic in decas., etc., xviij d . Summa xj 8 viij d . 

23 In 1568 Sir John Widdrington and Sir Thos. Grey held lands in West and 
East Chevington. Feodary's book. 

24 Morwick, 37 Eliz., the property of the Greys of Chillingham and of 
Cuthbert Bates, now of the Duke of Northumberland. 



Et in denariis per dictum computantem liberat. Thome 
LlBEBACIONES Newnham milit. reccptori domini Regis ibidem de exitibus 
DENABIORUM. officii sui hujus anni ad divers, vices infra tempus hujus 

compoti prout per librum Receptoris super hunc compotum 
ostens. et examinat. et in custodia dicti Receptoris remanet. xix !i xiij s iiij d . 
Et in denariis in compoto receptoris hujus anni onerat. super Job. Taylor 
ballivum ac collectorem reddituum et firmarum in Temple Thorneton, Meld on 
et Morpethe cum aliis parcellis nuper preceptoris predicti jacentibus in 
Comitatu Northumbrie de parte exit, offic. Domino Regi debitorum finitum 
ad festum Sancti Michaelis Arch, anno Regis nunc Edwardi vj t! v et per 
ipsum aretro et nondum solut. xxxv 8 x d . Summa xxj" ix s ii d . 
Summa allocacionum et liberacionum xxv" ij 8 x d . Et debet x". 

Et de et pro tot denariis de exitibus et proficuis pro uno anno 
et de redditibus domino Regi debitis at festum Sancti Michaelis 
Arch, anno regis Edwardi vj u v provenientibus de firma mineri 
carbonum in Fentun in tenura Radulfi Carre ad vj 11 xiij 8 iiij d 
per annum Eo quod idem Radhulfus negat solvere dictum 
redditum pro uno anno et die predicto, racione quod dictum 
minerum carbonum jacuit vastum per tempus unius anni et 
di asserens quod nullum proficuum inde provenisse per tempus 

predictum Ideo hie posuit in respecuacione quousque refert warrant, acancellario 

et concilio Curie augmentacionum pro allocatione ejusdem. 


The serveis to 
surveye the s d 

whether it lye 

wast or no. 





[Read on the 29th May, 1895.] 

A NOTICE of the discovery of a Roman mile-stone at Carlisle in 
October last appeared in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries 
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, vol. vi. 1894, page 263, with a sketch. 
Owing to the kindness of Chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A., president of the 
Cumberland and Westmoreland Antiquarian Society, I received in the 
beginning of March a squeeze which enabled me to ascertain the 
accuracy of the reading of the inscription engraved on the stone. 
This was discovered in the bed of the river Petterill, below Gallows 
Hill, from whose summit it had probably rolled, and where it formerly 
stood, marking the first mile from LUGUVALLIUM (Carlisle) on the 
road to EBURACUM (York) ; it is now preserved at Tullie House. 

It consists of a cylindrical column, six feet high, with the front 
side roughly cut to a plane surface. At one end are four lines of an 
inscription, somewhat weathered but still tolerably legible, the letters 
of which are two inches high. Below, at some distance, can be seen 
the remains of two other lines, worn out, save three faint letters. 
This end of the inscription, purposely separated from the beginning 
with the intent of attracting the notice of passers by, contained the 
proper itinerary indications. 

IMP c M 




c(aesari) w.(arco} \ AUR(efo'o) MAUS( ) | CARAUSIO, 

INVICTO, AUG(sfo), | \_Luguvalli~\Q \ [Brovonac]&.& \ 



[m(ille) p(assuum}\. \ . To the 
Emperor, the Caesar, Marcus Aurel- 
ius Maus(. . .) Carausius, pious, 
happy, invincible, the Augustus. 
From Luguvallium towards Brovo- 
nacae, first mile. 

The restored word Luguvallio 
may safely be considered as certain, 
whilst the complementary part of 
[Brovonac~\as is merely conjectural, 
for the sake of showing how the 
brackets are to be filled with the 
name of one of the stations on the 
road to York, provided it has the 
feminine plural termination as, 
such as Brovonacas (Kirkby Thore), 
Verteras (Brough), or Lavatras 

At the opposite end is another 

inscription in five lines, reading in 

a contrary direction ; the first line 

ends in a monogram formed by the 

conjunction of the three letters VAL. 




CAEs(n'). To Fla- 
vius Valerius Constantine, the most 
noble Caesar. 

From this particularly remark- 
able instance of two different miliary 
inscriptions engraved on the same 
block, we may deduce that the 
lime-stone was erected first in the 
reign of the Emperor Carausius, 


A.D. 287-293, and that it was afterwards turned up topsy-turvy in 
the time of Constantine, when he still held but the rank and title of 
Caesar, A.D. 306. A fresh inscription in his own honour was then 
engraved at the summit, whilst the end bearing the inscription dedi- 
cated to Carausius was hid under ground, such a course implying that 
Constantine on his accession to power denied any official character to 
the public acts of the usurper. In its turn the Constantine mile-stone 
was thrown down, most likely when the Roman forces and officials 
were ordered by the Emperor Honorius to withdraw from the Isle in the 
year 411. The contemptuous treatment inflicted on the emblem of 
the imperial government is imputable to the Caledonian invaders, or 
rather to the British natives themselves, disgusted with the behaviour 
of the authorities who forfeited the duty of protecting their subjects 
against their bitter foes. 

This is the first instance of a lapidary monument containing a 
record of the British adventurer who founded in his own country an 
independent empire, and played a historical part somewhat comparable 
to that of Postumus in Gaul thirty years previously.* Whence he 
originated we are left to guess from a short sentence of Aurelius 
Victor, 1 Carausius, Menapiae civis. Notwithstanding the apparent 
clearness of this information, it is not an easy task to define its 
meaning with precision. No less than three different countries have 
equal claims to the denomination of Menapia : in the first place, a 
people known by the name of Menapii inhabited Belgian Gaul, the 
land bordering the river Scheldt and the mouth of the Rhine 2 ; next, 
the Isle of Man was called Monapia, according to Pliny's spelling, if 
the manuscripts are correct; 3 last, on the eastern coast of Ireland 
dwelt the Mai/aTrto*, 4 whose capital was Mai/aWa Tro'Xts, in our days 
Wicklow (Wexford). It will surprise none when I say that French 
antiquaries assign the mesopotamic part of Belgium as the birth-place 
of Carausius, whilst British scholars contend for the Isle of Man, no 
specific argument being brought forward by either party. No doubt if 
the University of Dublin were chosen to arbitrate upon the difference 

1 De Caesaribus, xxxix. 

2 Caesar, De Bello Galileo, ii. 4. Strabo, iv. iii. 4, 5. Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv. 
xviii. 31. Ptolemy, ii. viii. 10. 

3 Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv. xviii. 30. * Ptolemy, ii. ii. 7, 8. 

* Postumus, A.D. 258-267; Carausius, A.D. 287-293. 


the affirmation of his Hibernian origin would luckily help to decide 
the question in a friendly and neutral manner. Nevertheless, it may 
be suggested that the words Menapiae civis match admirably with the 
parvae civis insulae employed by Ausonius in a similar case, 5 and that 
such a geographical designation seems to apply most fittingly to the 
Monapia island, whilst the ethnical qualification Menapius, or civis 
Henapius, or even natione Menapius would have been the correct 
expression if Aurelius Victor had meant that Carausius originated 
from the continental Menapians. To whatever branch of the Mena- 
pians Carausius belonged, either Gaulish, Britannic, or Hibernian, his 
birth-place was undoubtedly maritime, and this accounts for the fact 
that he was such a talented seaman that Maximian chose him for 
fitting out a fleet against the Germanic pirates ; it afterwards served 
him as the most efficacious instrument for making himself independent 
of the Roman domination. He clearly perceived that the security of 
his insular empire rested on a powerful navy, and this stamps him a 
truly national hero for Britain, deserving to share the honours of a 
traditional popularity with Queen Boudicca, whose name by-the-by, 
synonymous of 'Victorina,' is ridiculously disfigured in Boadicea, 
even by the Admiralty officials who select names for Her Majesty's 
ships. 6 Several varieties of his coins show on the reverse a pretorian 
galley manned by rowers, with her name inscribed above, LAETITIA. 
This type and legend also adopted by Allectus his successor, was 
evidently borrowed from the coinage of Postumus, large and small 
brass. Here we have, amongst many others, a striking feature of 
similitude between these two historical characters, and hence we are 
led to believe that under like circumstances Carausius modelled his 
acts and policy on those of the Gaulish emperor. 

Let us now proceed to a closer examination of the wording in the 
inscription of the Carlisle mile-stone. 

From the first lines we gather the entirely novel and authentic 
information that Carausius, besides this name under which alone 

5 Ausonius, Ludtt.^ tir/rft'm A' 1 p'u'nt him, v. 147: ' Cleobulus ego sum, parvae 
civis insulae.' Cleobulus, one of the Seven Wise Men of Greece, was a native 
of Lindos, in the isle of Rhodes. 

6 As a rule, it may be noticed that when half instructed people have to 
choose between two ways of spelling a name or an uncommon word, they will 
unhesitatingly hit upon the wrong one, and stick to it with obstinacy. In the 
French navy also there is always a ship traditionally named ' Primauguet ' 
instead of ' Porzmoguer. ' 


he was hitherto known, bore three other names ; from Emperor 
M. Aurelius Maximianus, under whose orders he served in the army 
of Inferior Germany, he received the praenomen and nomen gentili- 
cium Marcus Aurelius, retaining his other two native names ; one of 
these began with the syllable Mam, which was sometimes still more 
abridged and merely reduced to the initial letter M, for instance on 
some rare brass coins ; three of these are preserved in the Hunter 
museum, at Glasgow, according to Petrie's Monumenta Historwa 
Britannica, p. clxv. col. 2 ; pi. xi. 28, 29, 32. 




Four others are described from private collections : 


The enigmatic sigla M, and the equally puzzling syllable MAVS are 
unmistakably the more or less shortened forms of a Celtic name, which 
we may safely restore to Mausaeus or Mausaius, since it is the only 
fitting form to be found in the whole Gaulish nomenclature compiled 
from manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. This name is inscribed on 
a small silver coin preserved, under No. 9359, in the medal room of 
the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Paris ; the late Emile Hucher was the 
first numismatist who published it 10 in the shape of MAVSAIIOS. I 
personally verified this reading on the original coin ; hence I am able 
to give the following accurate description of this documentary relic : 

Obverse Helmeted head turned to left ; in front, NINNO. 

Reverse Wild boar running to left ; beneath and above, a half- 
retrograde legend, ov M with Greek lunary sigma instead of s, 

such as in other Gaulish legends, BELINOC, SANTONOC, VENEXTOC. 
We may now state that the denominations of Carausius were, at full 
length, Marcus Aurelius Mausaeus (or Mausaius) Carausius. 

7 Collectanea Antigua, vii. p. 224 ; pi. xxii. 4. 

8 Monumenta Historica Britannica, p. clxii. col. 2 ; pi. ix. 14. 

9 Cohen, Description Historiqm des Monnaies Imperials, vii. 1888, p. 22, 
n. 204. 10 L'art gaulois, ii. p. 68. 


In the middle of last century Stukeley published a coin which he 
had noticed in the collections of Sir Hans Sloane, and of Joseph Ames, 
F.R.S. and secretary to the Society of Antiquaries 11 : 

Obverse IMP c M AVR v CARAVSIVS P AVG. Radiated bust, clad 
with the paludamentum, to right. 

Reverse PAX AVG. Peace standing to left, holding a flower and 

leaning on a sceptre ; field, SP ; exergue, c. 

By the expansion of the legend he made out the reading M(arcus) 
Aur(elius) V(alerius) Carausius, and Mionnet 12 confidently adopted it ; 
but John Doubleday seems to have doubted its correctness, or to have 
suspected the genuineness of the coin, for he did not admit it in his 
carefully drawn-up descriptive catalogue of the coins relating to 
Britain. 13 This tacit condemnation is so much the more significant as 
the Sloane collection was bequeathed to the British Museum, where 
Doubleday might have leisurely examined the coin. Moreover, this 
is altogether confirmed by the fact that no such piece is to be met 
with in the sets of coins of Carausius in the British Museum, which 
Mr. Grueber has kindly examined, one by one, for my purpose. 

A priori the reading V(alerius} is not altogether objectionable, 
since Maximian had added this family name of Diocletian to his own 
patronymic Aurelius, and styled himself M AVR VAL MAXIMIANVS on 
several of his coins ; hence Carausius, in his turn, might have had 
the double gentilicial name Aurelius Valerius, by which he connected 
himself both with Diocletian and with Maximian. On the other hand, 
it is possible that the letter v, which Stukeley fancied to have de- 
ciphered, is merely the middle part of a defaced letter M, and this 
would bring us back to something like the aforesaid legends beginning 


11 The Medallic History of M. Aurelius Valerius Carausius, emperor in 
Britain, i. p. 115, pi. v. n. i. Mr. Haverfield believes the coin is in Cambridge, 
and has been misread. He also thinks that the word MAYS is simply a blunder. 

12 JJe la rarete et du prix des medatlles Romaines, ii. (2nd edit. 1827), p. 165. 

13 Monumenta Illstorica Britannica, p. cliii-clxxiii. 17 plates. 



P E 




By the Rev. H. E. SAVAGE, 
Yicar of St. Hilda's, South Shields, and Honorary Canon of Durham. 

[Read on the 24th April, 1895.] 

THE work which has been in progress at St. Mary's church at 
Easington during the past year has afforded an exceptional oppor- 
tunity for tracing the story of the building. The temporary removal 
of all the interior fittings, the stripping of the walls, and the lower- 
ing of the roof, have each and all laid bare some features which 
throw light on the past. For it is the church itself that is the only 
witness, for the most part, to its own history ; there is apparently no 
notice preserved in any of the early records of the see of Durham with 
regard to the builder, or the re-builder, of this church. And yet in 
general outline the story is fairly plain to read, and it is full of 
interest. The simplest way to follow it will be to take the several still 
existing features according to their approximate dates, and so work 
out the gradual growth of the building to its present condition. 

The earliest portion then of the church is the lower part of the 
tower, which is Norman ; but even that only discloses its age on the 
eastern side, in the lofty arch opening into the nave, which is now 
once more cleared of all blocking, and in the small window above, 
which was until last year hidden by the abnormally high pitched nave 
roof : possibly also in the other belfry windows. The corresponding 
Norman church was pulled down at the end of the twelfth century, 
and the only certain vestige which remains of it, with perhaps the 
quaint circular steps of the font, is half the base of one pillar, or 
rather the base of one of the western responds of the arcade, which has 
been used as a sub-base for the present respond of the western arch on 
the north side. This base, which is an exact semi-circle, with a 
diameter of two feet six inches, is eight inches less in diameter than the 
sub-base of the adjoining circular pillar, and has a hollow chamfer. It 
has apparently been moved from its original position for use as an 
underpacking when the Early English arcade was built. For besides 
the a priori presumption that the Norman nave would be somewhat 
narrower than that of the Early English church, there is an indirect 
indication that this was actually the case. Close against the north 



and south walls of the tower on the outside there are two, by no 
means beautiful, buttresses, which are exactly in line with the arcades 
within, and seem to be intended to meet the thrust of the arches, 
which had not sufficient support from the thin western walls of the 
nave aisles. The arcades of the Norman church would presumably 
come up to the north and south walls of the tower itself, which is 
sufficiently broad ; but when the nave was widened the new work 
would miss this strong stay, and so the extra strength in the form of 
supporting buttresses was needed. 

It may very well have been the case, too, that the Norman nave 
had a floor level the same as that of the tower, and therefore some 
eighteen inches higher than the level shown by the present pillar bases. 
Possibly some insecurity in the Norman piers, resting, as so much 
Norman work undoubtedly did, on inadequate foundations, led to the 
rebuilding of the church at the close of the twelfth century, when the 
bases of the pillars were carried down to a lower and surer foundation. 
For another reason also it seems clear that the present arcades do 
not belong to the original building. For they have been built from 
east to west, and are not of the same construction as the tower. 
They have been built, that is, pu to an already existing tower. 
The nave arches are part of the same work as the chancel arch, and 
come away quite naturally from it. The span of all the bays is 
exactly the same in measurement ; but when they reach the west end 

of the church there is a difference of 
some inches, which is made up on the 
^ south side by a square stone packing 
of greater thickness than the corres- 
ponding packing on the north side. 

The pillars are alternately circular 
and octagonal ; two circular and one 
octagonal on the north side, and two 
octagonal and one circular on the 
south. The north-west circular pillar 
has a curiously stiff form of partially 
decorated volute carved on the capital 
Fig - L in distinctly Transitional style, as in 

fig. 1. What seems to 'have been the same, or a very similar pattern, 



Fig. 2. 

occurs also on the capitals of the two western responds, though they 
are now much defaced, especially the one on the south side. On the 
capital of the north- 
east pillar there are two 
distinct designs of tre- 
foil ornamentation, of 
which that on the north 
side towards the aisle 
has a broader and 
heavier, leaf, and a 
plainer device, than the 
other towards the nave. 
The capital of the cen- 
tral circular pillar on 
the south side is quite 
plain. These carvings 
are unmistakably Tran- 
sitional work, probably not later than 1195 A.D. ; and thus the first 
approximately definite date is fixed. These carvings, as they appear 
in their present state, are clearly shewn in the accompanying repro- 
ductions of sketches, which have 
been most kindly contributed 
by Mr. W. S. Hioks. The octa- 
gonal pillars have a small bead 
ornamentation running round 
under the heads of the capitals, 
just like the corresponding 
ornamentation round the bases 
of the pillars in the neighbour- / 
ing parish church of Pittington; ' 
and a nail-head pattern of rather 
larger proportions appears also 
on the base of the easternmost Fig . 3 . 

pillar on the south side. 

The other extant remains of the Transitional or Early English 
period are the two lancet windows at the west ends of the aisles, which 
have happily been lately re-opened, and the small clearstorey windows. 

VOL. XVII. 38 



The chancel of the Early English church was originally lighted at the 
east end by five lights of equal height, like the 'five sisters' of the north 
transept of York minster. The heads of these windows were still 
traceable on the outside of the gable after the Decorated east window 
was inserted, as may be seen in plate xix., a reproduction of Billings's 

The back. The front. 


plate of the church, but they were removed forty years ago, when the 
present disagreeable and disproportionate lancets were substituted by 
Hardwicke for the Decorated window. The glass was put in by 
Messrs. O'Connor. 

Within the last three or four weeks a most beautiful ' low side ' 
window at the south-west of the chancel has been opened out. 
That there was such a window seemed, indeed, to be indicated 
all along by the hood moulding on the outside ; but the significance 
of this label was somewhat lost by the space within it having been 
appropriated for a memorial slab to Archdeacon Pye, who died in 
1808. This window, which is now open to the chancel, but is still 
blocked towards the exterior, is all cut out of a single four and a half 
inch slab of a kind of flagstone. It has two lights, transomed, in an 
enclosing arch. All the four spaces are grooved for glazing on the 
outside. The lowest space on the right is also checked on the in- 
side for a shutter, and still retains the marks of the shutter hinges, 



and actual remains of the sneck. The window is set well back in a 
recess in the wall, which is splayed only down to the foot of the 
window, below which it comes out square to the inner face of the 
wall. The junction between the splay and the right angle is very 
rough and unfinished, as though it had been hidden by a shelf or a 
seat originally. Billings's plate also shows a 'priest's door' of the 
same period in the centre of the south side of the chancel. But 
this was, unhappily, made away with forty years ago. In a bill of 
* Thomas Punshon, mason, Durham,' dated Feb., 1853 (now in the 
Rectory), is included an account for ' taking down wall south side of 
chancel to ground, as per estimate.' 

In the Decorated period the whole of the windows were by degrees 
remodelled. To judge from Billings's plate, the two earliest would 
seem to have been the south-east and the east windows of the south 
aisle. They are not quite of simultaneous date, but they are both, 
though in somewhat different manner, representative of the geometrical 
style. From a much earlier time there had been a chantry of St. 
Mary in the church. For it received endowment both from bishop 
Richard de Marisco (1217-1226) and from bishop Nicholas de 
Farnham (1237-1248), the latter of whom, according to Surtees, 
chose Easington for his residence on his resignation of the see of 
Durham. Presumably this chantry would be situated at the east end 
of the south aisle ; and, if so, this may have something to do with the 
two windows of this corner being the first to be enlarged in the new 
style. Moreover, it was the pillar that adjoined this same corner that 
alone received the nail-head ornamentation round the base as well as 
the band of bead-work round the capital. 

After these two windows came the more developed east window of 
the chancel, and then the south chancel windows in a richer design of 
flowing tracery. These windows were still in situ down to 1853, 
when they were unfortunately taken out by Hardwicke and replaced 
by modern work, professedly a copy of the original, but actually very 
far from being a true reproduction of the design. The tracery of the 
fourteenth-century windows was carried over to the rectory garden, 
and eventually used to form rockeries ; and so much was fortunately 
preserved that might have been altogether lost. It is much to be 
hoped that all that can be recovered will be pieced together and 


restored to the precincts of the church for a more careful and reverent 
preservation before it is too late. Finally, and probably after a more 
or less considerable interval, quite towards the end of the fourteenth 
century, the remaining windows of the south aisle (and presumably 
those of the north aisle as well) were completed in the latest form of 
the Decorated style, with square hood mouldings and simpler tracery. 

It was probably at this time that the original entrance to the 
church at the west end of the south aisle was built up, and the south 
doorway broken into the tower. This doorway is evidently a removal 
from somewhere else ; and the numbers which are seen on the 
successive stones of its arch were no doubt cut as a guide for its 
re-erection when it was taken from its original position. Of these 
numbers there are still legible 3, 4, and 5 (in Arabic figures) on the 
west shoulder, and II., III., IV., and V. (in Koman numerals) on the 
east side. 

The Perpendicular period set its characteristic stamp upon the 
church in the lowering and flattening of the roof. This was in 1853 
raised to an inordinate pitch, which completely dwarfed the tower, and 
marred the proportion of the building. It has now been reduced, 
but not quite to the pitch of the Perpendicular roof. 

The tower was also heightened and battlemented, and the two 
enormous western buttresses were added to support the additional 
weight at the top. It is probable also that to this time should be 
ascribed the doorway on the north side of the chancel at the west 
corner, the head of which was uncovered last year, but which has 
been removed to make way for the arch of the organ-chamber. It 
was two feet nine inches wide, with a check for the door. 

