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ARCHAEOLOGIA AELIANA.
VOL. XVIII.
ARCHAEOLOGIA AELIANA:
OB,
Cract*
RELATING TO ANTIQUITIES.
PUBLISHED BY THB
SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.
VOLUME XVIII.
LONDON AND NEWCASTLE-UPON-TVNE i
AXDIIEW REID & Co., LIMITED, FEINTING COUKT BUILDINGS, AkEirsibE HILL;
LONDON OFFICE : 10, BOLT COURT, FLEET STREET, B.C.
M.DCCC.XCVI.
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNK :
ANDREW REID AND COMPANY, LIMITED, PRINTING COURT BUILDINGS,
AKENSIDE BILL.
C'O.N.T E N T S .
PAGE.
Contributions of Plates, Photographs, etc vi.
Corrections vi.
List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc. vii&viii.
Annual Keports (including those of Curators and Treasurer) ... ix-xvi.
Donations to Museum during year 1895 ... ... xiii.
Treasurer's Statement xvii.
Qouncil and Officers for 1896 xix.
Honorary Members xx.
Ordinary Members ... ... ... xxi.
Societies with which Publications are exchanged xxix.
I. — The Walls of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. By Sheriton Holmes... 1
II. — Notes of the Family of Hebburn of Hebburn. By J. Crawford
Hodgson 26
III. — Monuments in the Athol Chantry, St. Andrew's Church,
Newcastle. By John Kobinson ... 37
IIIo. — Note on the Athol Matrix in the same Church. By Oswin
J. Charlton .- 49
IV. — Obituary Notices of Deceased Members : —
1. Professor George Stephens, F.S.A. By T. Hodgkin,
D.C.L., etc 50
2. Wm. Woodman, a V.P. By J. Crawford Hodgson ... 53
3. The Eev. George Home Hall, F.S.A., a V.P. By
R. Cecil Hedley 57
V. — Tynemouth Castle after the Dissolution of the Monastery.
By Horatio A. Adamson, V.P. 67
VI. — The Literary History of the Eoman Wall. By Thomas
Hodgkin, D.C.L., F.S.A., etc 83
VII.— The Town Wall of Newcastle in Gallowgate. By S. Holmes 109
VIII.— The Chapel of Auckland Castle. By the Rev. J. F. Hodgson,
Vicar of Witton-le-Wear ... 113
IX. — TJie Six Newcastle Chares destroyed by the Fire of 1854. By
F. W. Dendy ... ... 241
X.— Ruins of Buildings once existing on the Quayside, Newcastle.
By D. Embleton, M.D. 258
Index 265
CONTRIBUTIONS OF PLATES, ETC.
Thanks are given to the following Contributors :
Adamson, Mr. Horatio A.: for plate XV., plan of Tynemouth Castle, temp.
Eliz., and loan of drawing of Tynemouth Castle, facing p. 80, and photo-
graph from which plan on page 78 was prepared.
Charlton, Mr. Oswin J. : for rubbing of Athol matrix, plate X.
Hicks, Mr. W. S. : for plan of St. Andrew's Church. Newcastle, plate IX.
Holmes, Mr. Sheriton : plans and drawings illustrating his paper on the Walls
of Newcastle, pp. 1-25, and p. 112.
Kilburn. Mr. H. : for photographs of interior of Auckland Castle Chapel,
plates XVIII. and XXI.
Mackey, Mr. M. : loan of Oliver's plan from which block on p. 243 made.
Park, Mr. Frederick : for photograph of Town Wall of Newcastle, in Gallow-
gate, on page 111.
Spence, C. J. : for photograph of old houses formerly on quay, plate XXX.
Woodman, Miss: for photograph of her father, the late W. Woodman, V.P.,
and plate facing p. 51.
CORRECTIONS.
Page 108, line 1, for 'Conquestre' read ' Conquestu.'
Page 106, line 12 from bottom, for 'maceriens' read 'maceriem.'
Page 106, line 6 from bottom, for ' servatus' read ' servatis.'
Page 107, line 8 from bottom, for ' Axeladuno ' read ' Axeloduno.'
Page 105, line 21, delete stop after B/>eTTui//a.
Page 215, line 9 from bottom, for ' Morton ' read ' Morley.'
Vll
LIST OF PLATES.
I. — Carliol Tower, Newcastle
to face p. 1
II. — Plan of Newcastle, showing Walls, etc
III. — Wall Turret, St. Andrew's Churchyard, Newcastle...
IV — The Herber Tower Newcastle . ... ... ...
» ,, 8
„ ,, 10
14
V. — Plans, Sections, etc., of Herber Tower
VI.— Wall Chamber adjoining the Wall Knoll Tower,
., ,, I*
„ „ 18
VII. — Plan of Wall Knoll Tower
°0
VIII.— The Town Wall, Pandon, and Corner Tower, New-
castle, in 1882
„ „ 22
„ ., 38
X. — Matrix of Athol Brass, St. Andrew's Church, New-
castle ...
„ 48
XI. — Portrait of Professor George Stephens, F.S.A. (Hon.
Member)
50
XII.— Portrait of William Woodman, V.P
XIII.— Portrait of the Rev. G. Rome Hall, F.S.A., V.P. ...
XIV.— Gateway of Tynemouth Castle, about 1780
XV. — Plan of Tynemouth Castle, temp. Queen Elizabeth...
XVI.— Tynemouth Castle from the South, about 1786,
from a drawing by Ralph Walters
XVII.— The ' Written Rock ' on the river Gelt
XVIII. — Auckland Castle Chapel, Interior from North-East
XIX. — Plan of Fountains Abbey
„ „ .54
„ „ 58
,. ., 62
» » 76
» » 80
., >, 98
„ » 113
129
XX.— Auckland Castle Chapel, Portion of East Wall
XXI. — „ „ „ Interior, looking East
XXII. — „ „ „ Details of Mouldings
XXIII.— „ „ „ ., Pillars, etc. ...
XXIV. — „ „ „ „ Capitals, etc. ...
XXV. — „ „ „ „ Arch-moulds, etc.
xxvi.- „
XXVII. — „ „ „ Interior, looking West ...
XXVIII. — „ „ ., Bucks' view of exterior . . .
XXIX. — Speed's Map of Newcastle
„ „ 142
n „ 170
» „ 172
,. » 172
.-
,; ,, 178
» „ 179
„ ., 190
„ » 210
„ , 241
XXX. — Old Houses formerly on Quayside, Newcastle
XXXI. — Plan shewing the new streets on site of destroyed
» ,, 246
Chares, Quayside, Newcastle „ „ 248
Vlll
WOODCUTS, ETC.
PAGE.
Portion of Shaft of Pre-Conquest Cross from Tynemouth xv.
Newcastle Town Wall — Character of Masonry in Hanover Square, east
face 3
„ „ South of Ever Tower 4
„ „ St. Andrew's Church ... ... 5 & 6
„ White Friar Tower 11
„ Roman Inscriptions from Site of Wall Knoll ... ... 12
„ Stone Figure from Wall 24
Flint Implement from Chollerford 59
Gateway of Tynemouth Castle in 1773 60
' A Plan of Tinmouth Castle,' etc _ 78
The Town Wall of Newcastle in Gallowgate Ill
Section of do. ... ... ... ... ... 112
Ely — Part of Arcade of Infirmary Hall 121
„ Details of do 122 & 123
Peterborough — Arcade of Infirmary Hall 126
Oakham Hall — Side Windows (exterior and interior) 132 & 133
Lincoln Palace — Plan showing relative proportions of Halls ... ... 134
„ Longitudinal Section of Great Hall 135
„ Side Windows of do 136
Winchester Castle — One Bay of Hall showing Window with Seat ... 139
Seal of Bishop Pudsey 141
Warkworth Castle — View of Interior of Chapel looking East 148
East Hendred Manor House — Longitudinal Section of Chapel 149
Canterbury Cathedral— Capitals of Choir 174
Auckland Castle Chapel— Capital 176
Seal of Bishop Beck 232
Plan shewing destroyed Chares on Quayside, Newcastle 243
IX
REPORT
OF
&ocfetg of
OF
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.
ANNUAL MEETING, M.DCCC.XCVL
THE Newcastle-upon-Tyne Society of Antiquaries has not much of
especial interest to report for the year 1895. The publication of the
new County History of Northumberland is being steadily proceeded
with, and the third volume, dealing with Hexham, is now completed
and will be issued shortly.
An important contribution to the medieval history of our city
has been made by our member Mr. F. W. Dendy, who has edited for the
Surtees Society the first volume of Extracts from the Records of the
Merchant Adventurers of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. This volume contains
(in the words of the preface) 'a fairly complete history of the
company as a burghal merchants' guild.' A second volume will, it is
hoped, give an account of the transactions of the company as a foreign
trading company, and will also furnish some valuable materials to the
local genealogist. The interest of the present volume is much
enhanced by a carefully- written introduction, tracing 'the early
prosperity and the subsequent decay of the gild system,' as illustrated
by these records.
The exploration of the Roman camp at Great Chesters has been
successfully prosecuted by the Northumberland Excavation Committee,
and the excavations have disclosed the existence of a western gateway
unknown to Bruce and Maclauchlan. Interesting evidences are afforded
of at least three distinct periods in the history of the camp, separated
by intervening periods of demolition. The committee earnestly hopes
to continue the operations in the central part of the camp next
summer, but unless subscriptions are furnished on a more liberal
scale than during the past year the work will have to be restricted to
a very narrow area.
In connection with the operations undertaken by the Cumberland
Society at Walltown, our member and vice-president, Mr. Cad-
wallader J. Bates, has discovered what appear to be the traces of a
turf wall, similar to that which the Glasgow explorers have found
between Forth and Clyde. It is too early as yet to appraise the
consequences of this discovery, which may open out one of the most
interesting chapters in the story of the scientific exploration of the
Roman Wall.
In this connection we ought also to mention that it is to Mr.
Bates that we are indebted for a very valuable and thorough History
of Northumberland, published in Mr. Elliot Stock's series of county
histories. This is, we believe, the first time that an author has been
found capable of compressing the rich and varied history of our
county within the compass of a single volume without omitting any
important particulars.
During the year discoveries have been made in the great hall of
the keep, elucidating some structural features of the castle of New-
castle, which will be noted in a paper to be read at a future meeting.
The first part of the general index is ready for issue to members
who puy in advance the sum of 5s. per copy, which we have thought
a proper sum to charge for it.
We appointed a sub-committee to consider the financial position
of the society, in view of the fact that the expenditure for the year
1895 exceeded the income by the sum of £70 13s. 2d., and the
following is their report to us, which we recommend to the society for
adoption : —
In the year 1890 the council, basing its calculations upon an annual income
of £446, apportioned the expenditure among the various departments as
follows : —
Per Annum.
ArcJiaeologia
£
80
rXUUUUl.
s. d.
0 0
Proceedings
45
0 0
Illustrations
55
0 0
Books for library
30
0 0
Castle
80
0 0
Black Gate
35
0 0
Museum
10
0 0
Sundries
70
0 0
Secretary
40
0 0
£445 0 0
XI
During that year (1890) the expenditure was a few pounds within the allotted
sums, but every subsequent year has shown an increase, culminating in an aggre-
gate excess of £281, of which £118 is attributable to this last year.
The department in which the largest increase has occurred is that of the
Archaeologia. For the six years 1890-95 the expenditure at £80 per annum
should have been £480. The actual outlay has been £687, showing an excess of
£207, of which sum £58 is attributable to 1895, and £75 to 1891. It is to be
noted, however, that whereas in the five years 1890-94 only three volumes (XIV-
XVI.) of Archaeologia were issued, a whole volume (XVII.) has been completed
in 1895.
We have ascertained the approximate cost of these four volumes, and find it
to be —
£ s. d.
Vol. XIV.— 489 pages 160 0 0
„ XV.— 455 „ 149 0 0
„ XVI.— 540 „ 171 0 0
, XVII.— 362 , 118 0 0
£598 0 0
Leaving for covers and illustrations, etc. 89 1 9
Making a total of £687 1 9
Another department in which there has been a substantial increase is that of
books purchased for the society's library. For the six years above-named the
allotted expenditure amounted to £180, the sum spent was £238, an excess of
£58.
The aggregate expenditure upon the castle has exceeded the allotment by £18,
the item of sundries shows an excess of £13, the Proceedings £10, and the Black
Gate £6. The remaining departments show a saving — museum £24, and illustra-
tions £8. All these figures are even pounds, omitting shillings and pence.
It must be borne in mind that although the expenditure has greatly exceeded
the allotment the income of the society since the allotment was made shows a
material increase. Over the estimate of £445 the annual augmentations of
income have been as follows :— For 1890, £1 Is. lOd. ; 1891, £87 4s. ; 1892, £53
11s. 4d. ; 1893, £41 17s. ; 1894, £45 12s. Id. ; 1895, £47 18s. lid. ; making a
total of £277 5s. 2d.
If these figures be deducted from the £281 3s. 10d., by which the six years'
outlay exceeds the allotment, it will be found that the excess is £3 18s. 8d., in
other words, that we have spent all our income in that period, and £3 18s. 8d.
beyond.
The sub-committee is of opinion that a new scheme of apportionment
should now be made, and that great care should be taken to keep each depart-
ment within the prescribed limits of expenditure.
The council is therefore recommended to adopt the following : —
Xll
The sum' allotted to the Archaeologist Adiana to be ... £100 0 0
Being an increase of £20 per annum upon the sum
apportioned in 1890, the editor to reduce the size of the
separate parts issued, in conformity with this recommenda-
tion.
The sum allotted to the Proceedings to be 55 0 0
Being an increase of £10 per annum to cover the cost
of printing the Parish Registers, the editor is advised not
to repeat, details of places previously visited, or of which
adequate descriptions have been already published in the
Proceedings or Archaeologia Aelia,na.
The sum to be spent upon books for the library each year
not to exceed ••• ••• 20 0 0
£175 0 0
Other items to remain the same, namely : — Illustrations, £55 ; the Castle, £80 ;
the Black Gate, £35; the Museum, £10; Sundries, £70; Secretary, £40;
total, £465.
The income for 1895 was £492 18s. lid., and assuming that the income for
1896 is no less, the observance of the recommendations herein contained will
leave a credit balance of £27 18s. lid.
The following is the report of the curators to us : —
' The objects presented to the museum in the past year numbered
twenty-six. Seventeen of these are domestic and other articles, of
comparatively recent date ; the remaining items include one engraving,
one plan, a large utensil of hewn sandstone, a medieval vaulting boss,
a pre-Conquest fragment, the large Roman stone from Corstopitum,
and the classical capital and base now placed at the entrance of the
library.
It has been found difficult to utilize the three cases which occupied
the floor of the uppermost apartment of the Black Gate museum.
These cabinets were made for the narrow window-splays of the Old
Castle, and, when removed to their new positions at the Black Gate,
they not only proved inefficient, but added an ungainly feature to the
room. In order, therefore, to adapt them to the place, their entire
reconstruction, a work of considerable expence, became necessary. In
your curators' last report it was mentioned that two new cabinets of
special design had been presented for the Roman room of the museum ;
from the same source, the whole cost of reconstructing and enlarging
the three old cases has been defrayed. The appearance of the museum
Xlll
is greatly enhanced by this improvement, and it has now become possible
to proceed with the re-arrangement of the society's collection. When
this is completed the museum will be rendered of increasing value to
students of archaeology, and will become, it is hoped, an attraction to
the public at large. The importance of the latter consideration is
apparent in view of the continuous annual loss which the maintenance
of the museum entails upon the society. Your curators suggest the
desirability of adopting means to popularise this important collection
of antiquities.
The cannons which lay on the basement floor of the keep have
now been mounted and placed in positions favourable for the inspection
of these important examples of ancient gunnery.
The ordnance upon the gun platforms of the keep remain in the
deplorable state already reported by your curators, and with each year
the decay of the gun carriages increases. Some of the cannons are
dismounted, and now lie where their neglected state adds an unsightly
feature to the battlements and an element of danger to the visitor.
The guns are public property, and are only within the province of the
society as their custodians. In this relation it is suggested that an
application to the proper quarter would, with little difficulty, obtain a
grant of discarded ship's carriages suitable for the remount of the
ordnance. If any further inducement is required to urge this repair,
it is in the interest attaching to these relics of old Newcastle. Their
salutes accompanied the civic pageant and played their part in every
public demonstration of joy. Thus, as old servants of the town, if
not of the state, they appeal for our consideration.'
DONATIONS TO THE MUSEUM.
1895.
Jan. 30. From Mr. CHARLES JOHNSON—
Large iron key, from Old Mansion House, Newcastle.
A bundle of ' spunks ' (brimstone matches for use with a tinder box).
Three ' steels,' for striking with flint.
Two portable boxes of steel, one of which is intended for holding
tinder and the other a flint.
Oval plate ; one of the plates formerly affixed by fire insurance
companies to the houses insured by them. This plate was removed
from the Tiger inn, west end of the Close, Newcastle. It bears
the device and policy number of the Newcastle Fire Office (Proc.
vol. vii. p. 2).
XIV
Apr. 24. From Mr. HOBATIO A. ADAMSON (vice-president) —
Corinthian capital and base of a column, brought from a ruined
temple at Ascalon, Syria. These relics were purchased in 1875 by
the master of the s.s. ' Ethelred,' of North Shields, who happened
to visit Ascalon whilst excavations were in progress (Proc. vol.
vii. pp. 42, 50, and 52).
From Mr. SHERITON HOLMES (treasurer)—
A plan of the Roman station at Great Chesters (Aesica), from the
survey by himself (ibid. vol. vii. p. 42).
May 29. From Mr. GEORGE CABB, Goldspink Cottage —
Papier-mache snuff box, three and a half inches diameter, and a
cigar case of the same material. Both of these are decorated with
painted figures.
From Mr. T. G. GIBSON —
A parcel of old deeds, damaged by the great fire resulting from the
explosion at Gateshead in 1854.
From Mr. JOHN A. DOTCHIN —
A large teapot of white earthenware, from the Old Mansion House,
Newcastle.
From the Rev. Canon RAINE (vice-president) —
Matrix of a small oval seal, bearing the arms of Newcastle, and
inscribed round the verge: 'NEWCASTLE INSTITUTE FOB THE
GENERAL PROMOTION OP THE FINE ARTS,' and under the arms,
•Established A.D. 1823.'
From Mr. T. H. ROBINSON. Corbridge —
A large oblong tombstone of the Roman period, measuring forty-four
inches by twenty-four inches, and six inches thick. It was found
in digging the foundations for houses at Trinity Terrace, Cor-
bridge, a little east of the site of the Roman Corstopitum, and
near it were also found two large vennel stones apparently on the
site of a conduit used for bringing water from the direction of
Prior Mains to the station. The tombstone shows signs of cal-
cination, and is completely shattered. Under a pediment, in
which an object like a fir cone appears, the lettering is apparently
D.M. | IVL PR////SVE | CO//VGIC | PC.
From the Rev. R. COULTON (vicar of Kirkmerrington) —
An early eighteenth-century medal of brass, with a stem, probably
used as a pipe stopper, representing on one side the head
of a pope, on the other that of a cardinal, found in Kirkmerrington
churchyard. When the medal is turned upside down the profiles
appear as the devil and a fool respectively (Proa, vol vii. p. 50).
July 31. From Mr. W. RINGWOOD—
Old padlock, measuring twelve inches long by six inches across at
its widest part, having keyhole cover opening with a spring catch.
Large key for above.
A flint and steel mill, as used by miners, but adapted subsequently
for turning a small grindstone (Proc. vol. vii. p. 94).
XV
Aug. 28. From The Rev. E. HUSSBY ADAMSON (vice-president) —
Framed engraving representing a coat of arms showing all the
quarterings of the Percy family, together with a letterpress key
to the same (ibid. vol. vii. p. 134).
From Mr. GEORGE IRVING —
Two phials containing charred wheat from the Roman camps at
Birrens and at Great Chesters (ibid. vol. vii. p. 134).
Nov. 27. From Mr. W. A. OLIVER, Newcastle —
A circular vessel of hewn sandstone found in an excavation at the
back of Rewcastle Chare during the current month. It measures
about thirty inches diameter, is roughly hewn, and appears to
have been used in some process of manufacture (ibid. vol. vii.
p. 153).
Dec. 18. From Mr. CHAS. L. BELL, Woolsington —
Carved vaulting boss, sixteen inches diameter, with crouching
figures clasped, of probably early fifteenth-century date. Origin
unknown (ibid. vol. vii. p. 161).
From Mr. S. S. CARR—
Fragment of the shaft of a pre-Conquest cross found in the castle
yard, Tynemouth (ibid. vol. vii. pp. 161 and 163).
PORTION OF SHAFT or PRE-CONQUEST CROSS FROM TYNEMOUTH
XVI
The following is the
REPORT OF THE TREASURER
for the year ending December 31st, 1895 : —
' During the past year there has been a loss of 30 members arising
from deaths, resignations, and other causes, and 21 members have been
elected. The present number of ordinary members is 329, of whom
four are life members.
The balance of revenue account carried forward to 1896 is £130
11s. 10d., and the capital invested in 2| per cent, consols now amounts
to £49 8s. 9d.
During the year £100 of the bank balance has been placed on
deposit account with our bankers, Messrs. Lambton & Co., in accord-
ance with a resolution of the council.
The total income from all sources has been £492 18s. lid., which
is slightly in advance of 1894 ; but the expenditure has been very con-
siderably increased beyond that of the previous year, and has amounted
to £563 12s. Id., an increase of £56 13s. 6d. over that of 1894, and
which leaves a debit balance upon the year of £70 13s. 2d.
This increase of expenditure has arisen chiefly under the heads of
Archaeologia, Proceedings, and the purchase of books, though it may
be noted that the cost of the Proceedings has been swollen by the
printing of the registers of the parish of Esh, which have occupied
about fifty pages.
The receipts from members' subscriptions have been £333 18s., a
falling off of fourteen guineas from that of the previous year.
The sale of the society's publications has amounted to £31 7s. 9d.,
compared with £16 3s. 9d. during 1894.
The expenditure for the castle is about £8 over that of last year,
but it includes a sum of £17 paid for a case to hold the numerous
woodcuts and other blocks belonging to the society. The expenditure
on the Black Gate is nearly the same as last year, but the receipts show
an increase of £5 8s. 4d., which is curious, as during the year the castle
receipts have decreased about £4. The balance of receipts against
expenditure upon the two places for the year shows a loss of £2 7s. lOd.
Sheriton Holmes, Hon. Treasurer.'
XV11
Sheriton Holmes, Treasurer, in account with the Society of Antiquaries
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
STATEMENT OF RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE FOR THE YEAR ENDING
DECEMBER 31si, 1895.
Receipts. Expenditure.
£ s. d. £ s. d.
Balance on January 1st, 1895 201 5 0
Members' Subscriptions ... ;. ... 333 18 0
Castle 102 10 6 91 19 6
Black Gate 25 2 8 38 1 6
Museum ... 2 13 10
Books 31 7 9 47 19 1
Archaeologia Aeliana ... ... ... ... ... ... 138 8 6
Proceedings and Registers ... 75 3 9
Illustrations ... ... .. ... 56 7 5
Sundries ... 72 18 6
Secretary (clerical assistance) ... ... ... ... ... 40 0 0
Balance 130 11 10
£694 3 11 £694 3 11
Capital account.
£ s. d. £ s. d.
Invested in 2| per cent. Consols 42 18 5
Interest to end of 1895 610 4
49 8 9
£49 8 9
Audited and certified,
J. A. DIXON.
R. W. SISSON.
24th January, 1896.
details of Bjpenfciture.
CASTLE— £ s. d.
Salaries 6516 0
Gas 056
Water 060
Property Tax 1 10 6
Insurance ... ... 076
Rent 026
Sundries : Coal, Firewood, etc. ... 2 14 5
Curtains for Library ... 2 16 1
Excavations in Walls of Keep 0 11 0
Case for Wood Blocks, etc 1710 0
£91 19 6
VOL XVIII. C
XV111
BLACK GATE- & f> d-
ar-- ::: ::: ::: ? " I
Water '". I!! 100
Property Tax
Insurance
Rent 100
Repairs
Sundries (Coal, etc.) 1
Bell Fixing
ShowCase 0 12 6
£38 1 6
MUSEUM — £ s- d.
Engraved Plate for Mr. Walker's Portrait
Carriage of Stones from Aesica 0 9 10
Cases for Roman Slabs 1 18 0
£2 13 10
BOOKS BOUGHT— £ s. d.
Cohen's Medailles Imperiales ... 0 16 0
Boecking's Notitia Dignitatuin ... 0 18 0
Tanner's Notitia Monastica 3 12 6
Reports of German Limes Commission 0 7 10
Cumberland Worthies, 6 vols ... 0 18 0
Sharp's Hartlepool 086
Summers's Sunderland ... ... 110
Calendar of State Papers, 2 vols. ... ... ... ... ... 1 10 0
Surtees Society publications, vols. 13, 15, 24, 36, 82 5 18 6
Northumberland County History, vol. 2 ... 110
Tomlinson'a Denton Hall ... ... ... ... 0 12 6
Year-book of Societies ... ... ... ... ... ... 076
Antike Denkmaler ... ... ... 212
Haswell's The Maister 0 10 6
Reliquary and Antiquary 192
Transactions of the Imperial German Archaeological lustitute 2 10 6
Bates's History of Northumberland ... 060
The London Companies ... 0 10 0
Shelf Register for the Library ... ... ... 10 5 0
Waters for binding Books . ... 928
General Index to Society's Transactions 3 12 9
£47 19 1
SUNDRIES— £ s. d.
Cheque Book 050
Nicholson for general printing 25 12 6
Reid & Co. do. do. 631
Hughes for Frames ... ... ... .. ... 046
Moor for re-caning Chairs 1 19 8
Gibson, postage and carriage 12 5 0
Income Tax ... ... ... 044
Subscription — Harleian Society 110
Do. — Surtees Society 110
Secretary's petty disbursements 18 0 5
Treasurer's do. do. .. 266
Index to Archaeologia - .. 330
Sundries .. 0 12 6
£72 18 6
XIX
THE COUNCIL AND OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR M.DCCC.XCVI.
{patron.
HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
president.
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF RAVENSWORTH.
DiceHPresioents.
THE REV. EDWARD HUSSEY ADAMSON.
HORATIO ALFRED ADAMSON.
CADWALLADER JOHN BATES, M.A.
JOHN CROSSE BROOKS.
SIR WILLIAM GROSSMAN, K.C.M.G., F.S.A.
ROBERT RICHARDSON DEES.
DENNIS EMBLETON, M.D.
THE REV. WILLIAM GREENWELL, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., &c.
WILLIAM HILTON DYER LONGSTAFFE.
JOHN PHILIPSON.
THE REV. JAMES RAINE, M.A.
ALEXANDER SHANNAN STEVENSON, F.S.A. SCOT.
Secretaries,
THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., F.S.A.
ROBERT BLAIR, F.S.A.
treasurer.
SHERITON HOLMES.
Boitor.
ROBERT BLAIR.
^Librarian.
MATTHEW MACKEY, JTTN.
Curators.
CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.
RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.
Huoitors.
JOHN PHILIPSON.
JOHN MARTIN WINTER.
Council.
REV. CUTHBERT EDWARD ADAMSON, M.A.
FREDERICK WALTER DENDY.
JOHN PATTISON GIBSON.
JOHN VESSEY GREGORY.
RICHARD OLIVER HESLOP.
CHARLES CLEMENT HODGES.
JOHN CRAWFORD HODGSON.
WILLIAM HENRY KNOWLES.
MABERLY PHILLIPS, F.S.A.
CHARLES JAMES SPENCE.
WILLIAM WEAVER TOMLINSON.
RICHARD WELFORD.
MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE ON THE
1ST MARCH, 1896.
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Date of Election.
1851 Feb. 3
1855 Jan. 3
1883 June 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27
1883 June 27
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1886 June 30
1888 Jan. 25
1892 Jan. 27
1892 May 25
Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Gainsborough.
J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Mayfield, Orchard Road, Blackheath,
Kent.
Professor Emil Hiibner, LL.D., Ahornstrasse 4, Berlin.
Professor Mommsen, Marchstrasse 8, Cbarlottenburg bei Berlin.
Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm.
Sir Augustus Wollaston Franks, K.C.B., P.S.A., Keeper of British
Antiquities in the British Museum, London.
Ernest Chantre, Lyons.
Ellen King Ware (Mrs.), The Abbey, Carlisle.
Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &c., Utrecht, Holland.
Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c., Cambridge.
David Mackinlay, 6 Great Western Terrace, Glasgow.
General Pitt- Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury.
Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., fcc., Nash Mills, Hemcl
Hempstead.
Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg.
LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1896.)
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
XXI
The sign * indicates that the member has compounded for his subscription,
t that the member is one of the Council. J indicates a life-member.
Date of Election.
1885 Mar. 25
1883 Aug. 29
1843 April 4
1873 July
1892 Aug. 31
1885 Oct. 28
1895 July 31
1885 June 24
1886 Jan. 27
1893 Sept. 27
1885 Dec. 30
1889 Mar. 27
1884 Jan. 30
1892 Mar. 30
1882
1894 Mar. 25
1893 Feb. 22
1894 Oct. 31
1889 July 31
1891 July 29
1894 July 25
1892 April 27
1874 Jan. 7
1892 Mar. 30
1888 Sept. 26
1892 Dec. 28
1892 June 29
1888 April 25
1891 July 29
1871
1883 Dec. 27
1883 Dec. 27
1883 June 27
1892 May 25
1888 Sept. 26
Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle.
fAdamson, Rev. Cuthbert Edward, Westoe, South Shields.
fAdamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, St. Alban's, Felling, R.S.O.
fAdamson, Horatio Alfred, 29 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.
Adamson, Lawrence William, LL.D., 2 Eslington Road, Newcastle.
Adie, George, 46 Bewick Road. Gateshead.
Allan, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle.
Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexham.
Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Titlington Hall, Alnwick.
Archer, Mark, Farnacres, Gateshead.
Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbury.
Armstrong, Watson-. W. A., Cragside, Rothbury.
Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle.
Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham.
fBates, Cadwallader John. M.A., Langley Castle, Langley, North-
umberland.
Bates, Stuart Frederick, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle.
Baumgartner, John Robert, 10 Eldon Square, Newcastle.
Beckingham, F. H., Westward House, Ryton.
Bell, Charles Loraine, Woolsington, Newcastle.
Bell, John E., Bell & Dunn, Queen Street, Newcastle.
Bell, W. Heward, Holt, Trowbridge, Wiltshire.
Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland.
fBlair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields.
Blenkinsopp, Thomas, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle.
Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Humshaugh.
Bodleian Library, The, Oxford.
Bolam, John, Bilton, Lesbury, R.S.O., Northumberland.
Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed.
Bond, William Bownas, Northumberland Street, Newcastle.
Booth, John, Shotley Bridge.
Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland.
Boutflower, Rev. D. S., Newbottle Vicarage, Fence Houses.
Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle.
Bowes, John Bosworth, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle.
Boyd, George Fenwick, Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland.
XX11 THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYfTE.
Date of Election
1894 Feb. 28
1891 Dec. 23
1891 Oct. 28
1892 Aug. 31
1866 Mar. 7
1860 Jan. 4
1892 Feb. 24
1865 Aug. 2
1891 Dec. 23
1891 July 29
1893 June 28
1884 Sept. 24
1891 Sept. 30
1889 April 24
1888 Nov. 28
1884 Dec. 30
1887 Nov. 30
1892 Mar. 30
1885 April 29
1892 Dec. 28
1877
1892 July 27
1882
1894 Jan. 31
1887 Oct. 26
1892 Feb. 24
1885 Nov. 25
1895 Sept. 25
1885 May 27
1895 Nov. 27
1896 Jan. 29
1883 Dec. 27
1893 July 26
1892 Aug. 31
1886 Sept. 29
1893 July 26
1887 Jan. 26
1892 Oct. 26
1888 Feb. 29
1896 Feb. 26
Boyd, William, North House, Long Benton.
Braithwaite, John, 21 Landsdowne Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle.
Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle.
Brewis, Parker, Ellesmere, Jesmond, Newcastle.
fBrooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle.
Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwhistle.
Brown, George T., 17 Fawcett Street, Sunderland.
Brown, Ralph, Benwell Grange, Newcastle.
Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham.
*Browne, A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittingham, R.S.O. '
Browne, Thomas Procter, Grey Street, Newcastle.
Bruce, Sir Gainsford, Yewhurst, Bromley. Kent.
Burman, 0. Clark, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without,
Alnwick.
Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Coxhoe, Durham.
Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead.
Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcastle.
Cackett, James Thoburn, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle.
Campbell, John McLeod, 4 Winchester Terrace, Newcastle.
Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton.
Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympston, near Exeter.
Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O.
Carr, Sidney Storey, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.
Carr, Rev. T. W., Barming Rectory, Maidstone, Kent.
Carse, John Thomas, Amble, Acklington.
Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle.
Charlton, Oswin J., B.A., LL.B., 122 Northumberland Street,
Newcastle.
Charlton, William L. S., Reenes, Bellingham, North Tyne.
Chester, Mrs., Stamfordham, Newcastle.
Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne,
Librarian). .
Clapham, William, Park Villa, Darlington.
Clayton, John Bertram, Chesters, Humshaugh, Northumberland.
Clephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead.
Cooper, Robert Watson, 2 Sydenham Terrace, Newcastle.
Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Sunderland.
Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle.
Corder, Walter Shewell, North Shields.
Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon.
Cress well, G. G. Baker, Junior United Service Club, London, S.W.
•Grossman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Cheswick House, Beal.
Cruddas, W. D., M.P., Haughton Castle, Humshaugh.
LIST OF MEMBEES. (1st March, 1896.)
XX111
Date of Election.
1889 Aug. 28
1888 Mar. 28
1891 Nov. 18
1844 about
1887 Aug. 31
1893 July 26
1884 Mar. 26
1893 Mar. 9
1883 June 27
1884 Aug. 27
1884 July 2
1894 July 25
1884 July 30
1892 Nov. 30
1884 Mar. 26
1891 Aug. 31
1888 June 27
1881
1876
1895 May 29
1884 Feb. 27
1886 May 26
1883 Oct. 31
1886 Aug. 28
1865 Aug. 2
1875
1894 Nov. 28
1884 Jan. 30
1894 May 30
1887 Dec. 28
1894 Oct. 31
1894 Oct. 31
1890 Mar. 26
1895 Jan. 30
1892 April 27
1892 Aug. 31
1859 Dec. 7
1883 Oct. 31
1879
1878
1896 Jan. 29
1886 June 30
Culley, The Rev. Matthew, Longhorsley, Morpeth, Northumberland.
Darlington Public Library, Darlington.
Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Claremont Place, Newcastle.
fDees, Eobert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle.
fDendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle.
Denison, Joseph, Sanderson Road, Newcastle.
Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland.
Dickinson, William Bowstead, Healey Hall, Riding Mill.
Dixon, John Archbold, 5 Wellington Street, Gateshead.
Dixon, Rev. Canon, Warkworth Vicarage, Northumberland.
Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbury.
Dolan, Robert T., 6 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.
Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle.
Drury, John C., 31 Alma Place, North Shields.
Dunn, William Henry, 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle.
Durham Cathedral Library.
East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle.
Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethorn, Corbridge.
Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle.
Ellis, Rev. Philip, Kirkwhelpington, Northumberland.
Ellison, J. R. Carr-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland.
fEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle.
Emley, Fred., Ravenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead.
Featherstonhaugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, Blackball.
Fenwick, George A., Bank, Newcastle.
Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle.
Ferguson, John, Dene Croft, Jesmond, Newcastle.
Ferguson, Richard Saul, F.S.A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther
Street, Carlisle.
Forster, Fred. E., 32 Grainger Street, Newcastle.
Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle.
Forster, Robert Henry, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O.
Forster, Thomas Emmerson, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O.
Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Carlisle.
Forster, William Charlton, 33 Westmorland Road, Newcastle.
Francis, William, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle.
Gayner, Francis, Beech Holme, Sunderland.
Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle.
fGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham.
Gibson, Thomas George, Lesbury, R.S.O., Northumberland.
Glendinning, William, Grainger Street, Newcastle.
Glover, Rev. William, 48 Rothbury Terrace, Heaton, Newcastle.
Gooderham, Rev. A., Vicarage, Chillingham, Belford.
THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES, NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.
Date of Election.
1886 Oct. 27
1895 Sept. 25
1888 Feb. 29
1894 Aug. 29
1886 Aug. 28
1883 Feb. 28
1891 Oct. 28
1845 June 3
1883 Feb. 28
1877 Dec. 5
1891 Jan. 28
1893 Mar. 8
1883 Aug. 29
1883 Aug. 29
1887 Mar. 30
1893 July 26
1892 Aug. 31
1884 Mar. 26
1893 Aug. 30
1889 Feb. 27
1882
1894 May 30
1893 Aug. 30
1886 April 28
1884 Feb. 27
1891 Oct. 28
1883 Feb. 28
1883 Feb. 28
1888 April 25
1894 Oct. 31
1882
1865 Aug. 2
1895 Jan. 30
1890 Jan. 29
1884 April 30
1887 Jan. 26
1895 July 31
1891 Oct. 28
1877 July 4
1892 June 29
1882
Goodger, C. W. 8., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.
Gough, Rev. Edward John, Vicarage, Newcastle.
Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton.
Gradon, J. G., Lynton House, Durham.
Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham.
Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle.
Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Fell, Gateshead.
fGreenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon.
F.S.A. Scot., Durham.
Greenwell, Francis John, Crosshouse, Westgate, Newcastle.
fGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle.
Haggie, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle.
Hall, Edmund James, 9 Prior Terrace, Tynemouth.
Hall, James, Tynemouth.
Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle.
Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead.
Harris, Sir Augustus, Tyne Theatre, Newcastle.
Harrison, John Adolphus, Saltwellville, Low Fell, Gateshead.
Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Road, Newcastle.
Hastings, Lord, Melton Constable, Norfolk.
Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford.
Haythornthwaite, Rev. Edward, Felling Vicarage, Gateshead.
Hedley, Edward Armorer, 8 Osborne Villas, Newcastle.
Hedley, Ralph, 19 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle.
Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviot, Corbridge.
Henzell, Charles Wright, Tynemouth.
Heslop, George Christopher, 135 Park Road, Newcastle.
fHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill,
Newcastle.
Hicks, William Searle, Grainger Street, Newcastle.
Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick.
Hinds, Allan B., 24 Grey Street, Newcastle.
fHodges, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham.
fHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S.A., Bank, Newcastle.
Hodgkin, Thomas Edward, Bamburgh Castle, Belford.
f Hodgson, John Crawford, Warkworth.
Hodgson, John George, Exchange Buildings, Quayside, Newcastle.
Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington.
Hogg, John Robert, North Shields.
Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle.
•(•Holmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle.
Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington.
Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle.
LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1806.)
XXV
Date of Election.
1895 Dec. 18
187C
1888 July 25
1894 May 30
1894 Feb. 28
1886 May 26
1882
1883 Aug. 29
1883 Feb. 28
1884 Oct. 29
1890 Jan! 29
1894 Sept. 26
1892 Dec. 28
1894 Oct. 31
1885 April 29
1887 June 29
1894 July 25
1850 Nov. 6
1885 Aug. 26
1894 Jan. 31
1888 June 27
1877
1883 June 27
1884 Mar. 26
1884 Aug. 27
1891 May 27
1895 Sept. 25
1884 Mar. 26
1882
1893 Oct. 25
1891 Mar. 25
1888 Sept. 26
1894 July 25
1891 Jan. 28
1891 Aug. 26
1896 Jan. 29
1883 Mar. 28
1883 May 30
1883 Feb. 28
1883 Oct. 13
1886 Dec. 29
Houldsworth, David Arundell, 2 Rectory Terrace, Gosforth, New-
castle.
Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle.
Hunter, Edward, 8 Wentworth Place, Newcastle.
Hunter, Thomas, Jesmond Road, Newcastle.
Ingledew, Alfred Edward, Percy Park, Tynemouth.
Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jesmond, Newcastle.
Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding Mill.
Johnson, Rev. John, Hutton Rudby Vicarage, Yarm.
Joicey, Sir James, Bart., M.P., Longhirst, Morpeth.
fKnowles, William Henry, 38 Grainger Street West, Newcastle.
Laing, Dr., Blyth.
Leeds Library, The, Commercial Street, Leeds.
Leitch, Rev. Richard, Osborne Avenue, Newcastle.
Lennox, A. H., Collingwood Street, Newcastle.
Liverpool Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian).
Lockhart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexham.
Long, Rev. H. F., The Glebe, Bamburgh, Belford.
j-JLongstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, The Crescent, Gateshead.
Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth, Northumberland.
Maas, Hans. Percy Park, Tynemouth.
Macarthy, George Eugene, 9 Dean Street, Newcastle.
McDowell, Dr. T. W., East Getting wood, Morpeth.
Mackey, Matthew, 33 Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle.
•Mackey, Matthew, Jun., 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle.
Maling, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle.
Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian).
Marley, Thomas William, Netherlaw, Darlington.
Marshall, Frank, Mosley Street, Newcastle.
Martin, N. H., F.L.S., 8 Windsor Crescent, Newcastle.
Mather, Philip E., Mosley Street, Newcastle.
Maudlen, William, Gosforth, Newcastle.
Mayo, William Swatling, Riding Mill, Northumberland.
Mearns, William, M.D., Bewick Road, Gateshead.
Melbourne Free Library (c/o Melville, Mullen, and Slade, 12
Ludgate Square, London, E.G.)
Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth.
Mitchell, Charles William, Jesmond Towers, Newcastle.
Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields.
Morrow, T. R., 2 St. Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts.
Morton, Henry Thomas, Twizell House, Belford, Northumberland.
Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle.
Murray, William, M.D., 9 Ellison Place, Newcastle.
vot. xviji.
XXVi THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE- UPON -TYNE.
Date of Election
1883 June 27
1883 Feb. 28
1884 July :
1895 Feb. 2
1883 Jan. 3
1893 Feb. 28
1885 May 27
1893 Feb. 22
1889 Aug. 28
1891 Feb. 18
1883 Mar. 28
1894 Dec. 19
1889 Aug. 28
1884 Dec. 30
1892 Mar. 30
1893 Mar. 29
1882
1891 Feb. 18
1884 Jan. 30
1892 Nov. 30
1884 Sept. 24
1880
1871
1879 Jan.
1888 Jan.
1892 Oct.
1892 Oct.
1880
1882
1854 Oct.
1887 Aug. 31
1882
1883 June 27
1888 May 30
1894 Feb. 28
1892 June 29
1886 Feb. 24
1883 Sept. 26
1891 April 29
1894 May 30
1886 Nov. 24
Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland.
Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle.
Newcastle Public Library.
Newton, Robert, Warden House, Hexham.
Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields.
Nicholson, Joseph James, 8 North View, Heaton, Newcastle.
Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, Newcastle.
Northbourne, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent.
fNorthumberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland.
Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 7 Ellison Place, Newcastle.
Ord, John Robert, Haughton Hall, Darlington.
Ormond, Richard, 35 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth.
Oswald, Joseph, 33 Mosley Street, Newcastle.
Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle.
Parkin, John 6., 11 New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C.
Pattison, John, Colbeck Terrace, Tynemouth.
Pearson, Rev. Samuel, Percy Park, Tynemouth.
Pease, John William, Pendower, Benwell, Newcastle.
Pease, Howard, Bank, Newcastle.
Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge.
Percy, The Earl, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland.
^Phillips, Maberly, F.S.A., 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, R.S.O.
Philipson, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle.
•Philipson, John. Victoria Square, Newcastle.
Pickering, William, Poplar Cottage, Longbenton, Newcastle.
Plummer, Arthur B., 2 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle.
Potts, Joseph, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle.
Proud, George, Woodside Cottage, Broom Lane, Whickham, R.S.O.
Proud, John, Bishop Auckland.
Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle.
•Raine, Rev. James, Canon of York.
•Ravensworth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead.
Reavell, George, Jun., Alnwick.
Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle.
Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle.
Reed, The Rev. George, Killingworth, Newcastle.
Reed, Thomas, King Street, South Shields.
Rees, John, 5 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle.
Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle.
Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle.
Reynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker.
Reynolds, Rev. G. M., Rector of Elwick Hall, Castle Eden, R.S.O.
Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle,
LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1896.)
XXVll
Date of Election.
1894 Jan. 31
1891 July 29
1895 July 31
1892 Mar. 30
1889 July 31
1877
1892 June 29
1883 Jan. 31
1892 Sept. 28
1884 July 30
1882
1894 Mar. 25
1877
1893 Mar. 8
1893 April 26
1895 Oct. 30
1892 Sept. 28
1891 Dec. 23
1887 Jan. 26
1888 July 25
1893 Nov. 29
1891 Sept. 30
1892 Aug. 31
1886 Feb. 24
1888 June 27
1883 Feb. 28
1891 July 29
1894 July 25
1894 Oct. 31
1888 Oct. 31
1895 May 29
1889 May 29
1892 Oct. 26
1888 Jan. 25
1891 Nov. 18
1893 Mar. 29
1883 June 27
1866 Jan. 3
1883 Dec. 27
1895 Nov. 27
1882
1891 Jan. 28
Richardson, Miss Alice M., Esplanade, Sunderland.
Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle.
Richardson, Mrs. Stansfield, Thornholme, Sunderland.
Biddell, Edward Francis, Cheeseburn Grange, near Newcastle.
Ridley, John Philipson, Bank House, Bothbury.
Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart., M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland.
Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswick, Coatham, Redcar.
Robinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle.
Robinson, James F., Burnopfield.
Robinson, John, 7 Choppington Street, Newcastle.
Robinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newcastle.
Robson, John Stephenson, Sunnilaw, Claremont Gardens, New-
castle.
Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Simonburn Rectory, Humshaugh.
Rowell, George, 100 Pilgrim Street, Newcastle.
Runciman, W., Fernwood House, Newcastle.
Rushton, George, 247 Hamilton Street, Newcastle.
Rutherford, Henry Taylor, Blyth.
Rutherford, John V. W., Briarwood, Jesmond Road, Newcastle.
Ryott, William Henry, Collingwood Street, Newcastle.
Sanderson, Richard Burdon, Warren House, Belford.
Savage, Rev. H. E., St. Hilda's Vicarage, South Shields.
Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle.
Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle.
Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle.
Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland.
Sheppee, Lieutenant- Colonel, Picktree House, Chester-le-Street.
Sidney, Marlow William, Blyth.
Silburn, Miss Jessie, 7 Saville Place, Newcastle.
Silburn, Reginald J. S., 7 Saville Place, Newcastle.
Simpson, J. B., Hedgcfield House, Blaydon.
Simpson, Robert Anthony, East Street, South Shields.
Sisson, Richard William, 13 Grey Street, Newcastle.
Skelly, George, Alnwick.
Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill.
Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-Tyne.
Smith, William Arthur, 71 King Street, South Shields.
South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian).
*f Spence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields.
Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newburn, Newcastle.
Stamper, Mrs., Mountain View, Caldbeck, via Wigton.
Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham.
Steel, The Rev. James, D.D., Vicarage, Heworth.
XXviil THE SOCIETY OP ANTIQUARIES Of NEWCASTJ.E-UPON-TYNE.
Date of Election.
1883 Dec. 27
1882
1885 June 24
1873
1887 Mar. 30
1880
1892 Jan. 27
1879
1866 Dec. 6
1887 Nov. 30
1895 Feb. 27
1860 Jan. 6
1892 April 27
1884 Oct. 29
1883 Jan. 31
1888 Aug. 29
1892 June 29
1891 Jan. 28
1888 Feb. 29
1888 Oct. 31
1888 Nov. 28
1894 Mar. 28
1892 July. 27
1895 Dec. 18
1884 Mar. 26
1889 Oct. 30
1894 May 30
1884 Feb. 27
1891 Mar. 25
1890 Aug. 27
1887 Mar. 30
1892 Oct. 26
1887 Jan. 26
1895 May 29
1880
1889 Nov. 27
1886 June 30
1892 Aug. 31
Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland.
Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otter burn, R.S.O.
Stephenson, Thomas, 3 Framlington Place, Newcastle.
fStevenson, Alexander Shannan, F.S.A. Scot., Oatlands Mere,
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South Shields.
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Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle.
Taylor, Rev. E. J.,* F.S.A., St. Cuthbert's, Durham.
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Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Alnwick.
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XXX THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.
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ARCHAEOLOGIA AELIANA.
I.— THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.
BY SHERITON HOLMES.
[Read on the 29th May, 1895.]
HISTORICAL NOTES.
THE early history of the town walls of Newcastle-upon-Tyne is of
a very fragmentary character, and by no means conclusive as to the
time when they were built.
The earliest mention of them occurs in the Rhyming Chronicle of
Hardyng, in the time of Henry the sixth, who says, alluding to king
William the Second : —
' The towne to builde, and walle as did append,
. He gave theim ground and golde ful great to spend,
To builde it well, and wall it all aboute.'
Hardyng, however, is a very unreliable authority.
In his History of Newcastle Brand states that in the charter
granted to the town, dated the 28th of January, 1216, by king John,
express mention occurs of the walls ; but there is no note of this in
the digest of the charter printed in 1817 by John Clark in his New-
castle Remembrancer*
In 1291 Edward the first was petitioned by the good men of
Newcastle to grant a sum of money and a licence for the building of
a wall round the town, which was granted accordingly.2 He also, by
a charter, dated ab York, December 20th, 1299, granted the town of
Pampedon (Pandon) to the burgesses and good men of Newcastle, and
by a grant dated September 18th, 1280, he allowed the society of
Black Friars to make a postern-gate through the town wall, then
newly built, at the west side of the town, for the purpose of communica-
tion with a portion of their property which had been severed by the
1 Brand, vol. ii. p. 136, gives the date of John's charter as 1217, the year
after that king died, though at page 2 of vol. i. he dates it the preceding year,
viz., 1216. The date 1217 is also given to the charter in the Newcastle
Remembrancer, p. 11.
2 Newcastle Remembrancer p. 12.
1
VOL. XVIII.
2 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
building of the wall, but with the reservation that if found necessary
for the security of the town the sheriff of Northumberland should at
any time have power to build it up. They afterwards, in 1312, got
permission from Edward the second to make a drawbridge of wood,
five feet broad, over the new fosse of the town, with a similar pro-
vision for removal in case of imminent danger.
Brand states that 'in a record, dated May 26th, 1307, the
building anew of the wall of Newcastle, on the side towards the east,
occurs: this was, in all probability, occasioned by the union of
Pampedon, or Pandon, with that town, by the charter of Edward I.,
dated Dec. 20th, 1299.' 3 He also states that 'among the writings
preserved in the hutch, or common treasury of Newcastle, A.D. 1565,
was one intitled "A grant for building the walls of the town." ' The
original is now lost, and the date has not been transmitted.4
Leland, in his Itinerary, p. 114, vol. v., tells us that 'the waulles
of Newcastelle were begon in King Edivarde the firste Day, as I have
harde, by this Occasion. A great riche Man of Newcastelle was
taken Prisoner by the Scottes owt of the Town self as it is reportid.
Wherapon he was raunsornid for a greate Sum : and returning home
he began to make a Waulle on the Ripe of Tyne Ryver from
Sandehille to Pandon Gate, and beyound in to the Towne agayne the
Augustine-Freres.' He afterwards says the walls were not entirely
finished until Edward the third's time. This king repaired the walls
during his residence in the town in 1334.5
After the walls had been built the town was apportioned into
twenty-four wards, which were, named after the gates and towers the
defence of which devolved upon them. Full particulars of these are
given in the histories of Bourne and Brand.
The evidence of age afforded by the walls themselves is not of a
very definite kind, though they seem to present broad lines of the
character of building adopted at different periods, and if this be taken
in conjunction with other important buildings of the town, a sequence
seems probable. Thus the walling of the keep of the castle, built in
1172-7, is of coursed work, with the stones very long in proportion
to their depth. The Black gate masonry is also of a somewhat
3 Brand's Newcastle, vol. i. p. 3. 4 Ibid., p. 3n.
5 MS. in the Bodleian library, Oxford. Bernard's catalogue, p. 86.
CHARACTER OF THE MASONRY.
similar character,6 whereas the masonry of the walls generally partakes
of what may be termed a cubical character, the stones being more or
less square on their faces and interspaced at intervals with upright
stones much deeper on the face than their length of bed, and generally
built with the quarry bedding reversed, that is plumb instead of being
horizontal. If then the style of building at any particular time prevailed
generally in the town, it follows that the walls had chiefly, if not
wholly, been built after the date of the Black gate which is attributed
to 1247-50, after the
longwork had gone out
of use and the cubical
kind was introduced.
With the exception of
the walling of the por-
tions in St. Andrew's j * >\
churchyard, the mason- ] f— *~
ry of the walls through-
out (excepting where
rebuilt or heightened)
is of the cubical kind,
though from evidence
afforded by the wall in
Hanover square, and
particularly by that at
the corner, tower, the
longwork would seem
to have again come into
use. In the latter the
base and wall adjoining
are of cubical stones,
whereas the turret
above is in longwork,
and at Hanover square (see diagram no. 1), where the wall has
been built at three several times, the longwork overlies the cubical.
6 In his paper on the Castle (see Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. iv. p. 124) Mr.
Longstaffe states that the front of the Black gate is of the debased style of
James the first's time. This, I think, is not so, the masonry being of the same
character as that of the Early English work below but with more recent
windows inserted.
cmor i
of I&. -maJtonYU o[ me- (ou>rv '
o<xo \-
THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
In this the first three courses from the top seem to be comparatively
late work, long-bedded and close-jointed, the next three similar to the
cubical below but more scientifically built, and the lower portion, down
to the rubble foundation, being of the wide-jointed cubical character
which prevails generally in the walls. Diagram no. 2 is characteristic
N92
ooo
QDDL
DTTI
an
- — ic ~i :
Character of "Ihc mqao-nry on tiie/loton. cogil sou-lh op
T«ver Tower
of the west walls, where not rebuilt, from near "Westgate street to the
Ever tower, beyond which through the churchyard there is a marked
difference.
Diagrams nos. 3 and 4 (see pages 5 and 6) are portions of the
north face of the east section of wall in St. Andrew's churchyard. In
this the lowest masonry is of a very rude, ill-coursed, and wide-jointed
kind which becomes worse upwards, until near the top we get to the
true cubical masonry. Bourne was of opinion, from a comparison
CHARACTER OF THE MASONRY.
of the masonry, that this portion of the wall was the first built, and
in this I am inclined to coincide. The inner or south face of the
western portion of this wall is built of rubble work with little attempt
at coursing, and from the sharpness of the punch- and pick-marks I
am led to think that it has been rebuilt in very much later times.
CDCDODCO
IODGIDOCI -
JL ^ — — - — -^r- — vT^ — ^TX-o= — -^ *" — — *^- <
•— 'L
o
aoo
The inner face of the other portion of the wall approaching New gate
has also been chiefly rebuilt with old material, though underneath the
turret and beyond it in the lower portion is a piece of original cubical
work, but with the stones of a smaller character than those in the
west walls.
The remaining portion of the inner castle wall extending westward
from the postern on the castle stairs, is of the same character of
masonry as the west walls, and must have been built about the same
time, or at a later date than the keep or even the Black gate, without
G
THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
OLD
aa
CD
o
JDDCO
claiau
~
it can be proved that the cubical masonry preceded the long-bedded
work, which I think improbable. Mr. Longstaffe supposed this wall
might have formed a portion of Rufus's work, but the cubical charac-
ter of it would bring it to a later date if the succession of masonry
character I have sketched holds good. And this seems to be strength-
ened by- a reference to
the keep where it may be
noticed that on the inner
face of the gate tower
the wall has been height-
ened or rebuilt up to
the level of the modern
addition of 1813 by work
of the cubical character
very similar to that of
the inner castle wall be-
fore alluded to, and to
the town walls generally.
It seems probable that
the walls were built, as
money could be got for
the purpose, between the
beginning of the thir-
teenth century and the
early part of the four-
teenth, but it is quite
possible that a portion
might have been built in
John's reign, and if so,
I think, it would be the more northerly section of them.
The width of the town wall above the base plinth varies con-
siderably. At the west walls and in Hanover square it is six feet
ten inches wide. At the Wall Knoll tower the wall is seven feet two
inches wide on the west side, but eight feet six inches on the East
or Sally-port gate side, and this is also the width of the western
portion of the wall in St. Andrew's churchyard.
jNfotlh in vie
AUTHORITIES. 7
At sundry times the walls appear to have been seriously damaged
or suffered to get out of order, for, from time to time the kings were
petitioned for money, or easement of payments, by the town, to
enable the walls and bridges to be repaired.
In 1386 there was an assignment by Richard the second to the
mayor and bailiffs to take workmen for repairing the walls of the
town.7 In 1403 Henry the fourth granted to the mayor of New-
castle-upon-Tyne, all fines and forfeitures for the reparation of the
walls and bridge of that town,8 and in 1527 mention occurs of an
annuity of £20 granted by king Henry the eighth for the support
of the walls and bridge. For his aid in procuring this grant Sir
Arthur Hazlerigg, bart., was presented with a silver basin and ewer
of the value of £30.9 The walls were much damaged during the
remarkable siege, and at the taking of the town by storm, in the year
1644. There was afterwards a grant from Parliament of the sum of
£2,564 for repairing them.10 On June 17th, 1667, the walls, gates, and
drawbridges were repaired by order of the Common Council, and in
1745 several houses, erections, buildings, and other obstructions near
the walls were pulled down when the rebellion occurred in that year.
AUTHORITIES.
For information as to the condition of the walls at various periods,
and the appearance of the towers and gateways before they were
destroyed, I am indebted to the following authorities : —
A MS. drawing of the town in 1590, preserved in the British
Museum, and republished in the Archaeologia Aeliana (4to
series), vol. iii. p. 124, by the Society of Antiquaries of
Newcastle.
Speed's map of Newcastle of 1610.
A MS. Description of the walls in 1638, preserved in the Record
Office, London, and reproduced in the ArcJiaeologia Aeliana,
vol. xii. p. 230.
Corbridge's map of Newcastle, 1723.
Bourne's map of Newcastle, 1736.
Bucks' view of 1743.
7 Aubone MS. 8 Randall's MSS. Historical Events.
9 Common Council books. lu Brand, vol. i. p. 4.
THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
An undated view of the town from Gateshead, in ray possession.
Halton's map of 1770.
Brand's map of 1788.
Wood's map of 1827.
Mackenzie's History of 1827.
Oliver's maps of 1830 and of 1844.
M. A. Richardson's Local Historian's Table Book, 1843.
Sykes's Local Records.
REFERENCE TO THE PLAN.
GATES.
Number
Number
on
Plan.
on
Plan.
2
8
10
16
19
Close gate.
Forth gate.
West gate.
New gate.
Pilgrim gate.
25
24
26
27
Sally-port.
Pandon gate.
Sand gate.
Bridge gate.
TOWEBS.
1
River side tower.
14
Ever tower.
3
White Friars tower.
15
Andrew tower.
4
Denton or Neville tower.
17
Bertram Momboucher tower.
5
6
West Spital tower.
Stank tower.
18
20
Ficket tower.
Carliol tower.
7
Gunner tower.
21
Plummer tower.
9
Pink tower.
22
Austin tower.
11
Durham tower.
23
Corner tower.
12
Heber or Herber tower.
25
Wall Knoll tower.
13
Morden tower.
GENERAL SCHEME OF DEFENCE.
The general scheme of defence consisted of an ashlar-faced wall
of stone about twelve feet high on the inside and from six feet ten
inches to eight feet six inches wide, with a fosse or ditch on its outer
side twenty-two yards wide and fifteen feet deep. Gateways were
erected for the principal roads, and towers at convenient distances
apart, with, between them, turrets, or, as Bourne names them,
' garrets,' which formed covered sheltering places on the top of the
walls. These were thirteen feet in length, with an interior passage
way three feet wide, loopholed on its outer side. The top, which
was reached by a stone stairway on the inner face, had corbelled
out parapets, which were ornamented by figures of warriors carved
GENERAL SCHEME OF DEFENCE. 9
in stone. Of these" turrets only three now remain in a compara-
tively perfect condition, one of them between the Herber and
Morden towers, one near the Ever tower, and the third in St.
Andrew's churchyard.
The towers were generally of the form shown in the Durham and
Herber specimens now remaining, and were horse-shoe shaped on
their outer face, projecting their full size beyond the wall. The
interior was rectangular, with three arrow slits, and the space arched
over by a pointed and ribbed Early English arch. Stone stairways
led to the roof, which had an embattled parapet. On the outer face
of the tower there were heavily projecting corbels two and three
stones in depth, which appear to have carried a shield round the out-
side to protect the defenders whilst throwing down stones or other
defensive objects on the attackers below.
But the towers were not invariably of this form. The one at the
river face near the Close appears to have been rectangular. The
White Friars was octangular, with a circular chamber on the top. The
Wall Knoll tower was nearly square, and the Corner tower was after
the pattern of the turrets, merely a covered passage on the wall top.
The late George Bouchier Richardson, in a paper read by him at
the meeting of the Archaeological Institute held at Newcastle in
1852, said there had existed seventeen of the circular bastions. That
of these six were possessed of two obtusely arched apartments
with bold ribs. Access to the first of these vaulted apartments was
from the ground, and to the second by a winding stair leading
out of the first, though in many cases they were provided with stairs
leading at once from the military way on the inside of the curtain
to the upper chamber. Nine of the bastions had but one apart-
ment, but that of larger size than the others, upon the ribbing of
which rested the platform which, in these cases, was always gained
from the curtain wall and not by an internal stair. He alludes to
the Herber and Pink towers as being good examples of the latter,
and says that the single chambered bastions were all placed in suc-
cessive order on the north-west quarter of the fortification, which
would embrace the White Friars, Denton, West Spital, Stank, Gunner,
Pink, Durham, Heber, and Morden, leaving the Ever, Andrew,
Momboucher, Ficket, Caiiiol, and Plummer to make up the six
VOL. XVIII
10 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
which had two arched chambers. At the time when Mr. Richardson
resided in Newcastle there was doubtless much more opportunity of
gaining accurate information concerning the walls than now exists,
and as he sketched them a great deal his record is deserving of every
consideration, but I am not sure that he is strictly accurate. When
the Carliol tower was being pulled down I made some notes
and find that the intermediate floor was a timber one, and not
arched. I have, however, seen a sketch by him of the Austin tower,
which shows both chambers arched and ribbed, the lower arch
being pointed, and the top segmental. It is therefore probable that
his distinction of the number of single chamber and double chamber
bastions or towers is correct.
The main outlets were the Close gate, West gate, New gate,
Pilgrim gate, Sand gate, and Bridge gate which spanned the passage
way along the Tyne bridge near its northern end. Besides these
there were several openings of less moment. Thus, a postern existed
at the Denton tower, called the White Friars' postern, where the
wall turns abruptly westward, and a gateway at the Forth walk, leading
to a pleasure ground of that name, surrounded by trees, which was
the property of the town. The Black Friars had an opening between
the Herber and Morden towers, and a little beyond is another ancient
doorway, three feet wide, now used as an entrance to the bowling
green, but I find no historical reference to it. Then there were the
gateway at the Wall Knoll tower, known as the Sally-port, and seven
smaller openings through the wall along the quay. Bourne and Cor-
bridge's maps show a larger opening or gateway in the wall along the
quay, opposite the Broad chare, which may have been opened out at
a later period, as the prospect drawing of 1638 does not show it.
At an early date, generally during the sixteenth century-, the
towers, and also some of the gates, became the meeting places of the
various town's companies, who, as a rule, removed the original castel-
lated top, and added a story to the tower to form a meeting hall.
DESCRIPTION OF THE WORKS.
Commencing at the west side, where the walls abut upon the river,
and following their course round the town, there was, firstly, a tower
at the river side which, in Bucks' view and on Bourne's map, is shown
DESCRIPTION OF THE WORKS.
11
square in form, with an embattled top. Part of it remained in 1789,
and Brand states that it was used successively by the Companies of
House Carpenters and Sail Makers.
The Close gate came next, of which a representation occurs in the
Table Book, though, as stated, only a ' design from various sources.'
This view shows a high tower-like structure, three stories in height
above the archway, which is single, and pointed in form. When the
Tyne bridge was washed away in 1771 the prisoners were removed
from the Magazine tower upon it to the Close gate. The gate was
much damaged in 1644, was repaired by order of the Council in 1648,
and finally pulled down
in 1797.
From this point the
wall rose steeply up the
bank to the White
Friar tower, which
from 1614, was the
place of meeting of the
Society of Wallers,
Bricklayers, and Plas-
terers, and also the
Company of Mettors,
who occupied the base-
ment. There are sev-
eral views of this tower
in Richardson's Table
Booh, from which it
seems to have had an
upper story, but the
views differ so widely that from them alone it is difficult to determine
its shape. He also gives a ' restored ' view of it, which agrees with
his description, that on clearing away the ground from its base they
came upon the lower apartment, which had been converted into an
ice-house in 1780. This lower story, he says, was found to be
octangular, and the superstructure circular.11 Corbridge's map
shows it hexagonal. It was occupied by the Company of Masons
11 Table Book, vol. v. p. 230.
WHITE FBIAK TOWER.
12 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
before they removed to the Plummer tower in 1742. The wall near
this tower was breached by the Scottish army in 1644, and the
tower was taken down in 1840. When removing it, several Eoman
and other coins, and two Roman altars, were found,12 also in the
heart of the wall a mason's setting pinch was brought to light.
The remains of a human skeleton were found underneath the wall,
and another at a little distance from it. Cannon balls and other
things were also dug up.13
Between the "White Friars and the Denton or Nevil towers the
wall had two turrets upon it. The Denton tower seems to have
been of the normal horse-shoe character, and beside it the White
Friars had a postern gate, an illustration of which is given in the
Table Book, vol. iii. p. 51. The Company of Wallers, Bricklayers, and
Plasterers had their meeting place in this tower after they left the
White Friars tower. After passing two turrets we reach the West
Spital tower, of which there is an etching in T. M. Richardson's
Memorials, where it is stated that the tower derives its name from
St. Mary's hospital, and was thought to have been built by that
charity, as in 1290 they obtained a patent for their postern through
the town wall. The tower was removed at the time of the demolition
of the hospital in 1844.
Then occur two turrets leading up to the Stank tower, of which
tower I fail to discover any record.
12 These are described in the Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 15.
13 Table Book, vol. v. p. 200.
TOWERS AND TUERETS. 18
Two more intermediate turrets lead to the Gunner tower, which
in 1821 was converted into a hall for the Company of Slaters and
Tylers. During the alterations many coins of the reign of Edward
the first were found,14 which might lead to the supposition that
this part of the walls was built with the money he granted for the
purpose of walling the town.
The Gunner tower was deprived of its top in 1885, when the
offices of the Tyne Improvement Commissioners were built, but the
base of it yet remains.
One wall turret and then the Pink tower, of which there is an
etching by T. M. Richardson, dated 1826, which shows it very
similar to the Berber tower, afterwards described. It does not
appear to have had an added story at that time, but at the date of
its removal it had a room above, which is shown by an engraving
of it in the Society's Proceedings, vol ii. p. 22, and also in a drawing
I made at the time of its demolition. Between the Gunner and
Pink towers was a gateway leading to the ' Forth,' which was built
in 1715, and removed in 4811.
Another turret and then the West gate. Of this there is an
engraving in Brand's History, and an etching by "Win. Pybus in the
Memorials of Old Newcastle. These show the opening to have been
arched segmentally, but in the latter view the arch is pointed and
ribbed. There was also a footway passage on the north side which
was opened out in 1782. Two heavy buttress towers flanked the
arch on the west side. The gate was removed in 1812. Brand,
following Grey, says this gate is said to have been built by Roger
de Thornton, which, if correct, would give the proper meaning to
the West gate in the rhyme as applied to the roadway and not to
the masonry structure.
' In at the West gate came Thornton in,
With a happen hapt in a ram's skynn.'
A footway was opened out on the north side of this gate in 1782.
It was formerly used as a prison for unruly apprentices.
There were two turrets between this gate and the Durham tower,
two between the Durham and Berber, one between the Berber and
Ever, and two from that to the Andrew tower, and one beyond to the
11 Table Book, vol. iii. p. 220.
14 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
New gate. The Durham tower now stands in almost a complete
state, excepting that the parapet has been destroyed. It is roofed
by a pointed Early English arch with three ribs. The interior is
rectangular, exterior horse-shoe shaped, with projecting corbels.
There has not been any addition to its top. Its present office is a
coal and lumber room for the adjoining school, and a doorway has
been broken through the outer wall to give access to it.
We now reach the most interesting tower extant, namely, the
Heber or Herber tower, which, with very trifling alterations, is now in
its original condition, and forms a typical example of the form in
which the towers generally were constructed.
On referring to the drawings of it accompanying this paper it will
be seen to be of horse-shoe shape, twenty-three feet six inches diameter,
projecting beyond the outer face of the wall, with a rectangular
interior, sixteen feet eight inches by ten feet, having three splayed
openings to arrow slits on the exterior face. This chamber is roofed
over by a pointed Early English arch and three projecting ribs. A
stairway leads from the interior to the top of the wall and from
there to the roof of the tower, which has a flagged floor upon a
steepish incline, and is surrounded by its original parapet, which has
three splayed embrasures, the returning angles being ornamented by
carved heads. On the outer face, at a depth of two feet six inches
below the floor level on the top, are corbel stones, two in depth, pro-
jecting four feet from the wall, for the purpose of carrying an outer
parapet or shield to protect the defenders when casting down stones
or other missiles upon those attacking. This tower was the meeting
place of the Company of Felt-makers, Curriers, and Armourers.
There is a view of it in the Table Boole (vol. iii. p. 29), dated
1826, which shows it much in the condition in which it remains at
the present time. It is now occupied as a blacksmith's shop.
The Morden tower has been similar to the Herber, but had an
upper chamber added in 1619 to form the meeting place of the
Company of Plumbers, Glaziers, and Pewterers. It was further added
to in 1700 when the company built an inner face of brickwork to it.
Suspended from a bracket in the hall was a cannon ball painted and
gilded which has recently been presented to the Society of Antiquaries
of Newcastle, and is now in the Black gate museum. This was pro-
THE TOWEES AND GATES. 15
bably a relic of the siege by the Scottish army in 1644. It was
found embedded in the wall when the alterations were made. The
two chambers of the tower are now occupied as dwellings.15
Between the Herber and Morden towers there are two ancient
arched openings through the wall. The larger one, five feet wide,
would I think be for the Black Friars' postern.
The Ever tower has been greatly mutilated, the arch torn away
and a three-storied stone building placed upon it. It forms a portion
of the tanning premises adjoining, and the ground has been raised on
the outer face which converts it into a cellar. Notwithstanding its
filthy condition it was recently the abode of a well-known character
who went by the name of ' Hairy Nanny.' Formerly it was the hall
of the Company of Colliers, Paviours, and Carriage-men.
Brand says : 'This was built by some of the ancient family of Eure,
or Ever, lords of Kirkley, near the river Blyth, and barons of "Witton,
in the county of Durham.16 So that the present name Ever would
seem to be a perpetuation of the original pronunciation of the name
Eure.
The Andrew tower was destroyed between the years 1827 and
1830. An etching of it by T. M. Eichardson shows that it had not
been added to. There is also a similar view of it in the Table Book,
vol. ii. p. 256, dated 1818.
We now reach the most important fabric on the line of the wall,
New gate, of which a great number of views are given in Brand's
History, Richardson's etchings, and engravings in the Table Book.
The original gate consisted of a massive tower, with semi-octangular
buttresses at the angles, the opening being vaulted and diagonally
ribbed. Previous to 1390 this was supplemented by the construction
of a barbican and connecting walls on its northern front, which gave
the name by which it was afterwards known, though, according to
Brand, the original gateway bore the name of the Berwick gate.
Above the archway of the later erection there were three ancient shields
of arms, St. George's cross, the arms of England with fleurs-de-lis
15 By an ordinary of September 1, 1536. the Company of Goldsmiths was in-
corporated with the Plumbers, Glaziers, and Pewtererp, but separated from them
in 1717. Arms of Incorporated Companies.
16 Brand's Newcastle, vol. i. p. 12.
17 Compare maps of Wood and Oliver of these dates.
16 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
semee, aud those of Ne \vcastle-upon-Tyne ; and above these shields,
in a pedimented niche, stood the statue of a king, supposed to be
James the first, which, in its sadly decayed condition, .occupies a
place in the guard chamber of the castle. This portion of the
northern fa$ade appears to have been rebuilt in Jacobean times.
In 1822 an Act of Parliament was obtained for its removal, which
was immediately afterwards accomplished. In 1400, when Newcastle
was made a county of itself, and took charge of its own prisoners, the
towers of the older gate were used as a gaol. When the structure
was destroyed the felons were removed to the cells of the county
courts, and the debtors to the castle. In an account of the demolition
of 1823, by M. A. Richardson, he says, 'By the end of May the
greatest part of the barbican had been removed. In June the demoli-
tion of the east wing of the inner gate was commenced, and was
speedily followed by the west wing (both erected between the years
1702-6), with the remains of the barbican. The original gate was
thus nearly isolated.'18 There is considerable difficulty in reconciling
the various views, and ascertaining what was meant by the wings.
Some of the views show a flanking tower on the east side of the older
building, and probably there would be a similar one on the west side.
The view in the Table Book, vol. i. p. 402, appears to show them
both, in which case they were flanking towers built on each side of
the southern face of the older gateway. The Table Book proceeds to
record that 'the portcullis which remained here until the final demoli-
tion of the gate, was the last existing in Newcastle. It was of oak,
with spikes strongly shod with iron, and of an enormous weight.'
' In this portion were found many cannon balls of large size, and deep
sunk into the wall.'19 In a footnote it states 'the portcullis is now at
Blagdon.'
From New gate to the Bertram Momboucher tower there were two
wall turrets, then three to the Ficket tower, and two more to Pilgrim
gate.
The Momboucher tower is figured in the Table Book, vol. iii.
p. 293, where the face of the tower seems to be in line with the outer
face of the town wall, which is unlikely. This tower and the next
one, with the connecting wall up to Pilgrim gate, were taken down in
18 Table Book, vol. iii. p. 272. 19 1 bid. vol. iii. p. 273.
TOWERS AND GATES. 17
1824, for the formation of Blackett street, the stones being used for
the sewer along that street. The Fickefc tower, which occupied
the site of the St. James's chapel portico, near the Grey monument,
must, if Eichardson's etching of it be a correct representation, have
been in a state of complete dilapidation before it was pulled down.
Corbridge's map shows a postern near this tower.
Pilgrim gate, so named, says Gray in his Chorographia^ 'because
of Pilgrims Lodging in that Street; and went out of that Gate to the
Shrine of the Virgin Mary in Gesmond; to which Place, with great
confluence and Devotion, people came from all parts of this Land, in
that time of Superstition.'20 In 1659, and again in 1716, this gate
was repaired and ' beautified ' by the Company of Joiners who held
their meetings in it. Brand gives a view of the south front, and
Bichardson one of the north front of this gate. The roadway arch
was very low, and carts had frequently to be partly unloaded to get
through it.
The arch was pointed and ribbed, and there were footway open-
ings on each side at some distance from the centre one. It was
removed in 1802, and in pulling it down a cannon ball was found
lodged in the masonry. The wall between Pilgrim gate and the
Carliol tower was taken down in 1811.
From this tower forward there were three turrets to the Carliol
tower, four to the Austin, two to the Plummer, one between that
and the Corner tower, and one more to Pandon gate.
The Carliol tower was the meeting place of the Weavers' Company,
who repaired it in 1682. In 1823 the building was considerably
altered by the same company, and while the workmen were engaged
in clearing away the accumulation of earth over the ditch on the out-
side of the tower several skeletons were found huddled together, and
in the skull of one of them was a cannon ball. A twenty-four pound
cannon ball was also found lodged two and a half feet deep in the wall.
Richardson gives an etching of the front of the tower which shows
it much in the condition it was in at the time of its demolition in
1880, when it was removed to make way for the Public Library build-
ing. The builders of the earlier portion, erected for a Mechanics'
Institute, respected the ancient relic, and adapted its shape to the
, M Chorographia (Newcastle, 1649), p. 8.
18 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
preservation of the tower; but to make way for the buildings added
for the library it was swept away entirely. In the Table Book are
representations of it. A front view in 1800 before it had the pointed
windows inserted, and a view of the outer portion in 1783 show the
wall with its three turrets along to Pilgrim gate. This tower, though
of the prevailing horse-shoe form, seems to have been of a more
imposing character than the others, and had been divided by an
intermediate floor which may have been original. The upper arched
chamber, for some years the meeting place of a musical and fine
arts club, under the name of the 'Bats,' was barrel-arched with
projecting ribs. Of this there exists a drawing by the late John
Storey, of which the frontispiece is a reproduction (see plate I). A
staircase tower at the west angle contained a newel stair communi-
cating with the upper chamber and the roof.
The Plummer tower was granted to the Company of Masons in
1742, previously to which it bore the name of the Cutlers' tower or
Carlel-croft tower. In 1750 the masons built an ornate ashlar front
of classic design to the tower, but in their alterations they destroyed
the original arched top. The outer circular face has evidently been
altered at various times, loopholes having been enlarged to window
size and again blocked up. In making their alterations the Masons'
Company had apparently used two kinds of stone, one for the flat
ashlar face work, including doors and the lower windows, the other
for their enrichments in pilasters, cornices, etc., so that whilst the
former remains in sound and good condition the latter is in a state of
utter decay from weather action. Attached to this tower is a short
length of the town wall within which is an arched chamber which, at
one time, had been entered from the tower. This, I think, has been a
similar chamber to the one at the Wall Knoll afterwards described,
but it has been widened by digging into the wall faces on each side.
T. M. Richardson gives an etching of this tower much in its present
condition. The two chambers are now occupied as dwellings.
The Austin tower. This tower evidently had its name from its
vicinity to the house of Austin Friars. It has been, successively, the
hall of the Millers and Coopers, and afterwards of the Eopers who
repaired it in 1698. It was taken down to make room for the
terminal station of the Newcastle and North Shields railway in 1836
ARCH. A EL. Vol. XV 111. (to face page IS).
Flo* '.'!.
TOWERS, GATES, ETC. 19
or 7, as the parliamentary plan of that railway appears to show it
standing in 1835. The wall then descended to the Corner tower, from
which originally it would go direct to the river, leaving the town
of Pandon outside on the east. This, although one of the wards of
the town,21 seems never to have been a tower proper, but merely an
L-shaped turret with a covered way through it, and the top corbelled
out on both sides for parapets. It is now in a very ruinous condition.
Pandon gate comes next. It was occupied by the Company of
Barber Surgeons until 1648 when their new hall in the Manors was
built. The only illustration I can find of it is in the Table Book, which
is stated to be from a drawing by the late Rev. Mr. Hornby. This
shows a single archway for traffic, and near the top a curiously flat
arched opening with a corresponding smaller semicircular opening on
the opposite face. The hall windows must have faced north as there
are no windows shown on the south side of the gate. The gateway
was defended by folding iron gates, but had no portcullis. It was
pulled down in 1795. A further description of the structure will
be found in the Table Book, vol ii. p. 374.
Between Pandon gate and the Wall Knoll the wall had one turret,
and four between that and Sand gate.
