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ROBA

ARCHAEOLOGIA AELIANA:

OB,

RELATING TO ANTIQUITIES.

PUBLISHED BY THE

SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

VOLUME XVII.

LONDON AND NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE :
ANDREW HEID & Co., LIMITED, PRINTING COURT BUILDINGS, AKENSIDE HILL.

LONDON OFFICE : 10, BOLT COURT, FLEET STREET, E.G.

M.DCCC.XCV.

LONDON AND NEWCABTLE-UPON-TYNE :
ANDREW REID & CO., LTD., FKINTING COURT BUILDINGS, AKKNHIDK HILL.

1 7.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc v & vi.

Contributions of Plates, Photographs, etc ... vii.

Additions and Corrections viii.

Annual Keports ... ix-xix.

Treasurer's Statement xx.

Report of Northumberland Excavation Committee, and Balance Sheet ... xxii.

Council and Officers for 1895 xxxiii.

Honorary Members xxxiv.

Ordinary Members xxxv.

Societies with which Publications are exchanged xliii.

I. — The Ancient Farms of Northumberland. By the Earl Percy,

F.S.A 1

II.— Temple Thornton Farm Accounts, 1308. By J. Crawford

Hodgson 40

III. — Runic Inscription on Hazel-Gill Crags, near Bewcastle. By

W. L. Charlton 53

IV.— Witton-le-Wear Church. By the Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Vicar ... 57

V. — The ' Quigs Buring Plas in Sidgat,' Newcastle, the Swirle, and

the Lort Burn. By Dennis Embleton, M.D. 84

VI.— Northern Monasticism. By the Rev. Alfred Boot, Vicar of St.

John's, DarJington ... ... ... ... ... ... 91

VII. — The Winston (Co. Durham) Churchwardens' Accounts, A.D.

1632-1695. Transcribed by Miss Edleston of Gainford ... 101

VIII.— Darlington and Hartlepool Churches. By the Rev. J. F.
Hodgson : —

1. Darlington Church 145

2. Hartlepool Church 201

IX. — A Survey of the Churches in the Archdeaconry of Northumber-

and, temp. Charles II. By J. Crawford Hodgson 244

PAGE.

X. — Chibburn, and the Knights Hospitallers in Northumberland.

By J. Crawford Hodgson 263

XI. — The Names of Carausius on the Koman Milestone discovered

near Carlisle. By Major R. Mowat of Paris 281

XII.— Easington Church. By the Rev. H. E. Savage, Vicar of St.

Hild's, South Shields 287

Index 307

LIST OF PLATES.

Plan of Roman Camp of Great Chesters (Aesica)
Details of same

Silver Necklet from same

Bronze Figure of Mercury from same

Witton-le- Wear Church

Croxdale Church, South Door

St. Cuthbert's Church, Darlington, from N.E.
Plan of

II.

III.

IV,

„ „ Sections of Mouldings, etc. ... -j yX'

„ „ Interior of VI«.

„ ,. Section of original Form of Aisles of VII.

„ „ Sections of Mouldings ... VIII. & IX.

St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool, from S.W. X.

New Shoreham Church, interior ... ... ... ... Xa.

St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool, Ground Plan of XI.

„ „ Interior from Chancel XII.

„ „ Longitudinal Section, from East to West XIII.

„ „ Section through Nave and South Aisle

looking east, showing Elevation of

Chancel Arch XIV.

„ „ Elevation of South Side XV.

„ „ South Doorway XVI.

Cliibburn Preceptory from S.E XVII.

Easington Church : View from S.E. since Restoration of

1894-5 XVIII.

., „ View from S.E. from Billings ... XIX.

Ground Plan .. . XX.

PAGE.

between

!xxiv
&

XXV

to face

xxviii

XXX

„

145

148

between

j 160
| 161

to face

167

175

200

201

216

221

224

226

232
235
236
263

287
288
290

WOODCUTS, ETC.

PAGE.

Tile inscribed COH II ASTVR, from Aesica xxii

Roman Inscriptions from Aesica xxii & xxiii

Roman Vault at OUurnum xxvii

Roman Scale Armour from Aesica xxviii

„ Gold-plated fibula from Aesica xxviii

„ Silver-plated ^i7>ttZ# from Aesica xxix

A jasper intaglio, representing the Abraxas god, from Aesica xxx

A bone Object from Aesica xxxi

The Nave Arcade, Witton-le-Wear Church 61

Plan of Sidgate, Newcastle, showing position of Old Burying Ground ... 84

Plan of Old Burying Ground in Sidgate, Newcastle 89

Seal of Bishop Pudsey 145

Sections of Mouldings, etc., Darlington Church 154, 159, 168

Window, South Side of Chancel of Darlington Church 160

Pre-Conquest Inscribed Stones from Hartlepool 205,206

Adjacent Halves of two Compound Bays of Choir of Hartlepool Church... 219

Remains of Chibburn Preceptory, from the South ... 264

Plan of Chibburn Preceptory 265

Sections of Mouldings from the same 266,267

Grave Cover, Chibburn 280

Roman Milestone with name of Carausius, discovered near Carlisle ... 282

Details of Columns, etc., Easington Church 288,289,290

Decorated East Window, formerly in same Church 299

Window formerly at East End of South Aisle of the same 300

Vll

CONTRIBUTIONS OF PHOTOGRAPHS, DRAWINGS, ETC.

Charlton, W. L. : drawing of Hazel-Gill Runic Inscription, p. 55.

Band, Middleton, for photograph of Chibburn Preceptory from the south-east,

plate XVII.

Ferguson, R. S. : loan of block of Carlisle Milestone, p. 282.
Hicks, W. S. : for pen and ink drawings of details of Easington Church, pp. 288,

289, and 290, and for plan of same, plate XX.
Hodgson, Rev. J. F. : drawing of South Door and Arcade of Witton-le-Wear

Church, pp. 59 and 61, and of sections of Darlington Church Capitals, etc.,

facing p. 200.

Holmes, Sheriton : plan and details of Roman Camp of Aesica, plates 01 and 02.
Ingledevv, Alfred E. : plan of Percy Street and of 'Quigs' Burial Place there,

pp. 81 and 89.
Petree, John, Jun. : for photograph of Easington Church from the south-east,

plate XVIII.
Pritchett, J. P. : for plan and details of Darlington Church, facing pp. ]48, 154,

158, 160-161, 168, 170, 175, and 219.

Raine, Rev. Canon : for permission to use block of Pudsey's Seal, p. 145.
Rdiqiuiry, Publisher of : for permission to use blocks, pp. 205 and 206.
Royal Archaeological Institute: for loan of woodcuts of Chibburn Preceptory,

pp. 264-267.
Spence, Charles James : photographs and drawings of objects from Aesica, pp.

xxviii.-xxx., and plates 03 and 04 ; and gift of blocks, pp. xxviii., xxix., and

xxx.
Steavenson, A. L. : photographs of Church of Witton-le-Wear, plate I., and of

South Doorway of Croxdale Church, plate II.

Vlll

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

Page 69, foot note, for ' Wien ' read ' Wren.'

Page 71, line 4, and page 73, line 1. In Elmes's Life of Sir Christopher
H '/•(•// it is stated that his (Sir Christopher Wren's) family was of Danish origin
and settled at Binchester, near Bishop Auckland.

Page 81. The 'Read Hodgson' who signs the parish book was a colliery
owner. He was the author of The Honest Man's Companion, which was printed
for him in 1736 and sold by Martin Bryson.

Page 269, line 12, for 'friars ' read 'brothers.'

Pages 279, line 12, and 280, line 16, for ' Fentun ' read ' Fenh'm.'

Page 279, line 28, for ' Rookedale ' read ' Kookedale.'

St. Cuthbert's Church, Darlington, from the north-east, facing p. 145, and the
interior of the same Church, facing p. 167; St. Hild's Church, Hartlepool,
from the south-west, facing p. 201, and interior of same from Chancel, facing
p. 224, are from photographs by Mr. W. McLeish, of Darlington.

('hil)burn Preceptory from the south-east is from a photograph by Mr. George
Waters of Amble.

ARGHAEOLOGIA AELIANA.

I.— THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

BY THE EARL PERCY, F.S.A.
[Read on the 25th July, 1894.]

WHEN the Royal Archaeological Institute paid its last visit to New-
castle in 1884, canon Creighton read a paper on the Northumbrian
Border in which, among other topics, he discussed at some length the
meaning of the word 'farm' as employed in former times in this
county. In 1892 Mr. Dendy read a paper before this Society dealing
largely with the same subject. In both these papers great stress was
laid on the evidence brought forward on the occasion of the suit of the
Attorney-General v. Trevelyan, revived in the year 1832 by Mr.
Woodman in the Court of Chancery. I will venture to quote so much
of Mr.. Dendy's description of the points at issue as is material for my
present purpose.

This suit was instituted 'to set aside an improvident lease which
had been granted by the bailiffs and burgesses of Morpeth in 1685
At the time the lease . . . was granted the lands of
Netherwitton had been neither divided nor enclosed, and the portions'
in question 'lay intermixed in the common fields. The family of
Thornton, by purchases made both before and subsequently to the
granting of the lease, became, in course of time, the owners of the
whole of the rest of the township, and they had . . . destroyed
all traces of the boundaries ... . and enclosed and brought into
cultivation the ancient arable lands, the meadow, and large portions of
the waste and woodlands.'

It was ' found from the ancient grants and leases, dating from the
time the land was parted with, and from evidence taken by commission
in 1710, that the whole of the township of Netherwitton, at the time
the lease was ranted, consisted, and that in 1710, although it had.
then been enclosed, it was still deemed to consist of 19 \ farms, and

VOL. XVII. 1

2 TIIK ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

that of those 19 J farms f>£ farms formed' the estate it was sought to
recover. The object was to 'show that those 5j farms formed an
aliquot portion of the entire 19^ farms into which the township was
divided, or, in other words, that each of those 19^ farms was of exactly
equal value, and that ' the suitor ' was therefore entitled, in respect of
his 5J farms, to exactly ^ of the total value of the entire township.'

An immense amount of evidence was adduced in support of this
contention, but the suit was eventually compromised by the payment
to the claimants of an agreed lump sum before the final decision of the
court had been given, as to either the amount to which the claimants
were entitled, or the basis upon which it should be calculated.

It will be seen, to put it shortly, that the argument relied on was
as follows : — A ' farm ' in the sixteenth century, and under the com-
mon field system, was an aliquot part of the value of a township.
There were 19| farms in Netherwitton, of which 5j were let in 1685,
Therefore the value of the farms let was to the value of the whole
township as 5J is to 19 J.

The force of this contention will manifestly depend upon whether,
in what sense, and to what extent an ancient ' farm ' can be said to
have been an aliquot part of the value of a township. I propose in
the following pages to bring together a few facts bearing on this point,
and also on another, viz., were these farms identical with the husband-
lands which formed the basis of the agricultural system under the
' common field ' method of husbandry ?

For the extracts from the churchwardens' accounts for the parish
of Lesbury I am indebted to the vicar, the revd. A. A. Edmundson,
who kindly afforded me facilities for examining the originals. Mr. J.
C. Hodgson has been so good as to enable me to make extracts from
the parish clerks' books of other localities. To Sir William Grossman
I am indebted for the particulars of the division of Cheswick. The
remaining facts are all gathered from MSS. in the possession of the
duke of Northumberland.

THE TOWNSHIP OF BIRLING.

The following entry appears in the books of the parish clerk of
Warkworth in the year 1826. It seems to have been made for the
purposes of a rate of Is. 6d. per farm for his salary :—

THE TOWNSHIP OF BIRLING.

BIELING. 10 FABMS.

' Mr. Thomas La idler 3f

Miss Watson 1

Mr. John Wilson ... H

Mr. Matthew Wilson 1

Mr. Robert Wormphrey 1T9^

Borough Greve, Warkworth, Pattison's Close fa

The divided farms, Birling, formerly possessed by Henry Cramlington 1±

farm, viz. :— Rent. Payable.

£ d.

The revd. J. 0. Win scorn 50 5

Henry Cramlington, esq 50 5

Mr. Joseph Castles 26 2£

Mr. John Garrett 10 1.

Mr. Joseph Purvis 10 1

Mr. George Coward 10 1

Mr. Thomas Marshall 10 1

Mr. William Elliot 9 1

Mr. John Dickson 8 OJ

Mr. Mark Moor 8 Of

Mr. Dickson 8 Of

Mr. William Taylor 8 Of

Mr. Thomas Turnbull 6 0£

Total Is. 9d.'

Below, in a tabular form, is the information furnished with regard
to this township by a survey of about the year 1567 : —

Tenants.

Hugh Finch

Cuthbert Dobson
Thomas Arnolde, senr.
Thomas Arnold, junr....
Robert Browne...
William Wharrier ...

William Elder

William Harper
Cuthbert Elder
Thomas Earingtone ...

Acres.
3
2

]

3r.

Land.

Acres.
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33
33

Rent.

s. d.
29 2
2

28 1

29 2

28 1

29 1
29 2
29 04
29 1.
29 2

£ s. d.
2 IS 4
2 19 2
1 4 8
476
5 12 4
473
476
473
473
5 16 8

Here we have a state of things which seems to bear out the theory
advanced in the Netherwitton suit. There are ten holdings, answer-
ing to the ten farms in the parish clerk's books ; the acreage of each

4 THE AKCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND:

is the same ; the rents are almost identical, and the variations between
them may be accounted for by the fact that some of the crofts attached
to the holdings were larger than others, and that the condition of some
of the houses or 'messuages' upon them may have been better than
others. The fines were very unequal, but they may have been deter-
mined rather by what the tenant could afford to pay, than by the
value of his tenure.

The extent of the holdings in this survey are expressly stated to
have been arrived at by 'estimacion.' A terrier made about the year
1616, in which the land had been carefully measured, even down to
the sixteenth part of a perch, gives : —

Acres. Roods. Perches.

John Huntley

25£

Hugh Elder

William Wharrier

»9H

Jane Elder, widow

4f3

Ralphe Robinson

OOjyj

William Davie

John Barker

27«

Robert Arnoll

^ — 1 1 (

Henry Finch

17i

Robert Finch

27Sd

Total 471 3 36^

Here again are the same ten holdings, but there is a difference of
nearly six acres, or about thirteen per cent., between the largest and the
smallest. The estimated equality of the respective areas seems there-
fore to have been somewhat fictitious.

And here let me remark that though at the present day equality of
acreage by no means implies identity of value, it did so within the
limits of the same township under the common field system in vogue
at this period. Each man's holding consisted of a great number of
small strips lying scattered among those of his neighbours throughout
the whole of the cultivated area of the township, and thus the good
land and the bad was practically evenly divided between all the
occupiers. It was this which gave vitality to the system, and, in spite
of its many disadvantages, any attempt to break through it led to
discontent. Thus at Longhoughton, a very large township, when, about
the middle of the sixteenth century, it was divided into two parts, one
allotted to the tenants who lived at the south end of the village, and

THE TOWNSHIP OF BUSTON.

the other to those who inhabited the north end, although, within each,
common husbandry was carried on as before, yet after a few years
there was much grumbling, each party imagining that they had come
off worst in the allotment of their respective portions.

Although it appears from this survey that the land was not so
uniformly apportioned at Birling as the earlier account would indicate,
and although the rents are not mentioned, another element of uniform-
ity is recorded, for it is stated that the dry moulter paid to the lord
was the same for all, viz., twenty-two bushels of bland malt.
THE TOWNSHIP OF BUSTON.

There were two townships of this name ; High Buston, or Over
Buston, often, as here, called simply Buston, and Low, or Nether
Buston. The parish clerk's book has the following entry regarding
the former : —

' BUSTON. 8 FA.BMS. Farms.

Thomas Buston, esq. including the late T. Embleton 2|

Mr. Robert Embleton 3

John Wilkinson, esq 1J

Ditto, late Thomas Embleton £

Mr. Robert Common ^

W. Mills and T. Stephenson

Amount of Cess,
s. d.
4 1£

4 6

2 7£
0 H
0 4*'

' The late Thomas Embleton's 1£ farm is taken into that of T. Buston, esq.,
and J. Wilkinson, esq.'

In 1567, or thereabouts (for these surveys took several years to
compile), the occupiers of Buston are given thus : —

Tenants.

Husband-
lands. |

Area.

Kent.

Fine.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

s. d.

£ s. d.

Robert Buston ..,

Counted as free, as he

had a burgage in

Warkworth. His

subtenant paid 5s.

yearly to the Greve

of Buston.

William Earsdon...

Freehold.

Thomas Byers

Freehold.

Thomas Buston ...

—

Freehold.

Thomas Wilson ...

33 2 0

1 6

400

Copyhold.1

Roger Wilson
John \\ilson

2
2

29 0 0

28 2 0

1 6
1 6

3 12 0
300

Copyhold.1

John Wilson, jun.

32 2 0

1 6

—

1 Throughout this essay the word 'copyhold' is employed to denote a tenure
neither freehold nor leasehold. This is not th ; place to discuss the exact posi-

6 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND:

To this account there is a note : —

This towne was at the fyrste planted wth xvi tennts as yett appeareth by the
scites of there tenemu and are nowe but viii tennts the cause ys that there ys so
little arable lande ami meadowe grounde as also pasture moore grounde wc will
not well suffice for the livinge of so many tennts and for that also they sholde
the better lyve and be more able to doo ther dewtyfull servyce to ther L. and
Mr they wer of xvi made but viii tennts.

Thus, instead of there being eight holdings, as the parish clerk's
books might have led us to expect, there were really sixteen, of whom
eight were freeholders, and eight copy or leaseholders. In another
otherwise complete survey, made about 1586, only the last eight
tenements are mentioned, the freeholders being omitted.

Why, when these sixteen tenants were reduced to eight, was not
the number of holdings reduced to eight also ? There is here no gradual
absorption of several small holdings into a few hands, but a deliberate
reduction of the number of occupiers for a specific purpose. It was
essential in the then troubled state of the country that the tenants on
a manor should be men of sufficient substance to provide means for
the defence of their property from attack, and that they should be, if
possible, * hable men,' capable of joining with horse and armour in
any operation of either a defensive or offensive character against the
enemy. And according to our ideas it would have been simpler and
more natural to increase the size of their holdings by throwing them
together, rather than by keeping them distinct. But our ancestors
did not think so, and it is probable that they had some good reason
for what they did.

The survey of 1616 gives for Buston : —

tion of these tenants, or to determine how far they were 'copyholders' in the
modern sense of the term. They are frequently mentioned as holding by copy
of Court Roll, and yet in the early part of the seventeenth century, when their
title came before the courts of law, they failed to prove it good. The bias of the
judges at this epoch was strongly in favour of customary tenants, or, as Lord
Coke puts it, 'time' had 'dealt very favourably with copyholders in divers
respects.' The Prince of Wales, who had, at his father's instigation, attempted
to seize the customary holdings on the Crown manors in Westmoreland and
Cumberland, was defeated, and \\hen the tenants of other lords, who had copied
the prince's example, were brought before the Star Chamber for resisting the
attack upon their property, the judges to whom the matter was referred decided
in their favour. (See Elton's ('iixtoHi mid Tenant Right, 1882.) It is evident
therefore that some serious defect must have existed i'n the title of those who
could not sustain it even before favourable judges. Mr. Dendy has pointed
out that where copyholds had been originally held of the church they still

THE TOWNSHIP OF BROTHERICK.

Freeholders — Thomas Carre, 3 tenements ...
Roger Buston, a messuage ...

Total freehold

Tenants — John Wilson, senr., 1 tenement
John Wilkinson
John Wilson, junr.
Robert Wilson

Total tenement land ,

Acres.

Roods.

Perches.

104

28f

142

811

4JA

25tk

3SH*

154

THE TOWNSHIP OF BROTHERICK.

The parish clerk's book has here ' 3 farms. John Tate, esq.,
3 farms.' But in the survey of 1567 four tenements are enumerated.

Tenants.

Area.

Rent.

Fine.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

s. d.

£ s. d.

John Turpin

16 2 0

16 8

368

'There is the scite

of a old mantion

house in old

Thomas Hodgeson

7 3 20

tyme.' Copyhold.
Rent paid to the

'firmar' of Bam-

burgh, 8s. No-

thing paid to the
lord, because it

is held 'in ele-

mosina,' being

part of the pos-

sessions of the

church of Bam-

burgh. Freehold.

William Bednell ...

12 0 0

10 0

—

Freehold.

Thomas Hodgeson

15 1 0

16 8

—

Of these four tenants two were freeholders, whose acreage varied
considerably, and two were copyholders or leaseholders, the amount of
whose holdings was more nearly identical, and who paid the same
rent.

In the survey of 1586, as at Buston, the copyholders are alone
mentioned, but in 1616 a very different state of things existed : —

Launcelot Ogle gent, holdeth freely of His Matie part of the village or towne
of Brothericke and part as Tenant to his LOP whoe hath converted all the arable
ground into pasture and denieth to distinguish his Lop's lands from his owne
freehold, to the end, as it seemeth, to confound the one with the other, which
if they should not be severed whilst some, (especially one man that knoweth the

8 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND:

ground best,) is living it will be unpossible, (as it is thought) to divide them
after : the particulars as they are enclosed and divided by hedges and ditches

follow, viz. : —

Acres. Roods. Perches.

Twoe houses and garths lying together, said to be freehold 1 1 10
Twoe other tenements and garths holden of his Lordship... 1 1 16

Acres. Roods. Perches.
Meadows, viz., North field ... 50 2 28

South field 34 0 34

Total ... 84 3 22
Pasture, 61 a. Or. 38^ p. Common and waste, 32 a. 0 r. 24£ p.

It seems from this that the freeholds were the king's, one of them
having evidently fallen into his hands at the dissolution of the
monasteries. We have here a problem not very dissimilar to that
which the parties to the Trevelyan suit sought to solve. The earl of
Northumberland's surveyor knew that two of these tenements belonged
to his employer, and he wanted to ascertain what amount of land
appertained to them. If these tenements had been ' aliquot parts of
the value ' of the whole township, nothing would have been easier for
him than to claim half of the soil or of its value for the lord. He
does nothing of the kind however, but falls back on the time-
honoured custom of appealing to the recollection of the oldest
inhabitant.

THE TOWNSHIP OF ACKLINGTON.

So far, the townships we have considered have been small. This
is considerably larger. The number of farms in Acklington are
stated by canon Creighton to have been eighteen. They appear in
the parish clerk's accounts as follows :—

'The township of Acklington. 18 Farms.

Mr. William Harper

Mr. Henry Grey 3

Mr. Thomas Appleby 2

Mr. John Humphrey 1£

Mrs. Grumble 1

Mr. John Henderson 1

Mr. George Robioson ... ... ... ... 1

Mr. Thomas Anderson 1

Mr. Henry Horsley 1

Mr. John Appleby 1

Coatlands £

Field-house 1

THE TOWNSHIP OF ACKLINGTON.

The survey of 1567 runs thus : 'Ther is a mention of a mansion
howse like as it hathe ben the scite of the manor nowe in the tenure of
Edward Smales, and demysed by the name of a cotadge of ye yerly
rent of 8s 9d.'

Tenants.

Holding.

Rent.

Fine.

Remarks.

8. d.

£ s. d.

Robert Robinson

20 4

208

Copyhold.-

William Robinson

20 7

4 1 4

Roger Simpson ...

20 4

3 12 0

Robert James

21 4

454

Thomas Wim pray

20 4

4 1 4

»5

John Urpethe

20 4

414

John Claye

20 4

4 14 4

John Patersone

20 4

414

John Robinson ...

20 4

310

Copyhold.

Robert Johnsone. ..

20 4

310

Robert Lawe

20 4

3 1 0

John Smithe

20 4

3 1 4

William Pawtersone

20 4

3 1 0

John Brewster

20 4

3 1 0

Thomas Andersone

20 4

210

Humphrey Harper

10 2

1 0 4

Thomas Simpson

20 4

3 1 4)

Copyhold.

John Wright

20 4

310

j»

Here are eighteen holdings, seventeen with an area of thirty acres
each, and paying the same rent, but there is^one only half the size of
the others, and paying only half the rent. Robert James had a
cottage attached to his husbandland, with two acres, for which he paid
12d rent. Roger Simpson had another with two acres, and Robert
Lawe a third. The fines again vary very much.

Compare this ' estimated ' condition of things with that revealed
by actual measurement in 1616 : —

Tenants.

Acreage.

Cot-
tages.

Tenants.

Acreage.

Cot-
tages.

A. R. P.

Humphrey Barker

45 0 23J

Thomas A nderson

42 3 31fi

William Clay

40 3 131^

Thomas Wright

43 2 19£i

Martin Smart

35 3 6i

Thomas Horsley

41 2 16

John James ...

44 0 38^

Thomas Harper

24 3 291

Lawrence Rishforth

42 2 3<H

Henry Johnson

42 2 17^

John Smith ...

42 3 14|

Robert James

41 2 17£J

Robert Robinson

39 1 26|

John Robinson

39 1 22f^

John Robinson

42 1 23i

William Lee
Robert Wompery
George Hunter

43 0 7£
44 0 241
63 3 7tfg

1
1
1

Total

704 1 21 H

VOL. XVJI.

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

This shows that the difference in the size of the holdings was
much greater than it was, or was imagined to be, when the survey
was made only by the eye. One tenant holds sixty-three acres, while
another holds only twenty-four. Instead of there being but three
cottages in the hands of the larger occupiers, there are ten.

But there was also in this township another element, which did not
exist in those above-mentioned, viz. : a body of independent cottagers,
holding directly of the lord. These appear in the survey of 1567
thus : —

Cottagers.

Acreage.

Rent.

Fine.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

s. d.

Thomas Lawsone

1 0 0

2 0

8 0

Copyhold.

Richard Hardinge

200

—

William Wright

1 3 0

6 8

—

Copyhold.

Robert Robinson

100

4 0

12 0

—

William Simpsone

310

8 0

23 0

Copyhold.

Roger & William Simpsone

600

6 8

20 0

George Thewe

010

3 0

9 0

„

Edward Smales

200

8 9

30 5

Total

17 1 0

—

And thus about 1616 :-
Roger Taylor .*
John Wand
John Greeves
John Smales
Thomas Robinson
Roger Woinpery ...
George Thew

16
20J
28H
21*
Of
22
13*

Total 43 3 1£

At this latter date therefore over five per cent, of the cultivated
land of the township, an area equal to the size of an average husband-
land, was in the hands of cottagers.

All these townships had one peculiarity. Although every manor
had its demesne land,2 it did not lie in every township. There was

2 The word ' demesne ' is used in two different senses : first to denote the
hind originally occupied by the lord himself, and cultivated for his immediate
advantage ; and, second, as applied not only to this, but also to all the copy-
holds and to the waste. It is in the first of these significations that it is
invariably employed in the surveys here referred to and in this essay.

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 11

none in the above. It is not necessary to assume for this reason that
there had never been any within their limits. The gradual absorption
and disappearance of the demesnes is a very noticeable feature in the
manorial history of this period. No doubt many of the freeholds had
been carved out of them. But they had also been largely eaten up
by, and included in the copyholds, owing partly to the carelessness of
land agents and surveyors, and partly to the encroachments of the
tenants. The fields were cut up into very small divisions, and much
of the demesnes lay in strips intermingled with those of the tenants.
Under such a state of things carelessness on the one part and pilfering
on the other had the result naturally to be expected, and the writings
of the time abound in allusions to * concealed ' land. At Bilton, early in
the seventeenth century, a suit was instituted to ascertain and recover
the demesnes appropriated by some of the tenants. At Eennington
* there was diverse demayne lands belonging to this manor as by ancient
recordes appeareth, but they have bene of so long tyme occupied and
demised together with the tenement landes that now noe man hath
knowledg truly to separate them one from the other, and were of the
auncient yearely value of cixs vd or thereabouts.' At South Charlton
there were 'noe demayne landes belonging to the said mannor which
cann be found out, onely there is a parcell of ground called Chirneside
wich is reputed as parcel! of the demaynes heretofore belonging to
the same.'

Let us now turn to a township containing not only freeholders
and cottagers, but also a certain quantity of demesne.

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY.

The same tale is told here : ' In this Towne there hath been the
scite of a Mannor or Capitall Mesuage, and certen Demayne lands
used therewth, but no we the house is utterly decayed, and scarce any
mencion where it stood, and the Demayne lands have been confusedly
mixed with the tenements, and soe of long tyme demised, so that
nowe they cannot be distinguished, saving some fewe parcells which
yet doe retayne the name of Demayne lands.' But the township is
an interesting one, for these ' fewe parcells ' introduce a fresh element
for consideration, and the records extend to an earlier date than is

THE ANCIENT FARMS OP NORTHUMBERLAND :

commonly the case. It will be convenient to take these older records
first, leaving, in this instance, the more recent evidence to follow in
chronological order.

In 1500 the husbandlands of Lesbury were as follows : —

Tenants.

Rent.

Remarks.

B. d.

The abbot of Alnwick ...

Freehold.

John Sedman

35 0

Copyhold.

Thomas Fyffe

42 0

„ „

40 2

Robert Fyffe

40 2

Edmund Legh

16 0

Thomas Page

41 0

Robert Berop

42 0

Robert -Smyth

42 1

Edmund Milner

32 0

John Fyffe

24 0

„

46 8

William Legh .'..

40 2

John Simson

40 2

John Sleg

39 0

John Clege (? Siege)

29 4

John Wilkinson

40 2

William Mantell

44 8

Thomas Sedman

39 4

The vicar of Lesbury

42 0

William Wright

42 0

JohnTodd

40 2

Robert Robinson

44 8

There were therefore at this time twenty-three husbandlands.
Even so early as this the rents paid by the tenants varied considerably,
but the acreage is not recorded in this survey.

Let us now pass to that of 1567 (see table on opposite page).

This shows that not only did the fines and the rents vary, but
the acreage of the arable and the meadow land did so also, even by
'estimacion.' The portentous rent of 206s. may be a clerical error,
though it is very distinctly entered in the original. But there can be
no doubt about the other variations.

At first sight there would seem to be twenty-five farms, but the
two tenants whose names are bracketed held half a farm each. This
is the farm set down in the roll of 1 500 under Edmund Legh's name,
and for which he paid only 16s.

LESBURY SURVEY OF 1616.

Acreage.

Tenants.

Arable.

Rent.

Fines.

Remarks.

s. d.

£ 8. d.

William Harrison ...

Freehold.

40 0

600

Copyhold.

55 55

41 30

438

f »

—

16 0

—

\John Carr

—

Leasehold.

,, ,,

40 0

—

Edward Slegge

39 4

5 18 0

Copyhold.

Robert Sharpe

42 10

699

„

John Page

—

40 0

600

John Rimpethe

40 0

—

Edward Smyth

41 10

676

Thomas Ladyman ...

lr.

32 0

4 16 0

Thomas lilder

44 0

8 16 0

George Tomling

41 0

656

Robert Christine

42 6

784

James Rennicke

36 0

576

George Wilkinson ...

206 0

646

Robert Mantell

44 6

6 13 6

Thomas Sedman

39 4

5 18 0

John Falkener

42 0

786

William Milne

10 0

600

Thomas Taylor

40 0

800

)

Robert Wilkinson ...

40 0

600

John FyfiEe

39 4

5 18 0

Thomas Slegge

lr.

23 0

3 12 0

Another survey of 1586 differs in no important particular from
the above, yet there are slight alterations in the rental and the
acreage, sufficient to show that it was not held that these were, even
theoretically, constant quantities.

We now come to the more detailed and elaborate survey of 16 16.

Hitherto these holdings have been entered as * husbandlands.'
Here for the first time they are called ' farms.' The freehold, formerly
the property of the abbot of Alnwick, and which had now passed
through the hands of Herrison to the Fenwicks, is a * freehold ferme,'
and is included in the following table in the * collection of the fermes '
of Lesbury. Even as early as 1500 some of the tenants held more
than one farm, but now the practice had become more common, and
in these cases the acreage of each farm is not given separately : —

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

Tenants.

Number of
Holdings.

Garths and
Crofts.

Arable.

Meadow.

Pasture.

Total.

A. R. P.

John Carre

3£

7 2 351

114 1 Oft

6 2 26

22 1 31{

151 0 13H

Robert Fenwick

9 1 33H

86 0 26j|

3 0 3}

15 2 64

114 0 30-Hf

Roger Carre

2 3 11

66 3 30^

4 1 25j§

13 3 10

87 3 37

George Salkeld ...

1 0 254

68 1 26ii

4 1 36i

13 3 10

87 3 18&

George Freswell

2 3 39j

66 1 21&

4 1 9

13 3 10

87 1 39jf

Francis Freswell

0 3 30

38 2 9J

2 3 33f '

6 3 25

49 1 18J

Edward Shepherd

1 0 1

38 0 9tf

2 0 34fg-

6 3 25

48 0 30$

WilliamWilkinson

1 1 29tf

36 0 10 &

2 1 5$

6 3 25

46 2 30J

Alexander Reveley

0 1 7M

36 0 23^

2 1 7tf

6 3 25

45 2 23|f

William Armorer

0 2 21£

36 0 10&

1 3 26H

6 3 25

45 2 3A

Roger Simson . .

1 1 27

34 2 12

2 0 2±

6 3 25

44 3 2fii

John Hempsell . .

1 0 16$

34 0 25£

1 3 5*

6 3 25

43 3 :-'>H

John Milne . .

0 3 3|

33 3 4-&

205

6 3 25

43 1 38T8e

Geaorge Taylor . .

0 3 12

32 3 84-g

2 1 llf

6 3 25

42 3 17A

John Wilkinson. .

1 0 27

32 1 2J-

2 1 12fJ

6 3 25

42 2 27-,%

George Shepherd

0 2 14$

32 1 iTfe

2 1 22

6 3 25

42 0 22T%

James Sleg

1 2 3

22 3 35ft

1 3 38i

6 3 25

33 1 22T3e

Some of these tenements, which at an earlier date had been copy-
holds, had now been converted into leaseholds at an increased rent,
thus making the inequality between them even greater than before.

The ' drie Moulter ' which was paid by every tenant of a husband-
land, and even, in some cases, by cottage holders, ' in respect of such
malt as the tenants doe sell in the marketts, and to forreyne inhabitants,
not ground at the lord's milne,' was also not identical. In 1567,
eighteen of the husbandlands paid three bushels ; two, three bushels
and six pecks; one, four kennings; one, three kennings; and one
nothing. In 1586, twenty paid three bushels; one three bushels and
six pecks; one six pecks ; and one four kennings. In 1616, twenty-
one paid three bushels ; one, a boll ; and one three kennings.

The cottages were held, as in the other townships already mentioned,
partly by the tenants of the husbandlands, and partly directly of the
lord. In 1500 these stood thus : —

The vicar ...

John Wilkinson
Edmund Legh
John Todd ...
John Fyffe ...

Held with the husbandlands.
d.

Thomas Fyffe

Robert Smyth
Edmund Milner
Robert Fyffe

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY.

Held directly of the lord.

Robert Todd
Thomas Stephenson
William Bamburgh
Robert Henry Capell
Robert Dyconson ...
William Elder

s. d.

1 3

2 9
5 0
4 0
2 4
1 3

William Legh
William Stephenson
William Wilson ...
Edward Robinson ...
John Milne ...
Thomas Smyth

a. d.
1 3
1 3

7
1

9
0

1 0
1 0

Here the rents are given, but not the acreage,
the acreage, but not the rents.

Held with the farms.

In 1616 we get

Tenants.

Cot-
tages.

Acreage.

Remarks.

A. R. P.

John Carre

5) ... .

0 0 36

0 2 21i

„

0 3 20

Roger Carre...
Robert Fen wick

1
1

0 0 29£

?) " * *

0 3 39£

Freehold.

Francis Freswell

—

George Freswell

0 1 33A

John Hempsell

0 0 25i

George Salkeld

0 0 35

Roger Simson

006

John Wilkinson

0 0 32^

William Wilkinson

—

Total

3 3 38±£

Held directly of the lord.

Tenants.

Cot-
tages.

Acreage.

A. R. P.

John Dunne

5 0 17T%

Thomas Band

3 0 20^

John Harrison

2 2 ' 15A-

William Clarke ...

1 0 29

Thomas Duglas

0 2 32±

William Milne

029

George Bonner

026

John Taylor

0 1 32T-V

Total

14 1 1£

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

Of the cottages held with the farms, five were freehold ; the rest
copy or leasehold. The acreage is1, in some instances included in that
of the farms, and cannot therefore be given. The total area is con-
sequently., understated, but the deficit is included above under the
husbandlands.

In addition to these husbandlands and cottage lands there was a
great variety of property in this township. There were seven free-
holders including the vicar, holding land composed partly of strips in
the common fields, and partly of larger plots, some of these plots being
over seventeen acres in extent. These were not 'husbandlands' or
'farms' like Fenwick's freehold farm, but stood in a category by
themselves.

There was the mill, a most valuable asset, paying a rent varying
from £8 in 1500 to £30 in 1609 ; what remained of the demesne
lands, part held on lease, and part at will; a 'house' occupied by
William Clarke in addition to his cottage, about which there is some
obscurity ; the common pinder's house and close ; certain common
meadows which apparently are not included in the totals for the
husbandlands ; and a small bit of land held by lease or copy by one
John Stamp, who was not even an inhabitant of the township. And
finally there were the hedges and d^es, the ' towne gaites ' and
' laynes,' the common balks and wastes, and the great common.

Nature of Property.

Kent.

Acreage.

Husbandlands or farms ; copy-

£ s. d.

A. R. P.

hold, leasehold & freehold ...

44 2 1

1,057 1 11

Freeholds, not husbandlands

0 12 3

57 1 39|£

The mill '

28 0 0

008

Demesnes

.0 13 0£

13 1 0£

Cottages held direct y from

the lord

1 17 9

14 1 1ft

John Stamp's land

—

2 0 16ft

Common pinder

008

0 0 22£

Common meadows

—

0 3 8£

Hedges and dykes

—

0 3 33|

Towne gaites, and layues

—

22 3 11

Common balks and wastes ...

—

'64 3 22

Common

—

384 3 34£

Total

75 5 11J

1,618 0 18jf

The above table gives a fairly correct idea of the extent and

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 17

value of these several items, though" as the rentals and the acreage
respectively are gathered from two different surveys compiled at an in-
terval of thirty years, they do not form a basis for mutual comparison.
In particular the number of cottages varied much from time to time.
The demesne lands too are probably rather under the mark, but the
error cannot be considerable. As regards the rental it must be
remembered that no account is here taken of the fines which were
levied on leaseholds and copyholds alike. As they fell due at uncertain
periods it is impossible to include them in a statement of this
description.

It is evident that the husbandlands furnished only fifty-eight and
a half per cent, of the rental, and covered a little over ninety-two per
cent, of the cultivated and occupied area of the township.

The churchwardens' accounts for the parish at the latter half of the
last century unfortunately do not specifically state the number of farms
the township contained. But on' September 28th, 1783, there is an
entry : — * Agreed on by the Minister, Churchwardens and Four and
Twenty that a cess of one shilling per farm, and three farthings per
Coatland be laid on and collected throughout the parish of Lesbury
or the defraying of the expenses of the church.'

This shows that the rate was divided into sixteenths, three
farthings being that proportion of a shilling, and that the farms were
not the only basis of rating. The details of the amount raised on this
occasion have not been preserved. We are therefore compelled to rely
on an account of later date. * Dr. Ralph March and Robert Swan,
Church- wardens, for cash received from June 3rd 1791 to June 7th
1793 at £1 1s. per farm, for repairing the east front of the north Isle
and Vestry of Lesbury Church.'

* Cash received of the undermentioned persons.'

In the following table (see page 18) the first and second columns
are taken from this account ; the third, fourth, and fifth are compiled
from other sources.

Is it possible to discover the number of ancient farms from this
schedule ? We have seen that the rate for 1783 was divided into
sixteenths. Here, in eleven instances, the payments divide evenly by
sixteen, with the results shown in the sixth column, giving a total of
twenty-three and ten-sixteenths, or within six-sixteenths of twenty-

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

four ; the number of farms we 'know to have existed two hundred
years before, and to have been identical with the old husbandlands.

TABLE.

Name of Occupier.

Rate.

Nature of Holding.

Rent.

Acreage.

£ B. d.

£ 8. d.

A. R. P.

John Swan

5 10 3

Hungerup farm ...

200 0 0

239 1 16

LKI

Lesbury farm

65 0 0

142 1 6

1 4

William March

4 5 31

Field House farm

240 0 0

268 0 11

4^a

David Baird

3 13 6

Foxton Hall farm "I
Cottage and land /

190 0 0

163 1 30

Robert Gardner

2 15 1£

Waterside farm \
Holme farm /

135 0 0

153 3 1

William Hay

383

Hipsburne farm ..

220 0 0

216 2 22

3* •

0 2 10i

Mill and land

52 10 0

7 1 30

Lawrence Gibson ...

3 5 1\

Townhead farm . .

190 0 0

232 0 6

8«

Thomas Richardson

0 9 8£

Bridge Haugh

—

William Coulter ...

1 6 3

Freehold farm

—

65 3 37

Henry Davison, for

Coatland and

Fisher's Close ..

063

—

Robert Bell

0 3 7£

Cottage and garden

200

0 1 22

Thomas Annett

0 2 7£

—

William Fleming ..

0 0 lOi

—

Ralph Bell

0 1 3|

—

William Bell

019

Cottage and garden

400

1 0 0

John Bell

019

Cottage and land...

400

2 3 12

—

Henry & Robert Bell

027*

Public house,black-

smith's shop, and

land

700

4 3 32

Robert Bell

0 1 Oi

Cottage and garden

600

2 3 11

John Lough

0 0 11

Cottage and land ..

0 1 0

—

William Dixon

0 3 6£

Public house and

land

800

4 1 26

William Grey

0 0 2f

Cottage and garth

0 10 0

—

23tf

Four of these six-sixteenths can be readily accounted for. It is a
curious fact that some time ago, whilst engaged in tracing the history
of the farms or husbandlands at Lesbury for a totally different purpose,
and approaching the subject from an entirely distinct point of view,
I came to the conclusion that at some period during the latter half
of the seventeenth century a quarter of one of the farms had been
lost. The missing quarter belongs to William Coulter, who, it will
be seen, is credited by the calculation just made with one farm
and a quarter, but who should properly be responsible for one

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 19

and a half. It would swell this paper to an inordinate length to give
all the details which have led to this conclusion, and I must therefore
be content with recording my conviction that it is so.

The loss of the other two sixteenths I am unable to explain,
except by pointing out that the account is of * cash received,' and that
it is possible that some inhabitant of the township had not paid the
rate demanded. But the close approximation of these eleven pay-
ments to the number of the husbandlands of byegone days is very
remarkable.

The other ten payments in the account will not divide equally
by sixteen, and the basis of rating is evidently different. Let us, for
the sake of convenience, call the payments which divide by sixteen
* normal ' payments, and those which do not ' abnormal.'

It is plain that though the churchwardens professed to take the
farms as the basis of their assessment, there was, in reality, another
basis which applied to property outside these farms : cottages, public
houses, the mill, etc. What it was there is nothing to show, but it
manifestly existed.

We are now in a position to approach the question propounded at
the outset of this paper, viz., were the farms which formed the basis
of local rating in the last century identical with the ancient husband-
lands ? Canon Creighton has attempted to ascertain the extent of
the ancient farms by dividing the area of each township by the
number of them it contained. Mr. Dendy, proceeding apparently
on the same principle, although he considers the farm to be the same
as the husbandland, finds that five hundred farms, of which he has
given a list, ' have an average of nearly one hundred and sixty acres
of township land assignable to each of them.' If this be so it is
certain that the ' farm ' was not the same as the ' husbandland,' for it
would be difficult to find in any of the Northumbrian surveys a
husbandland that amounted to even eighty acres.

But a considerable portion of every township consisted of common
or waste, and this was the lord's, and not the tenants'. The law on
the point at the present day is distinct on this head. * The soil of
the waste land of the manor is always vested in the lord of the manor,
notwithstanding the rights which the commoners may have on it.
The lord therefore, as owner of the soil, has the same rights as other

20 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

owners, except so far as the existence of the right of the commoners
may prevent him from exercising these rights.' (Williams on
Commons, p. 150.) The rights of the commoners are limited, in the
absence of any grant, or title of prescription (which supposes a now
forgotten grant) to a right of ' common appendant,' and to estovers ;
the former being defined as a privilege belonging to the owners or
occupiers of arable land to put upon its wastes their commonable
beasts, viz., horses, kine, or sheep, being such as either plough or
manure the soil ; in other words, from which the arable land derives
some benefit. The other common rights, of * common appurtenant '
(or the right of feeding beasts not generally commonable, such as
swine, geese, or goats), common of vicinage, in gross, turbary, etc.,
must, in order to be held good, be determined by grant or prescrip-
tion. The lord's position in this respect has been recognised for the
last hundred and fifty years at least by his being assigned in the first
place, and before any other claims are considered, a sixteenth part of
the whole common on a division, and he is moreover entitled to
compensation for any growing timber on the waste, to the minerals
below the surface, and to any surplus of the waste which may remain
after the claims of the commoners have been satisfied, such claims
being limited to as much land as is equivalent to the right of
depasturing as many cattle, sheep, etc., in summer as the ground each
commoner occupies within the township or manor will enable him
properly to maintain in winter.

The surveys of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are in
complete accord with these principles. They prove that the land,
in the minds of the compilers, was divided into three classes, each
demanding its own proper treatment. - In the first class came all
the garths, closes, and arable and meadow land,3 except the ' common
meadows.' These were accurately measured, or at the least estimated
with what precision was possible. Each man had a perfect knowledge
of what plot, parcel, or strip of ground belonged to him, and as
absolute and exclusive a right to it as any modern tenant farmer has
to his holding, subject always to the rights of the lord and to the

3 The distinction between meadow and pasture is not very accurately observed
by some modern writers, but it is very marked in the surveys. The latter was
used solely for crazing ; the former furnished the hay crops, and was only thrown
open for grazing when they had been carried.

ATTORNEY-GENERAL F. TREVELYAN. 21

custom of the manor,4 and subject also to the restrictions imposed
upon him by the exigencies of the system of common cultivation.
The pastures formed another class. Each husbandland was credited
with a certain number of acres in them, corresponding to a certain
number of 'gaites.' Thus at Lesbury each husbandland claimed
eight gaites, or 6 a. 3r. 25 p. of the common pasture, except the
smallest husbandland, to which only four gaites, or 3 a. 1 r. 32^ p.
were allotted. But no man could put his foot down on a particular spot
of these common pastures and say ' this is mine.' It was held strictly
in common. The third class comprised all the common, wastes, roads,
common balks, and common hedges. All these were k no man's land '
(as indeed portions of them were sometimes called) except the lord's,
and he held them subject to the rights of the commoners, which
varied in every manor and township, but which included a right to a
certain number of 'stints,' affording the agriculturist 'sufficient
common of pasture.'5

The working of the system is well illustrated by one of the witnesses
in the suit of the Attorney-General v. Trevelyan in 1847. He states
that at that time the township of Sharperton consisted of llf farms,
and that there 'is in the said township of Sharperton a tract of common
and unenclosed ground, which belongs to the owners of the enclosed
lands in the said township, and is stinted by the occupiers of the said
enclosed lands according to the number of ancient reputed farms
which each occupier holds, one stint being depastured on the said
common for each reputed farm, so that I depasture thereon one stint,
the said William Sproat two stints, the said James Nicholson depas-

4 In making this statement I have not overlooked the evidence relating to the
existence of the runrig system, or something similar to it in the county. There
are several notices of exchanges of land in the surveys, invariably mentioned
however as having taken place at a time then past, which may refer to such a
custom. I have not met with any instance in which it can be said that it is
clear that more is meant than a single transaction, such as might be carried out
in the present day between owners or occupiers. The strongest case is that of
North Middleton, but even here it seems possible to understand the account as a
description, not very well expressed, of the ordinary common field system, at a
time when its incidents had ceased to be familiar. But however this may be, it
seems certain that in the sixteenth century runrig only existed exceptionally,
if at all. and that it had entirely disappeared in townships for which terriers
similar to those here quoted had been made.

5 It is important to distinguish between a right, to the 'common pasture,' and
a right to 'common of pasture.' The former referred to the pasture land, the
latter to the common or waste.

22 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

tured thereon five stints and a quarter of a stint ; a six year old ox
is half a stint, which the occupier may put on every other year as a
quarter of a stint,' etc.

This exactly describes the condition of things before the com-
mon fields were divided and the commons enclosed, except that the
former having disappeared, the owners occupy the position formerly
held by the lord of the manor. The occupiers' interest in the common
consists of stints, not land, and the amount of these stints is not
estimated by acres, but by the right which they confer to pasture cattle
on the waste. A stint entitles the holder to pasturage for two beasts,
half a stint for one beast, while the holder of a quarter of a stint can
only put his ox upon the common in alternate years.

If therefore, I repeat, these ancient farms embraced the whole
township, averaging nearly one hundred and sixty acres apiece, they
are certainly not the same as the 'hnsbandlands,' but were something
else of which we know nothing, and to which, so far as I am aware,
there is not the most remote allusion in any document.

But when we reflect how often the number of husbandlands is the
same as that of the more modern farms ; how, in many cases (as at
Buston, where although there were only eight 'farms' in 1826, as
against sixteen in 1567, yet these more ancient farms divide them-
selves naturally into eight freeholds and eight leaseholds), there are
indications pointing to a relation between them, though at this stage
of the enquiry not a very explicable one ; how nearly the number of
farms at Lesbury, at the end of the last century, ascertained indirectly,
agrees with what we know of the past history of the place, it appears
highly probable that they were identical. This view may be supported
by other evidence, not in itself conclusive, but tending in the same
direction.

In the churchwardens' accounts for Lesbury for 1791-3 the pay-
ment for Hawkhill is put down as a lump sum of £10 10s. This, at
a guinea per farm, represents ten farms. In a Manor Court Roll of
the 15th December in the fourth year of King James I. is this
entry : — ' We find by the oath of William Alnewick of Wolden, some-
time of Hawkle, of the age of 53, and also by the oath of &c

that there is ten tenements and a half in Hawkle, out of which there
is due ten bowles and a bushel of barley malt, to wit every tenement a

THE TOWNSHIPS OF LESBURY, ETC.

bushel,6 which they have known during all the time of their remem-
brance to be paid.' Here half a farm seems to have been lost, just as
a quarter of one disappeared at Lesbury, but the approximation is
close.

In Hodgson's History of Northumberland there is a list of the rates
laid on the townships of the county, apparently for the purposes of
what we should call imperial taxation, and levied on the lords of the
manors, and the freeholders, and not on the other tenants. These
rates are therefore probably governed by other considerations than the
number of husbandlands. But that this had something to do with it the
table below proves. In the first two columns are the payments made
for each of the townships we have been concerned with, according to
' the old book of rates,' dating at least as far back as the seventeenth
century. The third gives the number of farms in each, and the fourth
the sums arrived at by dividing the rate by the number of farms : —

Township.

Bate.

Farms.

Share per
Farm.

£ B. d.

s. d.

Lesbury...

1 12 6

1 4*

Birlington

0 14 0

1 4|

Brotherick

040

1 4

Buston, Upper.

0 11 0

1 4J

Acklington

1 3 4

1 3|

The result is that each township is rated at about Is. 4d. per farm,
or the tenth part of a mark.

There is a feature in the more detailed and accurate surveys which
is worth observing in this connection. In modern days when a farmer
undertakes to cultivate two contiguous farms, they are either kept
entirely distinct, so that they may at any time be separated without
inconvenience ; or they are united, the acres which compose
them are thrown together, one farm house is converted into the
steward's house, or into cottages, one set of farm buildings becomes
merely a steading, and the whole is treated in every way as one farm.
The former is the common practice at the present day ; the latter was
that pursued sixty or seventy years ago, and is the method by which
most of our large tenancies have been created.

6 ? Bowie.

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

Our ancestors did neither. When a man held two farms the fact
that he had two ' messuages ' or two * tenements ' was duly recorded ;
the strips in the fields were carefully measured, even down to the six-
teenth of a perch, and labelled (so to speak) as his ; but there is
nothing to show to which of the two farms each strip belonged. An
extract from a survey of a parcel in the common fields of Lesbury will
illustrate this : —

'LONG SEA HEUGHE BEGINNING AT THE NORTH SIDE.

John Hempsell, one land

Roger Carre, two lands

John Carre, one land

John Hempsell, one land

Roger Carre, two lands

John Carre, one land

George Shepherd, one land

Robert Fenwick, one land

George Sawkeld, one land

George Taylor, one land

George Fressel, one land

John Carre, one land

George Fressell, one land

Francis Fressell, one land

John Carre, one land

John Milne, one land

Roger Sympson, one land

Alexander Reveley, one land

John Wilkinson, one land

Robert Fenwick, two lands, late Acton's

William Armorer, two lands

John Carre, three lands

Francis Fresswell, one land

John Milne, three lands

William Armorer, one land

John Hempsell

Roger Carre, three lands

John Carre, one land

Some of acres of Long Sea Heugh

Of the tenants whose names are given here, John Carre held three
and a half farms, Robert Fenwick two and a half, Roger Carre, George
Sawkeld, and George Fresswell two each. Yet there is nothing to
show to which of these farms the strips belonged. The extreme pains
and minuteness with which each bundle of strips is measured and laid

18|

16*

15}$

28J

13|

12T6

12*

"tt

10]6

9T%

8 A

6|A

5|f

6£

35^a

37£

33|

32|

23|

31 H

TOWNSHIPS OF LESBURY, ETC.

down, with the utter disregard of the exact holding to which its
component parts appertained is very striking. The two farms were
evidently regarded as indivisible for agricultural purposes, and there
must therefore have been some other object in keeping the fact that
they were two messuages and two husbandlands so carefully on record.

There is no doubt about the reason for keeping count of the mes-
suages. 'Every tenant, Cotiuger and Cotterell doe pay yerely to the
Lord of Alnwick one henn called a rent henne in winter tyme, except
the Lord's Reave of the Towne for that yeare.' There are many returns
of these rent hens extant, showing that each man paid according to
the number of houses he had, whatever his status or the character of
his dwelling might be. It was in truth a house tax, and a very
valuable asset. At Prudhoe in 1607 the rent hens were considered
4 worth to be demised' for 55s. 4d.

If the record of the messuages was kept for a fiscal purpose it seems
natural to suppose that of the husbandlands to have been preserved
with a similar object, and unless it was that they might form the
basis of local taxation it is not easy to see what it could be.

But if the ancient farms be the same as the husbandlands, nothing
can be more certain than that they were not aliquot parts of the whole
township, of which they covered but a portion. The table below
proves that in three of the five townships mentioned in this paper the
husbandlands did not cover one half, and in one instance little more
than a fourth of the township in which they were situated : —

Townships.

Husbandlands.

T>PiY»pntflpip nf

the Township

Name.

Area.

covered by the
Husbandlands.

Btrling ...

A. R. P.

789 1 17i

A. R. P.

471 3 35^

Brotherwick . . .

181 0 OJ

87 2 7

Buston

728 0 1^

296 3 21 -^

Acklington

2,691 2 4i 764 1 21J

Lesbury

1,618 2 29/6

1,057 2 li§

They did not even include in many cases the whole of the land
under cultivation, for in addition to them there were frequently free-
holds, leaseholds, cottage lands, etc. Nor were they equal inter se, at

26 THE ANCIENT FARMS OP NORTHUMBERLAND :

any rate in the sixteenth century, for the evidence I have adduced
proves that they differed in acreage, .in rental, in the number of
cottages held with them, in the amount of moulter paid to the mill ;
in short in every particular incident to an agricultural holding.

It would seem then that our ancestors were contented to regard as
equal bases of assessment items which were not only relatively unequal,
but which, in many cases, covered only a comparatively small portion
of the area on behalf of which the rate was levied. According to our
modern notions equality of assessment is so indissolubly connected,
a priori, with equality of value that to many persons such a state of
things may appear incredible. But there is no more fertile source of
error in antiquarian researches than a proneness to import the ideas of
our own time into the history of the past. In early days it is
probable that the imposts arising under this system were not onerous.
It was not the rates, but the fines and the services which were the
cause of complaint. The difficulties attending the rearrangement of
areas under the common field system may have been very great. The
inhabitants may have preferred to endure a state of things, however
anomalous, to which they were accustomed rather than to embark in a
local revolution, which might have led to unforeseen results. It is
more extraordinary that, long after the common fields had disappeared,
the same system should have been tolerated, and yet the evidence
taken in the suit so often quoted proves abundantly that, though the
want of correspondence between the actual and supposed value of the
holdings was fully recognised, and the more serious demands of the
land tax and poor rate had been added to the lord's rent, church rate
and parish clerk's fees, the same method of assessment, with certain
minor modifications, survived until a comparatively recent date.

The arrangement cannot always have been anomalous. It must
have been originally created to meet the actual requirements of the
time. If the system assumes the equality of the farms, the presump-
tion is very strong that they were once actually equal. If these farms
covered only a portion of the township, there must have been some
reason why they alone were considered the basis of taxation.

In the absence of direct evidence on this point we may fairly fall
back upon the principle which underlies so many of the received 'laws'
of physical science, and assume that a theory which accounts for all

A SURVEY OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 27

the facts is good until a better can be formulated, or until it is contra-
dicted by some further discovery. The theory I venture to propose is
as follows : —

At the date, probably very remote, when the plan of rating by
farms was inaugurated, whatever the nature, variety or complexity of
the tenures under which the land was held might be, a sharp line was
drawn between that portion of the township which was composed of
demesne land, and that portion which was not. The latter alone was
rateable.7

This would be entirely in accord with the spirit of the manorial
system when the rights and interests of the lord were predominant.
In the light of this supposition the history of these farms may be
traced as follows : —

Originally that portion of a township which was not demesne, that
is to say which did not form a part of what has been sometimes
described as the home farm of the lord, was divided into husbandlands
of equal area, paying an equal ' ferme.'8 It has been already pointed
out that, under the common field system, areas of equal extent of the
same kind of land (arable, meadow, or pasture as the case might be)
must necessarily have been practically of equal value. And we have
seen that the older and ruder the record the more the equality of the
husbandlands or farms seems to have been assumed.

Within this rateable area there might or might not be a certain
number of 'Cotingers and dotterels,' holding directly of the lord.
There is some reason to think that they were more numerous in early
days than subsequently. A survey of the middle of the sixteenth
century says : —

7 Mr. J. C. Hodgson informs me that the parish clerk of Warkworth's book
contains no assessment for Acklington Park. It appears that attempts had
been made to levy a rate ; e.g., in 1830 Mr. Reid's representative refused to pay
Is. 6d. This corroborates the above theory, for Acklington Park was undoubtedly
demesne land, being one of the parks attached to the castle of Warkworth, and
it shows that so late as 1830 some land was exempt from rating, though the
reason of the exemption had probably been forgotten.

8 It has been shown that at Acklington and Lesbury, though in the earlier
surveys the bulk of the husbandlands were nearly, if not quite equal, there was
one which fell very much below the others. This is a feature of such common
occurrence in the larger townships that it appears to be indicative of something
in the ancient manorial economy demanding further enquiry. That it represents
something connected with the original constitution of the manor seems pro-
bable when we reflect that while it is easy to imagine causes which might tend
to increase the area of a husbandland, it is more difficult to account for a
decrease. But this does not materially affect the main argument.

28 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

In ancyent tyme the L. nor his officers dyd not pmytt one tennt of any of
his L. townes to enjoy twoo sevall tents and f armeholdes neyther to adjoine tent
and cotage together but evie tennt to have one tent and to evie cotinger one
cotage whiche nowe yn this my L. tyme ys lytell regarded to ye great impovish-
ment of all yc reste of yc said tennts where any suche thing is. And also no
lytell hurte and hindrance to svice to his L. then pjudice to the comone welthe
wherfor I could wyshe the same were orderlye reaformed and y* wth out any
exclamacon.

So far back as the year 1500 there were several cottages at
Lesbury in the hands of the farmers, so that the abuse, as it seems
to have been regarded, was of long standing, but the comment of the
surveyor evidently refers to a time when all or nearly all the cottagers
held their land, like the other tenants, directly of the lord. Whether
they were rated or not we cannot tell. It is possible that the rate
imposed upon them at Lesbury in 1783 was a survival of an ancient
charge, and it will be remembered that half a farm at Acklington in
1826 is called the 'coatland,' though if this really represents the body
of cottagers of the middle ages it has taken the place of half a husband-
land. But be this as it may, the main part of the burden indubitably
fell on the husbandlands.

In course of years parts of the demesnes were granted to free-
holders or leaseholders, but these, having once been demense, remained
exempt from local taxation. Thus at Buston eight of the sixteen
husbandlands had been doubtless demesne, and so escaped taxation.
This was the reason why, although the number of tenants was reduced
from sixteen to eight, there continued to be sixteen husbandlands.
The same was the case with one of the holdings at Brotherick.

Similarly, as time went on, some of the land which was not demense
fell into the hands of the lord by escheat, forfeiture, failure of heirs,
etc., and might be granted by him to freeholders or leaseholders, but
having been part of the rateable area it continued to be subject to
that liability. Hence the leasehold and freehold farms we find at
Lesbury in the sixteenth century.

Probably from the very commencement of this plan of rating the
husbandlands had constantly tended to become more and more
unequal, and thus to deviate from the theory of their existence.
From time to time some of the more enterprising of the inhabitants
would break up small portions of the moor, with or without the

THE TOWNSHIP OF LESBURY. 29

consent of the authorities. They annexed, more or less intentionally,
portions of the demesnes to their holdings, and again exchanged these
strips with those of other tenants, so that there was a constant accre-
tion on the part of some, and an increasing discrepancy between the
size of the various farms. It is easy to conceive many other ways in
which this would come about. Although this did not apparently
altogether escape the notice of the surveyors, they were content to
acquiesce in it, rather than to raise a host of disputed questions which
might lead to no final issue, and, as far as the glaring facts of the
case would allow, they clung to the fiction that the farms were equal
long after this had ceased to be really the case. A minute survey
like that of 1616 proved the reverse.

By this time the meaning of the word ' farm ' had undergone an
important modification. It had ceased to be applied to the payment
incident to the holding, and had become applicable to the holding itself.
The change in the use of the word notoriously took place about the com-
mencement of the sixteenth century throughout England generally.

At length the day arrived when there was a very general conver-
sion of copyholds into leaseholds. The process was not popular, but
the practical change which it introduced into the economy of the
manor may be easily overrated. It is a mistake to suppose that
statements to the effect that A or B has 'yielded his copy' implies
that he has been turned out of his holding. At Lesbury, for instance,
numbers of the old tenants and their descendants continued for very
many years to occupy the same holdings after they had accepted leases.

The tenants who already had land in the township were very ready
to take up any farms that might fall vacant. This tendency had shown
itself freely long before the extinction of the copyholds, and it grad-
ually led to a larger number of farms being held together than before.

But now a much more important and radical change took place
than was involved in the conversion of copyholds into leaseholds, viz.,
the abolition of the common fields, and the inauguration of the modern
system of several husbandry. It is of the first importance in seeking
to interpret the consequences which flowed from it, that we should
have an adequate conception of the state of things existing before it,
and the methods by which it was carried out. These differed to some
extent in cases where the land of a township was the property of one

30 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

individual, .and in those where it was in the hands of several proprie-
tors. Let us take the former case first.

Let us suppose a township consisting partly of leasehold farms,
partly of demesne lands, partly of cottage holdings, and partly of
common or waste. The leasehold farms were practically the old
husbandlands. The demesnes had become almost entirely merged in
them. When the copyholds had finally disappeared there was no
object in keeping up the distinction between the demesnes and the
husbandlands, and, as the same individuals held both, all trace of the
former tended rapidly to disappear. But the land of which the hus-
bandlands originally consisted, as well as large portions of that which
had been demesne, lay scattered over the whole township. A held
200 acres in 5| farms, B 120 acres in 3^ farms, C 120 acres in 3J
farms, and so on.

The first difficulty that would arise would be found in the varying
character of the land of the district. The 120 acres which B would
receive in severalty might be the worst land in the township, while
the same amount allotted to C might be the best. The arbitrator
would therefore be obliged in fairness to add a few acres to B, or to
deduct a few from C. Thus there would be a further inroad into
the small amount of equality which may still have existed between
the farms.

Either now or at a later date the common would be divided.
Though, as a rule, the complete division of the waste was subsequent
to the breaking up of the common fields, the allotment of the cultivated
land in severalty was often seized upon as an opportunity for a partial
division of the common also. How was the arbitrator to allot this
common ? A with his five and a half farms of 200 acres would have
as much land as he could corrveniently manage, while B and C on the
contrary might be glad to take a little more. And thus the actual
extent of a holding would, after the division, bear no relation what-
ever to the number of 'farms' at which it was assessed. This explains
why, in the accounts of the churchwardens of Lesbury in 1791,
William Hay, with Hipsburne farm of 21 6 a. 2r. 22 p. and a rental
of £220 pays £3 8s. 3d., equal to 3J farms, while David Baird,
with Foxton Hall of 163 a. Ir. 30 p., and a rental of £190, is mulcted
£3 13s. 6d., equal to 3^ farms. This method of allotment would
be pursued whenever more common was enclosed, until the whole had

LESBURY, ACKLINGTON, ETC. 31

disappeared. It would go to increase the size of the holdings in pro-
portion to the ability of the tenant to cultivate it, not with relation to
the number of 'farms' he held, and thus gradually the 'farms' would
extend, in some cases, over the whole township. In such instances
there would be no difficulty in rating the township by farms, but it
was a different matter where there were cottage holdings, and lease-
holds, not liable, under the ancient system, to a rate. Sometimes also
there were small parts of the demesnes which had not been merged in
the farms. One of these was the lord's mill. If these hitherto unrated
portions of the township were few, it seems that they were ignored,
upon the principle 'de minimis non curat lex.' But where they collec-
tively embraced a considerable area, as they did at Lesbury and at
Acklington, it would be felt to be unfair that they should contribute
nothing to the rate, while there would be no ancient precedent to fall
back upon for the purpose. The course pursued in these cases was
probably different in different places, and at different times in the same
place. At Acklington, as has been already pointed out, the cottage
lands may have been thrown together and treated as half a farm
called 'Coatlands.' At Lesbury they seem to have been assessed at a
sixteenth of a husbandland each, and the remaining hitherto unrated
lands on some other basis, resulting in what I have called the abnor-
mal payments in the account. That this is the true interpretation of
these abnormal payments is rendered probable by the fact that William
Hay's contribution for the mill is one of them, the mill being reckoned
as part of the demesnes., His payment is clearly not determined by
the rent or the acreage, for he pays less on the mill than Eobert Bell
for his cottage. At Longhoughton it is said that four, and at Ren-
nington three cottages were accounted equal to one farm.

In those instances in which a township comprised freeholds in the
hands of divers persons another element had to be considered in making
an award. The question was not only how to divide the land so that
it could be conveniently cultivated by occupiers, but also how to allot
it consistently with the claims of owners. Where an adequate terrier
existed there could be no difficulty. This, however, was rarely the
case. The trouble and expense of measuring the land, as in the
extract given above from the terrier of Lesbury, and of compiling the
record, must have been enormous, and was probably but rarely adopted.
Some idea of the magnitude of the undertaking may be formed when

32 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

it is remembered that there were in the township of Lesbury alone
3,270 strips, besides the land held in severalty by freeholders, closes,
garths, etc.9 When no terrier was available the award must have
depended on the number of the farms rather than on their extent.

That this was not the sole consideration, however, the facts
connected with the division of the township of Cheswick tend to
prove. There were eighteen farms in this township, besides a plot of
land called the ' Priory Ground,' valued at £3 a year. The * several
shares and parts of these farms .... lay promiscuously, and inter-
mixed one part with another,' and the moor lay undivided, and had
been enjoyed in common.

In an award of 1719 the arbitrators state that having caused the
arable, meadow, and pasture ground, and the waste and common, to
be surveyed and measured, and having found them to contain
l,907a. 2r. 37p., they had viewed the same, and had ' seriously and
deliberately weighed and considered the nature, soil, and quality
thereof, and the conveniences and inconveniences incident thereto.'
They order that 325 acres of the common shall still continue common
and undivided, and the parties are ' to have and keep thereupon such
rateable and proportionable number of stints according to their
respective interests in Cheswick aforesaid as the same will con-
veniently depasture, feed and bear thereupon.' Nevertheless of this
common they gave Sir Carnaby Haggerston 6a. 2r. 36p. in respect of
the ' Priory Ground.' The remainder of the township they allotted

as follows : — A. R. P.

Edward Haggerston, 4 farms 371 1 10

Robert Wilkie, 8£ farms 747 2 6

Christopher Strangways, 3£ farms 289 0 0

Christopher Sibbitt, 2 farms 174 3 21

Total 1,582 2 37

A plan attached to this award gives somewhat different figures as
the result of the operation. On it it is stated that the ' content of
Mr. Edward Haggerston's with the Priory Land' was 371a. Ir. 10p.,
and it appears that the actual number of acres which came into the
possession of each individual in right of their farms was —

9 The twenty-four husbandlands were divided into 3,219 strips, covering 1,057
acres. This gives an average of rather more than 1 r. 12 p. for each strip. If, as
has been supposed, the original size of a strip in the common fields was an acre
or half an acre, the departure from this had, in the course of years, become con-
siderable, and must have had an influence upon the size of the farms.

THE TOWNSHIP OF CHESWICK. 33

Edward Haggerston

Robert Wilkie

Christopher Strangways
Christopher Sibbitt

Total 1,572 2

The total acreage of the township is stated on the plan to be
l,949a. Ir. 24p.10

In 1724 a further division was carried out by agreement. * It is
agreed by and between all the parties to these presents that nothing
herein contained shall be construed or taken to discharge or acquit
any of the said parties of the payment of the rents payable out of
their lands to Sir Carnaby Haggerston as lord of the manor of
Norham castle, or otherwise prejudice his manor on any account
whatever.' Sir Carnaby Haggerston received 10 acres, Francis Smith
a ' small croft south of the house he dwells in ' and 13 acres, and

A. R. P.

Edward Haggerston 48 0 0

Robert Wilkie 144 2 0

Christopher Strangways 42 2 0

Christopher Sibbitt 22 0 0

Total 257 0 0

The result of the two divisions allotted the land between the
owners of the farms as follows : —

A. R. P.

Edward Haggerston 412 2 14

Robert Wilkie 892 0 13

Christopher Strangways 330 1 27

Christopher Sibbitt 194 2 29

Total 1,829 2 35

That the total number of farms was the leading idea that
governed the transaction is proved by the fisheries on the coast
having been allotted in the following proportions : — To the Hagger-
ston estate 4| eighteenths, to Robert Wilkie 8| eighteenths, to
Strangways and Sibbitt conjoined 5| eighteenths. But that this was
not the only consideration so far as the land was concerned, a calcula-
tion of what each proprietor would have received had the allotment
been made entirely with a view to the number of farms clearly shows.

10 The acreage in the Ordnance Survey of 1861 is l,963a. 2r. lip.

VOL. XVII 5

34 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

ACREAGE DIVIDED IN PROPORTION TO THE NUMBER OF FARMS.

1719.

1724.

Total Area

Owner.

Of Area of
l,582a. 2r. 37p.
as Allotted
by Deed.

Of Area of
l,572a 2r. 35p.
as actually
Received.

Of Area of
257a. Or. Op.
Allotted and
Received.

Actually
Received in
both Divisions
(Cols. 2 and 3).

A, E. P.

A. R. P.

E. Haggerston

351 2 29

349 1 39

57 0 17

406 2 16

R. Wilkie

747 1 1(5

742 2 28

121 1 18

864 0 6

C. Strangways ...

307 3 2

305 3 9

49 3 35

355 3 4

C. Sibbitt

175 3 30

174 2 39

28 2 10

203 1 9

Total

1,582 2 37

1,572 2 35

257 0 0

1,829 2 35

The net results of the division as actually carried out are shown
below : —

Owner.

1719.

1724.

Total.

In Excess.

Deficient.

In Excess.

De6cient.

In Excess.

Deficient.

E. Haggerston...
Robert Wilkie...
C. Strangways...
C. Sibbitt

A. R. P.
15 0 15
4 3 25

A. R. P.

17 3 22
2 0 18

A. R. P.
23 0 22

A. R. P.

9 0 17

7 1 35
6 2 10

A. R. P.

5 3 38
28 0 7

A. R. P.

25 1 17

8 2 28

Total

20 0 0

23 0 22

34 0 5

Although, therefore, the number of farms in the township was
evidently the main guide to the arbitrators in making this division,
yet the result was to consign 34a. Or. 5p. more to two of the
proprietors than was allotted to the other two, and to hand over a
small croft and 29a. 2r. 36p. to be held in severalty outside the limits
of the farms altogether.

Instances of this kind enable us to estimate at their true value the
statements so frequently made by different witnesses in the course of
the Netherwitton suit, to the effect that townships consisted of a
certain number of farms and no more ; that these farms were areas of
equal value, and that their number was the sole consideration which
guided the arbitrators. Such statements are only roughly accurate,
and it must not be forgotten that those who tendered this evidence
referred to transactions which in general had been carried out long
before their time, or at any rate in which they had not themselves
taken an active part.

SIBLING, ACKLINGTON, LESBUKY, ETC. 85

Let us turn again to the account given by the parish clerks of the
townships mentioned in the earlier pages of this paper.

At Birling and Acklington the farms did indeed cover the whole
extent of the township so soon as all the common had been divided.
At Buston the eight husbandlands, which in old days had alone been
rateable, had fallen into the hands of the owners of those which had
been exempt, or of some of them, and the unrateable character of eight
of the farms, and indeed their very existence, was unrecorded. Every
owner or occupier in the township was rated, and collectively the
township consisted of eight farms, and this was all that it concerned
the parish clerk to know or to remember. Very much the same may
be said of Brotherick. At Lesbury there is nothing in the resolution
passed by the vestry to indicate that any basis of taxation existed
besides that of the farms, except the fact that the Coatlands were to
be rated at three farthings. It is not till we come to the details of
the actual sum raised that we find any trace of the lands resulting in
the ' abnormal ' payments, and those who have hitherto considered
the subject do not appear to have turned their attention to accounts
of this description. If more of these could be brought to light it is
probable that they would afford a great deal of information.

So far as the data at present in our possession go they seem to
point to the following conclusions : — 1st, that the farms which formed
the basis of assessment at the end of the last and the commencement
of the present century are the descendants and representatives of the
ancient husbandlands ; 2nd, that it is highly probable, if not certain,
that originally these husbandlands were, generally speaking, of equal
value within the limits of the same township ; 3rd, that they con-
stantly tended to lose this equality, and that in the sixteenth century,
if not long before, their inequality had become very marked; 4th,
that, notwithstanding, they continued to be regarded as equal bases
of assessment ; 5th, that they were never conterminous with the town-
ship, save in cases like that of Birling, in which the lord of the manor
was the sole proprietor, and the husbandlands contained the only
cultivated land within it. In this event they would indeed cover the
whole area after the common had been divided, but even then the
proportion of common added to each holding depended on other
considerations than those of mere equality of value.

There is another conceivable state of things in which, even if

THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

there were more than one owner, the farms would include the whole
of the township after the division of the common ; viz., where there
was no demesne, no cottage land, etc., and where the lord of the
manor accepted a rent charge in lieu of his claim on the waste. This
substitution of a rent charge for a portion of the land of the waste
was not formally recognised by Act of Parliament until the year
1846, but it is possible that it may have been adopted in some
instances by agreement at an earlier period, though I am not aware
of any evidence to that effect.

Since this paper was begun Mr. Woodman has very kindly afforded
me the advantage of examining the evidence tendered in the Nether-
witton suit. This extensive and most valuable record of the antique
customs connected with the tenure of land in Northumberland must
ever be an invaluable field for the researches of the antiquary, and
would furnish materials for many a paper. I may, however, be
permitted to say a few words with regard to it, so far as it bears
immediately upon the subject in hand.

The land originally granted by king Edward VI., which formed
the subject of the suit, is thus described at the time : —

Terrae et tenementa
pertinentibus
dictae nuper
cantaria Sancti
Egidii.

In comitatu
Northumbriae.

Nuper cantaria
Sancti Egidii
f undata in ca-
pella de Wyt-
ton in parochia
de Hartborne.

Firma unius tenementi ]
cum pertinentibus in /
Netherweton predicta > xiiii"
in tenura Johannis I
Smythe per annum,

Firma unius tenement! ]
cum pertinentibus in I
Netherweton predicta in /xiiiis
tenura Thomae Potts I
per annum, '

Firma unius tenementi \
cum pertinentibus in j
Netherweton in tenura v xiiii8
Alexandri Ansone per j
annum,

Firma unius tenementi \
ibidem cum pertinenti- f ..„
bus in tenura Johannis f
Rogerson per annum, j

Firma unius vastae ibidem j
cum pertinentibus in f g
tenura Richard! Snaw- (
done per annum,

Ixiiii9.

THE NETHERWITTON SUIT. 37

Here there are five holdings at various rents ; four of them being
described as tenements, and one as a waste. It will be observed also
that * firma ' here means money and not land.

The next evidence bearing on our subject is given more than a
hundred and fifty years after, in 1710, when some witnesses deposed
that the lands in question were * about one third part in value ' of the
township, and others that there were ' nineteen farmes and one half
farme' in Netherwitton, and that the property to which the suit
referred were ' computed and reckoned to be five farmes and one-half
farme,' or, as one witness puts it, ' there were computed and reckoned
to be nineteen farmes and one half farme of lands and no more in and
belonging to Netherwitton.'

It is not clear whether this implies that there were no more farms
in Netherwitton than nineteen and a half, or that there was no land
which was not included in these farms. But at any rate it would
seem in this instance that the reverse had happened to that which
took place at Lesbury and Hawkhill, for instead of a part of the
farms being lost, five farms in Edward VI. time had come to be
reckoned as five and a half in 1710. It is somewhat remarkable that
at this date, when the common field system was still to be found in
very many, probably in the majority of townships, there is nothing
said (unless I have overlooked it), about these farms being equal or
being deemed to be so.

After this we have another break of more than one hundred and
fifty years, and we then come upon a great body of evidence brought
from many parts of the county as to the practice of rating by farms,
which may be summarized for present purposes as follows : —

1st, that most, if not all the local taxation had been, and to some
extent continued up to very recent times to be raised according to the
number of farms in each township over a very large part of Northum-
berland, and that for this object the farms were regarded as equal ;
2nd, that this imaginary equality had long ceased to have any real
existence ; 3rd, that in many cases where a division had been carried
out these farms had been the only available means of deciding the
respective shares of the claimants ; 4th, that in the opinion of the
deponents these farms had originally been of equal value.

With regard to the first and second of these heads there can be no

88 THE ANCIENT FARMS OF NORTHUMBERLAND :

dispute. The third may be accepted with certain modifications which
have been already noticed. As to the fourth it is no disrespect to the
witnesses to say that it rests on no better ground than the obvious
probability that things deemed to be equal must have been so at one
time or another. They do not profess to put it any higher, and it may
readily be admitted that they are justified in coming to that conclu-
sion. But they do not, and they could not, state that this equality
existed in the sixteenth century, and the original grant seems to show
the reverse, for it is surely more probable that five holdings, three of
which are rented at 14s., one at 12s., and one at 10s., four of which
were ' tenements ' and one a ' waste,' were of different values than that
five equal husbandlands were held on different terms and described in
different language.

In conclusion, I must express my obligations to Sir William
Grossman, Mr. Dendy, Mr. J. C. Hodgson, Mr. Bateson, and other
gentlemen who, while not committing themselves in any degree to the
theories I have advanced in this essay, have rendered me invaluable
assistance by the information they have furnished to me, of which I
have ventured to avail myself more than once without acknowledg-
ment, and by their criticisms and advice.

NOTE.

If the views advanced in this paper of the origin of the Northum-
brian farms be correct, it may possibly throw some light on the much
vexed question of the antiquity of the manorial system with its overlord.
It is repeatedly stated in the evidence given in the Netherwitton suit
that the farms were also called 'ploughs' or 'plough gates.' It seems
clear that originally the word 'farm' implied a rent, either in kind or
money, and not the thing let. The 'plough' or 'plough gate' is
evidently the proper title of that for the use or enjoyment of which
the 'farm' was paid. This recalls forcibly the time when the lord
furnished the villein, but not the free tenant, with the stock and
implements necessary for his holding, and resumed them on the con-
clusion of the tenancy. It is a different system from that described by
Mr. Seebohm, in his work on the village community, where one tenant
supplied the plough, another an ox, another two oxen, etc., to make

THE NETHERWITTON SUIT. 39

up the team. Here each tenant has a plough, and although this
seems excessive for the cultivation of a holding so small as most of the
husbandlands were, we must recollect that the villeins were under an
obligation to plough the demesnes, which were often of considerable
size, and that this duty was probably imposed on every villein in the
manor, whether the particular township in which he resided contained
demesne land or not. The liability to assessment would thus depend
upon whether the lord had or had not supplied the plough, and the
' plough ' became synonymous with a villein holding, or base tenure.

Hence if the 'farms' of Northumberland can be traced to Saxon
times, as some have supposed, it appears to necessitate the existence
also of a Saxon overlord, and a system presenting many of the attri-
butes and incidents which are commonly referred to a Norman source.

Mr. F. York Powell tells us that ' the German theory formerly
generally accepted, that free village communities were the rule among
the English, seems to have little direct evidence to support it. The
English conqueror found estates cultivated by British servi and libertl
and coloni, according to certain rules and customs for the profit of the
dominus and patronus and their own living. He stepped into the
Roman patron's, or even the earlier Celtic chief's, place, exacted his
dues, and farmed more or less after his fashion.' n

11 Social England, 1893, vol. i. p. 125.

40 TEMPLE THORNTON.

II.— TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308.
(EXTRACTED FROM MR. WOODMAN'S COLLECTION.)

BY J. CRAWFORD HODGSON.
[Read on the 25th July, 1894.]

INTRODUCTION.

SEVEN miles west of Morpeth, in the parish of Hartburn, are the
townships of West and East Thornton. The former stands on a high
ridge, commanding a wide and extensive view to the east, south, and
west. ' It formerly had a chapel in it, and extensive grass-grown lines
of houses, remains of strong masonry in the stackyard walls, and great
quantities of hewn stone in the fences about it, prove that it was once
a considerable village. A field to the east of it has had a strong wall
around it. The older of the two cottages has no hewn stones in it,
and has plainly been built before the chapel and old manorial house,
with its accompaniment of barmkin and park walls, began to be pulled
down.' So wrote the rev. John Hodgson in 1827.1 One of the
farms yet bears the name of Temple Thornton, and so keeps alive the
memory of the local association of these fair lands with the great order
of the Templars, whose once they were.

The zeal, which in our day compels the devout Mohammedan of
every nation to make the Hadj, may illustrate the feeling or fashion
of the eleventh and twelfth century Christendom to make the pilgrim-
age to Jerusalem. To protect these defenceless pilgrims, especially
between the seaports and the holy city, from the attack and plunder
of the Bedouin, was the object of the Knights Templars or ' Poor
Fellow Soldiers of Jesus Christ.'

The order was founded immediately after the capture of Jerusalem
by the Crusaders in 1099. It united a brotherhood-in-arms with the
religious profession of chastity, obedience, and poverty. The latter
condition, however, only forbade the possession of property by the
individual, and permitted the holding of wealth by the order. In
1118, for its good service, Baldwin II., king of Jerusalem, granted
1 Hodgson, Northumberland, part ii. vol. i. p. 311.

THE IMMUNITIES OF THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS. 41

it that habitation within the temple enclosure on mount Moriah which
thenceforward gave it the distinctive name of ' The Knighthood of
the Temple of Solomon,' and to the superior of the order his title of
' The Master of the Temple.'

The knights now assumed the duty of defending the holy places
and the kingdom of Jerusalem. Their rule, revised by St. Bernard
of Clairvaux, was conOrmed by papal bull ; their distinctive garb
was a white garment or mantle, with a red cross on the left breast.
Subsequently the members were graded as knights, priests, and serving
brethren.

The story of romantic enthusiasm which led the kings of England
and France to serve with the Templars in the Holy Land, is too well
known to need to be recapitulated ; men of high rank and family
sought admission to, and prince and subject, by gift or bequest,
identified themselves with, the order. For the management of the
lands so granted, members of the order were detached from the parent
house, and as ' residents ' were appointed to represent it in the differ-
ent countries of the west. These procurators were styled ' Priors of
the Temple,' and the duties of each in his province was to remit its
revenues to Jerusalem, to admit members, arrange for their transport,
and to generally represent the Master.

The companion order of the Hospital of St. John founded for the
succour of pilgrims, also had its home in Jerusalem and its legations
throughout Christendom.

Gibbon says, ' the flower of the nobility of Europe aspired to wear
the cross and profess the vows of these respectable orders, their spirit
and discipline were immortal, and the speedy donation of 28,000 farms
or manors enabled them to support a regular force of cavalry and
infantry for the defence of Palestine.'

The immunities, ecclesiastical and civil, bestowed upon the
Templars alienated the secular clergy, and the wealth so rapidly
acquired had the usual twofold consequence, luxury and unguarded-
ness on the one hand, and jealous, watchful scrutiny on the other.
The knights were accused of having traded on their privileges in
extending them to lay brothers or associates, in return for. gifts of
money or other consideration, especially during the extended or
restricted interdicts, which by the ecclesiastical policy of the age were

VOL. XVII. 6

42 TKMPLE THORNTON :

laid upon nations or districts for the stiff-neckedness of rulers or
individuals.

After the fall of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem the head-
quarters of the order were removed to Europe. There was doubtless
felt amongst all western Christians a feeling of soreness and disappoint-
ment at the loss of Jerusalem, a loss of which the order was made the
scapegoat. Philip, king of France, * not from motives of avarice bufc
inflamed with zeal for the orthodox faith,' in 1307 preferred scandal-
ous charges against the Templars. The reigning pope, Clement V.,
who owed his elevation to the papacy ^to French influence, lent an ear
to the accusations. All members of the order were arrested and im-
prisoned and articles of accusation, numerous and ridiculous, exhibited
against them. Torture, excessive, frightful, was used to wring
confessions of guilt from, to be subsequently retracted and withdrawn
by, the sufferers.

One sufferer said, ' they held me so long before a fierce fire that
the flesh was burnt off my heels, two pieces of the bone came away
which I present to you ; ' another victim in retracting his confession
declared that four of his teeth had been drawn out and that he had
confessed himself guilty, to save the remainder. King Edward II.
avowed his disbelief in the truth of the charges, but after the pope
had issued his condemnation, by order in council on the 20th
December, 1307, ordered the arrest of the Templars in his dominion,
and the seizure of their property2 simultaneously on 8th January,
1308. The sheriffs were directed to take inventories of the goods and
chattels, and to make provision for the sowing and tilling of the lands
during the sequestration. They accounted annually to the Court of
Exchequer.

Professor Thorold Rogers tells us that ' in the fourteenth century
the stock on a well tilled farm, and every landowner tilled his land,
and on the whole tilled it according to the best knowledge of the time,
was worth at least three times that of the fee simple.'3 The follow-
ing account rendered by the sheriff gives us the fullest particulars of
the stock of a Northumbrian farm of that period, the admirable way

2 The English province was founded by the first Master of the Temple, Hugh
cle Payens, who came hither for that purpose in 1128 ; it was divided into baili-
wicks and subdivided into preceptories.

3 Economic Interpretation of History, p. 63

THE SHERIFFS' ACCOUNTS, 1308. 43

in which the income and expenditure of the estate is set forth, is
equalled by the detailed and exact statement of the stocktaking. It
gives us the nature of the produce of the estate, and the relative
proportion of the kinds of stock kept. The roll was found some
year ago by Mr. Woodman at the Public Record Office, where he
obtained a translation.

SHEEIFFS' ACCOUNTS.

The account of Guychard Charon late sheriff of the county of Northumber-
land, of the issues, lands, and tenements, of the Master and Brethren of the
Knights Templars in England, in the same county, from Sunday next after the
the feast of St. Martin, to wit, the 16th day of November, in the 2nd year4 of the
reign of King Edward, son of King Edward, to the feast of St. Michael next
following. And from the same feast of St. Michael, to the Sunday next before
the feast of St. Cuthbert next following, in the 3rd year : on which day he
delivered the lands and tenements aforesaid, to Richard de Horsleye, then sheriff
of Northumberland, to keep so long as the King shall please, to answer to the
King for the issues thereof arising. By the King's writ and indenture between
them made.

The same renders account of 63s. 4d. of the rent of assize5 of
divers teuants> holding divers tenements, of the aforesaid
Master and Brethren, of the manor of Thornton, and in divers
vills. adjacent to the same manor, to wit, Wotton, Mitford, Morpeth, Newbiggin,
Warkesworth, at the terms of Easter and Michaelmas, as contained in the roll
of particulars, which he delivered into the Treasury, and on the extent of the
aforesaid manor, made by Adam de Eglesfield, and returned into the Exchequer.

And of £11 14s. 10£d. of rent of assize, of freeholders and customary tenants,
in the vills of Heylee, Corbrigge, Trepwoode, Newcastle upon Tyne, Fenham,
Ry nton, Jesemuth "and Redewoode at the same terms.

And of 60s. l|d. of the like rent of assize, of divers tenants in the vills of
Mildrom,6 Shottone, Heddon,7 Pakkeston,8 Kyllun, Langeton,9 Littleburn,10
Welloure, Alnewyk and Baumburgh, at the same terms.

And of £10 18s. 3d. of rent of assize, of divers tenants, holding divers tene-
ments, in Foxden,11 Besshopeston, Coton,12 the town of Barnard Castle, Somer-
hous 13 and Pelton, in the bishopric of Durham, at the same terms, as contained
in the roll and extent aforesaid.

And of 10s. and five quarters of oats of rent of assize, in the vill of Foxden
at the same terms.14

And of 4 Os. of certain demesne lands, of the said manor, let to farm this year,
in Fenham with certain works at the same terms.

4 1308-9. 5 Fixed or certain rents. 6 Mindrum.

7 Heddon among the hills near the Beaumont water no longer exists. Dr.
Hardy. 8 Paston. 9 Lanton. 10 Lilburn.

11 Foxton near Sedgefield. 12 Coatham.

13 Summerhouse near Brafferton.

14 Here the rent is paid partly in kind.

44 THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARK :

And of 100s. of the farm of the mill of Thornton, at the same terms, so
demised to farm by the year.

And of 18s. of the farm of the mill of Hey lee, for the same time.

And of 10s. of the rent of the brewery, in the vills of Thorneton and Heylee,
at the feast of St. Michael.

And of 2s. 5d. of 580 eggs of rent of assize, on Thornton, Heylee, and Feriham,
at the feast of Easter, sold.

And of 5s. lid. of 68 summer and autumn works, sold.

And of 3s. of the farm of the dovecot at Thornton, from the feast of Easter
to the feast of St. Michael, for half a year.

And of 3s. from the turbary sold there, for the same time.

And of 5s. lid. of 71 hens of rent of assize, in the vills of Thornton, Fenham,
and Heylee, at the feast of the Nativity of the Lord.

And of £24 15s. Od. for 24 quarters of corn,15 6 quarters of rye and maslin,
14 quarters of barley, 8 quarters of barley and oats mixed, 86 quarters of oats,
received from Robert de Faudon,16 by indenture, and so immediately sold on
account of the fear of the coming of the Scots.17

And of 12s. for two stock18 oxen sold.

And of 76s. 8d. for three cows, and three calves their issue, and of six barren
cows, sold about the 'gules' of August, by command of the lord the King.

And of 27s. for three steers of the same stock, and by the same mandate so sold.

And of 15s. for three heifers of the same stock, by the same mandate sold.19

And of 6s. for two bull calves of the same stock, by the same mandate sold.

And of 13s. 6d. for 3 stirks, more than one year old, and three calves, of the
same stock, by the same mandate sold.

And of 10s. for one bull20 of the same stock, by the same mandate sold.

And of £11 13s. Od. for 107 sheep-ewes, 108 muttons, 17 hogs, rcmanents of
the preceding account received by indenture.

15 Corn = wheat.

16 The sheriff of preceding year.

17 A truce was agreed between Edward II., king of England, and Robert
Brus, king of Scotland, in the spring of 1309, the latter had immediately
before 'made great havoc in Northumberland.' Ridpath, Border History,
p. 235 n.

is \Vorking or draught oxen.

19 In 1314 the prices of provisions as fixed by royal mandate and Act of

Parliament were as follows : —

A stalled or corn fed ox £140

A grass fed ox 0 16 0

A fat stalled cow 0 12 0

An ordinary cow 0 10 0

A fat mutton, unshorn 018

A fat mutton, shorn 012

A fat goose 0 0 2£

A fat capon 002

A fat hen 001

24 eggs for 001

The prices were so low that people would not bring their things to market until

the regulation was rescinded. Bishop Fleetwood, Cln-onicoii Preriosum, p. 71.
-° There was no attempt to improve the breeds of cattle : the proof is the low

price of bulls: a collateral proof is the low price of cows. Thorold Rogers,

Si A Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 78.

TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308. 45

And of 36s. 8d. for 88 lambs21 of issue sold.
And of 6s. 8d. from 8 kids22 sold before the Nativity of the Lord.
And of 28s. from 21 hogs sold.
And of 18d. for 6 geese sold.

And of 8s. from four bad skins of oxen which died by the murrain.
And of 14d. from the skins of two oxen which died of the murrain.
And of 49s. 8d. from 69 fleeces of sheep-ewes, muttons and shear-hogs, which
died in the murrain, sold.

And of £4 5s. 5d. from 184 fleeces, weighing 17 stone 1 lb., sold.
And of 2s. 6d. received for three bushels of corn, sold upon account.
Sum total of the receipts £94 2s. 7d.

The same accounts in 9 quarters 2 bushels of corn, 50 quarters

EXPENSES. 6 bushels of oats bought to sow, £9 8s. 6d. to wit for each
quarter of corn 6s. 8d. and for each quarter of oats 2s. 6d.

And in 22^ quarters of rye, 13 quarters 2£ bushels of maslin, bought for the
use of the servants, £11 12s. Id. The price of the quarter 6s. 8d.

And in 4 quarters of oats, bought for meal for porridge for the servants 10s.

And in 6£ quarters of oats, bought by estimation, in sheaves for the susten-
ance of the oxen and cows 16s. 3d.

And in 5 quarters of oats, bought for the provender of the oxen, and expended
in their provender at seed time 12s. 6d.

And he renders in mending ploughs and harrows23 at different times, 12s.

And in turf, dug to burn in the winter 3s.

And in ointment bought to anoint sheep with, at different times 3s.24

And in wages of a man, keeping four score and eight lambs of this issue
from the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, to the feast of the
Invention of the Holy Cross next following, for 90 days taking daily a half
penny, 3s. 9d.

And in milk, for the sustenance of the said lambs, and for washing and
shearing nine score and 12 muttons 3s. ll£d.

And in weeding 37 acres of corn, and 101 and a half acres of oats, price of
each acre a half penny 5s. 9d.

And in cutting, spreading, and carrying 21 acres of hay, as well in the close
of the court as in the fields 13s. Id.

And in mowing, collecting, and binding 37 acres of corn, and 101 and a

21 Average 5d.

22 Not generally kept in the south of England : in 1291 kids were sold at Is. Id.

23 The peasant farmer even in the sixteenth century could not afford an iron
harrow : the teeth of this implement were oaken pins carefully dried and
hardened at the fire. Economic Interpretation of History, p. 61.

In 1407 a new plough cost 0 0 10

A dung cart and all that belonged to it ... 012

A pair of cart wheels ... ... ... ... 032

Compotus relating to priory of Burcester. Chronicon Preciosum, p. 79.

24 The sheep, from the latter part of the thirteenth century, was liable to a new
disease, the scab. We can almost define the year (1280) in which this disease
first appeared by the simultaneous record of the medicines employed for its cure,
Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 81.

4G THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS :

half acres of oats, 61s. 10£J. ; to wit for each acre of corn 7d.25 and for each acre
of oats 6d.

And in wages of one man, beside the reapers, in autumn, to wit, for 30 days,
taking 2d. a day 5s.

And in wages of six carters, one cowherd, one shepherd, and one man keeping
the manor, and making the porridge of the servants for the entire year, 40s.

And in wages of one swineherd for 16 weeks 12d.

And in wages of two men, going to harrow at seed time, for 31 days as well
in winter seed time, as in Lent seed time 5s. 2d.

And in two bushels of salt bought for the porridge of the servants lOd.

And in mending the walls of the Grange 3s.

And in threshing and winnowing 21 quarters of corn, rye, and maslin, 8
quarters of barley and 44 quarters of oats 8s. ed.28

And in the wages of one servant keeping the manor for the time, computed
as above, 39s. 4£d., taking a penny half penny a day.

And in the expences of brother Michael de Soureby, brother
TEMPLARS^ Walter de Gaddesby, brother Geoffrey de Wilton and brother

Robert de Caumvill, of the order of the Knights Templars
being in the custody of the said Gwychard in the castle of Newcastle upon
Tyne from the Sunday next after the feast of St. Martin in the 2ml year of the
reign of King Edward, to the feast of St. Michael next following in the third
year of the reign of King Edward, to wit, for 315 days, each taking 4d. a
day, £2 1.27

23 In the thirteenth century, wheat was reaped at a fraction over 5d. per acre,
barley at 5£d., oats and rye at 4£d. Estimated on the price of wheat, the reaper
of the thirteenth century received about one-twelfth of a quarter for his labour.
Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 174.

26 ' Our ancestors always cut their corn high on the stalk. By cutting high
they avoided cutting weeds with their wheat, and they could reap and carry
their produce in nearly all weathers and could dry it with comparative ease.
They cut the stubble at their leisure, and the straw, unbruised by threshing, was
used for thatching and fodder.' A moderate amount of stormy weather after the
reaping and before the carrying of the corn aided the process of threshing,
and in Northumberland, perhaps elsewhere, was spoken of as the ' barnman's
benison.' 'The labour' of threshing the three principal kinds of corn-growing
grasses differs with the difficulty of separating the seed from the husk, and the
graduated rate of payment expresses the difficulty with exactness. It is 3d. for
wheat, 2d. for barley, Id. for oats. Winnowing was performed by the women at
about a farthing the quarter. When estimating the position of the medieval
labourer by the side of his descendants in the eighteenth century [I reckon]
that the former received for the labour of threshing rather more than one-
eighteenth of the wheat he threshed, rather more than one twenty-second part
of barley, and rather less than one-fourteenth part of oats, taking the rate of
wages and the price of grain as the factors in the calculation. In the eighteenth
century the peasant got one twenty-fourth part of barley and wheat, and one-
twentieth part of the oats he threshed.' See Economic Interpretation of History,
p. 56, and Six Centuries of Win-Tt and Wage*, pp. 171, 172, 173.

27 The King allowed to those of the Knights Templars committed to monas-
teries 4d per day, which would seem to have been their usual allowance. To
W1" de la More the Grand Master was allowed 2s. To the chaplains the King
allowed (as the knights did formerly) 3d per clay for their diet and xx8 for their
stipend. Chronic on Preciosum, p. 122.

TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308. 47

And in expences of the said 4 brethren, 8 horsemen and 10 footmen, sent
with the said brethren between Newcastle upon Tyne and York, for safety, and
securely conducting them thither, for three days, by the King's writ and by his
special mandate, and in staying there before they were, delivered to the sheriff
of York and constable of the castle there 40s.

Sum of expenses £56 : 10 : 7f.

And he owes 37 : 11 : llf

And he renders as follows : —

The same renders account of 9 quarters 2 bushels of corn
COKN.28 bought as above. And the whole account in seed upon 37

acres, to wit, 2 bushels on an acre.

The same renders account of 54 quarters 6 bushels of oats
OATS. bought as above, for seed and for the porridge of the

servants. And of 5 quarters of oats received by purchase for
the provender of the horses in seed time. Sum 59 quarters 6 bushels, of which
in seed, upon 101 and an half acres, 50 quarters 6 bushels ; and in provender for
horses at seed time, as above 5 quarters; and in porridge of the servants, 4
quarters. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 22 quarters and a half of rye,
MASLIN FOR 13 quarters 2 bushels and a half of maslin, bought to be

DELIVERY TO THE ... , .

SERVANTS delivered to the servants. Sum 35 quarters 6 bushels and a
half, of which in delivery to 5 carters for 45 weeks, to wit,
for the whole time of the account, 22 quarters and a half. And in delivery to
one shepherd and one cowherd from the Sunday next after the feast of St.
Martin, to Saturday the morrow of St. Peter ad Vincula29 next, for 36 weeks
and 5 days, taking a quarter for twelve weeks, 5 quarters 3 bushels and a half.

And in delivery to one swineherd, keeping swine 80 for 16 weeks, within the
time aforesaid, one quarter ; and in delivery to one man keeping the court, and
making the porridge of the servants, for 45 weeks 2 quarters 6 bushels.

And in delivery to one carter, going to cart with the horses of the manor, and
with the horses of the said Guychard, after the death of the horses of the manor,
from the aforesaid Sunday next after the feast of St. Martin, to Monday next,
after the feast of St. Michael next following, for 45 weeks taking a quarter for
12 weeks, 3 quarters and 6 bushels. Sum 35 quarters 3 bushels arid a half,
and on sale, upon the account, as appears above 3 bushels. And the account
balances.

The same renders account, of 3 oxen received of Eobert de
OXEN. Fawden, by indenture, of which 2 died in the murrain and

one remains.

28 = Wheat.

29 1st August, Lammas-day.

30 The pigs were turned into the cornfields after the crop was carried and into
the woods to gather mast and acorns . . . The whole of the parish stock was
put under the charge of a single swineherd, who receiving a payment from the
owner of every pig under his charge, had a smaller wage from the lord of the
manor to whom he was also a servant. Six Centuries of Work and Wages, p. 82.

THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS :

BULLOCKS.
Cows.
STEEES.

HEIFERS.

CALVES.

BULL.

SHEEP.
MUTTONS.

SHEAR HOGS.

LAMBS.
KIDS.

SWINE.
GEESE.

SKINS.

The same renders account of 25 bullocks received of the
same, by the same indenture, of which 4 died in the murrain,
2 were sold and 19 remain.

The same renders account of 9 cows received of the same, by
the same indenture, and sold as above. And the account
balances.

The same renders account of 5 steers 3 stirks received of the
same, by the same indenture, and sold all as above. And the
account balances.

The same renders account of 3 heifers received of the same,
by the same indenture, and sold all as above. And the
account balances.

The same renders account of 3 calves, issue of this year, and
sold as above. And the account balances.

The same renders account of one bull received of the same,
by the same indenture, and sold as above. And the account
balances.

The same renders account of 9 score ewes received of the
same, by the same indenture; of which 73 died in the mur-
rain,31 107 were sold. And the account balances.

The above renders account of 7 score and 8 muttons re-
ceived of the same, by the same indenture ; of which 24 died
in the murrain, 108 were sold. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 69 shear hogs received of the
same, by the same indenture ; of which 52 died in the murrain,
and 17 were sold. And the account balances.

The same renders account of four score and 8 lambs, issue of
this year, and sold as above. AM the account balances.

The same renders account of 8 kids received by the same
indenture, and sold as above. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 24 hogs received of the same,
by indenture ; of which 3 died in the murrain, and 21 were
sold. And the account balances.

The same renders account of 6 geese received of the same,
by indenture, and sold as above. And the account balances.
The same renders account of 149 skins of sheep that died of
the murrain before shearing, and sold as above. And the
account balances.

31 From calculations made by Professor Thorold Rogers from the records of
eight sheep-breeding estates of this period, the losses on sheep stock averaged close
upon 20 per cent. Our forefathers, who comprehended all cattle diseases under
the generic name of murrain, were well aware of the risks they ran from rot,
and give the symptoms with the precision of a modern farmer. Si*c Centuries
of Work and Wages, p. 80.

TEMPLE THORNTON FARM ACCOUNTS, 1308. 49

The same renders account of 17 stone and one pound of
WOOL. wool, coming from 180 fleeces, and sold as above.812 And the

account balances.

The same renders account of two hides of the oxen that died
HIDES. in the murrain, and four hides of bullocks, that died in the

murrain, and sold as above.33 And the account balances.

COCKS, HENS, The same renders account of 71 cocks and hens, and 580 eggs
AND EGGS. of rent, and sold as above. And the account balances.

The same answers for 3 ploughs with all their gear received
DEAD STOCK. of the same, by indenture, price of each 18d. ; 2 waggons,

price 3s. ; 2 leaden cisterns,1 price one mark ; 1 large tub
with 2 barrels, price 5s. ; 1 washing tub, with a small brass pot ; hay for the
sustenance of the cattle of the said manor ; 1 iron shod cart,34 price 14s.; 4 chests ;
2 smaller barrels ; with all charters, deeds, and muniments ; under the seal of
brother Michael, late keeper of the said manor.

Memorandum concerning one chalice, one black vestment,
one missal, one gradual, one legend, found in the manor
aforesaid. And these remain in the hands of Eobert de

Fawdon, who stills retains them and refuses to give them up to the said

Guichard.

The account of the same Guichard, of the same lands, from the feast
of St. Michael in the 3rd year, to Sunday next before the feast of St. Cuthbert
next following, on which day he delivered the aforesaid lands, and tenements,
to Richard de Horsley, now keeper of the same, by the King's writ, and inden-
ture between them made.

The same renders account of 5s. lid., of 71 hens of rent, at the term of
Christmas.

And of 4s. 7d. of hides of two oxen, and one bullock, that died in the murrain,
sold.

And of £1 : 10 : 5, of four quarters and a half and one bushel of corn sold,
price of the quarter 6s. 8d.

And of 15s. 3£d., of 6 quarters and one bushel of oats, sold on account.

And of 14s., of one iron shod cart, sold on account.

Sum of receipts, £3 : 10 : 2£.

" The fourteenth-century wool was coarse and full of hairs. . . . The
fleece, too, was light, an average from many entries which I have made giving
1 Ib. 7f ozs. to the fleece. . . . Hence the animal must have been small, and
I think I may certainly say that a wether in good condition weighed a good deal
less than 40 Ibs.— Ibid. p. 80.

83 The ox, quit of skin, head, and offal, did not weigh on an average more
than 400 pounds, and was worth about 11s. to sell. The hide of an ox was worth
at least 2s., and the head and offal amply repaid the services of the butcher. —
Ibid, pages 77, 78.

84 The cart was generally supplied with solid wheels, cut out of a tree trunk,
for iron was too dear for tires. I have found such wheels well into the sixteenth
century when iron was half the price at which it was purchased in the fourteenth.
Economic Interpretation of History, p. 61.

50 THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS :

The same, accounts in wages of one servant keeping the

EXPENCES. manor aforesaid, from Sunday the feast of St. Michael in the

year abovesaid to Sunday next before the feast of St. Cuth-

bert next following, 165 days taking l£d. a day £1. 0. 7$ ; and in wages of two

men going to harrow, in winter seed time, and in Lent seed time, for 31 days,

2s. 7d. taking a Id. a day. And in threshing, and winnowing, 10 quarters of

corn, 30 quarters of oats, 3s. 2d., to wit, for a quarter of corn 2d., and for a

quarter of oats, Id. And in wages of a smith mending the iron-work of the carts

during the time of the account, according to an agreement made with him, for

half a year, 5s.

Sum of expences £1 : 12 : 4£.
And he owes £1 : 17 : 10.

And he owes of the remainder of the preceding account. £37 : !1 : ll£.
Sum which is owed £39 : 9 : 9£.

Conjoint sum which is owed £39 : 9 : 9£.
But he answers in the sixth roll of Northumberland.

The same, renders account of 17 quarters one bushel of corn ;
GBANGE. of which, in seed upon 22 acres of land, 5 quarters and a
half. And two quarters sold as above, and 7 quarters
delivered to Richard de Horsleye. And 4 quarters 5 bushels, sold as above.
Sum 17 quarters 1 bushel.

The same renders account of 85 quarters of oats, the produce

OATS. of the Grange, of which in seed upon 22 acres, 11 quarters

and a half, to wit, half a quarter on an acre. And in

delivery of 4 carters, from the feast of St. Michael to Sunday next after the

feast of St. Cuthbert next following, for 24 weeks, taking a quarter for 16

weeks, 16 quarters. And to one maid servant, keeping the court, and making

the porridge of the servants, for the said time. 3 quarters, taking a quarter for

8 weeks. And in the sustenance of 9 oxen by estimation in the sheaf 6 quarters.

And in meal made or the porridge of the servants, for the time of the

account, one quarter.

And in delivery made to Richard de Horsleye, by indenture, 41 quarters
3 bushels. Sum 78 quarters 7 bushels.

And sold on account, as appears above 6 quarters 1 bushel.

The same renders account of 1 ox, remaining from the last
STOCK Ox. account. And it died in the murrain this year. And nothing
remains.

The same renders account of 19 bullocks which remained;
BULLOCKS. of which two died in the murrain. And in the delivery made

to Richard de Horsleye having custody of the lands and
tenements by the King's writ, and by indenture made between him and the said
Guy chard, 17 bullocks. And the account balances.

The same answers for three ploughs, with all their gear,

DEAD STOCK, remaining from the last account, price of each 18d., two

waggons, price 2s., two leaden cisterns, price 1 mark ; one

large tub with two barrels price 5s. ; 1 washing tub, with a small brass pot ;

DISSOLUTION OF THE ORDER. 51

hay for the sustenance of the cattle of the said manor ; 3 chests ; two smaller
barrels ; with all the charters deeds and muniments under the seal of brother
Michael, late keeper of the said manor, and delivered to the aforesaid Richard de
Horsleye by indenture, between him and the aforesaid Guy chard, thereof made.

And memorandum that the said Guychard, delivered to the aforesaid Richard
de Horsleye, 10 waggon loads of hay, by indenture, for which he has to answer
in his account.

In 1313 a papal decree was issued to vest the property of the
dissolved order of the Templars in the brethren of the Hospital of
St. John. Naturally it was disclaimed both by prince and subject,
the former, however, in part yielded, and in November of the same
year ordered that the lands which had not been already disposed of by
the Crown should forthwith be yielded up to the Hospitallers.

Some fifty or sixty years ago there was discovered in a plastered-
over closet in Malta an ' extent ' or survey of the English possessions
of the order in 1338. This document, edited by the rev. L. B. Larking
with an introduction by Mr. Kemble, was printed by the Camden
Society in 1857 (vol. 65). That portion which relates to Thornton35
(p. 133) may be translated as follows : —

THORNTON

Thornton. There is there one messuage rebuilt by brother Leonard lately
prior ; because, after the abolition of the Templars, all the houses were uprooted
and taken away by the lords of the fees ; the herbage of which is worth yearly xs

And ccc acres, which are worth in time of peace viju xs the price of the acre
vjd ; and now on account of the war the acre is scarcely worth iijd. Total lxxvs

35 EXTENTA BONOEUM QUONDAM TEMPLI.

THORNTON, super Marchiam Scocie, in Comitatu Northumbrie.

Thornton. Est ibidem unum mesuagium reedificatum per fratrem Leonardum

nuper Priorem ; quia post adnullationem Templariorum omnes domus abradicatc

fuerunt et abducte per.dominos feodorum; cujus herbagium valet per annum xs

Et ccc. acre que valent tempore pacis vij1' xs, pretium acre vjd; et nunc,

propter guerram, vix valet acra iijd ... ... ... ... ... Summa Ixxv8

Item de redditu assiso, tempore Templariorum, valebat xxx11, et nunc, hiis

diebus, non possunt levari nisi „ xij1'

§ Summa totalis rccepti et proficui ... ... ... xxiiij marce vs

Reprise.

Inde in stipendio j. capellani non ad mensam, per annum ... lxijs

In vadiis ballivi iiij. quarteria ij. busselli bladi, que valent x8 vjd

In vadiis j. wodewardi xs vj'1

Et in stipendiis eorum per annum ... . . ... ... xiijs iiija

In oleo, vino, et cera. pro cipella ... ij;

In emendatione domorum .. ... xx*

In adventu preceptoris ibidem per annum ... ... ... ij marce

§ Summa omnium expensarum et solutionum ... viju v*

Summa Valoris. Et sic remanent ad solvendum ad
Thesaurarium pro oneribus supportandis ... ... ... xiij marce vjs. viijrt

Tamen nil in presenti propter guerram Scocie

52 THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS AT TEMPLE THORNTON.

Item, rents of assize, in the time of the Templars were worth xxxn, and now,

in these days, there can only be raised xiju

Sum total of receipt and profit xxiiij marks v8

Reprises.
Thence in stipend of 1 chaplain, whose board is not included,

yearly31* Ixij*

In wages of a bailiff, iiij quarters, ij bushels of wheat, which

are worth xs vju

In wages of a forester x9 vjd

And in their stipends, yearly xiiij9 iiijd

In oil, wine, and wax to the chapel ij8

In repairing houses xx8

At the coming of the preceptor there, yearly ii marks

Sum total of all expenses and payments vij" v8

Sum total of the valuation. And so there remains for payment to the

treasurer to meet liabilities xiij marks vj8 viijd

However nothing at present on account of the Scottish war.

This view of tke farming of the past may be closed with a glimpse

of the farmer : —

The Plowman plucked vp his plowe

Whan Midsomer Moone was comen in,
And saied his bestes shuld eate inowe,

And lige in the Grasse vp to the chin.
Thei been feble bothe Oxe and Cowe,

Of hem nis left but bone and skinne,
He shoke of her shere and coulter ofdrowfi,

And honged his harnis on a pinne.

He toke his tabarde and his staffe eke,

And on his hedde he set his hat,
And saied he would sainct Thomas seke,

On pilgremage he goth forth plat.
In scrippe he bare bothe bread and lekes,

He was forswonke and all forswat ;
Men might haue sen through both his chekes,

And euery wang-toth and where it sat.
*****

Our hoste him axed 'what man art thou?'

'Sir' (quod he) 'I am an hine;
For I am wont to go to the plow,

And earne my meate er that I dine.' ST

* In 1348 the great Pestilence had swept away so many priests, among other
people, that a chaplain could hardly be gotten to serve a church, under x marks,
or x pounds per annum, whereas before they might be had at v or iv marks, nay
at ii, together with their diet. As the priests were not content with reasonable
stipends the parliament cf 39 Edw. III. enacted ' If any secular man in the
realm pay more than v marks, to any priest yearly, in money, or in other things,
to the value ; or if he pay to such priest retained to abide at his table, above two
marks for his gown, and his other necessaries, (his table accounted to 40 shillings)
and thereby be attainted, he shall pay to the king fully as much as he paid to
the «aid priest. Chronwm Prwwxiim, pp. 109. 111.

r Prologue to ' The Ploughman's Tale.' Early English Text Society.

A RUNIC INSCRIPTION IN CUMBERLAND. 53

III.— RUNIC INSCRIPTION ON HAZEL-GILL CRAGS,
NEAR BEWCASTLE.

BY W. L. CHARLTON.
[Read on the 28th November, 1894.]

SOME three years ago the writer had occasion to ride over the fells
from the Tyne into Bewcastle. The road, for the greater part of the
way, is mostly a mere track, hardly to be distinguished from a sheep-
track. At most seasons of the year it is characterised in the language
of the country as being * saft.' Nevertheless there are many things to
see and note upon on the way, not the least of them the hospitality
invariably extended 'outbye,' and the pressure with which one is
bidden ' in ' at the few houses to be met with. On this occasion we
accepted the hospitality of Mr. Dodd, the tenant of Paddaburn, a
farm formerly part of the Hesleyside estate, and situated on the banks
of the Irthing. Our host, a man of advanced years, and, we regret to
say, since deceased, kindly acted as guide the next morning, and rode
with us into Bewcastle. Our errand took the nature of a foray, for
we both intended to * lift ' some cattle ere our return ; but times have
altered, and in these degenerate days such commodities have, alas ! to
be paid for in base cash.

Mr. Dodd enlivened the journey by many a tale of past days and
people, chief amongst which, we may mention, was the account of his
own wedding at Grefcna Green many years before. He had given the
worthy who officiated on that occasion to understand that he was but
a tinker, lest he should be charged a fee on a higher scale as a farmer.
Happening to mention the visit of the late Dr. Charlton, in 1865, to
Baranspike, to inspect the Runic inscription there, he remarked that
he had * set ' the doctor over into Bewcastle on that occasion. As
time would not allow of our going out of our way to visit that
place, Mr. Dodd suggested we should turn off a few hundred yards
and see the inscription at Hazel-Gill Crags. These crags, by no
means bold or extensive, lie about three miles to the north-east of
Bewcastle church, and are on the High Grains farm, the property of

54 A RUNIC INSCRIPTION IN CUMBERLAND.

the earl of Carlisle. We made a rough sketch of the letters on the
rock and journeyed on. No thought existed in our mind but that we
should find an account, probably in the Archaeologia, of these Runes.
The matter remained forgotten until some months ago, when, in
sorting some papers, the sketch we have mentioned turned up. An
enquiry to the rev. Wm. Green well elicited the fact that the Hazel-
Gill inscription was unknown to other antiquaries. This was con-
firmed by a letter from professor Stephens of Copenhagen. It is,
therefore, with great pleasure, not unalloyed with a shade of fear
at the presumption of one who is but a very young student in this
particular cult, that we lay before you a measured drawing of the
Runes, and an attempt to grasp their meaning.

Our second visit to the crags was made quite recently. It had
been our intention to procure a squeeze, or even a rubbing, but a gale
of wind and a cold driving mist made such an utter impracticability.
We were fain to content ourselves with a critical inspection and
measurement of the lettering. The inscription, which is very much
shorter than that on Baranspike, and with fewer compound letters, is
cut on the upright face of a rock some eight feet long by two feet
high, and about fifteen feet above the surface of the ground below,
and at a corresponding slope with the upper surface of the stone. It
is not at first very easy to find, on account of there being but a
distance of about two feet between it and the next rock, making,
therefore, a sort of defile.

There are altogether twenty-three letters : their height about two
and a half inches, the depth still about one-eighth of an inch in the
deepest part, the breadth but a line, and the total length two feet one
and a half inches. The reading of the whole appears to be :—
ASKR HRADD HESiELKiL HiMTHiK^E (see illustration on opposite
page). The Runes are of the later order, and in old Norse and purely
Scandinavian.

The first word askr, asg or ash, a common enough Scando-Anglia
man's name, and still retained in Askertou castle, a fortified farm-
house of some interest not above five or six miles off, represents,
doubtless, the name of the writer or carver of the Runes. Hradd we
take to be a local variation of hrodd — bold, quick ; the interchanges
of a and o, we are told, being very common, as in hand, hond, land,

o 8

I Z

M Z

56 A RUNIC INSCRIPTION IN CUMBERLAND.

Jond, etc. In the next word we have, curiously enough, the very
name by which the rocks are known to this day, Hesielkil — Hazel-Gill.
In Dr. Charlton's notes on Baranspike, he remarks upon the singular-
ity of that crag bearing the name of the writer, * Baranr.' The last
word, HIMTHIK^, we think, must be a form of heimthigi, a house
carl, lodger, home taker, as given in Cleasby's Greqt Icelandic- English
Lexicon, page 252. Thus we have the whole reading : Asker, the
bold, at Hazel-Gill to his house carl. Professor Stephens suggests as
a probable date the period between 950 ancl 1000 A.D. This makes
the inscription younger, by some three or four hundred years, than
the beautiful monument in St. Cuthbert's churchyard in Bewcastle,
but slightly older than its neighbour Baranspike.

We can offer no conjecture as to the reasons which influenced the
carver to execute his work in such a spot, remote from human habita-
tion. There this simple record of a man's work remains, after
numerous centuries, defying sunshine and snowstorm, another small
monument to remind us of the past history and inhabitants of the
country around.

Briton, Roman, Saxon, Dane, and Norman, have left traces behind
them, less perishable than themselves, in the neighbourhood, of their
works and the times in which they lived. We trust that it may be
our luck in time to come to find other inscriptions, if such exist as
yet undiscovered, and to submit them to the members of this society.

NOTE.

Since the reading of the above paper it has been brought to our
notice that an article on the Hazel-Gill inscription appears in vol. i.
Cumberland and Westmorland Transactions (p. 318), written by the
Rev. John Maughan, then (1873) rector of Bewcastle.

Ed "S*

I l

O J

fc 5;

Of !>

ffi
O

D
ffi

DC
E-

WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH. 57

IV.— WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH.

By the Eev. J. F. HODGSON, vicar.
[Read at Witton on the 27th August, 1894.]

IN visiting a strange place, one of the first points, from an archaeo-
logical point of view, if not indeed the very first, is to enquire into
the meaning and derivation of its name; the etymology of which,
though oftentimes seemingly obvious enough, will nevertheless be
found, on enquiry, to be something wholly different. Such is the case,
not only here at Witton, but as regards the mother church and parish
of Auckland; and, to take but one other instance from the county of
Durham, that which the railway people, whose schoolmaster would
seem to have been very much abroad, have within quite recent years
converted into the lofty and romantically sounding ' Eaglescliffe.'
Till then, ib was known as Egglescliffe, a name which might, by some,
perhaps, be thought to have reference to the church or ecclesia which
dominates the height, but which an appeal to history — in this case,
pace the late Cardinal Manning, neither ' heresy nor treason ' — shows
to have as little connection with a church as with eagles, but to have
been really and originally Eggesclive— the cliff, that is, belonging to,
and occupied by, Egge or Eggi.

Again, with respect to Auckland. Nothing could seem plainer,
perhaps, superficially, than that the word meant Oakland. Yet,
though the real meaning still remains altogether doubtful and obscure,
it certainly does not mean that. Both syllables, though of com-
paratively ancient introduction, are, notwithstanding, distinct corrup-
tions. In 1085, the name was written Alcleat ; in 1129, Aclet ; soon
after 1200, Aclent; and not till 1259, Aucland.

And then as to Witton. What could seem simpler, or more self-
evident than that it meant, as various ancient whitened cottages still
remain to testify, the White-ton, or village ? A practical objection
to such a derivation might, no doubt, lie in the fact that, as all
ancient villages were more or less whitened, there was no reason why
this one should be distinguished from the rest by such a special

VOL. XVII. 8

58 WITTOX-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

appellation. But a sufficient answer might be found in the fact of its
peculiar position which, unlike that of most others of its class, was
not on the ordinary level of the countryside, where, embowered
among trees, it would speedily become inconspicuous ; but perched at
mid-height on the slope of a broad and deep valley, where, backed
above, beneath, and on every side, by hanging woods and fields, it
lay a bright white patch, visible in almost all directions, for miles
around. Yet, for all that, the answer would be quite wrong ; for
though 'ton,' of course, means town or habitation, 'Wit' does not
mean white but wood; Symeon, who first mentions the place, de-
scribing it as 'Wudutun,' the ton, not merely situated in, but
probably also built of, wood.

In an inquisition taken in the 24th of Bishop Hatfield (13G8-9),
we find the name assuming the intermediate form of Wottcn. When,
where, or by whom its present designation was bestowed, I cannot
say; but in the first year of Elizabeth (1558), when the Church
Register commences, it is styled ' Wytton upon Wyere,' and the same
suffix continued certainly to as late a date as 1735, when Thomas
Lamb, the then curate, notifies that he came to reside at Witton upon
Wear on the ninth day of June in that year.

In 1787, however, as another memorandum, referring to the re-
building of the Grammar school at Auckland, shows, the name would
seem to have settled down into its present form of Witton-le-Wear.

Of the primitive Saxon church, or its adjuncts, we have at present
no visible remains whatever. The existing building, which imme-
diately succeeded it, and which is under the somewhat unusual
invocation of S. Philip and S. James, is one of the humblest class.
It has, on that account, unfortunately, received but the scantiest
notice from Hutchinson, who speaks of it merely as 'a neat edifice,
prebeudal to Auckland college.' The omission of further particulars
is the more regrettable, seeing that nearly all such ancient features as
remained up to his time (1794) have, in the interim, been radically
destroyed.

Yery small and plain, even to baldness, and consisting, in the first
instance, simply of an aisleless nave and chancel, it must. I think, have
been among the very earliest buildings of its class erected after the
Conquest. Indeed, so far as existing evidence serves to show, it

THE SOUTH DOOR,

might, perhaps, lay claim to be the very earliest, for though but a
single distinct and original feature, the south doorway, is now left,
it carries us further back, apparently, than the like remains at either

J.F.H. mens. ft del.

SOUTH DOORWAY OF WITTOX-LE-WEAK CHURCH.

Croxdale, Haughton, Heighington, or S. Giles's, Durham, the last ol
which we know to have been finished in 1112. In all these cases,
save that of Croxdale, which, though of the same type, is later and

60 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH:

more ornate, the jambs are provided with nook shafts, while here,
where there is but a single severely simple order, there is none. From
its close agreement, amounting to practical identity of design with
those in the transepts of the cathedral, and which are recorded to have
been built between 1095 and 1099, we should be warranted, I think, in
referring its construction to the very beginning of the twelfth century.

As thus first planned, the church would seem to have continued
without alteration for nearly a hundred years, when an aisle, opening
by an arcade of three pointed arches, was attached to the north side
of the nave. Like most, if not all, such appendages, it was added not
so much, if indeed in any sense, for congregational, as for chantry
purposes. It would therefore be of private foundation, and furnished,
as usual, with a separate altar. That such was the case, though the
altar itself is now, of course, gone, we have structural evidence in the
planning of the arcade ; the eastern respond of which is advanced some
three feet from the end of the aisle, so as to form a sort of
screen or protection to the altar laterally, while that at the west is
carried nearly up to the wall face. But for this reason the arrange-
ment would be palpably absurd, for while such an abutment to the
thrust of the arcade was not needed to the east — where the north wall
of the chancel afforded sufficient support — to the west it was, as
sufficiently evidenced by the fact that, owing to its absence, both the
western pillar and respond have been considerably pushed out.

Its purpose, then, being sufficiently declared, the question at once
arises as to who may have been the founder ? On this point, I think,
there can hardly be much room for doubt ; for it is quite clear that
he must have been a person of considerable local importance, and
quite above the common level of the ordinary parishioners. And just
as the architectural evidence of the work conclusively fixes its date,
so does history, if in a somewhat less positive way, seem to point to
the individual at whose cost, and for whose uses, it was carried out.

Now, we learn that during the latter part of the twelfth century,
king Henry II. sold to Henry de Pudsey or Puteaco, the then royal
manor of Witton, for the sum of 2,000 marks, the price of which was
paid by his father, the bishop. To him, therefore, as lord of the place
at the time (circa 1195-1200), and in absence of other competitors of
at all comparable likelihood, we may, I think, fairly assign its founda-

ARCHAEOWGIA AELIAUA, Vol. XVII, to free page 60.

Plate II.

SOUTH DOOR OF CRCXDALE CHURCH

''^-ow rt photograph by Mr A. L. Steavenson}.

62 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

tion. Besides the arcade which, though perfectly simple, and now
much mutilated by the erection of galleries, is yet of excellent pro-
portions, the only remaining feature is the east window, a single
lancet light, at present blocked up, and only to be discovered from the
coal-hole. Plain, to the last degree, it is interesting, nevertheless, as
showing an early and somewhat uncommon form of treatment, the
usual chamfer being reduced almost to vanishment, and backed by a
broad and flat rebate. The form of its rear-arch cannot, unfortunately,
now be traced, being hidden both by plaster-work and gallery.

At a later period, about 1245-50, a simple but effective porch was
added as a shelter to the south door. It has a segmental pointed
arch, with roll and fillet moulding continued down the sides, and
finished with a hood-mould, the whole recalling strongly, if in a
humble way, the work of the Nine Altars. The roof still preserves
its original pitch, and has its water-tabling and cross socket perfect.

Such, so far as can be seen, was the condition of the building up
to the close of the fifteenth, or beginning of the sixteenth century,
when flat leaded roofs superseded the original high-pitched ones ; and
two flat, or nearly flat, perpendicular windows of considerable size
were inserted in the west, and south walls of the nave — the latter
serving to light the then new pulpit, the discovery of whose remains
was made but the other day.1

And so things remained for another century and a half, till the
time of the Civil War, when all the ancient fittings, of whatever kind,
were here, apparently, as in so many other places, destroyed. Such
at least may be inferred from the fact that all the older ones at the
present day, including the south door, which bears the incised date of
1664, belong to the period of the Restoration.

Later alterations and defacements are, alas, but too palpably and
obtrusively evident. In 1780, as an emblazoned and inscribed panel
informs us, the vast compound gallery, which stretches over the
west end of the nave, and the whole of the north aisle was inserted
by * John Cuthbert, of Witton Castle, esquire.' Access to this was
attained by building an external covered staircase and passage-way
across the entire west end, thus enclosing the west window, which
was thereupon destroyed and converted into a doorway.
1 See Proceedings, vol. vi. p. 203.

FONT, FUNEKEAL TROPHY, ETC. 63

At a still later date, and during the present century, the original
Norman chancel arch with its responds was pulled down and utterly
destroyed by the then lay rector, the late Sir William Chaytor, M.P.
for Durham, to allow space for the construction of two enormous
pews, which so encroach upon the surface as to reduce the rightful
approach to the altar to a mere exiguous passage-way. At the same
time, the old oak roof being taken off, was replaced by one of deal,
masked by a flat, white-washed ceiling, similar to others which either
then, or thereabouts, were continued over the nave and aisle.

The lowest depths of degradation in the long-suffering and dis-
figured fane were, however, not yet sounded. About 1850 a hideous
window of village-mason origin, and filled, if possible, with still more
hideous glass, was inserted to the south-east of the chancel in memory
of Thomas Hendry Hopper of Witton castle, esquire ; while another,
in all respects similar, but happily without the glass, took the place
of the fifteenth century one similarly situated in the nave ; two others,
less objectionable, only because less in size, being broken out further
west, one of them to light the gallery.

Finally, the north wall of the nave aisle having fallen into ruin,
has been reset in the meanest and most brutal manner conceivable,
and without the least pretence to any architectural character whatever.

The miserably degraded and forlorn aspect of the much maltreated
building at the present time may, therefore, readily be imagined. Yet,
even now, it is not without some features of more or less interest.

First, in point of antiquity, may be instanced the rude old Norman
font, perfectly plain, circular, and churn-shaped, and which batters
greatly towards the top.

Then, above the doorway leading to the vestry, may be seen the
remains of a quondam funereal trophy, the projecting iron support
for the staff of an armorial banner, now vanished, and which still
carries a real seventeenth century helmet (not a wooden dummy as
sometimes happens), bearing the crest, apparently, of a lamb. It was
once, doubtless, suspended above the tomb of one of the D'Arcys,
then, and for many years both before and afterwards, lords of the
castle and manor of Witton.

The much cut up and dislocated remains of some wooden panelling
of the same, or perhaps somewhat earlier period, and which there can

64 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

be little doubt originally formed part of the seats or pews of the same
family, may also be observed worked up in two others of more recent
date. The designs of the upper horizontal members or friezes — for
there are parts of two distinct patterns — are effective enough ; that
of the richer one, composed of heraldic fleur-de-lys and oak leaves,
especially so. As to the rest of the seating, part of which may possibly
be of seventeenth century date, the singular fact may be noted that
instead of being level, as usual, it rises very perceptibly from south to
north, the result of the church being built on the hill side, and its
floor-line following the surface of the ground.

But little else remains, I think, worth mentioning. In the midst
of the chancel floor, however, may be found beneath the matting an
ancient altar slab of Frosterley marble, retaining remains of its five
crosses. Its dimensions are very small, only four feet three inches
in length, by two feet seven and a half inches in width';2 it may, per-
haps, have been taken from the chantry. Immediately west of it lies
also another slab of the same material, which, though no crosses are
now discernible onjt, seems pretty certainly to have been devoted to
the same uses. It is of very similar size, though somewhat longer,
measuring four feet eight and a half inches in length, by two feet six
inches in width, One of its corners has, however, unfortunately been
largely broken off.

Southwards of, and immediately adjoining, the first of these two
slabs, is a large blue Tees marble stone, with the Latin inscription: —

Sub hoc Marmore

depositae sunt Exuviae

JOHANNIS HODSHON

hujus Villae Armiger. Ob :

6° Die Maij. An0 Salutis

nostrae 1731 : Annoq :

^Etat. suss 62.

Also

Here lies his dear Wife Mary

Hodgson who departed this Life April

the l&h 1760 aged 81.

2 Though of unusually small dimensions, these two altar slabs are yet con-
siderably larger than some discovered during the restoration of S. David's
cathedral, about 20 years ago. One of these is remarkably small, only 14|
inches by 9 inches. It is marked by the usual five crosses, and had been let into
a larger slab of a different kind of stone. But even of this, the length is only
2 feet 10£ inches : the width is 2 feet 3 inches, but a slip 2£ inches wide has
been cut away. Another, of precisely the same dimensions as this larger slab,
was also discovered at the same time. Both are now carefully preserved at the
back of the high altar.

MURAL TABLETS, ETC. 65

It is cracked in two, and would seem, from its moulded edges, levelled
up to the line of the floor with cement, to have once probably
formed part of an altar tomb ; at any rate, to have been certainly
filched from somewhere else.

Another Tees marble slab of large dimensions, measuring nearly
eight feet long by four wide, occurs also in the passage-way of the
nave eastwards : it bears neither matrix nor inscription.

Of later date, but far greater interest than these, however, are two
mural monuments in the chancel which should not be passed by.
They are those of two former incumbents of the place — men highly
esteemed and famous in their day, and whose lives have conferred on
it whatever of local fame it may formerly have possessed. Both are
good and modest examples of their respective styles, and occupy
central, and nearly opposite positions. That towards the south, which
is of white marble, shows a tall classic urn with cloth thrown over it,
and standing on a broad gradated base displaying beams of light.
Before it, and in reference to his dual calling of pastor and pedagogue,
appear the shepherd's crook and cane, or stick, in sal tire ; while in
front of them are thrown a scroll and open book. On the scroll is
inscribed : —

Sumat ante omnia Parentis
erga Discipulos suos animum,
ac succedere se in eorum locum,
a guibus sibi liberi traduntur,
existimet. Ipse nee Jiabeat vitia,
necferat, Non austerltas ejus
tristis, non dissoluta sit com it as :
ne inde odium, hinc contempt us
oriatur. Plurimus ei de honesto
ac bono sit sermo. Nam quo scepius
monuerit, hoc rarius castigabit.
Minime iracundus, nee, tamen
eorum, quoz emendanda erunt
dissimulator : Simplex in docendo,
patiens labor is, assiduus potius
quam immodicus.

— Quint ilian, lib. ii. Ca. . . .

On the two leaves of the book : —

— " a good Minister of Jesus
Christ, nourished up in the Words
of Faith and of good Doctrine—

an Example of the Believers, in
Word, in Conversation, in Charity,
in Spirit, in Faith, in Purity,"

66 WITTON-LE-WEAR CHURCH :

Below, on a square tablet : —

SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF
THE REVEREND JOHN FARRER

MINISTER OF THIS PARISH

AND MASTER OF THE SCHOOL OF THIS VILLAGE.
HAVING FAITHFULLY DISCHARGED THESE IMPORTANT DUTIES

FOR XXXIII. YEARS

HE RESIGNED HIS SCHOOL A.D. MDCCXCIV.

ON BEING APPOINTED TO THE RECTORY OF SUNDERLAND NEAR THE SEA

FROM WHICH HE REMOVED IN THE FOLLOWING YEAR

TO THE VICARAGE OF STANWIX NEAR CARLISLE:

WHERE FIRM IN FAITH AND FULL OF HOPE

HE CLOSED A PIOUS AND BENEFICENT LIFE

NOV. XXIII. A.D. MDCCCVIIL, AGED LXXIII. YEARS.

ON THIS HALLOWED GROUND

DISTINGUISHED BY HIS ACTIVE SERVICES

IN ILLUSTRATING AND IMPRESSING THE SOLEMN TRUTHS OF THE GOSPEL

HIS PUPILS HAVE RAISED THIS MONUMENT
AS A TESTIMONY OF THEIR GRATITUDE AND AFFECTION

FOR HIS TRULY PARENTAL CARE AND DILIGENCE

IN TEACHING THEM THE PRINCIPLES OF LIBERAL AND USEFUL KNOWLEDGE
AND IN TRAINING THEM UP IN THE PATHS OF RELIGION AND VIRTUE.

J. BACON, JUNR., LONDON.

The northern monument, of fine grained stone, consists of a well
designed crocketed and pinnacled niche, on the field of which is cut in
black letter :—

ftbe 1Re\>& (Beorge flewbg
/toaster of TOtton Scbool

j£v>iif. H>ears.
Diet) dfcag viitt^a.!)* mDccctfvi.

*%* tlbat bis dfcemorg mfflbt not
pass awag witb tbe (Beneratfon of
tbose wbo bao learned of bim ano loveD
bfm, a Scbolarsbip bas been founfceo in
tbe THniversitg of H>urbam and tbis
tablet erected bg some of bis ffrien&s
anfc pupils. ^

Within the altar rails there lies, moreover, a blue Tees marble slab
on which, beneath a sunk coat of arms, appears the following :—

In this Vault lie the Remains
of J. T. H. HOPPER, Esqr,

of WITTON CASTLE,

Who died the 30th of October, 1812.

Agecj 40.

MURAL TABLETS, ETC. 67

Several small square stones, it may be added, having mere initials
rudely hacked with a pick, appear too in the pavement towards the
west end. A reference to the register shows them to be those of
quite common people of the humblest sort who, during the last, and
more especially the previous century, were, for no apparent reason
whatever, buried * in templo.'

In this same register, which commences in the first year of
Elizabeth, 1558, may also be found many entries relating to the
families of Eure and Darcy, former lords of the castle and manor, as
well as others to those of Lumley, Corners, Hutton, and Garth.

The altar plate3 is wholly uninteresting and modern, as is also
the bell.

Externally, attention may be pointed to the ancient bell-cot which,
notwithstanding the destruction of the original roofs in the fifteenth
century, was allowed to retain its place on the but slightly lowered
gable. This singular arrangement has led many, viewing the church
from a distance, and unacquainted with the fact, to imagine that it
had no roof at all. It is worth noticing too — for the fact is, I think,
absolutely without parallel among our Durham churches — that this
bell-cot is still surmounted by its original small cross.

One other, and, so far as I remember, unique feature about this
small and humble sanctuary is, that it possesses still in situ, and fixed
upon its square massive base, the lower part of the shaft of its cemetery
cross. It stands at about five yards distance from the walls, and just
in a line with the chancel arch.

Finally, ere we take our leave, the well-nigh vanished sentence
of a dial above the priest's door, reminds us of the melancholy truth
that — * Ut hora sic vita.'

Looking back, instinctively, for a last parting view, we can scarce
fail to note how, amid all the neglect, decay, and disfigurement that
have befallen it, the situation of this old church — lying centrally on the
steep hill side above the village, and enthroned amidst noble trees — is
perfect ; dominating both it and the conventicles at its feet supremely,
and proclaiming itself unmistakably as the ecclesia, both of the place
and parish.

3 The communion cup, which was stolen in 1832, was of Elizabethan date.
The other communion plate, is described in the Proceeding sot the Society, vol. iii.
p. 444. See also vol. v. p. 196, and vol. vi. p. 230.

68 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

THE REGISTERS.

The title page of the oldest volume, which consists of 97 parch-
ment leaves 12 J in. by 7| in., bears this inscription : — UUYTTON UPON |

UUTERE THE REGIS | TER BOOKE FOR THE | CHURCHE | folia hoc

infunt odoginta Libro 4k . 1558.

On the third page the register proper begins with this intro-
duction : —

This booke of Chriftnings, weddings, and burialls, Made the xxiiij dale of
June, 1538. In the firfte yeare of The Keigne of our moft gracious Sou'igne Lady
Elyzabeth, by the grace of God Quene of England, ffraunce and Ireland,
defender of the faith Supreme heade afwell Ecclefiafticall as temporall. Eaphe
Pickell & Edwarde Tefdell, churchwardens Robert Melmarby preist.4

The following are records of former owners of Witton castle,
Eures, Conyers, and Darcys : —

1561 May 25. Mrgarett Euere, baptized.

1562 Mai 7. Charles Euere, bapt.
1562[3] March 18. Charles Euere, buried.
15C3 June 4. ffrauncis Euere, baptized.
1565[6] Jenuar 21. Willm Euere, bapt.
1568 Mrch 13. Martha Euere, bapt.

1586 Febr 21. Raphe Eure, Esq., buryed.

1567 October 18. George Conyers miles, buried.

1575f6] March 18. George Conyers, sonne of Mr. John Conyers, bapt.

16 11 [2] ffebruar 9. Robert Harrington and Mary Conyers, maried.

1613 Deceber 16. Willm Conyers, sonn of Sr George Conyers, knight,

baptized.

1614 Aprill 18. Jhon Conyers, sonn of Sr George Conyers, knight, buried.

1637 [8] Januar 21. Thomas, sonne of Willm Darcy, Esquier, bapt.

1638 [9] Ja. 20. John, son of Willm Darcy, Esquier, bap.

1642 May 22. Mary, Daughter of Sr Willm Darcy, knight, baptized.

1645 July 15. Edward, sonne of Sr William Darcy, En*, baptized.

1646 May 1. Edward, sonne of Sr Willm Darcy, buried.
1651 Maij 1°. Arthur, sonne of Sr Willm Darcy, k*, Bapt.

Sept. 2. Dorothy, daughter of Sr Willm Darcy, Kn*, buryed.
1653 March 29. Metcaff Robinson, Esqr., and Margaret Darcy, Marryed.

In the following miscellaneous extracts from the Registers the year
beginning on the 1st January, according to our mode of reckoning,
i& given, while in the book itself it begins on the 25th March ; and

4 Robert Melmarby, curate of Witten, 1558.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 69

therefore, for instance, * 1588 Jenuar 11 ' below appears in the book
under 1587.6 For four years to 1561 there were no weddings.

1562 Aprill 20. John Popelie, buryed.

1563 Julij 29. Willm Lomlay, buried.
Octob 21. Elizabeth blackett, bapt.

1565 August 3. George Blackett, bapt.

1567 Aprill 10. John Huton, buried.

1577 May 5. John Claiton and Jane ffrysell, married.

May 26. Willm Emerson, fill' illic' John Emerson, bapt.

August 17. Robert Wilkinson Clarke and Margarett Danyell, maried.
1585 Sept. 21. Oswoulde Thomson and Isabell Staindroppe, maried.
1588 Jenuar 11. A poo re olde man named ffoster borne at hadden bridge,

buryed.
1590 March 29. Isabell Hedworth, daugh. of Mrmaduke hedworth, buried.

August 10. John Barnes, a poore servant traviler, buryed.

Sept. 7. A poore Woman, a straunge1", named herself Mrgarett
Ewbanck, burd.

1592 May 27. John Raunthat, a poore traveler, buryed.

1593 Novemb 26. Nicholas Heron and Adylyne Huton, maried.

1594 August 11. Elizabeth Brabande, wife of Henry Brabande, buryed.
1597 Aprill 23. A poore man travelinge for his releife & dyed in the

streat, buryed.

1600 August 13. Willm Shaftay, sonne of Perceuell Shaftay, baptized.
August 15. Willm Shaftay, sonn to Percevell Shaftay, buryed.

1602 ffebruar 9. Henry Rames and Elizabeth Huton, maryed.
December 21. Willm Hearon and Katheren Shaftay, maryed.

1603 Deceber 4. Raphe Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, bapt.

In 1604, ' Rob. Wylkynson, curat, Cuthbert Yasey, Willm Tailer,
churchwardens/ sign the book.

1605 Noueb. 19. George Dowens and Isabell Lampton, maryed.

1606 March 10. Margaret Wilkinson, wife of Robert Wilkinson, buryed.
December 7. Lampton Dowens, sonn of George Dowens, baptized.

1607 Noueb. 15. John Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, baptized.

1610 Aprill 29. John He, sonn of Xpofer He, from hunwicke, baptized.

It appeareth by an acquittance signed by henry bailes of Byshopp
Auckland, that he had receiued the 24 day of June Ano Regni Jacobi
Regis 4. &c. of hugh hodgson of maknele the sume of iij1'. viij8. xid.
granted in benevolence by thinhabitants of the chappelrie of witton
vpon weere towarde ye erectio' of a free gramar Schole in byshoppe
aucklande aforesaid. — Testes : Rob. Wylkynson, clar., Robert ffawdon.

1611 Jenuar 6. Henry Huton, sonn of Willm Huton, baptized.
Dec. 8. Willm Barnes, sonn of Thomas Barnes, bapt.

1612 Nouembe 25. Thomas Bridges, msus in iter, buried.

5 Many of the names of Carlisle, Hodgson, Wien, Tailor, Dobinson, Hutchin-
son, Crawe, Dixon, Diconson, Pattenson, Barnes, Mawer, Grene.

70 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

1614 Jenuar 2. Lancelote Buoke, buried.

ffebruarie 27. Jolm Garth, sonn of John Garth, baptized.8

Julij 10. Dauid Watson and ffridema Thomson, maried.

August 28. Ma'garett Huton, daughter of Willm Huton, baptized.

1616 Februar. 6. Petrivall Harrington, daughter of Kobrt Harrington, bapt.
Noueber 26. Robert Jackson, Maister of arts, sonn of Henry Jackson,

buried.

1617 Aprill 5. William Bucke, buried.
June 15. Bryan Downes, buryed.

1618 October 25. Agnes Huton, daughter of Willm Hutton, baptized.

1619 April 24. Thomas Boothe, buryd.

Maij 7. Katheren illic' filia vt mater ait Thomas Hutchinson, bapt.
Maij 15. Was Mr Kobart Wilkinson, Curate De Witton, buryed.
Octob. 17. Thomas Parkinson, sonn of Lawranc Parkinson, bapt.
October 24. Isabell Downes, wife of George Downes, buryed.

1620 March 26. Robert Carre, a poore man liueinge by almes buryed.
June 12. Was Georg Browne, base sonn of John Browne, baptized.7
Decembr j. Was francis Greene buryed, qui seipsum susp :

1621 Janu. 9. Was Elizabethe Downes, wedowe, late Wyfe to Bryiame

Downes, gent, nonogenaria, buried.

In 1621, 'Ra. Greene, curate,8 Thomas Roase, George Rippon,
churchwardens/ sign the book.

1621 Nove'br 25. Was Johne Wentlocke, a cutter of Wood for Charcoal,

buryed.
Decemb*. 23. Was Willyam Chapman, son of Thomas Chapman,

baptized.
Decemb. 23. Was Anthonye Chapman, his Twynn brother, baptized.

1622 March 28. Was Raphe Taler Beadman, buryed.

1623 Mch. 21. A man found dead in the river was buryed.
July 3. Leonard Tod, the com'on Smyth, was buried.
Aug. 24. A poore youth found deed, buryed.

14 or 15 Apr. Was a manchilde of Willm Childes borne, not yet

baptized.
Octo. 2. Wm. Hutton, gen'., was interred nocte p. papistas.

In 1623, * Robt. Thomson, curate;9 John Grindall, Antho. Barnes,
churchwardens,' sign the book.

1624 March 19. Grace, wife of Anthony Riddin, sepulta sine sacerdote

nocte.

In 1625, 'Robt. Thomson, curat ; Ra. Green, Wm. Dikkeson,
churchwardens,' occur.

8 A large number of instances in which a child baptised one day is buried the
next.

7 A new form. Not a page almost without two or more baptisms of illegiti-
mate children, and so continued. The page immediately preceding this contains
two such. 8 Curate 1620-22. 9 Curate 1622-39.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 71

1626 Ja. 15. An Hutton, spinster, interred nocte.

Janu. 30. Georg Marshall, found dead, was buried,
ffebr. 17. Christopher Wilburne, interred die.

1626 March 22. Thomas, son of Thomas Wren, bap. spurius (aspuendo).11
June 4. A child of John Nicholsons baptized.

4. An other the same day baptized, both by Mi. of Sandropp.
Noue'br 2. Jane Jackson, an old wife, buried.
Dece. 19. Wm. Byerley, a papist, interred paup'.

1627 March 18. Hen. Jacksons wife laboured child not xtened.
July 8. John Carlile, an old man, buryed.

No. 6. Willm., son of Robt. Wilson, buryed and crowned, being

drownd.
No. 20. Elizabeth Nattrice, a poore widowe, buryed.

1628 Ja. 10. Thomas Rest buryd, who fell into a pitt and so dyed.
Aprill 27. Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Sickerwham, bapt. illegit.11
July 13. Wm., son of Tho. Byarley, bapt., for who Wm. Dobbison is

bound by word not to charg ye pish.

18. Peter Hoclson buried, killed with his own knife.

1630 May 9th. Thomas, son of Mary Basset, baptized vidua nup'

relicta.

Mary Bassetts son, called Thomas, bapt ide* p'dca.
Nou. 16. Wm. Wascoe, buried in cymiterio.
163110 ffebr. 20. William Chyld, buried in templo.

21. Dorrothie Law, buried in templo.
Octobr 19. Tho. Diconson, buried by Mr. Kidd.
1632 ffebr. 22. ffrauncs, a woman child, nursed at the fforge, buried.11

1632 8ber 28. Gaskoyne, son of George Downes, baptized.

1633 Aprill 8. Thomas, sonne of Joseph Cradocke, Clerke, bapt.> natus 3°

die circiter horam primam ante meridiem.
Dece. 16. Dame Maddison, a poore widow, buried.

1634 March 24. Robert ffawdon, parish clerke, buried.
July 10. William Dixon, a poore old man, bur.

Septeber 22. William, son of Christopher Heron (by bond), baptized

wife.
No. 8. Margery Crathorne, exco'. an old gent interred.

1635 ffebr. 14. An daughter of Joseph Cradocke, Clerke, baptized.

ffebr. 21. old widow Jackeson, buryd, fees (this time buried in the

church).
March 27. Richard Benson, an old man (drowned then) buried.

28. ffrances Draycot, excom a poore man interred.
May 3. An daughter of John Lumley, baptized.
June 6. ffrances Jackeson, buried in templo.
July 25. Tobie Jackeson, a yong man, buried in templo.

10 In 1631 several baptisms entered without the name of the child—' a child
of,' ' a daughter of.'

11 Different forms of this class of entry.

72 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

1636 May 21. Mr. Gerard Bankes, buried in ye church.
March 15. John, son of Henrie ffornice, bur. sine f.

1637 May 17. Elizabeth Dixon, paup., buried (the number of paupers is

now very remarkable).

June 11. Georg Tayler, parish clarke, buried.
July 30. Mr. Robt. Browne, a schoolmr, buried.
Aug. 17. Thomas Rippon, buried intestate.
Jan. 22. Margret, daughter of John Miller, buried sine (the three

following entries have the same ending).

1638 7 ber 16. Arther, sonne of Edward Dalbie, gent', (baptized).
163912 July 5. 2 men children of Richard Vaisies, unbapt., buried.

8ber 23. "Willam Acroid of the Toft hill, alias Haughton house,
within the parish of Sl. Hellen Aucland, being a
convicted recusant was interred in the Churchyard of
Witton vpon the Weare.
1640 Ja. 26. Tho. Talbot, a poore man, bur.

June 7. John Cuming and Margaret Barnes, married.

Decem. 5. William Blacket, a poore Prentice, buried.

1642 Julij 15. An, daughter of Anthony Coming, buryd.

Aug. 12. Edward, sonne of Robert Scogaine, minister,18 buried.

1643 August 6. Reanold, sonne of Anthony Coming, baptized.

1644 ffebru. i6. Elyzabeth, wife of Joseph Cradock, Clerke, bur.
Dece'ber 31. Dyna, daughter of Robt. Scogaine Clarke, bapt.

1646 March 31. John Brabant & Jane Best, married.

1649 January 28. Gartrued, illigittimate daughter of Edward Jackson,

baptized."
1649 Janu. 29. Margaret Buck, buryed.

1651 Nov. 23. George Brabant, buryed.

1652 June 8. George Buck and Elizabeth Booth, marry ed.
Augu. 23. John Jerome, gentleman, buried.

Septe. 28. Richard Buck and Grace ffaudon, marryed.

1653 Janu. 6. Dorothy Hutton, widdow, buryed.
June 5. Margaret, daughter of George Buck, bapt.

About this time there are many baptisms from Hamsterley.
Dece. 25. Willm., sonne of Metcaff Robinson, Esqr., bapt.

1654 Jenu. 12. Mrs. Ellin ffeilding, buryed.

Octo. 29. Mary, daughter of Richard Buck, bapti.
Dece. 30. Barbary, daughter of George Buck, bapti.
1656 June 8. Elizabeth, daughter of George Buck, bapti.

The name of ' Stephen Cocken ' occurs here in large letters in the
margin; probably that of the intruded minister.

Septr. 7. Ann, daughter of Richard Buck, bapt.

12 In twelve consecutive burials in this year no fewer than five, and those
quite common people, would seem to have been buried in the church, the letter
1 1 ' or « te ' being inserted at the end of each entry.

13 Curate 1641-44.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 73

1659 March 2. Peregrina, daughter of Charles Wren, Gent.
The number of still-born children for several years past is very
striking.

1659 March 27. Margaret, daughter of Richard Buck, bapti.

1660 Decem. i. ffrancis, a sonne of a poore trauelling woman, bapti.

1661 July 28. Lancelot, sonne of George Buck, baptized.
Decem. 24. Thomas, sonne of Quintine Gill, bapti.

1662 ffebru. 16. Bartholomew Bee, buried.

1663 Janu. 23. Lancelot, son of George Buck, buryed.
Aprill 4. Blanch, a poore old woman, buryed.

1664 Aprill i. Lidda Lard, buryed.

In 1665, ' Stephen Windle, curat, John Carlisle, Ralph Goland,
churchwardens/ sign the book.14

1666 Janu: 15. ffrancs, daughter of Stephen Windle, curate, bapti.

1667 Novem. 7. Henry Young, senior, gent., buryed.

30. Quintine Gill and Jane Vauxe, married.

23. Robert, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, clerk, buryed.

1668 Janua. 28. ff ranees, daughter of ffrancis Ourd, clerk, bapt.

In 1668, 'ffrancis Ourd, curate,15 Ralph Hodgson, John Miller,
churchwardens,' sign the book.

1668 Octo. 30. Eppa Beat, buryed.

1669 January 2. ffrancis. sonne of ffrancis Ourd, Clark, bapti.

25. John, sonne of John Garth, bapti.

1670 Janu. 17. Anthony, sonn of John Garth, bapti.
ffebru. 20. Henry, sonn of Mr. Tho. Brabant, bapti.

20. Henry, sonn of Mr. Tho. Brabant, buryed.
July 19. Willm. Mostcroft & Dorothy Hutton, marryed.

1671 Janu. 14. Willm., sonne of John Garth, bapti.
Januarij 18. Henry Warde, gent., buryed.

ffebru. 27. John, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, Clarke, bapti.

1673 ffebru. 28. A childe of a poore travelling man, bury.
March 25. Ann, daughter of John Garth, bapti. •
Decem. 2. Michael, sonne of ffrancis Ourd, clark, bapti.

1674 March 17, Ellin, daughter of John Garth, bapti.
March 30. Merioll Garth, buryed.

Aprill 3. Christopher Dixon, a poore man, buryed.
June 16. Ann Simson, a poore woman, buryed.

1675 ffebru. 21. Robt. Ducket (being killed in a pit crowned then), buryed
Aprill 20. Katherine Renoldson, a young woman, buryed.

May 9. Elizabeth Carlile, a young woman, buryed.
Octo. 29. A child of a poore travelling womans, bury.
Noue. 3. Margaret, daughter of Toby Bowes, illigi, bapti.

14 Stephen Windle, curate 1644-1667.

15 Francis Orde was curate from 1667 to 1674.

74 WITTOX-LE-WEAR PARISH :

Iii 1G75, 'John Stackhouse, minister;16 Willm How, Christo.
Addeson, churchwardens,' sign the book.

1676 Janu. 4. Barbary, daughter of Mr. Willm Witham, interred.

23. [blank] of John Garth, bapti.

1677 March 20. Anthony, son of John Garth, buryed.

Aprill 19. Thomas, son of John Stackhouse, minister, baptized.
24. George, son of John Garth, bapti.

1678 Aprill 20. Thomas, son of John Stackhouse, minister, buryed.
Julij i4. Anthony, son of John Garth, bapti.

1679 ffebruary 8. Thomas waskoe, a young man, bury.
March 3d. ffrancis Tayler, gent., bury.

June 23. Ann, daughter of John Stackhouse, minister, bapti.
Octo. 14. Jane, daughter of Eure Markendell, bapti.

1680 March 21. Elizabeth, daughter of John Garth, bapti.

1681 Jany. Mary, wife of John Garth, buryed.
1683 Sept. 14. A child of John Garths, buryed.

1685 March 14. Ann, wife of Mr. Hugh Hutchinson, buryed.

1686 March 16. Elizabeth, wife of John Garth, buryed.
August 25. John, son of Mr. John Stachouse, curate, buryed.
Nouemb. 2. Ann, wife of Mr. John Stachouse, buryed.

1687 May 3i. John, ye sonne of Katherine Patteson. sepult.
1689 March 23. Marie, ye daughter of Mr. Christo Croft, sepult.

1689 Decber. ye 1st. Anne Burleson, daughter of Ann Burleso', illegit., bap.17
ye 29, Marie, daughter of Mr. John Stackhouse, cleric, bap.

1691 October 27. Elizabeth, daughter of Mr. Jo. Stackhonse, minister, bap.
Nove. ye 7th. Mary Hutchinson, illegitimate, bap.18

1692 May y° 17th. Anthony, sonne of John Garth, sepult.

1693 Nobr. the 7. Joanna, daughter of Mr. John Stackhouse, clr., bapt.

1694 March ye 21th. Mr. William Witham, sepult.

June ye 22d. Thomas Gomlin, a stranger's child, sepult.

July the 23. Anne, daughter of Mr. John Markendale, bapt.

September ye 5th. Jane, the daughter of Mr. John Hodsho'.
1696 February ye 4th. John, sonne of Mr. John Hodsho', bap.

Quyntine Gill, sepult.

Memorand™. That on ffriday the 30th of Aprill, A° Dni, 1697 ; The
Honble. Robert Boothe Archdeacon of the Archdeaconry of
Durham, wth the Revd. Ham'ond Beaumont officiall visitted this
Church p'sonally, & then admonished the Churchwds. to certify,
the repair of y° Chancell, & the Erecting Railes before the Comu-
nion Table at the next Michaelmas Visitation.

CUTH. SMITH, Register.

16 John Stackhouse, minister, 1674-95. We commenced with 'priest,' and
after that had ' curate ' and ' clark,' now for the first time it is ' minister.'

17 This is the first time in which an illegitimate child is registered under the
name of the mother. In all preceding cases — and they are legion — the father's
name only is given.

18 Still another form of entry of illegitimate births, the name of neither
parent being given.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 75

1698 June 12th. Jo., so'ne of Jo. Davis, a vagabond beggar, sepult.

1701 ffebru. 17th. William Garth & Marie Moses, of Northbedbourn

Township, nupt.
July 30th. Grace Buck, of Witton, sepult.

1702 May 5th. Thomas Wright, of y° South Church Parish, & Eliza

Dickeson, of Northbedbourn, in this Parish, nupt.

1703 Sep. 16. A poore vagrant Scotchman, sepult.10

1702 Octobbr. 13th. Elizabeth, daughter of William Garth, of Northbed-
bourn, bap.
1701 April £3. Georg Gibson, of y° Parish of Howton, cleric, & Jane

Croft, of ye Chappelrie of Witton upon Weare, nupt.
June 8. Thomas Miller & Jane Chayter, of Northbedbourn Town-
ship, nupt.
July y° 6th. Elizabeth, daughter of Eliza Moorca, a stranger at

Witton Razis, baptized.

1705 ffebruarie ye 12th. Marie, ye daughter of William, son of William
Garth, of Northbedbourn, vill bap.

1707 Janr^ 22th. Edmond, sonne of James Watson, cleric, baptized.
March 21th. William, sonne of William Garth, of North vill, bap.

1708 September 12th. Richard, sonne of a stranger, bap. eod. die.

1709 Ocbr 20th. Barbary, daughter of Mr. Lancelott Sissons, cleric' born

8'ber ye 19th about 2 a clock in ye morning, bap.
1708 Aug. 13th. John, son of Lane* Sisson, cleric' sepult.

1714 November 14th. Mary, daughter of Mrs. Jane Gibson, of Witto,

sepult.

1715 October 16. William Dobinso' of Witto, sepult in ecclesia.-0

1717 March ye 5. Marie, daughter of Jon Dobinso', of Witto Castle,

baptized.

1717 Seper 22th. Mary, wife of William Garth, of Harpelie, sepult.
1717 March 24. Isabell, daughter of Mrs. Jane Gibso', sepult in ecclesia.

1720 July 26th. Anne Buck of Witton, spinster, sepult.

1721 John, sonne of William Garth, baptized ye 27th of December.

1720 January ye I8t. Thomas Forrester, drowned & buried ye 9th of y°

same month.

1721 March 3ith. John, son of Johu Fewler of Wito vill, se.
Sepbr 29th. Mary Buck of Witton, sepult.

1722 Ap'm 12th. John Garth of low Widdefield, sepult.

1724 Aril. 7th Margaret, daughter of Will. Garth, Northbedburn, baptised.

1725 March the 12. Will. Garth of Harperlie, sepult' in eccles.

1726 August 4. William, son of Mr. Reed Hodshon of Witto' Hall, bapt.

1728 Dec. 10. Hannah, daughter of Parsevels Rogers, of Witton Castle in

Witto' vill, baptized.

1729 Catherine, ye daughter of Mr. Henry Blackett of low Bitchbourne,

born ye 29th of March, 1729. '

19 A large number of names entered as ' poor ' at this time and a little
previously, nine out of nineteen being so described on the single page from
which this item is taken.

20 All sorts of common people about this time buried ' in Ecclesia.'

76 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

1730 April 14. Debora, yc daughter of Mr. Henry Blackett of low Bitch-
bourn, born.

May y° 5th. Henry Bainbridge of Wolsingham and Elizabeth Garth of
Witto' chapplerie, nup.

1731 May ye 6. Mr. John Hodsho' of Witto' hall, sepult in ecclesia.

1732 Aprl 14. Mr. Thomas Hodsho' of Greenfield, sepult in eeclesia.

Memorandum That I, Thomas Lamb Clark, came to reside at

Witton upon Wear the ninth day of June, Anno Dm', 1735.
1734 Novr. 5. Pare. Rogers of Witton Castle, sepult.

1736 November 15. Simon Taylor, kill'd by his mare of Blakely, buried.

1737 Feb. 13. Mary, daughter to John Hodgson, of Harperley, baptized.21

1738 March 5. Barbara, daughter to Wm. Greenwell of Harperley,

baptized.

1739 July 27. Stephen Cockey Clark of Witton, buried.

1740 ffeby. 13. Phebe, daughtr of John Taylor Clark, baptisd.

1741 October 13. John, son of Wm. Greenwell of Harperley Hall [bapt].

In 1741, 'Steph. Teasdale, minister,22 Thos. Baker, Cuthb*.
Hodghon, churchwardens,' sign the book.

1742 ffeby. 18. ffrancis Wilkinson of Witton Castle, buried.

1744 July 8th. Will"1., S. of Ann Garthwaite, spurious, filiated upon Jno.
Coats, baptized.

October 14. Ann, daughter of John Taylor Clark, baptized.

May ye 15. Mr. Daltery of Staindrop, a superanuated Exciseman,
buried.

Decembr. ye 1st. Henry Blacket, an Anabaptist, buried.

Jan'ry 14. Mr. Hunter, a Papist, buried.
1750 Novr. 15. Ann Garth [bur].

1753 May 27. Ralph Keeling, Esqr., of Witton Castle [buried].
1757 May 7. Ann Brown of Bp. Auckland, an adult Quaker [bapt].

Nov. 11. Johnson, son of Mr. Greenwell, Witton Castle [bap].

1759 July 28th. Cookson, S. of Jno. Stevenson, schoolmaster [bap].

1760 September ye 26. Mrs. Dobinson, wife of Mr. Jno. -Dobinson23 [bur].

Memdm., Feby. ye 2d., 1761. — That Mr. John Dobinson of Witton
Castle gave me four shillings & eightpence acknowledgement for
erecting a tombstone over his wife. As witness, Steph. Teasdale,
curate.

1761 Isabella, D. of Mr. Nicholas Greenwell, [bap].24

1762 Aug'. 22d. John Taylor Clark, [buried].

1763 Febry ye 8th. John Pattison, ye Sexton.25

1764 April 27th. Thomas Brown, an adult Quaker, of Bp. Auckland,

[baptised].

1765 May 12th. Elizabeth Hymers, an adult Anabaptist, [baptised].

' John Farrer, Minister,' occurs here.

21 There are many other entries of Hodgsons. ** Minister, 1740-1765.
23 There are entries of other Dobinsons. 24 Other entries of Greenwell follow
'* The first occurrence of this officer.

EXTRACTS FROM THE REGISTERS. 77

1766 Mar. 30th. Dorothy, daugr of Jos. Scarth, an Anabap., [bapt].

June 22d. Ann, daugr of Tho8. Smith, an adult Anab., [bapt].
1766 Jaly 5th. Thomas Dickinson, \drowned together "I™, .-, -,
7th. John Whitfield, t on June the 30th, I

Augst 17th. George Thompson, an adult Anab., [bapt.]

In 1767 the names of both parents are, for the first time, entered
in the baptismal registers.

1769 Mar. 30th. Thos. Watson & Alice Teasdale, adult Anabaptists,

[bap].

1770 Mar. 18. Henrietta Douglas, of Witton hall, [bur].

1771 Apr. 29. John Hodgson, who laid violent hands on himself. The

coroner's inquest brought it in an act of lunacy.

1773 June 13th. Grace, illegitimate daugr of Marg* Graydon & Jos.

Brownbridge, putative Father, [bap].

Aug. 29th. Henry Broadley Douglas, son of Charles Joseph and
Henrietta Douglas, Witton hall,11 [bap].

1774 Apr. 4th. Hildred Smurthwaite, widow, aged 94 [bur].

1775 May 14th. William Smith, an adult Anabaptist, [bap].
Decr 28th. George Proud & Mary Humble, [mar].

1777 Feb'y 1st. William, illegitimate son of Eliz. Forster & Wm. Brass,

of Whorlton, [bap].
1777 N.B. — Six persons in this year made 491 years. Their respective ages

are, 81, 85, 70, 91, 83, and 81. Only eight persons were

buried in this year.
1779 May 18th. William Garth, of Low Widdifield, aged 72.

1781 Sepbr. 28th. Joseph, son of Marmaduke Cradock, Esq., of Harperley,

[bap].

1782 Novr. 20th. John Turnbull in his way to his Settlement [bur].

1783 Mar 20th. William Weston, a poor boy belonging to the Poor House

at Wolsingham, drown'd in the Wear [bur].

1784 June 17th. Jane Blackett, an adult Anabaptist.

Sepbr. 1st. Matthew Law crush'd to death in a coal pit [bur].

Decr. 18th. William Crosby, of Darlington P., who perished in the

snow on Dec1", the 7tn, thro* the inclemency of the

weather [bur].

1785 Octr. 2d. Harriett, daugr of Marmaduke Cradock, Esq., of Harperley.

1786 Janry 23d. Mrs. Sarah Cradock, of Harperley, aged 75 [bur].
Febry 20th. Mrs. Isabel Hodgson, formerly of Witton hall, aged 84

[buried].
Apr. 12 David Wharton, of Bp. Aukland, drown'd in passing the river

in a boat [bur],

Memorandum.— That the Grammar School in Witton-le-Wear was
rebuilt from the very Foundation in the Year of our Lord 1787.
John Cuthbert, Esqre. of Witton Castle having by one or more
Codicils left an hundred Pounds in Trust to the Revd. John
Farrer, Minister and Schoolmaster, and Mr. Nicholas Greenwell,

78 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

Steward at Witton Castle, for the express purpose of enlarging
the said School. The Sum of £97 4s. Id. was receiv'd, the rest
defray'd the Law Expenses in a Chancery Suit.

N.B. — The sum expended in rebuilding the School was £134.

• £ a. d.

Recd. of Mr. Cuthbert's Legacy 97 4 1

Rais'd by Mr. Farrer & his Frds 36 15 11 .. £134

Trustees for money left to teach 10 Boys in 1788 :—
Henry Attrick Reay, Esqr., of Hunwick.
Robert Hopper Williamson, Esqr., of Whickham.

1794 Aug*. 14th. Mr. Nicholas Green well, Witton castle, aged 78 [buried].

1795 William Rawes, Curate [bur].

Mar. 12th. Rosetta Anne, daughter of John Thomas Hendry & Anne
Hopper, Witton castle, [bap].

1796 October 18th. Elizabeth Jane, daughter of George Pearson, Esqre., of

Harperly Park, and Betty, his wife, late Betty Chaytor,
born the 1 4th September last.

1797 Feb. 4th. Mary Garth, low Widowfield, 97 [bur],

1798 Mary Anne Hopper, June 9th, 2"d daughter of John Tho8. Hendry

Hopper, Esquire, native of Middleham, by his wife,
Anne Sparling, native of Walton, Lancashire. Born
NoV. 9th, 1796 [bapt].
Eliz. Isabella Hopper [bapt. same day].

1799 Martha Shirley Rawes, February 24th, 1st daughter of William Rawes,

Clerk, native of Shap, Westmorland, by his wife, Anne
Cantwell, native of S*. Bennet's, Paul's Wharf, London,
[bap].

John Bowness, March 3rd, 1st son of Revd. Geo. Bowness, Curate of
Hamsterley, a native of Kirk Andrews, Cumberland,
by his wife, Catherine Jackson, native of Escomb.
[bap].

1800 George Bowness, Curate [bur].

1806 Mark Newby, July 26th, first son of George Newby, native of Barning-

ham, by his wife Margaret, late Crawford, native of

Staindrop [bur].
1798 George Pearson, Esquire, Harperley park, Clerk of the Peace for the

county of Durham, native of Ryton parish, 54 years,

[bur].

1810 George Wright, North Bedburn, farmer, 100 [bur],

1811 John Thomas Hendry Hopper, Esqr., Witton castle, 40 [bur].

1816 April 15th. Calverly Bewicke Bewicke, Esqr., & Elizabeth Phila-

delphia Wilkinson [mar].

1817 Sept. 16th. George Hutton Wilkinson, Esqr., & Elizabeth Jane

Pearson [mar].

Memoranda of the Answers to the questions contained in the schedule to an
Act 1° Geo' 4th intitaled an Act for taking an account of the population of
Great Britain & of the increase or diminution thereof.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PARISH ACCOUNTS. 79

June 4th, 1821. What was the number of baptisms & burials in your parish
in the several years 1811, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 & 20, distinguishing males
from females 1

Answer— 116 males, 113 females. Total bapd 234.
49 do., 47 do. Total buried 96.

What has been the number of marriages in your parish in the sd time ?
Answer — 52.

N.B. — The number of illegitimate children is 22 : This lamentable increase
of vice must in part be attributed to lax discipline, and to the manner in which
relief is granted to paupers of this description.

This year, 1821, the best wheat in Darlington market has been sold at six
shillings and sixpence per bushel ; which, contrasted with the high prices during
the war (viz., 18s. and 19s. per bushel) affords some idea of the fluctuation of
prices to which in the space of a few years we have been subjected.
Butcher's meat 4d., 5d., and 6d. per pound.
Day labourer's wages per week, 10s., 12s., and 14s.

Geoe Newby, Curate.
William Gill, Churchwarden.

CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS.
The following are extracts from the Churchwardens' accounts : —

Hie liber mercatus erat p' ulu Parochias de witton super Weare Anno Dni 1690.

Aprill ye 26th Anno Dni 169i ;

Recd. of Ralph Potts 4s : 8d intereft money due upon the bond for ye wham
It. recd of Robert Stobbert sen. 6s : 10d due for intereft money upon ye bond
January yc 10th Anno Dni 1692

Memrd' Asefs laid on by ye Minifter and twelve of this Parish of 4d p' shilling
for ye necefarie repaires of ye Church ; witness our hands

John Stackhoufe Minister'-6

April 22th 1690 Difbursed pd to Mc9 Holmes for wine for Commu-
nions (vift) whitfuntide Michaelm & Chriftmafs ... 00 14 00

pd for a belrope 00 01 09

pd f or a ffox head 00 Oi 00

pd for 4 foolmart heads .. 00 Oi 04

Septembr ye 20th Anno Dni 169i Disbursd

It' for mending ye Longsettle 00 00 02 00

It' for Ale 00 00 06 00

It' for 8 foomert heads 00 02 08 00

It' for 2 Raven heads 00 01 00 00

It' for 2 Badger heads 00 01 00 00

It' for a skep for yc Minifter to knell .. 00 00 04 00

It' f or wafhing ye Linnen 00 02 08 00

It' for keeping out the dogs 00 04 00 00

Aprill 25th Ao Dni 1692, -Debitor Inprs for a Lairftall ... 00 03 04 00

Disbursd It' for mending ye Bier 00 00 03 00

26 Curate 1674-1695

80 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

It' for besoms 00 00 06 00

It' for 6 foomert heads 00 02 00 00

It' for one foomert, head 00 00 04 00

[Payments for washing linen, keeping dogs out of church, for visitations,

glazing church windows, etc., occur annually.]

May ye 14th Ao. Dni. 1693 : Disbursd for year 1692 H s d

Inpr8 for a Bell rope 00 02 00 0

It' to Briscoe Mires for a foomert head 00 00 04 0

It' to Cuthbert Vasie for 4 Raven heads 00 00 08 0

It' to Richard Kil bourn for a foomert head 00 00 04 0

It' to Robert ffawdo" for whiping the dogs 00 04 00 0

Aprill ye 21st Ao Dni 1694 : Disbursed for year 1693

It' at one Comunio' for a gallo' of Wine 00 07 00 0

It' for 3 f oomard heads ... 00 01 00 0

May ye 12th Ao Dni 1695 : Disbursd for year 1694

It' for mending ye Churchgate 00 01 80

It' for 5 foomert heads 00 01 80

It' for laying ye flones in ye Church & mending ye stile 00 01 00

[Every year charges for ' foomert ' heads occur.]
The names of the Twelve chofen men for regulating the affairs in ye Parif h

of Witton

Mr John Hodgson John Carlile

Nicolas Taylor Christopher Hodgshon

Rob* Taylor Tho : Todd

John Taylor Richard Marfhall

Mr Chris : Croft Will : Braidly

John Richardson John Gray

Chofsen Decembr21, 1695. Geo: Gibson, Ministr27

Memorand' The Churchward113 from May ye 1st 1719 are by cosent to have
6s allowed for their Charges for the whole yeare.

May ye 31th 1696 It' for a Badgers head 00 00 40

Aprill 30th 1697 It' for flagging plaiftring & whiteing Church 09 19 00

It' for 38 Bowles of Lime 00 19 00

It' for 6 Bushells of Hare & ffetching ... 00 04 06

May 11th Ao Dni 1698 It' to widdow Turner for 2 Plates ... 00 02 00

It' at Whitsuntide 5 Quarts of Wine 00 08 40

It' at Xmas. 5 Quarts & a halph 00 09 20

It' for repairing the seats in publick 00 04 00

May 15th Ao Dni 1699 It' for mending ye Bell 00 06 08

It' for mending ye stile & ye Bier 00 '00 8

It' for ye Porch Gates 00 19 0

Apr11. 21th Ao: Dni: 1700 It' fora Cirpcloath 02 10 0

It. for a start in ye Bell 00 00 40

May 18th Ao. Dni. 1701 It' for a Cloath to ye Alter Table ... 00 15 06

It' for Two poore Travellers 00 01 00

It' for 2 Boxes to gather Almes in 00 01 04

May 1st Ao : Dni. 1702 ; It' for repaireing & hanging y° Bell... 00 03 8 0

27 Curate 1695-1707.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PARISH ACCOUNTS. 81

It' paid for ale when Meeting was about ye poore ... 00 02 06

It' for 3 Brock heads 00 01 00

April 5tu Ao Dni 1703 it' for bringing a praier Book 00 00 60

It' for a stile & spade 00 05 00

May ye 4th Ao: Dni: 1704 It' for wood & workmanship about

Churchyard & Pindfold Doors 00 10 00

Apr11 18th Ao: Dni 1706 It' for Leather to hang ye Belle tounge in 00 00 06 0

It' for a Raven head 00 00 02 0

May 14th 1710 for 2 shifts for Jennet Wright 00 05 0

For ye Caufie at the low end of Clemie Lonning ... 00 04 0

1711 pd for mending ye dyall 00 00 6

1714 To Ro. Tayler for a hack shaft a shovel & hanging the

Bell Tongue 00 01 00

1718 for a new Bel Rope 00 2 0

1719 for 4 pate heads 00 02 00

Given to John Tinsly of pilling in the County of Lan-
caster for ye sea breaking in 00 04 00

The names of the twelve chosen men for regulating the affairs of the Parish

of Witton

Read Hodgson Tho Carlile

Jo11 Dobinfon Chris : Hodgshon

Robert Taylor . William Garth

Simon Taylor Jo11 Snaith

James Croft Wm Bnully

George Crags George Simpson

Thomas Gills Ezra Emerfon Minist1 a

Chofen May The 3d 1719

1721 for shifting the old Bell 00 01 00

paid to Will Wascoe for hanging ye bells 00 09 00

Novbr 23d 1723

Whereas there has been an antient Custom upon any Persons being buried in
the Body of the Church that the Execut™ or Relations of such Person always
paid ten Groats for having such Liberty into the Hands of the Church Wardens
then in being who imploy'd the sd Moneys as they see fit having at the same
time the Consent of the twelve of the sd Parifh for such Disposal 'Tis therefore
order'd and agreed by and with the Consent of the Minister and twelve that no
Person from the Date hereof shall have Liberty of being buried in the Body of
the Church except they pay the Sum of ten Groats to the Church Wardens then
for the time being before they be admitted into the Church or take up any
Stones in the Body of the sd Church in Order for such Burial.

[Signed by ' Ezra Emerson Minist1" and six others, including ' Stephen Corkey
Paroc' Cleric'.']

1722 Paid to the Perfon for the poor man 0 2 0

for a Badgers Head 006

1727 For ye Bishops Ire 010

For mending ye Punfold wall 019

For putting ye Parchment into Regifter 0 0 6

For mending ye Surpleth 003

'28 Curate 1714-1735

VOL. XVII. 1 1

82 WITTON-LE-WEAR PARISH :

forNatts 004

Church cliall 050

173i Inp™ 14 yards of hollin at 38 a yard 2 2

To Robert Tayler for mending ye Pues 070

for 10 ffurdailes & half at 18d a piece 0 15 9

1732 & 1733 for binding ye Bibfe 00 08 00

Exchanging a Plate 00 00 06

1735 Makeing a new Stile 030

By repairing the Punfold Wall 006

By a new Bell Rope 008

1736 By a New Table Cloth 0 16 0

Bya New Flagon 056

1 737 By a pair of New Stocks & a Lock 00 05 00

1743 N.B. This year ye following Contributions were given by ye Gentlemen

whose names are below for procuring Queen Ann's Bounty.

The Honble & right Revd ye Bp. of Durham 50 0 0

The patron John Cuthbert Esqre 63 0 0

Robert Shafto Esquire 21 0 0

Lord Crew's Trustees 20 0 0

The Revd Mr Teasdale ye present Curate ... 50 0 0

204 0 0

& some time after Mrs Douglas of Witton Hall gave ... 6 6 0

which defray'd ye Charges of a purchase made at Wolsingham
1755 N.B. The Rails at ye altar were erected this year

Mrs Cuthbert gave ye Altar Cloth & M" Douglas yc Velvet pulpit Cushion.

1762 Vestrymen chosen Janry ye 19th

Mr Jn°. Dobinson of Witton Castle
Mr Nicholas Greenwell of Witton Castle
Peter Jones

Robert Taylor of Witton
George Snaith of Marshal Green
& George Craggs of Allandale
The other Township

Mr Anthony Atkinson of Widowfield
William Garth of Low Widdowfield
Thomas Briggs of ye Fold
Thomas Hodgson of Sandy Bank
John Jackson of Old Wadlow
& John Atkinson Junr of Harperley

Witnefs Steph. Teasdale Minister

1763 To drawing Sentences in the Church 2 11 0

To taking glass out of Church Window 002

To Fomett Heads 010

1764 To drawing the ten Comandm18 4 10 0

To 4 Foulmarts Heads 1 4.

1771 By a Form of Prayer 1

By a Pitch-pipe 5

By a Foulmart's Head 4

1773 By a Dial 58 and Whitning the Ch £1.7 112

By a Bell rope 1 g

EXTRACTS FROM THE PARISH ACCOUNTS. 83

1775 By mending Pews & 3 Matts 2 8

By a new Ladder 7 0

By a Kope for letting down Corpse 6

By a Fox's Head 1

By 5 Foulmart's Heads 1 8

1779 By 17 Foulmarts & 1 Otter's Hd 6 8

1780 By Fox & 12 Foulmarts 5 0

1783 By Licence for registring without stamps 6 0

By binding Book of Offices 9

By 7 Foulmart's Heads & Almanac 211

1793 By a Cover for Font & Seat for Sexton 14

By 5 Foulmart's Heads 1 8

1795 Stocks & Lock 13 6

1797 By whitewashing & cleans Church 110

By Looking Glafs 2 6

1803 By a Pitch pipe 6

1806 By Geo. Ramshaw's Bill 113 3

By Cleaning the Gravel Walk 2 6

1808 By Foulmarts heads 2 4

1811 By a Foulmart's head29 1

1812 By Wine & porter in the time of the Fever 12 6

By Carriag for Iron Chest 1 4

1813 By Iron Chest 1010

1816 By Grave Straps 4

1820 Ornaments for pulpit 12 8

Given to a man in distress ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 6

1821 Window Curtains 1 6 9£

1822 Briefs 2/-, Candles 5/6 7 6

Green cloth for Door 15

[A sum from Mr. Sheppardson or incumbent of St. Mary le Bow in lieu of
2 bottles of wine, of 7s. occurs regularly from 1823 to 1842, when the book ends.]

1825 Eegistering Briefs 2

1827 Flaggon 4 4

1832 repairing roads in Ch Garth 6

1833 Postage of a Letter 5

1834 Cash from Sir Wm Chaytor Bart being a moiety of the expence

of the repair of the chancel 13 19 8f

To Cash from G. H. Wilkinson Esqr being other moiety of

expense for the repair of the Chancel 13 19 8|

1836 March 26 Mr P. Fair's Bill for a New Bible 346

from volontary donations toward a New Bell ... 8 10 3

sold the old Bell 703

1838 Aug* 6 Paid Carrier for the carriage of 2 Bells to Newcastle ... 10 6

To a Bell Rope 6 8

Mr Abbot's Bill for a new Bell 17 5 4

1842 To two plans of the pews in the church including frame and

glass 170

28 The last entry for ' vermin ' occurs this year.

84 THE ( QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGATT,' NEWCASTLE :

V.— THE 'QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGATT,' NEW-
CASTLE, THE SWIRLE, AND THE LORT BURN.

By DENNIS EMBLETON, M.D.
[Read on the 28th day of November. 1894.]

AT the request of Mr. Maberly Phillips, author of the paper on the
above subject in a former volume of the Archaeologia Aeliana,1 I
visited, on August 23rd last, the excavations being carried on at the
above place, the site of the once celebrated school of the Braces,
father and son, and quite recently of a public laundry. The history
of this ground, so far as it could be recovered, was exhaustively re-
lated by Mr. Phillips in the above mentioned volume on November
28th, 1888. With this history it is far from my intention to interfere,
it is my wish only to supplement it.

From 1683 to 1790 the site had been, in common with ' the Ballast
Hills' at the east end of the town, the burial ground of ministers, and
of members and their families, of certain dissenting communities of
Newcastle who worshipped at the Castle Garth and other meeting
houses.

Mr. Alfred E. Ingledew, of Messrs. Oliver and Leeson, architects,
has kindly sent me a tracing from Button's map of Newcastle of
1775, showing the exact position of the graveyard with regard to
1 Vol. aciii. pp. 234-251.

THE LORT BURN, THE SWIRLE, ETC. 85

Sidgate or Percy street, and a sketch on a larger scale with dimensions
and other interesting details.2 The dimensions are : — Length, one
hundred and ninety-four feet six inches ; width at lower end, forty
feet six inches ; width at upper end, sixty-six feet three inches.

It lies parallel and close to the lowest part of St. Thomas's street
at its east side, and is bounded on its east side by Mr. Sanderson's
Hotspur brewery, at the north end by Mr. Slater's property, and at
the south end by Sidgate or Percy street.

The ground consists of from three and a half feet to four and a half
feet depth of ordinary soil, resting on a rather thin layer of yellow
clay, below which is a thick bed of blue clay.

During the examination of the upper part of the ground an
ancient watercourse was discovered called the Swirle, which had
evidently been a long time diverted from its original course through
the ground to a culvert constructed, most likely, about 1786, when
the plot was being levelled and walled in, to carry the water away
from the burials ; it was led along the west side of the ground down to
Percy street, where it is supposed to have ended in a street sewer.
The culvert was constructed of remarkably large and peculiarly formed
stones, which must have belonged to some ancient ecclesiastical build-
ing. These will be more particularly noticed further on.

It is of some little interest first to trace the Swirle and its connec-
tion with the Lort burn.

The water of the Swirle came from somewhere about the middle
of the Leazes underground to the top of the Quigs' burial place, and
was there conveyed into the culvert above noticed, and so it went
down Percy street and under the town wall at a short distance to the
east of the old Newgate.

At the present time that water, I suppose, is made to issue con-
tinuously, pro bono publico, from a small stone pant which has been
erected near to the south border of the Leazes, at a few yards above
and to the west of the top of St. Thomas's street.

When, why, and from whom this little stream, and that also which
exists at the end of Sandgate, received the name of /Swirle does not
appear, but it must be clear that they had never been connected with
each other when the levels of the land between them are considered.

2 p. 89.

86 THE ' QUIGS BURING PLAS IN 8IDGATT,' NEWCASTLE :

In some of the old maps of Newcastle this Swirle is erroneously
laid down as the head water of the Lort/ burn. Thus in Speed's,
1610, the Lort burn is represented as starting from the north side
of Sidgate, running down Sidgate to the town wall under which it
passes a little to the east of the Newgate, thence curving a little to
the east it traverses the grounds of the ' New House,' and after pass-
ing under two separate rows of houses comes to the position of the
High bridge at about the top of the old Butcher Market, under which
it passes to the Dean, the lower part of the Side, and the east portion
of the Sandhill to the Tyne.

In the map of 'Ralph Gardner, gent.' of 1654, engraved by
Hollar, the Lort burn is shown as springing from the Leazes at some
distance above St. Thomas's street, passing through the site of the
future 'Quigs' Buring Plas,' then down Sidgate to and under the town
wall somewhat nearer to Newgate than in Speed, then down
Newgate street as far as the east end of Darn Crook, where it makes
a sharp turn to the east, and is continued in the same course as in
Speed to the river. In Hollar's map of the same date as Gardner's,
the Swirle is represented as the Lort burn.

The real Lort burn, however, arises from the Nuns moor, beyond
and to the west of the barracks, and probably from the long deserted
coal works there, runs down the Barrack road into Gallowgate and
Darn Crook as a considerable stream compared with the Swirle,
which it receives as a small tributary at the point where the Swirle is
represented as curving to the east, in Gardner's map, at the foot of
Darn Crook in Newgate street, thence the Lort burn, running under
the ' Chancellor's Head ' public house, takes the course marked in the
above maps as that of the Lort down to the Tyne.

Originally head stones or slabs had been placed over some of the
bodies interred in this burial ground ; these had subsequently been
removed and placed against the side walls ; later on they had been
removed and dispersed, and later still some of them were discovered
among very unsuitable surroundings.

Two of these stones are known to exist at present, one in the
Unitarian church in New Bridge street, the other in the chapel of
the castle. For record of the former see Archaeologia Acliana,
vol. xiii. p. 235. A few human bones had been found in the soil of

EXCAVATION OF THE SAME. 87

the graveyard before excavation was begun, and also outside of the
boundaries of the ground.

The excavation of the burial ground was begun at the lower or
south end and continued gradually up to the north end until the
whole of the soil and part of the clay were dug out and carted away,
the bones found being collected and placed aside ; the lowest part was
quite dry, having been covered by the school buildings ; the upper
part was open and exposed to rainfall, and possibly also to leakage
from the culvert, and the water being retained more or less in the soil
by the clay, the ground was very wet, and decomposition of the bodies
and the coffins had thus been greatly favoured.

Interments had been more frequent at the lower than at the upper
part of the ground, but the greatest number was found at the east side
about the middle. The number of graves indicated on the accompany-
ing plan (p. 89) does not mean that they were the only interments
found, for there were many others that had been made without
coffins. The earliest deposited were the farthest gone in decomposition.

No grave, except one at the upper east side of the ground, was
found at a greater depth than five feet six inches, but several had
been placed within two feet of the surface, the exceptional case being
that which lay quite in the clay bed, another was found inclosed in a
case of lime, possibly that of some person who had died of a malig-
nant fever, another case was that of a large skeleton lying directly
over another smaller, possibly husband and wife. All the bodies were
laid with their heads to the north. An unusually large coffin was met
with, Mr. Ingledew reports that the length of it was six feet eight
inches, its greatest width two feet four inches, its head fourteen inches
broad, its foot nine inches by six inches ; its sides were made of two
thicknesses of oak, and rounded towards the bottom like the sides of a
boat, leaving a width of four inches on the flat. The bones within
had not been specially noticed on exhumation, but among the
collected bones I saw none of greater size than the femur noticed
below as measuring nineteen and a half inches in length.

Over fifty skeletons in all were disinterred, but none quite entire,
for the smaller bones of the hands and feet could scarcely be
recognised, and only a few pelvic bones could be collected. The ends
of the long bones buried in the seventeenth century were much

88 THE 'QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGA.TT,' NEWCASTLE.

decayed away, or had become detached during the excavation. A
piece of marble engraved with a crest was discovered in the excavation.
There were skulls and other bones of women, but the great majority
were those of men ; none of children was obtained.

I produced at a previous meeting one of the most recent and best
preserved skulls and lower jaw of the same, and one of the thigh bones
of the same skeleton, which was the biggest I had noticed. These
were well and strongly made, but the jaws had lost during life
several of their molar teeth. It was not possible to examine the skull
with care before the meeting ; afterwards it and the femur were
stolen by one of the labourers to whom they were entrusted to be
carried back to the other bones, and the man was not to be found
next day and has not been seen since. The femur measured nineteen
and a half inches in length, which indicates a person of the stature of
five feet nine inches or five feet ten inches. The average length of the
human adult femur is eighteen inches. A second femur measured
fourteen and three-quarter inch.es in length, and a third thirteen and
a half inches, both probably those of women. The skull may have
been that of a strong minister of mature or over middle age. The
exhumed bones were collected, placed in three coffin-like boxes,
which were interred near the position of the graveyard (see plan
next page).

Mr. Alfred E. Ingledew, who has obligingly given me parts of the
preceding information, has also afforded me the following : —

' There were also exhumed several wrought iron handles of coffins. They
had all been fixed on the ends, not the sides, of these ; they were beautifully
turned and flanged, tapering to points, and fastened to the wood by double-
tailed nails at the inside, where they were kept in position by a small square
plate ; in one instance, on the head of the coffin, was found a very large handle
in position, and a portion of what had been the plate, but on attempting to
clear off the soil from it it was destroyed, though the marks were still visible ;
below and at the lower end of this plate were two small shields, but so defaced
that nothing could be distinguished on their surfaces. Around the whole of
these ornaments were two circles, each of about one-eighth of an inch broad,
cut in the wood, which was oak, and certain numerals were observed, of
which only " 14 " was plainly to be seen, the rest could not be made out
owing to the rough usage of the part by one of the labourers.'

' Whilst the culvert above noticed was being taken up, many very interesting
stones were brought to light. It was a two feet square drain, the walls of which
were formed of stones beautifully moulded, for instance, heads and sills of door-

VOL. XVII.

90 THE 'QUIGS BURING PLAS IN SIDGATT,' NEWCASTLE.

ways and windows, two very large jamb-stones with the mouldings in perfect
condition, two large voussoirs, or keystones of arches perfect and beautifully cut,
mullions and portions of detached shafts, all of which had evidently come from
some considerable sacred building, for on removing the last stone it turned out
to be a part of the tracery of a very large window.

These stones, as their sculpture shows, belong to the Early English
style of architecture.

In conclusion, I am strongly of opinion that the above stones,
being of ecclesiastical origin and belonging to the Early English style
of architecture, had once formed parts of the fabric of the old chapel
of St. James at the Barras Bridge. The chapel and the Quigs' burial
ground were only a few hundred yards apart. The houses that a few
years ago stood on the site of the present Hancock museum of
Natural History were built at the end of last century ; at the
time of their erection the ground must have been completely
broken up and the remains of the dilapidated chapel of St. James
would be dug up and disposed of, and that must have occurred
about the time when the burial ground of the Quigs was being
levelled and walled in, i.e. in 1786, when stones would be wanted
for forming the culvert to carry the Swirle, threatening the burial
place, into the proper direction. The proprietors of that place hear-
ing of the excavations at St. James's, and, we must suppose, having
had permission, carried off such of the exhumed stones as best suited
their purpose, and thus made part of their culvert.

There is nothing to show who it was who gave away those conse-
crated stones. The few stones preserved in front of the museum are
characteristically carved in Early English style, several showing the
dog-tooth ornament of that style.

NORTHERN MONASTICISM. 91

VI.— NORTHERN MONASTICISM.

BY THE REV. ALFRED BOOT, VICAR OP ST. JOHN'S, DARLINGTON.
[Read on the 28th day of November, 1894.]

THIS paper was originally written some twelve months ago for the
purpose of being read before the South Shields Clerical Society, and at
the time I certainly had no idea that it would go further. I therefore
feel somewhat diffident at the prospect of reading it before the
members of a society such as the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries,
and I trust that all shortcomings may be treated leniently.

I purpose to deal with some phases of monasticism more especially
as it manifested itself in the work and results of the Celtic mission,
to give some reason for its sudden decay, and to touch upon the
somewhat extraordinary fact that since the building of the abbey at
Durham there has practically arisen within the present boundaries of
the county no independent monastic foundation of any account.

Monasticism, both in the early British church, and in the Celtic
church, appears to have been introduced into these islands through
the influence of the church in Gaul. In the northern parts of the
island, with which we are more especially interested, there appears to
be some firm ground for us to stand upon, when we come to the end
of the fourth century. At this period community life (and through-
out this paper the term monasticism is used in this general sense)
appeared in the south-west of Scotland. It owed its origin to S.
Ninian, who was born in Galloway about the year 360 A.D. His
parents appear to have been Christians, and he was baptized in
infancy, a fact which proves that the Christian faith had gained a
fairly good hold about this time. In early youth he went to Rome,
and about 386 A.D. returned as a bishop to his own people, having
been consecrated to that office by pope Siricius. On his way home
he visited S. Martin of Tours, who was the founder of monasticism in
Gaul, and from him he gained his knowledge of community life. It
was upon the type there presented to him that S. Ninian founded his
own religious order upon his return to Scotland. He built at

92 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

Whithorn in Galloway (by the aid of French masons) a stone church,
long known as ' Candida Casa,' which rapidly became the centre of a
most important monastic community. It was a missionary and
educational centre, in which the younger laity, together with the
candidates for Holy Orders, were trained and instructed. Its
influence was felt far beyond its immediate neighbourhood, and com-
munication was established between Whithorn and Ulster, resulting in
the founding of other communities in the sister isle. The main
characteristic which distinguished the monasteries of the early period,
and which separates them somewhat from the monasticism of a later
age, was this, it was mainly practical and not contemplative. They
were mission centres where the brethren lived in community life
under the rule of the bishop; from these they went forth to their
work and to them they returned. They were also educational centres
both for clergy and laity. S. Ninian died circa 430 A.D.

The next point where we find ourselves able to speak with some
amount of historical evidence is with regard to the mission of S.
Patrick. It is possible that in him we find one of the results of the
work of the mission founded by S. Ninian, though at some little
distance. He is said to have been born at Dumbarton, and to have
been carried off to Ireland when about 16 ; to have returned again to
Scotland, where he was ordained priest, and then again to have
journeyed back again. He was consecrated bishop when about 45,
and died about 493 A.D.

S. Patrick's followers were what are known as the l First Order of
Irish Saints/ and his form of community life had special features
which distinguished it both from that which preceded it and that
which followed.

The proportion of bishops to presbyters was abnormally large.
S. Patrick established a kind of tribal episcopacy, and every tribe,
clan, and small chieftain had a special bishop. Some of the episcopate
lived as recluses, some lived together in monasteries, some estab-
lished schools. So great was the number of bishops in Ireland, even
at a later date, that a stream of them was continually arriving in
the dioceses of territorial bishops, who, at least in England, passed
canons against them and the 'Orders' which they conferred. S.
Patrick also founded episcopal communities, with groups of seven

THE COLUMBAN CHURCH. 93

bishops in each community, generally members of the same family,
or of the same tribe. He died about 493 A.D.

The successor to the church of S. Patrick, at a distance of half a
century, was the church of S. Coluinba, and with it came a change in
monastic life. The number of bishops has lessened, the number
of presbyters has increased. The bishops in many cases are subject
to the abbots in the matter of jurisdiction, though they still rank as
a superior spiritual order, with special powers. In the Columban
monasteries all offshoots remain under the control of the parent
foundation and under the jurisdiction of its abbot. (The abbots of
Lindisfarne were appointed for some thirty years from lona.) The
election of the abbot in the head monastery followed to some extent
an hereditary principle, inasmuch as it remained always in the family
of the founder, as in the case of lona, where the first nine abbots, as
far as and including Adamnan, were blood relations of S. Columba.