In the north wall of the church, towards the west end, the lines 
of the jambs and threshold of a doorway are clearly traceable on the 

In 1526 (November 17) a .second chantry, of 'Our Ladie of Pittie,' 
was founded in the church by the will of John Jackson of Easington. 
Presuming that the original chantry of St. Mary was, as has been 
suggested, in the south aisle, this new chantry was apparently located 
at the east end of the north aisle. When the wainscotting was 
stripped off last year, a mutilated piscina was uncovered in the north 
wall. It has the appearance of a much earlier date than the sixteenth 


century, and if it belonged therefore to the altar of ' Our Ladie of 
Pittie,' it may have been removed from some other position in the 
church, or it may be an indication of an earlier altar in this same 
position. This chantry would be one of the last founded in England, 
as it was less than twenty years later, in 1545, that the Act was 
passed which suppressed all chantries (and of course their endow- 
ments !) 'for the use of the king.' Could this foundation have been 
suggested by the altar in the cathedral described in the Rites of 
Durham ?: 'Ther was betwixt two pillers, on the leaft hand in the 
North Allie as yow tourne into the Galleley from the northe churche 
dour, our LADY OP PITTIES ALTER, being inclosed of either syde with 
fyne waynscott, with the picture of our Lady carying our Saviour on 
her knee, as he was taiken from the crosse, verey lamentable to 
behoulde.' 1 

Soon after the Kestoration of 1660, the famous James Clement of 
Durham, ' artis ille fabricse peritissimus,' according to his epitaph in 
St. Oswald's church, Durham, 2 the designer of the oak choir stalls 
in the cathedral, was employed to design oak fittings for Easington 
church. 3 As the rectory was attached to the archdeaconry of Durham, 
his engagement must have been due to bishop Cosin's son-in-law, 
Denys Granville, who was then archdeacon. Clement's work included 
a carved oak chancel screen, a pulpit which was placed against the 
easternmost pillar on the south side, and a set of carved oak seat ends. 
The screen remained until 1852, when it was removed by Hardwicke. 
Fordyce says, in 1857, * the screen has been removed, but is carefully 
preserved,' but it is not at Easington now (unless the small piece of 
canopy work which stood until recently against the blocking of the 
tower arch is part of it), and it has, it is greatly to be feared, been 
before now broken up. Only a few weeks ago I was told by Mr. 
0. Hodgson Fowler, that when first he came to Durham many 
years ago, he remembers some carved oak work standing in the yard 
of the late Mr. Robson, builder, of that city, which was pointed out 
as the Easington chancel screen, but he added that it had since dis- 
appeared from the yard. In one of the accounts of ' Robert Robson, 
Builder, Durham,' for sundry works done at Easington church in 
1853 (preserved in the rectory), an item occurs for 'carriage of 

1 15 Surt. Soc. Publications, p. 33. 2 Boyle, County of Durham, p. 207. 
3 Fordyce, Durham. 


screen to Durham.' I have since been informed that a great part of 
the screen is still to be found in Durham, but who has it I have not 
been able to ascertain. The pulpit, or part of it, still remains in the 
church ; and Clement's seat ends, now freed from thick layers of 
paint and varnish, are being reinstated in the church. 

Either then, viz. in the seventeenth century, or later, the chancel 
was (as Hutchinson describes it) ' ceiled, stuccoed, and neatly wains- 
cotted ; ' the walls of the nave were liberally plastered, and apparently 
stencilled with texts, of which one, ' Pray without ceasing,' was to be 
seen on the wall of the south aisle before the plaster was removed ; 
the pillars were white-washed ; the tower arch was built up ; and the 
floor of the nave was raised. But the last two features, at all events, 
if not some of the others also, were probably not introduced till quite 
the end of the last century, perhaps in 1798, which is the date on the 
face of the clock which was inserted in the filling of the tower arch. 
For Hutchinson writes (edition of 1787, ii. p. 576), 'you descend by 
four steps into the nave,' whereas until last year there were only two 
steps from the nave to the chancel. 

In 1852-3, the church was thoroughly overhauled by Hardwicke, 
when much, no doubt, was done to improve its condition, but a great 
deal that was, to say the least, most unfortunate was also perpetrated. 
The work, which is now almost completed, will bring back the church 
as nearly as can be done to its former beauty. 

In the west wall of the tower, on the outside close to the ground, 
a stone has been inserted on which a large rough Maltese cross is 
cut in relief. It is difficult to say what this cross represents. It 
may have been part of a grave-cover, which has at some time been 
dug up and placed here for preservation. * It certainly has not the 
appearance of a ' dedication cross.' 

The Rev. T. N. Roberts, vicar of Cornforth, has kindly supplied 
the following notes on the monumental effigies in the church : 

There are two recumbent figures in stone in good preservation in this church. 
One is that of a man in chain mail of the fashion of the latter part of the 
thirteenth century. The head is covered with a round hood of mail, encircled 
with a small twisted wreath, and the lower part of it comes over the surcoat at 
the shoulders. The surcoat is long, and the skirt, opening in front, displays the 
lower part of the hauberk descending almost to the knees, which have quilted 
coverings. The sleeves of the hauberk end at the wrists, and the hands are 


extended together in the attitude of prayer. The legs, protected by mail 
changges, are crossed, the right over the left. The feet are broken off, but rested 
on some animal, apparently a dog. The sword depends in front by a broad 
belt from the narrow waist-band. The triangular shield on the left arm shows 
the armorial bearings of a fess between three popinjays for Fitz Marmaduke 
or Lumley. This effigy was lately at the east end within the altar rails, but is 
now placed at the east end of the south aisle. 

The other figure is that of a lady. She has on her breast the same coat of 
arms. It is made of encrinital limestone, or Frosterley marble, and is of remark- 
able length. The dress is plain, falling to the feet in straight folds. The head 
is attired in a wimple, with a band across the forehead, and another under the 
chin. The skirt of the habit is held down between the feet by the hand and 
arm of a very small figure at the foot of the tomb. 4 The upper part of the little 
figure is gone, the lower is clothed in skirts to the ankles. This effigy has also 
been removed from the chancel to the east end of the north aisle. 

There are no inscriptions attached to these effigies. 

In the church is preserved a late tilting helmet, probably of the 
early part of the 16th century. The visor has no bars or perforations, 
and projects somewhat suddenly at the part over the nose and mouth. 
There is a spike at the apex to support crest. When Billings sketched 
it (more or less inaccurately) for his plate, this spike bore a wooden 
plume, with the date 1664. This, however, has since disappeared. 
Presuming that the date refers to the occasion of its being placed in 
the church, it would seem that it was a memorial of Sir John Conyers 
of Horden hall, whose burial is recorded in the Parish Register under 
the year 1664: ' Decem. ye 6 th S r John Conyers, 5 Knight & Barronet, 
burried.' This Sir John Conyers, son and heir of Christopher 
Conyers, was created a baronet on 14th July, 1628. 

4 The remains of two similar small supporting figures, each on one knee, are 
also clearly visible beside either shoulder. 

5 The following entries in the register apparently refer also to the same John 
Conyers : (a) Ihon Coniers fonue of m r Christopher Corners of horden was 
Baptized y e viij day of July Ao. dni 1593 Ao. Reg. Eliz. 34.' (J) 'Aprill : 7 : 
1608 : lohn Conyers & Francis Graues did acknowledge that w th theris owne 
most willinge consent, as alsoe w th the consent of theris parentes expofer 
Conyers esq John Hedworthe gent : & An his wife), the sayde John & 
Francis were solemnly maried att yorke about towe years before the registr- 
inge herof. In the p r sence of vs, witnesses of this acknowledgment, as alsoe 
of the giuinge & receinge of one peice of gould for the farther confiringe 
of this acknowledgmet. test Thomas Bainbridge Cuthebort Conyers expofer 
Bainbridge John Dixon Abrahamus Robinson circs.' The consent of John Hed- 
worthe and his wife to the acknowledgment of the validity of this marriage was 
no doubt required on account of the family succession, because the father 
Christopher Conyers had married their daughter as his second wife, John being 
the son of his first wife. 


The communion plate and bells have been described in the Pro- 
ceedinys* of the society. 

The registers are in very good condition. The first volume is a 
book of one hundred and nineteen parchment leaves, measuring ten 
and a quarter by six and a half inches, newly and strongly bound in 
red calf in 1878. On the third page is headed ' REGISTRVM ECCLESI^E 
DE ESINGTON ex vetere cartaceo in pergamenum redactum, fideliter 
collectis, transumptis et redintigratis nominibus et cognominibus 
Baptizatorum, nuptorum, et sepultorum intra spatium regni excel- 
lentissimse Reginae nrse Elizabetae: diligenter etiam annotatis Annis 
mensibus singulisq' singulorum mensium diebus in quibus quisq. vel 
sacro fonte lotus fuerit vel sanctam nuptiaru' copulam introit, vel 
Christiana sepulture beneficio fuerit affectus, iuxta ordinem provin- 
ciale constitutione, Regiaq' Authoritate stabilitum : Anno Salutis 
1597.' It begins, in 1571, 'Isabel Baytes daughter of Jhon Baytes 
was baptized the iij day of June,' and ends, on page 216, in 


The suggestion made in the foregoing paper (page 293) that the 
screen and bench-ends were designed by James Clement of Durham, 
was taken from a note by Fordyce in his History and Antiquities of the 
County Palatine of Durham (vol. ii. p. 353) who quotes Billings as 
his authority. His actual words are : 'This screen, which is carefully 
preserved, is of about the year 1660, as are also the boldly-carved 
bench-ends with which the body of the church is completely filled;' 
and he adds in a note at the foot of the page : ' The general effect 
of the screen and bench-ends,' says Billings, ' is excellent ; and if they 
are questionable in point of detail, the fault must be attributed to the 
prevailing taste of the time and not to the architect who designed 
them James Clement of Durham, who died in 1690.' 

6 Vol. iii. p. 220 and 246. But since the plate was examined and described 
in the Proceedings, the fine 17th century pewter flagon with incised devices and 
strapwork, then in the rectory, has disappeared, it is said at the sale of the 
effects of Mr. Harrison, the late rector, and that it is now in the possession of a 
farmer in the parish. The sooner it is recovered the better, as it has no business 
to be out of the possession of the churchwardens. ED. 


As this note stands, it would appear that Billings's statement is 
clear enough that Clement was the designer of the oak work at 
Easington. But when reference is made to his own words, it seems 
to be somewhat uncertain whether his remarks really applied to 
Easington at all, and not merely to the stall work in Durham 
cathedral. It is in his introduction to his Illustrations of the 
Architectural Antiquities of Durham (page 13) that the words occur. 
The whole passage reads : ' Coming down to a later period we have 
the benches at Sherburn, the screen work and bench-ends of Easington, 
and the stall-work of the cathedral at Durham, erected during the 
reign of Charles the Second, after 1650. Here, again, the general effect 
is excellent, and, if they are questionable in point of detail, the fault 
must be attributed to the prevailing taste of the time, and not to the 
architect who designed them.' And he appends a note 'James 
Clement of Durham, who died in 1690.' The natural interpretation 
of these words no doubt is that they refer inclusively to Sherburn 
and Easington as well as to the cathedral; but it is not quite clear 
that this is what he does mean ; certainly by no means so clear as 
Fordyce's arrangement of the quotation would lead us to suppose. 

Now, valuable as Billings's information undoubtedly is, he is not 
always to be implicitly trusted, especially on a question of date. For 
instance he puts down the nave of Easington as 'about 1270,' 
which is of course some three-quarters of a century too late ; and he 
speaks of ' one of the original windows of the nave aisles, a single 
narrow lancet (now walled up)' as being 'in the west wall, close 
against the north side of the tower;' entirely ignoring the exactly 
corresponding window on the south side. And indeed there seem to 
be reasons for hesitating to accept so late a date as 1660 for at least 
the seat ends. The portion of the screen which was preserved at the 
west end of the church, and has now been fixed on the east wall as a 
canopy over the altar, 7 may probably enough be work of the time of 
the Restoration. But a careful examination of the carving on the 
bench-ends suggests a somewhat earlier date. Moreover, in the 
earliest parish register (1571-1652) there is a curious note at page 
233 recording the appropriation by the rector, Dr. Gabriell Clarke, 
acting as archdeacon, on 8th November, 1634, of certain specified 
7 Where it was in Surtees's time. 

VOL. XVII. 39 


seats to ' Sir William Bellesees, knight, high sheriffe of the countie of 
Durham, and to Syr Alexander Hall, knight.' In this apportionment 
Dr. Clarke mentions that ' the stalls, seats, and pewes, of your church 
are lately made new and erected uniforme; ' 8 and it is hardly probable 
that the whole church was again reseated within thirty years. The 
present seat ends may very well, so far as their style goes, date from 
1630 rather than 1660. 

On one of them the letters T.S. are carved in relief on either side 
of the central band from which the flowers depend. It is far from 
easy to say to whom these letters refer. They can scarcely denote a 
permanent appropriation ; nor is it likely that they represent the 
designer. It is possible that they may be the initials of some 
generous donor of the seats, in which case they would be placed on 
the seat occupied by him during his lifetime, but as involving only a 
lasting commemoration of his gift, not a successive appropriation. 
The only known permanent assignment of seats in the church was in 
the south aisle, where the ' Pesspool seats ' were set apart for the 
Pesspool estate, but probably more by prescriptive custom than by 
definite allotment. But even supposing the letters in question may 
have referred to the donor, who was T.S. ? There were at least 
three men connected with Easington at this period whose initials 
were T.S. 

(1) Thomas Strode, esq., barrister-at-law, of Parnham in Dorset- 
shire, to whom Pesspool was mortgaged after the Restoration by 
William Midford. But if the seats are of the time of Dr. Clarke's 
rectorship the initials cannot be his. 

(2) Thomas Shadforth of Eppleton was a member of the com- 
mittee of sequestration when Dr. Clarke was expelled from the rectory 
under the Act of April, 1643, as 'a malignant.' Shadforth was 
a brother-in-law of John Blakiston, one of the regicides. He was 
high sheriff in 1651. He was a zealous supporter of the Parliament 
during the Civil W T ars, and sat on all their commissions within the 
county (sc. under the same Act of April, 1643). 9 So that his 
connexion with Easington was not properly a parochial one, but only 
that of an ardent itinerant iconoclast. It is therefore improbable to 
the last degree that T.S. can refer to him. 

8 See App. No. I. p. 302. :; Fonl-yre, vol. ii. p. 580. 



(3) Thomas Sharpe is the only parishioner who signed the ' Solemn 
League and Covenant ' whose initials are T.S. He signed it on both 
occasions, and was one of the few who could write their own names. 
Was he the same Thomas Sharpe of Hawthorn in Easington parish, 
who in better days rebuilt the vicarage house of Dalton-le-Dale as 
vicar in 1665, and inscribed over the porch, <Tho : Sharp edif. 
1665.' 10 ? 

It is perhaps worth while thus to refer at length to these bench- 
ends as a fragmentary contribution to the study of the early oak 
work, which is so remarkable a feature of the older churches in the 
county of Durham. 

The north-west door, to which reference is made on page 292, was 
apparently a large one when it was first inserted, to judge by the very 
wide original threshold, which is clearly marked on the outside. But 
at some later period, as the line 
of the jamb shows, it was re- 
placed by a smaller door before 
it was finally walled up. 

The remains of the tracery 
of the Decorated east window 
of the church, which was taken 
out during the last restoration, 
are in the rectory garden. It 
is shown in Billings's view of 
the church (plate XIX.) and 
also in the detailed illustration here given, reproduced from Billings. 

The window head, of which a sketch is given on the following 
page, as it now appears in the rectory garden, was part of the east 
window of the south aisle. It is cut out of a single piece of stone. 
The diameter of the contained circle is twenty-seven and a half 
inches ; the measurement across the base of the arch is fifty-three 
and a half inches ; and the height forty-two inches. 

The rectory of Easington was united to the archdeaconry of 
Durham, 'propter exiles proventus eiusdem archidiaconatus,' by 
bishop Walter de Kirkham in 1256, on the occasion of his collation 
of Robert de St. Agatha to the rectory ; and this connexion lasted 
until 1832, when the two benefices were separated by the Durham 
Church Estate Act. 

10 Surtees, i. 3. 



On pages 163-168, both inclusive, of the first register book of the 
parish the * Solemne League and Covenant, for Reformation of Religion, 
the Honour and Happinesse of ye King, and ye peace and safety of ye 

three kingdoms of 
England, Scotland, 
and Ireland ' n is 
written out in full, 
followed by the sig- 
natures of the male 
parishioners (above 
eighteen years of 
age) to the number 
of 157, of whom 118 
could rrot write their 
h own names, but made 
their marks, a great 
number of them 

curiously distinctive marks. This covenant, which was originally drafted 
in Scotland, was adopted by the House of Commons, and by the Assembly 
of Divines, in September, 1643, and ordered to be taken in all the 
London churches on Sunday, 1st October, 1643, and throughout the 
country on 2nd February, 1644. It is printed in extenso by Fuller 
in his Church History of Britain, book xi. section 5 (who notices the 
curious conceit that the words in it were counted up by churchmen as 
exactly numbering 666 [Rev. xiii. 18] ). The covenant was appointed 
to be printed, framed, and hung up in churches ; and Fuller remarks, 
' in his own defence,' that he never saw the same until he required it 
in writing his history in July, 1654, 'except at distance as hung up 
in churches.' So that the parliamentary authorities at Easington 
were abnormally zealous in having it copied out in the parish register. 12 
But the local pressure of the covenant did not end here. On page 
115 of the same register book the following entry occurs: 'An: 

11 See Appendix II., page 303. 

12 Surtees says ' that the whole parish seems to have been considerably 
influenced by Nicholas Heath of Eden, and Thomas Midford of Pesspool, two 
gentlemen of considerable estate who embraced the Parliamentary interest , and 
with their neighbour Thomas Shadforth of Eppleton, appear in all the com- 
mittees of sequestration and plunder.' 


Dom : 1645 13 : Oct : 26. the year & day above specifyed the nationall 
covenant was taken by the parishoners of the parish of Easington 
according to an order directed by the Hon ble the standing committee 
att Lumley Castle to the minister for the present Philip Nisbett ther,' 
and there follow again the signatures of the parishioners to the num- 
ber of 161, of whom 111 had already signed on the previous occasion. 
Probably this fresh imposition was to some extent due to the mis- 
directed energy of the new minister, Philip Nisbett, stimulated perhaps 
by the influence of the neighbouring Scotch garrison of Hartlepool 
under lieut. -colonel Dowglass. 14 

On the first occasion of signing the covenant the signatures are 
headed by the name of ' William Johnston, minister.' This William 
Johnston appears to have served as residentiary curate for Dr. Clarke, 
and during his incumbency. For though the cathedral clergy fled 
southwards almost to a man after the victory of the Scotch at New- 
burn in August, 1640, apparently Dr. Clarke was not expelled from 
his rectory (and other preferments) until about four years later, as 
the return of the benefice of Easington ' late belonginge to Dr. Clarke, 
Rector thereof,' is given in the Sequestrators' books under date of 17th 
September, 1644. 15 But the signature of William Johnston appears at 
the foot of the registers from 1636 onwards. It would seem that the 
title of * minister ' was in vogue before the Parliament men were thrust 
into the parishes. For Johnston signs his name promiscuously as 
' Gulielmus Johnston, minister,' 'Will. Johnston, minister,' * Gulielinus 
Johnston, Curatus,"Willielmus Johnston, Curate,' or ' Willielmus John- 
ston, Curatus.' And as late as 1642 he enters the burial of his wife : 
' Julij 5. Elizabetha vxor Willielmi Johnston Clerici pia matrona 
sepulta est ' (an entry which was afterwards copied by Philip Nisbett 
in 1647 : 'Novemb r y c first Elizabetha Nesbitt pia Matrona sepulta 
est '). Moreover, the burial of Johnston's predecessor Robinson, who 
signed his name as 'Clericus' in 1608, 16 is entered in 1636 thus 
'Aprilis 5 : Abraham 8 Robinson, minister, sepultus.' And he had 
himself signed the registers as 'minister' from 1605 onwards. So 

13 The last figure of this date is uncertain ; it might be 6 or 5 ; but inasmuch 
as some of the signatories died in the early months of 1646, the date is definitely 
fixed as 1645. 

14 Sharp's History of Hartlepool (ed. 1851), page 58. l3 Surtces, i. 12. 
16 See note 5, page 2!5 above. 


that it seems clear that the title was in use from the beginning of that 
century at least to denote the assistant curate of the parish. 

The number of men in the parish who signed the covenant corre- 
sponds very closely with the number who responded to the summons of 
James I. in 1615 for the array of all men in the bishopric able to bear 
arms between the ages of sixteen and sixty, when out of the 8,320 
assembled on Gilesgate Moor 140 were from Easington. 17 

It is noteworthy that the names of some of the principal families 
are not found in the lists of signatures, e.g., there is no Conyers, and 
no Bellasis. 18 


On page 233 of the Register the following occurs : Gabriell Clarke Dor: 
of Diuinitie and Archdeacon of Durham to the churchwardens of the p'ishe 
Chirche of easington w th in the Ar[chdeacon]rie afforsd & to the p'ishoners 
ther or to whome these p r sents may concerne [health] & peace in our lord god 
euerlasting, wheras we acccordinge to .... cannons ecclesiasticall of this 
realme & in discharge & excution of our sd office acordinge to his m ties late 
p'clamation in this behalfe haue lately taken a full view & p'fecte survey of 
your sayd Churche that all things therin might according to the p'script of 
the sayd lawes & cannons (?) be fitted furnished & p'uided in such sort as 
becomethe this churche & [house] of God to the comfort & delight of suche 
as thither resorte to heare his holy worde & to receiue his sacraments And 
whereas the stales seates & pewes of your churche are latly made new & erected 
vniforme yet diuerse of the p'ishoners doe sit diordersly & in manner [dis- 
turb]inge the rest the seates belonginge to sir William Bellesees knight highe 
sheriffe of the countie palatine of Durham & to syr Alexander Hall knight, 
are not so conueniently placed as to theire rankes degrees & qualities are 
meete & thought fittinge we therefore by vertue of our office and authoritie 
afforesd doe by this our p'sent writinge limitt & appoynt sett assigne & allott 
their seates & pewes in manner & forme followinge videl. the first & 
second seates next the ministers scate on the southe side to syr William 
Bellisees afforesd knight entirely (the clarks seate onely excepted) the third 
seate to Edderacres And wee assigne limitt & appoynt that syr Alexander 
Hall knight shalbe placed & haue the seate next the pulpett formerly belong- 
inge syr W m Bellesees w ch consist of three seates whereof s r Alexander Hall 
is to haue one in his owne right by exchange w th sr W m Belleseea on the southe 
side & another in exchange w th Miles White in the next seate & the thiixle in 
exchange w th Nicholas Tomson on the northe side of the pulpett, wherby 

17 Surtees, i. pages Ixxxvii., cxxxvii. 

18 The covenant was finally condemned as f in itself an unlawful oath' by 
the Act of Uniformity of 1662. 


bothe the knights will haue theire peculiar seates or pewes w th out the interrup- 
tion of others & this our allotm* & assignemt we will & comand to bee registred 
in your register booke for posteritie sake & none wilfully to oppose disquiet 
or contemne the same vpon payne of ecclesiasticall censure : Giuen vnder 
the seale of our office the eighe of Nouember in the yeare of our lord God 1634. 