The Wall Knoll tower (plate VI.), attributed by Grey and Bourne
to Roman times, is only, in its oldest portion, coeval with the town wall
which abuts upon it at each side. This is clearly shown by the similar-
ity and continuity of the masonry, and by the angular bond stones
connecting the two, which are cut to form the angle of junction. The
original tower is a rectangular building, twenty-eight feet long by
twenty-five feet six inches wide, with an interior room, eighteen feet
ten inches by fourteen feet nine inches, loopholed on the three outer
faces, and vaulted over by a flat pointed stone arch. In the south-
west angle of the tower is a newel stairway which formerly led to
the embattled roof, and at an intermediate height communicated, by
means of an arched doorway, with a chamber in the town wall which
was twelve feet long by three feet nine inches wide, lighted to the
south by a small window. See plan (plate VII.). The tower base
has been enlarged for the construction above it of a hall for the
Society of Carpenters or Shipwrights, which was built in 1716 the
21 Account of the wards in the archives of the Corporation.
20 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
original top of the tower having been removed for the purpose.
The whole building had a narrow escape from destruction in 1882,
when the new roads were formed, and was much shaken and cracked
at that time, but is now securely seated upon massive buttresses.
The present occupant, Mrs. Isabella G-leghorn, informs me that a
stairway leads down from the foot of the newel stair. This is now filled
up, but might possibly have led to a lower chamber, and it would be
interesting to ascertain whether, if so, there were any remains of
Roman work in it. On the east side of the tower is an arched passage
through the town wall, protected by folding doors, which was named
the Sally-port. Another tower named the Habkin is mentioned in
this district. It was allied with the Wall Knoll tower in the
apportionment of the wards of the town.22 The reference on Bourne's
map of the Wall Knoll tower names it the Carpenters' tower, Wall
Knoh1 and Habkin tower.23
From this point the wall descended steeply to the Sand gate, of
which there is an etching in Richardson's Memorials and a similar
engraving in the Talk Book showing a tower of two storys over the
archway with a footway opening on one side. It was taken down in
1798. From here the wall ran along the quay to the buildings near
the end of Tyne bridge. It had seven openings in it of a small
character, though Corbridge's and Bourne's maps show a larger open-
ing or gateway at the foot of the Broad chare.24 This portion of the
wall was almost swept away in 1339 on the occasion of a heavy flood
in the river when one hundred and sixty-seven lives were lost.25 In
1762 the Corporation petitioned the Crown and got leave to take
down the wall from Sand gate to the Sandhill and to use the stone
in the re-erection of St. Ann's chapel, the ancient building having
become ruinous. The Water gate stood at the north end of Tyne
bridge. It is shown on Corbridge's and Bourne's maps, and from
the latter appears to have been a hexagonal structure of stately pro-
portions. The bridge had also two other towers or gateways upon
22 Brand's Newcastle, vol. i. p. 17 n. Could this have been the tower alluded
to by Grey as the Roman tower ?
23 Could this have been the tower alluded to by Grey as the Roman tower ?
24 This larger opening is not shown on the MS. view of 1638. It was there-
fore probably constructed some time between that date and the time when
Bourne wrote in 1736.
n Table Book, vol. i. p. 116.
THEIR PRESENT CONDITION. 21
it ; the Magazine tower, which stood upon the third water pier from
the north end, was erected in 1636 and taken down in 1771, and the
Bishop of Durham's tower at the south end. The wall then continued
on the river face along to the tower near the Close gate.
Leland's Itinerary alludes to the building of this portion of the
wall, and Brand mentions that the wall continued along here. But
on the MS. draught of the walls preserved in the London Record
office it is clearly shown, extending from the Close tower to where
houses are built on the river face, and beyond that it appears to form
the foundations for these houses.
PRESENT CONDITION.
The present condition of the walls, etc., may be thus summarised.
Commencing at the river side, where formerly stood a rectangular
tower, the foundation walls of which I saw exposed in 1872, when a
trench had been cut for the purpose of laying in pipes, but of which
and the Close gate no traces now remain above ground. From the
Close gate a portion of the wall in a ragged condition, but with some
of the parapet work remaining, goes up the steep bank towards
where stood the White Friar tower.
i
From a little beyond this tower, along the back of the Orchard
street houses, the wall remains in very good condition, with its
parapet standing where not incorporated with later buildings. Until
within the last three years, when ground was required for station
extension, there was much more of the wall in this length of it
standing.
A considerable gap now occurs. The Denton, Stank, West Spital,
Gunner, and Pink towers, with their connecting wall, having all
disappeared, with the sole exception of the base of the Gunner tower,
which yet occupies its position behind the office buildings of the River
Tyne Commissioners. The Stank tower stood on the line of the
eastern face of the Central Station portico. From near the site of
the West gate to St. Andrew's churchyard there is an almost continu-
ous length of the wall, remaining in very good condition, broken only
by openings for Stowell and Heron streets, and having its original
loopholed parapet standing, though in it there are many evidences of
alterations and rebuilding. In it are the Durham, Herber, Morden,
22 THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE :
and Ever towers, previously described, and two of the wall turrets in
a moderately complete state, also the two ancient arched passages
through the wall. In St. Andrew's churchyard are two detached
portions on each side of the site of the Andrew tower, the more
westerly portion having upon it the remains of two of the turrets,
which are shown in the engraving in Brand's History of Newcastle,
and the other, along by the back of the baths building, a turret
almost in a complete condition. The masonry of this portion of the
wall bears evidence, in the character of the work, of having been
almost rebuilt at a time much later than the date of the original
work. Nothing nowremains of the wall until reaching the Plummer
tower at the foot of Croft street, the Momboucher and Ficket
towers and their connecting wall along to Pilgrim gate having been
swept away for the foundation of Blackett street, and beyond that to
the Carliol tower for New Bridge street. Croft street occupies the
forward position of the wall to the Plummer tower, which yet remains
in its mutilated condition. Beyond this the railway and gaol works
have cleared away all traces of the wall with the Austin tower down to
the Corner tower, which yet stands, but in a sadly dilapidated condition
and tottering to its fall. A portion of the wall a little further on forms
the lower part of the end of a large warehouse. Then every trace is
obliterated by the formation of the Pandon new roads, until reaching
Wall Knoll tower on its commanding situation, rendered the more so
from having been completely isolated and perched like an ancient
sentinel up the top of its massive retaining buttresses. Beyond this
point all trace of the walls must be sought for in history and that
only.
REMOVALS FOR PANDON NEW ROADS.
Although nothing now remains beyond the works hitherto
described, it may be of interest hereafter to know what did exist
immediately previous to the destruction occasioned by the formation
of the new roads in Pandon by the Corporation in the year 1881.
When these works were about to be commenced I was requested by
the society to keep watch over them, and to note anything of interest
which might be revealed during their progress. This I did from time
to time, making notes and drawings as the walls were cleared of the
REMOVAL OF PORTIONS AT PANDON. 23
adjoining houses and the excavations carried through the Wall Knoll,
with the intention of writing a notice of them for the society. As,
however, another member of the society, who also took a lively
interest in the alterations, and who visited the works occasionally,
wrote a short paper upon them, which was printed in the Archaeologia
Aeliana, vol. x. I thought it inadvisable to do anything further in
the matter at that time. The following account of the alterations
embodies the notes I took at the time.
"When the houses were cleared away for the purpose of founding
the large retaining walls for supporting the embankment of the new
road, a very interesting length of the town wall was exposed to view,
extending from near the Corner tower to Sandgate, and forward up
the hill to the Wall Knoll tower. This was built of the usual large
square-faced block-work characteristic of the walls generally, with a
chamfered course forming the cap of the extra thickness of wall
towards its base. From below the Corner tower to Sandgate the wall
stood to its original height, and had upon it portions of the outer
parapet. It was eight feet six inches in breadth, and upon its inner
face were heavily projecting stone corbels, three stones in depth, which
would probably have carried an inner parapet, and so have allowed
more top width of wall. About midway in this length was a seg-
mentally arched opening through the wall, allowing a passage for the
Pandon stream, the opening of which was ten feet wide and eight feet
six inches in depth from the springing of the arch, which had a versed
sine of two feet three inches. The chamfered base course of the
wall had been neatly stepped down to the level of the opening, and
through the opening the Pandon sewer had been carried at a later date.
In clearing the mud from the fosse for the retaining wall foundations,
a line of riven oak stakes was brought to light. These were eighteen
inches to two feet apart, and at a distance of eight feet from the face
of the wall. The stakes were four feet long by four to six inches
square. As they were merely stuck into the mud of the ditch, and
not pointed at the top as spikes, it is difficult to imagine what purpose
they could have served.
Pandon gateway had its western abutment standing, and this, with
the exception of a few of the top casing stones, I prevailed upon the
contractor to spare, and consequently it remains deeply buried for a
future race of antiquaries.
24
THE WALLS OF NEWCASTLE
Between Pandon gate and the Wall Knoll tower the wall which
had served for the backs of the houses built up to it, was in fairly
good condition, but not to the full height generally. At one place in
this length a curious feature occurred, the wall having a foul junction
of its parts, the face of one portion ranging in line with the back
of that adjoining, and the two pieces of walling ending squarely where
so joined, thus
The walling here was founded in strong clay by ill-built rubble
work, at a very slight depth below the surface, and without any trace
of having been previously occupied by the Roman wall, with which
repeated surmise had accredited it.26 Similarly, the "Wall Knoll
tower, which both Grey and Bourne ascribe to Roman times, was,
in its oldest portion, only the age of the town wall abutting upon it as
previously noted.
From the Wall Knoll tower to the
foot of the Causey bank the wall appeared
to be double, the two walls forming the
front and backs of houses between them.
Of these the more westerly one was evi-
dently the original, as it had the inner
corbels indicative of the base of a turret.
The other had, however, been built of
similar shaped stones, and as the two
walls came together at the foot of the
bank at a very acute angle, it seems
unlikely that it had been built for the
purpose of forming the front walls of
the houses.
On making the excavations in Pan-
don opposite the 'New Road,' two of
the stone figures which had graced the coping of the wall turrets,
were found. These are now in the Castle, as are also a cannon
ball and other objects found there. Within the wall a circular-
chamber was dug into, which had probably communicated with the
28 Grey's Chorographia ; Bourne's History of Newcastle.
REMAINS OF MONASTIC BUILDINGS, ETC. 25
floor of a house by means of a shaft. And from this chamber, running
under the wall to the outside, was a driftway or passage lined with
wood, the uprights and head timbers of which seemed to be old boat
spars mortised and tenoned into each other. In the chamber was a
cask, the aroma from which was strongly suggestive of whisky or some
other spirit. This seemed to have been an ingenious device of some
enterprising smuggler to get his goods introduced into the town free
of tollage.
On the Wall Knoll were some remains of the monastic buildings,
forming the bases of the brick houses and stables built upon them.
These had in them portions of door and window casings, and some of
the tracery of the chapel windows was brought to light. On digging
through the deep covering of rubbish the fine rich soil of the former
monastery gardens was reached, with an apple tree in situ which had
been buried up, and at its foot a buried cat and dog. Several
human skeletons of bodies which had been buried here were also
found. A well having some curious features about it was discovered
on the edge of the high ground twenty-five yards south of the tower.
It was rectangular, with the sides four feet ten inches and six feet
eight inches, arched over with brick and stone lined. A portion of
it was narrower than the general width, and this was covered by a
circular stone like a millstone, five feet diameter and nine inches
thick, with a square hole through its centre. An entrance had been
left in the arched roof of the well, and in it were some lengths of
cast iron piping three inches diameter with flanged joints. The oak
timber stays of which had become quite black from age. A culvert
of curious construction led towards the well. It had flat slabs of
stone forming the bottom, on which rested stones cut out in the form
of a semicircular arch eighteen inches diameter internally, and uni-
formly three inches and a half thick. The stones were truly dressed
inside and out, and why the exterior portions of them should have
been cut away at considerable expence of labour and a decrease of
strength it is difficult to make out. They may have originally been
designed for some other purpose and afterwards used as drain covers.
26 THE HEBBUHNS OF HEBBURN :
IL— NOTES OF THE FAMILY OF HEBBURN OF
HEBBURN.
BY J. CRAWFORD HODGSON.
[Read on the 28th August, 1895.]
THE recent meeting of the Society at Chillingham, when the bastle-
house of Hebburn was inspected, affords a not unsuitable opportunity
of laying before you the gathered fragments of the history of its
ancient owners, whose surname was taken from this, their principal
seat.
The earliest notice of the Hebburn family seems to be in the reign
of king John, when John Viscount II., gave to the monks of Fame
land at Newton-by-the-Sea, adjoining the meadow of Robert de
Hebburu, knight. Between 1237 and 1244 John Viscount III..
granted a third part of Earle, near Wooler, and a moiety of Newton
to Robert de Hebburn. In 1255 Gerard de Hebburn was an attesting
witness to the charter which records the sale of the barony of Emble-
ton by the Lady Rametta and Hereward de Marisco, her husband, to
Simon de Montford, and was witness to another charter of the same
period of a grant of a tenement in Stamford from Patrick Harang to
de Montford. In"1352 sir Thomas de St. Maur granted to sir John
Stryvelyn all his rights in the manor and township of Newton and
the holdings which John de Hebburn had held in Hebburn of sir
Lawrence de St. Maur, his grandfather. It was probably the widow
of this John de Hebburn, and mother of Guychard or Gerhard de
Hebburn, who, in 1292, as Mathilda, wife of John le Taillur of
Berwick, claimed one third of Newton as her dower from the said John
de Hebburn, her former husband.1
In 1271 Nicholas Hebburn granted to the vicar of Chillingham
certain lands and offerings there conditional on his officiating in the
chapel at Hebburn on specified feast days,2 and the names of James
de Hebburn and Alice de Hebburn appear in the Subsidy Roll of
1312. In 1319 Guychard de Hebburn and Isabel, his wife, held the
manor of Hebburn, with lands in Newton and Earle.3
1 The new Hist, of NortM. vol. ii. pp. 17, 18, 83, 85, 89.
2 Border Holds, pp. 23, 302.
3 HodgsoD, Hist, of Xorthd. iii. vol. i. p. 62.
OF NEWTON AND EARLE. 27
On the 19th March, 1350, Mathilda, daughter of [Guychard and]
Isabella de Hebburn, and wife of William Darrayns, for a rent of 1 OOs.
granted to Eobert Wendout, an adjoining landowner and kinsman, all
her lands at Newton, Embleton, and Earle, for the term of her life.
These lands, some six years later, were finally transferred by Darrayns
to Wendout.
Robert Wendout, the purchaser, had one sou and six daughters.
Upon failure of heirs to the former in 1379 the daughters became
co-heiresses, and part of the lands, including one third part of the
manor of Newton, fell to the second daughter Isabel, who had married
a Hebburn, probably a second cousin of Mathilda Darrayns. In this
way the alienated lands, or part of them, were restored to the blood of
the former owners.4
The husband of Isabel Wendout was probably that John Hebburn
who was found to have died circa 28 Edward III. (1354), seized of the
manor of Hebburn, and of lands at Newton and Earle.5 We now
reach firmer ground, for Robert de Hebburn, son of Isabel
Wendout, was found to be of the age of thirty in 1381, and to have
died 3rd August, 1415. An Inq. p.m. was taken (4 Henry V.), and he
was found to have died seized of Newton-by-the-Sea, of the manor of
Hebburn, and of the manor of Earle.6 He was succeeded by his son,
Thomas de Hebburn, then aged twenty-seven, who died 1st July,
1424, leaving a son and heir, John de Hebburn, aged five years. In
1448 Agnes, widow of Robert de Hebburn, was found to have died
seized of lauds and tenements at Earle. Newton, East Ditchburn, etc.7
In 1486 John Hebburn, who would then be aged about sixty-
seven years, and is described as senior, conveyed his manor of
Hebburn, and his lands at Hebburn, Earle, Newton-by-the-Sea,
Ellington, Ingo (?), and Coldmartin to William Rutherford of
Rochester, William Lawson, and others, in. trust.8
In 1509 Thomas Hebburn is returned as owner and occupier of
Hebburn-hold, capable of accommodating twenty horsemen. He was
possibly a grandson of John Hebburn, senior, and is mentioned again
4 The new Hist, of Northd. vol. ii. pp. 89, 90.
s Lambert MS.
6 Hodgson, Hist, of Northd. iii. vol. ii. p. 267 ; and new History, vol. ii. p. 89.
7 Hodgson, Hist, of Northd. iii. vol. ii. p. 274.
8 Visitation, edited by Joseph Foster, p. 66.
28 THE HEBBURNS OF HEBBURN :
in 1522 as a freeholder in Embleton, and in 1541 as owner of
Hebburn tower. His will, written by the vicar of Chillingham, and
made 18th April, 1574, when 'syck in body & hole of mynde & of
good & p'fett memorie,' gives his body 'to be buryed wthin the
. . . church of Sent peter th'appostle in Chillangh'm where I am a
p'rshon1.' He gives to his daughter 'Bele' Hebburn £20 ; to his son
Ralph 40s. a year out of his lands in ' Slynglay,' within the bishopric
of Durham ; to son Robert 40s. a year out of Newton-by-the-Sea. ' I
will that Myghell hebborne my sonne and heire shall stand and be
charged and chargeable wth Rauf hebborne and Robert hebborne his
brothers for mete drynk and loddinge in my Mansion hows of heb-
borne orells where, from the day of my deceas duringe and untill
they & either of them shall com to xxiiij yeres of age orells be other-
wise p'vided by s'uice or interteynment, & Also I will that the said
Mighall shall fynde my syster Elsabethe mete drynk and clothe Lyn
& Wollende from the day of my desceas duringe her lif naturall yf
she will remayne wth him.'9
He was succeeded by his son, Michael Hebburn, who married the
posthumous daughter of that George Craster of Craeter who died in
1546. In his time occurred the blood feud between the Stories
and Hebburns, whose differences were submitted to arbitration. The
award of Edmund Craster, the arbitrator, is printed in Border Holds,10
in the Annals of the House of Percy, and elsewhere.
Michael Hebburn's will is dated 2nd January, 1601, and was
proved at York 24th July, 1613. He charges his lands at 'Newton
Morell, co. Richmond,' with £100 apiece to his daughters, Eleanor
and Ann, and appoints numerous executors, viz , his wife Margaret,
his son Arthur, Ralph Gray of Chillingham, Nicholas Forster of
Huln abbey, Arthur Grey, Ephraim Widdrington (his son-in-law),
and Roger Grey.11
Arthur Hebburn in 1614 took a mortgage on Carlecroft,12 and
occurs as owner of Hebburn in the freeholders' list of 1628. His
will is dated 19th August, 1636, and was proved in 1638. Besides his
eldest son Ralph, he had three sons, Edward, Arthur, and John, to
whom he left £100 apiece, to his eldest daughter Margaret, he
9 Durham Wills, (Surt. Soc.) vol. i. p. 401. " Baine, Testa.
10 Border Holds, vol. i., p. 303. 12 Lambert MS.
RALPH HEBBURN THE ROYALIST SOLDIER. 29
devised £200, and to the other six £100 apiece, charged on Hebburn,
Earle, and Newton. He appointed his wife (Mary, daughter of John
Salkeld of Hulne abbey) his executrix.13 His inventory, taken by Henry
Ogle, Thomas and William Armorer, and Richard Forster, was
exhibited in 1638,14 and an Inq. p.m. was taken 10th November, 14
Charles I., by the king's escheator, when he was found to have died
seized of the manor and township of Hebburn and other lands,
Ralph Hebburn, the son and heir, being under age.
In 1661 the heir of Arthur Hebburn was amerced 3s. 4d. for not
appearing at the court at Alnwick.
The heir, Ralph Hebburn, embraced the profession of arms, and
became the colonel of a foot regiment in the service of king Charles I.,
and in 1662 and 1664 was stationed at Berwick. In 1663 he was
rated to the county rate for Hebburn on £120, and for Earle at £20
per annum. He married a daughter of Robert Delaval of Cowpen,
and entered his pedigree at the Heralds' Visitation of 1666, in which
he returned his then age as fifty, apparently an over-statement. He
called in the mortgage on Carlecroft, and re-leased that estate to
George Potts in 1672.15
His son, Robert Hebburn, was aged eight years in 1666, and
appears in the Bamburgh Register as godfather to William, son of
Thomas Forster of Adderstone, in 1685. In 1693 he rented the great
tithes of Chatton from Ford, lord Grey of Wark,16 and four years later
was a trustee of the marriage settlement of Fergus Story of Beanley
and Dorothy Proctor of Shawdon and Rock.17 The writer has no
record of his death or will, but he would seem to have resided on his
own estate at Hebburn, for the Chillingham Register records the
baptisms of five of his children.
He seems to have been succeeded by his son, Robert Hebburn, the
last male of the direct line, who also served in the army. His will
preserved in the rev. John Hodgson's collection, is printed at length
in the Appendix. It shows that besides his daughter Mary, and his
two sisters, he apparently had no near blood relative.
The heiress of this ancient line had a somewhat eventful and
unhappy life. After being educated at the once well-known York
Manor school, she afterwards visited Bath, Clifton, London, etc.,
13 Raine, Testa. " Ibid. " Lambert MS. ls Ibid. " Ibid.
30 THE HEBBURKS OF HEBBURN :
under the care of Mre, Johnstone, her father's sister. She married
Edward Brndcnell, a descendant of Lord Cardigan and a kinsman of
the duke of Montague, who, after serving as aide-de-camp to his
father in the German war, took orders for the sake of the family
living of Hougham, Lincolnshire. The marriage settlement is dated
6th November, 1764. ' The habits of dissipation he had acquired in
the army were not forsaken, and his marriage to an heiress was a
further step to the gratification of his expensive pleasures. He was
a man of insinuating and accomplished manners, but totally without
moral or religious principle, and the selfish hardness of his heart
showed itself in utter disregard of the happiness of an affectionate
wife, and in the grossest indulgence in illicit amours and profligate
habits of expense. His wife brought him two sons ; they both, how-
ever, died in infancy ; and after suffering every species of unkindness
and indignity Mrs. Brudenell came to the resolution of parting from
her ungenerous and cruel husband.' She left a letter for her husband
' threatening that if he attempted -to molest her or refused the separate
maintenance provided by her marriage settlement, she would throw
herself on the protection of the duke of Montague, and disclose the
cruelty with which she had been treated.' . . . . ' Mrs. Brudenell
visited some of her mother's connexions in London, while Mr.
Brudenell made some arrangements with respect to her estate of
Hebburn in Northumberland, and he finally agreed to allow her £100
a year. From the deranged state of his own affairs he found it
expedient to accept the appointment (obtained for him by his half-
brother, General Philips) of chaplain to General Burgoyne's army,
along with a detachment of which he sailed for America in the year
1776.'
At her husband's death in 1804 Mrs. Brudenell became again
possessed of her paternal estate of Hebburn. * She who in her youth
had bounded over those fields, the heiress of a fair domain, full of life,
hope, and promise, now, at the age of 66, came back a shattered,
feeble, old woman.' Mr. Brudenell had ' pulled down an old baronial
castle which time had spared,' and built Hebburn house upon ' pre-
cisely the only part of the estate which affords a prospect utterly
devoid of picturesque beauty.'18
18 Mrs. Fletcher's Autobiography (Edinburgh, Edmonston & Douglas, 1875),
pp. 2, 3, 4, 5, 85, 91, and 96.
THE TEINITY HOUSE, NEWCASTLE.
31
Mrs. Brudenell, 'having no connexions on her father's side, and
her mother's connexions never having shown her any affectionate
consideration or regard, devised her estate to the daughter of an old
friend, the wife of Mr. Archibald Fletcher of Edinburgh, an eminent
lawyer and a member of the literary society of the period. She died
at Tadcaster 25th November, 1806, arid was buried near her children
in the chancel of Hougharn, where the following epitaphs preserve
their memory : —
Near this place are deposited the remains of Edward and William Brudenell
sons of the reverend Edward Brudenell rector of Hougham cum Marston and
Margaret his wife, daughter and sole heiress of Robert Hebborne esq. of Heb-
borne in the county of Northumberland.
Edward the eldest was buried July the 20th, 1767, aged 1 year.
William February the 24th, 1770, aged 3 years
Sacred to the memory of | Margaret Brudenell | of | Hebburne | To an
elevated and generous mind | she unite 1 | a grateful and affectionate heart |
she died in the humble trust | of a blessed immortality | November, 1806 |
aged 61.
Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher sold Hebburn 13th September, 1808,19 to
the earl of Tankerville, who has absorbed part of it in the Ohillingham
park.20
POSTSCRIPT.— On 4th January, 20 Henry VII., Ralph Hebburn of Hebburn,
esquire, granted to the Fraternity of Mariners the site of the present Trinity
house at Newcastle. The priest ministering within the chapel there was to pray
for the good estate of the said Ralph Hebburn, of master John Hebburn, and
of George Hebburn. On the 9th September. 16 Henry VIII., the Fraternity
obtained a confirmation from Thomas Hebburn, son of the above Ralph, who
was to be made a brother and a partaker of all masses, prayers, and suffrages
said in the chapel. — Bourne, pp. 143-144 ; cf, Welford, i. p. 400 ; ii. p. 77.
Matter John Hebburn may be identified with John Hebburn, LL.B., vicar
of Tynemouth in 1492. — Brand, vol. ii. p. 102.
19 Lambert MS. and ex. inf. Mr. R. G. Bolatn of Berwick.
20 There remains on the Chillingham vestry books a 'survey and valuation,
made in 1806, of Hebburn, the estate of Mrs. Mary Brudenell': —
Tenant.
Acreage.
Value p. a.
Lancelot Reed, esq.
57
£109
John Ord .
562
172
Walter Atkinson
... 735
485
Jas. Jeffrey
Wm. Jorden
83
119
93
110
Tithe rent,
Mat. Alder
50
57
£83 10s.
Jas. Scott
... 400
70
do. lime quarries
—
20
Mary Hall
—
1 10s.
2,008
£1,120 13 9
32 HEBBURN OF HEBBURN
ARMS : Argent; three lamps for cressets ) sable. Visitation.
ROBERT HEBBURN, lord of the manor of Newton-by-the-Sea, had =
grant of one-third part of Earle and a moiety of Newton from
John Viscount III. (c).
John Hebburn, son
and heir, held lands
at Hebburn from
Sir Lawrence de
St. Maur (c).
Mathilda who remar-
ried John le Taillur
of Berwick, and at the
assize of 1292 claimed
dower (c).
I
Nicholas Hebburn of
Hebburn in 1271
granted lands to vicar
of Chilliugbam (e).
Guychard (or Gerhard) Hebburn ; = Isabella .
living 1319.
Adam Hebburn.
I
William Hebburn =
Mathilda, daughter and co-heiress,
married William Darrayns, and
in 1350/1 conveyed her interest
in Newton to Robert Wendout
for an annuity (c).
Np
Alice, daugh-
ter and co-
heiress, mar-
ried of
Earle.
*
[John] Heb- =
burn.
= Isabel, daughter of Robert
Wendout and co-heiress
of her nephew, Robert
Wendout, in 1379; in-
herited one-third of
manor of Newton-by-
the-Sea (c).
Robert Hebburn, aged 30 in 1381 ; died = Agnes . . . . ; died 1448, seized of
3rd Aug., 1415. lands at Earle.
Thomas Hebburn was a'ged 27 in 1416 ; died 1st July, 1424 =
John Hebburn was aged 5 in 1424, and as John Hebbnrn, senior, in 1486 conveyed his =
lands at Hebburn, Newton, Earle, Ellington, Ingo, and Coldmartin to trustees. :
Ralph Hebburn of Hebburn, in U04 a benefactor to Fraternity of Mariners =
at Newcastle.
Thomas Hebburn of Hebburn, 1509 =
and 1524.
John Hebburn, LL.B., In 1492
• vicar of Tynemouth.
George Hebburn,
living 1504.
I I :
Thomas Hebburn of Hebbnrn, = Dowsabel, daugh- Elizabeth ; named Jane, married
will dated 28th Apr.l, 1574; ter of Sir in her brother's Richard For-
to be buried in Chillingham Roger Grey of will. ster of Fleet-
church (d). Horton. ham.
Michael Hebburn of Hebburn, =
son and heir; will dated
2nd Jan , 1601 ; proved at
York, 24th July, 1613 (d).
- Margaret (or Eleanor),
posthumous daughter of
George Craster of Craster;
named in husband's will.
1 I
Robert Hebburn
of Newton-by-
the-Sea.
Ralph Hebourn.
Isabel.
Elizabeth.
Arthur Hebburn of Hebburn ; will = Mary, daughter
dated 19th Aug., 1636; proved
1638 (d) ; Inq. p.m. 10th Nov.,
14 Charles I.
of John Sal-
keld of Huln-
park.
Jane, married
Sir Ephraim
Widdrington
of Ritton.
I I
Eleanor.
Ann.
(One of whom married
.... Middleton.)
I
Ralph Hebburn of =
Hebburn ; was
aged LO in 1666 ;
colonel of Foot
in service of
Charles I.
I ! I
Alice, daughter Edward,
of Robert De- Arthur,
laval of Cow- died un-
pen ; buried married.
5th Oct., 1688 John.
(6).
I I III I
Margaret, married Robert Frances. Martha, bur.
Dodsworth of Barton ; Ann. 24th Jan.,
1705/6 (6).
and 2nd, Col. Heary
Chaytor of Croft.
Dorothy, married Henry
Peaison of Newton by-
the-Sea.
Catherine. ,-,-,-
(One of whom mar-
ried Roger Pearson
of Titlington.)
Robert Hebburu of
Hebburn, was aged
8 years in 1666.
I I
Arthur, aged 7 in 1666.
Edward, aged 2 in 1666 ; baptised
18th Jau., 1663 '4 (a).
I I
Mary, baptised 20th Oct., 1662 (a).
Alice, aged 1 year and 6 mouths
in 1666.
Robert Hebburn of Hebburn, = sister
an officer in the army. Will
dated 21sb Sept., 1753 ; codicil,
1755; 'to be buried in the
church of Berwick, beside
my dear wife, in a private
decent manner.'
of the wife
of the Rev.
.... Duck-
wood.
Ralph, baptised
2nd Oct., 1688;
buried 6th
Jan., 1688/9
(6).
Alice, baptised 25th Aug.,
1687 (b) ; living 1753.*
Susanna, baptised llth Feb.,
1689 (6) ; died in infancy.
Susanna, baptised 19th Nov.,
169.. (6); living 1753.*
Maria, baptised 19th Nov.,
1695 (6).
Margaret, daughter and heiress, born circa 1735, married Edward Brudenell, clerk in orders,
rector of Hougham, Lincolnshire ; marriage settlement 6th Nov., 1764 ; died at Tadcaster,
25th Nov., 18C6, and buried beside her two children in the chancel of Hougham.
This pedigree is founded on the Herald's Visitation of 1666.
a) Berwick Register. (d) Raine, Testamenta.
b) Chillingham Register. (e) Bates, Border Holds.
c) New County History of Northumberland, vol. ii., account of Newton-by-the-Sea.
One of these ladies married Johnson, and with her Mrs. Brudenell resided before marriage.
WILL OF EGBERT HEBBURN. 33
APPENDIX.
This is the last Will and Testament of me Robert Hebburne of Hebburne in
the County of Northumberland, Esquire, made and published this twenty first
day of September in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty three, as fol-
lows : First it is my mind and will that all my just debts I shall owe at my
death and the legacies hereinafter given shall in the first place be paid and dis-
charged and for the more sure doeing thereof I do hereby charge and make
subject all my Estate as well reall as personal with the payment of the same.
And I give, devise and bequeath all my messuages, lands, Tenements and
Hereditaments with their and every of their appurtenances situate lying and
being in Hebburne aforesaid or elsewhere in the said county of Northumberland
in whose tenure or occupation soever the same are or be. And all my personal
Estate whatsoever and wheresoever, and of what nature kind or quality soever,
unto my daughter Margaret Hebburne and her heirs for ever when she shall
have attained the age of twenty one years (subject and liable to all my just
debts, funeral expences and legacies hereinafter bequeathed) and in the mean
time, and untill my said daughter shall have attained the said age of twenty one
years, I hereby order and direct my Trustees and Executors, hereinafter named,
to pay yearly out of the rent of my real Estate and other my yearly income, to
Mrs fforster, wife of Thomas fforster of Lucker, in the said County of
Northumberland, Gentleman, to whom I commit the .sole care, management,
and direction of my said daughter, the sum of one hundred pounds yearly, to be
applied by her towards my said daughter's maintenance, education, and bringing
up, till she arrives at the age of twenty one years ; and the overplus of all my
rents, and other yearly income of my real and personal estate, after payment
yearly of the said one hundred pounds and annuities hereinafter bequeathed, I
do order and direct the same to be placed out and put forth at interest by my
said Trustees and Executors to the use of my said daughter, to be paid her with
the increase thereof when she shall have attained the said age of twenty one
years. But if my said Daughter Margaret Hebburn shall happen to dye before
she shall have attained the said age of twenty one years, and unmarried (charged
and chargeable with the several annuities herein bequeathed) I give and devise
all and every my messuages, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments and appur-
tenances whatsoever in Hebburne or elsewhere in the County of Northumber-
land aforesayd, unto Robert fforster, one of the sons of the said Thomas fforster
of Lucker aforesaid, and the heirs male of his body lawfully issuing ; and for
default of such Issue, I give and devise all and 'singular the same premises
(charged and chargeable as aforesaid) unto John fforster, another son of the said
Thomas fforster of Lucker aforesaid and the Heirs. %Male of his body lawfully
issuing ; and for default of such issue, I give and devise all and singular the same
premises etc. unto Ralph fforster another son of the said Thomas fforster and the
Heirs Male of his Body lawfully issued ; and for default of such issue, I give
and devise all and singular the same premises to the right heires of the said
VOL. XVIII. 5
84 THE HEBBURNS OF HEBBURN :
Thomas fforster for ever ; and in case my said Daughter Margaret Hebburn
shall happen to dye as aforesaid, before she attains the said age of twenty one
years, and unmarried, Then I give and bequeath unto Eleanor fforster
and Joannah fforster, Daughters of the said Thomas fforster of Lucker, afore-
said, all my personal Estate whatsoever and wheresoever, of what nature,
kind, or quality, and of whatsoever the same consists, equally betwixt them, to
be divided share and share alike, Subject and liable in the first place to and
with the payment of all my debts legacies and funeral expences. Also I give
and devise unto my sister Alice Hebburn for and during the term of her natural
life, one clear annual rent of twenty pounds of lawf ull money of great Britan to
be yearly issuing and payable out of all and singular my said messuages, Lands,
Tenements, and Hereditaments, and to be yearly payable to my said sister at or
upon the first day of May and the eleventh day of November by equall portions,
free of all manner of deductions or abatement whatsoever ; the first payment
thereof to be made on such of the said days as shall happen next after my
decease. And I also give and bequeath unto my said Sister, Alice Hebburne,
the sum of twenty pounds, to buy mourning with, to be paid her within two
months after my death. Also I give and bequeath unto my sister Susannah
Hebburne for and during the term of her natural life, one other clear annual
rent of twenty pounds of like lawf ull money, to be yearly issuing and going forth
out of and from all and singular the same premises, and to be yearly payable to
my said sister Susannah Hebburne at or upon the said first day of May and
eleventh day of November by equal portions, etc the first payment, etc. And I
also give and bequeath unto my said sister Susannah Hebburne, the sum of
twenty pounds to put her into mourning to be paid her etc. And I do will and
devise that of either if the said annual rents or sums of Twenty pounds or
either of them shall happen to be behind and unpaid in part or in all by the
space of twenty days next after either of the said days, upon which the same are
respectively before limitted and appointed to be paid (the same being lawfully
demanded) Then and so often it shall and may be lawf ull to and for my
said sisters Alice Hebburne and Susannah Hebburne respectively unto whom
the said respective annual rents or sums of money in any part thereof shall be
so due and in arrear unto and upon all and singular the said messuages, Lands,
Tenements and Hereditaments, out of which the said yearly rents are to be
issuing as aforesaid, and unto and upon every or any part or parcel thereof, to
enter and distrain, and the distress and distresses then and there found to take,
impound, detain and keep untill the said respective rent or rents so unpaid, and
all arrears thereof (if any shall happen to be, and all costs and charges of such
distress and distresses shall be fully satisfied and paid. And also that if the said
rents hereby before detailed or any of them shall be behind and unpaid in part
or in all by the space of fforty days next after any of the said days whereon the
same respectively ought to be paid as aforesaid, the same being lawfully
demanded, then and in every such case and so often it shall and may be lawfull
to and for my sisters respectively unto whom the said respective yearly rents
WILL OP KOBEKT HEBBURN. 35
shall be so due and in arrear by the space of fforty days as aforesaid into and upon
all and singular the said premises, out of which the same yearly rents are to be
issuing or into or upon any part or parcel thereof, to enter and the same to have
hold and enjoy untill she or they shall be therewith or otherwise fully satisfied
and paid the said respective yearly rent or rents so behind and unpaid and all
arrears thereof then incurred (?) or that shall incurr during such possession or
possessions respectively together with all the costs and charges of such entry or
entries. And further it is my will and mind that if my said Daughter shall
happen to dye before she shall attain the age of twenty one years and
unmarried, then and in that case, I give and devise unto my said sisters Alice
Hebburneand Susannah Hebburne aforesaid, during their several and respective
Life and Lives an additional clear annual rent or sum of ten pounds apeice.
And if one of them be then only living, then one single additional clear annual
rent of ten pounds to such surviving sister for and during the term of her
natural life, The said additional rent or rents to be also yearly issuing and going
forth out of and from all every or any of my said messuages, Lands, Tenements
and Hereditaments and to be yearly payable to my said sister or sisters respectively
at or upon the same days and times, and in like manner or proportions as is or
are hereinbefore limitted for payment of the former annuities hereinbefore
given and devised to my said sisters, with the same or the like powers and
remedies for the obtaining and receiving thereof as I have given and devised to
my said sisters for or in respect of their said former annuities anything con-
tained to the contrary thereof anywise notwithstanding. Also I give and
bequeath (if my said Daughter shall happen to dye before she attain the age of
twenty one years and unmarried, as aforesaid) unto Mrs Duckworth, wife of the
Reverend Mr Duckworth, and sister to my late dear wife, the sum of fBfty
pounds, to be paid her within six months after my said Daughter's death. 1
also give and bequeath unto my servant Robert Straughen, if he be living with
me at the time of my death all my wearing apparell and wearing Linen whatso-
ever, and all my Saddles and Leather accoutrements in the stables whatsover
(the chair and harness only excepted) And I do also give my said servant the
horse he usually rode upon in attending my Chair. Also I give and bequeath
unto the said Thomas fforster of Lucker, Nicholas Brown of Bolton in the said
County of Northumberland, Esquire, and Matthew fforster, Gentleman, son of
the said Thomas fforster, the sum of twenty pounds apiece as a token of
gratitude for the trouble they will have in the execution and management of the
trusts hereby reposed in them. And I do constitute and appoint the said Thomas
fforster, Nicholas Brown, and Matthew fforster joint executors of this my will ;
And I do also give and devise unto the said Thomas fforster, Nicholas Brown,
and Matthew fforster the Guardianship and Tuition of my said Daughter during
her minority, and to the survivors or survivor of them. And also I do order and
direct and it is my will that the said Thomas fforster, Nicholas Brown, and
Matthew Forster, their executors, etc., shall and may deduct and retain out of
the income of my Estate all such costs, charges, and expences as they or either
36 THE HEBBURNS OP HEBBURN.
or any of them shall lay out, expend, or be put into, in about or concerning
the execution or management of all or any of the trusts hereby in them reposed.
And that they or any of them shall not be answerable for or chargeable with
any more of the said trust money than what they respectively actually receive
or comes to their respective hands, nor one for the others of them nor one for the
receipts, acts, or defaults of another (their joining in signing receipts for money
for conformity notwithstanding) nor for any loss or difficulty which may
happen in the said trust money without their own wilf ull acts and defaults.
And I do hereby revoke all former and other wills by me at any time heretofore
made and declare this to.be my last Will. In Witness whereof I the said Robert
Hebburne the Testator to this and another part hereof have set my hand and
seal the day and year first above written. [Signed] ROBT. HEBBURNE.
[Signet Crown above 3 fleurs delys].
Witnessed by GEOEGE MARSH, Rector of Ford ;
THOS. THORP. Vicar of Berwick ; WM. JEFFREYS.
Codicil dated Ap. 1. 1755.
[Confirms annuities to sisters, etc.] I do also give and bequeath unto each of
my said two sisters one further annuity of five pounds apiece to be paid them
respectively during their respective lives on the same days and times I have by
my said will ordered and directed their several annuities of twenty pounds
apiece to be paid them. And I do also order and direct my Executors to give
such further relief and assistance unto my said two sisters or either of them out
of my estate and effects as they in their discretions shall see proper in case my
said sisters or either of them shall happen to be afflicted with sickness or
Infirmities. And I do also by this my Codicil make Null and Void to all and
intents and purposes both in Law and Equity the bequest to John Forster in
and by my said will of my Messuages. Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments in
Hebburn aforesaid, and the Heirs Male of his body lawfully issuing in case of
his Brother Robert dyeing without Heirs Male as by my said Will is more
particularly mentioned and expressed. I do also order my ffuneral to be about
four in the afternoon in a private, decent but not expensive manner. My
Corpse I desire may be interred as near as may be the Corpse of my late dear
Wife, within the Church of Berwick aforesaid, And I do order that there be only
four bearers to bear up the pall, vizt., Samuel Younghusband and George Can-
Esquires, and Mr William Jeffreys and Mr William Hall. In Witness whereof I
have herewith set my hand and seal the Twenty first day of Aprill One
thousand seven hundred and fifty five. ROBT. HEBBURNE.
Witnesses.. %WM. JEFFREYS ; ROBERT STRAWHEN ; JN. NEALE.
Mr. Forster : I desire and my Will is that you and my other Executors may
give to my serv* Robert Straughen over and above what I have particularly
given him in my will the following particulars (to wit) my Setting Dogg and all
iny * my gun, pistolls and sword. May 3rd, 1755. • ROB. HEBBUBNE.
Witnesses. ROBERT THOMPSON; JN. NEALE.
* Torn.
ST. ANDREW'S CHURCH, NEWCASTLE. 37
III. — MONUMENTS IN THE ATHOL CHANTEY, ST.
ANDREW'S CHURCH, NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE.
BY JOHN ROBINSON.
[Read on the 29th May, 1895.]
THE restoration,1 under the supervision of Mr. "W. S. Hicks, a member
of this society, of the Holy Trinity chantry in St. Andrew's church,
and the uncovering of monuments to famous burgesses of Newcastle,
is a subject deserving the attention of the Society of Antiquaries.
Some of the best known local benefactors, poets, painters,
musicians, mathematicians, and men of letters have their names
recorded in the registers of the church. The names of de Athol,
lord of Jesinond, and of the family of Mrs. Barrett-Browning are
sufficient in themselves to give prestige to any parish. But when
we find that the centuries which intervene between the periods
represented by these two names have been made famous in the town's
history by the lives of such inhabitants as sir William Blackett, sir
Mark Milbanke, sir Ralph Jenison, sir Francis Anderson, Edward
Delaval, the Brandlings, Isaacsons, Collingwoods, Ellisons, Claverings,
Surtees, Scotts (lords Eldon and Stowell), Stotes, Ogles, Ords, and
Armstrongs, the majority of whom have been, from time to time,
members of the ancient vestry or f our-and-twenty of St. Andrew's ; when
science, art, and literature are represented by Charles Avison, Henry
Atkinson, John Forster, T. M. Richardson, Perlee Parker, Carmichael,
Ewbank, Winch, Chicken, Richard Grainger, the Fairbairns, and Dr.
Bruce ; when amongst its curates are the revs. John and Nathaniel
Ellison and John Brand, enough has been recorded to prove the many
associations gathered round the ancient fabric.
The Trinity chantry was the burial place of several members
of the old Newcastle trade guilds, for many names upon its raonu-
1 Amongst other alterations the floor of the chantry, which originally was at
least a foot above the level of the church, has been lowered to the same level,
necessitating the disturbance of the ledger stones and the Athol slab. In the
process all the remains found, including those of Adam de Athol and his wife,
were, it is said, mixed together and buried in one place. A few glazed tiles
discovered during the work have been set diamond-wise into the centre of
a sandstone slab. — ED.
38 ST. ANDREW'S CHURCH, NEWCASTLE :
ments are associated with them, and their armorial bearings are to
be seen sculptured upon the stones. For generations these slabs
have been hidden from sight by the erection of the organ in
the chantry. A plan of the chantry, which measures twenty
feet from east to west by twenty-eight feet from north to south,
similar to that here given (plate IX.) by the courtesy of Mr. Hicks,
the architect, will be placed among the parish records, so that the
exact spot will be known where each particular monument is to be
found.
The recent restoration has demonstrated the fact that the same
burial space, and even the same sepulchral monument, has been more
than once used, regardless of family relationship ; and in some
instances the last monument has been placed on the top of an earlier
one.
The custom of purchasing ground inside the church for the pur-
poses of a pew for the living, and a burial place for the dead, is illus-
trated by the following entry in the churchwardens' accounts of St.
Andrew's in the seventeenth century : —
1680. Pews No. 21, 22 and 23. These three pews above mentioned let to
Mr. Richard Lambert, together with a Burial place granted him, the length of
the said Pews, and two yards in breadth.
The same family had previously buried their dead in the interior
of the church, as may be seen from the records of 1644, where it is
stated that among ' sums received fore Larestones for the year 1644 '
there was paid by ' Thomas Lambert, son of Mr. Eichard Lambert,
00 : 01 : 08.' For centuries it was the custom of wealthy families to
have their burial places inside the church ; and as we have seen from
the above extract from the church records in numerous instances the
family pew was above the family burial place.
The chantry was founded by sir Aymer de Athol ; who was lord of
Jesmond, and in 1381 high sheriff of Northumberland.2 He buried
his wife Mary in it, and erected an altar to the Holy Trinity at the
foot of her grave. So great had been his charity that the church twice
granted indulgences of forty days to all who should offer up prayers in
the chantry he founded, or should contribute to its proper ornamenta-
tion. The chief object of interest in the chantry is the large slab of
2 Welford, Newcastle, i. p. 198 ; see also pp. 205, 208, 215.
THE RUTTER LEDGER STONE. 39
freestone bearing the matrices of the brazen effigies of the founder
and his wife. Of this slab the dimensions are fourteen feet four
inches in length by four feet ten inches in breadth, and six inches
thick, and weighs about three tons.3 The grain of the stone is very
hard, and on the underside full of large pebbles. The local masons
state that they have never seen a stone of the same grit, and they do
not believe it was from any local quarry.
Inlaid round the verge of the stone ran an inscription on brass, of
which Richardson4 informs us some portion remained in 1708.
This he gives as ' Hie jacent Dominus Adamarus de Atholl, miles,
et Dna Maria uxor ejus quae obiit quarto decimo die Meiisis ....
Anno Domini Millessimo tricentesimo .... animarnm propitietur.'
Some of the brass nails, by which the brasses were attached to
the stone, are still to be seen.
Not a single fragment of the brasses remains on the stones, piece
by piece they disappeared, and, in the memory of some now living,
the last remnant was torn from its place. This represented the
knight's feet resting on a leopard, and was rescued from the melting
pot, and presented to this society by Monseigneur Eyre (now Roman
Catholic archbishop of Glasgow), and is in the museum at the Black
Gate.5
Between the Athol monument and the north window of the chantry
is the Rutter monument (No. 1 on plan), on which is inscribed the
following : —
The Burial Place of | CHRISTOPHEB RVTTER | Baker and Brewer And Ann
his | Wife and their Children fhe | Departed this life the 20tu day of April An
Dom: 170+ | He departed the 17th day of March An: | Dom: 1714 In the 52nd
year of his | Age And left four Children (Viz:) lacob, Christopher, lane |
Ivlia. | JACOB RUTTEK Died April The 25th 1759 Aged 24 years Elizabeth
his Daughter Died March the 30tu | 1757 Aged 10 weeks.
The Rutters were one of the leading mercantile houses in New-
castle in the beginning of the last century. They had their own pew
in St. Andrew's, which is thus recorded in the churchwardens' books : —
October 19th, 1707. — Agreed and Let to Mr. Christopher Rutter, Beer
Brewer, Two New Pews, buiJt by himself at the west and next to Number six in
the middle Isle, North Side, For which he pays two shillings and sixpence in
hand, and to pay yearly, every year at Whitsuntide one shilling.
* See reproduction of this, from a rubbingmade by Mr. 0. J. Charlton, at p. 49.
* Talk Book, Hist. ii. p. 174. s See Proc. vi. p. 169 et sey.
40 ST. ANDREW'S CHUKCH, NEWCASTLE :
In 1720 Jacob Kutter was sheriff of Newcastle. On May 4th,
1749, the marriage of Miss Rutter with Mr. Clayton is announced
to the world in the following quaint style in the Newcastle
Courant : —
Mr. William Clayton, an eminent Merchant in Newcastle, and son of
Alderman Clayton, to Miss Mary Rutter, daughter of Mr. Rutter, Brewer, in
Newcastle, a Lady of fine accomplishments and a great fortune.
In 1762 the widow of Mr. Christopher Rutter was married to
lieutenant John Graham, of the Yorkshire East Riding Grenadier
Company of Militia ; his regiment was at the time stationed in New-
castle. After his marriage, he succeeded to the business in Pilgrim
Street, and the firm of John Graham became one of the most exten-
sive traders with the West Indies, for which purpose he built and
fitted out a fleet of vessels, which traded between the Tyne and
Jamaica. In 1771 Mrs. Graham died, without issue, and Mr.
Graham married for his second wife, in 1780, Miss Arabella Altham
of Islington, sister to Mrs. Aubone Surtees of the Sandhill, Newcastle,
whose husband's sister, Bessy Surtees, eloped with John Scott, after-
wards lord Eldon. The issue of the marriage of John Graham with
Miss Altham was Mary, afterwards Mrs. Barrett, mother of Mrs. Barrett-
Browning, the gifted poetess. Mr. Graham some years afterwards,
in 1786, assumed, by royal licence, the arms and name of Clarke.
The Rutter family mansion, in which Mr. Graham lived from his
marriage to his first wife until the building of his larger mansion
next door, was in Pilgrim Street. The old house, in which Mrs.
Barrett-Browning's mother was born, is now the Bible house. After
John Graham Clarke had removed into his new mansion, the old
residence was occupied for many years by the maiden sisters of lord
Collingwood. The family vault and monument to the Rutter family
and their old family mansion in Pilgrim street possess, therefore,
historical associations of more than usual interest.
To the west of the Rutter monument is a long, narrow ledger
stone, wider at the top than at the bottom (No. 2 on plan). The
inscription round the edges reads : — ' HEAR LYETH THE | BODYE
OF RODGER HADDOCK BLACKSMYTH | AND ... | ... WHO | DYED
THE 5 OF MARCH, 1638, WHO MARIED ISABEL REA | .' In the centre
the inscription is continued thus : ' DAUGHTER OF REA or
THE HADDOCK AND TWIZELL MONUMENTS. 41
and below is a shield with the blacksmiths' arms (quarterly, 1 and 4 a
chevron between three hammers, 2 three horse shoes (2 and 1), 3 is
blank). The name of Haddock frequently appears in the records of
the parish of St. Andrew in the seventeenth century and early part of
the eighteenth. A Miss Annie Eeay was one of the largest ratepayers
according to the book of rates for 1738. Henry Reay was sheriff in
1707 and mayor in the years 1712 and 1729. There was an altar
tomb of blue marble in the graveyard of Tynemouth priory to the
memory of ' Henry Reay, Esqr., Merchant, Alderman, and twice
Mayor of Newcastle.'
On the south side of the Athol monument is the grave cover
of a member of the tanners' guild, and from the date on the stone it
is a record of the last interment in the chantry (No. 6 on plan).
The inscription reads : —
The Burial place of | IOSHVA TWIZELL | Tanner \ and CATHERINE his Wife 1
and their Children He | departed this life June | the 23 1718 | Jos GREENWELL |
obiit 29 Augst 1797 JEt 5G | MART GREENWELL | died July 19th 1810 Aged 70
Of Joshua Twizell there is little evidence in the parish records, but
the Greenwell family are an influential branch of old Newcastle
worthies. In 1591 William Greenwell was sheriff, as was also, in
1738, another member of the same family of the same name. In
removing the above-named Twizell monument, during the lowering
of the floor of the chantry, an important discovery was made, which
has set at rest any doubt about the Athol vault having been used
for later date burials. In the Local Historian's Table Boole 6 for
October 18th, 1768, it is stated that :—
The remains of William Wilkinson, Esq., were deposited in the Chantry of
the Holy Trinity, in St. Andrew's Church, Newcastle. The body was interred
in the burial place of Sir Adamarus de Athol, the large stone of which it was
supposed had not been removed since his death, as, upon opening his grave only
two skulls were found, and there appeared the flag work in which the bodies of
Sir Adam and his wife had been deposited about 400 years before.
The recent alterations in the chantry have proved this record
to be an error. The Athol remains had not been disturbed; the
south wall of the vault had been partly removed to allow of a burial
alongside the Athol grave, when the old chronicler of the last century
6 Table Book. Hist. ii. p. 174.
vnr. VVTTI 8
42 ST. ANDREW'S CHURCH, NEWCASTLE :
may have looked into the famous sepulchre; but the remains
of the great benefactor of Newcastle and those of his wife were
found to be undisturbed in 1894; no other burial could possibly
have taken place in the same vault. The remains of Athol lay
on the north and his wife on the south side of the grave. The skulls
were in a wonderful state of preservation, the teeth of the lady being
perfect. Athol's head had been large, and high, and well developed;
that of the lady rather small, and gave evidence of being much
younger than that of the knight. They had evidently been buried
in oak coffins, three or four inches thick, held together at the ends
by iron clasps. The vault was once more built up, the large monu-
mental stone lowered into its original position, not again, we hope,
to be disturbed.
To the west of Twizell the tanner's grave, is the older monument
of Samuel Twizell (No. 7 on plan). The central portion of the
slab is worn smooth, but round its edges can be deciphered the
inscription :— ' Samuel Twizell, Master & mariner & Marie, his
wife. She DeParted the llth day of APrill, 1696.'
There is a fitness in this being the resting place of a member of
the ' Guild or Fraternity of the Blessed Trinity ; ' and it completes
the gathering together of all the various trade guilds which have
made Newcastle what it is to-day, of which not the least honourable
is that of the Trinity house, or master and mariners of the town and
port of Newcastle.
Close to the western arch of the chantry, alongside that of the
sailor's grave, is the upper portion of a memorial stone (No. 8
on plan) which records * The Buriall place of | STEPHEN BOND
Mr- & | Mariner & Isabella his . . .' Here the stone is broken off, and
the end fixed to that of another, monument which reads, after five
lines, which are illegible : — ' JOHN MAKEPEACE | Baker And Brewer
And | Elizabeth his wife And | their Children. She Departed | this
Life the 11th (?) of July, 1710.'
Of the Bond family we have no records in the parish registers,
but the Makepeace family name is well known as that of goldsmiths
at the beginning of the last century. The communion plate of
numerous churches in Northumberland and Durham bear the name of
Robert Makepeace, probably a relative.
THE MAKEPEACE, DRUMMOND, AND NEWTON MONUMENTS. 43
At the foot of the Makepeace monument are two fragments of
grave covers which were found underneath a larger monument, near
the doorway of the north vestry, which vestry was according to the
churchwardens' accounts of 1714, 'let to Mr. Sanderson for a (Beer)
Cellar for £01 :00: 00.' The first fragment bears the initials, RWE
cut very deep into the stone. The other fragment bears the modest
epit;iph :— ' The Burial place | of RALPH WATSON | Weauer, 1718.'
The quiet life and modesty of the Newcastle weaver has left no
record in the history of the parish. But an ancestor of his, John
Watson, was sheriff in 1658.
The following epitaph is the only one in the chantry where
poetic fancy has been allowed to soar above the usual plain matter of
fact records on the sculptured monuments. On the east of the
weaver's monument is a large stone with the inscription : —
The Burial place of | ANTHONY DRUMMOND | Mary Mitchell Died Aprill |
the 3rd 1763 Aged 82 years. | Elizabeth Brown Died January | the 12th 1770
Aged 5 years.
Go Spotles honer andun Sullied truth
Go Smiling Inocence and Blooming youth
Go Female Sweetnes Joined with manly Sence
. Go Winning Wit that never Gave offence
Go Soft humanity that blest the Poor
Go Saint ey'd Patience from affliction door
Go modesty that never wore a frown
Go vertue and Receive thy heavenly crown
ANTHONY DRUMMOND died | July the 31th 1777 Aged 42 years.
On the south side of this poetical memorial are the fragments of
several monuments joined together, but the inscriptions are unfor-
tunately illegible. Time, and we must add neglect, have removed all
identity.
To the west of these fragments is a fine slab ledger stone of blue
marble (No. 12 on plan), at the top of it being a coat of arms
bearing a chevron bearing 3 escallops, between 3 goats' heads erased,
surmounted by a crest and helmet, and surrounded by rich mantling.
Below the arms the inscription (No. 12 on plan) : —
The Burial Place of | WILLIAM NEWTON and his Family | Underneath this
Stone | Lieth Interred the Remains of | DOROTHY | The beloved Wife of William
Newton | who departed this life January 5th 1789 | much lamented by her
FAMILY and FRIENDS | aged 49 Years. | WILLIAM NEWTON | died April 29th
1798 aged 69 years.
44 St. ANDREW'S CHURCH, NEWCASTLE »
This William Newton would be the architect, designer of the
Assembly rooms, in Westgate road, also of Howick hall, the seat of
earl Grey ; and he also was the co-despoiler of the ancient monuments
in St. Nicholas's church at the restoration of 1783.
At the foot of the Newton memorial are eight fragments of
monumental stones (Nos. 14-21 on plan), which have been placed side
by side to form one large square. Each fragment has traces of
inscriptions, but time has erased all evidence of the records ; only on
one fragment has part of the brewers' coat of arms, a shield, on
which are a cask, and below it a circle with the letters E c at either
side, survived the ravages of neglect and wilful destruction of times
past.
To the west of these fragments of monuments to unknown
citizens of Newcastle are two monuments deserving the attention of
all who admire honour and worth. On the first is inscribed : —
The Buriall place of | JOHN DAWSON, Taylor, and | Martha his wife and their
Children. She departed this life the 9th day of December, 1710. Barbara, Wife
of Michael Dawson departed this life 9th of January, 172|. Michael Dawson,
son of the above said John Dawson, departed this life August the 6th, 1757.
Aged 66 years.
The Dawsons were important members of the Newcastle com-
munity in the seventeenth century. From the years 1646 to 1692
the office of mayor was occupied six times by members of the family,
and twice the office of sheriff was filled by a Dawson. There is also
an interesting connecting link between admiral lord Collingwood
and the Dawson family, whose monument has been brought to
light in the Athol chantry. Mr. Cuthbert Collingwood, father to
admiral Collingwood, was bound apprentice for ten years to Mr.
Christopher Dawson, merchant adventurer and boothman, and took
up his freedom in 1737, having then one month and ten days yet to
serve as apprentice. Mr. John Clayton, commenting on this fact in
his valuable 'Notes on Lord Collingwood,'7 says, 'The Company of
Merchant Adventurers comprised three ancient companies, the Mercers,
the Drapers, and the Boothmeu otherwise merchants of corn.' Lord
Collingwood was therefore a freeman of Newcastle by patrimony,
through a relative of the John Dawson whose monument has been
discovered in the chantry of the Holy Trinity, St. Andrew's.
7 Arch. Ael. vol. xiii. p. 167.
THE DAWSON, DAVISON, AND WRIGHT MONUMENTS. 45
To the east of the Dawson monument is the fragment of a monu-
ment with the brief inscription : ' The Burial place of Thomas
Davison.'
In the year 1611 we find Alexander Davison sheriff of Newcastle
in 1626, and again in 1638 he was elected mayor. During the second
year of his mayoralty king Charles I. visited Newcastle, and was
entertained by the mayor with more than usual magnificence, in
return for which he received the honour of knighthood. During
the siege of Newcastle in 1644 he was one of the defenders of the
town against the Scottish invaders. On the mural tablet to his
memory in St. Nicholas's church it is recorded that 'during the
siege of this Town of Newcastle, while fighting courageously the
attacking Army of the Scotch rebels (almost eighty years of age), he
bravely breathed his last.'
Thomas Davison in 1633, sir Alexander Davison in 1644, and sir
Thomas Davison in 1666, gave handsome legacies to the poor of
St. Andrew's parish. Nor were the descendants of these worthy
Tynesiders less benevolent than their ancestors. Mrs. Ann Davison
founded a hospital for six widows of ' protestant clergymen, merchants,
and freemen of Newcastle ; ' and Thomas Davison, with his sister,
founded another hospital for six unmarried women, under the same
roof with those intended for the widows, and also for ' six unmarried
men, poor and decayed burgesses of Newcastle,' founded by their
relative, sir Walter Blackett. These charities are yet known as the
Davison hospital, in the Manors.
The following record of purchase of grave space, taken from the
parish register, is of interest : —
Sold to Mr. Thomas Davison a Burial place in St. Andrew's Church in New-
castle upon Tine, in the North Porch, containing in length Eight foott, and in
breadth five foott and a half, to the East of John Dawson's Burial Place.
Recd for part Ace* 00 : 10 : 09.
March 25th, 1711.
It will be seen that the position of the two burial places of Mr.
Thomas Davison and John Dawson in the chantry corresponds with
the terms of this official agreement. To the south of the Davison
monument, and close to the chancel, on a fragment of stone is
sculptured in delicately-cut Italian letters, an inscription, almost
illegible, in memory of . . . Wright. Ann, his wife, departed
46 ST. ANDREW'S CHURCH, NEWCASTLE :
the ... ye llth day of May, 1697.' The name reminds the
present generation of a former inhabitant of the parish in 1664, who
is recorded in the churchwardens' books to have paid for ' A house in
ye Hooksters Boothe in the possession of Ralph Wright, 00 : 02 : 08.'
Alongside of this fragment of Wright's monument is a large
smooth slab ; on the upper part are two distinct crosses, and on the
lower end has been rudely carved the letters J. D. Conjecture as to
the original use of this large stone is useless; the inscription, if
there ever was one, is now past deciphering. It may have been
the original altar slab of the chantry in pre-Eeformation times,
used subsequently as the gravestone of a Novocastrian.8
The next monument is in excellent preservation, and in clear-cut
letters we read : ' The Burial Place of John Langlands, Goldsmith.'
No date is given, but we know that he was admitted a member of the
Goldsmiths' company in 1754, and was in business in 1795. The
communion cups of the churph were made by him. The church-
wardens' books inform us that, 'In 1686 then was Paid to Mr.
Ramsey for mending the Silver Cup, 00 : 07 : 00.' Again, in 1687,
the same expence is recorded, 'Mr. Ramsey for mending the silver
cup, 0:7: O.'9
These two names belonging to the Goldsmiths' guild of Newcastle
found associated with St. Andrew's church, are more frequently seen
on the communion plate of the Northumberland and Durham churches
than is that of any other Newcastle goldsmith. The communion vessels
of many churches in our northern counties bear the mark of William
Ramsey, with dates from 1681 to 1687, while the mark of John
Langlands may be seen on many others bearing dates from 1754 to
1792.
The other monuments did not belong originally to the chantry,
but were discovered in 1844, when extensive alterations took place in
the south transept. Under the east window of the chantry, on a
portion raised a few inches above the level of the floor, are six old
gravestones, which are of special interest. At this spot the original
altar stood ; no burials took place under it. The slabs, placed where
8 Altar slabs have often been used in this second-hand way.
a These entries cannot possibly refer to either of the present cups, which
some would have us to believe, but to one which preceded them. It must have
been in very bad condition to need so much repair. — ED. See Proc. vii. p. 122.
THE IAS GLANDS, YOUNGER, WINSHIP, AND FEN WICK MONUMENTS. 47
the new side altar will stand, could not have found a more fitting
position.
The first monument to the north has no date upon it. The
inscription reads : —
This the Buriall place of | ANTHONY YOVNGEB | Tanner and alice his wife |
and their Children | W. Younger.
It would be a relative of this Anthony Younger who, at a meeting
of the guild in the year 1844, had a serious charge to make against a
brother freeman : —
Roger Younger complains against Cha. Clarke for abusing him in the Spittle
in calling him dissembling knave, and he would prove it.
The adjoining grave cover has been of the usual seventeenth-
century pattern — the inscription running round the edges of the
monument, and the arms of the guild, or private family, in the
middle of the stone. It appears to read round the verge : —
' [Cross-bones] This is [skull] The Bu [cross-bones] | Riall Place
of Thomas Buriie Miller who De [cross-bones] | parted the 16 day
[cross-bones] | of August 1681 and his daughter ;' the inscrip-
tion is continued in the centre : ' who deParted | This Life the 26 |
day of January An0 | 1680.'
The next monument is in excellent preservation, and is embellished
with a beautifully executed design of the tanners' coat of arms
(a bull's face between two fountains in chief, a tree in base). The
inscription reads : —
The Buriall place of | THOMAS WINSHIP tanner | & IANE his wife and their |
Children | She departed the | 13 of feb-v: Anno 1689. | He departed the 2d of
Septemb | Anno 1695.
Next to it, is the following : —
The Burial place of \ NICKHOLAS FESWICK | Merchant who departed | this
life the 14th of december, | Anno 1725 aged 62 years | SAKAH his wife de-
parted | this life March the 26th day | Anno 1732 Aged 60 years | Hannah
Fenwick, Spinfter | Ob: 3th July 1780 Eta: 48 j Anne Wife of Tho8 Fenwick
Esqr | of EAKSDON died 11 July 17 . . |
The "Winship family have not left any distinct impression upon
the history of the parish., It is different with the Fenwick family.
To the north of the Winship and Fenwick monument is a well-
known gravestone, on which is sculptured round the verge : —
48 ST. ANDEEW'S CHURCH, NEWCASTLE :
HEABE LYETH THE | BODY OF RAPH ROWMAYNE TANNEB AND | .... |
ROWMAYN TANNEB AND THEBE WIVES |
which is continued in the centre : —
AND CHILDBE | RAPH DEPTED | THE 16 OF DE | CEMBEB 1587 | RlCHABD
ROMAYNE DEPTED THE 30 OF | MABCH 1629 ALSO | THOMAS ROW | MAYN
COBDENEB | SOVN TO RlCHABD | HE DEPTED THE 1 | OP DECEMBEB | 1639.
The inscription is followed by the tanners1 arms. At the bottom of
the stone are ' The Burial place of | MARGARET OLIVER ' and * The
Burial place of "Wm. Procter.'
This monument of the Rowmaynes stood for fifty years against
the outside of the church tower, and interested all visitors by its
quaint lettering. The names of the first proprietors of the monument,
the Rowmaynes, are graven round the edges of the stone ; the other
names are given in the middle, with the tanners' coat of arms at the
foot of the stone. The names of Margaret Oliver and Wm. Proctor
are given below the tanners' arms. The Rowmayne family were
influential citizens of Newcastle ; they stood fourth in the rate books
of the parish in 1691, when they paid £3 10s. for rates. Whether
Margaret Oliver and Wm. Proctor were relatives of the family is
perhaps difficult to prove, yet the importance of each family can
be easily verified. In 1691 William Oliver was rated in the
church books to the sum of £5 for ' House and Mill.' In 1 684
William Procter was sheriff, and in 1714 Thomas Proctor ' built a
Pew on the South Isle at the west,' for which ' he paid yearly and
every year one shilling at Whitsuntide.'
The next gravestone is of great interest, and carries the mind
back to the twelfth and thirteenth century. No name or date appears,
a plain incised cross, with a mason's or carpenter's square, is all
that is given to indicate the religious faith and worldly occupa-
tion of the old Newcastle worthy. This stone also stood outside of
the church tower for fifty years. Its present position is more fitting
for its preservation and association with its original use.
3d
THE ATHOL MONUMENT. 49
IIlA. — NOTE ON THE ATHOL MATKIX IN ST. ANDREW'S CHUECH,
NEWCASTLE. BY MR. 0. J. CHARLTON.
IN May, 1894, during alterations in the chantry of the Holy
Trinity, St. Andrew's, Newcastle, there was brought to light the slab
bearing the matrix of the once magnificent brass of sir Aymer de
Athol, by whom the chantry was probably founded towards the close
of the fourteenth century. The slab, which lies nearly in the centre
of the chantry floor, has fortunately been left uncovered. It is of
great size, measuring eleven feet three inches iii length by four feet
eight inches in breadth and seven inches in thickness. From the
indents on it the following particulars can be made out. The brasses
of the knight and his wife occupied the centre of the slab, hers being
on the dexter side. Beneath their feet was an inscription plate, from
the ends of which rose the shafts of a fine double canopy with one
centre and two outside pinnacles. There were two shields of arms
above the canopy, and two below the foot inscription. A border
fillet, with rose-shaped evangelistic symbols in the angles, surrounded
the whole. The knight wore a pointed bascinet, a misericorde at the
dexter hip, and a sword on the sinister side. His feet, in sharply
pointed collerets of seven lames, with rowelled spurs and gussets of
mail showing at the instep, rested on a spotted leopard. The lady
was attired in a long gown, and her head reposed on two tasselled
cushions set crosswise. The matrix is in fair preservation, with many
of the brass rivets remaining.
The only portion of the brass now left, the feet of the knight,
with the leopard below, is preserved in the Society's museum in the
Black gate. The loss of the rest is particularly to be deplored ; the
whole composition was of quite the finest period, and was a large and
splendid example of that class of monument which, unfortunately, is
all too uncommon in these northern counties.
VOL. xvin.
50 DECEASED MEMBERS :
IV._ OBITUARY NOTICES OF DECEASED MEMBERS.
1. — PROFESSOR GEORGE STEPHENS, of Copenhagen, LL.D., F.S.A.,
etc., Honorary Member.
By THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., F.S.A., etc., Secretary.
[Read on the 30th October, 1895.]
WITH deep regret we have to record the death of professor George
Stephens of Copenhagen, the patriarch of Scandinavian archaeology
and an honorary member of our Society.
Professor Stephens was one of the rather small class of Englishmen
who have settled and found a home neither under the Union Jack
nor the Stars and Stripes. The son of a Wesleyan minister (the
rev. John Stephens of Ongar, Essex), George Stephens was born at
Liverpool in 1 8 1 3 . His academic educati on was received at Universi ty
college, London, of which he must have been one of the earliest
students. His strong philological bias caused him, while still a young
man, to undertake extensive journeys in order to study the local
dialects of Great Britain and Scandinavia. Shortly after his marriage
(to Miss Maria Bennett), which took place in 1834, he settled in
Stockholm, where it is believed he adopted the profession of a teacher.
In 1851, however, he removed to Copenhagen, having received the
appointment of professor of English Language and Literature in the
university of that city, which he held till 1894.
The life-labour of professor Stephens was the study of old Runes.
While strictly contending for the specially Sandinavian (or to use his
own phrase Scando- Anglian) character of this interesting script, he
heartily accepted the rev. Isaac Taylor's brilliant suggestion that it was
originally derived from the Greek colonies of Thrace and the Euxine,
being carried by Gothic tribes along the valleys of the Dnieper and the
Vistula, and so reaching the Scandinavian lands, all which probably
occurred six or seven centuries before Christ. But he strenuously
combated the theory of ' so-called German Runes,' and in his bitter
attacks on the German ' annexers,' who wished to wrest the Runic
alphabet from his beloved Scandinavians, may be heard some echoes
Troc. Soc. i/lntiq. ^(ewc., Vol. XVIII.
To face p, 50.
PROFESSOR STEPHENS, F.S.A., OF COPENHAGEN. 51
of the war of 1864, which resulted in the dismemberment of Denmark
by the overwhelming might of Germany. He seems to have been all
his life a keen politician, and in his published pamphlets there are to
be found some pretty sharp attacks on European or English statesmen
who had roused his anger.
One of the points for which professor Stephens strenuously con-
tended was that the 15th letter in the Runic alphabet S-*, which un-
doubtedly had in the later Scandinavian inscriptions the power of M,
was originally and for many centuries equivalent to A. Here also Isaac
Taylor agrees with Stephens in the main, at least he says that,
' though originally descended from a guttural, it cannot be doubted
that in some inscriptions it has the power of a vowel ' (Greek and Goths,
84-5). The fourth Rune F, to which most preceding scholars had
assigned the value of A, must, according to Stephens, be read (in the
earlier inscriptions) as M. Here, also, he is in general agreement with
Taylor, who derives this Rune-letter from the Greek Epsilon.
Another of Stephens's main points was ' that the whole modern
doctrine of one uniform classical, more or less Icelandic, language
all over the immense north, from Finland and Halogoland to the Eider
and the Thames, in the first thousand years after Christ, is an impossible
absurdity,' that Icelandic, as we now know it, is a peculiarly developed
and artificial dialect, and that * in one word, to translate the oldest
Runic inscriptions written in their local floating dialects from 200 to
700 or 800 A.D., into a modern uniformised "Icelandic" of the 13th
or 14th century, is as reasonable as it would be to read Latin monu-
ments from the times of the Kings and the Republic, as if they
answered to the classical dialect of Florentine Dante.' Evidently
this question of the language with which the Runes are to be read
is one of primary importance to the decipherer of Runic inscrip-
tions.
Though perhaps sometimes hasty in forming his own conclusion,
Stephens saw clearly the dangers of premature and precipitate criticism.
As he himself says at the end of one of his ' forewords ' : ' The present
rage for infallibly fixing everything all at once is highly to be
deprecated. Future finds and the progress of Runic studies will
doubtless modify some things here given. We shall know more a
hundred years hence than we do now.'
52 DECEASED MEMBERS :
An amusing instance of the errors into which over-speed in
coming to a conclusion might betray the critic was furnished by
Stephens himself in his interpretation of the famous Brough inscrip-
tion. In his handbook, published in 1884, he attempted to read
this inscription as Runic, commemorating a certain 'Ingalang in
Buckenhome.' He made, it must be confessed, very poor sense out of
it, and in June of the same year professor Sayce published a letter in
the Academy showing quite clearly that the characters were Greek, and
by his labours and those of other scholars five very tolerable Greek
hexameters recording the death or disappearance of a young lad
named Hermes have been recovered out of the chaos of the supposed
Eunic epigraph. Perhaps no one was more amused at this involun-
tary mystification than Stephens himself. He frankly acknowledged
his error, 'for which,' he said good humouredly, 'I ought to be
beaten.' It must be stated, however, that the Greek professor at the
University of Copenhagen declared repeatedly that the inscription was
not Greek.
Professor Stephens published a great number of pamphlets, archaeo-
logical, literary, even political, both in Danish and English, but his
magnum opus was his book in three folio volumes, The Old
Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia and England now first
collected- and deciphered (Copenhagen, 1860-1884). A fourth volume
of this work will be published posthumously about the close of
the year, and will complete the catalogue of hitherto discovered
Eunic inscriptions. He also published, in 1884, a handsome quarto
volume containing the more important inscriptions. This he called
a Handbook to the Old Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia
and England. "We are informed that he was engaged in the last years
of his life on the dialects of the north of England. The members
of the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries have especial reasons for
hoping that the result of these labours may not be lost to the world.
In this notice of his literary labours it is impossible to avoid some
allusion to the peculiar language in which he wrote. He had all
professor Freeman's horror of using a Latin or Greek word if a word
of Teutonic or, better still, of Scandinavian origin could be found to
serve the purpose. Thus a photograph is with him always a 'light-
bild,' an antiquary is an 'old-lorist,' parchment is 'skin-book,' and so
WILLIAM WOODMAN, ONE OF THE VICE PEESIDENTS. 53
on. His spelling also is sometimes phonographic. A few sentences
from the preface to his handbook will give a good idea of the
general effect which is thus produced.
' Foreword.
I have often been askt to publish in a cheap and handy shape
the rune-laves in my great folio volumes which many cannot well buy
or have time to read. And this I have long wisht to do: but I
waited for more finds and a better knowledge of this hard science.
The day has now come when I can lay this HANDBOOK before all
lovers of our Northern mother-tung. Sametimely with my third folio
tome, which holds more than 70 new pieces bearing Old-Northern
staves. (The whole tale of these O.N. rune-laves is now about 250,
of which nearly 1 -third is from ENGLAND ALONE, Scandinavia's oldest
colony.) This additional gathering and the onflow of Runic
studies have, of course, thrown fresh light on the monuments already
known.'
The venerable professor celebrated his diamond wedding on the
16th of January, 1894. Our member, Mr. J. Crawford Hodgson,
called upon him in Copenhagen on the 6th of August, 1895 ; he was
then very ill, but his British pluck kept him in his library at work a
few hours each day until the 7th, when his work ended. He con-
versed with Mr. Hodgson freely on subjects of archaeological interest,
and presented him with copies of his published pamphlets. On the
morning of the 9th he passed peacefully away, full of years and honour.
He was a lion-like man, an ardent and truth-seeking scholar, one
whom England may well be proud of having lent for sixty years to her
Scandinavian sisters.
2. — WILLIAM WOODMAN, one of the Vice Presidents.
By J. CRAWFORD HODGSON.
[Read on the 30th October, 1895.]
He who learns from the old, to what is he like ?
' To one who eats ripe grapes and drinks old wine.'
— The Ethics of the Fathers.
ABOUT the middle of the seventeenth century, Heron's Close, in the
chapelry of Hebburn, was purchased by Thomas Woodman a Hex-
ham yeoman, and thenceforth became the seat and home of the
54 DECEASED MEMBEES :
family. His great grandson, who bore the same Christian name,
married Isabella Newton, of the Hawkwell family, and had three sons,
of whom the second, William, born circa 1737, was apprenticed to
Eichard Fen wick, tanner and freeman of Morpeth. After serving
his time as an apprentice, William Woodman was admitted free of the
Tanners' Company, and established himself in that respectable (and
at that time lucrative) trade, which was then, and for a hundred years
to come, the most important industry of the town. He married Mary,
daughter of Benjamin Bennet, of an influential Morpeth family. His
eldest surviving son, Benjamin, born in 1766, followed his father's
calling, and was a man of strong determined character, who a great
number of times filled with honour the office of bailiff, and with dis-
interestedness and public spirit served his native town in many ways.
His reading was wide and extensive in the days when reading meant
acquisition and assimilation of knowledge rather than pastime. By
his marriage with Frances, daughter of Edward Wilson of Ulgham,
he connected himself with that respectable family as well as with the
Cooks of Togston and Blakemoor, the Lawsons of Longhirst, Old
Moor, and of Ulgham, the Fenwicks of Ulgham, the Smiths of
Togston, and the congeries of gentle and yeomanly families which
parcelled the district between the Coquet and Wansbeck. Of this
marriage the third child and eldest surviving son is the subject of our
notice.
William Woodman was born at Morpeth on the 19th March, 1806,
was educated at the king Edward VI. grammar school in his native
town, a care which he afterwards repaid a thousandfold, becoming to
that school ' the repairer of the breach, the restorer of paths,' and
almost its second founder. He afterwards proceeded to Bruce's
school in Newcastle, where he formed friendships which helped to
direct and develop the tastes cultivated in after years, and which
continued through life.
In his school days (as Mr. Woodman has told the writer) the
Christmas holidays began on the 1 6th December, ' 0 Sapientia,' when
the boys brought horns, bored and polished, to school, and made
sweet music as they went homeward : on Christmas Eve they called
at well nigh every door asking for Hogmanay. On the Tuesday before
Lent the schools and shops were closed, so that pancakes might be
Troc. Soc. tAntiq. iT^ewc., Vol. XV III.
To face p. 54.
(T.iis JIate presented by MISS WOODMAN.)