The Columban church was entirely monastic, though there is no
trace of any definite rule under which the monks lived, such as that
which distinguished the Benedictine and other orders of later times,
who succeeded to their place and power. Discipline remained entirely
with the abbot, and the keeping of fasts and festivals was ordered by
him. It is probable that the canonical hours were kept by the monks,
but the personal discipline seems not to have been modelled upon any
fixed rule.

This was the type of community life introduced into lona by
S. Columba, and into Lindisfarne by Aidan. It is the type of Christi-
anity exhibited by men who are known as the ' Second Order of Irish
Saints,' and it retained its place in Northumbria and other parts,
until the founding of Wearmouth and Jarrow by Benedict Biscop
with the Benedictine rule. In a debased form it was the rule of the
community which first founded the abbey of Durham in 995, and was
finally dispossessed by the Benedictines under the Norman bishop
Carilef about 1083 A.D.

It is this Celtic mission under Aidan and his successors to which
we of the north owe our own Christianity. It was in the summer of
635 A.D., that bishop Aidan at the invitation of the king (Oswald)
came to Northumbria and settled at Lindisfarne. His home was
within the monastery, and although he was bishop, and by far the

94 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

most important man of the community, yet there was a governing
abbot within the monastery after the custom of the Columban
foundations.

The work of this mission is one of the most brilliant in the annals
of the Christian church. It possessed a vigorous life, and its develop-
ment was simply marvellous in its rapidity and extent. Within fifty
years foundations like Lindisfarne, Melrose, Hexham, Coldingham,
Tynemouth, Whitby, Jarrow, Wearmouth, Hartlepool, Ripon, Lasting-
ham, and others sprang into full life, and were important ecclesiastical
centres. But if the life was vigorous it was of short duration, and
after this period, with the exception of one very great life, St.
Cuthbert's, there seems to have been a gradual falling away, until
the great invasion of the Danes in the eighth and ninth centuries.

MONASTERIES. — Some idea of the rapid growth of Christianity
may be obtained from a glance at the dates of the following
foundations : —

Lindisfarne (6 35)

Melrose
Gateshead (641)

between 635-652.

Hartlepool (641)

Coldingham

Whitby.

Wearmouth, 673.

Jarrow, 682.

Hexham, 674.

There are two points in connection with Celtic monasticism which
are worthy of note.

1. It has been a question with some people as to whether the
rule observed by the Columban monks was in any way connected with
the * Culdee ' rule, whether they were in fact Culdee monks.

There does not seem to be any justification for assuming this, the
Culdees being, I believe, the ' Third Order of Irish Saints.' They do
not seem to have had any existence before the eighth century, and to
have arisen as a protest against the decaying discipline of the
Coluraban monks. The name seems to be of Irish origin Ceile De,
afterwards * Colidei,' meaning ' Servants of God.' They were ascetics
and anchorites, living at first in separate cells, but in one community.

THE COLUMBAN CHURCH. 95

The strictness of their rule gradually relaxed, and in two or three
centuries they became a secularised ecclesiastical caste. Marriage
obtained a footing among them, and their offices became hereditary.
They were eventually displaced by the regular bodies of canons and
monks, Augustinian and Benedictine. They left no literature and
were never missionary or aggressive in their work.

2. The other point of interest in the Colurnban church is the
establishment of double monasteries, institutions which contained
both monks and nuns in separate wings of the same building, living
under the same rule and governed by one head — an abbess. The
origin of these foundations is doubtful. Something of the kind
existed in early days among the Egyptian recluses, but here the Nile
separated the two bodies, as the Tyne is said to have done, the monks
and nuns living under the same head at Tynemonth and South
Shields.1 They were almost characteristic of Celtic missions. They
existed in Gaul, Belgium, and Germany, and in the seventh cen-
tury there was one in Rome itself, but they were more popular
in Ireland than elsewhere, and sprang up spontaneously with
the first beginnings of Christianity. S. Patrick framed certain
rules for the avoidance of scandal. In his days these institutions
were ruled by an abbot or a bishop, but the Columban clergy
declined the responsibility, and in all their ecclesiastical colonies
these communities were placed under the rule of an abbess.
They were brought into Britain by Saxon princesses from Gaul,
whither they had been sent to be trained for the cloister. Whitby,
Ely, Wimborne, and Coldingham, are prominent examples, and
Montalembert states1 that there was a double monastery at Tynemouth
and Shields (ruled over by the abbess Verca). Archbishop Theodore
forbade these foundations, but the order was not carried out, and they
flourished until the Danish invasion of the ninth century, after which
there is no trace of them, there being no provision made for them in
the efforts of king Alfred and of Dunstan to revive the monastic life.

It is satisfactory to find that Coldingham is the only community
of this kind which is open to a charge of depraved life. In some of
them the chronicles relate that a liking for dress developed among the
nuns, and that they wore hoods and cuffs trimmed with silk, and
arranged their veils so as to form an ornament.

1 Montalembert, vol. iv. p. 413 note.

96 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

We come now to the sudden collapse of the enormous work done
by the Celtic mission. It was founded by Aidan in 635 A.D., and in
687 A.D. St. Cuthbert died, and with him the distinctive glory of the
work. I cannot but think that the decision of the Council of Whitby,
with its overthrow of purely Celtic customs, struck a severe blow at
the spirit of the Celtic mission. Its bishop (Colman) as we know,
refused to assent to the decision, and retired with some thirty of his
monks to lona. With the exception of the one life, the old
enthusiasm seems to have gone with them, and the after record can
tell us of nothing so great as the work of the first forty years.
Simeon indeed states that the misgovernment and the dissension in
the north was the cause of the decline of the Northumbrian church,
and doubtless this is very largely true ; but I cannot help thinking
that the previous reason was the first and possibly the severest blow.
Be that as it may, at the end of the eighth century the Danes made
their first descent upon the north, and their coming meant almost
total destruction not only to the civil government, but also to the
religious life of the whole of England.

Nearly every great monastery which had been built through the
exertions of the Scottish missionaries was pillaged and destroyed ; the
discipline of the religious life was neglected, the monks became a
secularised body, and Christianity was almost swept from the land.
Monasticism fell to such a low ebb that when king Alfred, after the
troubles with the Danes were over, founded a monastery in Mercia, he
was unable to find any one who would consent to occupy it, so weak
had the religious feeling of the country become. With the nunneries
he had more success. In the north, however, the Danish invasion
was the death blow of monasticism. The congregation of S. Cuthbert
held together indeed for two hundred years (including the period at
Chester-le-Street), retaining the body of the saint with them, but with
relaxed discipline and morals ; and bishop Aldhune who founded the
see of Durham was a married man, and his clergy, to all intents and
purposes, secular priests. Simeon of Durham states that so terrible
and devastating were the effects of the Danish invasion that for two
hundred years before bishop Aldhune settled in Durham no church in
Northumbria was either built or restored, but with regard to Jarrow,
at least, this seems not to be quite accurate. Still, so terrible was the

NORMAN BISHOPS. 97

onslaught of the Danes, that their invasion was the deathblow to
monasticism in its ancient homes of the north. In this invasion,
Lindisfarne, Coldingham, Melrose, Tynemouth, Hexham, Jarrow,
"Wearmouth, Hartlepool, and Whitby fell. Jarrow was probably not
a ruin for any great period of time. It was attacked in 794 and again
in 866 ; it was in existence as a religious house in 1020, and in 1075
bishop Walcher gave it to some Benedictine monks who eight years
afterwards were removed to Durham by Carilef. After this it became
a cell to or dependent house on the great abbey at Durham, and so
continued until the dissolution. Wearmouth was destroyed with
Jarrow in 866, was rebuilt in 1075, and followed the fortunes of
Jarrow, its monks being removed to Durham at the same time, and
itself being until the dissolution a dependent house. These two,
though founded by a Northumbrian member of the Celtic church,
Benedict Biscop, were the first examples in the north of monks
under the Benedictine rule.

NORMAN BISHOPS.

With the Norman bishop Carilef, the builder of the present
cathedral, who came to Durham in 1083, a new era in monasticism
began, but it had special features, or, perhaps it ought to be said,
one special feature, viz., that so far at least as the present county is
concerned, it was confined almost entirely to one centre, Durham,
which rose to a position of the very greatest importance. But it is a
very striking thing that from the year 995, in which the first church
of Durham was commenced, there is no single instance (with two very
minor exceptions) of the founding of any monastic institution within
the county. The exceptions are the abbey at Finchale, which was
really an extension of Durham, and even so was founded as a
compromise, and a small Benedictine nunnery founded by Emma de
Teisa at Neasham, near Darlington, at the end of the twelfth century.
There is a seal and a deed of incorporation existing of the abbey of
Baxtenford, near Neville's Cross, but it appears doubtful if the build-
ings were ever commenced. I shall have occasion to give the reason
later. I have not seen any explanation of this sudden cessation, or
perhaps centralisation, with regard to monastic life, but I venture to
give the following reasons as possible explanations : —

vrvr.. WTT -•• o

98 NORTHERN MONASTICISM :

1. The unique fame of S. Cuthbert.

2. The existence of the palatinate, and the enormous possessions

of the bishopric.

3. A development of religious 2eal, not very great, in other

directions.

4. The power and jealousy of the Benedictine foundation at

Durham.

5. The incursions of the Scots.

1. The great sanctity attaching to the name of S. Cuthbert drew
to the congregation of the saint, and to the see connected with his
name, large benefactions. Bishopwearmouth, Westoe, Silksworth,
Ryhope, and Seaton were given, at one time, to the see by king
Athelstan when at Chester-le-Street. Styr gave Darlington, Coniscliffe,
Aycliffe, etc., and Canute gave the lands between Staindrop and
Evenwood on the occasion of the building of the abbey at Durham,
and many large and valuable gifts came into the possession of the see.
The natural result of this was that benefactions which might have
been used for founding separate communities went to swell the power'
and influence of the bishopric and the abbey.

2. In close connection with this point, the extreme wealth of the
bishopric must be considered. The possession of so much land by the
occupants of the see left less room for private benevolence, and
whether the bishops, or such of them as gave benefactions, preferred
to exercise their charity in other directions, to be mentioned hereafter ;
whether they objected to found institutions which, to some extent,
might become independent, and sources of considerable trouble to
themselves ; whether they objected to increase the power of the abbey
by founding branch establishments of the same order, or, on the other
hand, were unwilling to rouse its enmity by introducing 'Orders' other
than the Benedictine ; whether any or all of these reasons influenced
their conduct, one thing is certain, that possessing enormous power
they did not exercise it in the direction of developing monasticism.

3. Though there were no monastic institutions founded after the
establishment of the see at Durham (with the exception mentioned),
and though that period includes that in which the valleys of York-
shire and the Lowlands of Scotland were filled with them, yet there is

THE ABBEY AT DURHAM. 99

a not unimportant development in other directions which may partly
account for it, viz., the foundation of the collegiate churches and
hospitals of the county. Bishop Auckland, Darlington, Norton, and
Eckington, all became collegiate centres in 1083 under bishop Oarilef
and were instituted by him to provide maintenance for the secularised
monks whom he ejected from the abbey at Durham. Chester-le-
Street and Lanchester became collegiate churches under bishop Bek in
1286 and 1283 respectively, and Barnard Castle and Staindrop, the
one founded by Guy Baliol in the fourteenth century, and the other
by the Nevilles in the fifteenth (1408) complete the list. All these
were dissolved by Henry VIII. There were also three hospitals,
Kepier, Sherburn, and Grreatham, the last two still existing, the other
dissolved at the dissolution. They were built respectively by bishops
Flambard, in 1112, Pudsey in 1181, and Robert de Stichel in 1272.
This may account in some part for a lack of monastic foundations.

4. But the power and jealousy of the abbey at Durham was a
much more serious impediment in the way. It possessed enormous
property and wielded immense power. Up to the time of bishop
Carilef the congregation of S. Cuthbert had been ruled by the
bishop, and there was one common estate. Bishop Carilef altered
this. He endowed the abbey with a separate estate out of the
lands of the congregation, reserving episcopal rights to himself, and
henceforth the monastery assumed a position of unique importance.
That they guarded this position and their rights with extreme care,
and that their tenacity resulted in keeping out other religious orders,
is shown by the attempt to found an Augustinian abbey at Baxten-
ford, on the Browney at Durham, near Neville's Cross. Henry de
Pudsey, son of the bishop, had brought from G-uisborough some canons
of this order, and placed them on his own estate at Haswell. Wishing
to remove them he transferred them to an estate at the place above
mentioned, the transfer being confirmed by the bishop. But the
Benedictines of Durham objected, and after the bishop's death they
succeeded in making his son express penitence for his presumption,
and ask forgiveness of the prior and convent for bringing the alien
' Order ' so near. Further, the following terms were arranged. The
chapter presented Henry de Pudsey with the priory at Finchale, then
merely an oratory with lodgings for pilgrims. He on his part

100 NORTHERN MONASTICISM.

endowed Finchale with all the lands and possessions he had given to
Baxtenford and presented the whole back again to the abbey, by
which means the Augustinians were driven out of the county. They
obtained some compensation in lands near G-uisborough. With the
wealth, power, and possessions of the abbey at Durham, it proved
almost impossible for a rival order to find a resting place in the
county, and one cannot suppose that it would have been allowed
within the limits of the estates over which they ruled.

5. I come now to the last of the reasons given, viz., the incur-
sions of the Scots, and I must confess that I have not been able to
look up sufficiently the history of the time to form an opinion of the
extent to which this influence prevailed. I should like also to know
something of the state of monasticism in Northumberland as we know
it, which insomuch as it lay as a buffer between Scotland and
Durham, would be a determining factor in coming to a conclusion.
Still it had an influence. In 1138 the Scots visited Finchale and nearly
put an end to S. Godric ; in 1306 they burned Kepier hospital ; in
1296 Hexham ; in 1314 they plundered Bearpark, and in 1346 they
burned it. They destroyed also a Tyueside residence of the abbot of
Durham, and in 1313 Durham itself was burned. Religious houses
received no consideration at their hands ; on the contrary, the posses-
sions of the inmates attracted them, and it doubtless rendered
monasticism difficult, but I am still inclined to think that the great-
ness of S. Cuthbert's name, the existence of the Palatinate, the wealth
of the see, and the power and jealousy of the abbey at Durham,
were the great reasons which rendered the county so comparatively
destitute of religious foundations. I have, however, as I stated, been
unable to find the point discussed, and as I have been forced to alter
my conclusions on several matters as information came to hand, so,
I doubt not that further knowledge may modify or enlarge the
opinions here expressed.

THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE PARISH OF WINSTON. 101

VII.— THE WINSTON (CO. DURHAM) CHURCHWARDENS'

ACCOUNTS, A.D. 1632-1695.

[Transcribed by Miss EDLESTON, of Gainford, and communicated
to the Society on the 29th day of August, 1894.]

THE earliest Winston parish accounts, kept with the registers in a
safe at the rectory, are written on forty-six leaves of paper, loosely
stitched together, without a cover. They contain the yearly accounts
of the overseers from 1632 to 1643 — the amounts collected monthly
for the poor, with the names of the recipients, lists of the inhabitants
as they were rated from time to time, and the names of those to
whom the 'Poor Stock' was lent. There are no entries from 1643
to 1647, and from that date to 1662 the names only of the church-
wardens, overseers for the poor, and highways, and the holders of the
poor stock, are recorded. The rest of the book contains church-
wardens' accounts beginning in 1662, overseers' accounts and rates to
1667, with names of parish officers to 1679, and accounts of the poor
stock to 1698. On April 2nd, 1678, it was agreed that the parish clerk
should have 12d. a year for writing the churchwardens' accounts in a
book to be provided for that purpose. A book, the first three leaves
of which are lost, contains churchwardens', overseers', and constables'
accounts from 1677 to 1729.

The plague which broke out at Osmoncroft and Winston in 1636
is alluded to here. The churchwardens and overseers agreed to lend
John Newcome 40s. to bind his son apprentice, but before all the
money was paid five of his children died of the plague, so his son
learnt his father's trade. In 1635, an order was made that the poor
stock was to be paid in on Easter tuesday in the chancel, but in 1641
the vestry is named. There is now no vestry at Winston church. In
1677 and later, the rector, Peter Lancaster, records that he claimed
his privilege of choosing one of the churchwardens, but waived it for
4 this present year,' and on April 22nd, 1679, the rector and parish-
ioners agreed, for the better management of the parish affairs, to
choose six men to join with the churchwardens.

102 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

During the earlier years of these accounts, there seem to have
been communions five times a year, at Christmas, Palm sunday,
Easter, Whitsuntide, and about Michaelmas, but after the Restoration
at Christmas and Easter only. In 1662-3 there are payments for
the surplice, hood, and font, and in 1664-5 several expences connected
with the bishop's and archdeacon's visitations, for books, plastering
the church, and writing the sentences. In 1666 the churchwardens
received Is. 8d. for a ' lairestone.' The rectors during the period
covered by these accounts were Richard Thursby, inducted 12th Aug.,
1631, died 7th, buried 8th July, 1651 ; Cuthbert Marley, 165.., buried
18th Feb., 1674-5 ; and Peter Lancaster, 1675, died 5th September,
1706, who has a monument in the chancel. The present rector, the
Rev. F. E. Sadgrove, has most kindly lent these accounts to be copied.

The accounts of the ouerfeers of the parish of Winstone. Richard Soarby,
John Darnton, Ouerfeers. 1632.

Money collected.

Inprimis collected in May viij8 iijd

Item collected att the Commun' att Whitfuntide ij8

Item collected June 3d viij8 ixd

Item collected July 3d viij* ixd

Item collected August 3d viij8 ixd

Item collected Septemb: 9th viij8 ixd

Item collected att the Commu' att Michaelmafs xxijd

Item more wch was not fett down iiij8 ijd

Item in Octob: 7th viij8 ixd

Item collected Nouemb: 4th according to a new taxat' ... ixs vjd

Item collected collected Decemb: fecond ix8 iijd

Item collected att the Commu' on Christmafs day ij8 iiijd

Item coUected Decemb. 30 ix8 iijd

Item collected att the Comm' on the ff east of the Epiph: ... xvd

Item collected January 27th ixs iijd

Item collected ffebr. 24th ix8 iijd

Item collected March 24th ixs iijd

Item collected att the Comm' on Palme-Sunday o. xixd

Item collected April 21th ix3 iijd

Item collected att ye Commu' Apr: 22 being East1" day ... xviij3

Sum. vj1 xij8 iijd

The names of thofe that haue the almes monethly May: 2d: 1632:

Widow Hewetfon ij8 ijd

Browne ij8 2

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 103

...ildren of Tho: ffarrow xvjd-^48 4

...abell Fewlor xijd 2...

Widow Bawcock xijd 6...

Eleanor Wharton . ... XJjd 3 .5

-Vi±J- 2 v]u

Turner 3t^d 4 2

...grett Parkin iitf1 2 vjd

Sum : tota: Xs ii^d viij8 xd.

The names of the inhabitants of the parifh of Winston as they were
afsefsed by the Ouerfeers of the poore of the fame parifh: May 3d:
1632.

Inprimis Ri : Thursby Clerke Rector there xijd

Item Mr George Bunny xijd

Item Mr Ber: Dowthwait xijd

Ite' Henry Swainston , vjd

Ite' Peter Bainbrigg vjd

Ambrofe Clement iijd

John Francklin iijd

Widow Francklin ... ... ... .•.. ... ... ... ... ijd

Will'Wilfon ijd

Ri. Soarby ijd

Tho. Miller iijd

John Darnton ... iijd

John Ouington of Ofmoncroft , iiijd

John Ouington of Stubbufs iiijd

Robert Greaues iiijd

Barforth Demefne xvjd

Henry Newecome ijd

John Manne xijd

Sum : tota : ¥iijs i*d

Money lent out.

Inprimis lent to Thomas Farrow xl8

Item lent to James Browne xx8

Item lent to John Newcome xl8

Item lent to John Kitchin x8

Item lent more to John Kitchin x8

Item lent to Richard Farrow ... x8

his fuerty Christofer Farrow.

Item to John Farrow xxS8

Item to Henry Bawcock xx8

Item to Henry Fowler x8

.Item to Matthew Hudfon xx8

The fame parties had the money lent againe and did p'mife to bring in
the fame fureties.

104 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ouerfeers for the high-wayes, Thomas Wilfon, John Franckland.
Dayes appointed for mending the high-wayes.

1 May 17. Ambrofe Clemett .................. ijd

2 May 19th. Willia' Richards' .................. ijd

3 May 24. John ffrancklin .................. iiij'1

John Ouington ... ... .. ... ... ... ij'1

Ambrofe Clemett and Will : Richardson ... , ........ iiijd

ffranklin ..................... iiijd

Edward Browne.

Nich. Haddock ..................... iiijd

Sum tota : ix8 iijd viij8 xd.

Ouerfeers for the high-wayes, Richard Soarby, John Darnton.
The dayes appointed are the three fridayes next before Whitfuntide.

Money giuen to the poore May 5th: 1632.

Inprimis giu' to the poore May 6th ............ viij9 iijd

Item giuen to widow Bawcock being fick ......... o — vja

Item giuen June 10th .................. vj8 vjd

Item giuen to Eleone1 Wharton June 10th ......... o — xijd

Item giuen July 7th .................. vj8 o.

Item giuen August 12th .................. v8 vjd

Item giuen Septemb: 9th .................. viij8 ixd

Item more the fame day .................. viij8 vijd

Item giuen to the poore Octob: 7th ............ viij8 xd

Item giuen to Isabell Fowler ............... o — xviijd

Item giuen to the poore Nouemb: 4th ............ viij8 vjd

Item more the fame day .................. o — iiij'1

Item more to John Newecombe of ye money wch collected at

ye Comm' ..................... iijs

Item to John Newecome being fick the next weeke Nouemb. 30 ij8

Item giuen to the poore Decemb: 2d ............ viij8 vjd

Item more giuen to the poore ............... viij'1

Item more to John Newecome ............... ij8

Item Decemb: 30th ..................... ix8 iijd

Item giuen January 27 ......... , ........ ix8 iijd

Item giuen to Widow Hewettfon ............ o. ij'1

Item giuen to the poore ffebru: 24th ............ ixs iij(1

Item giuen to the poore March 24th ............ ix8 iijd

Item giuen to Eleoner Wharton ... ......... o. xiijd

Item giuen to the poore April 21th ............ ix8 iijd

Sum : vj1 vj8 xd.
To be payd to the Ouerfeers for this yeere 1 633, v" vd.

PARISH OP WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 105

The names of the poore of the parifh of Winston wch haue monethly
Contributi' : 1633 :

Widow Hewetfon euery moneth ij8

Eleoner Browne ij8

Tho: Farrow for his children ...' xvjd

Widow Bawcock ... ... ... ... ... ... ... vjd

Eleoner Wharton xijd

Anne Prowd vjd

Bryan Turner xijd

Margrett Parkin vjd

Sum: viij8 xd.

An: Dom' 1635.

Matthewe Hudson euery moneth ...xijd xvijd

Eleoner Browne the daughter of James Browne ij8

Thomas Farrow for his children xvjd

Widow Bawcock vjd

John Newcome ... vjd

Eloonor Wharton -xijd

Anne Prowd ... viij8 ¥Jd

Bryan Turner Septe: xijd

Margrett Parkin ... ... ... ... ... ,.. Octo: vjd

Christofer Ouington vjd

Robert Langhorne Hi]A

Sum: 1635: Janu: 17: viij8 xd.
payd Noueb: 30: 39 lld.
Beceiued of Geo: Viccars — vs iiijd
due to me — xvjd / remaineth iiij8.
payd out of this to James Browne ij" xxd.
now in mine ha[n]d ij8 iiijd a[n]d xvjd / more ij8.
giuen to Bryan Turn' for 4 m'ths in Jan : iiij8. remaineth xxjd xiid to Mat

Huds'.

Bryan Turn' oweth me iij8 jd pyd j8.
I had 9d a[nd] xiiijd.

Money collected by the Ouerfeers. An: Domin. 1633.

Inprimis received of the old Ouerfeers v* vd

Item collected May the nineteenth ix8 iijd

Item collected att the Com' on Whitfunday ij8 ijd

Item collected June 16 ix8 iijd

Item collected July 14 ix8 iijd

Item collected Aug. 18 ix8 iijd

Item collected Septemb: 15 .. ix8 iijd

Item collected Octo: 13 ix8 iijd

Item collected att the Commu' Nouemb. 3 xvd

VOL. XVII. 14

106 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Item collected Nouemb: 17 ix8 iijd

Item collected att ye Comm' Decemb: 26 ij8 vjd

Ite' collected Decemb: 22 ix8 iijd

Ite' collected Janu: 12 ix8 iijd

Item collected ffebr: 16 ix8 iijd

Item collected March: 16 ix8 iijtl

Item collected att ye Commu' on Palme-Sunday ij8 ijd

Item collected at the Commu' on Easter day xvijd

Item collected April 10th ix8 iijd

Sum — vj1 v8 xjd.

Money giuen to y° poore May 19th, 1633.

Inprimis May 19th viij8 xd

Item June 16th viij8 xd

Item July 14th viij8 xd

Item Aug: 18 viij8 xd

Ite'. to Eleor Wharton being fick xviijd

Item giuen Septemb. 15 viij8 xd

Item gi' Octob: 13 viij8 xd

Item giu' Nouemb: 17 viij8 xd

Item collootod fttt y6 €emea' ft& Michaolmafo ... xvd

Ite' Decemb: 22 viij8 xd

Item January 12 viij8 xd

Item ffebruary 16 viij8 xd

Item March 16 viij8 xd

Item payd and giuen to a poore woman a trauailer iiijd

Item giuen to the poore April 13th viij8 xd

Item Will. Clibburne had in his hands iij8 vjd

Sum: v£ xj8 iiijd:
There remaineth to be giuen to the ouerfeers for the next

yeere xiiij8 vijd

The names of thofe that haue the stock of the poore.

Inprimis lent to Henry Fowler ten shillings x8

his furety

John Francklin Henry ffowle*

his —| marke. his -j-j- mke.

Item to Richard ffarrow ten shillings x»

Richard ffarrowe
his furety.

Item lent to Thomas ffarrow fourty shillings xl8

Ite' to John Newcome fourty shillings xl8

Ite to John Kitchin tw' shillings xx8

Ite' to John ffarrow twenty xx8

Ite1 to Jams Browne twenty xx8

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 107

Ite' to Henry Bawcock twenty xx8

Ite to Matthew Hudfon twenty ... ... ... ... ... xx8

This money is to be payd to the Ouerfeers on Teufday in Easter weeke.
An: Domi' 1634:

Ouerfeers for the highwayes in the parifh of Winston 1634.

The dayes appointed.
Inprimis April the 18th being friday.

Jte' April 33 being tonFday.

Item May 2d being friday. .
Item May 16 friday.

The dayes appointed for the high-wayes in the parifh of Winston 1635.
Aprill 17 being friday.
May 12th being Mefi Tuefday.
June 2d being Tuefday.

Money collected by the ouerfeers of the poore of the parifh of Winston

for the yeare 1634.

Inpr : receiued of the Ouerfeers xiiij8 vijd

Item collected May 18 ix8 iijd

Item collected June 15 ix8 iijd

Item collected July 13 ix8 iijd

Ite' collected Aug : 17 ix8 iijd

Item collected att ye Commu' on Whitfunday xxiijd

Ite' collected Septemb: 17 ix8 iijd

Item collected att the Com' Octob: 19 xvijd

Ite' collected Octob: 20 ix8 iijd

Item collected Nouemb1 23 ix8 iijd

Ite' Decemb. 24 ix8 iijd

Ite' Collected att ye Com' on Chriftmafs day ijs vijd

Item collected January 28 ix8 iijd

Itemffebr. 13 ix.8 iijd

Ite' March 15 ix8 iijd

Item collected att ye Commu' on Palme-Sunday ij8 ob

Item collected att ye Com' on Easter day xxjd

Item collected April: 19 ix8 iijd

Sum: vju xiij8 iijd ob.

Money dif burfed : 1634.

Inpr : giuen to the poore May 18th viij8 xd

Item giuen to the poore June 5 viij8 xd

Item giuen to the poore July 13 viij8 xd

Item giuen Aug : 17 viij8 xd

Item giuen Septemb1 17 ... viij8 xd

Ite giu' Octob. 19 \iijs

THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ite giu' Nouemb: 23 viij8 xd

Item giu' Decemb 24 viij8 xd

Item giuen January 28th viij8 xd

Item ffebruary 18 viij8 xd

Ite March 15 viij8 xd

Item giuen to Chriftofer Ouington euery moneth v3 wch is f

in all for this yeere 4

Item giuen to Phillis Hewettson being fick ij8 vjd

Item g' to the poore in April ix8 iijd

Sum : v11 xitj" xjd.
Thomas Herri son was to pay 4s.

Will: Clibburne had 2s 6d in his hand when he went away fifteene shillings
is to be payd by Robert Pearson two pence

The names of the Ouerfeers of the poore of the parifh of Winston for the
yeere 1634 being elected April 8th : Thomas Miller, William Richard-
son. Robert Pearson was content to ferue for Thomas Miller.
Ouerfeers of the poore : 1635. Will : Dowthwait, Tho : Smithson.
Collected and receiued

T TIT "IT* j TTH-f?, Tvy^Ai I"! OfT A"P •f.Ti f} (/T1QT1 lOOTFt TT)T* ~y;6 Top 4-. ypp'pp i^ -j-ji-js _y,d

tern Collected April 4£ ' is8 «jd

Ouerfeers of the poore : 1635. John Ouington, John Francklin, thofe
two were appointed by the Justices.

Collected and receiued.
Inprimis receiued of the Ouerfeers of the poore for y° last

yeere xv8 iiijd

Item collected att the Comm' at Whitfuntide o. xxiijd

Item collected in May viij8 xd

Item collected in June 19th viij8 xd

Ite collected in July 20th ... viij8 xd

Ite' collected in August 23 viij9 xd

Item collected in Septemb. 20 viij8 xd

Item collected att the Commu' Octo. 4th ij8 jd

Item collected Octo: 18 viij8 xd

Ite' collected Nouemb: 22th viij8 xd

Item collected Decemb. 20th viij8 xd

Item collected att the Commu' on Christmafs day ij8 vjd

Item collected Jany. 17 viij8 xd

Item collected Febru: 22 viij8 xd

Item collected March 20 viij8 xd

Item collected on Palme funday att the Com' xxijd

Item collected on Easter day att the Com' xd

Ite' collected April 20 viij xd

Sum : total : vj1 x8 vijd.

PARISH OP WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 109

Thomas Miller aud Will Richardson receiued tenne pounds wch is the
stock of the poore of the parif h of Winston, wch money is to be payd
by ... to the Ouerfeers, the next yeere vppon Easter Tuefday in the
chancell. This money was lent to the pfons whofe names are under-
written.

Hi: ffarrow

Inprimis to Richard ffarrow x8 his 2, marke
Ite' to Henry ffowler x3.

Jo : ffrancklin Henry ffowler

his x m'ke his •£• marke

Tho : ffarrow fourty shillings — Jo : Douthwait
John Newecom fourty shillgs — Geo : Newecom
Hen : Bawcock — twenty shillgs — Jo. Ouington
James Browne twenty shillgs— Will : Wilson
John ffarrow twenty shillgs — Am : Clemett
Matth : Hudson twenty shillgs — Joh : Spooner
John Kitchin, twenty shillgs — Mr Greaues.

Money delivrd to the ouerfeers of the poore 1635. March 31. wch was
lent to the pfons whofe names are underwritten.

Henry ffowler x8

Ri: ffarrow xs Hen: ffowler Jo: ffrancklin

Ri: ffarrow his ^ m'ke his + m'ke

his l_ m'ke Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton — x8

Christofer Farrow his furety. George Proud — xs.

George Viccars his furety.

Item lent to Tho : Smithson May 22th 1636 xx8 more to him xx8.

The stock of the poore of the parif h of Winston — xij1 iij8 jd

It was agreed vppon by the Ouerfeers of the poore of this parif h and the
churchwardens that John Newecom e shall haue xl8 to bindehis fonne
apprentice : whereof xxx8 to be payd now and x8 the next yeere wch
will be 1637.

When this money was to be payd flue of his children dyed of ye plague fo
his fonne learned his father's trade.

Money giuen to the poore 1635.

Inprimio ginon £e widow Howottoori being fiefee ifs ¥Jd
&e*a giuon £e £ke peeee April W* ixs »jd

Inprimis giuen to the poore May 31 viij8 x(l

Item giuen June 20th viij3 xd

Item July 22 viij8 x"

Item August 23 viij8 xd

Item Septemb. 20 viij8 xd

Item Octob : 18th viij8 xd

110 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ite' Nouemb. 22th viij8 xd

Item Decemb. 20th viij8 xd

Item January 17 viij8 xd

Item Febru' 22 viij8 xd

Item March 20 viij8 xd

Ite' giuen to Widow Bawcock being fick vjd

Ite' April 20th viij8 xd

Sum : v1 vj8 vjd.

Eemaineth to be payd to the Ouerfeers j1 iiij8 jd.
Ouerfeers of the poore : 1636. Willia' Dowthwait : Thomas Smithson.

Money received and collected 1636.

Inpr : received of the Ouerfeers the last yeere j1 iiij8 jd

Ite' collected in May viij8 viijd

Item collected att ye Com' on Whit-sunday xxiijd

Ite' collected in June viij8 viijd

Ite' collected att ye Com' att Michaelmafs xiiijd

Ite' July 30 viij8 xd

Ite' Aug iij8 xjd

Ite' Sept iij8 xjd

Ite' Octob. 30 viij8 viijd

Ite'Noub. 30 viij8 viijd

Ite' collected att Christmafs att y° Com' ,.. o xviijd

Ite' more in December v8 vjd

Ite' Janu. 29 vj8 ijd

Ite' ffebruy 26 v8 xjd

Item collected March 29 v8 xjd

Ite' collected att the Comu' on Palmefunday xijd

Ite' collected on Easter day xxiijd

Money fent to John Newcombe by Will: and John Dowthwait ij8

wch was dif burfed and fent to him.

July 16: 1636.
A note of money dif burfed for the ufe of the poore.

Inprimis for bread for the poore of ye towne iiij8

Item more for John Newecom— Juli : 16th xmjd

Ite' July 18 more J-ftty ij8

Ite' July 18 to the poore in the towne xij8

Item more July 20 iiij8 viijcl

Item more the fame day xj8 viijd

Item more iiij8 vjd

Item more fep 28 vjd

Ite' Aug. 15 j8

Item another time ... ij8 vjd

Item another time Aug. 15 3s

Ite v8

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. Ill

The Justices gave money wch was distributed to ye poore ... ij8

Money distributed to the poore, 1636.

Inprimi in May 20th .................. viij8 viijd

Item Jun 18 ..................... viij8 viijd

Itom giuon £e John Nowoconi being fiek July 44 xiiijd

Item July 17 ..................... viij8 viijd

Item giuen Octob. 30 .................. v8 xd

Item in Nouemb1 ..................... iij8 xjd

Ite' att Christmafs ..................... iiij8 vjd

Item Jay 29 ........................ v9 vjd

Item Febru: 26 ..................... v8 vjd

Ite' March 27 .................. ... v8 vjd

The names of the poore of ye parif h of Winston that haue the monethly

contributi' January: first, 1636.

Inprimis James Browne euery moneth ............ ij8

Hen. Wharton ..................... ij8

Item Bryan Turner .................. X*fd viijd

Item Richard Farrow .................. xijd

Itprn j\Tflit'ji'jfTO'W -TJ-1 TO fl A T> viii^

Item Widow Prowd .................. ¥ttjd xijd

Item Christofer Ouington ............... ¥ttjd xijd

Item Margrett Parkin .................. ^^^ x^d

Item Robert Langhorne .................. viijd ¥d xijd

Widow Bawcock ..................... viijd xijd

Jane Clemett ..................... iiijd vjd

Margrett Edwards ..................... iiijd vjd

Item Will Siggs child left here ............... x8 ¥i^d

Su' xj8 iiijd

Money lent to thofe whofe names are vnderwritten to paye the next yeere

to the ouerfeers the next yeere on Easter tuefday.
Will Langhton 6d Jhon Willfon

Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton — x8 theire furety
Henry Fowler x8 his furety John ffranckl.

Richard Farrow x8 his furety +
George Proud — xxx8 Geor. Bunny his furety -f
Henry Bawcock — xxs for one yeere— John Ouington of Ofmoncroft.
Thomas Farrow xxx8 Jo : Dowthwait his furety
John ffarrow — xx8 Ambrofe Clemett his furety.
John Kitchin xx8 his furety Ro: Greaues.
Tho: Smithson xls his furety Will ffrancklin
James Browne xxs Will: Wilson his furety
Matthew Hudson xxs Jo: Spoonr his furety.

112 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

John Newcom xls Sam Bynion his furety Robert Pearson x8

It was agreed uppon that George Proud should haue xxx8 giuen with

John Hudfon to teach him to be a weauer, and to haue xl8 lent for

two yeeres. April xjth 1637.
The names of the inhabitants of the parifh of Winston as they were taxed

to pay to the poore of the fayd parifh monethly. April 12tn 1637.

Inprimis Mr George Bunny SSd xijd

Item Richard Thursby Clerke Rector there ij8 xxd

Ite' Mr John Dowthwait *f8 XXd

Peter Bainbrigg vjd

Margrett Swainston vjd

Ambrofe Clemett ¥d iijd

John Francklin iiijd Peter Brown iijd ¥^d vd

Wffift' John Wilson ijd 4d

John Darneton iijd

Widow Francklin jjd j

Mr GrOliUOO Heigley Hall iijd ijd

John Ouington of Ofmoncroft vjd viijd

John Ouington of Stubbufe vjd

Thomas Miller jijd

Willia' Richardson ijd

Bar forth x¥fd

this towne 49 ld 58 9d 19s lld ... sp sd &^

Ouerfeers of the high-wayes ft. Je. Kiplin iifd

Peter Bainbrigg ft W: Crawfort'h i$d

George Viccars Sum xj9 iiijd

April 14th Mr Bunny Mr Dowthwait

that day 21th day. John Ouington and John ffrancklin.

that day 29th day. George Swainston. Pe Ba

William Dowthwait Receiued in the towne iiij8 jd

Thomas Wilson In the parifh v8 viijd

ix8 ixd
Receiued of Mr Hutton xxiij8 Winston and Heigh ... ij8 vd

lent to Richard Farrow xx8 Rectr xxd

Sum. iiij8 jd

9s 9d.

Ouerfeers of the poore for this yeere. April: xjth 1637.

Mr John Dowthwait, George Swainston.

Collected and receiued for the poore.

Inprimis of the ouerfeers for the last yeere xxxjs vijd

wch was lent to the poore.

Item collected April 30th x9 vjd

Ite' May 31 xj8 iiijd

Item collected att the Commu' att Whitfuntide ij8 viij'1

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 113

Item Collected att the Commu' att Michaelmafs ij8

Item collected att the Com' att Christmafs xxjd

Item collected att the Com' on Palm funday xvijd

Ite' collected on Easter day ij8

JohnKiplin jd Ro: Earle f

Will: Dowthwait ... xjdii*jd Sim.Wrangbam ijd-BarfortIl xffi

Tho: Wilson ijd

Ro: Clibburne ... »p ijd

Jo : PhiUip : Will : Vrr : ... ijd— xyjd

Ed. Crawforth jd ek.

Jo: Kiplin jd Whetston ob

Ri: Darneton iijd

Jo: Darneton iijd Su' total: ixs xd

Geo: Viccars iijd dif buried xs ijd

4d much.

Ouerfeers of the poore: John Wilson, Rowland Clibburne.
Ouerfeers of the highwayes: Tho: Smithson, Will: Dowthwait.
The first day the 3d day of Aprill: the fecond that day foartnight.

Money distributed to the poore.
Inprimis April 30th xs vjd

&e*a collected !a& ye Commu' ea Whitfunday ... 9s viiirp

Ite' May 31th xjs iiijd

Ite June.
Ite July.
Ite' August.
Ite' Septeb'.
Ite' Octob.

Ite' giu' to Willia' Langhorne Octob. 30 xijd

Ite' giu' to Margrett Newetopf being fick vjd

Item giuen to Jane Fowler being fick xijd

Item to Will: Langhorne Noub. 20 xijd

Ite' to Tho: Robinson being fick vjd

Item giuen to Willia' Langhorne Decemb. 18th xijd

Item giuen to Matthewe Hudson to buy his fonne apparrel . . . iiij8

The names of fuch as have the stock of the poore: 1638: Ge: Swainston.

Margrett Edwards and Margrett Neweton— x8. Gibson.

Henry Fowler xs his furety Jo: Francklin.

Robert Pearson xs his furety Jo: Dowthwait, more to him x".

George Prowd xl8 his furety Ge: Bunny.

Tho. Farrow XXXs his fuerty Jo: Dowthwait 50s.

TllO. John Farrow xxs his furety Am: Clemett r)0s.

James Browne xxs his fuerty Willia' Wilson xj3 payd April: 16th:

Matthewe Hudson xxs his fuerty: £4. Jo: Spooner.

John Newecome xl8 his fuerty SftBft. Bf BiOft. Jo. Ouington. Ofmon.

VOL. XVII. 15

114 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

John Kitchin is to pay xx" this yeere, but refufeth to pay.

John Robinson xx8 his furety Ge: Swainston.

Tho: Smithson xl8 + to be payd now + +

Henry Bawcock XXs to be payd now xl9 his furety Jo. Ouington. Ofm.

Ri: Farrow xx8 his furety Chr: Farrow.

To Thomas Farrow mere le»fc Jft»e i4th 4440. xx8.

Item lent to John Johnfon xxx8 his fuerety John Clemett.
Ouerfeers of the poore March: 27: 1638:
Rowland Clibburne, John Wilson.
Money collected.

Inpr: att the Com' on Whitfunday ... ij8 viijd

Item att the Commu' att Michaelmafs ij8 3d

Ite' att the Com' att Chriftmafs xxd

Item receiued of Mr Matthew Hutton Janu: 25th xx8

Ite' collected at an othr time xxd

Item collected on Palme Sunday and Easter day iij9 xjd

Item receiued more of Mr Hutton xx8

Sum: Iij8

Ouerfeers of the high-wayes 1639.
John Ouington of Stubbufs, William Francklin.
The first day Aprill 26: being friday.
The fecond day April 30: being tuefday.
The 3d the 14th day of May being tuefday.

1640. Ouerfeers of the high-wayes.

John Darneton, Roger Wilfon.

The first day April 30th The fecond day May 7th The third May 15.
Money distributed to the poore 1638.

Inprimis giuen to'a lame man a poore trauailer iiijd

Item giuen to John Farrow for the dyett of Will' Siggs^ ..d

fonne for a weeke ...)

Ite' to Willia' Langhorne vjd

Ite' to the poore in April xjd

Ite' to the poore in May xjd

Ite' for two shirts to Will: Sigg xxijd

Ite' to Will: Langhorne June 22th vjd

Ite' to the poore in June xjd

Item to Henry Wharton being fick ijs

Item to the poore in July xjd

Item giuen to Margrett Neweton being fick Aug: 16 ... vjd

Ite'Aug xf

Ite' Septeembr xjd

Item to Will: Langhorne in Septebr vjd

Ite' to the poore in Octobr xjd

Item to the poore in Nouembr xjd

Ite' to Will: Langhorne vjd

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 115

Ite' to Hen: Wharton ij" vjd

Ite' to the poore in Decembr ... ... ... ... ... xjd

Ite' to Willia' Langhorne in Decembr vjd

Item to Henry Wharton in Decembr ij8 vjd

Item to the poore in January xjd

Item to Will: Langhorne in Janu' ... .4* ... ... vjd

Ite' to Henry Wharton in Janu' ... ij8 vjd

Item for fkins for makeing a dublet for Will: Sigg ij8 iijd

Ite' for a yarde of cloth for breachs ijs

Ite' for making his fuite xijd

Ite' for a paire of shooes xiiijd

Ite' for a yarde of harden vijd

Ite' bought by Will: Dowthwait for Will: Sig one paire of~i ..g .d

shooes and a yard of cloth /

Item to Will' Langhorne Fe' vjd

Ite' Henry Wharton ij8 vjd

Item to the poore in Februy ... xjd

Ite' to the poore in March 31 xjd

Item to Henry Wharton ... ij8 vjd

Ite' to Will Langhorne vjd

Item difburfed more by Rowland Cliburne ij9

Sum. ij1 iiij8 viijd

John Ouington of : St : Ouerseers of the poore

William Francklin. April: 16: 1639.

Money collected.

Inprimis in the poore mans boxe left by the Ouerfeers . . . vij8 iiijd
Item more in the boxe wch was giu' att feueral times ... vij8

Item collected att Whitfuntide ij8 iiijd

Ite' collected att Michfs : xxd

Ite' collected att Christmafs ij8 vd

Ite' more put into the poore mans boxe Decb xx8

Sum : xl8 ixd
John Darneton Ouerfeers of the poore

William Franoklin APril : 7tn IMO.

Roger Wilfon

Money collected.

Inpr : in the poore man's boxe xx8 viijd

Item more giu' by others xvjd

Item collected on Palme- Sunday 3tijd

Ite' on Easter-day ij8 xjd

Ite' on Whitfunday.

Ite' more payd by Mr Button June 21 xxs

wch was lent to Tho : ffarrow
Ite' put into the boxe July Last.

Ite' lent to Henry Bawcock July 8 xx8

Ite' put into the box July 26 ixu

Ite' receiued of Mr Hutton Nou : 21° xxs

Ite' att Chriftms ij8 vjd

116 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

giuen to the poore, 1639. April 28.

Inprimis payd Mttf April ..... ......... ixd

Item May to Tho: Robinson and Will. Langhorne ...... xvd

Item 8 June ........................ xvd

Ite' July ...... ^ ............... ... xvd

Item August 25 ..................... xvd

Item Septeb 29 ..................... xvd

Ite' Octob. 30 ..................... xvd

Ite' for Will: Siggs clothes . .... ............ xxd

Item Nouemb. Last .................. xvd

Item Decemb. Last ..................... xvd

Item January ..................... ixd

Item for coales and cloathes to Hen: Wharton ..... iiij8

Item ffebruary ..................... ixd

Item March 29: for coales .................. ijd

Sum: xviij8 jd

vjd iiij-d euery moneth giuen to the poore to be taken out of the poor

mans box. April: 7th, 1641.

Inprimis giuen to Robert Langhorne and his wife being fick ixd

It to Will: Langhorne being fick ............ iiij*

Item for coales to Christofr Ouington 4 Loads ...... xvjd

It to Wid: Parkin for coales and for keeping Hen. Wharton -j ...d
April May and June ............... j

: Bawcook

Item more dif burfed for Henry Wharton [wch Wft&] and giu
to Rob: Langhorne and Will Langhorne and to Wid. Parkin
Sum: v8 vd this was taken out of the poore mans box July: 13: 1640

May: 2: 1641 The names of the poore

In: James Browne xijd

Ite' Wid. Bawcock xijd

Richard ffarrow xijd

Rob: Langhorne viijd

Mer: Langhorne vjd

Wid: Parkin xijd

Bryan Turner ... ... ... viijd

Margrett Neweton vjd

Mar: Edwards iiijd

Wid: Clemett ... iiij<>

Sum— vij8

Money collected April 1641.
Inprimis att the Com' at Whitf'tide

It giuen by Mr Button xx9

wch was lent to John Johnfon.
The names of the poore of the parif h of Winston with the allowance

wch they haue monethly. April: 7: 1640.
Inprimis James Browne xijd ij8

At AJ.C 111 j ' V V '" 1 1 * v r f ' O rr ... ... ... ... ,., .,, ijs

It Ri: ffarrow Xtfd xijd

PARISH OP WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 117

It Wid: Bawcock xijd

It Kobert Langhorne ¥HJd xijd

It' Wid: Parkin xijd

ItWi:Prowd viijd

It Bryan Turnr viijd

it Witt; Langhorno ¥Jd

It Mar: Edwards iiijd

It Wid: Clemett iiijd

VB viijd Sum: x8 ijd iiij8 viijd

More to Widow Parkin for keeping Henry Wharton ... ... ijd

Sum— x8 iiijd viij8— ijd

Receiued euery moneth ix8 xd

payd out of the poore mans box euery moneth vjd

Henry Wharton dyed June 19 xxd

To be put into the poores boxe euery moneth xxvijd ixd

Money dilburfed to the poor.

Inpr: to Eliz: Scarr being fick xijd

It' to Will: Langhorne vjd

It' to Marg: Neweton being fick vjd

Ite' to Jo: Sanderfon vjd

Barforth April . . . xvjd ob

Ge:Ree 3d

Joh: ffrancklin ... ijd

May fuch as did not pay.

Will: Richardfon ... ijd

Jo:Wilfon id

Inpr: Barforth ... xvjd ob
Jo: Wilfon ijd

Jo: ffrancklin ijd

Pe: Bainbrig vijd

No collection in June.

July.
Inpr: Barforth xvjd ob

It' Mr Bunny and Mr Dowth wait 3s iijd

It' Winston all except the Reef: wid. Swain Ambrofe
Clemett and P. Bru'— and Will: ffrancklin.

April: 27: 1641.

Memorandu' that it was agreed vppon by the parishioners of the
parifh of Winston that all thofe of that parifh wch haue any of the stock
of the poore shall come in yeerely on Easter Tuefday and pay the money
in the vestry there and bring in a bond to be sealed before they receiue
the money againe and if any either refufe or neglect to pay it then they
shall not haue any more of the stock but theire bond shall be put into
fuite, and that money to be lent to fome other.

Ouerfeers of the poore 1641, John Ouington, John Clemett.

Money collected in April.
Receiued of Mr Hutton xxs

118 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Nouemb: 28, 1641.

Inprimis giuen to the poore in Octob: iiij8 xu

Ite'Noub:28 iiij8 xd

To Ri: Harrow James Browne Mar' Parkin, Widow Bawcock,-i ,.a

euery of thofe /

to Rob. Langhorne vijd Bryan Turnr iiijd

for euery moneth.

Item more James Browne for Decemb and January ... ij8

Item to Margrett Neweton for two Mont iiijd

Item more in December to the fame partys v8

Item to the poore in January v9

Sum: total: for 4 moneths xx8

Ouerfeers for this yere April: 12th 1642: John Ouington of Stubbufe,

Will: ffrancklin.

ffor the highwayes. Inpr April 21 being Thrfday
for the next Thursday being 28 of April.

payd to James Browne June: 19th 3s
Ite' to Widow Bawcock

and Widow Parkin Aug. 1642. ijs more to Widow Parkin. xijd
and to Jas Brown Nov. xjth

Margrett Neweton Novb. iiijd

1642

Money giu' to the poor.

Inpr. April 12th for March v8 viij*

Item more for April and May , xj8 iiijd

Item June 29th v8 viijd

Item July v8 viijd

Item August

It' Bepteb' and Octobr

It' Nouemb. 24 v8 viijd

It' Decemb. 20 v8 viijd

Item Janu. 29 v8 viijd

Item ffebruy 28 v8 viijd

Sum. Ij8

The names of the poore for theire monethly Cefse. April 12. 1642.

Inpr: James Browne xijd

Widow Parkin xijd

Wid: Bawcook Clemett vj» 3*jd

Hi: ff arrow xijd

Rob: Langhorne and the widow xijd

Bryan Turner iiijd

Mar: Neweton , iiijd

Widow Prowd vjd

Sum. v8 viijd

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 119

The names of thofe that haue the stock of the poor. 1642.
Inprimis Tho. ffarrow 50" his furety Mr Dowthwait
John Newecome 40" his furety Jo: Ouington Stubbufe
Hen: Bawcock 4.0s his furety the fame pfon Jo: Ovington. Ofm.
Joh. Johnfon 30s his furety John D . . . . iOs 5s
Joh. Robinfon 208 his furety Sam: Byn'
Joh. Kitchin 208 his furety Jo. Ovington. Stub:
Geo: Prowd 408 his furety Mr Bunny
Matth. Hudfon 20s Jo: Spoonr
Bi: ffarrow 20s his furety his fonne
Hen: ffowlr 10s Mr
Robert Pearfon 209

Margrett Neweton 6s ft»4 Margrott Edwds W thoiro fnroty

John ffarrow 20s his furety Ambr: Clemett Georg. Swainston
John Saunderfon 5s Tho. Harker 25s

Money collected for the poore for two moneths April and /-

May ...{ ixS™Jd

Receiued of Mr Hutton June: 20th xx8

More of Mr Hutton Nou: 10 xx8

July: 30: 1643
Receiued of Mr Hutton xx8

Money giuen to the poore 1643.

Inprimis March 31th vs viijd

Item April 30 vs viijd

It May and June xjs 4d

of Mr Buttons money

It July 30 v8 viijd

Item Augt 30 v8 viijd

Item Septb: 28 ... v8 viijd

ItOctob:29 v8 viijd

Ouerfeers of the poore 1643. Thomas Wilson, Thomas Francklin.

Ouerfeers of the poore 1647. Rowland Clibburne, Peter Browne.

Money collected.

Barforth xvjd

Mrs Bunny xviijd

Mr Dowthwait xviijd

Mr Thursby xviijd

for Winston Holme ... xijd

for Heighly ... ... ... xijd

Willia' Wilfons farme ... iiijd

ffrancklins farme iijd

Ofmondcroft vjtl

Stubbufs vid

Sum: 9" 5d

Widow Langhorne ... ij9

Margrett Edward xrjd

Margrett Neweton vjd

Bryan Turner vjd

Richard Farrow xijd

James Browne xijd

Money receiued and collected for the poore 1649.

120 THE CHURCH WARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Inprimis giuen by Mr Matthew Button ... xxs

Receiued at Raby

More att Barf orth

Money distributed to the poore June 10th 1649.

Marg. Clemett 6d

Ber. Scarre 6d

John Sanderfon 6'1

Anne Hugh 6d

John Kitchin 6d

Margery Hudfon 6d

Inprimis to Richard Farrow xijd 1s
It to Meri: Langhorne ... xijd
to James Brown ...... xijd

Margrett Neweton ...... xijd

Tho: Marker ...... xijd

Bryan Turner ...... xijd

Marg. Johnfon ...... 6d

More giuen
Inpr: to Bryan Turner ..................... 6d

More to the fame perfons June: 28th:
Item to Tho. Langstraffe wife for her child ............ 6d

Sum total: this moneth — xx8

To Bryan Turner for cloath July 4th ............... V

more for making his dublett .................. 3s

more distributed July 29 ..................... 10s

More distributed to the poore Aug: 29 ............... 9s

More distributed Septemb. 30th to the poore ............ 9s

October the 27th More ......... ............ 9"

November 20 ........................ 9s

December 20 ......... ............... 9s

To Bryan Turner for a doublet .................. 3§

To Matt: Hudfon ........................ 5s

Money lent to the poore May: 1: 1647
Inprimis to Thomas Farrow 50s his fuerty Mr Dowthwait
Item to Thomas Barker — 25s his furety Peter Browne
Item to John Neweco' — 40s his fuerty Jo: Ouington of Stubbs.

Momorand* that Katliorin Dowthwait ft»4 Henr

o "l-n 1 1 -j i-» rvcx /-yp j-T^^-j a 4- **\S*~\T- r\± -j-T^ f\
nlllJLJLlilii U VTT vTTXy JjL'tjUlV \7T UllL?

y fee ohillingo ycoroly tfee

-fV-vf^^in /-\-p Q *trf\r\t+r\c< 4-t 1 1 ^l-i Y\ -f-n w^r\ /-vP A C\$> 1^f\ -i^\o irrl
T| /It"" tTT O V v>V^l UrT IJil J "Cll" JL tliliU \7T TCT7 T7t? I Jll) V vl«

145S. Momorandu* ^fefeat Ellinor Brumoll fe€b^b twcntio
Shillings of the pooros money fez wch Goorgo Swainfton
iuon h» word therfe &hee shall ^ea fee {Shillins

: w

every ycoro upon E after tuofdfty untill it fee
giuon to fee? fey Richard Darlington.

1653. Memorandu' that Katherin Douthwaitc hath paid in 10", 5"
more of the fortie: whereof wch John Robinfon: hath: John Kitchin:
payd fower shillinges according to his bond woh joh Robinfon hath:

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 121

1654. Memoranda' that Elliner Brumell hath payd fiue shillinges
according to her ingagement wch John Robinfon hath:

1656 Memorandu' that Elliuer brumell hath payd fiue shillings so that
their is tenne beside

1657 Memoranda' that Willia' Shaw did pay to John Newcome nine
f hillinges wch b.e is to difpofe on accordinge to his office, and to giue an
account.

1658 Memorandu': that Elliner Brumell fhall haue hir fiue f hillings
annother yeere.

Memorandu' that Katherine Dowthwaite fhall haue hir fiue shillings
another yeere

1659: Memorandu' that Elliner Brumell came in accordinge to hir
bond, and offered hir fiue shillings: but it was ordered by the parifhoners
that f he f hout haue it another yeere.

Likewise Katherine Dowthwaite fhout haue appeared but fhe
neclected to appear: and it was ordered to be Recorded

1660. Tobias Hodgefon did pay in 3 shillings and fower pence wch
was due for the buriall of Raiph Hodgefon in the church wch money was
deliuered to the churchwardens to be difpofed on according to the
neceffities of the church.
Churchwardens elected April: 27: 1641. John Ouington of Stubbufe.

William ffrancklin

Churchwardens elected April: 12: 1642. Thomas Wilton. Thomas
Francklin

Collected by John Ouington 1641 xj8 viijd

Collect. Thomas Wilton vij vj» ijd

Churchwardens elected April: 4th: 1643: Rowland Clibburne, John

Francklin.
Churchwardens elected May 9th 1647: Ralphe Hodghfon, John Simpfon.

Septe'ber 18th Anno Do 1653

Collected in the par if h church of Winfton for the towne of Mai-
borough : the su' of twentie shillinges and a penny

Cuth: Marley, pafto: Churchwardens: Thomas Smithfon John Phillipe.
Churchwardens 1648: Ambrofe Parkin Henry Bawcock

Ouerfeers: Ralphe Hodgfon John Simpfon
Churchwardens elected 1649: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston

Ouerfeers of the poor: Reginold Browne and Henry Bawcock.

Churchwardens elected 1650: John Ouington and John Clemett

Ouerfeers of the poore: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston.

1651.

elected agaie, ftttd tkey we^e ee»teft4} to feme tbi& ycoro.

Churchwardens elected: William Newecome and William Browne

Ouerfeers of the poore: John Ouington and John Clemett.
.. Ouerfeers of the high-wayes: Henry Bawcock and Ofwald Swainston.
voi,. xvn. 16

122 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

1652: Richard Darlington: thomas Warcopp: Churchwardens:

Willia' Browne: Willia' Newcome ouerseers of the poore
John Ouington of Ofmoncroft John Clemett ouerfeers of the highwayes.

1653: John Phillipp

Churchwardens:
Willia' ffawell:

Richard Darlington

Ouerseers, of the poore
Thomas Warcopp

Willia' Browne

Ouerfeers for the highwayes.
Willia' Newcome

1654 Richard: Garforth:

Churchwardens
Thomas: Barnes:

•John: Phillip

Ouerfeers for the poore
thomas: Smithfon:

Thomas: Warcop:

_.. . . _ .. Ouerfeers for the high wayes

Richard Darlington:

1655 Thomas: Barnes. i

Willia: Shaw: } Churchwardens

Richard Garfoote )

_ . _, \ ouerfeers: for the poore

ffrancis Bunny:

Thomas Smithfon: ^

John Phiiiip. I ouerseers for the h^wayes

1656 the names of the Churchwardens: Willia' Viccars: John Newcome:
Thomas: Barnes: )

Willia' Shaw: • f ouerfeers for the poore:

Mr ffrancis Bunny :
Richard: Garfoote

Y ouerfeers for the highwayes.

1657 Willia': ffawell: ~| ^

J- Churchwardens.

} °uerfeers for fche

Willia': Waite

Willia': Vicars ~| ^

}- Ouerfeers for the poore
John: Newcome J

Willia': Shaw:

Thomas: Barnes:

March the 31th Anno Do': 1057

Memerandu', it was aggreed upon by the major parte of thofe who
meete att the Church the day aboue specefied that an order for chufeinge
the churchwardens beinge made aprill the 19th 1636. Should be invalled
and for the future it Should proceede in the paiifh in this manner that is
to fay att Weftholme tow yeeres together att Ofmancrofte one yeere att
Stubhoufe tow yeeres, att Barfoote of the Moore fower yeeres: att New-
fam fower yeeres, if in thefe Seuerall places theire be soe many Sufficient
able men to difcharge that office the abelitie of Such men beinge ilefte to
the judgement of thofe who fhall meet upon Eafter twefday^for the
electinge of Church officers, and likewyes it was aggreed upon, upon the

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM.

123

Same day that the inhabitantes of the towne of Winfton f hall Serue as
in order they dwell if they haue thofe wch are conceiued Sufficient by
thofe wch are meete together upon Eafter twefday for the Electinge of
Church officers in confirmation of wch we haue sett to our handes

Cuth: Marley minis: George Bunny Francis Bunny Wm Willfon

Richard Garfott Williame Shawe
1658: John Ouington: Samuell Bynion: Churchwardens.

Willia': Waite: Willia': ffawell. ouerfeers for the poore
Willia': Vicars John: Newcome ouerfeers for the highwayes
1659: Mr Marley brought in the flue f hillings wch Margrett Newton had
of the poores ftocke and it was deliuered to Thomas Newcome to be dif-
poffed to thofe that had need of it

Thomas: Newcome
ffrancis Clemett:
John: Ouington.
Samuell: Bynion.
Willia': ffawell:
Willia': Waite:

1660. Willia' Browne
John: Simpfon.
thomas Newcome
ffrancis Clemett
John: Ouington:
Samuell: Bynion

1661. Thomas: Warcopp
John ffrankeland:
John Simpfon:
Willia' Browne:

r Churchwardens
j- ouerfeers for the poore
j- ouerfeers for the high wayes.
j- Churchwardens:
J ouerfeers for ye poore
J- ouerfeers for ye high wayes
J- Churchwardens.
j- ouerseers. for ye poor :
ouerseers for ye highwayes:

Churchwardens.

Thomas: Newcome
ffrancis Clemett
1662 Thomas Wilfon

Barnard ffranckeland
Thomas: Warcopp
John ffrankeland
Thomas Sudell:

An affefment of tenn shillings p pound laid by yc consent of ye Patfon,

y* churchw. and ye parif honers for things neceffary for ye church alfo an

affefment of 6s and eightpence p pound for things neceffary for ye church.

1663: John: Compton:

Ambrofe Clemett.

Thomas: Wilfon

Barnard ffrankeland

j- ouerfeers for ye poore
ouerfeer for ye highwayes.

Churchwardens

Thomas Warcop
John ffrankeland junr

ouerseers for ye poore
ouerseers for y° highwayes

121 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Auguft: y° 23d An afsefment of fiue shillings p pound laid by ye con-
fent of Minifter and churchwardens and yc parifhoners for, repairing ye

church leads

Aprill ye 12: 1664:

Memorandu' y*: thomas Langftraffe and John ffarrow, according to
their bond did bring in tenne fhillings wch money was giuen to ye
overfeers for ye poore: to be diftributed to thofe wch had need of it
giueing fufficient bond for it John Compton Ambrofe Clemett being
ouerfeers for y° poore.

Memorandu' y* none of thofe wch had ye money wch belongeth to ye
poore people, came in according to their ingagements but thofe immedi-
ately above written.

1664 Mr: Bunny Willia': Richardfon Churchwardens

John Compton Ambrofe Clemett ouerfeers for ye poore
Thomas: Wilfon Barnard ffrankeland ouerfeers for ye high wayes:

Auguft ye 14: 1664

An affefment of fiue shillings p pound was laid by ye confent of ye
Minifter and churchwardens for mending ye highwayes.

7ber. yc: 25th: 1664

An affefment of fiue fhillings p pound was laid by ye confent of ye
Minifter and parifhoners of Winfton for things belonging to ye church.

March ye: 10th:

An affefment of fower shillings p pound laid by ye confent of ye
Minifter and churchwardens for things needfull for ye church:

An afsefment of two fhillings p pound was Layd for ye repairing of
things belonging to y° church:

The names of ye Parifhoners as they were affefed by ye Minister
Churchwardens and ouerfeers for ye poore. 9br: ye: 1: 1664:

s. d.
ye inhabitants of Weftholme 3 0

ye inhabitants of Newfa' : ...

Mr George Bunny 1 4

Willia' Viccars 0 2.

John: Balmer 0 8

Edward; Wright 0 8

ffrancis Bunny 0 2

ye inhabitants of Barfoote

of ye moore 34

Stubhoufe . 0 9

Ofmancroft i' o'

Winfton: Weft Demaine : ... 20

Winfton Eaft Pernaine ... 2 0

Richard Wilfon 0 6

Barnard ffrankeland ... 0 3

John ffrankeland junr: ... 0 1

ye Parfon of Win/ton ... 1 0

George Swainfton

ye whole 16 11

March ye 28th 1665 officers chofen this yeere upon Eafter tuefday:
John: Clemett John: Balmer Churchwardens.
Mr. George Bunny William Kichardfon overfeers for ye poor.
Ambrofe: Clemett John: Compton overfeers for ye high wayes.
March : yc 28th 1665. Memorandu' y* Thomas Langftraffe and John
ffarrow payd tenn fhillings according to their bond.

TARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 125

Memoranda' y* Elliner Brumell payd tenn fhillings it being ye laft
parte of her twenty

alfo John Brownliffe payd fower fhillings according to his bond.

lykewyes Katherine Dowthwaite payd in fiue fhillings soe y* she hath
now of y° poors ftock twenty fhillings

Likewife John Compton and Ambrofe Clemett payd in ye tenn
fhillings wch was in their hands: —

Memoranda' y* all ye Severall Sumes aboue payd in being of ye poores
ftock, was deliuered into ye hands of ye overfeers for y° poore and it was
ordered y* Anthony Eobinfon, should haue twenty shillings of it, Willia'
Richardfon giueing his bond for it.

alfo it was ordered y* George Reward : should haue nineteene Shillings
Barnard ffrankland giueing his bond for it.

alfo it was ordered y* John Newcome ye elder should haue his bond in :
and y1 he should haue ye nineteene shillings wch is in his bond for another
yeer his son John Newcome giueing his bond for it.

alfo it was then ordered yr John Newcome ye younger f hud haue twenty
Shillings of ye poores money ; giueing bond for it.
May ye 4th 1665.

An affefment Layd by ye Minifter and Churchwardens of twelfe
Shillings and sixpence p pound for ye whiteing and plaiftering of ye Church
and paying for ye bookes wch was injoyned by ye Archdeacons injunctions.
May ye 16th.

Receiued then from Ifabell Tilburne ye Summe of tenn Shillings being
halfe of ye twentie wch her ffathir had of ye poors money soe y* their
remains tenn shillings in her hand ye tenn wch was receiued was giuen to
ye overfeers : to be difpofed on.

Receiued then : ffortie shillings from John Bell : wch John Robinfon
had : wch was giuen to ye overfeers to be difpoffed on :
May ye 26th 1665.

An afsefment laid for ye poore : ye day and y'eere aboue named : by ye
confent of y° Minifter Churchwardens and overfeers for ye poore.

B. d. s. d.

ye inhabitants of Weftholme 3 0
of Neufam :

Mr. George Bunny 1 4

Willia' vicars 0 2

John Balmer ... . 0 8

Edward Wright 0

Mr. ffrancis Bunny 0

ye inhabitants of Barfoote of

ye Moore 3

Stubhoufe . 0

An account of ye dif burfments of ye Churchwardens and ouerfeers of
ye poore and highwayes, giuen in upon Eafter tuefday 1663 Thomas Wilfon

Barnard ffranckeland Churchwardens .

1 a d
In pr' for ye font Surplice and hood 250

Item for a warrant 006

126 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Item for my charges ... 0 0 6

Item for mending ye church gates 003

Item for a locke to y° church chift 012

Item for my oath att Durha' 022

Item for MX Marleys charges and my owne att Durha' ... 080

Item for books to ye church 0 7 10

Item for two traces for y° bellroops 006

Item for my charges and oath att Durha' 049

Item for wine att Chriftinmas for ye com'union 028

Item for mending ye bier 016

Item for mending ye Church gates 006

Item for wine att Eafter 0 5 10

Item for bread att ye same time 004

Item for wafhing ye Surplice two times 010

Ite: for going to Durha' 020

So their remaineth dew to ye Church wa Thomas Wilfon
£0 3s 10d churchwarden

In pr: for yc hood and Surplice and font 11010

Item Willia' ffawell for feching ye font 010

Item for my charges att Barnardcaftle 006

Item for my oath att Durha1 ... 020

Item for my charges att Durha' ... 026

Item for my charges at Durha' ye Second time 0 2 10

Item Laid out 012

So there remaines in his hand Barnard ffrankland 066
7br: ye 30th O1 6s 6d churchwarden:

John Compton receiued tenn shillings and a groate from Thomas
Wilfon and Barnard ffrankeland being all y* remained in their hands
when they made up their accounts

Receiued by me as followeth:

s. d.

of Mr. Bunny: 3 10

of George Auderfon: ... 1 3
of John Baumer 1 6

Difburfed

s d

to Thomas Warcopp • ... 10 0
to Thomas ffarrow ... 80

of Thomas Wilfon ... 8 4
of Willia' Simpfon: ... 3 0 ob.

Thomas Newcome ouerfeer for y° high wayes:
Receiued by me as followeth:

Difburfed

of ffrancis Clemett
of ye Parifh

ye whole ...

to Willia Richardfon and

Nicholas Ree ... ... 1 0 0

to Thomas ffarrow . 0 10 0

l a d
dew to yc parifh 024

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 127

Thomas Sudell ouerfeer for ye high way es
Receiued by me as followeth.

An affefment of fiue s. p pound wch I was to gather from ye towne and
ye two demaines wch came to 148 2d
Difburfed

to John Compton ... 5 6

not receiued of Elizabeth

Richardfon 1 1 ob

to Thomas Sudell ... 7

Soe their remaines in my hand fiue farthings

ffrancis Clemett ouerfeer for ye high wayes.

An accompt of ye recepts and ye difburfments of yc Churchwardens : 1664:

Inprimis receiued for affefment of fiue Shillings p pound

s d
7 11 ob

It. ffor ye com'unicants att Chriftimas and Eafter

7 7

y° whole

... 15 6 ob

Inp '.

B. d.

5 0

ffor my oath and books att Durha'

1 8

ffor my charges att Durha': ,

1 10

att ye Parke houfe [?]

0 2

laid out att ye Second vifitation for my charges

1 6

for bread att Eafter

0 2

ffor wine att our Saviours natiuitie

4 2

ye whole layd out

... 14 6

their remaines in my hand ...

... 12 0 ob

Ambrofe: Clement Churchwarden.

What I haue receiued, of ye parifh

l s d

Receiued from y° parifh

... 1 68 ob

ffor ye Demaine

063

ffrom Thomas Wilfon and Barnard ffrankeland...

... 0 10 4

Mar. Receiued y° whole ...

... 2 3 3 ob

of ye Com'unicants at our Saviours natiuitie and

att

Eafter

0 4 1

An accompt of what I haue difburfed for ye ufe of ye Church,

to Chriftopher Craufoote for mending ye leads

150

for two boordes :

0 1 8

ffor mending ye Church gates and nailes

004

ffor broomes and a tab for ye bell

002

ffor a boule of lime and feching it

010

ffor two labourers to lay it on

0 1 9

ffor my journey to Durha'

039

ffor my second journey to Durha'

047

ffor a locke to ye Church gates

010

ffor bread att ye Com'union t

008

ffor bread and wine att ye Com'union

0 7 10

ye whole

281

130 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

What I haue Layd out of this affefment. £ s d

ffor ye injunctions att Durha' to Mr Bullocke 0 8 4

ffor a common prayer booke for y° Clerk 010 6

ffor my charges at Durha' 026

ffor warneing y° parif honers when the workemen were to be

agreed withall 006

ffor whitning and playftering ye Church 2 1 0

More for whiteing yc Church 040

yc whole Layd of this aflefment 3 610

Richard Wilfon Churchwarden

An accompt of thofe affefments yt haue benn collected by me Willia'
Eichardfon in yc year 1664 and parte of 1665.

Collected an affefment of 2s p pound : comeing to 0 5 8

Collected an affefment of 5s p pound comeing to 014 2

Collected an affefment of 4s p pound coming to Oil 4

ye whole Receiued of thefe 3 affefments Ill 2

Layd out of thefe affefments for goeing to Durha' 0 2 0

for my oath : 012

ffor ye Bellroopes 026

payd to John Newcome for ye Archdeacons men 0 5 3

to Mathew Hudfon : 020

to John: Compton for oath 027

to John Compton for his charges : , 010

payd for ye Clerkes book 036

payd for bording ye reading Seate and yc com'on feate ... 0 010

payd for Lime 008

ffor goeing to Durha' 026

ffor flaging yc church 040

ffor goeing to Durha' 020

Layd out in all 1 10 0

Collected alfo an aflefment of twelfe Shillings Sixpence

p. pound wch cometh to 1 15 5

Layd out of ye aboue affefment to yc playterers 1 12 6

ffor Bording ye Staules 020

ffor Nailes .. . 0 0 2 ob

Layd out 1 14 8 ob

Willia' Richardfon Churchwarden.

An accompt of y° dif burfments of John Clemett Church-
warden in ye yeare. 1665.

Layd out £ 8 d

ffor goeing to Durha' to y° bif hopps vif itation ... 0 2 0

ffor my oath 009

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 131

ffor draweing ye Sentences in ye Church 0 11 0

to ye apparitor for comeing for ye Monthly collection 016

ffor weeding ye Churchyard 0 0 4

ffor two books for ye Church 036

ffor goeing to Gainford to ye Bell founder ... ... 0 0 6

ffor beafoms to fweepe ye Church 000

payd for wine att our Saviours Navititie 0 0 6

payd for bread and wine att Eafter 0 8 6

ffor my goeing to Durha'

ye whole 1 13 10 ob

An accompt of what affefments I haue collected

An affefment of fiue Shillings p pound wch cometh to ... 1 8 5

Receiued of ye old Churchwdens 0 1 6

Receiued of ye Com'umicants att our Saviours Nativitie ... 0 0 7

Receiued of ye Com'unicants att Eafter 0 6 2

John Clemett Churchwarden.

An accompt of ye affefments Collected and what money hath been by
me Difburfed in ye yeare. 1665.

Collected an affefment of fiue Shillings p pound : £ s d

Receiued of Thomas Wilfon : 0 16 9

of William Vicars 0 13 9

Mr. George Bunny 0 5 10

Edward Wright 0 2 10

Mr. ffrancis Bunny 009

Edward Alwine 063

Stubhoufe 042

John: Balmer 0 3 0

ye whole receiued 2 13 4

Receiued alfo: of ye Communicants att our Saviours Nativitie Oil
Receiued alfo of ye Communicants att Eafter 0 410

0 5 11

Receiued in all : 2 19 3

Layd out :

ffor goeing to Durha' 02 9

ffor writting ye Sentences... ... ... ... ... 1 1 0

ffor dreff ing ye Churchyard 004

ffor ye .... bell 002

ffor mending y° pulpit cloth and ye quifhon 0 0 8

ffor a plate for ye Communion 0 1 10

to Raiph Hurdfon 020

att ye Second vifitation 054

ffor wine att our Saviours Nativitie ... 0 1 6

132 THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

ffor bread and wine att Eafter ............

ffor goeing to Durha' ...............

to Raiph Hurdfon ..................

ye whole: ......... ,249

their remaines in my band 0 14 9

John: Balmer Churchwarden.
The accompt of John: Balmer as to what he had remaining in his

hand being 14s 9d

Dif burfed as followeth : £ s d.

for 3 oaths att ye vifitation 034

for Mending y° bell: 033

for wafhing yc syrplice ... 0 0 6

ff or Mr Marlies Charges: 0-20

to Edward Wright 048

ye whole 0 14 9

John Balmer: Churchwarden

An accompt of what hath beun collected and Difburffed by Barnard
ffrankeland Churchwarden in yc yeare. 1666.

Collected an affefment of 3s 4d p pound ye whole being 7s 4d ob

alfo Receiued of John Clemett at Eafter 7d ob

alfo Receiued of ye Communicants att our Saviours Nativitie £ a 6.

and att Eafter 069

yc whole receiued 0 14 9

Dif burft. as followeth

Inp: for wine att Ghriftinmas 024

Ite for wine att Eafter ... 0 3 0

Ite' for bringing it here .. 002

Ite' for bread ... 001

Ite' for a book 010

Ite' to Raiph Hudfon 020

Ite' for going to Durha' 020

Ite' for Mending ye Bell.. ... 0 0 9

Ite' for beafoms 001

Item for goeing to Durha' 020

y° whole 0 12 11

Remaines in my hand 0 1 10

and two fhillings and a penny \vch John Compton

ref ufeth to pay. in all 0 3 11

More dif burffed

to Mr Marley for his charges att yc vifitation .., ... 0 2 0
Soe their remains in my hand 0 111

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 133

Collected of ye affefment of one shilling and eightpence p

pound ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 0 4 6

Dif burffed of y° same affefment for my charges att Durha' 014

ffor yc prefentment att Durha' 0 0 6

their remaines in my hand 047

Barnard ffrankeland.

The accompts of Edward Wright Churchwarden in ye yeare. 1666.
Collected

Inp : An affefment of 3s 4d per pound 017 9 ob

alfo Beceiued of John: Balmer 048

of Thomas Newcome for a Lairef tone ... 0 1 8

of ye Communicants att Chr: 0 0 11

of ye Communicants att E after 0 5 11

ye whole 1 10 11 ob

"Dif burffed of ye aboue su':

Inp: for parchment ... .. 006

alfo for goeing to Durha' 020

for goeing againe to Durha' 0 0 6

to Bartholomew Harwood 038

for mending ye Beire 008

ffor swapes for ye bells 010

to Raiph Hudfon 020

ffor bread att Chr: 002

for bread att Eafter 006

ffor wine att Eafter ... 0 11 0

ffor wafhing ye Surplice 026

for goeing to Durha' 020

ye whole 1 12 4

his accompt of one f hilling and eightpence p pound wch he alfo collected :

The whole of ye aboue affefment collected being 0 8 9

Dif burffed of ye same

Inp: dew to me upon ye other accompt : ... 0 1 2 ob

alfo for Richard Wilfon att Durha'

for his oath 010

for his charges att Durha' 0 20

in all 042 ob

their Remaines in my hand ... ... '. 0 4 6 ob

Edward Wright: Churchwarden.
March yc 24th 1667:

Richard Darlington made up his accomptes ye daye aboue named and
their remained in his hand: 5d:

Richard Wilfon alfo made up his accompts ye daye aboue named
before y° parif h and yc parifh was indebted to him 2d ob

134 THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

what affefments haue benn laid for ye Church since March y° 24th
1667: by: Richard Wilfon, and Robert Pearfon Churchwardens.
An affefment of Six Shillings and eightpence p pound:
alfo another affefment of three Shillings and fower pence p pound:

£ B d

George Swainfton ... 0 0 2
Richard Darlington... 002
Elliner Brumell ... 0 0 1
Robert Slacke .001

£ B d
Ofmondcroft 0 1 0

Winfton: West demaine 020
Winfton Eaft demaine ... 0 2 0

Richard: Wilfon 0 0 6

Barnard ffrankland .003 le

John ffrankeland 0 0 1

yc Parfon 010

who are to haue weekely allowances and what they are to haue.

Margrett Brown 12d p week 010

Mathew Hurdson. 8d p week 008

Ann: Hugh: 6d p week 006

July ye: 11th: 1665

An affefment laid by ye Miniiter and Churchwardens for writting ye
sentences in ye Church: of fiue shillings p pound
April ye 17th 1666/

George: Swainfton. Elected churchwardens ye day and yeare
Edward: Wright: aboue named

John: Clemett:

john: Balmer: overfeers for ye poore

Willia' Richardfon
Mr George Bunny: overfeers for ye highwayes

Memorandu' y* Willia' Richardfon paydin thirtienine Shillings wch he
had of ye poores money, and it was delivered to John Balmer and John
Clemett to be difpoffed on to thofe y* haue neceffitie of it, they taking
fufficient bond for it

Richard Wilion hath tenn fhillings of ye poores money, for wch he is
to giue John Clemett and John Balmer fufficient bond within a week:

Thomas Newcome gaue in fiue Shillings wch he had of ye poores money:
wch was deliuered to John Clemett and John Balmer to be difpoffed to
thofe vvch haue need taking bond for it

Memorandu' y* it was ordered y* John Brownleffe should haue his
fower Shillings, wch he was to pay according to his bond another year

none of ye other wcb had any of y° poores money came in according to
their ingagements but ye aboue named: only Ifabell Tylburne defired y*
she might haue her tenn shillings another yeare but their was no anfwer

returned Aprill 17* 1666

John: Compton and Ambrofe Clemett when they made up their
accounts had 12s and a penny in their hands of wch they muft giue an
account

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 135

John Compton Receiued 1s 6d of John Simpson wch he had collected of
ye aflefment of 6s 8d p pound

ye twelfe Shillings and a penny wch John Compton and Ambrofe
Clemett had in their hands was y* wch remained of yc affefments of 6s and
8d p pound and 2s 6d p pound.

Aprill 21th 1666

Memorandu' y* Thomas Wilfon of Barfoote of ye Moore gaue twenty
Shillings by his will to ye poore of ye parifh, wch was to be difpofed of by
ye confent of ye parifh for their benefitt, wch money John Clemett hath in
his hand untill y* it be difpoffed of:

ye accompts of ye overfeers of yc poore: 1664
Ambrofe Clemett. Receiued

£ a d
of ye Weft Demaine ... 0 4 0

Richard Garf oote ... 0 2 0

M'Marley 020

Richard Wilfon ... 0 1 0

Barnard ffranklin ... 0 0 6

John: ffrankeland ... 0 0 2

George Swainfton ... 0 0 2

Thomas: Wilfon .068

ye whole ... 0 16 6

Difburffed:

£ s d

to Mathew Hurdfon: 006

to Mirrioll Langhorne 006

to Mathew: Hurdfon 020
to Ann: Hugh: ...020
to Robert Wilfons

children ... 0 1 0

to Siffely Barker ... 0 0 6

ffor goeing to Durha' 020

ffor an order 024

to Margrett Browne... 020

ye whole ... 0 13 4

John: Compton. what I haue Layd: out i s d

ffor a warrant 006

to Ann: Hugh 006

payd att Church: 022

payd to Margrett Browne 026

payd to Mathew Hurdfon 010

payd to Elliner Bainbridge 010

payd to John: Brownleffe ffor widow Mortons houfe rent ... 0 8 0

yc whole 0 15 8

What I have receiued 0 17 6

y° accompts of ye overfeers for ye poore. 1665:

Richard Wilfon: Receiued £ & d

att Weftholme 5 affefments: comeing ... 0 15 0

att Neusa' 5 affefments. coming to 0 15 0

att Barfoote fiue affefment coming to 0 16 8

att Stubhoufe 5 affefments coming to ... ... ... ... 0 3 9

att Ofmancroft 5 affefments comeing to 0 5 0

ye whole 2 15 5

136

THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

Difburffed:
to Margrctt Browne
Mathew Hurdfon
Ann* Hugh

£
1

17
9

d
0

John Brownleffe for y° houfe:
Robert Wilfons children

0
0

3
0

0
6

Siflele* Harker

Elizabeth Morton

y° whole

Willia' Richardfon what I haue collected
of Mr Marley . .

2
1

John: Compton
Richard Garf oote

0
0

Margrett Darlington

George Swainiton

Robert- Slack ...

Willia' ffawell-

Elizabeth Richardfon

Ambrofe Clemett . ...

John: Clemett ...

Margrett Attkinfon

Barnard ffrankeland

John ffrankeland
Eliner Brumell
Richard Wilfon...

0
0
0

0
0
9

5
5
8

ye whole: 1 11 4 ob

Dif burfled Auguft ye 12th
to Matthew: Hurdfon ...

Ann: Heugh

Margrett Browne:

Septeber yc 2d
to: Mathew: Hurdfon ...

Ann: Heugh

Margrett Browne

Nove'ber: y° 20th
to: Margrett Browne
Mathew Hurdfon: ...
Ann: Hugh:

8 brye 10th 1666
An affefment of 3B and 4d p pound was laid ye day and yeare aboue by

jan: ye 18th

to: Mathew: Hurdfon:

1 6

Margrett Browne.. .

2 0

Ann: Heugh:

1 2

March ye 16t]

to Ann Heugh

1 8

Margrett Browne: ...

3 0

Mathew Hurdfon

2 0

Elliner Bainbridg ...

0 4

John : Brownleffe for

his houfe rent

5 0

to Ann Hugh:

0 6

for a warrant

0 6

y° whole: ..

8 8

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 137

ye confent of ye minifter and ye Churchwardens for things belonging to
ye church:

The names, of ye inhabitants of ye parif h of Winfton as they were
affefed by ye ouerfeers of ye poore and Churchwardens.

1666

1 s d 1 s d

Kichard Garfoote ... 0 1 1

Cuth: Marley Rector 013

Richard Wilfon ... 0 0 6

Barnard ffrankeland... 003

John ffrankeland jun: 0 0 1 ob

Elliner Brum'ell ... 0 0 1 qr
Margrett Darlington

for both her cottages 001

George Swainfton ... 0 0 2

Barf oote of y e Moore ... 0

Newfam 025

Weftholme 025

Stubhoufe 008

Ofmancrofte 0 0 10 ob

Heighley 0 0 6 ob

John Clemett and Am-

brofe Clemett ... 0 0 6 ob

Willia1: ffawell ... 0 0 4

Willia' Richardson ... 0 0 3

y° whole ... 0 15 3 qr
John Compton ... 0 1 0

Aprill ye 9th 1667
Memorandu', y1 none of ye poores ftocke was payd in upon Eafter

Tuesfday,

officers elected upon Eafter tuelday

Mr ffrancis Bunny: (

i Churchwardens:
Richard Darlington: I

George: Swainfton , i

•{ overfeers for ye poore
Edward: Wright:

John: B aimer f

-j overfeers for ye high way es
john: Clemett

Aprill ye 14th

An affefment of one fhilling and eightpence p pound was laid ye day
and yeare aboue named by yc confent of ye Minifter and Churchwardens
for difcharging of charges, and things belonging to yc Church:

( Barnard ffrankeland
Churchwardens \

} Edward: Wright:

The accompts of ye Ouerfeers for ye poore 1666:

John: Balmer Ouerfeer his accompts.
Collected 3 affefments wch in ye whole did amount to ... 1 13 3

alio collected other two affefments wch came to 018 1

yc whole Collected 2 11 4

Dif burffed to ye poore.
To Mathew Hurdfon 080

alfo for his winding fheet 020

to Margrett Brown 190

toAnn:Heugh 0 14 6

y<= whole 2 13 6

John: Balmer:

VOL. XVII.

138

THE CHURCHWARDEN'S ACCOUNTS OF THE

Ambrofe Clemett Overfeer for yc poor, his accompt. Collected:

two aflefments wch came to 01011

Receiued out of yc poore mans box 010 0

alfo three other affefments wch came to 018 4 ob

ye whole collected and Receiued 119 Sob

Difburffed as ffolloweth.

fEor a warrant: 006

to Siffely Barker for to

putt her Son to a trade 056

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 0 2 0

Margrett Browne ... 0 2 0

Ann: Heugh 010

July: 15:

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 0

Margrett Browne ... 0

Ann: Heugh ,

July: 2i

to: Mathew Hurdfon ... 0 1 0

Ann: Heugh 006

Margrett Browne ... 0 1 0

Mathew Hurdfon ... 0 1 0
Septr. 20:

to: Margrett Browne: ... 0 2 0

Ann: Heugh 010

7br 27th

to: Margrett Browne ... 0 1 0

Ann: Heugh 006

Decmbr.

to: Margrett Browne ... 0 2 0

Elliner Bainbridg ... 0 0 6

Ajin: Heugh 016

Margrett Browne ... 0 1 0
Jan: 20th:

to: Margrett Browne ... 0 2 0

Ann: Heugh: 010

Thomas: Barker .006

jan: 27th: Difburffed.

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Heugh: ... 0 0 6
Thomas Barker ... 0 0 4
ffeb. 3d

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Heugh: ... 0 0 6
Thomas Barker ... 0 0 4
March: 31th

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Beugh: ... 0 0 6
Thomas: Barker: 004
Aprill 7th

to: Margrett Browne 010
Ann: Heugh: ... 0 0 6

ye whole difburffed ... 1 16 6

Receiued also in affef-
ments and other
wayes: 1 19 1 ob

Receiued of Mr George
Bunnyfforyeufeof
yc money wch he
hath of ye poor ... 0 3 ob

y° whole ... 2 2 5 ob

Difburft:

to yc poore: 1 16 6

for ye widdowes houfe

rent: .080

yc whole: ... 2 4 6

Soey'Iamoutofpurfe: 020
Ambrofe Clemett:

The names of ye inhabitants of y* parifh of Winfton as they were affeffed
by ye Churchwardens and Overfeers for y° poore.

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM.

139

1667.

George Swainfton ...

Margrett Darlington

Elliner Brumell

ye whole

2 ob

Ofmancroft

Stubhoufe

Barfoote of y* moore

Newfa'

3 ob

Weftholme

in all

d parif h doth ammount to 0

Mr Cuth : Marley Hector:
John: Compton
Richard Garfoote
Wilfons ffarme
John: Wrangha'
ye two Clemets
Elizabeth: Richardfon
Willia' ffawell
Barnard ffrankeland
John: ffrankeland jun:

- 1667.
The names of thofe y* haue ye money belonging to ye poores ftocke:

John: Powe:

John: Newcome jun:

John: Newcome sr:

Thomas Langstraffe and

John: ffarow: 3

Mr George Bunny 2x

George Heward:

Mathew Hurdion:

John: Brownleffe

Robert Pearfon

Siffele Barker 2

John: Sanderfon

Isabell Tylburne

Richard Wilfon

Difpoffed of ye poores money by ye parif h to Margar when

fhewasficke 0

wch is not repayd [page torn.]

Katherin Dowthwhait 0

4 Dece'ber: . . .

Memorandu' y* ye day aboue named John Brownleffe had fiue Shillings
of ye poores money giueing him by Richard Darlington wch money was
receiued of Mr George Bunny ; being of y* wch he hath of ye poores money
wch fiue Shillings was lent to John: Brownelelfe untill Eafter tuefday next:

March ye 24th 1668.

Memorandu' y* none of thofe wch had any of ye poores ftocke came in
to make tender according to their ingagements of y* money wch they haue
in their hands.

1 X

x 0

140 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

officers elected.

Mr Dowtwhaite "I _,

Y Churchwardens.
Robert: Pearfon

Richard Darlington ) Overfeerg for e<

Mr fErancis Bunny

George Swainfton 1

V overfeers for y° high wayes.
Edward: Wright

The accompts of y° Overfeers for ye poore as they were giuen in March
24th: 1668.

Edward Wright collected for y° maintenance of ye poore 21 4s Od in y*
parifh, and he diftributed to ye poore 21 2s 6d so their remaines in his
hand: 1" 6d

George Swainfton Collected for ye poore in y° towne ye Sume of
I1 18" lld ob., and he diflributed to y° poore I1 168 6d So their remaines in
his hands two Shillings fiue pence halpenny.

Aprill y° 13th 1669.
officers elected ye day aboue named:
Mr Dowthwhaite
Richard Garfoote
John: Balmer

j- Churchwardens.

overfeers for ye poore.
Robert: Peaifon

Richard Darlington )

.„ - . -o ' f overfeers for y° high wayes:

Mr ffrancis Bunny

MtrU Ann: Newcome of Heighley Hall gaue Six pounds, to ye poore of
ye parifh of Winfton to buy Something for their maintenance, Aprill ye

13th: 1669.

May y« 31th

John Brownleffe payd ye fiue Shillings wch he borrowed to Richard
Darlington and Mr Bunny of Newfa' payd in ye 39 Shillings wch he had,
both wch Sumes doe remaine in Richard Darlingtons hand untill they be

difpofled of.

y6 Churchwardens accompts

Robert Pearfon made up his accompts Aprill ye 13th 1669: and their
remained in his hand 98 and Sixpence:

Richard Wilfon made up his accompts then and their remained in his
hand fiuepence.

ye ouerfeers of ye poors accompts.

Mr ffrancis Bunny made up his accompts yn and their remained 4s 6d
J)Once in his hand.

Richard Darlington maide up his accompts yn and their remained in
his hand fiuepence ob.

Apr: 17. 1677.

Received from Tho. ffurbey for ye use of 6U for 3 yeares one pound
one shilling.

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 141

It' from Jo. ffarrow in part of his bond for ye use of ye poore eee
pound ten shillings.

It' from Jo. Powle in part of his bond for ye use of ye poore, fiue

shillings.

Momorand. yfc by ye agroom1 e£ ye Rector & ye parishioners

4-T-* mi. -rYV/^-k "f QfYA'i" M-A"!* l4* TITO. fi* PAT! A 1 11 f\ Afl "\rt J-.TIT/"V y^^n yi rl ct y\f>-r»4-
TJlldl liI"T7 HJii v^l/IlC-i ) TV TV titJ \7V/11U1 UXUJLLj j^ TJTT U T/v/tt'tl'vttT Utti V

e£ fe aforesaid sums should bee pft^ m£e ye hands e£ Tfee.
Warcop & Ambrose Clomott ^feefi ohoGon ohur oh w

"CT7 V7 V Ci tjv. T 1O1 jT jpUC/i t^j TV T t? lltlU.CCL T"O ^" T-yOO-TCfcr

AT 4"S\ T)AO Ti->i l"lT*A\TArj. f-fyp fi n 01T*O 11 C*p no TV)AT1 A fl fii, •j",Ti AT7! AO IT "TlTl fc

eed hands. 4 ye othor 0 sfe. shall feee distributod

U(JO1 U lie? (JCClltjlOIl tjllll-ti fcCl UO» ujJ. C liiOF It li\,t T~
WHft Wft& payd m Apf. £. 78. [?.t.] [Peter Lancaster.]

Aprill. 2. 1678.

Payd by John ffarrow in part of ye poores money, wch hee hath in his
hand, ten shillings.

Payd by Thomas ffurbey for ye use of 6li for one yeare. 7 shill'.
Memorand' y* three pounds of ye poores money is put into y° hands of
John Newcomb churchwarden, till such time as it can bee laid out for
their use.

Memorand' y* ye said Jo. Newcomb & Thomas ffarrow of Winston
haue giuen bond for ye said three pounds.

Apr. 22. 1679.

Paid by Jo. Farrow in part of ye poores money, wch hee hath in
his hands, ten shillings.

d Paid by Tho: ffarrow for Interest of ye 311 of ye poores money,
wch hee hath in his hands, three shillings and sixpence.

Paid by Mrs Dorothy Bunny in full of y° Interest for ye poores
money, wch shee hath in her hands, two shillings & fourepence.

Payd by Thorn: ffurbey for ye use of six pounds of ye poores
mony wch hee hath in his hands, seven shillings.

Memorand'. y* one pound of ye poores money is put into ye hands of
Bernard ffranklin churchwarden, till such time as it can bee laid out for

theire use. [P.L.] .

Apriell 17. 1688:

7s paid by Jo: Brumell for the ufe of six pounds.
31: 6d paid by Tho: ffarrow & Jo: Newcom for ufe
2" 4d paid by Criftopher Rafe for use

2s 4d paid by Amb: Clement & Hob. Dindfdale one shilling of ye ufe
fo paid was giuen to Margret Taler & the Rist put into the poore mans
box being in the ... fum 14s 2d

Aprill ye 1th: 1673.
The names of ye officers elected y11.

142 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE

Willia1 ffawell

} °VerfeerS f°r

> Churchwardens
Thomas Newcom

Tho: ffurbe )

™_ -fL i mi. r ( overfcers for yc poore.

Chnftopher: Thompfon )

Thomas Sudell
Richard: Wilfon

Aprill March ye 27. 1676.
the names of ye officers Elected.

Robart Dindfdale 1 _

\ Churchwardmgs
Hugh Hodgf hon

they are LikeViie by the Confent of the parif h to ftand ouerfeers for y*
poore this p'fent yeare

Thomas Newcome i

_ „ > ouerfeers for yc high way es.

Henery ffawuell

Aprill 17. 1677.

Memorand' y* I Pet. Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my privi-
ledge of choosing one of ye churchwardens but waived it for this p'sent
yeare, & consented to ye election made by y° Parishioners.
The names of y6 Severall officers then elected by ye Parishioners of Winston

Thomas Warcope ) .

} churchwardens.
Ambrose Clemett

The same persons overseers for ye poore.

Rob. Dinsdale )

overseers of ye highwaies.

Hugh Hodgshon

Apr. 2. i678.

The names of ye severall officers then elected by yc parishioners of Winston.
John Seamore Jun.

churchwardens.
John Newcomb.

The same persons overseers for ye poore.
Thomas Warcope

overseers of ye highwaies.
Ambrose Clemet J

Memorand. y* I Pet, Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my privi-
ledge of choofing one of ye churchwardens ; but waived it for this p'sent
yeare & consented to y° election made by y° parishioners.
Apr. 2. 1678.

Memorand. y* ye day & yeare aboue written It was concluded &
agreed upon by y° Rector & parishion's of Winston then p'sent, y* y«
churchwardens accounts shall bee entered in a book, to bee provided for
that purpose, by ye Clark of ye parish for ye time being, for wch ye said
churchwardens shall allowe him twelue pence yearly, wch shall bee added
to theire accounts. Pet. Lancaster Rectr ibid.

Apr. 22. i679.

Memorand' y* I Pet. Lancaster Rector of Winston claimed my

-j churchwardens.

PARISH OF WINSTON, CO. DURHAM. 143

priviledge of choosing one of ye churchwardens ; but waived it for this
p'sent yeare, & consented to ye election made by y° Parishioners.

The names of ye severall officers elected by ye Parishioners of Winston
ye day & yeare last aboue written.
Bernard ffranklin
Will'. Granger
The same persons overseers for ye poore.

John Seamore Jun. (

< overseers of ye high way es.
John Newcombe.

Memorand' y* ye day & yeare last aboue written these three ensueing
orders were agreed upon & established by yc Rector &. parishioners of
Winston, for ye better management of ye parish affaires.

1. That ye parishioners shall choofe six men (whereof three shall bee
tenants of ye Lord of yc mannor of Winston, & ye other three shall bee
Inhabitants of ye outsides of ye parish) without whofe consent ye church-
wardens shall not lay any afsefsment, nor undertake any parish businefs:
& if any difference shall arise amongst them, ye greater number shall
determine it.

.... r no money thall be distributed amongst y° poore of ye parish
in any other place but ye church only, & that upon notice given ye
Sunday before ; and y1 ye same shall bee distributed by both ye church-
wardens in p'sence of ye minister: unlefs it bee in ye case of weak
persons, who are not able to come to ye church.