Concordat cum decreto 

Domini Archidiaconi. 


A Solemne League & Covenant, for Reformation 3 of Religion, the Honour & 
Happinesse of ye King, and ye peace & safety of ye three kingdoms of England, 
Scotland, & Ireland. 

Wee Noblemen, Barons, Knights, Gentlemen, Citizens, Burgesses, ministers 
of ye Gospel, & Commons of all sorts in ye Kingdomes of England, Scotland, 
and Ireland, by ye providence of God, Lining vnder one King, & being of one 
reformed Religion, hauing before ouer eyes ye glory of God, & ye advancement 
of ye Kingdome of o r Lord & Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour & happinesse of 
ye Kings Ma tie , & his posterity, & ye true publicke liberty, Safty, and peace of 
ye Kingdomes, wherein everyones private condition is included and calling to 
minde ye treacherous & bloudy plotts, Conspiracies, Attempts and practices 
of ye enemies of God, against ye true Religion & p'fessors thereof in all places, 
especially in these three Kingdomes ever since the Reformation of Religion, & 
howmuch their rage, power, & p r sumption are of Late, & at this time increased 
& exercysed ; whereof ye deplorable estate of ye Church & kingdome of Ireland, 
the distressed estate of the Church & Kingdome of England, & ye dangerous 
estate of ye Church & kingdome of Scotland, are p r sent & publike testimonies 
Wee haue now at Last (after other means of Supli cation, Remonstrance, p'testa- 
tions, & Sufferings; for ye p r servation of our selues & our Religion from vtter 
ruine & Destruction according to ye comendable practice of these kingdomes in 
former times, & ye example of Gods people in other Nations; after Mature 
Deliberation, resolued & determined to enter into a mutuall & solemne League 
and Covenant, wherein wee all subscribe, & each one of vs for him selfe ; w th 
our hands lifted \p to ye most high God, Do Sweare : 

1 . That wee shall sincerely, really & constantly, through ye grace of God, 
indeavour in o r severall places & callings, the p r servation of ye Reformed 
Religion in ye Church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline & goverment, 
against ou r common enemies, the Reformation of Religion in ye kingdomes 4 
England & Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline & goverment, according to 
ye word of God, & ye example of ye best Reformed Churches ; and shall 
indeauour to bring ye Churches of God in the three Kingdomes to ye neerest 
Coniunctions & Vniformity in Religion, confession of fayth, fform of Church 
goverment, Direction for worPP and Catechizing ; that wee & our posterity after 
vs may as brethren Liue in fayth & Love & ye Lord may delight to dwell in the 
midst of vs. 

2. That wee shall in Like Manner w th out respect of persons, indeavour ye 
extirpation of popery, prelacie (that is Church goverment by Archbishops. 
Bishops, their Chancellours & Comissaries, deanes, deans & chapters, Archdeacons 

8 Reformation and defence. (Fuller). 4 Of. F. 


and all other Ecclesiasticall Officers depending on that Hierarchic) Superstition, 
heresie, Schism, prophanesse, & whatsoever shalbe found to be contrary to 
sound doctrine, & ye power of godlinesse, lest wee p'take in other mens sins, & 
thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, <fc yt ye Lord may be one, & his 
name one in the three Kingdomes. 

3. We shall w th ye same sincerity, reality, & constancy, in our severall 
Vocations, indeauour w th our estates & lives, Mutually to p r serve ye Rights & 
priviledges of the parliaments & ye 5 liberties of ye kingdomes. And to p r serue 
& defend the Kings Maties person and Authority in ye p r servation & defence 
of ye true Religion, & liberties of ye kingdomes yt the world may beare witnesse 
w th our Consciences of our Loyalty. & yt we haue no thoughts or intentions to 
diminish his Maitsties power 7 and greatnesse. 

4. We shall also w th all faithfulnes indeavour ye discovery of all such as 
haue ben, or shall be Incendiaries, Malignants, or evill Instruments, by hindering 
ye Reformation of Religion, Dividing ye King from his people, or on of ye 
kingdomes from another, or making any faction or p'ties amongst the people 
contrary to this League and Covenant, that they may be brought to publike 
triall, & receiue condigne punishment, as ye degree of their offences shall require 
or deserue, or ye Supreame Judicatories of both Kingdomes respectiuely, or 
others hauing power from them for that effect, shall iudge convenient. 

5. And whereas ye happinesse of a blessed peace betwen these kingdomes, 
denyed in former times to our progenitors, is by ye good providence of God 
granted vnto vs and hath been latly concluded, & setled by both parliaments, 
We shall each on of vs, according to our place & interest indeavour yt they may 
remaine conioined in a firme peace & vnion to all posterity ; And that Justice 
may be done vpon ye willfull opposers thereof in manner expressed in ye 
p r cedent Articles. 8 

6. We shall allso according to our places & callings, in this common Cause 
of Religion, Librerty, & peace of they 9 kingdomes, assist & defend all those that 
enter into this League & Covenant in the mayntaing & pursuing thereof, & 
shall not suffer our selues directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination, 
perswasion, or terror, to be divided & w th drawne from this blessed vnion & con- 
iunction. 10 whether to make defection to ye contrary part, or to giue our selues 
to a destable Indeffe r nce or neutrality in this cause, w ch so much concerneth the 
glory of God, the good of kingdomes, & the honour 11 of the king ; but shall all 
ye dayes of our Liues zealously and & constantly continue 12 therein against all 
opposition and promote ye same according to our power, against all Lets & 
Impediments whatsoeuer ; and what wee are not able our selues 13 to suppresse 
or overcome, we shall reveal and make known, that it may be timely p r vented 
or removed ; All which we shall Doe as in the sight of God. 

And because these kingdomes are guilty of many sins & provocations against 
God, & his Son Jesus Christ, as is too manifest by our p r sent distresses & dangers, 
ye fruits thereof ; wee professe & declare before God & ye world, our vnfeigned 
desire to be humbled for our own sins & for ye sins of these kingdomes, especi- 

5 Due. F. 6 Majesty, his. P. 7 Just power. F. 

8 Article. F. The. F. 10 Conjunction and union. F. 

11 The kingdoms, and honour. F. l2 Endeavour to continue. F. 
13 Of ourselves. F. 



ally, that we haue not as we ought valued the inestimable benefit of ye Gospell ; 
that we haue not Laboured for ye purity & power thereof ; and yt we haue not 
indeavoured to receiue Christ in our harts, nor to walke worthy of him in o r 
Lives, w ch are ye causes of our 14 sins & Transgressions so much abounding 
Amongst vs; And our true & vnfeigned purpose, desire, 15 for our selves and all 
others vnder our powerf & charge 16 both in publike & in private, in all duties we 
owe to God & man, to amend ou r Hues and each one to go before another in ye 
example of areall Reformation, that ye Lord may turne away his wrath & heavie 
indignation, & establish these Churches &i kingdomes in truth and peace, And 
this Covenant wee make in ye presence] of almighty God ye searcher of all 
hea r ts, w th a true intention to performe ye same, as we shall answer at that 17 
great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed, most humbly beseech- 
ing the Lord to strengthen vs by his holy Spirit for 18 this end, and to bless our 
desires and proceedings with such successe as may be deliverance and safety to 
his people and incouragement to other Christian Churches, groaning vnder or in 
danger of the yoake of antichristian tyranny to joyne in the same or like asso- 
ciation and covenant, to the glory of god the inlargement of the kingdome of 
Jesus Christ, and the peace and tranquility of Christian kingdomes and 
common- wealths. 

William Johnston, minis- 

* Richard ffoster. 
*Michaell Bryan. 
*Richard Read. 
*Nicholas Shadforth. 
*Thomas Lighten. 
*Willm. young. 
*Rich. Jurdeson x 

* Thorns Robinson. 

* John Thomson x 
*Thomas Sharpe. 
*Anthony Robinson. 
*Robert Ayre. 

Richard Drauer. 
John paxton x 

* William paxton. 
*Thomas paxton. 
*Geo. Robinson. 
*Rich. Vnthanke x 
*Geo. Foster x 
*Tho. Robinson. 
*John Richardson. 
*Christopher Bee x 

* Robert Tonge x 
*George paxton x 

* William foster x 
William Hall x 

* George Grame x 
*John Weremouth x 

* Robert Jurdeson x 

*Gilbert Rand x 

* Christopher Chapman x 

* Ja. Nicholson x 
Steven Robinson x 

*Geo. wilden x 

* Robert Richardson x 
Nicholas Rennison x 

*Geo. Robinson x 

* James Hart x 
*Haph wat x 

* Richard wilden x 
*Marmaduke wilden x 

* william watson x 
*Tho. Robinson x 

Gilbert Paxton x 
William Harrison x 
John Midleton x 

*willia m wardellx 

*Raiph Newbie. 

* George robin son. 
Robert Davison x 

*Thomas Ellyson. 
*James Crookes x 
Edward paxton. 
*George Paxton x 
*Robert paxton. 

* Christopher paxton x 
John westland x 
Thomas Harrison x 

*Jolm Hunter x 
John Hartx 

Thomas Wilden x 
*Lancilot Young x 

* Jhon Kendlaie x 
William Kendlaie x 

*Mihil Hikson x 
Richard Biltriss x 

* Jhon Thomson x 
Willia m Butler x (?) 
George Cock x 

* Robert forester x 
*Thomas Midford. 

* Richard Reed. 
William Midford. 

* Robert Rutter. 
Richard Jackso' x 

*Thomas Robinso' x 

George Willso' x 

Willm Liddell x 
*John Nelson. 

* Christopher Humble x 
Bertra' Ritchie x 

*Thomas Atkinso' x 

Thomas paxton. 

*John Gascoigne x 

* Thomas Robinso' x 
Nicolas Todde x 

* Roland Robinso' x 
Nicolas burdon x 

* Richard Dawso' x 
Christopher Stoddart x 

*Christofer Shacklocke x 

14 Other. F. 

16 Under our charge. F. 

* Also signed in Oct., 1645 


15 Desire and endeavour. F. 
17 The. F. 18 To. F. 

f Added in a different hand. 



* Peter Wildenx 

* Robert Jurdeson x 

*James Byers x 

* Earth. Starne x 

John Hall x 

Nicolas Reule x 

* Richard Wolfe. 

* Robert Bacon x 

Robert pescod x 

*Willm Rennison. 

* Richard Bowerx 

* Edward Newby x 

Richard paxton. 

* George Kendall x 

Charles Vshay x 

Richard Jurdeson. 

*Edward Burdon x 

John Packston x 

* George Burdon. 

Edward Twaile x 

* George Meaburne x 

'William Wright x 

George Burdon x 

* John ffarow x 

*Cuthbcrt liddell x 

John foster x 

Willm Gent x 

* Ed ward paxton x 

* Jhon Jordison x 

Robert Chambers x 

Robert Errington x 

*William Hunter. 

*Willyam Dauy x 

*Tho. Young x 

* Miles White. 

* Philip Clerk x 

* James Watson. 

* Robert Byars. 

* John Humble x 

*Cuthbert Jurdeson x 

* Henry Clerk x 

* George Humble x 

William Cawood x 

*Adam Wilkisen x 

* Henrie Smyth x 

*Tho. Robinson x 

*Anthony Tayler x 

John Reedhead x 

*Abraham Paxton. 

* Anthony Storie x 

Henry Mayhew x 

* William Jurdeson. 

* Georg H arisen x 

George Linsley x 

*Anthony Vnthanke x 

* Jhon Clerk x 

* Edward Vsher x 

*Thomas Weldoii x 

*Lemvel Horslie x 

*Nicolas Vsher x 

*George Wolfe x 

* Robert Simson x 

*Anthony Willso' x 

*Geo. Shadforth x 

Henrie Thomson x 

The following additional signatures occur in 

1645 besides the 116 marked 

with an asterisk above 


Nico. Heath. 

William sourbie x 

Martin Kirke. 

Alexander Nisbett. 

Robert Lambert x 

Christopher King x 

George Walton. 

Thomas Thomson x 

Michell Harrison x 

Richard Baits x 

Robert Etherington x 

Robert Robinson x 

Robt. Sharpe x 

Willm. Hopper x 

John Robinson x 

John Sharp x 

Richard Davison x 

Jhon Lambert x 

George Jurdison. 

Tho: foster x 

Will* Swalwell x 

John Reede. 

William Hyll x 

John Bell x 

William Bower x 

William Watson x 

John Pope x 

Philip Nesbitt, M. 

Christopher Kinge x 

John Hickson x 

Richard Tindale. 

John Rennison x 

Alexander Brogtem. 

Richard Wilkinson x 

Henry Meder x 

Willm Corner x 

John Burden x 

John Wakes x 

Robert Tailour x 

John Lyall x 

Richard patison x 

George Erringston x 

Georg. Smith x 

James Telerson x 

James Bower x 

Thomas Hewson x 

William Dawson x 

John Washling x 

John newby x 

John coke x 

Also signed in Oct.. 1645. 





dington, township of, 8, 23, 25, 35 ; 
list of farms in, 8 ; survey of 1567, 
9, 10; and of 161 C, 9; half a farm 
at, called a ' coatland.' 28 ; Temple 
hill field, 276 

Acklington park, no assessment for, 
27n ; one of parks attached to castle 
of Warkworth, 27 n 

Aelfled, 204 

Aesiea, discoveries at, x ; report of 
Northumberland Excavation Com- 
mittee concerning, xxii ; Gnostic 
gem from, xxx ; coins, xxx 

Aid an and Lindisfarne, 93 (see St. 

Aisles, subject of, complex and far 
reaching, 212%; most small churches 
without, 212ft; early instance of 
choir, 217 

Akeld, graveyard at, 255 

Allgoods, the, 260w 

Alnham church in ruins, 254 ; earl of 
Northumberland patron, 254 ; old 
tower at, 254?t 

Alnwick, 279 ; abbot of, and Lesbury 
in 1500, 12; rent hen payable to 
lord of, 25 ; was in chapelry of 
Lesbury, 248/i; in gift of bishop 
of Durham, 248 ; Charles Brandling 
impropriator, 248 ; in gift of pa- 
rishioners, 248w; abbey sold to 
Doubledays, 248 n; deanery of, 244, 
248 ; Hospitallers' lands (1551), 277, 

Alston, grant of, to Ilexham, 261%; 
impropriators, 261 

Altar slab, pre-Ref ormation, in Witton 
church, 64 

Alwinton church, crypt under chancel, 
Selby burial place, 253 ; and Holy- 
stone, 252 ; impropriators of, 253 
and n 

A-nnett, John and Thomas, tenants of 
Chibburn-(1717), 272 

Annual report, ix 

Archer, Roland, a legatee (1593) of 
Hector Widdrington, 271 

Architecture. Fergussori's History of, 

Attorney-General r. Trevelyan, 1, 21, 

Auckland, originally written Alcleat. 
Aclet, Aclent, and then, 57; re- 
building of grammar school at, 58 

Auckland Castle, Raine's, 145ra; chapel 
of, 234n, 

Auckland, St. Andrew's collegiate 
church, foundation of, 99 ; Early 
English lights in, 153 

Auckland St. Helens, 2l3n; use of 
'pointed bowtel,' 167 

Ausonius quoted, 284# 

Autographs, presentation of, xi 

Aycliffe church, 212n 


Badgers, payment for destroying, 79 

et seq. 
Balance sheet for 1894, treasurer's, xx ; 

of Northumberland excavation fund 

for 1894, xxxii 
Baliol college, Oxford, impropriators 

of rectory of Long Benton, 245 
Bamborough, deanery of, 244, 256 ; 

church and chapel, 256 ; dedicated 

to St. Bartholomew, 256rc 
Banks, Bankers and Banking, ix 
Baranspike, Runic inscription at, 53 
Barnard Castle collegiate church, 

foundation of, 99 
Barrett, John, 213w 
Baxtenford, near Durham, abbey of, 


Beadnell chapel, 256 and n 
Bearpark, plundered by Scots, 100 
Bede's account of Hild and St. Cuth- 

bert, 201 
Bega, or Begu, 202 ; a nun named, 

at Hackness, 202n 
Belford chapel, 256 and n 
Bellesees, sir William, 298 
Bellingham church, dedicated to St. 

Cuthbert.260 ; village fair, known as 

' Cuddy's fair,' 260/i ; formerly de- 
pendent on Simonburn, 260 ; now 

independent, 260/4 
Bell, Humphrey, of ' Whooddon,' 

ejected vicar of Ponteland, 250 and n 
Benton, Long, Baliol college, Oxford, 

impropriators of rectory of, 244 ; 

Mr. Clapp, vicar of, 245w / church in 

ruins, 246 


Benwell chapel, 247; Mr. Shafto 

holds, 247 
Bertram, Richard, witness to grant of 

Widdrington. temp. Henry II., 273 ; 

monument, Bothal church, 247/i 
Beverley minster, 216?i 
Bewick chapel ruinous, 254 and n 
Bewicke, Calverley Bewicke, married, 

Bewsher, rev., rector of Knaresdale, 

Billingham, 174/ built by Ecgred, 

bishop of Lindisfarne, 207. 
Billings's County of Durham, 148 et 

seq.; 291, 297, 299; on tower of 

Hartlepool church, 241 
Bilton, John de, preceptor of Chi fa- 

bum (1338), 268 
Birling, township of, 2, 23, 25 ; farms 

in, 3, 35 ; terrier of, 1616, showing, 

4; lord of manor, sole proprietor, 35 
Biscop, Benedict, founded Jarrow and 

Wearmouth, 97 

Blackett, an anabaptist, 76 ; Henry, 75 
Blakiston, John, one of regicides, 298 
Boadicea, queen, see Boudicca 
Bockenfield, Hospitallers' lands at 

(1551), 278 
Bolton [in Coquetdale] Hospitallers' 

lands (1551), 277, 279; [in Glen- 

dale] chapel ruinous, 254 
Boot, rev. Alfred, on 'Northern 

Monasticism,' 91. 

Boston, St. Botolph's church, 211?i 
Bothal, John Thompson, ejected 

minister of, 246; monument of 

Bertrams in church, 247n; Ogle 

pedigree, 247ra; and Sheepwash, 

Edward Prowse, rector of, 247 and n 
Boudicca, queen, signifies 'Victorina,' 

wrongly called ' Boadicea,' 284 
Bowes church, a cross church on 

smallest scale, 147. 
Brabant family, 72, 73. 
Brabant, John, married, 72. 
Bradford-on-Avon church, 2l2n 
Brandling, Charles, 248 
Brandon chapel ruinous, 254 and n 
Braose, Wm. de, I., 217 ; II., founder 

of New Shoreham church, 217 ; 

Philip de, 218 
Brinkburn priory, north-west door of, 

Brooks, J. C., gift of autographs, xi 
Brotherick, township of, 7, 23, 25, 35 ; 
parish clerk's book, 7 ; survey of 
1567, 7 ; of 1586 and of 1616, 7 
Brus II., Robert de, married Agnes de 
Panell, 208 ; founded Guisbro' 
monastery, 208; III., 208; IV., 
founder of Hartlepool church. 147 ; 

married Isabel, a natural daughter 

of William the Lion, 147, 208; 

builder of choir and nave of Hartle- 

pool church, 209 ; William de, 210 
Buildwas abbey, north-west door, 146;i 
Bunny, Mr. George, 112 
Burnewick, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 

Burradon (Burgundia) in Tynemouth- 

shire, grant to Hector Widdrington, 

Burrell, George, of Chibbnrn. owns 

lands in Alnmouth (1697), 272 
Burton, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 278 
Bury St. Edmunds, St. Mary's church 

at, 213% 
Buston, township of, 5, 23. 25 ; parish 

clerk's book, 5 ; list of 'farms' in, 5; 

occupiers of, in 1567, 5 ; survey of 

1616, 6 ; farms in 1826. 22 
Buston. Nether, glebe in, belonging to 

Warkworth, 250 
Buston, Roger, 7 ; Thomas, 5 
Bywell St. Andrews, 259 ; Hy. Thorn- 

ton impropriator, 259; And. Hall, 

vicar of, reported scandalous, 258 
Bywell St. Peters, dean and chapter 

of Durham impropriators, 259 


Caesar, De bello Galileo, quoted, 283 
Cail, representatives of, list of objects 

presented by, xvii 
Calixtus II., pope, 208 
Canterbury, Theodore, archbishop of, 

Canterbury 'angel steeple,' 183 ; built 
by prior Goldstone, 183 ; Willis's 
account of cathedral church, 183 ; 
Trinity chapel at, compared with 
Hartlepool, 208 

Carausius, names of, on Carlisle mile- 
stone, 287 ; first instance of a lapi- 
darian inscription, 283 ; coins of, 

Carham rectory, 255 ; church dedi- 
cated to St. Nicholas, 255w ; ruinous, 
255 ; Mr., patronage in Comptons, 
255w ; litigation respecting tithes, 
255ft ; Foster impropriator 255 

Carilef, bishop of Durham, builder of 
cathedral church, 97 

Carlisle, Roman milestone bearing 
names of Carausius discovered near 
to, 281 ; rectory of Newcastle, ap- 
propriated to church of, 245 and n ; 
bishop of , impropriator of Ncwburn 
rectory, 246 ; Earsdon chapel and 
North and South Gosforth, 2 1C; 
Warkworth in gift of, 249 ; Cor- 
bridge, 258 



Carre, Thomas, 7 

Celtic brooches discovered at Aeslca, 

Celtic monasfcicism, points worthy of 
note, 94 ; collapse of mission, 96 

Charlton, South, 11 

Charlton, W. L , on runic inscription 
at Hazel- Gill crag, Cumberland, 

Charon, Guychard, sheriff of North- 
umberland, account of respecting 
Thornton, 43 