WILLIAM WOODMAN OF MOEPETH. 55
made and eaten : on the Monday and Tuesday of Easter week the
boys resorted to the North Field with paste eggs and to play ball : on
Royal Oak day, having provided themselves with oak branches, they
repaired to school early, said their lessons, and had holiday after
8 a.m. : at Midsummer they resorted to the woods with branches of
the rowan ; and they were also in evidence at the fair, bounder-riding,
and on municipal feasts. Mr. Woodman has often spoken to the
writer of the reception of the news of the battle of "Waterloo, and of
his being seated in the following year in the emperor Napoleon's
travelling carriage, a small brougham, with half the seat extended to
the front to serve as a table.
Mr. Woodman was articled to Mr. Anthony Charlton, an attorney
of repute in Morpeth, was admitted an attorney in Hilary term,
1832, and established himself in the exercise of his profession. His
ability, industry, and single-eyed devotion to .the true interests of his
clients soon procured a large share of the best class of business from
the outside, as well as a preponderating influence within the town.
He was elected to various public offices, and became successively
town clerk of Morpeth, clerk to the justices of the West and South
divisions of Coquetdale Ward, clerk to the Eothbury Poor Law
Guardians, and treasurer of the County Courts of Northumberland
and Durham.
Besides taking an active and leading part in the changes which
followed the reform of parliamentary and municipal representation
and government, and the transfer of the duties, responsibilities, and
powers which followed the latter, he was also engaged in the pro-
tracted negotiations which preceded the decisive selection of the
route of the North-Eastern railway. To him it is largely owing that
Morpeth is an important station on the main line between London
and Edinburgh, and not merely connected with it by a loop line or
branch. In 1849 he prepared the evidence presented at the public
enquiry held, under the Public Health Act, by Mr. (afterwards sir)
Robert Rawlinson, an enquiry which led to a revolution in the
sanitary condition of Morpeth.
But the case in which his keen insight, his wide grasp and
marvellous aptitude for details, attracted the greatest interest and
closest attention, was that known as the ' Morpeth grammar school
suit.'
56 DECEASED MEMBERS :
The royal grammar school of Morpeth was founded by king
Edward VI. on an older foundation, and by him was endowed with
the lands of the suppressed chantry of St. Giles. The chief part of
the lands lay at Netherwitton, where they had 'for some centuries
been held by the Thornton family, till the landlord and tenant alike
forgot there were lands, and honestly imagined that the sum paid and
received was but a money payment to which the land was liable.'
From 1685 the annual sum paid was £45, but in 1710 the master of
the school, who, as master, was a beneficiary of the trust of which the
bailiffs were the trustees, deeming this rent inadequate, commenced
an action in the Court of Chancery, and obtained a decision that the
school was entitled to the lands. A compromise was agreed upon
that £2,000 should be invested in lands, and that until this was
done £100 a year should be paid. This payment continued until
1832, when Mr. "Woodman, acting for the then master of the school,
revived the suit. The court again decreed that the school was
entitled to the lands, and held the compromise to be invalid, but
threw upon the plaintiff the duty of pointing where the lands were.
This was the task to which Mr. Woodman addressed himself, and it
was one which required all his ripened experience and penetrative
mind. In 1685 ' the lands at Netherwittou had been neither divided
nor enclosed, and the portion belonging to the charity lay intermixed
in the common fields.' In order, therefore, to recover the charity
lands, it was necessary to distinguish them from the rest of the land
of the township. The evidence collected fills many folio volumes, and
convinced the court that a large proportion of the township belonged
to the school, in redemption of which the large sum of £15,000 was
accepted by the trustees. As a public recognition of Mr. Woodman's
exertions in bringing the suit to such a termination, a service of
plate, the result of a public subscription, was presented to him in
1857.
As early as 1832 a graceful tribute was paid to Mr. Woodman's
literary ability and archaeological skill by the rev. John Hodgson,
who, in the preface to the second or Morpeth volume of his parochial
history of Northumberland wrote : — ' The active mind and ready pen
of Mr. Woodman, solicitor, in Morpeth, left me comparatively little to
do in searching for material for my account of the corporation of that
THE REV. G. ROME HALL, F.S.A., A VICE-PRESIDENT. 57
town, in which, however copious it may seem, I have inserted only a
very small part of the information he has given me.' He rendered
substantial help to Mr. J. H. Parker in the preparation of his
Domestic Architecture in England in the Fourteenth Century, to the
rev. J. T. Fowler in the editing of the Newmimter Chartulary (the
original of which he was the means of rescuing from loss and oblivion
and placing with the earl of Carlisle), and to many other writers.
After the formation of the Northumberland County History Com-
mittee he read most of the proofs of the first two volumes, and
rendered to a work which is intended to complete and supplement
the labours of the great historian of Northumberland, help not less
valuable than that acknowledged by the latter over sixty years ago.
Mr. Woodman's published papers though not numerous are
valuable, among them are Ulgham and its Story, published anony-
mously ; on 'Chibburn,' printed in the Archaeological Journal; 'On
a Leaden Seal of Henry IV. found at Catchburn,' in the Archaeologia
Aeliana ; ' Reminiscences and Desultory Notes of Morpeth Social
Customs now obsolete,' written in 1894 and printed in the History
of the Benvickshire Naturalists'1 Club. Among his numerous literary
correspondents were numbered Mr. John Mitchel Kemble, Mr.
Frederick Seebohm, the rev. Lambert Larking, sir Henry -Maine, the
second and third earls Grey, sir George Grey, and the duke of Argyle.
His magnificent collections of MSS., plans, and drawings relating
chiefly to Morpeth and district have yielded documents and facts
freely placed by him at the service of other enquirers and writers.
Mr. Woodman was elected a member of this Society in 1848, and
subsequently a vice-president. He died at his residence at the East
Riding, near Morpeth, inter sylvas et flumina haUtans, on the 19th
September, 1895, in his 90th year, leaving, out of a family of eight
sons and daughters, four surviving children.
3. — THE REV. GEORGE ROME HALL, F.S.A., a Vice-President of
the Society. By R. CECIL HEDLEY.
[Read on the 27th November, 1895.]
DEATH has lately deprived this society of several of its most respected
and most gifted members. We have, as a society, but the poor
satisfaction of knowing that they have left the impress of their learn-
58 DECEASED MEMBERS :
ing and personalities not only upon our local, but upon our national
archaeology. But who can fill their places with us ? Who amongst
us that have had the privilege of their friendship or association, but
must feel the loss of the scholarly John Clayton ? of our genial,
kindly, and beloved Dr. Bruce? who was so much a part of, as to
be almost synonymous with, the society ; of the gentle, unassuming,
kindly, and erudite George Rome Hall ? the impersonation of all our
best traditions of the antiquary of a time that is passing from us. It
was my privilege to have frequent association with Mr. Hall, and
never have I met one whose every thought was so thoroughly imbued
with the spirit of true loving kindness, or one who had such a
perfect unselfishness. This, as a man ; as an antiquary, the pages of
The Archaeologia and of the Archaeologia Aeliana bear the frequent
impress of his learning and research since 1865. He was elected a
member of our society on the fourth of January of that year, and
was thus one of our oldest members. His archaeological bent was
strongly towards the obscure, and somewhat neglected period of
our national life, known vaguely as ' prehistoric.' To him we are
indebted for the first systematic attempt to examine, describe, and
elucidate the life and early history of the Ancient Britons of North-
umbria, as it is to be learned from an intelligent examination of their
dwellings and fortifications. He did much to rescue this study from
reproach as a merely speculative amusement, and to elevate it into
a branch of science. It has been the well deserved privilege of
Dr. D. Christison, the secretary of the Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland, to obtain for this section of archaeology the recognition it
deserves. To all his studies the late Mr. Hall brought a vast store of
well digested reading, a persistent patience, and a vigorous intellect,
capable of readily seeing, and as rapidly estimating the value of even
trivial circumstances in their bearing on any obscure subject. To
this he added the faculty of communicating his ideas lucidly and
pleasantly to others. In his method of treating any archaeological
subject could be seen his natural, thorough, and instinctive love of it.
It was an education to converse with him. He was a living proof
of how deep learning may be unobtrusive, unassuming, and not
dogmatic ; of how it may be a source of pleasure to the possessor and
to others, and not the incentive to wordy strife. He had by natural
Troc. Soc. <Slntiq. O^ewc., Vol. XV111
To face p.
THE REV. G. ROME HALL, F.S.A,
59
gentleness and self-culture attained to that best of all Parnassian
heights where learning is combined with toleration, and mental
attainments devoid of all Phariseeism. He was a Fellow of the
Society of Antiquaries of London, a vice-president of this society,
and a member of the Durham and Northumberland Archaeological
Society, and of the Berwickshire Naturalists' Field Club. His library
was extensive and well selected. He had a small collection of
neolithic implements, and an extensive series of Roman coins, chiefly
from Coventina's well at Procolitia. His loss will long be felt amongst
us, especially at our field meetings. The truest testimony to a
man's greatness is the measure of the gap left by his death. To
Mrs. Hall and her family the keen and heartfelt sympathy of us all
will go forth in their affliction.
FLINT IMPLEMENT FROM CHOLLERFORD.
(Formerly in Mr. Hall's collection.)
60
TYNEMOUTH CASTLE.
EJ'S
61
V.— TYNEMOUTH CASTLE AFTER THE DISSOLUTION
OF THE MONASTERY.
By HORATIO A. ADAMSON, a Vice-President of the Society.
[Read on the 27th November and 18th December, 1895.]
ON the 12th of January, 1539, Robert Blakeney, prior of the
monastery of Tynemouth and his convent, with their unanimous
assent and consent, and of their mere motion, and of their free will
and accord from certain just and reasonable causes, especially touch-
ing their souls and consciences, surrendered to their illustrious prince
and lord in Christ, Henry the eighth, the monastery of the order of
St. Benedict with all its extensive possessions— so reads the deed
of surrender. When we know of the cruel death of the venerable
abbot of Glastonbury and his subsequent dismemberment for his
refusal to surrender his abbey, we can better understand the motive
which actuated the prior and his convent to surrender their monastery.
Prior Blakeney was the last of a long line of priors who had carried
on their religious work upon the bold and bleak promontory which
jutted into the North Sea at the entrance to the river Tyne.
It is not my intention to enter into the causes which led to the
surrender, or the ruthless manner in which the illustrious prince dealt
with the monasteries which he suppressed in the years 1536 and 1539.
It is a humiliating chapter in our history.
Prior Blakeney retired to his manor house at Benwell on a pension
which is stated by some authorities to have been £50 and by others
£80 a year.
Within the walls of the castle at the time of the dissolution of the
monastery stood the stately church dedicated to SS. Mary and Oswin ;
one portion, the beautiful Transitional east end, with its imposing
lancet windows, was the monastic church ; the other portion, to the
westward of, but only separated from it by a screen, was the paro-
chial church, the ruins of which are the first to meet the eye of
the visitor as he enters the gate of the castle. They occupy the
nave of the Norman church. In addition to the church there were
the usual monastic buildings, which are shown in a plan drawn
62 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
in the time of queen Elizabeth, to which I shall hereafter refer.1
I think it may be assumed that the buildings shown upon this plan
were all standing at the time of the dissolution of the monastery.
Queen Elizabeth succeeded to the throne in 1558, and it is impro-
bable any constructive work would be carried on in the short period
of twenty years ; that there was much destructive work on the priory
church we know too well.
The monastery remained in the hands of the king for about two
months. On the 9th of March, 1539, it, with all its buildings
within the site and precincts of the same, was demised to sir Thomas
Hilton, knight, for twenty-one years, at an annual rent of £163 Is. 5d.
The king reserved the castle, with the herbage of the castle dyke or
foss Sir Thomas Hilton was high sheriff of Northumberland in
1548. He was one of the Hiltons of Hilton castle, near Sunder-
land, and was four times married, but died childless. The castle
was in the custody of a constable for the king's use.
In 1543 the king granted a commission to sir Richard Lee,
Antonio de Bergoman and John Thomas Scala, Italians, experts in
the skill of fortifications, to view the state of Tynemouth. In pre-
paration for an invasion of Scotland in March, 1544, John Dudley,
lord high admiral, came round to Tynemouth with a fleet of two
hundred ships, from which they sailed with ten thousand men for
the Firth of Forth. In the following year, while the war with Scot-
land was still pending, the earl of Shrewsbury and his colleagues
reported that they had taken measures for protecting the ' new
fortifications ' at Tynemouth, and had directed a cannon, a saker,
two falcons, and two slings to be sent thither from Newcastle.
Among the English army at this time was a number of mercenaries.
There were fifteen hundred Spaniards and five hundred Spanish
hackbutiers (horsemen).2 Whether the ;new fortifications' were those
at the Spanish battery or were in the castle itself I am not aware.
It is probable the Spanish battery may have obtained its name from
some of the Spanish troops having been quartered in it. The earl
of Hertford wrote to the king about the disposal of the hot-blooded
southrons, and suggested that they should be placed at Newcastle, as
they grumbled about being kept near the borders.
In 1550, Tynemouth is mentioned as being ' one of the King's
Majesty's Castles and fortresses within the Middle Marches.'
1 See p. 77. 2 Hackbutierg were also foot soldiers armed with the arquebns.
DEMISED TO THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 63
There is a grant on the 8th December, 1551, from king Edward
the sixth to Dudley, earl of Warwick, who was created duke of
Northumberland, of the site, circuit, compass, and precincts of the
late monastery of Tyuemouth, and all the demesne lands, which
had been leased to sir Thomas Hilton. No mention is made in this
grant of the castle ; but in the following year the duke of Northum-
berland exchanged the site of the monastery, with the castle of
Tynemouth, for lands in "Wilts, York, and Norfolk.
Queen Mary, on the 16th August, 1557, demised to Thomas,
earl of Northumberland, for twenty-one years, from the feast of
the Annunciation in 1560, the monastery. This was the year in
which the lease to sir Thomas Hilton would expire. In the summer
of 1559 sir Henry Percy was appointed by queen Elizabeth to the
charge of Tynemouth castle upon the death of sir Thomas Hilton.
In a letter, dated 10th January, 1559/60, from the queen to the
duke of Norfolk, she says : — ' We did the last sommer appoynt Sir
Henry Percy Kt: upon the death of Sir T. Hilton to take charge of
Tynemouth, being a place necessary to be well guarded and sene to.'
Sir Henry Percy felt his position as governor of the castle an onerous
one. In a despatch written from the camp before Leith, on 30th
April, 1560, he says: — 'And as for mine own affairs which I have
long troubled you in, I mean Tynemouth, I pray you let me not be
burthened with so weighty a place as I am and so small Commission
to rule the same by, for you know I have kept it this twelve months
almost at mine own charges which is too sore a burthen for a younger
brother of my ability.' He did not succeed to the earldom of
Northumberland until 1572. On the 13th December, 1561 (third
Elizabeth), the queen, by patent, granted to sir Henry Percy the
office of governor of the castle, which, it is stated, had been con-
structed in the place where the monastery lately existed. Tynemouth
castle was used as a state prison. In 1563-4, James Hepburn, earl
of Bothwell, afterwards the third husband of Mary, queen of Scots,
was confined in the castle under the charge of sir Henry Percy.
Sir Henry Percy must have spent several years at Tynemouth as
governor of the castle. He married his cousin Catherine, eldest
daughter of John Nevill, last lord Latimer. His son, Henry Percy,
afterwards ninth earl of Northumberland, was born at Tynemouth
64 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
on the 21st of April, 1564. His son, Thomas, was born there on
the 19th of March, 1565, and his daughter, Lucy, in 1567. In a
letter which sir Henry Percy wrote on the 27th October, 1566, to
sir William Cecil, he made a most extraordinary proposal for the
removal of the parish church from the castle. In his letter he said,
' I have already told you the annoyance to this House by the Parish
Church being within it and much frequented by the Strangers who
visit the Haven. At my request Sir Rich : Lee has inspected it and
can report on the cost of a new one and the value of this towards it.'
Happily, the suggested act of vandalism was not carried out, or one
of our most interesting landmarks would have disappeared.
In 1570, queen Elizabeth granted to sir Henry Percy a new
patent of the governorship of the castle upon more favourable terms,
and with reversion to his two eldest sons, Henry and Thomas Percy.
The receiver of Northumberland was to pay the following fees at
Lady Day and Michaelmas : —
Tothe Captain £100 0 0
To the Master Gunner, 12d. per diem ... 18 5 0
To 8 other Gunners, at 6d. per diem 73 0 0
To 11 Household Servants, each £6 13s. 4d. per ann. ... 73 6 8
£264 11 8
Sir Henry Percy was soon to experience a reverse in the royal
favour. On the 23rd October, 1571, orders were issued from the
Privy Council to sir John Forster to apprehend sir Henry Percy,
and to visit Tynemouth castle and report upon its condition. On
the 25th October sir John Forster wrote from Seaton Delaval to the
Council as follows: — 'On your letter for apprehending Sir Henry
Percy I sent letters to all suspicious places. I then went myself to
all places where I thought he would be likely to repair as Tynemouth.
. . . I thought it good to continue the watches a little longer
and doubting Tynemouth Castle most, lest he should come thither
and keep himself secretly and there take ship and so pass over the
seas. I went thither but only found John Metcalf a rebel, late
Servant to the Earl of Northumberland who went with him into
Scotland, standing at the gates with his keys in his hand, who
declared he was the porter, and Thomas Dicam, another Servant of
Sir Henry Percy. As I disliked Metcalf I appointed certain men
IN POSSESSION OF LORD FRANCIS RUSSELL. 65
to remain there with them.' On the receipt of another letter as to
the condition of the castle, which was stated to have been greatly
neglected, and the ordnance almost useless, Percy was committed to
the Tower. In the following year he was indicted for conspiring
with others for the delivery of Mary, queen of Scots, out of the
custody of the earl of Shrewsbury. He confessed his guilt, and a
fine of five thousand marks was imposed on him. In April, 1572,
Henry, lord Hunsdon, wrote to lord Burghley and said, ' Sir John
Forster hopes to get the keeping of Tynemouth for Sir Francis
Russell and has sent him up, and I know of promises made for some
officer thereof.'
On the 12th August, 1583, sir Valentine Browne wrote to secretary
Walsingham, and urged for the good of her majesty and our country
that he should visit Newcastle, with the river and fort standing upon
the mouth of the haven, which was called Tynemouth abbey, and so
along the sea coast.
In 1584, queen Elizabeth required sir Henry Percy, then earl of
Northumberland, to give up the charge of the castle, and he besought
her pardon, and among other reasons for not delivering up the keys
he gave the following : —
His estate was but small to maintain the countenance of an Earl being
charged with 10 Children and the benefit of the office of Tynemouth being a
good portion of his living without it would not be able to sustain the charge
of housekeeping and the education of his Children. By holding this office he
maintains 20 of his old servants who have served him from 10 to 30 years and
he has no other means of so doing : if they should be displaced they would be
left to beg their bread having been trained up to get their living by service.
That disgrace will grow to him in his own country by removal from the office
which he tenders as his life and begs Her Majesty to remember his former
faithful services to her and Queen Mary her Sister in that time of his hardest
fortune.
The earl was committed to the Tower. In the early part of 1585
lord Francis Russell was in possession of the castle. In one of his
letters to secretary Walsingham he says the bearer, my deputy, can
inform you what lack there is here for munition. The time is
dangerous, and her majesty's house here had need be provided. I
wrote you for my fee of Tynemouth and am very loath so oft to
trouble you, but am constrained by necessity. On the 21st of June,
1 585, the earl of Northumberland was found dead in his bed in the
VOL. XVIII.
66 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
Tower, slain by three bullets from a pistol. On the 26th June, lord
Francis Russell wrote from Tynemouth to secretary Walsingham : —
The Lord of Northumberland's death will hardly be believed in this Country
to be as you have written. (It was stated the wounds were self-inflicted.)
Yet I am fully persuaded and have persuaded others that it was not otherwise.
I wish you would be a means to Her Majesty that I might have such commodities
belonging to Tynemouth Castle as the Earl of Northumberland had. I am
scant able to maintain housekeeping with what I have, and I have sent my man
to you for my fee, so that my present wants may be supplied.
I have not been able to ascertain who became governor of the
castle after the death of the earl of Northumberland. In 1588, a
Mr. Delaval was keeper of the castle. In 1591, Henry Percy, ninth
earl of Northumberland, was restored to the governorship of the
castle. His deputy, in 1594, was Thomas Power. In this year
there are some interesting letters about the arrest at North Shields
of a Dutchman and a Frenchman, the former being goldsmith and
the latter footman to the queen of Scots, who had stolen from her
and run away with a chain of pearls, two gold and pearl bracelets,
a gold and diamond brooch, four diamond rings, and other articles
of the value of eight hundred and five crowns. They were kept in
custody in Tynemouth castle, and afterwards taken with the jewels
to Berwick and there delivered to the deputy warden of the marches
on a Tuesday, and on the Friday following were hanged at Edin-
burgh. In the letter which mentions the circumstance, it is added,
'such expedition does the King make now a days of justice.' The
earl of Northumberland attained a high reputation for the pursuit
of those literary and scientific studies to which he afterwards devoted
so much of his enforced leisure. His kinsman, Thomas Percy, one of
the sons of Edward Percy of Beverley, was made constable of Aln-
wick castle about 1594. In 1605, he took part in the Gunpowder
Plot, and implicated the earl of Northumberland in it, and, in con-
sequence, he was placed under restraint. Sir Henry Witherington
(Widdrington) was ordered to take and seized possession of Tyne-
mouth and other castles. On the 23rd June, 1606, by a decree of
the Star Chamber the earl of Northumberland was fined £30,000
and ordered to be displaced and removed from every office, honour,
or place he held by his majesty's pleasure, and to be returned to
the Tower whence he came, and there remain prisoner as before
DELIVERED TO SIR WM. SELBY, SHERIFF OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 67
during the king's pleasure. On the 24th November, 1606, the king
required sir Henry Witherington to deliver up Tynemouth castle to
sir William Selby, who was sheriff of the county of Northumberland.
On the 4th December, 1606, the earl of Northumberland granted sir
George Whitehead an annuity of £20 in consideration that he had
been dispossessed of his post of lieutenant of Tynemouth castle, the
keeping of which it had pleased the king to take away from him.
On the 8th April, 1608, there is a letter from the king to the officers
' of the exchequer as to the profits of the lights at Tynemouth castle
which had been received by the earl of Northumberland, out of which
he granted to sir Allan Percy, brother of the earl, £40 a year so long
as the profits remained in the king's hands. The earl of Northum-
berland had fallen on evil days. Although every effort was made
to connect him with the ill-judged act of his kinsman, whose life
paid the forfeit for the act, it was unsuccessful. His estates were,
however, sequestrated for the payment of the fine which he described
as the greatest fine that was ever imposed upon a subject. In the
year 1613, the king agreed to accept £11,000 in payment of the
balance of the fine, and on that being paid he granted the earl
a full pardon and release, but he kept him a prisoner in the Tower
until his birthday in 1622, when he was released after an imprison-
ment of sixteen years. He died on the 5th November, 1 632, on the
twenty-seventh anniversary of the discovery of the plot which had
cast so dark a shadow over his life. There is much of interest in
the life of the earl of Northumberland during the long, dreary years
in the Tower. As an indication of his love of books he spent £200
a year in the purchase of them. On his death the grant from the
crown, in 1570, of the governorship of Tynemouth castle came to an
end. During the incarceration of the earl of Northumberland, sir
John Fenwick was captain of the castle. In 1625, he states that
the castle was so ruinated that he could not remain there.
On the 3rd of June, 1633, the ill-fated king Charles the first
entered Newcastle on his way to Scotland to be crowned. He was
attended by Laud, bishop of London ; White, bishop of Ely ; the
earls of Northumberland, Arundel, Pembroke, and Southampton,
and other persons of distinction. On the 5th of June he went with
his retinue, escorted by the master and brethren of the Trinity house,
68 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
Newcastle, to the castle of Tynemouth. He was the last of our
monarchs who visited the castle. In the year 1635, the earl of
Northumberland was appointed by the king, lord high admiral of the
fleet.
In the year 1635, sir William Brereton, bart., the parliamentary
general, made a journey through Durham and Northumberland and
visited Tynemouth, and described the castle as a dainty seated castle,
almost compassed with the sea, wherein hath been the fairest church
I have seen in any castle, but now it is out of repair and much
neglected.
The earl of Monmouth was captain of Tynemouth castle in 1638.
He was ordered to deliver up to the earl of Newport, minister of the
ordnance, all his majesty's ordnance, carriages, and furniture to be
carried to Newcastle. In the same year, sir Jacob Astley (an ancestor
of lord Hastings) and others were sent into the north to inspect the
fortifications and muster train bands. In the extracts from the State
Papers it is stated the fort of Tynemouth was to be slighted, and a
fort made half-a-mile from the same. In the succeeding year he
was appointed major-general of the field. In the month of January
he inspected the castle, and reported it would be needless to demolish
it, because the ground upon which it stood would command all the
lower works to the waterside. It was he who, before the battle of
Edgehill, offered up the short but celebrated prayer, ' 0, Lord, Thou
knowest how busy I must be this day. If I forget Thee, do not
Thou forget me. March on, Boys.' I commend this prayer to our
modern divines.
The year 1640 was a memorable one in the great struggle which
had commenced between king Charles the first, his parliament, and
his Scottish subjects. On the 30th of August in that year, Tynemouth
castle was seized and garrisoned by the Scots. It did not long
remain in their possession, as in the year 1642 it was put in a posture
of defence for the king by William Cavendish, earl, marquis, and
duke of Newcastle, general of the king's forces in the northern parts,
and it remained in the possession of the king's forces until October,
1644. In March of that year, when the fort at South Shields was
besieged and taken by the Scots, the guns from Tynemouth castle
were used for the defence of the fort. On the 26th October, 1644,
AGREEMENT IN 1644 FOE ITS SURRENDER. 69
articles of agreement for the surrender and delivery of Tynemouth
castle were entered into between Alexander, earl of Leven, lord
general of the Scottish army, and sir Thomas Kiddell, knight. He
was a colonel of foot in the king's army, and governor of the castle.
The terms were, firstly, that every officer, soldier, gentleman, and
clergyman shall march out with bag and baggage, and the officers
with their arms; and that such goods as properly belong to them,
but which they cannot now take with them, shall be kept for them
till set opportunity. Secondly, that the national covenant shall not
be enforced either upon officer, soldier, gentleman, or clergyman.
Thirdly, that all who stay in their own country shall have protection
for their persons and estates, and such as will go to his majesty shall
have free pass with a safe convoy. Fourthly, oblivion for all things
past in this service to be extended to officers, soldiers, and gentlemen
who shall stay at home in their own houses. Fifthly, that sir Thomas
Riddell shall deliver up the castle this day, with a perfect list of all
arms, ammunition, cannon, and furniture. Sixthly, it is always pro-
vided that those who stay at home and have protection for their
persons and estates shall be liable to all ordinances of parliament.
By an error in the Calendar of State Papers (domestic series) this
agreement is entered under the same date in the following year, and
this mistake makes some of the events in that year difficult to under-
stand. The castle was surrendered on the 27th of October, 1644.
In the journals of the House of Commons, under date November
5th, 1644, it is ' Ordered that Sir Thomas Widdrington do give
notice to the preacher to take notice of the surrender of Tynemouth
Castle, and that he give thanks therefor in St. Margaret's Church.'
In the same month of November, sir Thomas Riddell was in custody,
and the commissioners and committee of parliament residing in
Newcastle were ordered to send him up to London as a delinquent.
He, however, escaped to Berwick in a small fishing vessel, and died
in exile at Antwerp in 1652.
The Scots having got possession of Tynemouth and other castles,
the parliament was anxious to get rid of them and that they should
return to Scotland, but the suggestion did not meet with their
approval. On the 12th July, 1645, commissioners were appointed
by parliament to proceed to Scotland to treat and conclude divers
70 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
matters concerning the safety and peace of both kingdoms. Among
the matters to be dealt with was the immediate withdrawal of the
Scottish troops from Tynemouth, Newcastle, and other castles where
garrisons had been placed without the consent of both houses of
parliament. On the 5th September, 1645, the commissioners met
the commissioners for Scotland at Berwick, and on the 13th of
November following, the speakers of both Houses of Parliament
reported the answers which had been received, which were not
satisfactory, and a further demand was made for the removal of the
garrisons before the 1st of March following. Algernon, earl of
Northumberland, had cast in his lot with the parliamentary party.
In the year 1645 he wrote several letters about the Scots, and in one
of these to sir Harry Vane he says : — ' Certainly the Scots detaining
our Towns and Castles and continuing their Garrisons in them against
our wills gives very just cause of jealousy to us and truly I believe
will hardly be endured whatever the consequences prove.' He speaks
of the Scots as ' Our Brethren.' The Scots continued to occupy the
castle, and made a claim of two millions sterling for their services,
less the sums they had received in money or in kind during their
stay in England. A dispute arose about the money to be paid,
which was finally settled by parliament agreeing to pay to the
Scottish commissioners £400,000, of which it was stipulated that
£200,000 should be paid before the Scots left Newcastle. The
£200,000 having been paid the Scottish army departed from New-
castle with their treasure in thirty- six covered waggons. The earl
of Leven, lord general of the army, issued a proclamation command-
ing that the troops should not plunder on their way home. Before
leaving Newcastle they gave up possession of Tynemouth castle, and
handed over their king to the committee appointed by parliament
to receive his person. It is said to be an error to suppose that the
payment of the £400,000 had anything to do with the surrender of
the king, but the payment of half of the amount and the surrender
were concurrent acts. As they went north with their ' siller ' the
king was conveyed south by the troops of the parliament.
On the llth of December, 1646, major-general Skippon was
approved of by parliament as governor of Tynemouth castle. In
1648, sir Arthur Heselrige was governor of the castle. In April in
SIR ARTHUR HESELRIGE, GOVERNOR. 71
that year there was an order of the commons for £5,000 to be forth-
with raised to be employed for repairing and fortifying the town of
Newcastle and Tynemouth castle.
I read a paper to the society on the 29th of July, 1891, on
' Tynemouth Castle : the eve of the Commonwealth,' 3 and gave an
account of the revolt of lieutenant-colonel Lilburn, deputy -governor
of the castle, and the recovery of the castle in the month of August,
1648. Since I read the paper additional volumes of the Calendars
of State Papers have been issued, and among them a volume covering
the period from 1648 to 1649. It contains the proceedings of the
committee of both Houses of Parliament at Derby house, the old
town house of the earls of Derby. On the 14th of August, 1648,
the committee sat and ordered that a letter of thanks should be
written to sir Arthur Heselrige for his care and diligence in recover-
ing the revolted castle of Tynemouth. The letter is given in detail,
and as it is so quaint I append it.
By yours of the 10th inst: we are informed of the traitorous revolt of Lieut:
Col: Lilburn and of his just punishment. We have great cause to bless God
for his goodness to us in so happy a recovery of a place of so very great conse-
quence, which, if it had continued in their hands, would have given a great
turn to the Parliament's Affairs in those parts. But it pleased God only so
far to permit it to proceed that it might be a discovery of an unsuspected
Traitor and a demonstration of His watchful providence in the conduct of his
own cause, the approbation of which by the evident appearances of His own
hand in the punishment of the traitors, the recovery of the place and preserva-
tion of our Men. He writes in characters so visible as he that runs may read
them, to whom we desire to return praise as the Author of all. And also give
you as an instrument our hearty thanks for your prudent, resolute, present and
effectual care for regaining of it, as we do also to those Officers and Soldiers
who in obedience to and in pursuance of your commands, did with so much
alacrity and readiness undertake and with such resolution, courage and success,
carry on a work of such great concernment to the public and so great difficulty
and danger to the undertakers, which our thanks we desire you to make known
to them all, in which service if any delay had been made the place had been
in all probability irrecoverably lost, and the state of affairs most dangerously
altered and hazarded thereby. We are confident after this experience we need
say nothing to desire you to have a most especial care of a place of so very
great importance.
From this letter it is clear that the parliament, although they
recognized the Divine interposition in their favour, attached very
1 Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xv. p. 218.
72 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
great importance to the instrument, mentioned in the letter, for the
recapture and future keeping of the castle. It was on the 10th of
August and not on the llth, as generally stated, that the castle was
retaken. The letter from sir Arthur Heselrige to the committee of
the lords and commons, which formed the subject of my paper, is not
in the Calendars of State Papers.
The castle remained in possession of the parliament and the
commonwealth until the restoration of the monarchy in 1660. For
several years captain John Topping was governor of the castle, and
in the Calendars of State Papers there are several letters from him
to secretary Thurloe, commencing in the year 1654. In one letter
he says : —
We have 11 Contrary (country) Gentlemen prisoners who are suspected
persons and 1 expect more to be sent in this day. We have two Companyes in
this Garrison consisting of 70 Men in a Company. Yesterday I sent thirty men
commanded by Captain Simpson to secure the Castle until 130 Men who are on
their march from Barwicke come to secure the towne alsoe. We were on the
third nights duty before I sent the party away ; and indeed this place is as
cold, standing in the sea as any place I ever came to which causes our Soldiers
to fall sicke and will weaken us much if the Centinells go on every third hour.
I hope our God will owne his people still for our enemyes witts are good ; but
they want hearts to act their diabollycall designs. Soe doubtless the Mercies
of our God endure for ever.
In another letter he gives an account of his interview with Mr.
Robert Marley, son of sir John Marley (the gallant defender of
Newcastle against the Scots), and of his attempts to extract infor-
mation from him. He had come from Antwerp, where he had left
his father, who was with the earl of Newcastle. The son is thus
described : —
The young man is upwards of 19 years of age speakes good French and
hath kist Charles Steward's hand. He hath been educated near two yeares
in Antwerpe. I caused him to be sucked but could find noe letters only an
ould piece of paper with some verses writ and in four places begun the verse
with God damne me. In his Portmantle was French and Lattin bookes and
in English Wallers poems and the pretenders booke of the late Kings to his
Sonn with six of Newcastle's lady's pictures.
In another letter he says : —
I bless God we are all contented and \ heare no unquietnesse, but want of
pay bathe begott mutinyes and I feare the worst.
I took bond of a Lynn Merchant for drinking the health of Van Tromp and
De Witt and abusing a custom House Officer at Newcastle.
SURRENDERED BY SIR ARTHUR HESELRIGE IN 1660. 73
In 1655, the lord protector fixed the establishment charges at
Tynemouth castle at £199 5s. 4d. per month. The castle was to
have a complete establishment of fifty ' Centinels.' In September
in that year an order was issued for the removal of arms from Raby
castle to Tynemouth castle. Colonel Robert Lilburn4 appears to have
been in charge of the castle in December, 1655. In August, 1659,
captain Topping was ordered to send to the council of state a list
of his prisoners in the castle, and what he had to say concerning
each ; and in the same month a warrant was issued to the farmers
of the excise of beer, ale, and cider for the counties of Kent and
Sussex for the payment of the troops in Tynemouth castle, late under
lord Howard, but then under the command of captain Topping, of
their arrears, amounting to £253 8s.
During the occupation of the castle by the Scots and during the
commonwealth, the parishioners were deprived of the use of their
parish church, which stood within the walls of the castle, and had
been used for four hundred and fifty years. In 1658, the parishioners
petitioned the justices of the peace for the county of Northumberland
and the grand jury at the sessions at Morpeth for a new church. In
the order of sessions it is stated the church was made use of for the
garrison of the castle, so that some thousands of people were left
destitute of the word and means of salvation, to the great dishonour of
God and encouragement of many loose and ignorant people in pro-
faning of the Sabbath and living in a lewd life and conversation.
An assessment of two shillings in the pound was ordered to be levied
throughout the county for building a church or place of public meet-
ing. In 1659, general Lambert arrived in Newcastle with a large
force of men. The soldiers in Tynemouth castle were marched into a
chapel to sign an engagement to support Lambert and his party
against the revived ' Rump ' parliament, when the roof fell in and
killed five or six of them. The commonwealth was rapidly drawing
to a close. In January, 1659, there is a record among the municipal
accounts of Newcastle of * Paid John Hall which he disburst for
horse hire and a guide when he caryed a letter from Generall Muncke
to the Governor of Tynemouth Castle 6s.'
1 He was one of the regicides, and signed the warrant for the execution of
king Charles the first.
VOL. XVIII. 10
74 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
In 1G60, sir Arthur Heselrige surrendered the castle at Tyne-
mouth, along with other castles of which he was governor, on
condition of having his life and estate preserved. He was, however,
excepted from the Act of Indemnity, and was committed to the
Tower, where he died on the 8th of January, 1661/2. In January,
1661, there was a grant of the office of captain and commander-in-
chief of Tynemouth castle to the earl of Northumberland and lord
Percy, his son, fee one hundred marks a year. In the same year,
Edward Villiers was governor of the castle. I have in my possession
a receipt, signed by him, which was given to me by Mr. J. C. Brooks,
one of our vice-presidents. It reads thus : —
xvio die Martij 1661.
Received by mee Edward Villiers Efqr. Governor of his Mats.
Garrifson of Tynmouth of Sr Job Harby Baronett Sr John Wol-
ftenholme K4, and others Commifsionrs of his Mat9 Customes &
Subsidies through out England &c the sume of One Thousand
ffive hundred sixtye eight pounds vpon the sume of cclxj1' v ...h
yj« yjija per menfsfor the pay of two Companies with their
officers appointed for the said Garrifon And is due for sixe
Moneths begining the feaventh of September 1661 and ending the
xxjtu day of ifebruary next followeing By feuerall Lres Patents
dated xv'° Januar' 1660 and xxiiij'0 Maij 1661. I say received.
Edward Villiers.
In the collection of the ' Sufferings of the People called Quakers,'
published in 1753, is an account, under the date 10th August, 1661,
of George Linton and twenty-six other members of the society having
been taken at a meeting at South Shields by major Graham, deputy-
governor of Tinmouth castle, and cast into nasty holes there, where
they lay a full month, and then he turned them out, having, so far as
appeared to them, neither order, authority, nor warrant for any part of
his proceeding. The George Linton referred to in the extract died in
January, 1663/4, and by the ' fury of the tymes was by relations and
Souldiers caryed away from Friends and buryed in the down end of
Tinemouth Kirke' (vide register book belonging to the Society of
Friends). He is the only person mentioned in the Tynemouth registers
as having died excommunicate.
Among the State Papers in 1662 is a letter from lord Fauconberg
to secretary Nicholas. ' Heard much of the Meetings and night
ridings of disaffected persons. Has taken bond of Bellwood and
ordered Sir John Marley to have an eye on Tynemouth for the
COLONEL EDWAED VILLIERS, GOVERNOR. 75
Deputy Governor there keeps the old Chaplain and many of the
Soldiers.' In the following year there was a grant to Yilliers of
£200 for the repairs of the castle, and in April, 1 664, a warrant to
pay £173 13s. 4d. for furnishing the garrison with flock beds, etc.
In 1664, the English and the Dutch were at war, and among the
state papers is a letter from Win. Leving to secretary Bennet, in
which he says : —
They talk of the Dutch bringing over the English and landing them at
Hull therefore Hull and Tynernouth should be cared for. Col. Villiers, trusts
Love of Tynemouth, a Lieutenant who has been tampered with and will betray
the place for gain. Sir Ralph Delavale was spoken of as encouraging the late
businefs. They act cunningly and encourage private men who will not betray
them to break the ice.
On the 28th June, 1665, the town council of Newcastle voted
£200 towards the repair of the works of Tynemouth castle, in con-
sequence of a letter received from king Charles the second informing
them that colonel Edward Villiers, governor of the castle, had been
directed to repair it on account of the Dutch war, and to protect the
trade and port of the Tyne.
In June, 1666, some Dutch prisoners on board of the ship 'Ipswich'
lying at Shields plotted with prisoners on board of other ships in the
harbour to kill the master, secure the rest in their cabins, and carry
away the ship, but were discovered by a Scot of their own party,
and were all lodged in Tynemouth castle. The country was in a
great state of alarm. In the same month, secretary Morice wrote to
the governors of Tynemouth and other castles, and stated that being
apprehensive of danger from sudden invasion the king wished them
to use all industry to have their works repaired, fortified, and victualled
for two months, and to fill up with the allotted number of soldiers.
In the following month we have an account of an engagement near
Tynemouth. One hundred and fifty landsmen were marched from
Berwick to Tynemouth, and shipped in the ' Pembroke.' She set
sail, and engaged a new Dutch man-of-war, well fitted out, of twenty-
two guns, and fought until eight o'clock at night, and then the
landsmen boarded and took her. The enemy had twenty killed and
sixteen prisoners. The ' Pembroke ' had five killed and sixteen
wounded. In the months of June and July, 1667, the whole of
Tyneside was in a state of great alarm about the attack of the Dutch
76 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
fleet at Sheerness, and their sailing up the Mechvay. The Calendars,
of State Papers contain letters from Newcastle and Tynemouth. In
one of the letters it is said :—
All are sad at the attack of the Dutch at Sheernefs and people are distracted
and at their wit's end with the sad news. The Magistrates (of Newcastle) are
very careful, they have prevailed with Col. Villiers for 600 Arms and will call
the Shipmasters together to know what arms and ammunition they have. Sir
Ralph Delaval and Col. Villiers consulted with the Shipmasters at Shields about
securing their Ships. Four Companies of Guards were marched from Berwick
to Tynemouth Castle. The Lords Ogle and Carlisle were at Tynemouth and
ships were ready to be sunk if needful. The presence of these Noblemen
inspired the people with great confidence. Lord Ogle remained in Newcastle
and Lord Carlisle at Tynemouth where he was careful and vigilant and had so
well ordered his businefs that no attempt by water need be feared.
In March, 1667, there was a grant from the privy seal to colonel
Villiers of £200 for the repairs of the castle and adding such fortifica-
tions as might better secure the mouth of the Tyne.
Ralph Thoresby, the historian of Leeds, visited Tynemouth castle
on 8th September, 1681. He says:—
Went with E. H. (Eleazar Hodshon) to Shields by Water but it proved a
most terrible stormy day. Visited Tinmouth Castle now almost ruined and
maintained by a slender Garrison.
In the memoirs of Ambrose Barnes,5 merchant and alderman of
Newcastle from 1627-1710, is an entry about the castle. In 1686,
when the government was alarmed by the rumour of a great arma-
ment in Holland, colonel Widdrington in a great huff came to Mr.
Barnes requiring him to order some guns down to Tinmouth castle.
' That is not my business,' said Mr. Barnes, ' the King never made
me Governour of that Castle.' He was conveyed to the castle, and
charged upon suspicion with a design against the government.
Colonel Edward Villiers was knighted in 1680, and died in July,
1689, and was buried in Westminster abbey. He was succeeded by
his second son, colonel Henry Villiers, as governor of the castle. In .
1691, the establishment of the castle was rated at £474 10s. per
annum. In August, 1707, colonel Villiers died and was buried
within the castle.
It was during the tune the Villiers were governors of the castle that
many of the old monastic buildings were pulled down, and irreparable
damage was done to the priory church. Grose, in his Antiquities of
England and Wales published in 1774, says: —
5 50, Surtees Society publications.
ARCH. A EL.
Plate XV.
(Reproduced from a Plan in Gibson's Tynemouth.)
A BE T H
PLAN, TEMP. QUEEN ELIZABETH. 77
Much of these buildings have been pulled down by Mr. Villars (Villiers) for
erecting the Barracks, Light House, his own House near it and other edifices ;
he likewise stripped off the lead which till then had covered the Church. This
I was informed by an ancient man who lived near the spot, and who likewise
said, a great deal, particularly a long gallery, had fallen down itself.
In the plan of the castle, temp. Elizabeth, here given, all the
buildings within the walls are shown. On the north and east sides
the castle was inaccessible, and on the south and west sides there were
two walls, one of which ran along the escarpment, and the other was
at the top of the slope. There were also walls to the westward of
the gates of the castle which extended to and included the Spanish
battery or fort, in which one gun is shown as mounted. The entrance
to the castle was by a drawbridge, not opposite to the gateway but
some distance from it, and nearly opposite to the old road which lay
to the southward of the garden of the house which recently belonged
to Mr. Alexander S. Stevenson. This drawbridge must have crossed
a dry ditch or fosse. After passing the drawbridge was the gatehouse
in which the porter resided, and then the ward house for the armed
retainers of the monastery. Passing through the gatehouse the
great court was entered, on the south side of which stood the principal
domestic offices of the monastery within an enclosure or inner court
(ye ender court). To the eastward of these were the parish and priory
churches. To the southward of the parish church were the cloisters
(ye closter), on the east side of which were the chapter house and
dormitory. To the southward the lord's lodging and the new hall (new
aule). On the west side of the cloisters was the common hall (como
aue), and adjoining it the buttery and kitchen (boterye aule and
ketchyn), and to the westward stood the new lodging. Within the
inner court were the brewhouse, mill, and bakehouse (bruhouse, mine,
and barkh). On the north side of the parish church was the prior's
lodging, and among other buildings and places were the corn house,
stables, poultry yard, kiln, great barn garner, north walk, garden
place, south court, the outer port, and beyond the walls was the ' olde
Fyshe pownde now a olde dyke.' In the inventory of the goods of
sir Thomas Hilton, who died in 1559, his goods at Tynemouth castle
are enumerated, and some of the buildings mentioned in the plan in
the time of queen Elizabeth are referred to. In the British Museum
is " a plan of Tinmouth Town and Castle and Clifford Fort scituate
LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY PLAN. 79
at the entrance of the River Tyne.' In the explanation to the
plan the house of Mr. Villiers, the governor, is shown. As the
Villiers were governors of the castle from 1661 to 1707, and Clif-
ford's fort, built in 1672, is shown upon the plan, it is probable
it was prepared towards the close of the seventeenth century. The
house built by Mr. Villiers is still standing, and is known as the
' governor's house.' Upon the ground floor, at the right hand side
of the doorway, are two interesting panelled rooms. The stairs and
balustrade are old, and are objects of interest. The plan in the
British Museum I have had photographed. I believe it has not been
published. The castle at the time was in a ruinous state. The
works defensive were in ruins. The house which had formerly
belonged to the governor had gone to ruins. The storehouse belong-
ing to the ordnance was much out of repair. The lighthouse built
by sir Edward Villiers is shown. The Spanish fort had gone to ruin.
Clifford's fort is shown with a section of it. By a very singular
arrangement the barracks in Clifford's fort, inhabited by a company
of invalids, are in the upper part of it, and immediately below them
is the powder magazine. The abbey is described as demolished.
Happily the abbey, or more correctly the priory, has not reached the
final state described in the plan. It still stands beautiful in its ruin,
and is one of our most conspicuous and cherished landmarks.
On the 1st of May, 1717, John Campian, a soldier, who was shot
for desertion, was buried within the castle. Beyond the simple entry
in the church registers we know nothing of him.
In the same year the establishment at the castle was rated at
£573 15s. per annum, made up thus : —
The Governor £016 5£ per diem ; £301 0 0 per ann.
Lieut-Governor 0 10 0 „ 182 10 0 „
One Master Gunner 020 „ 36 10 0 „
3 other Gunners, each 12d. ... 0 3 0 „ 54 15 0 „
£1 11 5± „ £574 15 0
The regulation allowance for fire and candles was £18 a year.
In 1745, there were French prisoners in the castle, and in the
following year Dutch and Swiss soldiers were quartered in it, some
of whom died and were buried within its walls. In 1747, on two
occasions, French prisoners escaped from the castle. In 1759, the
80 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE :
Trinity house of Newcastle subscribed two guineas towards the
relief of the French prisoners in it.
In Grose's Antiquities of England and Wales the picturesque gate-
way of the castle is shown. (See frontispiece.) In 1296, king Edward"
the first granted a licence to crenellate it. Grose says : —
There is still standing here a strong square Gateway having small turrets
like guerites at each angle. It was formerly fenced by a ditch over which there
was a drawbridge ; but these have long been demolished.
This gateway was the most important defensive work within the
castle. There was no keep.
There was an outer and an inner gateway, the outward gate-
way having two gates at the distance of about six feet from each
other, the inner of them being defended by a portcullis and an open
gallery. The interior gateway was in like manner strengthened by
a double gate. The space between the gateways being a square of
about six spaces was open above to allow those on top of the battle-
ments to annoy assailants who had gained the first gate. The gateway
shown in Grose represents the inside of it. There is a drawing in the
Richardson collection in the library of the society showing the outer
part of the gateway in 1780.6 Both of these drawings show the
turrets at each angle, but in neither of them is shown the circular
tower which surmounts the present structure. I have recently
examined it, and although the newel staircase has an old look about
it, I am of opinion it is not older than the work executed in 1783.
In a drawing in my possession by Ralph "Waters, which I believe has
never been engraved, the machicolated barbican is shown in the
position where the drawbridge was.7 At some distance from the
barbican and nearer to the haven are shown some outworks with a
flight of steps leading into the haven. In 1783, the government
resumed possession of the castle, and the old and interesting features
of the gateway were completely obliterated, and the hideous super-
structure, as we now know it, was built, and the old stonework
covered with plaster. In a picture of Newcastle published in 1807,
the duke of Richmond, who was master of the ordnance, is charged
with having entirely destroyed the entrance which had been for ages
the chief ornament of the castle, and that he had rebuilt it in a
contemptible style of architecture, over which barracks were fitted up
8 See plate facing p. 62. T See plate opposite.
•*•" .• - -
x .
p
ft1
I
PRESENT BARRACKS OVER GATEWAY ERECTED IN 1783. 81
for the soldiers. The work was planned and executed under the
superintendence of Mr. Leonard Smelt, engineer extraordinary. Of
the monastic domestic buildings very few remain. The vaulted
•' Boterye Aule (hall) and Kitchen ' were converted into and are still
used as a powder magazine. The building has a vaulted roof and
is of two bays.
The fate of Tynemouth castle is the common one which befalls our
historic buildings when they come into possession of the government.
The effacement of the old features and a senseless pulling down of
all that is historic, and the erection of buildings of the most unsightly
shape and of material little in harmony with the buildings around
them is the usual feature of government work.
In the year 1828 the War Office furnished a list of the governors
of Tynemoath castle and Clifford's fort, which comprised the follow-
ing:—
Date of Appointment.
Sir Edward Villiers8 Unknown.
Col. Henry Villiers 2nd February, 1702.
Thomas Meredith 20th February, 1707.
Alg11, Earl of Hertford 11th January, 1714/15.
Alg11, Earl of Hertford 20th June, 1727.
Sir Andrew Agnew, B* 13th February, 1749/50.
Hon. Alexander Mackay 8th August, 1771.
Lord Adam Gordon 4th April, 1778.
Charles Rainsford 2nd Novr., 1796.
General David Douglas Wemyss ... ... 27th May, 1809.
LlEUTENANT-GOVERNOBS.
Henry Villiers 7th May, 1713.
John Middleton 28th January, 1714/5.
Edward Hall, Capt. Commandent in the
absence of the Governor and LVGov*. ... 27th September, 1715.
John Lewis de le Bene 17th July, 1717.
Henry Villiers 20th June, 1727.
Thomas Lacey 11th June, 1753.
Spencer Cowper 19th October, 1763.
Hon. Alexander Hope 16th March, 1797.
Charles Crawford 9th January, 1799.
Lieut.-General James Hay 2nd April, 1821.
Do. William Thomas ... ... 6th Sept., 1826.
In the Annals of the Northern Counties, published in 1839, it is stated
that the governorship of Tynemouth and Clifford's fort had become
vacant by the death of general Wemyss, and the government had
8 His appointment was in 1661 as shown by the receipt signed by him.
VOL. XVIII. 11
82 TYNEMOUTH CASTLE.
determined not to fill up the sinecure appointment. The governor had
a salary of £284 7s. lid., and the salary of the lieutenant-governor
was £173 7s. 6d. General Wemyss, while he was governor, made a
claim of 10s. for permitting the burial ground within the castle to
be broken for each interment, which was resisted by the parishioners.
A voluminous correspondence was earned on between the years 182t>
and 1833. In one of the letters from the irascible governor he
I have only to lament that your Vestry had not more able Counsellors than
those who advised a contention with the authority I have the honor to be
invested by King in Council. I can let them know should I see cause — pre-
vent both the living and the dead from entering these walls. I want neither
their money nor their dead.
The exaction was withdrawn, and a few years afterwards the old
governor passed to his rest.
General Thomas was an old veteran who had served throughout
the long continental war, as well as in America and Ireland.
The Spanish battery which, as I have stated, was within the line
of fortifications of the castle, has entirely disappeared. The unsuc-
cessful attempt forty years ago of the contractor of the Tyne Com-
missioners to find stone for the piers destroyed the old wall and
outworks along the escarpment, and partly, but not entirely, isolated
the castle. A few years ago the houses of the lighthouse keepers
which, with their trimly kept gardens, were the admiration of
visitors, were pulled down and destroyed, and the lighthouse is
threatened with destruction.9 It is intended to pull down the
governor's house and the buildings which surround it, and a grant
has been made for the purpose.
At present, brick buildings, out of keeping with all their sur-
roundings, are rapidly rearing their heads within the castle, and
when finished may not be required.
For much of the information in this paper I am indebted to the
Annals of the House of Percy, the invaluable volumes by Mr. Welford
on Newcastle and Gateshead and on Men of Mark, and the Calendars
of State Papers, and I am also under an obligation to major Porter-
field, R.A., for his uniform courtesy in allowing me to see over the
buildings in the castle.
•The lighthouse was purchased of the descendants of the Villiers family in
1840 for £124,678 17s. 2d. by the Trinity House, London.
THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL. 83
VI.— THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL.
BY THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., F.S.A., one of the
Secretaries of the Society.
[Read on the 28th August, 1895.]
THE object of the following paper is to collect into one brief summary
the notices furnished to us by the writers of antiquity as to that most
interesting monument of the Roman dominion in Britain, the Wall
between the estuary of the Tyne and the Solway.
Discussions at great length have been waged, and probably will
continue to be waged, concerning the real builders of this extraordinary
work. The evidence of inscriptions along the line of the Wall has
been appealed to, and rightly appealed to, for in my judgment what I
have termed the literary history of the Wall will never by itself
enable us to decide these questions. Still it seems to me that there
may be an advantage in looking at that literary history separately, and
estimating the information contained by it, whether much or little, by
itself, as if not a single stone with the name of a Roman general or
emperor upon it had ever been discovered. Especially I wish to
measure the distance of time by which each of the authorities whom I
have to quote is separated from the events which he records. For if
there be one quality more than another by which history in the hands
of recent enquirers has gained in accuracy, and has made some
approach to scientific exactness, it has been by the resolute determina-
tion to sift as well as to collect historical evidence. There was a time
when any statement of a historical kind which appeared in print,
especially if it were clothed in the majesty of ' a learned language,' was
deemed worthy of attention ; when it was thought that at any rate the
frequent repetition of such statements, though it might be clear that
they were all only copied from one, perhaps untrustworthy source,
proved something. Now, under the guidance of such scientific
historians as Niebuhr, Grote, Freeman, Mommsen, and others, we have
learned that witnesses must be weighed not simply counted, and that
one contemporary witness, if a man of a cautious habit of mind, not
84 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
under any strong bias of personal interest, and careful in distinguishing
between observed facts, outweighs any number of mere romancers who
are separated by generations from the events about which they profess
to inform us.
I will, therefore, very briefly recount the well-known facts of the
Roman occupation of Britain in order to show at what points in that
long career (reaching, it must always be remembered, over nearly four
centuries) the lives of the chroniclers of that occupation have to be
inserted.
The conquest of Britain by the generals of the emperor Claudius
took place, as we all know, in the year 43 after the birth of Christ.
At least this was the year in which the process of subjugation com-
menced. It proceeded rapidly over the southern part of the island ;
steadily, but with one or two signal reverses, over the midland and
northern portions, and in about fifty years it had reached the limit
which it never afterwards overpassed. Of this conquest we ought to
have a complete and almost contemporaneous narrative, for Tacitus,
the great historian of the early empire, was born about seventeen years
after A.D. 43 ; he doubtless conversed with many of the officers who
took part in the first expedition, and his father-in-law, Agricola, was
the general under whom the Eoman arms were carried northward into
the recesses of Caledonia. Unfortunately, however, the great gaps
which have been made by time and human carelessness in the Annals
and Histories of Tacitus prevent us from reading his account either of
the beginning of the conquest or of some of its more important after-
scenes ; but this loss is to some small extent compensated by the rapid
sketch of the Romanisation of Britain painted for us in the life of
Agricola, which was the earliest of his historical works, and was pro-
bably written about A.D. 98, only fourteen years after the close of
Agricola's campaigns.
It is generally agreed that with all the magnificent gifts which
Tacitus possesses he is not a good military historian. Either he did
not know or he could not describe clearly the nature of the country
through which his father-in-law marched : maps, of course, in these
days were meagre and inaccurate ; and the result is that it is extremely
difficult to make out from his work a clear and consistent narrative
of the five campaigns in which Agricola subdued the region which
ANNALS AND HISTORIES OF TACITUS. 85
was called in a later day Northumbria, and even penetrated, appa-
rently, into the Scottish highlands. But these are the sentences
which probably describe his operations in this part of the country.
'When summer arrived (the summer of 79) he drew his army
together, he was constantly on the march, he praised the subordin-
ation of his troops, he chastised the stragglers : he himself chose the
places for the camps, himself reconnoitred the estuaries and the
forests : and, meanwhile, he gave the foe no rest but perpetually
ravaged their territory with sudden excursions. Then, when he had
struck sufficient terror into their hearts, he again by his clemency
gave them a longing for peace. As a consequence of these measures,
many cities [states] which up to that time had held aloof now gave
him hostages and laid aside their thoughts of revenge. These were
surrounded with garrisons and forts and were administered with more
care and statesmanship than any of the previously conquered parts of
Britain.'
Of the next year we read : ' The third campaign opened up
new country, the native races being all harried as far as the estuary
of the Tanaus. Frightened by these alarms the enemy did not
venture to harass the Roman army, though buffeted by sore tempests,
and thus leisure was obtained for building further forts (castella).
Good judges deemed that no general had ever chosen the ground for
these with more wisdom. No fort founded by Agricola was ever
stormed by the enemy in force or abandoned by flight or surrender,
Frequent sallies were made from them, for they were safeguarded
against a lingering blockade by yearly reinforcement of their supplies.'
This passage would be of immense value for the history of the con-
quest of North Britain if only we could say with certainty where ' the
estuary of Tanaus ' is to be placed. Unfortunately, most of the chief
estuaries along the east coast have names beginning with T : Tay,
Scottish Tyne, Tweed, our Tyiie, Tees : and every one of them has
some champions who defend its claim to be the original Tanaus.
As we find that in the next year ' Clota and Bodotria (the firths
of Clyde and Forth), which are driven far inland by the tides of two
different seas and are therefore separated by a narrow interval of land,
were then strengthened by garrisons' ('quod tune praesidiis firma-
batur'), we seem to be entitled to conjecture, though we cannot
86 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
prove, that the similar narrow neck of land which intervenes between
Tyne and Solway was also 'strengthened by garrisons,' and that
Agricola's watchful care in selecting suitable places for camps was
exercised in choosing some of those sites in the Northumbrian hills
which are still encompassed by Roman masonry.
But this only takes us at furthest to the construction of camps.
"We have still no hint of anything like a wall.
The second century after Christ was, we are sure, of immense
importance in the actual building of the Wall ; but, strangely enough,
it adds nothing to what I call its literary history. Let me briefly
run over the names and characters of the chief emperors who wore
the purple during this, the golden age of the Roman monarchy.
There are some of them to whom we shall have to return when we
reach the writers who tell us of their deeds.
I will not linger over the reign of TRAJAN (98-117), 'Best of
Princes ' (as he was deservedly named by his grateful subjects), for
we have, I think, no direct evidence of Trajan's action in refer-
ence to the government of Britain. I pass on, therefore, to his
successor, AELIUS HADRIANUS, who reigned from 117 to 138.
He undoubtedly visited our island, and probably held his court at
Eboracuin (York), in the winter of 119-120. Though not the
best of the emperors, Hadrian is certainly one of the most inter-
esting of the series. He was a restless traveller, for seventeen
years perpetually on the move from one end to another of his
vast dominions. Britain, as we have seen, saw in him almost for
the first time the purple of an emperor,1 and he left his name in
the military station of Pons Aelii which guarded his bridge over the
Tyne at the spot where we now listen to the clamorous industries of
Newcastle. Britain settled, Hadrian journeyed through Gaul to
Spain, from Spain to Mauritania, and thence to the borders of Persia.
All the great capitals of the ancient world — Athens, Alexandria,
Antioch — felt the presence of this ubiquitous emperor, and wherever
he went stately buildings sprang up to attest his passionate love for
the noble art of architecture. Though himself a Spaniard, his heart
was given to Greece. He lingered long in Athens and adorned her
1 Claudius was the only emperor who had previously visited Britain, and his
visit lasted only eleven days.
HADRIAN'S VILLA AT TIVOLI. 87
with so many beautiful buildings that a triumphal arch bore on that
face which looked towards them : ' This is not the city of Theseus
but the city of Hadrian.'2 ^Returning at length to Italy to spend
his old age there, he reared, in sight of the temples and cascades of
Tivoli, that marvellous palace whose ruins still bear his name ' The
Villa of Hadrian.' The traveller who visits the place, deceived by the
modest title, expects to find one building of moderate dimensions,
and finds instead the lines of a real city, barracks for many thousand
soldiers, temples, baths, lecture halls, and libraries. And here the
Hellas-loving emperor ' endeavoured to perpetuate his own recollections
of Greece. Here he erected buildings to which he gave the names of
Poikile and lyceum ; by their side he planted the germ of an Academy,
and he carried the stream of an ideal Peneus through the pleasant
vale of an imitation Tempe.'3
Pity that this brilliant and vivid intellect was not united to a
stronger and a purer character. Hadrian suffers by comparison
with the emperors who came before and after him, for though far
from sinking to the level of the cruel debauchees who disgraced the
first century of the empire, he does not rise to the level of that serene
and self-denying virtue which was generally attained by the Ulpian
and Antonine emperors. With the brilliancy he had also the
sensuousness and the moral weakness of the artistic temperament.
He was pre-eminently the kind of man who needed religion rather
than philosophy to enable him to work out his life-problem aright.
For want of the soothing, regulating influence of the Divine Spirit on
his soul he sank, in his old age and under the torments of a painful
disease, into an irritable and jealous tyrant : his early, well-deserved
popularity faded away, and he seems to have died hated .more than
pitied by his people.
But if there were blots in the record of Hadrian's closing years,
they were almost effaced by the splendid wisdom which he showed in
the choice of his successor. ANTONINUS Pius (138-161), whose very
coins bring before us the image of a man of pure and noble character,
was fittingly described in the address in which Hadrian introduced
2 AIA' EI2' AAPIANOY KAI OYXI 0HSEQ2 EOAI2. On
the other side of the arch looking towards the old city were the words •
AIA' EIS' A0HNAI 6H2EQS H IIPIN IIOA12.
3 Preface to Wordsworth's Greece.
88 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
him to the senate 'of noble birth, gentle, tractable, wise, with
neither the rashness of youth nor the slovenliness of age, trained up
in the laws, having commanded as a general according to the good old
custom of his fathers, so that he knew all the duties of those offices
which lead up to sovereignty, and has been able to discharge them all
honourably.' We know far too little of the public acts and private
life of this true 'patriot- king,' but I will so far anticipate what I
shall have to say when I come to speak of his biographer as to say
that Antoninus was the undoubted author of the wall, or rather
rampart, which connected the firths of Forth and Clyde. As there is
so much that is perplexing and debateable about the history of our
Wall ('the barrier of the Lower Isthmus,' as it is sometimes called),
let this point at least be firmly fixed in our minds, that the builder of
the northern, or what we now call the Scottish, rampart was, by the
consentient testimony of historians, inscriptions, and coins, Antoninus
Pius, emperor of Rome from 138 to 161.
His adopted son and successor, MARCUS AURELIUS (161-180), 'the
philosopher on the throne,' the man who in all the heathen world
comes nearest, except Socrates (if, indeed, we ought to except Socrates),
to the Christian ideal of righteousness, had hard battles to fight with
the barbarians of the Middle Danube in defence of the empire, and, as
far as I know, his name is not even mentioned in the scanty records of
the time in connection with Roman Britain.
All the world had to mourn the awful change when the saintly
Aurelius, the friend and father of his people, was succeeded by his son,
the cruel and cowardly profligate, COMMODUS (180-192). Britain soon
felt the change. Dion Cassius, the historian whom I am about shortly to
introduce to you, and who is strictly a contemporary (for he was about
twenty-five years of age at the time of the accession of Commodus),
says (Ixxii. 8) : — ' There were wars in other parts of the empire, but
the greatest of all was the war of Britain. For the tribes in that
island having overpassed the Wall which separated them from the
camps of the Romans, and committing many outrages, and having cut
to pieces a certain general with the soldiers under his command,
Commodus, struck with fear, sent Marcellus Ulpius against them.'
Dion Cassius then goes on to give us a characteristic sketch of this
general, of the means which he used to maintain the discipline in
DION CASSIUS. 89
the army, and of bis own ascetic habits. But neither these details nor
the fact that he ' terribly worsted the barbarians ' concern us at
present. What I want to point out to you is that here at last, in a
book written between 211 and 222, we get a clear mention of 'the
Wall which divided the barbarians from the camps of the Romans.'
It is true that we have no absolutely unmistakable indication which of
the walls is here alluded to, but the whole tenor of the passage makes
it probable that it was our Wall here in Northumberland, and that the
invading barbarians did really effect an entrance over it into the
northern counties of that which we now call England, and laid them
waste by their ravages.
The same author, Dion Cassius, says, in a later book (Ixxvi. 12) —
'There are two tribes the greatest of all the Britons, namely, the
Caledonians and the Maeatae, and all other tribal names have, so to
speak, coalesced in these two. Now the Maeatae dwell close to the
Wall itself which cuts the island in twain, and the Caledonians behind
them. Both tribes inhabit wild and waterless mountains and wastes,
marshy plains, having neither walled cities nor agriculture, but living
by pasture and the chase, and feeding also on certain hard-shelled
fruits. For fish, though they swarm in their rivers, they never taste.
They dwell in tents, naked and unshod, having the women in common,
and rearing all their offspring. They are for the most part democra-
tically governed, and greatly enjoy robbery. They fight in chariots
drawn by little and swift horses, but they are also foot soldiers, most
nimble in running, and most resolute in standing together : ' and so
on. The passage is too long for me to quote the whole of it here ; but
though interesting as showing us how long democratic government,
with all its attendant blessings, has existed among our northern neigh-
bours, it does not help us much as to the position of the Wall ; for
though the Caledonians we know, the Maeatae as the name of a British
tribe conveys no idea to us. Perhaps Mommsen is right4 in saying that
the wall here means the wall of Antoninus.
The 'reign of terror' under Commodus was ended by his assassina-
tion (31st December, 192), and by the elevation to the empire of the
estimable senator PEKTINAX (193). All readers of Gibbon will
remember his admirable description of the short reign of this worthy
* Book viii. c. 5 (p. 187, English translation).
VOL. XVIII. 12
90 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
emperor, his murder by the Praetorian guards, the putting up to
auction of the imperial dignity, and the chaos of civil war which
followed. One of the three pretenders to the purple whose legions
clashed together in this anarchic time was Clodius Albinus, governor
of Britain, but he was not the one who emerged victorious from the
doubtful strife. The victor was SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS (193-211), who
wore the purple for eighteen years, and who left a great name, certainly
one of the six greatest names, in the history of Roman Britain.
A man more unlike the courtly and cultivated Hadrian, with whom
he is sometimes brought into competition, could hardly be imagined
than this stern, dry African soldier, short in stature, snub-nosed, with
only a slight tincture of learning, but with a wonderful power of push-
ing his way through the thickets of political life. During the greater
part of his reign he was warring against the Persians on the eastern
frontier of the empire, but in 208, though sixty-three years old and
tortured by gout, he commanded in person an expedition to Britain
in order to chastise the hostile Caledonians and Maeatae.
A somewhat obscure notice in Dion Cassius informs us that there
had been trouble in Britain, occasioned by the faithlessness of the
Caledonians who, unmindful of their promises [to Rome], had prepared
to assist the [hostile] Maeatae. It was the civil war [between Severus
and Albinus] which had given them boldness thus to resist the
emperor, and the result of their operations was that the governor,
Lupus, was obliged to redeem certain captives (probably of high rank)
for a very large sum of money. We may safely infer that these
operations of the Caledonians must have included at least a partial
destruction of the Wall, and a ravage of the lands immediately to the
south of it. 8
The expedition of Severus, undertaken to punish this invasion,
lasted three years. He seems to have really penetrated farther into
Caledonia than any other Roman general except Agricola. According
to Dion Cassius he reached the extreme limit of the island.6 This is
probably an exaggeration, but the remark that he accurately explored
the sun's position at the solstice and the length of the days and nights
in summer and winter looks as if he really had gone farther north than
the ordinary run of Roman soldiers and merchants. We can well
* Dion Cassius, Ixxv. 5. s Ibid. Ixxvi. 13.
DION CASSITJS. 91
believe that 'he went through great labours, cutting down forests,
levelling heights, filling up marshes, and bridging rivers ; ' and yet
with all this, we are told that fifty thousand Roman soldiers, perished,
not in a pitched battle, but victims to the Caledonian ambuscades,
to the treacherous morasses, to the fatigues and dangers of the
march.7
The news of another revolt of the half -subdued Caledonians filled
Severus with such rage that, with a Homeric quotation, he vowed to
exterminate the whole race down to the infant in its mother's arms ;
but death cut short the angry soldier's career ere he had begun his
fourth campaign. He died at York on the 4th February, 211. He
had, though with great sacrifice of Roman life, chastised the presump-
tion of the Caledonians. The presence of so great and strenuous an
emperor had doubtless done much to consolidate Roman dominion
in the southern part of the island. Had he also left his special
mark here in Northumberland ? That is a question which for the
present shall be left undiscussed.
It may be a little help to the memory, as fixing the place in
history of the author whom I mentioned a little while ago, and who
is certainly, after Tacitus, our best authority on the history of Roman
Britain, to mention that Dion Cassius often pleaded as an advocate
before Severus. ' Then at early morning-tide he sat on the judgment
seat,' says he, ' except when some great festival was being celebrated.
And in truth he did this part of his work very well : for he gave the
litigants plenty of water [that is, ' time ' by the clepsydra or water-
clock] ; and to me, when I pleaded before him, he gave great liberty
of speech. So he judged till noon ; after that he rode on horse-back
as long as he was able to do so.'8
It was by the advice and encouragement of the emperor Severus
that Dion determined to write the history of his reign. He apparently
began to collect his materials in 201, spent ten years over the work
of preparation, and, after the death of Severus, spent ten years more
in writing it, completing it, down to the end of that emperor's reign,
in the year 222.
It should be mentioned here that one frequently sees statements
as to the campaigns of Severus and other points in the history of
7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. Ixvvi. 17
92 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
Eoman Britain quoted on the authority of a certain Xiphilinus. From
the pen of this Xiphilinus they certainly do literally proceed — all the
statements which I have been laying before you ; but if they came
originally from the mind of Xiphiliuus they would be of no conceivable
value to us, seeing that he was an ignorant and uncritical Byzantine
monk, contemporary with our William the Conqueror. But he under-
took, by command of his emperor, to make an abridgement of the
history of Dion Cassius from the 36th to the 80th book (from
B.C. 67 to A.D. 229).9 Though the epitomiser was, as I have said,
careless and uncritical, and has doubtless omitted many facts which
we would gladly know, there is no reason to suppose that he has
added anything to his author, and, therefore, I think we are justified
in considering and quoting his book as not the work of Xiphilinus
but the work of Dion.
It should be mentioned that we have also a history of the reign
of Severus from the pen of another contemporary Greek historian,
H&rodian. He is, however, much briefer in his account of the British
campaigns than Dion, and I do not find in his text anything which
even by inference throws light on the history of the Wall.
As Severus died in the year 211, we are now, you will perceive,
fairly launched into the mid-current of the third century after Christ.
That century was one of the saddest in all the chronicles of time.
The fratricide Caracalla, the effeminate glutton Elagabalus, the fierce
barbarian bully Maximin, the dark Arabian traitor Philip, the clever
fool Gallienus, were among the third-century emperors, and although
some good emperors appeared here and there in the ranks of the
wearers of the purple, their lives were generally cut short by the
dagger of the assassin or the sword of the mutineer, and they scarcely
availed to make even a moment's pause in the empire's downward
course to ruin. The third century was growing old, and it seemed as
if its death and the death of the great world empire might come almost
in the same hour.
The ruin was averted and another century was gained for Borne,
for civilization, for the happiness of the human race by the wise states-
' From book 61 to 80, that is from the accession of Nero to the eighth
year/ of Severus Alexander we have only the abridgement of Xiphilinus to
represent the original work of Dion.
XIPHILTNUS ; HERODIAN ; SUETONIUS. 93
manship of the second founder of the empire, the great DIOCLETIAN
(284-305). Himself the son of a man who had once been a Dalmatian
slave, he climbed up by no unworthy means, but by the mere force of
an indomitable will and a vigorous intellect, to the foremost place in
all the world. Once there, he determined that his power should not be
at the mercy of every breath of disaffection in the barrack-room of
every legion. He chose to himself three strong and capable partners
of his throne to aid him in pushing back the barbarians on the
frontier, and at the same time in repressing the tumults of the mutin-
ous soldiery. The Roman emperor, he conceived, had been too ready
to pose as only the first citizen of a republic. A monarch he was, as
much as, nay more than, any king of Persia or Armenia, and as a
monarch he must show himself to his dazzled and awe-stricken subjects.
Hence came his resolution to place upon his head the white bejewelled
diadem10 to interweave with his purple the threads of gold, to tinge
even his shoes with purple and adorn them with blazing jewels, to
insist upon his subjects prostrating themselves in the attitude of
adoration when they entered his presence, to surround his person with
a guard of tall, stately soldiers bearing shields of gold. All the
theatrical pageant of royalty now encompassed the Roman emperor,
and being well put upon the stage it in great measure accomplished
its intended purpose. Though in some things the great designs of
Diocletian failed in their aim, the mutinies and rebellions which were
almost incessant in the third century were comparatively rare in the
fourth.
One of the smaller cares of Diocletian, a sovereign whose various
energy somewhat resembled that of the great Napoleon, was to
provide a history of the emperors, his predecessors. Suetonius had
written their lives down to the reign of Domitian, and Diocletian
decided that the work of Suetonius should be continued to his own
day. With this view he gave the needful orders to certain rhetoricians,
probably clerks and notaries in the government offices, and the book
10 The diadem, the Oriental sign of monarchy, seems to have been first
assumed by Heliogabalus, but not worn outside his palace. Aureiian wore it in
public. Diocletian adopted it from these predecessors, perhaps adorned it more
sumptuously with jewels, and wore it more habitually. (See Historia Augusta,
Vita If el toga bali, xxiii. ; Victor, Epitome, xxxv. ; Jordanes, DC Rvynorum
Successione, Ixviii. ; Eutropius, xxvi.)
94 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
called the Historia Augusta was the result.11 History written to order
in this imperial style is not generally distinguished by its literary
excellence, and the Historia Augusta, though most valuable to us as a
record of an obscure and difficult period, is very unworthy of the
countrymen of Livy and Tacitus. The authors are so little known, and
have so little succeeded in impressing their personality on Roman
readers, that there is even a doubt as to their number. Certain lives
in the series are attributed to Aelius Spartianus, and certain others to
Aelius Larnpridius ; but it is now suggested by some scholars that
these two are one man, Aelius Lampridius Spartianus. This is as if
Vanity Fair were attributed to one author, William Makepeace, and
The Neivcomes to another, William Thackeray, a sort of mistake which,
in such a case where genius has left its ineffaceable signature, is not
likely to be made.
It is, however, fortunate that in this curious patch-work perform-
ance the best, or perhaps we should rather say the least bad, lives are
those which come from the pen of Spartianus, and that among these
are the two which concern us most closely, those of the two emperors
who left the clearest mark on the provinces of Britain.
From this obscure literary hack, probably a subordinate official in
the imperial chancery, from Aelius Spartianus, we get the life of
Hadrian, with all its faults a precious authority for the reign of that
brilliant and much-travelling emperor. In that life this passage
occurs : ' Therefore, having like a true king of men changed the
habits of the soldiery, he visited Britain, in which island he corrected
many things that were amiss, and was the first to draw a wall [across]
for eighty miles, in order to divide the barbarians and the Romans.'
11 1 must just allude to an interesting literary controversy as to the time of
the composition of the Historia Augusta. The account given in the text is that
which has generally passed current till recent times, and which seems to be borne
out by the dedications to Diocletian or Constantino which are found in some MSS.
of the Historia Augusta prefixed to some of the lives. There are, however, some
passages in the compilation which seem to indicate a considerably later date, and
strong reasons are assigned by the German scholars who have been discuss-
ing the question for suspecting that there is a literary artifice in all the allusions
to Diocletian as a contemporary ruler, and that the lives really belong to the age
of Theodosius, or even later (say 380 to 410 A.D.). It is not necessary for my
purpose to go further into this question here. My chief point is the length of time
which elapsed between the reigns of Hadrian or Severus, and the account of those
reigns given in the Historia Augusta. If it was really written a century after
its alleged date this argument becomes so much the stronger.
AELIUS SPARTIANUS ; JULIUS CAPITOLINUS. 95
And again, in a passage where he is speaking more generally of
Hadrian's imperial energy : ' At that time and frequently at many
other times and in very many places, in which the barbarians are
divided (from the Romans) not by rivers but by [artificial] boundaries,
he separated them from the empire by great stakes fixed deep in the
earth and connected with one another, after the fashion of a mural
hedge.'
Here at length, in the first of these passages, at least one
hundred and fifty years after the death of Hadrian (for Spartianus
certainly did not write before 288), we have a passage clearly
assigning to Hadrian the building of a wall, eighty miles in length,
across the north of Britain, and connecting it with a general plan
of defence all round the borders of the empire where natural frontiers
failed. Truly, notwithstanding its late appearance, this is a most
precious document for the history of our Wall.
The next imperial life in the Historia Augusta is that of Antoninus
Pius, and bears the name of Julius Capitolinus, another member of
the literary partnership ; but the opinion of some scholars inclines to
the view that this life also is the work of Spartianus. In that life occurs
this passage (chap, v.) : 'By his lieutenants he waged very many wars,
for he conquered even the Britons by his lieutenant Lollius Urbicus,
having pushed the barbarians away and drawn another wall made of
turf [across the island], and he forced the Moors to beg for peace,'
and so on. There are some little indications in this passage that it
was written, if not by the author of the life of Hadrian, at any rate by
someone who had that life before him.12 It will be seen that it speaks
of another wall, and that it describes it as ' built of turf,' a description
which the recent explorations of the Glasgow Archaeological Society
prove to be exactly accurate, for the sections which they have made show
at regular intervals the black streaks of that which was grass alternat-
ing with the brown soil, so that in fact we can tell just how many
' cespites ' or layers of turf went to the building of each portion of the
wall between the Forth and the Clyde, the undoubted wall of Antoninus.
After six more lives, the work of various authors, we come to the
life of Severus, which, like that of Hadrian, is attributed to Spartianus.
12 The use of the word ' alio ' and the expression ' muro ducto ' as in the
former life.
96 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
He, after enumerating this emperor's victories in the east over Persians,
Arabians and Adiabeni, says (chap, xvii.) : ' The greatest glory of his
reign is that he fortified Britain by a wall drawn across the island and
ending on both sides with the ocean, for which achievement he received
the name of Britannicus.'