8. That all persons, who haue any of ye poores money in theire hands,
shall either bring it in yearly upon Tuesday in Easter week, or shall
upon ye same day giue new bond for it, with such security as shall giue
satisfaction to y° churchwardens & ye six men, or ye greater number of
them: & for default here of ye overseers for ye poore shall within one
moneth after put ye said person or persons in suit for ye said money.

The names of ye six men who are chosen by ye parishioners to Joine
with yc churchwardens in all parish affaires.

Ambrose Clemett. ]

Ralfe Hodgson Hugh Hodgohon. I for Winston

Richard Darnton. )
Will'. Richardfon Richard Wilfo»

Mr Douthwait.
Robert Dinsdale.

Thomas (

for ye outsides.

or < Warcope
George (

\ Richard Holmes
To these were added, Apr: 17. 1688. } John Olemefct ^

Memorand. y1 1 Pet. Lancaster Hector of Winston claimed my privi-

144 THE CHURCHWARDENS1 ACCOUNTS OF WINSTON PARISH.

ledge for choosing one of y° churchwardens, Apr. 13. 1680. but waived it
for this p'sent yeare, & consented to ye election made by y° parishioners ;

as in ye next page.

Apriell. 2th 1689
Paid by Jo: Brumell for ufe of 6U pounds. 7s Od

Paid by Jo: Newcome & Tho: ff arrow p ufe of 3" 3s 6d

Paid by Criftopher Rafe for vfe of 2a pun 2s 4d

The aboue faid vfe was difpofed of eight f hillings to Tho: Warcopp &
Hugh Hodghon ouerfeers for y6 vfe of the poore to be Accounted for ; the
Kelt to make the money paid in by Timothy Kipling .... an euen ium.
Memorand' y* ye last aboue mentioned . . . . is to be accounted for to yc
poores stock out of ye next afsefsment .... poore
Apriell. 22th 1690

Paid by Jo: Brumell for ufe of 6H 7s Od

Paid by Jo: Newcome & Tho: ffarrow p vfe 3s 6d

Paid by Crifto: Rafe for vfe 2s 4d

paid by Hugh Hodgfhon & Tho: Warcupp for the vfe of

eight pounds

& one f hilling & 2d abated for 20s which John Eles Receiued

when they Entred out of the Eight pounds ... tot. 110

the vfe paid in for the poores money was Giuen to the poore Apriell
22th: 90 only 1s .... in the poors box

1693

The Ufe pd by Mr Dowthwait for y° power rnony was giuen teen
f hillings of it to John tayler & a leeven to y° power

The Ufe pd: for 181 this year paft (viz) 1694 .... the fume of one
pound one fhillinge .... 9th: 1695 p' B. Dowthwaite

.... wch romCtillOS was paide to Jo": Eells and fiue shillings more
made I11 6s paide by William Richardfon out of the Seff Collected by
him at halfe booke of rates for the year 1694: all yc other moneys in
y6: box being 15 3d was giuen to yc the same day./
Apll 14. 1695

Md: it is agreed p yc: Pifh y* Elizabeth Morton haue fiue shillings
P Ann' giuen her towards yc paym1 for her houfe P Ann. euery Eafter
Teusday till further order

The ule pd: for 18" this year paft 1696 p' John. Brumell .... and
Dowthwaite I11 I8 Ap'll 20tn 1697: wch was .... giuen to y° poor & only
remaines in ye poor box 7s 6d new money & 3 ould sixpences & some braf

.... Bernard Dowthwaite & John Brumell for 18U this year Paft

.... 1s May ye 3d: 1698: wch was Giuen to yc poor and . . . . es in
ye Poor Box 1s 7d and 3 ould Sixpences .... ould .... halfpence &
puder halfpence

ARCH. .\Kt.. Vol. xvii, to face p. 145.

PLATE III.

ST. CUTHBERT'S CHURCH, DARLINGTON,
From the North East.

THE CHURCH OF ST. CUTHBERT, DARLINGTON.

145

VIII.— THE CHURCHES OF DARLINGTON AND HARTLE-
POOL VIEWED BRIEFLY, AND IN ARCHITECTURAL
COMPARISON.

BY THE REV. J. F. HODGSON.
[Read in substance at Hartlepool, June 13th, 1894.]

1. — DARLINGTON CHURCH.
I.

THE county of Durham, among many ancient churches — for the most
part of very rude and inferior character — possesses, nevertheless, two
of extraordinary interest and
value, viz.: those of Hartle-
pool and Darlington. They
belong to two entirely separate
and distinct classes; that of
Hartlepool to the parochial;
that of Darlington to the col-
legiate. But, as commonly
happened with the churches
of secular canons, the latter
was of a dual, or compound
character; the choir and tran-
septs pertaining more parti-
cularly to the dean and canons,
the nave and its aisles, to the
parishioners.

Both are of unusual size
and dignity, and both are also
well nigh contemporaneous.
Both, too, possess the distinc-
tion of a western doorway,
a feature ordinarily reserved
for those of the highest class
— cathedral and monastic— but which, though occurring naturally

NOTE. — The above is the seal of bishop Pudsey, reproduced by kind permis-
sion of the Kev. Canon Eaine, from Raine's Auckland 'Castle.

VOL, xvii. 19

146 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

enough at Darlington in virtue of the nature of the foundation, can
only be accounted for at Hartlepool by its connection with the great
priory of Guisborough, to which both its immediate predecessor and
itself were subject.1

Of both churches, again, the names and histories of the builders
are pretty certainly ascertained.

As to Darlington, prior Wessington not only tells us that it was
built by bishop Pudsey from the foundation, but Coldingham, that
these were laid in the year when the ransom for the release of king
Richard I. was levied, which fixes it to 1192. It was therefore pro-
gressing during the three years intervening between that date and
the death of Pudsey, which occurred on March 3rd, 1195.2

1 The presence of a western doorway was, apparently always, and without ex-
ception, indicative either of inherent, or dependent dignity. As a rule it pertained
especially to all cathedral and conventual churches, however humble, whether of
monks or canons, regulars or seculars. When occurring in simple parish
churches, no matter how grand their scale, or sumptuous their decoration, this
feature may, I think, invariably be taken as denoting their appropriation either
to some bishopric or religious house ; the accepted, and doubtless correct, theory
being that it was provided for the solemn entry of the bishop, abbot, or prior, as
the case might be, when coming to visit, in procession. Yet, that there were
exceptions to the rule, on one hand at any rate, is evident from the fact that,
although nearly all conventual churches had western doorways, some at least, as
for example, those of the Augustinian priory of Brinkburn, and the Benedictine
abbeys of Buildwas and Romsey had none ; nor were they probably the only
instances. Nor must it be supposed on the other hand, that though, apparently,
all parish churches having western doorways were dependent as above described,
all churches so dependent were necessarily provided with them. This would
seem only to have been the case where those churches were either built or
rebuilt after the date of their appropriation : those already built being suffered
to continue as they were. Nor again, were all collegiate churches, unless like
those of Bipon, Fotheringay, Tattersall, St. Stephen's Westminster, or St.
George's Windsor, built specially for the purpose provided with them ; some, like
those of Staindrop and Lanchester. ancient parish churches which were made
collegiate only at a later date, never having had any at all. That of Chester-le-
Street affords us an interesting example of an ancient parish church which, if
previously without one, yet, on being extended westwards at the period of the
collegiate foundation, temp, bishop Bek, was then duly furnished with this
customary feature.

2 John de Wessington, who was prior of Durham from 1416 to 1446, and
lived, therefore, some one hundred and twenty years after the event, can only, of
course, have derived his information from either history or tradition. It is
none the less valuable, however, on that account, since it does not oppose, but
simply corroborates, the actually contemporary account of Coldingham which
runs thus : —

' Rex igitur de terra Syriae revertens, a Duce Ostriciae captus, et Imperatori
venditus, legatariis in Angliam directis, mandavit suae liberationi celerius et
uberius ab omnibus subveniri ; aurumque et argentum ecclesiarum et vasa sancta,
vel eorum redemptionem, ad se transmitti, Episcopus, autem, ecclesiam Dunhel-
mensem nullam volens sustinere diminutionem, quam novis semper decoris
optabat incrementis proficere, thesaurum datum centum marcis redemit, et
illibatum loco muneris ecclesiae restituit ; misitque Regi duo millia libras argenti ;

COLLEGIATE, HARTLEPOOL PAROCHIAL. 147

With respect to Hartlepool, though our information is neither so
precise nor circumstantial as in the case at Darlington, it is yet
scarcely the less certain or assured. For, though documentary proof
be not, indeed, forthcoming, the internal evidence of style alone fixes its
erection as surely to the closing years of the life, as do its vast scale
and sumptuous splendour of decoration to the munificence, of Robert
de Brus IV., the contemporary, for twenty years, of bishop Pudsey,
and who, marrying Isabel, daughter of William the Lion, king of
Scots, died in 1191.3

Darlington (see plan, plate IV.), as befitting its purpose, is a cross
church, and not merely a cross church — for cross churches, as at Bowes
and Hamsterley, are sometimes found on the smallest scale and of the
humblest character — but a cross church with a central tower and
spire ; and what is specially characteristic — for even cross churches
with central towers, and of great size, as at S. Mary's, Nottingham,
were frequently only parochial — with choir and transepts in two storeys
and of the same height as the clearstoreyed nave, features which at
once serve to point out its more than parochial dignity.

Hartlepool, on the other hand, as a purely parochial church, or,
to speak more exactly, chapel, for notwithstanding its importance it had
no higher rank, was built without transepts ; features which, whenever

quae ille minus gratanter excepit, eo quo censeret modicum praestitisse, quern
sub obtentu liberationis suae immanes copias didiscerat adunasse. Inter tarn
multiplicium tempestatum vicissitudines constructione ecclesiae de Derningtona
non destitit ; in qua, clericis constitutis, ordinem qui olim in Dunelmo fuerat
renovare decrevit.' Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores tres (9 Surtees Society publ.) p. 14.

The history of Galfrid, who was a monk of Durham, and, at the time it was
written, sacrist of the cell of Coldingham, extends from the year 1152 to the year
1214.

3 In the latest archaeological description of the county of Durham, the writer,
speaking of Hartlepool church, tells us, in an astonishing flight of fancy, that it
speaks : ' as authentically as any written document could, of the rapid growth
and prosperity ' (of the town) ' which preceded its erection. In the enthusiasm
to which success gives birth, the merchants of Hartlepool said : " We will build a
church ! " From the first they contemplated a splendid design, and this they
executed worthily.' The 'merchants,' however, are unfortunately made to
' enthuse ' somewhat prematurely, seeing that at the time mentioned they had
practically no existence, a weekly market even, not being granted till after the
church was finished, nor the privilege of an annual fair conceded till 1216. But
one person, it is hardly necessary to say, viz., Robert de Brus IV., the lord and
owner of the whole place and parish, had either the power to build so magnifi-
cent a structure or transfer it, when built, to his grandfather's foundation at
Guisborough, which, as we learn, his father still farther enriched with six oxgangs
of land in Stranton, and one in the mother parish of Hart. That bishop Pudsey,
who merely confirmed the grants of the two Roberts de Brus, father and son,
had, as supposed, anything to do with the actual erection of the church, is, of
course, quite out, of the question.

148 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

occurring in parish churches, were invariably private mortuary chapels,
belonging usually to different families, and built at different times.
The reason why they are not found here is simply this, viz., that the
whole church, owing its existence to private liberality, the founder
was minded, from the first, to erect and set apart its immense
and splendid chancel as a place of sepulture for himself and his
family instead.4

Another, and very important point to notice about these two
churches is the circumstance that their designers were skilled archi-
tects, and not, as so often happened, mere rude country masons, who,
in a more or less ignorant and blundering fashion, copied the works
of such men as best they could. Consequently they afford us the best
possible evidence of the progress of local architectural art at a given
time — the last decades of the twelfth century. A careful examination
of their respective details becomes, therefore, very instructive, especially
in connection with the final developments of the Transitional style.

Both churches, I may add, have been partially illustrated and
described by Mr. Billings in his Durham County; while of Hartlepool
a series of rough, but carefully measured folio plates, with accom-
panying text, has been given by Messrs. Perry and Henman, in their
work on the Architectural Antiquities of the County of Durham.

Darlington church, though lacking similar illustration, has, on the
other hand, been described not only by Mr. Longstaffe in his History
and Antiquities of the Parish of Darlington, but by no less an authority
on architecture than the late Sir Gilbert Scott ; though, I am con-
strained to say, with a very different result from what might naturally
have been expected. Unfortunately, he was not a north-country
man, nor intimately acquainted with north-country work; hence,
perhaps, to some extent, the strange mistakes he has fallen into.

Without occupying myself, however, by pointing out all the
blunders, both as to dates and facts, which he has committed in
respect to Pudsey and his works, it will suffice that I confine myself
strictly to what he says about the church of Darlington.

4 The original length of the chancel is said to have been twenty-three and a
half yards. It consisted of three compound bays of two arches each, of which the
westernmost one only, and that half new, now remains. Outside, in the church-
yard, though once in the midst of the chancel, may still be seen the remains of a
very late Brus altar-tomb, showing clearly, by the place of honour it originally
occupied, to whom the erection both of church and chancel was due.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. f to face p. 148/

Plate IV.

SIR GILBERT SCOTT ON THE CHURCH. 149

II.

In a lecture delivered on the spot, June 3rd, 1862, he declared
that he 'had found the greatest possible difficulty in making the
church accord with the history (of the Transitional period generally)
he had just been going through. The date of the erection was
involved in perplexity, history being extremely poor in this respect.
Historians, so far as their labours had been searched, did not tell us
with any certainty when the church was built, or by whom. They
said Bishop Pudsey founded a collegiate church in Darlington. One
historian went so far as to say Bishop Pudsey began the building,
and another nearly contemporary historian said that the troubles
Bishop Pudsey had to go through in the latter part of his life did not
cause him to cease in the construction of the new church at Darlington.
It was therefore perfectly certain that what Bishop Pudsey did in the
church at Darlington was at the very close of his episcopate, and it
might fairly be inferred that he never finished it, but that it was
going on at the time of his death in 1194.'

Now, before proceeding further in quotation, let me first of
all direct attention to the way in which the most precise and
positive statements of contemporary writers, and those of the highest
standing, are summarily swept aside as of no account at all. Though
Wessington tells us that the bishop built the church from its founda-
tions, and Coldingham, that these were laid in 1192, Sir Gilbert is
bold enough to assert that the date of its erection is 'involved in
perplexity,' and its history 'very poor.' Yet, of how many of our
ancient churches have we anything like such early and exact accounts
as these ?

But Coldingham tells us something quite as important as the date
of its foundation, if not more so indeed, and that is, that so eager was
the bishop in the prosecution of his purpose that ' among all the vicis-
situdes of such varied tempests he did not desist from the construction
of the church of Darlington, in which, clerks being appointed, he
determined to renew the order which was formerly at Durham.'

In other words, we are assured on the absolutely unimpeachable
authority of a contemporary witness, that the works commenced in
1192 were continued, without cessation, till the bishop's death in 1195.

150 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

The assertion, moreover, that Pudsey's work commenced ' at the
very close of his episcopate,' it should be noted, though quite true in
a loose sense, as compared with the length of his reign of forty-two
years, is yet quite untrue in an exact sense, the sense, that is, in which
Sir Gilbert would have us understand it, I mean in comparison of
the length of time requisite for the completion of the fabric in all its
more important parts.

Begun, as we have seen, in 1192, and doubtless — considering what
manner of man its founder was, and how great his anxiety for its
completion — with a full complement of workmen, the building was
pushed forward with unflagging zeal up to the time of the bishop's
death on March 3rd, 1195. There were thus three years — a year for
each limb, during which the choir and transepts, at any rate, would
be progressing in the bishop's lifetime — a period, as need hardly be
pointed out, not merely sufficient, but much more than sufficient for
their completion.5 But Sir Gilbert, ignoring all such considerations, and
as blind, appparently, to the broad general witness of the building, as
deaf to the voice of history, goes on to ask the question, ' What do
we find here?' and makes answer, 'A building which every here and
there had details which at once reminded us of the period of the
Transition, but at the same time intimately mixed up with those
which did not belong to the Transition at all. There were details of
1190 or 1200 side by side with details of 1220 or 1230, or even
later.' And then he proceeds to tell us that, ' With the single excep-
tion of the buttresses, the architecture was that of the advanced Early
English style ; many of the windows evidently did not belong to
Pudsey. The abaci were round and did not appeal* extremely early
specimens, while many of the mouldings had been worked to suit
square abaci, and some were subsequently trimmed off to prevent
their overhanging. The conjecture which he came to was that Bishop
Pudsey began the church and carried it up to the string-course below

5 It was with the architecture of the choir and transepts that Sir Gilbert's
remarks had principally to do, and in answer to which the present account is for
the most part directed, being designed to show that all three were the actual
work of the bishop himself, and completed during his lifetime. But that there
was not only abundant time for the completion of these, but of the nave also,
there can be no doubt ; nor is there anything in the character of the western
parts to show that they were not either finished, or, at least, in progress at the
time of the bishop's death.

DATE OP THE DETAILS. 151

the windows. He thought, too, that Bishop Pudsey had prepared a
great quantity of material for carrying the work on, and that after his
death some considerable interval must have transpired before the
work was commenced again, and that whenever that might have been,
the builders went upon the plan commenced by Bishop Pudsey, and
used up, so far as they could, the prepared work left behind ; thus
the new capitals were formed on the round system, although the
mouldings were square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings,
would have overhung the circles. Throughout the whole of the
building, with the exception of the lower part, and certain details
which he believed were prepared before, the whole work belonged,
instead of to Bishop Pudsey, very probably to the end of the first
quarter of the thirteenth century.'

Such are the ' difficulties ' alleged to be discovered by Sir Gilbert in
the three eastern limbs of the church (for with the nave generally he
is not much concerned), and such the 'short and simple plan' he
devises for getting rid of them. For myself, I can only say that both
one and other suffice to fill me with a sense of utter and blank amaze-
ment : though after all, perhaps, it should not be so surprising to find
the same measure meted out to the architecture as is measured to
the history.

Let us endeavour, however, with the help of exact illustrations of
the building itself, and of its more important details, to see how far its
witness bears out the plain statements of Wessington and Coldingham
on the one hand ; or the hasty and superficial speculations of Sir
Gilbert on the other. We shall see, I think, that, plausible as his
imaginary difficulties may, perhaps, appear at first sight, a very little
examination only is needed to show how contradictory and self-
destructive they are; and how absolutely, because practically, impossible
his solution of them. Referring, then, to his address, we observe, first
of all, the statement that the church has * every here and there details
which at once remind us of the period of the Transition, but at the
same time intimately mixed up with those which do not belong to the
Transition at all. There are details of 1190 or 1200 side by side with
details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.'

Now observe, for some, perhaps, might fail to do so, the skilfully
disguised attempt which lurks beneath these apparently simple and

152 DARLINGTON CHURCH:

innocent expressions to throw dust into the eyes of the unwary, and,
at the same time, blur and obscure the clear, sharp lines of history.
* Every here and there details which remind us of the period of the
Transition,' says Sir Gilbert ; as though the whole of the existing
work, like the period itself in which we are assured it was wrought,
was not positively, and without any reminiscence at all, that of the
Transition. * Details of 1190 or 1200,' he proceeds, 'side by side
with details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' Of these last we will
take full account by- and- by, but, meanwhile, how of 1190 or 1200 ?
Between 1190 and 1200 was a decade of no ordinary kind, but one,
on the contrary, of the intensest architectural activity, in which
changes of style were advancing day by day with a speed altogether
phenomenal. The details of 1190 and those of 1200, so far from
being, as might seem to be suggested, practically interchangeable,
belonged to two entirely separate classes, viz., those of the Transition,
and of the perfectly developed Early English, respectively. And with
neither one nor the other of these dates could the choir and transepts
have any connection at all. Not with 1190, for they were not then
begun; nor with 1200, for they had then been finished five years. With
the style of the intermediate and historically defined period, however, all
three and their several parts are in the most perfect and exact accord ;
Transitional, yet so late in the style as to have lost all mixture of the
Romanesque; First Pointed, yet in style so immature and undeveloped
as to have gained none of the distinguishing features of the purely
Early English.

But, to pass from what to the uninitiated may seem, perhaps,
something like hair-splitting niceties, Sir Gilbert tells us that those
details, whatever their precise date, which every here and there remind
us of the period of the Transition, are intimately mixed up with others
which do not belong to the Transition at all, with those, indeed, ' of
1220 or 1230, or even later ! '

Well, it can only be asked, where are those later details, details
which, from first to last, Sir Gilbert, like some others who have
echoed him, so carefully abstains from particularising ? They are cer-
tainly not discoverable in the choir, the earliest part of all, and
which, though very slightly, yet perceptibly, differs both in expression
and detail from the transepts ; which, again, differ somewhat, not in

DETAILS ALL SHOW PUDSEY's WORK. 153

style, but merely in detail, from each other. Nor, again, does the
closest scrutiny reveal them in the transepts, which necessarily, and
more especially on their eastern sides, went up directly and con-
secutively after it.6

' With the single exception of the buttresses,' Sir Gilbert declares,
* the architecture is that of the advanced Early English style, many of
the windows evidently did not belong to Pudsey. The conjecture
which he came to was that Bishop Pudsey began the church and
carried it up to the string-course below the windows. He thought,
too, that Bishop Pudsey had prepared a great quantity of material for
carrying the work on, and that after his death some considerable
interval must have transpired before the work was commenced again,
and that, whenever that might have been, the builders went upon
the plan commenced by Bishop Pudsey, and used up, so far as they
could, the prepared work left behind.'

So far Sir Gilbert : now, let us to the building, and see what
answer it returns to his allegations.

Up to the lowest string-courses,* which, like the bands of ashlar
work beneath run evenly, and without a break around both choir and
transepts in their entirety, all is admittedly of Pudsey's work. All is
perfectly plain, and the string-courses themselves are of the same char-
acter. And yet Sir Gilbert would have us believe that these few courses
of simple ashlaring were all that the whole force of masons the bishop
could command were able to erect during three full years. Having
carried up the walls so far, they then, according to his account,

6 It should be observed, for the fact is very unusual, and noteworthy, that, as
the church was first built, it so continued without alteration or insertion of any
kind, save in regard to the heightening of the nave aisles, and the repairs conse-
quent on the settlement of the tower piers in the fourteenth century, to the last.
There were, therefore, no such after changes of plan, or insertions of windows,
or other features, of slightly later date, as Sir Gilbert's remarks might lead any
one unacquainted with the building to imagine ; such, for example, as the great
north window of the Nine Altars at Durham, where the original design was
abandoned for a later one while the works were yet in progress ; or in the choir
of S. Andrew Auckland, where the original early Early English lights were built
up, and late ones inserted in their place when the church was made collegiate
under bishop Bek. All the several limbs, with all their details — though, of
course, the lower parts of each being built first, were, to that extent, earlier
than the upper — are, respectively of the same date throughout ; so that it is
quite impossible to pick out any one or more particular features and affirm
them to be of one period, while the rest are of another.
* See p. 154, figs. 1 and 2.

V/\T VVTT ^V

154

DARLINGTON CHURCH :

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

Fig. 4.

Fig. 3.

Fig. 5.

Pig. l.-Outer Lower String-course. Fig, 2.— Inner Lower String-course

Beneath Lower Windows of Choir and North and South Transepts.
Fig. 3.— Outer Hood of Lower Windows, Choir and North Transept.

Fig. 4.— Inner String below Upper Windows of Choir, North and South Transept, and Nave.
Fig. 5.— Outer String below Upper Windows of Choir and South Transept.

THE ABACI OF A PURELY TRANSITIONAL CHARACTER. 155

instead of proceeding in the regular way, suddenly stopped building
altogether ; and, for no conceivable reason, and despite the bishop's
anxiety, set themselves to preparing ' a great quantity of material,'
which they most unaccountably and persistently refrained from fixing.
The whole of this accumulated mass, instead of being placed in
position as it was finished — and as, according to universal rule, it
would have been anywhere else — was thereupon, he ' conjectures,' left
either lying about, a very wilderness of carved work, or stacked
up in vast heaps for thirty, or five and thirty years or more. And
thus, by the invention of this beautifully 'simple plan,' we learn how
'details of 1190 or 1200 are found side by side with details which,'
he assures us, 'are of 1220 or 1230, or even later !'

But, however satisfactory upon the surface, and to his hearers, at
the moment, nothing could be more so, examination shows it to be
not merely erroneous, but impossible. For on what basis does it rest ;
and what is the special * difficulty ' it has been designed, on the mere
spur of the moment, to explain away ? Why, simply the presence of
round abaci on the capitals of the little columns of the window-jambs
and wall arcades, and which, Sir Gilbert thinks ought, like the general
outline of the mouldings, to have been square also. 'The abaci' he
says, ' were round and did not appear extremely early specimens,7 while
many of the mouldings had been worked to suit square abaci, and
some were subsequently trimmed off to prevent their overhanging.
The new capitals (that is, ' of 1220, or 1230, or even later,' for the

7 All of them, on the contrary, bear witness to their purely Transitional char-
acter. Compare, for example, the capitals on page 160 with those given by Sir
Gilbert in his lectures on Mediceval Architecture, L, 123, taken from Ripon
and Fountains, where the identity of style and almost of form will be seen at a
glance. Compare them also with one of the corbels at the west end of the
chapel of Auckland castle, also built by bishop Pudsey, a work evidently
contemporaneous with this at Darlington, and where both round and square
abaci are used in the same composition. These capitals, it may be added, are
worked in that excessively hard and intractable material, Frosterley marble.
The first pair of detached capitals, east of them,in the same material, have their
abaci, which are of exactly the same section, square, and the foliage natter. All
the rest to the east, or low end of the hall (for it was built originally
as the great hall of the manor) are circular, like those of the upper part of the
western respond, only plain, and without foliage. It would be interesting to
know what Sir Gilbert would have had to say with regard to the elaborately
moulded arches that these several capitals carry ; whether, that is, they were
designed for round, or for square, abaci. They are all exactly alike throughout,
and it would certainly have taxed his ingenuity, as it would seem to have done
that of the original builders, as to which form suited them best. They solved
the difficulty there, as at Darlington, by using both.

156 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

originals of Pudsey's time are supposed either never to have been
worked ab all, or, if so, rejected on the resumption of the works) were
formed on the round system, although the mouldings were square,
which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, would have overhung
the circles.'

Now, just consider what this really means. Sir Gilbert himself is
far too astute to tell you, for if he did, his ' simple plan ' would be seen
to collapse at once. 'The mouldings,' he says, 'are square,' while the
capitals which carry them ' are round ;' the one, that is, according to his
interpretation, are of Pudsey's time, the others 'of 1220, or 1230, or
even later.' He has just stated that Pudsey's workmen had prepared
' a great quantity of material,' but he judiciously refrains from adding
how great that quantity, that is, of those earlier ' square mouldings,'
was. I need hardly waste time, perhaps, in pointing out the utter
inconsistency of this assertion with the other made previously, viz.,
that ' with the single exception of the buttresses, the architecture was
that of the advanced Early English style,' but simply refer you to
the place these, so-called, square-sectioned Pudseyan mouldings occupy
in the building. So far from consisting, as, on some sudden stoppage
of the works, might naturally be expected, of a few voussoirs and
jamb, or other mouldings ready worked for the setter's hand, but
unlaid ; will it be believed that, on the contrary, they not only em-
brace the whole of the wall-arcades and of the arch-mouldings of the
windows of the choir, both inside and outside, as well as of nearly
all the windows and wall-arcades in both storeys of the transepts, but
of the great arches of the crossing, and of those opening into the nave
aisles as well ?

Sir Gilbert, we see, all unconsciously, makes the fatal mistake of
proving too much ; for if, as he implies, and rightly implies, that
what he calls the square-edged mouldings are of Pudsey's time ; then,
since not merely the wall-arcades, of which he was speaking more
particularly, but almost the whole of the arch-mouldings of the three
eastern limbs, are also square-edged, they too, together with the walls
of which they form so large a part, and whose interior surfaces they
entirely overlie, must necessarily be of his time too. It is that simply
enormous mass of material, therefore, the accumulation of which, to
such an extent, must, of course, have been absurdly and monstrously

SIR GILBERT SCOTT'S DIFFICULTIES AS TO DATE. lf>7

impossible, that we are asked to believe, was not only left lying useless
for thirty years or more, but, after that, along with the greater part
of the nave, erected by some benefactor of whom history (and even
Sir Gilbert) knows nothing.

III.

But, these 'square-sectioned' mouldings constitute only half, and
that the lesser half, of the ' difficulties ' discovered. In a building of
Pudsey's date their presence was not only natural but inevitable.
What seems to be his supreme difficulty is the presence * side by side,'
and ' intimately mixed up with ' such mouldings, of ' capitals formed
on the round system' and having 'round abaci.' These, he calls 'new,'
and ' conjectures ' to have been cut on the resumption of the work
some thirty or more years after Pudsey and his men had ceased.
He does not stop, however, to consider the dilemma in which this
' conjecture ' lands him. When Pudsey's masons, as we have seen on
internal evidence, carved the entire arch-mouldings of the three
eastern limbs, as well as all the window- jambs and columns in con-
nection with them, one of two things must have happened, either they
cut the little capitals pertaining to them, or they did not. If not,
there remains the fact that, when every other piece of sculpture, with-
out exception, was finished, these small, but important features, without
which the rest could not be put together, were, in an utterly incom-
prehensible way, left out. If they did cut them, then the still more
incomprehensible fact results that when, after so long an interval, the
works were once more started, the builders deliberately destroyed the
whole of the capitals which were made to fit these arch-moulds, only
to carve, at infinite labour and ex pence, 'new' ones which, as Sir
Gilbert tells us, do not.

So much for theory : now for fact. All Sir Gilbert's ' difficulties '
centre, let me repeat, in the circumstance that, whereas the arch-
moulds are ' square,' the abaci are, what it suits him to call, ' round.'
Yet, that is exactly what, in the choir more especially, they are not.
And then he adds that they are not merely round, but ' do not appear
extremely early specimens.' Well ; taking those of the choir to begin
with, what do we find ? On the outside, both above and below, and
on the alternate sides of each window, capitals whose abaci are, so far

158 DARLINGTON CHURCH.

as I know, unique, since they are neither round nor square, but of a
form exactly intermediate between the two ; square as to their general
outline, but, instead of being brought to a point, having their salient
angles gently rounded off. So far, indeed, from 'not appearing ex-
tremely early specimens,' nothing more intensely Transitional, whether
in form or spirit, could be conceived. Their opposite capitals in every
case, though exactly corresponding in other respects, and therefore
of the same age, have their abaci of the commoner and more fully
rounded form.

In the interior again, we find the abaci of the wall-arcade capitals
modelled in much the same way, not 'round,' but formed of parallel
straight sides with rounded fronts, and admirably suited to the section
of their arch-moulds, which sit upon them perfectly. (See p. 159, A
and B, below.)

More than this, however ; for besides their abaci, several of these
caps are enriched with foliage. Of what style then is this, of Pudsey's
day, or of 1230, or later ? Throughout, we find the stiff, formal, up-
right arrangement, and somewhat pinched and cramped grouping so
characteristic of the last decade of the twelfth century. The one
solitary exception to this prevailing stiffness is discovered in the lower
range of the north side, where, by a happy inspiration, the little
trefoil leaves, as stiff in arrangement however as the rest, are shown in
motion as though agitated by the wind.8 Yet, curiously enough, this

8 This slight variation of treatment has, of course, nothing whatever to do
with any difference of date, all are alike in that respect, but simply with
the innate love of change, and inventiveness of the carver. Though the
particular conceit became afterwards very generally adopted, and in a measure
characteristic of the pure Early English style, yet, like all other forms of detail,
it had its prototypes, and they may be found scattered about liberally in all
parts. Among other and early examples may be instanced the beautiful waving
and curling foliage of the choir capitals at Lincoln Minster, built by St. Hugh
between 1190 and 1200. at the very time the works at Darlington were going
on ; and where, it may be noted, the round abacus is used exclusively. Other
early examples of wind- waved foliage may be referred to, of a slightly later
character, at Coleby, in the same county ; as also at Moulton and Whaplode,
where, on the other hand, it is somewhat stiffer and earlier. It may be further
worth mentioning, perhaps, in connection with the subject of arch-moulds and
abaci, that at Coleby, the architect, who was evidently an able man, set Sir
Gilbert's rules completely at defiance ; for though the arches are of the usual
two chamfered orders, the capitals and abaci of the clustered columns, which
are clusters of eight, are not only of a different, but contrarient form, the
outline of the abaci of their main pointed bowtels projecting sharply beyond
the semi-octagonal faces of the arch-moulds at the cardinal points ; while
round, projecting capitals introduced intermediately, and in front of the
recessed angles between the two orders have, of course, no arch -moulds to
carry at all.

159

Pier? of

160

DARLINGTON CHURCH.

more advanced looking cap is found supporting the arch-moulds of the
central window, which are the earliest in type of all, and, like those of

its fellow opposite, re-
produce, with curious
similarity, the style of
Pudsey's great Norman
doorway in the castle hall
at Durham some twenty
years earlier.9 Then,
again, above this on two
I of the capitals of the up-
! per, and therefore later,
| storey, may be seen,

9 It has been urged by
more than one professional
architect that the embossed
fret-moulds of these lower
central windows are Norman,
and derived from an earlier
building. No greater mistake
could be made. In the first
place, as careful examination
abundantly proves, they are
of the very latest period of

the Transition, and synchronize exactly with all other parts of the same
range. They simply reproduce, with much modification, a form of ornament
which had then all but expired, just like the south doorway of the contemporary
church of Hartlepool, which contains the only piece of Transitional zig-zag
in that building. (See an admirable view in Billings's Durham County. ,) And
the reason for the adoption of this fretted pattern, and the exact place selected
for its introduction, may be seen clearly enough on reflection. Throughout the
whole of these lower ranges of windows the excessive, nay, almost exclusive, use
of parallel lines, light and dark, of rolls and hollows, alternately, both in jambs
and arches, can hardly fail to be observed. Now, the necessity for relieving the
otherwise inevitably monotonous effect of this arrangement, so obvious to the
old builders, may still be seen on scanning their work, and imagining for a
moment, this fretwork removed ; as well as, how exactly in the right place it is,
by picturing it, when there, in any other position. All must see how, un-
deniably, it is not only the right thing, but the right thing in the right place.
That, then, is its artistic raison d'etre. But there are other reasons for regarding
the work as contemporaneous with its surroundings. To suppose it to have come
from an earlier church would be to suppose its insertion there precisely at the
period when it was about to be demolished, not, I venture to think, a very
likely supposition. And then, the following facts would remain to be explained,
viz., how it came to pass that the mouldings, cut as they are to the same section
as the rest, should happen, by a further coincidence, nothing short of miraculous,
to be of exactly the same dimensions, both of breadth and depth ; and that the
fretwork should have been planned so as to fit, with the utmost nicety, two
differently proportioned surfaces, exactly filling the under side, or soffit, while
leaving the precise amount of margin requisite for effect, between the points of
the frets and the hood mouldings on the face ; whereas, had they been merely

SOUTH CHANCEL.

ARCHAEOLOOIA A ELI AN A, Vol. XVII. (between pp. 160 and 161.)

CJxjpcl? SapliDgto

reduced -frojp

Plate V.

ARCHAEOLOGIA AEL1ANA, Vol. XVII. (between pp. 160 and 161.)

Clxjpcb

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fc/J) ^'

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Plate VI.

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L .1 £_

THE GALILEE CHAPEL, DURHAM. 161

though, as might be expected, with far fuller and freer modelling, that
emphatically Transitional form of volute so familiar in his chapel of
the Galilee, and which dates from 1175.10

Clearly, therefore, since all the string-courses, window-jambs, arch-
moulds, hood-moulds (see plates V. and VI.), wall-arcades, and sculp-

old material re-used, they would, to an almost dead certainty, have had to be
trimmed and adapted, tant bien que trial, to their position.

Another point to be explained, too, would be the presence, which can only be
detected on the closest scrutiny, of the most perfect and beautifully formed
dog-tooth — that essentially Early English ornament, as it is usually considered—
at the intersection of the frets, and which is more highly developed even than
that which decorates, so remarkably, the adjoining windows to the east. And
then would come the further fact, which could not be explained at all, viz. :
that on either side, the pointed bowtel mouldings of the adjoining blank arches
are worked out of the same stones from which these fretted voussoirs spring ;
thereby proving, beyond contradiction, that they are the work, not only of the
same time, but of the same man.

But, it is objected further, that at the apex the points of the frets do not fit
with that degree of exact, and mathematical precision which they ought to do,
and that, therefore, the voussoirs cannot, originally, have been designed either
for their present shape or place. The objection, however, is taken from a purely
modern standpoint, and in complete ignorance or forgetfulness of medieval
methods. Men were not then, it should be remembered, the mere machines they
so commonly are now ; nor did they either set about, or execute, their work with
that mechanical and office-planned precision so dear to the modern architect and
clerk of works. Beginning with their arch-moulds at the bottom, they simply
went on cutting till they approached the top, and then filled in the intervening
space with stones of the required size. In many cases, as in the fine Early
English arcades at Kirkby Stephen church, that space proved to be too narrow
to allow the perfect penetration of the voussoir, which being thus brought to a

5oint before it reached the bottom, had no intrados at all. In the Norman
oorway of Heighington church, again, to take a more strictly local example,
the single row of arch zig-zags, which are all of large size, are brought so close
together at the crown that the pattern could not be carried on, and so the small
intervening space had to be treated in just such an irregular and abortive way
as its width allowed.

Here, at Darlington, the utmost that can be said is that, in one instance, the
figures, when they reach the apex, fall barely short of such absolute exactness
as might have been achieved had the dimensions of each stone been first of all
drawn out at full size, and then copied to a hair's breadth — and that is all.

10 Astonishing as Sir Gilbert's account of the capitals of these wall-arcades
is, it would seem, in one particular at least, to be surpassed by that of a
local antiquary (quoted approvingly by another) with respect to such of
them as exhibit these Transitional volutes. Because, apparently, they occur in
a very stiff and early form in the Galilee capitals, where the extreme tips of the
leaves only are curled up in a sharp point beneath the angles of the square
abaci ; he, at once, after echoing Sir Gilbert's dictum that ' we have mouldings
intended for square abaci resting on round ones,' jumps, with even greater
precipitancy, to the conclusion that these volutes — notwithstanding their
difference of design, and that they conform to their position beneath the round
abaci as perfectly as all the rest — had been originally provided with square
ones ; which latter, although both arch-moulds and volutes were, according to
his view, cut specially to fit them, were afterwards, and out of pure wrong-
headedness, rounded off ! A slightly later form of this very volute, I may add,
enriched with shallow flutings, may be seen beneath a circular abacus in the
northern jamb of the central eastern lancet of Kirkham abbey church.

VOL. XVIT. 21

162 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

tured foliage in both storeys are perfectly uniform, and of the most
distinctly Transitional character imaginable throughout, no place for
the advanced Early English style of the end of the first quarter of the
thirteenth century, 'or of details of 1220 or 1230, or later,' is to be
found in the choir. They must consequently be sought, if they are
to be Tound at all, in the crossing and transepts.

That these, generally, are of a slightly later date, though without
any ' solution of continuity,' cannot be doubted. The stern, archaic
severity of style, so striking in the windows of the eastern limb,
becomes, in those of the upper stories of the transverse ones, greatly
softened ; the obtuse design of the earlier choir-window heads springing
up here into lighter lancet forms, while the square, unmoulded edges
(see Plates V. and VI.) which distinguish them so remarkably, dis-
appear in those of the transepts altogether.

Here, then, at length, we might expect to discover some of those
4 many windows ' which Sir Gilbert declares ' evidently did not belong
to Pudsey.' They vary somewhat ; those of the south transept, like all
the rest of its details — as pertaining to the choir of the Lady
chapel11 — being much richer than those of the north, which only
formed its nave. On the exterior, the one clearstorey group has a
moulded outer order enriched with double rows of nail-head, which is
carried on slender, cord-like shafts having caps but no bases, while
the other is formed merely of two orders of broad and simple chamfers.
(For those on east side, as well as those of choir, see frontispiece.)
And thus, either group, viewed from the outside, might quite easily,
for anything that appears to the contrary, be, as Sir Gilbert says,
' of 1220 or 1230, or even later.' But, just as in literature, we know

11 Sir Gilbert, if I may be pardoned for saying so, seems, in an
unguarded moment, to have fallen into the vulgar error of assuming that the
richer work must, prima facie, be the later. In Darlington church, taken as a
whole, the exact contrary is the case, the contrast between the comparatively
late and plain work of the nave, and that of the choir and transepts being very
striking. It never, apparently, occurred to Sir Gilbert, any 'more than to the
local antiquaries who have treated of the subject, that the greater richness of
the south transept is due, not to its later date, which its own details, as well
as other and structural reasons, prove to be impossible, but to its having
formed the choir of the Lady chapel, as the presence of two contemporary
piscinae there, while there is none in the plainer northern one, sufficiently
shows. The church is thus seen to consist really, as it were, of two churches,
whose respective naves and chancels cross each other at right angles, with a
central tower and spire, common to both, at the intersection.

ROUND ABACUS INVENTED BY ENGLISH WILLIAM, AT CANTERBURY. 163

what usually happens when, for controversial purposes, a sentence,
or even part of a sentence, is severed from its context, so here, with
these windows. For we have but to go inside and view them in
connection with the blank arcades of which they are integral parts,
to see at once that they are of practically the same date as those
below, and which follow, with more or less exactness, those of
the choir. What the true date and character of these arcades is
may be discovered from the fact that in those of the north transept
there occur, mixed up indiscriminately with rounded, octagonal, and
semi-round and square ones, like those of the choir, no fewer than
six square abaci, three of them in the clearstorey, and which, by a
strange irony of fate, support, not, as according to his theory they
ought to do, square-shaped mouldings which they would exactly fit,
but broad chamfered ones, which, according to it, they don't fit
at all.12

IV.

The whole of this arcading, however, demands the closest atten-
tion, for it gives Sir Gilbert's undigested and superficial theory the
completest answer possible. His main contention against the choir
and transepts being the actual work of bishop Pudsey, as the
historians assert them to be, was that the arch-moulds of their
arcades were * square.' while the abaci of the capitals which receive
them were ' round.' Then, since the square abacus, like the square
section of mouldings, was the earlier, and the round, in either case,
generally, the later form, he at once saw a 'difficulty,' The two
forms (i.e., from a purely theoretical, and cut and dried office
point of view) did not agree, and therefore could not (as every one,
previous to the delivery of his lecture, had imagined) be contem-

12 Sir Gilbert, in one place, particularizes the simpler details of the north
transept as representing part of that ' great quantity of material ' which
Pudsey's workmen had prepared, but not placed. But as the chancel and its
details are evidently the earliest parts of the church, anything that remained
over after the stoppage, which he asserts took place at the level of the lowest
string-course, would naturally, on the resumption of the works, be used up there.
And then, since the moulds of the lower arcade are entirely square sectioned,
and as Sir Gilbert assures us, cut to be received on square abaci, how curious a
thing is it to find that the actual builders did not see things in that light at
all, but fitted what he calls the square-edged arch-moulds to round abaci,
while they took square abaci and fitted them to chamfered arch-moulds, with
which, according to his theory, they could have no affinity whatever

164 DARLINGTON CHURCH:

porary. So he at once jumped to the conclusion that, historians
notwithstanding, these round abaci must belong ' to the end of
the first quarter of the thirteenth century,' Darlington mean-
while going for five and thirty years or more without a church, of
which all the other parts were ready, and waiting only for these little
caps. And then, strange to say, when, after this long probation it
got them, they did not fit ! Why the carvers of 1230, after all their
experience in the use of the round abacus, which, though invented
by English William, at Canterbury, eleven years before the founda-
tions of Pudsey's church were laid, was then a novelty, should,
nevertheless, not make them fit ; and why Sir Gilbert should parade
the fact of such misfitting as a proof of the lateness, rather than, as
might naturally be supposed, earliness, of their date, is as unintel-
ligible as unexplained. 'Many of the mouldings,' he says (they are
all, however, practically alike (see p. 159, A and B, below), ' had been
worked to suit square abaci, and some were subsequently trimmed off
to prevent their overhanging, the new capitals were formed on the
round system, although the mouldings were square, which, but for the
trimming of the mouldings, would have overhung the circles.'

But, supposing for the moment, the fact to be as stated, how can it
possibly be held to show, or even suggest, that these abaci are of 1230
rather than 1193 or 1194? Surely the men of 1230, when the
feverish activity of the Transition had passed, and architectural life
had settled down into comparative calm, were far likelier, from
long experience of their use, to work with greater exactness than
those of the earlier date, who, having to adapt a somewhat unfamiliar
feature to well established forms, treated it with all the charac-
teristic freedom of their day. The fact is, however, that this
trimming off of the mouldings, of which Sir Gilbert makes so much,
does not occur in the choir, the earliest part, at all. Nor is it
discoverable in the multitudinous examples of the south transept,
which comes next ;13 but only, and that so slightly as to escape

13 That the south transept is, in the main, somewhat the earlier of the two,
and not built ' of fresh materials, with details entirely of their own, about 1220 ; '
while ' the north one was built of many of the old materials left behind ' by
bishop Pudsey, as stated by Sir Gilbert Scott and echoed by his followers, may
be inferred from the same reasons which induced the old builders everywhere to
commence at the east end, viz. : that it was the altar end, which it was universally
felt desirable to have finished first. Now, the south was the altar end of the

DATES OF TRANSEPTS. 165

notice altogether unless specially searched for, in three instances in
the north transept, the latest of the three limbs. And then, what,
after all, does it prove ? Evidently no point of date, nor any unsuit-
ableness of the rounded abaci to their arch-moulds, which here, in the

transept, and would therefore, naturally, on the same principle, be brought to a
speedier completion than the north, which, to some extent, could afford to wait.
That both went up systematically as far as the lowest string-course, with the
choir, we have clear proof from the fact, never noticed by Sir Gilbert, that, out-
side, the same courses of stone are carried uniformly round all three of them, the
top row throughout being remarkable for its much greater depth, and for the
shape of its stones which are nearly cubical. The second stage containing the
lower range of windows, is not, however, carried round in such even courses ;
and it is clear from its details, that the whole of the choir was then, with the
exception of their inner eastern angles, gone on with and completed before, and
independently of the transepts. In the clearstoreys of both transepts the
uniformity of line which distinguishes that of the choir is no longer either main-
tained or attempted ; the courses of the masonry which, however, is of the same
general character, being there broken. With respect to the two upper stages of
the transepts, those of the south, needful for its earlier completion, would seem
to have been pushed forward more immediately. That both of them are later
than those of the choir is shown by their distinct advance, as well in point of
plan as of style ; for whereas the arcades of the choir are all wide and of one
size, they are here much more numerous and contracted, two blank arches in-
stead of one being inserted, where practicable, between the windows. And then,
instead of the arch-moulds consisting any longer, as there, of a single pointed
bowtel below, and a round one above, between two simple hollows, we find a
roll and fillet between two hollows, the outer edges of the outermost one of
which are worked off into a chamfer. But, like those of the choir, all its arcade
capitals still continue to be round. In the lower range of the north transept,
on the other hand, though the arch-moulds are practically the same in section
and arrangement as in the south, the capitals vary. Here, for the first time, we
have square and octagonal forms intermingling with the round ; while in the
clearstorey the round capitals and all moulded forms disappear entirely both
inside and out, nothing but the simpler, though evidently later, chamfers being
used either for arches or abaci.

A further reason for supposing the north transept to be, in its upper parts,
the later of the two, may be seen in the fact that, while the arch opening from
the south transept to the nave aisle has its shafts, like those of the two earlier
eastern piers, as also those of the south-western one, composed exclusively of
pointed bowtels : although the northern shafts of the corresponding arch of the
north transept are of similar pattern, two of the southern ones, like most others
of the north-west pier with which they are incorporated, are round. And just
as the capitals of the south-west pier show an advance on those of the two
eastern ones in having pointed and moulded bells below their square abaci,
which the latter— enriched with stiff, Transitional foliage, like those of the choir
and south-transept arcades — have not. so the capitals of this great north-west
pier show a still further advance upon these, by having the points of their chief
abaci no longer left square, but either canted or rounded off ; all which, being
interpreted means that, though the lowest part of the north transept followed
on, like the south, after that of the choir, and the northern responds, of the
aisle-arch, naturally, went up along with it ; the north-west pier itself, without
which, of course, the transept could not be completed, was not proceeded with
for some little while after, its more advanced details being necessarily contem-
poraneous with the upper parts of the north transept which are bonded into, and
superimposed upon, it.

But a further, and, perhaps, more convincing proof that the south side of the
church, generally, was built before the north may be seen on comparison of the

166 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

remaining instances, as elsewhere, they fit perfectly ; but simply the
free, careless handling of the sculptor, who, in these particular capitals,
struck his circle, some quarter of an inch or so, too small. How con-
temptuous of such petty niceties he was, indeed, appears in another case,
which seems to have been planned of set purpose. Here (see p. 159,
C, below), instead of making his arch-moulds spring from any abacus
at all, he boldly sets their square springing block on the top of it, and
leaves its angles standing out defiantly. Such open disregard of tame
propriety would clearly have driven a modern clerk of works stark mad.
Only one further remark on the arcading of this transept, I think,
need be offered. On the outside, in the gable, which must necessarily
have been built after the walls were finished, is an arcade of three arches,
the central one pierced for a window. It is the only piece of external
arcading in the three eastern limbs, the precursor of that which, later
on, was applied to the clearstoreys and west end of the nave, and,
doubtless, therefore, among, if not the very latest of the earlier parts.
What, then, does it show us ? So far from any * details of 1220 or
1230, or even later,' exactly the same severe Transitional arch-moulds
as are found in the lower windows of the choir, and — tell it not in
(rath — carried, which they are not, on capitals with square abaci ! 14

And now, leaving this part of the subject, let us turn our attention
to the great arches and piers of the crossing, and the easternmost
arches and responds of the nave which are incorporated with, and form

north and south clearstoreys of the nave. Towards the south the arcades are
separated into compartments of three by narrow intervening strips of blank
walling, across which the hood moulds of the arches are carried horizontally, the
effect, though not, perhaps, positively bad, being yet far from satisfactory. On
the north side the design has been altered by making the arcade continuous, an
immense improvement. The collective evidence, then, of this later north nave-
clearstorey, of the later north-west pier, and of the two upper storeys of the
north transept, in which the square and octagonal abaci, which are seen else-
where only in the crossing arches and their small, upper, angle shafts, unques-
tionably the latest portions of the three eastern limbs, all tend to show that the
work was carried on first towards the south, leaving the northern portions to the
last ; the two upper storeys of the north transept following immediately after
those of the south, while the nave and its clearstoreys, carried on after their
completion, followed, evidently, the same course.

14 It is only proper, however, to say that these capitals and abaci were cased
many years ago with cement, and therefore some degree of uncertainty must
naturally attach to their evidence. But as to the severe and early type of the
window mouldings there can be no uncertainty at all. They are Transitional,
and nothing else.

USE OF THE ' POINTED BOWTEL.' 1 67

parcel of, them. Strange to say, Sir Gilbert would seem to have been
so entirely absorbed with the comparatively trivial and unimportant
wall-arcades and the abaci of their petty capitals as to have over-
looked these, the grandest and most conspicuous features of the church,
altogether. That they are also the latest parts of the richer and
earlier work, is clear from the fact that till the choir, transepts, and
eastern nave-arches, with the walling above them, were built, these
great crossing arches and their western piers could not have been set
up ; the eastern extremities of the nave walls being needed for abut-
ments to the two arches ranging east and west, just as, under similar
circumstances, was the case in the cathedral at Durham about a
century before. It is clear, therefore, that the subject of their date is
of the last importance, since it must either confirm, or conclusively
negative, Sir Gilbert's contention that the parts which preceded them,
the south transept more particularly, are 'of the end of the first
quarter of the thirteenth century.'

Let us then examine, as carefully as may be, these great crossing
arches; the piers and their caps which carry them; together with those
attached members, the arches opening into the nave aisles, and the
eastern nave arches, with the responds belonging to each respectively,
which are built up into, and form part of, the two western ones.

Now, among the various distinctive details of the Transitional
period, no one, it may safely be affirmed, is at once so universally met
with, and characteristic, as that known as the ' pointed bowtel.' It is
formed by two sides of a, more or less, equilateral spherical triangle ; and
is used, as well in arch-mouldings, as in shafts. Probably the earliest
local instance of its use in the former capacity occurs in the arches of
the Galilee (1175), where we see double ribs of this section used
alternately with, and as a foil to, zigzags. As a shaft we have it
locally in the responds of the Transitional parts of Staindrop, and
St. Helen's Auckland, churches ; and very freely, both as shaft and
moulding, in the nave and choir at Hartlepool. It supplies, indeed,
one of the most distinct and crucial tests of style that can be found.

Where, then, and to what extent, does it appear here ? Well, first
of all and chiefly in the twelve clustered shafts of the north-east and
south-east piers, the two earliest of the four, which are wholly, and
without exception, of this form. Next, in the three shafts of the re-

168

DARLINGTON CHURCH. 169

spond, or semi-pillar of the arch opening to the south aisle of the nave,
southwards. (See p. 168 for section, cap, and arch-moulds.) Then,
in the great south-western pier in which the corresponding shafts of
the respond of the aisle arch are imbedded, and which, to the exclu-
sion of all other forms, contains twelve such shafts. After that, in
the principal, and two lateral shafts of the respond of the arch opening
to the north nave aisle, northward; and then, lastly, in the great
north-west pier where, being used only for the principal shafts, it
appears four times towards the cardinal points. (See pp. 159 and 170
for sections and other details.) That is to say, out of forty-two shafts
altogether, no fewer than thirty-four are pointed; only eight round
ones, and those wholly subordinate, being found in the north-west
pier, the latest of the four.

Nor is that all, for besides being used so abundantly as a shaft, it
figures conspicuously as a moulding, the three soffit moulds of the
four great square-sectioned crossing arches being also of this form.

But the evidence of the pointed bowtel is far from being all that
is adducible as to the date of the transepts and crossing. All the
twelve capitals of the two eastern piers, infinitely more important
than those of the wall-arcades, and decorated with strongly marked
Transitional foliage, are surmounted by rigidly square abaci. In
the south-west and north-west piers again, while the abaci of the
subordinate pointed or rounded shafts follow their outlines respectively,
all the main shafts, together with the rectangular portions, have their
abaci square, those of the north-west pier having their angles just
perceptibly softened and rounded off. These arches and piers of the
crossing and nave aisles are seen, in their every detail in short, to be
of markedly and indisputably Transitional character throughout, and
to have no more connection with the ' advanced Early English
architecture of the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century '
on the one hand, than with that of Flambard or Galfrid Rut us on the
other.

But yet further and, if possible, more convincing proof of the true
date of these transepts. Sir Gilbert, it will be remembered, allowed
that, up to the string-courses below the lower windows, the work
is of Pudsey's day. And so, both outside and inside, the respective
string-courses pursue their way throughout choir and transepts uni-
xvn. 22

170

"Etefoih of

DAELINGTON CHURCH. 171

formly. That, so far, is sufficient proof that all, up to that height,
at any rate, is of one date. The lowest interior string-course,
however, is but one out of four, the next to it being that which
surmounts the lower windows and wall arcades. And this, too,
although altered for one of richer character above the altars of the
south transept, is of equally pronounced Transitional character as the
one below, and carried uniformly throughout both choir and north
transept. Then, after that, we come to the second horizontal main
string below the upper, or clearstorey windows, once more of precisely
the same frank, uncompromising Transitional section as that below the
lower windows. And this, after running round the entire choir, and
being continued as an abacus mould to the square capitals of the two
eastern piers, is then, after traversing the three sides of both transepts,
not only used again as abacus mould to the two western piers, but
carried on as a string below the clearstorey windows to the west end of
the nave. Last of all is the fourth, or uppermost string, or hood-
mould of the clearstorey which, of exactly the same unmistakable
contour as those below, is continued round the choir and south
transept, though changed for one f a somewhat altered form in the
north; (see p. 154, fig. 1).

Since then, the whole skeleton and framework of the three eastern
limbs, as shown by these several string-courses, of which Sir Gilbert
was in far too great haste to take any account at all, are for the most
part continuous, identical, and of Transitional style, it follows that
the whole must be continuous, identical, and of Transitional style
too. In other words, we see from their own internal evidence that
they are not what Sir Gilbert Scott 'conjectures' them to be, viz., 'of
the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century,' but exactly
what the historians declare that they are — the actual work of Pudsey
himself, and finished in his lifetime.

VI.

We come now, at length, to the nave. That Pudsey lived to see the
completion of this part of the structure is, I think, somewhat doubtful.
Up to, and including the easternmost arch of the nave on either side,
which, as we have seen, with the walls above them, were necessary as
abutments to the crossing, the work was throughout of a highly

172 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

enriched and ornate character. There, however, that character
suddenly and at once stops, and for good. True, the nave was only
the place of the parishioners, a sort of vestibule or ante-chapel to the
more strictly collegiate choir which lay beyond, and its comparatively
austere simplicity might well enough be accounted for on such
grounds alone. But there may, not improbably, have been other
grounds than these. In the first place, it is not easy, on such view of
the case, to account for the magnificence of its eastern arches and their
supporting pillars, differing so entirely as they do from all the rest.
There are no signs of these eastern bays having ever formed part of
the sanctuary of a people's altar, or of any screen work which served
as a reredos to it ; though such, indeed, might possibly have been the
case, as at the collegiate church of Bonhommes at Edington, and
elsewhere. Were they only designed to indicate such a purpose as this,
however, a far simpler ordonance would have sufficed; nor would
there have been any need for the arches opening from the side aisles
to the transepts to have been of the like degree of richness. The
explanation would, perhaps, rather seem to be that Pudsey's death took
place when the works had reached that particular point. Then, the
stream being cut off from the fountain head, the idea of completing
the church according to the original scheme, already commenced, was
forthwith abandoned ; all further operations being thenceforth carried
on and finished by his executors in a far less expensive way than
before, and with just such remnant of means as they could command.
That any actual stoppage of the works took place, however, there
is nothing, I think, to show. There is no more difference of style
observable, indeed, between the work of the transepts and that of the
nave, than between that of the choir and of the transepts, that is to
say, the mere slight advance accruing from daily growth, and nothing
more. With the single exception of the Transitional string-course
below the clearstorey windows, which, as there were no breaks to mark
the change, was doubtless continued for the sake of uniformity, the
merging of the Transitional into more distinctly Early English forms
is accomplished so gradually as to be hardly perceived, or even per-
ceivable. Yet, for all that, it is there and can be felt. But a very
perceptible change in plan, if not in detail, and one which is
patent to the eyes of the most casual observer, is to be seen in the

THE GROUND PLAN. 173

treatment of the wall-arcades. Hitherto, throughout the church, both
in the choir and transepts, with the single exception of the triplet in
the north transept gable already referred to, they have been confined
strictly to the interior. In the nave they are confined just as strictly
to the exterior, a commencement made at the eastern interior angles
of the north and south clearstoreys being instantly stopped. The
three western bays on either side are not only much plainer in style
than the eastern ones, but, as a reference to the ground plan will
show, of much wider span. The arches, of three perfectly plain
chamfered orders, are carried on alternate circular and octagonal
pillars counterchanged, the one form being set opposite the other,
and the same order is observed in their responds. Owing to their
increased span, the curvature of these arches is excessively obtuse ;
so much so that in the westernmost ones it is almost, if not quite
impossible, to distinguish them from semicircles.15 A grave defect is
also observable in the circular columns ; they are much too massive
for their superincumbent arch-moulds. From there being three rows
of chamfers employed, the result is that the outermost rows in the
several arches, at the point of springing, almost touch each other, a
mere edge only being left between them. Viewed full front, the effect
is unobjectionable enough ; but diagonally, and at right angles to the
line of chamfers, then the column appears to be nearly twice the
diameter of what it carries, a proportion, it is hardly necessary to say,
as constructively wrong as it is artistically bad. We have heard
what Sir Gilbert has had to say about certain of the ' square-edged '
arch-moulds of the choir and transept wall-arcades not fitting their
round abaci, but, in two or three cases, slightly overhanging them,
and the astonishing theory he constructed to account for such
microscopical discrepancy. It cannot, therefore, but excite curiosity
as to what he would have said in the case of this indisputably later
work, where diamond-shaped arch-moulds are set on round capitals
nearly double their own bulk, and which they make no pretence to fit
at all ! 1G But, like the great crossing arches and their supports, they

15 In the case of the westernmost arches on either side, the rounded form is
intensified through the failure of the foundations having caused the west wall
and the attached responds to fall out, thus allowing the arches to spread.

16 It cannot be too much insisted on how thoroughly self -invented, fictitious,
and contrary to all experience this theory of Sir Gilbert's as to the exact
correspondence to be looked for between the outline of arch-moulds and their

174 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

would doubtless have proved highly inconvenient to his newly invented
theory, and so he, very judiciously, never either saw, or mentioned
them at all. In the octagonal shafts, which are much slighter than
the circular ones, and whose capitals expand considerably, this mistake
is avoided.

As originally constructed, the external walls of the side aisles were
little more than half their present height, the roofs descending to the
top of the dwarf Early English buttresses which still remain at the

abaci is. As a matter of fact it can scarcely, in practice, be found to receive
any illustration at all. If, for example, we take the very commonest of
thirteenth century arch forms, i.e., of two plain chamfered orders carried on
circular shafts, we see that while the abaci are round the arches sit on them in
the form of a cross ; whereas, to suit such forms, the abaci, according to bis
showing, should be of a quatrefoil or cruciform plan, which, except in the rare
case of quadruple columns, they never are. But however full of such theories
Sir Gilbert might be, the old architects knew evidently nothing of them, and
cared less. These very mouldings at Darlington which he persists so constantly
in calling ; square ' are really, at their springing, nothing of the kind, but
consist of two rolls, filleted or plain, between three hollows, which sit upon
their circular abaci in as natural and artistic a way as possible. Had he, when
in the neighbourhood, but extended his researches in local Transitional work as
far as Billingham, he would have seen with what practical contempt his ideas
were treated by the builder of the south arcade there. As usual, the arches are
of two square orders, with their angles rounded off, thus forming at their
springing line an exact Greek cross. But the abaci from which they spring are
squares enclosing those crosses. It results, therefore, that the projecting angles,
as any one may see by first drawing a square, then applying others of the
same size to each of its four sides, and then drawing another enclosing the
whole, are of precisely the same size as the four limbs ; in other words, that
these abaci are exactly twice the size of the arch-moulds which they carry,
while bearing no resemblance whatever to them in shape. Nor is that all. The
columns which carry these abaci and arch-moulds are five in number, a stout
circular one in the middle, with four smaller ones attached. But in what way ?
Not, as might naturally be expected, beneath the four limbs of the cross, which
they would thus serve, or at least seem, to carry, but beneath the projecting
square angles of the abaci, where there is, of course, nothing at all for either
shafts or abaci to carry.

And then, if not too much shocked with these Billingham examples, he had
gone on to examine the really ' advanced Early English work ' in the Nine
Altars at Durham, he might have seen enough, not only to check all further
enquiry, but any repetition of his theory, for all time to come. He tells us in
respect of the three particular instances in which the round abaci of the
Darlington wall-arcades are cut just perceptibly too small, that the arch-moulds
had^to be trimmed off, for if that had not been done, they would have overhung
their abaci ; and then, on the strength of that frightful state of things, proceeded
to construct his theory of there being thirty, or five and thirty years difference
of date between the two. What then would he have said in the case of the arch
opening from the Nine Altars chapel into the south aisle of the choir, where
there is no resemblance between the mouldings and their abaci at all, and
where two of them would, if continued, have overshot the abaci altogether ? As
it] was, we find the sculptor turning the ' difficulty,' which his contemptuous
disregard of mathematical niceties had brought about, into simple sources of
artistic triumph by carving the extremity of the one into a distorted face,
horror struck at being about to be launched into space, and carrying the other
on the widespread wings of a flying eagle.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. (to face p. 175/

Plate VII.

^Cuthberfs Church DorJinpton .

N. Original form of AisJe$.

measured ^Drxaurn by

A. Exiting Cap of main Arcade
B • Corbel in Ai£le Wall.
C • Springer o-f Cr>o£$/\r>c!h.
D • Toothings in Spa ndj'i)

of IDain Arcade.
E • Line of Flashing Groove

against Transept Vail.
Y SugQe^fed Form of
d FOT-TD of Roof.

uJ U5LJ

DECORATED WINDOWS IN AISLES. 175

west end and on both sides. Inside, these steeply inclined roofs were
carried on transverse arches of stone, which much resembled, and
acted as, flying buttresses, spanning the aisles from just above the
capitals of the pillars to corbels set at a much lower level in the out-
side walls. Two of these latter, together with the springer of one of
the transverse arches, may still be seen in the north aisle. As the
accompanying illustration (see plate VII.) shows, these supports con-
sist of something more than a simple half-arch, having an apex and
part of an opposite side attached to the wall of the nave as well. Exact
restoration proves what, from the existing fragment, is not at once
apparent on the spot, viz., that if continued, the line of the inner side
would form a perfect counterpart to that of the outer one ; in other
words, that both sides, being of the same radius, and struck from the
same level, would form a nearly equilateral arch.17 When, at a later
date, the outer walls of the aisles were raised, these transverse arches,
no longer suited to the altered circumstances, were destroyed.

As almost everywhere else in the country, this raising of the walls
was effected for the purpose of obtaining more light. Large and fine
Decorated windows of two lights, with square heads and admirably
drawn net-tracery, were accordingly, about the middle of the four-
teenth century, made to take the place of the original low and dwarf
lancets. They have been slightly, but most carefully, restored
wherever decayed, during the late Sir Gilbert Scott's restoration, and
in a way which should serve as a model in all like cases everywhere.

Turning to the exterior, we at once observe that arch-moulds
exactly similar to those of the transepts, consisting of a roll and fillet

17 The restored elevation of this transverse arch has been most kindly drawn,
after careful measurement, at my suggestion, by Mr. Pritchett, architect, of
Darlington. The latest published archaeological account of the church, repeat-
ing the statement made in Mr. Longstaffe's history, says that the aisles
were vaulted. This, as the drawing shows, is a complete mistake. There
was never any vaulting whatever. Though not by any means unique, this
fashion of supporting the roofs of the side aisles was somewhat uncommon. We
find it still existing in the contemporary nave aisles at Hartlepool, notwith-
standing the raising of the outer walls there as here, though, in that case, the
arches are equal sided, and sprung from the same, or nearly the same, level. In
Llandaff cathedral pointed transverse stone arches, similar to these at Darling-
ton, also occur ; but again, owing to the different proportions of the arcades, of
perfect and complete form. At lona, too, there is a very curious application of
the same principle. In that case, however, instead of the transverse supports
being slight and resting upon corbels as in the foregoing instances, they consist
of massive moulded half-arches descending from above the capitals of the
columns to the base of the outer walls, where they rise independently from the
ground.

176 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

between two hollows, and surmounted by a hood, are continued
along the clearstoreys, three arcades, of which the central one is
pierced for a window, being given to each bay. And again, notwith-
standing that the section of the arches is what, in the case of the
choir and transepts, it suited Sir Gilbert to call square, we find
them, precisely as before, fitted to caps having round abaci, than
which nothing more suitable could be conceived, and which all fit
perfectly. But of these, so conspicuous, and impossible to be ignored
as they are, and in respect of whose several parts it would be futile
to suggest any disparity of date, he has, once more, nothing whatever
to say. They are, in fact, exactly the self-same characteristic mould-
ings of the period which are met with all over the country, and
carried on capitals of just such rounded form as were commonly and,
indeed, universally, applied to them.

The same line of arcading which forms the clearstorey is continued,
with a slightly increased height, across the west end of the nave.
This is pierced for two windows at that level, and for one over them
in the gable, the whole forming, perhaps, as chastely simple and
elegant a composition as can be found. Below, in the great west
doorway, we meet, under a pedimented head, with a deep archway of
three orders of square-set roll-and-hollow mouldings, but, like those
of the choir, without fillets, and carried on similar round caps,
as perfectly fitted to each other as caps and mouldings, of any sort,
can be anywhere. Of these, once more, however, since they would
have proved utterly subversive of his theory, Sir Gilbert, although
he himself supplied them with new shafts and circular capitals, has,
prudently, not a word to say.

On the north and south sides are similar shafted doorways, but
smaller and simpler, and having only plain chamfers for their arch-
moulds. Both originally had porches, the walls of which rose high
above those of the low side aisles, and, standing out transeptally,
served to break the monotony of their continuous and steeply sloping
roofs. The ridges of these porch roofs were about level with those of the
aisles themselves beneath the clearstorey, but both roofs and porches
were, apparently, destroyed when the aisle walls were raised to their
present height.

A slight, but marked difference of design occurs in the nave

THE ROOFS. 177

clearstoreys which, since it is, I think, universally unnoticed, seems
worth pointing out. Towards the south, each bay is marked off by
the introduction of flat and narrow pilaster buttresses, or wall strips ;
just sufficient to mark the distinction and no more. Small and in-
significant as they are, however, they serve, quite visibly, to interrupt
and mar the continuity of the arcade. Towards the north these
pilaster strips are omitted ; and, however correct in principle they
may be, very greatly, I think, to the advantage of the general effect.
Though there would, of course, be no break in the continuance of the
works, this improved arrangement would seem to point pretty clearly
to the fact that the north clearstorey of the nave, like the upper part
of the north transept, followed, if not the completion, at least the
commencement, of that opposite to it.

VII.

With the single exception of the roof of the choir, those of the
church generally, up to the time of the late restoration, retained not
only very nearly their ancient pitch, but also their ancient leaden
coverings. Having suffered no greater loss than that of the decayed
ends of their rafters, the defect was all the more readily made good,
and they have now, once more, been brought back to their proper
height.18 An entirely new roof of corresponding form and character
having also been placed upon the chancel, in lieu of a very poor and
flat one of the fifteenth century, the general outline of the building
which, till then, had been utterly ruined, has also recovered its pristine
dignity. At the same time, nearly the whole of the east end above
the lowest string-course, which had been destroyed in 1748, and

18 In Mr. Longstaffe's History of Darlington, a work, generally speaking,
full of interesting and valuable detail, some highly original and surprising
ideas in connection with the roofs of the church are broached. Instead of being
of the original construction, as they unquestionably are, he supposes them to be
of the Decorated period, and to have supplanted those of Pudsey's or some later
date. These, he imagines, were of stone, springing, not as they should have
done, and as everywhere else, in such cases, they invariably did, from the bottom
of the clearstorey, but from the top, and coinciding in form and altitude with the
open discharging arches which surmount those of the crossing. Then, these
vaulted roofs being, in the fourteenth century, held accountable for the various
settlements which took place at that time, instead of the weight of the new tower
and spire which actually caused them, and below, and in immediate connection
with which they alone occurred, led, as he supposes, to their removal, and to the
erection of the present roofs in their stead. But, ingenious as the theory may
be, it is far too ingenious to be true ; the very slightest knowledge of construo

178 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

rebuilt in a cheap and nasty fashion, was taken down and recon-
structed according to the original design, and, very largely, with its
own disembedded and original materials. These proved to be of the
utmost value as affording evidence not only of what the design was,
but of the exact form and proportion of its component parts. Pre-
vious to this discovery, Sir Gilbert, jumping to just as hasty and
erroneous a conclusion with respect to its plan as to that of its date,
had a large and very fine folio drawing, prepared by the late Mr.
R. J. Johnson, showing it in what purported to be its original con-
dition. That, notwithstanding the considerably greater width of the
choir, and the fact that the head of the low central buttress remained
intact below the lowest string-course, as it does still, he * conjectured '
to consist of four lancet lights, arranged two and two in each storey
like those of the transepts, with the buttress running up between
them, and a foiled circle in the gable over all. The recovered vous-
soirs prove, however, what the very slightest reflection might have
shown, that such could not possibly have been the case. The head of
the buttress, as clearly appeared, was fixed in the first instance where
it is ; because, though with a different grouping, the east end, like the
sides, was lighted in each stage by three windows, which, of course,
forbade its being carried higher.19 Yet, Sir Gilbert, esteeming its

tion sufficing to show that it is impossible. Independently of the fact that such
vaults were unknown in English architecture, it may be added that unless the
space to be covered be very narrow and the supporting walls low and of great
strength or very powerfully buttressed, vaults sprang from their summits would
speedily and surely fall. But the height and breadth of the four limbs of
Darlington church are too great, and the construction of the walls too feeble to
have allowed the erection of any such vaults at all ; and which, even if erected,
instead of standing for two centuries, as supposed, would not, probably, have
stood for as many weeks. Moreover, the action of the vaults would have been
to thrust all the walls of the church, in their entire extent, out from the top,
which is not the case ; and not to have driven them vertically into the ground
beneath the angles of the tower only, as has actually happened.

19 In three other thirteenth-century Durham churches, the same remarkable
feature of a dwarf buttress in the centre of the east wall of the chancel, and
stopped short below the sill of the central lancet, also occurs. We see it at
Gainford, within a few miles' distance, where the work is exactly contem-
poraneous with this at Darlington, and as the similarity of some of the
decorative features to those in the south transept there serves to show, probably
executed by the same man. Also at Ryton, of rather later date, and again at
Easington, where there are five lights instead of three. It is found also in the
case of the fine thirteenth-century abbey church of Egliston, near Barnard
Castle, beneath the sill of the large and very peculiar east window of five lights,
which, under a deep and richly moulded arch penetrating the entire thickness
of the wall, fills the whole extremity of the choir.

THE EAST END. 179

witness of no more account than that of the historians, and as hastily
impatient of it as of the architecture of the other parts, had it carried
up, theoretically, notwithstanding.

But, to the recovered details. They showed, in the first place, that
the mouldings of the triplets followed exactly in each storey the
respective patterns of the side lights. But they happily did more than
this. They enabled the radii of the arches, and consequently the
width of the windows, to be accurately ascertained. Still more, and
most important, perhaps, of all, a double springer connecting the
central light with that on one side, showed that the three, besides
being of unequal width, were also of unequal height; the one side of
it taking the curve of the head of the lower or side light, while the
other one went up vertically. Every available stone has been carefully
replaced in these fine and impressive windows, both inside and out; while
the sections of the capitals of the recovered nook-shafts, too mutilated
for reinsertion, have been carefully reproduced. (See Plates V. and VI.)
Like the rest, they fit their places and their mouldings admirably.20

But little further, from an architectural point of view, remains to
say. As left by its first builders, the church continued untouched till
about the middle of the fourteenth century, when, as we have seen,
the aisles were raised, and the tower, which, till then, had remained
unfinished, received its rich upper storey and tall tapering spire ;
crowning glories, but alas ! crowning griefs. Admirable in design, and
harmonizing perfectly with all below, they served, as in the parallel, if
far grander case of Salisbury, to give just that amount of increased
richness so desirable for accentuating such features, and relieving at the
same time the, perhaps, otherwise, somewhat monotonous uniformity
of the rest.

20 The restoration of the chancel was committed by the then lay impropriator,
Harry, fourth duke of Cleveland, to Mr. J. P. Pritchett of Darlington, to
whose courtesy and kindness, and that of his son, Mr. H. D. Pritchett, the
society is indebted for the use of all such of his many drawings, photographs,
plans and sections of parts, and mouldings, as might be deemed useful for the
illustration of this account. Several of the latter were taken at the time, of
full size, neither sketched nor measured, but traced from the stones themselves,
which, after being carefully cleaned, were laid upon the paper. The accompany-
ing sections, reproduced from these tracings, may therefore be depended upon
for absolute and altogether exceptional accuracy. I am happy to add here my
testimony to the extreme care and perfect success with which the restoration of
the chancel, using the term in its fullest and most exact sense, has been carried
out. Nothing, indeed, could have been done in an abler, more scrupulously con-
scientious, or conservative wav.

180 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

Inspired, in all likelihood, by the arcading of the clearstorey, the
fourteenth-century architect adopted a similar scheme of decoration
for his belfry stage.21 If not quite unique it must, I think, be very
nearly so, and is, at any rate, of a very unusual character indeed.
As will be seen from the exterior views, it consists of a series of
five pointed arches on each face of the tower, the central one of which
only pierces the wall, divided into two lights each, and filled, like
the aisle-windows, with net-tracery. As in their case again, this is
beautifully formed, and has the peculiarity, very rare indeed at its
period, of having soffit cusping. This contrast of proportions imparts
a degree of delicacy and refinement to the work altogether admirable ;
and which, but for the circumstance of the design being continuous
and not confined to a single panel, might probably not have occurred.
Why the long destroyed mullions of the central windows should not
have been replaced either at, or since, the time of the restoration, but
the openings suffered to remain blocked with hideous louvre-boards
passes comprehension. The black ugliness of these blotches constitutes
a blemish and eye-sore visible, far and wide, in all directions ; and goes
farther, outside, to spoil the effect of the church, and of all that has
been done for it, than could easily be imagined.

Only the lower third of the spire is original, the upper parts having
been destroyed by lightning 'on Tuesday, the 17th July, 1750.' In
the rebuilding which, on the whole, was effected in a very creditable
and praiseworthy manner, the angle beading, which still remains
below, was, most unfortunately, omitted, to the great detriment of its
effect. The wonderful softness and richness of outline imparted, not
merely to the angles themselves, but to the spire as a whole, by a
device so seemingly trivial, could hardly, I think, be realized before
viewing what remains of it in connection with the comparatively bald
nakedness of the rest. Nothing, perhaps, could serve to illustrate
more completely the masterly skill and judgment of the old builders
than the adoption of so simple and effective a feature as this.

21 In the History of Darlington it is stated that ' The tower has a series of
five Early English arches at each side filled with Decorated tracery, the centre
one pierced as a belfry window.' The arches, of course, are nothing of the
kind, but of late fourteenth-century work, of the same date as the walls, of
which they form part, of the spire which surmounts, and of the tracery which
not only fills, but is incorporated with, and worked out of the same stones as
themselves.

TOWER AND SPIRE. 181

A few words only as regards the present state and aspect of the
church in conclusion. Notwithstanding the vast amount of money,
care, and talent which have been expended on it, the interior of the
building, although galleries and other obstructions of phenomenal
magnitude have been cleared away, remains still in a condition utterly,
and from every point of view, deplorable. Not that anything, as so
almost universally happens, has been done amiss, far from it; but
that, while so many things have been done, and done as well as
possible, that which above all else cried out for remedy has simply
been left undone.

I have already spoken of the new tower and spire as being some-
thing more than crowning glories, viz., crowning griefs. Could their
builders only have foreseen half the mischief that was to follow, it may
safely, I think, be said of their work, that they would have ' let that
alone for ever.' Sir Gilbert Scott, however, unless gravely mis-
reported, would seem to have taken a wholly different view of the
case, and come to the conclusion that they not only calculated before-
hand what disasters would ensue, but proceeded at once, and before
commencing operations, to provide the remedies. These, as the
plan and views will help to show, amounted to nothing less than
the deliberate destruction of nearly all the chief beauties of the
church. The westernmost windows of the choir, both above and
below on each side, together with their attached wall-arcades, were
accordingly solidly blocked up ; the splendid clustered shafts at the
eastern intersection of the transepts, up to and including their fine
foliated capitals, embedded in shapeless masses of rude masonry;
the eastern windows of the transepts, one below in the north, and
two, one above and another below, in the south, likewise built up ;
huge ungainly props or buttresses constructed across the angles
of the choir and transepts externally; and worst, or nearly worst
of all, perhaps, the beautiful wall-arcading of both choir and tran-
septs, but especially of the south transept, filled up flush with
stonework, thereby completely ruining the whole beauty and symmetry
of its design. But worse, if possible, than all this put together, at
any rate from a practical, or utilitarian point of view, in order to
prevent the buckling of the eastern piers, a platform of solid stone,
some thirteen feet high and seven broad, and pierced in its centre

182 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

by a low and narrow archway, exactly like a bridge, was introduced
between them, shutting off the choir, all but entirely, from sight and
sound, and leaving it as practically useless, as its adjoining parts dis-
figured.22 All this, unhappily, has been allowed to remain precisely
as it was. And all this, Sir Gilbert asks us to believe, the builders of
the tower and spire perpetrated deliberately, with their eyes open, and
in cold blood, before they commenced their work. < Bishop Pudsey,
he thought, never intended the piers to support a tower of anything
like the weight of the one resting upon them. The builders of the
tower, indeed, had evidently distrusted them, as they built up the
windows, as was seen on both sides of the piers, and also constructed
the screen.'

How such an idea could have presented itself to any mind what-
ever, least of all to that of a practical builder and archaeologist like
Sir Gilbert Scott, seems altogether unintelligible. Where, it may be
asked, in all the length and breadth of the land, is anything like a
parallel case to such proceedings to be found ? Desperate remedies to
avert impending ruin may be seen, scattered all over, plentifully
enough ; but where, a single instance of wholesale propping and muti-
lation practised speculatively beforehand, when, to all appearance, the
existing works, exhibiting no signs of weakness or decay, seemed fully
equal to the purpose ? It was never, in any case, until signs of failure
made their appearance, that such remedies were either supplied or
dreamt of. Nor, indeed, was it possible in such cases, any more than
in that of the human subject, to know, before the development of the
symptoms, either the kind or extent of the remedies required, or
whereabouts they should be applied. How, at York for example,
could the builders of the central lantern possibly have imagined that
the enormous piers, capable apparently, of carrying any weight that
could be laid upon them, would prove inadequate to the load of
even such a structure, nearly all windows, and vaulted merely with
wood? But we see, as they themselves did when too late, how

22 Whether ' William the engineer,' who was employed by bishop Pudsey
during the latter part of his life, was the designer of the church at Darlington or
not, cannot now be said. From the total absence of all engineering capacity
displayed in its construction, however, as in that of other works presumably
proceeding from the same hand, we might be led to suppose that, in all
probability, he was. As an architect, from the artistic point of view, he was
doubtless a conspicuous success ; as an engineer, like his works, structurally
considered, in an only too literal sense — a failure.

TOWER AND SPIRE. 183

its weight drove those piers vertically eight inches into the ground,
and not only dragged down and dislocated all the adjoining masonry
in the most frightful way along with them, but pushed the piers
and arches of the transepts also greatly out of place. All the
patchings and pieceings which, in order to conceal distortions and
make good defects, were necessarily on a very extensive scale, and,
as we may be sure, very reluctantly undertaken, took place, not, of
course, as Sir Gilbert would make out in the case of Darlington,
beforehand, but only after the extent and direction of the settlements
was revealed.

And so, too, at Canterbury, where much the same kind of thing
occurred, only on a far more extensive scale, and in a slightly different
way. There too, when under very similar circumstances to those at
York, prior Goldstone, in 1495, carried up the splendid * Angel Steeple,'
he had, as the builders in that case, to make use of vast piers containing
the work of various periods from that of Lanfranc (1070-77) down to
about a century before his own. These also, refaced largely as they
were at the latter date, looked, doubtless, thoroughly efficient. But
the usual result followed, and that, apparently, without delay, for the
same prior is reported to have built not the tower only, but that
unparalleled system of arch-bracing and buttressing which still serves
to keep it up. Two great strainer arches then, would seem, almost
immediately, to have been thrown across, at about mid-height, below
the western and southern arches ; while four other smaller arches were
built as additional supports to the two western piers on which they
rested, across the east ends of the north and south aisles of the nave,
and beneath the easternmost nave arches on either side ; those last-
named arches themselves being further immensely strengthened by
the introduction of massive inner arches carried on additional
responds applied to the crossing, and final nave, piers alike. (For
a full and most admirable account of these works, see the late
Professor Willis's Canterbury Cathedral.} In the case of a tower built
anew from the foundations, it is clear that an architect would be
able, to some approximate extent, to calculate the amount of pressure
and thrust which it would exercise, and provide for both accordingly.
But, in cases such as these, it was otherwise. They neither did, nor
could, know what the hearts of those huge and superficially strong

184 DARLINGTON CHURCH COMPARED WITH

piers were like. They had no idea whatever either of the quality
or extent of the unsound work within, nor could they possibly
predicate whereabouts, or how far, they would yield to the new
strain, or, indeed, whether they would yield at all. At Chichester, as
we know, the piers of the central tower, though wholly unfortified
by extraneous support, yet bore their new load, rotten, as recent
experience has shown their cores to have been, for full five hundred
years. How then, could the builders, either at Canterbury or York,
form any idea of when, or where, or in what shape, or to what
extent, the yielding, if it ever occurred at all, would declare
itself? Though the exact date of the Canterbury work is
unknown, nothing, I think, could serve to show more clearly
than the very intricacy and extent of the system of stiffening
and counterfchrusts established there, that it must necessarily
have been carried out, not by any mere previous guess-work at weak-
nesses of which there were no signs, but only after such weaknesses
had declared themselves, and then, at the precise points, and to the
exact degree, required.

At "Wells and Salisbury, again, both of whose central towers, pos-
sessing piers of less bulk, and more uniform construction than those
of Canterbury and York, and therefore more analogous to the case of
Darlington, we find all the buttressing appliances to be subsequent,
not prior to, the new works. At Wells, indeed, not only those works,
and the mischiefs they caused, and the means taken to remedy them,
but the Chapter Acts as well, remain to tell us all particulars. Just
as at Darlington, the original early piers and arches, with the super-
structure, had been carried up only to the roofs. There the building
stopped. Then, some thirty years or so before the tower and spire of
Darlington were built, the upper parts of the tower were proceeded
with in 1321. In less than six years time, however, though of no
great height or weight, the Chapter meetings tell us of the threatened
ruin of the structure. * One thousand pounds spent and two hundred
pounds of debt,' says Professor Willis, 'attest the expenditure, and the
means resorted to are still too visible. The lofty tower arches,
excepting the eastern, are each,' he proceeds, ' obstructed by a massive
frame of masonry, consisting of an inverted arch, resting upon a low
arch, each spandril space being occupied by a circle, connecting these

WELLS, SALISBURY, AND CANTERBURY CATHEDRALS. 185

two arches with the tower arch responds, between which they stand,
in such a manner as effectually to prevent the latter from bulging in.
The fractured and distorted masonry of the nave was also repaired or
rebuilt, its triforium spaces walled up, and other buttressing con-
trivances introduced. These various devices have proved perfectly
successful in sustaining the tower, but detract greatly from the beauty
of the interior.' The remedies, we see, were applied, as doubtless
they were at Canterbury, just where the actual development of
fractures showed that they were needed. For how, otherwise, could
the restorers have known beforehand, or even guessed, that in this
case as in that, the two western piers only would give way, while the
two eastern ones would stand firm, and need no buttressing at all ?
Priors and convents, like private people, did not usually, one may sup-
pose, anticipate evils that might possibly not exist, nor incur doctors'
bills and discomfort till something really ailed them.

Salisbury, however, affords the exactest parallel of all of these to
Darlington. There the addition was not merely of a tower, but of a
spire as well. There, too, no remnants of an earlier building were
incorporated in the existing one, and there too the walls had been
carried up only to the ridges of the roof. Moreover, exactly as
at Darlington, the original builders, as is clear, had never designed
the piers and arches of the crossing to carry anything like the load
subsequently laid upon them. Both buildings also, as well as their
after additions, are curiously contemporaneous : the foundations of
Darlington having been laid in 1192, and those of Salisbury in 1220 ;
while the tower and spire of Salisbury were commenced about 1331,
and those of Darlington about 1350.

But, just as at Wells and Canterbury, so here again ; no sooner
were the new works completed, than symptoms of approaching ruin
set in. Chapter meetings from 1387 to 1417, testify to the danger,
and to the anxious collection of funds wherewith to meet it. How
threatening it was the remedies applied prove. Again, curiously
enough, as at Wells and Canterbury, it was the western piers which
gave way. Although not so massive as those employed at Wells, the
remedies resorted to were similar in kind, namely, the introduction of
inverted arches into the north and south openings of the small
transept ; and of a similar contrivance to the north and south tower

VOL. XVII. 24

186 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

arches, consisting of a bridging arch, which connects the responds of
those arches, and acts as a strut to prevent them from bulging. Also a
variety of arched braced and other props and ties were introduced into
the apertures to relieve the great arches from part of the superincum-
bent weight by distributing it on the adjacent walls, and so prevent
them from spreading. Price enumerates no fewer than one hundred
and twelve of these additional supports, exclusive of iron bandages.

As in the preceding instances, and others innumerable elsewhere,
the whole of the remedial appliances were due, we see, not to fore-
thought, but afterthought ; and brought to bear, not speculatively, on
parts which, for anything the builders could tell, would never need
them, but precisely at the points of actual, or threatened, failure.

And such, beyond all shadow of doubt, was the case here also at
Darlington. There was just this difference, however, between it and
the several instances above cited ; that whereas their towers stood
upon four detached piers, this, though a cross church, had, owing to
the fact of the choir being aisleless, two only of its four piers detached ;
the other two, consisting of semi-piers, being embedded in, and sup-
ported by, the angle walls of the choir and transepts. But how could
the builders of the tower and spire here, any more than there, have
imagined at the commencement of their work, when both piers and
arches were perfectly sound and symmetrical, and presented every
appearance of strength, that their foundations were deficient ? And
how, still less, could they have imagined that those parts which, to all
seeming, possessed such superabundant strength at the two eastern
angles, would yet give way, and be the first to yield ? With no
evidence whatever of such weakness before them, how is it possible to
conceive those men pitching beforehand on the very parts which,
above all others, seemed firmest and most secure, and applying to
them that vast, and, so far as the appearance of the church is
concerned, hideously destructive system of internal and external
buttressing which we see to-day? Yet, that is precisely what we are
asked to believe they did. Were they, indeed, gifted with such a
supernatural degree of foresight as that view of their conduct pre-
supposes ; it might well be asked how it happened that they did not
rather apply themselves to the root of the matter at once; and instead
of permanently crippling and disfiguring the building at a vast cost,

SETTLEMENT OF TOWER AND SPIRE. 187

adopt the far cheaper plan of underpinning the piers, and so save
both church and money at the same time. It is but too evident,
however, that Sir Gilbert was here speaking with the same rash and
inconsiderate haste as he did before. For, if he had but allowed
himself time to think, or examine even superficially, the building
whose history he was professing to trace, he might have seen that,
theory apart, its evidence here, as elsewhere, belied his utterance ; the
dragged down and distorted arches of the choir windows showing
clearly that the settlements must have taken place before their
openings were blocked.

But it is only due to Sir Gilbert's memory to say that the per-
petuation of those frightful degradations to which the erection of the
tower and spire gave birth is due to others rather than to himself.
It is, indeed, public knowledge that had he been left to follow his
own professional and artistic instincts, those never sufficiently to be
lamented evils would long since have been got rid of, and the church,
once more, brought back to its pristine use and beauty. Most un-
happily, however, he was not allowed to have his own way; for while
the works of restoration were in progress, and the question of clearing
away the obstructive arch was mooted, it at once called forth a
vehement, if little more than individual, opposition. The bare sug-
gestion was at once publicly denounced as vandalism ; the wanton
destruction of an ancient monument of the most precious and unique
character ; and heaven and earth invoked to witness to the sacrilege.
The consequence was that Sir Gilbert, yielding weakly to such an
outburst of zeal, untempered by either knowledge or discretion,
refused to take further steps ; nor could all the after-solicitations or
remonstrances of sober-minded and rational people induce him to alter
his resolve. As so often happens, the opportunity once gone cannot,
there is too much reason to fear, now, or perhaps ever, be recalled.
At the time, however, all the mischief incurred could easily have been
obviated, and, comparatively speaking, at a trifling expence. While
the costly shoring was in place, and the tower arches were blocked
solidly with timber, not only could the bridge, which was then dis-
covered to be as practically useless23 as obstructively frightful, have

25 Such, I was assured by the master mason employed during the restoration,
was positively the case. Not only, as he took occasion to prove to Sir Gilbert

188 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

been readily removed, but all the cumbrous casing of the piers along
with it ; and those most central and beautiful features, together with
the adjacent windows and wall arcading, have been restored, and
opened out to view. As the extra cost for remedying these evils would
now, it is said, amount to between one and two thousand pounds, the
time for doing so seems relegated, consequently, to the Greek kalends.
Such, from a purely architectural standpoint, are the observations
I have to offer with regard to this most interesting, and once beautiful
church. It neither is, nor ever was, my purpose to give anything in
the nature of a general, or popular, account, either of the building or
its history. My concern has been altogether with the critical
examination of its structure and details ; and if I have succeeded in
disentangling either one or other from the maze of wild theory and
ignorant speculation in which they have latterly been involved ; and
in vindicating the claims of the great, if not, according to modern
views, perhaps, good, bishop Hugh Pudsey, to be not merely the
founder, but actual builder of it, I shall be well content.

RECAPITULATION.

In order that those who having neither sufficient knowledge of
architectural detail, nor patience, if they had, to follow the account
contained in the foregoing pages, may yet be able to grasp its general
scope and purpose ; as also, that those who have done so, may possess
it in a briefer and more convenient form; I have thought that the
following summary might, possibly, prove useful ; giving Sir G.
Gilbert Scott's various assertions on the one side, and the refutations
of them, in as condensed a form as may be, on the other : —

I.— In the first place, then, Sir Gilbert affirms that ' the date of

personally, by thrusting a shovel as far as it would reach underneath, were the
foundations worthless, but he further ascertained that it had no hold upon the
side walls so as to act towards them as a buttress. As a strainer arch its
planning alone shows that, from the first, it could have been of no account.
Had the man who designed it really understood his business, he might here, as
at Rushden and Finedon, have converted a structural need into an archi-
tectural beauty, by throwing a flat strong arch of open stone work from side
to side, and so, while preventing the piers from bulging, and without obstruct-
ing either sight or sound, have provided a noble chancel screen and rood loft at
the same time. It was undoubtedly a great opportunity then, as since, lost.
At the present time, whatever slight support it may once have offered, it is,
there is every reason to think, of no more practical use than a waggon load
of hay.

RECAPITULATION. 189

Darlington church is involved in perplexity — that historians do not
tell us with any certainty when the church was built, or by whom.'

On the contrary, the contemporary historian prior Galfrid of
Coldingham, tells us distinctly, that the church was built by bishop
Pudsey, and that its foundations were laid in 1192 ; adding, what is
of the highest importance in connection with the architectural
evidence that, notwithstanding the various troubles which beset
the latter part of his life, he suffered nothing to interfere with the
progress of the works, a statement corroborated by prior Wessington,
of Durham (1416-1446), who, speaking either from local history or
tradition, says that Pudsey built it from the very foundations.

II. — In the next place Sir Gilbert says that ' we have a building
which every here and there has details which at once remind us of the
period of the Transition, but at the same time intimately mixed up with
those which do not belong to the Transition at all ; there are details of
1190 or 1200, side by side with details of 1220 or 1230, or even later.'

But, instead of finding, as asserted, in a purely Early English build-
ing, a few scattered details which every here and there remind us of those
of the Transitional period, the architecture, both of choir and transepts,
as their mouldings, the only true tests of date or style, prove, is that
of the Transition throughout. The sections of the several string-
courses, which are carried along the walls in their entirety from below
the sills of the lower windows to above the heads of the upper ones,
are thoroughly Transitional, and not Early English at all ; whence it
follows that the walls themselves, of which they may be said to form
the skeleton or framework, are Transitional also. And then, as none
of the windows or other features is, or is even pretended to be, later
insertions, it follows, further, that they, too, must be of the same
period. But more than this : the mouldings of these windows, as the
reduced full-size sections show, are no more Early English, or anything
like it, than are the string-courses, but of the most pronounced
Transitional type imaginable, with double square edges instead of
chamfers in the lower ones of the choir, and with the roll moulds
of the sides, both there and in those of the transepts, returned hori-
zontally along the sills, exactly as in the chapel of Sherburn hospital,
which was already built by Pudsey in 1185, some eight years or more
before the works at Darlington were commenced.

190 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

The only details which could for a moment, and that only when
seen from the outside, be attributed to 1220 or 1230, are the clear-
storey windows of the transepts ; but even these, when examined from
the inside, are discovered, from their Transitional hood, and arch-
moulds, and the square abaci of their accompanying capitals, to be of
just the same date as all the rest.

III.— In the next place, Sir G-ilbert says that 'the architecture of
the building was that of the advanced Early English style, with one
exception ; that was the flat buttresses, which were exactly similar io
those found in Norman buildings, and to those of Ripon cathedral.'

This statement will be seen to contain in itself as complete a
refutation as could possibly be applied to it ; the very existence of
these flat buttresses which are quite unknown to the advanced Early
English style, and are continued round the whole of the choir and
transepts from base to summit, proving both in itself, and in connec-
tion with the other details, that they, and the entire intervening wall
spaces, are of the same early and Transitional period.

IV. — Again, Sir Gilbert ' conjectures ' that bishop Pudsey began
the whole eastern part, and carried it up to the string-course below
the windows; also that he 'prepared a great quantity of materials for
carrying the work on, and that after his death some considerable time
must have transpired before the work was commenced again,' when
' the builders used up, so far as they could, the prepared work left
behind, and then, the new capitals were formed on the round system,
although the mouldings were square ; ' and, ' with the exception of the
lowest part, and certain details prepared before, the whole belonged,
instead of to Pudsey, to the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth
century.'

It is conceded that the bishop carried up the basement of the three
eastern limbs as far as the string-course below the lower windows.
But this consists only of a few courses of perfectly plain walling which
could easily have been built in three months. Yet this, we are asked
to believe, was all that the bishop and the whole body of masons at
his command were able to accomplish, despite his eagerness, in three
full years ! Then, the details which were before spoken of as every
here and there reminding us of those of the Transitional period, are
now described as a great quantity of materials actually prepared in the

RECAPITULATION. 191

bishop's lifetime, which was that of the Transition itself, but not set
in their place. All such details, however, as none knew better than
Sir Gilbert himself, are, and always were, set as soon as ready, and not
left to accumulate. More than this : we are asked to believe that all
this material, after lying idle for thirty years or more, was then,
together with the whole body of the church, erected by some person
wholly unknown either to history or tradition. And all this monstrous
fiction he bases on the fact that while the moulding of the wall-arcades
are what it suits his purpose to call square, the abaci of their little
capitals, or some of them, are round. But, since the mouldings, con-
sisting of a simple roll, or roll and fillet between two hollows, are, as
Sir Gilbert perfectly well knew, precisely those used throughout the
whole of the late Transitional and Early English period, and univer-
sally carried on round abaci, the statement, it is clear, can only have
been made to throw dust in the eyes of the unwary ; and account, in
an, apparently, marvellously clever way, for what was perfectly simple
and commonplace, and required no accounting for at all.