Chelles, Heresuid, abbess of, 203 

Chester-le-Street collegiate church, 
foundation of, 99 ; west door, of 

Cheswick, division of, 2 ; farms in, 
32 ; ' priory ground,' 32 ; award of 
1719, 32; allotment, 32; division 
by agreement in 1724, 33 ; acreage 
divided in proportion to number of 
farms, 34 

Chevington, east and west, glebe in, 
belonging to Warkworth, 250 ; 
chapel destroyed by fire, 250//. ; 
bell of, stolen, 2oQn; Hospitallers 
lands, (1551), 279 

Chibburn, 276 ; grant from Walter 
fitzWilliam, baron of Whalton, to 
Bertram de Widdrington, 273; 
ministers' accounts, 275 

Chibburn and the knights hospitallers, 
263 ; Mr. Woodman's account of 
the preceptory, 265 ; F. R. Wilson 
and J. H. Parker on, 265 ; report of 
Philip de Thame concerning, 268 ; 
grant of, to Sir John Widdrington 
and Cuthbert Musgrave, 270 ; in 
possession of Hector Widdrington, 
270 ; forfeited by Widdringtons in 
1715, 272; now owned by Mr. 
Taylor of Chipchase, 272 ; structural 
peculiarity of chapel, compared 
with Warkworth castle chapel, 
267 ; view from south-east, eleva- 
tion, 264 ; ground plan, 265 ; sec- 
tions of jambs, etc., 266, 267 ; grave 
cover, 280; ruinous in, 1338,268; 
ministers' accounts, 276 

Chillingham, vicarage of, 252; loid 
Grey, impropriator, 252 ; John 
Sandford, vicar, 2o2n ; built nc\v 
'vicarage house, 252/i 

Chollerton, impropriators of, William 
Fenwick : 260 ; Mercers' company. 
260'/t; introduction of Venetian 
and sash windows, 260 n ; Roman 
altar in churchyard, 260/i 
Chronicon JPrecioxuw, 44 
Churches in Northumberland in 1663, 
survey of ,244 

Churchwardens' accounts . Winston, 

101 ; Witton-le-Wear, 79 
Churchyard cross, Witton-le-Wear, 

Clapp, Mr., vicar of Long Benton, 

24 5 n 
Clarke, Dr. Gabriell, rector of Easing- 

ton, 297 
Clavering, sir James, 246ft; Mr., of 

Callaly, a 'seducing papist.' 252, 


Clement, James, 293, 297 
Clement V., pope, and Templars, 42 
Clennel, William, of Clennel and of 

Rothbury, seducers, 256 
Cleveland, Henry, fourth duke, Dar- 

lington church restored at cost of, 
Coal mines in Fenhain belonging to 

Hospitallers (1557), 279. 280 

' Coatland,' a, 17, 35 ; half a farm at 

Acklington called, 28 
Cocken, Stephen, 72 
Cohausen, August von, death of, x 
Cohen's Monnaics Imperiales quoted, 


Coins, Roman, from Aesica, xxx 
Coldingham, 146, 149; founding of, 

Collectanea Antiqua, C. R. Smith's, 

quoted, 285n 
Coleby, 'wind- waved foliage' of capi- 

tals at, 158 
Collingwood, of Eslington, a recusant, 


Columban church, the, 93 
' Common appendant,' 20 ; common, 

division of, 30 
Coniscliffe church, 212% 
Constantine the Great, Roman mile- 

stone bearing name of, discovered 

near to Carlisle, 282 
Conyers, the, of Witton, 68 ; and of 

Horden, 295 

Copyhold, use of word, 5n 
Corbridge deanery, 244, 257, 258; 

church ruinous, 257 ; seats burnt 

by Scots, 257 ; impropriators : dean 

and chapter of Carlisle, 258 ; sir Ed. 

Blackett and Mr. Donkin, 258/t; 

tower in churchyard, 258/?/; vicar 

Walton made collection of Roman 

altars, etc., sold to Grahams of 

Netherby, 258?i 
Corhampton church, 2l2n 
Corsenside chapel, 248; John Graham, 

curate, 248 and n; John Hall, of 

Otterburn, impropriator, 248 
' Cotingers and cotterels,' 27 
Council and officers for 1894, list of, 



Covenant, Solemn League and, copy 

of, 303 

Cramlington chapel ruinous, 246 
Cramlington, Henry, 3 
Cradocks of Harperley, 77 
Crauinne, John de, preceptor of 

Chibburn, 268 
Creighton, canon, on Northumbrian 

border, 1 
Croxdale church, south doorway of, 


' Cuddy's fair,' Bellingham, 260/1. 
Culdees, the, 94 
Curry, John, vicar of Longhoughton, 

Cuthbert, John, erected galleries in 
Witton-le-Wear church, 62 


Dacre, Humphrey, of Haltwhistle, 
261%; presented by churchwardens 
of Corbridge for drunkenness, 257 

Dale abbey, Derbyshire, 216 

Daltery, Mr., of Staindrop, ' a super- 
annuated exciseman,' 76 

Darcys, the, of Witton, 63, 68 

Darlington, Longstaffe's, referred to, 
148, 177% 

Darlington market, price of wheat in 
in 1821, 79 ; ' butchers' meat,' 79 ; 
day labourers' wages, 79 

Darlington, St. Cuthbert's, collegiate 
church of, 145 ; foundation of, 99 ; 
compared with Hartlepool, 145, 223 ; 
sir G. G. Scott on, 149 ; plan of, 148; 
string-courses, 154 ; date of tran- 
septs, 165 ; use of the ' pointed 
bowtel,' 167 ; the nave, 171 ; no 
stoppage of work in, 172 ; ground 
plan, 173 ; Decorated windows in 
aisles, 175 ; restored elevation of 
transverse arch, 174 ; the roofs, 177 ; 
east end destroyed in 1748, 177 ; 
restored by Mr. Pritchett, 179;*; 
tower a 'crowning glory,' 179; 
upper part of spire destroyed in 
1750, 180 ; settlement of tower and 
spire, 187 ; compared with Wells 
and Salisbury cathedral churches, 
184 ; Salisbury exactly parallel, 185 ; 
recapitulation, 188 ; dimensions of 
church, 194 ; arcade mouldings, 200. 

Davidson, John, of Otterburn, 255 

Davison, Alexander, of Swarland, 253ra 

Day labourers' wages in 1821 at Dar- 
lington, 79 

Delaval, sir Ralph, appropriation of 
church of Tinmouth to, 245 

' Demesne,' use of word, 10/t 

Denis, M. Ferdinand, note of death of, 

Denton, Hospitallers lands at (1551) 


Donations to museum, 1892-4, xiii 
Doubledays, Alnwick abbey sold to, 


Douglas of Witton hall, 77 
Dover church cruciform, 212/4 
Dowthwait, John, 112 
Downes, family of Witton, the, 69 
Druridge (or Drurig) Alan'de. temp. 

Henry II., 267, 273 
Durant, William, 246 ; lecturer of St. 

Nicholas, Newcastle, 246/t 
Durham burnt by Scots, 100 
Durham castle hall. Norman door of, 

Durham cathedral, discoveries in, x. ; 

founded by St. Carilef , 97 ; chapel of 

Nine Altars, 153w, 174rc; arcade 

mouldings, 200 ; earliest use of 

'pointed bowtel' in locality in 

Galilee chapel, 167 ; diversity in. 

226w ; Billings's, 227ra ; Galilee 

chapel and Nine Altars at, 228 
Durham, bishops of, Richard de 

Mariso, 291 ; Nicholas de Farnham, 

Durham, County of, Billings's, 148 ; 

Architectural Antiquities of, 148 ; 

County of, Hutchinson's, 209/4 


Eaglescliffe (see Egglescliffe) 

Earsdon chapel, 245, 246 

Easington church, 287 et .'</. ; chan- 
tries in : St. Mary, 291 ; Our Lady of 
Pity, 292 ; south chancel wall taken 
down, 292 ; windows destroyed by 
Hardwicke, 291 ; Denis Granville, 
293 ; Dr. Gabriel Clarke, 297 ; fitz 
Marmaduke effigies, 294 ; helmet in, 
295 ; communion plate and bells, 
295 ; pewter flagon recently lost, 
296 n ; registers, 296 ; copy of * Solemn 
League and Covenant ' at, 295, 299, 
300, 301, 303-306 ; Thomas Smart, 
Thomas Shadforth, 298 ; rectory of, 
united to archdeaconry of Durham, 

Eata, bishop of Lindisfarne, 202n 

Ecgfrid, king of Northumbria, 201/< 

Kcgred, bishop of Lindisfarne, 207 

E.liluini, 206 

Edleston, Miss, on Winston church- 
wardens' accounts, 101. 

Edlingham, church ruinous, 254 ; 
Hospitallers' lands (1551), 278 

Egglescliffe, pronunciation of, 57 ; 
originally Eggesclive, the cliff of 
Egge or Eggi, 57 



Eglingham rectory, 254 ; part of 
possessions of Tynemouth, 254%; 
impropriators, 254/t 

Egleston abbey church, 178/4 

Ellington, Hospitallers' lands, (1551;, 

Elsdon church, glebe concealed, 247 

Embleton, D., on ' the Quigs buring 
plas in Sidgatt/ etc., 84 

Embleton, Robert, 5 

Embleton vicarage 249 ; Merton col- 
lege, Oxford, impropriators, 241) 

Emerson, Ezra, minister of Witton- 
le-Wear, 81 

Eppleton 29 

Escomb, 212/i 

' Estovers ' 20 

Eures, the, of Witton, 68 

Exchange of publications, xliii 

Fallodon, Hospitallers' lands, (1551), 

Farms, ancient, of Northumberland 

1 ; rating by, 27 

' Farm' not same as ' husbandland,' 19 
Farm stock of a Northumbrian in 

1308, 43 
Farnham, Nicholas de, bishop of 

Durham, 291 
Fairer, rev. John, incumbent of 

Witton-le-Wear, 76 ; monument of, 

in church, 66 
Felton : church, 253 ; granted to 

Brinkburn by William Bertram, 

253/i ; impropriators. 253 ; Mark 

G-reave, vicar, 253 ; deprived, 25Sn; 

Alexander Davison, impropriator, 

253/4; Hospitallers' lands, (1551), 

Fenham, Hospitallers' lands, (1551), 

278 ; coal mines, (1551), 28u 
Fenwick, Henry, of Klsdou,247 ; John, 

of Newcastle, 246 
Fergusson, History of Architecture, 

quoted, 21 In 
Fibulae, gold and silver plated, etc,, 

discovered at Aesica, xxviii 
Finchale abbey, 97, 216/4; Scots, 

visited, 100 

Fitzmarmadukes, effigies of, 295 
Flambard, bishop, founded Kepier 

hospital, 99 
Font, Norman, Witton-le-Wear church, 

Ford, rectory of, 255, 257 ; church 

ruinous, 255 ; choir ruinous, 257 
Fountains abbey, capitals at, 155/4 
Fowler. C. Hodgson, and ancient chan- 
cel screen of Easington, 293 

Framlington chapel, 253 ; registers of, 
253n ; clerk paid by groats collected 
at Easter 253% 

Fuller, quoted, 300 

Funeral trophies in churches ; Easing- 
ton, 295 ; Witton-le-Wear, 63 


Gainford, church, 178, 236 n 

Galfrid, monk of Durham, history of, 

Garrigill, 262 

Gateshead, founding of, 94 

Gem, a Gnostic, xxx 

' Gilly's Nick,' burial ground at, 255 

Gnostic gem, a, from Aesica, xxx 

Gordon, Alexander, of Tinmouth, 246 

Gosforth, north and south, 246 ; 
chapel ruinous, 246 

Graham, John, curate of Corsenside, 
248 and n 

Grahams of Netherby purchased vicar 
Walton's (of Corbridge) collection 
of Roman altars, etc., 258/4 

Granville, Denis, 293 

Greatham hospital, 99 

Greene, Ralph, curate of Witton-le- 
Wear, 70 

Greenville, William de, witness to 
grant of Widdrington temp. Henry 
II, 273 

Grey, sir Henry, rebuilder of Howick 
church, 249w 

Guisborough priory, 146; canons 
brought from, by Henry de Pudsey, 
99; Robert Brus IV., founder of, 


Hackuess, monastery of, 202/4 

Haggerston, sir Carnaby, and Ches- 
wick, 32 ; lord of manor of Norham 
castle, 33 

Haigh, rev. D., account of discoveries 
at Hartlepool, 203% 

Hall, sir Alexander, 298 ; Andrew, 
vicar of Bywell St. Andrews, 258 ; 
John, of Otterburn, 248 

Haltwhistle, ' full of uncouth but 
curious old houses', 261/4; impro- 
priator, Mr. Nevill of Chevet, 261 ; 
rectory granted by Edward VI. to 
John Wright and Thomas Holmes, 
261%; belonged to Nicholas Ridley 
of Willimoteswyk, 261/4; Black- 
etts, 261?4; Humphrey Dacres, 
vicar, 26ln 

Hamsterley church, cross church on 
smallest scale, 147 

Hardwicke and Easington church 
290, 291, 293, 294 



Hart, part of pre-Conquest church 

still standing, 208 
Hart and Hartness, Fulk de Panell 

held, 207 

Hartlepool church, founding of, 94; St. 
Cuthbert's, Darlington, compared 
with, 145, 223 ; erected by Robert 
de Brus IV., 147, 208; original 
length of chancel, 148?t; described 
by Billings, 148 ; striking situation 
of, 201 ; known as Heruten in*nl 
cervi or Hart's island, 202 ; dis- 
coveries at, 206 ; rev. D. Haigh's 
account of, 203ft; work at Trinity 
chapel, Canterbury, compared with, 
209 ; church built at a single effort, 
212; chancel destroyed in 1724, 
213; brief of 1719, 2Un; architect 
of Tynemouth, architect of, 218; 
compound bays of choir, 219 ; 
peculiarity of, 220 ; design of 
arcading of choir clearstorey unique, 
222 ; church contrasted with Dar- 
lington, 223; chancel arch, 224; 
nave, 225 ; length of, 226 ; chantry 
altars, 230; refounded temp, bishop 
Skirlaw, 23 In; transverse arches of 
nave aisles, 232, 233 ; vertical divi- 
sional shafts, only instance in 
Durham county, 233; variations 
in clearstorey capitals, 235 ; south 
doorway, 235 ; aisle windows, 236 ; 
the tower, ' most remarkable and 
picturesque in all England/ 238; 
beautiful architecturally, 241 ; 
yielding of foundations, 241 
Hartness, 207 ; Fulk de Panell held 

Hart and, 207 
Haswell, canons from Guisborough 

placed on estate of, 99 
Haughton-le-Skerne church, 2\2n 
Hazel-Gill crags, Runic inscription 
at, 53 ; prof. Stephens on, 56 ; rev. 
J. Maughan on, 56 
Heath, Nicholas, of Eden, 300n 
Heddon rectory, sir T. Widdrington 
impropriator of, 246 ; in Bewick 
family, 246% 
Heddon Laws, Scots encamped at 

Helmet, etc., funeral, in Easington, 
295, and Witton-le-VVear churches, 

Head bourn Worthy church, 212/t 

Heighington church, 213% 

Heiu, a Northumbrian female 
recluse, 202 ; retired to Tadcaster, 
202 ; founded under name of Bega, 
St. Bees, 202 

Hen, a rent, payable to lord, 25. 

Heresuid, abbess of Chelles, 203 and n 

Heron, sir Cuthbert, of Chipchase, a 
seducer, 256 ; sir William, holds 
lands in Temple Thornton from 
Chibburn, 268 

Heruteu, Hild became abbess of, 201?i 

Heslop, Northumberland ir<>/v7.v, ix 

Hexham, founding of, 94 ; burnt by 
Scots, 100 ; Tunberct, bishop of, 
deposed, and Cuthbert elected, 2Qln ,- 
rectory of Ovingham parcel of pos- 
sessions of, 258/i; also Stamford- 
ham, 259rc 

Hicks, W. S., 289 

Hoborn, Hospitallers' lands (1551) 
278, 279 

Hodgson, J. Crawford, Temple Thorn- 
ton farm accounts of 1308, 40 ; a 
survey of churches in archdeaconry 
of Northumberland in 1(J63, 263 ; 
Chibburn preceptory and the 
Knights Hospitallers, 263 

Hodgson, Rev. J. F., on Witton-le- 
Wear church, 57; on Darlington 
church, 145 ; on Hartlepool church, 

Hodshon, John, grave-slab of, in 
Witton church, 64 

Holy Island (see Lindisfarne) 

Horsley, rev. John, estate agent as 
well as nonconfirmist minister at 
Widdrington, 272 

Horton, Osbert, priest of, witness to 
grant of Widdrington, temp. Henry 
II., 273 

Hospitallers, the, 41 ; founded for 
succour of pilgrims, 41 ; papal decree 
vesting property of Templars in, 51 ; 
report to grand master of, concern- 
ing Chibburn, 269; dissolution of 
order, 27 ; ministers' accounts, 275 ; 
property of the order, 270 ; in North- 
umberland : Chibburn, 263, 276 ; 
Temple Thornton, 268, 275 ; Meldon, 
275 ; Morpeth, Ulgharn, North 
Seaton, Newbiggin, Ellington, Shil- 
bottle, Warkworth, Spindlestone, 
Togston, 276 ; Fallodon, Woodhall, 
Bolton, Felton, Alnwick, Stanforth 
hall, Temple Helay, Lyndon Brig, 
Whalton, Kenton, 277 ; Longwitton, 
Thockrington, Denton, Fenham, 
Killingworth, Tindale, Edlingham, 
Holborn, Bockenfield, Burton, 278 ; 
Milburn grange, Chevington, Mor- 
wick, Alnwick, 279 ; coal mines in 
Fenham, 279 

Howick rectory, 249 ; belonging to 
archdeaconry of Northumberland, 
24U ; church in good order in 1734, 
24i; rebuilt by sir Hy.Grey in 1746, 
249/i ; medieval grave-covers, 249/t 



Hudson, Patrick, of Brankston, 257 
Husbandland,' 'farm' not same as, 

Hutchinson's Durham, referred to, 



Ilderton, Pearson ., suit respecting 

glebe of Ilderton, 255/1 
Ilderton rectory, 254 ; church ruinous, 

254 ; dedicated to St. Michael, 255w; 

communion cup and cover, 255w; 

glebe of, 255/i 
Ingram rectory, 254 ; Mr. Ogle patron, 


lona, 17 on, 203ft; St. Columba and, 93 
Irish saints, St. Patrick's followers, 

first order of, 92 
Isabel, daughter of William the Lion, 



Jackson, John, will of, 292 

Jarrow, founding of, 93, 94 ; destroyed 

in 866, 97 

Jedburgh church, 216w 
Jenison, Dr., 24671; Isabel married 

Jonathan Newton of Newcastle,' 



Kellawe's (bishop) register, 268 

Kenton, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 277 

Kepier hospital, 99 ; burnt by Scots, 

Killingworth, Hospitallers' lands 
(1551), 278 

Kirkham abbey church, 161 

Kirkhaugh, 255, 261 

Kirknewton, Amor Oxley vicar of, 
247/1; church dedicated to St. 
Gregory, 255/i; in gift of John 
Davidson of Otterburn, 255 

Knaresdale, a poor rectory, 261 ; Mr. 
Bewsher, rector, 261w ; Mr. Tod- 
hunter, 261?i 

Kylo church ruinous, 256 

' Lairstones,' 102 

Lamb, crest, of on helmet in Witton- 

le-Wear church, 63 
Lamb, Thos., curate of Witton-le- 

Wear, 58 
Lancaster, Peter, rector of Winston, 

Lanchester, a collegiate church, 99 ; 

had no west door, 

Lanercost, rectory of Mitford given 
to. 248 

Lawson, Robert, of Newcastle, 246 

Lesbury, township of, 11, 23, 25, 35 ; 
' husbandlands ' of, in 1500, 12 ; 
tenants in 1567, 13; survey of 
1586, 13 ; of 1616, 13 ; ' farms,' 13 ; 
tenants' names, 14 ; mill of, 16 ; 
churchwardens' accounts, 2, 17, 22 ; 
a ' coatland,' 17 ; Ralph March and 
R. Swan, churchwardens, 17 ; rate 
for 1783, divided into sixteenths, 
17 ; names of farms, etc., in, 18 ; 
manor court roll temp. James I., 22 ; 
common fields of, 24 ; numbers of 
tenants and their descendants con- 
tinued to occupy same holdings after 
accepting leases, 29 ; vicarage of, 
250 ; Chas. Brandling, impropriator, 
250 ; Wm. Cox, vicar of, 250 and n ; 
church and chancel ruinous, 250 ; 
Longhoughton chapelry in, 253 

Lincoln minster, 228 ; foliage of choir 
capitals of, 158% 

Lilburn chapel in ruins, 254?t 

Lindisfarne, 93 ; Aidan settled at, 93 ; 
foundation of, 94 ; St. Aidan, bishop 
of, 203 ; Eata, bishop, 202w ; Cuth- 
bert, bishop, 202/& ; Ecgred, bishop, 

Longhoughton, township of , 4 ; four 
cottages at, equal to one farm, 
31 ; vicarage of, 253 ; impropria- 
tors of,253 ; originally chapelry to 
Lesbury, 253ra ; John Curry, vicar, 

Longstaffe's Darlington, theory as to 

age of roof, referred to, 177 n, ISOn 
Long Witton, Hospitallers' lands 

(1551), 278 
Lort burn, Newcastle, the, 84 ; in 

Gardner's map shown as springing 

from Leazes, 86 
Lucker chapel, 256 
Lumley, John, vicar of Corbridge, 258 

and n 
Lyndon Brig, Hospitallers' land (1551), 



Malta, discovery in 1839 of the report 
on the English possessions of Hos- 
pitallers in 1338, 268 

March, Ralph, churchwarden of Les- 
bury, 17 

Marisco, Richard de, bishop of Dur- 
ham, 291 

Marley, Cuthbert, rector of Winston, 

Hausaeus, name of Carausius, 285 



Meadow and pasture, distinction 
between, very marked in surveys, 

Medieval Architecture, Scott's, 155ft 

Meldon, Hospitallers' lands (1561), 
275, 280 

Melrose, 216w; founding of, 94; 
Cuthbert entered, 20ln 

Members, honorary, xxxiv ; ordinary, 

Menapia, 283 

Menapii, the, 283 

Merley, William de, witness to grant 
of Widdringtou, temp. Henry II., 

Merton college, Oxford, impropriators 
of Ponteland rectory, 245 ; of 
Embleton, 249 