This, again, is a memorable passage in the history of the Wall,
the very Thermopylae or Hougouuiont of the controversy, a fortress
which has been taken, lost, and retaken over and over again, and
round whose walls antiquaries will probably fight for generations to
come. The difficulty lies chiefly in this : that we have here a distinct
attribution to Severus of the building of a wall across Britain from
sea to sea, but no allusion to the fact mentioned by the same author in
his life of Hadrian that a wall had been originally built in the same
place. The word 'restored' or 'repaired' instead of 'built' would
have made all things clear. The introduction of * alium ' (another) here,
as in the life of Antoninus, would have had the like effect ; or if there
had been any change in the word used for wall, if murus had been
used in one place and vallum in another, the two narratives might
still have been perfectly consistent. This difficulty induced Hodgson
at one time to throw overboard altogether this sentence in the life of
Severus, and to suggest that it was inserted here instead of in the life
of Hadrian by mere inadvertence. He himself afterwards perceived
that this was going too far, and I do not think any scholar would
be satisfied with such a drastic remedy. The probability is that
Spartianus, who, as I have said, was a mere literary hack of no great
learning or ability, found in the works of those who had gone before
him these two statements attributing the building of a wall across
Britain to two different emperors, and incorporated them both in his
book without perceiving that they required at least some attempt at
reconciliation.
There is another passage in this life of Severus by Spartianus which,
if the text were not so evidently corrupt, and if a certain emendation
of it were allowed, might help us much, but which at present seems to
make the darkness of the mural controversy only darker.
The hitherto received text of this passage (which describes one of
the omens which foretold the death of Severus) is 'Post murum apud
vallum in Britannia missum cum ad proximam mansionem rediret.'
THE 'HISTORIA AUGUSTA.' 97
To the advocates of a certain theory there is a strong temptation to
translate this : ' When Severus was returning to the nearest lodging-
place after building his [stone] wall near the [earthen] rampart in
Britain.' But (1) we have no authority for translating 'mittere' 'to
send ' by 'to build.' (2) The words 'stone' and 'earth' which we have
inserted are unauthorized glosses. (3) It now appears that the two
best MSS. of the Historia Augusta (Bambergensis and Palatinus) and
the Editio Princfps™ which is also founded on a MS. of respectable
authority, unite in reading Maurum instead of Murum. What the
meaning of his ' sending a Moor to the rampart in Britain ' may be
we know not. Perhaps it alludes to some event to which we have lost
the clue. In any case the passage is too obscure, or the text too
corrupt, to make a safe foundation for any theory.
The author goes on to say : ' When he was returning to the nearest
mansio (lodging-place, not only victorious, but also having established
peace on eternal foundations, and revolving in his mind what omen
would next meet him,' — the whole of this life of Severus is full of
stories of omens of glory or of disaster — 'a certain Ethiopian from
the ranks of the soldiery, a well-known buffoon, who was always playing
practical jokes, met him with a wreath woven of cypresses (the funereal
leaf). When the emperor in a rage ordered him to be removed from
his sight, looking upon the man's black skin and cypress wreath as both
ominous of evil, the Ethiopian is asserted to have said by way of a joke :
" Thou hast been everything ; thou hast conquered everything ; now
let God be the conqueror." '
The general meaning of the story is clear. Severus, who did
actually die at York after his Caledonian campaign, was met by a negro
soldier — in a certain sense a fellow-countryman, as he, too, came from
Africa— and this man's colour, his cypress wreath, and his clumsily
jocose words, all pointed to the approaching end of Severus.
But, as before said, what to make of the words : ' post rnaurum ' or
' murum apud vallum missum ' is an enigma to which I am afraid we
are not likely soon, if ever, to find the answer.14
One more passage which at least illustrates the subject may be
quoted from the same life of Severus :18 ' Great was his service to the
13 Printed at Milan, 1475.
14 It seems to me that Hodgson in his comments on this passage, iii. 308,
309, and 315, by substituting 'the Vallum at the Mums' for 'the Murus at the
Vallum ' vitiates his whole argument. ls Chap, xxiii.
VOL. XVIII.
98 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
city in this respect that at Rome he restored all the public buildings
which were falling into decay by the lapse of time, nowhere hardly
affixing his own name but always keeping the titles of the original
builders.' This certainly points to Severus as essentially a restorer,
and one who was more anxious to do the needful work than to claim
the glory of it, one who might, therefore, very probably have restored
Hadrian's work (though I must repeat that this is not what Spartianus
says) without obliterating Hadrian's name.
With the Historia Augusta ends, I consider, all independent Eoman
testimony as to the builder of the Wall. The assertions of Eutropius,
of Aurelius Victor, of Orosius, of Cassiodorus, that Severus built a wall
in Britain whose length they state in varying numbers from thirty-
two to one hundred and thirty-two miles,16 are probably all copied
from the same source, and that source possibly the Historia Augusta.17
They do not, therefore, really add anything to our knowledge, though
the fact that in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries the name of Severus
had entirely replaced that of Hadrian as the builder of the British
Wall is one of some importance. More important perhaps is it to
note that Cassiodorus in his chronicle (composed about 519) assigns
the building of the Wall to the consulate of Aper and Maximus
A.D. 207, the year when Severus first came into Britain, four years
before his death. It might be said that this date conflicted with the
story of the meeting with the negro, which was evidently just before
the death of the emperor. On the other hand, Cassiodorus would
probably date the building of the Wall from the time when Severus
issued the orders for its commencement, and three years would be not
an unreasonable time to be occupied with such a work. The building
would, on this hypothesis, be begun probably in the summer of 207,
and it might be ended in December of 210 or January of 211, when
Severus, racked with the gout, furious with the Caledonians, doubtful
about the loyalty of his son, the murderous Caracalla, was returning to
Eboracum to die.18
The importance of this notice in Cassiodorus is much increased by
18 Victor gives thirty-two ; Eutropius, Orosius, and Cassiodorus one hundred
and thirty-two. The real distance was sixty-eight English miles and three
furlongs, equivalent to about seventy-four and one-third Roman miles.
" They are, however, inscribed in my list of authorities at the end of this
paper, to be taken for what they are worth.
18 Dion Cassius tells us that Severus died on the 4th of February.
ARCH. A EL. Vol.
Plate XVII.
IN CUMBERLAND.
CASSIODOEUS, ETC. ; THE ' NOTITIA IMPERIL' 99
the fact that it coincides in time with the well-known inscription on
the written rock above the river Gelt. From this inscription we
learn that an offidna or gang of stone-workers under the command of
a petty officer or opt-to named Agricola were working this rock in the
year which had Aper and Maximus for its consuls, the very year
named by Cassiodorus.
The next authority which we have to notice, prior in date to one
or two of those already mentioned, and not one that touches the ques-
tion of the builders of the "Wall, is the Notitia Utriisque Imperil. This
was a sort of army list and civil service almanack of the Roman
state. From it we derive almost all our information as to the gradation
of ranks in the official hierarchy, and the disposition of the legions in
the provinces of the empire. There is good reason to suppose that
each successive emperor made with his own hand a copy of this
important document ; and the MS. from which our present copies of
the Notitia are printed may have descended, with but few intervening
exemplars, from one traced in purple characters by the august fingers
of Arcadius or Honorius.
In the second part of this document, which relates to the western
empire, we have a chapter of the deepest interest for us which contains
the disposition of the troops : ' Sub dispositione viri spectabilis ducis
Brittanniarum,' and a sub-section, most interesting of all, entitled
' Item per lineam Valli.' It is from this page of the Notitia, com-
bined with the evidence of inscriptions, that Horsley recovered the
true names of the Roman stations from "Wallsend to Gilsland, rightly
inferring that as the ala of the Astures was stationed at Cilurnum,
that must have been the imperial name of the camp at Chesters,
where the inscriptions of that ala are found ; and so with Procolitia,
Borcovicus, and all the other stations in the region indicated above.
But what we have here especially to note is that this sub-section
is headed per lineam Valli. Vallum, therefore, we may safely conclude,
was the generic name of the line of the Roman fortification in Britain
when that chapter of the Notitia was compiled.
Our next authority is one of a most puzzling kind. His own age
and country are doubtful, and we cannot tell in listening to his
diffuse and declamatory periods whether he is really adding anything
valuable to our stock of information or is simply ' darkening counsel
100 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
by words without knowledge.' I refer to the monk Gildas, from
whom are derived almost all the facts or legends concerning the
conquest of Britain by the Angles and Saxons which have become
part of the received text of history.
Gildas appears to have been an inhabitant either of Wales or of
' West Wales ' (as Cornwall and Devonshire were once called), and,
according to Mommsen,19 he was born at the very end of the fifth or
beginning of the sixth century, certainly before A.D. 504. There is
some authority for the statement that he died A.D. 569 or 570.
But all the facts about his life and personality are wrapped in much
obscurity, so that a recent writer has argued with some plausibility
that the work De Excidio Britanniae, by which he is best known, is not
his at all, but was written by an unknown scribe a full century later.20
It does not seem to me that he has proved his point, but the mere
existence of such a controversy shows how far we have drifted away
from the region of well-defined, clearly-dated history.
However, let Gildas's contributions to the history of our Wall be
taken for what they are worth. They amount to this, that it was a work
not of the second or even of the third century, but one that marked
the decline and approaching ruin of Roman domination in our island.
The Roman legions, he says, had followed Maximus on to the
Continent when he rebelled against Gratian (A.D. 383), and for a time
established himself as emperor at Milan. He knows nothing of any
return of the legions, nor of the re-establishment of the imperial
domination. But he says that Britain, being ravaged by the Picts
and Scots, languished under their oppression for many years, and then
cried to Rome for help. A legion came and speedily delivered her.
The Britons were ordered to construct a wall across the island between
the two seas for a terror to the enemy and a defence to the citizens ;
but this wall being built by the unreasoning, vulgar herd without a
director, and made of turves, not of stones, was of no good.
The legion, he says, returned to Rome, and the Picts and Scots
renewed their ravages. A second time the Britons cried for help, and
with eagle-like swiftness the Romans crossed the sea and swooped
down upon the foe. But having delivered the country, they plainly
19 In his edition of Gildas for the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, p. 5.
80 Mr. A. Auscombe, in various letters to the Academy between September
14th and November 16th, 1895.
GILDAS ; BAEDA. 101
told its inhabitants that so mighty and so brave an army could not be
harassed by laborious expeditions such as these against paltry bands of
robbers. The Britons must learn to defend themselves, their wives,
their children, and their country against nations who were really no
stronger than they if they would only shake off their timidity and
sloth. They must arm themselves with sword, with shield, and with
spear, and stretch forth their ready right hands to the slaughter. But,
moreover, thinking that the following plan would do something to help
the people whom they were leaving behind them, 'the Romans set about
building a wall, not like the previous one, but in the style regularly
used in such structures. This wall was built by contributions from
the public treasury as well as from private individuals, and by the
united labours of the Roman soldiers and the miserable natives ; and
it went from sea to sea by a direct course, between the cities which
had been, perchance, placed there through fear of the enemy.
Having done this and given many counsels of valour to the trembling
people, and shown them how they ought to use their arms, they
departed.'
So much for the account of the building of the Roman "Wall given
by Gildas, or whoever is the author of De Excidio Briianniae. He
gives no dates, but from the sequence of events in his story one would
say that he assigns the building of the first, useless, turf -made wall, to
somewhere about 400, and the second, or stone wall, to 420. A third
irruption of the barbarians, and a third cry for help, this time to
Aetius, thrice consul, bring down the story to about 446. I have given
the story as he tells it, but I may say that I do not think it is worth
much.
We now come to the last work that I purpose to notice in this
paper, the Historia Ecclesiastica of our great countryman Baeda,
compiled about the year 731, or rather more than three centuries after
the Romans evacuated Britain. He very emphatically and pointedly
attributes the building of a turf wall, which he calls vallum (not a
stone murus) to Severus.
'In the year from the incarnation of Our Lord, 189 [it should be
193], Severus, an African from the town -of Leptes, seventeenth from
Augustus, obtained the empire, which he held for seventeen years.
He being stern by nature, and much harassed by perpetual wars,
102 THE LITER \RY HISTOEY OF THE ROMAN WALL:
nevertheless ruled the Republic with great courage and industry.
Being conqueror in the civil wars, which sorely taxed his powers, he
was drawn into Britain by the defection of nearly all his allies [the
subject chiefs of Britain], where, after fighting many hard battles, he
formed the decision to divide that part of the island which he had
recovered from the other unsubdued nations, not with a murus, as
some have supposed, but with a vallum. For a murus is built of
stones, but a vallum, with which a camp is fortified against the onset
of an enemy, is made of sods of earth. These are cut round and taken
out of the earth, and out of them a structure like a wall is raised high
above the ground, in such fashion that in front is the ditch out of
which the sods have been taken, and on the top are fixed sharp stakes
of very strong wood. Severus then drew from sea to sea a great ditch
and a very strong vallum, fortified with frequent towers above ; and
then died of disease at the town of Eboracum.'
This passage of Baeda is, I believe, the cause of our distinguishing
in ordinary archaeological parlance between the stone murus and the
earthen vallum, and is our sole authority for doing so. "Wonderfully
learned man as the monk of Jarrow was, it will probably be admitted
that his authority on a philological question like this is not consider-
able. It is too late now to try to upset this usage (which, after all,
has the recommendation of convenience), but we must admit that there
is virtually no evidence that the Romans themselves called the two
lines of defence by the names by which we know them.
In a later chapter Baeda, after relating the departure of the
Romans from Britain and the invasion of the Picts and Scots, goes on
to describe the embassies to Rome, the succour given from thence,
the building of a turf wall, and afterwards of a stone wall by the
advice and with the assistance of the legions, in words so evidently
borrowed from Gildas, or from some author whom Gildas copied, that
it is not necessary to repeat them here.
Only, as being himself an inhabitant of Northumbria, and living
in the neighbourhood of the still existing Wall, he adds to the
narrative of Gildas some memorable, though possibly not altogether
accurate, words as to the dimensions and appearance of the Wall in
his day, five centuries after Hadrian, four centuries after Severus,
three centuries after the departure of the Romans from Britain.
BAEDA ; NENNIUS. 103
'Moreover, because they thought to bring some [lasting] advan-
tage to the allies whom they were forced to abandon, they founded of
firm stone-work a wall from sea to sea in a right line between the
cities which had been built there through fear of the enemy, where
also Severus of old had made his vallum. This Wall, in truth, still
famous and conspicuous, they constructed at the public and private
expense, having joined a band of Britons with themselves, and it was
eight feet broad and twelve high, in a right line from east to west, as
is still manifest to those who at this day behold it.'
Here I must stop. There are some thorny questions ahead of us
connected with the terrible name of Nennius, but we have got far
away from anything that could in any sense be called authoritative
statements as to the foundation of the Wall, and I prefer here to
close my enquiry into their value.
Upon a review of the whole evidence afforded by this literary
history, it will probably be admitted that it is not decisive as to any
of the questions which most interest us in reference to the builder of
the Northumbrian Wall.
(1) That Agricola built some of our camps is highly probable.
(2) That Hadrian connected these camps by some kind of rampart
and drew a line of some kind across the island from Tyne to Solway
is certain. That Antoninus Pius ordered the erection of the turf
wall from Clyde to Forth is also certain.
(3) That Severus did something to re-establish the great barrier
which had been broken down by the incursions of the barbarians at
the time of Oommodus is, I think we may say, certain.
(4) The stories which ascribe the building of the Wall to the
Britons, helped by Koman soldiers in the fifth century during the
dying days of the empire, we may, I think, disregard as late, legendary,
and in themselves utterly improbable.
And looking to the literary evidence as a whole, seeing how late
the best of it is, how emphatically not contemporary, we must feel
that it is entirely inadequate to decide the questions raised. The
evidence of coins, if the place of their discovery is carefully noted
and great vigilance be used to exclude all but genuine finds : the
evidence of inscriptions (if here, too, we are careful to mark the exact
place of their discovery and to satisfy ourselves that they are found
104 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
where they were first placed) ; and, above all, the evidence of the
Wall, the aggers, and the fosses themselves, if we study them care-
fully upon the spot, with minds unbiassed by any foregone conclusion,
must eventually decide the question before us if it shall ever be possible
for man to decide it.
Everything shows the absolute necessity of accurate and patient
excavations, liberally supported by all Englishmen who are interested
in the earlier chapters of the history of their land, if we are ever to
speak with any certainty upon this and many another interesting
question connected with the story of BRITANNIA ROMANA.
APPENDIX.
CHIEF PASSAGES BEABING ON THE HISTOBY OF THE WALL.
A.D. 79.— TACITI AGBICOLA, cap. xx.
'Ubi aestas advenit, contracto exercitu multus in agmine, laudare
modestiam, disjectos coercere; loca castris ipse capere. aestuaria ac silvas ipse
practentare ; et nihil interim apud hostes quietum pati, quominus subitis
excursibus popularetur : atque ubi satis terruerat, parcendo rursus invitanienta
pacis ostentare. Quibus rebus multae civitates, quae in ilium diem ex aequo
egerant, datis obsidibus iram posuere, et praesidiis castellisque circumdatae,
tanta ratione curaque ut nulla ante Britanniae nova pars.'
A.D. 80.— TACITI AGBICOLA, cap. xxii.
' Tertius expeditionum annus novas gentes aperuit, vastatis usque ad
Tanaum (aestuario nomen est) nationibus. Qua formidine territi hostes quam-
quam conflictatum saevis tempestatibus exercitum lacessere non ausi ; ponendis-
que insuper castellis spatium fuit. Adnotabant periti non alium ducem
opportunitates locorum sapientius legisse. Nullum ab Agricola positum
castellum aut vi hostium expugnatum aut pactione ac fuga desertum ; nam
adversus moras obsidionis annuis copiis firmabantur.'
A.D. 81. — TACITI AGBICOLA, cap. xxiii.
1 Quarta aestas obtinendis quae percucurrerat insumpta ; ac si virtus exer-
cituum et Romani nominis gloria pateretur, inventus in ipsa Britannia
terminus. Namque Clota et Bodotria, diversi maris aestibus per immensum
revectae, angusto terrarum spatio dirimuntur: quod turn praesidiis firmabatur
atqne omnis propior sinus tenebatur, summotis velut in aliam insulam
hostibus.'
APPENDIX. 105
DION CA8SIUS (abstracted by Xiphilinus), Ixxii, 8.
Se Kal wo'Xe/tot' T<I>CS atrip irpos TOI>» v-rrep TTJV Aa/aav
fjapftdpov? .... fieryitno? 8e 6 BpeTTuvtKos. fu>v <ya/> ev Ttj vrfffu> eOvwv
TO Tei^cs TO Siopigov at/rows T6 (cat Ta TUIV '
trrpinoireSa, KOI TroXXa KUKOVp^ovvrwv, ffTpar-qrydv re Tti/a fiera rwv
(TTpariioTwV ovt ei~)(e KafuKO^dvrwv, 0oy3i/0ets o KofifioSo? M.dpK£\\ov
Ov\irtov eTr' uvrovs eVeyti^-ei/.
Idem, Ixxvi. 12.
Avo ^e ryevrj iwv Eperravwv fieryurrd elai, Ka\^2o'i/<o< KUI Maiaruf Kal
es airra KUI Ta ttav u\\iav TrpoaprjftMra (a>9 ciTreiv) ffV^Ke^wprjKCv. OiKovffi
8e ol ftev MamT«< TT/JOS uinw TW SiuTeij^t'afiuri o rrjv vijaov
&€ fae-r eiceivov?, Kal vefiomat iicdrepoi opr) u<ypta icru uwSpa
Kal ire&i'a eprjfiu KOI e\w8rj} pyre Tet'^1/ /*>7T6 wo'Xets pyre fftop^jai ^OI/TCS,
aXA. etc Te vofirji Kal B^pus uKpoftpviav T€ tivwv ^wi'Tes. Ta'i/ <ya/) i^Oviav
aTrelpwv KUI a.Tr\erwv ov^u)v ov <yevovrai. A/atTwi/Tat £e ei* triajva'ty <yvuvol
xal awTrd&rjTOi, rats f^vvai^tv eirtKOi'voK -)^pwfjLevoi Kul TO, ^evviafieva
e«CT/)60oi/Tes. ArjfioKpawutrTai TC lis 7r\rj6ei KUI \rjaTevovffiv r)8i<rra.
tnevovrui 2e eW Te apfia/rwv, 'iTr-novs ejfome^ [iiKpov? /cat Ta^etV? /cat
ot 8e elffi /cat Bpajieiv O^VTOTOI KUI ava"n}vui 7ra<ytwTaTot. .
A.D. 196-7. — DION CASSIUS, Ixxv. 5.
Tore 8rj /cat ev 'BptTruviq. &ia TO TOVS KaX^^ovt'ovs firj efifieivat TU?S
Tots MataTats TrapeaKevaapievovs a/u,vvat, Kal dia TO TOTS rbv
TUJ irapoiKW TroXifiw -jrpoaKeiadoi, Karrji/a^KdaOr] o AoSwos
ftsffd\wv ^prjficnwv TTJV eiprjvijv irapa rwv MataTwi/ eKTrpi'aaOai, aij(fia\u)-
TOVS Tti/as oXt'^ous airoXufitav.
A.D. 208-211. — /(few, Ixxvi. 13.
Kat TOVTWV [rwv ftperTavwv~^ ^yttets ov woXXtp Tti/i T^S ijfitaeia? eXarrdv
TI expfUEv. 'O 8' ovi/ 2€oi»^/)o« iraaav auT^i/ Ka-raaTpe^fuoOut eOeXqaas
eoef3a\€V es T^V KaXf^oj/t'ai' /cat ?aa'j/ avrfjv afnvQifru. Trpd^ftaTu eff^c. . .
Ov fievroi airearr) (ye Tr^tj/ TW ea^fcma T^S vr^aov wXiyfftao-at, oVov <ye
TO fid\i<rra TIJV Te TOW rjXi'ov Trapd\\ugiv /cat TO TWI* ijfiepwv -rSyv re
WICTWV Kal TWV Oepivwv Kal iwv -^eifiepivwv ue<yedos a
Idem, ibidem.
1 A[JLV0T)Ta irpd<yuaru tV^e, Tas Te vXas Tefivwv Kal Ta
rd re e\rf ^lavvviav, Kal TOWS TroTa^ovs ^evyvvwi'. Ovre
nva efiayeaaTo ovre iro\efjndv riva ev irapardgei e/'^e. . . .
Kat <ya^> VTTO rwv v&drtav 8eivw<s IKCLKOVVTO [ot ffrpa.Ttu>TCti] Kal aTrooKe-
Savvvfievoi eVeySowXevoi/ro. E?r' a5ui/aTO«)j/Tes ftaStgeiv VTT avrwv rwv
oiKelwv e0oi/evoj/TO, tva p.rf aKiaKwvrai, ware es irevre juvpidSas oXas
106 THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL :
L. AELIUS SPARTIANUS (Historia Augusta) in vita Hadriani, cap. xi.
' Ergo conversis regio more militibus Brittaniam petit, iu qua multa correxit
murumque per octoginta millia passuum primus duxit, qui barbaros Romanesque
divideret.'
Idem, cap. xii.
' Per ea tempora et alias frequenter in plurimis locis, in quibus barbari non
fluminibus sed limitibus dividuntur, stipitibus magnis in modum muralis saepis
funditus iactis atque conexis barbaros separavit.'
JULIUS CAPITOLltfUS (Historia Augusta) in vita Antonini Pii, cap. v.
'Per legates suos plurima bella gessit. Nam et Brittanos per Lollium
Urbicum vicit legatum, alio muro cespiticio summotis barbaris ducto, et Mauros
ad pacem postulandam coegit, etc.
(In view of the passage, cap. xxii, hereafter to be quoted from the life of
Severus, it is curious to observe that here also we have ' Maurus ' introduced in
close juxtaposition with the building of a wall in Britain.)
L. AELIUS SPARTIANUS (Historia Augusta) in vita Severi, cap. xviii.
' Brittaniam, quod maximum eius imperil decus est, muro per transversam
insulam ducto utrimque ad finem Oceani munivit. Unde etiam Brittanici
nomen accepit.'
Idem, cap. xxii.
' Post Maurum apud vallum missum in Brittania cum ad proximam
mansionem rediret non solum victor sed etiam in aeternum pace fundata
volvens animo, quid ominis sibi occurreret, Aethiops quidam e numero
militari, clarae inter scurras f amae et celebratorum semper iocorum, cum corona
e cupressu facta eidem occurrit. Quern cum ille iratus removeri ab oculis
praecepisset, et coloris eius tactus omine et coronae, dixisse ille dicitur ioci
causa : " Totum fudisti, totum vicisti, iam deus esto victor." '
The above reading of the first five words seems to be the only one which has
any MS. authority ; but as it puzzles the commentators various emendations
have been proposed.
(1) For Maurum, murum, taurum, or maceriens.
(2) For vallum, Luguvallum, one of the stations on the Wall.
(3) For missum, visum, or commissum.
Idem, cap. xxiii.
' Sunt per plurimas civitates opera eius insignia. Magnum vero illud in
vita eius, quod Romae omnes aedes publicas, quae vitio temporum labebantur,
instauravit, nusquam prope suo nomine adscripto, servatus tamen ubique
titulis auditorum.'
EUTBOPIUS, fl. circa 870. Sreviarium, viii. 18, 19.
' Severus . . . novissimum bellum in Brittania habuit, utque receptas
provincias omni securitate muniret, vallum per cxxxii passuum millia a mari
ad mare deduxit.'
APPENDIX. 107
ATJRELIUS VICTOR JUNIOR,
(so called, apparently an epitomiser of the work of Sextus Aurelius Victor, who
wrote in the middle of the fourth century. This epitomiser brings down his
work to the death of Theodosius. A.D. 395), cap. xx. ' Hie [Septimius Severus]
in Brittania vallum per triginta duo passuum millia a mari ad mare deduxit.'
OROSIUS, circa 417. Hist. vii. 17.
' Severus victor in Britannias defectu paene omnium sociorum trahitur.
Ubi magnis gravibusque proeliis saepe gestis receptam partem insulae a ceteris
indomitis gentibus vallo distinguendam putavit. Itaque magnam fossam
firmissimumque vallum, crebris insuper turribus communitum, per centum
triginta et duo milia passuum a mari ad mare duxit.'
CASSIODORUS, circa 519. Chronicon.
Aper et Maximus [Consules] (AJX 207).
' His Coss. Severus in Britannos bellum movit, ubi ut receptas provincias ab
incursione barbarica faceret securiores, vallum per cxxxii passuum millia a
mari ad mare duxit.'
NOTITIA DIGNITATTJM. (Occidens, cap. xxxviii.)
(May have passed through several earlier editions : probably attained its
present form about A.D. 400.)
Cap. xxxviii. Sub dispositione viri spectabilis ducis Britanniarum.
(After mentioning detachments of cavalry and infantry stationed in York-
shire, Cumberland, Westmorland, and North Lancashire, the document proceeds.)
Item per lineam vnlli :
Tribunus cohortis quartae Lingonum, Segeduno.
,, „ primae Cornoviorum, Ponte Aeli.
Praefectus alae prirnae Asturum, Conderco.
Tribunus cohortis primae Frixagorum, Vindobala.
Praefectus alae Savinianae, Hunno.
„ „ secundae Asturum, Cilurno.
Tribunus cohortis primae Batavorum, Procolitia.
„ ., primae Tungrorum, Borcovicio.
„ „ quartae Gallorum, Vindolana.
„ „ primae Asturum, Aesica.
„ „ secundae Dalmatarum, Magnis.
,, „ primae Aeliae Dacorum, Amboglanna.
Praefectus alae Petrianae, Petrianis.
., numeri Maurorum Aurelianorum, Aballaba.
Tribunus cohortis secundae Lingonum, Cangavata.
„ „ primae Hispanorum, Axeladuno.
„ „ secundae Thracum, Gabrosenti.
„ „ primae Aeliae classicae, Tunnocelo.
„ „ primae Morinorun, Glannibanta.
„ „ tertiae Nerviorum, Alione.
Cuneus Armaturarum, Bremetennaco.
Praefectus alae primae Herculeae, Olenaco.
Tribunus cohortis sextae Nerviorum, Virosido.
108 . THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE ROMAN WALL.
GILDAS (de Excidio et Conquestre Britanniae, 15).
After describing the denudation of the Roman forces in Britain, caused by
the revolt of Maximus, the consequent invasion of the Picts and Scots under
which Britannia — 'omnis belli usus ignara penitus — multos stupet gemitque
annos : in answer to the cry of the provincials for help, ' Mox destinatur legio
praeteriti mali imniemor, sufficienter armis instructa, quae ratibus trans
oceanum in patriam advecta et cominus cum gravibus hostibus congressa
magnamque ex eis multitudinem sternens et omnes e finibus depulit et subiectos
cives tarn atroci dilacerationi ex imminent! captivitate liberavil. Quos iussit
construere inter duo maria trans insulam murum, ut esset arcendis hostibus
turba instructus terrori civibusque tutamini ; qui vulgo irrationabili absque
rectore factus non tarn lapidibus, quam cespitibus non profuit.'
Idem, cap. xviii.
The legion which has wrought this deliverance returns to Italy ; the
barbarians resume their incursions ; again the provincials cry for help, which is
speedily rendered by the Roman soldiers. But the Romans, representing that it
was a shameful thing that such a splendid army as theirs should be harassed by
these perpetually recurring inroads of petty bands of robbers, and that the
inhabitants of the country must be trained to do something for their own
defence), ' quia et hoc putabant aliquid derelinquendo populo commodi adcrescere,
murum non ut alterum, sumptu publico privatoque adiunctis secum miserabilibus
indigenis, solito structurae more, tramite a mari usque ad rnare inter urbes,
quae ibidem forte ob metum hostium collocatae fuerant, directo librant : fortia
formidoloso populo monita tradunt, exemplaria instituendorum armorum
relinquunt.'
BAEDA. Hlstoria 'Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorvm, i. 5.
'Victor ergo civilium bellorum quae ei gravissima occurrerant in Britannias,
defectu paene omnium sociorum trahitur, ubi magnis gravibusque proeliis
saepe gestis, receptam partem insulae a caeteris indomitis gentibus, non muro
ut quidam aestimant sed vallo distinguendam putavit. Murus etenim de
lapidibus, vallum vero quo ad repellendam vim hostium castra muniuntur fit de
cespitibus, quibus circumcisis, e terra velut murus exstruitur altus supra terrain,
ita ut in ante sit fossa, de qua levati sunt cespites, supra quam sudes de lignis
fortissimis praefiguntur. Itaque Severus magnam fossam firmissimumque
vallum, crebris insuper turribus communitum, a mari ad mare duxit ; ibique
apud Eboracum oppidum morbo obiit.'
Idem, i. 12.
' Quin etiam, quod et hoc sociis quos derelinquere cogebantur aliquid commodi
adlaturum putabant, murum a mari ad mare recto tramite inter urbes quae
ibidem ob metum hostium factae fuerant, ubi et Severus quondam vallum
fecerat, firmo de lapide conlocarunt ; quern videlicet murum hactenus famosum
atque conspicuum, sumptu publico privatoque, adiuncta secum Brittanorum
manu construebant, octo pedes latum et duodecim altum, recta ab oriente in
occasum linea, ut usque hodie intuentibus clarum est.'
THE TOWX WALL OF NEWCASTLE, IN GALLOWGATE. 109
VII.— THE TOWN WALL OF NEWCASTLE, IN
GALLOWGATE.
BY SHERITON HOLMES.
[Read on the 25th March, 1896.]
IN excavating the foundations for some new buildings at present being
erected on the south side of Gallowgate, an interesting portion of the
northern face of the town wall has been exposed down to its base,
revealing masonry of much better character, and what I take to be
of considerably earlier date than the other wall remains present.
In my paper on the Newcastle town walls,1 I hazarded the opinion
that the long-bedded masonry, such as we find in the keep of the Castle
and the Black Gate, preceded the peculiar cubical kind characteristic of
the town walls generally, in which the stones are nearly square on
their faces, and built without much attention to concurrence of the
plumb joints ; and that the different character of the masonry in the
wall near St. Andrew's church led to the belief that it had been built
at an earlier date. This opinion, I think, is fully confirmed by the
exposure of the excellent masonry of the lower portion of the wall
in Gallowgate, which is comparatively long-bedded work : the stones
ranging from fifteen to twenty-four inches long and eight to ten
inches in depth.
The foundations are very shallow, there being only about twelve
inches of rubble under the first course of dressed masonry which is
twelve inches in depth. Above this is a double line of splayed courses,
each seven and a half inches deep, stepped up towards the west, truly
dressed and set, from which, to a height of four feet nine inches, the
masonry is well coursed work, and arranged so as to avoid plumb joint-
ing, though in many places the scanty depth of the stones has necessi-
tated the use of spallings, or thin pieces of stone packing in the bed
joints, so as to make the top line of the course even. This masonry
also presents the peculiarity of the upright packing pieces so character-
istic of the wall masonry, though in it they are of less frequent
1 See pages 1-25 of this volume.
110 THE TOWN WALL OF NEWCASTLE, IN GALLOWGATE.
occurrence. Above this good masonry, to a height of ten feet, the
walling is, or has been, of a somewhat similar character, but it is
not so regularly built, and the exposure to weather, rats, and rough
usage, has opened the joints and made it present a very different
appearance from that below it. The loss of mortar and spallings also
tends to make the big joints more perceptible, but notwithstanding its
present very different appearance, I think it possible that the greater
portion of it may be coeval in age with that below. Not so, how-
ever, the portion above it, including the parapet, to a height of nine
feet three inches, which is distinctively of the cubical character, and
clearly an addition at a later date.
The mortar with which the walls have been built is of very poor
character, the quantity of lime being deficient, and that completely
killed by admixture with a fine loam instead of sand, so that it remains
in a crumbling state without any adhesive power whatever.
In excavating for the cross walls of the new building in the mud
of the fosse, I ascertained that the angle of slope of the fosse from the
wall base was at the rate of eight horizontal to four perpendicular, or
a slope of two to one. A bank of clay runs along the fosse parallel to
its course, which the builder thinks is original ground. If this be
so, the ditch has been of a double character, but this, I think, is
extremely improbable.
There was nothing found of any importance in the excavated
ground. Some horses' skulls and bones were turned up out of the
fosse mud, and a portion of an old Delft dish, the design and colours
of which are very good. The date of this dish would probably be
towards the end of the seventeenth century, and having been found in
the fosse it would mark the latest time when the fosse remained
open.
On my first reaching the place I ascertained that it was the
intention to cut away and destroy the lower portion of the wall, but
on explaining to the builder, Mr. Hutchenson, the great desirability of
leaving it undisturbed, he took an intelligent view of the matter, and
devised a plan whereby it could be saved. This received the assent
of the architects, Messrs. Liddle & Browne, and is now being carried
into effect, whereby the masonry with its splayed courses will not only
be preserved but exposed to view in the cellarage of the building.
THE TOWN WALL OF NEWCASTLE, IN GALLOWGATE.
Ill
By the kind co-operation of Mr. Park, photographs of the wall
face have been taken, which show the different kinds of masonry, and
the accompanying section2 of it at the place, marks their various
**
5*
heights. The thickness of the wall above the dado is seven feet six
inches, and the extreme height from the fosse level to the underside
of the parapet coping is twenty-six feet five inches.
2 See next page.
112
THE TOWN WALL OF NEWCASTLE, IN GALLOWGATE.
It is very curious that the present level of Gallowgate is between
eight and nine feet above what must have been the level of the top of
the fosse, and only eight feet below the top of the older masonry. It
is scarcely to be imagined that the wall builders would have left so
SECTION
OF NEWCASTLE TOWN WALL
OPPOSITE. TO
CALt-OWGAT E
commanding a height so close up to their barrier, and yet the slope of
ground to the north of Gallowgate seems of a normal character as
though the level of the street had not undergone alteration.
ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 113).
Plate XVIII.
AUCKLAND CHAPEL.
Interior from the N.E.
(From a photograph by Mr. H. Kilburn of Bishop Auckland.)
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE. 113
VIIL— THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE.
By the Rev. J. F. HODGSON, M.A., Vicar of Witton-le-Wear.
[Read on the 26th February, 1896.]
I.
WHEN, or by whom the first episcopal manor-house or palace at
Auckland was founded is unknown. The earliest mention of the
place itself is that found in Symeon (ed. Bedford, p. 150), from which
we learn that about the year 1000, the two Aucklands (Alclit II.),
together with several other possessions of the see, were temporarily
surrendered by bishop Aldhune to Uchtred, earl of Northumberland,
in aid of the wars then raging. But, as he speedily discovered, lands
thus alienated were far more easily parted with than recovered ; and it
was not till the days of his successor, Eadmund, that king Cnut at
length restored those of Auckland and some few others of them to the
church.
It has been imagined — a vain thing, however, as I think — that
the site of the castle was utilized in Roman times as a sort of outpost
to the great neighbouring station of Binchester ; yet, for no other
reason than that it occupied the point of a peninsula between two
streams, the Wear and the Gaunless, a very favourite one for the
purpose.1 But no single fragment of that period, either of masonry
or fictilia, has ever, so far as I am aware, been discovered on the spot ;
nor would they, even in such case, unless in actual position, prove
more in this instance than in the adjoining one of Escomb, viz., that
they had been gathered from the same source. The existing building
has been described, and its history touched upon, by Hutchinson and
Billings, as well as at more recent dates by the late Mr. Sidney Gibson,
in -vol. ii. of the Transactions of the Durham and Northumberland
Archaeological Society, and by Mr. Boyle, in a short history of the
county, published by and for Walter Scott & Co. But by far the com-
pletest and most exhaustive account is that written by the late Dr. Raine,
1 Among other local examples may be instanced those of Bowes, Piercebridge,
and Greta Bridge, near Rokeby, at which latter place very considerable eaith-
works remain in excellent preservation.
VOL. XVIII. 16
114 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
at the request, and cost, of bishop Maltby. Of this all future notices
must necessarily take account, since it gathers together in one focus the
whole history, not merely of the building, but of its builders, as well as
of all those prelates who, from age to age, have dwelt in it.
It would seem probable, both from the convenience of the situation
and natural beauty of the spot, so near the castle and cathedral church
of Durham on the one hand, and forest of Weardale on the other,
that it became a country seat of the bishops at a very early period
indeed ; perhaps, as Dr. Raine conjectures, from the time of its
retrocession to bishop Eadmund (1020-1040). But, however that
may be, it certainly was, and apparently had long been, occupied by
his successors in the following century, when the great survey, known
as Boldon Book, was made under bishop Pudsey in 1183. It is there
referred to constantly in the same breath as Durham, with which it is
bracketed throughout, as a place of like established and habitual
residence ; and its park and orchard are especially mentioned.2 The
place was thus evidently one of some local importance, and its
buildings, however rude and inferior in comparison with those of after
days, extensive enough for the accommodation of a considerable house-
hold. That they were really of a more or less rude and ephemeral
character may be gathered from the fact of their having long since
wholly vanished ; not a vestige of them, apparently, having existed for
many centuries.
But to whatever period their construction may have reached, and
whatever additions or improvements may have been effected in them
by former occupants of the see, the work of reconstruction, involving,
perhaps, partial demolition, fell clearly to the lot of that great builder,
2 ' Monachus cocus tenet pro servitio suo ad voluntatem Episcopi j. acram
et dimidiam, quas Willelmus Scot et Elstanus et Willelmus Boie tenebant, et
infra parcam et extra xix. acras et dimidiam de terra lucrabili, et de terra non
lucrabili x acras.' .... 'Luce Makerell tenet j. domum juxta pomarium
Domini Episcopi, et reddit in festo Sancti Cuthberti dimidiam libram cimini.'
(25 Surtees Soc. p. 24.)
' In Mortona sunt xvj. firmarii, qui .... faciunt viij. ladas ad Dunolm. in
anno, vel iv. ad Alclet/ etc. (7J. p. 8.)
1 In Stanhopa sunt xx. villani, quorum unusquisque .... portat venationes
apud Dunolm. et apud Alclet,' etc. (Z&. p. 29.)
' Byncestre .... quadrigat j. tonellum vini et lapidem molendini apud
Alclet.' (Ib. p. 37.)
' In North Alcland sunt xxij. villani, quorum unusquisque .... reddit iij.
quadrigatas de wodlade, si apud Alclet duxerint, et, si apud Dunolm. ij. quadri-
gatas et dimidiam,' etc. (Ib. p. 23.)
' HALL,' EARLIEST DESIGNATION. 115
the mighty and beneficent Hugh Pudsey. Yet, though the structure
as left by him and the several prelates who, during the course of the
next three centuries, added to it, has for a long period — from the days
of bishop Sherwood in the fifteenth century indeed — been known by the
courtesy title of castle, it would seem never, in any strict or proper
sense, to have merited such term. Till then, it had been known by
no loftier appellation than that of manor ; and the bishop himself, in a
letter dated January, 1489, addressed to sir John Paston, describes it
as his ' Castel or Manoir of Aucland.' The term, it is clear, was then
just beginning to creep into use. But with all its enlargements — and
they were at that time far from being finished — manor, and manor
only, to all intents and purposes, it must have been. Its earliest
designation was the simpler, and doubtless, far correcter, one of * Halha,'
or hall. And it is not a little interesting to know that, just as in the
neighbouring case of Raby, it was with the hall that the work of
rebuilding under the lordly Pudsey was begun. And well, indeed,
might it thenceforward be known as the ' Hall ' par excellence. At the
time, with the single exception, perhaps, of the great hall in the king's
palace of Westminster (of which, however, we know little or nothing
particularly), there was none other, probably, of its kind in all the
land, which could compete with it in size, and none whatever, that of
Westminster itself even included, which could approach it in beauty
and richness of decoration.3 Whether or not a previous structure of
the kind ever occupied the site cannot now be said, but its peculiar
position, all but detached from the other buildings, coupled with its
* The royal hall at Westminster was of the same size originally as now,
though, as may well be supposed, when its age, viz., that of William Rufus, is
considered, in all other respects of very inferior character. That it was
divided into a nave and aisles is certain from its great breadth, but whether the
division was effected by arcades of wood or stone is, perhaps, uncertain. It was,
however, quite an exceptional and unparalleled structure which, though vastly
larger, could not for a moment compare in point of architectural excellence
with this of Pudsey. Neither could that, also of Norman date, of which there
are still some slight surviving remains at Farnham castle. The slightly earlier
hall at Oakhani, the only surviving secular hall of equal age (of which more
hereafter), beautiful as are its details, is, as a whole, as inferior to it in size as
in general grandeur of design. The infirmary halls of the greater monasteries
(hereafter referred to) were doubtless, even then, fine buildings in their way,
but most of them were destroyed and rebuilt at later periods. That of Ely,
some few years earlier, the extensive remains of which will be noticed further
on, though a grand and rich structure, was yet part of one of the most important
monastic foundations in the land, and therefore, as such, quite apart from the
class to which this at Auckland belonged, viz. , that of bishops' country houses.
116 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
great size, and the fact that its own special appurtenances of kitchen,
etc., lay still farther remote from them, leads pretty certainly to the
conclusion that the work was an addition, and wholly new. With
those other buildings which, together with itself and those dependent
on it, served to make up the group known in the aggregate as the hall
or manor, I am in no way concerned ; my purpose in the following
account being to deal historically and architecturally with the
structure which, erected primarily by bishop Pudsey as a new hall to
the old manor in the twelfth, was consecrated and converted
into a chapel by his successor, bishop Cosin, in the seventeenth,
century. It will be convenient, therefore, to examine it in connection
with these two several uses : first, that for which it was originally
built ; and secondly, that to which it was subsequently applied.
II.
As the hall, or as I should, perhaps, rather say, the great, or new,
hall of the old manor-house of Auckland, it could scarcely fail at the
time of its erection to have burst forth upon the country-side as a
species of revelation, so greatly in advance was it of anything in the
way of domestic architecture that had been seen or heard of there
before ; for there was no other, far or wide, which could in any way
compare with it. At Raby, the ancient Saxon or Norman hall
remained till then untouched, and such would also be the case at
Lumley. Though entirely dissimilar, the only halls of any importance
in the neighbourhood — if, indeed, they did not only form a single one
in two storeys — were those in Durham castle.4 And, singularly
*That the same principles which were applied to double chapels, of which we
had, and have still, many instances — that of Auckland itself formerly among the
number — should be extended to the halls or great chambers of castles, when these,
as at Durham, forming part of the actual fortifications, were of limited dimensions,
seems both reasonable, and likely enough. The arrangements in many of the Scotch
castles, such as those of Borthwick, Castle Campbell, Craigmillar, and Liberton,
among others, point strongly to such a conclusion, which appears to be that also
locally and generally entertained. Though lighted by two sets of windows and
with fireplaces in each stage, the rows of corbels at mid-height have much rather
the appearance of being designed to carry comparatively narrow galleries along
the sides, with, perhaps, broader ones at one or both ends, than an unbroken
floor over the whole surface, thereby severing all connection, by dividing the
chamber into two distinct storeys. For this, their proportions, while perfectly
adapted for a single apartment, are quite unfitted, both divisions being much
too low, and the upper one consisting of little or nothing else than arched roof.
Parker, in his Domestic Architecture (vol. iii. pt. i.), speaking of the ' Hall,'
says — ' In some instances, when the hall was lofty, there was also a gallery round
HALL OF DURHAM CASTLE. 117
enough, both of these also owed their present form, if not their origin,
to the same author as itself. Built, in the first instance, either by the
Conqueror, his son Robert, or the contemporary bishops in obedience
to their orders, Coldingham tells us how both of them, as their details
remain to show, were reconstructed at an earlier period of his reign
by Pudsey : ' In castello itaque Dunhelmite aedificia, qua primis
episcopatus sui temporibus flamma consumpserat, renovavit.' (Hist.
Dunelm. Scriptores tres, 12.)
That the massive stone walls should either have perished in the
fire, or become so injured by it as to need general rebuilding, is not,
perhaps, to be supposed. They were probably far too substantial for
that, 'and Pudsey's work could hardly have gone much further than
what Coldingham calls renovation, a renewing, that is, only in a far
richer and more elegant fashion, of the architectural details. Never-
theless, while thus greatly adorning them, he doubtless followed, as he
could hardly help doing, both the original dimensions and arrangement
of the halls, which, built one above the other, were, whether separate
or connected, some seventy-five feet in length, by twenty-six feet in
breadth ; the lower one being the chief, and, as to its walls, the loftier,
of the two. But these, though unequalled either in size or richness
among those of the palatinate at the period, had nothing in common
with that which, many years after their completion, the same great
master builder set about erecting at Auckland. The former, it must
be borne in mind, constituted a central part of a fortress, and their
general form and dimensions were necessarily governed by those
conditions. None such, however, attached to the new work. With
ample space in all directions, the bishop was free to carry out the
scheme of his new hall there without any limitations whatever, and
give full scope to all the higher qualities of that new school of
the upper part of the wall, immediately under the roof ; this is said to have
been a general practice in Scotland, but it is often difficult to decide whether
there was a gallery or a low upper chamber separated by a floor ; the woodwork
has always been destroyed, and the corbels, the upper windows, and the door-
ways, would be the same in either case ; in many of the Scotch towers the hall
is so small and narrow that it does not seem probable there was a gallery. ; on
the other hand, in the larger castles, where the hall is on a grand scale, it is very
probable there was such an arrangement. This appears to have been the case
at Durham, where the roof was evidently intended to be seen from below, while
the clerestorey windows and corbels seem to show that there was originally
a gallery, where a floor has since been introduced.'
118 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
architecture which, during the interval, had achieved so marvellous a
development. It was a great opportunity, and turned to brilliant
account.
As to the halls of castles pure and simple — save where, as in the
case of Newcastle, they were mere temporary structures, erected either
in the courtyard or some other open space within the walls of enceinte
— they were, as a rule, not only always of more or less restricted
dimensions, but in plan, simple, aisleless parallelograms. Such, for
example, among our northern ones, were those at Ravensworth,
Richmond, Middleham, Sheriff- Hutton, Brougham, Bolton, Alnwick,
Harbottle, Prudhoe, Norham, Wark, Bamburgh, Ford, Lumley,
Brancepeth, and Barnard Castle, both those at Raby, as well as that
known as Hatfield's, at Durham — one of the largest and stateliest in
the land. And such, among others elsewhere, were those of Stokesay,
Raglan, Gonway, Carnarvon, Cardiff, Bodiam, Hurstmonceux, Berk-
eley, Warwick, and Kenilworth ; and, indeed, of all the English,
"Welsh, and Scottish castles that I know of, including that known as
the parliament hall in the royal castle or palace of Linlithgow.5
Nor did the halls of the great manor-houses or palaces differ at all
as to plan from those of the castles, the same simple arrangement being
found in the palace halls of Wells, Westminster, Eltham, Hampton
Court, Lambeth, Mayfield, and St. David's — the very finest of their
class; and of manor-houses, such as those of Penshurst, Fawsley,
Athelhampton, Cowdray, Great Chalfield, and others without number.
And if to this vast multitude we add those of the Inns of Court, the
college halls of the universities, those of the various guilds and
corporations, and the refectories of the great monasteries and religious
houses throughout the land, we shall then, and not till then, I think,
understand how practically all-pervading and universal the application
of this rule was.
Here, hpwever, as in some few other special instances, a different
plan was followed — more spacious, imposing, and picturesque. Instead
* The only partial exception to the rule that I know of occurs at Warkworth,
where the inner side of the hall towards the court-yard has had a single aisle of
three bays. But as the castle was certainly in existence before the invasion of
William the Lion, king of Scotland, who laid siege to it in 1173, and as the
alight remaining details of the arcade are of distinctly later date, circa 1220, it
was pretty certainly an addition, and formed no part of the original plan.
AISLED HALLS OF CASTLES, ETC. 119
of a simple rectangular apartment, we have one composed of a central,
and two side aisles, and which, standing all but independent of the
main buildings, received light freely on all sides. It may safely, I
think, be said to have been the first, as it probably ever after continued
to be the sole, instance of the kind in the four northern counties. Yet,
for alt that, its design cannot be said to have been new. Originally,
and before its internal arrangements were swept away under Richard
II., Rufns's great hall in the royal palace at Westminster6 — unless its
pillars and arched braces were of wood — must certainly have been .
constructed on this system ; as was also, though but so short a time
previously as to have been practically contemporary, the well-known
hall of Oakham castle. But, all told — whatever may once have been
their number, and it was always very limited — I know of but three
other examples of such halls, viz., those of Oakham, Lincoln, and
Winchester still remaining in the kingdom — a fourth, constructed on
the same principle by the famous Grostete at Buckden palace, having,
with some few others, belonging almost exclusively to the hunting,
and other lodges of the crown, long since perished. They were, in
fact, about the rarest .features to be met with in the whole range of
domestic architecture, whether castellated or palatial. And this cir-
cumstance at once suggests an enquiry as to their origin, and the
prototypes from which they may not improbably have been derived.
Now, that such were to be found in the infirmary halls of the
greater monasteries, can hardly, I think, be doubted. Many of these
last were certainly of earlier construction than any of the aisled
secular halls which have come down to us, and they afford, both in
themselves and their accessories, the most perfect analogy to them
possible. In them alone, as a class, do we find the same triple arrange-
ment of a great central and two side aisles, accompanied by special
culinary and other dependencies — buildings at once so airy, spacious,
and convenient, that they might well be taken as models for those of
4 This magnificent structure, which is no less than two hundred and thirty-
nine feet long by sixty-eight feet wide, surpasses enormously in dimensions all
others in the kingdom ; the next largest, I think, viz., those known as Hatfield's
.at Durham, and bishop Burnell's at Wells, being only one hundred and thirty-
one feet by thirty-five feet, and one hundred and fifteen feet by fifty-nine feet
and a half, respectively. The hall at Oakham, which measures but sixty-five
feet by forty-three feet internally, is thus little more than a quarter as long as
that of Westminster, and shorter by three feet in length than it is in breadth.
But in all cases the royal halls occupied a special place, and were subject. to
special conditions.
120 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
the same type, designed, as many of them, at any rate, appear to have
been, for especial use on great occasions,7 and for which the dimen-
sions of the ordinary everyday hall would be quite inadequate.
III.
How many of these aisled infirmary halls there were altogether, we
cannot, of course, in our present very imperfect state of knowledge,
pretend to say. But remains of them, more or less distinct, may still
be seen of Norman date at Westminster, Ely, and Norwich, as well as
of later reconstructions of others of Norman origin at Canterbury,
Peterborough, Gloucester, and Fountains abbey — where, if the second
and smaller one forming part of the Xenodochium, were not, as may
perhaps, have been the case, the guesten hall, there were two : the
larger one for the monks, the other, for strangers.
The earliest of these is undoubtedly that at Westminster, which is
said to date from about the end of the eleventh century. It is now
known as the chapel of S. Catherine, and differs in this respect from
some others of them in having what looks like a chancel to the east.
This, however, should rather, I think, be regarded as the chapel
proper, the aisled nave, so to say, forming the infirmary hall, as in
the hospitals at Chichester, Glastonbury, and Sherborne ; while the
two, thus symmetrically arranged, give the whole, upon plan, its present
very striking resemblance to a church. I say upon plan for, ' the out-
lines of the walls and the bases of the shafts, hidden, more or less, by
modern brickwork, alone remain.' The hall, which is of five bays, is
about fifty-two feet in length, by forty-five in breadth, and the chapel
about twenty feet by eighteen, internally. They stand south of the
cloister court, and eastward of the southern extremity of the long
range of buildings in line with the south transept.
Next in point of date to these of Westminster come the remains of
the great infirmary at Ely — by far the most perfect and imposing
extant, and which, therefore, serve to convey a better idea of the
general character and arrangement of such structures than any other.
Though for the most part roofless, they yet continue wonderfully well
preserved throughout almost their whole extent. At present they form
a sort of avenue to the prebendal houses ; the arcades being built up
' Such was certainly the case at Lincoln where the lesser hall beside the
dining room, and the ruins of the great hall still remain ; and such was also the
case here at Auckland.
INFIRMARY HALL, ELY.
121
into their walls on either side, while the aisles, or rather the spaces
they once occupied, are absorbed into, and form part of, their area.
Not only are the dimensions of the several parts on the grandest scale,
and the workmanship of the richest kind, but the whole scheme, is set
pr/'"
out in the most complete and normally perfect way conceivable. First
comes the magnificent hall proper, in this instance clearstoreyed, and of
nine bays, with an external length of a hundred feet. As the accom-
panying illustration shows, the arches are carried on columns alternately
VOL. XVIII.
17
122
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
circular and octagonal, the latter presenting alternate angles and flat
faces to the front. Anything finer or more fitting than the richness
and delicacy of the arch moulds, the varied designs of which, full of
thought and play of fancy, give such life and character to the whole,
could hardly be conceived. As the width of the aisles, following the
common rule of the period, would be, as nearly as possible, just half
that of the central nave, the whole internal span of this noble hall may
be reckoned at about forty-two feet. But this was far from forming
the whole length of the
building. Joined on to
it as symmetrically as
an ordinary chancel to
the body of a church,
comes the chapel, en-
tered by an arch which,
though smaller than
those of chancels usu-
ally are, is yet larger
than a mere doorway.
It is of exactly the
same style and char-
acter as those of the hall
arcades. The chapel to
which it gives access,
and which still retains
two, had originally
three distinct parts
or divisions, viz., nave,
choir, and sanctuary
or apse. Of these, the
first is about forty feet in length by twenty in breadth ; the second,
twenty feet feet by fifteen ; while the third, now destroyed, was a semi-
circle opening from the latter by a very lofty and highly enriched arch.
The nave roof which, like that of the hall, had doubtless been of wood, is
gone, but that of the choir, vaulted with richly moulded diagonal and
transverse ribs, remains perfect ; as does also, though now blocked, the
arch once giving upon the apse. Strange to say, the astonishing mis-
INFIRMARY HALL, ELY.
123
takes and misapplication of historic facts so long rampant with respect
to the hall at Auckland, have, even for a longer period, and, if possible,
in a still firmer and more persistent fashion found their exact parallel
in connection with these infirmary remains at Ely. Through no fewer
than six and twenty pages, Mr. Millers, the late painstaking and
accomplished historian of the cathedral, following in the steps of his
mentor, Dr. Bentham, labours to prove that this late Norman build-
ing is the original Saxon basilica erected by S. Etheldreda in the year
673 ! Every point con-
nected either with the
cathedral or itself, even
its more refined and
elaborate architecture,
is held to substantiate
and confirm this posi-
tion. Never for a mo-
ment does he trouble
himself with the con-
sideration that, follow-
ing all analogy, the
Saxon and Norman
churches occupied the
same, and a wholly diff-
erent, site from these
infirmary buildings,
which he never men-
tions otherwise than as
the 'conventual church' ;
or that all his multitu-
dinous quotations have
reference to a structure, the last vestiges of which were improved off
the face of the earth just a couple of centuries before the foundations
of the building he describes were laid.
But Mr. Millers, it is only fair to say, wrote as far back as 1834,
and architectural knowledge has advanced somewhat since then.
At Norwich, the remains of the infirmary occupy a site to the south
of the refectory, which itself also lies, as usual, south of the cloisters.
124 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
It ranged east and west, and consisted, apparently, of a nave of six
bays, extensive remains of which exist in two modern houses, while
three pillars are still standing in the open space to the east of those
houses. Their style, which is late Norman, shows that the building
was probably the work of bishop John of Oxford, 1175-1200. In plan
it consists, at the present time, of a nave ninety -two feet in length, by
twenty-six feet in breadth, a south aisle ten feet in breadth, and piers
having a diameter of four feet, the total breadth being, therefore, forty
feet. What has become of the north aisle is uncertain. The chapel,
which was of the same breadth as the nave, would appear, as some
foundations seem to show, to have been about thirty -two feet long, and
occupied the normal position towards the east. The great hall was
restored in the Perpendicular style, when the existing aisle was cut up
into separate apartments.
At Canterbury, the actual remains, though dating only from the
middle of the fourteenth century, are known to have replaced a far
earlier building, existing certainly in the time of king John, and
probably from a yet earlier period. The following is the account given
by Somner in his Antiquities of Cantvrlvry (p. 197), published in 1640.
After mentioning the various conjectures rife in his day respecting its
origin and uses, ah1 of which he shows to be wild and untenable, he
proceeds—' Truth is, as there is an upper and a lower part of this
building, so was each part a distinct structure by it self, and not one
intire piece, the lower or Western part whereof was sometime a Hall,
for the pulling down whereof there passed a decree in Chapter anno
1545, whence in the Division ' (that is the division of the monastic
buildings between the dean and prebendaries) 'the very next yeare
following it is called the late long Hall. And the upper or Eastern part
of the building was this very Fermary or Infirmary-Chapell. The same
Division calls it so, and that in regard it did sometime appertain and
was appropriate to those of the Infirmary or Infirmitory (the Nosocomium
I may call it) of the Minster situate by it, consisting chiefly of an Hall
of Refectory, for their common board or table (if able and fit to come
to it, otherwise feeding in their chambers) a kitchin to dresse their
necessary provision in, a Dormitory or Dortor for their place of sleep
and repose, distributed into certain distinct and severall chambers ; of
which, that one might not disturb another, every of the infirme
THE INFIRMARY HALL, CANTERBURY. 125
folk had one proper to himself. And a private Chapell for their devo-
tions, who either were sick and could not, or diseased and might not
accompany their brethren in their more publick and common devotions
in the Temple. Dr Langworth a late Predecessor of Dr Blechynden
(as it is noted down in a Chapter book) anno 1579 took down a crosse
wall between his house and Dr Lawses (a predecessor of Dr Brayes)
at the Churches charge, and paved the way between them with the
stone. In all likelihood it was the Western wall of this Chapell, or the
wall which terminated the Chapell Westward, a cleare argument of
the disjunction and separation thereof from that other lower part of
building. The Infirmary hall or Refectory, which the Division calls
the Table hall, yet stands perfect and intire, being the same which is
now Dr Blechyndens hall to his prebendall house, built with other
rooms (as I finde) about the yeare 1342. For out of Threasurers
Accompts of the Church, in that and the next yeare following, I have
these notes, viz. : —
Pro nova aula & una Camera de novo factis infirmar. 96 lib. 8s 2d prseter
20 marcas receptas & Feretrario pro nova camera faciend.
Item pro novis cameris infirmar' & pentisiis circa aulam ibid' 61 lib. 1s 6d.
Item pro novo pentisio juxta novas cameras infirmar. 6 lib. 15s 4d ob.
This infirmary or domus Infirmorum I reade of in our Chronicles
in King Johns time. For the Monks of this Church quitting the
Monastery by command of the King sorely offended at them, for their
choice of Stephen Langton for their Archbishop ; 13 sick Monks
which could not remove, were left behinde (saith my Author, Matt.
Paris) in domo Infirmorum.'
The actual remains, at present very slight, consist of parts of the
aisle arcades built up in the walls of a house to the left of a narrow
passage opening to the Prior's, or Green Court. They constitute that
'arched or embowed work of it,' the style of which led Somner,
while declining to accept them as remains of the chapel of S. John
built by archbishop Cuthbert in Saxon times, or yet of the church
of S. Trinity built by archbishop Lanfranc, as some would have them
to be, as nevertheless part of a ' building erected since the Conquest.'
From all which we see that the infirmary at Canterbury followed
the normal plan, and consisted of a great aisled nave or hall, having a
chapel attached, and which, in the nature of a chancel, opened more or
less directly to it, towards the east.
126
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE:
At Gloucester, the infirmary buildings would seem to have been as
wholly reconstructed during the thirteenth century, as they were at
Canterbury in the fourteenth. All that I can at present say about
them, however, is derived from the information furnished by Mr.
Waller, the cathedral architect, in answer to certain questions addressed
by me to the dean, to the effect that the great hall was, as usual,
aisled, since six of its arches are still standing ; but, that the whole
plan and dimensions could only be ascertained after very extensive
and difficult exploration. Judging from its details, the rebuilding,
he says, must have taken place circa 1240. Its predecessor, therefore,
whose arrangement it probably, in the main, followed, would, like the
church to which it belonged, date back, undoubtedly, into twelfth
century Norman times.
The infirmary buildings at Peterborough must also, like those at
Canterbury and Gloucester, have superseded others of earlier, and
probably Norman, date. A slight sketch of them, here reproduced,
HALLS, PETERBOROUGH AND DURHAM. 127
will serve to show their present state and architectural character.
They lie eastward of the cathedral, ' built up into the walls of the
prebendal houses, and are among the chief surviving relics of the
monastic buildings,' Of fully developed Early English design, having
been erected, or re-erected, during the abbacy of John de Caleto, 1248-
1261, their details, though simple, are very fine, and deserving of close
attention. The columns, it will be observed, are of a quatrefoil
section, as at Auckland, while shafted corbels, carried up between the
arches, served also, as in that instance, to carry the main timbers of
the roof.
At Durham, the only great aisled hah1 of which we have any
evidence, was that pertaining, not to the infirmary, but to the
hospitium, and known as the ' (rest Hall.' In the Rites and Monu-
ments (15 Surtees Society) we read : 'There was a famouse house of
hospitallitie, called the GESTE HAULE, within the Abbey garth of
Durham, on the weste syde, towardes the water, the Terrer of the
house being master thereof, as one appoynted to geve intertaynment to
all staits, both noble, gentle, and what degree so ever that came thether
as strangers, ther interteynment not being inferior to any place in
Ingland, both for the goodnes of ther diett, the sweete and daintie
furneture of there lodgings, and generally all things necessarie for
travellers. And, withall, this interteynment contynewing, not willing
or commanding any man to departe, upon his honest and good
behavyour. This haule is a goodly brave place, much like unto the
body of a Church, with verey fair pillers supporting yt on ether syde,
and in the mydest of the haule a most large rannge for the fyer. The
chambers and lodginges belonging to yt weare swetly keept, and so
richly furnyshed that they weare not unpleasant to ly in, especially one
chamber called the KYNGS CHAMBER, deservinge that name, in that
the King him selfe myght verie well have lyne in yt, for the princelynes
therof . The victualls, that served the said geists, came from the same
Kitching of the Prior, the bread and beare from his pantrie and seller.
.... The Terrer had certaine men appointed to wayte at his table,
and to attend upon all his geists and stranngers, and for ther better inter-
taynment, he had evermore a hogsheade or two of wynes lying in a seller
appertayninge to the said halle, to serve his geists. withall.' (p. 76.)
Following the infirmary halls (or, as at Durham, guesten hall) of
128 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
the cathedral monasteries, we come now to those of Fountains abbey.
Both owe their existence to the magnificent taste of abbot John of
Kent, the completer of the glorious choir and nine altars commenced
by his predecessor, John, bishop of Ely, and who ruled from 1219 to
1247. Speaking of him, the short chronicle of abbots says : ' Hie
novem altaria, claustrum, infirmitorium, Pavimentum, ac Xenodochium,
tarn ad Christi pauperum, quam mundi principum susceptionem
fabricavit, et consummavit.' Of the group of ruined buildings forming '
the xenodochium, it is not now possible, perhaps, to assign the respec-
tive uses with absolute certainty, or to say which was the infirmary,
and which the guest, hall. Nor is it at all needful for our present pur-
pose to do so, as in either, case its design remains the same. In his
very careful and exact description of the abbey (Collectanea Archaeolo-
gica of the British Archaeological Association, vol. ii. part iii.) the late
Mr. Gordon Hills speaks of it as 'a large hall placed north and south,
built like a church, with a nave divided by arcades of four arches on
each side from its aisles. The bases of the columns are all that remain
of the arcades. The river Skell passes under the hall by four arches or
tunnels, all remaining in their original and perfect state.' An almost
exact square of about sixty feet, the building formed the easternmost
member of the group to which it pertained, and, somewhat apart
from the rest, stood a little to the west of that great range containing
the domus conversorum, cellarage and abbot's chambers over, which
ran beyond, and parallel with, the west walk of the cloisters, southward.
But infinitely grander and more important than that pertaining to
the xenodochium, as became its purpose, was the infirmary hall which
John of Kent built for the use of his brethren. It was probably the
most splendid structure of the kind either in England or elsewhere.
* The abbot John,' says Mr. Hills, ' had certainly forgotten the moder-
ation in building prescribed by the Cistercian rule. His infirmary
was planned on the same scale of grandeur as his other works. The
ground was too limited for him on the north side of the River Skell,
and as he had done at the xenodochium, so again here he conquered
the obstacles of space, by building above and across the river. The
passage for the river is preserved by four still perfect parallel tunnels,
elbow-shaped or bent in plan, between two hundred and thirty and
two hundred and eighty feet long, about nine feet wide, with
INFIRMARY HALLS, FOUNTAINS. 129
abutments six feet thick between them. Upon and athwart this sub-
structure, and carefully designed, so that the pillars and principal walls
should not stand on the arches, but on the solid abutments below,
was placed a vast hall aud its appurtenances. The hall is one hundred
and seventy and a half feet long, and seventy feet wide within the
walls. In the centre portion it was formed like the nave of a church,
with aisles all round it ; the nave having eight arches on each side,
and two at each end. Of this great hall, or of any of its adjuncts
above the level of the tunnels, the walls are now scarcely breast high
in any part. At the south end of the hall, two of the pillars are still
standing, or rather, I believe, have to some extent been put together
from the fragments found around. Abundant fragments show the work
to have been of exquisite architecture. The pillars were each formed
of groups of shafts, the centre shaft of sandstone, thirteen inches
diameter, with four marble shafts attached ; the base mouldings, the
marble band which unites the shafts midway, and the marble capitals,
are all treated with admirable delicacy and propriety ; and though there
is here (as elsewhere at Fountains) little use made of carving, yet we
cannot fail to gather that the effect when complete, must have been
finished to perfection. There should be noticed the provision of fire-
places at the ends of the hall, and one standing detached in its eastern
aisle, and the little single latrine outside both the aisles near their
southern extremities. Of the buildings east of the hall, the south
portion is separated from it by a court twenty feet wide ; this consists
of two attached parallel apartments forty-nine and a half feet long,
evidently applied to culinary purposes. There is a large fireplace
close by it, an oven in the partition wall, the furnace place of a large
boiler in the east end, and close to it, in the north-east angle, a stone
grating, ingeniously constructed in the floor, and through the tunnel
arch under it. The grating is eight feet by six feet, and intended for
the emptying, draining, and drying upon it of casks or tubs, and such
utensils. On the north of this building, and separated from it by a
court twenty-one feet wide, is the infirmary chapel, forty-six feet
three inches long, by twenty-one feet nine inches wide. At its east
end stands the lower part of an altar.'
We have thus, as will readily be seen, only on an unusually
splendid scale, the type, not merely of the secular aisled halls, but of
VOL. XVIII. 18
130 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
the special kitchens and other dependent offices which pertained to
them as well. The pattern was at once immediately to hand, and
perfect in every part.
That aisled halls, of a kind, however, were in use in very early
times is probably true enough. If only the MS. illustrations may be
trusted, some few of the Anglo-Saxon hall-houses, at any rate, would
seem to have been built on this principle, and to have exhibited in a
modified way, and with a wooden construction, the basilican arrange-
ment found in the naves of the larger parish churches. But these
erections were, by comparison, mean and temporary, and altogether
lacking in those solid and monumental qualities which, lending as they
do, such dignity to those of later date, lift them directly from the level
of cheap utilitarianism to that of architectural art. Not but that such
structures, as was only natural where timber was both good and
plentiful, continued in use, as well for barns as for more purely domestic
purposes, down to the latest times. Instances of both sorts in
abundance — such as those of Nurstead court,8 the Guildhall at York,
and the magnificent tithe barn at Harmondsworth, Middlesex, still
survive to witness to the fact. But all these, and others such like,
differ, it will be observed, not only in material, but in structural
principle as well, from the infirmary halls above referred to. In the
one case the principal timbers were framed into, and became one with,
their supports ; in the other, they were quite distinct and separate ;
and instead of the roofs being any longer brought down, practically
and materially, to the ground, they became entirely cut off from it,
being borne up by walls and arcades of stone, on which solid and rock-
like foundations they were simply set.
Neither from the wooden halls of primitive or contemporary times,
then, nor yet, indirectly, from the arcaded naves of the churches, but
rather directly and immediately from these infirmary halls — buildings
8 The hall of Nurstead Court in Kent, of which two good views, external
and internal, are given by Parker (Domestic Architecture, ii. 281-282) from
drawings by Blore, has since been either wantonly destroyed or so altered as
to have entirely lost its value. Its dimensions (external) were seventy-nine
feet by thirty-four feet nine inches ; and its date, of the first half of the fourteenth
century. Though, doubtless, there must once have been many others of the
like kind, its destruction is the more to be regretted that both design and
workmanship were of the best ; and it was perhaps, if not probably, the last
surviving relic of such an early age.
HALL, OAKHAM CASTLE. 131
which were in all respects so thoroughly adapted to the purpose — may
we reasonably suppose the great aisled halls, whether of castles or
manor-houses, to have been derived.
IV.
Of the four existing secular aisled halls, the earliest and smallest is
that at Oakham. Sole remaining fragment of the castle of which it
once formed part, it has, curiously enough, come down to us in a
condition almost absolutely intact. Hence its special value, as
showing, at least approximately, what that at Auckland must origin-
ally have been like. A full and excellently well illustrated account of
it (to which I would refer my readers) may be seen in vol. v. of the
Archaeological Journal, as well as in Parker's Domestic Architecture,
vol. i. pp. 28-31.
The hall is said to have been built by "Walkelyn de Ferrers, who
held the barony from 1161 to 1201; and, as internal evidence shows
that its date must be referred to a period lying inter 1180-1186, the
traditional account is, no doubt, correct. Like that at Auckland, it
runs east and west ; and its masonry is of rubble, with ashlar quoins
and dressings. The internal dimensions are sixty-five feet long by
forty-three feet wide; and the aisles, again like those at Auckland,
are separated from the central nave by arcades of four arches on each
side. These, however, are round in form and simple in section, though
the capitals of the pillars which carry them are enriched with remark-
ably fine foliage, close copies, indeed, of those of William of Sens in
the choir of Canterbury cathedral (inter 1174-1179), and not im-
probably cut by the same man.
Again, as at Auckland, the principal entrance was originally
towards the east end of the south aisle, near the kitchen and offices.
Owing to the steep pitch of the roofs, and their consequent want
of height, the side walls were entirely without buttresses ; a pair of
very slight projection only, as also at Auckland, being applied at the
east end to receive the thrust, of the arcades. Four windows lighted
the hall on either side ; together with another set high up in the
eastern gable above the line of the adjoining roofs. These side
windows, which from their exceptionally early date and architectural
character are of the utmost interest, serve also to show us pretty
132
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
clearly what the type of the original ones at Auckland must, most
probably, have been. As in Pudsey's aisle-windows in Darlington
church,9 they are seen to consist of two coupled lancets, but, unlike
them, to be richly adorned with shafts and dogtooth, and, as became
their domestic character, having the heads of their arches, which are
much enriched with sculpture, blank, thus leaving the actual openings
square-headed. In-
ternally, these win-
dows are enclosed in
semi-circular arches,
the jambs of which
come straight down
to the ground. Both
jambs and arches
are enriched contin-
uously along their
edges with a very
effective hollow
moulding studded
with four-leaved
flowers, as is also the
narrow outer order
of the arcades,
which, as in the
case of the great
crossing arches at
SIDE WINDOWS, OAKHAH HALL (Exterior). Darlington where
a somewhat similar feature occurs, produces the exact appearance of
a hood-mould.
As also at Auckland, the whole of the attached buildings are de-
stroyed ; but, though the woodwork of the roofs is modern, the pitch of
them, both of the nave and aisles, has been preserved, and the gables are
still surmounted by their ancient terminals of figures. The roofs
though practically, are not actually, continuous, a slight intervening
strip of wall, which just serves to break the Hue, being allowed to
appear between the two. Whether such a feature ever occurred in
9 The sills of one of these pairs of lancets may still be detected in the
masonry of the south side of the nave, not far from the west end.
HALL OF LINCOLN PALACE.
133
Pudsey's hall or not cannot now, perhaps, positively be said.10 One
difference of arrangement in the interior construction may, however,
be mentioned, which is that, in the case of Oakham, the main timbers
were brought down to the springing line of the arches, where they
were received on corbels consisting of seated figures playing on
instruments of music, admirably designed. At Auckland, on the
other hand, they were received
on shafted corbels, the beauti-
fully carved capitals of which
reached as high as the intrados
of the arches. As the latter
were not only pointed, but of
quite exceptional height and
span, the difference of arrange-
ment must have been wholly
an improvement as giving a
vastly increased appearance
both of height and space.
Still, smaller in scale, and
less generally imposing in
effect as the Oakham hall
must always have been, no
such precious example of the
domestic architecture of its
period — a full decade earlier
than that at Auckland, the
next in date— remains, while both in the beauty and originality of
its sculpture it stands alone.
Next, but most ruinous of all, is that of the episcopal palace at
Lincoln. It is, however, the most perfect as regards the remains of
its necessary adjuncts, the kitchen, pantry, buttery, and larders.
They still form, as they did probably from the first, the noblest,
10 It is pretty certain, however, that no break of any kind occurred. If the
position of the corbels towards the central and side aisles be taken into account,
it will be seen that while the former are in a line with the points of the intrados
of the arches the latter are set but a little above their springing ; and that if the
outline of an unbroken high-pitched roof be drawn transversely, the inner corbels
would be exactly adapted to the support of the arched braces of the principals of
the central part, while the outer ones would be just as exactly fitted to receive
the struts of the ends covering the aisles.
SIDE WINDOWS, OAKUAM HALL (Interior).
134
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
completest, and most imposing group of early thirteenth-century
domestic buildings in the land, and deserve, consequently, the closest
attention. As the accompanying plan will show, they formed by far
the most important section of that group of buildings of different
styles and dates which went to make up the ancient palace. They are
Plan of Lincoln Palace, shewing the relative proportion of the great, and ordinary, Halls,
and their respective kitchens
also the most ancient, having been commenced by S. Hugh, bishop of
Lincoln from 1185 to 1200, and completed at great cost by his
successor, bishop Hugh of Wells, who ruled from that time till 1234.
Plundered and devastated during the Civil War, these noble buildings
continued in a state of peaceful rain till 1726, when bishop Reynolds
most unhappily gave leave to the dean and chapter to utilize them as
a quarry for works then proceeding at the cathedral, Hence their
136
THE CHAl'EL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE
present miserably ruined state. Notwithstanding, how they appeared
in 1647, we learn from the account of the parliamentary surveyors
written in that year—' The Greate Hall,' say they, ' is very faire, large,
lightsome, and of stronge freestone buildinge, in good repaire, beinge
60 foote of Assise in breadthe, and 90 foote of Assise longe ; the
forme of buildinge consisteth of one large middle allye, and two out
lies on eyther syde, with 8 gray marble pillars bearinge up the arches
_L i • . . i i i \ — i
I _V^:-T . ..-.»'. '"""_.. i '- :'! [LU.-- .
XSBVS**—. . _
SIDE WINDOWS, GREVT HALL, LINCOLN (restored elevation).
of freestone in the forme of a large churche, having large and faire
freestone windows very full of stories in paynted glasse of the Kinges
of this land. The fyre is used in the middle of the hall ; the roofe of
very stronge tymber covered all over with leade. The proporcon of
yt is much lyke the bodye of Christe-church in LoiiJon.'
HALL, LINCOLN PALACE. 137
The accompanying illustrations will give as good an idea as their
small scale will allow of the completeness and perfection of these fine
works as a whole ; while the elevation of the pairs of windows which
lighted it in each bay, restored carefully from existing fragments,
will show how rich and effective, though at the same time thoroughly
domestic, those features were. Thus, while the upper parts were
permanently glazed, the lower, as usual at the time, are seen to have
been fitted with wooden shutters, a system adopted, perhaps, for the
double purposes of light and ventilation. As at Oakham and also
at Auckland the interior of this hall was divided longitudinally into
four bays. A fifth, in all respects similar to them, but cut off by a
solid wall, was utilized on the floor line for the pantry, buttery, and
central passage leading to the kitchen; while above was a spacious
room, probably the great chamber, having two tall windows in the
south front with a fireplace between them, and two other windows
at the east and west ends. An arrangement precisely similar is
also found in the magnificent hall of the episcopal palace at "Wells,
built by bishop Burnell (1274-1292), which is of five bays, and
where the great chamber was placed over the pantries and central
passage-way to the kitchen, which, as at Lincoln, was an entirely
separate erection.11
Of the six (not eight) pillars of dark grey marble which carried
the arcades, only some fragments of the bases and capitals have been
found, but these show that each column consisted of a central pillar
with four smaller and four larger round shafts attached to it ; the whole
height being about twenty feet, and divided into two parts, as at Auck-
land, by a central band. The kitchen had five fireplaces ; and the roof,
covered with lead, rose, like that of the chapter house, to a great height
in the centre, in the form of an octagonal pyramid. As a typical example
of a great aisled hall with all its subsidiary offices complete, this of
11 At Wells the interior arrangements of the hall are unfortunately so com-
pletely destroyed that it is impossible to say exactly what they were. No traces
whatever of any pillars are to be seen ; and the two end walls where indications
of the arcades, if any such existed, would be found, are gone. Whether, there-
fore, the roof, which was too wide to have been constructed in one span, was
supported by pillars and arches of wood or stone, cannot be said. Mr. Parker,
with characteristic inaccuracy, gives the dimensions as one hundred and twenty
feet long by seventy feet wide, whereas they are really one hundred and fifteen
feet by fifty-nine feet and a half internally.
VOL. xvni. 19
138 THE CHAPEL OP AUCKLAND CASTLE :
Lincoln is by far the most perfect that remains, and its special value
lies in this, that it serves to show, more or less exactly, what those,
now destroyed, of all the rest must formerly have been.
In connection with this greater, and earlier, hall at Lincoln must
be taken into account also that smaller, and later, one built by S.
Hugh's illustrious successor, the world-renowned Grostele at Buckden
in Huntingdonshire, where he died in 1253.