Again, in attributing the so-called square mouldings to Pudsey's
time, while referring the little capitals that carry them to 1225 or
1230, he left himself no time to consider how far his argument carried
him ; for, instead of stopping short at a few details ' here and there,'
it embraces not only the whole of the arcade and window moulds of
the three eastern limbs, but the great arches of the crossing, together
with those opening into the nave aisles, and of all the nave clearstoreys
and great western doorway as well. The whole of this enormous mass
of material, which would have blocked up the entire surface of the
ground far and wide, we are invited to believe was, instead of being
put together as it was finished, for no conceivable reason whatever,
left lying about for thirty years awaiting the little circular capitals
which alone had not been cut ; and which, when they were, according
to his showing, did not fit. Yes, out of the whole multitude, Sir Gilbert
found one (he tells us so expressly) whose arch-moulds overhang it !
And on this basis, which exactly represents the feat of erecting a
pyramid upon its apex, he constructs his theory. So far from the
mouldings overhanging their capitals as he asserts they would all, or
almost all, do if not trimmed off, there are, out of the entire number,
three only, which do so to the minutest conceivable extent ; and that,

192 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

not through any unfitness of the round abaci to their place, but simply
through the carver's having cut them some quarter of an inch or so too
small. It should be observed that, throughout the entire range of the
three eastern limbs, the idea of the sculptor has been to restrain the
diameter of his abaci within the least possible limits, a sort of reaction,
probably, from the excessive projection of the earlier square forms,
and that, in the three particular instances specified, he has carried
this system just the veriest trifle too far. In the somewhat later nave
clearstoreys, and the great western doorway, the abaci are of a fuller
and freer development, proving clearly that those of the choir and
transepts are, not as Sir Gilbert tries to make out, thirty years later
than the whole of their surroundings ; but, as might naturally be
supposed, of the same period, consequently somewhat tentative and
immature.

Y. — 'Looking at the two transepts,' Sir Gilbert continues, 'he
should say that the north one was built of many of the old materials
left behind, and the south one of fresh materials, with details entirely
of their own. Those details were of the Early English style.' But, as
the choir was undoubtedly built before either of the transepts, any
details left behind, after the imaginary cessation of the works, would
naturally be used up there. And then the details of the north transept,
unlike those of the south, are similar to, and all of a piece with, those
of the crossing, which must necessarily have followed after the erection
of both transepts, as otherwise its great arches would have been with-
out support. Besides, its upper parts could only have been built after
the erection of the north-west pier, which is manifestly the latest of
the four crossing piers, since they are both built into, and upon, it,
just as the corresponding parts of the south transept are built into,
and upon, the earlier south-west pier.

As to the south transepts being built ' about the end of the first
quarter of the thirteenth century of fresh materials, with details
entirely of their own,' he has, through a hasty impression of general
effect, simply fallen into the vulgar error of assuming that the richer
work must naturally be the later ; without stopping to examine the
mouldings which, even in the very topmost string-courses, are of the
intensest Transitional character, and continuations of those similarly
situated in the choir.

RECAPITULATION. 193

VI. — * Bishop Pudsey,' Sir Gilbert tells us finally, ' never intended
the piers to support a tower of anything like the weight of the one
resting upon them. The builders of the tower, indeed, had evidently
distrusted them, as they built up the windows, as was seen on both
sides of the piers, and also constructed the screen.'

The first sentence of this statement is undoubtedly true. But,
instead of mutilating the finest features of the church beyond remedy
by the blocking up of the windows and wall-arcades of the choir
and transepts, and the casing of the eastern piers of the crossing
with hideous masses of rude masonry, by way of preliminary safe-
guards; it is evident that such remedies were, and could only be,
applied here, as in all other similar cases, after the new works were
finished, and the results became apparent. Otherwise, how were the
builders, who could not possibly know anything of the deficient foun-
dations, to tell which, if any, of them would give way, or to what
extent ? That the remedies were only applied after the settlements
took place, and not before, as alleged by Sir Gilbert, may be inferred,
not merely from analogy, but from the face of the adjacent window
arches being dragged down in a way that could not have happened
had they been previously blocked up.

One thing only, I think, needs stating here, finally, and in express
terms ; and that is, that the church, one of the noblest and most
deeply interesting buildings to be found, is not, as Sir G. Gilbert Scott,
in spite of contemporary history, endeavoured to make it appear, in the
main, the work of some wholly unknown and unheard of person, or
persons, of the end of the first quarter of the thirteenth century, who
availed themselves of the commenced, but abortive, attempt of bishop
Pudsey to erect it ; but, on the contrary, up to, and inclusive of the
eastern arches of the nave, undoubtedly that of the bishop himself, and
completed by him in his lifetime. Whether so much can be said for
the western parts which, by whomsoever built, went up without delay,
is possibly, though only possibly, doubtful. That the three years of
the bishop's life, after the foundations were laid, were not only suffi-
cient, but more than sufficient, for the completion of the whole fabric,
exclusive of the later tower and spire, any builder can testify who,
without the least hesitation, would undertake to do the like in half the
time, or less ; while, that there was money enough, is shown by the

VOL. XVII. 25

104 DARLINGTON CHURCH : MEASUREMENTS.

fact that, at the very moment of the bishop's death, he directed the
sum of £2,000, an enormous sum in those days, and equal, at least,
£40,000 in our own, which he had promised the king for the earl-
dom of Northumberland, though he was then unable to enjoy the
dignity, to be paid.

The building, consequently, in a way to which I knew no parallel,
shows us in the most perfect and instructive manner imaginable, the
gradually progressive steps by which the distinct Transitional style of
the choir passes through what Sir Gilbert, in his excellent lectures on
Mediaeval Architecture, aptly calls the ' transition from the transition '
of the transepts, into the pure Early English of the west front of the
nave ; a lesson which no one interested in the study, seeing no one
other building in the kingdom, perhaps, contains the like, should on
any account neglect to lay to heart, for it will well repay his utmost
care.

The following principal dimensions of the church have been
supplied by Mr. Pritchett, who, unsolicited, has, in the kindest
manner, taken them specially, and with the greatest care, for the
present account : —

Width across Transepts.

Ft. In.

Length of chancel 35 6

West wall of chancel ... 36

Inside of tower 19 0

West wall of tower 3 6

Nave .. , 71 6

Total .. .. 133 0

Ft. In.

Transepts, each 25 6

Do. 25 G

Tower 21 6

Walls of tower 36

Do. 3 6

Total . 79 6

Width across Nave, etc.
Nave

Ft. In.
... 22 4

Aisle ...

9 2

Pier wall

3 2

Do.

3 2

Total ' 47 0

Ft. In.

Height of nave roof from floor to ridge 65 0

Height of tower to top of parapets 85 O1

Height of spire to top of vane 183 8

Total outside length to face of pilasters above plinth ... 145 6

Total width across transepts of pilasters above plinth ... 92 0

Arch. Ael., Vol. XV II., to face p. XXX.

Plate 04

ROMAN BRONZE FIGURE OF MERCURY, FROM AESICA.

(FULL SIZE.)
From a photograph by 3Ir. C. J. Spence.

A >•<•/!. .!'•/'. vol. xvii. To fiie i- p. Hi

s. crTnr.Kiirs ciinu'H. DARLINGTON

EXTERIOR OK (/KOSSIXCI, I.OMKIN-G SOUTH.

DARLINGTON CHURCH. 195

ADDENDA.

To the account already given I have thought it desirable to add
the two accompanying plates and descriptions to show still more
clearly, and on a larger scale, examples of some of the abaci of
Darlington church, and of the way in which their arch-moulds really
sit upon them. They are reduced from carefully measured full size
drawings taken by myself, and will serve to show, far more intelligibly
than words can do, how entirely misleading and erroneous the late Sir
Gr. G. Scott's statements respecting them are.

Plate VIII. fig. 1, shows one from the lower range of the north
end of the north transept. In this instance, as in several others which
occur quite indiscriminately, it will be observed that the arch-moulds
do not descend to the circular abacus at all, but are received upon a
square block with a steeply sloping surface. Further, it will be
observed that the fillets of these arch-moulds do not, of course, project
so far as the angles of the square block on which they rest, but that
the angles of the block are broached into them, so as to unite the
rectangular and oblique surfaces. And these broaches, which belong
plainly to the block, and not in the least to the arch-moulds, it will be
further observed, just come up to, without overhanging, even the
inner line of the abacus. What then becomes of Sir Gilbert's allegation
that 'the capitals were formed on the round system, although the
mouldings were square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings,
would have overhung the circle ? ' Why, even the square block itself
does not overhang the circle, how much less then the mouldings which
are set well within the angles of the block ; and where again, it may
be asked, does the trimming come in ? The square block rests square
and level on its bed, but there is no trimming, whittling away or
paring down, as seems to be implied, of any kind whatever. In the
corresponding capital to the right, the moulds descend straight down
upon the abacus proper, without the intervention of any square block.
I have stated in the text that there are just three cases altogether —
only to be detected on the closest scrutiny and when purposely hunted
for — in which the points, not of the mouldings, but only of the square
blocks from which they spring, can be detected as just perceptibly
overhanging the circular lines of the abaci ; and but one which does

VOT,. XVIT. 26

196 DARLINGTON CHURCH :

so to an extent which can be seen without difficulty. I find that, in
the desire to be strictly accurate, I have admitted considerably too
much. Such, indeed, seemed to be the case when viewed from below,
that is, from the ground. But, when seen from the top of a ladder,
below, or on a level with, the eye, the actual plan is discovered to be
quite different. The upper moulds of the abaci (as the elevation of
one of the capitals on plate IX. will show) are rounded, forming a
quarter of a circle, and it is seen that in these three instances, out of
the whole number, the points of the square blocks barely overlap the
inner lines of these mouldings, and thus, when seen from underneath,
show minute and dark triangular surfaces. And it is just these points
of the beds of the square blocks which Sir Gilbert speaks of as being
trimmed off, as, otherwise, they would have overhung the circles. But
this is absurd; for, so far from overhanging they don't reach the outer
lines of the circles by half, or three-quarters, of an inch. Had the
angles of the blocks been continued down till they reached the rounded
surface of the moulds, or, had the moulds at the point of contact been
left square or level, so as to form a seat, then these apparently project-
ing angles would have disappeared altogether, and the argument
founded on their presence along with them. As it is, the beds have
been simply left to themselves, thus showing at the angles of the
blocks a minute gap or space where the rounded mould of the abaci
falls away from them. In what sense they can be said to be ' trimmed
off,' when thus severely 'let alone,' passes comprehension. (See
section given on plate IX. fig. 3, which will explain the arrangement
perfectly.) Only in one case do the angles of the block project as far
as the outer line of the abacus — the one single individual instance
which Sir Gilbert specifies with such emphasis, and on which his whole
theory is constructed. The idea, or caprice, of setting the square block
upon the circular abacus is, in effect, very much the same as that of
setting a square abacus upon a round or pointed bell shaped capital,
as shown in the case of the respond of the arch opening into the south
aisle of the nave, and where the projecting angles are seen supported
by foliage.

Plate VIII. No. 2, shows mouldings practically identical with
those above described and illustrated from Darlington, but with the
roll and fillet moulds only brought somewhat closer together at their

ADDENDA. 197

seat, or line of springing. In the course of a few inches, however,
they clear themselves, when the mouldings become perfectly developed
and the appearance of the two sets is then identical. In the groining
of the south porch of S. Andrew Auckland church, where similar
mouldings occur, the three roll and fillet moulds of the transverse and
diagonal ribs are brought so close together at the point of springing
from the abaci of the caps that the intervening hollows disappear
altogether. They are, moreover, brought to the extreme verge of the
abacus which can barely hold them, entirely filling up the whole
surface.

Now, it is not a little curious to note how every word that Sir
Gilbert Scott urged so persistently against the arch-moulds and abaci
of the Darlington arcades being contemporaneous, applies in exactly
equal proportion to those at Durham — ' the capitals are formed on the
round system, although the mouldings are square, and worked to suit
square abaci.' And his inference or ' conjecture,' it will be remembered
was that, the square mouldings were worked by Bishop Pudsey's
masons inter 1192 and 1195, while the circular capitals which carry
them were not worked 'till 1220, or 1230, or even later.' How then
about the * square moulds ' and 4 round abaci ' here, of, practically, the
same identical pattern ? He invented, out of his own inner conscious-
ness, and against the express witness of history and common-sense, the
theory that there was a gap of some five and twenty or thirty years
between the cutting of the Darlington arch-moulds and caps, because
of the alleged incompatibility of their square and circular forms.
How then is their concurrence to be explained, on such hypothesis, in
the present instance? The 'square' mouldings cannot be thrown
back to the twelfth century (as Sir Gilbert would have them at
Darlington) for the work of the Nine Altars was not commenced till
after 1235, in which year the Norman apse, the very centre of whose
destroyed walls is now occupied by them, was still standing. No one,
not even Sir Gilbert himself, nor yet those who have so long and
confidently echoed him, could pretend that any such gap occurred
here. And yet the features are precisely the same in both cases.
' The abaci are round, while the mouldings are square.' Sir Gilbert,
it will be remembered, explains the supposititious discrepancy by
asserting that those at Darlington 'were worked to suit square abaci.'

198 DARLINGTON CHORCH :

But here, we have indisputable proof that they were worked to suit
nothing of the kind, but the round abaci which they still surmount,
and which, being worked with a free hand instead of, as nowadays,
with scale and compasses, they fit with just such varying degrees of
accuracy as they do at Darlington ; no two, in either case, probably,
being in all respects alike. There is precisely as much, or as little,
difference between the two in one case, in fact, as in the other.

Plate IX. fig. 3, shows abacus and arch-moulds from east side of
lower arcade of north transept. This is the one only example in which
the square block comes up to the outer line of the abacus. The dotted
lines on the plan serve to show, in connection with the square angle
lines of the block, by how much the latter overhang the inner line of
the abacus, and to what extent this is seen from below. The fact is
clearly due to the carelessness or indifference of the carver, who could,
of course, by slightly altering his proportions, have made the abacus
of this particular cap fit its arch-moulds as perfectly as all the rest,
had he but taken pains, or desired, to do so. This, however, he
evidently did not; and the result, as so commonly happens in old work,
and in none more conspicuously than in the Chapel of the Nine Altars,
is thoroughly refreshing — so human, unfettered, and free is it. But
it may equally well, and quite as likely, perhaps, as not, have been
so planned deliberately and of set purpose, for the square block sits
upon and overhangs the abacus moulding much like the upper square
member of the capital figured below overhangs the bell of the capital
itself. Let me add that, however absurd the idea of a quarter of a
century's difference of date between the arch-moulds and their capitals
may appear, even when viewed from the floor of the church, it becomes
ludicrously and preposterously so when they are seen from a ladder and
close to the eye ; workmanship, style, material, and general character
being all absolutely ' identical and homogeneous.'

Plate IX. fig. 4, shows capital supporting block and arch-moulds
figured above. I have already stated in the text that the foliage of
all those caps in the choir and south transept which are so enriched
is of distinctly transitional character, thus completely negativing in a
further, and quite independent, way Sir Gilbert's * conjecture ' that
because those capitals were round they must belong to the first quarter
of the thirteenth century. And exactly the same argument applies to

ADDENDA. 199

these plainer and later ones of the north transept. For the mouldings
of the whole of these, just like the foliage of the others, are not, as Sir
Gilbert would make believe, advanced Early English at all, or anything
like it. On the contrary, as this one example, in all respects thoroughly
typical of the rest, shows, especially in the pointed bowtel member of the
abacus, it is Transitional, and nothing else. In other words it is proved,
like all the rest, by its own internal evidence, and in exact accordance
with history and common-sense, to be of precisely the same style and
period as the arch-moulds it carries, and as the rest of the arcading of
which it forms one of the most curious and interesting parts.

I append the following notes of all the caps at present visible.

Beginning at the lower south-east angle, the first two arches are
seen to be blocked, and their capitals embedded in masonry. After
these, the first column has square abacus and foliage. This is new.
The next, shown in plate IX. figs. 3 and 4, has square block on
round abacus, and is the only one whose angles come up to the outer
ring of the abacus. The next has round abacus and square block,
and the next, the same. In the angle cap the abacus is round and
full, and there is no block.

North end ; the first cap has abacus round and full without block.
Next, same. Then the one shown on plate VIII. fig. 1. Then the
end one, round and full, with block.

West side, beginning at north end; the first cap has a square
abacus. Next, round and full abacus, with square block. Two next,
round, with square blocks. Next and last abacus, round and full, and
without block.

Upper range, beginning, as before, at south-east angle; the first
and blank arch only is moulded, all the rest chamfered. First cap has
abacus round and full. Next, though the arch-moulds are chamfered,
square, with foliage. Next, square and plain. Next, octagonal ; and
next, square, with angle rounded off.

North end, where all the arches are chamfered; the first cap from
the east is round ; all the remaining three being octagonal.

West side ; all the arches are chamfered ; and of the five capitals,
all are octagonal save the central, which is square.

200 DESCRIPTION OF PLATES VIII. AND IX.

PLATES VIII. AND IX.

1. — DARLINGTON CHURCH.

Arcade mouldings, north end of north transept, showing square
springing block set upon round abacus, reduced from full size ; with
same shown in geometrical elevation, reduced from one-third full size.
4 The capitals are formed on the round system, although the mouldings
are square, which, but for the trimming of the mouldings, would
overhang the circles' ! Sir G. G. Scott.

2. — DURHAM CATHEDRAL.

Arcade mouldings beneath Feretory platform, chapel of Nine
Altars, showing similar mouldings springing from round abacus,
reduced from full size. These mouldings are seen to come up to the
inner line of the abacus, though the Darlington ones — ' which, but for
the trimming of the mouldings would overhang the circles ' — do not.

3. — DARLINGTON CHURCH.

Arcade mouldings, east side of north transept, showing square
springing block set on round abacus, reduced from full size. In this
instance only do the angles of the block extend as far as the outer line
of the abacus. Sir Gilbert Scott tells us that, ' in one instance he had
found a square moulding placed upon a round abacus and with its
corner crushed away, which evidently showed that the moulding was
not intended to rest upon a capital of that form.' Whether this is the
* one instance ' referred to, I cannot say. But there is no ' crushing
away ' that I can see about it ; nor, though I have looked diligently
all over the church, can I find anything of the kind anywhere. It is
possible that the base of some one moulding like the edges of divers
abaci may have accidentally become chipped, but that is, of course, quite
another thing ; and, in such a multitude of examples, were the fact to
be actually as stated, it would simply show that, owing to free drawing,
one moulding of one side of one arch came, or threatened to come,
perhaps, a quarter of an inch beyond the inner line of its cap ; or, it
may be, even less.

4.— DARLINGTON CHURCH.

Capital supporting mouldings shown above, reduced from full size.
As already stated, it will be seen to be of distinctly Transitional
character, and, as a consequence, exactly synchronous with its arch-
moulds and other surroundings.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII. (To face page 200.)

Plate VIII.

J. F. H. mens. et delt.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII.

Plate IX.

J. F. H. nuns, et delt.

ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL. 201

2. — HARTLEPOOL CHURCH.
I.

No greater or more striking contrast of situation could probably
be found among our ancient Durham churches than that which exists
between those of Darlington and Hartlepool ; the one seated in a low
and sheltered spot beside a still, scarce moving stream ; the other on
the point of a rocky and exposed peninsula, where, scourged by wild
winds and wetted with salt spray, it echoes to the thunder of the sea.
Nor is the force of contrast much diminished in respect of their several
conditions ; for whereas Darlington church, however much disfigured,
has come down to us practically intact, well nigh half of that of
Hartlepool, owing to neglect and elemental stress, has, like the cliffs it
once surmounted, perished altogether. Closely contemporaneous in
structure, both churches are, moreover, built in honour of two equally
famous and closely contemporaneous local Saxon saints; Darlington, of
S. Cuthbert ; Hartlepool, of S. Hild.1 But whereas S. Cuthbert had no

1 Of both an account has been left us by Venerable Bede who himself also
was the contemporary of both, having been born in the neighbourhood of Wear-
mouth in the year 674, and, after passing his whole life in the sister monastery
of Jarrow, died there on the 27th of May, 735. His notice of Hild, full of
interest as far as it goes, is yet somewhat brief, and couched in general terms ;
but of Cuthbert he has given the whole life from childhood, including all
particulars of his death and burial, both in prose and verse. Of all three
saintly personages the first and earliest was Hild, who, born in 614, renounced
the world at the age of thirty-three, in 647 ; became abbess of Heruteu in 649 ;
and died abbess of Whitby in 680,. when Bede was but in his seventh year.
Cuthbert, who came next, was born at some place unknown, but probably in
the district of the Lothians, about the year 637. At any rate, when in 651 he
entered the monastery of Melrose, he was still, as Bede tells us, only on the
threshold of adolescence — ' vir Domini Cudberctus ab ineunte adolescentia jugo
monasticae institutionis collum subdidit, Vita S. C'nthbai'ti, 1.' He would then
be fourteen, which, since the period of adolescence was, strictly speaking, fixed
between fifteen and thirty, would doubtless be close upon, if not indeed precisely,
the age suggested. Thence migrating with abbot Eata to Eipon as hostellar for
awhile, he returned with him in 661 to Melrose, where, after succeeding his master
Boisil in the priorate, he was wont, leaving the cloister, to traverse all the country
far and near, teaching and preaching the word of God, oftentimes for weeks
together. Leaving Melrose in 664, he became prior of Lindisfarne under his
old superior Eata. There, though his life was one of great mortification and
humility, he gave it up after twelve years, in 676, for the still harder one of
utter solitude, first on the mainland, and then on Fame, where he constructed
a rude hut of stone and turf. On that barren, storm-swept rock he subsisted
for nine years, visited only at intervals by his brethren. Then, in 685, on the
deposition of Tuiiberct, bishop of Hexham, by the synod of Twyford, he was
unanimously called on to accept the see. This, however, he steadfastly refused
to do, till the whole synod, with Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, and
Ecgfrid, king of Northumbria, at its head, sought him in his cell. Being at
length overcome by their entreaties, he was shortly afterwards consecrated by

VOL. XVII. * 7

202 ST. IIILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

personal connection or association whatever with Darlington, S. Hild
was, both in her life and labours, directly identified with Hartlepool.
Known originally, as we learn from Beda, by the name of Heruteu,
Insula Cervi, or Hart's Island, it is not a little wonderful to find how,
within fifty years of the landing of S. Augustine on the shores of
Kent, this remote and solitary headland was selected by Heiu,2 the
first of Northumbrian female saintly recluses, as the site of a monas-
tery which she founded there about 640. After ruling it for a few
years she retired, in 649, to Tadcaster, whence, migrating into
Cumberland, she founded, under the name of Begu or Bega, as is said,
tHe more famous establishment of S. Bees.3 At Hartlepool she was
succeeded by S. Hild, daughter of Hereric, a nephew of King Aeduini.4

Theodore and six' other bishops ; but, during the year, exchanged his see of
Hexham for that of Lindisfarne with Bata. As bishop of Lindisfarne he
laboured even more abundantly than he had done as prior of Melrose, visiting
the remotest and wildest parts of his diocese, and teaching and confirming the
still half heathen people. Thus two laborious years were passed ; when, feeling
the approach of death, he retired once more, in 687, to Farne, where, within a
few weeks, he died ; Bede, his biographer, who like himself had entered the
religious life in childhood, being then thirteen.

2 ' Keligiosa Christi famula Heiu, quae prima feminarum fertur in provincia
Nordanhymbrorum propositum vestemque sanctimonialis habitus, consecrante
Aedano episcopo, suscepisse. Sed ilia post non multum ternpus facti monasterii
secessit ad civitatern Calcariam, quae a gente Anglorum Kaelcacaestir appellatur,
ibique sibi mansionem instituit.1 Budae, H. E. iv. 23. For reasons for supposing
Tadcaster to be the place referred to, see Camden, Brit. col. 714.

3 In recording the death of Hild at Whit by, Bede tells us how there was
then in the monastery of Hackness. thirteen miles distant, and which she herself
had founded that same year, a nun named Begu, who for above thirty years
had been dedicated to the divine service, #nd who in a vision saw her soul,
amidst celestial light, and a choir of attendant angels, transported into heaven.
Whether this was the same person as Heiu, as some would endeavour to make
out, seems, I think, more than doubtful. Her entry into the religious life can
scarcely, in the first place, be said to agree even tolerably with that of Heiu,
which commenced in or about 640, and must then have extended to forty,
instead of thirty, years. Besides which, had she been really the same as Heiu,
it would have been only natural for the historian, who had already mentioned
her, to have said so. Nor, finally, would it seem likely that after having been
the pioneer of the monastic movement in Northumbria, as well as abbess of
Heruteu for nine yeai-s, she should be found, more than thirty years later on.
a simple sister in the newly founded house at Had:

4 Bede calls him ncpos, and tells how, together with the king, he received the
faith from Paulinus : — 'Cum quo etiam rege ad praedicationem beatae memoriae
Paulini, primi Nordanhymbrorum episcopi, fidem et saci-amenta Christi suscepit,
atque haec, usquedum ad ejus visionem perveniie nieruit, intemerata servavit."
He died in exile, and of poison. Hi> wife's naim: > d, and the follow-

tie account of her dream respecting him and the future glories of their
child. After speaking of the immense influence which Hild exercised, not only
on her immediate friends and followers, but also on those far off to whom the
i'auie of her virtues had come, he proceeds : — ; Oportebat namque impleri
somnium, quod mater ejus Bregusuid in infantia cjus viclit : quae (cum vir ejus
Hereric exsularet sub rege Brittonum Cerdice, ubi et veneno periit.) vidit per

MONASTERY FOUNDED BY HEIU. 203

This royal lady having devoted herself to the religious life at the age
of thirty-three years, had proceeded as far as Bast Anglia on her way
to make her profession at Chelles, of which her sister Heresuid was
abbess.5 Being detained there for the space of twelve months,
however, while awaiting a favourable passage, she was then prevailed
upon to return northwards by S. Aidan,6 first bishop of Lindisfarne,

somnium, quasi subito sublatum eum quaesient cum otnni diligentia, nullumque
ejus uspiam vestigium apparuerit. Verum cum sollertissime ilium quaesisset,
extemplo se reperire sub veste sua monile pretiosissimum ; quod dum attentius
consicleraret tanti fulgore luminis refulgere videbatur, ut omnes Brittaniae fines
illius gratia splendoris impleret. Quod, nimirum, somuium veraciter in filia ejus,
de qua loquimur, expletum cst ; cujus vita non sibi solummodo, sed multis bene
vivere volentibus exempla operum lucis praebuit.' Bedae, H.E. iv. 23.

5 The late Rev. D. Haigh, in an account of the discoveries made in the
cemetery of the Saxon monastery at Hartlepool (Journal of British Arch. Assoc. i.
185) asserts that Heresuid was abbess of Chelles at the time that Hild set forth
thither. Beda, however, makes no such statement, His words are (H-ist. iv. 23) :
' Nam et in eodem monasterio soror ipsius Heresuid, mater Alduulii regis
Orientalium Anglorum, regularibus subdita disciplinis ipso tempore coronam
exspectabat aeternam.' Pagi, however, discusses at great length the question
whether Heresuid were ever even an inmate there at all, and decides that Beda
was mistaken when he made the assertion that she was.

6 Brought by King Oswald — whose first care on coming to his kingdom was
to Christianize it — from lona. in 635. Mindful, perhaps, of his old home, and
choosing a similar retreat, the king, at his own request, granted him the island
of Lindisfarne as the seat of his bishopric. Though disagreeing strongly with
his Scottish manner of observing Easter, Bede's admiration of his character is
unbounded — ' pontificem Aedanum, summae mansuetudinis et pietatis ac
moderaminis virum, habentemque zelum Dei, quamvis (as regards Easter only)
non plene secundum scientiam.' Bedac, H.E. iii. 3. And then, after telling
how King Oswald — 'ejus admonitionibus, humiliter ac libenter in omnibus
auscultans, ecclesiam Christi in regno suo multum diligenter aedificare ac
dilatare curavit.' lie proceeds to draw the following glowing picture : — ' Ubi
pulcherrimo saepe spectaculo contigit, ut, evangelizante antistite, qui Anglorum
linguam perfectc non noverat, ipse rex suis ducibus ac ministris interpres verbi
exsisteret coelestis ; quia nimirum, tarn longo exsilii sui tempore linguam
Scottorum jam plene didicerat.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 3. And as he preached, so
we are told, he lived. 'Nihil enim hujus mundi quaerere, nil amare, curabat ;
cuncta, quae sibi a regibus vel divitibus seculi donabantur, mox pauperibus, qui
occurrerent, erogare gaude'bat. Discurrere per cuncta et urbana et rustica loca,
non equorum dorso, sed pedum incessu vectus, nisi si major forte necessitas
compulisset, solebat ; quatenus ubicumque aliquos vel divites vel pauperes
incedens aspexisset, confestirn ad hos divertens, vel ad fidei suscipiendae
sacramentum, si infi deles essent, invitaret, vel si fideles, in ipsa eos fide
confortaret, atque ad eleemosynas operumque bonorum exsecutionem et verbis
excitaret et factis.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 5.-

Nor was he satisfied only with distributing the gifts which he received from
the rich among the poor, but he sought out also, and redeemed therewith, those
who had been unjustly sold into bondage, educating and advancing, moreover,
such of them as were worthy, to the priesthood.

Of his love for his friend King Oswald, and how entirely he succeeded in
imbuing him with Christ-like charity and humility, we learn from the oft- told
tale of a certain Easter festival : — ' fertur quia tempore quodam, cum die
sancto paschae, cum praefato episcopo consedisset ad prandium, positusque esset
in mensa coram eo discus argenteus regalibus epulis refertus, et jamjamque
essent manus ad panem benedicendum missuri, intrasse subito ministrum ipsius,

204 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

who gave her a hide of land north of the Wear on which she con-
structed a small monastery. But Heiu, relinquishing her charge a
year afterwards, she at once abandoned the place, and proceeding to
Heruteu, was invested with the rule of that house. Here she con-
tinued as abbess till 655, when King Osuiu, in discharge of a vow
devoting his young daughter Aelfled to a religious life, if God should
give him victory over Penda, king of Mercia, placed her under
Hild's care. Two years later, in 657, after having governed the
monastery of Heruteu for eight years only, she too, like its foundress
Heiu, forsook it, selecting another, though equally wild site, at
Streaneshalch, or Whitby.7 Thither Aelfled accompanied her, and on

cui suscipiendorum inopum erat cura delegata, ft indicasse rcgi quia multitude
pauperum undccumque adveniens maxima per plateas sederet, postulans aliquid
eleemosynae a rege ; qui mox dapes sibimet appositas deferri pauperibus, se<l et
discum conf ringi, atque eisdem minutatim dividi, praecepit. Quo viso, pontifex,
qui adsidebat, delectatus tali facto pietatis, apprehendit dextram ejus, ct ait,
' Nunquam inveterascat haec manus;' quod et ita juxta votum benedictionis ejus
provenit. Nam cum, interfecto illo in pugna, manus cum brachio a cetero essent
corpore resectae, contigit ut hactenus incorruptae perdurent.' Bedae, H. E. iii. 6.

How little store Aidan himself set by any worldly goods and comforts, and
to what excess he carried his practice of almsgiving, Bede further tells us in the
story of the horse which Oswald's successor, Osuini. gave him as a help to
travelling, not only the very best in the royal stables, but equipped with regal
trappings as well. Happening shortly afterwards, while thus mounted, to meet
a beggar in the way who asked an alms, the bishop at once dismounted, and
ordered both horse and trappings to be bestowed on him, ' for not only,' says he,
' was he very compassionate, but a friend of the poor, and, as it were, a father of
the wretched.' Osuini, however, naturally enough, hardly saw things in that
light, for we read — ' Hoc cum regi 'esset relatum, dicebat episcopo, cum forte
ingressuri essent ad prandium, " Quid voluisti, domine antistes, equum regium,
quern te conveniebat proprium habere, pauperi dare ? Numquid non habuimus
equos viliores plurimos. vel alias species, quae ad pauperum dona sufficerent,
quamvis ilium eis equum non dares, quern tibi specialiter possidendum elegi ?
Cui statim episcopus, " Quid loqueris," inquit, il rex ? Numquid tibi carior est ille
filius equae, quam ille filius Dei" ? Quibus dictis, intrabant ad prandendum, et
episcopus quidem residebat in loco suo.' Bcdac, H. E. iii. xiv. Then, the transient
cloud being speedily dispersed, the bishop became greatly affected, and, bathed in
tears, foretold the king's untimely and tragic death. Hastened by grief at the news
of it, his own occurred but twelve days afterwards, August 31st, 651, in a humble
shed attached to the west end of the church of Hamburgh', which served him as
a temporary residence. He was buried at Lindisfarne; first in the cemetery,
afterwards in the new cathedral. Thence his remains were transferred to
Durham where an ancient picture of him, in glass, may still be seen in the Te
Deum window.

T At the same time we are told that Oswiu devoted his daughter to perpetual
virginity, he also offered twelve estates, ' possessiones ' or ' possessiunculas,' as
they are called, each of which contained ten 'familiae' or hides of land, a
hundred and twenty in all. Six of these 'possessiones' were in the province of
Deira, the modern Yorkshire ; and six in the province of Bernicia, the more
northern parts of Northumbria, including Durham; 'in quibus, ablato studio
railitiae terrestris.ad exercendam militiarn coelestem, supplicandumque pro pace
gentis ejus aeterna, devotioni sedulae monachorum locus facultasque suppeteret.'

HILD FOUNDED MONASTERY AT WHITBY.

205

her death in 680, succeeded her as abbess.8 After Hild's departure,
the monastery of Heruteu is heard of no more ; and whether it con-
tinued till the Danish devastations of 800, when the churches of

Tinmouth and Hartness 'smoaked in ruins,' or till 867, when the
Durham churches and monasteries were destroyed far and wide,
cannot now be said.9 Most likely, however, the monastic settlement
did not long survive the date of Hild's departure. Such, at least, so

That of Streoneshalch was one of them, and thither accordingly Hild, carrying
the young child along with her, was induced to emigrate.

' They told how in their convent-cell
A Saxon princess once did dwell,
The lovely Edelfled.

And how, of thousand snakes, each one
Was changed into a coil of stone,
When holy Hilda pray'd.'
— Scott, Marmion, cant. ii. 13.

8 Aelfled continued, first as ' discipula,' and afterwards as ' magistra,' or
abbess, till she reached the age of fifty-nine, when, ' ad cornplexum et nuptias
Sponsi coelestis virgo beata intraret.' There, too, where she had lived and died,
she was also buried. ' In quo monasterio et ipsa, et pater ejus Osuiu, et mater
ejus Aeanfled, et pater matris ejus Aeduini, et multi alii nobiles in ecclesia sancti
apostoli Petri sepulti sunt.' Bedae, H.E. iii. 24.

9 The writer of an account of Tynemouth priory in the series of ' Abbeys
of Great Britain' now (1895) in course of publication in the Builder, states,
apparently on the authority of the late Sidney Gibson's History, that ' On the
invasion in 865 the monastery was burned, and also the nuns of St. Hilda, who
had fled thither from Rartlepool for refuge.' But Mr. Gibson gives no authority
for his statement respecting the nuns ; referring only in a note to a passage about
the destruction of Tynemouth by Hingmar and Hubba in Leland's Collectanea,
iii. 179 (ed. 1774, vol. iv. 114), his extract, however, making no mention of the
nuns at all. Nothing is said on the subject either in the Saxon Chronicle,
Florence of Worcester, Leland's Extracts, or the Vita Oswini of the Surtees
Society ; so far, therefore, it rests on the unsupported testimony of Mr. Gibson

206

ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

:':

far as it goes, is the inference to be drawn from the discoveries made
in the cemetery attached to it in the years 1833, 1838, and 1843.
It was only, apparently, some twenty yards long, and situate about
135 yards to the south-east of the church, in a spot still bearing the

traditional name of Cross Close.
In it were two rows of interments,
all, with two exceptions, those of
females, and all lying, in the still
uneradicated Pagan fashion, north
and south. In each case the heads
reposed on small square stones as
on cushions, while above each were
other stones somewhat larger, but
still less than a foot square, adorned
with crosses, and bearing the names
of the deceased.*

From the close similarity of these
last to others mentioned by Beda,

as well as from the character of the lettering, and forms of the
crosses, the whole belonged evidently to one and the same early
period, viz., the latter half of the seventh century. Besides the
occurrence of the pillow stones, another curious point of resemblance
presented by these interments to others of Pagan origin in the barrow
mounds of Kent was, that the five molar teeth on either side, and in
both jaws of the skeletons, were worn quite smooth, as though ground
down with files. The names of the two males discovered amongst those of
the nuns were Ediluini and Vermund, the latter in connection with that
of Torhtsvid. Very curiously, both were found occurring again upon
a third stone, bearing the compound inscription — ' Orate pro Edilvini
orate pro Vermund et Torhtsvid.' But, whether the Edilvini was, as

himself. That he invented the occurrence, however, is not likely, since in
describing it he says, as though quoting some ancient author, that they were
thereby ' translated by martyrdom to heaven.' It would seem most likely, not-
withstanding, I think, that such poxxibly ancient, but unknown, writer, whoever
he may have been, drew his facts from his imagination rather than from any
other source ; and, regarding Tynemouth as a naturally stronger position than
Hartlcpool, just as naturally imagined that the equally imaginary nuns would
flee there in their terror.

* Of three of these stones, of which illustrations are given on this and the
preceding page, two are in the Black Gate museum, Newcastle, the third is in the
Durham Chapter library. They are reproduced by consent of the editor of the
Reliquary.

DISCOVERY OF PRE-CONQUEST GRAVESTONES. 207

the late Mr. Haigh was inclined to think, the famous count of that
name who, at the command of King Osuiu, murdered Osuini, king of
Deira, at Grilling, near Richmond, in 651,10 is, though far from im-
possible, a point on which opinions may, perhaps, differ.

II.

Short, however, as the rule of Hild was, and as the continuance of
her monastery may, perhaps, have been at Heruteu ; she left behind
her, notwithstanding, the undying fragrance of a saintly life and
name. And so, when upwards of five centuries after her death at
Streoneshalch, a church, no longer monastic, but parochial, came to
be built at Hartlepool, it was dedicated, very fitly, in her honour.

In the interim, little or nothing more is known either of Heruteu
or Hartness, than of the monastery. Indeed, from the time of the
Danish ravages in the ninth-century to the period immediately pre-
ceding the Norman Conquest, its history is almost a blank. Billingham,
it is true, is recorded to have been built by Ecgred, bishop of Lindis-
farne (830-845), and given by him to the see ; and much of his work

10 The circumstances are thus narrated by Bede (H. E. iii. 14.): — ' Habuit
autem Osuiu primis regni sui temporibus consortem regiae dignitatis, vocabulo
Osuini, de stirpe regis Aeduini, hoc est, filium Osrici, de quo supra retulimus,
virum eximiae pietatis et religionis ; qui provinciae Derbrum in maxima omnium
rerum affluentia, et ipse amabilis omnibus, praefuit. Sed nee cum eo ille, qui
ceteram Transhumbranae gentis partem ab aquilone, id est, Berniciorum pro-
vinciam, regebat, habere pacem potuit ; quin potius, ingravescentibus causis
dissensionum, miserrima hunc caede peremit. Siquidem, congregate contra
invicem exercitu, cum videret se Osuini cum illo, qui plures habebat auxiliarios
non posse bello confligere, ratus est utiiius, tune demissa intentione bellandi,
servare se ad tempora meliora. Remisit ergo exercitum, quern congregaverat, ac
singulos douium redire praecepit, a loco qui vocatur Vilfaraesdun, id est, Mons
Vilfari, et est a vico Cataractone decem ferme millibus passuum contra solsti-
tialem occasum secretus ; divertitque ipse cum uno tantum milite sibi fidelissimo,
nomine Tondheri, celandus in domo comitis Hunvaldi, quern etiam ipsum sibi
amicissimum autumabat. Sed, heu, proh dolor ! longe aliter erat ; nam ab eodem
comite proditum eum Osuiu, cum praefato ipsius milite per praefectum suum
Aediluinum detestanda omnibus morte interfecit. Quod factum est die decima
tertia kalendarum Septembrium (20 Aug.) anno regni ejus mono, in loco qui
dicitur ' Ingetlingum ' ,• ubi postmodum castigandi hujus facinoris gratia, monas-
terium constructum est ; in quo pro utriusque regis (et occisi, videlicet, et ejus,
qui occidere jussit), animae redemtione, quotidie Domino preces offerri deberent.'

Speaking of the murdered king's personal characteristics and appearance,
Beda describes him as being 'of a winning aspect, lofty stature, pleasant address,
courteous manners, bountiful to all alike, whether gentle or simple; whence it
happened that, through his royal dignity of mind, countenance, and deserts, he
was beloved of all ; and that from all the neighbouring provinces the noblest
flocked to his service, among whose glories of virtue and modesty, the chiefest
was humility.' He was canonized, and his history is given in the Acta SS.
Aug. Tom. iv. p. 57.

208 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

still stands in the church there to bear witness to the fact ; but of
Heruteu we hear nothing. Shortly before the Norman invasion,
however, Fulk de Panell, besides vast territories which he possessed in
other parts, held also those of Hart and Hartness. Through the
marriage of his daughter Agnes with Robert de Brus, son of one of
the Conqueror's followers, the whole of these were eventually trans-
ferred to that family. In 1129, this Robert de Brus II. (son of
Robert de Brus I.), at the instance of Pope Calixtus II. and Thurstan,
archbishop of York, founded the monastery of Guisborough, endowing
it, among other things, with the churches of Stranton, Hart, and
their dependent chapels of Seaton and Hartlepool.

Like Ecgred's church of Billingham, that of Hart, referred to in
Brus's grant, and of much the same period, probably, is still in part
standing ; but of its chapel at Hartlepool there are no remains at all.
Though pretty certainly of later date, it would, doubtless, be of
equally humble character and dimensions as those of the mother
church. But, whatever its age or capacity, it was destined, within
some sixty years or so of its bestowal, to make way for the splendid
structure whose remains we see to-day. As to the origin of this last
there cannot, of course, be a shadow of doubt. But as regards
the actual individual builder, the case is otherwise. Of the Brus
family the founder, Robert de Brus I. died at some unknown period,
but probably early in the twelfth century, when he was succeeded, at
Hart and Hartlepool, by his second son, Robert de Brus II. who died
in the sixth of Stephen, 1140, a date far too early for him to have
had any connection with the present church. To him succeeded his
son, Robert de Brus III. who was living in 1171, but who also, as is
evident, could have had no more to do with its erection than his
father or grandfather. His son and successor was Robert de Brus IV.
who, married to Isabel, natural daughter of William the Lion, king
of Scots, died in 1191 ; a point of time which, from our present point
of view, and in absence of historic evidence, was about the most
awkward and perplexing imaginable. For it makes it practically
impossible to say with certainty, whether the entire building, the
tower only excepted, should be referred to him or to his son. But
a very few years, say four or five, on either side would have freed
the subject of all doubt, and rendered it absolutely certain. As it is,

THE BRUS FAMILY. 209

it seems to hang almost upon a balance. But yet, I think, we may
say pretty confidently, to which side it clearly inclines ; and, com-
paring the work with that of the Trinity chapel at Canterbury,
completed by William the Englishman in 1185, with that of the choir
at Ripon, built by Archbishop Roger (died 1181), and with the
vestibule of S. Mary's abbey at York, of very nearly the same period,
on the one side, and with that of Darlington on the other, there can
be but little doubt (taking the subject of his marriage also into
account) that it is to Robert de Brus IV.11 that the choir and nave
of Hartlepool church are due. For, while a strong general likeness,
including the profuse use of foliage in connection both with square
and circumscribing circular abaci may be observed there and in two
of those earlier instances, there is, at the same time, a distinct and
palpable advance, yet only just such an advance as might reasonably
be supposed to occur between all three and the work at Hartlepool.

It must, I think, nay feel sure, have been in progress, though
practically completed, at the time of Robert de Brus IV.'s death in 1191 ;
and therefore, even allowing four years for the operations, need not
have been commenced before 1188. The style itself bears every
indication of this ; and taking 1191 as the central point or pivot, I
should certainly say that the internal evidence of style is in favour
of the work belonging to the four previous, rather than to the four
succeeding, years.12 But that a pause occurred when the nave was

11 Hutchinson (History of Durham, iii. 17), following Dugdale, gives only
two, instead of four, generations of the Brus family between the time of the
Norman Conquest and that of William de Brus, who died in 1215. He thus
makes Robert de Brus I., who was a fighting man of great consequence in 1066,
and who could hardly therefore, on the most modest computation, have been
born later than 1040, not only found the priory of Guisborough in 1129, but
take part in the Battle of the Standard in 1138, when Dugdale, considering he
must then have been close upon a hundred, might well speak of him as ' an old
soldier' In like fashion, his second son, Robert de Brus II., is, apparently,
made to live till 1196, a date which, if correct, would at once have removed all
doubt as to the builder of the church at Hartlepool. With both writers the
mistake would seem to have occurred from the uncommon circumstance of four
Roberts following each other in succession.

12 The difference between the work at Ripon, and that at Canterbury and
S. Mary's abbey, York, lies chiefly in this, viz., that in the former case it is
perfectly plain, whereas in the latter, at York especially, it is highly enriched.
At Canterbury, too, though in the crypt, the pointed style, including the use of
the round abacus, is perfectly developed ; in the upper parts, the main lines,
involving the use of the round arch, had to be accommodated to those of the
earlier work of William of Sens. But, though not concluded till 1185, the
designs were made in 1179, when William the Englishman succeeded to the
direction. In like manner at Ripon, the works, as we learn from the words of

VOL XVII.

210 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

finished is plain enough ; for the tower bears witness not only to a
slightly later style, but, probably, to a different hand. It may, indeed,
without hesitation be referred both to the times and person of Robert
de Brus IV.'s son and successor, William de Brus, who bore sway
as lord of Hartlepool from 1191 to 1215.

III.

For size, and sumptuous splendour of decoration, the church
commenced, and well nigh, if not quite, completed by Robert de Brus
IV., was wholly without a rival among the parish churches of its day,
not merely in the county of Durham, but in the north generally.
Indeed, it may well be questioned whether anything comparable to
it of its class could be found in all England. That the architect
employed in its construction, whoever he may have been, was the
same as that of the similarly situated monastic church of Tynemouth,13

Archbishop Roger himself, had been begun, and must therefore have been
designed, some time before his death — ' quod dedimus operi beati Wilf ridi de
Ripon ad aedificandam basilicam ipsius quam de novo inchoavimus mille libras
veteris monetae.' And so, too, at York, the work at S. Mary's abbey, which
corresponds closely with that of the palace known to have been built by Arch-
bishop Roger — even to the exact correspondence in the length and diameter of
the shafts — must also necessarily have been designed some years before 1181,
which was that of Roger's death. But, in addition to these, there are three other
well-known and most important dated examples, the round of the Temple church,
London, which was consecrated in 1185 ; the retro-choir of Chichester cathedral,
begun in 1186 ; and the famous choir of Lincoln minster, commenced probably in
the same year, and which has long and deservedly held the supreme distinction
of being the first great work of the purely pointed, or Gothic, style in England.
The old Norman choir was cleft in twain, as Benedict of Peterborough tells us,
by an earthquake, in 1185; and the year following was the first of the pontificate
of Bishop Hugh of Grenoble, commonly known as S. Hugh of Lincoln, under
whose enthusiastic administration — he is said to have worked, like a common
labourer, with his own hands — the task of rebuilding was at once commenced.
But, both here and at Chichester, all traces of Norman influence have vanished
utterly, and the Early English style reigns untrammelled and supreme. As the
Hartlepool work, therefore, need not have been planned till two years later even
than these last, there need be no hesitation whatever for referring it to a period
lying between 1188 and 1191.

13 The work in the choir at Tynemouth is of a very strongly marked and
individual type indeed, both as regards its general design and details. Its
dominant note, as at Hartlepool — more particularly as shown in the choir — is
that of power, wedded to a no less masculine and vigorous type of foliaged
decoration. The fact of the two churches being not only so closely con-
temporaneous and analogous in character, but locally in such near neighbourhood,
renders the probability of their common authorship, I think, about as certain as
anything of the kind can be. Where the man came from, and who he may have
been, is, of course, another matter altogether. I have often been struck, how-
ever, with the surprising similarity of style, and especially of foliage, which
exists between the Tynemouth work and that in the magnificent choir of New
Shoreham in Hampshire— slightly the earlier of the two. The resemblance is at

WITHOUT A RIVAL IN NORTH FOR SIZE AND SPLENDOUR. 211

is, I think, judging from internal evidence, as certain as that he
was not the Willielmus Ingeniator, engaged by Pudsey ; and to whom,
as is not unlikely, the design of Darlington church is due. For,
although of almost exactly the same period, the two buildings reflect,
in a curiously marked manner, the widely divergent idiosyncrasies of
two wholly different men. Not merely that the details and general
scheme of the two are unlike, but that their whole spirit and conception
are opposed and contrary. Indeed, it would be no easy task to point
out two other local examples which illustrate so distinctly the
characteristics of what are known as the ecole laique and the ecole
ecdesiastique, as do these two buildings respectively.

But, while the scale of the church alone points clearly to the rising
prosperity and increased, and increasing, population of the place ; the
character of its construction, and lavish richness of adornment show,
if possible, still more clearly that they could have had no say or share
whatever in its erection. Built, unmistakably, as a parish church, it
is yet far from being, and in no sense is, a mere parish church, pure
and simple, magnified. The typical parish church, of any size,
consists, normally, of a chancel, nave with two aisles, and a western
tower. But the chancel, especially in the earlier periods, was, as a
rule, and, indeed, almost universally, aisleless.14 Whenever, in a

once so close, and the character of the work itself so special and individualistic,
that, far apart as the two places are, I have long conjectured that the same architect
must have been employed on both. The designer of the Nine Altars chapel at
Durham would seem, without doubt, to have been a south-country man ; and so,
just as easily, may he of Tynemouth and Hartlepool have been also.

14 So, Mr. Fergusson, in his excellent History of Architecture, ii. 63, in
speaking of the typical English parish church, says : — ' In almost every instance
the nave had aisles, and was lighted by a clerestory. The chancel was narrow and
deep, without aisles and with a square termination. There was one tower, with
a belfry, generally, but not always, at the west end ; and the principal entrance
was by a south door, usually covered by a porch of more or less magnificence,
frequently vaulted, and with a room over it.' Churches of this class, that is
parish churches in the strictest and most exclusive sense, as not having any
adjuncts in the shape of private chapels, whether insular or transeptal, and to
every part of which the whole body of parishioners had full access as of right,
may be found in every variety of size all over the kingdom. Some, indeed,
though of course relatively few, are of the very first rank in size and dignity. Such,
for example, are those of Walpole S. Peter, Norfolk ; and S. Botolph, Boston, Lin-
colnshire. Of these the former, which is of excessive richness of decoration through-
out, is no less than about two hundred feet in length by seventy-five in breadth,
and with very large north and south porches. In vastness of size, however, both
of length, breadth, and height, that of Boston stands out altogether without
a rival. Admirably constructed, of splendid material, and, like that of Walpole,
consisting of a nave of seven bays and chancel of five, with fourteen fine two-
light clerestory windows on each side the nave, very broad and spacious, and with

212 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

twelfth, thirteenth, or even early fourteenth-century building, we find
aisles attached to the chancel, they will, in almost every case, be found
to be later additions, and commonly of different dates. Being in all
cases private mortuary chapels, they were, like transepts, purely
parasitical accretions to the original structure, with which, save only
in respect of contact, they had no connection whatever.

At Hartlepool, however, the case was different. Here, as so rarely
happened, the church, although of quite exceptional, and, at the time
of its erection, probably, unequalled, size, was built at a single effort,
and by a single individual. As founder, he was consequently in a
position to make his own arrangements ; and so, while providing his
new town with a simple parish church, or, to be more precise, chapel,
in the ecclesiastical sense; to make it, while retaining the usual
characteristics of such buildings, something more in purely personal
sense. He designed its immense and splendid chancel, in short,
though serving as that of the parish, to be his own chantry chapel and
burial place as well ; and, while containing the high, or parish altar, to
be provided with others for more particular and, perhaps, private use.
Hence its aisles which naturally involve and presuppose their presence ;
provision for which was the sole cause of their erection.15 With the

a length of between two and three hundred feet ; it terminates westward in a
tower, by far the loftiest in England — the west window of which, in eight lights,
is no less than seventy-five feet high — and whose total elevation is upwards of
three hundred. No such parish church, and constructed on such a severely
simple plan, it may safely be said, is to be seen in all the world.

15 The whole subject of aisles, which is a very far reaching and complex one,
has never yet, like the kindred one of transepts, received, as far as I know, any-
thing like the degree of attention it deserves. Both one and other, indeed, have
all along, and by all alike, been simply accepted as facts, without the least
enquiry as to their origin or the purposes for which they were planned. As a
rule, our most ancient churches, which were usually very small, were aisleless ;
sometimes, as at Worth and Dover, cruciform ; but more commonly consisting of
simple parallelograms, nave and chancel, as at Escomb, Headbourn Worthy,
Corhampton, and Bradford-on-Avon, among those of Saxon, and others innu-
merable, like Haughton-le-Skerne, of Norman, and later, date. Then, in process
of time, but more particularly during the latter part of the twelfth, and early
years of the thirteenth centuries, aisles, almost always very narrow, began to
be added to the naves, frequently only on one side to begin with, and then
afterwards, as at Aycliffe and Pittington, on the other. Very frequently, how-
ever, as at Coniscliffe, Winston, and Witton-le-Wear, a second or corresponding
aisle was never added on the other side at all. Towards the end of the twelfth
century, and afterwards, the common rule, save where the churches were of the
very smallest, was that the aisles were erected along with, and as natural and
recognised features of them, their width and height increasing as time went on
in a gradual and steadily progressive ratio.

Another class of what are commonly called aisles may also frequently be met
with, consisting of broad and lofty adjuncts, sometimes nearly equalling, some-

FOUNDED BY ROBEET DE BRUS IV. 213

exception of little more than the western halves of its westernmost
compound bays, the whole of this magnificent structure was taken
down and destroyed in 1724. Continuous neglect and consequent
decay had doubtless long set in and left their marks upon it ; but the

times even, as at Staindrop, far exceeding the naves in width, to which, as in
that case, at Heighington, and in the lately destroyed church of Middleton-
in-Teesdale, they are commonly attached on the south side. Frequently, as
at Staindrop originally, they are under independent gabled roofs, and are
sometimes of the same, sometimes of less, and sometimes of greater length than
the naves, and prolonged to a greater or less extent, along the side of the chancel.
Such were always, I think, for the larger part of their area, private mortuary
chapels, being simply built lengthways, instead of crossways as a transept, and in
all cases provided with an altar.

There was also another class of aisles, narrow, and, of original, or at any rate
early, construction, not terminating at the east end of the nave, but pro-
longed for one or more bays alongside the chancel. Of this arrangement we
have a curious and interesting example at Auckland S. Helen's, a small village
church with an open bell-cot, where the aisles are continued to about half the
length of the chancel into which they open uniformly by two massive, but
minute, pointed arches on each side. The case is interesting on this account,
that the church originally consisted of two round-arched Transitional bays only,
with a chancel of corresponding length. About the middle of the thirteenth
century, however, the nave was lengthened by another assimilated bay westward,
and the chancel prolonged proportionally eastward, to which period the extended
portions of the aisles, doubtless sepulchral chapels, belong. Many similar
examples of nave aisles thus extended, but usually of later date, may be found
also all over the country. An exceptionally curious and instructive instance
occurs in the magnificent fifteenth-century church of S. Mary, Bury St.
Edmunds, the nave of which is 140 feet long, with a width of 68 across the
aisles. To the chancel, which was then 55 feet in length, John Barret, before
1468, added a north aisle, which, together with its splendid painted oak roof
bearing his initials in the centre of each panel, still remains. What is of special
interest, however, in this connection is the occurrence of a wish expressed in his
will that if anyone thereafter should build another similar aisle to the south, it
should be connected with the nave aisle, not by a transverse arch as usual, but
by cutting the jamb of the existing east window of the nave aisle down to
the ground in order that the carvings and figures erected by him about that
window and the altar beneath it might not be destroyed. When, about twelve
years later, one Jankyn Smith built such a prospective south aisle, the request,
as is evident, was not complied with. But what became of the altar, whether it
was allowed to continue more or less in its original position, or whether it was
removed to the east end of the new aisle, does not appear. And so in numberless
other cases of the like kind, that of S. Helen's Auckland possibly among them.
In the church of Skipton in Craven may be seen a remarkable feature which has
long and greatly exercised the wits of the local antiquaries, but which, regarded
in the light of the above evidence, may, I think, readily be accounted for. The
nave with its aisles would seem to have been rebuilt in the first quarter of the
fourteenth century; the chancel, with two corresponding aisles, in unbroken
connection and without any transverse arches, in the following one. Now about
the middle of the south aisle wall occur three sedilia and a piscina of the earlier
or fourteenth-century date, exactly opposite the first pillar of the chancel, and
on which the chancel arch, if there had been one, would have rested. Super-
ficially they seem unconnected with the site of any possible altar whatever.
But when they were erected the original chancel would have no aisles at all, and
they would pertain to the altar at the east end of the new aisle of which they
structurally formed a part, and which was made to extend a few feet eastwards
along the side of the old chancel. When, about a century afterwards, the

214 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

sordid spirit of post-reformation greed and indifference from which
they sprang, joined to the prevailing poverty of the place, then took
the swifter and more radical course of wholesale destruction ; thus, as
might, perhaps, be hoped, effectually annihilating all evidence of past
shame, and need of future expenditure at the same time.16

chancel was rebuilt with aisles, as at Bury, the east wall of the fourteenth-
century aisle was taken down ; but, as in that case, what became of the
altar is uncertain.

The question, however, still confronts us, viz., Why were the original and ex-
ceedingly narrow aisles added to the naves at all ? It seems difficult to imagine
that increased accommodation, considering many of them were only six or seven
feet in width, could have been the sole or even primary cause of their introduc-
tion, especially when there is such general, not to say universal, evidence of their
having had altars at their east ends. In many small, aisleless churches, as at
Cockfield in Durham, and Boarhunt in Hants, a small altar was anciently placed
on either side of the chancel arch.

A certainly curious and remarkable fact should further be mentioned in con-
nection with this subject, and that is, that where two aisles have either been added
or originally built, it so much more frequently happens that the evidences of a
former altar are to be found on the south than on the north side ; a circumstance
at once raising the question as to whether the latter was either, always or
usually, provided with them.

I need only add, in conclusion, the remark that, although in numberless
instances there are now no visible proofs of the former existence of altars in
aisles, it by no means follows that such do not or did not originally exist. In
almost every case it will be found that the projecting bowl of the piscina in
aisles, where pews have been intruded, has been broken off, and the recesses
blocked up and plastered over, so that it is only when the walls come to be
stripped that the remains can be detected. Sometimes again, as at Gainford,
the wall has been rebuilt, and all evidence, no matter how specially interesting
soever it may be, deliberately destroyed. But there still remain many other
cases, as at Easington, where the arrangement of the windows alone sufficiently
witnesses to the fact of the eastern end of the aisle having formerly been a
chantry.

It is greatly to be hoped that in all cases where the destruction has not
already been complete, the hand of the restoring architect, so effectual hitherto
in " blotting out history," should be stayed from annihilating these frequently
beautiful, and always historically, as well as ecclesiologically, interesting
memorials.

16 It is possible, perhaps, that want of means, as well as of inclination, may
have had much to do with the state of ruin into which the church was allowed to
fall. At any rate, in a petition of the mayor and others addressed to her majesty's
justices of the peace praying that they would recommend the queen to grant
letters patent for the repairs of the church, and dated April 7th, 1714, after stating
that ' there are noe lands within ye s'd corporation to be rated towards y° repair
thereof,' it is added that ' most of your petition'rs and inhabitants of ye corpor-
ation are poor fishermen, who by y° decay and want of encouraging that most
important and beneficial employ, are become allogether unable to repair the
the same, yc expence whereof would at a moderate computation for stone, wood,
lead, and other materials, besides workmanship, amount to eighteen hundred and
eighty-four pounds and upwards,' etc. But no result would seem to have
followed this petition, since, two years later, the condition of the building was
found to be still ruinous.

A brief granted by George I. on February 5th, 1719, however, to collect the
sum of £1,732 and upwards, for repairing and rebuilding the church, met with
considerable success. The preamble, which is in nearly the same words as the

CHANCEL DESTROYED IN 1724. 215

Of the eastern arrangements of this well nigh unique chancel we
have, consequently, no exact knowledge whatever; only, on either side, to
the extreme west, the early pointed entrance doorways of the chantry
priests, and that is all. Foundations of the eastern parts have, from
time to time, however, been dug up in what is now the churchyard,
and the original length of the structure thus certainly ascertained.
Their witness agrees pretty fairly, I believe, with that given in bishop
Talbot's licence to take it down, viz. : twenty-three yards and a half ;
though, if there were three compound bays, and if all the bays were of
equal span, this would be some four and a half feet too short.

This single fact of itself, however, is quite sufficient, I think, in
the absence of proof positive to the contrary, to raise the gravest
doubts as to whether there were really three such bays or not. Indeed,
the extremely early date of the work, coupled with the very unusual,
if not altogether unparalleled, occurrence of aisles in a simple parish
church, being then continued to the eastern extremity of the chancel,
renders it pretty certain that there could only have been two such
bays; and that the sacrarium, or eastern end of the choir proper,
originally, as at present, projected clearly beyond them.17

petition, adds that the choir was then 'almost entirely unroofed, and the steeple,
pillars, and walls of the same so much decayed by length of time, that the
whole fabrick will inevitably fall to the ground, unless speedily prevented by
taking down and rebuilding some, and repairing the decayed parts thereof.'

What the subscriptions actually amounted to does not appear, but the work
of repair was commenced immediately. At a meeting held on September 22nd,
1721, it was agreed that the church and chancel should be continued its full
length and breadth ; that the roof should be flattened to four or six feet pitch ;
that the north wall, if advisable, should be taken down and rebuilt — ' but in
fear ye cash arising from ye brief may not answer ye expectation, ye said wall
shall be referred until ye last — y* ye sd church shall be new flagged, pued and
whitened, and in respect to ye glory of ye antiquity of sd church, what repairs y°
windows may want, they shall be wrought after ye same model as they now are ;
and as for ye chancel y* is referred until ye earle of Scarborough's consent is got
in writing ; and y* ye steeples both in and outside be repaired.5

The admirable design of maintaining the church in its full dimensions, and
restoring the windows after the ancient plan, could not, unhappily, be carried
out — at any rate, was not ; for on May 22nd, 1724, bishop Talbot gave leave to
take down the roof, and cover the church with a flat one ; and for the chancel,
which was then seventy and a half feet in length, to be reduced to one of fifteen
feet within the walls.

It is interesting to know, on the authority of Brand, that, in aid of these
grievously needed repairs, the corporation of Newcastle contributed the sum of
£10.

17 1 am not, of course, referring to town, more especially fortified town
churches, which had constantly to be squeezed into all kinds of holes and
corners, and assume such shapes accordingly. A curious illustration, among
others of early date, may be seen in the church of S. John, Winchester. It

216 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

Indeed, the only instance I know in which the choir aisles, of what
from first to last would seem to have been actually nothing more than
a mere parish church, are continued, at an equally early date, as far as

forms an almost exact square, the eastern end or side of which is very oblique,
being bounded by a street, while the side aisles, whose outer walls were greatly
advanced during the thirteenth century, are much wider than the central one,
which is of the twelfth. It is only three bays in length, and without any
structural division of nave or chancel whatever; therefore, quite abnormal in
plan, and altogether outside the ordinary range of parish churches.

During the twelfth and thirteenth century, aisles reaching to the east end
of the choir are usually found in cathedral and monastic churches only ; and it
is not a little surprising to note in how many, even of this class, they fail to do
so. Thus, in the ancient cathedrals of Worcester and Rochester the side aisles
terminate at one, and two, bays from the east gable respectively. In those of
Oxford, Bristol, and Southwell, all, originally, Augustinian abbey churches, in
the first at one, and in the two others at two. bays. At Durham and Peter-
borough, the aisles ended at the springing of the great central apse, allowing in
the latter case for ranges of five windows above and below. At Lichfield, on
the reconstruction of the choir on a greatly enlarged scale, early in the
fourteenth century, the central portion was advanced in unbroken line for three
bays beyond the range of the aisles, and then terminated in a three-sided apse.
In the Welsh cathedrals of Bangor and St. Asaph, while the side chapels left
the sacrarium of the former free towards the south, the choir of the latter had
no aisles at all. In the fine thirteenth-century cathedral of Kilkenny, the
eastern bay of the choir is also wholly free from aisles or chapels, as is also the
case at lona, and in the great metropolitan cathedral of S. Andrew's. The
splendid cathedral of Elgin, too, has the two easternmost bays of its choir free ;
and while that of Brechin, like St. Asaph's, has neither aisles nor chapels, those
of Dunblane and Dunkeld have the whole of their choirs free to the south, and
both their sacraria free also to the north.

And the like restriction may also be observed in the planning of many
monastic and collegiate choirs. Thus, to take one of the earliest and grandest
among those of the Benedictine order, that of S. Martin at Dover, a building
300 feet in length, by 160 across the transepts — commenced, however, by Wm.de
Corbeuil, archbishop of Canterbury, for a church of Austin Canons — we find,
exactly as at S. Andrew's, the choir supported by two great angle turrets pro-
jecting to an exact square beyond its aisles, which, three bays in length, terminate
apsidally. The same arrangement again holds good in the case of the Pre-
monstratensian church of S. Radegund, near Dover, which dates from 1191,
and where the sanctuary, two bays in length, projects, with massive angle
turrets, beyond the extremity of the aisles. The sacrarium also of the great abbey
church of Jedburgh, a Transitional addition to the aisled Norman choir, which
originally ended probably in an apse, stands out clear of those aisles. At Laner-
cost, also of an early, though somewhat later, date, a similar arrangement is met
with, the sanctuary of two bays standing clear of the contemporary aisles or
chapels on either side. The eastern bay of the choir again stood clear of its aisles or
chapels in the Premonstratensian church of Dale Abbey, Derbyshire, also of the
thirteenth century. And such, too, is the case at Beverley minster, beyond the
aisled eastern transept of which the easternmost bay of the choir stands out
distinct from base to summit. We see also the aisles of the choir terminating
westward of the sanctuary square in the small but exceedingly interesting local
example of Finchale priory church, near Durham, commenced circa 1196.
And the same thing occurs again in the splendid fourteenth-century choir of
Melrose abbey, as also in that of Dorchester, the sacraria of both of which are
occupied on all three sides by large and magnificent traceried windows. Add to
these, which may doubtless stand as samples of an indefinite number more, the
typical plans of the early Cistercian churches, which, as a rule, consisted of a
similar aisleless sanctuary projecting beyond the line of transeptal chapels, as at

ARCH. AEL. Vol. XVII. (to face page 216).

Plate

NEW SHOREHAM CHURCH, SUSSEX.

Part of north side of Choir, showing peculiar design of Triforium.

EARLY INSTANCE OF CHOIR AISLES. 217

the east end, occurs in the case of S. Mary's, New Shoreham. The
curiously close parallel observable in divers particulars between the
circumstances of this building and those of Hartlepool church are very
striking. In the first place, the mother churches of Hart, and
S. Nicholas, Old Shoreham, were bestowed by their Norman lords,
Kobert de Brus and William de Braose, on the abbeys of G-uisborough,
and S. Florence, at Saumur, in Anjou, in 1075 and 1129 respectively.
Then, at a considerably later date, the dependent chapels of those
churches, viz., those of Hartlepool, and S. Mary of New Shoreham,
were rebuilt by the grandsons of the original donors on a scale of
splendour, far surpassing that of the mother churches, that of Hartle-
pool, by Robert de Brus IV., about 1188 ; that of New Shoreham, by
William de Braose II., about 1130. And further, both were rebuilt
for the use and benefit of rapidly rising seaport towns.

All direct historical reference to the church of New Shoreham is,
however, wanting ; and it is only by means of very scanty and
collateral evidence that we can arrive at any reasonable explanation as
to how its choir came to assume its present size and form.

From this we learn that after the donation of the churches of
S. Nicholas de Soraham, S. Peter de Sela, S. Nicholas de Brembria,
and S. Peter de Yeteri-ponte, the abbey of S. Florence, established at
Sele (now called Beeding), a small priory of Benedictine monks, to

Buildwas, Roche, Kirkstall, etc., and it at once becomes evident in how many
instances, even of cathedral and conventual churches, the aisles stopped short of
the eastern extremity of the choirs.

And then, among parish churches innumerable, we find the same practice

S. Mary. Bury S. Edmunds, in all of which the eastern bay, at least, was un-
encroached upon. In the last mentioned instance, indeed, when the south aisle
came to be added, circa 1485, the chancel, though already fifty-five feet in
length, was extended, as though for the express purpose of allowing its sacrarium
to stand clear, by an extra eighteen feet.

But, what is more directly to our present purpose is the fact that the same
arrangement is found in such a marked and emphatic manner in the case of
Tynemouth priory church, designed, as there seems so much reason for believing,
by the same architect as that of Hartlepool. There, the eastern projection,
which contains a series of triple lights in each face, forms a practically exact
square. And such, were there only, as I imagine to have been the case, two
compound bays on each side, would be the case at Hartlepool, as well. For, since
the chancel was just seventy feet and a half in length, and two such bays would
extend to fifty feet, there would then, including the eastern responds, remain a
space exactly twenty-two feet and a half long, by twenty-one feet and a half
wide, and which would probably be lighted in much the same way in the parish,
as it was in the priory, church.

VOL. XVII. 29

218 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

which these churches, which all lay close together, were attached.
At the date of this foundation, the parish of New Shoreham did not
exist, being then part of that of S. Nicholas, Old Shoreham. But that
it was both formed, and the church of S. Mary built there, by the
monks in the interval between that time and circa 1103, is proved by
the following passage in the confirmation charter of Philip de Braose,
son of the benefactor : — ' lerosolimis autem praedictus Philippus
rediens ecclesiam sanctae Mariae de Nova Soraham, quia monachorum
praedictorum exstitit juris, diligenter concessit et confirmavit.' To
this spot, then, it would seem certain that the monks settled at Sele
(and who, as a matter of fact, continued there till the suppression)
were at least designed to be removed ; for not only was the church,
even as first built, a grand cruciform structure, with nave and aisles
of six bays and central tower, utterly out of keeping with a parish
consisting only of sixty-six acres ; but the original aisleless Norman
choir was taken down and rebuilt on a greatly enlarged scale, and in
the most sumptuous style of monastic splendour towards the close of
the twelfth century. To suppose that such a work as this, consisting,
as it does, of five bays in length, with north and south aisles, triforium
and clearstorey, vaulted throughout with stone, and sculptured from
end to end with a prodigality of the richest detail, was designed for
the sole use of a small country parish, is as preposterous as it is against
all analogy ; and its erection for conventual or mortuary uses, or both,
perhaps, as well as for those of the parish, must therefore, I think, be
assigned to one or more of the lords of Braose (for there was a
manifest pause between the lower, or transitional, and the upper, or
lancet, portion of this great choir), or to their joint action, possibly,
with the convent of S. Florence.

It is somewhat of a coincidence that, of these two singularly fine
churches, but one half of each has been left to us, with, in either case,
just a fragment, a single bay, of the other ; though at Hartlepool it
is the choir, at Shoreham, the nave, which has thus perished. A far
more singular coincidence is that, in a perfectly independent and
disconnected way, I should have been led to the conclusion, I might
almost say conviction, that one and the same architect was answerable
for both. I have already expressed the opinion that the architect of
Tynemouth was the architect of Hartlepool ; and years ago, and before

SAME ARCHITECT AS SHOREHAM AND TYNEMOUTH. 219

220 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

paying any attention to Hartlepool at all, I was led from the strongly
marked and peculiar character of their details to fancy that the same
bond of union existed between Tynemouth and Shoreham. It may,
of course, be mere conjecture and nothing more ; but all three, it may
be observed, are contemporaneous ; all are, or were, on the sea, and
all of the very highest architectural excellence, as well as powerfully
marked individuality of treatment ; thus, at any rate, suggesting, I
think, if nothing more, the probability, or at least possibility, of a
common authorship.

Be that, however, as it might, these bays were certainly the most
original and peculiar features of the church ; and, so far as I know,
unique. Though of far less frequent use in this country than in France
or Germany, compound bays are, in themselves, common enough,whether
in connection with vaulting, or, as here, with simple wooden roofs.
Besides such examples as those of Bourges, Laon, Sens, Noyon, "Worms,
Spires, Zurich, Heiligenkreutz, Limbourg, Trebitsch, and many others,
we have at home one of the finest possible illustrations at Durham; in the
smaller and later imitative example of Waltham abbey; as also, though
less conspicuously, perhaps, in the beautiful priory church of Boxgrove
in Sussex. But in none of these, varying as they do in many ways, is
there any approach to the peculiar arrangement found at Hartlepool.
In every case the component arches, whether round or pointed, are of
uniform and symmetrical shape, and spring throughout from the same
level. Here they do not, and herein lies their singularity. In every
double, or compound, bay the supporting pillars are of different heights,
the lower one occupying the centre. The consequence is that the
sides of each arch, though struck from corresponding centres, are
uneven, their longer inner sides rising from a tangent, the outer and
shorter from an angle. There is not space enough allowed by the
arrangement, in fact, for the outer half of either arch to be completed
by being carried down to the level of its springing line ; and, if pro-
duced, the mouldings of such as came in contact would intersect.
The two sides being thus unequal, the apex of each arch is consequently
eccentric to the opening, while the arch itself in kind, if not in degree,
is made to resemble those transverse aisle arches of which we have
already taken note at Darlington. Full of masculine vigour and
originality, the raison d'etre of the design is to be found, not in mere

PECULIARITY OF BAYS OP CHOIR. 221

empty love of eccentricity, but of variety, and in the desire of
emphasizing that distinction which was sought to be expressed between
the eastern and western divisions of the church.18 The intercolumnar
spaces of the several sub-bays also are narrower than those existing in
the nave arcades, a circumstance which serves still further to mark
the difference. Among these latter, but two out of the six bays on
either side, viz., the second and the fourth, are of the same span, ten
feet eleven inches ; the rest varying from nine feet three and a half
inches in the fifth, to eleven feet ten inches in the first. Judging
from their remains, those of the chancel were, on the other hand, of the
same uniform dimensions, nine feet four inches, or thereabouts, through-
out. A further point of difference to be noted also is that, while the
capitals of the lower alternate columns of the chancel arcades are on the
same level as those of the nave, the capitals of the higher alternate
columns, which are brought into more immediate connection with the
latter by their position next the chancel arch, range above them by
more than their own height ; all which particulars, though not,
perhaps, very striking or conspicuous in themselves, yet serve,
collectively, while not interfering with the general uniformity of
plan, to produce such a contrast, and stamp such diversity of char-
acter on the several parts, as not only to define their respective uses,
but delight both eye and mind as well.

IV.

But these, however interesting, are far from comprising all, or the
most important, differences of design to be found between the chancel
and the nave. Of exactly the same width both in the centre and side
aisles, while within a few inches of the same height, and a few feet of

18 The only other instance I am aware of in which this very singular principle
is carried out is in the choir at New Shoreham. I have already, and quite
independently of this circumstance, expressed the idea that the architect of
Hartlepool church was the same as that of Tynemouth, and that the architect of
Tynemouth was one with that of Shoreham. It is certainly not a little curious
to find that a piece of design so excessively rare, if not, indeed, practically
unparalleled as this, should be found in these two most remarkable buildings,
all the more so, if they proceeded from two wholly different hands. At Hartle-
pool the arrangement occurs, as we see, in the pier- arches, or ground storey ; at
Shoreham, in the triforium, or blind storey ; where, from the necessity of the
case, however, the application of it is exactly reversed, the short sides of the
arched openings lying inwards to the centre, instead of outwards to the circumfer-
ence, as here. I may, doubtless, be mistaken ; but, so far as I can call to mind,
nothing of the kind has come under my observation elsewhere in the kingdom.

222 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

the same length, the distinction between the two great ritual divisions
of the building, though never forced or violent, is maintained, more
or less markedly, in every single feature. Thus in the clearstorey,
which, though of just perceptibly smaller dimensions in the choir,
follows the same design throughout, while in the nave the windows
are set exactly above the centres of the arches, in the choir they are
not ; but, on either side, the western, instead of the centre, line of the
light comes immediately above the apex of each arch, the whole
window, that is the glazed part of it, lying to the east. This, how-
ever, is but a slight matter in comparison with the rest of the
composition. At Darlington, as we have seen, the wall arcading
both in the choir and transepts is confined strictly to the interior,
while in the nave it is kept just as strictly to the exterior. At
Hartlepool, though the same system is applied to the nave it has no
place whatever in the choir, the rich triplet arcading being adopted
on the inside as well as on the out. Nor is that all, for rich as is the
external decoration in the depth and beauty of the arch mouldings
and floriated capitals of the shafts which carry them, in the interior
these mouldings and supporting shafts are doubled, the outer of the
two orders being carried on rich projecting corbels. The effect, as
may well be imagined, even in its present fragmentary condition is,
owing to the consequent depth of the arcades and the closeness with
which they are set, of astonishing beauty and magnificence.

As in the case of the compound bays beneath, the design of this
clearstorey is, 1 think, probably unique ; at any rate I cannot call to
mind a parallel example anywhere in which a similar arrangement is
found. For, as will be seen, in order to gain sufficient depth for the
outer order of the arcades, the usual, I might say universal, method
of construction is here exactly reversed, the thicker part of the
walling being placed, not at the bottom, but at the top. That is to
say, that although the inner mouldings of the clearstorey arcades and
their shafts are here, as elsewhere, set back, the whole of the outer
mouldings, together with the shafts that carry them, their hood-
moulds, and the superincumbent masonry are set forward, and
completely overhang the pier arches and wall surfaces below. Thus,
in striking contrast to the nave clearstorey with its simply pierced
window openings, this of the choir may be said, in a way, to con-

DESIGN OF ARCADING OF CHOIE CLEARSTOREY UNIQUE. 223

stitute a sorfc of grand cornicione as well. Taken altogether, and
despite the loss of its eastern elevation, the finest perhaps of all, it
may safely be said, I think, that no nobler or statelier chancel of a
simple parish church or chapel could be found in all the land than
that of this sea-girt, weather-beaten church of Hartlepool.

The contrast offered by it to that of Darlington, however, is about
as complete and striking as possible. Thus, while the latter was
aisleless, it was aisled. While the walls of Darlington were about
five feet higher than they were long (viz., forty feet by thirty-five feet),
those of Hartlepool were, at the lowest computation, more than twice
as long as they were high (viz., seventy feet six inches by thirty-four
feet). Again, while Darlington had but three bays, Hartlepool had,
or had space for, six ; while Darlington was arcaded in two stories,
Hartlepool was but in one ; and the clearstorey which, at Dar-
lington, was arcaded only on the inside, was, at Hartlepool, arcaded
on the outside too. And then both the arcadings and window open-
ings present an equal degree of contrast. At Hartlepool, for in-
stance, while the latter are but about two feet wide, by six feet
three inches high, at Darlington they are three feet wide, by nine
feet six inches high ; and while the intercolumniations of the Hartle-
pool clearstorey, taken between the windows, measure but three feet
wide, with a height to the points of the arches of eight feet,
those of the Darlington clearstorey have a width of no less than six
feet three inches, with a height of twelve feet. At Hartlepool again,
there are not only two blank arcades, but a narrow strip of walling as
well, between each light ; at Darlington, but a single arcade ; and
while, in the former case, all are acutely pointed, in the latter they are
so obtuse as to differ little from a semicircle. At Hartlepool, once
more, the clearstorey windows, small as they are, were about double the
size of those in the aisles below ; while at Darlington, both ranges of
windows, which are on the same plane, are of equal size ; and each
more than twice as large as the largest of those at Hartlepool.

No doubt, the special purpose, and consequently plan, of each
building had largely to do with such structural differences of proportion
and arrangement. Yet, curiously general as they are, we cannot but
feel, after all, how far they fall short of that radical and essential
difference, might it not rather, perhaps, be styled contrariety ? of

224 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL:

spirit, or cast of mind, which inspired and directed their several authors.
The one vast, broad, gloomy, rich to excess in detail, yet full in every
part of concentrated force and power, and as fitted for the hall of
some great military chief as for a church ; the other narrow, light,
lofty, ascetic even in the calm and chaste simplicity of its decoration,
the very ideal of spiritual seclusion and separation from the world. I
speak, of course, of the two chancels as they were originally ; for at
Hartlepool there is unhappily but a fragment, while at Darlington,
though we have the whole, it is in such a shockingly mutilated con-
dition structurally, and decoratively, so grossly misued with hideous
stained glass, and other kindred, yet more violently accentuated
horrors, that it is only by blotting- them all out, and restoring in
imagination the obliterated features, that its ancient beauties can be
perceived.

Of all the remaining internal features at Hartlepool, by far the
finest and most majestic is, undoubtedly, the chancel arch. Like the
church itself it stands wholly apart and distinct from all other local
examples of its class. Indeed, it would be difficult, if not impossible,
I think, in respect of the combined qualities of height, massiveness,
and general richness of moulding and sculptured detail, to find its
equal anywhere. Rising to within a trifle of the full height of the
clearstoreys, it has an elevation of about thirty-two and a half feet
above the floor of the nave, and is carried on groups of five clustered
shafts. These are crowned by rich capitals, with beautifully modelled
Transitional volutes, springing under, and curling over, foiled, or
circular bells surmounted by square abaci. The arch itself which
springs at a height of twenty feet, is very obtuse and composed of
three orders of rich roll-and-fillet and hollow mouldings, square set,
and with hood moulds on each side. That there are some few instances
of late Norman or early Transitional chancel arches with a greater
profusion of ornament, as at Norham, and Tickencote churches for
example, may be true enough. But they all, as far as I know, fall
far short of this at Hartlepool in two main particulars, viz., want of
height, and in having all their enrichments, as in doorways, confined
to one, that is the western, face only. Here, however, both sides are
alike ; the eastern one, so far from shrinking into utter nothingness,
or vanishing altogether, as in such cases, being so far the richer of the

Arch. Ad. vol. xvii. To face p. 224.

Plate XII.

S. HILDA'S CHURCH HARTLEPOOL,
VIEW FROM CHANCEL LOOKING N.W.

CHANCEL COMPARED WITH ST. CUTHBERT's, DARLINGTON. 225

two, that it has an additional shaft carried up at each angle of the
chancel, and thus showing on that side groups of four, instead of
three, as towards the nave.

The only other chancel arch in the county, if indeed it can
properly be called so, which can be compared with this of Hartlepool,
is that at Darlington, where it is simply one of four carrying the
central tower. It is specially interesting and instructive in the present
enquiry, however, as serving to set in stronger contrast, perhaps, than
any other feature, the widely differing- characteristics of their respective
authors. Of much the same form, but set at a much greater height,
it is yet notwithstanding its position and the load it was, even
originally, meant to carry, as striking both in itself and its supports,
for delicate and slender elegance of proportion, as are the others for
their superabundant and colossal massiveness and strength. To turn
from one to the other, indeed, is like turning from a statue of Hebe or
Aphrodite to one of Hercules.

We come now to the nave, where the superiority of that of Hartle-
pool to Darlington nave is, even its present state, not merely evident,
but pronounced. In the first place, though but twelve feet longer,
that is to say, eighty-three feet six inches as against seventy-one feet six
inches, it has the great advantage of having six bays instead of four ;
and in the second, of having those bays of, generally, uniform design
and character throughout. But, in its present state, and owing to
similar causes, the nave of Hartlepool has suffered quite as severely as
the choir and transepts of Darlington ; and conveys, therefore, but a
very imperfect idea of its pristine proportions and beauty. For not
only is it deprived of some five and twenty feet of its length, but the
noble tower arches and piers, with the vaulted roof and west window
beyond, which originally presented well nigh as grand an effect west-
wards as did the chancel eastwards, are wholly obliterated by masses
of rude walling which cut the church in two from top to bottom.
With these, and the precise reasons for their introduction, however,
we shall have to deal by and by. At present it is the nave itself, or
rather what is visible of it, that demands attention.

Of this, which includes all lying eastwards of the tower, though
the height is somewhat less^ the length and breadth differ but little

VOL. XVII. 30

226 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL:

from those of Darlington. Thus, while the nave at Darlington is
seventy-one feet six inches in length, that of Hartlepool is eighty-three
feet six inches ; and while the width of the central aisle in the former
is twenty-two feet four inches, in the latter it is twenty-two feet six
inches ; the entire width, from aisle wall to aisle wall, being, in either
case, forty-seven feet and forty-four feet six inches ; and the height
forty feet and thirty-six feet respectively. Though, as a reference to
the plan and geometrical elevation will show, the dimensions of the
six bays which compose it, and which correspond exactly on either
side, vary very considerably, the actual effect is as perfectly pleasing
and harmonious as could be wished. The contrast, therefore, which
the work, taken as a whole, offers to that of our own day, both in
planning and effect, is very great, as complete, in fact, as can be.
Now, according to universal practice, every bay, down to the minutest
particular, would be the exact counterpart of all the rest ; the natural
result being that the whole would appear as though it were, and as,
indeed, it might just as well, perhaps, really be, cast in compo or
other material from a mould. Nor would the dead, uninteresting,
machine-made aspect end even here ; for, not if the clerk of works
could help it, would the least difference of tint or marking in any of
the stones be allowed to disturb that monotonous uniformity of colour-
ing which, both in itself, and as evidence of competent supervision, he
feels to be so desirable in every part. Note well, however, for too
much, or minute attention, whether from an antiquarian or artistic
point of view, can hardly be given to the subject, how entirely
different were the spirit and principles which governed the twelfth-
century architect. Working, not from a mechanical, but a natural
standpoint, he sought for unity, not through uniformity, but variety ;
for oneness of purpose, not by the repetition of identical features, but
through manifold, nay infinite, yet harmonious, differences of detail and
expression. And so, when his great nave came to be set out, instead of
dividing it, as would inevitably be the case nowadays, into six mathe-
matically exact and equal parts, he took care that no two consecutive
ones should be alike.19 Even its two sides, though corresponding exactly

19 The same principle of diversity in unity is consistently and ingeniously
adhered to in the cathedral church of Durham, not only as regards the setting
out of the original Norman design in all its parts, but also in the subsequent
additions of the Gallilee and Nine Altars cliapcls. A reference to the figures in

THE NAVE COMPARED WITH DARLINGTON. 227

in their several dimensions, are made to differ perceptibly, if slightly,
both in planning and decoration ; and thus bear witness to that intelli-
gent and quickening spirit which, scorning the base fetters of

Mr. Billings's admirable and carefully-measured plans (Durham Cathedral,
Plates iii., iv., and xxxiv.) will show that though there, as at Hartlepool, the
opposite sides of the choir and nave naturally and very properly correspond
with each other, the intercolumnar spaces of the several bays vary in every
single instance save one, viz., the second and third from the east in the nave,
which, however, belong to two different compound bays, the spans of whose
respective arches vary perceptibly, and are separated the one from the other by
a dividing pier of greater diameter than their own.

Omitting, then, the easternmost bay of the choir, a thirteenth- century altera-
tion and substitute for the original Norman bay immediately west of the curve
of the central apse, we find that, of the four remaining bays, the first has a span
of fourteen feet nine inches ; the second, of fourteen feet one and a half inches ;
the third, of fourteen feet two inches ; and the fourth, corresponding in width
to the eastern aisle of the transept, of eleven feet nine and a half inches ; the
four, which constitute four compound bays, being parted from each other by a
broad central pier of no less than sixteen feet eleven inches diameter.

Passing the transept, and proceeding onwards to the nave, we see that the
first arch of the first compound bay has a span of eleven feet six and a half
inches, while that of the second is twelve feet ten and a half inches. Of the
second compound bay, while the first arch is of the same dimensions as the last-
mentioned, viz., twelve feet ten and a half inches ; the second is no less than
fifteen feet eight inches ; the arches of the third compound bay measuring
fifteen feet six and a half inches and fifteen feet seven inches respectively.
Then, between the next great pier in regular sequence, and the still larger one
supporting the western tower, comes a single arch having a span of twelve feet
eleven and a half inches, and, finally, that beneath the tower itself, with one of
sixteen feet two and a half inches.

But by far the most remarkable development of the system is found in the
planning of the two halves of the great transept which, composed of two com-
pound bays each, have, on either hand, as from the common centre of the
crossing, their intercolumnar spaces arranged in gradually diminishing order.
Whether the idea of producing an effect of distance and increased size through
the medium of a kind of false perspective had any share in the design or not,
cannot be said ; but even if it had, the plan adopted was perfectly legitimate,
and stands quite apart from that utterly reprehensible and theatrical trickery of
lowering the vault, and approximating the side walls which was sometimes
resorted to. As it is, anything more thoroughly scientific and artistically
admirable than this piece of planning could hardly be conceived: the effect, in a
not very large area, of enormous strength, as well as of constant variety and dis-
tance, obtained by the multiplication and subordination of the points of support,
and swift vanishing of the spaces between them, stamping the work not merely
as that of a master in the art, but with a character absolutely unique.

For, though diminishing gradually from the crossing, the diminution is not,
be it observed, regular or in geometrical progression : quite the contrary. Had
such been the case the eye would have been able to detect the fact at once, and
then all that sense of freshness and mystery which pervades the actual work
would vanish instantaneously, since the whole, though in some sort varied,
would both be, and be felt to be, fraudulent and mechanical. All such results
are avoided, however, by the consummate skill evinced in the arrangement.
Though in both compound bays that nearest the centre, or crossing, is percep-
tibly "the larger of the two, yet the two really central ones are so nearly alike,
differing in span by only three inches, that they serve to dispel any idea of pro-
portionate diminution entirely, and so relieve both eye and mind at the same
time. Thus, taking the north side by way of illustration (for the proportions of
each half of the transept differ somewhat, though not very materially, in every

228 ST. HIIiD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

mechanical repetition, could yet achieve a well balanced and symmetri-
cal whole, by means of, and notwithstanding, a free diversity in all
its component parts.

Commencing our examination then on the south side we find that
out of the six bays which make it up, no fewer than five are
differently spaced, and, as a consequence, have arches of varying
span and curvature ; while of the five columns which carry them
three only are alike, the remaining two differing in design, not only
from the rest, but also from each other.

First, however, as to the spacing. Taking the bays in due order,
the first, or easternmost one, measured from pier to pier, will be seen
to have a span of eleven feet ten inches, the second of ten feet eleven
inches, the third of eleven feet, the fourth, like the second, of ten feet
eleven inches, the fifth, which is the narrowest, of nine feet three and
a half inches, and the sixth of nine feet nine inches, the average of
the whole being a fraction over ten feet seven and a quarter inches.
What particular circumstance, if any, may have governed the
remarkable contraction of the two western bays, cannot now, of
course, be said. At Lincoln minster, where, in a nave of seven bays,
precisely the same thing occurs — and, though on a much larger scale,
in almost precisely similar proportions — the efficient cause was clearly
that of economy. For when the new nave was planned, and the very
unusual average intercolumnar space of 22-30 feet was assigned
to each of the five eastern bays, it was doubtless with the intention

particular), the first arch of the first compound bay, which is that of the choir
aisle, has a span of ten feet five inches, while that of its fellow arch is only
seven feet six inches : next to this comes the first arch of the second compound
bay with a span of seven feet three inches, the diameter of the great pier which
separates them being eleven feet three inches, while the span of its fellow arch,
the extreme one to the north, is only five feet six inches.

And a similar law of variation will be found to govern the laying out and
spacing both of the Gallilee chapel and that of the Nine Altars, though in the
case of the former, as there are five aisles of but four bays each, the spacing of
the latter is practically uniform, the western one alone, in every case, being a
few inches wider than the rest. Yet, though for the most part but slightly, the
width of the aisles themselves varies in every instance, that towards the south
being thirteen feet eight inches ; the next, thirteen feet seven inches ; the central
one, thirteen feet nine inches ; the following thirteen feet eleven inches, and the
northernmost, twelve feet eleven inches.

As to the Nine Altars, the variations are simply legion, no two things, and
frequently even halves of the same things, being alike in almost any part of it ;
and hence, in part, the result that, for grace and power and fascinating
charm, it stands, I think I may say, alone, even among the greatest works of its
great age.

"DIVERSITY IN NAVE ARCADES. 229

of clearing away the Norman west front of Eemigius altogether,
continuing: the arcades of the same dimensions throughout, and
erecting a new west front, possibly like that of Peterborough, in a
similar style, and at right angles with them, which the actual Norman
front is not. But by the time the fifth bay was finished funds failed ;
the retention of the old work became a matter of necessity ; and the two
western bays had, consequently, to be at once and violently contracted
to a space of only seventeen feet each, in order to make them fit in
with it. Such a sudden and severe interference with the integrity of
the original scheme, has, however, issued in the most disastrous
results ; for whether it be that the vast scale on which the work was
commenced has caused the disparity of spacing in the arcades to
appear too pronounced; that the dimensions of the earlier eastern
ones were not (as, indeed, under the circumstances, they could not be)
duly accommodated to them ; that the intended length of the nave
was so greatly curtailed ; or, as is most probable, to the combined
action of all these causes ; the unity of that nave, which, had it
only been completed as it was commenced, would probably have been
the most daring, scientific, and beautiful thirteenth-century work of
the kind in the land, has been completely destroyed, not only as a
whole, but in the proportion of its leading parts.

But at Hartlepool there were no such limitations ; the lower parts
of the tower, though continuous, being certainly of later construction.
At the same time owing partly, perhaps, to the smaller scale, partly
to the considerable variation pervading the four eastern bays, and
partly to the entire structure having reached the limits originally
designed for it ; the general unity, as well as relative proportion of
parts, are in no way interfered with or impaired. Whether viewed
from the west when they are in the immediate foreground, from the
east when in far and sharp perspective, or from any intermediate
standpoint, the effect of these narrow bays either alone, or in connection
with the rest is equally fine, nor is their actual difference from them
in size even suggestive of disparity.

VI.

Besides the different spacing of its bays, and the difference in
plan of the columns of the south aisle among themselves, and of all of

230 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

them from thosa of the north aisle, another mark of distinction is
seen in the fact that, while the southern arches are enriched with hood
moulds, those towards the north have none. And a further point of
interest is this, viz., that these hood moulds, like the earlier ones of
the choir, are indented, a circumstance tending to show that the
south side of Hartlepool nave, like that of Darlington, was built first.

Again, the arch moulds of the two arcades which, in either case,
are of two orders, though in the same style, and producing a very
similar effect, differ completely in every detail, save one, which is
that the central mould of the soffit of the inner order consists in
both of a pointed bowtel. The feature of chiefest interest in the
southern range, however, is perhaps found in the broad eastern bay,
as well above, in the clearstorey, as below, in the arcade and aisle
compartment.

Though to no striking extent, or in any way interfering with the
unity of the general design, the easternmost clearstorey window on
either side is appreciably taller than the rest, the height to the
springing of the arch being four feet eleven inches, and four feet two
inches, respectively. But, again, the inequality is so skilfully masked
by the string course, which also forms the hood mould, being
carried at the same level throughout, through taking the arch of the
taller light as its springing line and those of the others at nine
inches above, that, in the general view, the eye is neither conscious
of, nor suspects, any difference at all. The reason of this difference,
which though slightly more apparent on the outside because of the
accompanying blank arcades, yet even there interferes to no greater
extent with the unity of the whole, is to be found in the fact of this
eastern bay having formed a chantry chapel. That such, inde-
pendently of the inference to be drawn from its greater size and
larger clearstorey light, was certainly the case, is proved not only by
the presence of the original piscina, but by the occurrence of a respond
in the south wall opposite to, and of the same section as the first
column, and which, instead of a mere corbel, as in all the other bays,
carries the transverse arch, and so serves to mark it off the more
emphatically from them.20

20 Besides the high, or parish altar, there were also certainly three other
subsidiary or chantry altars in the church or chapel of S. Hild, viz., those of S.

THE NAVE. 231

These transverse arches constitute one of the most unusual, and
also, it must be confessed, difficult and perplexing features of the
church. Unlike those at Darlington they are richly moulded, and
springing on either hand from nearly the same levels, have their sides,
in consequence, of nearly the same length. But in the south aisle
more particularly, many of them are most curiously and unaccountably
mis-shapen, as though either from settlement or excessive pressure.
Nothing of the kind, however, as is evident both from the vertically
of the walls on either side and the horizontal level of the courses
overhead has ever happened to them, and the cause must therefore be
sought in the original construction. Their malformation is all the
more remarkable, seeing that the curvature of the whole of the other
arches throughout the building, whether great or small, is so
exceptionally and perfectly symmetrical. It cannot easily, therefore,
be attributed either to ignorance or carelessness. The first and most
obvious explanation would seem to be that before the raising of the
outer walls they had been struck intentionally from very unequal
centres, and at distinctly different levels ; thus, in rampant fashion,
and following the inclination of the steep ancient roofs, presenting
much the same general . outline and effect as those at Darlington.
Then, when the outer walls were raised to their present height in the
fifteenth century, that the corbels were raised too, and the irregular
arches adapted to their new forms and positions with the least
amount of trouble possible. But as there is no evidence of the

Helen, S. Mary, and S. Nicholas, two of which would probably occupy the eastern
extremities of the north and south aisles of the choir ; the other, that of the
south aisle of the nave. All three were refounded in the time of bishop Skirlaw
(1388-1405) who in the eighth year of his episcopate, granted leave to the mayor
and commonalty of Hartlepool to found anew a chantry for one chaplain, to
the honour of S. Helen, at the altar of the blessed Helen, to pray for the good
estate of the bishop ; of Matilda, wife of Roger de Clifford, and their heirs ; and
of the mayor and commonalty ; as also for their souls when they shall have
departed this life, etc., according to statutes to be made and determined by the
mayor and commonalty.

A similar licence empowered the mayor, etc.. to found to the honour of the
blessed Virgin Mary, one chantry of two chaplains, to pray at the altar of the
blessed Mary, etc., as before, and permission was likewise given to the said mayor,
etc., to assign certain messuages to the keepers of the fabric of the church of
S. Hild, for the purpose of supplying a light at the altar of the blessed Virgin
Mary, and for sustaining the choir of the said church.

A further licence was also granted to refound, etc., to the honour of S.
Nicholas, one chantry of one chaplain, to pray at the altar of S. Nicholas, in this
chapel, etc., as before, and that the mayor, etc., may grant eight messuages to
John Abel, chaplain keeper of the chantry and his successors for ever.

232 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

corbels having ever occupied a lower level, which the height of the
unaltered capital of the respond renders indeed impossible, and as the
line of the original roof would, as experiment shows, have cleared the
arches in their present form perfectly, such theory is, of course,
untenable. Still the deformity exists, and that in so pronounced a
fashion, and in so many instances, that it needs to be accounted for.
Why there should have been any discrepancy at all in so simple
a matter, when once the respective springing lines were deter-
mined, does not appear. The actual difference of level between the
corbels and the capitals of the columns from which, in the south
aisle, the arches spring is so trifling, only about four inches, as to
be practically non-existent, and offers no explanation whatever for
such singular and excessive deformity; while mere carelessness,
though it might account for the irregularity in a single instance,
could hardly be held to do so in so many. The only remaining way
of explaining the actual state of things, short of wanton recklessness
or stupidity, would seem to be that, an irregular curvature with an
uneven springing line having been designed for the arches originally,
and a certain number of voussoirs cut to that form, the idea, before
the arches were actually turned, was abandoned, and the prepared stones
worked up on a nearly level springing line in the way we now see.