Middleton, North, 2ln 

Middleton-in-Teesdale church, de- 
stroyed, 213/t 

Midford, William, mortgaged Pess- 
pool, 298 

Milburn grange, Hospitallers' lands 
(1551), 278 

Milestone, Roman, found near to 
Carlisle, 287 

Mitford, sir Edward Ratcliffe and 
Henry Rawling of Newcastle, 
impropriators, 248 ; rectory given 
to Lanercost, 248ra ; in gift of 
bishop of Durham, 248/i; Herbert, 
provost of, witness to grant of 
Widdrington, temp. Henry II., 
273 ; Colonel Mitford, impropriator, 

Mosting, his excellency John Sigis- 

mund, note of death of, x 
Monnaies Imperiales, Cohen's, quoted, 

Monasticism, Northern, 91 ; in early 

British church, 91 ; originally 

appeared in south-west of Scotland, 

owed its origin to St. Ninian, 91 
Moituwenta Historlca Britannica, 

quoted, 285/t 
Morpeth, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 

276 ; deanery, 244 
Morwick [Merricke], Hospitallers' 

lands, 270, 27U, 280 
Moulter,' the 'drie, 14 
Moulton, capitals of columns at, 158ft 
Mount St. John Baptist, Yorkshire, 

preceptory of, 274, 275 
Mowat, Major It., on Roman mile- 

stone found near Carlisle, 281 
Museum, donations to, xiii 
Musgrave, Cuthbert, and sir John 

Widdrington, Chibburu granted to 

(1553), 270, 273 


Neasham nunnery, 97 
Nether witton, farms at, 1 ; suit 

respecting, 32, 36 ; lands granted by 

Edward VI. to, list of, 36; 

' ploughs ' or ' plough gates,' 38 ; 

Thorntons of, 247 
Newbiggin, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 

Newburn rectory, bishop of Carlisle 

impropriator of, 246 ; church ' in a 

discreditable state,' 246/i 
Newby, rev. George, master of Witton 

school, monument of, in church, 66 
Newcastle, ' Quigs buring plas in Sid- 

gatt,' the Swirle, and the Lort burn, 

84; the Ballast hills, 84; Amor 

Oxley, master of grammar school, 

247 and n ; rectory of appropriated 

to church of Carlisle, 245ra; deanery 

of, 244 
Newham, Robert de, witness to grant of 

Widdrington, temp. Henry II., 273 
Newton, sir C. T., hon. member, death 

of, x; Jonathan, of Newcastle, 

246ft; Isabel Jenison, wife of, 246/i; 

Nathaniel Ogle married Elizabeth, 

daughter of, 246ft 
Ninian, St., originated monasticism in 

Scotland, 91 
Norham castle, manor of, 33 ; church, 

North Seaton (or Seaton Woodhorn), 

Hospitallers' lands at (1561), 276 
Northern monasticism (see Monasti- 
cism, northern) 
Northumberland, the Ancient Farms 

of, 1 
Northumberland, Hodgson's, list of 

rates laid on township, 23 
Northumberland, survey of churches 

in, in 1663, 244; impropriators in, 

generally recusants, 248 
Northumberland, earl of, church of 

Tinmouth appropriated to, 245 ; 

duke of, now sole right to, 246/t; 

sole patron of Alriwick, 248/t 
Northumberland Words, ix 
Northumberland excavation com- 
mittee, report of, for 1894, xxii ; 

balance sheet, xxxii 
Northumbrian border, canon Creighton 

on the, 1 
Nottingham, St. Mary's church, 147 


Ogle pedigree, Bothal church, 247/t,- 
Humphrey de, witness to grant of 
Widdriugton, temp. Henry II., 273 ; 
John of Kirkley, 246 ; son of John, 
246/t; Lancelot, 7; Nathaniel, 246?t 



Oliverian survey,' ' The, 26 

Orde [Ourde], Francis, curate of 
Witton, 73 

Osmancroft, plague at, in 1636, 101 

Osuini, murdered near Gilling, 207 

Oswald, king, 203?t 

Ovingham, John Lumley, minister of, 
258 ; imnropriators : Anderson, 258 ; 
Charles Bigge, 25 Sn; rectory of, 
parcel of possessions of Hexham, 

Oxley, Amor, vicar of Kirknewton, 
displaced from mastership of New- 
castle grammar school, 247 and n 


Panell, Fulk de, held Hart and Hart- 
ness, 208 ; daughter Agnes married 

Robert de Brus, 208 
Parish church, a typical, 211 
Pasture : meadow and, distinction 

between, 20n; common and common 

of, to be distinguished, 2ln 
'Pate' heads, 81 
Patrick, St., followers of, first order of 

Irish saints, 92; church of St. 

Columba, successor to church of, 93 
Paulinus, 202n 
Pearson v. Ilderton, suit respecting 

glebe of Ilderton, 25 5n. 
Pearsons of Harperley, 78 ; burial of 

George, 78 
Percy, earl, F.S.A., on the ancient 

farms of Northumberland, 1 
Perry and Henman's Architectural 

Antiquities of Durham County, 148 
Pesspool, mortgaged, 298; 'seats,' 

Easington church, 298 
Pestilence of 1348, the great, 52n 
Phillips's History of Hanks, Hankers, 

etc., ix 

Pitch pipes for Witton church, 82, 83 
Pittington church, 21 2n; 289 
Pity, chantry of Our Lady of, Easing- 
ton church, 292 

' Ploughs' or ' ploughgates,' 38 
' Pointed bowtel,' Galilee chapel, 

Durham, and Staindrop and St. 

Helens Auckland churches, 167 
Poker work, gallery in Ponteland 

church of, by Whittle, 245/i 
Ponteland, Merton college, Oxford, 

impropriators of rectory of, 245 ; 

galler\ formerly in church, 'painted' 

by Whittle, 245 ; Humphrey Bell, 

ejected vicar of, 250n 
1 Poor stock ' 101 
Pre-conquest crosses discovered at 

Hartlepool, 206 ; church of Hart, 


Pringle, John, of Newcastle, 246 ; 

ousted from Eglingham vicarage, 

Pritchett, J. P., restored Darlington 

church, 179% ; made drawings, 

sections, etc., 179^ 
Provisions, price of, in 1314, 44 
Prowse, Edward, rector of Bothal 

and Sheep wash, 24:7 n 
Prudhoe,rent hens of, in 1607, 25 
Pudsey's, bishop, seal, 145 
Pudsey, bishop, founded Sherburn 

hospital, 99 
Pudsey, Henry de, brought canons 

from Guisborough, 99 
Punshon's bill for taking down south 

chancel wall of Easington church, 

Pye, archdeacon, 290 

'Quigs buring plas in Sidgatt,' etc., 
Newcastle, 84; plan of graveyard, 
85 ; interments in, 87 


Ratcliffe, sir Edward, 248 

Ravens' heads, payments for, 80, et 

Rawling, Henry, of Newcastle, 248 

Recusants, impropriators in Northum- 
berland generally, 248 

Registers of Easington, 295w, 296, and 
Witton-le-Wear, 68 

Rennington, three cottages at, equal to 
one farm, 31 ; chapel in ruins, 249 

Reports, annual, for 1894, ix; of 
librarian, xi; of curators, xi; of 
treasurer, xix ; of Northumberland 
Excavation Committee, xxii 

Richmondshire, churches of, 236 

Riddell of Cheeseburn Grange, 259%; 
Thos., of Fenham, 246 

Ridley, sir M. W., has great tithes 
of Gosforth, 246% 

Ripon cathedral, capitals from, I53n; 
choir built by archbishop Roger, 209 

Roberts, rev. T. N., describes effigies 
in Easington church, 294 

Robinson, Metcalf, 72 

Rock chapel in ruins, 249 

Roddam arms on Ilderton communion 
plate, 255/i 

Roger, archbishop, builder of Ripon 
choir, 209 

Roman altars, etc., collected by vicar 
Walton of Corbridge and sold to 
Grahams of Netherby, 258%; altar 
in Chollerton churchyard, 260/i; 
milestone found near to Carlisle, 28 



Romsey abbey has no west door, 146w 
Ryal chapelry, 259% 
Ryton church, I78n 

Sadgrove, rev. F. E., rector of Win- 

stone, 102 
St. Aidan, first bishop of Lindisfarne, 


St. Augustine, landing of, 202 
St. Bees, founded by Bega, 202 
St. Columba introduced monastic 

type of life into lona, 93 
St. Cuthbert, Bede's account of, 201 ; 

called to see of Hexham, 201 n 
St. Cuthbert's church, Darlington (see 

St. Hilda, Bede's account of, 201 ; 

daughter of Heretic, 202 
St. Hild's church, Hartlepool (see 

St. Hugh, builder of Lincoln minster, 

St. John of Jerusalem, knights of (see 

St. John's pasture and St. John's flat, 

fields at Chibburn so named, 272 
St. Mary, chantry of, Easington 

church, 291 

St. Ninian (see Ninian) 
St. Patrick (see Patrick, St.) 
Salisbury cathedral, Darlington church 

compared with, 184 
Sandford, John, vicar of Chillingham, 

252; builder of vicarage house,252, 
Savage, rev. H. E., on Easington 

church, 287 
Scab in sheep, the, first appearance of 

disease, 45 
Scale armour, Roman, etc., discovered, 

x, xxviii 
Scott, sir Gilbert G., inaccuracies of, 

100 ; Darlington church, 1 48 et seq. ; 

lecture, 149 ; difficulties as to date 

of Darlington, 157 
Scottish wars of Edward III., effect on 

rents in Northumberland, 268, 269 
Seal, bishop Pudsey's, 145 
Seaton Carew, 208 
Seebohm, Village Community, 38 
Selby burial place, Alwinton church, 

Shadforth, Thomas of Eppleton, 298 
Shaf to, John, of Carrycoats, vicar of 

Warden, 260>i 
Sharp, Thomas, 299 
Sharperton, township of, farms in, 21 
Sherburn hospital, 99 
Shilbottle vicarage, 250; impropria- 

tors of, 250?* and 251 ; Hospitallers' 

lands (1551), 27G 

Shipwash, Edward Prowse rector of 
247 ; church at ' entirely gone down,' 
24 ln : font, 247ra 

Shoreham (New) church, 233; 
work of, 210>i, 216. 217 ; built by 
William de Braose' II., 217; (Old) 
bestowed by Robert de Braose on 
St. Florence abbey, at Saumur, 217 ; 
same architect as Tynemouth and 
Hartlepool, 22 In 

Silvertop of 'Minsteracres, lord of Bol- 
beck barony, 259 

Simonburn, 260 ; old f ortalice pulled 
down, 260/i , fine beech trees, 260/< ; 
the Allgoods, 260?i 

Singleton, archdeacon, visitations of, 

Sissons, Lancelot, ' clericus,' 75 

Skipton in Craven church, 213/i 

Slaley, 259 ; impropriator, Henry 
Thornton. 259 ; curate ' 20 nobles a 
year,' 259?i; Smith, minister of, 
259/t; 'old Saxon doorway,' 259/t 

Smales, Edward, 9 

Smith, C. H., Collectanea Antiqua, 
quoted, 285 

Social England, quoted, 39 

Societies exchanging publications, 

' Solemn League and Covenant,' copy 
of, 303-306 

Spindleston, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 

Stackhouse, John, minister of Witton- 
le-Wear, 74 

Staindrop collegiate church, 213 ; 
foundation of, 99 ; no west door, 
146 ; use of ' pointed bowtel,' 1(!7 

Stamfordham, appropriated to Hex- 
ham by Edward I., 259/i; bishop of 
Durham impropriator, 259 ; in gift 
'of lord chancellor, 259%; com- 
munion plate of, 259/1 

Stanforth hall, Hospitallers' lands 
(1551), 277 

Stephens, Prof. G., on Hazel-Gill 
Runic inscription, 56 

Stichel, Robert de, founded Greatham, 

Stranton, 208 

Strode, Thomas, and Easington, 298 

Sundial inscription, Witton-le-Wear 
church, 67 

Swan, Robert, churchwarden of Les- 
bury, 17 

Swinburn, Ulf chill de, witness to grant 
of Widdrington, temp. Henry II., 

Swirle, the, Newcastle, 84 ; origin of 
name, 85 




Tascha, William, claim to manor of 
Widdrington dismissed through 
non-appearance at wager of battle, 
267, 273 

Teasdale, Stephen, minister of Witton- 
le-Wear, 76 

Teisa, Emma de, foundress of Neasham 
nunnery, 97 

Templars, the, 40 ; order founded for 
protection of pilgrims, 40 ; rule 
revised by St. Bernard, 41 ; charges 
against, 42 ; pope Clement V. and, 
42 ; torture of, 42 ; Edward II. and, 
42; expences of, 46; arrest of, in 
England, and seizure of property, 
42 ; papal decree of 1313 vesting 
property in Hospitallers, 51 ; survey 
of 1338 of English possessions of, 

Temple Healey in chapelry of Nether- 
witton, 277 and n 

Temple Thornton, 275 ; farm accounts 
in 1308, 40 ; the Templars and, 40 

Thame, prior Philip de, 268 ; report 
of, concerning Chibburn, 268, 270 

Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, 

Thockrington, Hospitallers' lands 
(1551), 278 

Thompson, John, ejected minister of 
Bothal, 246ft; of Pegsworth, 'a 
chief seducer,' 247 ; married Cath- 
erine Wilson, 2i7/4 

Thomson, Robert, curate of Witton- 
le-Wear, 70 

Thornton of Netherwitton, 247 

Throphill, Wilard de, witness to grant 
of Widdrington, temp. Henry II., 

Thursby, Richard, rector of Winston, 
102 et seq. 

Tindale, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 
278 ; the Nook in, 278 

Togston, Hospitallers' lands (1272), 

Treasurer's balance sheet for 1894, xx 

Trevelyan, Attorney-general v., 1, 21, 

Tuggal chapel, 256 and n 

Tunberct, bishop of Hexham, deposi- 

tion of, 201 

Turberville, William de, witness to 
grant of Widdrington, temp. Henry 
II., 273 

Twyford, synod of, 201 

Tyne and Tweed, Men of Mark 'twixt, 

Tynemouth, 236?t; church rebuilt in 
1792, 245w,; earl of Northumberland 
and Ralph Delaval impropriators of 

rectory of, 245 ; duke of Northum- 
berland now sole right, 245/4; 
priory, 205%; work in choir of, 
210%; builder of, builder of Hartle- 
pool, 218 


Ulgham, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 

276, 279 
Umfreville, Odinel, witness to grant 

of Widdrington, temp. Henry II., 

Ut liora sic vita, sundial inscription, 

Witton-le-Wear, 67 


' Vermin,' payments for destruction 

of, 79 et seq. 

Victor, Aurelius, quoted, 283 
Vilanova, Elyan de, grand master of 

Hospitallers, 268 
Vita 8. Cuthberti, 201% 


Wager of battle to decide right to 
possession of Widdrington, temp. 
Henry II., 267, 273 

Walpole St. Peter church, Norfolk, 

Warden, 260 ; sir William Fenwick, 
patron, 260 ; Mr. Beaumont, patron, 
260/i; impropriators, 260 ; John 
Shafto of Carrycoats, vicar of, 260/i 

Wark [on Tweed], graveyard at, 255% 

Warkworth, parish clerk's book, 27n ; 
Acklingtori park, demesne attached 
to castle of, 27/4; vicarage, 249; 
gift of bishop of Carlisle, 249; 
glebe in Nether Buston and East 
and West Chevington belonging to, 
250 ; Hospitallers' lands (1551), 276 

Wearmouth, founding of, 93, 94 ; 
destroyed in 866, 97 ; rebuilt, 97 ' 

Welford, Men of Mark 'twixt Tyne 
and Tweed, ix 

Wells cathedral church, Darlington 
church compared with. 184 

Wessington, prior, 146, 149 

Western doorway, presence of, indica- 
tive of dignity, 146/4 

Whalton, barony of, Widdrington a 
member, 267; Osbert, priest of, 
witness to grant of Widdrington, 
temp. Henry II., 273 ; Hospitallers' 
lands (1551), 277; the appointed 
place for judicial duel, 267 

Whaplode, capitals of columns at, 

Wheat in Darlington market in 1821, 
price of, 79 



Whitby, founding of, 94 ; council of, 
96 ; overthrow by, of Celtic customs, 

Whitfield rectory, 261 

Whittingham vicarage, 251 ; in dona- 
tion of dean and chapter of Carlisle, 
251 ; impropriators of, 251 and n 

Whittle, the Cambo poet, 245 

Widdrington, Bertram de, 267 ; grant 
of Chibburn to, 273 ; sir John, Chib- 
burn granted to, 270, 273 ; Hector, 
in possession of Chibburn, 270 ; will 
and inventory of, 270; Ralph, 
Isaac, Robert, and Rebecca, legatees 
of, 270, 271 ; Elizabeth, lady, devisee 
of, 271; sir Thos., 246; William, 
lord, 272 ; the lady 'a seducer,' 256 

Widdrington, manor of, 267 

Wilkinson, George Hutton, married, 
78; Robert, curate of Witton-le- 
Wear, 69 ; buried, 70 

William the Englishman, builder of 
Trinity chapel, Canterbury, 209; 
round abacus invented by, 164 

William, the engineer, 182w, 211 

William the Lion of Scotland, 147 

William of Sens, 209;i 

Willis's, Prof., Canterbury Cathedral, 

Wilson, Catherine, of Pegsworth, 247w 

Windle, Stephen, curate of Witton, 73 

Winscom, rev. J. C., 3 

Winston church, 212n; font, etc., 
126 ; churchwardens' accounts, 101 ; 
plague at, in 1636, 101 ; rectors : 
Peter Lancaster, 101, 102; Richard 
Thursby, 102; Cuth. Marley, 102; 
F. E. Sadgrove, 102 ; overseers, 102 
et seq.j churchwardens, 121; elec- 
tion of by parishioners, 142 ; claim- 
ed by rector, 143 

Witton castle, Eures, Conyers, Darcys, 
of, 68; Dobinson of, 71, 75, 76; 
Keeling of, 76 ; Greenwell of, 76 ; 
Hopper of, 78 

Witton-le-Wear, origin of name 
1 Wudutun ' in early times, 58 ; does 
not mean ' white town,' 58 ; church, 
57, 2l2w ; in parish of Auckland, 57 ; 

registers of, commence in 1558, 68 ; 
no remains of primitive Saxon 
church, 58 ; under invocation of SS. 
Philip and James, 58 ; south door- 
way of, early Norman, 59 ; nave 
arcade, 61 ; sale of manor of, by 
Henry II. to Henry de Pudsey, 60 ; 
south porch, with original cross 
socket, 62 ; remains of pre-Reforma- 
tion pulpit, 62 ; erection of galleries, 
62 ; Norman chancel arch destroyed, 
63 ; Norman churn-shaped font, 63 ; 
carved oak panelling, 63 ; altar slab 
of Frosterley marble, 64 ; grave slab 
of John Hodshon and his wife in, 
64 ; monument of John Farrer, a 
former incumbent of, 65, 66 ; of 
George Newby, master of school, 
66 ; communion plate and bell, 67 
and n; ancient bell-cot surmounted 
by original cross, 67 ; shaft and 
base of churchyard cross, 67 ; sun- 
dial, 67 ; registers, 68 ; church- 
wardens' accounts, 79 ; archdeacon's 
visitation, note of, 74 ; grammar 
school at, rebuilt, 77 ; sum expended 
on, 78 ; payments for burial within 
church, 81 ; bells, 81, 83 ; contribu- 
tions for obtaining Queen Anne's 
bounty, 82; vestrymen, 82, mending 
dial, 83 ; whipping-out dogs, etc., 
80 ; pitch-pipe for, 82, 83 ; purchase 
of flagon for, 83; curates of 
Witton : Robert Wilkinson, Robert 
Thomson, Stephen Cocken, Stephen 
Windle, Francis Orde, John Stack- 
house. Stephen Teasdale, John 
Farrer, Ezra Emerson 

Woodhall, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 

Woodhorn, 276 

Woodman, William, and Netherwitton 
suit, 36 ; collections of, 40, 244, 2f.3, 
273, 275 ; on Chibburn preceptory, 

Wooperton chapel in ruins, 254w 

Worth church, cruciform, 212n 

Wren, Charles, 73 

Wudutun, old name of Witton, 58 








IN presenting to the members of the Society of Antiquaries of 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne the report for the year just ended, the council 
has not many important events to commemorate. The number of 
members is now 339, showing an increase of three from the preceding 
year. There has been a good supply of papers on antiquarian sub- 
jects, and the monthly meetings at the castle have been attended by 
a large number of members who have been rewarded for their dili- 
gence by several interesting discussions. 

The literary activity of some of our members has been usefully 
displayed in various fields of archaeological research. Mr. Richard 
Welford's Men of Mark 'twixt Tyne and Tweed will help to preserve 
from unmerited oblivion many of our Northumbrian worthies. Mr. 
Maberly Phillips's History of Banks, Bankers and Banking, in North- 
umberland, Durham, and North Yorkshire, is a monument of patient 
industry and research^ and will be invaluable to the future describer 
of life and manners in the North of England during the eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries, besides recalling attention to a class of men 
whose unostentatious services to the community seldom meet with the 
recognition which they deserve. Mr. R. Oliver Heslop has at length 
brought to a conclusion his work on Northumberland Words, in which, 
with remarkable assiduity and ability, he has collected and preserved 
the folk-speech of Tyneside and the northernmost county of England. 
Another volume of the New County History of Northumberland is on 


the eve of publication. We have to regret that the editor, Mr. Bateson, 
has now ended his connection with this interesting enterprize, but are 
glad to welcome his successor, Mr. A. B. Hinds, amongst the members 
of this society. 

The Northumberland Excavation Committee has, during the past 
year, made researches at the Roman camp of AESICA, the results of 
which are detailed in their report.* The discovery of scale-armour, 
rings %&& fibulae}, which must apparently have belonged to an officer 
of somewhat high rank in the Roman army, is an important event, 
and should stimulate the committee and the subscribers to the fund 
to undertake with fresh energy the campaign of 1895. 

We have as usual to lament the gaps caused by death in -the circle 
of our members. Sir Charles Thomas Newton, K.C.B., the illustrious 
discoverer of the sculptures of Halicarnassus, who was for many years 
keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum, was 
the oldest member of our society,! having been elected as an honorary 
member in the year 1841. He died on the 28th November, 1894, 
aged 78 years. 