This hall, which was wholly destroyed by fire during the Common-
wealth days, resembled that at Lincoln by being divided into a
central and two side aisles by pillars and arches, and having a large
porch at the entrance vaulted with stone. It was, however, on a
much smaller scale, being only, according to the parliamentary survey
of 1647, ' twenty yards long and twelve yards broad, about half
covered with lead, the rest with stone slat.' And it is interesting
to observe that this also was of the early part of the thirteenth
century, and thus, more or less contemporary with the rest of the
same very limited class whose former, or present, existence is known
to us.
But, most important of all these halls, whether past or present,
in point of size as well as preservation, is that still in use in the
royal castle of Winchester, built by king Henry III. ' of Winchester ' for
the greater glory of the place in one of whose chambers he was born
in 1206. The first in the series of writs respecting it dates from
1222, in which year charges for drawing stone for the columns of
the hall occur. Ten years later the bishop of Winchester is directed
to apply the moneys derived from the underwood of the forest of Bere
to the making of the great hall of the king in the castle of Winchester.
In 1234, anew kitchen, buttery, and 'dispensa' were also erected,
not, however, on the normal system, that is to say, with the kitchen
beyond and in line with the hall, and the pantry and buttery with
the passage of communication connecting the two between them,
but with the kitchen to the south and the other offices to the north ;
while in the year following the hall was so far completed that the
capitals of the pillars and the wooden ' botilli ' in the beams of the
roof were then gilt ; the walls whitened and painted ; and ' verrinae,'
or glazed frames made for the windows ; a seat also being placed for
the king at the head of the hall « versus orientem.' The whole of
THE HALL OF WINCHESTER CASTLE.
139
these works, we learn, as well as many others in the castle, were
carried out from the designs, and under the superintendence of, Master
Elias de Dereham.
The hall itself was one hundred and eleven feet three inches in
length by fifty-five feet nine inches in breadth, internally, and divided
on either side into five bays. A small triplet was inserted in the
point of the east gable ; there were four windows in each of the
;ite
lateral walls, and, op-
posite each other in the
second bays from the
west, north and south
doorways, exactly as
in a church. As at
Auckland, though to a
much less extent, the
eastern and western
bays were somewhat
wider than the rest.
The accompanying
illustration will show
how admirably propor-
tioned and refined the
whole of the architec-
tural details are ; while,
the window openings,
not terminating at the
line of the glass, but
continued down to the
ground and provided
with stone seats, declare the purely secular and domestic character of
the building at a glance. Notwithstanding these arrangements,
however, and the fact of its having all along from the first been
known as the king's hall, and secular business transacted in it, the
late learned historian of Winchester, Dr. Milner, came, from its
division into nave and aisles, as well as the fact, perhaps, of its
standing east and west, to the conclusion that it had originally been
a chapel ; and, strong in this misplaced confidence, attacked the
WINCHESTER CASTLE. ONE BAY OF HALL, SHEWING
WINDOW WITH SKAT.
140 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
county magistrates of Hampshire with much violence for sacrilegiously
turning God's house into a court of justice. And curiously enough,
precisely the same mistaken impression prevailed with respect to the
last of these four halls — that at Auckland. Till quite recently, it was
universally believed to have been the ancient chapel of the manor-
house from the beginning ; notwithstanding the indisputable fact
that such chapel, or chapels — for it was, as often happened in
domestic chapels, a double one — occupied not only an entirely
different site, but was destroyed by gunpowder in the time of the
Commonwealth. But then, it was divided into a nave and aisles
' like a church,' and not only so, but it stood east and west ; circum-
stances which, taken together, appeared, in spite of all historical
evidences, to the contrary, as conclusive proof of its true ecclesiastical
character to the local antiquaries, as a similar combination did at
Winchester, to the friends of Dr. Milner.12
12 It is not a little curious to note for what a length of time, and how
frequently, in their descriptions of aisled halls, the same idea has presented
itself to, and been expressed in the same or similar terms by, divers writers.
Thus, in the Rites of Durham (1690) the guest hall there is described as being
' a goodly brave place, much like unto the body of a church, with very fair pillers
supporting yt on ether syde.' Again in 1647, the parliamentary surveyors
describe the great hall of Lincoln palace as consisting ' of one large middle alleye
and two out lies on eyther syde . ... in the forme of a large church; ' adding
afterwards the remark that — ' The proporcon of yt is much lyke the bodye of
Christe-church in London.' At Canterbury, Somner, writing in 1640, tells us how
the arched remains of the infirmary hall were, doubtless for the same reason,
regarded by some as the chapel of S. John ; by others, as the church of S.
Trinitie, built by Lanfranc ; and by others again as the church of S. Saviour ;
and a similar mistake might seem to be also made by the late Mr. E. J. King,
in Murray's Cathedrals, who speaks of ' the infirmary with its church, the
arches of which may be traced in the walls of the houses.' The arches, however,
as need hardly be said, were those of the hall and not of the chapel. So, too,
Mr. Parker (Domestic Architecture, ii. 250) speaks of John de Calceto as the
builder of ' the beautiful infirmary church at Peterborough,' whereas the
remains referred to are not those of the church or chapel at all, but of the hall.
At Westminster, again, the slight remains of the arcades of the infirmary hall
are in a similar way, still pointed out, and figured upon plans, as the chapel of
S. Catherine. At Winchester, the great hall of the castle, owing as well to its
standing east and west, as to the presence of aisles, was confidently asserted by
the late historian of the city, Dr. Milner, as well as by his predecessors, Warton
and Grose, not merely to resemble, but beyond all doubt to be, the chapel of S.
Stephen, and built by the king of that name. And so, too, at Ely, the historian
of the cathedral, Dr. Bentham, and his successor, Mr. Millers, the author of an
excellent but briefer account of it, have no hesitation whatever in asserting as
an indisputable fact that the infirmary hall was the nave of the conventual
church founded by S. Etheldreda in 673 ! And then, lastly, we have the late
Mr. Gordon Hills, in his admirable account of Fountains abbey, though knowing
perfectly well its real purpose, which he takes the fullest account of, describing
the great hall, in the old familiar fashion as being like the nave of a church. It
ERECTED BY BISHOP HUGH PUDSEY.
141
What its true purport was, what the scheme of which it formed
part, and who the founder under whom, and by whose command, the
whole was planned, we have now to consider.
y.
Of historical witness we have simply none, and in such default are
therefore obliged to fall back exclusively on the internal evidence of
architectural style. But this is quite sufficient for the purpose, if not,
indeed, of accounting for the
completion of the works, yet,
at any rate, of fixing the
period of their commence-
ment. Of this there cannot,
happily, be a shadow of a
doubt ; and it adds no little
to the sufficiently great in-
terest of the place, even when
regarded separately and per
se, to find that not merely
was its inception, but its
actual erection also largely,
if not wholly, due to the
same great prelate who, be-
sides building or restoring
the two halls of Durham
castle, the Galilee chapel of
the cathedral, and founding
the hospital of Sherburn, built
also S. Cuthbert's church at
Darlington — the famous and
renowned Hugh Pudsey.
Whether the entire remains can be referred to his days or not, and
if not, how much of them, are points to be determined only after the
most careful examination. Unfortunately nothing more than the
may not, perhaps, be amiss to note how conclusively, if indirectly, this sustained
simile points to the real rarity of aisled halls of any kind. Had the fact, as
sometimes asserted, been otherwise, such constant comparison of them with,
and positive assertions — founded solely on the strength of such likeness —
that they were, and must have been, churches, would be altogether unintel-
ligible.
142 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
shell of the hall itself is left us, and this, though absolutely perfect as
regards its more central parts, the arcades and the walling over them,
has been greatly altered on the exterior, the northern wall having
been much tampered with and raised, and the southern one utterly
destroyed and rebuilt in a different style during the seventeenth
century. Thus, besides the loss of all the details proper to those parts,
that is to say the whole of the original windows, doorways, and
buttresses, we are left without any evidence whatever as regards those
other necessary adjuncts, the kitchen, pantry, and buttery, which were
attached to it, and formed integral parts of the general scheme. All
that can be said of these last is that, as at Chepstow and Coventry,
they occupied a somewhat lower level than the hall itself, and lay
beyond it eastwards. They were thus, as will be seen, quite separate
from the body of the manor-house with which they may be said to
have had no connection, being proper to the uses of the hall to which
they belonged, and for which alone they were built.13 A flat flagged
13 This was a far from uncommon arrangement. It occurs among other
instances, for example, in the Bishop's palace at Lincoln, where the two halls,
the greater and the less, with their several kitchens respectively proportioned,
may still be seen. Also at Bolton castle, where the two halls, the greater on
the north side of the quadrangle, and the less on the south, with their respective
kitchens and other attendant offices remain. At Winchester castle, again,
there were also two halls and kitchens. The older and smaller hall and kitchen
were those which the sheriff of Hampshire was ordered in 1220 to prepare, along
with the painted chamber and other offices, for the king's reception at Christmas.
The great hall, ' magna aula ' or ' aula infra ballium,' as it is termed, is that still
standing, which, together with its kitchen, called in 1238 the 'greater kitchen,'
buttery and dispensa, erected in connection with it on the north and south
sides, were commenced in 1222. At Chepstow a similar arrangement occurs.
There also are two halls, a smaller one with the usual two doorways at the lower
end leading to the pantry and buttery, and a central one to a straight flight
of steep stone steps down to the kitchen, which, with other offices, was on a
much lower level. This is situated in the outer court. The great hall is in
the inner court, its upper end having apparently been appropriated as a chapel
or sanctuary, which was separated from the hall by a richly ornamented broad
stone screen or gallery like a rood-loft, while the lower end was occupied, as
usual, by the screens which connected it with the dependent offices.
Kidwelly castle, Caermarthenshire, affords another example in which the
evidences of this arrangement, so frequently destroyed, still remain distinct.
The original castle, probably of the time of Edward I., consisted chiefly of
what is now the inner court or keep, an oblong block of building with a small
courtyard in the centre. In this are the great hall with its proper kitchen,
chapel, etc. This inner castle was enclosed by a wall of enceinte with two
gatehouses north and south, the former the principal one, and of the original
work. The south gatehouse, which is of the fifteenth century, and a very fine
structure, formed a distinct house in itself, having, besides many smaller and
dependent apartments, its own hall, kitchen, and offices; the former, a grand
room forty feet long and seventeen feet wide, being placed above the gateway.
HALL, FINEST OP ITS CLASS.
143
platform, nine and a half feet in height, and approached by two flights
of steps, marks, at present, without defining the extent of, their site.14
As to the hall itself, though not the largest, it was, perhaps, in
regard to the freedom and boldness of its parts, the finest, of its class.
Vaster than that of Oakham, richer in its details than those of
Winchester or Lincoln, it differs from both the latter examples in the
variety of the design of the columns, as well as proportion of the
One of the earliest as well as finest examples, however, is found in the
episcopal palace at Wells, a building, or rather group of buildings, of unsur-
passed, perhaps unequalled, interest. The earlier block or palace, complete in
itself, is that forming the north-easternmost part of the present structure, and
built by bishop Joceline between 1205 and 1244. It is of the richest and most
beautiful Early English work imaginable, built for the most part upon a
uniform range of vaulted and groined lower chambers, and with all the chief
rooms upon the first floor. Among these were the hall ; the kitchen, with the
pantry, etc., being on a lower level, and in an adjoining block.
The great hall, a magnificent structure, far larger than all the chief buildings
of bishop Joceline's palace put together, was built by bishop Burnell (1274-
1292) circa 1280. It was no less than one hundred and fifteen feet in length
by fifty -nine and a half in breadth, and had, like the earlier one, all its dependent
offices of solar, pantry, buttery and kitchen complete. The former were, as
usual, beneath the solar at the west end, but the kitchen, now destroyed, was a
separate building, and connected with the hall by a covered passage way.
And such would seem generally, where these great halls were attached either
to castles or manor-houses, to have been the case.
At St. David's, the magnificent palace, built by bishop Gower about the
middle of the fourteenth century, shows an ingenious and somewhat different
arrangement. It is all of one date, and of extreme magnificence ; the principal
buildings, which are of the same height, occupying the southern and eastern
sides of a large quadrangle. The southern range contains the great hall, with
a solar at the west end. The eastern, the smaller hall, with a large kitchen
or kitchens at its southern extremity, which, occupying the angle between it
and the end of the great hall, would therefore, in this case, probably, be
common to both.
14 In the wall supporting this platform towards the east, two large stones are
inserted bearing the following inscriptions in Roman capitals. To what parti-
cular work the first and most important of them — erected originally by the
famous bishop Butler (1750-52) — refers, cannot now, I think, be said : —
IOSEPHVS EPISCOPVS
E E c i T O'e] ANNO DOM : MDCCLII.
HOC MAGNI ANTECESSORIS MONVMENTVM
IN COETE EX BVDEKIBVS ERVTVM
HIC INSERENDVM CVBAVIT
COGNOMINIS ALTER EPISCOPVS
A.D. MDDCCCLXXXI.
144 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
arches of its arcades. There the bays are all either actually, or
practically, alike. Here it is otherwise ; the two extreme ones at
either end, though harmonizing perfectly with those towards the
centre, being of very perceptibly wider span. Nothing finer than the
general justness, unity, and variety of effect, however, could possibly
be conceived. That there were other than artistic reasons for such
treatment — which from a purely structural standpoint is, of course,
the reverse of what it should be — is probable ; though what those
reasons precisely were, it may not, perhaps, now be possible to say.
But the east, or lower end, was, it will be remembered, the kitchen
end, and consequently the eastern bays, which would contain the
screens with the music gallery over, might receive an extra width on
that account. And then, as the other, or west end, would be that of
the dais, or high table, its dimensions also might, quite possibly, not
only be increased to the like extent for that reason, but, as we see,
still further extended along the floor line, by having the western
responds stopped short upon corbels and not continued down to the
ground like those eastwards. Certainly its details are of a distinctly
different, and far richer kind, and point to its more dignified uses in
a way there is no mistaking. But the arrangement and details of the
several parts prove something more than this, from which all manner
of doubt or conjecture is excluded, and that is that the entire plan was
not only laid out, but strenuously proceeded ivilh throughout its whole
extent till its completion, from the very first.
VI.
Before proceeding to a detailed examination of its architecture,
however, it may be desirable to take account of the original chapel or
chapels, with which this, the original great hall, has so long been
confounded. Till quite recently, and through sheer default of due
investigation, it was universally assumed to be such chapel ; and that
in spite of the most direct and positive witness of those who had for
years seen and known it in its integrity, to the contrary. Nay, so
complete was the prevailing ignorance and misunderstanding, that we
find the late learned antiquary, Dr. Kaine, in his admirable History of
Auckland Castle, not merely repeating and lending all the weight of
his great authority to it, but thereupon proceeding, out of his own
THE ORIGINAL CHAPEL OR CHAPELS. 145
mouth, to couvict bishop Cosin, of being something worse than a mere
braggart— a wilful and deliberate liar. And this, let me add, in the
sincerest and most absolute good faith — with the irrefragable record
of the fabric itself, as he imagined, on the one hand, and the bishop's
own handwriting, in flat contradiction to it, on the other.
What, however — to such, at least, as are willing to attend to them—
can possibly be clearer, fuller, or more harmonious than the structural
and written evidence of the case ? Let us see what they have to tell us.
First of all then, we learn that there was certainly a chapel in the
episcopal manor-house at Auckland in the year 1271 (temp, bishop
Stichell), as had doubtless been the case from the beginning. Next,
since this was probably of the original building, and of small and
simple character, we find from an account roll of 1308, that bishop
Beck, among his other works of rebuilding there, expended on the
erection of a new chapel in that year £148, a sum equivalent,
probably, to nearly £3,000 of our money. Afterwards, in 1338,
two chapels are spoken of, the major and the minor) which, as we learn
at a later date still, viz., in 1547, stood one above the other. In
other words, that this chapel built by Beck, was, as usual with those of
its class, in two storeys, and could thus with equal propriety be spoken
of as one chapel or two, according to circumstances. Furthermore,
that this double chapel continued to be used for divine service down to
the days of bishop Morton (1632-1659), Dr. Basire telling us that
he himself had officiated in it as chaplain for years : while sir William
Brereton, speaking of the same ;two Chapels one over the other,'
describes the higher as ' a most dainty, neat, light, pleasant place, but
the voice so drowned and swallowed by the echo, as few words can be
understood.'
After this, from Dugdale's Appendix to his History of St. Paul's,
that this double, or two-storied chapel stood on the south side of the
castle.
And then, finally, on the unimpeachable authority not only of
Dr. Basire but of Smith, the biographer of bishop Cosin, that after
the transfer of the castle by the parliamentary commissioners to sir
Arthur Haslerigg, these chapels were blown up by him with gun-
powder, and their materials re-used in the construction of a newly-built
mansion house. From all which it clearly appears : —
20
VOL. XVIII.
146 THK CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
Firstly, that the present chapel could have nothing whatever to
do with that erected by Beck ; its general design, composed of arcades
and aisles, at once precluding all idea of such a plan ; while the
shafted corbels between the arches, designed to receive the principals
of the original high-pitched roof, prove just as conclusively that no
upper storey ever could have existed there.
Secondly, that independently of any such considerations, the present
chapel occupies an entirely different site, lying as it does to the north,
while the original one was to the south, of the castle ; and
Thirdly, that wherever that chapel stood, it was, beyond all con-
tradiction, destroyed in the seventeenth century, while the present
one remains, as to its ancient features, practically entire and undis-
turbed.
Yet, strange to say, all these indisputable circumstances notwith-
standing, Dr. Raine persisted in identifying the two. Nay more,
we find him even holding the existing building to be that mentioned
in 1271, and which, since its architecture is of a period manifestly
anterior to that of Beck, he imagines that prelate not to have taken
down and rebuilt, but only to have enlarged and beautified. And this,
so far at least as its more ancient parts are concerned, he supposes to
have formed the major, or lower chapel ; the minor, or upper one
having occupied that portion of the fabric now converted into bed-
rooms immediately above, or west of, the present porch of the lower
chapel.
But such a supposition, it is clear, proceeds, and could only proceed,
from an entire misconception of the nature of this class of buildings.
A brief reference to the subject, therefore, may not be out of place,
seeing it is one, generally speaking, but little understood, and in which
the arrangements varied considerably.
In his unfinished essay on the castle or manor-house, the late bishop
Lightfoot assumed, without hesitation, that the chapel at Auckland
would follow closely in that respect those of the episcopal palaces at
Laon and Rheims, and, by consequence, of the Sainte Chapelle at
Paris, and the palace of S. Stephen at Westminster. In all these
instances the two storeys, though of the same superficial extent, were
of very unequal magnitude ; the lower chapels being nothing more or
better than mere undercrofts or crypts, on which the upper and lofty
EXAMPLES OF DOUBLE CHAPELS. 147
chapels proper were erected. They were, moreover, wholly separated
from each other by the intervention of groined stone roofs and floors,
so that service common to both could never be carried on in either.
But this, so far from being the universal, or even general, was only
one form of these double, or compound chapels. Another, met with
occasionally in Germany, differed from it by having both storeys of the
same, or nearly the same, height as well as superficies, so that the one
could in no sense be described as the major, and the other as the minor.
But the chief difference lay in this, that both formed in reality, and
for all practical purposes, but one apartment in which service performed
at either the upper or lower altar could be heard and joined in by two
congregations —so to say — at the same time. This result was arrived
at by dividing both storeys into central, side, and end aisles ; vaulting
only the latter in the lower one ; and leaving the central space between
the two open. The pillars and arches of the upper chapel, which were
placed immediately above those of the lower one, carried not only, like
them, a second set of aisle vaults, but a central one, common to both
at the same level, as well. In other words, the two chapels might
be said to be connected by a well floor.
One of the most interesting buildings of this class, perhaps, is the
church of Schwartz Rheindorf, dedicated in the year 1151. The under
church, though nearly, is not quite as lofty as the upper one ; while
the opening in the floor of the latter though somewhat small, is yet
sufficient for those present in both to hear the service in whichever of
them it might be performed. In castle chapels, where this arrange-
ment is common, the upper storey seems to have been occupied by the
noblesse, the lower by their retainers, as in England generally, and,
doubtless, here at Auckland. There is a chapel of this kind in the
castle of Eger, and another and very beautiful one of the twelfth
century in that of Landsberg near Halle. One of the most beautiful
of all, however, is that at Friburg on the Unstrutt, where the exquisite
capitals and perfect finish of every part are very remarkable.
But this, so far as I know, was a method never followed in Eng-
land. Here, practically, a similar end was achieved by a far simpler
and homelier process. Instead of a series of aisles and vaults, two
ordinary rooms, one above the other, were planned to open into a third
and shorter one, but which equalled the two in height, at one end.
148
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
This third, short and lofty room formed the chancel, and contained
the altar common to them both. As the floors of the lower room and
WABKWORTH CASTLE.
View of Chapel looking east. Corbels for beams of floors of upper Chapel are shewn
in the foreground, with entrance doorway over.
chancel were on the same level, and might, therefore, naturally be held
to form one chamber, the lower was consequently spoken of as the
CHAPEL, EAST HENDRED, ETC.
149
major, or great chapel ; the upper, which, in effect, was only a sort of
west gallery — the minor, or lesser one. This last, however, it should
be observed, was invariably appropriated to the use of the lord and his
family ; and hence, probably, the explanation of that strange craze for
galleries in parish churches which took so firm a hold on the imagina-
tion of church-goers during the last and preceding centuries.
Interesting examples of chapels thus constructed may still be seen,
among others, in ruins, at Wark worth, and in use, at Berkeley castle.
Another, formerly belonging to the old manor-house of East Hendred,
EAST HENDRED MAVOR HOUSE.
Longitudinal section of Chapel, shewing raised altar platform, and upper and lower
Chapels, with their respective screens.
Berkshire, has now been destroyed, but of this I am also — thanks to
a view of it having been taken in due time — able to offer an illus-
tion.
That Beck's chapel was constructed on the same system cannot,
from the several notices of it that have come down to us, be doubted.
A knowledge of it not only might, but probably would, have saved Dr.
Raine from very serious misunderstandings, both as to the actual
150 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
chapel and Cosin's words respecting it. But thoroughly confusing two
wholly separate and distinct buildings, he goes on to tell us that the
statement of bishop Cosin, 'in his own handwriting,' that he
had ' erected a fine new chapel, the former having been, along
with the Castle, almost utterly destroyed by the ravinous sacrilege of
Sir Arthur Haslerigg,' is positively contradicted by the chapel itself,
which in its great lending characteristics is essentially in the same state
in which it was left by bishop Beck in 1310. And then, thoroughly
satisfied on this head, and before proceeding to describe the building,
he warns us that he must at once ' not only deprive Bishop Gosin
of the credit of its total re-edification, but in pointing out the works
for which alone he is answerable, specify the little which he did, and
the bad taste in which that little was executed.'
Had Dr. Raine but steadily kept in view the established facts of the
original chapel's having occupied an entirely different site, and of its abso-
lute annihilation before Cosin came to the see ; and had he only known,
as it is perfectly clear he did not know, what the actual arrangement
of such double chapels as that at Auckland was ; he would never have
committed the mistake of transferring it from one side of a quad-
rangle to the other, or confusing a one-storeyed secular building
with a two-storeyed ecclesiastical one. And further, had he only
paid attention to the words actually used by the great prelate whose
life he was writing, instead of suggesting others which he never used
at all, he would have escaped the odium of attaching to them a mean-
ing which they neither did, nor were ever intended to, convey.
When Cosin, as he himself tells us, set about the restoring of
'our Episcopal Castles and in them especially our Chappels and
some other places and buildings adjoining destined for public uses
(all which indeed we found almost quite destroyed either by violence
of the times, or the neglect and malice of men) that they might be
duly repaired as soon as1 possible, and where necessary rebuilded,'
Beck's chapel, with which— having long officiated in it as chaplain —
he was perfectly well acquainted, had long ceased to exist.
Repairs, therefore, being quite out of the question, nothing but the
other process of rebuilding remained open to him. But how ? Not,
as Dugdale erroneously supposes, with the materials of the old chapel
collected out of Haslerigg's new mansion in which they had been built
CONSECRATION BY BISHOP COSIN. " 151
up, and which the bishop caused to be in its turn demolished ; for it
was not pulled down till the present chapel was nearly, if not quite,
finished. Nor yet on the same site, as Dr. Raine just as erroneously
supposes, but on quite a different one. In what sense then must Dr.
Basire, who, in his funeral sermon on the bishop, declared that : — ' He
did erect a goodly Chappel in the Castle of Auckland ; ' and Smith,
who in his Life of Cosin, writes: — 'Sacellum Aucklandiae flagrante
rebellione Parliamentaria pulvere pyrio eversum, e fundamentis
extruxit ;' and lastly the bishop himself, who simply says that he ' had
erected a fine new chapel,' be understood ? "Why, just in the simple
and natural sense which was present to the minds of the writers, and
in which all who either heard or read their words understood them at
the time. The ancient chapel being gone and a new one urgently
needed, the bishop at once proceeded to provide it in the fittest and
readiest way possible by utilising the remains of the hall, out of which,
by means of such great and costly additions as altogether transformed
its general character and appearance, he 'erected' — as, without the
least thought of deception, he tells us — ' a fine new Chappel.' Not a
syllable, be it noted, does the bishop say of ' total re- edification ' — ideas
and words which are Dr. Raine's alone— nor anything, in short, beyond
the literal and exact fact that he had 'erected' a new chapel, i.e.,
partly out of what had, till then, not been a chapel at all, and partly
out of work altogether new.
And both these statements are borne out and corroborated by Dr.
Basire when he says that not only did the bishop ' erect a goodly chapel,
but consecrated the same himself on St. Peter's day' — a ceremony
which, had it, as Dr. Raine supposes, been the original major chapel of
the castle, would have been quite uncalled for.
And even Smith's assertion that ' sacellum — pulvere pyrio eversum,
e fundamentis extruxit,' is capable of a perfectly correct, though very
different, meaning from that more sweeping and comprehensive one
which Dr. Raine attributes to it. For he neither says, nor means to
say, that the entire chapel was raised up new from the foundations ;
but simply that, while wholly new as a chapel, a considerable part of it
had been so raised. Which was exactly the case, not only as regards
the whole of the clearstoreys, roofs, windows, turrets, battlements, and
pinnacles, but of the entire south side and east and west ends as well —
152 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
the only parts, that is to say, which are either generally seen or
accessible.
But Dr. Raine's error, and that of his contemporaries, indefensible
as it may be, is yet far from inexcusable. Historians — so he would
seem to have argued — might blunder, and bishops brag, while biogra-
phers abetted and backed them up ; but there was the building itself—
not merely a church in actuality, but so ' like a church,' that it could
never, conceivably, have been anything else, belieing them all flatly.
It was just that fatally deceptive likeness, conjoined with contempt of
history, which — knowing as they did nothing about two-storeyed chapels
or aisled halls — led them to as thoroughly false conclusions respecting
it, as did similar circumstances, the late Sir Gilbert Scott, in respect to
the date and authorship of S. Cuthbert's church at Darlington. In
both cases the contemporary written evidences were contemptuously set
aside : in both, the structural evidences, unexamiued and ignored.
vi r.
We come now at length to a detailed examination of the hall
certainly commenced, and— so far as its present remains go — all but
as certainly completed, by bishop Pudsey ; the first step, possibly, as
at Itaby, towards a contemplated rebuilding of the entire manor, of
which it not only was, but must ever after have continued, the grandest
and most conspicuous feature. In striking contrast to his earlier
castle hall, or halls, at Durham, its leading characteristics were
spaciousness and grace. Eighty-five feet in length by forty-eight
in breadth internally, it was divided by four admirably arranged
but unequal bays into a central and two side aisles, the first measur-
ing, from centre to centre of the columns, twenty-four feet, the latter
twelve, or exactly half. Though unequally spaced, the bays through-
out on either side correspond exactly with those opposite, the first
to the west having a diameter between the shafts of twenty feet one
inch ; the next of seventeen feet two and a half inches ; the following
of seventeen feet ; and the easternmost of twenty feet. A further
diversity of effect was produced by the use of different materials,
Frosterley marble being introduced in varying proportions throughout.
In the corbelled western responds stone alone is used. In the first
detached western columns the alternate shafts, entire bases, central
DETAILED EXAMINATION. 153
bands, and capitals are of marble. In the central columns, with
the exception of the capitals, the same. In the eastern columns
the shafts, though again alternately of stone and marble, have no
bands but only marble bases, with a marble capital to the south ;
while the eastern responds, which are not corbelled off like those
to the west but descend to the ground, are of stone only. This
inferiority of material, as well as greater simplicity of detail which
accompanies it, is explained by the fact not only that the east was
the lower, or kitchen end of the hall, but that it was in a large
measure shut off by the screens. The arrangement, it is clear, forms
in itself, if such were needed, another, if minor, proof that the building
could never originally have been meant for a chapel.
As to the original height and pitch of the roof there is nothing
now to show ; but, as happened universally in the case of churches,
the ridge would pretty certainly coincide more or less exactly with
that of the existing clearstorey. It was, however, certainly of con-
tinuous or compass form, i.e., embracing nave and aisles in a single
span, and would therefore descend considerably lower down the aisle
walls than do their present roofs, which are nearly flat. Moreover,
as the beautiful shafted corbels show, we learn that, like that at
Hartlepool, it was constructed with principals, and not as in some
other cases— at Darlington for instance — with continuous rafters.
But beyond this, save that it was covered externally with slates,
and provided with leaden gutters, which prove that it did not over-
hang the outer walls like that at Oakham, but had parapets as at
Lincoln and Winchester, and that it had a louvre in the centre, we
know nothing.
Nor can anything now be said as to its lighting, beyond the fact
that, in addition to its side windows, there was also a small one,
probably above another of much larger size, at the west end.16 One
very curious and interesting fact, however, has been preserved to us
u As will be seen later on, that at the west end was a very small thing, little
if at all better than a mere ventilating hole, and an insertion of the fourteenth
century. There would, however, pretty certainly be a window of some sort,
circular or otherwise, in the eastern gable, above the kitchen roof from the first.
At Winchester, in a similar position, there was a small triplet. But the gable
windows of halls during both the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were
features not only deemed important, but on which considerable attention was
bestowed, as numerous royal writs still extant serve to show.
"I
154 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
by Dr. Raine, which otherwise would never be suspected, and that
is that, until the days of bishop Van Mildert, who executed many
repairs in it, the floors of the side aisles were two steps below that
of the central one, an arrangement which must have lent the latter
an immensely enhanced dignity. But beyond these few facts we
know very little. The complete destruction or obliteration of every
feature of the original work, as well as of such alterations and modifi-
At Wells, the gables of bishop Jocelin's new palace (1205-1244) were occupied
by large bold quatrefoils above the double two-light windows. In the fine hall of
Penshurst Place, a licence to crenellate which was granted in 15th Edward II.
(1321), and which, with its roof, is all of one period, there are three small
windows in the gables within the roof ; the lower, of four lights, being adapted
to the sweep of the arched principals, while the two other and smaller ones,
eachjof two lights above it, are so arranged as to allow the king-post to be exactly
fitted in between them.
Of special interest, however, as showing the king's own personal interference
in the subject, are the many orders respecting these details contained in the
Liberate and Close Rolls of Henry III. Thus, we find the king commanding
the keepers of the works at Woodstock — ' to pull down the four windows which
are in the gable of the hall towards the east, and in their stead make one great
round and becoming window, on high, with glass lights.' — Lib. Roll, 28 Henry
III.
Then, again, the sheriff of Northampton is commanded ' in the window which
is in the gable of the hall (at Yeddington) to make a white glass window with
the image of a king in the middle.' — Same date.
Next year, ' the sheriff of Oxford is ordered to put new glass lights in the
windows of the west gable of the king's hall at Oxford.' — -Lib. Hall, 29 Henry III.
Again, the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex ' is ordered to cause the window in
the king's hall at Guildford towards the west nigh the dais (the gable window)
to be filled with white glass lights, so that in one-half of that glass window there
be made a certain king sitting on a throne, and in the other half a certain queen
likewise sitting on a throne. Reading, February 3.' — Lib. Roll, 30 Henry III.
The sheriff of Kent is also ' commanded to make in the hall of the king's
castle at Rochester, in the northern gable, two glass windows, one having the
shield of the king and the other the shield of the late count of Provence.' — Lib.
Roll, 31 Henry III.
The bailiff of Woodstock, again, is commanded to ' put two windows of white
glass in the gable of our hall, barred with iron.'
The constable of Marlborough is also ordered ' to make a great round window
over the king's seat (at the gable end) in the great hall there.' — Lib. Roll, 35
Henry III.
Then, again, ' The sheriff of Northampton is commanded to make a certain
glass window in the king's hall at Northampton, with the figures of Lazarus and
Dives painted in the same, opposite the king's dais (i.e., in the gable facing it),
which may be closed and opened. Merton, Jan. 8.' — Lib. Roll, 37 Henry III.
In addition to all which we have the justices of Ireland directed — ' to cause
to be built in Dublin castle a hall containing one hundred and twenty feet in
length and eighty feet in width, with sufficient windows and glass casements,
after the fashion of the hall at Canterbury ; and they are to make in the gable
over the dais a round window thirty in circumference, and also to paint over the
same dais a king and a queen sitting with their baronage. Bordeaux, April 24.' —
Close Roll, 27 Henry III.
The fine circular traceried windows in the gables of the palace halls at S.
David's, and in that, now destroyed, of the bishops of Winchester at Southwark,
are too well known from engravings to need further notice. The object, or at
DETAILS OF THE NORTH SIDE. 155
cations of it as might have been, and no doubt were, introduced in
later days by bishop Cosin in his general rebuilding of the south side
in 1662, has deprived us of many evidences, not only interesting in
themselves, but largely explanatory of the primitive arrangements.
Among the most salient of these would probably be that universal
and important feature, the porch. This adjunct, which was often
richly groined in stone, besides serving to shelter the chief entrance
to the hall, had very commonly a chamber over it as well, from which,
when so minded, the lord could view all who either came or went
at his leisure. As it was always placed behind or * in ' the screens,
however, its position only is known in the present instance, and
nothing more. The conversion of the building into a chapel, of
course, rendered its further continuance not only useless but impos-
sible. But if this, the front, door has perished, the back, or servant's
door which, as usual in such cases, was exactly opposite at the other end
of the passage, remains and, though blocked, perfect. Like all, or all
but all, of the earlier external features, it is to be discovered on the north
side. As the opening is built up level with the surface of the wall,
it is therefore impossible to say anything of its details, if such exist,
but it exhibits jambs six feet seven inches wide and five feet eight
inches in height to the springing of the arch, which is obtusely
pointed. Eastward, but closely adjoining it, is another and smaller
doorway, also blocked, only four feet wide, and whose sill is no less
than six feet six inches above the basement or earth table. This led
directly to the music gallery above the screens, and the marks of the
weathering overhead show that it was formerly sheltered by a pentice.
West of the doorways the walls, which remain as in Cosin's days,
show marks of window openings in pretty well all directions both
above and below, but nothing, so far as I have been able to make
out, which gives us any clue either to the position or dimensions of
those originally pertaining to them.16
least one of the chief objects, of their presence must undoubtedly have been to
light up the timbers of the high roofs in which they were placed, and which must,
otherwise, have remained in semi-darkness. Such would, quite certainly, have
been the case at Auckland.
18 At a distance of about seven feet beneath the sill of the second window
from the east is that of another and somewhat wider one, eight feet eleven inches
in diameter, and four and a half feet only above the level of the earth-table.
Another similar one also occurs beneath that of the westernmost window, having
a diameter of eight feet eight inches, and set at a level of five feet ten inches above
156 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
But, by far the most striking and important features are the lofty
and well-proportioned buttresses which extend from end to end.
These, it is perfectly plain, formed no part of the original building,
but are additions of the time of Beck ; and their presence serves to
solve some very interesting, and hitherto unexplained, historical and
architectural problems. First among them comes that somewhat
precise and positive assertion of Dugdale that Beck built the hall,
with its pillars of black marble speckled with white. Now, though
such assertion, if taken au pied de la lettre would, of course, be still
more inaccurate than the counter one, made in after times, that it was
built by Cosin, one can still hardly escape the conviction that there
must have been some sort of foundation for it in fact. He was
certainly not the man to invent such a statement ; and, if not true in
an absolute and unqualified sense, there might yet very well be one, or
more than one, in which it was so. What, and how well grounded,
that was, these buttresses remain to show. For just as their
projection and outline declare them to belong to Beck's period, so
does their great height, the fact that the walls they were erected to
sustain were then raised far above their former level, and that the
building generally, therefore, was recast well nigh as completely by
Beck in the first instance, as by Cosin in the second. And hence,
and not unnaturally, the attribution to him, in after ages, of the entire
work. But that is not all : they explain far more than this. For
they serve to connect those two famous prelates in a way which is not
only very curious, but one which has never yet been even so much as
suspected. No ordinarily attentive architectural student, I think, in
his examination of the present chapel can fail to have been struck
with the very marked and striking contrast which exists between the
the earth-table. Both are closely blocked, so that it is impossible to come to any
certain conclusion aoncerning them. From their breadth and the low level at
which they are placed, they might seem to have been insertions for extra light or
air. or both, effected by some one or other of Cosin's more or less immediate pre-
decessors, while the building was yet a hall, and before its conversion into a
chapel. But one thing at least is certain, viz., that they are nut, as stated by the
author of The Cttunty of Durk/rni,etc.., the original, undisturbed sills of Hatfield's
windows which, in every other case, were taken out and set at a higher level by
Cosin. leaving the rest of the jambs and tracery undisturbed ; since the entire
masonry of the actual windows is, as the mouldings show, of Cosin's date, pure
and simple. Besides, were it even otherwise, those lower sills and jambs could
never, by any possibility, have formed parts of the windows overhead, as they
are of a different and considerably greater width.
DIFFERENCE OF STYLES IN WINDOWS. 157
character of the windows of the aisles and gables of it, and those of
the clearstorey. Although seen in a setting of palpably seventeenth-
century date, the character of the one, in spite of its surroundings, is
as distinctly that of the pure fourteenth-century Geometrical Gothic,
as is that of the other of the mixed, or bastard, seventeenth century
Gothic. The last, interesting, and indeed excellent, as they are in
their way, are altogether the product and outcome of the revived
mediaeval taste of the age to which they belong : the first, though
with some few and faint traces of that age, in all essential particulars,
entirely distinct and alien from it. The one, that is, presents us with
the general ideas of Gothic tracery prevailing in Cosin's days ; the
other, on the contrary, with close, and marvellously exact copies of
certain early and particular instances of it, which Cosin's architect
had immediately before his eyes. Now, the buttresses and raised
walls show us, with sufficient clearness, both for what purpose they
were built, and where it was that those originals, of which we now see
the copies, were found. As throughout nearly every parish church in
the county — Darlington, Sedgefield, Staindrop, Hartlepool, Brancepeth,
and Barnard Castle for example— the low side walls of Pudsey's hall
were evidently raised in order that windows of a larger size might be
inserted in them, and the building consequently receive more light
than the limited dimensions of the originals would allow. Since the
windows then were contemporaneous with the walls raised specially to
receive them, and with the buttresses built to sustain their increased
height, they must have been of Beck's time too, that is to say of the
Geometrical style of the early part of the fourteenth century. And
it is precisely this style of tracery, altogether different from
that of Cosin's, or any other time, that these windows display.
The inference, I think, is irresistible, viz., that Cosin's architect,
finding Beck's windows, though probably decayed, still actually
in position, saved himself all further trouble in designing new,
and as they would doubtless have proved, very inferior ones, by
simply copying them with a minute, and almost literal, exact-
ness. And thus we see how — little as one might imagine it
at first sight — this comparatively hidden and out of the way range
of buttresses, serves to vindicate the works of the bishop, and the
words of the historian, at the same time.
158 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
VIII.
But, a recent writer on the subject, in a work entitled The County
of Durham, its Castles, Churches, and Manor Houses, takes a different
view. In two passages of considerable length and confidence, he thus
expresses himself: — ' AJthough we have no record of works carried out
by Bishop Hatfield in the castle of Auckland beyond those which occur
in the solitary bailiff's roll for the fifth year of his episcopate, there can
be little doubt that here, as at Durham, his works would be of an
extensive character. Indeed we can have no hesitancy in saying that
as he is known to have greatly altered the great hall at Durham built
by Bek, so at Auckland he made considerable changes in the hall built
by Pudsey. The windows in the side walls, and at the east end of the
aisles, are unmistakably of his period. The same may be said of the
window at the west end of the nave, but that at its east end has, with-
out doubt, been greatly tampered with ' (p. 484). And then
a little further on : ' The first important changes made in the
great hall were effected, there can be little doubt, by Bishop
Hatfield. The whole of the tracery of the existing windows, with
the exception of that of the great east window and the clerestory
windows, is distinctly of his period. Fortunately we have documentary
evidence to show that Hatfield inserted the existing windows. Only
one roll of receipts and payments of this bishop's bailiff for the manor
of Auckland has been preserved, but from this we .learn that in
1349-50 a new stone window was erected in the west end of the hall,
and that glass windows were bought during the same year for this and
the rest of the windows of the hall. From the way in which these glass
windows are mentioned there can be little doubt that, in accordance
with the practice of the period, they were movable glazed frames, which
could be taken out and stored away when " my lord " was from home.
But had the bailiff 's roll for the preceding and following years existed we
should undoubtedly have found entries accounting for the erection of
the windows in the side walls, and at the east end, all of which are
clearly of the same general character as the one at the west end.
Although the windows in the side walls are of Hatfield's period, not
more than two of them retain their original proportions
The sills were raised by Cosin.' (Ibid. 494.)
AISLE WINDOWS OF NORTH SIDE. 159
More numerous or considerable mistakes, however, than are con-
tained in the above extracts could hardly, I think, be compressed into
the like compass. They comprise, as will be seen, no fewer than four
distinct allegations. First, that bishop Hatfield made similar altera-
tions in the hall at Auckland to those which he carried out in that at
Durham. Secondly, that the existing windows are not merely in the
style of his day, but those actually inserted by him. Thirdly, that the
present west window is that referred to in the account roll of 1349, the
cost of which in masonry, iron work, and glazing is all set out there in
detail ; and, fourthly, that these windows of the aisles which were
erected by Hatfield were fitted originally with wooden glazed frames,
and, with two exceptions, had their sills raised by Cosin. "Well, let us
now bring these allegations to the test of critical enquiry, and see how
far they can sustain it.
In the first place then, as regards the style of the work. Bishop
Hatfield ruled from 1345 to 1381, and his fifth year, to which the
works here are assigned, would consequently fall in 1349, when the
flowing Pointed style, if not already past, was, to say the very least, at
its zenith. But the type of the tracery found in these windows is not
that of the flowing Pointed period at all, but of the strictly Geometrical
period, which ceased some thirty years previously. This fact alone,
therefore, is quite sufficient to dispose of the first of these propositions.
And the second, viz., that the windows seen to-day are the originals
actually set up by him, is refuted still more conclusively by the witness
of their masonry which, throughout its whole extent is that, not of the
fourteenth, or even fifteenth, or sixteenth centuries, but of the seven-
teenth, as the most cursory examination of it suffices to show clearly.
Thirdly, that the present west window which is adduced as fixing the
date and authorship, not only of itself, but of all the rest along with it,
has absolutely nothing whatever to do with that mentioned in the roll
of 1349, may also be understood, at once, by simply comparing it with
the cost of that historical insertion. What the size and general char-
acter of the latter were may be gathered from the fact that its masonry
cost less than half a crown, or about forty-six shillings of our money.
And then, as appears further, it was not, after all, an original one, for
the account runs : — ' To a mason making a stone window anew at the
west end of the hall by agreement for himself and his servant 2s 3£d.'
] 60 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
The strong iron bars and clasps for it came only to two shillings and
sixpence, and the glass needed for filling it, and repairing that in
all the other hall windows as well, to but forty shillings.
But the actual window — instead of being a mere small lighting and
ventilating aperture, such as that mentioned in the account roll of
1349 must necessarily have been — is a large one of four lights, filled
with richly moulded net tracery, the cost of which, so far from being
covered by less than fifty shillings, would amount to between twice and
thrice as many pounds. As to the fourth allegation, that these windows
of Hatfield's were fitted originally with glazed wooden frames ; were this
so, and the windows themselves those actually built by him, as alleged,
then the channels or recesses for their reception would remain to bear
witness to the fact, but nothing of the kind is to be seen in any one of
them.
Not to Hatfield then, as is clear, but to Beck, to whom existing
remains and historic record alike bear witness, must the first great
alteration of the hall be referred ; just as to Gosin, the preservation, not
of the material stonework, but the patterns only of the window traceries.
A full and particular examination of these must be deferred, however, to
a later page, when we come to speak of the second and far greater altera-
tions effected by that prelate on his once more changing, not its aspect
only, but its character, by transforming it from a hall into a chapel.
Of its general details, fittings, or accessories between Beck's time
and Cosin's, as between Pudsey's and Beck's, we know nothing of any
moment ; yet the few scanty and scattered notices that have come down
to us have their interest, and cannot be passed by. The first thing we
learn about it, from the account roll of Peter de Midrigg in the fourth
year of Richard de Bury's pontificate, 1337-1338, is that it had gutters
which needed repair both in lead and shingles (cindulis). This entry
proves that, if not from the first, yet from Beck's time at any rate, it
was, like the great halls of Winchester, Wells, Lincoln, and the some-
what later, but exceedingly fine and unaisled one at Penshurst,
provided with parapets. Further charges for 1,500 shingles or boards
and 4,000 ' brodds ' in the same year show further that, as might be
expected, the roof was boarded above the rafters ; while a still further
one of thirteen shillings and fourpence to Walter, the glazier, for re-
pairing the glass u-indows in the gable of the hall, together with
COLOURING OF HALL AND CHAPEL. 161
another of twenty-three pence for ' barres wegges and iron nails for that
work,' show that more than one such window, at any rate, was in exist-
ence eleven years before Hatfield's repairs of that at the west end — on
which so wonderful a theory has been founded — were undertaken.
Then, the next thing we learn from the roll of Roger de Tikhill, in
the fifth year of bishop Hatfield (1349-1350), and which immediately
follows the entry of the repairs of the little gable window already
mentioned, is this : — ' For whitewashing the hall by my Lord's order,
3s.' This piece of information, slight as it is, is not without interest,
for the coat of whitewash laid on then, remains still. With many
other such like, and successive coats, it helps to make up the lowest
strata which underlie sundry others of darker hue and later date, and
which, after divers pickings and scrapings, serve to give in part to
the arches, but more especially to the corbels at the west end, a
resemblance to the Frosterley marble of certain of the shafts and caps,
so close as completely to deceive, at a little distance, even the most
careful eye. This piece of deception, the result of pure accident,
has, of course, only been achieved in recent days.
Hatfield's coat, however, which contributed to lead up to it, was
doubtless merely the continuation of a practice which had obtained
all along, and was handed on to the time of Cosin. With sundry modi-
fications, it was the common way of treating all wall surfaces, even those
of the royal halls and chapels.17 Whatever other kind of decoration
" What an entire ignorance of ancient ideas and practice is displayed in the
modern outcry against plaster and whitewash as being barbarisms of recent
introduction, and especially chargeable against churchwardens of the Georgian
period, is shown in the clearest way by the Liberate Rolls of that highly
cultured and art-loving king — Henry III. His own personal directions in the
matter as applied to the various royal residences, and their principal apartments,
can hardly fail to be read with interest. How completely at variance the views
of his days and ours, generally, on the subject were and are, let the following
extracts show : —
' The king to the constable of the Tower of London. We order you to cause
the walls of our queen's chamber, which is within our chamber, at the aforesaid
Tower, to be whitewashed and pointed, and within those pointings to be painted
with flowers.'— Lib. Poll, 23 Henry III.
' The king to the keepers of the works of the Tower of London. We
command you to cause our great chamber in the same tower to be entirely
whitewashed and newly painted.' — Lib. Roll, 24 Henry III.
The king to the same. ' We command you to cause all the leaden gutters of
the great tower to be carried down to the ground ; so that the wall of the said
tower, which has been newly whitewashed, may be in no wise injured by the
dropping of rain water. And also whitewash the whole chapel of St. John the
Evangelist in the same tower. And whitewash all the old wall around our
aforesaid Tower.' — Lib. Roll, 25 Henry III.
VOL. xviii. 22
162 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
might be superimposed, it would seem, almost invariably, to have formed
the groundwork. Sometimes stencilled patterns representing ashlar-
' The sheriff of Dorset and Somerset is ordered to cause the tower of the castle
of Corfe to be pargeted with mortar where needful, and to whitewash the whole
of it externally.' — Lib. Roll, 28 Henry III. A similar order also was issued to the
constable to ' whitewash the keep of Rochester castle in those places where it
was not whitewashed before.'
' The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to repair the wall of the king's chamber
at Clarendon externally with mortar, and to whitewash it.'— Lib. Roll, 28
Henry III.
' The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to stop up and repair the crevices in
the new tower in the king's castle at Winchester, and to whitewash that tower
inside and out.' — Lib. Roll. 30 Henry III.
' The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you to whitewash our
great hall at Clarendon.'— Lib. Roll, 33 Henry III.
' The king to the mayor and bailiffs of Bristol. We command you to let glass
windows be made in the chapel of St. Martin, and lengthen three of the windows
of the same chapel, to wit, two in the chancel and one in the nave, that it may
be better lighted ; and let it be whitewashed throughout.' — Lib. Roll, 34
Henry III.
'John de Haneberg is commanded to crenellate the queen's chapel at Wood-
stock, to wainscote and whitewash the same chapel.'
' The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you to cause the new
chamber within the park at Clarendon to be whitewashed and bordered.'
' The king to the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex. We command you to
strengthen the wall of the castle of Guildford with buttresses and underpinning,
and whitewash it ; and repair the lead on the tower, and whitewash the same
tower.' — Lib. Roll, 35 Henry III.
' The bailiffs of Feckenham are commanded to whitewash the king's chamber
and the queen's chamber.'
' The king to the sheriff of Nottingham. We command you to cause to be
painted before the altar in our chapel a certain tablet, etc., and in the passage
make wooden windows, etc., and wainscote the wardrobe in the queen's chamber ;
and cause to be painted in the chapel of St. Catherine, before the altar a tablet
and above the altar another with the '; history " of the same virgin, and paint the
judgment to be dreaded in the gable of the same chapel ; and whitewash that
chamber, wardrobe and chapel on every side and point them lineally.' — Lib.
Roll, 36 Henry HI.
' The sheriff of Nottingham is ordered to whitewash the king's chamber at
Clipstone.'— Lib. Roll, 36 Henry III.
' The bailiff of Gillingham is commanded to make a new wardrobe, with a
privy-chamber, to the great chamber towards the kitchen, with a chimney to
the same chamber ; to whitewash and illuminate the whole chamber, and to
wainscote, whitewash and illuminate the chamber of Edward the king's son.'
' The king to the bailiff of Havering. We command you to plaster and
whitewash our queen's wardrobes.' — Lib. Roll, 37 Henry III.
'The sheriff of Surrey and Sus-ex is ordered to whitewash the king's hall at
Guildford within and without; and to whitewash and quarry the king's
chamber ; to paint the ceiling in the same of a green colour becomingly
stencilled with gold and silver ; to whitewash within and without the king's
chapel, the queen's chapel and chamber, and the queen's great wardrobe.' — Lib.
Roll, 40 Henry II F.
' The king to the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex. We order you to whitewash
and wainscote the chamber over the chancellor's bed at Guildford. Whitewash
and repair where needful, the tower of our castle there, and repair and white-
wash the walls of the baily of the same castle.'— Lib. Roll, 41 Henry III.
It may not be without interest to note in this connection that, besides the
interior of the hall, the exterior of the parish church of S. Andrew was also
certainly in former times whitewashed.
CHAMBERS USUALLY WHITEWASHED. 163
work, with borders of foliaged or other ornament ; sometimes, though
rarely, pictorial panels containing scriptural, historical, legendary,
or mythological subjects, helped, as in churches, to break the dreary
uniformity, and give life and colour to the scene.18 Whitewash, pure
and simple, nevertheless, answered well enough for ordinary occasions ;
and when the lord happened to be in residence — for he travelled about
habitually from one manor to another — then its stark nakedness was
covered with some one or other of the various sets of ' ballings,' which
were either kept in store, or sent on with him in his migration from
place to place. If those of Beck at all corresponded in costly
splendour with his historic saddle cloths, and the vestments pertaining
to his chapel, as doubtless — considering they were his private property,
and not, like the hall itself, that of the see — would naturally be the
case, they must have been of a very sumptuous sort indeed. But
nothing is certainly known of them. Of some of Hatfield's hangings,
18 That these painted decorations were similar in kind to those of the other
chief apartments, of which divers notices occur, can hardly be doubted. A few,
however, among those mentioned as actually occurring in some of the royal
halls may be instanced. Thus, at Winchester, ' a map of the world ' was
painted on the wall. Among other subjects not specified in the hall at Wood-
stock was a ' certain chequer-board ' containing this verse : —
' Qui non dat quod amat, non accepit ille quod optat ; '
and a similar verse : —
' Ke ne dune Ke ne tune, ne prent Ke desire '
was painted also on the gable of the king's great chamber at Westminster.
In the hall at Winchester the paintings above the dais were to be renewed
and repaired, the heads on the dais of the king's great hall there to be painted
and gilded, and the ' pictures on the doors and windows ' to be ' renewed.'
At Ludgershall 'the history of Dives and Lazarus' was to be painted 'in
the gable opposite the dais.'
In the great hall at Northampton ' the history of Lazarus and Dives ' was
ordered to be painted ' in a certain glass window opposite the king's dais.'
The hall at Guildford also contained the same subject in the same position,
where, as in the two preceding instances, it was pictured in obedience to the king's
special order.
The sheriff of Southampton was ordered to make, among other other things,
' a figure of St. George on the wall, in the entry of the hall ' at Winchester,
and to renovate the windows which were painted with the king's arms.
The sheriff of Surrey was also commanded ' to make at the head of the
table in the king's hall at Guildford, towards the entry of the king's chamber,
a certain spur of wood ; and to paint there the figure of St. Edward, and the
figure of St. John holding a ring in his hand.'
All the doors and windows of the king's hall and chamber at Winchester
were, again, ordered to be painted with his arms.
The sheriff of Wiltshire was ordered ' to put four Evangelists in the glass
windows of the king's hall ' at Clarendon ; and the sheriff of Southampton ' to
carve and paint an image of St. Edward and place it over the door of the king's
hall ' at Winchester ; while —
At Dublin, over the dais, were to be painted '• a king and a queen sitting
with their baronage.'
164 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
however, though belonging to a bed room rather than to a hall, \ve
have mention in the account of the offerings made to the church at his
funeral. Besides the ' two cloths of gold of a red colour, interwoven
with pelicans and crowns which covered his body,' we read of a ' bed,
having five curtains of purple silk and satin, with images of St. George
the Martyr in armour,' which the sacrist sold to John Lord Nevill, as
they could not be conveniently made into vestments ; and then, of
' eight pieces of tapestry, of woollen of the same bed and colour, inter-
woven with wild men in arms, which the Prior retained in his
chamber for curtains.'
That the hall, whatever its other surface decorations may have
been, was really hung with curtains in addition, is shown by a charge
in a roll of the first year of bishop Dudley (1476-1477), for '200
little hooks to support lez costers in the hall, 3d.' But of these
particular costers or any others, indeed, nothing descriptive has been
recorded. As in all similar structures, its floor, according to custom,
was strewn with rushes ; one of the items in the same roll running —
' Paid to Thomas Hopeland for mowing rushes to strew the hall and
chambers within the manor-house, for 4 days 16d.'
Of the flooring itself, on which, as well for convenience as comfort,
perhaps, these rushes were spread, no mention is made in the scanty
records that have come down to us ; nor should we have known of what
sort it was, but for the discoveries made in connection with the intro-
duction of hot water pipes under bishop Maltby in 1842. In many
cases the flooring of halls, as indeed of certain churches — Hamsterley
for example — could only be described as such on the lucus a non lucendo
system, seeing that, beyond mere beaten earth, they had no existence
at all. Here it was found to have consisted of ' a concrete of lime,
small gravel, and coal-dust,' and it still remains, as is said, at a depth
of eighteen inches beneath the surface. Whether this concrete covering
was ever exposed to view, or, as may possibly have happened, in part at
least, served simply as a foundation for a superficial facing of tiles, or
other material, does not appear ; but as no remains of anything of the
kind seem to have been met with, the concrete alone, it is probable,
formed the only sort of flooring the hall ever knew.19
19 That the floors of poor country churches should, in many cases, consist of
nothing more or better than earth, is hardly to be wondered at when we find
BISHOP'S CHAIR OF STATE. 165
Two other vanished features, more or less intimately connected with
the floor of the hall, and of which mention, either direct or implied,
occurs, should also be mentioned. I mean the bishop's (probably)
fixed chair of state, at the high table, and the brazier or reredos,
which would occupy a raised hearth in its centre.
Of neither, indeed, have we any particulars — merely the fact that
they existed. As to the seat or throne, however, it would doubtless,
like those of king Henry III. in the halls of his many castles and
manors, occupy the central place of the dais at the west end, where the
present doorway has been broken through. In bishop Ruthall's time
the following entry occurs respecting it in the roll of his clerk of
works for the year 1513-14 : — 'For dressyng of my Lord's place in
the holl 5s.' If, as is possible, this dressing referred only to some
substantial or decorative repairs, then the seat, like divers other such
like, may have been one of considerable richness. Thus, among con-
stant orders respecting those in the many royal palaces, we find in the
Liberate Rolls, 34 Henry III., Godfrey de Lyston ordered ' to make a
that such was the case in at least one of the royal chapels, the bailiff of Havering
being ordered ' to wainscote and crest the queen's chapel at Havering, and to
well earth the flooring of the same chapel.'
At Winchester castle, the floor of the same queen's chamber is ordered to be
plastered, perhaps in similar fashion to this at Auckland. The hall there was
ordered to be paved, doubtless with tiles, as in the king's demesne chapel and
oriol at Clarendon ; where also the king's chamber was ordered to be paved with
plain tiles, as well as that of the queen. That the hall at Winchester had pre-
viously had an untiled floor is evident from the fact that its internal decorations,
such as the gilding of the capitals of the column?, and the bosses of the roof had
been executed no less than five years previously. Ten years later, 35th Henry
III., the king's new chapel there was directed to be paved with tiles (this, no
doubt, in the first instance), as were also the king's chamber, and that of the
queen, which were not new, and must consequently, till then, have had floors of
another, and probably inferior, description. The chapel, and the queen's high
chamber at Clarendon, were also ordered to be paved, in the same year, in place
of whatever flooring they had had before.
' The chamber of Edward, the king's son,' at Winchester, again, was ordered
in the 37th of his reign ' to be paved with flat tile,' and the king's chamber, and
that of the queen at Gloucester with tile ; and ' the king's chamber, the queen's
chamber, and all the king's chapels at the manor of Woodstock to be paved,' as
would seem, for the first time, with such material.
In the 41st of the same reign, the upper^tep of the king's hall at Winchester
was ordered to have a pavement of tile, a renewing, perhaps, in better quality of
that which had been laid down sixteen years previously.
The king's new chapel at Woodstock was ordered to be paved (in the first
instance as we may suppose) by the advice of master John of Gloucester, the
king's mason, the chapel of the queen there, which had been built previously,
having a new floor of tiles laid down in it at the same time. The sheriff of
Surrey was also ordered in the •42nd Henry III., 'to pave the king's chapel, the
queen's chapel, the king's chamber, and the queen's chamber ' at Guildford, in
lieu of whatever kind of flooring they had theretofore been provided with.
166 THE CHAPEL OP AUCKLAND CASTl.E :
royal seat at the middle table in the king's hall at Windsor castle, on
which he is to paint the figure of a king holding a sceptre in his hand,
taking care that the seat be becomingly ornamented with gold and
paint.' Again, two years later, the wardens of the works at Woodstock
are directed ' to make a canopy (tabernaculum) above our seat in the
hall, with a royal seat ; ' as is also, in the fifty-fourth of the same reign,
the sheriff of Northampton, ' to complete the chair in the king's hall at
Northampton castle lately begun, and cause it to be carved as the king
enjoined him orally.' Though sometimes movable, chairs of this sort
were also sometimes, as perhaps here, fixed. Such, for instance,
among others, must have been that which in the 29th Henry III.
Edward of Westminster was directed to have ready before Easter in
the great hall there, and respecting which the king wrote to him : —
' As we remember you said to us that it would be little more expensive
to make two brass leopards (that is, lions) to be placed on each side of
our seat at Westminster, than to make them of incised or sculptured
marble, we command you to make them of metal as you said, and
make the steps before the seat aforesaid of carved stone.' In the great
hall of Durham castle, until the days of Fox, who greatly curtailed its
length, the bishops had two such great chairs of state, one at either end,
a most unusual, if not unique, arrangement.
Save that, like the hall it had to warm, the brazier was perhaps
somewhat larger than common, it differed probably in no respect from
such utensils generally. That, like its necessary adjunct, the louvre,
it must have held its place from the beginning, goes, of course, with-
out saying. Of the latter, however, we know, apparently, only how
long it lasted, since the first distinct notice we have on the subject
points clearly to its successor. It occurs in the account roll of William
Cawood, clerk of the works to bishop Dudley, 1480-1, and runs
thus : — ' Paid to John Robson, carpenter (7s), working at the making
of one " lovir " in the hall of the said manor-house, for 14 days at 6d.,
along with 23s 4d paid to Thomas Fisher and his three comrades, car-
penters, at the same work, for 56 days one with another, at 5d., 239 4d.'
The only other mention of it occurs in the days of Cuthbert Tuustall,
in the account roll of whose clerk of works for the year 1543-4, we
read : — ' Payd for on yron band for the lover of the hall, 4d.' Of its
final removal, in bishop Cosin's time, we shall have to speak further on.
PORCHES OF HALLS. 167
Another feature connected with the hall, and forming no unimport-
ant portion of it, which has also, since its transformation, naturally
disappeared, is the porch. It occupied the easternmost bay on the south
side, and would, pretty certainly, as the covering of a principal
entrance through which so many were ever coming and going, be of
becoming size. Of the value attached to these convenient and neces-
sary adjuncts we may judge, as well from existing remains, as from the
frequent reference made to them in the Liberate and Close Rolls.
Thus, in the 23rd Henry III. the sheriff of Southampton is ordered to
make in the castle of Winchester ' two posts before the porch of our
hall, and a certain chain for the same posts,' by way of protection to
it. Then, in the 27th of the same reign, the justices of Ireland are
directed to cause a great hall to be built in Dublin castle of a specified
length and breadth, with 4 a great portal at the entry of the same hall.'
In the year following the keepers of the bishopric of Winchester are
ordered ' to buy four images for the porch of our hall there,' as is also
the bailiff of Woodstock ' to make a door in the aisle of the same hall,
with a great and decent porch ; ' and in the next, the sheriff of Wilt-
shire ' to make one great and becoming porch for the king's hall at
Clarendon.'
All we know about that at Auckland, however, and which goes but
little further than a bare intimation of its existence, is contained in the
following brief entry in the account roll of Tho. Thornburgh, clerk
and surveyor of the works to cardinal Langley, for the year 1422-3 : —
' Paid for 300 (the greater) lattez for the roof above the hall door, 3s.'
Whether such roof came immediately above the doorway, as in the case
of ordinary porches, or whether, as in the case of the parish church of
S. Andrew, the porch was vaulted in its lower stage, and only roofed
above its upper chamber with wood, it would now be idle to enquire.
But chambers in such positions, as at Penshurst, Kent ; Clevedon
Court, Somerset ; Crowhurst, Sussex ; Great Chalfield, Wilts ; Wing-
field manor, Derbyshire ; Winchester and Kenil worth castles ; and the
magnificent episcopal palace of S. David's, were common enough, and
might very well have occurred here too.
Intimately connected both with the hall and porch, was another
accessory feature of which we have only a very brief and late notice,
and that is the laver, In an account of 1584, temp, bishop Barnes,
1 68 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
there appears the following : — ' For two cockes in the laver at the halle
dore, 3s 8d.' The customary place for this useful and appropriate
appendage was inside the porch and hall door, and behind, or within,
the screens. There all, of whatever degree, had an opportunity
afforded them, — which they were expected to turn to account, — of
sitting down to meat — whether with 'pure hearts, and minds unlifted
up to vanity ' or not, at least ' with clean hands."1
One of the earliest of those appliances extant is probably that at
Dacre castle, Cumberland, where it takes the form of a richly moulded
trefoil-headed piscina, with a scalloped bowl, and stone shelf at the
springing of the arch overhead. This last was provided, perhaps,
either for the reception of the towel, or attached metal dish which
contained the water, as in the hall of S. Mary's Guild at Boston,
where the inventory mentions— 'A laver of laten, hangyng with a
cheyne of yron.' A very highly ornamented niche, apparently for the
reception of the towel, and provided with a twisted iron pendant to
hang it on, occurs also, in this connection, at Little TVenham Hall,
Suffolk. But probably the finest, and most elaborate domestic example
of the kind is that at Battle hall, Leeds, Kent — a large and excessively
rich crocketed, ogee-shaped niche, fringed with beautiful hanging
Decorated tracery, and containing a cistern in the shape of a miniature
castle. At the base of this are two lions' heads for the issue of the
water, and in front, a projecting and richly moulded trough for wash-
ing. The very rich and extensive ecclesiastical remains of this nature
at Norwich and Gloucester cathedrals will occur to most of my readers.
But one other of the ancient and lost details of the hall remains
now, I think, to notice — I mean the external covering of its roof.
"What this was in the first instance is, perhaps, doubtful. From the
accounts of shingles or boards for the hall roof contained in the roll
of 1337-8, it might seem uncertain which of the two forms was
intended — that is, shingles, as ordinarily understood, in the shape of
wooden tiles, or an inner lining of planks between them and the
rafters, known technically as sarking. The former constituted a very
general form of roofing, even of the royal manors, down to the
fourteenth century, and may once, therefore, very possibly have been
adopted here. Thus, in the 17th Henry III. the sheriff of Oxford is
ordered — ' to cause the aisles of the great hall at Woodstock to be
ROOFS OP HALLS. 169
unroofed, and re-covered with shingles ; ' in the 23rd, Walter de
Burgh is commanded — ' to roof our Chamber at Kennington, and the
Chamber of our queen there with shingles ; ' and the bailiff of Wood-
stock to cover the small chamber of the great wardrobe with the same
material. In the 25th, again, Paulin Peyvre and I. de Gatesdene,
keepers of the bishopric of Winchester, are directed — ' to roof the
great wardrobe with its pent houses with shingle ; ' and in the 30th,
the bailiff of Kennington, to cover the chambers of the king and queen
with shingles, and to repair the walls of the same chambers. And so
in many instances down to the 44th of the same reign, when the
constable of Marlborough is ordered — ' to remove the shingles from
the roof of the King's great Kitchen and to cover it with stone ;
. . . . and take the thatch off the outer Chamber in the high
tower, and cover it with the shingles of the said Kitchen, and to crest
it with lead.'
But slates and tiles began gradually to supersede these more perish-
able materials ; the former being ordered for the roofing of ' the house
erected in the middle 'of the castle of Winchester; as also for a new
stable for the use of the queen, a certain house for the poultry, another
for the use of the salter, and for all the houses of each court which
were not slated. So, too, Walter de Burgh is ordered to unroof the
king's chamber at Kennington, and afterwards to re-cover it with
good tile, and allowed the cost of tile bought to cover the hall there.
How generally such change w#s effected by the beginning of the
fourteenth century may be seen by the letters patent of Edward II.
granted in 1314 to his mother-in-law, Margaret, queen dowager of
England, which set forth that divers manor-houses and castles which
she held in dower, being greatly in need of repair, they might be
roofed at a less cost with slates, stones, and earthen tiles, than with
wooden shingles. He therefore gives her leave to unroof, and cover
them accordingly, as well as to cut down and sell as many oak and
other trees in the several manors as will pay for the cost of such
repairs. And such a course may, not at all improbably, have been
pursued here at Auckland, since, whatever the primitive covering of
the hall may have been, it is quite certain that in 1543, at any rate —
and how much earlier cannot now be said — it consisted of slates.
Thus, in th/e^account of the clerk of works for that year, we read : —
vnr. YVTTT 2o
170 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
' 1543-4. Manerium de Aivklande. Payd, the 21 day of July, to
John Lockey and his servaunte, ether of them, for working 27 dayes
in dyghting of sklaytis and settyng of them and poyntyng over the
hall, at lld the daye for them boyth, 24s 9d. Paid to Antony
Johnson for working at the sayme 25 dayes, at 6d the day, in toto
12s 6d. Payd William Browne for servyng of them 23 dayes, at 4d
the day, 7s 8d. Payd to 4 women, every of them for 10^ dayes, for
servying of them, and beryng of rubbysshe, 2d the daye, 7s. Paid to
Lancelott Aytis and his son, at 2 tymis, for 10 foder of lyme from
Cornforth, 2s 8d, boyth for the lyme and for the caryage of ever
foder, in toto 26s 8d. Paid to John Somer, for carying of 100 stone
of leyde from Henknoll to Awklande, 4d . . . Payd to the
plumbers for 3 dayes in wirking uppon the hall syde and uppon the
chapell, at 6d the day, 18d. Payd for 6 pounde of sawder that was
spent uppon the sayme, 28. Payd to Kobert Bylloppe for 4400 latte
brodds that was spent of the royf of the hall, at 3d every hundreth,
11s. Payd for 500 duble spyking for the sayme, 3s 4d. . . . Payd
the 23 daye of August John Lockey (13s), Antony Johnson (13s),
William Brown (8s 8d), every of them for wirking 26 dayes in
theking over the hall, the stewerd-chalmer and other placis, at 6d the
daye for ether of 2 of them, and 4d the daye for th'oder, in toto
34s 8d. Payd to Jam is Lockey for wirking at the sayme 26 dayes at
5d, 10s 10d. Payd to 4 women every of them for wirking 26 dayes in
beryng of sande and lyme, and servyng of the sklayters with morter and
stone, at 2d of the daye every of them, 17s 4d. Payd for on woman
for carying of lyme in to the lyme hous, 2d. Payd for a rydle and on
booll for the lyme, 3^d. Payd for sherping of the picks, 17d.'
This slating, which was evidently of a very extensive nature, going
on as it did for nearly a month, would be, if not the first, yet pretty
certainly the last of its kind ; and continue till Cosin, some hundred
and twenty years later on, removing both it and all its supports along
with it, raised those flatter and costlier lead-covered roofs which con-
tinue still.
IX.
And now, after noticing at such length the vanished, it is time
to turn our attention to the surviving, features of this grand twelfth-
century hall. They, happily, far exceed in value any, or ah1, such
ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 170).
Plate XXL
AUCKLAND CHAPEL.
Interior from Organ Gallery, looking E.
(From a photograph by Mr. H. Kilbum of Bishop Auckland.)
TRUE DATE OF THE BUILDING. 171
minor details as are gone, and serve to stamp it still, I do not hesitate
to say, as the noblest surviving example of the domestic architecture
of its day.
The first and most momentous question that confronts us, then,
is as to when, broadly speaking, that day precisely was. And it is
precisely that which has never yet been scientifically entered on, or
answered. The utmost that has hitherto generally been advanced is
the very safe assertion, or conjecture, that the westernmost piers on
either side are of Pudsey's time ; leaving the date of all the rest an
open question, though with the necessary implication, of course, that
they are, or may be, of a different, though unspecified, one. By one
local writer of repute they are said to be of the 'style of Bishop
Pudsey's time, and strongly resemble those in the Galilee at Durham ; '
and by another, that the two clustered piers at Auckland castle in
the chapel, with Transitional volutes, attest his (Pudsey's) probably
unfinished work there.' Mr. Billings, who certainly should have
known better, is content, imagining it, like all others in his day, to
be the ancient chapel, to leave the whole of it to Beck; while the
late bishop Turner, of Grafton and Armidale (then Mr. J. F. Turner,
B.A., of Durham University, an excellent architectural scholar, who
supplied the notes from which Dr. Raine chiefly drew up his description
of the chapel in his work), says only that 'the capitals are of the date
1180-1190, so as to come within the episcopate of Bishop Pudsey, who
built the Galilee at Durham, to which they and their piers bear a strong
resemblance.' And with such halting — and incorrect, as halting —
utterances, enquirers had to rest content. How halting, is obvious
enough ; how incorrect, from the simple and well-known fact that
Pudsey's columns in the Galilee are not of a quadruple form at all,
but of two detached and coupled shafts ; while even the extra ones
inserted by Langley in the fifteenth century are not, like those of
Pudsey here, cut out of the same stones, but merely packed in, tant
bien que mal between the ancient and monolithic ones. Beyond the
single point, however, that one pair of columns, may safely be referred
to Pudsey's days, the writers are afraid to go, judiciously preferring
to let all concerned draw their own conclusions about the rest. What
the true, but much shirked, conclusion is we have still, therefore, to
enquire.
172 ' THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
Now, the first point to which here, as in all like cases, attention
should be directed, is the planning of the building as a whole, in
order to see clearly whether it can be attributed to one mind and
time or not. Had such a course only been followed by those who
from time to time have undertaken to describe the hall, those doubts
and fears which so evidently beset them might very largely, I think,
have been dispersed. A very brief view either of the interior eleva-
tions or ground plan would have sufficed to prove, beyond all contra-
diction, that the planning was the work of a single mind, most
carefully considered and set out from the first. For, though display-
ing considerable irregularity in the proportion of its parts, those
irregularities, so far from being the result of either accident, careless-
ness, or change of plan, are found to be not only perfectly balanced
and symmetrical, but the outcome of the profound&st artistic insight
and constructive skill.
The general planning then, being self -evidently uniform and con-
temporaneous, the next point for examination is that of style, as
exhibited in the mouldings. And further, and in special connection
with the subject of the particular piers referred to, as to how far, if at
all, their details harmonize with, or differ from, those east and west of
them. To this end it will be desirable to begin at the beginning, and
first of all take account of the several bases, premising that those on
either side correspond exactly with their opposites ; the only exception
to this rule being that on the south side the westernmost pier has
leaves at the angles, whereas the northern one is plain.
To put the matter beyond all doubt, I have measured and drawn
the mouldings of all the bases full size ; as well as an entire base — one
of the two westernmost in question — showing the vertical surfaces in
addition to the mouldings, half full size (see plate XXII.). The sub-
bases of the easternmost columns, as also those of the eastern responds
both north and south, it should be said, are, and apparently have long
been, destroyed. There is not the least reason, however, to doubt but
that, like the upper parts, they corresponded as to style exactly with
the rest. A single glance will be enough to show how, differing slightly
in every case as regards the proportion of their members, those
members preserve not only the most perfect unity and identity of
character, but almost of form, throughout. All are evidently designed
ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIll, (to face p. 172).
Plate XXI11.
J. F. H.,
mens. ft del.
CflPOT
EflSTtRN PILLMR
BfiND. WESTERN flRCH
CE.NTRMLFILJL«\
5CflLE OT INCHES
DETAILS OF ARCADES. 173
by one man, and set in their places at one and the same time. All are
of the same cruciform section, and all too, save those of the eastern
responds which, like their columns, are of stone, are of Frosterley
marble.
From the bases we proceed naturally to the piers which they carry.
And here again the designs of all are seen to be alike. In each case
the eastern and western shafts which are united by a hollow neck (see
plate XXIII.) are built in several courses of stone, while those to
the north and south are detached, and in single lengths of marble.
In the western and central piers, all the four shafts are banded at mid-
height with marble bands of the same pattern, the under mouldings of
which are so identical in design with others on the dwarf western
responds as to show, in addition to the bases, that all are of one date
in these particulars also. The easternmost piers and their responds
which, unlike the western ones, descend to the ground, are not banded;
the latter being also wholly of stone. The reason of this diminished
richness of design and material has nothing whatever to do, as some
.have supposed, with any difference of date, which the bases have shown
could not be the case, but simply with the fact of their connection with
the screens in which they were both more or less incorporated.
And now, after comparing bases, bands, and shafts, we come, in
the next place, to the capitals. Of these, but two on each side, viz.,
those of the western responds and pillars are foliated, the rest simply
moulded. And the first point to be noted in the whole of these is the
strict and close resemblance, amounting to practical identity of design
which, notwithstanding a constant difference in proportion, exists in
the abaci of the four central and western ones (see plate XXIV., figs. 2,
3, and 5) ; those of the western reponds (fig. 1), which differ from
them very slightly in section, doing so not at all in style any more
than those of the eastern capitals and responds (fig. 4). That these
last, as well as their capitals, should be both plainer and smaller than
the others, which adjoined the dais, is due simply to the inferiority of
their position.
But, apart from their abaci, the capitals themselves, strictly so
called, remain to be examined. And it must be admitted that the con-
trast presented by the two often quoted western ones, not only to the
rest, but to all the other sculptured foliage in the corbels, both of the
174
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
nave and aisles, is very striking indeed. Nay, so marked and palpable
is it that we can hardly wonder at the mere superficial observer seizing
on the fact, and drawing a decided, if unexpressed, line of distinction
between them. And then, as though
still further to accentuate the differ-
ence, the abaci of these two capitals
are square, while those of all the
rest are round. How, therefore, it
miglit well be asked, save only on
the hypothesis of a difference of
date, are such discrepancies to be
explained ? Till quite recently
the explanation, it is true, was far
from being either as simple or con-
vincing as could be wished. What-
ever correspondence of detail might
exist in other respects, the diver-
gence of character in the foliaged
ornament seemed far too pronounced
to lead readily to any other conclusion than that the capitals of these
westernmost piers had been worked some ten years or so earlier than
those of the responds and roof corbels.
And yet such conclusion would —
as divers other instances of that
period of Transition remain to show
— be as hazardous as wrong. Of
this, Pudsey's other great work at
Darlington, to go no further, pro-
vides at once a striking illustration.
There, in the lower north range of
wall-arcading in the choir, and sup-
porting the arch of the central win-
dow enriched with frets, which have
commonly been called Norman, is a
little capital of the most beautifully designed and detached foliage
imaginable — blown, apparently, by the wind, and having all the
characteristics of pure Early English work. Yet above it, and there-
COMPARATIVE EXAMPLES. 175
fore to some extent necessarily later, are, in the clearstorey range, two
other capitals of the same sort, but with the broad, flat, water-leaf
curled up at the corners, freer, no doubt, but of just the same fashion
as those in the Galilee at Durham. Were these but detached from
their surroundings and set side by side, the general verdict would
doubtless be, not only that the later ones were the earlier, but earlier
by at least twenty years. A similar difference in the leafage of capitals
of the same date may be further instanced among those of the choir of
Canterbury cathedral, erected by the famous William of Sens, 1174-78.
Here, the fine bold Corinthianizing foliage of the one is seen in
intimate connection with that of another of a far plainer, flatter, and
more archaic type, but which, nevertheless, we know from a con-
temporary eye-witness to belong to the very last year of that master's
work. (See opposite page.)