But, however this may be, certain it is that on building the north
aisle a different system was pursued, and the cross arches, instead of
springing from the capitals of the columns, as in the south aisle,
were made to do so from independent capitals applied to the inner
shafts of the columns at a lower level ; that is to say, with their abaci
rather lower than the neck moulds of the capitals of those columns.
The result, whatever the cause of a contrary one to the south, is that
the transverse arches are, if not absolutely, yet quite fairly, regular.

Though corresponding exactly in the span of its pier arch with
that opposite, the eastern bay of the north aisle possesses neither of
the two characteristics, of the respond or piscina, which are found
there ; nor can it certainly be said, therefore, whether an altar, as
might be supposed, ever occupied it or not. In all other respects the
two bays, both above and below, correspond exactly, save in one, and
that is that, the arrangement of the clearstorey hood mould, to which
1 have called attention on the south side, is here all but reversed.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII (to face page 232).

Plate XIV.

ST. HILD'S CHURCH, H A R T L E P O O L.

Heotioii through Nave and South Aisle

looking east, showing elevation of

Chancel Arch

Half Plan of Piers to South Nave Arcade

234 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

But then, even in this uniformity, we see a difference in the design of
the columns from that of all those with which they are contrasted.
Thus, on the south, we have three patterns ; here on the north, though
but one, a fourth ; for while that which most nearly resembles it con-
sists of a pointed bowtel applied to the centre of each face of a square ;
here, the figure, as in the great north-west pier of the tower at
Darlington, is a cluster of eight, viz., four pointed, and as many
round, shafts set alternately.

As ever with the true artist, indeed, the architect of Hartlepool
church refused slavishly to repeat himself; and being a free agent,
free, that is, to design afresh, improve, and vary all previous ideas as
he went on, the light of that * Lamp of Life ' which was within him
breaks forth and lightens all portions of his work alike. And so,
though commencing with the clearstorey hood moulds, and noting, step
by step, the variations occurring in every detail down to the sections
and arrangements of the pillars, we find yet further proof of his

theless, shafts so exactly similar to these at Hartlepool, and whose position and
reason of their occurrence is so curious that they may well be mentioned here —
all the more so that neither one nor other has ever been referred to or,
apparently, even noticed by the late Sir G. G. Scott, Mr. Sharpe, or any other
writer on that very remarkable building. As originally planned, and even
built, up to the base of the clearstorey, it was intended, evidently, to be vaulted
with stone, no fewer than five vaulting shafts being set in a peculiarly French
fashion with their bases on the capitals of the pier arches. On arriving at the
clearstorey, however, this original intention was abandoned and a simple wooden
roof, without any vaulting, determined on, instead. There, consequently, the
group of vaulting shafts abruptly terminated, and single slender shafts with
square abaci, exactly resembling those at Hartlepool, were superimposed upon
them to carry, as there, the tie beams of the roof. At Darlington, though the
idea of such divisional shafts would seem never to have been seriously contem-
plated, there is, notwithstanding, a curiously apparent and abortive attempt
made in that direction, at the springing of the eastern nave arches on each side.
But it is carried up, like the vaulting shafts at Ripon, only as high as the clear-
storey string course, and there ends. Whether these shafts were intended to be
carried higher, and all the succeeding bays to be similarly marked off. cannot
now, of course, be said, any more than whether, on the other hand, they were
meant only to indicate, like the richer arches which they serve to emphasize and
segregate from the rest, the sacrarium of a people's altar which, like that of
Jesus, or the great cross, at Durham and elsewhere, was placed below the western
arch of the crossing. But. whatever their object, they were neither continued
nor yet completed. The only instance we have, and that in a building which,
though not designed originally for sacred uses, is yet of contemporary date.
occurs in the chapel of the bishop's palace at Auckland. Here, however, as there
was no clearstorey, they are much shorter than those at Hartlepool. They are
also much more highly enriched, springing from foliaged corbels, and having
capitals of the same' character. They have now, with excellent taste and
judgment, been applied to a new use, viz.. the support of very finely executed
and designed full length figures of angels playing on musical instruments, which
both give them a meaning, and serve to fill up the bare and blank wall spaces
admirably.

VARIATIONS IN CAPITALS OF CLEARSTOREY COLUMNS. 235

inventiveness awaiting us in their bases. Again, as with themselves,
the arrangement of the one side would seem to be opposed to that of
the other ; not, that is, in detail, but as a whole. Thus, while the
circumscribing line of all those towards the south, the difference in
their shafts notwithstanding, is circular, on the north it is octagonal.
Nor is this all. On the south the bases stand, as usual, separate and
disconnected. On the north, for some reason, not now readily
explicable, they were, though such is no longer the case, connected
by a plinth a few inches higher than the nave floor. Whether
the floor of the aisle was continuous with that of the nave,
or raised to the height of the plinth is, however, as uncertain as,
seeing there were no inequalities of surface to account for it, the
presence of the plinth itself is unintelligible. But, that it was there,
whatever its raison d'etre may have been, and that it had one we
cannot doubt, is undeniable.

VII.

But two other features of the twelfth-century architect's design
remain to be noticed, I think, the south doorway and the windows
of the aisles. The latter are now, unhappily, all gone, and the only
evidence we have respecting them is that of the single small light
remaining in the engaged bay of the tower, with whose general
details and proportions the rest presumably agreed. It is remarkably
small, only four feet six inches in height, by one foot in breadth, and
consequently a mere loop. But, taken in connection with the pitch of
the roofs, also preserved there, it enables us to understand perfectly
that solemn and impressive effect of light and shade which formed so
important an element in the original plan, and of which we could
otherwise have little or no conception. By its aid, however, we can
see at once how marvellously grand and overpowering must have
been the expression of mystery, and power, and vast extent, which
characterized the work as it left its master's hand; and how
miserably it has been lessened, almost, if not altogether, to vanish-
ment, by subsequent alterations.23 Till then, practically, the whole of

23 Unfortunately, similar mischief has, in varying degrees, befallen almost, if
not all, of our earlier churches. Certainly none in the county of Durham has
escaped, and that Hartlepool should have suffered no further than it has is a
subject for much thankfulness. To a larger extent, because on a far larger and
grander scale than any other, it must, I think, have displayed the marvellous

23G ST. HILD'R CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

the illumination would be derived from the windows of the clearstorey,
subdued and separate bars of light divided by broad intervening belts
of shadow, sufficient, doubtless, to throw up in full relief the general
forms and details of the architecture, but little or nothing more.
However great the skill displayed in other parts of the construction,
it may well be questioned, I think, whether it exceeded or even

gain accruing from a system of carefully thought-out and subdued lighting,
accompanied by the powerful effect of well-regulated and disposed gloom. It
certainly seems strange that while in pictorial art the utmost attention should
be given habitually by the greatest masters to the due proportion and distribu-
tion of light and shade ; in architecture, the noblest and most impressive art of
all, we should have come, in modern practice, not merely to treat so important
a point with indifference or contempt, but to have lost sight of its very existence
altogether. In time, perhaps, our architects, or such of them as would be artists,
as well as, or rather than, mere builders, will wake up to a sense of their loss
and strive to remedy it. At Hartlepool, the effect of contrast was, so far as we
can judge, more highly accentuated and intense, probably, than elsewhere.
For, though the nave could never have been light, the western parts of the choir
were still less so, and the whole illumination, as such, must have been concen-
trated directly upon the high altar from the great triplets which, whether in
one or two stages, at the east end, and probably also at the sides, as at
Tynemouth, would bathe it, and that all the more strikingly by comparison, in a
perfect flood of light. Much the same thing, though owing to its wholly
different arrangement, in a more graduated fashion, would also be seen at
Darlington. Here too, originally, the nave must have been wrapped in com-
parative obscurity, and its lighting, derived notwithstanding, or rather, perhaps,
on account of its aisles, almost wholly from the clearstorey, been in marked
contrast with that of the eastern parts. To it succeeded immediately the piers
and arches of the crossing which, in the absence of a lantern, had no direct
light at all, the brighter light of the transepts coming in only indirectly on
either side. But beyond them, in due course, the choir with its eighteen great
lights in double rank, above and below, shone forth glorious and resplendent, a
symbol and picture, as it was meant to be, of heaven's brightness in comparison
with that of earth.

And just the same simple, but beautiful and expressive arrangement, is seen
to have obtained, in an equally artistic, if far humbler, way in the little neigh-
bouring church of Gainford, a small and perfectly plain structure, consisting of
chancel, nave, with north and south aisles, and, like Hartlepool, engaged western
tower. Unlike either it or Darlington, however, its architecture, which may
very well be owing to the village mason, is simplicity itself. Yet, lor all that, a
fully proportionate degree of dignity and fine effect was gained.

As so often happens in the churches of adjacent Richmondshire, the west
end, both of nave and aisles is entirely without windows of any kind, the west,
towards which quarter the abrenunications of baptism were directed, being held
to be emphatically typical, or under the special dominion of, the devil.
Occupied, then, not only by the massive piers and arches of the tower, but
by others spanning the aisles as well, it was altogether unlighted and in gloom.
The unclearstoreyed nave of three bays, with aisles descending nearly to the
ground, had but very small and narrow lancets, the sole remains of which,
surmounted by vesicas, are now to be seen only at the east end. Farther on,
however, and in the most striking, not to say startling, contrast lay the chancel
flooded with light from nine broad and lofty lancets, three at the end, and
three on each side. Looking westwards, was looking into gradually deepening
darkness, the way of sin and death ; looking eastwards was ' looking unto
Jesus,' ' from darkness unto light,' ' from death to life.' ' from the power of
Satan unto God.'

ARCIJ AEL. Vol. XVII (toflu»p*<* V.J71

Plate XI 7.

Eiymvai fr John ,Sa4iUrr

SOUTH DOORWAST AND CAi'rTA.L5 OF THE CHAilCfa. ARCU.

hMithoi by 6tonitAt±ir«ist'turiuunJ:lit>ba-l \ViUiam, Hillings.lc 1

SOUTH DOORWAY AND WINDOWS OF AISLES. 237

equalled that masterly power of lighting which set them off to such
wonderful advantage, and endued them with an aspect so majestic
and sublime. Nowadays, such matters seem never to be thought of;
and in new churches a chief requirement is held to be fulfilled if,
under a factory-like glare of equal and untempered light, the smallest
type, on the thinnest and worst paper, can be read in every corner.

The south doorway, simple in design, yet rich and beautiful in
effect, is of singular interest. Like the lower central, north and south
windows of the choir at Darlington, it contains the one solitary
instance of fret, or zig-zag moulding in the church. More than that,
both the mould itself and the method of its application are practically
identical ; the only difference being that in this, the earlier example,
those little conical and dog-tooth enrichments which there stud the
interstices of the frets in so rich and remarkable a way, are wanting.
As there, and in other instances innumerable, notably at Nunmonkton
and Brinkburn, it shows us with what difficulty the men who, for the
best parts of their lives, perhaps, had been used to the exquisitely rich
and refined details of the Transitional style, brought themselves to
abandon altogether its more salient and characteristic details; and
how lingeringly, and with what affection, they still clung to and
recurred to them in some one feature or other, while suppressing them
in all the rest.

A singular freak, or rather accident, perhaps, may be noticed in
one of the voussoirs of the arch, the lowest to the west, being left
uncarved.

The most curious and remarkable point, however, and which,
could it but have been brought under the notice of the late Sir Gr. G-.
Scott, might not only have proved highly instructive, but saved him
from much wild conjecture, is seen in the capitals of the little nook
shafts on each side. Here, at Hartlepool, the section of the arch
moulds, altogether unlike that at Darlington, is rigidly and absolutely
rectangular. Yet, though this, if any, may seem to require, nay
demand, square abaci, the architect has, notwithstanding, provided
it with round ones. The effect, it is true, is scarcely satisfactory ;
but then, this is owing to the perfectly flat sides of the arch-stones
having nothing in common with the circular form of their seat, into
the centre of which the sharp point of the angle cuts violently. At

238 ST. HILD'S CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

Darlington, however, where the combination of so called square
mouldings and round abaci created such a ' difficulty ' as could be solved
only by the ' conjecture ' of there being a difference of thirty or five
and thirty years between the two, nothing of the kind occurs. For
there, as we have seen, the sides of the arch-stones instead of being
flat, as here, consist of deep rolls and hollows ; and instead of a hard
right angle, present, on the contrary, a hollow to the front. In that
case, in short, the square outline of the arch-moulds is purely imaginary;
in this, it is real.

VIII.

We come now, at last, to the tower, incomparably the finest
thirteenth-century structure of its kind in the county ; and, in con-
nection with its added buttresses, the most remarkable and picturesque,
perhaps, in all England. (See frontispiece, plate X.)

Massive and simple in outline, it rises in four stages ; of which the
lower three correspond in height with the arcades, clearstorey, and
roof respectively, and was supported, in the first instance, at the angles
by pairs of flat gabled buttresses terminating beneath the corbel table
of the fourth, or belfry, stage only. Above this, whether actually or
intentionally cannot now be said, would spring the spire which was, or
was meant to be, almost certainly, of wood covered with lead, as at
Whitburn and Ryton. As the upper stages, however, are necessarily
of somewhat later date, it will be convenient to take account, in the
first place, of the lowest one, which went on more or less continuously
with the nave of which it structurally formed part, and without which
the former could not be completed. For the tower being what is
known technically as engaged, standing, that is, with three of its
sides enclosed in the body of the church to which it opened by as
many arches, it is clear that the two eastern piers must not only have
been built, but the north and south arches turned, before the
western bays of the nave could possess either adequate support or
abutment. These must, therefore, be regarded as being substantially
contemporaneous with the nave and its aisles, with which they were
both in contact and continuous. Most unfortunately they are at
present, as for many centuries past, completely shut out from view ;
and, worse than that, solidly embedded in masonry; a rough and
massive wall, the whole height and breadth of the nave and aisles,

THE TOWER. 239

blocking up the great eastern tower arch and its piers, as well as
those opening to the aisles, while other and similar ones do the like
office for those in line with the arcades to the north and south. The
west window being also built up and the interior encumbered with
wooden shoring to prop the vault, the whole interior forms a sort of
labyrinthine black hole where sight and motion are almost equally
impossible.

Like that of the chancel, the tower arch is of altogether exceptional
proportions, occupying the whole space from the columns of the
arcades up to the full height of the clearstorey. With the exception of
the hood mould, however, its details are wholly buried. And such,
too, is the case with the lateral arches.

Of the original west doorway all that can be said is that it was of
considerably larger size than the existing, and slightly later, one ; and
that it was enriched with nook shafts separated by rows of beautifully
formed dog-tooth, the inner one exactly reproducing those found in
the frets of the choir windows at Darlington.

The plan of the tower is very remarkable, far bolder and more
original, however, than scientific. The only approach to anything
like solidity, indeed, is seen in the two western angles, and that, at
best, of a very doubtful and, as the event has proved, quite inadequate,
kind. Practically, it was designed to stand on four open arches, the
eastern one the full height and width of the nave walls, and resting
simply on slender clustered columns continuous with those of the
arcades. North and south were arches of the same height, but greater
span than these ; while the arch of the west doorway, nearly twelve
feet in span, was of proportionate height. But even so, and with the
existing method of construction, the tower might, perhaps, have main-
tained its stability had it not been for the introduction, at the same
height as the clearstorey, of the massive quadripartite vault. Nor
need any serious mischief, even then, possibly, have happened, if only
sufficient care and forethought had been exercised. But the radically,
and well nigh universally, pernicious practice of the age prevailed, and
the work was started from wholly inefficient foundations. With the
solid rock at a depth of only seven feet beneath him, the architect
was content to go no further down with them than four feet, thus
leaving three feet of compressible material between the two. Such

240 ST. HILD'R CHURCH, HARTLEPOOL :

a proceeding would have been foolish and risky enough, even had the
walls been carried uniformly down to the ground on all four sides. So
far from it, however, their whole weight, together with that, as well as
the active thrust of, the vaulting, was brought to bear upon four narrow
isolated points, and so disaster became not only inevitable, but almost
immediate.

Beautiful exceedingly as it is in its entirety, as a piece of archi-
tectural composition, and beyond all praise, when taken in connection,
as it was originally intended to be, with the design of the nave, the
faults of this tower, like those of so many other grand works of its
period, were all attributable to mere lack of experience. Backed by
this, the design might, with perfect ease, have been rendered per-
manently secure. What it needed was, in the first place, an absolutely
rigid foundation to resist vertical pressure ; after that compact and
close jointed masonry, without any rubble filling, at the four corners,
to resist lateral pressure ; and then the vaulting to be sprung from
just so many courses of horizontally jointed voussoirs as would suffice
to resist the thrust of the central radiated ones, and thus sustain the
whole in equilibria without its exercising any active thrust on the flat
pilaster buttresses whatever. But, unhappily, every one of these three
essential conditions is lacking ; and hence the necessity for that system
of buttressing which it became imperative to apply. How vast, and
probably unique, it is, a reference to the ground plan and external
views will show far better than any verbal description. Yet, it may be
pointed out that while the clear internal diameter of the tower is only
about eighteen feet, the projection of the four lateral buttresses is about
twenty ; while that of the two western ones is no less than twenty-
seven ; all six being carried up to half the height of the entire structure.
Reckoning this enormous mass along with that employed in blocking
the four arches of the ground storey, the two others spanning the nave
aisles, and the windows of the upper parts, the singular fact is forced
upon us that a considerably greater amount of masonry has been used
to prop the tower up than was adopted originally for its construction.

And then it will be observed further, that the whole of this
gigantic system of buttressing is of very early date ; only a little more
advanced in style, in fact, than the tower itself. In other words that,
just as might have been expected, the process of disruption set in at

BEAUTY OF TOWER ARCHITECTURALLY. 241

once, and proceeded at such a pace that within fifty years or so, it
became necessary, in order to avoid imminent ruin, to bolster it up in
the way we now see.

But if the original architect was ignorant and inexperienced as
regards foundations, his successor, untaught by his mistakes, was
every whit as much so. For, from first to last, his buttresses have
been just as great a source of anxiety as the tower itself ; and again,
and again has his work forced the query Quis custodiet custodes ?
Twice, if not thrice, during the present century have the props them-
selves yielded, and are even now, at the present moment, propped with
wooden stays themselves. And all from the selfsame cause, absence
of due foundation. Apparently the later architect flattered himself
that the inert mass of his additions would offer an amount of passive
resistance that would obviate all further trouble, never dreaming that,
owing to the same cause, the same results must necessarily follow.

It is not a little curious to note the wild nonsense that has found
place in print respecting this tower and its supports. Thus Mr.
Billings, whose admirable illustrations of the architectural antiquities
of the county are but ill supported by the text, can find nothing better
to say than : ' This once magnificent building is marked by peculiari-
ties of a perplexing description, and it is no easy task to decipher the
intention of its architect. Especially singular are the enormously
massive buttresses jutting from the tower. Looking at their extra-
ordinary form, we might fancy the original design had for its object a
cross church, consisting of nave, transepts, choir, and chancel, and
that, this intention being altered, the buttresses were placed against
the tower to compensate for the loss of support which the complete
members would have given it ; but on a closer inspection of the
masonry we discover portions of the walls, windows, and (upon the
buttress sides) the coping stones of the roofs of three small chapels,
attached to the west, north, and south of the tower, and all of the
Early English period when the church was first built. The southern
chapel, indeed, still exists.' And then he continues : ' A survey of the
interior of the tower satisfies us of the necessity of large buttresses, for
they sustain the lateral pressure of a lofty and heavy stone ribbed
groining, which is undoubtedly the best constructed specimen of the
kind in the county.'

VOL. xvii. 32

242 ST. IIILD'S CHURCH, HAKTLEPOOL :

Astonishing as such utterances are, how a man of Mr. Billings
intelligence could ever have brought himself to utter them, is more
astonishing still. For the whole history and explanation of the several
features are ' writ ' so ' large ' upon their face, that ' even a wayfaring
man, though a fool,' need not * err therein.' So far from anything
perplexing occurring either in the building as a whole, or in any of
its parts, all, on the contrary, is as plain and clear as daylight.

Begun at the east end of the splendid chancel, continued unin-
terruptedly throughout the nave, and ended with the lower parts of
the tower, everything pursued a perfectly normal course. That a
brief, but only a brief, pause took place, however, would seem most
likely. The details, not only of the upper stages, but also of the small
visible fragment of the original west doorway, show a distinct advance
upon those in all other parts of the church, and suggest, at least, the
influence of another, and a different, mind. The square abacus used so
unreservedly elsewhere is throughout abandoned, and altogether the
character of the work seems of a less masculine and gentler kind.
And then as regards the intention of ' its architect,' there were, if not
three, certainly two of them, of whose intentions there can be no
doubt. The builder of the upper part of the tower, whether the
same as that of the lower or not, simply carried up his work as it had
been begun and then stopped. That he never contemplated the
possibility of its carrying a stone spire, the usual finish of towers at
that time, is clear from the fact that he prepared no squinches or
angle arches to carry one. Were any such crowning member ever
added, it must evidently, therefore, have been of wood. But it soon
became plain enough that the tower could not support itself, let alone
a spire of any kind at all. The powerful thrust of the vault, set at so
great a height, and with next to nothing in the shape of buttresses to
resist it, speedily threatened to bring the whole structure to the
ground. Hence, therefore, the need of additional support, the vast-
ness of which measures at once the imminence of the danger and the
anxiety of the later architect to meet it. That is simply the whole
history of the place, and of the ' intention of its architect.'

As to the three ' chapels,' one of which * indeed still exists,' they
neither have, nor ever had, save in Mr. Billings's imagination, any
existence at all. The two compartments, north and south, were just

INSTABILITY OF THE TOWER. 243

the continuations of the north and south aisles ; while that to the
west, if it were really ever covered in, was neither more nor less than
a mere portico or shed to the west doorway, a very natural adjunct
after the enormous buttresses which constituted its side walls were
once built.

The only ' perplexing ' feature of the case is as to what should be
done to open out and efficiently restore this most imposing part of the
church to its original use and beauty, and how to do it. Theoretically,
the best and only perfect way would be to take the tower down to the
ground entirely, put in competent foundations, and then carefully
reconstruct its bulged and shaken walls, vault included, with its own
materials exactly in its ancient state. The whole of the blocked,
distorted, and expanded arches and twisted walls and pillars could
then be symmetrically reset and opened out ; and the entire space,
now shut off and left in dirt and darkness, be brought back to light
and life. Long may this glorious heirloom of the ages be handed on
in its integrity to the generations yet unborn, as the noblest local
record of the past, a masterpiece of its age and class, not merely
unequalled but unapproached.

NOTE.

The following most interesting particulars relating to the founda-
tions of the tower and its buttresses have been kindly supplied to me
by Mr. J. Carse, late clerk of works : — ' In some cases there were no
foundations to the tower. The N.E. angle was built on the surface,
on what appeared to be puddled clay, with a few large boulders
thrown in amongst it. The foundations of the buttresses went down
to the rock, but were composed of nothing else than loose rubble,
narrowing in to the bottom. Under the S.E. buttress I found a split
or fissure in the rock about an inch and a half wide, with a current
of air blowing out. I tried to fill it with cement, but it was out of
the question ; it went away as though going down some drain.'

244 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY.

IX.— A SURVEY OF THE CHURCHES OF THE ARCH-
DEACONRY OF NORTHUMBERLAND, TEMP.
CHARLES II. (FROM THE COLLECTIONS OF MR. W.
WOODMAN, A VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY).

By J. CRAWFORD HODGSON.
[Read on the 27th day of February, 1895.]

The following survey of the churches grouped under their respec-
tive deaneries of Newcastle, Morpeth, Alnwick, Bamburgh, and
Corbridge, comprised in the one archdeaconry of Northumberland, was
drawn up in the period of revived ecclesiastical discipline which followed
the restoration of Charles II. and the passing of the Act of Uniformity.
Frequently quoted by the Rev. John Hodgson, and recently in the
new county history, the copy to be read before you to-night is from
the collection of Mr. Woodman; and the most valuable of the notes
appended are abridged from the minute book of the visitations of the
sensible and sagacious Archdeacon Singleton, for the use of which the
writer is indebted to the Rev. W. Greenwell. It will be observed that
some important parishes are unnoticed.

A VIEW OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL STATE WITHIN THE ARCHDEACONRY
OF NORTHUMBERLAND, ANNO 1663.

Enquiries.

1. What churches are destitute, how long, and who are the impro-

priators ? What the value of the impropriacon, and in whose
deanry ?

2. What churches want competent maintenance, and what their stip-

ends are now ?

3. What scandalous ministers ?

4. What chief seducers to popery or sects ?

5. What churches are ruinous ?

6. What gleeb concealed or confounded, and how long ?

7. What schooles, and howe far asunder, free schooles especially, and

whether any be decayed ?

DEANEEY OF NEWCASTLE. 245

Answers.
I.— IN THE DEANRY OP NEWCASTLE.

1. All the parochial churches in this deanry are impropriated.

2. The impropriators of the rectory1 of Newcastle are the deane and

chapter of Carlile valet p' annu' 90". The vicaridge itselfe valet
p' annu' . . .

3. The impropriators of the rectory2 of Tinemouth are ye earle of

Northumberland and Ralph Delevall, baron', valet p' annu'
460K. The vicar hath a salary of 30Ji p' annu' out of which is
paid to the curate of Earsden3 chappell 04U 13s 04d. Tinmouth
chappell is unfinished.

4. The impropriator of ye rectory of Benton4 is Coll. Baliol. Oxon.,

valet p' annu' 6011. The vicaridge 40U p' annu'.

5. The impropriator of the rectory of Ponteland5 is coll. Merton

Oxon., valet p' annu' 126". The vicaridge 90U p' annu'.

1 The rectory of Newcastle was given by Henry I. to the church of Carlisle.
In 1 193 it was in the prior and convent. Brand, vol. i. p. 238.

2 The rectory was parcel of the possessions of the priory of Tynemouth. In
Horsley's time the patronage was in dispute, but according to Randal the advow-
son was in the duke of Northumberland for one turn, and Sir John Hussey
Delaval for two turns ; it then contained besides the parish churchthe chapels
of Earsdon, Blyth, Seaton- Delaval, and Dissington. The duke of Northumber-
land has now the sole right of presentation.

' The impropriation is half in the duke of Northumberland, and the other
half bequeathed by Sir M. Milbank for charitable uses. The church was
" repaired" as the inscription over the entrance says, but in reality rebuilt in
1792 nearly on the old style ; it contains two thousand persons.' Archdeacon
Singleton's Visitation, 1826.

3 ' The minister's stipend arises from the interest at 4 per cent, of £1,200 : a
farm of 44 acres at Long Framlington lets for £22 per annum : 66£ farms pay
him at the rate of 6s. 8d. per each farm. The duke of Northumberland has been
urged by his bailiff to dispute the latter payment as concerns his property as
a matter of right, but gives per annum £5 ; this is a ruinous step to the poor
curate since others dispute, without making the present as the duke does. I pre-
sume that upon the whole his income may amount to £125 per annum. They
have a neat little cup and cover with the date 1618, with the names of the
churchwardens.' Ibid. See Proc., vol. iii. p. 268, for description of cup and cover.

4 ' Long Benton vicarage is in the patronage of Balliol coll. Oxford, who have
the great tithes ; their chancel is not so creditable as the body of the church.
Mr. Clapp, the vicar, has been non-resident for 26 years, and his parish shews it.
The college occupy their impropriation themselves/it is worth about £1,400. The
vicar's income from glebe and tithes is £245.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation.

5 ' Ponteland vicarage which is worth £700 is in the gift of Merton college.
The impropriation is worth more than £2,000 per annum. There are 140 acres
of glebe well denned, and let in three distinct farms. The vicarage house, which
is an old tower, has been much improved by the good and costly additions of
the present vicar. I forebore at present to press them to paint their church,
but they must do it soon, saving the gallery whimsically painted or perhaps dis-
tempered by Whittle " the Camboe poet," a sort of ingenious vagrant whose
memory is cherished by the country people.' Ibid.

246 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :

6. The impropriator of the rectory of Heddon6 is Sr Tho. Widdring-

ton, valet p' annu' 60n. The vicaridge 2411 p' annu'.

7. The impropriator of the rectory of Newburne7 is DrTus Ep'us

Carlio], rented at 14011 p' annu', vicaridg 801'.

8. These places are destitute, namely, the chappell of Earsdon for 3

years. The chappells of North & South Gosforth 2 years.
The Id. bpp. deane & chapter of Carlile are ye impropriators.
The tithes are of a considerable value. The vicar of Newcastle
of his accord contributes towards South Gosforth to his power.

9. Seducers are so many that they are hard to be found out. The

most active and visible are for popery, viz., Thomas Riddell of
ffenham, Esq., Robert Lawson of New C[astle,] merchant, John
ffenwicke sometimes at Bedlington sometimes at N[ew] C[astle.]

10. For sects, Will. Durant8 & John Pringle9 of New 0 [as tie,] Alexander

Gordon of Tinmouth, John Ogle of Kirkely.10 Many con-
venticles are held in New C[astle] by papists & schismaticks,
shoemakers, &c.

11. Cramlington (where Mr. Dickenson officiates without a licence) &

Gosforth chappells11 and Benton church are ruinous. The chan-
cell of South Gosforth hath nothing remaining but sorry walls.

6 ' The impropriation is in the Bewick family, and produces annually about
£250. The vicarage, which has vicarial tithes de jure, and is endowed with
the great tithes of West Heddon, is worth about £350. The chancel is curious,
but wanted whitewash. It appears that the Scotch army encamped on Heddon
Laws the night before the passage of the Tyne into Durham.' Ibid.

1 ' Newburn church is in a most discreditable state. Roof, pews, beams,
covering — all neglected and bad. The chancel as bad as the rest, and the
impropriators' pew the worst of all. The impropriation is in the bishop of
Carlisle, it is worth above £ 1 ,000 per annum. The vicarage is worth £260. This
is an opulent parish, and the church frequented by gentlemen.' Ibid.

8 Wm. Durant in 1645, lecturer of St. Nicholas, married a sister of Sir Jas.
Clavering. — Cf. Life of Ambrose Barnes, and Welford, Men of Mark.

9 John Pringle, a man of learning, a physician and pastor, ' married a choice
and good woman with whom he got a very great fortune.' He was ousted from
the vicarage of Eglingham, and died at Newcastle, circa 1619. Calamy, and
Life of Ambrose Barnes.

10 The son of John Ogle of Kirkley married the daughter of John Thompson,
the ejected rector of Bothal, and their son, Nathaniel Ogle, married Elizabeth,
daughter and co-heiress of Jonathan Newton of Newcastle, counsellor-at-law, by
his wife, Isabel Jennison, a near kinswoman of Dr. Jenison, the puritan vicar of
Newcastle. Alexander Gordon, in 1663, was bound over that he should not with-
in 20 days speak or contrive against the king or government. Life of Ambrose
Barnes.

11 ' South Gosforth. It is proposed to sever Gosforth from Newcastle, and
make it an independent parish. Sir M. W. Ridley has the great tithe, the vicar's
[of Newcastle] revenue from this part of his parish amounts to about £180.'
Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828.

DEANERY OF MORPETH. 247

12. Not one ffree schoole, but in Newcastle which is kept in very good

condition. Mr. Oxley12 is chiefe schoolemaster, and there are
under him two ushers.

13. [A private chapel belonging to ye prior of Tinmouth.]* Benwell

chapell is destitute, the gleeb worth 12U or 14n which Mr. Shaftoe
holdes for 40U p' annu'. The vicar of Newcastle would gladly
recover it to ye church if he knew how, & belongs to himselfe.

14. There is in Newcastle one .... Thomson, once a schismatical

preacher in Duresme, who is accused for practising clandestine
marriages in divers parts of Northumberland.

II. — IN THE DEANRY OF MORPETH.

1. Mr. Edward Prowse13 parson of Bothall14 is blamed by some for

scandall & negligence. Mr. John Thompson of Pyseworth15
once a schismaticall minister, now turned . farmer, a chief
seducer.

2. Mr. Thornton of Neather-witton is a seducer & (as it is said) will

let no land unless they revolt to popery.

3. Henry ffenwick of Elsden parish seduces some to the sect of the

quakers.

4. The gleeb of Elsden church hath been concealed many years.

12 Amor Oxley was vicar of Kirknewton, and was displaced from the master-
ship of the Grammar school at Newcastle in 1645 as a Eoyalist; in 1656 the
common council, in consideration of his great wants, ordered him £40 as arrears
of salary, and in 1662 he was restored to his office. He lost his library ' when
the town was stormed and plundered by the Scots.' He bequeathed his books to
the library of the school, and dying in 1669 was laid near his wife at the entrance
to the quire of St. Nicholas.

13 Edw. Prowse rector of Bothal and Sheepwash. 1660-1667. Randal.

u 'The value is £1,400 per annum. The old church at Shipwash is entirely
gone down, the font is in the rector's farm yard. I begged them to look to their
spouts, and to restore the heraldic blazoning on the timbers of the roof, and to
repair the only six remaining folios of the long list in Dr. Sharp's book. The
monument of the Bertrams, that of Ann Wilson, the Ogle pedigree on the wall,
the painted glass in the windows, and the carved capitals on the north side of
the entrance into the chancel are all curious and should be preserved. An old
cup and cover 1571. The glebe stretches across the water into Bedlingtonshire
but is deemed to be Northumberland.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1826.
See Proc, vol. iii. p. 240, for note of cup and cover.

15 John Thompson the ejected rector married c4rr.a 1650 Catherine Wilson
of Pegsworth, an heiress, and with her in 1652 sold lands in Old Moor to Mr.
Lawson of Longhirst. Calamy says, ' he was taken in the bishopric and im-
prisoned in the common gaol at Durham for his nonconformity, the imprison-
ment brought him into a dropsy of which he died. He was a man of learning, a
man of peace, and an excellent preacher.'

* Marginal note.

248 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :

5. A stipend of 06U 13s 08d p' annu' belongs to the chappell of

Corsonside. Mr. Gram,16 the curate, is sordid & scandalous.
The impropriator is John Hall of Otterburne, esq., valet
p' annu' 18".

6. The impropriators in Northumberland are generally recusants.

7. The vicar of Midford17 hath onely a stipend of xvj11 p' annu' from

ye impropriators of that rectory, namely, Edward Radcliffe,
baronett, a papist, & Henry Rawling of Newcastle,] a notorious
sectary, valet p' annu' 8011.

III. — IN THE DEANERY OF ALNWICKE.
THE VICARIDGE OR CURACY OF ALNWICKE.IS

1. Is in the gift of the lord b'pp. of Duresme. The stipend is 12U p'

annu' paid by his matie. The church is destitute about a year.
But till my 1. b'pp. be pleased to provide otherwise 'tis for the
present supply'd by a combination of neighbour ministers
appointed by the archdeacon. The church is likewise ruinous.
The chancell a goodly ffabrick, ready to fall down.

2. The impropriato1 is Mr. Charles Brandling.

16 John Graham, vicar of Corsenside, 1617-1682. Randal.

" The rectory of Mitford in 1289 was given to the priory of Lanercost. In
1648 Henry Rawling was one of those who petitioned the Parliament, demand-
ing justice on the king. Life of Ambrose Barnes.

' Mitford vicarage is in the gift of the bishop of Durham, but it has only the
name, being entirely stripped of the tithes. Colonel Mitford, who resides in
Hampshire, is the impropriator ; his tithes may be worth £700 per annum.
The church is venerable and spacious, but the chancel from which the leaden
roof has been taken is now covered with a grey slate, steep and decaying, and is
unceiled within, and the south porch belonging to the Mitfords of Mitford is
also in a bad condition.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1826.

18 Alnwick was a chapelry of Lesbury ; its tithes with the abbey at the
beginning of the seventeenth century came into the hands of the Brandlings,
who a hundred years later sold the abbey to the Uoubledays. In 1717 Francis
Brandling, as a Roman catholic, registered his estate in the corn tithes of
Denwick, Bilton, Hawkhill, and 6/12 of the corn tithes of Alnwick and Lesbury
[all parcel of the rectory of Lesbury] : fractions of the tithes remained until
recently with his descendants or heirs the Cooksons and Ildertons.

' Alnwick is in the gift of the parishioners by a sort of compromise with the
bishop for so long as they shall pay from their corporate funds a certain
stipend named in the agreement to the curate.' Archdeacon Singleton's
Visitation, 1826.

' [In 1603 Henry Strother, Matthew Kelharn, and Cuthbert Mason were
presented '• for going about the making of matches on the Sundaie."]' Ibid.

' The duke of Northumberland has become patron of the living by reason of
endowment, part of which is the admirable glebe-house which he has built and
conveyed to the benefice.' Ibid. 1836.

HOWICK, EMBLETON, WARKWORTH, ETC. 249

3. The value of the impropriation of the tythes of all kinds is 200U

p' annu' or thereabouts. If but the petty tithes were added to
the stipend it would make a competency.

4. Many papists & schismaticks.

5. A free schoole & xvj11 salary belonging to it.

THE RECTORY OF Howies.19

Belonging to the arch-deaconry of Northumberland, both church and
chancel were ruinous, the chancell repaired by the arch-deacon,
'tis of late destitute of a curate, but supplyed by the arch-
deacon's care.

THE VlCARIDGE OF EMBLETON.20

1. The impropriator8 are the warden & ffeliowes of Merton coll. in

Oxon. ye value of the impropriac'on is 300U p' annu'. Two
ruinous chappells in that parish, Rock & Rennington, both
destitute for 15 years or thereabouts.

2. The stipend now is 6011 p' annu'.

3. The church is much out of order.

4. The Gleeb that did anciently belong to Rock chappell is now

confounded.

THE VlCARIDGE OF WARKWORTH.21

1. In the gift of the 1. bp. of Carlisle valet p' annu' 6611 6s 8d.

2. The impropriac'on belongs to the 1. b'p of Carlisle valet p' annu'

400U.

19 In 1734 the church of Howick, according to Mark, was in very good order,
but in 1746 it was replaced by one built by Sir Henry Grey after the style of a
Greek temple. Neither drawing nor description of the old church has survived,
and the only remains which exist are some two or three tombstones on the
chancel floor, and in the grave yard five ancient grave covers — one of the
thirteenth century, coped with a flat top. Cf. also new County Hist. vol. ii.
p. 361.

20 Cf. new County Hist. vol. ii. p. 73.

a ' The vicarage of Warkworth in ye office of First Fruits for land in East
Chivington four shillings, for the which the incumbent receiveth eight shillings
per annum. By an abstract of the Court Rolls holden in that manner the
30 Oct., 1626, it appeareth that one Robert Albone holdeth in right of glebe
land these nineteen stints or grassings besides arable land and meadow. For
land in West Chevington six shillings and eight pence for the which the
incumbent receiveth 13s 4d per annum.' Terrier, dated 23 Oct., 1663. Wark-
worth parish chest.

1 The impropriation belongs to the bishopric of Carlisle, and is rented
by Sir M. Ridley; it is worth £3,000 per annum. The vicarage is worth
£400 per annum from undisputed tithes, but a suit is now pending for adjist-
ment. The vicar, however, has no endowment. The population is 3,000. the

250 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :

3 Gleeb anciently belonging to the church, as appears in the office of
ffirst ffruites, in Nether Buston, valued there at 6s, for which
the incumbent receives nothing. In East Chevington 4s. In
West Chevington 6s 8(1,

4. One chappell in ye parish Chivington22 very much ruined & vacant.

5. No schooles, no papists, but many schismaticks. Mr. Humphrey

Bell23 of Whooddon, in Warkworth parish, is a notorious seducer
schismatical.

THE VlCARIDGE OF LESBURY.24

1. In ye donac'on of his matie the value 85U p' annu'.

2. The impropriator is Mr. Charles Brandling, the value of the

impropriac'on is 8011 p' annu', and the value of the irnpro-
priac'on of Bilton & Hacle is 5011 p' annu'.

3. The vicar, Mr. Cox, resides at Barwick.25

4. The church and chancell ruinous, no schooles, no seducers.

THE VlCARIDGE OF SHILBOTTLE.26

1. In the donac'on of his matie the stipend 2011 p' annum.

church holds 600, but there are no free sittings, and the rated inhabitants of
Chevington chapelry are entirely unprovided with accommodation. I pressed
their case upon the notice of the parish. They have a clock repaired by the
town. The clerk was appointed in 1825 by the vicar, he is paid 1s 6U by each
farm, 3d a house at Easter, and church fees. The four church wardens come in
by rotation, the vicar appointing the town church warden. They gather their
church rate by an ancient custom from the farms — one gathering produces
£29 8" at 4s per farm. The Grey arms are on the gallery, but there are few if
any memorials of the Percies. — I requested that their dilapidated pew might be
repaired.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation. 1826.

22 The chapelry of Chevington comprised the three townships, of East and West
Chevington and Hadston. Tradition says its chapel was a thatched building
destroyed by fire: the Sessions Records inform us that certain persons were
apprehended in 1717 for stealing the chapel bell. Subsequent to the decay of
the chapel the parishioners resorted to the mother church of Warkworth, where
they were treated somewhat as step-children, church rates being demanded from,
but no seats being appropriated to them.

28 Humphrey Bell was the ejected vicar of Ponteland, though he was much
solicited to conform, yet upon mature deliberation he refused it, and was
content to turn farmer for a livelihood. ... He was a learned man, as his
MSS. testify. He died in 1671.' Calamy. At the sessions held at Alnwick in
1682, Mrs. Margaret Bell and her son, Mr. Samuel Bell of Wooden, were pre-
sented to be dissenters so reputed. She was buried at Lesbury in 1697. Their
son. Samuel Bell of Wooden, married Susanna, daughter of John Grey of
Howick, and left issue. Wooden is not in Warkworth, but in Lesbury parish.

24 Cf. new County Hist. vol. ii. p. 443.

85 Wm. Cox vicar of Lesbury 1663-1666, fellow of Brasenose, and vicar of
Berwiclv.

245 ' Shilbottle vicarage worth about £220. The impropriation is in various
hands, to wit, Mr. Cook of Newton Hall, Mr. Bacon, Lieut. Selby, R.N., Mr.
Sanderson Ilderton. The chancel is. however, repaired by the parishioners, who

WHITTINGHAM, CHILLINGHAM, ALWINTON, ETC. 251

2. The impropriato*8 are Mr. Charles Brandling, Mr. W. Selby of

Beel, Mr. Ratcliffe of Spinleston, Mr. Leonard Thqrneton, &
Mr. George Lislei. The impropriac'on valet 6 3n p' annu'.27

3. Gleeb anciently belonging to the church is now in ye possession of

Mr. William Selby.

4. The church is in a reasonable condic'on.

5. No schooles in the parish, noe papists, noe seducers to popery nor

sectaries.

THE VlCARIDGE OF WHITTINGHAM.28

1. In the donac'on of the dean & chapter of Carlile.

2. The impropiators are Mr. Clavering of Callilee, Mr. Collingwood

of Eslington, Baronet Ratcliffe of Dilston, all papists. The
value of which impropriac'on is 20011 per annum.

3. The stipend of the vicaridge is now 5011 p' an', but anciently the

tith corne of Whittingham belonged to it, worth 26U p' annu',

have a church fund arising from the rent of lands, called ' Lord's lands,' which
produces at present £24 15s. per annum. The population is 870, but the church
contains only 188, without any free sittings. There are no catholics and very
few dissenters. The church is in excellent order, but wants painting, and I
called upon them to endeavour to meet their increasing population with pro-
portionate church room, and at all events, not to suffer the churchyard fence to
deteriorate. This fence is maintained by a variety of persons. There are 18
acres of glebe, well maintained and well fenced.' Archdeacon Singleton, Visita-
tion, 1826.

27 The rectory was parcel of the possessions of Alnwick abbey. The great
tithes were sold by the crown trustees, Morrice and Phillips, in 1600. Certain
of them were purchased in 1627 by Win. Selby of Beal, and are yet in the
possession of his descendants. In 1717 Francis Brandling of Bilton Banks
registered as a Roman catholic the corn tithe of Shilbottle.

28 'The church is in excellent order but their communion

plate is mean, and their walls have a sort of conventicle aspect for want
of " the select sentences," " the King's Arms, etc." The population is 1,730 ; the
church, with the addition of its recently erected gallery, contains 360. The
catholics in this, their stronghold, amount to 100. The protestant dissenters are
liberal, and frequent the church; they amount to 900. The Clavering family
are catholics, and a priest is maintained by them. The dean and chapter of
Carlisle are the impropriators, and the chancel is upheld by their lessees, Lord
Ravensworth, Messrs. Clavering, Pawson, Atkinson, Tarleton, and those who are
locally termed the " lairds of Glanton." There are meeting houses for catholics
and protestant dissenters. The parsonage is an old but respectable tenement,
and with its trim garden maintained in the decent simplicity of clerical taste.
The glebe, which is all within the township of Whittingham, amounts to 50
acres, moderately fenced, but well ascertained ; it is chiefly grass-land. The
vicar has six stints in Eslington wood, at present let to Lord Ravensworth at
£12 per annum. The pillars in the church are curious.' Archdeacon Singleton's
Visitation, 1828.

' Alas ! these pillars have been removed. I called for caution and delay and
reconsideration, but the parishioners wanted room, the vicar was zealous, and I
had no power to plead merely architectural curiosity against the spiritual neces-
sities of the people.' Ibid. 1841.

252 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :

which the dean and chapter are about to deduct from the
church and lease to Mr. Collingwood of Eslington a recusant.29

4. The said Mr. Collingwood & Mr. Clavering of Callile, are seducing

papists and keep priests. There are also many other papists &
sectaries.

5. There is a petty schoole kept.

6. Mr. Tallantire ye minister reported scandalous but now said to be

reformed upon ye arch-deacon's publique admonic'on.

THE VlCARIDGE OF CHILLINGHAM.30

1. The stipend is 40U per annum.

2. The Lord Grey is impropriator of ye tithe corn of Newton which

is worth 2011 p' annu', and of ye tith corne of Chillingham, 12H
per annu'.

3. The church is in good reparac'on.

4. The gleeb lands found and boundred, and the terrier sent to be

registered in the Consistory Court at Durham.

5. No seducers, papists, recusants, nor sectaries, and no free schoole.

ALLINGTON CHURCH & HOLYSTONE CHAPELL.SI
1. Both these have been destitute of curates 4 years. Allington's
stipend is at most but 13U 06s 04d.

9 George Collingwood of Eslington was out in the '15, was taken, tried at
Liverpool, found guilty, and lost his life and estate. Horsley says his fate was
generally lamented and pitied, he himself having had the character of an
inoffensive and peaceable gentleman.

30 The rectory of Chillingham was parcel of the possessions of Alnwick abbey.
The corn tithes of Chillingham and Newton were granted in 1605 by James I. to
Lindley and Starkey, who immediately after sold them to Sir Ea. Grey of
Chillingham.

' The Rev. John Sandford of Baliol college, Oxford, son of the titular bishop
of Edinburgh, and what has had a more immediate influence on his appoint-
ment, the godson of the bishop of Durham, has been recently appointed vicar.
He is building a new vicarage house, apparently in a sort of Gothic taste,
and of considerable dimensions. Why he has placed it obliquely to the
village street I know not. The earl of Tankerville proposes to pull down a
row of old miserable houses to the eastward of it, which will render its position
very agreeable. Mr. Sandford is at present engaged in endeavouring to make
an amicable settlement with Lord Tankerville on the score of tithes. His lord-
ship, I apprehend, is contented to forego the gross payment mentioned in Dr.
Sharp's folio for the tithes of his land. The vicar has had reference to an old
and absurd endowment, which claims to have been granted by Julius Caesar !
This document is in many instances more against him than for him ; and if he
be well advised he will stick to prescription. The vicar has the corn tithes of
Hebburn, and the benefice, I presume, may be worth £400 per annum in good
years.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828.

91 ' The appropriation of Allenton and Holystone, says Archdeacon Sharp
(circa 1730), was in the Benedictine nunnery'of Holystone — after the dissolution

FELTON, LONGHOUGHTON, EDLINGHAM, ETC. 253

2. The impropriators (all recusants) are Sr Edward Widdrington of
Cartington, Mr. Thurloe of Rothbury, Mr. Selby. The value
of ye impropriac'on is at least 24011 p' annum.

FELTON.32

The church is in good repair. The impropriator8 are Mr,
Brandling and Mr. Salkell valet p' annu' 100n.

2. The vicar, Mr. Greave, is accused for intemperance and neglect.

3. The chappell of fframlington33 is totally ruined and destitute.

THE VlCAEIDGE OF LONG-HOUGHTON.34

1. The impropriators are Mr. Brandling & Mr. Archbold, the value is
5011 p' annum.

both places being granted into lay hands it became an impropriation which is
now worth between £400 and £500 per annum. Mr. Selby of Biddleston has
two-thirds, Mr. Talbot, Lady Sherborn (now duchess of Norfolk), and others
the remaining third. The duchess's part lately sold to B. Storrer, sen., of
Bothbury.' Horsley's Northumberland.

' Allenton is a curious old church, and the ascent to the chancel and altar
rare and imposing. In the sort of crypt beneath the chancel is the Selby burial
place.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1839.

82 Felton was granted to Brinkburn by Wm. Bertram the second. Mark
Grieve was presented to the vicarage in 1661 and deprived in 1669.

' Alex. Davison, esq., of Swarland, is the impropriator ; the impropriation
is worth £600 per annum. The vicarage is worth £350, including the glebe,
which lets for £130, besides 7 acres usually occupied with the parsonage
house, which is excellent. The population is 2,000, but there are 50 catholics,
and dissenters generally are increasing for want of church room. The sacra-
mental utensils are mean. There is one plain silver cup and cocoa nut shell
tipped with silver. There is a curious old stone in the pavement near the vestry
door. The boundaries between Felton and Warkworth are defined by stones
placed in Acklington park. Mr. Riddell repairs the south aisle.' Archdeacon
Singleton's Visitation, 1826. For notes of plate, see Proc. vol. iv. p. 181.

33 ' Framlington chapel is in a very sad and disgraceful condition, the pews
ruinous within and the walls ruinous and unseemly with filth and abominations
without. The curate is a stipendiary curate to the vicar of Felton, but without
a single farthing of stipend. He receives an ancient payment from the crown
of £6 Is., and a scanty and varying subscription of the inhabitants may produce
about £30 per annum. For this he gives double duty on Sundays, the vicars
pretending that by ancient custom they are only compelled to do, or to find
duty at Framlington every third Sunday in summer and every fourth in winter,
this too with a population of 840. The late good and generous bishop of
Durham gave the curate £30 per annum, and he is reduced to teach the village
school, and to share the house and garden with the clerk, the parish making
this disposition, to whom the house belongs. The clerk is paid by groats col-
lected at Easter, and he has the churchyard, which is in a horrible state, inter-
sected with paths, and the recepticle of all the filth of the village and of the
adjoining schoolhouse. There is neither glebe nor parsonage. The earliest
register in the curate's keeping begins in 1723, but at Felton there is a Framling-
ton register commencing in 1654.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1826.

34 Longhoughton, originally a chapelry in the parish of Lesbury, was made into
a vicarage by the abbot of Alnwick shortly before the dissolution of that house.

John Curry, M.A. of Queen's coll., Oxon., son of Edward Curry of Carmonby,
Cumberland, vicar of Longhoughton, 1663-1665. Cf. new County Hist., vol. ii.
p. 392.

254 CHURCHES OP NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :

2. The minister, Mr. Currie, is not instituted nor inducted, valet
p' annum circiter 3011.

THE VlCARIDGE OF EDLINGHAM.35

The church is ruinous and so the chappel of Bolton.

THE VlCARIDGE OF ECLINGHAM.36

The church is in good repaire. The chappels of Brandon and Bewick
are totally ruined & destitute. The parishoners generally schis-
maticks, presbyterians, independants, or anabaptists.

ALNAM.37

The church is ruinous and destitute. The earl of Northumberland

is patron.

THE RECTORY OF INGRAM.

The church is ruinous and destitute. Mr. Ogle is patron, valet 12011

p' annum.

THE RECTORY OF ELDERTON.38

The church is ruinous.

te The rectory of Edlingham was parcel of the possessions of the priory of
Durham, and belonging to the officially the church was not visited by Arch-
deacon Singleton.

36 The rectory of Eglingham was parcel of the possessions of Tynemouth.
Though this survey does not mention the chapel of West Lilburn, Mark states
that it was in ruins in 1734.

'Eglingham. — Population, 1,750; church room, 350; dissenters about two-
thirds. . . . The registers begin about the close of the usurpation, and the
vicar has a tin box filled with valuable papers and muniments. The chancel is
repaired under a rate raised upon the impropriators, who at present are Lord
Tankerville, Messrs. Allgood, Brown, Ogle, and Baker. The £40 of Mr.
Hymers's money mentioned in Dr. Sharp's folio is still secured on the Bewick
Turnpike Trust. . . . The situation already agreeable will hereafter become
convenient when the neighbouring gentry shall have learned to appreciate the
necessity of good roads. At present it would appear that they are leagued with
their tenantry and each other for the purpose of eluding the Highway Acts.
There are the remains of several dilapidated chapels in this parish, to wit-
Bewick, Lilburn, Wooperton, &c. The chapel yards are still in the vicar, and
as he cherishes the honourable intention of hereafter restoring them to their
pristine utility, he is careful in preserving the rights of way to them in spite of
some jobbing attempts to defeat him. ... He has built a girls' school and
room for the mistress on his glebe. The late vicar built a boys' school over his
coach house— a whimsical position. Glebe (inter alia), Bewick chapel yard,
I acre; West Lilburn chapel yard, 3 roods 14 perches; Brandon chapel yard.
32 perches ; Wooperton chapel yard (has been ploughed out, but the vicar has
reclaimed it), 3 roods.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828.

91 The rectory of Alnham was parcel of the possessions of Alnwick abbey.
Certain of the tithes were granted by James I. in 1605 to Lindley and Starkey.

' Alnham usually, but not of necessity, united with Ilderton. The population
is about 150. There is no parsonage house but an old tower, long uninhabited
and uninhabitable. Revenues £59 per annum.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visita-
tion, 1828.

38 'Ilderton rectory, for such it is, although denuded of every sort of rectorial

FORD, KIRKNEWTON, CARHAM, KYLOE, ETC. 255

THE RECTORY OF FFORD.
The church is ruinous, the meanes usurped.

KlRKE NEWTON.39

The curate thereof is schismaticall.

THE RECTORY OF CARRAM.4U

The church is ruinous and destitute. The impropriato™ Mr. ftbrster;
valet per annu' 300n, and the stipend 0611 13s 04d p' annu'.

advantage, is dedicated to St. Michael. There is an old cup and cover ; on the
cover, anno 1583, a scroll pattern running round. Flagon, cup, and paten, "The
gift of Ann third wife of Robt. Roddam esq. admiral of the White, to the parish
church of Ilderton 1803." This inscription and the full blazon of the Roddam
arms are on all the three pieces, and the motto Nee deficit alter, surely not very
inappropriate for a man who had found a third wife ! Mr. Smith, the late vicar,
in a lawsuit, in which he was supported by the patron, caused the glebe to be
ascertained and restored. It now consists of 48 acres, well fenced, and lying
contiguous to the house, which is in tolerable condition, but built with a sham
castellation. There is 1 acre at Rosedon.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation,
1828. For note of communion plate, see Proc. vol. iii. p. 333.

Pearson v. Ilderton. 7 Oct. 1787. After three weeks sitting the commission
closed, respecting the glebe land of Ilderton, and sealed up. Nicholas Brown,
Diary.

39 ' Kirknewton. This church is dedicated to St. Gregory, and is a vicarage
in the gift of John Davidson of Otterburn, esq. I should have said disposal
rather than gift, for I believe the family of Mr. Robinson, the present incumbent,
made a purchase of it from the trustees of Mr. Davidson when that gentleman
was a minor. The last incumbent was Dr. Thomas, the vicar of Chillingham,
and whatever his merits may have been, he was indebted for this preferment to
his age. The excellent Mr. Bouchier, the former vicar, died so unexpectedly
that the trustees had made no arrangements for appointing a successor, and
were obliged to supply the vacancy with one whose numbered years would give
the greatest reason to calculate on an early presentation. . . . However, it
is right in this case to say that during Dr. Thomas' incumbency the curacy was
respectably filled by Mr. Wood. I have heard that the original intention of the
trustees was to nominate Mr. Witton of Rennington, a man at that time in
extreme old age, but it was found utterly impossible to convey him to the bishop
for institution, and impossible that he could ever read himself in.'

There is a tradition of a parochial chapel yard at Akeld, bu.t it seems now to
be alienated, and I was told the high road to Wooler passed through it.' Arch-
deacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828.

40 ' Carham has retained the memory of its dedication to St. Nicholas, the
tutelary saint of mariners and fishermen. The patronage is in the Compton
family, the impropriation belonging to the elder brother, whilst a junior has
the church, being at the same time rector of St. Olave's, Exeter. There is some
litigation in the parish on the score of tithes, principally between laymen, viz.,
Lords Tankerville and Grey on one part, and Mr. Compton on the other, but I
understand the former have had a verdict. As this was only a quarrel for the spoils
of the church I did not make an enquiry into the particulars. The annual value
of the benefice may now, in the extreme depression of wool, be taken at £150 per
annum. [Repairs needed to] the fence round the Wark chapel yard, or as it is
locally called the burial ground at Gilly's Nick, I suppose St. Giles'. The
population amounts to 1,300, the church will seat 200, which I fear is a number
equal to the exigencies of the parish, as a very large proportion of the inhabitants
are members of the Kirk of Scotland.1 Ibid. 1828.

256 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :

KELLOE.

The church is ruinous, ye stipend 1011, the p'sent incumbent supplies
also Lowick. Most of ye ministers in the deanry are

Scotchmen.

SEDUCERS.

1. Sr- Edward Widdrington's lady of Cartington.

2. Wm Clenell of Rothbury.

3. Mr Wm Clenell of Clenell (seduced wthin these 2 years by his

Eve) Sr. Edw. Oharlton's lady of Hesleside.

4. Sr. Cuth. Heron of Chipchase his lady (himselfe a protestant).

5. Mr. Clavering of Callale.

The highest seducers are the 3 ladies, especially the Lady Widdring-
ton, who by her almes hath of late gained an 100 proselytes.

THE DEAN'RY OF BALMBROUGH UNITED TO YE DEAN'RY OF ALNWICK.
BALMBROUGH CHURCH41 AND CHAPPELL.

1. The names of the impropriators of all the tithes heretofore belong-

ing to the parochial church of Balmbrough and within that
parish are menc'oned in an information in writing declaring
every particular place where such tithes do yearely chance and
renew, and are estimated in the first page of that informac'on
to amount to the yearely value of 323H 13s 4d, which full
informac'on is in ye hands of ye archdeacon.

2. The names of the impropriators of all the tithes and places yearely

chanceing and renewing within the chappelries of Bel ford,42
Lucker, Beadnell,4 3 and Tughill,44 being all chapels dependent

41 ' Hamburgh, a perpetual curacy endowed, however, with some portions of
vicarial tithes. The church dedicated to St. Bartholomew (-nc). The church
room is ample, for many of the parishioners are of the Kirk of Scotland, and
there is one family of catholics.' Ibid. 1828.

42 ' Belford chapel is comparatively a modern structure, but the builders have
wisely decorated it, with the carved stones of an older chapel which once stood
on the adjoining hill. Mr. Clark's pew in a gallery is very handsome.' Ibid. 1826.

43 ' This very neat little chapel was built by subscription. The population
amounts to 291, and the chapel contains 170. The clerk has fees by
custom, such as a groat per house and 6d. a plough, and in addition
to this a collection is made for him every Sunday except those on
which sacrament is administered : he computes his annual profits at about eight
guineas a year. I dislike these weekly collections, they are unusual in the
church of England, whose officers should not be paid in the way of alms, and
moreover it produces an uncertain, and therefore an unsatisfactory, return.'
Ibid. 1828.

44 ' Tughall chapel. There is a handsome Saxon arch remaining which might,

DEANERY OF CORBRIDGE : CORBRIDGE AND OVINGHAM. 257

on the parochial church of Bamburgh, are menc'oned in the
second page of the said informac'on, and doe amount to the
yearely value of 573". In all 89 6U 13s 4d. The minister
incumbent hath out of all these onely 13U 06s 8d per annu'.
The chappells of Belford,41 Lucker, and Tughill are destitute.
My lord b'pp of Edinburghe sent a complaint to the arch-
deacon that ministers (Borderers) do baptise and marrie those
that come to them out of his diocese ; upon enquirie the
archdeacon is informed that one Patrick Hudson of Brankston
is one of these, but he is not presented.

RECTORY OF FoRD.45

The quire altogether ruinous, without any roofe. The body of the
church little better, without door or vvindowes, faulty in the roof,
that none can sitt dry in the church in time of raine, the walls
not plaistered nor the flower paved, no ffont, noe communion
table, no cloth nor vessells thereto belonging, no desk, noe
surpless, no register, noe chest, noe vestry, no house for the
parson, what was, is totally demolished, no gleeb nor tith that
he can get possession of, but hath served for nothing nigh these
three years past.

IIII. — THE DEANRY OF CORBRIDGE.

1. The parish church of Corbridge, especially the chancel (belonging

to ye dean & chapter of Carlile) is very ruinous, in the late
wars ye Scots did burne all the seats.

2. Mr. Humphrey Dacres of Haltwhistle is presented by the church

wardens for a notorious drunkard being soe drunke on the first
Sonday in this yeare as he would not come to doe service in
the church. There are sundry other foule & scandalous infor-
mac'ons brought in publikely against him, by occasion whereof
many of that parish are said to be lately fallen away to popery.

I should imagine, be worked with advantage into a new edifice. The burial
ground is still used. The total of the Bamburgh glebe in Tughall amounts
to 20a. 3r. 34p., of which 3a. Or. 32p. are in the same enclosure with the ruin.'
Ibid. 1828.

45 ' Ford. The oldest registers commence in 1683. The rector keeps a book of
registration for the dissenters of his parish ; he found the custom, and I like
him for continuing it. The rectory house is old, with small and low rooms, but
the view is delightful over one of the richest and best cultivated plains in the
Island.' Ibid. 1828.

VOL. XVII.

258 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :

3. Mr. Andrew Hall, vicar of Byvvell S* Andrew, reported scandalous
and admonished by the arch-deacon.

1. What cures are destitute, how long and who are the impropriators,

what value the impropriac'on, & in what deanry ?

2. What churches want competent maintenance, and what theire

stipends are now?

IN THE DEANRY OF CORBRIDGE.
The Ansivers.

CORBRIDGE.46

1. Hath alwaies been full. The impropriators are the deane & chapter
of Carlile. The impropriac'on of the value of 160U de claro
2 p' annu', ye stipend 60" p' annu.

OVINGHAM.47

1. Vacant two yeares after his matie came in, now supplyed by Mr.

John Lumlee minister there. The impropriator Mr. Ra.
Anderson or Mr. ffrancis Addison (for at p'sent they are at law
about it). The impropriac'on valued at 30011 per annum.

2. Wants competent maintenance. The stipend now being but 20

marks per annum.

46 ' Corbridge. The impropriation which was formerly rented [from the dean
and chapter of Carlisle] by the late Mr. Errington is now in the hands
of Sir Ed. Blackett and Mr. Donkin of Sandoe ; it is worth £1,400
per annum. The vicarage, including glebe, tithes, and all dues scarcely
surmounts £400 per annum. The church is a perfect cross, but has suffered
much by tasteless alterations and repairs. The fine old lancet windows
are barbarised, but the buttresses and fantastic headed door of the chancel,
and above all the fine old Saxon arch are worthy of much admiration.
There is a fine old tower in the church yard which was formerly the vicarage,
and is of course the fortalice alluded to in the licence of King Edward IV. It
now belongs to the duke of Northumberland, probably by exchange. The
actual vicarage is at the east end of the town, and is at inconvenient distance
from the church. It is low and covered by grey slates. The only curiosity is
the necessary house, I may say almost entirely of Roman altars or armorial
remains. One of these last consists of three most volant horses and three rings.
It is a performance of Vicar Walton, who made an immense collection during
his incumbency and sold it to the Grahams of Netherby.' Ibid. 1828.

47 ' Ovingham is a perpetual curacy, the impropriation being in the hands of
Chas. Bigge, esq. of Linden. The church is a very large and lofty structure,
being in the main in a very satisfactory state, although the grey slates uncieled
give it an uncomfortable aspect. Some of the pillars are very fine.' Ibid.
1827.

The rectory of Ovingham was parcel of the possessions of Hexham. John
Lumley was vicar, 1662-1664.

gTAMFORDHAM, BYWELL, SLAL.EY, CHOLLERTON, ETC. 259
STAMFORDHAM.48

1. Hath alwaies been full. The iinpropriator the Id. b'pp. of Durham.

The value of it above 200U p' annu'.

2. Hath good and competent maintenance. The vicaridge being

worth at p'sent 9011 per annum.

BYWELL ST. ANDREW.

1. Hath alwaies been full. The impropriato1 Mr. Henry Thornton.

The value of it 48U per annu'.

2. Wants competent maintenance. The vicaridge now being but 1811

per annum.

BYWELL ST. PETER.

1. Hath alwaies been full. The impropriators are ye deane and

chapter of Durham. The value of it eight score pounds per
annum.

2. Hath competent maintenance being lately endowed and augmented

(according to his matie3 letter) by the said impropriators to the
value of above 6011 p' annum.

SLEYLEE.49

1. Hath been most supplied by Mr. Hall of Bywell St. Andrew, till of

late. The impropriator Mr. Henry Thornton ; the impropria'con
valued and lett at 28U p1 annu'.

2. Wants competent maintenance. The curate there haveing at

p'sent (and never had more) but twenty nobles per annu'.

48 ' Stamfordham is in the gift of the Lord Chancellor. The impropriation
belongs to the bishop of Durham, and is worth about £900 per annum. The
vicarage half that sum. The population of the parish including the parochial
chapelry of Ryal amounts to 1,827. Of catholics, with the worthy Mr. Riddell
of Cheeseburn Grange at their head, there are 70, and protestant dissenters 100.
They have a silver chalice, " the gift of J. Pearson, esq., to the parish church of
Stamfordham, 1774," a plate with the same inscription, and an old unmarked
silver cup.' Archdeacon Singleton's Visitation, 1828. For note of plate see
Proc. vol. iv. p. 135.

Stamfordham was appropriated to Hexham by Edward I. The grant is
printed by the Surtees Soc. vol. xlvi. p. 118.

49 ' Slaley. I rode to it with Mr. Silvertop, lord of the great neighbouring
barony of Bolbeck, and a very liberal and enlightened member of the church of
Rome. The minister is an infirm old man of the name of Smith, recently
appointed by Mr. Beaumont to this now perpetual curacy, which was once a
member of Bywell St. Andrew's. The representatives of the Thorntons of
Nether- Witton have the impropriation. The old Saxon doorway is curious, the
old King's or Queen's arms grotesque, and the pewing of the church the most
satisfactory part of it. They have a small footless communion cup. The poor
curate received no delapidation, and his house is of course wretched. The
delapidation system is a bad one in all cases, but dreadful and ruinous in these
very small benefices. It is a living pauper suing a dead one.' Archdeacon
Singleton's Visitation, 1828.

260 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663 :
CHOLLERTON.50

1 It is supplied at p'sent. It was vacant about half a yeare after his
matie came in. The impropriator Sir William ffenwick. The
impropriac'on valued at 16011 p' annu'. But most of it sold to
the Mercers at London, and paid to the lecturer at Hexham and

2. Hath hardly competent maintenance. The vicaridge worth but
4011 per annu'.

SlMONBURN51 [WITH] BlLLINGHAM.52

1. It is a rectory and well endowed. Billingham dependes upon

Simonburne, and is supplied & provided for by the parson of
Simonburne.

2. The rectory worth 12011 p' aunu'.

NEITHER-WARDEN.53

1. Hath been alwaies supplied. Sir Wm ffenwick is patron. But
who is impropriator is not well knowne. The impropriac'on
having been formerly sold by Sir John ffenwick to several
persons, viz., to Sr Cuthb. Hearon, to Mrs. Anne Charleton, to
the Lady Younge, to Richard Errington of Bukelee, to Nicholas

50 ' Chollerton. Archdeacon Sharp congratulated himself on the introduction
of Venetian and sash windows. Look at these below [drawing] and tremble for
the caprices of archidiaconal taste. The impropriation is held under the
Mercers' Company, by the lecturers of Hexham and Berwick, their nominees.
Mr. Bird values his benefice at £400 per annum. My enquiries about the old
stone in the churchyard induced Mr. Bird to dig it up, and from the annexed
drawing it would appear to have been an altar.' Ibid. 1828. This must be the
Roman altar still in the church yard.

61 ' Simonburn. The old fortalice has been pulled down, but the more modern
parsonage house has a great air of respectability, if not of good taste. The
population is 900, usual congregation, 120. There are two or three roman
catholic families, but such is the efficacy of residence and church room
that there are very few presbyterians, and most of the people belong the
establishment. The Allgoods have a very large parlour-like pew, and a
monument, and, I fear, a vault. I saw in Simonburn village two of the finest
beach trees in a close of Mr. Allgood's which have ever come under my
observation.' Ibid, 1832.

52 ' Bellingham church, which was formerly a chapel under the great Simon-
burn rectory, has now become independent and rectorial under the "Act of
division." It is dedicated to St. Cuthbert, on whose day the village fair is kept
under the common appellation of " Cuddy's Fair." ' Ibid. 1832.

M In 1663 the vicar of Warden would be John Shafto of Carry coats, the
founder of Haydon Bridge school.

' The vicarage house is in decent repair, and has all that picturesque irregularity
which is characteristic of an old official residence where each successive incum-
bent has added what suited his own convenience, without any reference to
what had been erected before, or might be added afterwards. Mr. Beaumont
is patron, and the value of the whole vicarage may be £500 per annum.' Ibid.
1828.

HALTWHISTLE, KIBKHAUGH, KNARSDALE, ETC. 26 1

ffairelamb of B'ppside, to Alexander Stokell of White-Chappell,
to my lord of Newcastle. Sr Wm ffenwick hath part of the
tithes in his owne hand. The whole impropriac'on valued at
19311 p' annu'.

2. Hath competent maintenance. The vicaridge being lett at p'sent
for 50U p. annu.'

HALTWESLE.54

1. It hath been alwaies supplied. The impropriator Mr. Nevill of

Cheat. The impropriac'on valued at 300U per annu1.

2. Hath competent maintenance. The vicaridge being lett at p'sent

at 70U p' annu'.

KlRKEHAUGH.

Is a rectory worth but 2511 p' annu'.

KffARSDAILE.55

Is a rectory worth 3411 p' annu'.

WHITFIELD.

Is a rectory, hath competent maintenance, worth at present per
annu' 60U.

ALSTON.56

1. Hath been alwaies supplied. The impropriators are Sr Edw:
Ratcliffe & John Whitfield. The impropriac'on valued at 6011
p' annu'.

51 Haltwhistle. The rectory was granted by Edward VI. in 1553 to John
Wright and Thos. Holmes. In 1585 it belonged to Nicholas Ridley of Willi-
moteswyke, by whose grandson Musgrave Ridley it was forfeited to the Common-
wealth, and sold to the Nevilles of Chevet. They sold to the Blacketts.
Hodgson, pt. ii. vol. iii. p. 436.

Humphry Dacres, vicar, 1633, was discharged from the cure by the commis-
sioners for the ministry in the county. Ibid. p. 125.

' Haltwhistle. No canonical decoration is omitted in this church from the
King's arms at the west end to the crimson velvet cover of the communion
table at the east end. I was well pleased to see over the vestry door a large
table on which was painted a catalogue of benefactions. There are four church-
wardens appointed conjointly by the minister and select vestry of twelve. The
revenues of the benefice amount to about £600 per annum, exclusive of 12 acres
of ancient glebe in Haltwhistle, and I think 330 in Milkrich and Henshaw. The
chancel is maintained by Sir E. Blackett of Matfen. Haltwhistle is full of
uncouth but curious old houses which betoken the state of constant insecurity
and of dubious defence, in which the inhabitants of the Border were so long
accustomed to live. The very pig styes which are objects not very discernible
from the dwelling house, have the crenellations and loop holes.' Archdeacon
Singleton's Visitation, 1828.

55 ' Knarsdale is a very poor rectory in the gift of the lord chancellor, and poor
as it is, it was much worse when the Rev. Mr. Bewsher was appointed to it in 1824.
It appears that the sacrament was never administered for the last six years of Mr.
Todhunter's incumbency' [Bewsher's immediate predecessor.] Ibid. 1832.

58 The grant of the advowson of Alston to the convent of Hexham is printed
by the Surtees Soc. vol. 46. p. 119.

262 CHURCHES OF NORTHUMBERLAND ARCHDEACONRY, 1663.

2. Wants competent maintenance.

1. GARRAGILL and Alston both one, and alwaies supplied by one and

the same man. The impropriators named and impropriac'on
valued as under Alston appeares.

2. They both want maintenance. The stipend to them both is but

1211 68 8d p' annu1 with some small gleeb.

Other Inquiries.
WHAT CHURCHES ARE RUINOUS ?

Answers.

Corbridge : The chancell very ruinous.

Chollerton : The chancell is so ruinous that it is ready to drop down.
Nether warden : Is quite down and continues so. And the churches

generally wthin are very rude and little decency or beautie in

them.
Haltwesle : In bad repaire.

NOTE.— This Survey may be read and compared with that styled the
1 Oliverian Survey.' printed in the Archaeologia Aeliana, quarto series, vol. iii,
p. i— 10.

CHIBBURN PRECEPTORY. 263

X.— CHIBBURN AND THE KNIGHTS HOSPITALLERS IN
NORTHUMBERLAND ;J (WITH DOCUMENTS FROM MR.
WOODMAN'S COLLECTION.)

BY J. CRAWFORD HODGSON.
[Read on the 27th day of March, 1895.]

* FOR men strongly moved by the Christian faith it was natural to
yearn after the scenes of the Gospel narrative. In old times this
feeling had strength to impel the chivalry of Europe to undertake
the conquest of a barren and distant land, and . . . there were
always many who were willing to brave toil and danger for the sake of
attaining to the actual and visible Sion. These venturesome men
came to be called Pelerins or Pilgrims.'2

To provide more effectively for the reception and shelter of
these pilgrims to Jerusalem, there was established a military
brotherhood whose companions were designated the knights of
St. John. 'I will not,' says Mr. J. M. Kemble, * waste time or
space upon ... the theory and place in history of the order
of Hospitallers or Knights of St. John of Jerusalem . . . Nor
is it needful to speak of the honour and dignity of their gallant
companions in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; nor of the
grandeur of their early wars in Palestine, and, what are better known;
their later wars in Rhodes and Malta . . . Leaving all such
questions, our present business is to see how, while the order of the
Knights Hospitallers did exist, and its brethren were to be found in
many parts of Europe, they managed the estates from which they
derived their wealth, and with it their power.'3

The earliest and chief possession of the order in Northumberland
was at Chibburn, a small manor between Widdrington and the white
shore of Druridge bay. The mansion house and roofless walls of the

1 Compare the ' Temple Thornton Farm Accounts,' p. 40. The woodcuts
illustrating this paper have been kindly lent by the Royal Archaeol. Institute.

2 Kinglake, Crimea, vol. i. p. 41.

1 Introduction to the Report of Prior Philip de TJiame to the Grand-Master
JBlyan de Villanova, for A.D. 2338. 65 Camden Soc. 1857, p. xiii.

264

CHIBBURN PRECEPTORY :

MR. WOODMAN 8 DESCRIPTION.

265

chapel of the preceptory remain virtually as they were left by the
Hospitallers. Their architectural features have been described in a
paper by the late Mr. F. R. Wilson, printed in a former volume of the
transactions (Arch. AeL, vol. v. p. 113) of this society; in a short
account by Mr. J. H. Parker in his Domestic Architecture in England
in the Fourteenth Century ; and in a valuable paper of great accuracy,
contributed by Mr. Woodman to the Archaeological Journal, vol. xvii.
pp. 35-38. Mr. Woodman says : —

The building has been defended by a moat, enclosing an area of about 100
yards in diameter ; the walls are of stone, and the roof had been originally
covered with freestone slates. The buildings, as will be seen on the accompany
ing ground-plan, formed a parallelogram, having a courtyard (A) in the middle ;

on the west side is the dwelling house (B) ; the chapel (C) occupies the entire
south side, and various offices have been on the north and east. The principal
entrance was by an arched gateway (D) into the court on the north side. The
dwelling house (B) is of two stories, and has been divided into three apartments

VOL. xvii, 35

266

CHIKBURM PRECEPTORY :

on each floor. On the ground floor is a passage (E) with a low arched doorway,
and there are four mullioned windows, two of three lights, and the others of
two lights each ; the stairs leading to the upper floor are constructed of solid
blocks of wood ; the ceiling of the ground floor is formed merely by the oak
joists and boards of the floors of the apartments above, both joists and boards
having a reed run along their angles, and the under surface of the boards was
planed smooth, and left without any plaster. The windows of the upper floor
opening towards the west are now flush with the wall, being of comparatively
modern construction, but originally they appear to have rested on corbels
projecting about twelve inches, and this arrangement may have served, it is
supposed, for some purpose of defence.

There is also access to this floor by stone stairs (F) from the court. In each
apartment is a spacious fire-place, deeply recessed, having the lintel formed of
a very large stone, with a relieving arch above. In one of the upper chambers
an old partition remains, consisting of oak planks set in grooves at the top and
bottom. The edges of the planks are reeded on the face ; they measure about
five inches broad and three inches thick, and are placed four inches apart, the
intervening spaces being filled up with clay and straw.

The southern or external wall of the chapel (C) had probably undergone
many alterations before it ceased to be used for a place of worship. At the east
end (G), which some have supposed more modern than the rest, is a pointed
window of four lights (see section of jamb, fig. 1) ; on the south side were two
large square-headed windows, possibly
more modern than the western part
of the building; and at about mid-
height there is a string-course (see sec-
tion, fig. 2) which rose over the large
windows and fell at the doorway.
There have apparently been two en-
trances, one on the north side (H) by
a pointed arch with mouldings (see
section of door jamb, fig. 3), and the
other on the south (I), a plain-pointed
doorway with a drip-stone. On each
side of the latter door there is an ogee window widely splayed and square-headed
on the inside ; above, and a little to the west of the doorway, is a double ogee

FIC.II.

window with drip-stone above ; a cornice ran along beneath the roof (see section,
fig. 4). Immediately over the arch of the south doorway there are two escut-

DETAILS OF BUILDINGS. 267

cheons ; the charges are nearly obliterated, but traces of a cross patee, doubtless
for the knights of St. John, may be seen on one, and a quarterly coat on the
other. The east end (G) has an oblique buttress at
the south-east angle, and possibly a similar buttress
may have existed at the other angle.

In the chapel a peculiarity deserves notice ;
there is a floor nearly on a level with that of the
upper rooms and communicating with them ; the
upper chamber so formed had a fireplace in a mas-
sive chimney which is built from the ground, pro- FIG 4
jecting on the outside near the entrance door (H).
The floor does not extend to the east window, but
about two-thirds of the entire length from the west
end. This chamber probably opened at the east end into the chapel, and was
doubtless used by the principal inmates of the house at the time of divine service.
Another example of such an arrangement may be noticed in the chapel in
Warkworth castle. The piscina remains in the south-east angle ; human bones
have been occasionally found, and a grave slab with a cross flory now forms
the threshold of the door leading from the courtyard into a stable (see p. 280).
This slab is of greater width at the head than at the foot ; the head of the
cross carved upon it is pierced in the centre with a large curvilinear lozenge.
In one of the windows the upper portion of a stone coffin may be seen, placed
in a cavity of the wall. There remains a corbel or truss rudely carved in oak,
which may have been intended to represent the mitred head of a bishop, or
possibly an angel, with a fillet round the forehead ornamented in front with a
cross. Of the roof, now wholly fallen, a few strong rafters remained in 1853,
supporting thatch. The original roof may have been of higher pitch.5

But Mr. "Woodman's collection contains some imprinted docu-
ments which, with some other notices printed in the appendix, will
yield all that is known of the connection of the Hospitallers with this
county.

The date or period of the acquisition of Chibburn by the order
can only be inferred. The manor of Widdrington was held in the
time of Henry II. by Bertram de Widdrington of Walter fitz- William
as of his barony of Whalton, but his right of possession was disputed
by William Tascha. To decide the cause a wager of battle or judicial
duel was appointed to be fought at Whalton, when on the non-appear-
ance of Tascha and of his surety, Alan de Dririg, the judgment of the
court was given for Widdrington and attested by a large number of
the gentlemen of the district. Now, the absence from this list of the
names of the preceptor and brethren of Chibburn offers negative

5 The Archaeological Journal, 1860, pp. 35-38.

268 CHIBBURN PRECEPTORY :

evidence that the house was not then founded.6 On the suppression of
the Templars in 1308, efforts were made by the Hospitallers to get
themselves declared heirs to their possessions, their claim being sup-
ported by the pope. Before the king would make the desired grant,
an enquiry was made into the temporal position of the claimants, and
the return made in 1313 to the mandate of the nuncio, preserved in
Bishop Kellaw's Register, makes particular mention of the house of
Chibburn ; a proof that this estate was an original possession, and not
a reversion from the Templars.

The next notice is to be found in the report made in 1338 by
prior Philip de Thame to the grand-master Elyan de Villanova. It
was discovered by the Rev. Lambert Larking in 1839 in a plastered
over closet at Malta, and contains a detailed account of the income
and outgoings of the bailiwick of Chibburn under its preceptor,
brother John de Bilton.

BAILIWICK OP CHIBBURN IN THE COUNTY OP NORTHUMBERLAND.'

Chibburn — There is a manor there, built and ruinous, of which the

manor house is worth yearly 6s.

There are 190 acres of land there, at 4d. an acre, and they are

worth 63s. 4d.

Also 8 acres meadow, at 2s. an acre, worth 16s.

6 In the Calendar of Escheats in the sixth year of Henry IV., there is
mention of ' Willelmus Heron Chevalier et Elizabetha uxor ejus Escheti maner.
de Temple Thornton LVI acre terr. ut de hospit. de Chilburne,' and in the Great
Pipe Roll, anno 1228, in the twelfth of Henry III., ' Et de x8 de quadam navi
fracta in Chilburnemue.' In the appendix to North Durham (dclxxi. p. 116),
Dr. Raine prints a grant to Holy Island, witnessed by John de Crauinne, the
preceptor of Chibburn, and Alan and Robert, clerks of the same place.

7 BAJULIA DE CHIBOURN, IN COMITATU NORTHUMBRIE.
Chiburn. Est ibidem unum manerium edificatum et ruinosum, cujus

herbagium valet per annum vj8

Sunt ibidem ixxxx. acre terre, pretium acre iiijd. et valent Ixiij8 iiijd

Item viij. acre prati, pretium acre ijs. et valent xvi8

Item de redditu assiso per annum xx marce, tempore pacis,
que nunc propter guerram Scotie vix levari possunt : —
per annum ... ... ... ... ... ... .. ex8

Item ffraria ibidem per annum, ratione guerre supradicte,
xij marce et dimidia, et non plus, quia ista bajulia est
in marchia Scotie.

Et de perquisitis curiarum per annum x8

Item de pastura, tarn pro vaccis quam pro bidentibus ... xl8

Et de firmis et molendinis per annum v marce

§ Summa totalis recepti et proficui dicte bajulie ... xxxv marce xij8

Reprise.

Reprise. Inde in expensis domus ; videlicet, pro preceptore, ij.
fratribus, et aliis de farnilia domus, prout decet, et
etiam aliis supervenientibus, causa supradicta. In

REPORT OF PRIOR PHILIP DE THAME.

269

Also for assize rent, 20 marks yearly in time of peace, which
now can scarcely be raised on account of the Scotch
war: yearly ..................... 110s.

Also the brotherhood there, yearly 12£ marks and not more,
for the above reason, because that bailiwick is in the
Scottish march ..... ....... 12^ marks

And for perquisites of the courts, yearly ......... 10s.

Also for pasture, both for cows and sheep ......... 40s.

And for farms and mills, yearly ......... 5 marks

Sum total of receipts and profits of the said bailiwick 35 marks 12s.

DISBURSEMENTS.

Thence in household expences ; viz., for the master, two friars,
and others of the household, as is becoming, and also for
others who come in, for the aforesaid cause. In bread,
furnished yearly, 25 quarters at 3s. a quarter, worth ... 75s.

In brewing ale, 28 qrs. « brasei ordei,' at 2s. a quarter worth 56s.

In cooking expences, as in flesh, fish, etc., 18d. a week ... 78s.

And in robes, mantles, and other things necessary for the

master and his brotherhood ............ 69s. 4d.

And for the salary of one chaplain, yearly ......... 15s.

And for the salary of one chamberlain, yearly ...... 10s.

Also for a groom, 5s., and for one villein, 3s .......... 8s.

And for the salary of one ' lotricis,' yearly ......... 12d.

Pensioner. Also William de Wyrkelee received yearly, for the term of

his life by charter of the chapter ............ 20s.

Ixxv8

pane f urnito per annum xxv. quarteria, pretium quar-

terii iijs. et valent ...............

cerevisia bracianda xxviij. quarteria brasei ordei,

pretium quarterii ijs. et valent ............

in expensis coquine, ut in carne pisce et aliis, per

septimanam xviijd. ...............

Et in robis, mantellis, et aliis necessariis preceptoris, et

confratris sui
Et pro stipendio unius capellani per annum ......

Et in stipendio j. camerarii per annum .........

Item pro palefridario vs. et pro j. pagetto iijs.

Et in stipendio unius lotricis per annum .....

Pensioria- Item Willelmus de Wyrkelee capit per annum, ad ter-
rius. minum vite, per cartam capituli .........

Item cuidam senescallo defendendo negotia domus per

annum
Item clerico colligenti confrariam per annum ......

Summa omnium expensarum et solutionum xxvj marce vj8 viijd
Summa Valoris. — Et sic remanent ad solvendum ad

Thesaurarium pro oneribus supportandis ix marce, vj8 viijd

Et non plus quia terra est destructa et depredata pluries

per guerram Scotie.

} Prater Johannes de Bilton, s. preceptor.
Prater Johannes Dacombe, capellanus.
Frater Simon Dengayne, s.
— The Hospitallers in England (65 Carnden Society's publications), p. 52.

lvjs

lxxviijs
Ixix8 iijd

XVs
Xs

viij8
xijd

xx8

vj8 viijd
j marca

270 CH1IWUKN PRECEPTOR Y :

Also to a certain steward, defending the affairs of the house,

yearly 6s. 8d.

Also to a clerk defending the brotherhood, yearly 1 mark

Total of all expences and payments 26 marks 6s. 8d.

Total value : — And so there remain, to be paid to the

Treasurer for meeting obligations 9 marks 6s. 8d.

And no more, because the land has been laid waste and
plundered several times by the Scottish war.

{Brother John of Bilton, preceptor.
Brother John Dacombe, chaplain.
Brother Simon Dengayne.

Between the year 1313 and the suppression of the order, the
Hospitallers had acquired by gift and possibly by purchase many other
estates and lands in the county. They are enumerated in the Minis-
ter's Accounts of 5 Edward vi. Besides Chibburn and Temple
Thornton there were lands at Meldon, Morpeth, Ulgham, North Seaton,
Newbiggin, Ellington, Shilbottle, Warkworth, Spindleston, Fallodon,
Woodhall, Felton, Bolton, Alnwick, Stanforth-hall, Temple Healey,
Whalton, Kenton, Longwitton, Thockrington, Denton, Fenham, Kil-
lingworth, Edlingham, Hoborn, Bockenfield, Burton, Milburn-grange,
Chevington, Morwick, and coal mines at Fenham, which, with some
arrears recovered in that year, produced a gross income of £25 2s. lOd.

Two years afterwards, Sir John Widdridgton and Cuthbert Mus-
grave of Harbottle, in consideration of £756 Is. 5^d., obtained a grant
under the great seal, of the manor of Chibburn and certain lands
which had belonged to Newminster at Shotton, adjacent to the
Widdrington manor of Plessy.

At the end of the sixteenth century Chibburn was in the posses-
sion of Hector Widdrington of Berwick, a natural son of Sir John
Widdrington. He was presumably a tenant.

His will and inventory remain at Durham. They are as follow: —

In the name of God Amen, I Hector Wooddrington, one of the Constables of
Horsmen of her Matiel Towne of Barwicke upon Twede, thoughe sike in bodye
yett of good and p'fect remembra'nce the Lord be thanked therfore, do make
and ordayn this my last Will and Testam* in mannr and forme followinge.
First I bequythe my Soul to Almightye God and my bodye to be buryed in the
earthe. Itm I gyve and bequythe unto Ralphe Wooddrington the House in
Barwike wherin I nowe dwell, and fiftye pounds in moneye to be payd hym by
my executorys uppon the receipt of my goods and debts. Itm I gyve and
bequythe unto Isabell Graye, Dowghter unt' my Sister Marye Graye, fourty
pounds to be payd as is aforesaid. Itm I gyve and bequethe unto my Sister

WILL OF HECTOR WIDDRINGTON. 271

Rebecka Wooddrington, ten pounds. Itm I gyve and bequythe unto my Brother
Isacke Wodrington his eldest sonne Robt. Ten pounds. Itm I gyve and
bequythe unto my Serva'nts Mathewe Humphraye and Thomas Raye, eyther of
them, ten pounds and all the Corne betwene them I have lying at CHIBBURNE.
Itm I gyve and bequythe unto Steven Bell, fortye shillings. Itm I gyve unto
Roland Archer, syxe pounds. Itm I gyve and bequythe vnto Marye Lancaster,
in remembran'ce of my good will towards her one hundrethe angells. Itm I
gyve vnto Thomas Garratt and Hector Garratt, Ten pounds betwene them to be
equalye devyded. Itm I gyve and bequythe vnto John Harwood, Ten pounds.
Itm I gyve unto Willm. Tappye, in concyderac'on of all his paynes and debts I
owe him, fyve pounds. The rest of all my Goods and Chattalls, moveables and
immovables, Bonnds, Bills debts, and debts, Lands Leases, reckinng wch anye maner
of wayes are dewe to me, my debts beinge payd and my Funerall expences
discharged, I gyve and bequythe unto Elizabethe Ladye Woodrington her heirs
and assigns for evr, whom I ordayne and make my sole and full Executrixe of
this my last Will and Testament. In witnes wherof to these pr'sents I have
sett my hand the xxviij daye of Aprill 1593 in the fyve and thirtye yeare of the
raigne of Or Sovraigne Ladye Elizabethe, by the Grace of God, Quene of England,
France and Ireland, Defende* of the Faythe, &c.

Hector Woodrington his mark X.

I give unto Willm Teasdall xl8 and unto Hector Hall xl8. Itm to
Emay xx8 and a cote in the pr'senc' of Willm Garford John Harwood

Thomas his mark Raye'

[The inventory taken 15 May, 1593, after enumerating testator's goods at
Berwick amounting to ciii11 xi8 ii sets outj

Itm Good of the said Hector Wooddrington at Chiburne presed by Willm.
Garford, Robt. Trumble, Vincent Tailer and Rowland Archer.

Imprimis one flanders chist... ... ... ... ... iiij8

Itm in the same chist, iiij table clothes, and tow cupbord

clothes xiij8 iiijd

Itm vii napkins ij8 iiijd

Itm one Featherbed, one bolster, two pillowes,ij Blanketts,
one pece of blewe Clothe, one quilt, and one covringe

of arras xc"

Itm one greate chist vij8

Itm one Basin and Ewre, iiij pewder dishes, v Saucers,

syx Porringgers, and three broken candelsticks ... viij8
Itm one quishinge of arras worke and two pec8 of nedell

worke for quishings ... ... ... ... ... xiiid

Itm one cros bowe and a Racke xiij8 iiijd

Some iiij" is8 iid

Somma totalis viii11 iiijd

W. Garford— Robert Tromble— Vincent X Tayler
Roland X Archer.

During the seventeenth century Chibburn may have been used, as
the Rev. John Hodgson suggests, as a dower house for the ladies of

272 CHIBBUEN PRECEPTORY.

the Widdrington family. During the last decade it was occupied by
one of the family of Burrell of Long Houghton and Lesbury, for on
the llth November, 1697, George Burrell of Chibburn, conveyed a

messuage and close in Alnmouth to Brown.

With the rest of the Widdrington estate it was forfeited for the
part taken by William Lord Widdrington in the rebellion of 1715, and
was subsequently sold to the York Buildings Company. While in the
Crown a survey was made, from which the following is extracted : —
NORTHUMBERLAND.— [Extract from] A survey of the estate late of the Lord
Widdrington at Widdrington castle in the parish of
Woodhorne in the county aforesaid taken July 3 1717
5 yards & a half to the perch.8

Tenants. Chiburne in the Chapelary.

John Annett 26 : 13 : 04 Three houses and Homesteads

TVm Annpff 9fi • 1 3 • 04 Meg's meadow ) 10

The Fattingfield Pasture } 16

JohnGarrett 2 Whitefield and oakes do. and arable 56

AA The Cow Close Meadow and arable ) 18

The Linck pasture } 24

ST. JOHN'S FLATT, meadow arable

and pasture 26

The Greens and ST. JOHN'S PAS-
TUBE 27

acres 177 £80 : 00 : 00

Though the mansion house must have been well known to Horsley,
who resided at Widdrington, where, besides his ministerial avocation,
he acted as agent to the York Buildings Company,9 it is not noticed
in his Northumberland. It was dismissed by the Rev. John Hodgson
in a few words, and attracted little notice until about 1846, when a
commencement was made in pulling down some of the buildings for
the sake of the material, a proceeding fortunately quickly arrested by
the judicious interference and protestations of neighbouring anti-
quaries and men of taste. The mansion has not ceased to be occupied,
formerly as a farm house, latterly in tenements by labourers. During
last summer, at the intercession and recommendation of the Rev. Wm.
Green well, the present owner, Mr. Taylor of Chipchase, by the replac-
ing of fallen stones, the mending of roofs and of chimney stacks, and
by the judicious running of cement into the interstices and rents in
the walls, has done what was necessary to preserve and keep good
these unique buildings for many years to come.

8 ' From the original in the Tower of London among the papers taken from

House relating to the rebellion of 1715.— W. W.'
9 Newcastle Journal, 13th January, 1721/2.

CHIBBULiN PRECEPTORY. 273

APPENDICES.

A.— GEANT FEOM WALTER FITZ WILLIAM BABON OF WHALTON TO
BBBTEAM DE WIDDEINGTON.

Walterus, filius Willelmi omnibus hominibus suis et amicis francis et Anglis
presentibus et futuris salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse Bertramo de
Wdringtuna villam que vocatur Wdringtuna et medietatem Burgundie10 cum
omnibus pertinentiis suis in bosco et in piano ; in pratis et in pascuis ; in
aquis et molendinis, liberas et quietas sibi et heredibus suis in perpetuum
tenendas a me et heredibus meis sicut pater suus melius et liberius eas
una die et una nocte tenuit et ipsemet hactenas tenuit pro servicio unius
militis faciendo in feudo et hereditate. Cognitum etiam vobis sit omnibus
qui has litteras videritis vel auderitis quod ilia calumpnia quam Willelmus
Tasca habuit adversus Bertram de Wdrington quod Bertram dirationavit
juditio curie domini sui et quod Willelmus nequiter earn amisit eo quod die
cepit in curia summi domini Walter! filii Willelmi de nequitia sua defendend. et
hoc se defecit ; et Alanus de Dririg parem suum vadem suum dedit ad proban-
dum ilium de nequitia et ille suum dedit et diem cepit ad defendendum se
judicio curie domini sui, scilicet, duello et ad dies constitutes et terminatos nee
venit nee contra manclationem immo ut nequam se deficit et ideo judicio curie
summi domini Walteri filii Willelmi ut nequam earn amisit et Bertramo sicut
recto heredi remisit sicut propria hereditas sua. Et quod ego Walterus filius
Willelmi warranto hoc judicium quod factum f uerit apud Weltuna de appella-
cione Alani de Dririg et de defectu Willelmi Tascha. Hoc sciendum quod
Hodonellus de Umframvilla hoc judicium fecit et testimonio suo approbat illud
cum his qui subsequntur. Testibus Willelmo de Merlay, Widone Tyson, Willelmo
de Turbrevilla, Waltero filio Stanceli, Kichardo fratre ejus, Ulfchill de Swyne-
burna, Davido de Buivilla, Johanne filio Semani, Wilardo de Trophill, Rogero
fratre ejus, Richardo filio Semani, Radulfo de Sancto Petro, Willelmo de Grene-
villa, Richardo Bartrum, Umfrido de Ogla, Gilberto filio ejus, Roberto de Newham,
Roberto de Unflanwilla, Huctredo filio Faramani, Willelmo filio Alfredi, Hugone
filio Stanfelini, Osberto Presbitero de Weltun, Osberto Presbitero de Ortun,
Willelmo de Hebra, Herberto Preposito de Mitford, Alstar filio Glessan, Roberto
filio Petri, Roberto Belmis, Rogero filio Grunbald.11

B. — GEANT FKOM EDWABD VI. TO SIE JOHN WIDDBINGTON AND

CUTHBEET MUSGEAVE.