A somewhat similar official position was held by another honorary 
member, Col. August von Cohausen, who was Conservator of the 
Museum of Antiquities at Wiesbaden, who died suddenly at that city 
on the 2nd December, 1894, at the age of 83. We have the satisfac- 
tion of knowing that it was the work of our late revered vice-president, 
Dr. Bruce, on the Roman Wall, which stimulated him to undertake 
those researches in his own country, which have for ever connected 
his name with the Roman Limes Imperil between the Rhine and the 
Danube, and to which he joyfully devoted so large a portion of his life. 

The country meetings during the year have been well attended, 
and thanks are due to those gentlemen who so kindly received and 
entertained members, especially to Mr. Trevelyan of Netherwitton 
hall, Mr. Chaytor of Witton castle, and our. secretary, Dr. Hodgkin, 
at Bamburgh castle. 

* See it at page xxii. f See Proceedings, vi. pp. 241-5. 

J M. Ferdinand Denis, the next oldest on the list, who was head librarian of 
the ' Bibliothe"que S te Genevieve' at Paris, died in the month of August, 1892, at 
the age of ninety-two years. 

It will be observed that the name of 'His Excellency John Sigismund von 
Hosting ' of Copenhagen, appears at the head of the list as the oldest member of 
the society; but he died so long ago as Sept, 6, 1843, 1759 having been the year 
of his birth. 

FOR THE YEAR 1894. xi 

The council gratefully records its high appreciation of the gift, 
by Mr. J. C. Brooks, one of the vice-presidents, of his large and 
valuable collection of portraits and autographs. 

Considerable progress has been made with the supplement to the 
Lapidarium Septentrionale, and it is hoped that part of it may be ready 
for issue to the members in the course of the year. 

One of the vice-presidents of the society, the Rev. Dr. G-reenwell, 
has just made some most important discoveries in Durham cathedral. 
The foundations of the eastern termination of St. Carilef's church 
which was begun in August, 1093, have been partly uncovered, and 
they show that the plan of the east end comprised three apses and not 
as has been supposed one great apse with an encircling aisle. It is 
hoped that Mr. Greenwell will read a paper on the subject. 

We have received the following report from the librarian (Mr. M. 
Mackey, junr.): 

' In addition to the stock value included in the treasurer's report 
(p. xx), the following are a few notes for the consideration of the 
council. To take into consideration whether such works as Surtees's 
History of Durham, Hodgson's History of Northumberland, Whitaker's 
Richmondshire, and others equally scarce and valuable, should be 
allowed to circulate. Several local books of importance are not in 
the library, such as Sharp's History of Hartlepool, either first or 
second edition, Summers's History of Sunderland, and Lonsdale's 
Cumberland Worthies, in five volumes, which contains biographical 
notices of local worthies not to be found elsewhere, and a fitting 
companion to Atkinson's Worthies of Westmorland, already on our 
shelves. It would be advisable to purchase these. Several volumes 
of the publications of the Surtees Society are wanted to complete the 
society's set. These should be got ; as time goes on many of them 
will be more difficult to procure. In conclusion, I think we should 
have in our library all works of local interest, especially relating to the 
history and topography of the district.' 

The following is the report of the curators (Messrs. 0. J. Spence 
and R. Oliver Heslop) presented to us : 

' During the years 1892, 1893, and 1894 the total number of 
donations to the museum have been sixty, comprising about one 
hundred and eighty-six separate objects. These include the ' Richard 


Gail collection' of sculptured stones, numbering seventy-five objects, 
presented by the executors of our late vice-president. 

An epitome of the remaining donations shows the following rela- 
tionship : 

Prehistoric, nine objects (including three sepulchral food vessels, two 

implements of stone, one bronze spear-head, and three fragments 

attributable to this era). 
Roman, nine objects (including the large altar from Binchester, three 

centurial stones, and five objects of lesser consequence). 
Medieval, six objects (including the fine ewer found in Pudding Chare, 

Newcastle, presented by our librarian). 
Weapons, nine, of various dates (including five firearms of recent times 

and three swords). 

Coins, nine (eight English and Scotch, one Wisby). 
Photographs, Drawings, and Casts, twenty-five. 
Cannon Sails, four of various dates from seventeenth century. 
Domestic Articles (chiefly objects of comparatively recent date, but which 

have now, or about, gone out of use), thirty-four. 
Foreign objects, five Indian gods, and a set of African bagpipes of grotesque 

construction (the latter presented by our librarian). 

Efforts have been continued in the direction of a systematic 
arrangement of the contents of the Black Gate museum, but the 
conditions render this task necessarily slow. Many of the old cases 
were originally intended for altogether different situations, and 
they are at the best ill adapted for exhibition, whilst the imperfect 
lighting of the museum adds a further difficulty in the way of their 
disposal in an endeavour to show the contents to advantage. 
Supplemental cases of special design and suitable construction have 
been added at the personal cost of one of the curators, and it is hoped 
that the furniture of the museum may be further modified in the same 
direction by the society itself. 

Improvements have been made in the arrangement of objects in 
the castle with a view of rendering the contents of the main building 
more attractive to visitors, and of compensating, to some extent, for 
the deplenishing which took place on the formation of the Black 
Gate museum. In addition to the banners required to complete the 
series in the Great Hall, other objects of interest might be included 
with advantage. Collections of weapons and armour would be 
especially suitable for the purpose. 

FOE THE YEAR 1894. Xlll 

The representations of your curators of the danger to the public 
through the unprotected condition of the openings in the parapet of 
the castle have been met by the Mayor and Corporation of the city, 
and the thanks of the society are due to them, and to the city engineer 
Mr. W. G-. Laws, for the courtesy and promptitude with which the 
open embrasures have been efficiently protected by strong iron bars. 

The carronades and their mountings still lie on the gun platforms 
in a condition of dismantlement and decay, and your curators beg to 
suggest that old ship's gun-carriages be obtained to remount these 
now antiquated accessories to the castle. 

Appended is a list of donations to the museum during the three 
years ending 31st December, 1894 : 


Jan. 27. From the late J. W. BARNES, Durham- 
Five coins found at Neville's Cross two Robert II. (1371-90), Edin- 
burgh and Perth ; half groat, London ; penny, York ; penny, 
Durham, 1327-1377. 
Water-colour drawing of window in Holy Island church, by T. S. 

Twelve etchings, by Good (Proc. vol. v. p. 133). 

From C. 0. HODGES 

Three photographs of illuminations to a MS. of Cassiodorus in 
Durham Chapter library (ibid.). 

From M. MAC KEY, jun. 

A large earthenware pitcher, 13| inches high, 4 inches diameter 
at mouth, and 6| inches at base, found during excavations in 
Wallace's Yard, Pudding Chare, Newcastle. It was found em- 
bedded in solid clay, surrounded by oak stakes 6 inches apart 
(ibid. p. 134). 

Feb. 24. From W. LISLE, Bilsmoor Foot (per D. D. Dixon) 

Iron cannon ball, weighing 5 Ibs. 4 oz., found in 1886 in the heather 
on Carrock Moor, near Elsdon, Eedesdale. 

Mar. 30. From E. G. BOLAM, Berwick- 
Grant on parchment from Queen Elizabeth (1587) of tenement 

at Souther Field, Berwick, with pendent seal (Proc. v. p. 146). 

Fragment of gravestone from Darn Crook, Newcastle (ibid). 

Apr. 27. From J. CEAWFOED HODGSON, Warkworth 

Pair of steel snuffers (ibid. p. 155). 
May 25. From Mrs. WALKEE 

Portrait of John Walker, 1835, in the attitude of playing the 
Northumberland small pipes. 


June 29. From W. G. LAWS, city surveyor 

Large stone missile, found May llth, 1892, in excavating for wall at 
Newcastle Quay, at about depth of low tide mark (Proc. v. p. 184). 
From GEORGE WILSON of Hepple 
Red deer's horn, fragment from Hetchester camp, near Rothbury, 

showing saw marks (ibid,). 
From J. MOBBIS, Medomsley 

Bronze spear head, 8 inches long, blade 5f inches long, found in a 
field on High Bradley Farm, a little south-west of Medomsley, and 
a short distance from the Watling Street (ibid. p. 184 and 190). 

July 27. From HUGH W. YOUNG, F.S.A., Scot., of Edinburgh- 
Cast of a bull, from an incised stone of Celtic date, in British 

Museum, from Burghead (ibid. p. 191). 
From J. E. NEWBY, late of Binchester Hall- 
Roman altar, found at Binchester, May, 1891, inscribed MATRES 
OLLOTOTAE siVE TBANSMABiNis (Proc. v. pp. 36, 130, 143, and 
191 ; Arch. Ael. xiv. p. 225-227). 

Aug. 31. From H. COULTER, 36 Rodsley Avenue, Gateshead 

Pipe, found in digging a cellar in Chillingham Road, Heaton, at a 

depth of 14 feet below the surface, August 26th, 1892. 
Coin, found at same time and place, but 15 feet below the surface ; 
probably a farthing of Charles II. (Proc. v. p. 204). 

Sep. 29. From HENBY HINDE, South Shields- 
Brass guinea scales of early nineteenth century. 
Brass ticket, used on Newcastle and North Shields Railway Company 
about 1840 ; obverse, ' Newcastle, North Shields, and Tynemouth 
Railway : ' reverse, 'Third Class' (ibid. p. 220). 
From R. Y. GBEEN of Newcastle- 
Old spectacles with circular glasses (two pairs). 
Old clasp knife (ibid. p. 220). 
From Fleet Surgeon S. A. WILLIS, M.D., R.N. 

Remington rifle, "k from Egyptian soldier's equipment, Tel-el- 

Knapsack and canteen, J Kebir, September 13th, 1882. 

French musket, carried by a Zulu native at Ginghilovo, April 2nd, 

lB79(ibid.p. 220). 

From H. J. W. COULSON, Lythecourt, Tiverton, Devon 
Centurial stone from Walltown turret (ibid. p. 220). 

Oct. 26. From W. D. CBUDDAS of Haughton Castle, North Tynedale 

Two centurial stones, found in wall by side [of Military road near 
Sewingshields in June, 1892 (ibid. pp. 188, 227. 

Dec. 28. From His Grace the DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND 

Plaster cast of penny of Henry earl of Northumberland ; struck at 

Bamburgh (ibid. p. 243). 
From R. E. RUDDOCK, of Newcastle 
Portrait of vice-president John Philipson (ibid. p. 242). 


Jan. 25. From WM. DAVIDSON, Harbottle 

A perforated stone hammer, of Cheviot porphyry, 4 inches diameter, 
having a central hole f inch diameter ; found in the Coquet in 
1892 (ibid. vol. vi. p. 1). 
From Superintendent DOBSON, Rothbury 

Constable's baton or staff, formerly belonging to a petty constable. 
Constable's twitch (ibid. pp. 1 and 2). 

From WM. LISLE, Billsmoor Foot- 
Key, found in a slag heap on moors near Elsdon (ilid. p. 2). 

From D. D. Dixotf, Rothbury 

A dirk, 17 inches long from knob of pommel to point, found in 
digging a foundation in June, 1883, at Borough Butts, near Roth- 
bury. Supposed fifteenth or sixteenth century workmanship. 
A sword, found on the moors west of Rothbury, about 1870. 
Length, knob to point, 37| inches ; blade, 32J inches ; width 
of blade, 1 inches. Mark on blade, an object like an orb. 
Handcuffs (as formerly used by petty constables of townships), from 

the township of Caistron, Northumberland. 

Handcuffs, from township of Mount Healy (ibid. p. 2, also vol. i. 
p. 335). 

Feb. 22. From the late J. W. BENTHAM of Newcastle 

Inscribed stone wall tablet Thomas Bryckwel, 1579.' From old 
house formerly standing on the site of Bentham Buildings, Side, 
Newcastle. Demolished 1892 (Proc. vi. p. 10). 

From C. W. HENZELL of Tynemouth 

Iron cannon ball, 4f inches diameter, found lying below Tynemouth 
cliffs, 1892. Supposed to have come from a stranded vessel (ibid. 
p. 12). 

From R. BLAIR (secretary) 
Brass figure of Billy Purvis, 4f inches high. 
Flint pistol, probably Turkish, 16| inches long. 
Flint pistol, lOf inches \ongl(ibid. p. 12). 

Mar. 29. From BAEBON EBDY, Durham- 
Three weights, used in weighing hemp at Durham up to the year 
1892. All are made of stone, with iron ring handles. Two weigh 
about 32 Ibs. each, and are 8 inches diameter by 11 inches high. 
The smallest weighs 16 Ibs., size 4 inches diameter by 6 inches 
high (iUd, p. 19). 

From THOMAS MAY, now of Warrington 
Stone celt, North America. 
Cruzie from the north of Scotland (ibid. p. 19). 

From R. BLAIE (secretary) 

Flint-lock gun, detachable, for putting in the pocket, used so by 
poachers. Made by Johnson, Newcastle (ibid. p. 19). 


Apr, 26. From MIDDLETON H. DAND of Hauxley 

Hank of flax, for spinning wheel (ibid. p. 26). 


Wooden wheel, from wheelbarrow, found in pit workings at Whorl- 
ton, Northumberland (ibid. p. 26). 

May 31. From Sir GAINSFOED BRUCE and co-trustees of the late Dr. BBUCE 
Head of Hadrian, of heroic size. A plaster cast, bronzed. 
Spode plate, from the Mansion House, Newcastle, with arms and 
motto of the town in centre (i bid. p. 32). 

June 28. From WALTER S. CORDER of North Shields 

Photograph by himself of Bewcastle cross, framed (ibid. p. 41). 

July 26. From Sir GAINSFOBD BEUCE and co-trustees 

Three chalk drawings of places on the Antonine Wall, near Falkirk, 

by S, Holmes (ibid. p. 53). 
From JOHN VENTRESS of Newcastle- 
Rubbing of Tyzack tombstone, Heaton park (ibid. p. 64). 

July 26. From WALTEE SCOTT, Sunderland 

Piscina from Boldon church (ibid. vi. p. 54). 

Sept. 27. From Mrs. THOMPSON 

Flint and steel, with tinder (ibid. vi. p. 77). 
Fragment of Roman altar, from Greenhead, [i] o . M [A]EL . 

DA ... P (ibid. p. 77). 

Fragment of a vitrified fort at Lochhell, Argyll (ibid. p. 78). 
From C. WILLIAMS, Cullercoats 
Durham Penny of Bp. Booth (temp. Ed. IV.) found at Clock house, 

Cullercoats, July, 1893 (ibid. p. 78). 
From the Rev. J. F. FAEBOW, Felling- 
Fragment of Roman tile, Procolitia (LEG) (ibid. p. 78). 

Oct. 25. From G. H. THOMPSON, Alnwick 

Two harvesting sickles and one hook (ibid. p. 89. See also 

letter p. 95.) 

Vitrified rock, from hill fort, near Brechin (ibid. p. 89). 
From R. C. CLEPHAN of Southdene Tower, Gateshead 
Small copper coin of Wisby, fifteenth or sixteenth century (ibid. 

p. 89). 

Old railway chair from Whitley colliery (ibid. p. 89). 

Old door key, from Whitley (ibid). 



African bagpipes, purchased at sale of the effects of the late Dr. 

Brace (ibid. p. 94). 
From the Rev. J. M. LISTEK 
Iron fetters, found on north side of St. Andrew's church, Newcastle 

Dec. 20. From JOHN ROBINSON of Newcastle 

Reaping hook, found in pulling down the Fox and Lamb public 

house, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle, 1893 (ibid. p. 101). 
From GEORGE IRVING of Newcastle 

A heavy timber crane, jib, and stays, from a warehouse in City 
Road, Newcastle (ibid. p. 101. 


Jan. 31. From the Rev. G. ROME HALL, F.S.A., vice president- 
Three small plates or scales (bronze), forming part of the attachment 
of a Roman lorica ; found west of the Mucklebank turret (ibid. 
p. 129). 
April 25. From HENRY RICHARDSON, Backworth 

' Food vessel,' found in prehistoric cist in excavating a foundation at 
The Hirst, Ashington (ibid. p. 153). 

From the executors of the late RICHARD GAIL 

' The Richard Gail collection ' of sculptured stones, etc.: 

Nine large stone balls, dredged from the river Tyne at Newcastle. 

Thirty-five sculptured stones from church of St. Nicholas, Newcastle 

Six fragments of window tracery from church of St. Nicholas, New- 

Four base rounds from columns of crypt of chapel of St. Mary the 
Virgin, Spital, Newcastle. 

Corbel with face of satyr. 

Three carved heads from the ends of drip mouldings. 

Spandril, carved, brought from rockery, which stood at Anderson 
Place, Newcastle. 

Six 'creein trows' or husking mortars. 

Three hand-mill stones. 

Two heraldic figures of paroquets in Portland stone, each bearing 
on its breast the Lumley arms, and on an escutcheon of pretence 
the arms of Jones of Oxfordshire (ibid. p. 51). Originally brought 
from Lumley castle, these birds long stood at the doorway of Mr. 
Todd's residence, Picton house, now the terminus of the Blyth and 
Tyne Railway at Newcastle. 

Two balusters from Tyne bridge (eighteenth century). 

Cruciform sundial from Carlisle. 

Multiface sundial. 

Sundial on pedestal dated 1754 (Thomas Wilson's) (ibid. p. 155). 
VOL. xvn. t 


July 25. From HKNUY RICHARDSON, Backworth 

Sepulchral ' food vessel,' 4 inches high, 5 inches wide at mouth ; 
found near the vessel (presented April 25th last) in a cist at The 
Hirst, Acklington (ibid. p. 202). 

Aug. 29. From MARGARET ROBSON, Red Lion inn, Haltwhistle 
Toasting cranks. 

' Tom ' candlestick (ibid. p. 220). 

Sepulchral 'food vessel' (the third), from The Hirst; 5 inches 

high, 5 inches diameter, and 3 inches at base (ibid. p. 221). 
From W. S. CORDER 

Fragments of Samian ware, earthenware, and glass (Roman) from 
Segedunum (Wallsend) (ibid. p. 221). 

Sept. 26. From R. NEWTON of Newcastle- 
Two cement casts of heraldic shields, representing the arms of 
Barnes of Durham, and probably Acton. From a house front 
in Westmoreland Court, Newcastle (ibid. p. 211). 
From Mrs. BARNES, Whitburu 

Bronze mortar, Dutch, five inches high by six inches diameter, with 

pestle, inscribed LOF GODT VAN AL ANNO 1651. 
Five Indian gods of bronze. 
Carved horn. 
Short sword. 
Tinder box and candlestick in one (ibid. p. 241). 

Oct. 31. From WILLIAM ANGUS of London- 
Newcastle silver token of Alex. Kelty, 1812 (ibid. p. 262). 
From J. W. WATSON, Tynemouth 

Statuette of stone, 12^ inches high, and fragments of others, probably 
Graeco-Roman workmanship found near Larnaca, Cyprus, sup- 
posed to have been broken off the face of another sculptured 
work (ibid. p. 262). 



Cannon ball, 17J inches circumference, found in 1700 during repairs 
in the town wall, Newcastle, at Morden tower. The ball, formerly 
gilded, used to hang from the centre of the ceiling at Morden 
tower, and was supposed to have been discharged in the siege of 
1644 (ibid. p. 265). 

From Mr. MENDELSSOHN, formerly of Newcastle 
A large photographic portrait of the late Dr. Bruce, with frame 

complete (ibid. p. 265). 
From C. J. SPENCE, one of the curators 

Two show-cases for the Roman room, Black Gate museum, with 
stands complete. 


The following is the 

for the year ending 31st December, 1894 : 

The number of ordinary members is now 339, being an increase of 
18 for the past year. During the year we have lost seven members 
by death, and eight have resigned. 

The total income from revenue sources has been 490 12s. Id., 
and the expenditure 506 18s. 7d., which shows a balance of expen- 
diture over income of 16 6s. 6d., but this is equivalented by the 
value of the prints from the plate of St. Nicholas's church remaining 
in stock. 

The balance of the revenue account carried forward to 1895 is 
201 5s., and the capital invested in 2 j consols with dividends thereon 
is now 47 3s. 2d. 

The receipts from members' subscriptions have been 348 12s., 
which is an increase of 28 7s. over that of 1893. 

The receipts from the castle have increased 10, and from the 
Black Gate 1. The balance of receipts over expenditure for the two 
places is 3 12s. 6d. for the year, but the Black Gate museum con- 
tinues very far from paying its way, and it is a question whether some 
better mode of advertising it could not be adopted. 

The expenditure upon the Archaeologia Aeliana has been about the 
same as last year. The illustrations have cost 10 more, and there is 
an increase of 10 under the head of sundries. The printing of the 
Proceedings has cost 16 more than last year, but included in this is 
the cost of printing the Elsdon registers. The sum of 28 15s. 2d. 
has been expended in the purchase of books, and the sale of the 
society's publications has amounted to 16 3s. 9d., which is a heavy 
decrease upon the previous year's sale. 

The life members remain at three as previously. 


Hon. Treasurer. 


Sheriton Holmes, Treasurer, in account with the Society of Antiquaries 
of Newcaslle-upon-Tyne. 

DECEMBER 31, 1894. 

Receipts. Expenditure. 

8. d. 8. d. 

Balance on January 1st, 1894 21711 6 

Members' Subscriptions 348 12 

Castle 106 2 84 5 

Black Gate 19 14 4 38 3 5 

Museum ... 26 1 8 

Books 16 3 9 28 15 2 

Archaeologia Adiana ... 9616 6 

Proceedings ... 56 19 

Illustrations ... 58 8 2" 

Sundries ... 77 14 3 

Secretary (clerical assistance) ... 40 

Balance 201 50 

708 3 7 708 3 7 

MHMHM*MB_^_^ MMM ^^^^^MM^MM.Mi 

Capital account. . d s d _ 

Invested in 2| per cent. Consols 4218 5 

Interest to end of 1894 449 

47 3 2 

47 3 2 

Audited and certified. 

2nd February, 1895. R. W. SISSON. 

The present value of the Society's publications in stock is, as per statement 
furnished by the Librarian, 527 17s. 9d. 

2>etatls of Expenditure, 

CASTLE s. d. 