Further light, the result of closer and more careful enquiry, has
sufficed, however, to dispel all manner of doubt with respect to these at
Auckland, and reconcile apparent contradictions, in the clearest way
possible. Viewed from below, that is from the floor of the chapel, the
capitals, both of the piers and responds seemed to be, quite certainly, of
the same material, viz., Frosterley marble. And the difficulty they pre-
sented was this, that if the bold and detached foliage of the one could
be cut from such a substance, there was no efficient reason why that of
the others should not correspond with them. In much the same way as
at Darlington, where other seeming difficulties occurred, all that was
wanted for its solution was a sufficiently long ladder. Brought into
close view the apparently indubitable marble of the responds was dis-
covered to be nothing of the kind, but simply stone — stone, moreover,
as appeared on removing the grey, and white, wash that covered, and gave
it its fictitious character, containing so much iron as still further to
aid the fraud by exhibiting just such a corrugated and fretted surface
as that of the marble itself after prolonged exposure. The explanation,
like the imposture, was complete. It showed in the most convincing
way that the contrast in style of the respective capitals was due,
not to any difference of date, but simply of material ; the sandstone
of the respond capitals accounting as completely for the detached tufts
of foliage in their case, as the stubborn intractability of the marble for
the flat and massive treatment of it in those of the piers. And, as
176
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
will be seen, it served doubly to clinch the fact that — whatever
differences of style or date might seem to exist — the two sets of capitals
were, notwithstanding, contemporaneous ; since both at Darlington
and Canterbury, where precisely similar variations occur, the material
of both is the same, and the difference of treatment due therefore to
the caprice, or previous prac-
tice of the carver only.
Besides which, we have, un-
doubtedly, in these two groups
of Auckland capitals the work,
not of one, but of two entirely
different men — the first, a
marbler pure and simple,
limited, as well by habit as
necessity, to one mode of
treatment ; the second, a stone
cutter, free as air, and limited
by no such conditions at all.
And then, another point of
interest brought clearly to
light, on close inspection, was
that the abaci of both these
capitals, differing as they do
in some particulars from the
rest, were practically alike
(see plate XXIV.), a further
proof, if such were wanted,
that both are of the same
date.
And yet further evidence
of the unity of date and style,
not only between the western
piers and their responds, but
between them and those- at the other extremity of the building. The
capital moulds of the south-western respond and those of the eastern-
most piers and responds on both sides are identical, as are also the
abacus moulds of the western and central piers ; and thus — minute
ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS 177
variations of outline and proportion notwithstanding, the whole of the
piers from base to abacus are seen to be of one date and style.
Still a further point which, in a critical examination as to unity
of date may be noted is, that the reduced depth of the abaci in the
capitals both of the eastern piers and responds which might, perhaps, be
thought indicative of an advance in style from those west of them — is
closely matched by that of the south-westernmost pier (see plate XXIV.,
fig. 5) which, while agreeing with the opposite and central ones
in design, agrees just as closely with these eastern ones in proportion.
A final and noteworthy point is, that the abaci of the capitals of the
western and central piers — the earliest and latest in type of all,
which, viewed separately and apart from their surroundings, might well
be taken as belonging to the purely Transitional and Early English styles,
respectively — are yet, both in design and proportion, all but identical.
A diligent comparison of details shows, in fact, that whatever slight
variations of form or proportion may here and there appear, a perfect
unity of style, notwithstanding, pervades these capitals from end to
end.
As to the marble— of which the two western and south-eastern
capitals, as well as all the bases, bands, and alternate shafts of the
columns are composed — it is not a little interesting to know, to an all
but absolute certainty, the name of the artificer, — none other than
bishop Pudsey's tenant, Lambert, the marmorarius who, in 1183, held
thirty acres of land of him at Stanhope for his services, of which we
here — as I think I may safely say — see some of the results.
"We come now to those crowning features of the arcades, the arches,
still as ever, the most imposing and noblest of all. For mingled bold-
ness of design, beauty of contrasted form, and richness of detail, they
far surpass anything of their kind, indeed, that has come down to us.
Their vast height and spaciousness which produce so commanding an
effect, are due, no doubt, to the fact that, in the first instance, they
were designed to carry nothing further than the roof which sprang
immediately from their summits. Yet the added clearstorey and raised
aisles of after days, owing to the massiveness of the construction, have
detracted nothing from their justness of proportion, or fitness for their
place. And no greater praise could be given them, I think, than
this, that so far from helping to degrade the character of their seven-
VOI, XVTTI. 24
178 THK CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
teenth-century surroundings, or causing them to look contemptible,
they serve rather to raise them to a higher level, and bring them into
sweet and solemn harmony with themselves.
As with the piers which support them, the chief questions to be
considered in respect to the history of the hall are as to the date of
these arches ; whether any differences occur in their details, and, if
so, to what cause and what period they must be assigned. Now it
is obvious that their date can only be determined by the mouldings
which, fortunately for our enquiry, are not only numerous but
decisive. For the first time in their history probably, and with the
sole purpose of elucidating it, I have drawn the whole of them on
both sides of full size, part by part ; and after that remeasured and
redrawn them half- full size connectedly. From these half -sized
drawings the accompanying illustrations have been reduced again.
They form, as will be seen, two distinct groups, one of which is
confined strictly to one range, the other to the other. Of the two,
the northern group (see plate XXV.) presents the slightly earlier type.
Not, of course, that there is any actual difference of date between
the two, but simply that the design of one of them was made and
commenced with first. That anything in the nature of a pause or
' solution of continuity ' occurred during the progress of the works
there is absolutely nothing either to show or to suggest. The original
design having once been begun was naturally, seeing that the outer
mouldings flow into each other, continued uninterruptedly to the
end of the range. But that circumstance does not in the least tend
to prove that the other range was not carried on simultaneously.
The trivial difference that takes place in the outer group of mouldings,
(see plates XXV. and XXVI.), and in that alone, is just such as might
naturally occur to the architect to make before his presumably earlier
design was many days old. And that such was the case is likely
enough, for just as the opposite piers of either range would seem to
have been set at the same time, so might, and to a large extent pro-
bably were, their arches also. But however this may have been —
and the matter is not of the least importance — the great and supremely
interesting fact to note is that the mouldings of both ranges are
distinctly Transitional throughout, and not in any sense, or to any
extent, Early English at all.
LU
_J
O
ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 179).
Plate XXVI.
DETAILS OF CHAPEL, AUCKLAND CASTLE.
SKETCH SECTION OF RRCHMOULD
IT CROSSING. DF\HUNGTON CHURCH
NO 5CflLt.
J. F. H.,
men*, et del.
Arcbrmoulds, north side of Chapel, with abacuH of N.W. pier, showing how they sit upon it.
Within, sketch arch-moulds of crossing, Darlington Church.
These last are, really, somewhat larger than those at Auckland.
AGREEMENT WITH ARCHES AT DARLINGTON. 179
As a reference to plate XXV. will show they agree to the utmost
nicety, both as regards date and style, with the great crossing arches
at Darlington, with which they cannot be too carefully compared.20
That the outer mouldings of the southern range at Auckland, which
exhibit the roll and fillet, point in no way to any difference of date
may be inferred from the fact that these tower arches at Darlington
which, like those of the northern range, exhibit none such, must
necessarily have been built, not before, but after, both the north and
south transepts, where the same roll and fillet mouldings are found
profusely. The great historical and architectural problem, there-
fore, which a comparison of the two sets of arch moulds serves
conclusively to solve is this, viz., that the three eastern limbs of
Darlington church and the great hall of Auckland castle alike, were
not only designed, but carried out to completion, at the same time,
and by the same great prelate, Hugh Pudsey, before his death.
X.
We arrive now at the second great chapter in the history of the
building when, after serving for three hundred and seventy years as
the great hall, it underwent as complete a change of aspect as of
20 1 give a carefully taken sketch section of the mouldings of the crossing
arches at Darlington church, taken partly from the ground, but chiefly from
the narrow internal gallery immediately above the crowns of the arches, whence
a close and excellent view of them, and of the way they sit upon the capitals, is
obtained. It is. of course, not taken to scale, as a nearer approach was
impossible ; though as the walls are but some six inches thicker than those at
Auckland, the dimensions vary only to that extent. The same arrangement of
semi-circular rolls and hollows will be seen to obtain in both ; and both having
been built by Pudsey, and at the same time, must, pretty certainly, have been
the work of the same man. In both cases, it will be observed, the outermost
moulding at the back of the arches consists merely of a simple chamfer. At
Darlington, however, the dimensions of this moulding which, at A uckland, are
very bold and full, are extremely trifling. Yet, the corresponding space towards
the front, is made to yield the most surprising and deceptive effects imaginable.
As will be seen on examination, this result is entirely due to deep and skilful
undercutting, and the marvellous effects of light and shade thereby produced.
Really flat with' the face of the wall, and in surface outline, the appearance
produced is that of a projecting hood-mould, which again is further heightened
and accentuated by the free insertion of multangular pointed cones. The decep-
tion is still further heightened by this moulding being supported in the inner
angles of the tower by dwarf detached columns, standing on the caps of the
great piers. A more striking result, achieved in an equally small space, it
would, I think, be impossible either to find or to conceive.
It will, of course, be noticed that these arches belonging to the crossing, and
not being continuous as those in an arcade, show only half the group of
mouldings which appears on the plan of those at Auckland ; while being
introduced only for purposes of comparison, their size is also considerably
reduced.
180 THE. CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
character, on being diverted from secular to sacred uses, and trans-
formed into a chapel. Happier than Beck's structure, it would seem
to have sustained little or no injury, save such as resulted from neglect
or time, up to the close of Haslerigg's usurpation. That its ancient
roof, though more or less decayed, still stood intact, at least, is clear
from the fact of bishop Cosin's determination to retain the louvre,
his projected alterations notwithstanding. 'My Lord,' writes Mr.
Arden, ' meanes the same lanthorne that is over the Chappell at Aukland
shall be so, though the roofe be altered, and he will a lanthorne like
it also over the new Hall.' How truly he set himself ' diligently to
provide and take care that our Episcopal Castles and in them especially
our Chappels and some other places and buildings adjoining destined
for publick uses might be duly repaired as soon as possible, and where
necessary newly rebuilded,' may be gathered from the fact that though
only consecrated to the see on December 2nd, 1660, the agreement
for the new roof was being anxiously carried on during the January,
of 1661-2. 'Ask Mr. Bowser,' writes the bishop himself to his steward,
Mr. Stapylton, on the 30th of that month, 'what agreement he hath
made for the wood roofe of my Chappell at Aukland. I have considered
the upper windows there, and I think four may serve, if five cannot
be had.'
The aisle roofs, it seems, were finished first ; and that almost, if
not quite, by as early a date as the 13th of March. ' How my work
goes weekly on,' says the bishop to Mr. Bowser, ' you tell me not, nor
how you have agreed with the carpenter for the cost and fashion of
the Chappell roofe ; when, according to my former direction, which
was to have it framed with great mouldings all along the bottome of
the beames, as the roofes in the side iles are already done.'
Among the many noteworthy features of the buildings, none, I
think, are more deservedly so than these roofs of the aisles to which
the bishop refers. Occupying a subordinate position, and by conse-
quence deemed unworthy of the ornamentation applied so lavishly to
the central one, they present us on that account with forms of such
simple and massive dignity, combined with purity and fitness of
proportion, as would tempt us to refer them far more naturally to the
beginning of the fifteenth, than to the end of the seventeenth century.
So thoroughly mediaeval of aspect are they indeed, that little or. no
THE ROOFS OF THE CHAPEL. 181
difference, either of detail or construction is to be detected between
them and those raised by Cosin's predecessor Langley (1406-1437),
above the central alley of the Galilee. As to the architect, to whose
fame such works might justly redound, there would seem to have been
none. Like all the rest of the new work about the chapel, the roofs,
both of the aisles and centre, were apparently designed and executed
by an ordinary workman, who is spoken of merely as the carpenter.
His name, unfortunately, is not mentioned ; but as Abraham Smith of
Durham is shortly afterwards designated by that term in distinction
from his associate, John Brasse of the same place, joiner, it is
probably to him — who must have had perfect knowledge of Langley's
roofs — that these exceptionally fine pieces of timber-work are due.
Some little difficulty seems to have occurred between him and the
bishop, however, as to the price of the work of the central aisle roof,
for various negotiations took place about it. Writing to the
steward, Mr. Arden says : — ' You and Mr. Bowser doe not agree in
the difference of the charge in altering the two roofes at Aukland.
Your accompt makes it 146/., and Mr. Bowser's notes makes it but
100/. This does somthing distract my Lord's judgement of it, that it
had beene better your reckonings had beene first compared. My Lord
excepts against your saying that now the carpenter had finished the
Chappell roofe (which he has done nothing to but borded it), he asks
30Z. for altering. My Lord thinkes the carpenter very deare, and may
be brought to abate of his price. If you see Mr. Bowser againe, pray
agree about the true difference of the workmen's demands about this.'
Whatever the exact nature of the ' difference ' may have been — and
it is far from being as clear as could be wished — the ' carpenter ' was
not called upon to complete the roof that he had made. For this pur-
pose the services of a 'carver' were sought, and that, somewhat
strangely — considering with what zeal the works were being pro-
secuted— not till after the lapse of rather more than a year. The
difference occurred in February, 1661-2, and it was not till April 7th,
1663, that an agreement was made with ' Richard Herring, carver, to
receive for carving 2 great eagles (in wood, for the roof of the middle
aisle), at 12s 6d per pece, II. 5s. For 2 mitres at the west end of the
Chapell, 10s. For 4 cherubins heads, 14s. For 4 garlands, 16s — 31. 5s.
To have the stuffe sawne redy to hand. Mr. De Keyser to judge,' etc.
182 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
The agreement,21 however, is perhaps, almost as interesting for what
it omits as for what it specifies. Besides the ' two great eagles,' which
are placed on either side immediately above the bishop's grave, the
two mitres, cherubin's heads, and four garlands at the west end of the
chapel ; there are also two coats of arms there besides ; the great coat
of ' my Lord's proper arms ' between the eagles ; 22 together with the
same arms, and those of the see, which fill alternately the eight panels
between the main beams in four bays, or compartments ; as well as the
four mitres and four cherubins' heads of the eastern bay, of which no
mention occurs at all.23 Whether the latter were supplied by the car-
penter, who was probably quite competent to do so, or by some other,
does not appear. But the effect of the whole, even now, is magnificent.
What it must have been originally we can, at the present time, unfor-
tunately, only imagine. For it was never meant, nor allowed, to be seen
as a mere expanse of bald and bare carved wood. The true taste for
mediaeval polychromy would seem to have possessed the bishop just as
21 We shall have occasion to note this agreement about the painting of the
bench ends later on.
•- The eagle was the evangelistic symbol of S. John ; and the arms between
them being those of Cosin : ' my Lord's,' as distinguished from ' the Bishop's,'
the two together proclaim the name of the founder — John Cosin. The eagles
from their position, immediately above the tomb, may serve also to express ' the
hope of the resurrection from the dead : ' ' They shall mount up with wings as
•3 The roof is divided into seven main compartments, of which the two end
ones are very slightly the largest. The two on either side the central one are
each divided into eight squares, containing the arms of the see and those of
Cosin alternately. The central compartment is divided into three parts only,
the middle one containing the arms of Cosin, the two outer ones each a great
and very well-drawn and carved eagle — the evangelistic symbol of S. John, the
bishop's patron saint and namesake — all set within oval frames or wreaths. The
eastern compartment, which, like those adjoining the centre one, is also in eight
divisions, has the four central ones charged with enormous mitres variously
treated, and rising from ducal coronets, also within oval wreaths. The four
corner compartments are each filled with four-winged cherubic heads. The
westernmost compartment, above the ante-chapel, is treated in a somewhat
different fashion. Instead of three or eight, it is divided into twelve panels,
four large and nearly square ones occupying the centre, with four smaller
oblong ones on each side of them, east and west. The two central larger ones
bear the arms of Cosin ; the two outer, or side ones, mitres, all within wreaths,
as before. The four central smaller panels, supporting those charged with the
arms, are occupied by four- winged cherubs ; the other four outer ones supporting
those bearing the mitres, with ribboned garlands.
The admirable design and well thought out variety of treatment of this roof,
together with its bold and vigorous execution, reproducing as they do alJ the
leading characteristics of the finest mediaeval examples, are quite surprising,
and testify most remarkably, not merely to the taste which distinguished, but
to the wonderful hold which the ancient Gothic spirit still had upon, the local
school of wood carvers of that day.
DECOBATION OF THE ROOF. 183
completely as that for architectural forms ; and both had here, most
happily, full play. How far the building both was, and is, indebted to
his personal influence and direction, artistically, has never yet, I think,
been adequately understood or appreciated. Practically, as all his
letters and contracts show, he was not only his own architect, in the
more restricted sense of the term, but his own decorator as well.
What these, even now, splendid roofs would have been, but for his
individual taste and supervision— deprived, that is, of the ' great
mouldings all along the bottome of the beames,' on the presence of
which he so strenuously insisted, and which, without his influence,
would certainly never have been there, may readily be conceived. A
Norwich man by birth, he would be well acquainted with the wood-
work of the city churches there ; and familiar, from his childhood,
with such magnificent examples of it, as the roofs of S. Stephen's, and
S. Peter's Mancrof t, with all the latter's wealth of moulded timbers,
and cloud of perpetually poised, and praising angels. What wonder
then, if, when his own turn came to raise a similar structure, he should
take example by such glorious works, and not only enrich its beams
with mouldings, but fill the intervening spaces with symbols of
spiritual power, and of the heavenly host ?
But this was not all. The whole of the surfaces were designed to
be felt only — not seen. The bishop, as well from natural instincts, as
from bitter personal experience, had little love for puritanism in any
shape — its hypocritical affectation of 'sad' and sober tones included.
All the surfaces were to be aglow with gold and colour. By an agree-
ment made July 22nd, 1664, John Baptist Van Ersell undertook 'to
painte the midle rooffe of the midle ile of the Chapell of Auckland,
the beames, pendantes and mouldings, brases and spandrells, &c., with
coullors of which part is now painted ; to painte all the coates of armes
in their proper coullors, and the two large eagles alsoe, making the
groundworke of the wholl rooffe of the blew already painted therein,
bordering the flatt within every coate with yellow mixt with black
stroakes, to showe like teeth ; to paint the carved myters and cherubin's
heads fixed to the fooffe between the two east arches and east window
with proper coullors ; to guild with leafe gold the carved worke of the
said myters and off the cherubin's heads and wings in proper places
only ; the beame adjoyning to the two east arches to be painted on a
184 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
different collour, if the same shall be chosen, and the pendants and
spandrells to distinguish between the myters and cherubin's heads over
the Communion-table and the rest of the worke westward ; to paint
and guild ten angells and escutcheons of my Lord's proper armes and
the Bishops, to be placed as my Lord shall appoint ; to paint in
stone collours upon the two sides of the wall by the east window on
each side three collumnes or pillers, to be answerable to the two east
pillors opposite to them, from the bottome of the spring of the arch to
the pavement, with the cornish and base suitable thereto ; to fill upp
and stopp all the cliffs or crackes in the myters, cherubin's heads,
lyons or other carved worke in the said rooffe fixed, before he begin to
painte the same ; to painte fower stall ends of the collour of the
skreen. To finish all before 10 Aug. To receive 18/. at four
payments.'
Commencing, as we have done, with the coloured decoration of the
roof, it will be more convenient and intelligible, perhaps, if we proceed
at once to take account of the general scheme of polychromy applied in
connection with it to the other parts of the chapel. But, before doing
so, it may not be amiss to point out how thoroughly scientific and well
understood that decoration, as determined by the bishop's own personal
judgment, was. As a rule, all such applied colour, unless very judici-
ously treated indeed, has the well-known effect of bringing the surfaces
nearer to the eye, and by consequence lowering the apparent height of
the building. Here such a mischievous result would seem to have been
carefully guarded against, since none tends to preserve the appearance
of height and distance so perfectly as the light blue selected, apparently,
for the ground work of the panels. This was relieved, as will be noted,
by its complementary colour, yellow ; which in its turn again was kept
in place by ' stroakes of black to shew like teeth.' "With the gold and
blue of the ' bishop's,' as opposed to the blue and silver of his own
personal coat, and with the vermilion, white, and other light tints
taken in connection, the general effect was doubtless as harmonious as
magnificent.
Can it be credited that the whole of this splendid work, so beautiful
originally, so much more beautiful when toned and mellowed by the
soft touch of time, was brutally scraped off, and the wood left bare —
let us hope at the instance of some wretched satellite, not at his own —
REMOVAL OF COLOUR, ETC. 185
by good bishop Barrington ? It was thought, forsooth, out of har-
mony with the ' chaste simplicity of Protestant worship ! ' Nay, so
unspeakably chaste was this simplicity that even the grey and white
specked marble of the pillars was felt to be a scandal, and consequently
covered up with a puritanically sombre coat of drab ! ! But Cosin,
besides being a scholar and a theologian, was an artist, and judged
differently. By him the roof was never meant to stand out as a
solitary mass of colour, apart from, and at variance with, the rest. Its
tinctures were to be extended and reflected everywhere. The heraldry
displayed aloft was to appear also on the walls and in the windows.
As early as February, 1662-3, the bishop, writing to Mr. Stapylton in
London, says : — ' As you passe through Holborne ask of the painting
glasier (I have forgot bis name and his signe) neere Hatton House,
what he will have for aneiling a coate of armes, about a foote and half
in length, with the mantlins. Perhaps wee shah1 have a dozen or 20 or
more of them, to put in my Chappel windows here ; but aske him his
price as of yourself and not from me, least his price be so much the
greater.' And then, in December, comes the following : — ' Contract
with Nicholas Green and Wm Lamb of Durham, glaziers, and Matthew
Browne and John Arundell of Bishop Auckland, glaziers ; to glaze all
the windows of the Chappell, .... with blew glasse and white glasse,
according to patterne agreed upon, as may appear by one of the lesser
east windows now in the said Chappell ; to glaze all the tracery worke in
the windows aforesaid, inform to be chosen by the Bishop, with white
and blewe glasse ; the blewe not exceeding one fourth part ; to provide
white and blewe glasse, clean and good as in the said east window, lead
solder, cementing, pointing, bands and tyes ; to performe the worke
cleanly and artificially, without cracks or broken or disorderly pieces,
at or before 1 Aug. next ; to receive for every foot both in the square
lights and tracery, 9£d. ; foure equal payments. For all the neeld
glasse which the Bishop shall provide at his own cost abatement to be
made according to measure and the above rate.' And this blue and
white glazing of the windows was to be carried out and supported by
the like tinctures in the walls between them ; an agreement of the same
date as that relating to the painting of the roof, viz., July 22, 1664,
running — ' For the bleu pannels and skutchins in the side iles between
the windows, I/.'
186 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
Following swiftly upon this, and bearing date 19th August, comes
also the following agreement : — ' John Baptist Van Ersell, of the
city of Durham, painter, to make the archatrive about the upper
midle ile of the Chappell, and the mouldings under the soles of the
windowes there, suitable to the arkatrive of the skreene and stone-
worke of the said windowes, for which he shall have 31. The chaires
and deskes before them in the two side iles, the stall ends, etc., to be
painted of the coullour of the new wainscott, with tracery in the pannells
before the deskes, varnishing the said work, 32. 10s. To paint the
carpenter's worke now sett up at the est end of the Chappell, under
the three windows, of a walnutt-tree colour, handsomely vained, with
fruite downe the pillasters, the freese blew, with large gold letters
over the Communion-table these words: LAUDATE DEUM IN DECORE
SANCTO, and to put a cherubin's head, gilt, in the spring of each
arche, and in the two side freeses these words : SANCTA SANCTIS on
the north, and on the south freese SUESUM COEDA, 5/. To make in
the pannells over the praying deske at the south pillar these words
in large gold letters : IN FIDE FIEMA (the words actually painted were
IN PEECE ASSIDUA) ; and in the same place over the preaching deske
opposite to it, in blew and gold letters alike: IN DOCTEINA SANA,
12s. The King's armes over the great west window painted and
gilt, with the garter and motto about it, 4 foot square, 15s. Over
the great east window, a shield, with these words (blank), 5s. An
escutchion over the doore of the porch to hide the breach thereof with
the Bishop's armes and my Lord's in a swelling shield, 5s. In all,
13L 7s. He to find ah1 collours and other materiails.'
In connection with this general scheme of polychromatic decora-
tion, as forming a kind of framing for a part, and that a very
important part of it, should be mentioned the woodwork directed
to be set up across the entire east end, including the aisles. On the
28th of June of the same year, 1664, we have the following agree-
ment entered into with Abraham Smith of Durham, carpenter: —
' To make and sett up the archetrive, frase and pitched cornish and
two flatt pillasters with mouldings over and about the Altar table,
to the splay of the east window of the middle ile from the ground,
in the Chappell of Auckland ; to make and sett upp the like worke
under both the little east windowes in the said iles, with boards and
FURNITURE, DECORATIONS, ETC. 187
mouldings, to fttt in the hangings at the bottom of the said Chappell ;
to make the Communion-table, with two pannells at each end of the
table to the ground, with mouldings and the same tracery worke as
in the screen pannells ; the pannells behinde the table to be plaine,
without moulding. To receive for the three articles 4/.'
It was this woodwork that Van Ersell covenanted to paint by the
agreement of August 19th. What it was designed to frame, and
what the nature of the furniture which both together were meant to
set off and display, will best be learned from the following translation
of the bishop's own words in Latin, copied from Dr. Raine's work.
A Schedule or Inventory of the Vessels, Books and other Ornaments,24 which
we have conferred upon, and have for ever dedicated to, our Chapels in
Auckland and Durham : —
Auckland. Two large candlesticks of silver, double gilt, three feet in height,
fabricated with embossed work, and to be placed daily upon the Lord's Table.*
A dish of silver, double gilt, upon which is skilfully represented the history
of the Supper of our Lord, two feet in diameter.*
A chalice of silver, double gilt, with a twisted stalk and cover, of the like
workmanship.*
Two patens of silver, double gilt, with inscriptions from Holy Scripture.*
The Holy Bible in English, beautifully bound, in a cover of crimson velvet,
with plates of silver double gilt, and clasps of the same workmanship, in large
folio.*
The Liturgy of the Church of England, beautifully bound in a like cover of
crimson velvet, with plates of silver double gilt and clasps, in large folio, on
imperial paper, ruled with lines of red.*
Two copies of the English Liturgy, bound in purple leather, with tying
strings of silk of the same colour, with gilt fringe, of the larger folio.*
A frontal or antependent for the Altar or Lord's Table, of cloth of gold and
silver, with a fringe or border, variegated with gold and silk.
A covering for the pedestal (shelf) upon the Lord's Table, of cloth of gold,
with a fringe or border, as above.
Two towels for the Lord's Table, and a cover of linen for the Eucharistic
chalice.
A cushion of cloth, interwoven with thread of gold, with like tassels, to be
placed beneath the Book of the Liturgy on the said altar.
A very large piece of tapestry to hang above the altar, upon which is
described the history of the Queen of Sheba visiting King Solomon.
Two pictures of churches in perspective work, for each side of the east end
of the Chapel.
Two kneeling cushions covered with red cloth and fringed around, for the
north and south ends of the altar.
A large cover of thick red cloth to place over the altar and all its ornaments.
24 The objects marked thus * are still preserved.
188 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
Two large elbow cushions of cloth, interwoven with thread of gold, with
corner tassels, to be placed before the stall of the Bishop and the first stall on
the left.
Two elbow cushions of red velvet, scalloped, with silk tassels, for the desks of
the reader and preacher, or chaplains.
A faldstool of wood for reading or chaunting the Litany, to be placed in the
middle of the choir.
Five covers, variegated with red and blue silk, with fringes, to be spread one
on the Litany desk, two on the desks of the chaplains, and two on the Bishop's
stall and the stall on the left.
A canopy, variegated with red and blue silk, with a silk fringe, to be sus-
pended over the stall of the Bishop.
Eight kneeling-cushions, covered with blue cloth and fringed around, six for
the stalls on each side at the entrance of the Chapel and two for the desks of the
chaplains.
Twelve surplices, eight for men, the remaining four for the organist, the
clerk of the Chapel and the boys attending him.
Two gowns of purple (meliboei coloris), one for the organist, the other for
the chapel clerk.25
A wind organ.
26 Of Cosin's organ all the particulars we possess are as follows : — ' 1665,
7 Sep. Paid Van Ersell for additional painting the organ pipes II.' '1665-6.
3 Feb. Paid Marke Todd for makeing the two figures, King David and Aaron,
for the organ at Auckland, IZ I*,' from which we learn that not only painting,
but statuary, as seen in so many ancient examples, were considered by the
bishop as necessary adjuncts to its completion. That it was on a small scale
cannot. I think, judging from the very limited dimensions of its successor, be
doubted. The latter, which is merely a choir organ, measuring only two feet
ten inches deep, by six feet broad, and about nine feet high, contains but six
stops. As in other instruments of that day, the lower keys are black, and the
upper, white. The case, which is of oak, is well designed, and consists of a
centre and two supporting ends, which contain the larger pipes, and are crowned
with mitres, much like the old organ at Durham. The whole of the pipes are
brown and red alternately, and covered with richly -gilded arabesques varnished.
The mitres, which are red, are also richly gilt. The case itself, well and
elaborately carved, is left of the natural colour, now nearly black. In the
midst of a mass of perforated scroll work at the base of the central part appear
the arms of the see (with the cross plain) impaling Orewe, surmounted by the
mitre, shown diagonally, and rising, like the mitres of Ruthall, Tunstall, and
those upon the screen stall-ends, from a coronet of strawberry leaves and
crosses. The seat for the organist, which is behind, is approached by a narrow
passage-way channelled through the thickness of the west wall. You have to
step over it, and there is only standing room for one at eirher end. How far
the interior works have been tampered with I cannot say. The balcony, which,
like the case, is of oak, is not so artistically carved, though the four rich and
boldly-projecting brackets, or consoles, which support it are both well designed
and executed. Its dimensions are very small, being only five feet from back to
front, and twelve feet ten inches from end to end, in full. It was pretty
certainly of local work, while the case would probably be made in London.
Outside, in large gilded letters, is inscribed : —
IA°TBANSL. ab ox5: xv°. | NATH: EPISCOPUS DUNELM: | A° CONSECB: xvni0.'
This fixes the date of the organ at the year 1688, Crewe having been consecrated
to the see of Oxford in 1671, and translated to Durham in 1674.
VESSELS, BOOKS, AND OTHER ORNAMENTS. 189
A picture suspended over the organ, representing musical instruments in the
hands of angels.
A picture in perspective, suspended over the Vestry, representing a church.
A picture suspended over the west doorway of the Chapel, representing the
front of the Cathedral Church of Wells.
But the decoration, begun in the roof, and continued through the
walls, windows, tapestries, pictures, hangings of cloth of gold and
silver, golden vessels, and covers and cushions of blue and red silk,
were not to terminate even there. As early as November 6th, 1662,
the improvement of the floor by laying down a pavement of black and
white stone and marble instead of the mere lime concrete, of which it
was, till then, composed, was occupying the bishop's mind. ' My Lord
desires you,' writes Mr. Arden to Stapylton, in London, ' to send the
inclosed to Amsterdame by the Dutch post carefullye, it being about
marble stones for his chappell.' The actual agreement for carrying
the work into effect was made on May 18th, 1663, with Hendrick de
Keyser of Bishop Auckland, sculptor, for ' worke in and about the
Chappell. To pave the middle ile within the Chappell with blacke
marbell polished, and hewn stone from Brusselton or Hunwicke quarrie,
also pollished and layed in manner according to the draught ; to make
the steps from the pavement to the altar of black marbell, pollished ;
in the midle of the pavement to dig a vault, and to pave and wall the
four sides with hewn stone, well joynted ; to provide stones to cover
the top to support the large marbell, which is to be uppermost over the
vault, the said large marble stone to be polished, and to make steps of
hewn stone to descend into the said vault ; to provide at his own cost
the necessary black marbell stone and stones from Holland, Newcastle,
or elsewhere ; to find hewen stone from Brusselton or Hunwick, to find
lime, sand, labourers, workmanship and materials ; to be performed
before 16 Jul. next. To receive 8s. per square yard for every yard in
the middle ile, the vault included ; to find carriage. Judge of work,
Samuel Davison, Esq., with the advice of Robert Morley and Roger
Coates, freemasons.'
So complete and thorough, from the orient tinctures of the roof
down to the black and white chequers of the floor, nay, even to the
purple gowns of the organist and chapel clerk, was the scheme of
colour as conceived and carried out by the cultured eye and brain of
Cosin.
190 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
XI.
But, besides those features of the interior more immediately con-
nected with that subject, there were other, and very important ones
which were so only to a limited extent, and which must now be looked
to. I mean the stall and screen work, and the praying and preaching
desks, with the col our even, as well as with the form and ornamentation
of which, we shall see the ever-vigilant and critical eye of the bishop
still further occupied. "With respect to these, the earliest agreement is
that entered into'on March 7th, 1663, 'with John Brasse of Durham,
joyner, and Abraham Smith of the same, carpenter. To make and
erect in the Chappell of Auckland Castle a skreene eleaven foote high,
and of the breadth of the said Chappell, according to the moddell or
draught ; to receive for every yard, the yard 11 foot high and 3 foote
broade, 40s.'
This is the truly artistic and magnificent structure which, still
happily intact, serves to separate the building in so admirable a way —
for which, of course, no structural provision was originally made — into
the two essential parts of chapel and ante-chapel. I think it may truly
be said to form one of the most admirable and wonderful works of its
day. How special and peculiar the circumstances of that day, even if
regarded from the point of view of art only, were, we all know. What
all do not know, or believe, however, is the correctness of the
opinion, too hastily and unscientifically enunciated by Dr. Raine, that
Cosin's ' misfortune was to live at a period when church architecture
was at its lowest ebb, and there was no one to give a right direction to
his munificence.' Nor, shall we feel disposed, I think, to acquiesce in
the further remarks that he was ' compelled to act as his own architect,
little flio gh he knew of the art ; ' and that, ' if he had not so acted, we
probably should have had much greater cause for censure ! ' To speak
of a lower ebb in church architecture than has been witnessed by the
present century, with its gross burlesques and parodies of that of
the Middle Ages, and untold horrors in the shape of stained glass —
evils from which Cosin's day, at any rate, was free — needs, surely, such
a courage as comes from lack of knowledge only. The special
peculiarities and difficulties of the Restoration period were that it was
one of total and complete transition. Not such a species of transition
tl
THE SCREEN. 191
as, for convenience sake, we are accustomed to speak of as occurring
between the several so-called styles of mediaeval architecture which
flowed naturally into each other by gradual process of development,
but between two styles which had nothing in common — nay, were at
variance in every particular — the indigenous and expiring Gothic, and
the revived and imported Classic. And it is the special glory of this
particular work, and such others, for example, as the stalls and font-
cover at Durham, and the somewhat earlier, but equally admirable
fittings of the choir at Brancepeth — all executed under the bishop's
more or less absolute supervision and control — that they succeed in
blending with such wonderful facility elements so seemingly incon-
gruous, and achieve, without apparent effort, results as happy as they
are imposing. In no case, probably, could a more conspicuous illustra-
tion of such success be found than in this exceptionally noble screen —
admirable alike in arrangement, design, and execution. Not a single
feature is there in it which the most exacting eye could wish to see
altered, or endeavour to improve upon. And it is as rich and beautiful
in colour as felicitous in the composition and distribution of its parts.
The consummate taste and judgment of its planning will be best
understood from the illustration (see plate XXVII.). As will be
perceived, it does not cross the building in a straight line — an arrange-
ment which would prove disastrous to its own effect and that of the
chapel at the same time — but in a deeply recessed and broken one,
which, while giving wonderful variety, and play of light and shade, as
well as of perspective, not only allows the clustered pillars, while
utilised as supports, to stand out free, but provides space for the
bishop's, and other stalls beyond them also.
Of its three horizontal divisions, the lowest one which is, of course,
solid, has its arched panels decorated with the foiled, or neur-de-lysed
cusping, so characteristic of Gosin's work generally. But the second
or middle, is filled with pinnacled shafts and tracery so marvellously
and purely mediaeval, that it might well belong to the days of Tunstall
or of Ruthall. And the third, comprising the frieze with its bold and
flowing scroll-work and amorini, and massive dentilled cornice, is just
as purely and intensely classic. Yet nothing more thoroughly delight-
ful'and satisfactory than the proportions and harmonious combination
of these several parts — the boldness, freedom, and play of fancy dis-
192 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
played throughout — or the general effect of the work as a whole, could
possibly be conceived. Especially happy, however, where all is so
admirable, is the depth and impressiveness of that crowning feature
the cornice ; and the design and proportion of the three trophies of
arms which, both in the centre and side pieces, surmouDt it. Together
they impart a sense of majesty and grace which is beyond praise, and
it needs but to picture the removal of either one or other to see how
complete the ruin of the whole would instantaneously be.
Whether John Brasse and Abraham Smith were responsible for
the design, as well as the execution, of this screen ; or whether ' the
moddell or draught ' after which they were to fabricate it was prepared
elsewhere, does not appear. But, judging from the perfect freedom
and spontaneity of the work, resembling so closely as it does that of
earlier days in such respects, one might well suppose that both were
theirs alike.
A good deal of misapprehension has obtained respecting the
standards of the six stalls which, three on each side the ^entrance,
occupy the central portion of the screen. In an agreement dated
September 1st, 1664, Abraham Smith undertakes, among other things,
' To make three pannells like those of the skreene, before the deske
upon each side of the said skreene, the floores six inches high, sur-
rounded with a moulded base ; the deskes to be put betweene the
stall ends, whereof two are to be made without any carving, save
only the further endes of the deskes as far as the reath above it,
and the fower stall ends to be wrought over by the carver with his
tooles, to appeare like new worke, artificially repairing the mitres
and what is decayed, 21. 11s.'
As to the ' pannells and moulded base,' all is clear enough. The
mistakes, and they are not a little curious, as showing what it is
possible for people to imagine when told beforehand what they may
expect, come in at the stall ends. ' The stall ends,' says Dr. Raine,
4 at the right and left of the principal entrance through the screen,
which the carver is directed " to work over with his tools to make
them appear like new work," prove that they were fittings in the
former chapel, and that the carver was not sparing of his tool work.
They must have been of the date of about 1600, or perhaps a little
earlier, and of bold workmanship, fait the mitres and shields which
THE WESTERN STALL ENDS. 193
they contain have been grievously pared away, the Donations of the
cross in the arms of the see have been cut off, and the whole workman-
ship has been flattened and defaced.'1™ Astonishing as these utterances
are, however, they are far outdone in the account of the chapel con-
tained in the County of Durham: its Castles, Churches, and Manor
Houses, in which the references to the four stall ends adjoining the
screen in Cosin's agreement are transferred en bloc to four wholly
different ones. ' Four stall ends carved with late Perpendicular
tracery on the side,' we there read, ' are no doubt parts of the fittings
of the Chapel destroyed by Haslerigg. An agreement with Abraham
Smith, carpenter, provides that these stall ends " shall be wrought
over by the carver with his tooles to appeare like new worke," and
the direction was faithfully carried out!"1 So, other four stall ends, it
seems, were flattened and defaced. But the writer, unfortunately,
had got a good deal ' mixed.' Dr. Raine may at least claim the
merit, such as it is, of sticking to his text, and applying his descrip-
tion to the proper objects. But he misses them altogether, for not
28 The object of the bishop in requiring the four stall ends to be worked
over so as to appear like new work was evidently to make them harmonise in
colour with the new screen and new front panels of the stalls introduced between
them. But the malicious defacement of the mitres and coats-ot'-arms, objects so
specially hateful to Haslerigg and his puritanical satellites, proving .too serious
lo be easily repaired, they were replaced by others wholly new. As to all the
rest, since it was cut in such high relief as to render its re-working extremely
difficult, it would seem probable that the idea of doing so was abandoned, and
the method of treatment first contemplated by the bishop carried out. What
that was we learn from an agreement with John Baptist van Ersell, dated 22nd
July, some six weeks previously, wherein the latter engaged ' to painte fower
stall ends of the collour of the tkreenej beyond all doubt the four in question,
and this plan, from the absence of all appearance of re-working in the poppy
heads, or ' reaths,' as they are called, and in the scroll-work beneath them,
would seem, therefore, since both could not be followed, to have been the one
really adopted after all.
Van Ersell, by an agreement dated August 19th, just four weeks after this,
undertook ' to paint the chaires and deskes before them in the two side iles, the
stall ends, &.C., of the coullor of the new wainscott, with tracery in the pannells
before the deskes. varnishing the said work,' for £3 10s. By the same instru-
ment he agrees to paint ' the carpinter's worke now sett up at the est end of the
Chappell, under the three windows, of a walnutt-tree colour, handsomely vained
with f ruite downe the pillasters,' etc.
The painting of the woodwork will, therefore, be seen to have been carried
out on an extensive scale. And it may not be amiss, perhaps, in this connection,
to point out, as showing how keen the bishop's eye for colour, as well as archi-
tectural detail, was, that in the former contract, after specifying the various
tints, patterns, and amount of leaf gold to be used in the decoration of the roof,
he insists on ' the beame adjoyning to the two east arches ' (viz., that which
marked off the sanctuary) being ' painted, of a different collour, if the same shall
be chosen,' evidently declining to settle the point till he had judged of the
actual effect.
VOL. xvui. 26
194 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
only do the stall ends he refers to fail to occupy the position specified,
but instead of being four only, they are no fewer than twenty in
number. And then, so far from ever having belonged to the ancient
chapel, they are throughout the work of Cosin's days, and made, not
for the use of the bishop and those immediately connected with him,
but for that of the congregation generally; and ranged from the
first, as at present, not on either side the screen doors facing east,
but along the sides of the chapel facing north and south. Besides
all which they were already set up before July 23rd, 1664, whereas
the agreement to repair the mitres and what was decayed in those
mentioned by the bishop, was not entered into till the 1st of September
of that year. More than all this, however, they neither have, nor
ever have had, either mitres or coats of arms at all, decayed or other-
wise, or been at any time wrought over by tools, but are in all respects
as fresh and perfect as when they left their maker's hands.27
But such confusion apart, let us turn to the stall ends really
indicated by the bishop and described by Dr. Raine, and* see to what
extent the assertions of the latter are borne out. That they belong
to a somewhat earlier date than that of Cosin, though to one not
long anterior, is clear enough ; and probably Dr. Raine, though dis-
claiming all pretence to architectural knowledge, is not far wrong in
ascribing them to about the year 1600, or a little earlier.28 That
27 The Perpendicular tracery on the sides of these stall ends is, no doubt,
wonderfully correct and pure ; so much so, indeed, as to lead to the presumption
that it must have been copied directly from some such mediaeval original as
those at Staindrop or Darlington, which it much resembles. But the correctness
of the copy is only one of those traps which serve to catch the unwary ; for
nothing can be plainer, both from the moulding and thinness of the ends, and
the designs of the poppies, which, as in the case of the traceries, arc all so
exactly alike that they might have been cast out of the same moulds, that they
are not older than the times of Cosin. The close copying is seen to be confined
to certain features only ; the rest make no pretence to copying at all. It adds
not a little to the curiosity of the mixture, however, to note that, besides the
tracery proper, the transom, which divides the upper from the lower part of
the designs, is battlemented precisely as in ancient work, while the front edges
of the ends are embellished with attached quasi-buttresses, much in the same
way as those of Ruthall in the chapel of Durham castle.
28 It would be as interesting to know, as it is impossible to help questioning,
the authoiship of these curious stall ends. Two things only concerning them
are certain, viz., that they are both earlier, and considerably earlier, than the
days of Cosin, and later than those of Tunstall. How much earlier, and how
much later, is, however, a crux, the solution of which is as difficult to achieve as
uncertain when achieved. Yet it is one, perhaps, which, if impossible definitely
to arrive at, may, at any rate, be approached by a process of exhaustion.
Unfortunately, the times were so entirely those of flux and upheaval, and in
THE WESTERN STALL ENDS. 195
they not only came from the destroyed chapel as he supposes, but
in all likelihood occupied also corresponding positions in it, may be
conjectured, I think, from the fact that, while the exterior sides of
two of them are richly carved, the corresponding sides of the two
others are left plain, because, being placed originally against the
which so much was left to the arbitrament of individual taste and caprice, that
there is no definite standard whereby to gauge particular examples. And
therein lies the artistic difficulty.
The historical one, however, is somewhat less. If out of six possible inter-
mediate bishops we cannot certainly say to which one they were due, we can at
least, I think, say to which they were not. Of these, the first. Pilldngton, is, of
course, quite out of the question. A thorough-paced Puritan, with all the
distinguishing characteristics of his tribe, a hater of church doctrine and
discipline, a wholesale waster of church goods, an aider and abettor of sacrilegi-
ous rapine, turning the proceeds of his spoliations to his own use and the
aggrandizement of his daughters' fortunes ; buried, as is said, without religious
service, like a dog, and, finally, covered with a stolen tombstone, thus carrying
his ' ravenous sacrilege ' even to the grave, he was certainly not one to spend
anything on the fittings of the chapel.
Nor was his like-minded, if less flagrant, successor, Barnes, to whom his own
cathedral-church of Durham was, as he tells us, an ' Angle Stabulum, whose
stinke is grievous in the nose of God and man, and which to purge far passeth
Hercules' labour,' more likely to do anything in that line.
Nor could the more respectable Matthew Hutton, ' tarred,' as he was, ' with
the same stick,' be expected to do much for the honour of God's house, his
business being rather to found one for himself and his family at Marske.
Tobias Matthew, 1595-1606, might, not at all improbably, have caused their
erection, and with his period their decoration, which has a distinctly Elizabethan
character, would agree very well indeed — better, perhaps, than any other. But
we hear of no such works being effected by this bishop.
William James, 1606-1617, who followed, was another Puritan, and need not,
therefore, trouble us. There remains then only Richard Neile, 1617-1627, who in
the latter year underwent the same parliamentary censure as Laud 'for favour-
ing Popish doctrines and ceremonies.' As dean of Westminster, Neile had spent
vast sums upon the abbey church, while as bishop of Durham, he is said to have
expended nearly three thousand pounds in repairing and ornamenting the
palace at Auckland. Among the other objects of his solicitude there was the
chapel.
' As touching bills paid to Lockey,' he writes, ' I wish workmen should be
truely paid, for I make a conscience of due and timelie payment of the laborers'
hire. But I doo not remember what I appoined Jo. Lockey to doo that should
amounte to 26/. 12s. 8d., and 81. 13s. 8d., in regard that 1 paid him at Richmond
51. of his agreement with me for the east window of Auckland Chappell.'
1 Touching Barnard, the glass painter of Wetherby, I doubt he expected to have
had some directions from me for his worke, which, it may be he hath omitted, for
that he hath not heard from me, which in truth I have not hitherto had leisure
to thinke of.' 20th December, 1621.
Here, then, we have a bishop of another stamp altogether, and one who could
say, ' Lord, I have loved the habitation of thy house, and the place where thine
honour dwelleth,' with a clear conscience. It was he, too, who brought Cosin with
him to Durham as his domestic chaplain, and to him, I think, since the details of
the work are quite patient of such a date, the stall ends in question might be
referred equally well as to Matthew. But the point is a very difficult one which
I cannot satisfactorily decide. Externally, or historically, the evidence would
seem to be in favour of the former ; internally, and from the point of view of art
only, to the latter prelate.
196 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
walls as now agaiust the pillars, their surfaces could not aforetime,
any more than at present, be seen. But when we have said this we
have said all ; for Dr. Raine's fancy has run away with him as com-
pletely in this, the right case, as the other writer's his, in the ivrong
one. With the bishop's directions and Dr. Eaine's words alike in
view, I have examined the stall ends in question with the closest
attention, and with this result, that so far from the mitres and
shields having been ' grievously pared away ' as alleged, neither they
nor any other parts of the work show the faintest trace of any flatten-
ing or defacement whatever.29 Nor, indeed, was it possible that they
should do so. For, as I speedily discovered, Abraham Smith had
29 It is observable that the design of the coronets from which the mitres on
these stall ends spring, consists of strawberry leaves and crosses. The same
diversity of treatment is seen to exist indeed in the forms of the coronets, as in
those of the crosses in the arms of the see. Hatfield, Fordham, and Nevill are
shown on their great seals on horseback and in armour, with mitres rising from
comparatively plain fleur-de-lysed coronets. That attached to Dudley's mitre,
which appears singly upon a seal, is of the most splendid description, being
composed of great strawberry leaves, with small intermediate fleurs-de-lys, and
closely resembling the magnificent crowns worn by king Henry IV., and Johanna
of Navarre, on their tombs at Canterbury. The mitre coronets of Ruthall, as they
appear upon his work at Auckland, and the stall ends removed from the chapel
there to that in Durham castle, are also of the most imposing and grandiose
character. They vary, however, as well from previous ones, as from each other.
Thus, on one of his stall ends. viz. : that from which the grand ancient finial
containing the figure of the ' Woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under
her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars,' was most unhappily
removed by bishop Cosin in concession to the rampant Puritan infidelity of his
day, we see the simpler form exhibited in the earlier instances of greater and less
fleurs-de-lys arranged alternately. On another, viz. : that where the carver,
cutting from the matrix of a seal, has placed his personal arms to the dexter,
instead of sinister to those of the see, and where the mitre appears of enormous
size and excessive richness, the coronet, which is set thick with jewels, is com-
posed of alternate crosses and strawberry leaves, between which are set clusters
of three pearls, exactly as on the coronets of Ralph, first earl of Westmoreland's
two countesses, at Staindrop church. Crosses and fleur-de-lys appear alternately
upon the coronets of his mitres at Auckland, as well as on those of Tunstall at
the same place. Just the same amount of licence, indeed, would seem to have
prevailed in these ornamental details of the episcopal coronets as in those of the
various orders of nobility, and of the sovereign himself, during the fourteenth,
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries ; no two, perhaps, being in all respects alike,
and those of the same prelate varying from time to time, according to circum-
stances, and the taste of the designer.
And it is interesting to find not only Cosin himself, in whose days the
renewed mitres were executed, but his post- Reformation predecessor also, whoever
he may have been, whose coronets were very probably copied by Abraham Smith,
adopting the strawberry leaves and crosses of Ruthall. Equally interesting is
it also to find the same form continued by Cosin's successor Crewe, on his achieve-
ment of arms upon his organ case.
Since then, generally, if not universally, the use of the modern stereotyped
form of ducal coronet, consisting of strawberry leaves only, has been followed by
the bishops as princes, or counts palatine, up to the latest bolder of that dignity,
Van Mildert.
THE WKSTERN STALL ENDS. 197
' artificially ' repaired both the mitres and coats of arms, not by any
process of patching or flattening and defacing at all, but by the far
more effectual and radical one of cutting them off altogether, and
applying brand new ones in their stead. Nor was that all. Not
only were the new shields discovered to be attached by iron points
to the stall ends, but the crosses in the arms of the see, instead of
being ' flattened,' or having had their floriated extremities destroyed
in the process of retooling, as alleged by Dr. Raine, were seen to be
attached to the shields in precisely the same way as they were to
the stall ends. Like the shields themselves they were, of course,
quite new, and the excision of any quondam floriated terminations
becomes therefore as purely fictitious and imaginary as the flattening
and defacement of the mitres. As a matter of fact, such floriated
terminations never either did, or were intended to, appear upon them.
And had Dr. Raine during his singularly uncritical examination only
raised his eyes to the roof above his head, he would have seen pre-
cisely the same sort of simple unfloriated crosses repeated there in
the arms of the see30 from end to end of it, and, no doubt — dropped
his groundless charge of mutilation against poor Abraham at once.
30 The change of form which the cross in the arms of the see has undergone
from time to time is not a little curious, and, save on the ground that it was
held to be a matter indifferent, difficult of explanation. It has been asserted
that, previous to the ' Reformation,' it appeared as a cross fleurie, i.e., a straight-
sided cross, the ends of which finish in, or like, a fleur-de-lys ; afterwards as a
plain cross. And this form of fleurie has, still further to complicate matters,
been sometimes but quite wrongly described as patonce, since the limbs of a
cross patonce, as the name implies, expand broadly from the centre to the
extremities, where they also assume a fleur-de-lys shape. But a cross of this
kind never occurs in the arms of the see of Durham. The earliest example of
a cross at all in this connection, probably, is that seen on the private seal of
bishop Hatfield, 1345-1381, where, assuming the moline form, it appears alone and
without any lions in a shield on the dexter side of his effigy, his own arms being
displayed on a shield on the sinister side. Its earliest appearance in connection
with lions probably is in a shield on the east front of the old Exchequer build-
ings, now the University Library, erected by bishop Nevill, 1438-1457, where,
perfectly plain, it occurs on a bordered shield accompanying that of Nevill,
with the crest of the bull's head. Bishop Nevill also uses a plain cross between
four lions to the left of his effigy on his seal ; his own arms below in centre, and
to the right a shield with the same bearings as those of Hatfield, viz., a chevron
between three lions rampant. The next appearance of the lions between the
arms of the cross, so far as I know, is found on the seal of bishop Dudley, 1476-
1483, where they are seen on a shield bearing a plain cross to the bishop's right ;
his own arms, viz., two lions pass, guard, quartering a cross fleurie, being placed
to the left.
Then, on the obverse of the great chancery seal of bishop Fox, 1494-1502,
we see the bishop on horseback carrying a shield charged with a plain cross
between four lions, impaling his own proper arms of the pelican. On the
] 98 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
But besides the screen, the bench ends, and the panelled fronts,
there still remain the six stalls to claim some brief notice. And it
reverse, to the right of his effigy, the plain cross again appears between the
lions on the arms of the see; to the left, his pelican; while beneath his feet
the same plain form of cross in the arms of the see impaling the pelican is
displayed as fimbriated.
Next, William Sever or Senows, 1502-1505, bears on his seal a plain cross
between four lions as the arms of the see to the right of his effigy, his own
personal arms being displayed to the left.
Thomas Ruthall, 1509-1523, throughout adopted the cross fleurie between the
lions as the arms of the see, both on his seal, on the bay window of his dining
room at Auckland, and on his stall ends in the chapel of Durham castle. But
it is not a little remarkable that, while at the north end of the window the arms
of the see appear thus, on a corresponding shield at the south end is displayed
a plain cross without any lions at all, much as on the seal of bishop Hatfield.
The plain cross appears again, however, on the great seal of bishop Tunstall,
1530-1559, where it is displayed on the shield which he carries on horseback,
though on the other side of the same seal the cross appears thrice as moline.
On the exterior stonework of his gallery at Durham castle the cross appears as
fleurie, thus showing that the same prelate made use of no less than three
different forms, plain on his shield, moline on the reverse of his seal, and
fleurie on his buildings. On the upper part of the bay window of the dining
room at Auckland, commenced by Ruthall but finished by Tunstall, the cross
in the arms of the see is plain.
Thus much for the pre-Reformation use. Now for that adopted subsequently.
In the first place then — so far as I have yet been able to pursue it — we see
Barnes making use of the cross fleurie in the arms of the see on the seal of his
spiritual chancellor in 1577.
After this, we find on the chimney piece of the senate-room in Durham
castle, on either side the royal arms, two shields ; the first, on the heraldic right,
bearing the arms of the see, with the cross fleurie, impaling those of bishop
James, 1606-1617 ; the second, on the heraldic left, bearing the same arms, but
with the cross plain. From this also it would seem clear that, at that time too,
as before, no importance whatever was attached to the form of the cross — the
same bishop using both forms at the same time, and in the same work.
The cross fleurie was also used by Cosin in the interior woodwork of the
chapel, and elsewhere, as on a leaden spout head, bearing the arms of the see
only, but dated 1661. And on another, dated 1699, we find Crewe again adopt-
ing the same form of cross. Yet both these bishops used the plain cross in the
same building; Cosin* in the stonework in the courtyard, and Crewe on the
painted achievements inside.
So too, among several painted and gilt wooden corbels of the chapel roof,
where the cross fleurie appears in conjunction with the lions, is one with a plain
cross impaling az. a lion rampant arg. — Crewe. The same form is used also in
his arms upon the organ in Auckland chapel.
Trevor again, used the plain cross on his beautiful monument in the same
building, as also upon the additions made by him to the castle, and the same
form was adopted generally, if not always, both by Barrington and Van Mildert.
According to Tonga's Visitation, 1530, the arms of the monastery of Durham,
and of St. Cuthbert, were : — Azure, a cross fleurie or, between four lions
rampant argent. Those of the priory of Nostell and of St. Oswald : — Gules, a
plain cross between four lions rampant or. The question arises then, whether
the plain cross could have pointed to S. Oswald, and the cross fleurie to
S. Cuthbert : the one, that is, to the occupant of the see as prince, the other, as
bishop ? However this may be, nothing can be plainer than the fact that, all
along, till quite our own times — when the plain cross has come in practice to be
used exclusively — the two forms have appeared indifferently, and, as might seem,
just according to the caprice of the die-sinker, or carver, as the case might be.
THE WESTERN STALLS. 199
is not a little curious to note how, though the whole appear to go so
naturally together, they were yet not only made at different times, but
derived from at least three different sources. First, we have the screen
proper, the work of John Brasse and Abraham Smith, jointly, whose
contract bears date 7th March, 1663. Then the stall ends, made
originally, as the arms and mitres show, for the bishop's stall in the
ancient chapel, and which Abraham Smith agrees both to ' restore '
and to make the new panels iu front of the desks between them, 1st
September, 1664. And then the six 'chaires,' or stalls, in question,
which ' Marke Todd and James Hulle, joyners,' undertake to make of
'wenscoate gross worke of the fashion of the chaires now in the
Chappell at Durham Castle,' and of which it is specified that ' the
seates must be to turne up, with a little seate when turned up, and
carving underneath it,' and which was only contracted for on May
29th, 1665. Of this last clause it may, at any rate, be said, and with
perfect accuracy, that it ' ivas faithfully carried out.' For the seats —
and the subject affords a further illustration of the bishop's devotion
to ancient methods — do turn up, as required, and are duly carved with
very well designed and varied details. On the north side, the first
bears the arms of Cosin, enriched with roses. The second, a lion, with
roses. The third, fruit, with roses. On the south (or bishop's) side,
the first, the arms of Cosin, with roses. The second, an eagle, with
roses. The third, again, fruit, with roses.31 All which being inter-
31 Roses are also introduced on all the elbows of these stalls, on the preaching
and praying desks, and of very large size, in high relief, incurved, and magnifi-
cently sculptured, on the fine west doors. Whether their presence in all these
places was purely accidental, or had some special significance, seems difficult to
say. The very remarkable display of the flower on Ruthall's bay window, again,
cannot fail to attract notice. It is four times repeated on solid panels at the
ends ; and the arms of the see, and the same impaling his own, towards the front,
appear encircled in wreaths of roses. But there, perhaps, they may have a
personal and heraldic import only, since they may but emphasize the two slipped
roses which appear on a chief in the Ruthall arms. Even there, however, some
further meaning may have been intended to be attached to them, for the rose
was certainly used as a religious emblem. Two examples in brass may be
instanced — one, beneath the effigy of a priest at S. Peter's, near S. Alban's,
the other, with an inscription, formerly at Edlesborough, Buckinghamshire —
both of the early part of the fifteenth century, and both bearing the following
inscription, of which the first word, • Ecce,' appears in the centre of the flower,
the rest, round the edges of the petals : —
quoD espentoi fcabui, quod donati fcabeo, quod
negafoi pimtor, quod gectmfot pecdtdu'
200 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
preted may, and perhaps might be meant to, read as, 'John Cosin,
bishop of Durham, fruitful in good works ;' the eagle (as in the roof)
standing for John ; the shield (also as in the roof) for Cosin ; the lion
from the arms of the see, his office as bishop ; and the flowers mingled
with fruit, his character.
But the screen, and these western stalls attached to it, though by
far the finest parts of Cosin's fittings now remaining, served yet but
as an introduction to those which lined the walls of the chapel on each
side, and of which we must now take account.
By an agreement made July 23rd, 1664, Abraham Smith of Dur-
ham, carpenter, agrees — ' To wainscott the walls of the side iles of the
Chappell from the side window soles downwards to the topp of the chairs
as they are noiv sett, with billextills and tracery within the pannells of the
said wainscott, like those now made on the outside of the skreen, with
a cornish thereon, according to the draught, with teeth and beads
thereto, the said wainscott and cornish to be the whole length of the
chaires, only in the uppermost pannells adjoyning to the said skreene
Here, no doubt, they symbolize the transitory nature of the life of man, who
' cometh up and is cut down like a flower.' The same idea is also expressed in
an inscription at Bisham, Berkshire, 1581 : —
4 V\ Eo0a mane fotpt, tamen et mo$ begpece languet,
»>ic modo qut fttfmug, puluig et umbra 0umu0*'
And again, on the tomb of John Marshall, canon of Lincoln cathedral, 1446 : —
' Ut rosa pallescit, cum solem sentit abesse ;
Sic homo vanescit ; nunc est, nunc desinit esse.'
Which remind us of those lines of George Herbert : —
' Sweet day, so cool, so calm, so bright,
The bridal of the earth and skie :
The dew shall weep thy fall to-night,
For thou must die.
Sweet rose, whose hue angrie and brave,
Bids the rash gazer wipe his eye,
Thy root is ever in its grave,
And thou must die.'
At Ashford, in Kent, an angel holding an inscription is encircled by a wreath
with roses sprouting from it ; while in the canopy of the brass of abbot Kirton,
1460, at Westminster, was a rose inscribed w^aCia,' its centre bearing the
monogram 10 C^ with a crown over it, and round it the words : —
C»>i0 ro0a flo0 (locum moirbijs me&icina reoninu*
Among other instances innumerable, the rose slipped occurs on the elbows of
the stalls at Pulham church, Norfolk, and is seen wonderfully expanded at the
connecting angles of the western and side stalls at Staindrop church, Durham.
AISLE STALLS AND PANELLING. 201
is to be the same worke, with ballaceters and tracery archatrive, carved
fre and cornish, wrought on one side suitable to the skreene, and of the
same bight, and at the two east ends of the said wainscott worke,
adjoyning to the two pannills next to the said • chaires, riseing upon
the second stepp in the side ile, is to be sett a pillaster with a
peddacill base and cappitall, ornamentall to the said work ; to
receive for the wainscott worke, 3s. per square yard, and for the
cornish, Is. 6d. a yard, running measure, and for the wainscott
adjoyning to each side of the skreene and the pillasters with peddicills
etc., towards the east end of the said Chappell, 30s., which are to be
excepted in a measure of 3s. a yard. To find wainstcott, nayles and
glew.' In reference to this work, and that about the screen, there
appears on the back of the agreement, as follows : — ' Paid Abraham
Smyth in parte for works at Auckland : — 1663. March. The screene,
5/.— May 1664. Screene, 15/. June 1664. Skreen, 51. More 2L—
July 1664. Skreene, 41. — More 3Z. — 34?. The wenscoate in the side
iles and other worke. 1664, Aug. In three places, 61. Sept. 151. — Oct.
1664, 10?., &c. In May 1665, 51., &c. In all, 1.25Z.'
As the whole of these items added together, however, come only to
£82, instead of £125, little wonder that, if the other accounts were
kept in the same fashion, they should, as Mr. Arden puts it ' somewhat
distract my Lord's judgment of them ! '
Not too intelligible at the best of times, perhaps, the account of
the work to be done about the stalls and panelling of the aisles is
considerably less so, now that much of it is altogether destroyed, and
the rest greatly added to and altered. At present, the stalls themselves,
twenty-four in number on each side, extend from end to end in long
unbroken lines. As set up by Cosin they occupied a lower level than
they do now, being set on the floor of the aisles which then, as of old,
up to the altar platform, was two steps below that of the central choir.
Originally, only fourteen of them on either side had closed panels in front ;
but when, in 1827, the aisle floors were raised by bishop Van Mildert,
the remainder were provided with the like, and in exact facsimile.
It is interesting to know that the oak required for the purpose came,
as Dr. Raine tells us, from the floor of the ' black room ' in Durham
castle, cut off by bishop Neile from the north end of the Great Hall
there.
VOL. xvni. 27
202 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
It is the standards of these particular side stalls which, notwith-
standing that they are twenty in number instead of four (two of the latter
plain) and covered with simple Perpendicular tracery instead of mitres
and coats of arms, that the author of The County of Durham, etc.,
confuses with those adjoining the screen, and assures us from his own
personal observation, how the bishop's directions concerning their
retooling wa& faithfully performed !
Other fittings, however, besides these stalls, were, according to the
fashion of the day, deemed necessary. It was not enough that, as of
old, the prayers should be said simply from one or other of the stalls —
a special and distinct praying desk must be erected. And then, in
order that the ' word preached ' should suffer no loss of honour, a
fellow, in all respects correspondent, must be found, not as afterwards,
indeed, to overtop — only to balance, it. Accordingly, Abraham Smith,
of Durham, carpenter, again, by an agreement made 1st September,
1664, undertakes ' artificially to make the praying deske before the
middle south collume in Auckland Chappell ; the floor from the pave-
ment to be twenty inches high, with two wainscott pannells with
tracery and bilextills, according to the fashion of the pannells of the
skreene, with a close tennett under the sayd pannells for the chappell
clarke to sit and kneele before it ; the seat within to be a yard and six
inches wide from the backe, and 4 foot long, with a deske made of the
upper moulding or cornish without on the topp of the pannell, and
a flatt board of 6 inches within, between four stall ends of 7 or 8 inches
broad, and about 4 ft. 7 high, flower de luces, and all the backe
pannell of the same fashion of the fore pannell, with, tracery and
bilextiles, with the finishing of a cherubin's head as on the top of
the lower skreenes, to reach up to the girth of the said collume, with
a canted stepp to rise upp into the said deske, and carved fruitage on
each of the said stall ends, 21. — And the like in all the particulars to
be placed against the opposit collome for a preaching deske, 2L — To
make two little pannells like unto the skreene before each of the
further columnes, with desk and backes every way suitable to the
praying and preaching deske, upon a floore 6 inches high from
the pavement, with no seates before them, both, 31. 10s.'
Of all these several works, so complete and comprehensive, con-
tracted for by the bishop, though many still remain, many, on the
VAN MILDERT'S EESTOEATION. 203
other hand, have disappeared altogether. Among the latter may be
included the whole of the woodwork and tapestry at the east end, as
well as all that beneath the windows of the side aisles, and between
them and the backs of the stalls. The latter, probably, perished
during the mischievous alterations of bishop Van Mildert in 1827,
when the stalls were raised along with the floors which supported
them. The ' two little pannells like unto the skreen before each of
the further columnes with deske and backes,' have also gone. So, too,
have the ' bleu pannells and skutchins in the side iles between the
windows,' as well as the royal arms at the west, and the bishop's at
the east, ends of the chapel. The faldstool ' for reading or chaunting
the Litany ' has vanished from the middle of the choir, as have also
the ' wind organ,' the picture over it representing musical instruments
in the hands of angels, the pictures over the vestry and west doorways,
and the ' escutchion over the doore of the porch, with the bishop's
armes and my Lord's in a swelling shield.' The whole of the glazing,
save some of that in the west window, has also perished. In Van
Mildert's new glass, however, among much poor wishy-washy stuff,
the fret of Cosin has been very creditably perpetuated, though with a
stupid reversal of the tinctures, the fret being shown blue, and the field
white. The magnificent altar plate and service books, however, are
still perfectly preserved, as are the stalls, praying and preaching desks,
and above all, the noble screen, as perfect almost as on the day it was
set up. I say almost, because the shield immediately above the central
gates which originally, and rightfully, displayed the arms of Cosin, has
since been removed, and another, bearing those of bishop Van Mildert
inserted in its place. It was intended, doubtless, to commemorate the
last-named prelate's works of general ' restoration,' even then synony-
mous with destruction, and which are said to have cost £1,500. They
included, besides the alteration of the stalls, and renewing of the
stonework, the relaying of the floor which, owing partly, perhaps, to
neglect, and partly to damp, had gone greatly to decay. This was
carried out mainly after the original fashion, with black stone from
Bangor in North Wales, and white, from Heathery Cleugh, near
Stanhope ; but many blocks of the latter, after less than seventy years
service, are fretting away again. Van Mildert, also, very properly,
caused the inscriptions, above and around Cosin's resting place, to be
204
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
carefully recut. They were written by the bishop himself, and
engraved before his death, lacunae only being left for dates, and are
as follows : —
REQVIESCVNT ENIM.
O
Z
~
IN NON MOBITUBAM MEMORTAM
O
JOHANNIS COSINI,
>
O
EPISCOPI DUNELMENSIS.
QUI HOC SACELLUM CONSTRUXIT,
^^
ORNAVIT ET DEO CONSECBAVIT
CD
AO D'NI MDCLXV
0
QC
UQ
IN PESTO S. PETRI.
__
h
OBIIT XV. DIE MENSIS IAN.
CO
z
Ao D'NI MDCLXXI
0)
>
ET HIC SEPULTUS EST EXPECTANS
Z
FELICEM CORPORIS
CO
O
RESUBRECTIONEM
<
5
AC VITAM IN COELIS AETEBNAM.
CO
1
BEQUIESCAT IN PACE.
IA±yOIAI I1V39
It seems somewhat strange that the late bishop Lightfoot should
take exception to the wording of this inscription as savouring of
vain-glorious ostentation. ' Cosin,' says he (Historical Essays}, ' was
a most munificent prelate, and he acted right nobly by the episcopal
residences of Durham and Auckland, but he was little disposed to
allow his light to be hidden under a bushel. Cosin did very much
repairing and remodelling, but little or nothing which can strictly
be called rebuilding. The man who caused to be inscribed on his
tombstone, 'In non morituram memoriam Johannis Cosini,' could
BISHOP COSIN'S MONUMENT. 205
have had no scruple in parading his own achievements, and this
spirit of vaunting led him to exaggerate the destructiveness of others.'
And in illustration he adduces Cosin's statements of the manor-houses
or the castles having been ' of late ruined and almost utterly destroyed
by the ravenous sacrilege of Sir Arthur Haslerigg ; ' and elsewhere,
speaking of himself, as ' repairing and rebuilding the Castle of Auck-
land, which was pul'd downe and ruined by Sir Arthur Haselrig ; '
and, still further, alleging that ' the usurpers, Sir A. Haselrig and
others had ruin'd ' his two castles of Durham and Auckland.
But surely Cosin, who not only lived at the time and was an eye-
witness to the destruction, but was also called upon to make it good,
must have been far better qualified, than anyone can now pretend to be,
to judge of the nature and extent of that which he describes. Walls
and roofs may still be standing long after a house has ceased to be
habitable, and destruction may be none the less real because they
remain to bear witness to it. Like Dr. Donne (Essay, page 221),
they can preach their own funeral sermons in language far more
eloquent than any others.' Besides, should not the bishop in his
reflections on Cosin's statements— however just and true from his own
standpoint, and habit of weighing the literal and exact force of words —
have remembered of what very recent date such practice is, and how
unscientific, as well as unjust therefore, the application of it to writings
so remote as those of Cosin ?
Nothing, we know, was commoner in mediaeval times than to
describe buildings which had been damaged by fire, or at all seriously
injured, as having been ' consumed ' or destroyed, where, as existing
remains show, only very partial ruin had occurred. Take, for example,
Symeon's account of the Danish invasions and the destruction wrought
by them in the eighth century. "What a picture of wholesale and
sweeping devastation — a tabula rasa of things ecclesiastical does it
not present ? — ' Denique postquam scaevissima paganorum devastatio
gladio ac flamma ecclesias ac monasteria in cineres redegerat deficiente
pene Christianitate, vix aliquae ecclesiae et haec virgis fenoque
contextae sed nulla uspiam monasteria per cc annos reaedificabantur.'
Yet true, assuredly, as this witness is in its general bearings, what do
the remains of the monastic churches of Jarrow and Wearmouth — still
actually standing above a thousand years after the event described,
206 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
declare to us ? Why simply this, that, as might naturally be expected,
they were merely fired, and then abandoned. All that perished was
the woodwork, and even that, perhaps, not entirely. The marauders
never dreamt of troubling themselves with the senseless and unprofitable
labour of digging down the stone walls. To say nothing of the
trouble, they had far more lucrative and pleasurable employment to
engage them. And so, doubtless, in all, or nearly all, such other cases.
Walls which, after standing roofless for a couple of centuries, are still,
after over eight centuries of renewed occupation, sound and good,
cannot, it is clear, have been very materially injured — let alone
incinerated.
Again, at Canterbury, the monk Gervase, a contemporary and eye-
witness of the circumstances he narrates, tells us how ' in the year of
grace one thousand one hundred and seventy four, the glorious choir
of Conrad was by the just but occult judgment of God consumed by
fire,' and so, that which had been hitherto delightful as a paradise of
pleasure, was now made a despicable heap of ashes' But what,
according to his own showing, were the literal and exact facts ? The
wooden roof was destroyed, it is true, but the whole of the walls were
left standing even to the top of the clearstoreys. Naturally, as in all
such cases, the pillars suffered most severely through the blazing
beams falling and burning against them ; yet even they were not con-
sidered by several of the architects, French and English, who were
called into consultation, to be beyond repair. And this they proposed
to effect ' without mischief to the walls above? William of Sens, how-
ever, one of the number, with as keen an eye to art as to business,
proposed, as soon as the monks were calm enough to entertain the
suggestion, their entire removal ; and to this course he eventually
persuaded them. But this rebuilding — which provided also for the
insertion of a groined vault — was confined strictly to the inner walls ;
the outer walls, with the chapels of 8. Andrew and S. Anselm, being
suffered to remain — as, indeed, they do still. And thus it happened
that Gervase, after again describing the work as having been
' miserably consumed by fire? proceeds to speak of it further on as
' the church which we are going to pull down ! '
The cathedral church of Chichester, too, affords another, and still
more striking, illustration. Built, and completed by bishop Ralph in
CHICHESTER AND NORBURY. 207
1108, it was burnt in 1186, and restored by bishop Seffrid II. (1180-
1204). Speaking of this fire, Matthew Paris tells us that it ' consumed
the mother church and the whole town ; ' and bishop Reade's
Register, that Seffrid re-edified the church of Chichester : — ' Saufridus
Episcopus Cicestriae qui Ecclesiam Cicestrensem post incendium
magnum sumptibus innumeris reaedificavit.' Yet nothing of the kind,
literally construed, happened. Not only were the walls left standing
to their full height, but even parts of the timbers of the roof escaped
and still remain to witness to the fact. All that was— not needed, for
of that we have no proof — but done, was the renewing of the outer
order of the pier arches, and rebuilding, in a more ornate fashion, of
the interior surface of the clearstorey windows, — the vaulted roof and
supporting shafts which were then inserted, being wholly new features,
and introduced for the first time. In simple fact, the larger part of
the woodwork only was destroyed, and parts of the, perhaps, slightly
injured stonework, replaced in the newer style.
But, as remarkable an example of the use of sweeping terms applied
to works of mere architectural alteration or repair as can be found
anywhere, perhaps, is one which occurs, not in the pages of any mere
chronicler of events with which he was only indirectly connected, but
with the author himself, and that in the place of all others in which
conscious abuse of terms should least of all be looked for — the inscrip-
tion on his tomb. It is, or was formerly, to be seen on the splendid
alabaster monument of Nicholas Fitzherbert, in Norbury church,
Derbyshire. According to Le Neve (Monumental Inscriptions), it ran
thus : —
' An. Mcccc seventy and three
Years of our Lord passed in degree
The body that bury'd is iinder this stone
Of Nichol Fitzherbert, Lord and Patrone
Of Norbury
This church he made at his own expense,
In the joy of heaven be his recompence.'
What could possibly be simpler, more precise or definite than this ?
But for the internal evidence of the building itself to the contrary,
any, nay every, one would run away with the idea that the writer was
the founder and constructor of the building. Nothing, however, could
208 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
be further from the fact. The church itself, which is one of great
interest and beauty, consists of a clearstoreyed nave with north and
south aisles ; an engaged south tower ; and a magnificent chancel of
four bays, nearly as long as the body of the church, and slightly higher
than the clearstorey. Of different dates, the whole building is yet far
earlier than the days of Nicholas Fitzherbert, the chancel in particular
—whose splendid subarcuated windows occupy the whole wall space
between the buttresses — belonging to the early part of the fourteenth
century, or circa 1310-15. What then, it may well be asked, did
Nicholas Fitzherbert do to warrant the statement that he ' made ' the
church ? The answer is as brief and direct as the allegation. He
simply placed new and flat wooden roofs over the nave and chancel ;
built, or rebuilt, two small mortuary chapels ; placed a parapet on the
south side of the chancel, and inserted divers quarries bearing his
initals in the chancel windows. As to the main body of the fabric
including the tower, so far from having 'made 'it, he just left it as he
found it — untouched. .
The ' made ' we see, means, and was meant to mean, nothing more
than made serviceable, or put into good repair. And such, as aforetime,
was then, and long afterwards — down well nigh to our own days,
indeed — continued to be the common application of such phrases.
It never occurred to anyone, apparently, to submit every word to a
species of literary analysis, or express themselves with a rigidly exact
and etymological precision. Autres temps, autres moevrs. People
neither dreamt of understanding others, or being themselves under-
stood, or misunderstood, in any such fashion, and 'destroy,' or
' consume,' seldom or never meant — annihilate.
Cosin, like other great men, and especially churchmen, has had his
detractors, but none, I think, has ever ventured to suggest that he
was a fool. Yet, fool and nothing else must he have been if, in the
midst of countless eye-witnesses to the facts, he ventured to publish,
and that for the express purpose of general edification, expressions
such as these, unless they were both true and known to be true in
the sense in which he wrote, and all who read understood, them at
the time. True, bishop Lightfoot would never have allowed him-
self to use such words in describing such events ; but then he lived
and wrote in the nineteenth, Cosin, in the seventeenth, century.
COSINES MONUMENTAL INSCRIPTION. 209
And as to the inscription — however it may read, whatever spirit
may seem to breathe in it to others — I, for one, can certainly see no
taint of arrogancy in it. ' In perpetual, or undying memory ! "
What can be simpler or more natural ? The voice comes from the
grave ; appeals only against forgetf ulness ; and thus, though indirectly,
echoes the older and more personal — ' Orate pro anima.'
The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance. — Psalm cxii. 6.
It is all he asks for. —
*(C0 tegrig c&rijste: quot) non iacet l)ic lapig tete
Corpug ut ocnetuc: 0eD gpirttug ut memoretur*
tu qui tcang'tg, magnum, imtuug, PUEC an0i0:
me ftrnde pceceg, tiabituc micljt &it tenie 0pe0.'
After all the cost and labour he had bestowed upon it, the bishop
was especially anxious that his own body should be the first to be
interred within the walls of the chapel. In this hope, however, he
was disappointed ; and great was his annoyance to find how, during
his absence in London, that of his son-in-law, Mr. Davison, without
either his knowledge or consent, had been buried there before him.
' But,' as he writes to his steward, ' since Mr. Davenport and my
daughter, together with yourselfe, have thus clap't up the matter,
which cannot be now undone againe, I must be content to let it bee
as it is, and say JRequiescat in pace.1
Other monument than the chapel itself Cosin has none ; and
Wren's famous, 'Si mon amentum quaeris, circumspice,' at S. Paul's,
might with equal truth be written on his simple gravestone here.
The only other worth notice, indeed, almost the only one at all, is the
very striking and beautiful effigy of bishop Trevor (1752-1771), in
white and grey Sicilian marble, by Nollekens, which occupies the
south-western angle of the ante-chapel. He is shown seated in a niche
or alcove ; and as Dr. Raine well says, ' the mild and devout expression
manifested in his countenance seems to justify the appellation by
which according to persons with whom I have conversed, and who
well recollected him, he was universally known in his diocese, " The
Beauty of Holiness." ' With this monument, and designation, which
so concisely sums up its characteristics, we take our leave of the
interior — the most solemn, religious, and artistically perfect of its kind
to be met with far or near.
VOL. XVIII, 2&
210 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
XII.