Exchequer Remembrancer's Office, Originalia Roll, 7 Edw. vi. part 2.
Rex omnibus ad quos etc. Salutem. Sciatis quod nos pro summa septingen-
tarum quinquaginta sex librarum septem decem denariorum et unius obuli
legalis monete Anglie ad manus Edmund! Pekham militis ad usum nostrum
per dilectum nobis Johannem Wytheryngton de Wytheryngton in Comitatu
Northumbrie militem et Cuthbertum Musgrave de HarbotteJl in dicto Comitatu
Northumbrie armigerum praemanibus bene et fideliter soluta unde fatemur nos
plenarie fore satisfactos et resolutos eosdemque Johannem et Cuthbertum

10 Burgundea = Burradon in Tynemouthshire.

11 Hodgson, part ii. vol. ii. p. 248.

VOT- XVII. 36

274 CHIBBURN PRECEPTOHY :

heredes, executores ct administratores suos inde acquietatos et exonerates esse
per presentes de gratia nostra special! ac ex certa sciencia et mero motu nostris
dedimus et concessimus ac per presentes damus et concedimus prcfatis Johanni
Wytherington et Cuthberto Musgrave totum Dominium et Manerium nostrum
de Chibborne cum suis juribus, incmbris et pertincntiis universis in Comitatu
nostro Northumbrie parcellum possessionum nuper praeceptoris montis Sancti
Johannis Baptistc in Comitatu nostro Eboraci nuper Prioratui sive Hospital!
sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia modo dissolute dudum spectantium et
pertinentium ac parcellum possessionum inde existentium ; ac omnia et singula
mesuagia, molendina, tof ta, cotagia, columbaria, ortos, pomeria, Gardina, Domos,
edificia, terras, tenementa, prata, pascuas," pasturas, communias, boscos, sub-
boscos, vasta, Jampnum, bruere, moras, mariscos, aquas, Stagna, Vivaria, piscaria,
piscaciones, redditus, reversiones, servicia, feoda militum, Warda, maritagia,
escaeta, relevia, Curias letas, visa ffrancorum plegiarum ac omnia ad visum
[francie] plegiae pertinentia, catalla,12 Waiviata, extrahitura, catalla felonum et
fugitivorum ac felonum de se et in exigend. posit. ; Necnon deodandum,
fines, amerciamenta, herietta, liberas Warrenas, ac omnia [alia] jura, juris-
dictiones et proficua, commoditates, emolumenta et hereditamenta nostra,
quecumque cum pertinentiis suis universis scituata, jacentia, et existentia in
Chibborne, in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie ac alibi in eodem Comitatu North-
umbrie, dicto Dominio et manerio de Chibborne quoquomodo spectantia vel
pertinentia aut ut membripartes vel parcella ejusdem Dominii et Manerii antehac
habita, cognita, accepta, usutata, seu reputata, existentia ac eciam omnes omnimodis
decimas bladorum, garbarum, granorum et feni ac alias decimas quascumque in
Chibborne in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie dicto nuper preceptori Montis sancti
Johannis Baptisteet dicto nuper prioratui sive Hospitali sancti Johannis Jerusalem
in Anglie quondam spectantia pertinentia ac parcellum possessionum inde exist-
entium ; ac eciam totum illud messuagium et tenementum nostrum et unum le
Garthe nostrum ac omnes terras et pasturas nostras, continentes per estimationem
triginta octo acras ; ac communiam pasture cum omnibus et singulis suis pertin-
entiis in Shotton juxta Stannyngton in dicto Comitatu nostro Northumbrie modo
vel nuper in tenura sive occupacione Kogeri Blackberd ac nuper monasterio de
Newmynster in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie dudum spectantem et pertinentem
ac parcellum possessionum inde nuper existentium ; Necnon totum illud Cotagium
sive tenementum nostrum cum pertinentiis in Shotton alias dictum Shotton
juxta Stannyngton in dicto Comitatu Northumbrie modo vel nuper in tenura
sive occupacione Johannis Cowper nuper Monasterio sive Dominio Monalium
infra villam Novi Castri super Tinam dudum spectantem et pertinentem ac

parcellum possessionum inde nuper existen "

Et he littere nostre patentes vel Irrotulamenta earundem erunt annuatim et de
tempore in tempus tarn dicto Cancellario et Generalibus supervisoribus ac consilio
nostro dicte Curie nostro Augmentacionum et Revencionum Corone nostre, quam
omnibus Receptoribus, auditoribus et aliis omciariis et ministris nostris heredum

11 Pastura is used for all kinds of pasture, in meadows, fields, etc. ; pascua is
a place set apart for cattle, e.g., mountains, moors, marshes, plains, untilled
ground.

12 Waiviatum, things with no owner assigned to them.

13 Ebor. m. 95.

GRANT TO SIR JOHN WIDDRINGTON AND CUTH. MUSGRAVE. 275

et successorum nostrorum quibuscumque pro tempore existente sufficiens War-
rantum et exoneratio in hac parte ; volumus eciam ac per presentes concedimus
prefatis Johanni Wytheryngton et Cuthberto Musgrave, quod habeant et habebunt
has litteras nostras patentes sub magno sigillo nostro Anglie debito modo factum
et sigillatum absque fine seu feodo magno vel parvo nobis in14 Hanaperio nostro
seu alibi ad usum nostrum proinde quoquomodo reddendo solvendo vel faciendo.
Eo quod expressa mencio, etc. In cujus rei, etc., apud Westmonasterium secundo
die Maii.

C.— COURT OF AUGMENTATIONS: MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS.

Newminster incip. 4-5 Edw. vj.

Percell. possessionum nuper preceptoris Montis Sancti Johannis Baptiste in
Comitatu Eboraci.

Balliatum terrarum et possessio- ) Compotus Johannis Taylor deputati Roberti
num in Comitatu Northumbrie I Fenwicke Ballivi sive Collectoris reddituum
dicto nuper preceptori pertinen- [et firmarum ibidem per tempus supradic-
tium. J turn.

Idem onerat super compotum de Ixvi8 viiid de arreragiis ultimi
ARRERAGIA. compoti anni proximi precedentis prout in pede ejusdem
plenius patet. Summa Ixvi8 viiid.

Sed reddet compotum de iiijlj' vjs de redditibus et firmarum tarn
TEMPLE liberorum tenentium quam tenentium ad voluntatem domini

THORNETON Regis in Templethorneton solvendo annuatim ad festa Sancti
Martini in Hieme et invencionis Sancte Crucis equaliter. Et
de xvis de firma tocius capelle de Thorneton ac unius parvi clausi vocati Chaple
Yarde et unius molendini aquatici cum suis pertinenciis in Thorneton simull cum
omnibus et singulis decimis eidem capelle pertinentibus quoquo modo spectan-
tibus sic modo dimiss. Roberto Bullocke per Indenturam sub sigillo Curie
Augmentation um datum apud Westmonasterium xii° die Julii anno regis Henrici
viiivi xxxvii0 per annum solvendo ad festa Sancti Michaelis Arch, annunciationis
Beate Marie Virginis prout in dicta Indentura in compoto anni Regis Edwardi
sexti primi ad largum declaratum plenius patet. Et de xvjd de firma unius
parcelli terre vastae jacentis in dicta villa de temple-thorneton predicta super
quam quidem parcellum terre scilicet cujusdem Molendini quondam statuit cum
gardino eidem annexato in tenura predicti Roberti Bullok de novo repertum per
examinacionem dicti compoti super hunc compotum coram Auditore solvendo
ad terminos predictos per equales porciones. Summa iiij11 viij8 viiid.

Et de xxd de redditibus Assise in Meldone predicto exeuntibus

REDDITUS ASSISE de certis terris vocatis Heron Land, Bores land solvendo ad

DE MELDONE.15 festum Sancti Martini in Hieme et invencionis Sancti Crucis

equaliter. Et de xii8 viijd de firma iiijor cotagiorum cum pert.

11 Office of the Treasury to which are brought moneys for sealing charters, etc.

15 Meldon is very near to Temple Thornton, and belonged to the Heron family,
who seem to have been munificent donors to the order. This family also possessed
the estate and barony of Hadston, in the parish of Warkworth, and closely adjoin-
ing Chibburn. Their later seat was at Bokenfield, in the parish of Felton, out of
which the order drew 12d. per annum.

27G

cmmirilX PEBCEPTOEY :

MOBPETHE.

MANERIUM DE
CHIBBORNE.

SEATON
WOODHOBN.

ibidem in ten urn, et occupacione uxoris Roberta Watson, Rob. Rothcrome, Job.

Rocbester, Job Hale de anno in annum solvendo ad festa predicta cqualiter.

Summa xiiij8 iiij'1.

Et de xiid de firrna certarum terarrum in tenura Job. Harrison
per annum solvendo ad festum Sancti Martini etc. Summa xij'1.

Et de iiij1' de firma dominii sive manerii de Cbibborne cuin
omnibus terris, dominicis, pratis, pascuis, pasturis aliis profi-
cuis, ac commoditatibus quibuscumque eidern dominio sive
manerio spectantibus, sic dimiss. Joh.'Affenwicle per inden-
turam sub sigillo Curie Augment, etc , pro termino annorum misericordie ad buc
coram auditore ostens. Reddendo inde ad festa Annunc. Beate Marie Virginis et
Sancti Michaelis Arch, ultra stipendium capellani divina servicia infra capellam
dicti dominii Celebrantis, per annum. Summa iiij1'.

Et de iis iid de redd, et firmis tarn liberorum quam custu-
HUGHAM." mariorum tenentium ac ad voluntatem domini L'egis in villa
de Hugham predicta per annum solvendo ad festa predicta
equaliter. Summa iis iid.

Et de vjs de redd, et firmis in villa de Woodhorne seaton per
annum solvendo ad festa predicta per equales porciones.
Summa vj8.

Et de v8 ijd de redd, et firmis tarn liberorum tenentium quam
NEWBIGGINGE. tenentium custumariorum in Newbigginge predicto annuatim
solvendo ad festa predicta per equales porciones. Summa
v8 ijd.

Et de v8 dc redd, et firm, in Ellington predicto solvendo
ELINGTON. annuatim ad festa predicta per equales porciones in tenura
diversorum tenentium ad voluntatem domini Regis solvendo
ut supra. Summa v8.

Et de ijs iiijd de redd, et firm . . . terrarum in Shilbottell
SHILBOTTELL. predicto in tenura diversorum tenentium solvendo ad festa
Sancti Martini in Hieme et Pentecostes per equales porciones.
Summa iis iiij11.

Et de v8 de redd, et firmis in Warkeworthe predicto in tenura
WABKE WORTH E.'7 diversorum tenentium Solvendo annuatim ad festa predicta
per equales porciones. Summa v8.

Et de vj8 viiid de redd, et firm, terrarum et tenementorum in
SPINDLESTON. Spindlestone predicto in tenura diversorum tenentium
Solvendo annuatim ad terminos equaliter. Summa vi9 viii'1.

11 Ulgham, a chapclry in the parish of Morpeth.

" 1 Edw. I. Robt. de Hampton, Sheriff of Northd, accounts with the King,
and takes credit for 2 marks granted to the Knights Templars for 2 years, and
the Sheriff charges himself with 8s 8d for 13 acres of land and one toft for the
Sergeanty of Tokesden, received from the Prior of the Hospital of Jerusalem in
England, and also of .£11 Jls. from the same for the years aforesaid. J'ijx- /,W/.v,
1, 2, and 3 Edw. III., all in one roll. There is still a field close to Togston, but
in Acklington township, called Temple-hill.

MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS. 277

Et de ijs de redd, et firm, terrarum in Fallowdowne predicto
FALLOWDOWNE.18 in tenura diversorum tenentium. Solvendo annuatim ad
festa predicta equaliter. Summa ijs.

Et de x8 de redd, et firm, terrarum et tenementorum ibidem

WOODHALL ET

-p in tenura diversorum tenentium Solvendo annuatim ad

festa predicta per equales porciones. Summa xs.

BOLTONE IN Et de vii^ de redd* 6t firm' diversorum terrarum et
tenementorum in Bolton et Cookedale. Solvendo annuatim

COOKEDALE.

ad testa, etc. oumma vnj8.

FELTOUN - Et de "^ de redd- et firm' in Felton Predicto in tenura
diversorum tenentium Solvendo annuatim, etc. Summa iiiid.

~ 19 Et de vj8 viiid de redd, et firm, trium messuagiorum extra

. villam de Alnewicke cum totis terris in le Southside de

Alnewicke predicto Solvendo annuatim, etc. Summa vj8 viija.

Et de xls de firma cujusdam graungie vocate Staynforthall
STANFOKTHALL. cum omnibus terris, pratis, pascuis, pasturis eidem pertin.
dimiss. Christofero Burrell per indenturam ut dicitur Sol-
vendo, etc. Summa xl8.

Et de liii8 iiijd de firma duarum porcionum omnium illorum
TEMPLE HELAY.!O terrarum, pratorum, pastur. cum suis pert, in Temple Helawe

predicto dimiss. Cuthberto Radcliffe militi de anno in
annum reddendo inde annuatim ad dicta festa per equales porciones. Et de
xxvjs viijd de firma tercie partis terrarum, pratorum et pastur. in Temple Helaye
predicto dimiss. Job. Orde per annum Solvendo, etc. Summa iiij11.

Et de xviij8 de firma duorum tenementorum vocatorum
LYNDON BEIG. Templehouse et Shepewoode cum pert, scituat. jacentium et

existentium in dicto Com. Nortbumbrie cum omnibus terris,
pratis, pascuis, et pasturis communis, proficuis, commoditatibus et emolumentis
quibuscumque dictis tenementis quoquo modo spectantibus et pertin. sic
dimiss. per indenturam sub sigillo Curie Augmen. pro termino xxj annorum
Reddendo inde ad festa predicta prout tarn in dicta Indentura data xx° die
Decembris anno Regis Henrici viii" xxxviij0 quam in compoto de anno Regis
Edwardi viu primo ad largum et plenius patet. Summa xviij8.

Et de ijs de firma certarum terrarum in Whawton predicto
WHAWTON. dimiss. Geo. Simpson ad voluntatem Domini Regis
Solvendo annuatim, etc. Summa ij8.

Et de iiij8 de firma certarum terrarum cum suis pert, in
KENTON. Kentone predicto sic dimiss. Wm° Baynett de anno in
annum. Solvendo, etc. Summa iiij8.

11 Fallodon, in the parish of Embleton.

19 The Alnwick lands began at the top of Clayport. — On them is built the
mansion called Swansfield. Tate, ii. p. 65.

20 Temple Healey, in the chapelry of Netherwitton.

278 CHIBBURN PRECEPTORY :

Et de v8 de firma certarum terrarum cum suis pert, in Longe-
LONGWITTON. witton predicto dimiss. Robt° Stephenson de anno in

annum. Solvendo ad festa Sancti Martini in Hieme, et inven-

cionis Sancti Crucis equaliter. Summa v8.

Etde xxs de firma omnium terrarum et tenementorumcum pert.
THOKEINGTON.21 jacentium in villa et campis' de Thorneton, parva Babington,

et Riall infra communes ibidem vocatos Temple lande cum
libertatibus, Fraunchisis, proficuis commoditatibus eisdem terris et tenementis
spectantibus et pertin. sic dimiss. Edw° ^Shaftoo per indenturam sub sigillo
nuper prioratus Hospitalis Sancti Job.. Jerusalem in Anglia datam xviij0 die Mail
anno Regis Henrici viiivi x° pro termino xl annorum prout tam In dicta indentura
quam in compoto anni precedents plenius patet. Solvendo, etc. Summa xx8.

Et de xiii8 iiijd de firma certarum terrarum et tenementorum
DENTONE." cum suis pert, in Dentone predicto dimiss. Anthonio Errington
Solvendo, etc. Summa xiii8 iiijd.

Et de xlvj8 viijd de firma omnium illorum terrarum, pratorum
FENDHAM. et pasturarum vocatorum Feneham ac unius tenementi super

eandem pasturam edificati cum universis boscis subboscis
mineriis carbonum et metellorum de et in predictis terris pratis et pasturis
vocat. Feneham tantummodo except, et reservat. sic dimiss. Geo. Davell
per indenturam sub sigillo communi prioris nuper hospitalis Sancti Job.
Jerusalem in Anglia datum xxij° die Novembris anno Regis Henrici viii'1 xxix°
pro termino xxj annorum extunc proxime sequentium per annum Solvendo ad
festa purificationis Beate Marie Virginis et Sancti Petri quod dicitur ad vincla prout
tam In dicta Indentura quam in compoto anni precedentis. Summa xlvi8 viiid.

Et de viij8 de firma certarum terrarum, etc., in Killingworth
KILLING WO BTHE. predicto dimiss. Job. Killingworthe ad voluntatem Domini
Regis Solvendo ad festa Sancti Martini et pentecostes
equaliter. Summa viij8.

Et de x9 de firma cujusdam pasture vocate Le Nooke in
TlNDALE. Tindale in tenura assignatorum Gilbert! Stokalle per annum
Solvendo, etc. Summa x8.

Et de ii8 de redd, assise diversorum liberorum tenentium
EDLINGHAM. domini Regis in Edlingham predictum Solvendo ammatim,
etc. Summa ii8.

Et de xviijd de redd, assise diverssorum liberorum tenentium
HOLBOENE. Domini Regis in Holborne predicto Solvendo, etc.
Summa xviijd.

Et de xiid de redd, assise, etc., in Bucken felde predicto
BUCKINGFELDE. _

Solvendo, etc. Summa xijd.

Et de ijs de firma unius clausi terre vocati Sancte Johannes
BURTON. lande in tenura — Stephenson per annum Solvendo, etc.
Summa ii8.

21 Thockrington, Little Bavington, and Ryal.

22 Denton and Fenham, near Newcastle.

MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS. 279

Et de xijd de redd, assise liberorum, etc., de Milborne graunge
predicto annuatim Solvendo ad festa Sancti Martini in Hieme
et Invencionis Sancti Crucis equaliter. Summa xijd.

p , 23 Et de ijs de redd, assise diversorum liberorum, etc., et de

Chibbington predicto Solvendo, etc. Summa iis.

Et de ij8 de redd, assisse, etc., de Merricke predicto Solvendo,

MERSICKE. _

etc. Summa ijs.

Et de xijd de firma unius cotagii in Bellegate in tenura et
ALNEWICKE. occupacione Roberti Muscrope ad voluntatem domini Regis.
Solvendo annuatim ad festum Sancti Martini. Summa xijd.

Et de vj" xiij8 iiijd de firma tocius mineri carbonum hoc anno

MINERUM terris et pasturis vocatis Fentun invent, dimiss. Radulfo

CARBONUM. Carre et aliis mercatoribus ville Novi castri super Tinam per

Indenturam misericordie ad hue viss. per annum Solvendo ad

festa annunciationis Beate Marie Virginis et Sancti Michaelis Arch, equaliter.

Summa vj1' xiij8 iiijd. Summa totalis oneris xxxv" ij8 xd.

Idem computat in f eodo dicti computant ballivi et collectoris
FEOD ET omnium et singulorum reddituum et firmarum predictorum
REGARD. ad lx8 per annum cum vj8 viijd plus eidem allocatum in
recompensacione mane laboris sue hoc anno sustentat in et
super collectionem reddituum et firmarum predictorum ex discretione auditoris
et receptoris quam solebat allocari viz. in allocatione hujusmodi per tempus
hujus compoti lx8 et in regardo dato clerico auditoris pro scriptura hujus
compoti et omnis parcelli ejusdam ad ij8 per annum viz. in allocatione hujus-
modi per tempus hujus compoti prout allocatum est alio auditori Curie
Augmentationum ij8. Summa Ixij".

Et in decasu reddituum diversorum terrarum et tenementorum

DECASUS in Boltone et Rookedale superius onerat. ad viij8 per

REDDITUS. annum in titulo pro se Eo quod jacet vastum et in occupatione

per totum tempus hujus compoti et nihil inde levari potest

survev^ancl to ex sacrament° dicti computationis super hunc compotum

certifie et supra, coram auditore et sic in decasu per tempus hujus compoti

viij8. Et in decas. redd, custumariorum tenentiuni de

Hugham superius onerat. ad ij8 ijd per annum in titulo pro se eo quod jacet

vastum et in occupatione per totum tempus hujus compoti et nihil inde

levari potest ex sacramento etc. ij8 ijd. Et in decasu redd, liberorum

tenentium domini Eegis de Holborne superius onerat. ad xviijd per annum in

titulo pro se Eo quod jacet vastum et in occupatione per multos annos elapsos

nulla districcio ibidem habenda est ex sacramento computat. super hunc

compotum et sic in decas., etc., xviijd. Summa xj8 viijd.

23 In 1568 Sir John Widdrington and Sir Thos. Grey held lands in West and
East Chevington. Feodary's book.

24Morwick, 37 Eliz., the property of the Greys of Chillingham and of
Cuthbert Bates, now of the Duke of Northumberland.

280

CHIBBURN PRECEPTORY.

Et in denariis per dictum computantem liberat. Thome
LlBEBACIONES Newnham milit. reccptori domini Regis ibidem de exitibus
DENABIORUM. officii sui hujus anni ad divers, vices infra tempus hujus

compoti prout per librum Receptoris super hunc compotum
ostens. et examinat. et in custodia dicti Receptoris remanet. xix!i xiijs iiijd.
Et in denariis in compoto receptoris hujus anni onerat. super Job. Taylor
ballivum ac collectorem reddituum et firmarum in Temple Thorneton, Meld on
et Morpethe cum aliis parcellis nuper preceptoris predicti jacentibus in
Comitatu Northumbrie de parte exit, offic. Domino Regi debitorum finitum
ad festum Sancti Michaelis Arch, anno Regis nunc Edwardi vjt! v et per
ipsum aretro et nondum solut. — xxxv8 xd. Summa xxj" ixs iid.
Summa allocacionum et liberacionum xxv" ij8 xd. Et debet x".

Et de et pro tot denariis de exitibus et proficuis pro uno anno
et de redditibus domino Regi debitis at festum Sancti Michaelis
Arch, anno regis Edwardi vju v° provenientibus de firma mineri
carbonum in Fentun in tenura Radulfi Carre ad vj11 xiij8 iiijd
per annum Eo quod idem Radhulfus negat solvere dictum
redditum pro uno anno et die predicto, racione quod dictum
minerum carbonum jacuit vastum per tempus unius anni et
di asserens quod nullum proficuum inde provenisse per tempus

predictum Ideo hie posuit in respecuacione quousque refert warrant, acancellario

et concilio Curie augmentacionum pro allocatione ejusdem.

RESPECTUANTUR.

The serveis to
surveye the sd

Coolemyne
whether it lye

wast or no.

GRAVE COVER, CHIBBURN (See p. 267).

ROMAN MILESTONE DISCOVERED NEAR CARLISLE. 281

XI.— THE NAMES OF THE EMPEROR CARAUSIUS, AS
REVEALED BY THE CARLISLE ROMAN MILE-
STONE.

BY MAJOR R. MOWAT, OF PARIS.

[Read on the 29th May, 1895.]

A NOTICE of the discovery of a Roman mile-stone at Carlisle in
October last appeared in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, vol. vi. 1894, page 263, with a sketch.
Owing to the kindness of Chancellor Ferguson, F.S.A., president of the
Cumberland and Westmoreland Antiquarian Society, I received in the
beginning of March a squeeze which enabled me to ascertain the
accuracy of the reading of the inscription engraved on the stone.
This was discovered in the bed of the river Petterill, below Gallows
Hill, from whose summit it had probably rolled, and where it formerly
stood, marking the first mile from LUGUVALLIUM (Carlisle) on the
road to EBURACUM (York) ; it is now preserved at Tullie House.

It consists of a cylindrical column, six feet high, with the front
side roughly cut to a plane surface. At one end are four lines of an
inscription, somewhat weathered but still tolerably legible, the letters
of which are two inches high. Below, at some distance, can be seen
the remains of two other lines, worn out, save three faint letters.
This end of the inscription, purposely separated from the beginning
with the intent of attracting the notice of passers by, contained the
proper itinerary indications.

IMP c M

AVU MAVS
CARAVS10 P F
INVICTO AVG

. 0

c(aesari) w.(arco} \ AUR(efo'o) MAUS( ) | CARAUSIO,

INVICTO, AUG(«sfo), | \_Luguvalli~\Q \ [Brovonac]&.& \

A ROMAN MILESTONE BEARING THE NAMES

[m(ille) p(assuum}\. \ . — To the
Emperor, the Caesar, Marcus Aurel-
ius Maus(. . .) Carausius, pious,
happy, invincible, the Augustus.
From Luguvallium towards Brovo-
nacae, first mile.

The restored word Luguvallio
may safely be considered as certain,
whilst the complementary part of
[Brovonac~\as is merely conjectural,
for the sake of showing how the
brackets are to be filled with the
name of one of the stations on the
road to York, provided it has the
feminine plural termination — as,
such as Brovonacas (Kirkby Thore),
Verteras (Brough), or Lavatras
(Bowes).

At the opposite end is another

inscription in five lines, reading in

a contrary direction ; the first line

ends in a monogram formed by the

conjunction of the three letters VAL.

FL VL

CONS

TANT .
NO NOB
CAES

io) VAL(m0) | CONSTANTINO,
CAEs(«n'). — To Fla-
vius Valerius Constantine, the most
noble Caesar.

From this particularly remark-
able instance of two different miliary
inscriptions engraved on the same
block, we may deduce that the
lime-stone was erected first in the
reign of the Emperor Carausius,

OF CARAUSIUS DISCOVERED NEAR CARLISLE. 283

A.D. 287-293, and that it was afterwards turned up topsy-turvy in
the time of Constantine, when he still held but the rank and title of
Caesar, A.D. 306. A fresh inscription in his own honour was then
engraved at the summit, whilst the end bearing the inscription dedi-
cated to Carausius was hid under ground, such a course implying that
Constantine on his accession to power denied any official character to
the public acts of the usurper. In its turn the Constantine mile-stone
was thrown down, most likely when the Roman forces and officials
were ordered by the Emperor Honorius to withdraw from the Isle in the
year 411. The contemptuous treatment inflicted on the emblem of
the imperial government is imputable to the Caledonian invaders, or
rather to the British natives themselves, disgusted with the behaviour
of the authorities who forfeited the duty of protecting their subjects
against their bitter foes.

This is the first instance of a lapidary monument containing a
record of the British adventurer who founded in his own country an
independent empire, and played a historical part somewhat comparable
to that of Postumus in Gaul thirty years previously.* Whence he
originated we are left to guess from a short sentence of Aurelius
Victor,1 Carausius, Menapiae civis. Notwithstanding the apparent
clearness of this information, it is not an easy task to define its
meaning with precision. No less than three different countries have
equal claims to the denomination of Menapia : in the first place, a
people known by the name of Menapii inhabited Belgian Gaul, the
land bordering the river Scheldt and the mouth of the Rhine 2 ; next,
the Isle of Man was called Monapia, according to Pliny's spelling, if
the manuscripts are correct;3 last, on the eastern coast of Ireland
dwelt the Mai/aTrto*,4 whose capital was Mai/aWa Tro'Xts, in our days
Wicklow (Wexford). It will surprise none when I say that French
antiquaries assign the mesopotamic part of Belgium as the birth-place
of Carausius, whilst British scholars contend for the Isle of Man, no
specific argument being brought forward by either party. No doubt if
the University of Dublin were chosen to arbitrate upon the difference

1 De Caesaribus, xxxix.

2 Caesar, De Bello Galileo, ii. 4. Strabo, iv. iii. 4, 5. Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv.
xviii. 31. Ptolemy, ii. viii. 10.

3 Pliny, Nat. Hist. iv. xviii. 30. * Ptolemy, ii. ii. 7, 8.

* Postumus, A.D. 258-267; Carausius, A.D. 287-293.

284 A ROMAN MILESTONE BEARING TJIK XAMKS

the affirmation of his Hibernian origin would luckily help to decide
the question in a friendly and neutral manner. Nevertheless, it may
be suggested that the words Menapiae civis match admirably with the
parvae civis insulae employed by Ausonius in a similar case,5 and that
such a geographical designation seems to apply most fittingly to the
Monapia island, whilst the ethnical qualification Menapius, or civis
Henapius, or even natione Menapius would have been the correct
expression if Aurelius Victor had meant that Carausius originated
from the continental Menapians. To whatever branch of the Mena-
pians Carausius belonged, either Gaulish, Britannic, or Hibernian, his
birth-place was undoubtedly maritime, and this accounts for the fact
that he was such a talented seaman that Maximian chose him for
fitting out a fleet against the Germanic pirates ; it afterwards served
him as the most efficacious instrument for making himself independent
of the Roman domination. He clearly perceived that the security of
his insular empire rested on a powerful navy, and this stamps him a
truly national hero for Britain, deserving to share the honours of a
traditional popularity with Queen Boudicca, whose name by-the-by,
synonymous of 'Victorina,' is ridiculously disfigured in Boadicea,
even by the Admiralty officials who select names for Her Majesty's
ships.6 Several varieties of his coins show on the reverse a pretorian
galley manned by rowers, with her name inscribed above, LAETITIA.
This type and legend also adopted by Allectus his successor, was
evidently borrowed from the coinage of Postumus, large and small
brass. Here we have, amongst many others, a striking feature of
similitude between these two historical characters, and hence we are
led to believe that under like circumstances Carausius modelled his
acts and policy on those of the Gaulish emperor.

Let us now proceed to a closer examination of the wording in the
inscription of the Carlisle mile-stone.

From the first lines we gather the entirely novel and authentic
information that Carausius, besides this name under which alone

5 Ausonius, Ludtt.^ tir/rft'm A' 1 p'u'nt him, v. 147: ' Cleobulus ego sum, parvae
civis insulae.' Cleobulus, one of the Seven Wise Men of Greece, was a native
of Lindos, in the isle of Rhodes.

6 As a rule, it may be noticed that when half instructed people have to
choose between two ways of spelling a name or an uncommon word, they will
unhesitatingly hit upon the wrong one, and stick to it with obstinacy. In the
French navy also there is always a ship traditionally named ' Primauguet '
instead of ' Porzmoguer. '

OF CARAUSIUS DISCOVERED NEAR CARLISLE. 285

he was hitherto known, bore three other names ; from Emperor
M. Aurelius Maximianus, under whose orders he served in the army
of Inferior Germany, he received the praenomen and nomen gentili-
cium Marcus Aurelius, retaining his other two native names ; one of
these began with the syllable Mam, which was sometimes still more
abridged and merely reduced to the initial letter M, for instance on
some rare brass coins ; three of these are preserved in the Hunter
museum, at Glasgow, according to Petrie's Monumenta Historwa
Britannica, p. clxv. col. 2 ; pi. xi. 28, 29, 32.

IMP C M CARAVSIVS P AVG — PAX AVG ; exergue, MCXXI ;

IMP C M CARAVSIVS P F AVG — PIETAS AVG ;

IMP C M CARAVSIVS P F AVG— PROVID AVG ; field, SC.

Four others are described from private collections : —

IMP C M CARAVSIVS P AVG — mERCVriO CON AVG (Roach Smith);7
IMP C M CARAVSIVS AVG — MARS VICTOR (Roach Smith);8
IMP C M CARAVSIVS P F AVG — PAX AVG (Selbome) ;9
IMP C M CARAVSIVS AVG — PAX AVG (R. Mowat).

The enigmatic sigla M, and the equally puzzling syllable MAVS are
unmistakably the more or less shortened forms of a Celtic name, which
we may safely restore to Mausaeus or Mausaius, since it is the only
fitting form to be found in the whole Gaulish nomenclature compiled
from manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. This name is inscribed on
a small silver coin preserved, under No. 9359, in the medal room of
the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Paris ; the late Emile Hucher was the
first numismatist who published it10 in the shape of MAVSAIIOS. I
personally verified this reading on the original coin ; hence I am able
to give the following accurate description of this documentary relic : —

Obverse — Helmeted head turned to left ; in front, NINNO.

Reverse — Wild boar running to left ; beneath and above, a half-
retrograde legend, ov M with Greek lunary sigma instead of s,

such as in other Gaulish legends, BELINOC, SANTONOC, VENEXTOC.
We may now state that the denominations of Carausius were, at full
length, Marcus Aurelius Mausaeus (or Mausaius) Carausius.

7 Collectanea Antigua, vii. p. 224 ; pi. xxii. 4.

8 Monumenta Historica Britannica, p. clxii. col. 2 ; pi. ix. 14.

9 Cohen, Description Historiqm des Monnaies Imperials, vii. 1888, p. 22,
n. 204. 10 L'art gaulois, ii. p. 68.

286 ROMAN MILESTONE DISCOVERED NEAR CARLISLE.

In the middle of last century Stukeley published a coin which he
had noticed in the collections of Sir Hans Sloane, and of Joseph Ames,
F.R.S. and secretary to the Society of Antiquaries11: —

Obverse— IMP c M AVR v CARAVSIVS P AVG. Radiated bust, clad
with the paludamentum, to right.

Reverse — PAX AVG. Peace standing to left, holding a flower and

leaning on a sceptre ; field, SP ; exergue, c.

By the expansion of the legend he made out the reading M(arcus)
Aur(elius) V(alerius) Carausius, and Mionnet12 confidently adopted it ;
but John Doubleday seems to have doubted its correctness, or to have
suspected the genuineness of the coin, for he did not admit it in his
carefully drawn-up descriptive catalogue of the coins relating to
Britain.13 This tacit condemnation is so much the more significant as
the Sloane collection was bequeathed to the British Museum, where
Doubleday might have leisurely examined the coin. Moreover, this
is altogether confirmed by the fact that no such piece is to be met
with in the sets of coins of Carausius in the British Museum, which
Mr. Grueber has kindly examined, one by one, for my purpose.

A priori the reading V(alerius} is not altogether objectionable,
since Maximian had added this family name of Diocletian to his own
patronymic Aurelius, and styled himself M AVR VAL MAXIMIANVS on
several of his coins ; hence Carausius, in his turn, might have had
the double gentilicial name Aurelius Valerius, by which he connected
himself both with Diocletian and with Maximian. On the other hand,
it is possible that the letter v, which Stukeley fancied to have de-
ciphered, is merely the middle part of a defaced letter M, and this
would bring us back to something like the aforesaid legends beginning

With IMP C M CARAVSIVS.

11 The Medallic History of M. Aurelius Valerius Carausius, emperor in
Britain, i. p. 115, pi. v. n. i. Mr. Haverfield believes the coin is in Cambridge,
and has been misread. He also thinks that the word MAYS is simply a blunder.

12 JJe la rarete et du prix des medatlles Romaines, ii. (2nd edit. 1827), p. 165.

13 Monumenta Illstorica Britannica, p. cliii-clxxiii. 17 plates.

P E

EASINGTON CHURCH. 287

XII.— EASINGTON CHURCH.

By the Rev. H. E. SAVAGE,
Yicar of St. Hilda's, South Shields, and Honorary Canon of Durham.

[Read on the 24th April, 1895.]

THE work which has been in progress at St. Mary's church at
Easington during the past year has afforded an exceptional oppor-
tunity for tracing the story of the building. The temporary removal
of all the interior fittings, the stripping of the walls, and the lower-
ing of the roof, have each and all laid bare some features which
throw light on the past. For it is the church itself that is the only
witness, for the most part, to its own history ; there is apparently no
notice preserved in any of the early records of the see of Durham with
regard to the builder, or the re-builder, of this church. And yet in
general outline the story is fairly plain to read, and it is full of
interest. The simplest way to follow it will be to take the several still
existing features according to their approximate dates, and so work
out the gradual growth of the building to its present condition.

The earliest portion then of the church is the lower part of the
tower, which is Norman ; but even that only discloses its age on the
eastern side, in the lofty arch opening into the nave, which is now
once more cleared of all blocking, and in the small window above,
which was until last year hidden by the abnormally high pitched nave
roof : possibly also in the other belfry windows. The corresponding
Norman church was pulled down at the end of the twelfth century,
and the only certain vestige which remains of it, with perhaps the
quaint circular steps of the font, is half the base of one pillar, or
rather the base of one of the western responds of the arcade, which has
been used as a sub-base for the present respond of the western arch on
the north side. This base, which is an exact semi-circle, with a
diameter of two feet six inches, is eight inches less in diameter than the
sub-base of the adjoining circular pillar, and has a hollow chamfer. It
has apparently been moved from its original position for use as an
underpacking when the Early English arcade was built. For besides
the a priori presumption that the Norman nave would be somewhat
narrower than that of the Early English church, there is an indirect
indication that this was actually the case. Close against the north

288

EASINGTON CHURCH

and south walls of the tower on the outside there are two, by no
means beautiful, buttresses, which are exactly in line with the arcades
within, and seem to be intended to meet the thrust of the arches,
which had not sufficient support from the thin western walls of the
nave aisles. The arcades of the Norman church would presumably
come up to the north and south walls of the tower itself, which is
sufficiently broad ; but when the nave was widened the new work
would miss this strong stay, and so the extra strength in the form of
supporting buttresses was needed.

It may very well have been the case, too, that the Norman nave
had a floor level the same as that of the tower, and therefore some
eighteen inches higher than the level shown by the present pillar bases.
Possibly some insecurity in the Norman piers, resting, as so much
Norman work undoubtedly did, on inadequate foundations, led to the
rebuilding of the church at the close of the twelfth century, when the
bases of the pillars were carried down to a lower and surer foundation.
For another reason also it seems clear that the present arcades do
not belong to the original building. For they have been built from
east to west, and are not of the same construction as the tower.
They have been built, that is, pu to an already existing tower.
The nave arches are part of the same work as the chancel arch, and
come away quite naturally from it. The span of all the bays is
exactly the same in measurement ; but when they reach the west end

of the church there is a difference of
some inches, which is made up on the
^ south side by a square stone packing
of greater thickness than the corres-
£ ponding packing on the north side.

The pillars are alternately circular
and octagonal ; two circular and one
octagonal on the north side, and two
octagonal and one circular on the
south. The north-west circular pillar
has a curiously stiff form of partially
decorated volute carved on the capital
Fig- L in distinctly Transitional style, as in

fig. 1. What seems to 'have been the same, or a very similar pattern,

THE COLUMNS OF THE NAVE.

289

Fig. 2.

occurs also on the capitals of the two western responds, though they
are now much defaced, especially the one on the south side. On the
capital of the north-
east pillar there are two
distinct designs of tre-
foil ornamentation, of
which that on the north
side towards the aisle
has a broader and
heavier, leaf, and a
plainer device, than the
other towards the nave.
The capital of the cen-
tral circular pillar on
the south side is quite
plain. These carvings
are unmistakably Tran-
sitional work, probably not later than 1195 A.D. ; and thus the first
approximately definite date is fixed. These carvings, as they appear
in their present state, are clearly shewn in the accompanying repro-
ductions of sketches, which have
been most kindly contributed
by Mr. W. S. Hioks. The octa-
gonal pillars have a small bead
ornamentation running round
under the heads of the capitals,
just like the corresponding
ornamentation round the bases
of the pillars in the neighbour- /
ing parish church of Pittington; '
and a nail-head pattern of rather
larger proportions appears also
on the base of the easternmost Fig. 3.

pillar on the south side.

The other extant remains of the Transitional or Early English
period are the two lancet windows at the west ends of the aisles, which
have happily been lately re-opened, and the small clearstorey windows.

VOL. XVII. 38

290

EASINGTON CHURCH :

The chancel of the Early English church was originally lighted at the
east end by five lights of equal height, like the 'five sisters' of the north
transept of York minster. The heads of these windows were still
traceable on the outside of the gable after the Decorated east window
was inserted, as may be seen in plate xix., a reproduction of Billings's

The back. The front.

NORTH-EAST CAPITAL OF EASINGTON CHURCH.

plate of the church, but they were removed forty years ago, when the
present disagreeable and disproportionate lancets were substituted by
Hardwicke for the Decorated window. The glass was put in by
Messrs. O'Connor.

Within the last three or four weeks a most beautiful ' low side '
window at the south-west of the chancel has been opened out.
That there was such a window seemed, indeed, to be indicated
all along by the hood moulding on the outside ; but the significance
of this label was somewhat lost by the space within it having been
appropriated for a memorial slab to Archdeacon Pye, who died in
1808. This window, which is now open to the chancel, but is still
blocked towards the exterior, is all cut out of a single four and a half
inch slab of a kind of flagstone. It has two lights, transomed, in an
enclosing arch. All the four spaces are grooved for glazing on the
outside. The lowest space on the right is also checked on the in-
side for a shutter, and still retains the marks of the shutter hinges,

22j

THE WINDOWS. 291

and actual remains of the sneck. The window is set well back in a
recess in the wall, which is splayed only down to the foot of the
window, below which it comes out square to the inner face of the
wall. The junction between the splay and the right angle is very
rough and unfinished, as though it had been hidden by a shelf or a
seat originally. Billings's plate also shows a 'priest's door' of the
same period in the centre of the south side of the chancel. But
this was, unhappily, made away with forty years ago. In a bill of
* Thomas Punshon, mason, Durham,' dated Feb., 1853 (now in the
Rectory), is included an account for ' taking down wall south side of
chancel to ground, as per estimate.'

In the Decorated period the whole of the windows were by degrees
remodelled. To judge from Billings's plate, the two earliest would
seem to have been the south-east and the east windows of the south
aisle. They are not quite of simultaneous date, but they are both,
though in somewhat different manner, representative of the geometrical
style. From a much earlier time there had been a chantry of St.
Mary in the church. For it received endowment both from bishop
Richard de Marisco (1217-1226) and from bishop Nicholas de
Farnham (1237-1248), the latter of whom, according to Surtees,
chose Easington for his residence on his resignation of the see of
Durham. Presumably this chantry would be situated at the east end
of the south aisle ; and, if so, this may have something to do with the
two windows of this corner being the first to be enlarged in the new
style. Moreover, it was the pillar that adjoined this same corner that
alone received the nail-head ornamentation round the base as well as
the band of bead-work round the capital.

After these two windows came the more developed east window of
the chancel, and then the south chancel windows in a richer design of
flowing tracery. These windows were still in situ down to 1853,
when they were unfortunately taken out by Hardwicke and replaced
by modern work, professedly a copy of the original, but actually very
far from being a true reproduction of the design. The tracery of the
fourteenth-century windows was carried over to the rectory garden,
and eventually used to form rockeries ; and so much was fortunately
preserved that might have been altogether lost. It is much to be
hoped that all that can be recovered will be pieced together and

292 EASINGTON CHURCH :

restored to the precincts of the church for a more careful and reverent
preservation before it is too late. Finally, and probably after a more
or less considerable interval, quite towards the end of the fourteenth
century, the remaining windows of the south aisle (and presumably
those of the north aisle as well) were completed in the latest form of
the Decorated style, with square hood mouldings and simpler tracery.

It was probably at this time that the original entrance to the
church at the west end of the south aisle was built up, and the south
doorway broken into the tower. This doorway is evidently a removal
from somewhere else ; and the numbers which are seen on the
successive stones of its arch were no doubt cut as a guide for its
re-erection when it was taken from its original position. Of these
numbers there are still legible 3, 4, and 5 (in Arabic figures) on the
west shoulder, and II., III., IV., and V. (in Koman numerals) on the
east side.

The Perpendicular period set its characteristic stamp upon the
church in the lowering and flattening of the roof. This was in 1853
raised to an inordinate pitch, which completely dwarfed the tower, and
marred the proportion of the building. It has now been reduced,
but not quite to the pitch of the Perpendicular roof.

The tower was also heightened and battlemented, and the two
enormous western buttresses were added to support the additional
weight at the top. It is probable also that to this time should be
ascribed the doorway on the north side of the chancel at the west
corner, the head of which was uncovered last year, but which has
been removed to make way for the arch of the organ-chamber. It
was two feet nine inches wide, with a check for the door.

In the north wall of the church, towards the west end, the lines
of the jambs and threshold of a doorway are clearly traceable on the
outside.

In 1526 (November 17) a .second chantry, of 'Our Ladie of Pittie,'
was founded in the church by the will of John Jackson of Easington.
Presuming that the original chantry of St. Mary was, as has been
suggested, in the south aisle, this new chantry was apparently located
at the east end of the north aisle. When the wainscotting was
stripped off last year, a mutilated piscina was uncovered in the north
wall. It has the appearance of a much earlier date than the sixteenth

CARVED OAK BENCH ENDS, ETC. 293

century, and if it belonged therefore to the altar of ' Our Ladie of
Pittie,' it may have been removed from some other position in the
church, or it may be an indication of an earlier altar in this same
position. This chantry would be one of the last founded in England,
as it was less than twenty years later, in 1545, that the Act was
passed which suppressed all chantries (and of course their endow-
ments !) 'for the use of the king.' Could this foundation have been
suggested by the altar in the cathedral described in the Rites of
Durham ?: — 'Ther was betwixt two pillers, on the leaft hand in the
North Allie as yow tourne into the Galleley from the northe churche
dour, our LADY OP PITTIES ALTER, being inclosed of either syde with
fyne waynscott, with the picture of our Lady carying our Saviour on
her knee, as he was taiken from the crosse, verey lamentable to
behoulde.'1

Soon after the Kestoration of 1660, the famous James Clement of
Durham, ' artis ille fabricse peritissimus,' according to his epitaph in
St. Oswald's church, Durham,2 the designer of the oak choir stalls
in the cathedral, was employed to design oak fittings for Easington
church.3 As the rectory was attached to the archdeaconry of Durham,
his engagement must have been due to bishop Cosin's son-in-law,
Denys Granville, who was then archdeacon. Clement's work included
a carved oak chancel screen, a pulpit which was placed against the
easternmost pillar on the south side, and a set of carved oak seat ends.
The screen remained until 1852, when it was removed by Hardwicke.
Fordyce says, in 1857, * the screen has been removed, but is carefully
preserved,' but it is not at Easington now (unless the small piece of
canopy work which stood until recently against the blocking of the
tower arch is part of it), and it has, it is greatly to be feared, been
before now broken up. Only a few weeks ago I was told by Mr.
0. Hodgson Fowler, that when first he came to Durham many
years ago, he remembers some carved oak work standing in the yard
of the late Mr. Robson, builder, of that city, which was pointed out
as the Easington chancel screen, but he added that it had since dis-
appeared from the yard. In one of the accounts of ' Robert Robson,
Builder, Durham,' for sundry works done at Easington church in
1853 (preserved in the rectory), an item occurs for 'carriage of

1 15 Surt. Soc. Publications, p. 33. 2 Boyle, County of Durham, p. 207.
3 Fordyce, Durham.

294 EASJNGTON CHURCH :

screen to Durham.' I have since been informed that a great part of
the screen is still to be found in Durham, but who has it I have not
been able to ascertain. The pulpit, or part of it, still remains in the
church ; and Clement's seat ends, now freed from thick layers of
paint and varnish, are being reinstated in the church.

Either then, viz. in the seventeenth century, or later, the chancel
was (as Hutchinson describes it) ' ceiled, stuccoed, and neatly wains-
cotted ; ' the walls of the nave were liberally plastered, and apparently
stencilled with texts, of which one, ' Pray without ceasing,' was to be
seen on the wall of the south aisle before the plaster was removed ;
the pillars were white-washed ; the tower arch was built up ; and the
floor of the nave was raised. But the last two features, at all events,
if not some of the others also, were probably not introduced till quite
the end of the last century, perhaps in 1798, which is the date on the
face of the clock which was inserted in the filling of the tower arch.
For Hutchinson writes (edition of 1787, ii. p. 576), 'you descend by
four steps into the nave,' whereas until last year there were only two
steps from the nave to the chancel.

In 1852-3, the church was thoroughly overhauled by Hardwicke,
when much, no doubt, was done to improve its condition, but a great
deal that was, to say the least, most unfortunate was also perpetrated.
The work, which is now almost completed, will bring back the church
as nearly as can be done to its former beauty.

In the west wall of the tower, on the outside close to the ground,
a stone has been inserted on which a large rough Maltese cross is
cut in relief. It is difficult to say what this cross represents. It
may have been part of a grave-cover, which has at some time been
dug up and placed here for preservation. * It certainly has not the
appearance of a ' dedication cross.'

The Rev. T. N. Roberts, vicar of Cornforth, has kindly supplied
the following notes on the monumental effigies in the church : —

There are two recumbent figures in stone in good preservation in this church.
One is that of a man in chain mail of the fashion of the latter part of the
thirteenth century. The head is covered with a round hood of mail, encircled
with a small twisted wreath, and the lower part of it comes over the surcoat at
the shoulders. The surcoat is long, and the skirt, opening in front, displays the
lower part of the hauberk descending almost to the knees, which have quilted
coverings. The sleeves of the hauberk end at the wrists, and the hands are

EFFIGIES AND FIGURES. 295

extended together in the attitude of prayer. The legs, protected by mail
changges, are crossed, the right over the left. The feet are broken off, but rested
on some animal, apparently a dog. The sword depends in front by a broad
belt from the narrow waist-band. The triangular shield on the left arm shows
the armorial bearings of a fess between three popinjays for Fitz Marmaduke
or Lumley. This effigy was lately at the east end within the altar rails, but is
now placed at the east end of the south aisle.

The other figure is that of a lady. She has on her breast the same coat of
arms. It is made of encrinital limestone, or Frosterley marble, and is of remark-
able length. The dress is plain, falling to the feet in straight folds. The head
is attired in a wimple, with a band across the forehead, and another under the
chin. The skirt of the habit is held down between the feet by the hand and
arm of a very small figure at the foot of the tomb.4 The upper part of the little
figure is gone, the lower is clothed in skirts to the ankles. This effigy has also
been removed from the chancel to the east end of the north aisle.

There are no inscriptions attached to these effigies.

In the church is preserved a late tilting helmet, probably of the
early part of the 16th century. The visor has no bars or perforations,
and projects somewhat suddenly at the part over the nose and mouth.
There is a spike at the apex to support crest. When Billings sketched
it (more or less inaccurately) for his plate, this spike bore a wooden
plume, with the date 1664. This, however, has since disappeared.
Presuming that the date refers to the occasion of its being placed in
the church, it would seem that it was a memorial of Sir John Conyers
of Horden hall, whose burial is recorded in the Parish Register under
the year 1664:— ' Decem. ye 6th Sr John Conyers,5 Knight & Barronet,
burried.' This Sir John Conyers, son and heir of Christopher
Conyers, was created a baronet on 14th July, 1628.

4 The remains of two similar small supporting figures, each on one knee, are
also clearly visible beside either shoulder.

5 The following entries in the register apparently refer also to the same John
Conyers : — (a) • Ihon Coniers fonue of mr Christopher Corners of horden was
Baptized ye viij day of July Ao. dni 1593 Ao. Reg. Eliz. 34.' (J) 'Aprill : 7 :
1608 : lohn Conyers & Francis Graues did acknowledge that wth theris owne
most willinge consent, as alsoe wth the consent of theris parentes expofer
Conyers esq John Hedworthe gent : & An his wife), the sayde John &
Francis were solemnly maried att yorke about towe years before the registr-
inge herof. In the prsence of vs, witnesses of this acknowledgment, as alsoe
of the giuinge & receinge of one peice of gould for the farther confiringe
of this acknowledgmet. test Thomas Bainbridge Cuthebort Conyers expofer
Bainbridge John Dixon Abrahamus Robinson circs.' The consent of John Hed-
worthe and his wife to the acknowledgment of the validity of this marriage was
no doubt required on account of the family succession, because the father
Christopher Conyers had married their daughter as his second wife, John being
the son of his first wife.

296 EASINGTON CHURCH :

The communion plate and bells have been described in the Pro-
ceedinys* of the society.

The registers are in very good condition. The first volume is a
book of one hundred and nineteen parchment leaves, measuring ten
and a quarter by six and a half inches, newly and strongly bound in
red calf in 1878. On the third page is headed ' REGISTRVM ECCLESI^E
DE ESINGTON ex vetere cartaceo in pergamenum redactum, fideliter
collectis, transumptis et redintigratis nominibus et cognominibus
Baptizatorum, nuptorum, et sepultorum intra spatium regni excel-
lentissimse Reginae nrse Elizabetae: diligenter etiam annotatis Annis
mensibus singulisq' singulorum mensium diebus in quibus quisq. vel
sacro fonte lotus fuerit vel sanctam nuptiaru' copulam introit, vel
Christiana sepulture beneficio fuerit affectus, iuxta ordinem provin-
ciale constitutione, Regiaq' Authoritate stabilitum : Anno Salutis
1597.' It begins, in 1571, 'Isabel Baytes daughter of Jhon Baytes
was baptized the iij day of June,' and ends, on page 216, in
1652.

POSTSCRIPT.

The suggestion made in the foregoing paper (page 293) that the
screen and bench-ends were designed by James Clement of Durham,
was taken from a note by Fordyce in his History and Antiquities of the
County Palatine of Durham (vol. ii. p. 353) who quotes Billings as
his authority. His actual words are : — 'This screen, which is carefully
preserved, is of about the year 1660, as are also the boldly-carved
bench-ends with which the body of the church is completely filled;'
and he adds in a note at the foot of the page : ' The general effect
of the screen and bench-ends,' says Billings, ' is excellent ; and if they
are questionable in point of detail, the fault must be attributed to the
prevailing taste of the time and not to the architect who designed
them — James Clement of Durham, who died in 1690.'

6 Vol. iii. p. 220 and 246. But since the plate was examined and described
in the Proceedings, the fine 17th century pewter flagon with incised devices and
strapwork, then in the rectory, has disappeared, it is said at the sale of the
effects of Mr. Harrison, the late rector, and that it is now in the possession of a
farmer in the parish. The sooner it is recovered the better, as it has no business
to be out of the possession of the churchwardens. — ED.

THE MAKER OF THE BENCH ENDS. 297

As this note stands, it would appear that Billings's statement is
clear enough that Clement was the designer of the oak work at
Easington. But when reference is made to his own words, it seems
to be somewhat uncertain whether his remarks really applied to
Easington at all, and not merely to the stall work in Durham
cathedral. It is in his introduction to his Illustrations of the
Architectural Antiquities of Durham (page 13) that the words occur.
The whole passage reads : — ' Coming down to a later period we have
the benches at Sherburn, the screen work and bench-ends of Easington,
and the stall-work of the cathedral at Durham, erected during the
reign of Charles the Second, after 1650. Here, again, the general effect
is excellent, and, if they are questionable in point of detail, the fault
must be attributed to the prevailing taste of the time, and not to the
architect who designed them.' And he appends a note — 'James
Clement of Durham, who died in 1690.' The natural interpretation
of these words no doubt is that they refer inclusively to Sherburn
and Easington as well as to the cathedral; but it is not quite clear
that this is what he does mean ; certainly by no means so clear as
Fordyce's arrangement of the quotation would lead us to suppose.

Now, valuable as Billings's information undoubtedly is, he is not
always to be implicitly trusted, especially on a question of date. For
instance he puts down the nave of Easington as 'about 1270,'
which is of course some three-quarters of a century too late ; and he
speaks of ' one of the original windows of the nave aisles, a single
narrow lancet (now walled up)' as being 'in the west wall, close
against the north side of the tower;' entirely ignoring the exactly
corresponding window on the south side. And indeed there seem to
be reasons for hesitating to accept so late a date as 1660 for at least
the seat ends. The portion of the screen which was preserved at the
west end of the church, and has now been fixed on the east wall as a
canopy over the altar,7 may probably enough be work of the time of
the Restoration. But a careful examination of the carving on the
bench-ends suggests a somewhat earlier date. Moreover, in the
earliest parish register (1571-1652) there is a curious note at page
233 recording the appropriation by the rector, Dr. Gabriell Clarke,
acting as archdeacon, on 8th November, 1634, of certain specified
7 Where it was in Surtees's time.

VOL. XVII. 39

298 EASINGTON CHURCH :

seats to ' Sir William Bellesees, knight, high sheriffe of the countie of
Durham, and to Syr Alexander Hall, knight.' In this apportionment
Dr. Clarke mentions that ' the stalls, seats, and pewes, of your church
are lately made new and erected uniforme; '8 and it is hardly probable
that the whole church was again reseated within thirty years. The
present seat ends may very well, so far as their style goes, date from
1630 rather than 1660.

On one of them the letters T.S. are carved in relief on either side
of the central band from which the flowers depend. It is far from
easy to say to whom these letters refer. They can scarcely denote a
permanent appropriation ; nor is it likely that they represent the
designer. It is possible that they may be the initials of some
generous donor of the seats, in which case they would be placed on
the seat occupied by him during his lifetime, but as involving only a
lasting commemoration of his gift, not a successive appropriation.
The only known permanent assignment of seats in the church was in
the south aisle, where the ' Pesspool seats ' were set apart for the
Pesspool estate, but probably more by prescriptive custom than by
definite allotment. But even supposing the letters in question may
have referred to the donor, who was T.S. ? There were at least
three men connected with Easington at this period whose initials
were T.S.

(1) Thomas Strode, esq., barrister-at-law, of Parnham in Dorset-
shire, to whom Pesspool was mortgaged after the Restoration by
William Midford. But if the seats are of the time of Dr. Clarke's
rectorship the initials cannot be his.

(2) Thomas Shadforth of Eppleton was a member of the com-
mittee of sequestration when Dr. Clarke was expelled from the rectory
under the Act of April, 1643, as 'a malignant.' Shadforth was
a brother-in-law of John Blakiston, one of the regicides. He was
high sheriff in 1651. He was a zealous supporter of the Parliament
during the Civil WTars, and sat on all their commissions within the
county (sc. under the same Act of April, 1643).9 So that his
connexion with Easington was not properly a parochial one, but only
that of an ardent itinerant iconoclast. It is therefore improbable to
the last degree that T.S. can refer to him.

8 See App. No. I. p. 302. :; Fonl-yre, vol. ii. p. 580.

THE DECORATED EAST WINDOW, ETC.

(3) Thomas Sharpe is the only parishioner who signed the ' Solemn
League and Covenant ' whose initials are T.S. He signed it on both
occasions, and was one of the few who could write their own names.
Was he the same Thomas Sharpe of Hawthorn in Easington parish,
who in better days rebuilt the vicarage house of Dalton-le-Dale as
vicar in 1665, and inscribed over the porch, <Tho : Sharp edif.
1665.'10?

It is perhaps worth while thus to refer at length to these bench-
ends as a fragmentary contribution to the study of the early oak
work, which is so remarkable a feature of the older churches in the
county of Durham.

The north-west door, to which reference is made on page 292, was
apparently a large one when it was first inserted, to judge by the very
wide original threshold, which is clearly marked on the outside. But
at some later period, as the line
of the jamb shows, it was re-
placed by a smaller door before
it was finally walled up.

The remains of the tracery
of the Decorated east window
of the church, which was taken
out during the last restoration,
are in the rectory garden. It
is shown in Billings's view of
the church (plate XIX.) and
also in the detailed illustration here given, reproduced from Billings.

The window head, of which a sketch is given on the following
page, as it now appears in the rectory garden, was part of the east
window of the south aisle. It is cut out of a single piece of stone.
The diameter of the contained circle is twenty-seven and a half
inches ; the measurement across the base of the arch is fifty-three
and a half inches ; and the height forty-two inches.

The rectory of Easington was united to the archdeaconry of
Durham, 'propter exiles proventus eiusdem archidiaconatus,' by
bishop Walter de Kirkham in 1256, on the occasion of his collation
of Robert de St. Agatha to the rectory ; and this connexion lasted
until 1832, when the two benefices were separated by the Durham
Church Estate Act.

10 Surtees, i. 3.

300

EASINGTON CHURCH

On pages 163-168, both inclusive, of the first register book of the
parish the * Solemne League and Covenant, for Reformation of Religion,
the Honour and Happinesse of ye King, and ye peace and safety of ye

three kingdoms of
England, Scotland,
and Ireland ' n is
written out in full,
followed by the sig-
natures of the male
parishioners (above
eighteen years of
age) to the number
of 157, of whom 118
could rrot write their
h own names, but made
their marks, a great
number of them

curiously distinctive marks. This covenant, which was originally drafted
in Scotland, was adopted by the House of Commons, and by the Assembly
of Divines, in September, 1643, and ordered to be taken in all the
London churches on Sunday, 1st October, 1643, and throughout the
country on 2nd February, 1644. It is printed in extenso by Fuller
in his Church History of Britain, book xi. section 5 (who notices the
curious conceit that the words in it were counted up by churchmen as
exactly numbering 666 [Rev. xiii. 18] ). The covenant was appointed
to be printed, framed, and hung up in churches ; and Fuller remarks,
' in his own defence,' that he never saw the same until he required it
in writing his history in July, 1654, 'except at distance as hung up
in churches.' So that the parliamentary authorities at Easington
were abnormally zealous in having it copied out in the parish register.12
But the local pressure of the covenant did not end here. On page
115 of the same register book the following entry occurs: — 'An:

11 See Appendix II., page 303.

12 Surtees says ' that the whole parish seems to have been considerably
influenced by Nicholas Heath of Eden, and Thomas Midford of Pesspool, two
gentlemen of considerable estate who embraced the Parliamentary interest , and
with their neighbour Thomas Shadforth of Eppleton, appear in all the com-
mittees of sequestration and plunder.'

THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT. 301

Dom : 1645 13 : Oct : 26. the year & day above specifyed the nationall
covenant was taken by the parishoners of the parish of Easington
according to an order directed by the Honble the standing committee
att Lumley Castle to the minister for the present Philip Nisbett ther,'
and there follow again the signatures of the parishioners to the num-
ber of 161, of whom 111 had already signed on the previous occasion.
Probably this fresh imposition was to some extent due to the mis-
directed energy of the new minister, Philip Nisbett, stimulated perhaps
by the influence of the neighbouring Scotch garrison of Hartlepool
under lieut. -colonel Dowglass.14

On the first occasion of signing the covenant the signatures are
headed by the name of ' William Johnston, minister.' This William
Johnston appears to have served as residentiary curate for Dr. Clarke,
and during his incumbency. For though the cathedral clergy fled
southwards almost to a man after the victory of the Scotch at New-
burn in August, 1640, apparently Dr. Clarke was not expelled from
his rectory (and other preferments) until about four years later, as
the return of the benefice of Easington ' late belonginge to Dr. Clarke,
Rector thereof,' is given in the Sequestrators' books under date of 17th
September, 1644.15 But the signature of William Johnston appears at
the foot of the registers from 1636 onwards. It would seem that the
title of * minister ' was in vogue before the Parliament men were thrust
into the parishes. For Johnston signs his name promiscuously as
' Gulielmus Johnston, minister,' 'Will. Johnston, minister,' * Gulielinus
Johnston, Curatus,"Willielmus Johnston, Curate,' or ' Willielmus John-
ston, Curatus.' And as late as 1642 he enters the burial of his wife :
' Julij 5. Elizabetha vxor Willielmi Johnston Clerici pia matrona
sepulta est ' (an entry which was afterwards copied by Philip Nisbett
in 1647 : 'Novembr yc first Elizabetha Nesbitt pia Matrona sepulta
est '). Moreover, the burial of Johnston's predecessor Robinson, who
signed his name as 'Clericus' in 1608,16 is entered in 1636 thus
'Aprilis 5 : Abraham8 Robinson, minister, sepultus.' And he had
himself signed the registers as 'minister' from 1605 onwards. So

13 The last figure of this date is uncertain ; it might be 6 or 5 ; but inasmuch
as some of the signatories died in the early months of 1646, the date is definitely
fixed as 1645.

14 Sharp's History of Hartlepool (ed. 1851), page 58. l3 Surtces, i. 12.
16 See note 5, page 2!»5 above.

302 EASINGTON CHUKCII :

that it seems clear that the title was in use from the beginning of that
century at least to denote the assistant curate of the parish.

The number of men in the parish who signed the covenant corre-
sponds very closely with the number who responded to the summons of
James I. in 1615 for the array of all men in the bishopric able to bear
arms between the ages of sixteen and sixty, when out of the 8,320
assembled on Gilesgate Moor 140 were from Easington.17

It is noteworthy that the names of some of the principal families
are not found in the lists of signatures, e.g., there is no Conyers, and
no Bellasis.18

APPENDIX.
I.

On page 233 of the Register the following occurs : — Gabriell Clarke Dor:
of Diuinitie and Archdeacon of Durham to the churchwardens of the p'ishe
Chirche of easington wthin the Ar[chdeacon]rie afforsd & to the p'ishoners
ther or to whome these prsents may concerne [health] & peace in our lord god
euerlasting, wheras we acccordinge to .... cannons ecclesiasticall of this
realme & in discharge & excution of our sd office acordinge to his mties late
p'clamation in this behalfe haue lately taken a full view & p'fecte survey of
your sayd Churche that all things therin might according to the p'script of
the sayd lawes & cannons (?) be fitted furnished & p'uided in such sort as
becomethe this churche & [house] of God to the comfort & delight of suche
as thither resorte to heare his holy worde & to receiue his sacraments And
whereas the stales seates & pewes of your churche are latly made new & erected
vniforme yet diuerse of the p'ishoners doe sit diordersly & in manner [dis-
turb]inge the rest the seates belonginge to sir William Bellesees knight highe
sheriffe of the countie palatine of Durham & to syr Alexander Hall knight,
are not so conueniently placed as to theire rankes degrees & qualities are
meete & thought fittinge we therefore by vertue of our office and authoritie
afforesd doe by this our p'sent writinge limitt & appoynt sett assigne & allott
their seates & pewes in manner & forme followinge videl. the first &
second seates next the ministers scate on the southe side to syr William
Bellisees afforesd knight entirely (the clarks seate onely excepted) the third
seate to Edderacres And wee assigne limitt & appoynt that syr Alexander
Hall knight shalbe placed & haue the seate next the pulpett formerly belong-
inge syr Wm Bellesees wch consist of three seates whereof sr Alexander Hall
is to haue one in his owne right by exchange wth sr Wm Belleseea on the southe
side & another in exchange wth Miles White in the next seate & the thiixle in
exchange wth Nicholas Tomson on the northe side of the pulpett, wherby

17 Surtees, i. pages Ixxxvii., cxxxvii.

18 The covenant was finally condemned as fin itself an unlawful oath' by
the Act of Uniformity of 1662.

THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT. 303

bothe the knights will haue theire peculiar seates or pewes wthout the interrup-
tion of others & this our allotm* & assignemt we will & comand to bee registred
in your register booke for posteritie sake & none wilfully to oppose disquiet
or contemne the same vpon payne of ecclesiasticall censure : Giuen vnder
the seale of our office the eighe of Nouember in the yeare of our lord God 1634.

Concordat cum decreto

Domini Archidiaconi.

II.

A Solemne League & Covenant, for Reformation3 of Religion, the Honour &
Happinesse of ye King, and ye peace & safety of ye three kingdoms of England,
Scotland, & Ireland.

Wee Noblemen, Barons, Knights, Gentlemen, Citizens, Burgesses, ministers
of ye Gospel, & Commons of all sorts in ye Kingdomes of England, Scotland,
and Ireland, by ye providence of God, Lining vnder one King, & being of one
reformed Religion, hauing before ouer eyes ye glory of God, & ye advancement
of ye Kingdome of or Lord & Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour & happinesse of
ye Kings Matie, & his posterity, & ye true publicke liberty, Safty, and peace of
ye Kingdomes, wherein everyones private condition is included and calling to
minde ye treacherous & bloudy plotts, Conspiracies, Attempts and practices
of ye enemies of God, against ye true Religion & p'fessors thereof in all places,
especially in these three Kingdomes ever since the Reformation of Religion, &
howmuch their rage, power, & prsumption are of Late, & at this time increased
& exercysed ; whereof ye deplorable estate of ye Church & kingdome of Ireland,
the distressed estate of the Church & Kingdome of England, & ye dangerous
estate of ye Church & kingdome of Scotland, are prsent & publike testimonies
Wee haue now at Last (after other means of Supli cation, Remonstrance, p'testa-
tions, & Sufferings; for ye prservation of our selues & our Religion from vtter
ruine & Destruction according to ye comendable practice of these kingdomes in
former times, & ye example of Gods people in other Nations; after Mature
Deliberation, resolued & determined to enter into a mutuall & solemne League
and Covenant, wherein wee all subscribe, & each one of vs for him selfe ; wth
our hands lifted \p to ye most high God, Do Sweare :

1 . That wee shall sincerely, really & constantly, through ye grace of God,
indeavour in or severall places & callings, the prservation of ye Reformed
Religion in ye Church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline & goverment,
against our common enemies, the Reformation of Religion in ye kingdomes4
England & Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline & goverment, according to
ye word of God, & ye example of ye best Reformed Churches ; and shall
indeauour to bring ye Churches of God in the three Kingdomes to ye neerest
Coniunctions & Vniformity in Religion, confession of fayth, fform of Church
goverment, Direction for worPP and Catechizing ; that wee & our posterity after
vs may as brethren Liue in fayth & Love & ye Lord may delight to dwell in the
midst of vs.

2. That wee shall in Like Manner wthout respect of persons, indeavour ye
extirpation of popery, prelacie (that is Church goverment by Archbishops.
Bishops, their Chancellours & Comissaries, deanes, deans & chapters, Archdeacons

8 Reformation and defence. (Fuller). 4 Of. F.

304 EASINGTON CHURCH.

and all other Ecclesiasticall Officers depending on that Hierarchic) Superstition,
heresie, Schism, prophanesse, & whatsoever shalbe found to be contrary to
sound doctrine, & ye power of godlinesse, lest wee p'take in other mens sins, &
thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, <fc yt ye Lord may be one, & his
name one in the three Kingdomes.

3. We shall wth ye same sincerity, reality, & constancy, in our severall
Vocations, indeauour wth our estates & lives, Mutually to prserve ye Rights &
priviledges of the parliaments & ye5 liberties of ye kingdomes. And to prserue
& defend the Kings Maties0 person and Authority in ye prservation & defence
of ye true Religion, & liberties of ye kingdomes yt the world may beare witnesse
wth our Consciences of our Loyalty. & yt we haue no thoughts or intentions to
diminish his Maitsties power7 and greatnesse.

4. We shall also wth all faithfulnes indeavour ye discovery of all such as
haue ben, or shall be Incendiaries, Malignants, or evill Instruments, by hindering
ye Reformation of Religion, Dividing ye King from his people, or on of ye
kingdomes from another, or making any faction or p'ties amongst the people
contrary to this League and Covenant, that they may be brought to publike
triall, & receiue condigne punishment, as ye degree of their offences shall require
or deserue, or ye Supreame Judicatories of both Kingdomes respectiuely, or
others hauing power from them for that effect, shall iudge convenient.

5. And whereas ye happinesse of a blessed peace betwen these kingdomes,
denyed in former times to our progenitors, is by ye good providence of God
granted vnto vs and hath been latly concluded, & setled by both parliaments,
We shall each on of vs, according to our place & interest indeavour yt they may
remaine conioined in a firme peace & vnion to all posterity ; And that Justice
may be done vpon ye willfull opposers thereof in manner expressed in ye
prcedent Articles.8

6. We shall allso according to our places & callings, in this common Cause
of Religion, Librerty, & peace of they9 kingdomes, assist & defend all those that
enter into this League & Covenant in the mayntaing & pursuing thereof, &
shall not suffer our selues directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination,
perswasion, or terror, to be divided & wthdrawne from this blessed vnion & con-
iunction.10 whether to make defection to ye contrary part, or to giue our selues
to a destable Indeffernce or neutrality in this cause, wch so much concerneth the
glory of God, the good of kingdomes, & the honour11 of the king ; but shall all
ye dayes of our Liues zealously and & constantly continue12 therein against all
opposition and promote ye same according to our power, against all Lets &
Impediments whatsoeuer ; and what wee are not able our selues13 to suppresse
or overcome, we shall reveal and make known, that it may be timely prvented
or removed ; All which we shall Doe as in the sight of God.

And because these kingdomes are guilty of many sins & provocations against
God, & his Son Jesus Christ, as is too manifest by our prsent distresses & dangers,
ye fruits thereof ; wee professe & declare before God & ye world, our vnfeigned
desire to be humbled for our own sins & for ye sins of these kingdomes, especi-

5 Due. F. 6 Majesty, his. P. 7 Just power. F.

8 Article. F. ° The. F. 10 Conjunction and union. F.

11 The kingdoms, and honour. F. l2 Endeavour to continue. F.
13 Of ourselves. F.

THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT.

305

ally, that we haue not as we ought valued the inestimable benefit of ye Gospell ;
that we haue not Laboured for ye purity & power thereof ; and yt we haue not
indeavoured to receiue Christ in our harts, nor to walke worthy of him in or
Lives, wch are ye causes of our14 sins & Transgressions so much abounding
Amongst vs; And our true & vnfeigned purpose, desire,15 for our selves and all
others vnder our powerf & charge16 both in publike & in private, in all duties we
owe to God & man, to amend our Hues and each one to go before another in ye
example of areall Reformation, that ye Lord may turne away his wrath & heavie
indignation, & establish these Churches &i kingdomes in truth and peace, And
this Covenant wee make in ye presence] of almighty God ye searcher of all
hearts, wth a true intention to performe ye same, as we shall answer at that17
great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed, most humbly beseech-
ing the Lord to strengthen vs by his holy Spirit for18 this end, and to bless our
desires and proceedings with such successe as may be deliverance and safety to
his people and incouragement to other Christian Churches, groaning vnder or in
danger of the yoake of antichristian tyranny to joyne in the same or like asso-
ciation and covenant, to the glory of god the inlargement of the kingdome of
Jesus Christ, and the peace and tranquility of Christian kingdomes and
common- wealths.

William Johnston, minis-
ter.

* Richard ffoster.
*Michaell Bryan.
*Richard Read.
*Nicholas Shadforth.
*Thomas Lighten.
*Willm. young.
*Rich. Jurdeson x

* Thorns Robinson.

* John Thomson x
*Thomas Sharpe.
*Anthony Robinson.
*Robert Ayre.

Richard Drauer.
John paxton x

* William paxton.
*Thomas paxton.
*Geo. Robinson.
*Rich. Vnthanke x
*Geo. Foster x
*Tho. Robinson.
*John Richardson.
*Christopher Bee x

* Robert Tonge x
*George paxton x

* William foster x
William Hall x

* George Grame x
*John Weremouth x

* Robert Jurdeson x

*Gilbert Rand x

* Christopher Chapman x

* Ja. Nicholson x
Steven Robinson x

*Geo. wilden x

* Robert Richardson x
Nicholas Rennison x

*Geo. Robinson x

* James Hart x
*Haph wat x

* Richard wilden x
*Marmaduke wilden x

* william watson x
*Tho. Robinson x

Gilbert Paxton x
William Harrison x
John Midleton x

*william wardellx

*Raiph Newbie.

* George robin son.
Robert Davison x

*Thomas Ellyson.
*James Crookes x
Edward paxton.
*George Paxton x
*Robert paxton.

* Christopher paxton x
John westland x
Thomas Harrison x

*Jolm Hunter x
John Hartx

Thomas Wilden x
*Lancilot Young x

* Jhon Kendlaie x
William Kendlaie x

*Mihil Hikson x
Richard Biltriss x

* Jhon Thomson x
William Butler x (?)
George Cock x

* Robert forester x
*Thomas Midford.

* Richard Reed.
William Midford.

* Robert Rutter.
Richard Jackso' x

*Thomas Robinso' x

George Willso' x

Willm Liddell x
*John Nelson.

* Christopher Humble x
Bertra' Ritchie x

*Thomas Atkinso' x

Thomas paxton.

*John Gascoigne x

* Thomas Robinso' x
Nicolas Todde x

* Roland Robinso' x
Nicolas burdon x

* Richard Dawso' x
Christopher Stoddart x

*Christofer Shacklocke x

14 Other. F.

16 Under our charge. F.

* Also signed in Oct., 1645

VOL. XVJI,

15 Desire and endeavour. F.
17 The. F. 18 To. F.

f Added in a different hand.

300

EASIXGTON CHURCH.

* Peter Wildenx

* Robert Jurdeson x

*James Byers x

* Earth. Starne x

John Hall x

Nicolas Reule x

* Richard Wolfe.

* Robert Bacon x

Robert pescod x

*Willm Rennison.

* Richard Bowerx

* Edward Newby x

Richard paxton.

* George Kendall x

Charles Vshay x

Richard Jurdeson.

*Edward Burdon x

John Packston x

* George Burdon.

Edward Twaile x

* George Meaburne x

'William Wright x

George Burdon x

* John ffarow x

*Cuthbcrt liddell x

John foster x

Willm Gent x

* Ed ward paxton x

* Jhon Jordison x

Robert Chambers x

Robert Errington x

*William Hunter.

*Willyam Dauy x

*Tho. Young x

* Miles White.

* Philip Clerk x

* James Watson.

* Robert Byars.

* John Humble x

*Cuthbert Jurdeson x

* Henry Clerk x

* George Humble x

William Cawood x

*Adam Wilkisen x

* Henrie Smyth x

*Tho. Robinson x

*Anthony Tayler x

John Reedhead x

*Abraham Paxton.

* Anthony Storie x

Henry Mayhew x

* William Jurdeson.

* Georg H arisen x

George Linsley x

*Anthony Vnthanke x

* Jhon Clerk x

* Edward Vsher x

*Thomas Weldoii x

*Lemvel Horslie x

*Nicolas Vsher x

*George Wolfe x

* Robert Simson x

*Anthony Willso' x

*Geo. Shadforth x

Henrie Thomson x

The following additional signatures occur in

1645 besides the 116 marked

with an asterisk above

:—

Nico. Heath.

William sourbie x

Martin Kirke.

Alexander Nisbett.

Robert Lambert x

Christopher King x

George Walton.

Thomas Thomson x

Michell Harrison x

Richard Baits x

Robert Etherington x

Robert Robinson x

Robt. Sharpe x

Willm. Hopper x

John Robinson x

John Sharp x

Richard Davison x

Jhon Lambert x

George Jurdison.

Tho: foster x

Will* Swalwell x

John Reede.

William Hyll x

John Bell x

William Bower x

William Watson x

John Pope x

Philip Nesbitt, M.

Christopher Kinge x

John Hickson x

Richard Tindale.

John Rennison x

Alexander Brogtem.

Richard Wilkinson x

Henry Meder x

Willm Corner x

John Burden x

John Wakes x

Robert Tailour x

John Lyall x

Richard patison x

George Erringston x

Georg. Smith x

James Telerson x

James Bower x

Thomas Hewson x

William Dawson x

John Washling x

John newby x

John coke x

Also signed in Oct.. 1645.

INDEX.

307

INDEX.

dington, township of, 8, 23, 25, 35 ;
list of farms in, 8 ; survey of 1567,
9, 10; and of 161 C, 9; half a farm
at, called a ' coatland.' 28 ; Temple
hill field, 276»

Acklington park, no assessment for,
27n ; one of parks attached to castle
of Warkworth, 27 n

Aelfled, 204

Aesiea, discoveries at, x ; report of
Northumberland Excavation Com-
mittee concerning, xxii ; Gnostic
gem from, xxx ; coins, xxx

Aid an and Lindisfarne, 93 (see St.
Aidan)

Aisles, subject of, complex and far
reaching, 212%; most small churches
without, 212ft; early instance of
choir, 217

Akeld, graveyard at, 255

Allgoods, the, 260w

Alnham church in ruins, 254 ; earl of
Northumberland patron, 254 ; old
tower at, 254?t

Alnwick, 279 ; abbot of, and Lesbury
in 1500, 12; rent hen payable to
lord of, 25 ; was in chapelry of
Lesbury, 248/i; in gift of bishop
of Durham, 248 ; Charles Brandling
impropriator, 248 ; in gift of pa-
rishioners, 248w; abbey sold to
Doubledays, 248 n; deanery of, 244,
248 ; Hospitallers' lands (1551), 277,
279

Alston, grant of, to Ilexham, 261%;
impropriators, 261

Altar slab, pre-Ref ormation, in Witton
church, 64

Alwinton church, crypt under chancel,
Selby burial place, 253 ; and Holy-
stone, 252 ; impropriators of, 253
and n

A-nnett, John and Thomas, tenants of
Chibburn-(1717), 272

Annual report, ix

Archer, Roland, a legatee (1593) of
Hector Widdrington, 271

Architecture. Fergussori's History of,
2Un

Attorney-General r. Trevelyan, 1, 21,
82

Auckland, originally written Alcleat.
Aclet, Aclent, and then, 57; re-
building of grammar school at, 58

Auckland Castle, Raine's, 145ra; chapel
of, 234n,

Auckland, St. Andrew's collegiate
church, foundation of, 99 ; Early
English lights in, 153»

Auckland St. Helens, 2l3n; use of
'pointed bowtel,' 167

Ausonius quoted, 284#

Autographs, presentation of, xi

Aycliffe church, 212n

Badgers, payment for destroying, 79

et seq.
Balance sheet for 1894, treasurer's, xx ;

of Northumberland excavation fund

for 1894, xxxii
Baliol college, Oxford, impropriators

of rectory of Long Benton, 245
Bamborough, deanery of, 244, 256 ;

church and chapel, 256 ; dedicated

to St. Bartholomew, 256rc
Banks, Bankers and Banking, ix
Baranspike, Runic inscription at, 53
Barnard Castle collegiate church,

foundation of, 99
Barrett, John, 213w
Baxtenford, near Durham, abbey of,

Beadnell chapel, 256 and n
Bearpark, plundered by Scots, 100
Bede's account of Hild and St. Cuth-

bert, 201
Bega, or Begu, 202 ; a nun named,

at Hackness, 202n
Belford chapel, 256 and n
Bellesees, sir William, 298
Bellingham church, dedicated to St.

Cuthbert.260 ; village fair, known as

' Cuddy's fair,' 260/i ; formerly de-
pendent on Simonburn, 260 ; now

independent, 260/4
Bell, Humphrey, of ' Whooddon,'

ejected vicar of Ponteland, 250 and n
Benton, Long, Baliol college, Oxford,

impropriators of rectory of, 244 ;

Mr. Clapp, vicar of, 245w / church in

ruins, 246

INDEX.

Benwell chapel, 247; Mr. Shafto

holds, 247
Bertram, Richard, witness to grant of

Widdrington. temp. Henry II., 273 ;

monument, Bothal church, 247/i
Beverley minster, 216?i
Bewick chapel ruinous, 254 and n
Bewicke, Calverley Bewicke, married,

78
Bewsher, rev., rector of Knaresdale,

261»
Billingham, 174»/ built by Ecgred,

bishop of Lindisfarne, 207.
Billings's County of Durham, 148 et

seq.; 291, 297, 299; on tower of

Hartlepool church, 241
Bilton, John de, preceptor of Chi fa-

bum (1338), 268
Birling, township of, 2, 23, 25 ; farms

in, 3, 35 ; terrier of, 1616, showing,

4; lord of manor, sole proprietor, 35
Biscop, Benedict, founded Jarrow and

Wearmouth, 97

Blackett, an anabaptist, 76 ; Henry, 75
Blakiston, John, one of regicides, 298
Boadicea, queen, see Boudicca
Bockenfield, Hospitallers' lands at

(1551), 278
Bolton [in Coquetdale] Hospitallers'

lands (1551), 277, 279; [in Glen-

dale] chapel ruinous, 254
Boot, rev. Alfred, on 'Northern

Monasticism,' 91.

Boston, St. Botolph's church, 211?i
Bothal, John Thompson, ejected

minister of, 246»; monument of

Bertrams in church, 247n; Ogle

pedigree, 247ra; and Sheepwash,

Edward Prowse, rector of, 247 and n
Boudicca, queen, signifies 'Victorina,'

wrongly called ' Boadicea,' 284
Bowes church, a cross church on

smallest scale, 147.
Brabant family, 72, 73.
Brabant, John, married, 72.
Bradford-on-Avon church, 2l2n
Brandling, Charles, 248
Brandon chapel ruinous, 254 and n
Braose, Wm. de, I., 217 ; II., founder

of New Shoreham church, 217 ;

Philip de, 218
Brinkburn priory, north-west door of,

Brooks, J. C., gift of autographs, xi
Brotherick, township of, 7, 23, 25, 35 ;
parish clerk's book, 7 ; survey of
1567, 7 ; of 1586 and of 1616, 7
Brus II., Robert de, married Agnes de
Panell, 208 ; founded Guisbro'
monastery, 208; III., 208; IV.,
founder of Hartlepool church. 147 ;

married Isabel, a natural daughter

of William the Lion, 147, 208;

builder of choir and nave of Hartle-

pool church, 209 ; William de, 210
Buildwas abbey, north-west door, 146;i
Bunny, Mr. George, 112
Burnewick, Hospitallers' lands (1551),

277
Burradon (Burgundia) in Tynemouth-

shire, grant to Hector Widdrington,

277
Burrell, George, of Chibbnrn. owns

lands in Alnmouth (1697), 272
Burton, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 278
Bury St. Edmunds, St. Mary's church

at, 213%
Buston, township of, 5, 23. 25 ; parish

clerk's book, 5 ; list of 'farms' in, 5;

occupiers of, in 1567, 5 ; survey of

1616, 6 ; farms in 1826. 22
Buston. Nether, glebe in, belonging to

Warkworth, 250
Buston, Roger, 7 ; Thomas, 5
Bywell St. Andrews, 259 ; Hy. Thorn-

ton impropriator, 259; And. Hall,

vicar of, reported scandalous, 258
Bywell St. Peters, dean and chapter

of Durham impropriators, 259

Caesar, De bello Galileo, quoted, 283»
Cail, representatives of, list of objects

presented by, xvii
Calixtus II., pope, 208
Canterbury, Theodore, archbishop of,

Canterbury 'angel steeple,' 183 ; built
by prior Goldstone, 183 ; Willis's
account of cathedral church, 183 ;
Trinity chapel at, compared with
Hartlepool, 208

Carausius, names of, on Carlisle mile-
stone, 287 ; first instance of a lapi-
darian inscription, 283 ; coins of,
285

Carham rectory, 255 ; church dedi-
cated to St. Nicholas, 255w ; ruinous,
255 ; Mr., patronage in Comptons,
255w ; litigation respecting tithes,
255ft ; Foster impropriator 255

Carilef, bishop of Durham, builder of
cathedral church, 97

Carlisle, Roman milestone bearing
names of Carausius discovered near
to, 281 ; rectory of Newcastle, ap-
propriated to church of, 245 and n ;
bishop of , impropriator of Ncwburn
rectory, 246 ; Earsdon chapel and
North and South Gosforth, 2 1C;
Warkworth in gift of, 249 ; Cor-
bridge, 258

INDEX.

309

Carre, Thomas, 7

Celtic brooches discovered at Aeslca,
xxviii

Celtic monasfcicism, points worthy of
note, 94 ; collapse of mission, 96

Charlton, South, 11

Charlton, W. L , on runic inscription
at Hazel- Gill crag, Cumberland,
53

Charon, Guychard, sheriff of North-
umberland, account of respecting
Thornton, 43

Chelles, Heresuid, abbess of, 203

Chester-le-Street collegiate church,
foundation of, 99 ; west door, of
146

Cheswick, division of, 2 ; farms in,
32 ; ' priory ground,' 32 ; award of
1719, 32; allotment, 32; division
by agreement in 1724, 33 ; acreage
divided in proportion to number of
farms, 34

Chevington, east and west, glebe in,
belonging to Warkworth, 250 ;
chapel destroyed by fire, 250//. ;
bell of, stolen, 2oQn; Hospitallers
lands, (1551), 279

Chibburn, 276 ; grant from Walter
fitzWilliam, baron of Whalton, to
Bertram de Widdrington, 273;
ministers' accounts, 275

Chibburn and the knights hospitallers,
263 ; Mr. Woodman's account of
the preceptory, 265 ; F. R. Wilson
and J. H. Parker on, 265 ; report of
Philip de Thame concerning, 268 ;
grant of, to Sir John Widdrington
and Cuthbert Musgrave, 270 ; in
possession of Hector Widdrington,
270 ; forfeited by Widdringtons in
1715, 272; now owned by Mr.
Taylor of Chipchase, 272 ; structural
peculiarity of chapel, compared
with Warkworth castle chapel,
267 ; view from south-east, eleva-
tion, 264 ; ground plan, 265 ; sec-
tions of jambs, etc., 266, 267 ; grave
cover, 280; ruinous in, 1338,268;
ministers' accounts, 276

Chillingham, vicarage of, 252; loid
Grey, impropriator, 252 ; John
Sandford, vicar, 2o2n ; built nc\v
'vicarage house, 252/i

Chollerton, impropriators of, William
Fenwick : 260 ; Mercers' company.
260'/t; introduction of Venetian
and sash windows, 260 n ; Roman
altar in churchyard, 260/i
Chronicon JPrecioxuw, 44«
Churches in Northumberland in 1663,
survey of ,244

Churchwardens' accounts . Winston,

101 ; Witton-le-Wear, 79
Churchyard cross, Witton-le-Wear,

69
Clapp, Mr., vicar of Long Benton,

24 5 n
Clarke, Dr. Gabriell, rector of Easing-

ton, 297
Clavering, sir James, 246ft; Mr., of

Callaly, a 'seducing papist.' 252,

256

Clement, James, 293, 297
Clement V., pope, and Templars, 42
Clennel, William, of Clennel and of

Rothbury, seducers, 256
Cleveland, Henry, fourth duke, Dar-

lington church restored at cost of,
Coal mines in Fenhain belonging to

Hospitallers (1557), 279. 280

' Coatland,' a, 17, 35 ; half a farm at

Acklington called, 28
Cocken, Stephen, 72
Cohausen, August von, death of, x
Cohen's Monnaics Imperiales quoted,

285n

Coins, Roman, from Aesica, xxx
Coldingham, 146, 149; founding of,

94
Collectanea Antiqua, C. R. Smith's,

quoted, 285n
Coleby, 'wind- waved foliage' of capi-

tals at, 158
Collingwood, of Eslington, a recusant,

252

Columban church, the, 93
' Common appendant,' 20 ; common,

division of, 30
Coniscliffe church, 212%
Constantine the Great, Roman mile-

stone bearing name of, discovered

near to Carlisle, 282
Conyers, the, of Witton, 68 ; and of

Horden, 295

Copyhold, use of word, 5n
Corbridge deanery, 244, 257, 258;

church ruinous, 257 ; seats burnt

by Scots, 257 ; impropriators : dean

and chapter of Carlisle, 258 ; sir Ed.

Blackett and Mr. Donkin, 258/t;

tower in churchyard, 258/?/; vicar

Walton made collection of Roman

altars, etc., sold to Grahams of

Netherby, 258?i
Corhampton church, 2l2n
Corsenside chapel, 248; John Graham,

curate, 248 and n; John Hall, of

Otterburn, impropriator, 248
' Cotingers and cotterels,' 27
Council and officers for 1894, list of,

310

INDEX.

Covenant, Solemn League and, copy

of, 303

Cramlington chapel ruinous, 246
Cramlington, Henry, 3
Cradocks of Harperley, 77
Crauinne, John de, preceptor of

Chibburn, 268
Creighton, canon, on Northumbrian

border, 1
Croxdale church, south doorway of,

' Cuddy's fair,' Bellingham, 260/1.
Culdees, the, 94
Curry, John, vicar of Longhoughton,

Cuthbert, John, erected galleries in
Witton-le-Wear church, 62

Dacre, Humphrey, of Haltwhistle,
261%; presented by churchwardens
of Corbridge for drunkenness, 257

Dale abbey, Derbyshire, 216»

Daltery, Mr., of Staindrop, ' a super-
annuated exciseman,' 76

Darcys, the, of Witton, 63, 68

Darlington, Longstaffe's, referred to,
148, 177%

Darlington market, price of wheat in
in 1821, 79 ; ' butchers' meat,' 79 ;
day labourers' wages, 79

Darlington, St. Cuthbert's, collegiate
church of, 145 ; foundation of, 99 ;
compared with Hartlepool, 145, 223 ;
sir G. G. Scott on, 149 ; plan of, 148;
string-courses, 154 ; date of tran-
septs, 165 ; use of the ' pointed
bowtel,' 167 ; the nave, 171 ; no
stoppage of work in, 172 ; ground
plan, 173 ; Decorated windows in
aisles, 175 ; restored elevation of
transverse arch, 174 ; the roofs, 177 ;
east end destroyed in 1748, 177 ;
restored by Mr. Pritchett, 179;*;
tower a 'crowning glory,' 179;
upper part of spire destroyed in
1750, 180 ; settlement of tower and
spire, 187 ; compared with Wells
and Salisbury cathedral churches,
184 ; Salisbury exactly parallel, 185 ;
recapitulation, 188 ; dimensions of
church, 194 ; arcade mouldings, 200.

Davidson, John, of Otterburn, 255

Davison, Alexander, of Swarland, 253ra

Day labourers' wages in 1821 at Dar-
lington, 79

Delaval, sir Ralph, appropriation of
church of Tinmouth to, 245

' Demesne,' use of word, 10/t

Denis, M. Ferdinand, note of death of,
x«

Denton, Hospitallers lands at (1551)

278

Donations to museum, 1892-4, xiii
Doubledays, Alnwick abbey sold to,

248^

Douglas of Witton hall, 77
Dover church cruciform, 212/4
Dowthwait, John, 112
Downes, family of Witton, the, 69
Druridge (or Drurig) Alan'de. temp.

Henry II., 267, 273
Durant, William, 246 ; lecturer of St.

Nicholas, Newcastle, 246/t
Durham burnt by Scots, 100
Durham castle hall. Norman door of,

160
Durham cathedral, discoveries in, x. ;

founded by St. Carilef , 97 ; chapel of

Nine Altars, 153w, 174rc; arcade

mouldings, 200 ; earliest use of

'pointed bowtel' in locality in

Galilee chapel, 167 ; diversity in.

226w; Billings's, 227ra; Galilee

chapel and Nine Altars at, 228
Durham, bishops of, Richard de

Mariso, 291 ; Nicholas de Farnham,

291
Durham, County of, Billings's, 148 ;

Architectural Antiquities of, 148 ;

County of, Hutchinson's, 209/4

Eaglescliffe (see Egglescliffe)

Earsdon chapel, 245, 246

Easington church, 287 et .«'</. ; chan-
tries in : St. Mary, 291 ; Our Lady of
Pity, 292 ; south chancel wall taken
down, 292 ; windows destroyed by
Hardwicke, 291 ; Denis Granville,
293 ; Dr. Gabriel Clarke, 297 ; fitz
Marmaduke effigies, 294 ; helmet in,
295 ; communion plate and bells,
295 ; pewter flagon recently lost,
296 n ; registers, 296 ; copy of * Solemn
League and Covenant ' at, 295, 299,
300, 301, 303-306 ; Thomas Smart,
Thomas Shadforth, 298 ; rectory of,
united to archdeaconry of Durham,
299

Eata, bishop of Lindisfarne, 202n

Ecgfrid, king of Northumbria, 201/<

Kcgred, bishop of Lindisfarne, 207

E.liluini, 206

Edleston, Miss, on Winston church-
wardens' accounts, 101.

Edlingham, church ruinous, 254 ;
Hospitallers' lands (1551), 278

Egglescliffe, pronunciation of, 57 ;
originally Eggesclive, the cliff of
Egge or Eggi, 57

INDEX.

311

Eglingham rectory, 254 ; part of
possessions of Tynemouth, 254%;
impropriators, 254/t

Egleston abbey church, 178/4

Ellington, Hospitallers' lands, (1551;,
276

Elsdon church, glebe concealed, 247

Embleton, D., on ' the Quigs buring
plas in Sidgatt/ etc., 84

Embleton, Robert, 5

Embleton vicarage 249 ; Merton col-
lege, Oxford, impropriators, 241)

Emerson, Ezra, minister of Witton-
le-Wear, 81

Eppleton 29

Escomb, 212/i

' Estovers ' 20

Eures, the, of Witton, 68

Exchange of publications, xliii

F.
Fallodon, Hospitallers' lands, (1551),

277
Farms, ancient, of Northumberland

1 ; rating by, 27

' Farm' not same as ' husbandland,' 19
Farm stock of a Northumbrian in

1308, 43
Farnham, Nicholas de, bishop of

Durham, 291
Fairer, rev. John, incumbent of

Witton-le-Wear, 76 ; monument of,

in church, 66
Felton : church, 253 ; granted to

Brinkburn by William Bertram,

253/i ; impropriators. 253 ; Mark

G-reave, vicar, 253 ; deprived, 25Sn;

Alexander Davison, impropriator,

253/4; Hospitallers' lands, (1551),

277
Fenham, Hospitallers' lands, (1551),

278 ; coal mines, (1551), 28u
Fenwick, Henry, of Klsdou,247 ; John,

of Newcastle, 246
Fergusson, History of Architecture,

quoted, 21 In
Fibulae, gold and silver plated, etc,,

discovered at Aesica, xxviii
Finchale abbey, 97, 216/4; Scots,

visited, 100

Fitzmarmadukes, effigies of, 295
Flambard, bishop, founded Kepier

hospital, 99
Font, Norman, Witton-le-Wear church,

63
Ford, rectory of, 255, 257 ; church

ruinous, 255 ; choir ruinous, 257
Fountains abbey, capitals at, 155/4
Fowler. C. Hodgson, and ancient chan-
cel screen of Easington, 293

Framlington chapel, 253 ; registers of,
253n ; clerk paid by groats collected
at Easter 253%

Fuller, quoted, 300

Funeral trophies in churches ; Easing-
ton, 295 ; Witton-le-Wear, 63

Gainford, church, 178«, 236 n

Galfrid, monk of Durham, history of,
147?*

Garrigill, 262

Gateshead, founding of, 94

Gem, a Gnostic, xxx

' Gilly's Nick,' burial ground at, 255»

Gnostic gem, a, from Aesica, xxx

Gordon, Alexander, of Tinmouth, 246

Gosforth, north and south, 246 ;
chapel ruinous, 246

Graham, John, curate of Corsenside,
248 and n

Grahams of Netherby purchased vicar
Walton's (of Corbridge) collection
of Roman altars, etc., 258/4

Granville, Denis, 293

Greatham hospital, 99

Greene, Ralph, curate of Witton-le-
Wear, 70

Greenville, William de, witness to
grant of Widdrington temp. Henry
II, 273

Grey, sir Henry, rebuilder of Howick
church, 249w

Guisborough priory, 146; canons
brought from, by Henry de Pudsey,
99; Robert Brus IV., founder of,
208

Hackuess, monastery of, 202/4

Haggerston, sir Carnaby, and Ches-
wick, 32 ; lord of manor of Norham
castle, 33

Haigh, rev. D., account of discoveries
at Hartlepool, 203%

Hall, sir Alexander, 298 ; Andrew,
vicar of Bywell St. Andrews, 258 ;
John, of Otterburn, 248

Haltwhistle, ' full of uncouth but
curious old houses', 261/4; impro-
priator, Mr. Nevill of Chevet, 261 ;
rectory granted by Edward VI. to
John Wright and Thomas Holmes,
261%; belonged to Nicholas Ridley
of Willimoteswyk, 261/4; Black-
etts, 261?4; Humphrey Dacres,
vicar, 26ln

Hamsterley church, cross church on
smallest scale, 147

Hardwicke and Easington church
290, 291, 293, 294

312

INDEX.

Hart, part of pre-Conquest church

still standing, 208
Hart and Hartness, Fulk de Panell

held, 207

Hartlepool church, founding of, 94; St.
Cuthbert's, Darlington, compared
with, 145, 223 ; erected by Robert
de Brus IV., 147, 208; original
length of chancel, 148?t; described
by Billings, 148 ; striking situation
of, 201 ; known as Heruten in*nl«
cervi or Hart's island, 202 ; dis-
coveries at, 206 ; rev. D. Haigh's
account of, 203ft; work at Trinity
chapel, Canterbury, compared with,
209 ; church built at a single effort,
212; chancel destroyed in 1724,
213; brief of 1719, 2Un; architect
of Tynemouth, architect of, 218;
compound bays of choir, 219 ;
peculiarity of, 220 ; design of
arcading of choir clearstorey unique,
222 ; church contrasted with Dar-
lington, 223; chancel arch, 224;
nave, 225 ; length of, 226 ; chantry
altars, 230»; refounded temp, bishop
Skirlaw, 23 In; transverse arches of
nave aisles, 232, 233 ; vertical divi-
sional shafts, only instance in
Durham county, 233»; variations
in clearstorey capitals, 235 ; south
doorway, 235 ; aisle windows, 236 ;
the tower, ' most remarkable and
picturesque in all England/ 238;
beautiful architecturally, 241 ;
yielding of foundations, 241
Hartness, 207 ; Fulk de Panell held

Hart and, 207
Haswell, canons from Guisborough

placed on estate of, 99
Haughton-le-Skerne church, 2\2n
Hazel-Gill crags, Runic inscription
at, 53 ; prof. Stephens on, 56 ; rev.
J. Maughan on, 56»
Heath, Nicholas, of Eden, 300n
Heddon rectory, sir T. Widdrington
impropriator of, 246 ; in Bewick
family, 246%
Heddon Laws, Scots encamped at

Helmet, etc., funeral, in Easington,
295, and Witton-le-VVear churches,
63

Head bourn Worthy church, 212/t

Heighington church, 213%

Heiu, a Northumbrian female
recluse, 202 ; retired to Tadcaster,
202 ; founded under name of Bega,
St. Bees, 202

Hen, a rent, payable to lord, 25.