Salaries 67 8 

Gas 174 

Water 060 

Property Tax 1 12 1 

Insurance 076 

Rent 026 

Trestles, &c 5 18 5 

Explorations in the Castle 4 11 1 

Sundries, Coal, Firewood, &c 276 

84 5 



Salaries 22 

Gas 147 

Water 100 

Property Tax 16, 

Insurance 2 15 

Rent 100 

Repairs 723 

Sundries, Coal, &c 1 15 4 

38 3 5 

MUSEUM s. d. 

Carriage of Stones 778 

Cases 850 

Copper Plate of St. Nicholas's Church 10 9 

26 1 8 


Illustrated Archaeologist 110 

Chronicles of Great Britain and Ireland ... ... ... 1 16 8 

New County History of Northuin berland, vol. 1 1 1 

Collection of State Papers 216 

Ordnance Maps .. 014 3 

Gilpin's Memoirs 046 

German Year-hook 17 

Year-book of Societies 076 

Brockie's Sunderland Notabilities ... . 076 

German publication 13 

Ferguson's Royal Charters of Carlisle 18 6 

Waters, for lettering 046 

Calendar Border Papers .. 17 6 

Northcote & Brownlow, Roma Sotteranea 16 

Phillips's Banks, Bankers, and Banking 1 1 

Itinerary of Antoninus and Notitia Dignitatutn ... ... 1 16 9 

Indexing 330 

Printing 50 copies of S 1 ". Nicholas's plate 516 

Binding Border Holds (8vo copies) ... 5 12 6 

28 15 2 


Cheque Book 050 

Reid & Sons, general printing, &c 9 17 

Nicholson, do. do , 36 6 

Frames 289 

Postage and carriage of parcels, &c. 649 

Indexing Archaeologia Aeliana 300 

Treasurer's postage and expences .. ... ... ... ... 15 6 

Secretary'* do. do. 16 10 9 

Subscriptions Harleian and Surtees Societies 220 

Income Tax 10 

77 14 3 



1. Aesica or Great Chesters stands on the western side of the 
depression which divides the ' Nine Nicks of Thirlwall ' from the range 
of Whinshields and allows the Caw burn to find a passage southwards 
to the Tyne valley at Haltwhistle. Half a mile to the west of the burn 
is the farmhouse of Greatchesters, six hundred feet above the sea, 
amid an expanse of moor and grass fields, and immediately west of the 
house the outlines of the Roman fortress are still distinctly visible. 
The situation is not unfavourable ; the ground slopes gently to the 
south, and additional shelter is provided by the rounded mass of 

Chesters pike, which 
rises to the height of 
eight hundred feet 
about half a mile to 
the north. The fort- 
ress is an oblong 
area of three acres, 
measuring about 
three hundred and 
sixty by four hun- 
dred and twenty feet, 
To south and south-east 
civil settlement,' 
a hypocaust 
belonging to 
which is said 
by Dr. Bruce to 
have been vis- 
ible in 1867. 
Farther south, 
about a quarter 
of a mile from 
the fortress, 
runs the line of 
the vallum and 
beyond it, at 
Walltown mill, Brand and Hodgson suppose the cemetery to have 

and resting its northern face upon the wall. 

lay the usual ' suburban ' buildings of the so-called 



been. The fortress was garrisoned by the Second Cohort of the 
Asturians ;* but our further knowledge is limited to that supplied by 

threet of the not very numerous inscriptions discovered here. One 
of these mentions Hadrian. A second records work done about A.D. 

165, while a 
third states that 
a ruined store- 
house was re- 
built by the 
garrison A.D. 
225. The fort- 
ress lies at 
present almost 
untouched be- 
neath a grass 
cj field. Its east- 
i| ern face has 
I been encroach- 
!| ed on by the 

* See illustration of tile found at Aesica, naming this cohort, on preceding page, 
f See illustrations of these three inscriptions on this and preceding pages. 


farm buildings, and some foundations in the upper part of it were 
cleared out in 1767, but the site is obviously a promising one, and 
had been marked as such. The excavation committee was fortunate 
enough to obtain the leave of the owner, Mr. H. J. W. Coulson, and of 
the tenant, Mr. Woodman, both of whom, by their ready concurrence, 
have laid archaeologists under a considerable obligation. 

2. Excavations were commenced on Monday, July 23rd, at the 
south-west corner of the camp, a point previously selected by the 
committee, and were continued eastwards in a manner which will be 
seen from the plan. It was subsequently judged advisable so far to 
exceed the area continuously excavated as to include the south gate, 
and the vault in the centre of the camp. The work at first proceeded 
slowly, as the workmen were unused to their task and insufficiently 
provided with tools. The earth to be moved was full of very large 
stones, and the trenches required were nearly five feet deep. 

3. The corner turret, which was first excavated, appears to 
resemble t/he corner turrets of the other mural fortresses, the best 
preserved being at Gilurnum. It is well and solidly built of hewn 
stone, measures internally very nearly ten by twelve feet, and has an 
entrance three feet wide with a sill at the bottom. The whole may be 
certainly classed among the better built and better preserved turrets 
of the murus, the masonry being over six feet in height. Like many 
other buildings in the mural fortresses, it had two flagged floors, one 
about a foot above the other; on and between the floors were bones 
and burnt refuse, and in two of the corners were marks of fire. There 
were traces of a third floor below the second. This, however, was 
not flagged. The discoveries in the turret were not of very great 
importance. The most interesting was a large pestle with a corre- 
spondingly large mortar, found on the level of the upper floor. 
Fragments of pottery and iron objects and a stone trough were also 
turned up, and immediately outside the doorway, at a depth of five 
and a half feet, a quern fifteen inches in diameter. Just outside the 
southern wall of the turret, at a distance of three feet below the 
surface, an interesting coin was found, a denarius of M. Antony. This 
is one of those republican silver coins which remained in circula- 
tion during the empire owing to the goodness of their metal. The 
easily distinguishable republican silver is not unfrequently discovered 

ARCHAEOLOQ1A AELIANA, Vol. XVII. (between pp. xxiv and xxv.) 



Oct? 1 



B SVvw 

0^ 1W4/VCWM, 


Plate 01. 





O Mwv wv\W 






T */ cwwx>vcv yUcU* 2-0 (/(tow ^vAiyacv 

ARCHAEOLOG1A AELIANA, Vol. XVII. (between pp. xxiv and xxv.) 


Section thro C-D co 

i.^ > i i i \ 
i 1 



Plate 02. 




/S^*" i 



Scale for Details 

5 JO 25 

1 ' '~r ' ' - - ' 

V^ -6vvvy^ (> WwvUv . ^sv tw>> { We o^ Uv*' \vvWcw* ow ^ 

{vv >t>vwv/ "WvvUv 3w^ jcv iw Mstvw, 



along with imperial issues, and in places where republican Rome was 
unknown. Thus, a hoard of coins recently found at Silchester, appar- 
ently deposited in the early years of Septimius Severus (circa A.D. 
195), contained a few of these republican silver coins among a great 
number of later ones. 

4. From the turret a trench was driven north-east towards the 
centre of the camp, until a wall was struck about forty feet from the 
turret. The trench itself revealed very little. Near the turret, two 
lines of black earth, the upper one four feet six inches below the 
surface, were noticed, and thought to correspond to the two flagged 
floors of the turret. About twenty feet from the turret a pot was 
found in thirteen pieces, three feet below the surface. From this trench 
another was carried back to the wall, east of the corner turret, with 
the result that another turret was found built against the wall. The 
masonry of this turret was extremely rude, as it showed no outer 
faces that could be seen ; it was perhaps piled up from the outside 
with earth. It was flagged in rough fashion, and is only remark- 
able for yielding a small find of three coins (one of Trajan, one of 
Faustina), four bronze rings, and some small iron objects. Close by 
were discovered a spear head, a bit of window glass, and some other 
small fragments. 

5. It will be convenient to deal here with the buildings which 
were first discovered in the trench from the corner turret, and which 
were subsequently traced for a considerable distance, though not 
completely. The buildings seem to consist of a range of oblong 
chambers, each divided into two more or less square rooms, and 
separated from one another by very narrow spaces, of which the 
object is not clear. Apparently every chamber must have had its 
own outer walls, but the complete excavation of the block is necessary 
before they can be compared with some possibly similar features at 
Cilurnum. The remains found in these chambers were few and dis- 
appointing. The westernmost chamber yielded a small altar-shaped 
stone, in size seven by ten by seven inches, with an ornament of in- 
cised lines, which may point to mere architectural use. This chamber 
had two flagged floors, one a foot below the other. The other rooms 
yielded some building stones strongly resembling that which was at 
first taken to be an altar, an axehead, some coins, some brass pans, a 


curious iron object, and besides some smaller remains, pottery, etc., 
two lettered fragments, one bearing the letters IAE, the other the 
numerals XLVIII. The general disposition of these objects will be seen 
from the plan, on which also a drain is shown which issued from one 
of the eastern chambers. The masonry of these chambers was of a 
very poor character and it is not impossible that the excavators made 
mistakes as to one or two pieces of walling in the stony and highly 
disturbed soil. For the present we can only say that the presence of 
these chambers proves the existence at Aesica of a feature which seems 
to distinguish our northern fortresses from those on the German 
Limes. This feature is the greater abundance of traceable buildings 
within the camp area. 

6. A separate examination was made of the vault in the centre 
of the camp. This had been cleared out before, and indeed yielded, 
in the shape of relics, nothing more valuable than modern crockery 
and milk tins ; but its good preservation, and its similarity to the 
vaults at Cilurnum and elsewhere, rendered its exploration desirable. 
It proved to be a vaulted chamber almost exactly six and a half feet 
square. It was paved with large flags resting on small dwarf walls, 
which Mr. Holmes thinks are coeval with the nagging, while doubting 
if this was the original floor of the chamber. These dwarf walls rest 
on undisturbed clay, and a modern horse-shoe drain has been carried 
between them at some more or less recent period. On the western 
side of the vault some large stones lie regularly, as if intentionally, on 
the flooring, and make a ledge about eight inches high and twenty- 
eight inches wide ; on the north side a native rock juts out to about 
the same height. The roofing is made by five courses of stone, the 
top of the arch being about five feet above the lower flooring. The exit 
from the vault appears to have been on the eastern side, but no steps 
were discovered there, though the excavation was taken, as it appeared, 
into undisturbed clay. It may be worth while to add, by way of 
comparison, some details of the vault at Cilurnum. This vault stands 
inside a square room on the south side of the ' forum,' its area is nine 
feet by ten, its height six and a quarter feet, so that it is larger than 
the Aesica example. A passage three feet wide leads for five feet to 
steps by which the surface is reached. The roof is arched with five 
courses of stones; the floor is flagged. When the vault was first 



opened, the remains of the original door, bound with iron, were 
found. Both vaults plainly have the same use. They do not seem 
adapted for water. Of the other two theories usually suggested, a 
prison or a treasury, the latter seems the more probable. The recent 
examination of the forts on the German Limes has revealed somewhat 


similar vaults in connection with some of thQ praetoria, These appear 
to be under the ' shrines ' of the camps, and various features lead to 
the supposition that they were used to store money or documents. A 
somewhat similar vault has been noticed at Bremenium. 

7. Finally, the site of the south gate was ascertained and a part 
of it, the western guard chamber, was cleared out. The gate appears 
to have been where the modern road to the farmhouse passes the wall 
of the fortress, and it is possible enough, as Dr. Bruce supposed, that 
this road is on the course of a Roman road down to the Stanegate. 
This gateway is farther to the east than we should have expected, as 
it appears to be the only gateway of the side. There were signs that 
it had, at some time, been walled up like other gateways along the 
Wall. Outside the guard-chamber and just inside the wall of the 


camp a find of scale armour was made which resembled fragments of 
armour found elsewhere on the Wall,* but was much more abundant. 

Inside the guard-chamber a very remarkable find was made. As the 
earth was being cut down, there was dis- 
covered a small parcel of fibula^ rings, 
silver necklet, scale armour,f etc., of a very 
remarkable character, including an Abraxas 
ring with device of a figure with head of a cock 
and two serpents for legs, holding in one hand a 

scourge, in the other 

a shield. The fibulae 

are probably unique 

in the world of Ro- 

mano-British archaeology, 
and are ascribed by Mr. A. J. 
Evans to the end of the 
second century, and the age of 
Severus. They are of Celtic 
character, and undoubtedly 
represent a contemporary 
Caledonian art. They are 

* See Arch. Ael. xvi. p. 441. f In the illustrations the scale armour is 

represented full size, aud thejibulae one half linear. 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII f to face p. xxviiiA 

Plate 03. 

(Thirteen inches in circumference.) 

(From a Photoi/raph by Mr. C. J. Spence.) 


of extraordinary size, and one of them, which had been gilt, is 
covered with an exquisite flamboyant relief of Celtic design, and was 
probably the most beautiful object of the kind ever found. The 
larger of the fibulae was of purely Celtic pedigree, starting from a 
form which seemed to have originated in south-east Europe, and 

which had found its way into Britain already before the Roman con- 
quest. The nearest approach to the Aesica form was a type found in 
Northumberland, which from the find could be fixed to the age of 
Antoninus Pius. The other fibula is a highly original adaptation 


of a Gallo-Rornan type with a median disc, which from a Rhenish 
monument was shown to have been prevalent at the end of the first 

century. The Celtic ornamentation an- 
swered to that of a series of late Celtic 
armlets found in Scotland, for the most 
part north of the Firth of Forth. The 
whole seems to him to resemble a female 
sepulchral deposit, but the evidence as 
to the exact character of the find is not 
minute enough to enable us to judge cer- 
tainly on this point. It is noteworthy, 
however, that the fibulae are of a north- 
British type, and that they are compara- 
tively unused, and must have been buried 

soon after they were made, and that they were found some distance 
above the floor of the guard-chamber.* 

The following is a list of the coins discovered during the excava- 
tions : 

1. MARK ANTONY. Denarius. Obv.Ayr AVG IIIVIB E r o. Galley. 

Rev. LEG x. Eagle between two standards. Cohen, i. -|. 
2. DOMITIAN. Second brass. Illegible. 
3. TRAIAN. First brass. Rev. In exergue, VIA TEAIANA (almost obliterated). 

Cohen, ii. /,\. 

4. TRAIAN. First brass. Illegible. 

6. HADRIAN. Second brass. Illegible. 

TB P xviu. Bust radiate to right. Rev. LIBEEALITAS cos mi s c. 

Liberality standing. Cohen, ii. 323. 
8. ANTONINUS PIUS. Second brass. Illegible. 
9. MARCUS AURELIUS. Second brass. Illegible. Rev. Mars marching to 



laureate to right. liev. f M TB P xm cos in P P. Mars holding 

Victory and spear reversed. Cohen, iv. ^-. 

* For full account of the objects found and Mr. Hodgkin's descriptions of 
some of them, see Proceedings, vol. vi. pp. 241-245. 



laureate to right. Rev. MAES VICTOR. Mars marching to right. Cohen, 

iv. 335. 

13. VICTORINUS. Third brass. Rev. PROV[IDENTIA AVG]. 
14. TETRICUS. Third brass. Rev PAX AVG. Almost obliterated. 
15. ALLECTUS. Third brass. Obv. IMP c ALLECTTS p j AVG. Bust radiate 

to right. Rev. PAX AVG. S P in field ; c L ? in exergue. Pax standing. 

Cohen vii. 48. 
16. CRISPUS. Third brass. Obv. CRISPVS [NOBIL] c. Bust armed, to right. 

Rev. [BEAT]A THANQVILIT[AS]. Altar inscribed VOTIS xx. Cohen, 

vii. 340. 
17. CONSTANS. Third brass. Obv. CONSTANS P p AVG. Bust to right. 

Rev. VICTOR[IAE PP AVGG Q N]N. Two victories. M in field ; SARI in 

exergue. Cohen, vii. 431. 

18. CONSTANS. Third brass. Similar type. 
19. MAGNENTIUS. Second brass. Obv. D N MAGNENTIVS P F AVG. Bust 

draped to right. A in field. Rev. GLORIA ROMANORVM. s p in exergue. 

Emperor on horse spearing an enemy. 

Nine coins obliterated (four second brass, five third brass). Cohen, viii. ^. 

Bone object, 3J inches long, from Greatchesters (Aesica). 











Feb. 14. ToYoung for carriage 



By Balance of Sub- 





scriptions and 

Mar. 31. JemmisonforDown 




Hill Excavations 



J. C. Bowles ... 





R. Y. Green ... 



Aug. 18. 

AESICA Excava- 
tions : Wages 



E. C. Craster, per 




V , * O/4 

of Workmen, 



Mrs. Ware (Car- 

oept. 44. 

&c 126 




Oct. 1. Woodman,damage 



E. Fisher 



to grass 




J. C. Brooks ... 



12. S. Holmes, Ex- 




penses of Survey 





Nov. 9. G. Nicholson, for 



Prof. E.C.Clark 

Printing, &c. ... 




(Cambridge) . . . 


Petty . Disburse- 



The Earl of Ra- 





Balance in 



Hugh Taylor ... 





,, Dr. Hodgkin(sub- 

hands f 1 15 











in Bank 126 


Earl Percy 






F. W. Rich ... 



Wm. Smith ; Gun- 

nerton ... 




,, S. Holmes 





F. W. Dendy ... 





Rev. T. Calvert 



J. M. Moore ... 





W. J. Armstrong 



149 14 6 

29. Sir John Evans 220 
29. Sir A. W. Franks 500 
July 5. ., W. G. Branford 10 
Aug. 1. T. J. F. Deacon 110 
8. Chas. Mitchell... 10 
8. J. P. Gibson ... 1 1 
17. T. G. Gibson ... 5 
18. Duke of North- 
umberland ... 20 
Sept. 10. SirWm.Crossman 220 
21. C. J Spence ... 5 5 
27. H. A. Adamson 110 
27. C.B.P. Bosanquet 110 
27. W. H. Knowles 110 
., 29. Rev. H.E. Savage 110 
Oct. 27. Thos. Hodgkin 

(donation) ... 20 
Nov. 9. Oxford Friends 15 
Society of Anti- 
quaries. London 10 
13. F. J. Haverfield. 

Oxford 3 13 6 

149 14 6 

By Balance down ... 2 16 6 














































IST MARCH, 1895. 


Date of Election. 
1851 Feb. 3 
1851 Feb. 3 
1855 Jan. 3 

1865 April 5 
1883 June 27 
1883 Jane 27 
1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 

1883 June 27 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1888 Jan. 25 
1892 Jan. 27 

1892 May 25 

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Gainsborough. 

Daniel Wilson, LL.D., Principal of the University of Toronto. 

J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Mayfield, Orchard Road, Black- 
heath, Kent. 

The Duca di Brolo. 

Professor Emil Hiibner, LL.D., Ahornstrasse 4, Berlin. 

Professor Mommsen, Marchstrasse 8, Charlottenburg bei Berlin. 

Professor George Stephens, F.S.A., Copenhagen. 

Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm. 

Sir Augustus Wollaston Franks, K.C.B., P.S.A., Keeper of British 
Antiquities in the British Museum. 

Ernest Chantre, Lyons. 

Ellen King Ware (Mrs.), The Abbey, Carlisle. 

Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &c., Utrecht, Holland. 

Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c., Cambridge. 

David Mackinlay, 6, Great Western Terrace, Glasgow. 

General Pitt-Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury. 

Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c., Nash Mills, Kernel 

Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.) 



The sign * indicates that the member has compounded for his subscription, 
t that the member is one of the Council. J indicates a life-member. 

Date of Election. 
1885 Mar. 25 

1883 Aug. 29 
1843 April 4 

1873 July 

1892 Aug. 31 
1885 Oct. 28 

1885 June 24 

1886 Jan. 27 

1893 Sept. 27 
1885 Dec. 30 
1889 Mar. 27 

1884 Jan. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 
1891 May 27 
1895 Jan. 30 

1894 Mar. 25 
1891 Sept. 30 

1893 Feb. 22 

1894 Oct. 31 
1889 July 31 

1891 July 29 
1894 July 25 

1892 April 27 

1874 Jan. 
1892 Mar. 30 
1888 Sept. 26 
1892 Dec. 28 
1892 June 29 
1888 April 25 

1891 July 29 

1883 Dec. 27 
1883 Dec. 27 
1883 June 27 

1892 May 25 
1888 Sept. 26 

Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle. 
tAdamson, Rev. Cuthbert Edward, Westoe, South Shields. 
tAdamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, St. Alban's, Felling, R.S.O. 
hAdamson, Horatio Alfred, 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Adamson, Lawrence W., Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland. 

Adie, George, 46 Bewick Road, Gateshaad. 

Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexhara. 

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Titlington Hall, Alnwick. 

Archer, Mark, Farnacres, Gateshead. 

Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbury. 

Armstrong, Watson-, W. A., Cragside, Rothbury. 

Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 

Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham. 

Atkinson, Rev. J. C., D.C.L., Danby Parsonage, Grosmont, Yorks 

Barnett, Mrs. E., By well House, Stocksfield. 
tBates, Cadwallader John, M.A., Heddon Banks, Wylam. 

Bates, Stuart Frederick, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Bateson, Edward. 

Baumgartner, John Robert, 10 Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Beckingham, F. H., Westward House, Ryton. 

Bell, Charles L., Woolsington, Newcastle. 

Bell, John E., Bell & Dunn, Queen Street, Newcastle. 

Bell, M. Howard, Seend, Melksham, Wiltshire. 

Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland. 
air, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields. 

Blenkinsopp, Thomas, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle. 

Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Humshaugh. 

Bodleian Library, The, Oxford. 

Bolam, John, Bilton, Northumberland. 

Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed. 

Bond, William Bownas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

Booth, John, Shotley Bridge. 

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland. 

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., Newbottle Vicarage, Fence Houses. 

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Bowes, John Bosworth, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle. 

Boyd, George Fenwick, Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland. 



Date of Election 
1894Kb. 28 
1891 Dec. 23 

1891 Oct. 28 

1892 Aug. 31 
1866 Mar. 7 
1860 Jan. 4 

1892 Feb. 24 

1883 Dec. 27 
1865 Aug. 2 
1891 Dec. 23 
1891 July 29 

1893 June 28 

1884 Sept. 24 

1891 Sept. 30 

1885 Sept. 30 

1889 April 24 
1888 Nov. 28 

1884 Dec. 30 
1887 Nov. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 

1885 April 29 
1892 Dec. 28 

1892 July 27 

1894 Jan. 31 
1887 Oct. 26 
1892 Feb. 24 

1885 Nov. 25 

1885 May 27 

1890 July 30 
1883 Dec. 27 

1892 May 25 

1893 July 26 

1892 Aug. 31 

1886 Sept. 29 

1893 July 26 

1887 Jan. 26 

1888 Aug. 29 

Boyd, William, North House, Long Benton. 