As might be expected, the exterior, stately and imposing though it
is in the mass, is yet, owing to the entire absence of all genuine
mediaeval detail, much less interesting and impressive. Notwithstand-
ing, it is a grand conception, and grandly carried out. Considering
the age when it was built, the fact that, so far as can be gathered, no
architect whatever was employed, but that the bishop himself, with
his masons and carpenters, were responsible for every item of
stone and wood work about the place, we cannot but be filled with
admiration at a result, at once so singular and successful. How much
depended on the bishop's own personal taste and intervention will
appear from the following characteristic epistle at the very commence-
ment of the operations, dated March 13th, 1661 : 'To Robert Morley.
Robert, we have had many deliberacions about the Chappell, and you
seeme unwillinge to follow my mind in the forme of the fower corner
buttresses, both at the ends of the lower and the upper row of lights.
I thinke it will be most beautif ull, as the lesse chargeable, if you begin
your rustick ashler worke all along from the ground, and continue it up
as a strong even wall, about four feet high, on the top of which
bottome wah1 make a large water table of 3 degrees, upon which you
may place your butteresses (between the windows) that may be of the
thickness only of the lower wall, and rise up flat before in 3 degrees,
one lesse than another, till you come to the battlement, and add your
finishing there to every such butteresse. At foure corners the
butteresses may goe from the ground, and be made in 8 cants
(whereof some wil be hidden in the coine), which need not be so
great as a stayrecase, or look like any such ; for you may make them
slender, every cant a foot long, and so the whole diameter of the
butteresse will not be above 2 foot £, every lay of stones consisting
some of one and some of two ; and when you come to the top (which
must be 4 foot higher than the other flatt butteresses), you may cover
ah1 in a round, according to this inclosed patterne, which is taken
from the best built plaine chappell in London. Let me hear from
you how you like all this. At the east and west end on both sides
the window you may set the like 8-canted butteresses and begin their
bases upon a great corbell stone set out, 24 foot from the ground,
. \CE, /A
Plate XXVIII.
DURHAM.
\ THE SUCIBTY.)
\ *
THE EXTERIOR. 211
which you say is of the height of the east window sole. Those 8-
canted butteresses would make the chappell beautifull to the eyes
and well please your loving friend Jo. DURESME.'
How extensively and minutely the bishop entered into the general
designs and details of the interior — from the panelling, painting,
gilding, and moulding of the beams of the roof ; the glazing of the
windows ; the designs of the screen, stalls, reredoses, desks, cushions,
altar plate, covers, books, pavement, and other and less important
matter, we have already seen at large; and the same diligent and
individual attention we now see him bestowing on all parts of the
exterior. Not that he was obstinately bent on having his own way
in the least. We have just seen by his own letter how he had
evidently cast about all over London to find the best models for his
angle turrets, and how, having done so, he sent sketches of them for
his mason to follow ; and those models were exactly reproduced, both
as to proportion and the cupola-like finish of their tops. But the
plan of the basement so strongly insisted on was not followed.
Evidently, the bishop's first idea was to have one of considerable
depth and projection, like those at Darlington and Eipon, into which
the buttresses, without further projection, might lie in Norman or
Transitional fashion. However, either from personal change of
mind, or his friend Robert Morley's persuasion, he eventually followed
the usual arrangement — as in Beck's work towards the north — by
reducing the proposed proportions of the base, and allowing the
buttresses to project.
Again, in another and far more important particular, we see how
the bishop's second thoughts were best. Writing to his steward,
Mr. Stapylton, January 30th, 1661, he says: — *I have considered
the upper windows there, and I think four may serve, if five cannot
be had.' From this it is clear that both he and his mason had
already laid their heads together on the subject, and that ' Robert '
had objected to the number five (which his master just as clearly
preferred) ; and this for the best and most approved structural reasons.
The bishop evidently looked at the matter only from a picturesque
and external point of view, where five clearstorey windows would
undoubtedly both look and fill up the space better than four. But
as there were only four bays, such a number would have produced a
212 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE:
very bad and confused effect internally, where the central window would
have come directly over a pillar — a void above a solid — and the rest,
occupying irregular positions above the arches, would throw the whole
into confusion. Further deliberations, by which both views were
abandoned, led to the happiest result. And it is surely pleasant to
find how, by mutual concession, the structural and artistic instincts
of both found not only equal but far fuller expression in the ultimate
adoption of seven, instead of either four or five, as the number of the
windows ; that which allowed of their being set symmetrically over
the centres of the four arches and three pillars on the one hand, and
forming an unbroken and grandly continuous range of openings on
the other.32
But, interesting as these clearstorey windows are from the personal,
they are just as much so from the architectural and historical points
of view. Looked at from the standpoint of pure architecture, they
present us with highly interesting illustrations of that striving after
Gothic forms when, though the technical knowledge of the art was
either dead or in its death throes, the Gothic spirit was, nevertheless,
still struggling to express itself, and battling tenaciously for life.
Worthless, like all other ancient forms — even the very best and
purest — as models for servile copying, their value lies in this, that they
exhibit a phase of art peculiarly and specially their own ; imitative,
perhaps, in expression rather than in detail, but imitative in such a
way as the work of no other times but theirs could be.
K I have said that the selection of seven instead of five as the number of the
clearstorey windows on each side allowed of their being set symmetrically above
the three pillars and points of the four arches. And so, no doubt, it did,
theoretically. Practically, however, it was found desirable to modify this
disposition somewhat, so as to apportion the same, or nearly the same, space
between each window and that at the ends of each range and the angles.
Starting, therefore, from the centre window directly over the central pillar, the
positions of the three others on each side are slightly shifted east and west
respectively, so as to make the intervening wall spaces, as nearly as may be,
equal throughout. And thus, while the deviation from mathematical precision
is practically unperceived, especially as seen in perspective, the very awkward
and ungainly effect of having the whole range crowded, as it were, into the
middle, while the ends were left bald and blank, is avoided, and the effect
rendered just as satisfactory inside as outside, where the relations of the several
parts is unseen. Of the three different designs assigned to these windows, the
first is confined to the four at the extremities on each side ; the second, to the
second and centre, counting from each end ; and the third, to the third from
each end ; so that there are four of the first and third, and six of the second
altogether. The effect is, naturally, very rich and varied in that respect, and
just the same as in old work.
THE WINDOWS. 213
Nor is what may be called their historical, at all less than their
personal, or architectural, value. For their evidence tends to prove —
what must otherwise have been more entirely matter of conjecture —
that the whole of the remaining windows, viz.: — those of the aisles
and ends, are not, like themselves, exhibitions of pure seventeenth
century spirit, but reproductions, more or less exact, of others which
were there before them. No more striking contrast than that offered
by the designs and proportions of the two groups could, in fact, be
imagined. Those of the wholly new seventeenth century clearstorey,
are just as wholly of seventeenth century characters, without any trace
of mediaeval design whatever. Unlike some others of their day, as for
example those of Exeter and "Wadham college chapels, Oxford, which,
save in one or two minute points of detail, might readily be taken for
fine and perfectly genuine works of the fifteenth century, they make
no attempt to revive Perpendicular forms — the nearest to them in
point of date — at all. On the contrary, they go back to a mixture of
geometrical and flowing figures, yet not such as ever occur in ancient
work, but are due altogether to the fancy of their designer, the bishop's
mason, Robert Morley. The windows are round-headed, of three
lights, and set between massive crocketted pinnacles. They display
three somewhat similar, though different, designs and are so unmistak-
ably decadent — I forbear the once fashionable term 'debased ' — that any
question of origin is impossible. But they show, just as clearly, that
the great east and west windows, as well as those of the side aisles — all
those, that is, situate in the original parts of the building, are derived
from another, and different, source altogether. Of the same date and
workmanship as the clearstorey windows, the designs of the two are
seen to have simply nothing in common. While the one set presents
us with the uncertain and confused reminiscence of forms well-nigh
forgotten, the other shows us the true forms themselves, and that with
a degree of accuracy and precision such as could come only from the
artificers having the originals present before their eyes. Now, what
those originals were, and whence derived, is plain enough. The author
of the History of Durham, etc., as we have already seen, referring to
the great west window of four lights, declares it to be not only the
actual one inserted for the sum of 2s. 3|d., but that such insertion
was made in the 5th of bishop Hatfield, 1849-50. And as though
214 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
that— without stopping to reckon the cost in comparison of the work
done — were not enough, he proceeds to assert that all the rest of those
in the side aisles and at the east end, are also original, and inserted at
the same time. But as all the stonework — that of the jambs more
conspicuously, which is worked in rustic ashlar, and where the joints,
hardly broken, form almost vertical lines — is incontestably that of
Cosin, such claim to originality falls to the ground at once. And
then, though the originals of such as have net tracery, had they
only stood alone, might not improperly have been referred to
Hatfield's time, such reference becomes manifestly absurd when, as
happens here, they are intimately mixed up with others of more
palpably geometrical character. The only period, it is evident, to
which the originals can be assigned is the early part of the fourteenth
century ; and the only prelate Beck ; who founded the college, rebuilt
the ancient chapel, raised the side walls of the hall, inserted new and
larger windows in them and at the ends to correspond with those of
his new chapel opposite, and supported them at the same time with
tall stepped buttresses which, towards the north, remain perfect to the
present day.
XIII.
Clear, however, as the line of demarcation between the two groups
is, it is not to be supposed that the copies of Beck's originals, close as
they are, are yet, in all respects, literal and exact. That would be too
much to expect. As in all assimilated, or copied, work, the touch and
character of the copier, like murder, 'will out.' And thus, though
the general outlines and proportions are, doubtless, faithfully repro-
duced, pointing distinctly to days earlier than those of Hatfield, yet
some of the minor details are seen to point, every whit as distinctly,
to those far later ones when they were wrought. The whole of the
tracery is of the kind styled by the late professor Willis roll-tracery,
that is, having a roll-moulding in place of the usual flat and simple
face. But, admirable as it is, the whole seems slightly flattened, and
to that extent, therefore, tamer and less effective than the originals
would be. And another slight, but very characteristic, difference
between the copies and the originals is that the cusping, instead of
springing, as in genuine mediaeval work, out of the chamfer plane, and
being thus made subordinate to it, embraces, on the contrary, the
THE WINDOWS. 215
whole of the plane, though, owing to the presence of the roll-moulding,
which serves to throw that plane back, the fact is not perceived at
once, nor the effect, perhaps, appreciably injured.
Again, some of the most curious points of this close copying are
seen in the treatment of the rere-arches in the interior. Not only are
the whole of the windows provided with such arches, instead of mere
splays, but these again are supported by slender shafts, the bases of
which have fourteenth century mouldings, apparently exact copies,
though the caps, while perfectly appropriate, are probably less so. All
are, moreover, provided with hood moulds, but these again, though
not exciting suspicion in themselves, are finished off in every instance
with unmistakable seventeenth century corbels, instead of the tufts of
foliage or heads which would, pretty certainly, terminate the originals.
But what above all else serves to prove that, however close the
general imitation may be, some liberty has been indulged in, is the
introduction beneath the circular centrepiece of the great east window
of a flattened oval figure between it and the head of the central light.
It serves more forcibly, perhaps, than any other form could do, to
betray its origin, and cast suspicion on all the rest at the same time.
It is, however, the only detail due to the seventeenth century mason's
invention. What the original figure which Robert Morley declined
to copy was, is plain enough. The place of the oval, according to
universal practice, no doubt was, and should have continued to be,
filled by an acutely -pointed, arched, and cusped heading, either alone,
as' at Easton Xeston, and Cricklade churches ; or above a lower one in
continuation of those of the side pieces or fenestellae, as, among
others, in the contemporary east windows of Ripon minster and
Guisborough priory church, and that at the north end of the refectory
at Easby abbey. Robert Morton's solitary device expunged, the tracery
would then be of pure fourteenth century character throughout.
Other work on the exterior of the east end which was also purely
of Cosin's time, has nearly all, and, as I think, happily, perished.
From such indications as Bucks' view affords, it would seem to have
consisted of festoons of fruit and flowers above, below, and at the
sides of the great central window as well as outside those of the side
aisles. Strictly in the taste of the day, no doubt, it was yet so
violently incongruous with the whole of the real and quasi- Gothic
21 G THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
forms about it, that the effect, rich and ostentatious as it both was,
and was meant to be, could never have been satisfactory. Now,
however, all of this is not merely gone, but the surfaces of the stone
so tooled over or renewed that its very existence could never be
suspected. The only remaining but separate part of the composition
is the weather-worn shield of the great bishop, which, occupying the
centre of the gable, still ' tells the people what things he hath done.'
The following refers to the work as a whole : —
' 1663. 8 April. Articles for work according to draught and
designe. Henry de Keiser, sculptor, to have 251. to winne the stone,
carve and set it up. My Lord to find the crampes and lead the
stones, and to give 5£. more, if he shall judge the worke shall deserve
it. One third to be paid in hand, another when the work is finished
at the east end of the Chappell, and the third when the armes and
work about the porch are finished.'
The porch, together with ' the armes and work about it,' are now,
however, as clean gone apparently as the sculpture ' at the east end
of the chappell,' though when they were altered or destroyed is not
very clear. Bucks' view shows that of Cosin as a square, projecting
structure, with scrolled parapets and square-headed, mullioned windows
to the room above the archway. At present there is a shallow, three-
sided portico, with slender pointed arches, serving as shelter to a quasi-
Gothic archway, the door of which, enriched with festoons of fruit and
flowers, is certainly of Cosin's time. But the walls of the porch have
been rebuilt apparently by either Barrington or Van Mildert. It
forms the southern end or division of a long and spacious vestibule
which runs across and beyond the west end of the chapel, and is
divided by cross walls and arches into three parts ; the principal one
in the centre containing the entrance doorway to the chapel, and
another to the great staircase opposite to it. The chapel doorway
corresponds exactly with that of the porch in every particular, both
of wood and stonework, as do also their rear arches with those which
cross the vestibule and mark its divisions. Dr. Eaine says, 'The
doorways in this part of the Chapel are of Trevor's period (1752-
1771) or later.' He gives no authority for this assertion, however,
which seems wholly improbable. The doors themselves are unques-
tionably those set up by Cosin, and exactly fit the stone arches,
THE CHAPEL DOORWAYS. 217
which are of very peculiar outline, sharply pointed, and springing
not from a tangent but an angle. The whole details of the stone-
work, moreover, are precisely of such a hybrid, nondescript character
as Robert Morley might be expected to have evolved out of his own
' inner consciousness,' and it is difficult to see how, protected from
the weather as both of them were from the first, they should have
become so decayed as to need renewal above a hundred and twenty
years ago, and when only about a hundred years old. That bishop
Trevor did make divers alterations at the west end of the chapel
seems, notwithstanding, clear enough. Thus, from a ' Memorandum
of Work to be done at Auckland Castle ' in the auditor's office at
Durham, there appears, among others, the following particulars : — ' A
wall to be built between the two buttresses to screen the stairs on
the outside of the chappie, with a battlement on the top. The vestry
to be taken away, and a closet for the same use to be made in the
thickness of the wall. The inside of the chappie at the west end to
have two windows to answer them on the east end, the one blank
and the other a part open.'
But all these works have in the interim been completely obliterated
— the closet covered over, the windows blocked up, and the wall and
battlement at the west end swept away in the wholesale and destructive
alterations effected by the notorious Wyatt, under bishop Barrington.
All that remains to notice of Cosin's labours is the unseen, and
therefore generally unknown, west gable of the chapel, a view of
which is only to be had from the north-west angle at the back. It is
a very grand and solemn composition, and perfectly preserved. Above
the western window, and filling the entire flat-pitched gable with its
outstretched wings, appear, in full relief, the noble head and bust of a
great angel, with this fitting inscription — ' Adorate Deum in atrio
sancto ejus.'
XIV.
It remains now but to tell of those more recent works of pious
munificence, so worthy of his great predecessor, which were carried
out by bishop Lightfoot.
Stript bare of all the sumptuous decorations with which Cosin's
care had adorned it, the orient colours of its roof expunged, its marble
pillars buff-washed, the stained glass and pictures, the armorial
29
VOL. XVIII.
218 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
scutcheons, the silken cushions, the tapestries, the costly cloths of
gold and silver tissue, all wasted and destroyed, with nothing but the
gold plate left, and that undisplayed, the once solemn and religious
interior of his chapel had been brought to assume, as nearly as might
be, the bald and beggarly aspect of a dissenting meeting-house.
To redress these evils, and restore to the ' habitation of the house ' he
loved so well, that beauty of holiness which it had lost, was the task,
or, as I should rather say, labour of love, that the bishop set before
him from the first. Till his time, from the days of Barrington or Van
Mildert, the east end of the building, as may be seen in Billings's view,
was occupied by one of the meanest and flimsiest apologies for an altar
piece conceivable. Of mere carpenter's Gothic — and poor at that — it
was as attenuated in proportions, as miserable in its painted compo
details. The back of the canopy work, in five divisions, was filled
with a picture of the Ascension, said, as Dr. Raine tells us, to have
been painted by sir Joshua Reynolds — though more likely a bad copy.
But, whatever its origin, it was well-fitted for its setting, for a more
vapid, washed-out, ineffective daub, or one more exactly continuing
the universal drab-wash hues around it, could not be imagined.
The pavement of the altar platform had also suffered in Van
Mildert's restoration. The steps, which bishop Cosin had constructed
of black marble, had been replaced by stone, as well as the black
marble squares of the pavement with slate. And then the windows
overhead, which Cosin had filled in with pattern-work of his armorial
bearings — a white fret on a blue field — had also been destroyed, and
miserable imitations, reversing the tinctures, and eked out with much
pot-metal glass in vulgar patterns, inserted in its place. The whole
of these — slates, stones, picture, compo, and glass — were first of all
completely cleared away, and the three east windows then filled with
excellent stained glass by Messrs. Burlison & Grylls, to whom all the
rest of the new glass in the chapel is due. We wih1 take them in their
order: —
I. — THE THREE EAST WINDOWS.
The Central Window. — The great cusped circle in the head of this
window exhibits the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost.
In the oval beneath is the familiar Christian emblem of the pelican
feeding her young with her own blood. In the five long lights
THE PAINTED GLASS, REREDOS, ETC. 219
beneath are, in the centre, the Lord upon the cross, while the others
are occupied by the four apostles of the inner circle— S. Andrew and
S. Peter on the one side, and S. John and S. James on the other.
The lights of the two aisle windows and the five lower lights of the
central window represent in order the chief scenes in the life of
S. Peter. The north aisle window, it may be stated, was given by
several of the clergy who had been ordained in the chapel. The
subjects are as follows : —
North Aisle. 1. Call of S. Peter to the apostleship (Matt. iv. 19).
2. Confession of S. Peter (Matt. xvi. 16).
Central. 3. S. Peter walking on the sea (Matt. xiv. 31).
4. S. Peter's denial (Matt. xxvi. 75).
5. The pastoral charge to S. Peter (John xxi. 16).
6. S. Peter's vision (Acts x. 15).
7. His release from prison (Acts xii. 7).
South Aisle. 8. The ancient story, ' Domine, quo vadis ? '83
9. The crucifixion of S. Peter (John xxi. 1 8).
II. — THE REREDOS AND SANCTUARY.
The reredos consists of two parts, the lower portion being of dark
Frosterley marble, and the upper of oak.
Of the marble work, the lower part is plain and carries a richly
moulded and carved retable with shields having the emblems of the
Evangelists and the cross of S. Cuthbert carved on them. Above this
is a large recessed panel, containing a plate of copper on which are
painted ten figures of angels bearing shields charged with the emblems
of the Passion. Above the panel is a cornice forming the base on
which the oak superstructure stands.
83 After passing the site of the first milestone on the Appian way, and the
tomb of Priscilla, at the point where the modern Strada della Madonna del
Devin' Amore branches off to the right, is the church of Domine quo vadis, so
called from the tradition that it was here that S. Peter in his flight from Rome
met our Saviour, who, to the above enquiry of the apostle, made answer, ' Venio
Romam iterum crucifigi.' On hearing which he at once retraced his steps, and,
like his Master before Pontius Pilate, ' witnessing a good confession,' fulfilled his
prediction.
A slab of white marble, professing to bear the imprints of the Lord's feet, is
shown as one of the most precious relics in the neighbouring basilica of S.
Sebastian. As the Appian way, however, was not paved with white marble slabs,
and the one in question bears distinct marks of the chisel, the value of this, as
well as of the other relics of which it forms the crowning glory, may be accur-
ately appraised.
220 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
The oak superstructure has two tiers of large bas-reliefs under
canopies, and divided by buttresses and canopied niches containing
twelve small statues of angels with musical instruments. The central
bas-relief of the upper series contains a figure of our Lord in glory,
with adoring and censing angels. The bas-reliefs on either side
represent Apostles and Prophets respectively. The centre of the lower
series contains a group of local saints, S. Oswald, S. Hilda, S. Aidan,
the Yen. Bede, and S. Outhbert. On the one side is a group of
martyrs ; on the other, of saints and doctors. The whole is sur-
mounted by a coved canopy, finished by a richly carved cornice and a
cresting with three shields.
The painted panel is the work of Messrs. Burlison & Grylls, who
also drew all the groups of figures. These latter were carved by P. de
Wispelaere, sculptor, of Bruges. The architectural carving, which
follows local types, was executed by the late Mr. Eoddis.
The holy, altar is of oak with cedar panels. The super-altar, which
is of the same materials, is carved with the sacred monograms, the rose
and lily, the keys of S. Peter, and the cross saltire of S. Andrew. The
cross and the standard candlesticks were designed and executed in
Durham.
The credence table is constructed out of a portion of an ancient
altar slab, found in the house, where it had been put to other uses.
Both itself and its legs are of Frosterley marble.
The steps of the sanctuary are of 'black and white marble in
accordance with Cosin's design, and their original construction. They
have taken the place of those meaner ones of slate and stone sub-
stituted for them in the time of Van Mildert.
III. — THE WINDOWS OF THE NORTH AND SOUTH AISLES.
The series of pictures proceeds from right to left, beginning with
the easternmost window of the north wall, and ending with the
easternmost window of the south wall. For descriptive purposes, each
window may be divided into three portions.
I. Angels with /Scrolls. — These occupy the central lower compart-
ment. The scrolls bear the names of the earlier occupants of the
Northumbrian see, which was fixed at Lindisfarne by Aidan, A.D.
635, and remained there till Eardulf, A.D. 875. Meanwhile, an off-
PAINTED GLASS WINDOWS. 221
shoot was planted at Hexham (Haguldstald), under whose jurisdiction
the county of Durham fell for a time, and this existed from Tunbert
(A.D. 681) to Tidferth (A.D. 814). From Lindisfarne, the see was
removed to Cestria (Chester-le-Street), and remained there till A.D.
995, when it was removed by Aldhun to Durham. The names on the
six scrolls are those of the bishops of (1), (2), Lindisfarne, (3), (4),
Hexham, and (5), Chester, ending with (6), the earlier bishops of
Durham.
II. Tracery. — This consists mainly of three quatrefoils in the
easternmost window on either side ; and of a large cusped circle in the
other four windows. All these are filled with figures of the principal
personages belonging to the successive periods to which the historical
scenes beneath refer.
III. Historical Scenes. — Of these there are three in each window in
the following order : — (1) Lower light (right hand) ; (2) upper light
(the whole breadth of the window) ; (3) lower light (left hand) ;
thus making eighteen in all. The nine on the north side comprise
the Celtic period of Northumbrian history ending with the council of
Whitby and the submission to Koine. The nine on the south side
give the Roman period to the building of Durham cathedral.
FIEST WINDOW.
I. Angels' Scroll. — The earliest bishops of Lindisfarne from Aidan
(A.D. 635) to Eadfrid (698).
II. Tracery. — Three small lights, quatrefoils ; figures of king
Edwin, of Paulinus, and of king Oswald.
III. Historical Scenes. — 1. Paulinus preaching in the court of
Edwin; flight of the dove through the hall34 (first conversion of
Northumbria).
84 The whole story of Paulinus and his labours is fully set forth by Bede who
tells how, having first been consecrated to the episcopal office, he set out from
Kent with the Christian Aethelburga to the court of her future husband, the
still heathen Edwin of Northumbria. . . . ' Vir Deo dilectus Paulinus, qui cum
ilia veniret, eamque et comites ejus, ne paganorum possent societate pollui,
quotidiana exhortatione, et sacramentorum coelestium celebratlone confirmaret
. . . . et sic cum praefata virgine ad Regem Edwinum, quasi comes copulae
carnalis advenit. Sed ipse potiustoto animo intendens, ut gentem,quam adibat,
ad agnitionem veritatis advocans, juxta vocem Apostoli, Uni virosponsovirginew,
castam exJiiberet Christo. Ciimque in provinciam venisset, laboravit multum,
ut eos, qui secum venerunt. ne a fide deficerent, Domino adjuvante contineret ; et
aliquos, si forte posset, de paganis ad fidei gratiatu praedicando converteret. Sed
222 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
2. King Oswald planting the cross before the battle of Heavens-
field.36
sicut Apostolus ait, Quantvin multo tempore illo laborante in rerto, Devs seculi
hwj-uts exeaecavit mentes injideliiim.ne vis fitly eret illuminatio Evnngelii gluriiu'
Clirixti. At length, however, after escaping assassination at the hands of Eumer,
the emissary of Quichelm, king of the West Saxons, and shortly after destroying
the power of that king, Edwin, after due deliberation, yields to the teaching of
Paulinas. ' Igitur accepit rex Edwinus, cum cunctis gentis suae nobilibus ac
plebe perplurima, fidem et lavacrum sanctae regenerationis, anno regni sui
undecimo (627). Baptizatur est autem Eboraci die sancto Paschae in Ecclesia
sancti Petri Apostoli, quam ibidem ipse de ligno, cum catechizaretur, atque ad
percipiendum baptisma imbueretur, citato opere construxit. In qua etiam civitate
ipsi doctori atque antistiti suo Paulino sedem episcopates donavit.' V. Bedae,
H. E. II. 9 and 14.
The simile of the flight of the bird (dove or sparrow) through the hall was
brought forward while the relative merits of Paganism and Christianity were
being discussed between the king and his nobles, and previous to their eventual
conversion. The incident is thus narrated : — Coifi, the high priest, having
first of all declared how vain and unprofitable his gods had been to himself,
notwithstanding his devotion to them, concluded by saying: — 'Unde restat, ut
si ea, quae nunc nova nobis praedicantur, meliora esse, et fortiora (habita
examinatione,) perspexeris; (absque ullo cunctamine) suscipere ilia festinemus.
Cujus, suasioni verbisque prudentibus, alius optimatum Regis tribuens assen-
sum, continu6 subdidit : Talis, inquiens, mihi videtur (Rex) vita hominum
praesens in terris, ad comparationem ejus quod nobis incertum est temporis,
quale cum te residente ad coenam cum ducibus ac ministris tuis tempore
brumali, accenso quidem foco (in medio), et calido affecto coenaculo, furentibus
autem foris per omnia turbinibus hyemalium pluviarum vel niviumj adveniens
unus passerum domum citissime pervolaverit, qui cum per unum ostium
ingrediens, inox per aliud exierit, ipso quidem tempore quo intus est, hyemis
tempestate non tangitur : sed tamen parvissimo spatio serenitatis ad momentum
excurso, mox de hyeme in hyemem regrediens tuis oculis elabitur: Ita haec
vita hominum ad modicum apparet ; quid autem sequatur quidve praecesserit
prorsus ignoramus. Unde si haec nova doctrina certius aliquid attulerit, merito
esse sequenda videtur. His similia, et caeteri majores natu, ac Regis consiliarii
divinitus admoniti, prosequebantur. Adjecit autem Coifi, quia vellet ipsum
Paulinum diligentius audire de Deo, quern praedicabat, verbum facientem.
Quod cum, jubente Rege faceret; exclamavit, auditis ejus sermonibus, dicens :
Jan olim intellexeram nihil esse quod colebamus, quia videlicet quanto studio-
sius in eo cultu veritatem quaerebam, tanto minus inveniebam. Nunc autem
aperte profiteer, quia in hac praedicatione veritas claret ilia, quae nobis vitae
salutis et beatitudinis aeternae dona valeat tribuere. Unde suggero Rex, ut
templa et altaria quae sine fructu utilitatis sacravimus, ocyus anathamati et
igni contradamus.' V. Bedae H. E. II. 13.
35 The battle was fought between Oswald of Northumbria and Caedualla,
king of the Britons, 'in fandus Britonum dux,' as Bede styles him. The follow-
ing is his account of it : — ' Ostenditur autem usque hodie, et in magna venera-
tione habetur locus ille, ubi venturus ad hanc pugnam Oswaldus, signum sanctae
crucis erexit, ac flexis genibus Deum deprecatus est; ut in tanta serum neces-
sitate suis cultoribus coelesti succurreret auxilio. Denique fertur, quia facta
citato opere cruce, ac fovea praeparata in qua statui deberet, ipse fide servens
hanc arripuerit, ac foveae imposuerit, atque utraque manu erectam tenuerit,
donee aggesto a militibus pulvere, terrae figeretur : Et hoc facto, elata inaltum
voce, cuncto exercitui proclamaverit, Flectamus omnes genua, et Deum omui-
potentem vivum ac verum, in communi deprecemur, ut nos ab hoste superbo
ac feroce su& miseratione defendat : scit enim ipse, quia justa pro salute gentis
nostrae bella suscepimus. Fecerunt omnes ut jusserat ; Et sic incipiente
THE PAINTED GLASS WINDOWS. 223
3. S. Aidan leaving the shores of lona to preach the Gospel in
Northumbria36 (second conversion of Northumbria).
SECOND WINDOW.
I. Angels' Scroll. — The succeeding bishops of Lindisfarne from
Ethelwold (A.D. 724) to Bardnlf (A.D. 854).
II. Tracery. — Figure of S. Aidan seated, with the legend —
PETKA UNDE EXCISI E8TIS (Is. 11. 1).
III. Historical Scenes. — 4. S. Aidan preaching and king Oswald
interpreting.37
5. S. Aidan teaching the English youths.38
diluculo in hostem progress!, juxta meritum suae fidei, victoria potiti sunt. In
cujus loco orationis, innumerae virtutes sanitaturn noscuntur esse patratae, ad
indicium videlicet ac memoriam fidei Regis : Nam et usque hodie, multi de
ipso ligno sacrosanctae crucis hastulas excidere solent, quas cum in aquas
miserint, eisque, languentes homines au t pecudes potaverint sive asperserint, niox
sanitati restituuntur. Vocatur locus ille lingua Anglorum Heofonfeld (quod dici
potest Latine, coelestis Campus), quod certo utique praesagio futuroruin,
antiquitus nomen accepit; significans nimirum quod ibidem coeleste erigendum
trophaeum, coelestis inchoanda victoria, coelestia usque hodie forent miracula
celebranda.' V. Bedae H. E. III. 2.
38 ' Idem ergo Oswaldus rex, ubi regnum suscepit, desiderans, totam cui
praeesse coepit gentem, fidei Christianae gratia imbui, cujus experimenta per-
maxima in expugnandis Barbaris jam ceperat, misit ad majores natu Scotorum,
inter quos exulans ipse baptismatis Sacramento, cum his qui secum erant
militibus, consecutus erat ; petens ut sibi mitteritur autistes, cujus doctrina ac
ministerio gens quam regebat Anglorum, Dominicae fidei dona disceret, et
susciperet Sacramenta. Neque aliquanto tardiusquod petiit impetravit. Accepit
namque Pontificem Aidanum, summae mansuetudinis et pietatis ac moderaminis
virum ; habentemque zelum Dei, quamvis non plene secundum scientiam
Venienti igitur se Episcopo, Rex locum sedis Episcopalis, in insula Lindisfarnenyi,
ubi ipse petebat, tribuit.' V. Bedae H. E. III. 3.
37 ' Qui videlicet locus, accedente ac recedente rheumate, bis quotidie, instar
insulae maris circumfluitur undis, bis renudato litore contiguus terrae redditur :
atque ejus admonitionibus humiliter ac libenter in omnibus auscultans, Ecclesiam
Christ! in regno suo multum diligenter aedificare, ac dilitare curavit. Ubi
pulcherrimo saepe spectaculo contigit, ut evangclizante antistite, qui Anglorum
lenguam perfecte non noverat, ipse Rex suis ducibus ac ministris interpres verbi
existeret coelestis ; quia nimirum, tarn longo exilii sui temporc, linguam
Scotorum jam plene didicerat.' V. Bedae H. E. III. 3.
33 ' Cujus doctrinam, id maxime commendabat omnibus, quod non aliter,
quam vivebat cum suis, ipse docebat ; Nihil enim hujus mundi quaerere, nihil
amare curabat .... Discurrere per cuncta et urbana et rustica loca, non
equorum dorso, sed pedum incessu veotus, nisi major forte necessitas compulisset,
solebat. Quatenus ubicunque aliquos, vel divites vel pauperes incedens
aspexisset, confestim ad hos divertens, vel ad fidei suscipiendae Sacramentum, si
infideles essent, invitaret ; vel si fideles, in ipsa eos fide confortaret, atque ad
eleemosynas operumque bonorum executionem et verbis excitaret et factis.'
V. Bedae H. E. III. 5.
224 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
6. S. Finan baptizing Peada, king of the Middle Anglians39
(representing the missionary work of the Northumbrian church).
THIRD WINDOW.
I. Angels' Scroll. — The first bishops of Hexham from Tunbert
(A.D. 681) to Frithbert (A.D. 734).
II. Tracery. — Figure of S. Hilda seated, with the legend —
SURREXIT MATER IN ISRAEL (Jud. V. 7).
III. Historical Scenes. — 7. S. Hilda receiving the poet Caedmon
into her monastery at Whitby40 (the beginnings of English literature).
39 ' His tempoiibus Middel Angli (id est, mediterranei Angli) sub principe
Peada, filio Pendan regis, fidem et sacramenta veritatis perceperunt Qui cum
esset juvenis optimus, ac regis nomine ac persona dignissimus, piaeelatus est a
patre regno gentis illius. Venitque ad regem Northanhymbrorum Oswiv
postulans filiam ejus Alchfledam sibi conjugem dari; nee aliter quod petebat
impetrare potuit. nisi fidem Christ! (ac baptisma), cum gente cui praeerat,
acciperet. At ille audita praedicatione veritatis, et promissione regni coelestis,
speque resurrectionis ac futurae immortalitatis, libenter se Christianum fieri
velle confessus est, etiamsi virginem non acciperet, persuasus maxime ad per-
cipiendam fidem a filio Regis Oawiu, nomine Alhfrido, qui erat cognatus etamicus
ejus, habens sororem ipsius conjugem, vocabulo Cyniburgam, filiam Pendan
regis. Baptizatus est ergo a Finano Episcopo, cum omnibus qui secum venerant
comitibus ac militibus, eorumque famulis universis, in vico regis illustri qui
vocatur Admurum.' V. Bedae, H. JE.2II.2\.
40 ' In hujus monasterio Abbatissae fuit frater quidam, divina gratia specialiter
insignis quia carmina religion! et pietati apta facere solebat; ita ut quiequid ex
divinis literis per interpretes disceret, hoc ipse post pusillum, verbis Poeticis
maxima suavitate et compunctione compositis, in sua, id est, Anglorum lingua
proferret. . . . Narnque ipse non ab hominibus, neque per hominem institutus
canendi artem didicit, sed divinitus adjutus, gratis canendi donum accepit. . . .
Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cum esset laetitiae causa decretum, ut omnes
per ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi appropinquare sibi citharam cernebat,
surgebat. a media coena, et egressus, ad suam domum repedabat. Quod
dum tempore quodarn faceret, et relicta domo convivii, egressus esset ad
stabula jumentorum, quorum ei custodia nocte illfi, erat delegata ibique hora
competenti membra dedisset sopori, astitit ei quidam per somnium, eumque
salutans ac suo appellans nomine ; Caedmon, inquit, canta mihi aliquid. At ille
respondens, Nescio, inquit cantare : Nam et ide6 de convivio egressus, hue
secessi, quia cantare non poteram. Rursum ille, qui cum eo loquebatur.
Attamen ait, cantare habes. Quid inquit, debeo cantare ? At ille : Canta,
inquit, principium creaturarum. Quo accepto response, statim ipse coepit
cantare in laudem Dei conditoris, versus, quos nunquam audierat, quorum iste
est sensus. . . . Exurgens autem a somno, cuncta quae dormiens cantaverat
memoriter retinuit, et his mox plura in eundem modum, verba Deo digni
carminis adjunxit. Veniencque mane ad villicum, qui sibi praeerat, quid don!
percepisset, indicavit; atque ad Abbatissam perductus, jussus est, multis
doctioribus viris praesentibus, indicare somnium et dicere carmen, ut universorum
judicio, quid vel unde esset quod referebat, probaretur. Visumque est omnibus
coelestem ei a Domino concessaui esse, gratiam. Exponebantque illi quendam
sacrae Historiae sive doctrinae sermonem ; praecipientes ei, si posset, hunc in
modulationem carminis transferre. At ille suscepto negotio abiit, et mane
THE PAINTED GLASS WINDOWS. 225
8. S. Hilda is consulted by kings and bishops.41
9. The council of Whitby, at which S. Hilda is present on the
Celtic side.42
FOURTH WINDOW.
I. Angels' Scroll. — The succeeding bishops of Hexham from Alch-
mund (A.D. 767) to Tidfirth (A.D. 814).
rediens optimo carmine, quod jubebatur, compositum reddidit ; unde mox
Abbatissa amplexata gratiam Dei in viro, seculare ilium habitum relinquere, et
monachicum suscipere propositum docuit. Susceptumque, in monasterium cum
omnibus suis, fratrum cohorti associavit ; jussitque ilium seriem sacrae Historiae
doceri. . . . Canebat autem de creatione mundi, et origine humani generis,
et tota Genesis historia ; de egressu Israel ex Aegypto, et ingressu in terrain
repromissionis ; De aliis plurimis sacrae Scripturae Historiis ; de incarnations
Dominica, passione, resurrectione, et ascensione in coelum ; de adventu Spiritus
sancti, et Apostolorum doctrina : Item de terrore futuri judicii, et horrore
poenae Gehennalis, ac dulcedine regni coelestis multa carmina faciebat,' etc.
V. Sedae H. E. IV. 24.
41 ' Tantae autem erat ipsa prudentiae, ut non solum mediocres quique in
necessitatibus suis, sed etiam reges ac principes nonnunquam ab ea consilium
quaererent et invinerent. Tantium lectioni divinarum Scripturarum suos vacare
subditos, tantum operibus justiciae se exercere faciebat, ut facillime viderentur
ibidem, qui Ecclesiasticum geadum, hoc est, altaris officium apte subirent,
plurimi posse reperiri. Denique quinque ex eodem monasterio postea Episcopos
vidimus, et hos omnes singularis meriti ac sanctitatis viros, quorum haec sunt
nomina, Bosa, Aetla, Of tsor, Johannes et Wilfrid,' etc. V. Sedae H. E. 1 V. 23.
42 The council of Whitby, held A.D. 664, in order to settle the long-standing
and vexed question as to the true time of keeping Easter, belongs so entirely
to the domain of ecclesiastical history that no detailed notice of it need be
taken here. Its history will be found set out in full in Sede, H. E. 111. 25.
Suffice it to say that it was attended by Oswin, king of Northumbria, and hie
son Alchfrid who, as sub-king, ruled the province of Deira; Agilberet, bishop
of the West Saxons, Wilfrid, abbot of^Ripon, Agatho, Jacobus, the deacon, and
Romanus, the priest, representing the Roman party ; and the bishops Colman
and Ceadda, the abbess Hild, and their respective clergy, the Scottish. The
latter pleaded the use which, handed down from time immemorial, and tradi-
tionally from S. John, themselves and their ancestors had all along followed;
the former, the use of the church universal, which followed that established at
Rome by the apostles Peter and Paul; urging, finally, that however great
Columba might have been, he was not to be preferred to the prince of the
apostles, ' Cui Dominus ait; " Tit es Petrus, et svper hanc Pet ram aedificabo
Ecclesiam ineam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus earn, et tibi dabo
claves regni coelontm." '
Asked by the king whether this were true, Colman answered, Yes ; whether
such power had ever been conferred on Columba, he said, No. Then, asking
both sides if such words had been spoken principally to Peter, and both agreeing
that they had, the king thus characteristically wound up the debate : — ' Et ego
vobis dico, quia hie est Hostiarius ille, cui ego contradicere nolo, sed in quantum
novi, vel valeo, hujus cupio in omnibus obedire statutis, ne forte, me adveniente
ad fores regui coelorum non sit qui reserat averse illo, qui claves tenere probatur.
Haec dicente rege, faverunt assidentes sibi, et quique, sive astantes, majores,
una cum mediocribus, et'abdicata minus perfects! institutione, ad ea quae
meliora cognoverant, sese transferre festinabant.' V. Sedae H. E. III. 25.
Whelock's edition, Cambridge, 1644.
VOL. XVIII. 30
226 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
II. Tracery. — Figure of S. Cuthbert with the legend —
SUSTULIT BUM DE GREGiBUS Oviuii (Ps. Ixxviii. 70).
III. Historical Scenes. — 10. The youth Cuthbert presents himself
to the abbot Boisil and seeks admission to Melrose.43
11. Consecration of S. Cuthbert by archbishop Theodore.44
12. Death of S. Cuthbert, announced by the attendant monks to
their brethren at Lindisfarne by lighted torches.45
43 ' Et quidem Lindisfarnensem ecclesiam multos habere sanctos viros,
quorum doctrina et exemplis instrui posset, noverat, sed fama preventus Boisili
sublimium virtutum monachi et sacordotis, Mailros petere maluit. Casuque
contigit, ut cum illo proveniens equo desiluisset, ingressurusque ad orandum
ecclesiam, ipsum pariter equum et hastam, quam tenuerat manu, ministro
dedisset, nee dum enim habitum deposuerat secularem, Boisilus ipse prae
foribus monasterii consistens, prior ilium videret. Praevidens in spiritu
quantees conversation esset futurus, quam cernebat, hoc unum dixit astantibus,
" Bcce servus Dei," imitatus ilium, qui venientem ad se Nathanael intuitus,
" Ecce," inquit, "vir Israelita, in quo dolus non est." .... Nee plura loquens
Boisilus pervenientem mox ad se Cudberctum benigne suscepit, causamque
sui itineris exponentem, quia, videlicet, monasterum seculo praetulerit, benignus
secum retenuit. Erat enim Praepositus ejusdem monasterii.' V. Beclae 0. H.
M. Vita S. Cudbercti, VI. Stevenson's edition.
44 ' Cum ergo ibidem multis annis Deo solitarius serviret .... contigit ut
congregata synodo non parva sub praesentia regis Ecgfridi juxta tiuvium Alne,
.... cui beatae memoriae Theodorus Archiepiscopus praesidebat, unanimo
omnium consensu ad Episcopatum Ecclesiae Lindisfarnensis eligeretur. Qui
cum multis legatariis ac literis ad se praemissis, nequaquam suo monasterio
posset erui, tandem rex ipse praefatus, una cum sanctissimo antistite Trumwine
necnon et aliis religiosis ac potentibus viris insulam navigavit. Conveniunt et
di ipsa insula Lindisfarnensi in hoc ipsum multi de fratribus; genuflectunt;
omnes, adjurant per Domiuum; lacrymas fundunt; obsecrant; donee ipsum
quoque lacrymis plenum dulcibus extrahunt latebris, atque ad synodum pertra-
hunt. Qu6 dum perveniret, quamvis multum renitens, unanimo cunctorum
volunate superatur, atque ad suscipiendum Episcoapatus officium collum sub-
mittere compellitur. . . . Nee tamen statim ordinatio decreta, sed peracta hyeme,
quae imminebat, in ipsa solennitate Paschali completa est Eboraci, sub praesentia
regis Ecgfridi; convenientibus ad consecrationem ejus septem Episcopis in quibus
beatae memoriae Theodorus primatum tenebat.' V. Bedae H. E. IV. 28.
45 ' Haec et his similia vir Domini per intervalla locutus, quia vis, ut diximus,
infirinitatis possibilitatem loquendi ademerat, quietum exspectatione futurae
beatitudinis diem duxit ad vesperam, cui etiam pervigelem quietus in precibus
continuavit et noctem. At ubi consuetum nocturnae orationis tempus aderat,
acceptis a me (Uualhstod) sacramentis salutaribus, exitum suum quern jam
venisse cognovit, Dominici Corporis et Sanguinis commuione munivit; atque
elevatis ad coelum oculis, extensisque in altum manibus, intentam supernis
laudibus animam ad gaudia regni coelestis emisit. At ego statim egressus,
nunciavi obitum ejus Fratribus, qui et ipsi noctem vigilando atque orando
transegerant, et tune forte sub ordine nocturnae laudis dicebant psalmum
quinquagesimum nonum, cujus initium est, Deus repulisti nos et destruxisti
ros, iratus es et misertus es nobis. Nee mora, currens unus ex eis accendit duas
candelas ; et utraque tenens manu ascendit emineutiorem locum, ad osten-
dendum Fratribus, qui in Lindisfarnensi monastelio manebant, quia sancta
ilia anima jam migrasset ad Dominum ; tale namque inter se signum sanctissimi
ejus obitus condixerant. Quod cum videret, Frater, qui in specula Lindis-
THE PAINTED GLASS WINDOWS. 227
FIFTH WINDOW.
I. Angels' Scroll. — The bishops of Cestria (Chester-le-Street) from
Cutheard (A.D. 900) to Aldhun (A.D. 990).
II. Tracery. — Figure of the Venerable Bede, with the legend —
SCRIBA DOCTUS IN KEGNO CAELORUM (Matt. Xlii. 52).
III. Historical Scenes. — 13. The abbot Ceolfrid and the boy Bede
singing the antiphons during the plague.46
14. The erection of Benedict Biscop's twin monasteries. Wear-
mouth is represented as already built in the background, and the plan
of Jarrow is in Benedict's hands.47
farnensis insulae longe de contra eventus ejusdem pervigil exspectaverat horam,
cucurrit citius ad ecclesiam, ubi collectus omnis Fratrum coetus nocturnae
psalmodiae solemnia celebrabat; contigitque ut ipsi quoque, intrante illo,
praefatum canerent psalmum.' V. Sedae 0. H. M. Vita S. Cuthberti, XXXIX.
XL.
46 ' Porro in monasterio, cui Ceolfridus praeerat, omnes qui legere, vel
praedicare, vel antiphonas ac responsoria dicere possent ablati sunt, excepto
ipso abbate et uno puerulo, qui ab ipso nutritus et eruditus, nunc usqne in
eodem monasterio presbyterii gradum tenens, jure actus ejus laudabiles cunctis
scire volentibus et scripto commendat et fata. Qui videlicit, abbas praefatae
gratia plagae multum tristis, preccepit ut, intermisso ritu priori, psalmodiam
totam, praeter Vesperem et Matutinas, sine antiphonis transigerent ; quod cum
unius hebdomadis spatio inter multas ejus lacrimas et querimonias esset
actitatum, diutius hoc fieri non ferens rursus statuit ut antiphonatae psalmodiae,
juxta morem, instauraretur, cunctisque adnitentibus, per se et quern praedixi
puerum, quae statuerat, non parvo cum labore ccmplebat, donee socios operis
divini sufficientes vel nutriret ipse vel aliunde colligeret.' Hist. Abb. Gyrvensium,
Auct. Anon. XIV.
47 ' Nee plus quam unius anni spatio post f undatum monasterium interjecto,
Benedictus, oceano transmisso (076), Gallias petens, caementarios, qui lapideam
sibi ecclesiam juxta Komanorum, quern semper amabat, morem facerent,
postulavit, accepit, attulit. Et tantum in operando studii prae amore beati
Petri, in cujus honorem faciebat, exhibuit, ut intra unius anni circulum, ex quo
fundamenta sunt jacta. culminibus superpositis, Missarum inibi sollennia
celebrari videres. Proximante autem ad perfectum opere, misit legatarios
Galliam, qui vitii factores (artifices videlicet), Brittaniis eatenus incognitos, ad
cancellandas ecclesiae, poiticuumque et coenaculorum ejus. fenestras adducerent.
Factumque est, venerunt; nee solum opus postulatum compleverunt, sed et
Anglorum ex eo gentem hujusmodi artificium nosse ac discere fecerunt ; ' etc.
' Igitur venerabilis Benedicti virtute, industria ac religione, rex Ecgfridus
non minimum delectatus, terrain, quam ad construendam monasterium ei
donaverat, quia bene se ac fructuose ordinatum esse conspexit, quadraginta
adhuc familiarum data possessione, augmentare curavit ; ubi post annum, missis
monachis numero ferme decem et septem, et praeposito abbate ac presbytero,
Ceolfrido. Benedictus consultu, immo etiam jussu. praefati Ecgfridi regis,
monasterium beati Apostoli Pauli construxit (A.D. 682) ea duntaxat ratione, ut
una utriusque loci pax et concord ia, eadem perpetua familiaritas conservaretur
et gratia ; ut, sicut verbi gratia, corpus a capite per quod spirat non potest
avelli, caput corporis sine quo non vivit nequit oblivisci, ita nullus haec
monasteria, primorum Apostolorum fraterna societate conjuncta. aliquo ab
invicem temtaret disturbare conatu.' etc. V. Sedae 0. H. M. Vita B. Ab.
Senedicti, Ceolfridi, Eosterwini, Sigfridi atqtie Hwaetberhti.
228 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
15. The death of Bede on completing his translation of S. John's
Gospel.48
SIXTH WINDOW.
I. Tracery. — Three small lights, quatrefoils, as in opposite northern
one, containing the figures of king Alfred, bishop Aldhun, and prior
Turgot.
II. Angels' Scroll. — The earliest bishops of Durham, from Aldhun
(995) to William de S. Barbara (A.D. 1143).
III. Historical Scenes. — 16. Discovery of the lost volume of the
Gospels during the wanderings of the body of S. Outhbert from
Lindisfarne to Chester-le-Street.49
48 'Cum venisset autem tertia feria ante Ascensionem Domini, coepit
vehementius aegrotare in anhelitu, et modious tumor in pedibus apparuit.
Totum autem ilium diem ducebat et hilariter dictabat, et nonnunquam inter
alia dixit. Discite cum festinatione, nescio quamdiu subsistam, et si post
modicum tollat me factor meus. Nobis autem videbatur quod suum exitum
bene sciret ; et sic noctem in gratiarum actione pervigil duxit. Et mane
illucescente, id est, quarta feria praecepit diligenter scribi quae ceperamus. Et.
hoc facto, usque ad tertiam horam, ambulavimus deinde cum reliquiis sanctorum
ut consuetude illius diei poscebat. Unus vero erat ex nobis cum illo, qui dixit
illi, Adhuc, magister dilectissime capitulum unum deest, videturne tibi difficile
plus te interrogari ? At ille, facile est inquit. Accipe tuum calamum, et
tempera, et festineter scribe. Quod ille fecit. Nona autem hora dixit mini.
Quaedam preciosa in mea capsula habeo, id est, piperem, oraria et incensa : sed
curre velociter, et presbiteros nostri monasterii adduc ad me, ut et ego munus-
cula qualia Deus donavit illis distribuam. Divites autem in hoc seculo aurum,
argentum et alia quaeque preciosa dare student, ego autem cum multa charitate
et gauclio fratribus meis dabo quod Deus dederat. Et allocutus est unum-
quemque monens et obsecrans pro eo missas et orationes diligenter facere. Quod
illi libenter spoponderunt. Lugebant autem et flebant omnes, maxime quod
dixerat, quia amplius faciem ejus, in hoc seculo non essent visuri. Gaudebant
autem quia dixit, tempus est ut revertar ad eum qui me fecit, qui me creavit,
qui me ex nihilo formavit. Multum tempus vixi, bene mihi pius judex vitam
meam praevidit, tempus resolutionis meae instat, quia cupio dissolvi et esse cum
Christo, sic et alia multa locutus, in laetitia diem usque ad vesperum duxit. Et
praefatus puer dixit, Adhuc una sententia magister dilecte non est descripta.
At ille, Bene, inquit, veritatem dixisti, consummatum est. Accipe meum caput
in manus tuas, quia multum me delectat sedere ex adverse loco sancto meo in
quo orare solebam, ut et ego sedes possim invocare patrem meum. Et sic in
pavimento suae casulae decantans, Gloria Patri, et Filio, et Spiritui sancto ;
cum Spiritum sanctum nominasset, spiritum e corpore exhalavit ultimum, ac
sic regna migravit ad coelestia.' Sim. Dunelm. HM. de Dunelm. Eeclesia,
lib. i.e. J5.
w ' Qua tempestate dum navis verteretur in latera, cadens ex ea textus
Evangeliorum auro gemmisque perornatus, in maris ferebatur profunda '
' Per id quippe temporis, in locum qui Candida casa, vulgo autem huuiterna
vocatur, devenerant. Itaque pergentes ad mare, multo quam consueverat
longius recessisse conspiciunt, et tribus vel eo amplius milliariis gradientes,
ipsum sanctum Evangeliorum codicem reperiunt, qui ita forinsecus gemmis et
auro sui decorem, ita intrinsecus literis et foliis priorem praeferebat pulchri-
tudinem, ac si ab aqua minime tactus fuisset.' Sim. Dunelm. Hist, de Dunelm.
Ecclesia, lib. ii. cc. 13, 14.
THE PAINTED GLASS WINDOWS. 229
17. King Athelstan presenting his offerings at the shrine of S.
Cuthbert at Chester-le-Street.80
18. Building of Durham cathedral by William of Carilef.51
IV. — EPISCOPAL SHIELDS.
The list of the bishops of the Northumbrian see having thus been
brought down from S. Aidan to William of S. Barbara, and the
historical scenes from the earliest evangelization of Northumbria to
the building of Durham cathedral, from this point forward the history
is represented by the armorial bearings of the successive bishops of
Durham, from Hugh Pudsey (A.D. 1153), the immediate successor of
this William, to Charles Baring (A.D. 1861), the immediate predecessor
of the late bishop. The series proceeds from left to right, the
earliest (Hugh Pudsey) being immediately below the building of
Durham cathedral.
50 ' Eo tempore Eadwardus rex, plenus dierum et confectus bona senectute,
filium suum Ethelstanum vocavit, eique regnum suum tradidit, et ut Sanctum
Cuthbertum diligeret, et supra omnes Sanctos honoraret, diligenter inculcavit ;
notificans ei qualiter patri suo regi Elfredo in paupertate et in exilio miseri-
corditer subvenisset ; et qualiter eum contra omnes hostes viriliter juvisset,' etc.
' Igitur Ethelstanus rex magnum exercitum de australi parte eduxit, et versus
aquilonarem plagam in Scottiam ilium secum trahens ad oratorium Sancti
Cuthberti divertit, eique regia munera dedit, et inde hoc subscriptum testa-
mentum composuit, et ad caput Sancti Cuthberti posuit.'
' In nomine Domini nostri Ihesu Christi. Ego Ethelstanus rex do Sancto
Cuthberto hunc textuin Evangeliorum, y casulas, et j album, et j stolam cum
manipulo, et j cingvlum, et iij altaris cooperimenta, etj calicem argenteum, et ij
patenas.alteram auro par atam, alter am. Graeco operefabrefactam,etj turribuhim
argenteum, et j crucem auro et ebore artificwse paratam, et j rrgium pilleinn
auro textum, et ij tabulas auro et argentofabrefactas, et ij candelabra argentea
auro parata, et j missale, et ij Evangeliorum textus auro et argento ornatos, etj
Sancti Cuthberti Vitam metrice et prosaice scriptam,et vij pallm, et iij cortinas,
et tres tapetia, et ij coppas argentea s cum coopcrculis, et iiij magnas campanas,
et iij cornua auro et argento fabrefacta, et ij vexilla, et j lanceam, et ij armillas
aureas. et meam villain dilectam Wiremuthe Australem cum suis appendentiis, id
eat, Westun, Ujfertun, Sylcesmtrthe, ditas Rcofhoppas, By r dene, Seharn, Setun,
Daltun, Daldene, Heseldene. Haec omnia do sub Dei et Sancti Cuthberti
testimonio, ut si guts inde aliquid abstulerit, damnet-ur in die judicii cum Judo,
traditore, et trudatur in ignem aeternvm, qui. paratus est diabolo et angelis
ejus.' Hi#t. de S. Cvthberto, Auctore Anonymo. (51 Surt. Soc. Publ. p. 149.)
51 ' Est autem incepta M. xciij. Dominicae incarnationis anno, pontificatus
autem Willielmi 13, ex quo autem monachi in Dunelmum convenerant xj. tertio
Idus Augusti, feria quinta. Eo enim die episcopus et qui post eum secundus
erat in ecclesia Prior Turgotus cum caeteris fratribus primes in fundannento
lapides posuerunt. Nam paulo ante, id est quarto Kal. Augusti feria sexta idem
episcopus et prior facta cum fratribus oratione ac data benedictione, funda-
mentum coeperant fodere.' S. Dunelm. Hist, de Dunelm. Eccles. lib. iv. c. 8.
' Ecclesia nova Dunelmi est incepta .... episcopo Willielmo, et Malcholmo
rege Scottorum, et Turgoto Priore ponentibus primos in fundamento lapides.'
Sim. Dunelm. De Gestis Regum Anglor.
280 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
Some of the earlier shields after Pudsey are blank, since no
authentic arms have been discovered, and probably those bishops did
not bear arms. The armorial fictions of the Tudor age are discarded,
as having no authority.
At the end of the aisles on the east wall are the arms (impaled with
those of the see) of the original consecrator of the chapel (A.D. 1661)
and of the late restorer (A.D. 1879).
Y. — MISCELLANEOUS.
Among other works connected with the restoration may be men-
tioned the following : —
1. The Angels above the Arcade. — The ancient corbel shafts which
had supported the ancient roof before Cosin added the clearstorey, were
rendered purposeless by this addition. They are now made to bear
figures of angels with expanded wings. These angels were carved by
W. de Wispelaere.
2. The Choir Stalls. — These being necessary, were designed to be in
general harmony with the other stall-work of the chapel.
3. The Canopy of the Bishop's Stall. — This was given (as was also
the book-desk on the holy table) by the students of Auckland castle.
Accordingly it bears the inscription : —
EX . DONO . FILIORVM . DOMVS . A.S. MDCCCLXXXVII.
Such were the works of restoration and enrichment carried out by
the late bishop Lightfoot, the account of which — as adding greatly to
the interest attached to them — I have taken almost literally from his
own pen. Everything, I may add, that scholarly erudition, artistic
skill, and devoted love backed by unstinted means could do, has been
done, and done thoroughly. Incomplete, no doubt, as compared with
the minute comprehensiveness of Cosin's scheme, all is yet, so far as it
has gone, the best that modern art could compass, and higher praise
cannot therefore be given it.
Like his famous predecessor Cosin, bishop Lightfoot lies interred
in the midst of his work. Cosin's tomb, as that of the founder of the
chapel, occupies, very properly, and in strict accordance with mediaeval
precedent, the central place. Bishop Lightfoot's, which is in line with
it, one immediately in front of the altar platform, where, surrounded
by his special works of restoration and adornment, it enjoys a like
BISHOP LIGHTFOOT'S GRAVESTONE. 231
distinction. It is composed of a large slab of black marble bearing an
admirably designed and deeply incised sculptured cross of the form
known heraldically as 'potent quadrate,' that is, whose centre and
extremities expand into squares, and which, carried on a stepped stem,
occupies the entire field within the border. Two lengths, or strips,
of conventionally fruited vine branches are displayed in narrow sunken
panels on either side of the shaft, above whose transverse limbs appear
the sacred monogram, or rebus, A. Q., in Greek capitals, and beneath
them the Words — avdpigeade. Kptnuio^ffQe.52
Around the border is cut the following inscription in Lombardic
minuscules : —
HIC. REQUIESCIT. IN. PACE. IOSEPHUS. BARBER |
LIGHTFOOT. EPISCOPUS. DUNELMENSIS. ORATOR.
SCRIPTOR. MAGISTER. DOCTRINA. ELOQUENTIA.
CANDORE. PAENE. PROPRIO | FIDEM CHRISTI.
VINDICAVIT. ECCLESIAE. ORIGINES I ILLUSTRAVIT.
INGENIO. ET. MORIBUS. SUOS. SIBI. DEVINXIT.
POSTEROS. BENEFICIIS. NATUS. MDCCCXXVIII. OBIIT.
MDCCCLXXXIX.
Had his life but been prolonged, his works, extensive as they are,
would yet, doubtless, have been still further extended; and so, in a
purer taste than that of the seventeenth century, have restored to the
building that completeness and perfection in every part, which so
signally distinguished those of Cosin.
The most serious loss, and that which at present calls out most
loudly for renewal, is the scandalously destroyed painting and gild-
ing of the roof, more especially in its eastern compartments. And
next to this, perhaps, the proper cleaning of the beautiful arch-moulds
of the arcades. They have already, it is true, been subjected to a
certain, but very objectionable, treatment — one which contrives to err
at the same time both in defect and in excess. In defect, because the
coats of white, and dark blue or black wash with which they had been
covered were very imperfectly removed : in excess, because the joints
52 " I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the ending, saith the Lord,
which is, and which was, and which is to come, the Almighty." Rev. I. 8.
" Quit you like men, be strong." I. Cor. XVI. 13.
" I am the true vine, and my Father is the husbandman. Every branch in
me that beareth not fruit he taketh away : and every branch that beareth fruit,
he purgeth it, that it may bring forth more fruit. I am the vine, ye are the
branches : He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much
fruit : for without me ye can do nothing." John, XV. 1, 2, 5.
232
THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE.
instead of being left alone, as most, if not all of them, might, and
should have been, were plastered over in vile modern fashion with
dark nut-brown cement for an inch or more on either side. The
result has, of course, been to impart an equally offensive and false
character to them throughout, by making them look not only scabby,
but ill-worked, which they are not.
Lastly, the surfaces of the walls need similar cleansing, by clearing
away their several coats of many coloured wash, down to the bare
plaster. This should, then, be either painted or distempered in perma-
nent, but subdued, tints and patterns, thus bringing the whole interior
into solemn and harmonious unity. That the really fine reredos would
gain as much in impressiveness as splendour by the free use of gold
and colour in every part goes, I may add, without saying. Precedents
without number might be adduced for such a course. It would then,
as it should do, and in a minor degree, indeed, does now, form a grand
and fitting climax to the whole, which would thereby become not merely
complete but — -perfect.
SEAL OF BISHOP BECK.
(Reduced from that in Raine's Auckland Castle.)
233
APPENDIX I.
BISHOP COSIN'S ALTAR PLATE.*
BIBLE.
This, with the Book of Common Prayer, both of which are of the same size
and bound exactly alike, form two magnificent volumes. Save that the pile
of the velvet of the covers has been worn away, and that it has been split at
the joints, both volumes, inside and out, are in the most perfect and beautiful
*See Proc. Soe. Antig., Newc., vol. v. p. 193, for another account of the plate, etc., and at p. 251
for description of small Elizabethan communion cup, presented by bishop Lightfoot.
VOL. XVIII.
31
284 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
condition imaginable; and even the fraying away of the velvet does little or
nothing to detract from the splendour of the colouring, a perfect blaze of
gold and crimson. The backs are of velvet only, without metal or lettering,
the leaves richly gilt, and the volumes fastened with pairs of clasps. The
decoration is thus confined to the sides, which, in each case, are both alike.
The whole of it is admirably proportioned to the surfaces to which it is applied,
being as full and rich as was possible without overdoing. The four corner
plates, four inches square, are composed of winged cherubic heads in high
relief, set in richly embossed scroll work, of which the chasing and all, even
the minutest details, are as sharp and perfect as when first done. Four small,
detached, winged cherubs' heads are set between these towards the edges ; two
others with scroll work composing the fastenings of the clasps ; while the centre
is filled with a great pierced oval panel, measuring seven and a quarter by
six and a quarter inches, containing the arms of the see impaling Cosin, and
surmounted by the mitre and coronet of the Prince Palatine, curiously com-
bined. The latter is composed of strawberry leaves, and out of it issues the
mitre which appears in high relief, the points finishing in crosses, and having
its own proper fillet jewelled like that of the coronet. The inf ulae take the
form of long, flowing ribbons, elaborately twisted, and filling up the space
between the arms and the enclosing border. This last, which is highly enriched
and about an inch and a quarter in diameter, contains in very freely and most
beautifully drawn, raised, flowing Roman capitals, in front — OCVLI • DOMINI •
SVPBB • IVSTOS • ET • AVKES • EIVS • IN . PRECES • EOEVM. On
back : — DEVS • NOVISSIME . LOCVTVS • EST • NOBIS • PER . FILIVM.
It is beautifully printed in black letter on fine, thick, cream tinted paper, as
clean and crisp as when issued from the press. The height is seventeen and a
quarter, and the breadth eleven and one-eighth inches. There are two pictorial
title-pages, the first consisting of an architectural composition containing David
playing on the harp between Moses and Aaron at the top, two figures under-
neath at the sides, and below, Solomon seated on his throne supported by twelve
lions, and with the princes of the twelve tribes on either hand. On the centre
panel, ' The Holy j Bible | Containing the Bookes | of the Old & New | Testa-
ment | Cambridge | Printed by John Field | Printer to the Vniverfitie. | And
illustrated wth Chorogra= | phical Sculpts by J. Ogilby | 1660.'
Second Title, — This consists of an engraved page showing the arms and
tribal distinctions of the twelve patriarchs to the right, in stiff scroll work,
and three-quarter figures of the twelve apostles to the left in like setting.
Above and below appear the four evangelists with their symbols. On the
central panel, ' The Holy | Bible | containing | The Old | Testament | and | The
New. | Newly Translated out of | the original Tongues. | And with the former
Translation | diligently compared and revised, | by His Majesties fpeciail |
commandment. | Appointed to be read in Churches. | London : | Printed by
Robert Barker, | Printer to the Kings most Excellent | Majestic : And by the
Affignes of | John Bill. 1640.' Title to the New Testament the same, but
dated 1639.
APPENDIX I. : THE ALTAR PLATE, ETC. 235
PBAYEE BOOK.
Same size as Bible/and enriched with similar decorations. On front oval
panel : — HABENT • MOYSES • ET • PROPHETAS .• AVDIANT • ILLOS. On
back : — PIANT • PRECES • ET • SVPPLICATIONES • PRO • OMNIBVS.
Engraved title page composed of a circular, peristyled, domical temple. Above
it on a scroll : — ' The Book of Common Prayer.' Above the doorway : — ' Domus
Orationis.' Around the base, men, women and children entering in. To right,
a blind beggar sitting with his dog, attached to him by a string. Beneath, on a
scroll : — ' London Printed by John Bill & Christopher Barker, Printers to the
King's most Excell* Matie lanbatifta Caespers Inven. D. Loggan, Sculp.'
This impression is a very brilliant one. Paper similar to that of Bible.
Rubricated margins ; top, three inches ; bottom, four and a half inches ; and sides,
four and three-quarter inches broad. Black letter ; and condition, like that of
Bible, clean, crisp and spotless.
PATENS.
Of these there are three ; two, alike, forming a pair ; the third, a single one
of a different pattern.
I. — Plain silver gilt paten, six and a half inches diameter, slightly sunk centre.
Round border : — «J» PANIS QVEM PRANGIMVS COMMVNIO CORPORIS CHRISTI
EST. In centre : arms of See (plain cross) impaling Cosin, with mantling, all
simply engraved. Above arms of See, knightly helmet barred and shown
affrontee, surmounted by an earl's coronet, out of which springs an enormously
exaggerated balloon-like mitre, finishing with knobs. Above bishop's arms,
similar helmet, surmounted by a crest of demi-eagle. Above, on a scroll : —
SANCTITAS DOMINO. Below : — SANCTA SANCTIS. On back :— I. H. S. "t
II. — The other two, finer and heavier ones, which form a pair, are somewhat
larger, being seven inches in diameter. Centres more deeply sunk than in the
smaller one. Same inscriptions, in similar incised lettering. In centre, arms of
France (modern), England, Ireland, and Scotland, impaling Prance modern, the
latter in dimidiation, all surmounted by an arched crown of French, or ogee
shape, supported by palm branches. On back, same arms as on smaller paten.
Above : — SANCTITAS DOMINO. Below : — SANCTA SANCTIS.
CHALICES.
Of these there are two, both of large size, covered, and of great height.
I. — Chalice, nine, and a half inches high — with cover, thirteen inches high.
•The foot which is, as in mediaeval examples, Saltish, is moulded, and in ten
rounded lobes, containing in the front one the arras of the See impaling Cosin
as on patens ; to left, on a scroll, SANCTA SANCTIS ; to the right. SANCTITAS
DOMINO ; and at back, arms of France (modern) England, Scotland, and
Ireland, impaling France (modern) under a French shaped crown, and sur-
rounded with palm leaves. Large, bold, central knob with beaded mouldings
236 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
above and below — between foot and bowl. Cup plain, inscribed in incised
letters near top :— 1%> POCVLVM BENEDICTIONIS cvi BENEDICIMVS COMMVNIO
SANGVINIS CHBISTI C8t.
The cover, which is well designed, and enriched with two belts of foliated
ornament, terminates in a pine cone. The flat rim is considerably cracked and
bent from many falls. All the rest is in perfect condition. Diameter of foot
six inches.
II. — Quite plain : foot circular, higher and more pyramidal than first, and
six and one-eighth inches diameter. Forms of stem and bowl almost identical
with those of the other chalice. On front of foot, a coat of arms of six quarters
surmounted by a helmet closed, in profile, with crest of an eagle, in mant-
lings. To left, so slightly punctuated as to be almost invisible, arms of Cosin,
with crest above helmet shewn affrontee. At back, a plain cross set upright
in the ground : and to right, punctuated, but again, so slightly as to be all
but invisible, the arms of the See beneath helmet, shewn affrontee, and sur-
mounted by mitre with earl's coronet in one piece. On one side of bowl,
slightly punctuated : — SANCTA SANCTIS ; on other, SANCTITAS DOMINO.
Cover, which follows lines of first, but plain, and, like it, finishes in a pine
cone, has round lower moulding : — :. >J« POCVLVM BENEDICTIONIS cvi
BENEDICIMVS COMMVNIO SANGVINIS CHBISTI EST. •:•
The rim, though slightly bent, is otherwise perfect.
On the cover is a small sunk panel with the initials W.H. Under the foot,
inside, is an incised inscription which follows the outline and runs thus : —
CHRISTO . IN . CRVCE . TBIVMPHANTI . ET . ECCLESIAE . ANGLICANS . BOB.
HYDE . BEVICTVBVS . D . C . Q . A°. M . D . C . L . ^TATIS . SV^E . VICESIMO . PENE .
PBIMO . QVI . BIBIT . MEVM . SANGVINEM . KGO . BESVSCITABO . ILLVM . 1650.
FLAGONS.
Of these there are two, forming a pair. They are of the same magnificent
character and pattern as the alms-dish, thirteen and one eighth inches high,
and six and three quarter inches in diameter. Scroll shaped, chased handles.
I. — On one side, medallion displaying the Resurrection in high relief, with
clouds : Roman guards falling back to right and left, affrighted. On the other
corresponding medallion is shewn the Journey to Emmaus. Upon the lid
appears a mitre, of good late mediaeval shape, with inf ulae : below it and quite
distinct, ducal coronet with strawberry leaves. Alongside, crest of eagle. Magnifi-
cent foliaged scroll decoration throughout. In front, in a small medallion, arms
of See impaling Cosin within wreaths of laurel branches.
II. — Same, generally, as before ; but on panels appear, first, the Ascension,
the lower half of Our Lord's figure only visible at the top. On the other, what
is perhaps intended to represent the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of
Pentecost. There are some difficulties, however, in so regarding it. In the first
place, there are only eleven Apostles present instead of twelve. Then the
APPENDIX I. : THE ALTAR PLATE, ETC. 237
central figure, around which the rest are grouped, is that of the Blessed Virgin
Mary. And thirdly, must be taken into account the absence of the ' cloven
tongues.' It would seem more likely, or at any rate more correctly, therefore,
to show the first assembly of the Church after the Lord's Ascension in the
'upper room,' as recorded in Acts i. 13, 14 : — ' And when they were come in, they
went up into an upper room, where abode both Peter, and James, and John,
and Andrew, Philip, and Thomas, Bartholomew, and Matthew, James the son
of Alphaeus, and Simon Zelotes, and Judas the brother of James. These all
continued with one accord in prayer and supplication, with the women, and
Mary the mother of Jesus, and with his brethren.' With this account the scene
would correspond exactly.
CANDLESTICKS.
Of these there are a pair, which, according to the bishop's injunctions, are
fully, indeed something over, three feet high to the top of the silver -gilt spikes.
Though equally rich, they differ somewhat in design and character from the
flagons and salver, or alms-dish. The very massive and solid bases, which are
eight and three-quarter inches high, and on plan, composed of hollow spherical
triangles with the points or angles broadly and flatly cut off. are supported by
ball and claw feet. The angles are ' shaped,' i.e., formed of compound curves,
and in their upper parts enriched with cherubic heads and busts springing, or
.emerging from, drapery. Their wings, which are raised aloft, are carried along
the edges upwards to the summit. On the three intermediate panels are, (first)
arms of the See impaling Cosin ; (second) his crest of the eagle ; (third) mitre
with infulae above ducal coronet, all within wreaths. Winged cherubic heads
and open scroll work occupy the central parts of the stems which expand at
top into broad, shallow basins decorated with acanthus leaves, from which
issue the spikes, nearly six inches long. The workmanship and preservation,
as well as the design, are magnificently perfect, and the effect of the whole —
superb.
ALMS DISH.
This magnificent piece, which is embossed throughout in high relief, measures
no less than twenty-one and a quarter inches in diameter; the centre, which is
sunk to the depth of one inch and a half, being thirteen and five-eighth
inches diameter. It contains, within a bordure of scroll work and drapery,
the subject of the Last Supper, arranged, from the necessity of the case,
circularly. Our Lord, who sits under a canopy of state to the centre at the
back, is in the act of giving the sop to Judas, who occupies a position in the
right foreground. All the heads are full of diversified character and expres
sion, that of the Saviour being especially fine, sad, and dignified. S. John
who is apparently kneeling immediately in front of Him, looks from the fact,
perhaps, of His figure being concealed below the elbow, no bigger than a child,
or youth. Nothing more perfect, however, than the brilliancy, richness, and
sharpness of all the details of this splendid composition could possibly be
conceived.
238 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE :
On the border, which has a breadth of three and three-quarter inches, are four
subjects set between highly embossed, cornuated scroll-work ornaments resem-
bling ammonites. That at the top shows the Journey to Emmaus ; that to the
left, the Flight into Egypt ; that to the right, the Agony in the Garden ; and
that below, the Temptation. Our Lord is there shown in a landscape, walk-
ing, and addressing another figure who is approaching him, habited as a
pilgrim, with staff, and bottle slung at his waist, hooded, and holding some
small object in his hand. At first sight the scene is far from easy of inter-
pretation. The object held in the advanced hand of the second figure is
very small and indistinct. It is only when you come to examine the feet
that the true nature of the scene is revealed. The right foot of the ' Pilgrim
Father' — the furthest from the spectator — shows the 'cloven hoof.' The small
object then resolves itself into — this stone, as S. Luke has it ; and we see —
what otherwise we should never have been able to guess — that the wooded
landscape represents the wilderness, and the incident, the Temptation there.
On the back, and faintly engraved, are the arms of the See impaling Cosin.
Mitre with inf ulae, perfect and distinct ; and coronet, with strawberry leaves,
equally distinct, immediately below. Crest, an eagle.
APPENDIX II.
THE PAINTED GLASS (p. 220).
The three east windows, though very good in general effect, as well as in the
design and colouring of their details, are of ordinary fifteenth-century character,
and call for no particular notice. The whole of the side windows are, however,
differently treated, being at once larger in their scale of drawing ; more distinctly
pictorial ; of higher artistic excellence ; and, as regards the chief parts of their
composition, thoroughly Renaissance in character. Of the six — three on each
side— the two westernmost are decidedly the best, whether as regards colouring,
composition, or detail. But the tracery lights of all are of the highest excellence,
leaving nothing to be desired. In those of the north-eastern one especially,
the treatment is altogether admirable — and of the purest and most beautiful
fourteenth-century type. Nothing, indeed, could be more charming than the
figures of SS. Edwin, Paulinus, and Oswald, or the groundwork in which they
are set. Nor are the larger single figures in the roundels of the other four
windows, though treated in a somewhat different fashion, less praiseworthy.
Of the four, representing respectively S. Aidan, S. Hilda, Ven. Bede, and
S. Cuthbert, it would be difficult — where all are so good — to say which excelled ;
though, perhaps, the palm might be assigned to S. Aidan, and Ven. Bede who
is shown in extreme old age, seated in a chair. Both are perfectly beautiful
figures.
APPENDIX II. : THE PAINTED GLASS. 239
Of those in the tracery lights of the south-east window, however, represent-
ing king Alfred, bishop Aldhune, and prior Turgot, though the drawing is
good enough, the colour, especially that in the dress of the two ecclesiastics, is
far too black — a fault which no true mediaevalist would ever have committed.
In Durham cathedral, where several small original figures of monks are
preserved, the dress, so far from being represented by either dead black or any-
thing distantly approaching it, is shown of a palish, but distinct sky-blue — just
as even nowadays the stripes and ports and tops of ships in mourning, and
supposed to be in black, are done.
On the whole, with regard to the main subjects occupying the field, or central
portion of the windows, the least satisfactory is, I think, that to the north-east,
where S. Oswald is shown erecting the cross before the battle of Heavensfield.
Besides being somewhat too large, perhaps, like the rest, the figure of the king
looks too theatrical (to my own mind, always suggestive of having just stepped
out of Mrs. Jarley's, or some kindred wax-work show). It is interesting to
know that, as in many other cases (possibly all), the face of Oswald is a
portrait, that, viz., of Edgar Lambert, once student at Auckland castle
under bishop Lightfoot, and now chaplain to the Seamen's Mission on the
Mersey.
The next window, westwards, which illustrates the life and labours of S.
Aidan, is much more satisfactory, and altogether a very fine work. In the lower
right hand picture, which shows S. Finan, second bishop of Lindisfarne, baptiz-
ing Peada, king of the Middle Anglians, the face of the saint is a portrait of
the late bishop Selwyn of Melanesia, as Missionary Bishop.
The following, or north-westernmost window, illustrative of the life of
S. Hilda, has for its main subject an exceedingly fine seated figure of that
famous abbess, surrounded by groups of kings and bishops. Behind the latter,
and habited as a simple Benedictine monk, appears, as I think, the portrait
effigy of bishop Lightfoot. In respect of drawing, colouring, and general effect,
this window is one of the very best pieces of modern work in stained glass that
I have seen.
Beginning with the east window on the south side — this, like the one oppo-
site is, in general, much less satisfactory than the rest. The figures in the main
subject, king Athelstan presenting his offerings at the shrine of S. Cuthbert at
Chester-le-Street, are too large and crowded, and the effect of the whole com-
paratively inferior and unpleasing.
The next, or central one, illustrating the labours of Benedict Biscop and
Ven. Bede, fine as it is in other respects, has, again, in the principal picture
representing the building of the twin monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow,
the figures somewhat too large, and all — and there are no others to relieve them
— are distinctly too black. The colour, which is of a dark, purplish indigo tint,
is too deep even for small subjects — more especially therefore for a large one,
and when, as here, used throughout and exclusively. It is interesting to know
that, though shewn of taller stature, the figure of Benedict Biscop, holding the
240 THE CHAPEL OF AUCKLAND CASTLE.
ground plan of Jarrow, presents a portrait of the present bishop (Dr. Westcott)
as the chief architectural friend and adviser of his predecessor, bishop Lightf oot.