Heresuid, abbess of Chelles, 203 and n

Heron, sir Cuthbert, of Chipchase, a
seducer, 256 ; sir William, holds
lands in Temple Thornton from
Chibburn, 268

Heruteu, Hild became abbess of, 201?i

Heslop, Northumberland ir<>/v7.v, ix

Hexham, founding of, 94 ; burnt by
Scots, 100 ; Tunberct, bishop of,
deposed, and Cuthbert elected, 2Qln ,-
rectory of Ovingham parcel of pos-
sessions of, 258/i; also Stamford-
ham, 259rc

Hicks, W. S., 289

Hoborn, Hospitallers' lands (1551)
278, 279

Hodgson, J. Crawford, Temple Thorn-
ton farm accounts of 1308, 40 ; a
survey of churches in archdeaconry
of Northumberland in 1(J63, 263 ;
Chibburn preceptory and the
Knights Hospitallers, 263

Hodgson, Rev. J. F., on Witton-le-
Wear church, 57; on Darlington
church, 145 ; on Hartlepool church,
199

Hodshon, John, grave-slab of, in
Witton church, 64

Holy Island (see Lindisfarne)

Horsley, rev. John, estate agent as
well as nonconfirmist minister at
Widdrington, 272

Horton, Osbert, priest of, witness to
grant of Widdrington, temp. Henry
II., 273

Hospitallers, the, 41 ; founded for
succour of pilgrims, 41 ; papal decree
vesting property of Templars in, 51 ;
report to grand master of, concern-
ing Chibburn, 269; dissolution of
order, 27 ; ministers' accounts, 275 ;
property of the order, 270 ; in North-
umberland : Chibburn, 263, 276 ;
Temple Thornton, 268, 275 ; Meldon,
275 ; Morpeth, Ulgharn, North
Seaton, Newbiggin, Ellington, Shil-
bottle, Warkworth, Spindlestone,
Togston, 276 ; Fallodon, Woodhall,
Bolton, Felton, Alnwick, Stanforth
hall, Temple Helay, Lyndon Brig,
Whalton, Kenton, 277 ; Longwitton,
Thockrington, Denton, Fenham,
Killingworth, Tindale, Edlingham,
Holborn, Bockenfield, Burton, 278 ;
Milburn grange, Chevington, Mor-
wick, Alnwick, 279 ; coal mines in
Fenham, 279

Howick rectory, 249 ; belonging to
archdeaconry of Northumberland,
24U ; church in good order in 1734,
24i»»; rebuilt by sir Hy.Grey in 1746,
249/i ; medieval grave-covers, 249/t

INDEX.

313

Hudson, Patrick, of Brankston, 257
« Husbandland,' 'farm' not same as,

19
Hutchinson's Durham, referred to,

209ft

Ilderton, Pearson «., suit respecting

glebe of Ilderton, 255/1
Ilderton rectory, 254 ; church ruinous,

254 ; dedicated to St. Michael, 255w;

communion cup and cover, 255w;

glebe of, 255/i
Ingram rectory, 254 ; Mr. Ogle patron,

254

lona, 17 on, 203ft; St. Columba and, 93
Irish saints, St. Patrick's followers,

first order of, 92
Isabel, daughter of William the Lion,

147

Jackson, John, will of, 292

Jarrow, founding of, 93, 94 ; destroyed

in 866, 97

Jedburgh church, 216w
Jenison, Dr., 24671; Isabel married

Jonathan Newton of Newcastle,'

246*

Kellawe's (bishop) register, 268

Kenton, Hospitallers' lands (1551), 277

Kepier hospital, 99 ; burnt by Scots,
100

Killingworth, Hospitallers' lands
(1551), 278

Kirkham abbey church, 161

Kirkhaugh, 255, 261

Kirknewton, Amor Oxley vicar of,
247/1; church dedicated to St.
Gregory, 255/i; in gift of John
Davidson of Otterburn, 255»

Knaresdale, a poor rectory, 261 ; Mr.
Bewsher, rector, 261w ; Mr. Tod-
hunter, 261?i

Kylo church ruinous, 256

' Lairstones,' 102

Lamb, crest, of on helmet in Witton-

le-Wear church, 63
Lamb, Thos., curate of Witton-le-

Wear, 58
Lancaster, Peter, rector of Winston,

101
Lanchester, a collegiate church, 99 ;

had no west door,

Lanercost, rectory of Mitford given
to. 248

Lawson, Robert, of Newcastle, 246

Lesbury, township of, 11, 23, 25, 35 ;
' husbandlands ' of, in 1500, 12 ;
tenants in 1567, 13; survey of
1586, 13 ; of 1616, 13 ; ' farms,' 13 ;
tenants' names, 14 ; mill of, 16 ;
churchwardens' accounts, 2, 17, 22 ;
a ' coatland,' 17 ; Ralph March and
R. Swan, churchwardens, 17 ; rate
for 1783, divided into sixteenths,
17 ; names of farms, etc., in, 18 ;
manor court roll temp. James I., 22 ;
common fields of, 24 ; numbers of
tenants and their descendants con-
tinued to occupy same holdings after
accepting leases, 29 ; vicarage of,
250 ; Chas. Brandling, impropriator,
250 ; Wm. Cox, vicar of, 250 and n ;
church and chancel ruinous, 250 ;
Longhoughton chapelry in, 253

Lincoln minster, 228 ; foliage of choir
capitals of, 158%

Lilburn chapel in ruins, 254?t

Lindisfarne, 93 ; Aidan settled at, 93 ;
foundation of, 94 ; St. Aidan, bishop
of, 203 ; Eata, bishop, 202w; Cuth-
bert, bishop, 202/& ; Ecgred, bishop,
207

Longhoughton, township of , 4 ; four
cottages at, equal to one farm,
31 ; vicarage of, 253 ; impropria-
tors of,253 ; originally chapelry to
Lesbury, 253ra ; John Curry, vicar,

Longstaffe's Darlington, theory as to

age of roof, referred to, 177 n, ISOn
Long Witton, Hospitallers' lands

(1551), 278
Lort burn, Newcastle, the, 84 ; in

Gardner's map shown as springing

from Leazes, 86
Lucker chapel, 256
Lumley, John, vicar of Corbridge, 258

and n
Lyndon Brig, Hospitallers' land (1551),

277

Malta, discovery in 1839 of the report
on the English possessions of Hos-
pitallers in 1338, 268

March, Ralph, churchwarden of Les-
bury, 17

Marisco, Richard de, bishop of Dur-
ham, 291

Marley, Cuthbert, rector of Winston,
102

Hausaeus, name of Carausius, 285
41

314

INDEX.

Meadow and pasture, distinction
between, very marked in surveys,
20;t

Medieval Architecture, Scott's, 155ft

Meldon, Hospitallers' lands (1561),
275, 280

Melrose, 216w; founding of, 94;
Cuthbert entered, 20ln

Members, honorary, xxxiv ; ordinary,
xxxv

Menapia, 283

Menapii, the, 283

Merley, William de, witness to grant
of Widdringtou, temp. Henry II.,
273

Merton college, Oxford, impropriators
of Ponteland rectory, 245 ; of
Embleton, 249

Middleton, North, 2ln

Middleton-in-Teesdale church, de-
stroyed, 213/t

Midford, William, mortgaged Pess-
pool, 298

Milburn grange, Hospitallers' lands
(1551), 278

Milestone, Roman, found near to
Carlisle, 287

Mitford, sir Edward Ratcliffe and
Henry Rawling of Newcastle,
impropriators, 248 ; rectory given
to Lanercost, 248ra; in gift of
bishop of Durham, 248/i; Herbert,
provost of, witness to grant of
Widdrington, temp. Henry II.,
273 ; Colonel Mitford, impropriator,

Mosting, his excellency John Sigis-

mund, note of death of, x
Monnaies Imperiales, Cohen's, quoted,

285/1
Monasticism, Northern, 91 ; in early

British church, 91 ; originally

appeared in south-west of Scotland,

owed its origin to St. Ninian, 91
Moituwenta Historlca Britannica,

quoted, 285/t
Morpeth, Hospitallers' lands (1551),

276 ; deanery, 244
Morwick [Merricke], Hospitallers'

lands, 270, 27U, 280
Moulter,' the 'drie, 14
Moulton, capitals of columns at, 158ft
Mount St. John Baptist, Yorkshire,

preceptory of, 274, 275
Mowat, Major It., on Roman mile-

stone found near Carlisle, 281
Museum, donations to, xiii
Musgrave, Cuthbert, and sir John

Widdrington, Chibburu granted to

(1553), 270, 273

Neasham nunnery, 97
Nether witton, farms at, 1 ; suit

respecting, 32, 36 ; lands granted by

Edward VI. to, list of, 36;

' ploughs ' or ' plough gates,' 38 ;

Thorntons of, 247
Newbiggin, Hospitallers' lands (1551),

276
Newburn rectory, bishop of Carlisle

impropriator of, 246 ; church ' in a

discreditable state,' 246/i
Newby, rev. George, master of Witton

school, monument of, in church, 66
Newcastle, ' Quigs buring plas in Sid-

gatt,' the Swirle, and the Lort burn,

84; the Ballast hills, 84; Amor

Oxley, master of grammar school,

247 and n ; rectory of appropriated

to church of Carlisle, 245ra; deanery

of, 244
Newham, Robert de, witness to grant of

Widdrington, temp. Henry II., 273
Newton, sir C. T., hon. member, death

of, x; Jonathan, of Newcastle,

246ft; Isabel Jenison, wife of, 246/i;

Nathaniel Ogle married Elizabeth,

daughter of, 246ft
Ninian, St., originated monasticism in

Scotland, 91
Norham castle, manor of, 33 ; church,

224
North Seaton (or Seaton Woodhorn),

Hospitallers' lands at (1561), 276
Northern monasticism (see Monasti-
cism, northern)
Northumberland, the Ancient Farms

of, 1
Northumberland, Hodgson's, list of

rates laid on township, 23
Northumberland, survey of churches

in, in 1663, 244; impropriators in,

generally recusants, 248
Northumberland, earl of, church of

Tinmouth appropriated to, 245 ;

duke of, now sole right to, 246/t;

sole patron of Alriwick, 248/t
Northumberland Words, ix
Northumberland excavation com-
mittee, report of, for 1894, xxii ;

balance sheet, xxxii
Northumbrian border, canon Creighton

on the, 1
Nottingham, St. Mary's church, 147

Ogle pedigree, Bothal church, 247/t,-
Humphrey de, witness to grant of
Widdriugton, temp. Henry II., 273 ;
John of Kirkley, 246 ; son of John,
246/t; Lancelot, 7; Nathaniel, 246?t

INDEX.

315

Oliverian survey,' ' The, 26

Orde [Ourde], Francis, curate of
Witton, 73

Osmancroft, plague at, in 1636, 101

Osuini, murdered near Gilling, 207

Oswald, king, 203?t

Ovingham, John Lumley, minister of,
258 ; imnropriators : Anderson, 258 ;
Charles Bigge, 25 Sn; rectory of,
parcel of possessions of Hexham,
258%

Oxley, Amor, vicar of Kirknewton,
displaced from mastership of New-
castle grammar school, 247 and n

Panell, Fulk de, held Hart and Hart-
ness, 208 ; daughter Agnes married

Robert de Brus, 208
Parish church, a typical, 211
Pasture : meadow and, distinction

between, 20n; common and common

of, to be distinguished, 2ln
'Pate' heads, 81
Patrick, St., followers of, first order of

Irish saints, 92; church of St.

Columba, successor to church of, 93
Paulinus, 202n
Pearson v. Ilderton, suit respecting

glebe of Ilderton, 25 5n.
Pearsons of Harperley, 78 ; burial of

George, 78
Percy, earl, F.S.A., on the ancient

farms of Northumberland, 1
Perry and Henman's Architectural

Antiquities of Durham County, 148
Pesspool, mortgaged, 298; 'seats,'

Easington church, 298
Pestilence of 1348, the great, 52n
Phillips's History of Hanks, Hankers,

etc., ix

Pitch pipes for Witton church, 82, 83
Pittington church, 21 2n; 289
Pity, chantry of Our Lady of, Easing-
ton church, 292

' Ploughs' or ' ploughgates,' 38
' Pointed bowtel,' Galilee chapel,

Durham, and Staindrop and St.

Helens Auckland churches, 167
Poker work, gallery in Ponteland

church of, by Whittle, 245/i
Ponteland, Merton college, Oxford,

impropriators of rectory of, 245 ;

galler\ formerly in church, 'painted'

by Whittle, 245 ; Humphrey Bell,

ejected vicar of, 250n
1 Poor stock ' 101
Pre-conquest crosses discovered at

Hartlepool, 206 ; church of Hart,

208

Pringle, John, of Newcastle, 246 ;

ousted from Eglingham vicarage,

246%
Pritchett, J. P., restored Darlington

church, 179% ; made drawings,

sections, etc., 179^
Provisions, price of, in 1314, 44»
Prowse, Edward, rector of Bothal

and Sheep wash, 24:7 n
Prudhoe,rent hens of, in 1607, 25
Pudsey's, bishop, seal, 145
Pudsey, bishop, founded Sherburn

hospital, 99
Pudsey, Henry de, brought canons

from Guisborough, 99
Punshon's bill for taking down south

chancel wall of Easington church,

291
Pye, archdeacon, 290

'Quigs buring plas in Sidgatt,' etc.,
Newcastle, 84; plan of graveyard,
85 ; interments in, 87

Ratcliffe, sir Edward, 248

Ravens' heads, payments for, 80, et
seq.

Rawling, Henry, of Newcastle, 248

Recusants, impropriators in Northum-
berland generally, 248

Registers of Easington, 295w, 296, and
Witton-le-Wear, 68

Rennington, three cottages at, equal to
one farm, 31 ; chapel in ruins, 249

Reports, annual, for 1894, ix; of
librarian, xi; of curators, xi; of
treasurer, xix ; of Northumberland
Excavation Committee, xxii

Richmondshire, churches of, 236»

Riddell of Cheeseburn Grange, 259%;
Thos., of Fenham, 246

Ridley, sir M. W., has great tithes
of Gosforth, 246%

Ripon cathedral, capitals from, I53n;
choir built by archbishop Roger, 209

Roberts, rev. T. N., describes effigies
in Easington church, 294

Robinson, Metcalf, 72

Rock chapel in ruins, 249

Roddam arms on Ilderton communion
plate, 255/i

Roger, archbishop, builder of Ripon
choir, 209

Roman altars, etc., collected by vicar
Walton of Corbridge and sold to
Grahams of Netherby, 258%; altar
in Chollerton churchyard, 260/i;
milestone found near to Carlisle, 28

316

INDEX.

Romsey abbey has no west door, 146w
Ryal chapelry, 259%
Ryton church, I78n

Sadgrove, rev. F. E., rector of Win-

stone, 102
St. Aidan, first bishop of Lindisfarne,

203

St. Augustine, landing of, 202
St. Bees, founded by Bega, 202
St. Columba introduced monastic

type of life into lona, 93
St. Cuthbert, Bede's account of, 201 ;

called to see of Hexham, 201 n
St. Cuthbert's church, Darlington (see

Darlington)
St. Hilda, Bede's account of, 201 ;

daughter of Heretic, 202
St. Hild's church, Hartlepool (see

Hartlepool)
St. Hugh, builder of Lincoln minster,

158
St. John of Jerusalem, knights of (see

Hospitallers)
St. John's pasture and St. John's flat,

fields at Chibburn so named, 272
St. Mary, chantry of, Easington

church, 291

St. Ninian (see Ninian)
St. Patrick (see Patrick, St.)
Salisbury cathedral, Darlington church

compared with, 184
Sandford, John, vicar of Chillingham,

252»; builder of vicarage house,252«,
Savage, rev. H. E., on Easington

church, 287
Scab in sheep, the, first appearance of

disease, 45
Scale armour, Roman, etc., discovered,

x, xxviii
Scott, sir Gilbert G., inaccuracies of,

100 ; Darlington church, 1 48 et seq. ;

lecture, 149 ; difficulties as to date

of Darlington, 157
Scottish wars of Edward III., effect on

rents in Northumberland, 268, 269
Seal, bishop Pudsey's, 145
Seaton Carew, 208
Seebohm, Village Community, 38
Selby burial place, Alwinton church,

Shadforth, Thomas of Eppleton, 298
Shaf to, John, of Carrycoats, vicar of

Warden, 260>i
Sharp, Thomas, 299
Sharperton, township of, farms in, 21
Sherburn hospital, 99
Shilbottle vicarage, 250; impropria-

tors of, 250?* and 251 ; Hospitallers'

lands (1551), 27G

Shipwash, Edward Prowse rector of
247 ; church at ' entirely gone down,'
24 ln: font, 247ra

Shoreham (New) church, 233»;
work of, 210>i, 216. 217 ; built by
William de Braose' II., 217; (Old)
bestowed by Robert de Braose on
St. Florence abbey, at Saumur, 217 ;
same architect as Tynemouth and
Hartlepool, 22 In

Silvertop of 'Minsteracres, lord of Bol-
beck barony, 259»

Simonburn, 260 ; old f ortalice pulled
down, 260/i ,• fine beech trees, 260/< ;
the Allgoods, 260?i

Singleton, archdeacon, visitations of,
244

Sissons, Lancelot, ' clericus,' 75

Skipton in Craven church, 213/i

Slaley, 259 ; impropriator, Henry
Thornton. 259 ; curate ' 20 nobles a
year,' 259?i; Smith, minister of,
259/t; 'old Saxon doorway,' 259/t

Smales, Edward, 9

Smith, C. H., Collectanea Antiqua,
quoted, 285

Social England, quoted, 39

Societies exchanging publications,
xliii

' Solemn League and Covenant,' copy
of, 303-306

Spindleston, Hospitallers' lands (1551),

Stackhouse, John, minister of Witton-
le-Wear, 74

Staindrop collegiate church, 213»;
foundation of, 99 ; no west door,
146 ; use of ' pointed bowtel,' 1(!7

Stamfordham, appropriated to Hex-
ham by Edward I., 259/i; bishop of
Durham impropriator, 259 ; in gift
'of lord chancellor, 259%; com-
munion plate of, 259/1

Stanforth hall, Hospitallers' lands
(1551), 277

Stephens, Prof. G., on Hazel-Gill
Runic inscription, 56

Stichel, Robert de, founded Greatham,
99

Stranton, 208

Strode, Thomas, and Easington, 298

Sundial inscription, Witton-le-Wear
church, 67

Swan, Robert, churchwarden of Les-
bury, 17

Swinburn, Ulf chill de, witness to grant
of Widdrington, temp. Henry II.,
273

Swirle, the, Newcastle, 84 ; origin of
name, 85

INDEX.

317

Tascha, William, claim to manor of
Widdrington dismissed through
non-appearance at wager of battle,
267, 273

Teasdale, Stephen, minister of Witton-
le-Wear, 76

Teisa, Emma de, foundress of Neasham
nunnery, 97

Templars, the, 40 ; order founded for
protection of pilgrims, 40 ; rule
revised by St. Bernard, 41 ; charges
against, 42 ; pope Clement V. and,
42 ; torture of, 42 ; Edward II. and,
42; expences of, 46; arrest of, in
England, and seizure of property,
42 ; papal decree of 1313 vesting
property in Hospitallers, 51 ; survey
of 1338 of English possessions of,
51

Temple Healey in chapelry of Nether-
witton, 277 and n

Temple Thornton, 275 ; farm accounts
in 1308, 40 ; the Templars and, 40

Thame, prior Philip de, 268 ; report
of, concerning Chibburn, 268, 270

Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury,
201»

Thockrington, Hospitallers' lands
(1551), 278

Thompson, John, ejected minister of
Bothal, 246ft; of Pegsworth, 'a
chief seducer,' 247 ; married Cath-
erine Wilson, 2i7/4

Thomson, Robert, curate of Witton-
le-Wear, 70

Thornton of Netherwitton, 247

Throphill, Wilard de, witness to grant
of Widdrington, temp. Henry II.,
273

Thursby, Richard, rector of Winston,
102 et seq.

Tindale, Hospitallers' lands (1551),
278 ; the Nook in, 278

Togston, Hospitallers' lands (1272),
276/i

Treasurer's balance sheet for 1894, xx

Trevelyan, Attorney-general v., 1, 21,
32

Tuggal chapel, 256 and n

Tunberct, bishop of Hexham, deposi-

• tion of, 201»

Turberville, William de, witness to
grant of Widdrington, temp. Henry
II., 273

Twyford, synod of, 201»

Tyne and Tweed, Men of Mark 'twixt,
ix

Tynemouth, 236?t; church rebuilt in
1792, 245w,; earl of Northumberland
and Ralph Delaval impropriators of

rectory of, 245 ; duke of Northum-
berland now sole right, 245/4;
priory, 205%; work in choir of,
210%; builder of, builder of Hartle-
pool, 218

Ulgham, Hospitallers' lands (1551),

276, 279
Umfreville, Odinel, witness to grant

of Widdrington, temp. Henry II.,

273
Ut liora sic vita, sundial inscription,

Witton-le-Wear, 67

' Vermin,' payments for destruction

of, 79 et seq.

Victor, Aurelius, quoted, 283
Vilanova, Elyan de, grand master of

Hospitallers, 268
Vita 8. Cuthberti, 201%

Wager of battle to decide right to
possession of Widdrington, temp.
Henry II., 267, 273

Walpole St. Peter church, Norfolk,
211%

Warden, 260 ; sir William Fenwick,
patron, 260 ; Mr. Beaumont, patron,
260/i; impropriators, 260 ; John
Shafto of Carrycoats, vicar of, 260/i

Wark [on Tweed], graveyard at, 255%

Warkworth, parish clerk's book, 27n ;
Acklingtori park, demesne attached
to castle of, 27/4; vicarage, 249;
gift of bishop of Carlisle, 249;
glebe in Nether Buston and East
and West Chevington belonging to,
250 ; Hospitallers' lands (1551), 276

Wearmouth, founding of, 93, 94 ;
destroyed in 866, 97 ; rebuilt, 97 '

Welford, Men of Mark 'twixt Tyne
and Tweed, ix

Wells cathedral church, Darlington
church compared with. 184

Wessington, prior, 146, 149

Western doorway, presence of, indica-
tive of dignity, 146/4

Whalton, barony of, Widdrington a
member, 267; Osbert, priest of,
witness to grant of Widdrington,
temp. Henry II., 273 ; Hospitallers'
lands (1551), 277; the appointed
place for judicial duel, 267

Whaplode, capitals of columns at,
158/4

Wheat in Darlington market in 1821,
price of, 79

318

INDEX.

Whitby, founding of, 94 ; council of,
96 ; overthrow by, of Celtic customs,
96

Whitfield rectory, 261

Whittingham vicarage, 251 ; in dona-
tion of dean and chapter of Carlisle,
251 ; impropriators of, 251 and n

Whittle, the Cambo poet, 245»

Widdrington, Bertram de, 267 ; grant
of Chibburn to, 273 ; sir John, Chib-
burn granted to, 270, 273 ; Hector,
in possession of Chibburn, 270 ; will
and inventory of, 270; Ralph,
Isaac, Robert, and Rebecca, legatees
of, 270, 271 ; Elizabeth, lady, devisee
of, 271; sir Thos., 246; William,
lord, 272 ; the lady 'a seducer,' 256

Widdrington, manor of, 267

Wilkinson, George Hutton, married,
78; Robert, curate of Witton-le-
Wear, 69 ; buried, 70

William the Englishman, builder of
Trinity chapel, Canterbury, 209;
round abacus invented by, 164

William, the engineer, 182w, 211

William the Lion of Scotland, 147

William of Sens, 209;i

Willis's, Prof., Canterbury Cathedral,
183

Wilson, Catherine, of Pegsworth, 247w

Windle, Stephen, curate of Witton, 73

Winscom, rev. J. C., 3

Winston church, 212n; font, etc.,
126 ; churchwardens' accounts, 101 ;
plague at, in 1636, 101 ; rectors :
Peter Lancaster, 101, 102; Richard
Thursby, 102; Cuth. Marley, 102;
F. E. Sadgrove, 102 ; overseers, 102
et seq.j churchwardens, 121; elec-
tion of by parishioners, 142 ; claim-
ed by rector, 143

Witton castle, Eures, Conyers, Darcys,
of, 68; Dobinson of, 71, 75, 76;
Keeling of, 76 ; Greenwell of, 76 ;
Hopper of, 78

Witton-le-Wear, origin of name
1 Wudutun ' in early times, 58 ; does
not mean ' white town,' 58 ; church,
57, 2l2w; in parish of Auckland, 57 ;

registers of, commence in 1558, 68 ;
no remains of primitive Saxon
church, 58 ; under invocation of SS.
Philip and James, 58 ; south door-
way of, early Norman, 59 ; nave
arcade, 61 ; sale of manor of, by
Henry II. to Henry de Pudsey, 60 ;
south porch, with original cross
socket, 62 ; remains of pre-Reforma-
tion pulpit, 62 ; erection of galleries,
62 ; Norman chancel arch destroyed,
63 ; Norman churn-shaped font, 63 ;
carved oak panelling, 63 ; altar slab
of Frosterley marble, 64 ; grave slab
of John Hodshon and his wife in,
64 ; monument of John Farrer, a
former incumbent of, 65, 66 ; of
George Newby, master of school,
66 ; communion plate and bell, 67
and n; ancient bell-cot surmounted
by original cross, 67 ; shaft and
base of churchyard cross, 67 ; sun-
dial, 67 ; registers, 68 ; church-
wardens' accounts, 79 ; archdeacon's
visitation, note of, 74 ; grammar
school at, rebuilt, 77 ; sum expended
on, 78 ; payments for burial within
church, 81 ; bells, 81, 83 ; contribu-
tions for obtaining Queen Anne's
bounty, 82; vestrymen, 82, mending
dial, 83 ; whipping-out dogs, etc.,
80 ; pitch-pipe for, 82, 83 ; purchase
of flagon for, 83; curates of
Witton : Robert Wilkinson, Robert
Thomson, Stephen Cocken, Stephen
Windle, Francis Orde, John Stack-
house. Stephen Teasdale, John
Farrer, Ezra Emerson

Woodhall, Hospitallers' lands (1551),
277

Woodhorn, 276

Woodman, William, and Netherwitton
suit, 36 ; collections of, 40, 244, 2f.3,
273, 275 ; on Chibburn preceptory,
265

Wooperton chapel in ruins, 254w

Worth church, cruciform, 212n

Wren, Charles, 73

Wudutun, old name of Witton, 58

REPORT

NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE

ANNUAL MEETING, M.DCCO.XCV.

IN presenting to the members of the Society of Antiquaries of
Newcastle-upon-Tyne the report for the year just ended, the council
has not many important events to commemorate. The number of
members is now 339, showing an increase of three from the preceding
year. There has been a good supply of papers on antiquarian sub-
jects, and the monthly meetings at the castle have been attended by
a large number of members who have been rewarded for their dili-
gence by several interesting discussions.

The literary activity of some of our members has been usefully
displayed in various fields of archaeological research. Mr. Richard
Welford's Men of Mark 'twixt Tyne and Tweed will help to preserve
from unmerited oblivion many of our Northumbrian worthies. Mr.
Maberly Phillips's History of Banks, Bankers and Banking, in North-
umberland, Durham, and North Yorkshire, is a monument of patient
industry and research^ and will be invaluable to the future describer
of life and manners in the North of England during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, besides recalling attention to a class of men
whose unostentatious services to the community seldom meet with the
recognition which they deserve. Mr. R. Oliver Heslop has at length
brought to a conclusion his work on Northumberland Words, in which,
with remarkable assiduity and ability, he has collected and preserved
the folk-speech of Tyneside and the northernmost county of England.
Another volume of the New County History of Northumberland is on

X ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COUNCIL

the eve of publication. We have to regret that the editor, Mr. Bateson,
has now ended his connection with this interesting enterprize, but are
glad to welcome his successor, Mr. A. B. Hinds, amongst the members
of this society.

The Northumberland Excavation Committee has, during the past
year, made researches at the Roman camp of AESICA, the results of
which are detailed in their report.* The discovery of scale-armour,
rings %&& fibulae}, which must apparently have belonged to an officer
of somewhat high rank in the Roman army, is an important event,
and should stimulate the committee and the subscribers to the fund
to undertake with fresh energy the campaign of 1895.

We have as usual to lament the gaps caused by death in -the circle
of our members. Sir Charles Thomas Newton, K.C.B., the illustrious
discoverer of the sculptures of Halicarnassus, who was for many years
keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum, was
the oldest member of our society,! having been elected as an honorary
member in the year 1841. He died on the 28th November, 1894,
aged 78 years.

A somewhat similar official position was held by another honorary
member, Col. August von Cohausen, who was Conservator of the
Museum of Antiquities at Wiesbaden, who died suddenly at that city
on the 2nd December, 1894, at the age of 83. We have the satisfac-
tion of knowing that it was the work of our late revered vice-president,
Dr. Bruce, on the Roman Wall, which stimulated him to undertake
those researches in his own country, which have for ever connected
his name with the Roman Limes Imperil between the Rhine and the
Danube, and to which he joyfully devoted so large a portion of his life.

The country meetings during the year have been well attended,
and thanks are due to those gentlemen who so kindly received and
entertained members, especially to Mr. Trevelyan of Netherwitton
hall, Mr. Chaytor of Witton castle, and our. secretary, Dr. Hodgkin,
at Bamburgh castle.

* See it at page xxii. f See Proceedings, vi. pp. 241-5.

J M. Ferdinand Denis, the next oldest on the list, who was head librarian of
the ' Bibliothe"que Ste Genevieve' at Paris, died in the month of August, 1892, at
the age of ninety-two years.

It will be observed that the name of 'His Excellency John Sigismund von
Hosting ' of Copenhagen, appears at the head of the list as the oldest member of
the society; but he died so long ago as Sept, 6, 1843, 1759 having been the year
of his birth.

FOR THE YEAR 1894. xi

The council gratefully records its high appreciation of the gift,
by Mr. J. C. Brooks, one of the vice-presidents, of his large and
valuable collection of portraits and autographs.

Considerable progress has been made with the supplement to the
Lapidarium Septentrionale, and it is hoped that part of it may be ready
for issue to the members in the course of the year.

One of the vice-presidents of the society, the Rev. Dr. G-reenwell,
has just made some most important discoveries in Durham cathedral.
The foundations of the eastern termination of St. Carilef's church
which was begun in August, 1093, have been partly uncovered, and
they show that the plan of the east end comprised three apses and not
as has been supposed one great apse with an encircling aisle. It is
hoped that Mr. Greenwell will read a paper on the subject.

We have received the following report from the librarian (Mr. M.
Mackey, junr.): —

' In addition to the stock value included in the treasurer's report
(p. xx), the following are a few notes for the consideration of the
council. To take into consideration whether such works as Surtees's
History of Durham, Hodgson's History of Northumberland, Whitaker's
Richmondshire, and others equally scarce and valuable, should be
allowed to circulate. Several local books of importance are not in
the library, such as Sharp's History of Hartlepool, either first or
second edition, Summers's History of Sunderland, and Lonsdale's
Cumberland Worthies, in five volumes, which contains biographical
notices of local worthies not to be found elsewhere, and a fitting
companion to Atkinson's Worthies of Westmorland, already on our
shelves. It would be advisable to purchase these. Several volumes
of the publications of the Surtees Society are wanted to complete the
society's set. These should be got ; as time goes on many of them
will be more difficult to procure. In conclusion, I think we should
have in our library all works of local interest, especially relating to the
history and topography of the district.'

The following is the report of the curators (Messrs. 0. J. Spence
and R. Oliver Heslop) presented to us : —

' During the years 1892, 1893, and 1894 the total number of
donations to the museum have been sixty, comprising about one
hundred and eighty-six separate objects. These include the ' Richard

xii CUBATOES' REPORT

Gail collection' of sculptured stones, numbering seventy-five objects,
presented by the executors of our late vice-president.

An epitome of the remaining donations shows the following rela-
tionship : —

Prehistoric, nine objects (including three sepulchral food vessels, two

implements of stone, one bronze spear-head, and three fragments

attributable to this era).
Roman, nine objects (including the large altar from Binchester, three

centurial stones, and five objects of lesser consequence).
Medieval, six objects (including the fine ewer found in Pudding Chare,

Newcastle, presented by our librarian).
Weapons, nine, of various dates (including five firearms of recent times

and three swords).

Coins, nine (eight English and Scotch, one Wisby).
Photographs, Drawings, and Casts, twenty-five.
Cannon Sails, four of various dates from seventeenth century.
Domestic Articles (chiefly objects of comparatively recent date, but which

have now, or about, gone out of use), thirty-four.
Foreign objects, five Indian gods, and a set of African bagpipes of grotesque

construction (the latter presented by our librarian).

Efforts have been continued in the direction of a systematic
arrangement of the contents of the Black Gate museum, but the
conditions render this task necessarily slow. Many of the old cases
were originally intended for altogether different situations, and
they are at the best ill adapted for exhibition, whilst the imperfect
lighting of the museum adds a further difficulty in the way of their
disposal in an endeavour to show the contents to advantage.
Supplemental cases of special design and suitable construction have
been added at the personal cost of one of the curators, and it is hoped
that the furniture of the museum may be further modified in the same
direction by the society itself.

Improvements have been made in the arrangement of objects in
the castle with a view of rendering the contents of the main building
more attractive to visitors, and of compensating, to some extent, for
the deplenishing which took place on the formation of the Black
Gate museum. In addition to the banners required to complete the
series in the Great Hall, other objects of interest might be included
with advantage. Collections of weapons and armour would be
especially suitable for the purpose.

FOE THE YEAR 1894. Xlll

The representations of your curators of the danger to the public
through the unprotected condition of the openings in the parapet of
the castle have been met by the Mayor and Corporation of the city,
and the thanks of the society are due to them, and to the city engineer
Mr. W. G-. Laws, for the courtesy and promptitude with which the
open embrasures have been efficiently protected by strong iron bars.

The carronades and their mountings still lie on the gun platforms
in a condition of dismantlement and decay, and your curators beg to
suggest that old ship's gun-carriages be obtained to remount these
now antiquated accessories to the castle.

Appended is a list of donations to the museum during the three
years ending 31st December, 1894 : —

1892.

Jan. 27. From the late J. W. BARNES, Durham-
Five coins found at Neville's Cross— two Robert II. (1371-90), Edin-
burgh and Perth ; half groat, London ; penny, York ; penny,
Durham, 1327-1377.
Water-colour drawing of window in Holy Island church, by T. S.

Good.
Twelve etchings, by Good (Proc. vol. v. p. 133).

From C. 0. HODGES—

Three photographs of illuminations to a MS. of Cassiodorus in
Durham Chapter library (ibid.).

From M. MAC KEY, jun.—

A large earthenware pitcher, 13| inches high, 4£ inches diameter
at mouth, and 6| inches at base, found during excavations in
Wallace's Yard, Pudding Chare, Newcastle. It was found em-
bedded in solid clay, surrounded by oak stakes 6 inches apart
(ibid. p. 134).

Feb. 24. From W. LISLE, Bilsmoor Foot (per D. D. Dixon)—

Iron cannon ball, weighing 5 Ibs. 4 oz., found in 1886 in the heather
on Carrock Moor, near Elsdon, Eedesdale.

Mar. 30. From E. G. BOLAM, Berwick-
Grant on parchment from Queen Elizabeth (1587) of tenement

at Souther Field, Berwick, with pendent seal (Proc. v. p. 146).
From JOHN GIBSON —

Fragment of gravestone from Darn Crook, Newcastle (ibid).

Apr. 27. From J. CEAWFOED HODGSON, Warkworth —

Pair of steel snuffers (ibid. p. 155).
May 25. From Mrs. WALKEE —

Portrait of John Walker, 1835, in the attitude of playing the
Northumberland small pipes.

xiv CURATORS' REPORT : LIST OF OBJECTS PRESENTED TO

June 29. From W. G. LAWS, city surveyor—

Large stone missile, found May llth, 1892, in excavating for wall at
Newcastle Quay, at about depth of low tide mark (Proc. v. p. 184).
From GEORGE WILSON of Hepple—
Red deer's horn, fragment from Hetchester camp, near Rothbury,

showing saw marks (ibid,).
From J. MOBBIS, Medomsley —

Bronze spear head, 8£ inches long, blade 5f inches long, found in a
field on High Bradley Farm, a little south-west of Medomsley, and
a short distance from the Watling Street (ibid. p. 184 and 190).

July 27. From HUGH W. YOUNG, F.S.A., Scot., of Edinburgh-
Cast of a bull, from an incised stone of Celtic date, in British

Museum, from Burghead (ibid. p. 191).
From J. E. NEWBY, late of Binchester Hall-
Roman altar, found at Binchester, May, 1891, inscribed MATRES
OLLOTOTAE siVE TBANSMABiNis (Proc. v. pp. 36, 130, 143, and
191 ; Arch. Ael. xiv. p. 225-227).

Aug. 31. From H. COULTER, 36 Rodsley Avenue, Gateshead—

Pipe, found in digging a cellar in Chillingham Road, Heaton, at a

depth of 14 feet below the surface, August 26th, 1892.
Coin, found at same time and place, but 15 feet below the surface ;
probably a farthing of Charles II. (Proc. v. p. 204).

Sep. 29. From HENBY HINDE, South Shields-
Brass guinea scales of early nineteenth century.
Brass ticket, used on Newcastle and North Shields Railway Company
about 1840 ; obverse, ' Newcastle, North Shields, and Tynemouth
Railway : ' reverse, 'Third Class' (ibid. p. 220).
From R. Y. GBEEN of Newcastle-
Old spectacles with circular glasses (two pairs).
Old clasp knife (ibid. p. 220).
From Fleet Surgeon S. A. WILLIS, M.D., R.N.—

Remington rifle, "k from Egyptian soldier's equipment, Tel-el-

Knapsack and canteen, J Kebir, September 13th, 1882.

French musket, carried by a Zulu native at Ginghilovo, April 2nd,

lB79(ibid.p. 220).

From H. J. W. COULSON, Lythecourt, Tiverton, Devon—
Centurial stone from Walltown turret (ibid. p. 220).

Oct. 26. From W. D. CBUDDAS of Haughton Castle, North Tynedale—

Two centurial stones, found in wall by side [of Military road near
Sewingshields in June, 1892 (ibid. pp. 188, 227.

Dec. 28. From His Grace the DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND —

Plaster cast of penny of Henry earl of Northumberland ; struck at

Bamburgh (ibid. p. 243).
From R. E. RUDDOCK, of Newcastle —
Portrait of vice-president John Philipson (ibid. p. 242).

THE SOCIETY'S MUSEUM DURING THE YEARS 1392 AND 1893. xv

1893.
Jan. 25. From WM. DAVIDSON, Harbottle —

A perforated stone hammer, of Cheviot porphyry, 4£ inches diameter,
having a central hole f inch diameter ; found in the Coquet in
1892 (ibid. vol. vi. p. 1).
From Superintendent DOBSON, Rothbury—

Constable's baton or staff, formerly belonging to a petty constable.
Constable's twitch (ibid. pp. 1 and 2).

From WM. LISLE, Billsmoor Foot-
Key, found in a slag heap on moors near Elsdon (ilid. p. 2).

From D. D. Dixotf, Rothbury—

A dirk, 17 inches long from knob of pommel to point, found in
digging a foundation in June, 1883, at Borough Butts, near Roth-
bury. Supposed fifteenth or sixteenth century workmanship.
A sword, found on the moors west of Rothbury, about 1870.
Length, knob to point, 37| inches ; blade, 32J inches ; width
of blade, 1£ inches. Mark on blade, an object like an orb.
Handcuffs (as formerly used by petty constables of townships), from

the township of Caistron, Northumberland.

Handcuffs, from township of Mount Healy (ibid. p. 2, also vol. i.
p. 335).

Feb. 22. From the late J. W. BENTHAM of Newcastle —

Inscribed stone wall tablet— « Thomas Bryckwel, 1579.' From old
house formerly standing on the site of Bentham Buildings, Side,
Newcastle. Demolished 1892 (Proc. vi. p. 10).

From C. W. HENZELL of Tynemouth —

Iron cannon ball, 4f inches diameter, found lying below Tynemouth
cliffs, 1892. Supposed to have come from a stranded vessel (ibid.
p. 12).

From R. BLAIR (secretary)—
Brass figure of Billy Purvis, 4f inches high.
Flint pistol, probably Turkish, 16| inches long.
Flint pistol, lOf inches \ongl(ibid. p. 12).

Mar. 29. From BAEBON EBDY, Durham-
Three weights, used in weighing hemp at Durham up to the year
1892. All are made of stone, with iron ring handles. Two weigh
about 32 Ibs. each, and are 8 inches diameter by 11 inches high.
The smallest weighs 16 Ibs., size 4 inches diameter by 6 inches
high (iUd, p. 19).

From THOMAS MAY, now of Warrington—
Stone celt, North America.
Cruzie from the north of Scotland (ibid. p. 19).

From R. BLAIE (secretary)—

Flint-lock gun, detachable, for putting in the pocket, used so by
poachers. Made by Johnson, Newcastle (ibid. p. 19).

XVi CUBATORS' REPORT: LIST OF OBJECTS PRESENTED TO

Apr, 26. From MIDDLETON H. DAND of Hauxley—

Hank of flax, for spinning wheel (ibid. p. 26).

From the WALBOTTLE COAL COMPANY —

Wooden wheel, from wheelbarrow, found in pit workings at Whorl-
ton, Northumberland (ibid. p. 26).

May 31. From Sir GAINSFOED BRUCE and co-trustees of the late Dr. BBUCE—
Head of Hadrian, of heroic size. A plaster cast, bronzed.
Spode plate, from the Mansion House, Newcastle, with arms and
motto of the town in centre (i bid. p. 32).

June 28. From WALTER S. CORDER of North Shields —

Photograph by himself of Bewcastle cross, framed (ibid. p. 41).

July 26. From Sir GAINSFOBD BEUCE and co-trustees—

Three chalk drawings of places on the Antonine Wall, near Falkirk,

by S, Holmes (ibid. p. 53).
From JOHN VENTRESS of Newcastle-
Rubbing of Tyzack tombstone, Heaton park (ibid. p. 64).

July 26. From WALTEE SCOTT, Sunderland—

Piscina from Boldon church (ibid. vi. p. 54).

Sept. 27. From Mrs. THOMPSON—

Flint and steel, with tinder (ibid. vi. p. 77).
From GEOBGE IRVING—
Fragment of Roman altar, from Greenhead, [i] • o . M • [A]EL .

DA ... P (ibid. p. 77).
From THOMAS MAY —

Fragment of a vitrified fort at Lochhell, Argyll (ibid. p. 78).
From C. WILLIAMS, Cullercoats—
Durham Penny of Bp. Booth (temp. Ed. IV.) found at Clock house,

Cullercoats, July, 1893 (ibid. p. 78).
From the Rev. J. F. FAEBOW, Felling-
Fragment of Roman tile, Procolitia (LEG—) (ibid. p. 78).

Oct. 25. From G. H. THOMPSON, Alnwick—

Two harvesting sickles and one hook (ibid. p. 89. See also

letter p. 95.)
From THOMAS MAY —

Vitrified rock, from hill fort, near Brechin (ibid. p. 89).
From R. C. CLEPHAN of Southdene Tower, Gateshead—
Small copper coin of Wisby, fifteenth or sixteenth century (ibid.

p. 89).
From STATION MASTEB, Whitley—

Old railway chair from Whitley colliery (ibid. p. 89).
From W. W. TOMLINSON—

Old door key, from Whitley (ibid).

THE SOCIETY'S MUSEUM DURING THE YEAKS 1893 AND 1894. xvii

Nov. 29. From MATTHEW MACKEY, JUN.—

African bagpipes, purchased at sale of the effects of the late Dr.

Brace (ibid. p. 94).
From the Rev. J. M. LISTEK —
Iron fetters, found on north side of St. Andrew's church, Newcastle

(ibid).
Dec. 20. From JOHN ROBINSON of Newcastle —

Reaping hook, found in pulling down the Fox and Lamb public

house, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle, 1893 (ibid. p. 101).
From GEORGE IRVING of Newcastle—

A heavy timber crane, jib, and stays, from a warehouse in City
Road, Newcastle (ibid. p. 101.

1894.

Jan. 31. From the Rev. G. ROME HALL, F.S.A., vice president-
Three small plates or scales (bronze), forming part of the attachment
of a Roman lorica ; found west of the Mucklebank turret (ibid.
p. 129).
April 25. From HENRY RICHARDSON, Backworth —

' Food vessel,' found in prehistoric cist in excavating a foundation at
The Hirst, Ashington (ibid. p. 153).

From the executors of the late RICHARD GAIL —

' The Richard Gail collection ' of sculptured stones, etc.: —

Nine large stone balls, dredged from the river Tyne at Newcastle.

Thirty-five sculptured stones from church of St. Nicholas, Newcastle
(Norman).

Six fragments of window tracery from church of St. Nicholas, New-
castle.

Four base rounds from columns of crypt of chapel of St. Mary the
Virgin, Spital, Newcastle.

Corbel with face of satyr.

Three carved heads from the ends of drip mouldings.

Spandril, carved, brought from rockery, which stood at Anderson
Place, Newcastle.

Six 'creein trows' or husking mortars.

Three hand-mill stones.

Two heraldic figures of paroquets in Portland stone, each bearing
on its breast the Lumley arms, and on an escutcheon of pretence
the arms of Jones of Oxfordshire (ibid. p. 51). Originally brought
from Lumley castle, these birds long stood at the doorway of Mr.
Todd's residence, Picton house, now the terminus of the Blyth and
Tyne Railway at Newcastle.

Two balusters from Tyne bridge (eighteenth century).

Cruciform sundial from Carlisle.

Multiface sundial.

Sundial on pedestal dated 1754 (Thomas Wilson's) (ibid. p. 155).
VOL. xvn. t

XV111 LIST OF OBJKCTS PRESENTED TO TIIK MUSEUM, 1894.

July 25. From HKNUY RICHARDSON, Backworth —

Sepulchral ' food vessel,' 4£ inches high, 5 inches wide at mouth ;
found near the vessel (presented April 25th last) in a cist at The
Hirst, Acklington (ibid. p. 202).

Aug. 29. From MARGARET ROBSON, Red Lion inn, Haltwhistle—
Toasting cranks.

' Tom ' candlestick (ibid. p. 220).
From HENRY RICHARDSON —

Sepulchral 'food vessel' (the third), from The Hirst; 5 inches

high, 5£ inches diameter, and 3 inches at base (ibid. p. 221).
From W. S. CORDER —

Fragments of Samian ware, earthenware, and glass (Roman) from
Segedunum (Wallsend) (ibid. p. 221).

Sept. 26. From R. NEWTON of Newcastle-
Two cement casts of heraldic shields, representing the arms of
Barnes of Durham, and probably Acton. From a house front
in Westmoreland Court, Newcastle (ibid. p. 211).
From Mrs. BARNES, Whitburu —

Bronze mortar, Dutch, five inches high by six inches diameter, with

pestle, inscribed LOF GODT VAN AL ANNO 1651.
Five Indian gods of bronze.
Carved horn.
Short sword.
Tinder box and candlestick in one (ibid. p. 241).

Oct. 31. From WILLIAM ANGUS of London-
Newcastle silver token of Alex. Kelty, 1812 (ibid. p. 262).
From J. W. WATSON, Tynemouth—

Statuette of stone, 12^ inches high, and fragments of others, probably
Graeco-Roman workmanship found near Larnaca, Cyprus, sup-
posed to have been broken off the face of another sculptured
work (ibid. p. 262).

Nov. 28. From THE INCORPORATED COMPANY OF PLUMBERS, GLAZIERS,

AND PEWTERERS—

Cannon ball, 17J inches circumference, found in 1700 during repairs
in the town wall, Newcastle, at Morden tower. The ball, formerly
gilded, used to hang from the centre of the ceiling at Morden
tower, and was supposed to have been discharged in the siege of
1644 (ibid. p. 265).

From Mr. MENDELSSOHN, formerly of Newcastle—
A large photographic portrait of the late Dr. Bruce, with frame

complete (ibid. p. 265).
From C. J. SPENCE, one of the curators —

Two show-cases for the Roman room, Black Gate museum, with
stands complete.

TREASURER'S REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1894. xix

The following is the

REPORT OF THE TREASURER
for the year ending 31st December, 1894 : —

The number of ordinary members is now 339, being an increase of
18 for the past year. During the year we have lost seven members
by death, and eight have resigned.

The total income from revenue sources has been £490 12s. Id.,
and the expenditure £506 18s. 7d., which shows a balance of expen-
diture over income of £16 6s. 6d., but this is equivalented by the
value of the prints from the plate of St. Nicholas's church remaining
in stock.

The balance of the revenue account carried forward to 1895 is
£201 5s., and the capital invested in 2 j consols with dividends thereon
is now £47 3s. 2d.

The receipts from members' subscriptions have been £348 12s.,
which is an increase of £28 7s. over that of 1893.

The receipts from the castle have increased £10, and from the
Black Gate £1. The balance of receipts over expenditure for the two
places is £3 12s. 6d. for the year, but the Black Gate museum con-
tinues very far from paying its way, and it is a question whether some
better mode of advertising it could not be adopted.

The expenditure upon the Archaeologia Aeliana has been about the
same as last year. The illustrations have cost £10 more, and there is
an increase of £10 under the head of sundries. The printing of the
Proceedings has cost £16 more than last year, but included in this is
the cost of printing the Elsdon registers. The sum of £28 15s. 2d.
has been expended in the purchase of books, and the sale of the
society's publications has amounted to £16 3s. 9d., which is a heavy
decrease upon the previous year's sale.

The life members remain at three as previously.

SHERITON HOLMES,

Hon. Treasurer.

XX STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND

Sheriton Holmes, Treasurer, in account with the Society of Antiquaries
of Newcaslle-upon-Tyne.

STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE FOR THE YEAR ENDING
DECEMBER 31, 1894.

Receipts. Expenditure.

£ 8. d. £ 8. d.

Balance on January 1st, 1894 21711 6

Members' Subscriptions 348 12 0

Castle 106 2 0 84 0 5

Black Gate 19 14 4 38 3 5

Museum ... 26 1 8

Books 16 3 9 28 15 2

Archaeologia Adiana ... 9616 6

Proceedings ... 56 19 0

Illustrations ... 58 8 2"

Sundries ... 77 14 3

Secretary (clerical assistance) ... 40 0 0

Balance 201 50

£708 3 7 £708 3 7

•MHMHM*«MB_^_^MMM^^^^^MM^MM.Mi

Capital account. £ . d £ s d_

Invested in 2| per cent. Consols 4218 5

Interest to end of 1894 449

— 47 3 2

£47 3 2

Audited and certified.

J. A. DIXON.
2nd February, 1895. R. W. SISSON.

The present value of the Society's publications in stock is, as per statement
furnished by the Librarian, £527 17s. 9d.

2>etatls of Expenditure,

CASTLE— £ s. d.

Salaries 67 8 0

Gas 174

Water 060

Property Tax 1 12 1

Insurance 076

Rent 026

Trestles, &c 5 18 5

Explorations in the Castle 4 11 1

Sundries, Coal, Firewood, &c 276

£84 0 5

EXPENDITURE FOR THE YEAR 1894. XXI

BLACK GATE— £ s. d.

Salaries 22 0 0

Gas 147

Water 100

Property Tax 16,

Insurance 2 15 0

Rent 100

Repairs 723

Sundries, Coal, &c 1 15 4

£38 3 5

MUSEUM— £ s. d.

Carriage of Stones 778

Cases 850

Copper Plate of St. Nicholas's Church 10 9 0

£26 1 8

BOOKS BOUGHT — £ s. d.

Illustrated Archaeologist 110

Chronicles of Great Britain and Ireland ... ... ... 1 16 8

New County History of Northuin berland, vol. 1 1 1 0

Collection of State Papers 216

Ordnance Maps .. 014 3

Gilpin's Memoirs 046

German Year-hook 0 17 0

Year-book of Societies 076

Brockie's Sunderland Notabilities ... . 076

German publication 0 13 0

Ferguson's Royal Charters of Carlisle 0 18 6

Waters, for lettering 046

Calendar Border Papers .. 0 17 6

Northcote & Brownlow, Roma Sotteranea 0 16 0

Phillips's Banks, Bankers, and Banking 1 1 0

Itinerary of Antoninus and Notitia Dignitatutn ... ... 1 16 9

Indexing 330

Printing 50 copies of S1". Nicholas's plate 516

Binding Border Holds (8vo copies) ... 5 12 6

£28 15 2

SUNDRIES — £ s. d.

Cheque Book 050

Reid & Sons, general printing, &c 9 17 0

Nicholson, do. do , 36 0 6

Frames 289

Postage and carriage of parcels, &c. 649

Indexing Archaeologia Aeliana 300

Treasurer's postage and expences .. ... ... ... ... 0 15 6

Secretary'* do. do. 16 10 9

Subscriptions— Harleian and Surtees Societies 220

Income Tax 0 10 0

£77 14 3

XX11 REPORT OF NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION COMMITTEE.

REPORT FOR 1894 OF THE NORTHUMBERLAND
EXCAVATION COMMITTEE.

1. Aesica or Great Chesters stands on the western side of the
depression which divides the ' Nine Nicks of Thirlwall ' from the range
of Whinshields and allows the Caw burn to find a passage southwards
to the Tyne valley at Haltwhistle. Half a mile to the west of the burn
is the farmhouse of Greatchesters, six hundred feet above the sea,
amid an expanse of moor and grass fields, and immediately west of the
house the outlines of the Roman fortress are still distinctly visible.
The situation is not unfavourable ; the ground slopes gently to the
south, and additional shelter is provided by the rounded mass of

Chesters pike, which
rises to the height of
eight hundred feet
about half a mile to
the north. The fort-
ress is an oblong
area of three acres,
measuring about
three hundred and
sixty by four hun-
dred and twenty feet,
To south and south-east
civil settlement,'
a hypocaust
belonging to
which is said
by Dr. Bruce to
have been vis-
ible in 1867.
Farther south,
about a quarter
of a mile from
the fortress,
runs the line of
the vallum and
beyond it, at
Walltown mill, Brand and Hodgson suppose the cemetery to have

and resting its northern face upon the wall.

lay the usual ' suburban ' buildings of the so-called

DISCOVERIES AT AESICA.

XX111

been. The fortress was garrisoned by the Second Cohort of the
Asturians ;* but our further knowledge is limited to that supplied by

threet of the not very numerous inscriptions discovered here. One
of these mentions Hadrian. A second records work done about A.D.

165, while a
third states that
a ruined store-
house was re-
built by the
garrison A.D.
225. The fort-
ress lies at
present almost
untouched be-
neath a grass
cj field. Its east-
i| ern face has
I been encroach-
!| ed on by the

* See illustration of tile found at Aesica, naming this cohort, on preceding page,
f See illustrations of these three inscriptions on this and preceding pages.

REPORT OF NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION COMMITTEE.

farm buildings, and some foundations in the upper part of it were
cleared out in 1767, but the site is obviously a promising one, and
had been marked as such. The excavation committee was fortunate
enough to obtain the leave of the owner, Mr. H. J. W. Coulson, and of
the tenant, Mr. Woodman, both of whom, by their ready concurrence,
have laid archaeologists under a considerable obligation.

2. Excavations were commenced on Monday, July 23rd, at the
south-west corner of the camp, a point previously selected by the
committee, and were continued eastwards in a manner which will be
seen from the plan. It was subsequently judged advisable so far to
exceed the area continuously excavated as to include the south gate,
and the vault in the centre of the camp. The work at first proceeded
slowly, as the workmen were unused to their task and insufficiently
provided with tools. The earth to be moved was full of very large
stones, and the trenches required were nearly five feet deep.

3. The corner turret, which was first excavated, appears to
resemble t/he corner turrets of the other mural fortresses, the best
preserved being at Gilurnum. It is well and solidly built of hewn
stone, measures internally very nearly ten by twelve feet, and has an
entrance three feet wide with a sill at the bottom. The whole may be
certainly classed among the better built and better preserved turrets
of the murus, the masonry being over six feet in height. Like many
other buildings in the mural fortresses, it had two flagged floors, one
about a foot above the other; on and between the floors were bones
and burnt refuse, and in two of the corners were marks of fire. There
were traces of a third floor below the second. This, however, was
not flagged. The discoveries in the turret were not of very great
importance. The most interesting was a large pestle with a corre-
spondingly large mortar, found on the level of the upper floor.
Fragments of pottery and iron objects and a stone trough were also
turned up, and immediately outside the doorway, at a depth of five
and a half feet, a quern fifteen inches in diameter. Just outside the
southern wall of the turret, at a distance of three feet below the
surface, an interesting coin was found, a denarius of M. Antony. This
is one of those republican silver coins which remained in circula-
tion during the empire owing to the goodness of their metal. The
easily distinguishable republican silver is not unfrequently discovered

ARCHAEOLOQ1A AELIANA, Vol. XVII. (between pp. xxiv and xxv.)

U lUll WftlU UJUU WlUUtUUUULll

PLA

OF THE ROMAN
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GREAT CHESTERS

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ARCHAEOLOG1A AELIANA, Vol. XVII. (between pp. xxiv and xxv.)

GATEWAY CHAM BE

Section thro C-D co

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S.W. ANGLE CHAMBER

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DISCOVEKIES AT AESICA. XXV

along with imperial issues, and in places where republican Rome was
unknown. Thus, a hoard of coins recently found at Silchester, appar-
ently deposited in the early years of Septimius Severus (circa A.D.
195), contained a few of these republican silver coins among a great
number of later ones.

4. From the turret a trench was driven north-east towards the
centre of the camp, until a wall was struck about forty feet from the
turret. The trench itself revealed very little. Near the turret, two
lines of black earth, the upper one four feet six inches below the
surface, were noticed, and thought to correspond to the two flagged
floors of the turret. About twenty feet from the turret a pot was
found in thirteen pieces, three feet below the surface. From this trench
another was carried back to the wall, east of the corner turret, with
the result that another turret was found built against the wall. The
masonry of this turret was extremely rude, as it showed no outer
faces that could be seen ; it was perhaps piled up from the outside
with earth. It was flagged in rough fashion, and is only remark-
able for yielding a small find of three coins (one of Trajan, one of
Faustina), four bronze rings, and some small iron objects. Close by
were discovered a spear head, a bit of window glass, and some other
small fragments.

5. It will be convenient to deal here with the buildings which
were first discovered in the trench from the corner turret, and which
were subsequently traced for a considerable distance, though not
completely. The buildings seem to consist of a range of oblong
chambers, each divided into two more or less square rooms, and
separated from one another by very narrow spaces, of which the
object is not clear. Apparently every chamber must have had its
own outer walls, but the complete excavation of the block is necessary
before they can be compared with some possibly similar features at
Cilurnum. The remains found in these chambers were few and dis-
appointing. The westernmost chamber yielded a small altar-shaped
stone, in size seven by ten by seven inches, with an ornament of in-
cised lines, which may point to mere architectural use. This chamber
had two flagged floors, one a foot below the other. The other rooms
yielded some building stones strongly resembling that which was at
first taken to be an altar, an axehead, some coins, some brass pans, a

XXVI REPORT OF NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION COMMITTEE:

curious iron object, and besides some smaller remains, pottery, etc.,
two lettered fragments, one bearing the letters IAE, the other the
numerals XLVIII. The general disposition of these objects will be seen
from the plan, on which also a drain is shown which issued from one
of the eastern chambers. The masonry of these chambers was of a
very poor character and it is not impossible that the excavators made
mistakes as to one or two pieces of walling in the stony and highly
disturbed soil. For the present we can only say that the presence of
these chambers proves the existence at Aesica of a feature which seems
to distinguish our northern fortresses from those on the German
Limes. This feature is the greater abundance of traceable buildings
within the camp area.

6. A separate examination was made of the vault in the centre
of the camp. This had been cleared out before, and indeed yielded,
in the shape of relics, nothing more valuable than modern crockery
and milk tins ; but its good preservation, and its similarity to the
vaults at Cilurnum and elsewhere, rendered its exploration desirable.
It proved to be a vaulted chamber almost exactly six and a half feet
square. It was paved with large flags resting on small dwarf walls,
which Mr. Holmes thinks are coeval with the nagging, while doubting
if this was the original floor of the chamber. These dwarf walls rest
on undisturbed clay, and a modern horse-shoe drain has been carried
between them at some more or less recent period. On the western
side of the vault some large stones lie regularly, as if intentionally, on
the flooring, and make a ledge about eight inches high and twenty-
eight inches wide ; on the north side a native rock juts out to about
the same height. The roofing is made by five courses of stone, the
top of the arch being about five feet above the lower flooring. The exit
from the vault appears to have been on the eastern side, but no steps
were discovered there, though the excavation was taken, as it appeared,
into undisturbed clay. It may be worth while to add, by way of
comparison, some details of the vault at Cilurnum. This vault stands
inside a square room on the south side of the ' forum,' its area is nine
feet by ten, its height six and a quarter feet, so that it is larger than
the Aesica example. A passage three feet wide leads for five feet to
steps by which the surface is reached. The roof is arched with five
courses of stones; the floor is flagged. When the vault was first

DISCOVERIES AT AESICA.

XXV11

opened, the remains of the original door, bound with iron, were
found. Both vaults plainly have the same use. They do not seem
adapted for water. Of the other two theories usually suggested, a
prison or a treasury, the latter seems the more probable. The recent
examination of the forts on the German Limes has revealed somewhat

VAULT AT CILTJBNUM.

similar vaults in connection with some of thQ praetoria, These appear
to be under the ' shrines ' of the camps, and various features lead to
the supposition that they were used to store money or documents. A
somewhat similar vault has been noticed at Bremenium.

7. Finally, the site of the south gate was ascertained and a part
of it, the western guard chamber, was cleared out. The gate appears
to have been where the modern road to the farmhouse passes the wall
of the fortress, and it is possible enough, as Dr. Bruce supposed, that
this road is on the course of a Roman road down to the Stanegate.
This gateway is farther to the east than we should have expected, as
it appears to be the only gateway of the side. There were signs that
it had, at some time, been walled up like other gateways along the
Wall. Outside the guard-chamber and just inside the wall of the

XXVlll REPORT OF NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION COMMITTEE:

camp a find of scale armour was made which resembled fragments of
armour found elsewhere on the Wall,* but was much more abundant.

Inside the guard-chamber a very remarkable find was made. As the
earth was being cut down, there was dis-
covered a small parcel of fibula^ rings,
silver necklet, scale armour,f etc., of a very
remarkable character, including an Abraxas
ring with device of a figure with head of a cock
and two serpents for legs, holding in one hand a

scourge, in the other

a shield. The fibulae

are probably unique

in the world of Ro-

mano-British archaeology,
and are ascribed by Mr. A. J.
Evans to the end of the
second century, and the age of
Severus. They are of Celtic
character, and undoubtedly
represent a contemporary
Caledonian art. They are

* See Arch. Ael. xvi. p. 441. f In the illustrations the scale armour is

represented full size, aud thejibulae one half linear.

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XVII f to face p. xxviiiA

Plate 03.

SILVER NECKLACE, FROM GREAT CHESTERS (Aesk-a>.
(Thirteen inches in circumference.)

(From a Photoi/raph by Mr. C. J. Spence.)

DISCOVERY OF FIBULAE, ETC., AT AESICA. XXIX

of extraordinary size, and one of them, which had been gilt, is
covered with an exquisite flamboyant relief of Celtic design, and was
probably the most beautiful object of the kind ever found. The
larger of the fibulae was of purely Celtic pedigree, starting from a
form which seemed to have originated in south-east Europe, and

which had found its way into Britain already before the Roman con-
quest. The nearest approach to the Aesica form was a type found in
Northumberland, which from the find could be fixed to the age of
Antoninus Pius. The other fibula is a highly original adaptation

XXX REPORT OF NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION COMMITTEE:

of a Gallo-Rornan type with a median disc, which from a Rhenish
monument was shown to have been prevalent at the end of the first

century. The Celtic ornamentation an-
swered to that of a series of late Celtic
armlets found in Scotland, for the most
part north of the Firth of Forth. The
whole seems to him to resemble a female
sepulchral deposit, but the evidence as
to the exact character of the find is not
minute enough to enable us to judge cer-
tainly on this point. It is noteworthy,
however, that the fibulae are of a north-
British type, and that they are compara-
tively unused, and must have been buried

soon after they were made, and that they were found some distance
above the floor of the guard-chamber.*

The following is a list of the coins discovered during the excava-
tions : —

1.— MARK ANTONY. Denarius. Obv.—Ayr AVG IIIVIB E r o. Galley.

Rev. — LEG x. Eagle between two standards. Cohen, i. £-|.
2.— DOMITIAN. Second brass. Illegible.
3. — TRAIAN. First brass. Rev. — In exergue, VIA TEAIANA (almost obliterated).

Cohen, ii. /,\.

4.— TRAIAN. First brass. Illegible.
5-- „

6.— HADRIAN. Second brass. Illegible.
7.— ANTONINUS PIUS. Second brass. Obv.— ANTONINVS AVG PIVS p p

TB P xviu. Bust radiate to right. Rev.— LIBEEALITAS cos mi s c.

Liberality standing. Cohen, ii. 323.
8.— ANTONINUS PIUS. Second brass. Illegible.
9.— MARCUS AURELIUS. Second brass. Illegible. Rev. — Mars marching to

right.
10.— FAUSTINA THE YOUNGER. First brass. Ob.— FAVSTINA AV

/^.—Illegible.
11.— SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. Denarius. Obv.— SEVEBVS PIVS AVG. Bust

laureate to right. liev. — f M TB P xm cos in P P. Mars holding

Victory and spear reversed. Cohen, iv. ^-.

* For full account of the objects found and Mr. Hodgkin's descriptions of
some of them, see Proceedings, vol. vi. pp. 241-245.

COIXS, ETC., DISCOVEHKD AT AESICA.

12. — ELAGABALUS. Denarius. Olv. — IMP CAES M AYR ANTONINVS AVG. Head

laureate to right. Rev. — MAES VICTOR. Mars marching to right. Cohen,

iv. 335.

13.— VICTORINUS. Third brass. Rev.— PROV[IDENTIA AVG].
14.— TETRICUS. Third brass. Rev— PAX AVG. Almost obliterated.
15.— ALLECTUS. Third brass. Obv.— IMP c ALLECTTS p j AVG. Bust radiate

to right. Rev. — PAX AVG. S P in field ; c L ? in exergue. Pax standing.

Cohen vii. 48.
16.— CRISPUS. Third brass. Obv.— CRISPVS [NOBIL] c. Bust armed, to right.

Rev.— [BEAT]A THANQVILIT[AS]. Altar inscribed VOTIS xx. Cohen,

vii. 340.
17.— CONSTANS. Third brass. Obv. — CONSTANS P p AVG. Bust to right.

Rev.— VICTOR[IAE PP AVGG Q N]N. Two victories. M in field ; SARI in

exergue. Cohen, vii. 431.

18.— CONSTANS. Third brass. Similar type.
19. — MAGNENTIUS. Second brass. Obv. — D N MAGNENTIVS P F AVG. Bust

draped to right. A in field. Rev.— GLORIA ROMANORVM. s p in exergue.

Emperor on horse spearing an enemy.

Nine coins obliterated (four second brass, five third brass). Cohen, viii. ^.

Bone object, 3J inches long, from Greatchesters (Aesica).

XXX11 NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION COMMITTEE: BALANCE SHEET.

THE NORTHUMBERLAND EXCAVATION FUND IN ACCOUNT WITH
HODGKIN, BARNETT, PEASE, SPENCE, & CO.

1894.

Dr.

1894.

Cr,

Feb. 14. ToYoung for carriage

Jan.

By Balance of Sub-

hire

scriptions and

Mar. 31. „ JemmisonforDown

Donations

Hill Excavations

Feb.

„ J. C. Bowles ...

(balance)

„ R. Y. Green ...

Aug. 18. „

AESICA Excava-
tions : Wages

28.

„ E. C. Craster, per
Lloyd

V , * O/4

of Workmen,

Mar.

10.

„ Mrs. Ware (Car-

oept. 44. „

&c 126

lisle)

Oct. 1. „ Woodman,damage

17.

„ E. Fisher

to grass

))

28.

„ J. C. Brooks ...

„ 12. „ S. Holmes, Ex-

April

13.

„ J.D.Leader(8hef-

penses of Survey

field)

Nov. 9. „ G. Nicholson, for

23.

„ Prof. E.C.Clark

Printing, &c. ...

(Cambridge) . . .

Petty . Disburse-

May

25.

„ The Earl of Ra-

ments

vensworth

Balance in

31.

„ Hugh Taylor ...

Secretary's

June

,, Dr. Hodgkin(sub-

hands f 1 15 0

scription)

Balance

»>

„ D.Embleton,M.D.

in Bank 126

„ Earl Percy

„

„ F. W. Rich ...

„ Wm. Smith; Gun-

nerton ...

,, S. Holmes

12.

„ F. W. Dendy ...

12.

„ Rev. T. Calvert

»»

15.

„ J. M. Moore ...

„ W. J. Armstrong

£149 14 6

„ 29. „ Sir John Evans 220
„ 29. „ Sir A. W. Franks 500
July 5. ., W. G. Branford 0 10 0
Aug. 1. „ T. J. F. Deacon 110
„ 8. „ Chas. Mitchell... 10 0 0
8. J. P. Gibson ... 1 1 0
„ 17. T. G. Gibson ... 5 0 0
„ 18. Duke of North-
umberland ... 20 0 0
Sept. 10. SirWm.Crossman 220
„ 21. C. J Spence ... 5 5 0
„ 27. H. A. Adamson 110
„ 27. C.B.P. Bosanquet 110
„ 27. W. H. Knowles 110
., 29. Rev. H.E. Savage 110
Oct. 27. Thos. Hodgkin

(donation) ... 20 0 0
Nov. 9. Oxford Friends 15 0 0
Society of Anti-
quaries. London 10 0 0
„ 13. „ F. J. Haverfield.

Oxford 3 13 6

£149 14 6

By Balance down ... £2 16 6

XXXlll

THE COUNCIL AND OFFICERS OF THE SOCJ ETY
FOR THE YEAR M.DCCC.XCV.

patron.

HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

president

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF RAVENSWORTH.

THE REV. EDWARD HUSSEY ADAMSON.

HORATIO ALFRED ADAMSON.

CADWALLADER JOHN BATES, M.A.

JOHN CROSSE BROOKS.

ROBERT RICHARDSON DEES.

THE REV. WILLIAM GREENWELL, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., &C.

THE REV. GEORGE ROME HALL, F.S.A.

WILLIAM HILTON DYER LONGSTAFFE.

JOHN PHILIPSON.

THE REV. JAMES RAINE, M.A.

ALEXANDER SHANNAN STEVENSON, F.S.A. SCOT.

WILLIAM WOODMAN.

Secretaries,

THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., F.S.A.
ROBERT BLAIR, F.S.A.

treasurer.

SHERITON HOLMES.

ROBERT BLAIR.

^Librarian,

MATTHEW MACKEY, JUN.

Curators.

CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.
RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.

Habitat*.

JOHN ARCHBOLD DIXON.
RICHARD WILLIAM SISSON.

Council.

REV. CUTHBERT EDWARD ADAMSON, M.A.

FREDERICK WALTER DENDY.

DENNIS EMBLETON, M.D.

JOHN PATTISON GIBSON.

JOHN VESSEY GREGORY.

RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.

CHARLES CLEMENT HODGES.

J. CRAWFORD HODGSON.

WILLIAM H. KNOWLES.

MABERLY PHILLIPS.

CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.

RICHARD WELFORD.

XXXIV

MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF

NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE ON THE

IST MARCH, 1895.

HONORARY MEMBERS.

Date of Election.
1851 Feb. 3
1851 Feb. 3
1855 Jan. 3

1865 April 5
1883 June 27
1883 Jane 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27

1883 June 27
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1888 Jan. 25
1892 Jan. 27

1892 May 25

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Gainsborough.

Daniel Wilson, LL.D., Principal of the University of Toronto.

J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Mayfield, Orchard Road, Black-
heath, Kent.

The Duca di Brolo.

Professor Emil Hiibner, LL.D., Ahornstrasse 4, Berlin.

Professor Mommsen, Marchstrasse 8, Charlottenburg bei Berlin.

Professor George Stephens, F.S.A., Copenhagen.

Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm.

Sir Augustus Wollaston Franks, K.C.B., P.S.A., Keeper of British
Antiquities in the British Museum.

Ernest Chantre, Lyons.

Ellen King Ware (Mrs.), The Abbey, Carlisle.

Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &c., Utrecht, Holland.

Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c., Cambridge.

David Mackinlay, 6, Great Western Terrace, Glasgow.

General Pitt-Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury.

Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c., Nash Mills, Kernel
Hempstead.

Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg.

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.)

XXXV

ORDINARY MEMBERS.

The sign * indicates that the member has compounded for his subscription,
t that the member is one of the Council. J indicates a life-member.

Date of Election.
1885 Mar. 25

1883 Aug. 29
1843 April 4

1873 July

1892 Aug. 31
1885 Oct. 28

1885 June 24

1886 Jan. 27

1893 Sept. 27
1885 Dec. 30
1889 Mar. 27

1884 Jan. 30

1892 Mar. 30
1891 May 27
1895 Jan. 30
1882

1894 Mar. 25
1891 Sept. 30

1893 Feb. 22

1894 Oct. 31
1889 July 31

1891 July 29
1894 July 25

1892 April 27

1874 Jan.
1892 Mar. 30
1888 Sept. 26
1892 Dec. 28
1892 June 29
1888 April 25

1891 July 29
1871

1883 Dec. 27
1883 Dec. 27
1883 June 27

1892 May 25
1888 Sept. 26

Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle.
tAdamson, Rev. Cuthbert Edward, Westoe, South Shields.
tAdamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, St. Alban's, Felling, R.S.O.
hAdamson, Horatio Alfred, 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.

Adamson, Lawrence W., Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland.

Adie, George, 46 Bewick Road, Gateshaad.

Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexhara.

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Titlington Hall, Alnwick.

Archer, Mark, Farnacres, Gateshead.

Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbury.

Armstrong, Watson-, W. A., Cragside, Rothbury.

Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle.

Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham.

Atkinson, Rev. J. C., D.C.L., Danby Parsonage, Grosmont, Yorks

Barnett, Mrs. E., By well House, Stocksfield.
tBates, Cadwallader John, M.A., Heddon Banks, Wylam.

Bates, Stuart Frederick, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle.

Bateson, Edward.

Baumgartner, John Robert, 10 Eldon Square, Newcastle.

Beckingham, F. H., Westward House, Ryton.

Bell, Charles L., Woolsington, Newcastle.

Bell, John E., Bell & Dunn, Queen Street, Newcastle.

Bell, M. Howard, Seend, Melksham, Wiltshire.

Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland.
air, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields.

Blenkinsopp, Thomas, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle.

Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Humshaugh.

Bodleian Library, The, Oxford.

Bolam, John, Bilton, Northumberland.

Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed.

Bond, William Bownas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.

Booth, John, Shotley Bridge.

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland.

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., Newbottle Vicarage, Fence Houses.

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Bowes, John Bosworth, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle.

Boyd, George Fenwick, Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland.

7tBl

XXXVi THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

Date of Election
1894Kb. 28
1891 Dec. 23

1891 Oct. 28

1892 Aug. 31
1866 Mar. 7
1860 Jan. 4

1892 Feb. 24

1883 Dec. 27
1865 Aug. 2
1891 Dec. 23
1891 July 29
1882

1893 June 28

1884 Sept. 24

1891 Sept. 30

1885 Sept. 30

1889 April 24
1888 Nov. 28

1884 Dec. 30
1887 Nov. 30
1868

1892 Mar. 30

1885 April 29
1892 Dec. 28
1877

1892 July 27
1882

1894 Jan. 31
1887 Oct. 26
1892 Feb. 24

1885 Nov. 25

1885 May 27

1890 July 30
1883 Dec. 27

1892 May 25

1893 July 26

1892 Aug. 31

1886 Sept. 29

1893 July 26

1887 Jan. 26

1888 Aug. 29

Boyd, William, North House, Long Benton.

Braithwaite, John, 19 Lansdowne Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle.

Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle.

Brewis, Parker, Ellesmere, Jesmond, Newcastle.
tBrooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle.

Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwhistle.

Brown, George T., 17 Fawcett Street, Sunderland.

Brown, John Williamson, Holly Cottages, Monkseaton

Brown, Ralph, Benwell Grange, Newcastle.

Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham.
*Browne, A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittingham, R.S.O.

Browne, Sir Benjamin Chapman, Westacres, Benwell, Newcastle

Browne, Thomas Procter, Grey Street, Newcastle.

Bruce, Sir Gainsford, Yewhurst, Bromley, Kent.

Burman, C. Clark, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without, Alnwick.

Burn, John Henry, Jun., Beaconsfield, Cullercoats.

Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Coxhoe, Durham.

Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead.

Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcastle.

Cackett, James Thoburn, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle.

Calvert, Rev. Thomas, 121 Hopton Road, Streatham, London, S.

Campbell, John McLeod, 4 Winchester Terrace, Newcastle.

Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton.

Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympston, near Exeter.

Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O.

Carr, Sidney Story, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.

Carr, Rev. T. W., Barming Rectory, Maidstone, Kent.

Carse, John Thomas, Amble, Acklington.

Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Charlton, Oswin J., B.A., LL.B., 122 Northumberland Street,
Newcastle.

Charlton, William L., S. Reenes, Bellingham, North Tyne.

Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne,
Librarian).

Clayton, Nathaniel George, Chesters, Humshaugh-on-Tyne.

Clephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead.

Coates, Henry Buckden, Northumberland Street, Newcastle.

Cooper, Robert Watson, 2 Sydenham Terrace, Newcastle.

Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Sunderland.

Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Corder, Walter Shewell, North Shields.

Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon.

Cowen, John A., Blaydon Burn, Newcastle.

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.)

XXXV11

Date of Election.

1892 Oct. 26 Cresswell, G. G. Baker, 32 Lower Sloane Street, London, W.

1888 Feb. 29 Grossman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Cheswick House, Beal.

1889 Aug. 28 Culley,The Rev. Matthew, Longhorsley,Morpeth, Northumberland.
1888 Mar. 28 Darlington Public Library, Darlington.

1891 Nov. 18 Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Claremont Place, Newcastle.
1844 about fDees, Robert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle.

1887 Aug. 31 fDendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle.

1893 July 26 Denison, Joseph, Sanderson Road, Newcastle.
1891 Mar. 25 Dick, John, 4 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle.
1884 Mar. 26 Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland.

1893 Mar. 9 Dickinson, William Bowstead, Healey Hall, Riding Mill.

1883 June 27 Dixon, John Archbold, 5 Wellington Street, Gateshead.

1884 Aug. 27 Dixon, Rev. Canon, Warkworth Vicarage, Northumberland.
1884 July 2 Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbury.

1894 July 25 Dolan, Robert T., 6 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.

1891 Oct. 28 Donald, Colin Dunlop, 172 St. Vincent Street, Glasgow.
1884 July 30 Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle.

1892 Nov. 30 Drury, John C., 31 Alma Place, North Shields.

1884 Mar. 26 Dunn, William Henry, 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle.

1891 Aug. 31 Durham Cathedral Library.

1888 June 27 East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle.
1881 Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethorn, Corbridge.
1876 Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle.

1884 Feb. 27 Ellison, J. R. Carr-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland.
1886 May 26 tEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle.

1883 Oct. 31 Emley, Fred., Ravenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead.

1886 Aug. 28 Featherstonhaugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, Blackhill.
1865 Aug. 2 Fen wick, George A., Bank, Newcastle.

1875 Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle.

1894 Nov. 28 Ferguson, John, Dene Croft, Jesmond, Newcastle.

1884 Jan. 30 Ferguson, Rich. S., F.S. A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther Street,

Carlisle.
1894 May 30 Forster, Fred. E., 32 Grainger Street, Newcastle.

1887 Dec. 28 Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle.

1894 Oct. 31 Forster, Robert Henry, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O.

1894 Oct. 31 Forster, Thomas Emmerson, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O.

1890 Mar. 26 Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Carlisle.

1895 Jan. 30 Forster, William Charlton, 11 East Parade, Newcastle.

1892 April 27 Francis, William, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle.

1883 Sept. 26 Franklin, The Rev. Canon R. J., St. Mary's Cathedral, Newcastle.
1892 Aug. 31 Gayner, Francis, Beech Holme, Sunderland.
1859 Dec. 7 Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle.
1883 Oct. 31 tGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham.

XXXV111 THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

Date of Election.

1879 "

1878

1886 June 30

1886 Oct. 27

1888 Feb. 29
1894 Aug. 29

1886 Aug. 28
1894 July 25

1883 Feb. 28
1891 Oct. 28
1845 June 3

1883 Feb. 28
1877 Dec. 5

1891 Jan. 28
1893 Mar. 8
1865 Jan. 4
1883 Aug. 29

1883 Aug. 29

1887 Mar. 30
1893 July 26

1892 Aug. 31

1884 Mar. 26

1893 Aug. 30

1889 Feb. 27
1882

1894 May 30

1893 Aug. 30

1886 April 28
1834 Feb. 27
1891 Oct. 28
1883 Feb. 28

1883 Feb. 28

1888 April 25

1894 Oct. 31
1882

1865 Aug. 2

1895 Jan. 30

1890 Jan. 29

1884 April 30

1887 Jan. 26

Gibson, Thomas George, 2 Eslington Road, Newcastle.

Glendenning, William, Grainger Street, Newcastle.

Gooderham, Rev. A., Vicarage, Chillingham, Belford.

Goodger, C. W. S., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.

Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton.

Gradon, J. G., Lynton House, Durham.

Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham.

Grant- Wilson, Wemyss, Heathfield House, Streatham Common,
London, S.W.

Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle.

Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Fell, Gateshead.
tGreenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon
F.S.A. Scot., Durham.

Green well, Francis John, Crosshouse, Westgate, Newcastle.
fGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle.

Haggie, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle.

Hall, Edmund James, 9 Prior Terrace, Tynemouth.
tHall, Rev. George Rome, F.S. A., Birtley Vicarage, Wark-on-Tyne.

Hall, James, Tynemouth.

Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle.

Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead.

Harris, Sir Augustus, Tyne Theatre, Newcastle.

Harrison, John Adolphus, Saltwellville, Low Fell, Gateshead

Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle.

Hastings, Lord, Melton Constable, Norfolk.
*Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford.

Haythornthwaite, Rev. Edward, Felling Vicarage, Gateshead.

Hedley, Edward Armorer, 8 Osborne Villas, Newcastle.

Hedley, Ralph, 19 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle.

Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviott, Corbridge.

Henzell, Charles Wright, Tynemouth.

Heslop, George Christopher, 135 Park Road, Newcastle.
tHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill,
Newcastle.

Hicks, William Searle, Grainger Street, Newcastle.

Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick.

Hinds, Allan B., 24 Grey Street, Newcastle.
tHodges, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham.
tHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S. A., Bank, Newcastle.

Hodgkin, Thomas Edward, Bamburgh Castle, Belford.
tHodgson, John Crawford, Warkworth.

Hodgson, John George, Exchange Buildings, Quayside, Newcastle.

Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington.

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.)

XXXIX

Date of Election.

1891 Oct. 28
1877 July 4
1877

1892 June 29
1882

1876

1888 Feb. 29
1886 June 30
1888 July 25

1894 May 30

1894 Feb. 28

1886 May 26
1892 Nov. 30
1882

1883 Aug. 29

1883 Feb. 28
1892 June 29

1884 Oct. 29

1890 Jan. 29
1894 Sept. 26

1892 Dec. 28
1894 Oct. 31

1885 April 29

1887 June 29
1894 July 25
1850 Nov. 6
1885 Aug. 26
1894 Jan. 31

1888 June 27
1877

1883 June 27

1884 Mar. 26
1884 Aug. 27

1891 May 27
1884 Mar. 26
1882

1893 Oct. 25

1891 Mar. 25

1892 Aug. 31
1888 Sept. 26

1894 July 25

Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle.

•Holmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle.

Hooppell, Rev. Robert Eli, M.A.,LL.D.,D.C.L., F.R.A.S., Byers
Green, Spennymoor.

Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington.

Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle.

Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle.

Hoyle, Percy S., Randall, Wilson & Co., Bridgend, Glamorgan.

Huddart, Rev. G. A. W., LL.D., Kirklington Rectory, Bedale.

Hunter, Edward, North Eastern Bank, Elswick Road, New-
castle.

Hunter, Thomas, Jesmond Road, Newcastle.

Ingledew, Alfred Edward, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jesmond, Newcastle.

Jewell, R. Duncombe, 4 Park Place, St. James's, London.

Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding Mill.

Johnson, Rev. John, Huttou Rudby Vicarage, Yarm.

Joicey, Sir James, Bart., M.P., Longhirst, Morpeth.

Jones, Rev. W. M. O'Brady, St. Luke's Vicarage, Wallsend.
tKnowles, William Henry, 38 Grainger Street West, Newcastle.

Laing, Dr., Blyth.

Leeds Public Library, Commercial Street, Leeds.

Leitch, Rev. Richard, Osborne Villas, Newcastle.

Lennox, A. H,, Collingwood Street, Newcastle.

Liverpool Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian).

Lockhart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexbam.

Long, Rev. H. F., The Glebe, Bamburgh, Belford.

hJLongstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, The Crescent, Gateshead.

Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth, Northumberland.

Maas, Hans, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

Macarthy, George Eugene, 9 Dean Street, Newcastle.

McDowell, Dr. T. W., East Cottingwood, Morpeth.

Mackey, Matthew, 33 Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle.
tMackey, Matthew, Jun., 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle.

Maling, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle.

Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian).

Marshall, Frank, Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Martin, N. H., F.L.S., 8 Windsor Crescent, Newcastle.

Mather, Philip E., Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Maudlen, William, Gosfortb, Newcastle.
May, Thomas, 12 Salisbury Street, Warrington.
Mayo, William Swatling, Riding Mill-on-Tyne.
Mearns, William, M.D., Bewick Road, Gateshead.

THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

Date of Election.

1891 Jan. 28

1891 Aug. 26

1893 Dec. 20

1883 Mar. 28

1883 May 30

1883 Feb. 28

1883 Oct. 13

1886 Dec. 29

1883 June 27

1891 Sept. 30

1883 Feb. 28

1884 July
1895 Feb.
1883 Jan.
1893 Feb.

1885 May 27
1893 Feb. 22

1889 Aug. 28

1891 Feb. 18

1883 Mar. 28
1894 Dec. 19
1889 Aug. 28

1884 Dec. 30

1892 Mar. 30

1893 Mar. 29
1882

1891 Feb. 18
1884 Jan. 30

1892 Nov. 30
1884 Sept. 24
1880

1871

1879 Jan.

1888 Jan.

1892 Oct.

1880

1882

1854 Oct. 4

1887 Aug. 31

Melbourne Free Library (c/o Edward A. Petherick, 33 Paternoster
Row, London, E.C.)

Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

Mitchell, Charles, LL.D., Jesmond Towers, Newcastle.

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields.

Morrow, T. R., 2 St. Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts.

Morton, Henry Thomas, Twizell House, Belford, Northumberland.

Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle.

Murray, William, M.D., 9 Ellison Place, Newcastle.

Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland.

Newby, J. E., West Hunwick, co. Durham.

Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle.

Newcastle Public Library.

Newton, Robert, Warden House, Hexham.

Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields.

Nicholson, Joseph James, 8 North View, Heaton, Newcastle.

Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, Newcastle.

Northbourne, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent.
tNorthumberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland.

Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 7 Ellison Place, Newcastle.

Ord, John Robert, Haughton Hall, Darlington.

Ormond, Richard, 35 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.

Oswald, Joseph, 33 Mosley Street, Newcastle.

Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle.

Parkin, John S., 11 New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C.

Pattison, John, Colbeck Terrace, Tynemouth.

Pearson, Rev. Samuel, Percy Park, Tynemouth.

Pease, John William, Pendower, BenwelJ, Newcastle.

Pease, Howard, Bank, Newcastle.

Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge.

Percy, The Earl, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland.
tPhillips, Maberly, 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, R.S.O.

Philipson, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle.
tPhilipson, John, Victoria Square, Newcastle.

Pickering, William, Poplar Cottage, Longbenton, Newcastle.

Plummer, Arthur B., 2 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle.

Potts, Joseph, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle.

Proud, George, 128 Sidney Grove, Newcastle.

Proud, John, Bishop Auckland.

Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle.
tRaine, Rev. James, Canon of York.
tRavens worth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead.

Reavell, George, Jun. Alnwick.

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1895.)

Xli

Date of Election.

1882 ~

1883 June 27

1888 May 30
1894 Feb. 28
1892 June 29
1886 Feb. 24
1891 Aug. 26
1883 Sept. 26
1891 April 29
1894 May 30

1886 Nov. 24
1894 Jan. 31
1894 May 30

1891 July 29

1892 Mar. 30

1889 July 31
1877

1892 June 29

1883 Jan. 31

1892 Sept. 28

1884 July 30
1882

1894 Mar. 25

1877

1893 Mar. 8
1893 April 26

1892 Sept. 28
1891 Dec. 23

1887 Jan. 26

1888 July 25

1893 Nov. 29

1891 Sept. 30

1892 Aug. 31
1886 Feb. 24
1888 June 27
1883 Feb. 28
1888 Oct. 31
1891 July 29

1894 July 25
1894 Oct. 31

1888 Oct. 31

1889 May 29

Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle.

Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle.

Reed, The Rev. George, Ridley, Bardon Mill.

Reed, Thomas, King Street, South Shields.

Rees, John, 5 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle.

Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle.

Reid, George B., Leazes House, Newcastle.

Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle.

Reynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker.

Reynolds, Rev. G. M., Rector of Elwick Hall, Castle Eden, R.S.O.

Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle.

Richardson, Miss Alice M., Esplanade, Sunderland.

Richardson, Charles John, Cotfield House, Gateshead.

Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle.

Riddell, Edward Francis, Cheeseburn Grange, near Newcastle.

Ridley, John Philipsoo, Rothbury.

Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart., M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland.

Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswick, Coatham, Redcar.

Robinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle.

Robinson, James F., Burnopfield.

Robinson, John, 7 Choppington Street, Newcastle,

Robinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newcastle.

Robson, John Stephenson, Sunnilaw, Claremont Gardens, New-

castle.

Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Simon burn Rectory, Humshaugh.
Rowell, George, 100 Pilgrim Street, Newcastle.
Runciman, W., Fernwood House, Newcastle.
Rutherford, Henry Taylor, Blyth.

Rutherford, John V. W., Briarwood, Jesmond Road, Newcastle.
Ryott, William Henry, Collingwood Street, Newcastle.
Sanderson, Richard Burdou, Warren House, Belford.
Savage, Rev. H. E., St. Hilda's Vicarage, South Shields.
Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle.
Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle.
Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle.
Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland.

Sheppee, Lieutenant-Colonel, Picktree House, Chester- le-Street.
Shewbrooks, Edward, 2 West Avenue, Gosforth, Newcastle.
Sidney, Marlow William, Blyth.
Silburn, Miss Jessie, 7 Saville Place, Newcastle.
Silburn, Reginald J. S., 7 Saville Place, Newcastle.
Simpson, J. B., Hedgefield House, Blaydon-on-Tyne.
Sisson, Richard William, Grey Street, Newcastle.

Xlii THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE- UPON-TYNE.

Date of Election.

1892 Oc"t. 26
1888 Jan. 25
1891 Nov. 18

1893 Mar. 29
1883 June 27
1866 Jan. 3
1883 Dec. 27
1893 Mar. 8
1882

1891 Jan. 28

1883 Dec. 27
1882

1885 June 24
1873

1887 Mar. 30
1880

1892 Jan. 27

1879

1866 Dec. 5

1887 Nov. 30
1895 Feb. 27
1860 Jan. 6

1892 April 27

1884 Oct. 29

1883 Jan. 31

1893 May 31

1888 Aug. 29
1892 June 29

1891 Jan. 28
1888 Feb. 29
1888 Oct. 31

1888 Nov. 28

1894 Mar. 28

1892 July 27

1884 Mar. 26

1889 Oct. 30
1894 May 30
1884 Feb 27
1891 Mar 25

Skelly, George, Alnwick.

Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill-on-Tyne.

Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-Tyne.

Smith, William Arthur, 71 King Street, South Shields.

South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian).

tSpence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields.

Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newburn-on-Tyne.

Spensley, James Richardson, 1 Argyle Street, Sunderland.

Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham.

Steel, The Rev. James, Vicarage, Heworth.

Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland.

Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otterburn, R.S.O.

Stephenson, Thomas, 3 Framlington Place, Newcastle.

•Stevenson, Alexander Shannan, F.S.A. Scot., Oatlands Mere,

Weybridge, Surrey.

Straker, Jqseph Henry, Howdon Dene, Corbridge.
Strangeways, William Nicholas, 20 Harborne Road, Edgbaston.

Birmingham.
Sutherland, Charles James, M.D., Dacre House, Laygate Lane,

South Shields.

Swan, Henry F., North Jesmond, Newcastle.
Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland.
Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle.
Taylor, Rev. E. J., F.S.A., St. Cuthbert's, Durham.
Taylor, Hugh, 5 Fenchurch Street, London.
Taylor, Thomas, Chipchase Castle, Wark-on-Tyne.
Taylor, Rev. William, Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick.
Tennant, James, Low Fell, Gateshead.
Terry, C. S., The Minories, Jesmond, Newcastle.
Thompson, Geo. H., Baileygate, Alnwick.
Thomson, James, Jun., 22 Wentworth Place, Newcastle.
Thorne, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.
Thorpe, R. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle.
Todd, J. Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth.
Tomlinson, William W., 6 Bristol Terrace, Newcastle.
Toovey, Alfred F., Ovington Cottage, Prudhoe.
Toronto, University of (c/o Edward G. Allen, 28 Henrietta Street.

Co vent Garden, London, W.C.)
Tweddell, George, Grainger Ville, Newcastle.
Vick, R. W., Strathmore House, West Hartlepool.
Vincent, William, 18 Oxford Street, Newcastle.
Wadditigton, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead.
Walker, The Rev. John, Whalton Vicarage Morpeth

SOCIETIES WITH WHICH PUBLICATIONS ARE EXCHANGED. xliii

Date of Election.

1890 Aug. 27
1887 Mar. 30

1892 Oct. 26
1887 Jan. 26
1880

1889 Nov. 27

1893 April 26
1886 June 30

1892 Aug. 31

1893 Aug. 30

1891 Aug. 26

1885 May 27

1894 Jan. 31
1891 Sept. 30
1848 Feb.

1886 Nov. 24
1894 Oct. 31

Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near G-ateshead.
Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemouth.
Watson, Mrs. M. E., Burnopfield.

Watson, Thomas Carrick, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle.
tWelford, Richard, Thornfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle.
Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Alnwick.
White, Henry, Little Benton, Newcastle.
Wilkinson, Auburn, M.D., 14 Front Street, Tynemoutb.
Wilkinson, The Rev. Ed., M. A., Whitworth Vicarage, Spennymoor.
Wilkinson, William C., Dacre Street, Morpeth.
Williamson, Thomas, Jun., 39 Widdrington Terrace, North Shields.
Wilson, John, Archbold House, Newcastle.
Wilson, William Teasdale, M.D., 8 Derwent Place, Newcastle.
Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.
7 tWoodman, William, East Riding, Morpetb.

Wright, Joseph, Jun., Museum, Barras Bridge, Newcastle.
Young, Hugh W., F.S.A. Scot., 27 Lauder Road, Edinburgh.

SOCIETIES WITH WHICH PUBLICATIONS ARE EXCHANGED.

Antiquaries of London, The Society of, Burlington House, London (Assistant

Secretary, W. H. St. John Hope, M.A.)

Antiquaries of Scotland, The Society of (Dr. J. Anderson, Museum, Edinburgh).
Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The (The Secretary,

20 Hanover Square, London, W.)
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, The (Robert Cochrane, 7 St. Stephen's

Green, Dublin).

Royal Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, The
Royal Academy of History and Antiquities (c/o l)r. Anton Blomberg, Libra-
rian), Stockholm, Sweden.

Royal Society of Norway, The, Christiania, Norway.
Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, The (Secretary and Editor, James Hardy,

LL.D., Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B.)
Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, The (The Rev. W. Bazeley,

Matson Rectory, Gloucester).
British Archaeological Association, The (Secretaries, W. de Gray Birch, F.S.A.,

British Museum, and E. P. Loftus Brock, F.S.A., 27 Soho Square,

London, W.)
Cambrian Antiquarian Society, The (c/o J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A., 28 Great

Ormond Street, London, W.C.)
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The (Secretary, T. D. Atkinson, St. Mary's

Passage, Cambridge).
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The.

Xliv THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.

Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, The,

Tullie House, Carlisle.
Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The (Arthur Cox, Hon. Sec., Mill Hill,

Derby).

Folk Lore Society, The (G. L. Gomme, 1 Beverley Villas, Barnes, London).
Heidelberg Historical and Philosophical Society, Heidelberg, Germany.
Huguenot Society, The (c/o Reg. S. Faber, Secretary, 10 Primrose Hill Road,

London, N.W.)
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The (R. D. Radcliffe, M.A., Hon.

Secretary, Old Swan, Liverpool).

London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The (8 Danes Inn, London).
Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The (Verein fiir

nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte forschung).
Numismatic Society of London, The, 22 Albemarle Street, London, W.

(Secretaries, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head).

Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the, Harvard University, U S.A.
Powys-land Club, The (Editor, Morris C. Jones, F.S.A., Gungrog Hall,

Welshpool).
Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (Secretary, Francis

Goyne, Shrewsbury).

Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S.A.
Socie'te' d'Arch^ologie de Bruxelles, La (rue Ravenstein 11, Bruxelles).
Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (c/o Curator,

W. Bidgood, Castle, Taunton, Somersetshire).
Surrey Archaeological Society, The (c/o Hon. Sec., Mill Stephenson, 8 Danes Inn,

Strand, London, W.C.)

Sussex Archaeological Society, The (C. T. Phillips, Hon. Librarian and Curator)
Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany.
Yorkshire Archaeological Society, The (G. W. Tomlinson, Hon. Sec., Wood

Field, Huddersfield).

The Proceedings of the Society are also sent to the following :—

Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain.

The British Museum, London.

Prof. Ad. de Ceuleneer, Rue de la Lieve 9, Ghent, Belgium.

The Rev. Dr. Cox, Holdenby Rectory, Northampton.

W. J. Cripps, C.B., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester.

J. Hardy, LL.D., Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B.

Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle.

Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris.

The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle.

The Bishop of Durham, Bishop Auckland.

The Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Witton-le-Wear.

T. M. Fallow, Esq., Coatham, Redcar.

DA
670
N79A6
rus.v.l?

Archaeologia aeliana

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