Braithwaite, John, 19 Lansdowne Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Brewis, Parker, Ellesmere, Jesmond, Newcastle. 
tBrooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle. 

Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwhistle. 

Brown, George T., 17 Fawcett Street, Sunderland. 

Brown, John Williamson, Holly Cottages, Monkseaton 

Brown, Ralph, Benwell Grange, Newcastle. 

Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham. 
*Browne, A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittingham, R.S.O. 

Browne, Sir Benjamin Chapman, Westacres, Benwell, Newcastle 

Browne, Thomas Procter, Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Bruce, Sir Gainsford, Yewhurst, Bromley, Kent. 

Burman, C. Clark, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without, Alnwick. 

Burn, John Henry, Jun., Beaconsfield, Cullercoats. 

Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Coxhoe, Durham. 

Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead. 

Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcastle. 

Cackett, James Thoburn, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 121 Hopton Road, Streatham, London, S. 

Campbell, John McLeod, 4 Winchester Terrace, Newcastle. 

Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton. 

Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympston, near Exeter. 

Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O. 

Carr, Sidney Story, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Carr, Rev. T. W., Barming Rectory, Maidstone, Kent. 

Carse, John Thomas, Amble, Acklington. 

Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Charlton, Oswin J., B.A., LL.B., 122 Northumberland Street, 

Charlton, William L., S. Reenes, Bellingham, North Tyne. 

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne, 

Clayton, Nathaniel George, Chesters, Humshaugh-on-Tyne. 

Clephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead. 

Coates, Henry Buckden, Northumberland Street, Newcastle. 

Cooper, Robert Watson, 2 Sydenham Terrace, Newcastle. 

Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Sunderland. 

Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Corder, Walter Shewell, North Shields. 

Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon. 

Cowen, John A., Blaydon Burn, Newcastle. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.) 


Date of Election. 

1892 Oct. 26 Cresswell, G. G. Baker, 32 Lower Sloane Street, London, W. 

1888 Feb. 29 Grossman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Cheswick House, Beal. 

1889 Aug. 28 Culley,The Rev. Matthew, Longhorsley,Morpeth, Northumberland. 
1888 Mar. 28 Darlington Public Library, Darlington. 

1891 Nov. 18 Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 
1844 about fDees, Robert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 

1887 Aug. 31 fDendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

1893 July 26 Denison, Joseph, Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 
1891 Mar. 25 Dick, John, 4 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 
1884 Mar. 26 Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland. 

1893 Mar. 9 Dickinson, William Bowstead, Healey Hall, Riding Mill. 

1883 June 27 Dixon, John Archbold, 5 Wellington Street, Gateshead. 

1884 Aug. 27 Dixon, Rev. Canon, Warkworth Vicarage, Northumberland. 
1884 July 2 Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbury. 

1894 July 25 Dolan, Robert T., 6 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

1891 Oct. 28 Donald, Colin Dunlop, 172 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 
1884 July 30 Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

1892 Nov. 30 Drury, John C., 31 Alma Place, North Shields. 

1884 Mar. 26 Dunn, William Henry, 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle. 

1891 Aug. 31 Durham Cathedral Library. 

1888 June 27 East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle. 
1881 Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethorn, Corbridge. 
1876 Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle. 

1884 Feb. 27 Ellison, J. R. Carr-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland. 
1886 May 26 tEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 

1883 Oct. 31 Emley, Fred., Ravenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead. 

1886 Aug. 28 Featherstonhaugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, Blackhill. 
1865 Aug. 2 Fen wick, George A., Bank, Newcastle. 

1875 Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle. 

1894 Nov. 28 Ferguson, John, Dene Croft, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

1884 Jan. 30 Ferguson, Rich. S., F.S. A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther Street, 

1894 May 30 Forster, Fred. E., 32 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

1887 Dec. 28 Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle. 

1894 Oct. 31 Forster, Robert Henry, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O. 

1894 Oct. 31 Forster, Thomas Emmerson, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O. 

1890 Mar. 26 Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Carlisle. 

1895 Jan. 30 Forster, William Charlton, 11 East Parade, Newcastle. 

1892 April 27 Francis, William, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

1883 Sept. 26 Franklin, The Rev. Canon R. J., St. Mary's Cathedral, Newcastle. 
1892 Aug. 31 Gayner, Francis, Beech Holme, Sunderland. 
1859 Dec. 7 Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle. 
1883 Oct. 31 tGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham. 


Date of Election. 

1879 " 


1886 June 30 

1886 Oct. 27 

1888 Feb. 29 
1894 Aug. 29 

1886 Aug. 28 
1894 July 25 

1883 Feb. 28 
1891 Oct. 28 
1845 June 3 

1883 Feb. 28 
1877 Dec. 5 

1891 Jan. 28 
1893 Mar. 8 
1865 Jan. 4 
1883 Aug. 29 

1883 Aug. 29 

1887 Mar. 30 
1893 July 26 

1892 Aug. 31 

1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Aug. 30 

1889 Feb. 27 

1894 May 30 

1893 Aug. 30 

1886 April 28 
1834 Feb. 27 
1891 Oct. 28 
1883 Feb. 28 

1883 Feb. 28 

1888 April 25 

1894 Oct. 31 

1865 Aug. 2 

1895 Jan. 30 

1890 Jan. 29 

1884 April 30 

1887 Jan. 26 

Gibson, Thomas George, 2 Eslington Road, Newcastle. 

Glendenning, William, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Gooderham, Rev. A., Vicarage, Chillingham, Belford. 

Goodger, C. W. S., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton. 

Gradon, J. G., Lynton House, Durham. 

Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham. 

Grant- Wilson, Wemyss, Heathfield House, Streatham Common, 
London, S.W. 

Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle. 

Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
tGreenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon 
F.S.A. Scot., Durham. 

Green well, Francis John, Crosshouse, Westgate, Newcastle. 
fGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 

Haggie, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Hall, Edmund James, 9 Prior Terrace, Tynemouth. 
tHall, Rev. George Rome, F.S. A., Birtley Vicarage, Wark-on-Tyne. 

Hall, James, Tynemouth. 

Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Harris, Sir Augustus, Tyne Theatre, Newcastle. 

Harrison, John Adolphus, Saltwellville, Low Fell, Gateshead 

Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 

Hastings, Lord, Melton Constable, Norfolk. 
*Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford. 

Haythornthwaite, Rev. Edward, Felling Vicarage, Gateshead. 

Hedley, Edward Armorer, 8 Osborne Villas, Newcastle. 

Hedley, Ralph, 19 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle. 

Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviott, Corbridge. 

Henzell, Charles Wright, Tynemouth. 

Heslop, George Christopher, 135 Park Road, Newcastle. 
tHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill, 

Hicks, William Searle, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick. 

Hinds, Allan B., 24 Grey Street, Newcastle. 
tHodges, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham. 
tHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S. A., Bank, Newcastle. 

Hodgkin, Thomas Edward, Bamburgh Castle, Belford. 
tHodgson, John Crawford, Warkworth. 

Hodgson, John George, Exchange Buildings, Quayside, Newcastle. 

Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington. 


LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.) 


Date of Election. 

1891 Oct. 28 
1877 July 4 

1892 June 29 


1888 Feb. 29 
1886 June 30 
1888 July 25 

1894 May 30 

1894 Feb. 28 

1886 May 26 
1892 Nov. 30 

1883 Aug. 29 

1883 Feb. 28 
1892 June 29 

1884 Oct. 29 

1890 Jan. 29 
1894 Sept. 26 

1892 Dec. 28 
1894 Oct. 31 

1885 April 29 

1887 June 29 
1894 July 25 
1850 Nov. 6 
1885 Aug. 26 
1894 Jan. 31 

1888 June 27 

1883 June 27 

1884 Mar. 26 
1884 Aug. 27 

1891 May 27 
1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Oct. 25 

1891 Mar. 25 

1892 Aug. 31 
1888 Sept. 26 

1894 July 25 

Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 

Holmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle. 

Hooppell, Rev. Robert Eli, M.A.,LL.D.,D.C.L., F.R.A.S., Byers 
Green, Spennymoor. 

Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington. 

Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle. 

Hoyle, Percy S., Randall, Wilson & Co., Bridgend, Glamorgan. 

Huddart, Rev. G. A. W., LL.D., Kirklington Rectory, Bedale. 

Hunter, Edward, North Eastern Bank, Elswick Road, New- 

Hunter, Thomas, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

Ingledew, Alfred Edward, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Jewell, R. Duncombe, 4 Park Place, St. James's, London. 

Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding Mill. 

Johnson, Rev. John, Huttou Rudby Vicarage, Yarm. 

Joicey, Sir James, Bart., M.P., Longhirst, Morpeth. 

Jones, Rev. W. M. O'Brady, St. Luke's Vicarage, Wallsend. 
tKnowles, William Henry, 38 Grainger Street West, Newcastle. 

Laing, Dr., Blyth. 

Leeds Public Library, Commercial Street, Leeds. 

Leitch, Rev. Richard, Osborne Villas, Newcastle. 

Lennox, A. H,, Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Liverpool Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian). 

Lockhart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexbam. 

Long, Rev. H. F., The Glebe, Bamburgh, Belford. 

hJLongstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, The Crescent, Gateshead. 

Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth, Northumberland. 

Maas, Hans, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Macarthy, George Eugene, 9 Dean Street, Newcastle. 

McDowell, Dr. T. W., East Cottingwood, Morpeth. 

Mackey, Matthew, 33 Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 
tMackey, Matthew, Jun., 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle. 

Maling, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian). 

Marshall, Frank, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Martin, N. H., F.L.S., 8 Windsor Crescent, Newcastle. 

Mather, Philip E., Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Maudlen, William, Gosfortb, Newcastle. 
May, Thomas, 12 Salisbury Street, Warrington. 
Mayo, William Swatling, Riding Mill-on-Tyne. 
Mearns, William, M.D., Bewick Road, Gateshead. 



Date of Election. 

1891 Jan. 28 

1891 Aug. 26 

1893 Dec. 20 

1883 Mar. 28 

1883 May 30 

1883 Feb. 28 

1883 Oct. 13 

1886 Dec. 29 

1883 June 27 

1891 Sept. 30 

1883 Feb. 28 

1884 July 
1895 Feb. 
1883 Jan. 
1893 Feb. 

1885 May 27 
1893 Feb. 22 

1889 Aug. 28 

1891 Feb. 18 

1883 Mar. 28 
1894 Dec. 19 
1889 Aug. 28 

1884 Dec. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 

1893 Mar. 29 

1891 Feb. 18 
1884 Jan. 30 

1892 Nov. 30 
1884 Sept. 24 


1879 Jan. 

1888 Jan. 

1892 Oct. 

1892 Oct. 



1854 Oct. 4 

1887 Aug. 31 

Melbourne Free Library (c/o Edward A. Petherick, 33 Paternoster 
Row, London, E.C.) 

Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Mitchell, Charles, LL.D., Jesmond Towers, Newcastle. 

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields. 

Morrow, T. R., 2 St. Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts. 

Morton, Henry Thomas, Twizell House, Belford, Northumberland. 

Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle. 

Murray, William, M.D., 9 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland. 

Newby, J. E., West Hunwick, co. Durham. 

Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle. 

Newcastle Public Library. 

Newton, Robert, Warden House, Hexham. 

Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields. 

Nicholson, Joseph James, 8 North View, Heaton, Newcastle. 

Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, Newcastle. 

Northbourne, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent. 
tNorthumberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 

Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 7 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Ord, John Robert, Haughton Hall, Darlington. 

Ormond, Richard, 35 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Oswald, Joseph, 33 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle. 

Parkin, John S., 11 New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C. 

Pattison, John, Colbeck Terrace, Tynemouth. 

Pearson, Rev. Samuel, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Pease, John William, Pendower, BenwelJ, Newcastle. 

Pease, Howard, Bank, Newcastle. 

Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge. 

Percy, The Earl, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 
tPhillips, Maberly, 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, R.S.O. 

Philipson, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 
tPhilipson, John, Victoria Square, Newcastle. 

Pickering, William, Poplar Cottage, Longbenton, Newcastle. 

Plummer, Arthur B., 2 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle. 

Potts, Joseph, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 

Proud, George, 128 Sidney Grove, Newcastle. 

Proud, John, Bishop Auckland. 

Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
tRaine, Rev. James, Canon of York. 
tRavens worth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead. 

Reavell, George, Jun. Alnwick. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.) 


Date of Election. 

1882 ~ 

1883 June 27 

1888 May 30 
1894 Feb. 28 
1892 June 29 
1886 Feb. 24 
1891 Aug. 26 
1883 Sept. 26 
1891 April 29 
1894 May 30 

1886 Nov. 24 
1894 Jan. 31 
1894 May 30 

1891 July 29 

1892 Mar. 30 

1889 July 31 

1892 June 29 

1883 Jan. 31 

1892 Sept. 28 

1884 July 30 

1894 Mar. 25 


1893 Mar. 8 
1893 April 26 

1892 Sept. 28 
1891 Dec. 23 

1887 Jan. 26 

1888 July 25 

1893 Nov. 29 

1891 Sept. 30 

1892 Aug. 31 
1886 Feb. 24 
1888 June 27 
1883 Feb. 28 
1888 Oct. 31 
1891 July 29 

1894 July 25 
1894 Oct. 31 

1888 Oct. 31 

1889 May 29 

Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle. 

Reed, The Rev. George, Ridley, Bardon Mill. 

Reed, Thomas, King Street, South Shields. 

Rees, John, 5 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle. 

Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle. 

Reid, George B., Leazes House, Newcastle. 

Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle. 

Reynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker. 

Reynolds, Rev. G. M., Rector of Elwick Hall, Castle Eden, R.S.O. 

Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Richardson, Miss Alice M., Esplanade, Sunderland. 

Richardson, Charles John, Cotfield House, Gateshead. 

Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle. 

Riddell, Edward Francis, Cheeseburn Grange, near Newcastle. 

Ridley, John Philipsoo, Rothbury. 

Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart., M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland. 

Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswick, Coatham, Redcar. 

Robinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle. 

Robinson, James F., Burnopfield. 

Robinson, John, 7 Choppington Street, Newcastle, 

Robinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newcastle. 

Robson, John Stephenson, Sunnilaw, Claremont Gardens, New- 


Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Simon burn Rectory, Humshaugh. 
Rowell, George, 100 Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 
Runciman, W., Fernwood House, Newcastle. 
Rutherford, Henry Taylor, Blyth. 

Rutherford, John V. W., Briarwood, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 
Ryott, William Henry, Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 
Sanderson, Richard Burdou, Warren House, Belford. 
Savage, Rev. H. E., St. Hilda's Vicarage, South Shields. 
Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 
Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle. 
Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland. 

Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Picktree House, Chester- le-Street. 
Shewbrooks, Edward, 2 West Avenue, Gosforth, Newcastle. 
Sidney, Marlow William, Blyth. 
Silburn, Miss Jessie, 7 Saville Place, Newcastle. 
Silburn, Reginald J. S., 7 Saville Place, Newcastle. 
Simpson, J. B., Hedgefield House, Blaydon-on-Tyne. 
Sisson, Richard William, Grey Street, Newcastle. 


Date of Election. 

1892 Oc"t. 26 
1888 Jan. 25 
1891 Nov. 18 

1893 Mar. 29 
1883 June 27 
1866 Jan. 3 
1883 Dec. 27 
1893 Mar. 8 

1891 Jan. 28 

1883 Dec. 27 

1885 June 24 

1887 Mar. 30 

1892 Jan. 27 


1866 Dec. 5 

1887 Nov. 30 
1895 Feb. 27 
1860 Jan. 6 

1892 April 27 

1884 Oct. 29 

1883 Jan. 31 

1893 May 31 

1888 Aug. 29 
1892 June 29 

1891 Jan. 28 
1888 Feb. 29 
1888 Oct. 31 

1888 Nov. 28 

1894 Mar. 28 

1892 July 27 

1884 Mar. 26 

1889 Oct. 30 
1894 May 30 
1884 Feb 27 
1891 Mar 25 

Skelly, George, Alnwick. 

Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill-on-Tyne. 

Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-Tyne. 

Smith, William Arthur, 71 King Street, South Shields. 

South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian). 

tSpence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields. 

Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newburn-on-Tyne. 

Spensley, James Richardson, 1 Argyle Street, Sunderland. 

Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham. 

Steel, The Rev. James, Vicarage, Heworth. 

Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland. 

Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterburn, R.S.O. 

Stephenson, Thomas, 3 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 

Stevenson, Alexander Shannan, F.S.A. Scot., Oatlands Mere, 

Weybridge, Surrey. 

Straker, Jqseph Henry, Howdon Dene, Corbridge. 
Strangeways, William Nicholas, 20 Harborne Road, Edgbaston. 

Sutherland, Charles James, M.D., Dacre House, Laygate Lane, 

South Shields. 

Swan, Henry F., North Jesmond, Newcastle. 
Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland. 
Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle. 
Taylor, Rev. E. J., F.S.A., St. Cuthbert's, Durham. 
Taylor, Hugh, 5 Fenchurch Street, London. 
Taylor, Thomas, Chipchase Castle, Wark-on-Tyne. 
Taylor, Rev. William, Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick. 
Tennant, James, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
Terry, C. S., The Minories, Jesmond, Newcastle. 
Thompson, Geo. H., Baileygate, Alnwick. 
Thomson, James, Jun., 22 Wentworth Place, Newcastle. 
Thorne, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 
Thorpe, R. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle. 
Todd, J. Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
Tomlinson, William W., 6 Bristol Terrace, Newcastle. 
Toovey, Alfred F., Ovington Cottage, Prudhoe. 
Toronto, University of (c/o Edward G. Allen, 28 Henrietta Street. 

Co vent Garden, London, W.C.) 
Tweddell, George, Grainger Ville, Newcastle. 
Vick, R. W., Strathmore House, West Hartlepool. 
Vincent, William, 18 Oxford Street, Newcastle. 
Wadditigton, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead. 
Walker, The Rev. John, Whalton Vicarage Morpeth 


Date of Election. 

1890 Aug. 27 
1887 Mar. 30 

1892 Oct. 26 
1887 Jan. 26 

1889 Nov. 27 

1893 April 26 
1886 June 30 

1892 Aug. 31 

1893 Aug. 30 

1891 Aug. 26 

1885 May 27 

1894 Jan. 31 
1891 Sept. 30 
1848 Feb. 

1886 Nov. 24 
1894 Oct. 31 

Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near G-ateshead. 
Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
Watson, Mrs. M. E., Burnopfield. 

Watson, Thomas Carrick, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle. 
tWelford, Richard, Thornfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle. 
Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Alnwick. 
White, Henry, Little Benton, Newcastle. 
Wilkinson, Auburn, M.D., 14 Front Street, Tynemoutb. 
Wilkinson, The Rev. Ed., M. A., Whitworth Vicarage, Spennymoor. 
Wilkinson, William C., Dacre Street, Morpeth. 
Williamson, Thomas, Jun., 39 Widdrington Terrace, North Shields. 
Wilson, John, Archbold House, Newcastle. 
Wilson, William Teasdale, M.D., 8 Derwent Place, Newcastle. 
Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 
7 tWoodman, William, East Riding, Morpetb. 

Wright, Joseph, Jun., Museum, Barras Bridge, Newcastle. 
Young, Hugh W., F.S.A. Scot., 27 Lauder Road, Edinburgh. 


Antiquaries of London, The Society of, Burlington House, London (Assistant 

Secretary, W. H. St. John Hope, M.A.) 

Antiquaries of Scotland, The Society of (Dr. J. Anderson, Museum, Edinburgh). 
Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The (The Secretary, 

20 Hanover Square, London, W.) 
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, The (Robert Cochrane, 7 St. Stephen's 

Green, Dublin). 

Royal Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, The 
Royal Academy of History and Antiquities (c/o l)r. Anton Blomberg, Libra- 
rian), Stockholm, Sweden. 

Royal Society of Norway, The, Christiania, Norway. 
Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, The (Secretary and Editor, James Hardy, 

LL.D., Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B.) 
Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, The (The Rev. W. Bazeley, 

Matson Rectory, Gloucester). 
British Archaeological Association, The (Secretaries, W. de Gray Birch, F.S.A., 

British Museum, and E. P. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., 27 Soho Square, 

London, W.) 
Cambrian Antiquarian Society, The (c/o J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A., 28 Great 

Ormond Street, London, W.C.) 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The (Secretary, T. D. Atkinson, St. Mary's 

Passage, Cambridge). 
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The. 


Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, The, 

Tullie House, Carlisle. 
Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The (Arthur Cox, Hon. Sec., Mill Hill, 


Folk Lore Society, The (G. L. Gomme, 1 Beverley Villas, Barnes, London). 
Heidelberg Historical and Philosophical Society, Heidelberg, Germany. 
Huguenot Society, The (c/o Reg. S. Faber, Secretary, 10 Primrose Hill Road, 

London, N.W.) 
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The (R. D. Radcliffe, M.A., Hon. 

Secretary, Old Swan, Liverpool). 

London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The (8 Danes Inn, London). 
Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The (Verein fiir 

nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte forschung). 
Numismatic Society of London, The, 22 Albemarle Street, London, W. 

(Secretaries, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head). 

Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the, Harvard University, U S.A. 
Powys-land Club, The (Editor, Morris C. Jones, F.S.A., Gungrog Hall, 

Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (Secretary, Francis 

Goyne, Shrewsbury). 

Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S.A. 
Socie'te' d'Arch^ologie de Bruxelles, La (rue Ravenstein 11, Bruxelles). 
Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (c/o Curator, 

W. Bidgood, Castle, Taunton, Somersetshire). 
Surrey Archaeological Society, The (c/o Hon. Sec., Mill Stephenson, 8 Danes Inn, 

Strand, London, W.C.) 

Sussex Archaeological Society, The (C. T. Phillips, Hon. Librarian and Curator) 
Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany. 
Yorkshire Archaeological Society, The (G. W. Tomlinson, Hon. Sec., Wood 

Field, Huddersfield). 

The Proceedings of the Society are also sent to the following : 

Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain. 

The British Museum, London. 

Prof. Ad. de Ceuleneer, Rue de la Lieve 9, Ghent, Belgium. 

The Rev. Dr. Cox, Holdenby Rectory, Northampton. 

W. J. Cripps, C.B., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester. 

J. Hardy, LL.D., Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B. 

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle. 

Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris. 

The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle. 

The Bishop of Durham, Bishop Auckland. 

The Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Witton-le-Wear. 

T. M. Fallow, Esq., Coatham, Redcar. 


Archaeologia aeliana