The sixth, or south-westernmost window, exhibiting scenes from the life of
S. Cuthbert, and displaying his effigy pontifically vested in the roundel, is, like
its opposite and corresponding one, in all respects admirable. The large central
picture, which exhibits his consecration, is a very impressive and beautiful com-
position. It is all the more noteworthy, too, as presenting numerous portraits
of bishop Lightf oot's personal friends. Of the eight figures assisting in the act
the portraits, if such they be, of the first and eighth — that is the extreme ones
to the right and left — are unknown. The second, however, to the spectator's
left, is that of archbishop Benson ; the third, that of the late bishop Selwyn ;
the fourth, that of the late bishop Christopher Wordsworth of Lincoln ; the
fifth, of the late archbishop Tait, consecrating; the sixth, that of the late
bishop Fraser of Manchester ; and the seventh, that of the late bishop Harold
Browne of Winchester. As to the figure of S. Cuthbert himself, the back being
necessarily towards the spectator, the face is unseen.
NOTE. — The thanks of the society are due to Mr. Knovvles for kindly inking
in the pencilled outlines of the various mouldings given in the plates; and to
Mr. H. Kilburn, of Bishop Auckland, for the use of the photographic negatives
from which the two interior views of the chapel have been reproduced. I may
add that the quotations from documents bearing directly upon the construction
of the building, the substantial accuracy of which there is no reason to doubt,
are taken from the late Dr. Raine's History of Auckland Castle.
J. F. H.
ARCH. A EL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 241).
Plate XXIX.
REPRODUCED FROM SPEED'S MAP OF NEWCASTLE OF 1610.
(The block kindly lent by the Editor of the Newcastle Weekly Chronicle.)
THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854. 241
IX.— THE SIX NEWCASTLE CHARES DESTROYED BY
THE FIRE OF 1854.
By F. W. DENDY, a Member of the Council.
[Read on the 29th April, 1896.]
PRIOR to the occurrence of the great fire of 1854, twenty chares or
lanes led up from the Quayside of Newcastle to Butcher bank, Dog
bank, and Pandon, between the Sandhill and Sandgate.
As Mr. Boyle has pointed out,1 and as may be clearly seen by
referring to any of the old maps of the town, from Speed's map of
1610 (see reproduction of this map herewith, plate XXIX.), to that
of Oliver in 1831 (see a portion of this reproduced on page 243), the
westernmost chares, lying within the original boundary of the town
of Newcastle, between the Sandhill and Broad chare, differ in
arrangement from the easternmost chares, lying within the ancient
hamlet of Pandon, between Broad chare and Sandgate.
The old Newcastle chares are straight or nearly straight, parallel
or nearly parallel with each other, and of an approximately regular
width. They were probably built under a stronger system of local
government than then existed in Pandon, and they appear to have
been formed before Pandon was added to Newcastle in 1299.
They resemble closely the rows leading to the Quay at Great
Yarmouth, which were built at an equally early date. The Yarmouth
rows are still more straight and regular than the Newcastle Quayside
chares. The photographs of Yarmouth rows, which I produce, show
the resemblance of which I speak.
The fire of 1854 is not ancient history. Many of those who are
now present saw its flames and heard the explosion which hurled the
burning matter over the river from the Gateshead side, and so set on
fire the houses standing on Newcastle quay. Full accounts of the
occurrence have been published, and one, and perhaps the best of
such accounts, is contained in the Newcastle Monthly Chronicle for
December, 1888.2
1 Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Oateshead, p. 181.
- Newcastle Monthly Chronicle for 1888, p. 549. See also An Account of the
Great Fire and Explosion, etc., with a plan of that part of the town destroyed,
VOL. xviii. 32
242 THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854:
Among the minor effects of the force of the explosion, was the
bending of the bar which fastened the door at the entrance to the
great hall of the castle. This shortened the reach of the bar so that
it could not be fixed-into the original socket. It was found easier to
drive in another temporary staple than to unbend the bar. That
temporary staple and the bent bar are still in use, and bear witness
that even the strongest building in the town felt the violence of the
shock.
The fire made its way from the Quayside through four of the
chares as far as the Butcher bank. A large block of closely built
warehouses and buildings lying between Butcher bank on the north,
the Quayside on the south, Dark chare on the west, and Plummer
chare on the east, was burnt to the ground, and several houses on the
Quayside to the eastward of Plummer chare were also destroyed.
The corporation of Newcastle took advantage of the opportunity
which was then offered for making new streets and improvements on
that part of the area cleared by the fire, which lay between the two
chares above-mentioned. An act authorising them to do this and to
purchase the property required for the purpose was passed in 1855.3
Three new streets, now known as Lombard street, Queen street, and
King street, were laid out by Mr. John Dobson, the architect for the
corporation, and in June, 1856, the sites adjoining those streets were
advertized to be offered by auction ; and handsome new stone
buildings, principally used as offices, have since been erected on the
sites.
The making of these new streets, effaced from the map of New-
castle six chares, lying between Dark chare and Plummer chare,
namely Grindon chare, Blue Anchor chare, Peppercorn chare,
Pallister's chare, Colvin's chare, and Hornsby's chare.
The old title deeds of the houses formerly situated in those chares
passed from their various owners to the corporation, and from the
corporation to Mr. Ralph Walters, The history of his purchase of
the sites is fully narrated in the memoir of his life contained in Mr.
published by Lambert, Newcastle, 1854 ; and A Record, of the Great Fire of
Newcastle and Gateshead by J. R. (James Rewcastle), published by George
Routledge & Co., 1855.
3 The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement Act, 1855, (18 & 19 Vic. cap.
XCIX.).
THE SIX DESTROYED QUAYSIDE CHARES.
243
"Welford's Mm of Mark.4 By the kindness of Mr. Thomas George
Gibson, his successor in title, I have been permitted to inspect the
early deeds which Mr. Walters thus acquired.
They throw considerable light on the varying nomenclature of the
chares, and add a little to our knowledge of the connections and
belongings of some of the Newcastle merchants who held property
there in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
4 Vol. iii. p, 663.
244 THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854 :
All the historians of Newcastle who have described its chares
mention that their names have varied from time to time. It is
stated that the names by which some of them were known were
derived from the persons who lived in them, but it was more generally
some person who lived or had lived at the Quayside entrance to the
chare whose name was bestowed upon it.
Bourne5 and Brand6 mention the names of several chares which
they have been unable to identify on account of this varying
nomenclature. Two or three of these are now identified by the
names given to them in the title deeds of properties abutting on
them. The lists of names given to the chares in Bourne's map7 and
Brand's history served to fix the nomenclature which then existed,
and it did not vary after their time.
Of late years a list of more ancient names of some of the chares
has been discovered in Gray's manuscript additions to the copy of his
Ghorographia belonging to Lord Northbourne, and these more
ancient names also correspond with names given in the deeds.
I have therefore thought it worth while to make a comparative
list of the names in Brand's history, Bourne's map, Gray's manuscript,
and the deeds I have inspected, and I have comprised in that
list the westernmost chare, called Dark chare, which was not obliterated
after the fire, but still exists in its original position. The list is
given on the opposite page.
KusselPs chare and Roskel chare are mentioned in a record of
20th January, 1336, set out in Mr. Welford's Newcastle and Gates-
head* Grindon chare may have been so named after Thomas
Grindon, who was bailiff of Newcastle from 1388 to 1396. It is
mentioned by that name in 1394.9 Walter Grendon was prior of
the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in 1404.10 There is a tradition
that the knights of that order had a chapel in Grindon chare,11 and
an illustration of the building which is supposed to have been the
5 Bourne's History of Newcastle, p. 133.
6 Brand's History of Newcastle, i. p. 22.
7 Bourne's map dated 1736 was simply copied from Corbridge's map dated
1723.
8 Vol. i. pp. 95 and 96.
9 Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, i. 217. 10 Ibid. 238.
II Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, ii. 198.
THE SIX DESTROYED QUAYSIDE CHARES.
LIST OF CHABES.
245
Brand's History, 1789.
Bourne's Map, 1736.
Gray's Manuscript,
circa 1649.
Mr. Gibson's Title
Deeds.
1. The Dark chare ...
The Dark chare
Not mentioned ...
Bottle chare.
Dark chare.
2. Grinding chare ...
Granden chare ...
Grunden chaire...
Russell's chare.12
Grinden chare.
Grunden chare.
3. Blew Anchor chare
Blew An ker chare13
Not mentioned...
Rode's chare.14
Robinson's chare.
Harrison's chare.
Blue Anchor chare.
4. Peppercorn chare
Peppercorn chare
Collman chaire...
Norham chare.14
Norran's lane.
Coalman's chare.
Coalman chare.
Coleman Pepper
chare.
Pepper lane.
Pepper Colman
chare.
Peppercorn chare.
5. Palester's chare ...
Palester chare ...
Hayward's chaire
Howarth's chare.
Hawarth's chare.
Hay worth's chare.18
Black Boy chare.
Errington chare.
Pallister's chare.17
6. Colwin's chare ...
Colvin's chare . . .
Shipman chaire
Shipman's chare.
Elmer's chare,
with many slight
variations.18
Crome's chare.
Armorer's chare.19
Colvin's chare.
7. Hornsby's chare
Hornby chare ..
Hornby, chaire ..
Hornsby's chare.
alias Maryon
House lane.
12 Cf. Brand's unidentified Roskel's chare, temp. Edward III.
ls The ' anker ' was a measure for liquids. ' Monday, arrived at Leith the
' True Briton ' of Folkstone, from Ostend. with about 200 ankers of brandy and
gin.' — The Newcastle Chronicle for 20th December, 1783. There is a Blue
Anchor Inn on the south bank of the Thames below Gravesend.
14 Cf. Brand's unidentified Gor chayr, alias Rod's chayr, A.D. 1432.
15 Cf. Bourne's unidentified Norham chare.
14 Cf. Brand's unidentified Heworth's chare, temp. Richard III.
17 Michael Pallister lived in this chare in 1694.
18 Christopher Elmer, merchant adventurer, died in 1605.
19 This name is" not derived (as suggested by Mr. Boyle, Vestiges, 174) from
the Company of Armorers, but from Francis Armorer, who lived and owned
property at the quay end of the chare at the beginning of the eighteenth
century.
246 THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854:
chapel is given by Mr. Welford at page 362 of the first volume of his
history. It was built of stone, with buttresses on the outside, and
had a crypt, which was afterwards used as a cellar.20 The records
collected by Mr. Welford also mention Heworth chare in 148 4,21
Hornsby's chare in 1622,22 and Shipman's chare in 1590.23
The chares contained well-built houses, which had been originally
occupied by merchants and tradesmen, but most of the houses not
actually fronting the Quayside or the Butcher bank had, towards the
close of the last century, been abandoned to less reputable occupiers,
who loved darkness rather than light.
Brand, in a letter to Beilby, dated 8th August, 1788, humorously
commiserates him for having had to visit ' those dark and suspicious
lanes' to verify the names which Brand had given to them in his
history. Brand mentions that he had intended to visit them himself
very early in the morning that he was in Newcastle, and adds, ' when,
if I had been seen either going in or coming out of one of them my
character would have been irretrievably gone.' 24
Mackenzie, in the inflated diction of the time, writes in 1827 that
' Plumber Chare was noted a few years ago as the receptacle of
Cyprian nymphs,' but adds, that the character of the chares had been
much altered for the better at the time he wrote, most of the
dwelling houses having been converted into granaries, warehouses,
makings, breweries, etc.25
These alterations increased in the same direction, and at the time
of the destruction of the chares the buildings in all of them, except
Grindon chare, were used for the most part as warehouses.
Grindon chare was somewhat wider than the others. It still
contained, in 1854, besides shops and dwelling houses, three inns, the
Dun Cow, occupied by Mr. William Teasdale, which had formerly
been known as the King's Head tavern, the Golden Anchor, occupied
by Mr. William Batey, and the Blue Bell, which was burnt down in
the month previous to the great fire.
20 Mackenzie, i. 152.
21 Welford's Newcastle and Gateskead, i. 386.
22 Ibid. iii. 247. 2S Ibid. iii. 60.
24 Newcastle Typographical Tract, Letters of the Rev. John Brand, A.M.. to
Mr. Ralph Beilby, vol. v. pp. 25-27.
2i Mackenzie, i. 164.
THE SIX DESTEOYED QUAYSIDE CHAEES. 247
In Pallister's chare there was an inn called the Prussian arms, and
another inn known as the Earl Grey (if the two were not different
names for the same house). On the Quayside, between Peppercorn
chare and Blue Anchor chare, was a celebrated inn called the Grey
Horse, occupied at the time of the fire by Mrs. Pearson. There is a
beautiful sketch of this inn in Dibdin's Northern Tour.26 It was
owned successively by Charles Atkinson,27 George Adams, and James
Harding, by whose representatives it was sold to Mr. Ralph "Walters.
On the Quayside also, between Hornsby's chare and Plummer chare,
was another inn which had formerly been known as the Black Bull,
and was then known as The Rising Sun. It was occupied at the time
of the fire by Mrs. Swallow, and then belonged to the representatives
of Addison Langhorne Potter, deceased. Two inns in Butcher bank,
namely, the Angel and the Meter's Arms, were also pulled down.
The Quay front, from the Sandhill eastwards, as it was before the fire,
is very well shown in Richardson's views of old Newcastle (Garland's
re-issue).
The easternmost buildings on the Quayside which the fire destroyed
were three low gable-fronted houses, the easternmost of which was the
Low Crane inn, occupied by Mr. R. T. Allan, the next was a butcher's
shop, occupied by Mr. P. Wheatley, and the next was the shop of Mr.
John S. Gail, instrument maker. These three houses, and the rest of
the destroyed Quay front as far westward as the Grey Horse inn, are
well shown in an interesting early photograph which has been lent to
me by Mr. C. J. Spence. The photograph must have been taken
almost immediately before the occurrence of the fire, for the names of
the then occupiers may be seen over their shop fronts. Of this
photograph the annexed collotype (plate XXX.) is a reproduction.
Three of the sketches of Newcastle by G. B. Richardson, in the
possession of this society, illustrate the subject of my paper. One of
them shows Grindon chare as it was in 1848, and the two others are
sketches of the head of Plummer chare and of the head of Dark chare
respectively. They are both taken from Butcher bank, and are dated
in 1843.
28 Vol. i. p. 354.
27 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 131. Charles Atkinson was sheriff of Newcastle
in 1765-6. Mayor in 1775-6, and 1783-4,
248
THE NEWCASTLE FIBE OF 1854:
Amongst those who held property in Peppercorn chare in the last
century was Sir Benjamin Rawling, a grandson of Henry Bawling,
merchant adventurer, alderman, and (in 1646-7) mayor of Newcastle.
There is a note in Brand, i. 309 n. as follows : —
Sir Benjamin Rawling, Knt. (who had been knighted when he served the
office of Sheriff of the City of London) dying intestate, at Putteridge in Hert-
fordshire, in December, 1775, aged 97, his considerable real estate devolved to
Mr. Miles Corney, bookseller, at Penrith in Cumberland : and his personal
effects, amounting it is said, to upwards of £li'0,000, to Mrs. Elizabeth Ellison
of West Gate, in Newcastle, the only surviving sister of Dr. Ellison. Mrs.
Ellison died unmarried. February 12th, 1776, having, with great propriety, left
equally among her nephews and nieces the great fortune which had devolved to
her as related above.
The following pedigree from the abstract of title of Sir Benjamin
Rawling's Peppercorn chare property shows his connection with the
Ellisons and the persons who became the heirs to his real estate : —
Henry Rawling, died 8th May, = Rebecca Chapman, daughter and
1666 ; buned at All Saints.28
co-heiress of Henry Chapman;
died 23rd August, 1682 ; buried
at All Saints.
Rebecca, burn 15th
May, 1639 ; married
George Nicholson.
Henry, born 4th Nov.,
1641, married Alice
Ellison; died 8th
Nov., 1680.
Sarah, born 3rd July,
1653, married Miles
Corney, the grand-
father.
George Xicl
>olson = Elizabeth Bell.
Rebecca,
Latham
named
Arnold.
Sir Benjamin Rawling, baptised 7th
Jan., 1678, died Dec., 1775, intestate,
unmarried, aged 97, having sur-
vived his brothers and sister, whose
issue had failed.
Miles Co
father,
Cathei
Staple
rney, the
married
ine
on.
srney,
>n, born
ov., 1714,
777.
1 1
Elizabeth, Ann,
married married
John Robert
Smith. Wainwright.
1 1 1
Sarah Mary, Susannah,
Brockhurst, married married
widow. the Rev. Newton
John Pearkes.
Pearkes.
1
Rebecca. Miles C
the s
Hth N
died 1
Catherine Corney. Sarah Corney.
The co-heirs were therefore Sir Benjamin Rawling's first cousins
twice removed, namely, (1) Elizabeth Smith, (2) Ann Wainwright,
(3) Sarah Brockhurst, (4) Mary Pearkes, (5) Susannah Pearkes, (6)
28 Henry Rawling had thirteen children by his wife, Rebecca Chapman. His
monument in All Saints' church (badly copied in Sopwith's All Saints'1 Church')
reads : — ' Henry Rawlin, merchant-adventurer, alderman, and sometime maior of
this town, who married Rebecka, one of the daughters and co-heirss, of Henry
Chapman, alderman, by whom he had issue thirteen children. He departed this
life the 8th of May, 1666. Henry, his eldest son, who left issue by Alice, daughter
of Robert Ellison, six sons ancj one daughter. He departed the 8th of Novem-
ber, 1680. She departed this life ye 23rd of August, 1682.'
HI
THE SIX DESTROYED QUAYSIDE CHARES. 249
Eebecca Arnold, and his first cousin once removed, namely, (7) Miles
Corney, the son. The six first-named persons and the daughters of
Miles Corney (the son) joined in the conveyance of the late knight's
real estates as his co-heirs at law and received the purchase money.
Mrs. Elizabeth Ellison,29 who took the personalty as Sir Benjamin
Rawling's next of kin, was his first cousin, and therefore was of nearer
relationship than the above-mentioned beneficiaries, but this relation-
ship being on the mother's side did not avail for the realty, which
passed preferably to his heirs on the father's side, although they were
more remote relations. The real estate was offered by auction on the
24th January, 1777, and according to the particulars of sale it consisted
of : — (1) 548 acres of land in the parish of Mitford, offered at the
upset price of £12,000 ; (2) glebe lands and tithes at Mitford, up-
set price, £8,000; (3) a farm consisting of 46 acres of land at
Jarrow called Jarrow wood (probably purchased by the Ellisons),
upset price, £1,800; (4) houses on the Quayside between Pepper-
corn chare on the west and Pallister's chare on the east, upset price,
£800, realised price, £830.
The following extracts show a connection between the Oromes of
Newcastle (who gave their name for a time to what was finally known
as Colvin's chare) with the Herons of Chipchase. These, as well as
subsequent extracts, I have simply given seriatim, with footnotes
containing a few references to other books in which particulars may be
found about the persons named in the extracts : —
Itth August, 1668. — Thomas Crome30 of Newcastle, merchant, by
his will gave unto his wife, Elizabeth Crome, his messuage on the
Quayside, Newcastle, between Shipman's chare on the west and
Hornsby's chare on the east, and gave to his son, Eichard Crome, hi&
messuage on the east side of Haworth alias Errington's chare.
3rd January, 1671. — Richard Crome son and heir of Thomas
Crome by his will gave the said messuage to his mother Elizabeth Crome.
29 Mrs. Elizabeth Ellison was not the sister of Dr. Ellison, vicar of New-
I castle, as stated by Brand, but his daughter and a sister of Nathaniel Ellison
M.A., who died 27th February, 1775. She was baptised 25th July, 1693, and died
unmarried 12th February, 1776. See the Ellison pedigree in Hodgson, pt. 2. vol.
iii. p. 347, and Surtees Durham, ii. p. 79.
30 Newcastle Merchant Adventurers, vol. i. 135 (Surt. Soc. publications).
For the position which the Cromes occupied in the coal trade see Welford's
Newcastle and Cfateshead, vol. iii. p. 212, etc.
*-rtT -VtrfTT ***J
250 THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854 :
f>th March, 1687. — Elizabeth Crorae by her will gave her messuages
on the Quayside to Timothy Robson, esq., merchant and alderman,31
Humphrey Pybus, merchant,32 and Matthew White, merchant,33 all
of Newcastle in trust for dame Elizabeth Heron, the wife of sir
Cuthbert Heron, bart.,34 reserving a life interest in one messuage to
testatrix's sister, Faith Frotheringham.
18th October, 1694. — Dame Elizabeth Heron of Newcastle, widow
of Sir Cuthbert Heron, late of Chipchase, bart., deceased conveyed her
messuages to Matthew White, George Errington,35 of Newcastle, esq.,
and Reynold Hall, baker and brewer, to the uses of a fine. In this
deed a house in Errington chare is mentioned as being in the posses-
sion of Michael Pallister.
<oth August, 1695. — Dame Elizabeth Heron by will proved at
Durham, 27th November, 1697, gave her messuage on the key,
Newcastle, to her mother, Faith Frotheringham, and all her other
messuages to her son Cuthbert Heron and his heirs, and in default of
heirs to the right heirs of her deceased aunt, Elizabeth Crome, and
appointed her mother, Faith Frotheringham, and her said son
executors.
lUh April, 1699. — Faith Frotheringham by her will gave unto
her grandchild, Cuthbert Heron, all her estate, and appointed her
friends Matthew White and Mark Browell36 executors. Proved at
Durham, 8th July, 1703.
2nd and 3rd August, 1703. — Cuthbert Heron, late of Newcastle,
but then of the parish of Chester in the county of Durham, gentleman,
conveyed the property to Ralph Sanderson of the Middle Temple and
Thomas Hindmarsh of Newcastle, gentleman, to the uses of a fine.
20th and 21st October, 1715. — By marriage settlement between
Cuthbert Heron, then of Offerton in the county of Durham, son of
S1 Brand, i. 299, ii. 495, 497-501. Merchant Adventurers, i. 188, 288, 240.
32 Merchant Adventurers, i. 153, etc. For a copy of the inscription on the
tombstone of Humphrey Pybus, discovered in St. Nicholas' church in 1876, see
Welford's Men of Mark, iii. 148.
93 Welford's Men of Mark, iii. 317. Brand, i. 112, etc.
M See the authorities treating of the Heron Pedigree collected in Marshall's
Genealogists' Cfuide, 1893 ed., p. 315.
** This George Errington is of later date than the last George Errington
mentioned in Tomlinson's Dent on Hall, app. vi.
84 Brand, i. 368 n., 378. Mark BrowelFs pedigree and diary are in Eichard
sou's Keprints, ' Diary of Mark Browell, gent., for Anno Domini 1688.'
THE FAMILY OF MARK AKENSIDE, THE POET. 251
Sir Cuthbert Heron late of Chipchase in the county of Northumber-
land, bart., deceased, and of dame Elizabeth Heron deceased, widow
of the said Sir Cuthbert Heron, which said Elizabeth was daughter of
Faith Frotheringham, widow, deceased, who was the sister of Elizabeth
Crome, widow, deceased, of the first part; Katherine Myddleton of
Offerton aforesaid, spinster, one of the daughters of Richard Myddle-
ton, late of Offerton aforesaid, esq., deceased, and of Katherine
Myddleton of Offerton aforesaid, widow and relict of the said Richard
Myddleton of the second part, and the said Katherine Myddleton,
widow, and Francis Myddleton of Offerton, aforesaid, esq., of the third
part, the said messuages were settled in special tail on the issue of
Cuthbert Heron and Katherine Myddleton.
3Qth April and 1st Hay, 1745. — Conveyance from Thomas Heron,
late of the city of Durham, esq., and then an ensign in General
Handyside's Regiment of Foot, and Elizabeth Heron, then of Offerton,
aforesaid, his sister, to Anthony Shepherd, subject to a term of 1,000
years for securing £350 and interest to Thomas Heron.
9th April, 1780. — Assignment of term of 1,000 years from Sir
Thomas Heron Myddleton of Bowlby, in the county of York, bart.,
formerly Sir Thomas Heron to Thomas Allen.
The following extracts refer to Abraham Akenside and Aaron
Akenside, the poet's uncles, Mark Akenside, the poet's father, and
Dorothy, his sister, all Christian names which emphasize the influence
of the remote past. The extracts also identify five generations of
Dobsons to whom the Akenside's property in Butcher Bank, now
known as Akenside hill, had formerly belonged.
9th December, 1749. — Abraham Akenside of Newcastle, butcher,
by his will so dated, bequeathed to his nephew, William Akenside, all
his wearing apparel as well linen as woollen, ' except my nightgown.'
To his niece, Dorothy Akenside, daughter of his late brother, Mark
Akenside37 £20. To his brother, Aaron Akenside,38 £20. He
appointed Aaron Akenside his executor. The device on the seal
attached to the original will is an eagle displayed.
The said Abraham Akenside by the same will devised to Abraham
Wilkinson a messuage and shop in the Butcher bank. According to
37 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 27. w Archaeologia Aeliana, xii. 269.
252 THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854:
the title deeds, this messuage, which was bounded by Grindon chare
on the west, was purchased by Abraham Akenside from John Dobson
of Newcastle, merchant, eldest son of Thomas Dobson of Newcastle,
feltmaker, and grandson of John Dobson, feltmaker, who was the
grandson of George Dobsou39 of Newcastle, merchant, who made his
will in 1668. Wilkinson sold it to "William Burnup.
In 1804 it was owned by John Dunn, butcher. In 1831 it had
passed to his sons, William Alder Dunn, the founder of the drapery
firm in Market Street, and Nathaniel Dunn. It ^as sold to the
corporation in 1855 by Lawson Dunn, roper. The woodcut of
Akenside's house in Mr. Welford's Men of Mark does not represent
the house mentioned in these deeds, but another house on the
opposite side of the Butcher bank. There may well have been two
shops occupied by the Akensides in the Butcher bank. That street
was the headquarters of the trade from which it took its name.
Whitehead's Directory for Newcastle, published in 1788, mentions no
fewer than 29 butchers who then had shops there.
The following extracts relate to the Erringtons of West Denton,
and carry their descent a little farther down than does the pedigree
contained in Mr. Tomlinson's book on Denton hall: —
Blst August, 1663. — Deed, whereby Ann Babington of Newcastle,
widow, in consideration of affection for her daughter, Margaret
Errington, wife of Gilbert Errington40 of West Denton, gentleman,
granted her messuage in Hornsby's chare to Gilbert Errington and
Edward Crow in fee, to the use of the said Ann Babington for life,
with remainder to the use of Margaret Errington in tail.
22nd September, 1663. — The said Ann Babington by her will
proved at Durham on the 5th February, 1664, devised the same
property to her said daughter, Margaret Errington in fee, and
bequeathed her household goods to her daughter, Jane Babington,
and to her son, Edward Bulmer, 20s., and appointed Gilbert
Errington sole executor. One of the witnesses was George Dobson.
20/^ March, 1664. — By deed witnessed by George Errington and
Charles Errington, Edward Bulmer released his claim on the premises
in favour of Gilbert Errington and Margaret his wife.
39 Merchant Adventurers, i. 123, etc.
w Tomlinson's Denton Hall, appendix vi.
THE EERINGTONS OF WEST DENTON. 253
2nd May, 1G86. — Francis Errington of Chancery lane in
Middlesex, son and heir of Gilbert Errington and Margaret his wife,
granted the said messuage to William Pritchard and Thomas Stringer
to the use of Francis Errington and Elizabeth his wife, formerly
Elizabeth Blackman of London, and their heirs in tail with
remainder to Francis Errington in fee.
21st April, 1720. — Francis Errington, the elder, of Monkhouse in
the parish of Balmbrough in the county of Durham [Northumber-
land], and Elizabeth, his wife, and Francis Errington, their eldest
son, granted the said messuage to Thomas Ilderton.
4th August, 1720. — Thomas Ilderton conveyed property in
Hornsby's chare and Crome's chare to Francis Armorer (hoastman).
Wth September, 1759. — Francis Armorer by his will proved at
Durham, 15th October, 1759, devised to his daughter, Jane Selby,
widow, his messuage in Crome's chare, otherwise Armorer's chare, and
his messuage in Hornsby's chare.
The following extracts refer to the Bewickes of Close house, and
are interesting as containing a reference to William Gray, the
historian: —
1st September, 5 Charles I., 1G29. — Indenture between Robert
Bewick, esquire,41 then mayor of Newcastle, of the one part, and
William Gray42 of Newcastle, merchant, and Thomas Bewick,43 son
of the said Robert Bewick, of the other part, witnesses that in
pursuance of an award by arbitrators between the said Robert Bewick
and John Mitford late of Newcastle, then deceased, touching the
agreement made by the said Robert Bewick on a marriage between
the said John Mitford and Jane, daughter of the said Robert Bewick,
and for the advancement of Robert Mitford, son of the said John
Mitford, and grandchild of the said Robert Bewick, the latter con-
veyed to William Gray and Thomas Bewick a tenement late in the
occupation of the said John Mitford, and formerly of Cuthbert
Bewick, merchant, deceased,44 in the Sandhill, bounded by premises
occupied by Alexander Davison, merchant,45 westward, by premises of
41 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 279.
42 William Gray, the historian, was a nephew by marriage of Robert Bewick.
43 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 279. 44 Merchant Adventurers, i. 112.
45 Welford's Men of Mark, ii. 21. Merchant Adventurers, i. 128, etc.
254 THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854.:
John Milbank,46 merchant, eastward, the Sandhill southward, and pre-
mises of Robert Ledger,47 draper, deceased, northward, and he also con-
veyed to them lofts and waste ground formerly in the possession of
Cuthbert Bewick, and sometime belonging to John Barker,48 merchant,
in Ellinor chare, bounded by premises of Ann Nicholson, widow, on
the north, premises of Eobert Stott, merchant, on the south, premises
of John Marshall, tailor, Thomas Rowell, mariner, and Robert Law-
son,49 boother, on the west, and the said chare *on the east ; to the
use of the said Robert Mitford, in tail, with a proviso that if Robert
Mitford died without issue, Robert Bewick should pay £300, as
follows : — To Bartram Mitford of the said town, three score and
fifteen pounds, to Jane Carnabie, wife of Raiph Carnabie of Halton,
in Northumberland, esquiro, sister of the said Bartram the like sum,
and to the children of Cuthbert Bewick, one hundred and fifty pounds.
1674. — Release, by Thomas Bewick of Close house, to the said
Robert Mitford.
The following extracts refer to the Coulsons of Jesmond : —
12 th March, 1610. — Indenture between John Coolson of New-
castle, barber chimrgion, and Francis Burrell50 and Thomas Hum-
frey, whereby in consideration of the affection which John Coolson
bore for his wife and fower sons, namely, Samuell, Francys, William,81
and Oswold, he granted to Burrell and Humfrey a messuage in the
Keyside bounded by Rode's chare on the west and Coleman Pepper
chare on the east (except a shop to the fore street, then used by the
said John Coolson), a messuage in Coleman Pepper chare, alias Norham
chare, a messuage in Rode's chare, and a messuage in Middle street, to
the use of John Coolson and Margaret, his wife, for life, with re-
48 Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, iii. 237, etc.
" Ibid. Robert Ledger was sheriff of Newcastle in 1622.
48 Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, iii. 60, etc. John Barker was a son of
alderman Robert Barker, who, dying in 1588, left property in Grindon chare
and Shipman chare.
49 Merchant Adventurers, i. 108 or 162.
40 Brand, ii. 450, 451. Merchant Adventurers, i. 112, etc. Francis Burrell
was sheriff of Newcastle, 1602-3 ; mayor, 1615-16. Welford's Newcastle and
Gateshead, iii. 191, etc.
41 Hodgson's Northumberland, vol. iii. part 2, p. 131.
THE BEWICKS AND COULSONS. 255
inainder to his sons for life, each son taking the first life interest in
one of the said messuages, with remainder to him in tail, with
remainder to his brothers successively in tail,
23rd September, 1661.— Indenture, whereby William Coulson and
Jane, his wife, granted to Ralph Carr for a nominal consideration
hereditaments on the Key side bounded by Rhode's chare on the west,
and a chare called Pepper Corn, alias Pepper Coleman chare, on the
east.
24^ September, 1661. — Indenture, whereby Francis Hall granted
to William Coulson of Newcastle, grocer, and Jane, his wife, a mes-
suage on the Quayside, bounded by Colman Pepper chare, alias Nor-
ram chare, on the east.
Memorandum of Livery of Seisin, endorsed on the above deed, and
witnessed amongst others by Ellinor Coulson.
llth July, 1678. — Indenture, whereby John Coulson of Jesmond,
gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife, Jane Coulson of Jesmond, widow,
and John Watson 52 of Newcastle, merchant, granted to John Bee,53 of
Newcastle, master and mariner, two messuages on the Quayside,
bounded by Pepper Corn chare on the east and Robinson's chare on
the west.
The following extracts refer to the Shaftos of Benwell, and are
interesting as mentioning their ownership of 6 acres or 14 rigs of land
on the Castle Leazes : —
2th November, 1669. — Indenture, whereby Robert Shafto54 of
Newcastle, merchant and alderman, conveyed to James Shafto of
Newcastle, merchant, one of his sons, a messuage in the Quayside and
a messuage in a certain street called the Upper Fryer's chare, in the
parish of St. Andrew's, and another messuage without the walls and
within the liberties near a certain gate called the Close gate, and all
those lands and grounds without the walls and within the liberties in
a certain place there called the Castle Leazes, containing, by estima-
tion, six acres, and formerly the lands of Andrew Gofton.
25^ May, 1672. — The said James Shafto therein described as a
merchant adventurer, by his will, proved at Durham, the 31st May,
52 John Watson was sheriff of Newcastle, 1658-9. ss Brand, i. 372, etc.
54 Surtees Durham, vol. iii. p. 296 ; pedigree of Sbafto of Benwell. Brand,
ii. 663, etc. Merchant Adventurers, i. 135, etc.
256 THE NEWCASTLE FIRE OF 1854:
1672, gave to his brother, Bartram Shafto, his coffee house for life,
and then to his brother, Mark,55 in fee. He gave Sir John Swinburn's
lease of the manor cole to his Antt (sic) Booth for life, and he charged
his brother to get it renewed when Mr. Jennison and Mr. Dawson renewed
their part and gave it in remainder to his brother, Mark. He gave
his brother, Mark, the close at the Forth, called the Hospital close,
and the glass houses without the Close gate and the house in High
Fryer chare and fourteen rigs in the Castle Ifeazes, and other his
rights therein to him and his heirs for ever. He gave his brother,
Bartram, one-sixteenth part of Leven's colyery. He gave to Jane
Mattfin, daughter of his sister, Ann Mattfin, £100, to Jane Rutter,
£50, and to his sister, Mattfin, and his sister, Rutter, £50 apiece and
other legacies. He appointed his brother, Mark, executor.
l$th October, 1700. — Mark Shafto, late of Newcastle, esq., and
then of the city of Durham, by his will gave to his niece, Jane San-
derson, wife of James Sanderson, clerk, all his right in his house in
the Quayside and all arrears due to him out of the colyery at Benwell,
being the annuity left him by his late father, Robert Shafto of Ben-
well, aforesaid, esq., deceased, to his niece, Jane Mattfin, £50, and
to the poor of Benwell, forty shillings, and to the minister of the said
place, ten shillings, to preach a funeral sermon the Sunday after his
decease. He appointed Jane Sanderson executrix who proved the will
at Durham, the 12th November, 1700.
The following short extracts are, perhaps, also worth noting : —
5th June, 1668. — John Lambton of Houghton-le-Spring, gentle-
man, and Phillis, his wife, late wife of George Gran, late of New-
castle, master mariner, conveyed to Christopher Bowman of Newcastle,
shipwright, a messuage in Hornsby chare.
23rd July, 1762. — William Rutter56 of Newcastle, gentleman, by
his will gave his messuage in Pudding chare to trustees for his
daughter, Jane Ogle, wife of Henry Ogle, for life, with remainder to
her son, William Ogle. He gave to William Ogle of Cawsey park,
esq., £100, to put him and his wife (my dear daughter) into mourning,
and he desired to be buried in his own burial ground in St. Nicholas'
church. Proved at Durham in April, 1764.
53 Brand, ii. 210. M Brand i. 298.
THE LAMBTONS, JAMESES, AND GRAYS. 257
4th October, 1815. — Thomas James of Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
merchant, by his will so dated and proved at Durham bequeathed the
residue of his estate, including a messuage in Blue Anchor chare, to
his brother, William James, late of Deckham hah1, in the county of
Durham, merchant.
Qth February, 1821. — The said William James died, leaving
Thomas James, afterwards of Otterburn tower, esq., his eldest son
and heir at law.
The William Gray mentioned in the following extracts, though
living at the same time, was not the historian, as the father of the
latter was Outhbert Gray.
1st February, 1660. — George Gray, by will of this date, devised
his messuage between Hornsby's chare and Elmer's chare to his son,
William Gray,57 in tail, with remainder to testator's son, George Gray,
in tail.
13th March, 1667. — William Gray and his brother George Gray
conveyed the messuage to Christopher Bowman.
Amongst other Novocastrians mentioned in the deeds are Joshua
Douglass, town clerk of Newcastle, 1709-1742, Robert Sorsbie, mayor
in 1731-2, son of Malin Sorsbie, D.D., rector of Ryton, 1679-1706,
William Mather, builder, the famous millionaire,58 Nathaniel Bayles,
surgeon and sword-bearer,59 William Scott, fitter, the father of Lord
Eldon and Lord Stowell, Sir Thomas Burdon and John White the
founder of the Oourant.
57 William Gray, the historian (whose father was Cuthbert Gray), lived until
1674, but, as mentioned by Mr. Welford, there were other William Grays in New-
castle at that time.
88 Richardson's Table Book, iv. 319.
59 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 210.
14.
VOL. XVIII,
258 RUINS OF BUILDINGS FORMERLY
X.— RUINS OF BUILDINGS ONCE EXISTING ON THE
QUAYSIDE, NEWCASTLE.
By D. EMBLETON, M.D., a Vice-President of the Society.
[Read on the 29th April, 189$.]
1st. An undescribed arched wall supposed to have belonged to
some church or chapel.
2nd. A priory of the order of the knights of St. John of Jerusalem.
3rd. A great stone house of the prior and convent of Tynemouth.
On looking into Welford's valuable History of Newcastle and
Gateshead in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, my attention
was arrested by the following short passage at page 215 : — " ' The great
stone house of the prior of Tynemouth on the Quayside ' is mentioned
in a deed of this year's date, 1392," [15th and 16th Richard II.] This
recalled an almost forgotten impression which, many years ago, I had
received at the old Three Indian Kings' inu, on the Quayside, to the
effect that in the west wall of the cellarage of that ancient hostelry,
there was a series of three or four quite plain, pointed arches of stone
of the same style of architecture as those prevalent in our churches of
St. Nicholas and St. John, but of smaller dimensions, and without
capitals to the pillars, a peculiarity, according to Mr. Longstaffe,
of Newcastle church architecture. The arches were filled in with
stone walling, and were supposed to have appertained to some ecclesi-
astical edifice of the fourteenth century, were perhaps coeval with the
churches named, and possibly may have had some connection with the
Trinity house, the almshouses of which were only a very few yards
distant, or either with the chapel of St. John of Jerusalem, or even
with the great stone house of the prior of Tynemouth on the Quayside.
These arches, when new, and with the exception of their having no
capitals to their pillars, must have resembled the three plain arches
forming the nave arcade of the church of Witton-le-Wear, as
described and figured by the Rev. J. F. Hodgson, vicar of Witton-le-
Wear, in his paper on that church in vol. xvi. part 45, page 63, of
Archaeologia Aeliana.
ON THE QUAYSIDE, NEWCASTLE. 259
It was about the year 1840, when the old Three Indian Kings, by
the arrangements of its parts and their age, having become unsuited to
the changed customs and requirements of the increasing commerce of
the Quayside, was obliged to be pulled down in order to make room
for erections better adapted to the altered circumstances, and so the
line of pointed arches which had long stimulated curiosity, but had
kept its own counsel and the secret of its origin, necessarily went the
way of most old buildings no longer wanted, and was carted away with
the rest of the inn to assist in making some embankment or other, and
the present Three Indian Kings was erected in its place.
In a deed of mine, dated 1560, more than one hundred and fifty
years after the date quoted by Mr. Welford, as stated above, relative
to the old Three Kings' inn, there is a general descriptive account of
the properties occupying the site of the inn at that time, and had
occupied for some time previous. This account gives us an interesting
view of the arrangement of the buildings at this part of the Quayside
long before the present street front had been erected ; and we get
a verbal picture of a group of small erections consisting of the
following, viz. : —
1. A messuage or tenement, with its appurtenances..
2. Around this are four tenements or burgages, one on each side,
and one at each end. At the south of this group there are no private
buildings between it and the Tyne, there is only the town wall. At
the north of the group is a stone wall, extending nearly east and west,
which is still the southern boundary of the property of the Trinity
house.
I have copied from the deed the description of these tenements,
and have arranged them in a simple diagrammatic form.1 From their
moderate size these houses may have been not dwellings but offices
devoted to business purposes, and so occupied for a part only of the
day, as it may be supposed that the amount of daily commercial
business in the first half of the sixteenth century would not require
much space or many hours for its dispatch. It is presumed that they
were separated from each other by passages or chares, into which
doors and windows would open to give access, air, and light to the
merchants, the tenants, and the public. Now, the central compart-
ment, according to the above document, was the nucleus or starting
1 See this at p. 264.
260 EUINS OF BUILDINGS FORMERLY
point of the future inn, the west wall of which showed the pointed
arches. "Whether these formed part of the house before the tenement
and it were joined together does not appear by the deed. They were
the sole representatives, however, of anything architectural in the
group. It is a pity that the dimensions of the arches were not
taken. All the dimensions given in the deed have been copied in
the diagram. The tenement at the west side of the house belonged
to Thomas Rookbye, esq., of Mortham, Yorkshire, who let the
tenement at the south side of the house to Richard Harrygatt or
Harrygald.
The tenement to the north of the central one belonged to James
Anderson, master and mariner, who let it, also his property, to the
above-named Richard Harrygatt, who therefore held both tenements.
The tenement at the east of the house had been lately in the occu-
pation of the prior and convent of Tynemouth.
The prior and convent possessed property not only in the very
centre of commercial activity, but also in various other and upper
parts of Newcastle. By the Tynemouth chartulary they had a yearly
rent of Ills, from eight burgages on the Quayside. The burgage on
the east side of the central one must have been one of these eight, and
it was empty, probably on account of the recent suppression of the
monastery, and the rent of it according to the above rate was pro-
bably about 14s. per annum.
With regard to the tenement at the south of the centre of the
group, belonging to Thomas Rookbye, esq., it would, in all pro-
bability, being the southernmost of the group, have on its south side
or front a doorway and window or windows looking out upon the
Quayside, the town wall, and its gates, with a chare on each side of it.
After 1560 several unrecorded changes, forming a revolution in
the arrangements of the items of the group, their ownership and
tenantry must have occurred; in fact, the five must have been
entirely pulled down and replaced by two rows of houses extending
from north to south, with a yard or passage between, forming an
enlarged property extending from the boundary wall of the Trinity
house to the Quayside as then existing.
In 1575 this property was conveyed by George Lawson, gentleman,
to Richard Harrygate. Whether this was the same person previously
ON THE QUAYSIDE, NEWCASTLE. 261
named, or a relative of his, cannot really be decided, but as only
fifteen years had elapsed since the date of the deed, it may be the
same.
In what has now been read there is nothing that can throw light
on the origin of the arches in the west wall of this property, neither
is their anything to show that they had connection with either the
so-called chapel of St. John or the stone house of the prior of
Tynemouth.
Let us, then, pass on to the consideration of these other ruins.
In Brand's History and Antiquities of Newcastle, vol. i. page 22,
we find the following: —
1st. Between G-rindon chare and Blue Anchor chare there is a
remarkable old building, the front towards the quay. It has a
balcony, supported by posts with shields on them, but at present not
charged with any armorial bearings.
2nd. Behind, in Grindon chare, is a very observable house of
stone,2 with buttresses on the outside, with a crypt or vault arched
with stone, now converted into a cellar. Human bones have been
found here, and there is a tradition that this was once called St.
John's chapel.
In Richardson's Table Book, Hist. vol. iv. page 24, the following
passage occurs: — ' 1829 (May). This month, on pulling down an old
house on the Quayside, Newcastle, a fine gothic window was discovered
in the east side of what is supposed to be the chapel of St John of
Jerusalem. This building, which is of stone, with buttresses on the
west side in Grindon Chare, is used as a corn loft ; the crypt is used
as a warehouse. Human bones have been dug up about it.
'There was anciently in the town's hutch a writing endorsed
" The agreement made betwixt the Prior of St. John and the towne
of Newcastle, touching a water gate." '
' There is now no longer any doubt that this was the Chapel of
that Order, and that the gate alluded to was one contiguous to the
town wall which extended along the Quay.'
' There was also a chapel below the Ouseburn, in the parish of
All Saints, dedicated to St. Lawrence, and founded by one of the
Percies, which is said to have been dependent on the Priory of St.
2 May not this have belonged to the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of
Jerusalem 1
262 RUINS OF BUILDINGS FORMERLY
John of Jerusalem This chapel and its possessions were granted, in
1594, to the Corporation of Newcastle. The remains of St. Law-
rence's chapel form a part of the glasshouse belonging to Messrs.
Robert Todd & Co.'
It seems extraordinary that the author of this extract had neither
seen or heard of the remarkable old building with its front towards
the Quay, having a balcony supported by posts with armorial shields
upon them, although it was quite adjacent to tlfe stone house which
he attributes to the priory of St. John of Jerusalem.
Now this old building has a character peculiarly knightly with its
array of armorial shields, not at all an ecclesiastical one, and most
probably was once the property of the order of St. John of Jerusalem,3
and a priory or commandry of the order, similar to the preceptory of
Chibburn, in Northumberland, which has two escutcheons over the
south door of its ruined chapel.
To whom, then, are we to assign the stone house in Grindon
chare with a fine Gothic window in its east side or end, its buttresses,
its crypt arched with stone, all of which must have given the ruin a
decidedly ecclesiastical appearance, not to mention that human re-
mains had been dug up near to it, to whom, but to the prior and
convent of Tynemouth, who, we know alone had a great stone house
on the Quayside.
These two very interesting ruins have long been confounded to-
gether, owing to the untrustworthiness of tradition, the want of
right discrimination, and the popular ignorance of the existence of
a stone house belonging to the prior of Tynemouth, a house which I
do not find noticed in Gibson's history of the priory.
It is scarcely possible to discover the dates of the foundations of
these once important establishments.
We know that the great stone house was existent in 1392, and
that Thomas De La Mere was elected prior of Tynemouth in 1342,
and died abbot of St. Albans in 1396. He was a very eminent man,
and a great builder, and the house in question was most likely con-
structed during his Tynemouth priorate.
The order of the knights hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem,
instituted in 1120, driven from Palestine to Rhodes in 1310, and
from Rhodes to Malta in 1523, w.here they assumed the name of
3 See p. 244.
ON THE QUAYSIDE, NEWCASTLE. 263
knights of Malta, had a preceptory at Chibburn, in Northumberland,
and besides many preceptories scattered all over England, Chibburn
had thirty-two properties from which rents were received. But in the
history of the order to which I have access, there is no mention of
any preceptory, priory, or commandry, or other institution as existing
in Newcastle, and yet we had one of their houses on the Quayside,
which had a dependent chapel near the mouth of the Ouseburn.
If it be true that this ruin was really that of a priory of the
knights of St. John of Jerusalem, as seems proved by the fact of
the prior having had an agreement with the town of Newcastle about
a Watergate, how does it happen that there is no notice of the existence
of the priory in the Extenta Terr arum et Tenementorum Hospitalis, etc.,
which is published in vol. Ixv. of the Camden Society, or in vols. v.
or xvii. of Archaeokgia Aeliana.
The order was dissolved by king Henry VIII. and queen Elizabeth.
It is disappointing to have the thread of one's story suddenly cut off.
In conclusion, the two ancient buildings herein mentioned after
having been as good as buried out of sight and memory for centuries
had yet to be utterly destroyed as it were by fire. The fate of the
arched wall has been already told, that of the ruins of the supposed
chapels remains to be briefly indicated.
On the 5th of October, 1854, occurred the memorable explosion at
Gateshead, of a large goods warehouse, situated in Hillgate, which
scattered fire and desolation among the houses and offices on both
sides of the river, and the shipping lying between. The Quayside
was next day as if it had been bombarded, the part of the quay which
suffered most was that in which Grindon chare, Blue Anchor chare,
and three others immediately to the eastward of them, were situated.
The Dark chare, to the west of them, escaped, and still exists, being
both dark and narrow.
The houses on each side of the chares were so seriously damaged
that they had to be pulled down, and the result was that the once
celebrated houses of the priory of Tynemouth and of the knights of
St. John of Jerusalem or knights of Malta were involved in the com-
mon ruin, and for ever disappeared.
Out of a great evil sprang a magnificent good ; the narrow, dark,
and dirty chares were replaced by wide streets of fine architectural
pretensions — a credit to the town.
264
RUINS OF BUILDINGS ON THE QUAYSIDE.
NORTH.
Stone boundary wall of Trinity house.
Tenement
belonging to said
Thomas Rookbye,
esq., in tenure of
John Chater,
merchant.
Quayside.
Tenement
belonging to
James Anderson,
in breadth 8£ yds.
Tenement with appurtenances
conveyed by
James Anderson,
master & mariner,
to
Richard Harrygatt or
Harrygald,
on the Key-side.
[The original of the 3 Kings.]
Tenement belonging to
Thomas Rookbye, of
Mortham, Yorkshire, esq.,
(see Welford's 16 and 17th
Centuries (family Rookbye),
page 4),
in the occupation of the
said Richard Harrygate.
TOWN WALL.
Tenement
of late belonging
to the
prior of Tynemouth,
in length 7£ yds.
Quayside.
Quayside.
River Tyne.
SOUTH.
Quayside.
River Tyne.
DIAGRAM showing boundaries of tenements referred to in page 259. The
particulars taken from a deed, dated January 23, 1560.
INDEX.
265
INDEX.
A.
Adams, George, 247
Adamson, H. A., presented Corinthian
capital and base, xiv; on Tyne-
mouth castle after the dissolution
of the monastery, 61
Aesica, exploration of Roman camp
of, ix; discovery of west gateway
of, ix
Agricola carried Roman arms into
recesses of Caledonia, 84 ; life of,
by Tacitus, 84 ; extracts from, 104
Aisled halls, rarest feature to be met
with in whole range of 'domestic
architecture, 119 ; some Saxon
houses built on this principle, 130
Akenside family, the, 251
' Alclit 11.,' = the two Aucklands, 113
Aldhune, bishop, surrender by, of
two Aucklands to Uchtred, earl of
Northumberland, 113
Alnwick castle, hall of, 118; Thomas
Percy, constable of, 66
Anderson, sir Francis, 37
' Angel,' Butcher bank, Newcastle, 247
' Anker,' a measure for liquids, 245w
Avison, Charles, 37
Annals of the House of Percy, referred
to, 28
Antiquities of Canterbury, Somner's,
124
Antoninus Pius, builder of Wall
between Forth and Clyde, 88 ; life
of, said to be by Julius Capitolinus,
95 ; some say by Spartianus, 95 ;
waged many wars by his lieutenant,
Lollius Urbicus, 95 ; Wall of, in
Scotland, of turves, 95
Aper and Maximus, building of Roman
Wall assigned by Cassiodorus to
consulates of, 98 ; mentioned on
the ' written rock ' on the Gelt, 99
Arms of see of Durham, change of
form of cross on, 197»
Armorer, Francis, 245, 253 ; Thomas,
29; William, 29
Armorer's chare, Newcastle, 245 ;
named after Francis Armorer, 245 n
Arundell, John, glazier, Bishop Auck-
land, 185
Ascalon, Syria, Corinthian capital and
base from, presented, xiv
Astley, sir Jacob, 68 ; and Edgehill, 68
Athelhampton, manor-house hall of,
118
Athol chantry, St. Andrew's Church,
Newcastle, monuments in, 37,
39 ; matrix, 49
Atkinson, Charles, 247
Aucklands, the two, 113; surrendered
by bishop Aldhune, 113; restored
to church by king Cnut, 113
Auckland castle, the chapel of, 113 ;
founder of first manor-house un-
known, 113 ; Symeon first to mention
it, 113; no trace of Roman occupa-
tion of site, 113 ; existing buildings
described by Hutchinson, Billings,
W. S. Gibson, and Boyle, 113;
most exhaustive account by Dr.
Raine,113; probably became country
seat of bishops at very early date,
114; referred to in Boldon Book,
114 ; reconstructed by Pudsey, 115 ;
never merited term castle, though
called so from time of bishop
Sherwood, 115 ; known till then as
manor, 115 ; in letter from bishop,
'castel or manoir,' 115 ; earliest
designation, 'halha' or hall, 115;
work began with hall, 115; largest
and most beautiful, 115 ; converted
into chapel by Cosin, 116 ; kitchens,
etc., at lower level than hall, 142 ;
record of bishop' Butler, 143»;
chapel in manor-house, temp, bishop
Stichell, 145 ; a chapel erected by
bishop Beck, 145 ; two chapels,
major and minor, spoken of in
1338, 145; one stood above other,
145 ; used for divine service until
time of bishop Morton, 145; spoken
of by Dr. Basire and Sir William
Brereton, 145 ; stood on south side
of castle, 145 ; detailed examination,
152 ; dimensions, etc., of hall, 152;
' lighting of, 153; bishop Van Mil-
dert executed repairs in, 154 ; details
of north side, 156 ; difference in
style of windows, 157 ; low side-
walls raised that larger windows
might be inserted, 157 ; Beck's
windows copied by Cosin's'architect,
157 ; aisle windows of north side,
35
266
INDEX.
159 ; first great alteration of hall to
be ascribed to Beck not to Hatfield,
160; provided with parapets, 160;
shingles or boards for, 160 ; roll of
Roger deTikhill, 161; whitewashing
of chambers usual, 161 and n, 162,
163 ; bishop Hatfield's hangings,
163 ; curtains, temp, bishop Dudley,
164 ; sacrist sold bed from, to John
lord Neville, 164 ; floor covered
with rushes, 164 ; bishops' chair of
state, 165 ; brazier or reredos, 165 ;
larger than usual, 166 ; porch,
167 ; extracts from account roll of
cardinal Langley, 167; the la ver, 167;
true date of building, 171 ; opinions
of Billings, Turner. Raine,etc., 171 ;
details of arcades, 172 et seq.;
architectural details, 177 ; Lambert,
inarmorarius, designer of columns,
177 ; arcades, 177 ; agreement with
arches at Darlington, 179 ; conver-
sion into chapel, 180 ; the roofs of
chapel, 180; agreement for, 180;
decoration of, 182 ; Mr. Bowser's
notes, 180 ; arms of bishop Cosin,
182 ; evangelistic symbols, 182»;
John Baptist van Ersell, painter,
183 ; paint ' brutally scraped off,'
184 ; contract for glazing of win-
dows, 185 ; for painting, 186 ; for
carpenter's work, 186; altar plate,
etc., at, given by bishop Cosin, 233 ;
schedule of, 187 ; the organ, 188 ;
the floor, 189 ; the screen and its
makers, 190 ; the western stall ends,
193; authorship of , 194?t; design of
coronets from which mitres spring,
196»; aisle stalls and panelling,
201 ; van Mildert's restoration of,
203 ; monument of bishop Cosin
in, 204 ; exterior of, 210 ; the
windows, 213 ; Robert Morley,
designer of, 213; doorways, 217;
works of bishop Lightfoot, 217 ;
painted glass windows, 218, 238 ;
episcopal shields, 229 ; choir-stalls,
canopy of bishop's stall, etc., 230 ;
bishop Lightfoot's gravestone, 231
Aurelius Victor, 98 ; extracts from,
relating to Roman Wall, 107
Autobiography, Mrs. Fletcher's, re-
ferred to, 30»
15.
Babington, Ann, of Newcastle, 252
Balance sheet for 1895, treasurer's,
xvii
Bamburgh castle hall, 118
Barnard castle, 118
Barnes, Memoirs of Ambrose, referred
to, 76
Barrett- Browning, Mrs., 37
Barrington, bishop, paint ' brutally
scraped off ' roofs of Auckland castle
chapel in time of, 185
Barker, John, 254
Basire, Dr., officiated in double chapel
at Auckland, 145 ; funeral sermon
on bfchop Cosin, 151
Bates, C. J., on discovery of a turf
wall, x: History of Northumberland,
x ; his Border holds, quoted, 264
et seq.
Battlehall, Leeds, Kent, finest example
of a la ver at, 168
Bayles, Nicholas. 257
Beck, bishop, erected a new chapel at
Auckland, 145 ; also double, 149
Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica, building
of vallum ascribed by, to Severus,
101 ; 'extracts from relating to
Roman Wall, 108
Bee, John, 255
Bell, Charles Loraine, presented carved
15th century vaulting boss, xv.
Benwell, Blakeney, last prior of Tyne-
mouth, retired to, 6 1
Bergoman, Antonio de, commissioned
by Henry VIII. to view state of
Tynemouth, 62
Berkeley castle, 118 ; double chapel at,
in use, 149
Berwick, men marched from, to Tyne-
mouth, 75
Bewickes, the, of Close house, 253
Blackett, sir William, 37
Blackboy chare, Newcastle, 245
Black Friars, Newcastle, 1
Blakeney, Robert, last prior of Tyne-
mouth, 61 ; retired to his manor
house on dissolution, 61
Blue Anchor chare, Newcastle, 242,
245, 261, 266
' Blue Bell,' Grindon chare, Newcastle,
246
Bodiam castle, 118
Bodotria, Clota and [Forth, Clyde
and], 85
Boldon Book, Auckland and Durham,
referred to in, 114; extracts from,
Bolton castle hall, 118 ; kitchens, 142/j
Bond, Stephen, and Isabella his wife,
tombstone of, 42
Border Holds, Bates's, referred to, 28
Borthwick castle, 1 13»
Boston, hall of St. Mary's guild at,
168
Bothwell, earl of, confined in Tyne-
mouth castle, 63
IXDEX.
267
Bottle chare, Newcastle, or Dark
chare, 245
Bowman, Christopher, 256
Bowser, Mr., bishop of Durham's
agent, 181
Boyle's Guide to County of Durham,
referred to, 158 ; ' more numerous
mistakes could hardly be compressed
into the like compass,' 159
Brancepeth castle hall, 118; church,
fittings of choir of, 191
Brand's Newcastle, quoted, 1 ; Letters,
246a
Brandlings, the, 37
Brasse, John and Abraham Smith, of
Durham, makers of screen at Auck-
land castle chapel, 190
Brazier, the, somewhat larger than
common at Auckland castle hall,
166 ; extract from account rolls of
bishop Dudley, 166 ; other mention
of it in days of bishop Tunstall, 166
Brereton, sir William, parliamentary
general, visited Tynemouth, 68 j
speaks of two chapels at Auckland
castle, 145
Brimstone matches, xiii
Britain, conquest of, in 43, 84.
Britanniae, De Excidio, not by Gildas,
100
Brougham castle, hall of, an aislelass
parallelogram, 118
Browell, Mark, 250
Browne, Matthew, glazier, Bishop
Auckland, 185 ; sir Valentine, letter
to secretary Walsingham, 65
Buckden palace with its aisled hall,
destroyed during Commonwealth,
119, 138
Burdon, sir Thomas, 257
Burne, Thomas, miller, gravestone of,
47
Burnell, bishop, dimensions of his hall
at Wells, 119
Burrell, Francis, 254
Bury, Richard de, pontificate of, 160
Butler, bishop, inscription recording
work of, in Auckland chapel, 143»
C.
Caernarvon castle, 118
Caledonians and Meatae, 89
Caleto, John de (1248-61) infirmary
hall at Peterborough, erected during
abbacy of, 127
Calendar of State Papers, error in, 69
Cannons on Newcastle castle top, xiii
Canterbury cathedral church : tombs
of Henry IV. and Johanna de
Navarre at, 196»; Somner's account
of, 124 ; capitals of choir of, 175 ;
infirmary hall of fourteenth century,
124 ; replaced earlier building, 124
Capitolinus, Julius, life of Antoninus
Pius, 95 ; extracts from, relating to
Roman Wall, 106
Caracalla, the fratricide, 92
Cardiff castle, 118
1 Carnabie, Raiph,' 254 ; Jane, wife of,
254
Cassiodorus, 98; assigns building of
Roman Wall to consulate of Aper
and Maximus, 98 ; extract from,
relating to Wall, 107
Castle Campbell, 11G«
Castle Leazes, Newcastle, the, 255
Cecil, sir William, letter of sir Henry
Percy to, 64
Chairs of State, 165, 166
Chalfield, Great, manor house, Wilts.,
hall of, 118; porch of, 167
Chapels, double, 116/t, 147, 148, 149
Chares of Newcastle destroyed by the
fire of 1854, 241 ; plan of, 243
Charles I., entry of, into Newcastle,
67 ; attended by Laud and others,
67 ; visit to Tynemouth, 68 ; sur-
render of, by the Scots, 70
Charlton, 0. J., on matrix of Athol
brass, St. Andrew's church, New-
castle, 49
Chepstow, kitchens, etc., at lower
level than hall, 142 and n
Cheaters (Great), see Aesica
Chibburn preceptory. 263
Chichester, cathedral church of, burnt,
207 ; hospital, infirmary hall, 120
Chorographia, additions to Gray's
manuscript of, 244
Clarendon, four evangelists in glass of
great hall at, 163»; porch of hall,
167
Clarke, John Graham, 40
Claudius, conquest of Britain by
generals of, in 43, 84 ; account of,
by Tacitus, 84
Claverings, the, 37
Clayton, William, merchant, New-
castle, 40
Clevedon court, Somerset, porch of, 167
Clifford's fort, 79
Clodius Albinus, 90
Closegate, Newcastle, the, 255
Clota and Bodotria [Clyde and Forth ,
85
Clyde, Forth and, Antoninus Pius
builder of wall between, 88
Coalman's chare, Newcastle, 245
Coldmartin, lands at, 27
Colemanpepper chare, Newcastle, 245
College halls of universities, 118
268
INDEX.
Collingwoods, the, 37
Collingwood, lord, 44 ; Cuthbert,
father of, 44
Colvin's chare, 242, 245 ; alias Maryon
house lane, 245
Commodus, a 'cruel and cowardly
profligate,' 88 ; Dion Cassius on,
88 ; assassination of, 89.
Communion plate, etc., at Auck-
land castle given by bishop Cosin,
inventory of, 187
Conway castle, 118
Corney, Miles, 248, 249
Corstopitum (Corbridge), Roman in-
scribed stone from, presented, xii
Cosin, bishop of Durham, Smith,
biographer of, 145, 151 ; statement
of bishop regarding chapel at Auck-
land castle quite true, 150 ; con-
verted Auckland hall into chapel,
116, 180 ; altar plate, etc., given by
him, 233; inventory of, 187; his
organ, 188 ; monument of, 204 ;
funeral sermon on, 151
Coulson, John, 254
Council and officers for 1896, xix
Courant, the, John White, founder of,
257
Coventry, kitchens, etc., at lower level
than hall, 142 •
Cowdray manor house, hall of, 118
Craigmillar castle, 116n
Craster, Edmund, 28 ; George of Cras-
ter, 28
Cromes, the, of Newcastle, 249
Cromes chare, Newcastle, 245
Cross on arms of see of Durham,
change of form of, 197».
Crowhurst, Sussex, porch of, 167
D.
Dacre castle, earliest form of laver, 168
Dark chare, Newcastle, 242, 245, 263
Darlington church, built by Pudsey,146
Darrayns, William, and Mathilda, his
wife, 27
Dawson, John, tailor, and Martha, his
wife, tombstone of, 44
Davison, Alexander., 253 ; sheriff .and
mayor of Newcastle, 45 ; knighted,
45 ; legacies of, to poor, 45 ; Ann,
founded hospital, 45; Thomas,
tombstone of, 45
Deceased members, obituary notices
of, 50 et seq.
De la Mere, Thomas, prior of Tyue-
mouth,262 ; abbot of St.Alban's,262
Delavals, the, 37
Delaval, Mr., keeper of Tynemouth
castle, 66 ; Robert, of Cowpen, 29
Dendy, F. W.. 'Extracts from the
Records of the Merchant Adventurers
of Newcastle,' ix ; 'On the six New-
castle chares destroyed by the fire
of 1854', 241
Dibdin's Northern Tour, 247
Dicam, Thomas, servant of sir Henry
Percy, 64
Diocletian, the second founder of the
empire, 93 ; son of a Dalmatian
slaver93 ; reign somewhat resembled
Napoleon's, 93 ; and the Historia
Augusta, 94
Dion Cassius, the historian, 88 ; de-
scribes tribes as overpassing the
Wall, 88 ; first clear mention of the
Wall, 89 ; often pleaded as an ad-
vocate before Septimius Severus, 91 ;
on advice of Septimius Severus
history written, 91
Ditchburn, East, 27
Dobsons of Newcastle, the, 252
Dobson, John, laid out new streets on
site of Newcastle destroyed chares,
242
Domestic Architecture, Parker's, 116n,
130», 131, 140/1
Domestic architecture, aisled halls,
rarest features in, 119
Douglas, Joshua, town clerk of New-
castle, 257
Dublin castle hall, 154»; a king and
queen painted over dais, 163w
Dudley, bishop, 164 ; mitre of, 196n
Dudley, John, lord high admiral, at
Tynemouth, 62
Dugdale, History of St. Paul's, ap-
pendix to, 145
' Dun Cow,' the, Grindon chare, New-
castle, 246
Dunns, of Newcastle, the, 252
Durham castle, two halls, 116 ; built
or restored by Pudsey, 141 ; aisled
hall pertaining to hospitium, known
as 'gest hall,' 127; account of, in
Mites and Monuments, 127; until
days of Fox bishops had two great
chairs of state, 166
Durham cathedral church, Galilee
chapel, built by Pudsey, 141 ; stalls
and font cover at, 191
Durham, change of form of arms of
cross on arms of see, 197ra; arms of
monastery of, according to Tonge's
Visitation, 198»
Dutch war, 75 ; prisoners plot, 75 ;
lodged in Tynemouth castle, 75 ;
man-of-war, four engagements of
' Pembroke,' with, 75 ; fleet, attack
of, on Sheerness, 76
INDEX.
269
B.
Earle, near Wooler, 26 ; granted to
Kobert de Hebburn, 26
Edgehill, battle of, 68
Edward I. granted town of Pandon
to Newcastle. 1 ; gave licence to
crenellate Tynemouth castle, 80
Edward II. granted licence to crenel-
late Penshurst place, 154
Edward VI. granted Tynemouth to
Dudley, earl of Warwick, 63
Elagabalus, 'the effeminate glutton,'
92
Elizabeth, queen, appoints sir Henry
Percy to charge of Tynemouth, 63 ;
letter from, to duke of Norfolk
concerning, 63 ; plan of Tynemouth
castle, temp. 77
Ellington, lands at, 27
Ellinor chare, Newcastle, 254
Ellison, Elizabeth, next of kin to sir
Benjamin Ifawling, 249
Elmer, Christopher, merchant adven-
turer, 245
Elmer's chare, Newcastle, 245
Eltham palace hall, 118
Ely, infirmary hall, 115; remains of,
most imposing extant, 120 ; of Nor-
man date, 120 ; part of arcade, 121 ;
details, 122, 123 ; Mr. Millers, the
historian of the cathedral, called this
' the original Saxon building erected
by St. Etheldreda,' 123 ; John,
bishop of, commenced choir, etc., at
Fountains, 128
Embleton, barony of, 26
Embleton, Denis, ' Ruins of buildings
once existing on Quayside, New-
castle,' 258
England and Wales, Grose's Anti-
quities of, quoted, 75
Epitaphs. St. Andrew's church, New-
castle, 43 ; of Brudenells at Houg-
ham, 31
Erringtons of West Denton, the, 252
Errington's chare, Newcastle, 245
Eutropius, 98 ; extract from, relating
to Roman Wall, 106
Evangelistic symbols, 182»
Farnham castle, hall at, 115».
Fauconberg, lord, letter of, to secre-
tary Nicholas relating to Tyne-
mouth, 74
Favvsley, manor-house hall of, 118
Fenwick, sir John, captain of Tyne-
mouth castle, 67 ; Nicholas, mer-
chant, and Sarah, his wife, tombstone
of, 47
Ferrers, Walkelyn de (1161-1201),
Oakham hall, built by, 131
Fire of 1854, An Account of the Great,
241
Fitzherbert, Nicholas, monument of,
in Norbury church, 207.
Fletcher's (Mrs.) Autobiography, 30»
Ford castle hall, 118
Forster, sir John, orders to, to arrest
sir Henry Percy, 64 ; letter of, to
privy council, 64 ; Nicholas, 29 ; of
Hulne abbey, 28 ; Thomas, of Adder-
stone, 29 ; William, son of, 29
Forth and Clyde (Clvta and Bodotria),
Antoninus Pius builder of Wall
between, 88
Foster's Visitation i>f Northumberland,
quoted, 27»
Fountains abbey, remains of hall at,
120; infirmary halls at, 127 ; both
erected by abbot John of Kent, 128 ;
Mr. Gordon Hill's note of. 128
Fox, bishop, until days of, bishops of
Durham had two great chairsof state
in Durham castle, 166
Friar's chare (upper), Newcastle, 255
Frotheringham, Faith, 250
G.
Gallienus, ' the clever fool,' 92
Gallowgate, Newcastle, the town wall
in, 109 ; section of, 112.
Gelt river, ' written rock ' on, mention-
ing consuls Aper and Maximus, 99.
Gildas, a native of Wales, 100 ; book
De Excidio Britanniae, not by him,
100 ; building of Roman Wall in,
100 ; extracts from relating to
Roman Wall, 108
Glass, painted, Auckland castle chapel,
218 ; subjects of, 218
Glastonbury, death of last abbot of,
61 ; hospital infirmary hall at, 120
Gloucester cathedral, the laver at, 168 ;
remains of hall, 120 ; infirmary
buildings re-constructed in thir-
teenth century, 126
Gofton, Andrew, 255.
' Golden Anchor,' the, Grindon chare,
Newcastle, 246.
' Gor Chayr,' alias ' Rod's Chayr,'
Newcastle, 245»
Gower, bishop, built St. David's
palace about middle of fourteenth
century, 143»
Graham, lieut. John, 40 ; major,
deputy governor of Tynemouth
castle, 74.
Grays: of Newcastle, the, 253 ; George,
and son, William, 257; Ralph, of
270
INDEX.
Chillingham, 28 ; William, the
historian, 253» ; his Chorographia,
244
Grey, Arthur, 28 ; Ralph, 28
Green, Nicholas, William Lamb and
others, glaziers, Durham, contract to
glaze windows of Auckland castle
chapel, 185
Grendon, Walter, prior of hospital of
St. John of Jerusalem, 244
' Grey Horse,' Quayside, Newcastle,
247 ; sketch of, in Dibdin's Northern
Tour, 247
Grindon chare, Newcastle, 242, 245,
261, 266 ; may have been named
after Thomas Grindon, 244 ; Walter
Grendon, prior of hospital of St.
John, 244 ; tradition that knights
had chapel in, 244 ; inns in, 246
Grindon, Thomas, bailiff of Newcastle,
244
Grose's Antiquities of England and
Wales, referred to, 76, 80
Grostete constructed Buckden palace,
117; destroyed during Common-
wealth, 138
Guildford, king's hall at, 154 ; history
of Lazarus and Dives and St.
Edward, painted on wall, 163»
Guilds, halls of, 118.
H.
Haddock, Roger, tombstone of, 40 ;
married Isabel Rea, 40
Hadrian, his court at York, 86 ; left
name in station of Pons Aelii, 86 ;
a Spaniard, 86 ; travelled all over
world, 86 ; adorned Athens, 87 ;
the villa of, at Tivoli, 87 ; blots in
closing years, 87 ; life of, by Aelius
Spartianus, 94 ; building of Wall
attributed to, by Spartianus, 95;
1 another wall of turf, 95
Hall, rev. G. Rome, obituary notice
of, 57 ; Reynold, 250
Halls, aisled, rarest features in domes-
tic architecture, 1 1 9
Halls, infirmary, of great monasteries,
115; of castles, 118
Hampton court, hall of, 118
Hamsterley church, floor of beaten
earth, 164
Harang, Patrick, grant by, of a tene-
ment in Stamford, 26
Harbottle castle hall, 118
Harding, James, 247
Hardyng's Chronicle, referred to, 1
Harmondsworth (Middlesex), tithe
barn, 130
Harrison's chare, Newcastle, 245
Harrygatt or Harrygald, Richard, 260
Haslerigg, sir A., blew up double
chapel at Auckland, 145 (see also
Hesilrige)
Hatfield, bishop, hangings at Auck-
land, 163
Hatfield's hall, Durham, 118
Hay ward's chare, Newcastle, Pallister's
chare or, 245
Hebbu^-n, of Hebburn, the family of,
26 ; pedigree of, 32 ; Ann, 28 ;
Arthur, 28 ; took mortgage on Carle-
croft, 28 ; will of, 28 ; ' Bell,' 28 ;
Eleanor, 28 ; Gerard de. 26 ; James
de, and Alice, his wife, 26 ; John de,
26; Michael, 28; will of, 28; Nicholas,
26 ; Ralph, 28 ; the royalist soldier,
29; stationed at Berwick, 29; rated
for Hebburn, 29 ; married daughter
of Robert Delaval of Cowpen, 29 ;
pedigree entered, 29 ; Robert, son
of, 29 ; will and codicil of, 33 ; his
daughter, Mary, married Edward
Brudenell, 29; Robert de, 26; inq.
p.m., 27 ; Agnes, widow of, 27 ;
Thomas de, 27 ; Thomas, owner of
Hebburn-hold, 27; a freeholder of
Embleton, 28 ; owner of Hebburn
tower, 28; will of, 28
Hebburn-hold, 27 ; tower, 28
Hedley, R. C., obituary notice of the
rev. G. Rome Hall, 57
Hendred (east) manor-house, double
chapel at, 149
Henry III., born in Winchester castle,
138; built hall, 138; liberate rolls of,
relating to whitewash and plaster,
quoted, 161»
Henry IV. granted to mayor all fines,
etc., for reparation of wall, etc., 7 ;
and queen, tombs of, at Canterbury,
Herodian, a Greek historian, 93
Herons of Chipchase, 249 et seq.; sir
Cuthbert of, 250 ; Cuthbert of Offer-
ton, 250
Heron's close, Hebburn, 53 ; purchased
by Thomas Woodman, a Hexham-
shire yeoman, 53
Herring, Richard, carver, 181
Hertford, earl of, letter to king, 62
Hesilrige, sir Arthur, presented with
silver basin and ewer, 7; governor of
Tynemouth castle, 70 ; thanked by
parliament for recovery of, 71 ;
letter, 71 ; surrendered Tynemouth
castle, 74 ; excepted from Act of
Indemnity, 74 ; committed to tower,
74 (see also Haslerigg)
Hills, Mr. Gordon, his description of
Fountains abbey, 128
INDEX.
271
Hilton, sir Thomas, high sheriff of
Northumberland, Tynemouth castle
demised to, 62
History (Literary) of the Roman
Wall, 83
Historia Augusta, the, 94; controversy
as to time of composition of, 94» ;
two best editions read Alaurum
instead of Murum, 97 ; with these
all independent Roman testimony
as to builder of Wall ends, 98; asser-
tions of Eutropius and others that
Severus, builder of Roman Wall,
probably copied from, 98
Historia Ecclesiastica, Bede's, 101
Hodgkin, Thos., ' Obituary Notice of
late Prof. Stephens, honorary mem-
ber'. 50 ; ' The Literary History of
the Roman Wall,' 83
Hodgson, rev. John, on Roman Wall,
96
Hodgson, J. Crawford, on the family
of Hebburn, 26 ; ' Obituary Notice of
W. Woodman, V.P., 53
Hodgson, rev. J. F., on the chapel of
Auckland castle, 113
Holmes, Sheriton, on the walls of
Newcastle, 1 ; the town wall of
Newcastle in Gallowgate, 109
Hornsby's chare, Newcastle, 242
Hospital close, Newcastle, 256
Hougham, Lincolnshire, 30 ; epitaphs
of Brundenells at, 31
Howick hall, architect of, 44
Hugh, St. (1185-1200), bishop of
Lincoln commenced palace, 134
Humfrey, Thomas, 254
Hurstmonceux castle, 118
I.
Ilderton, Thomas, 253
Ingo, lands at, 27
Inns of Court, halls of, 118
Inventory of communion plate, etc..
at Auckland castle chapel, 187
J.
James, Thomas, of Newcastle, 257 ;
William, 257 ; Thomas, his son (of
Otterburn tower), 257
Jenison, sir Ralph, 37
Jocelin's (bishop) palace at Wells, 154»
K.
Kenil worth castle, 118 ; porch of hall,
167
Kennington, orders to roof, 169
Kent: abbot John of, erected both halls
at Fountains, also choir and Nine
Altars, 128 ; and Sussex, warrant
to farmers of excise of, for ale, etc.,
for Tynemouth castle, 73
Keyser, Hendrick de, of Bishop Auck-
land, 189
Kidwelly castle, Caermarthen, temp.
Edward I., 142»
Kerkmerrington churchyard, brass
pipe stopper from, presented, xiv
L.
Lamb, Wm., Nicholas Green, and
others, glaziers, Durham, contract
with to glaze windows of Auckland
chapel, 185
Lambert, marmorarius, bishop's ten-
ant, the artificer of columns at
Auckland castle, 177 ; general,
arrival of, at Newcastle, 73 ; soldiers
at Tynemouth agree to support, 73
Lambeth palace hall, 118
Lambton, John, of Houghton-le-
spring, and Phillis, his wife, 256
Langlands, John, goldsmith, tomb-
stone of, 46
Langley, Cardinal, account roll of, 167
Lawson, George, 260 ; Robert, 254 ;
William, 27
Lazarus and Dives, history of, in glass
window, 163tt
Ledger, Robert, 254
Lee, sir Richard, one of commission
from king to view state of Tyne-
mouth, 62
Leith, letter of sir Henry Percy, from
camp at, 63
Lei and, Itinerary, 2
Leven, Alexander, earl of, 69
' Leven's colyery,' 256
Liberton, 116«.
Lightfoot, bishop, works of, at Auck-
land castle chapel, 217 ; painted
glass, etc., 218 ; gravestone of, 231
Lilburn, colonel Robert, in charge of
Tynemouth castle, 71, 73 ; one of
regicides, 73w
Lincoln, episcopal palace of, 133 ; hall
of, one of four aisled halls remain-
ing, 119 ; most ruinous of all, 133 ;
plan of, 134 ; section east and west,
135 ; commenced by St. Hugh,
bishop, 134 ; devastated during Civil
War, 134 ; used by bishop Reynolds,
as quarry, 134; side windows of, 136 ;
provided with parapets, 160
Linlithgow, parliament hall, 118
Linton, George, of South Shields, a
quaker, died, 74
Lollius Urbicus, general under
Antoninus Pius, 95
272
INDEX.
'Low Crane' inn, Quayside, Newcastle,
247
Ludgershall, history of Lazarus and
Dives in window at, 163»
Lumley castle, early hall at, 116
M.
Makepeace, John, baker and brewer,
tombstone of, 42
Map of world painted on wall of
Winchester, 163»
Marcellus, Ulpius, sent against tribes
who broke the Wall, 88
Marcus Aurelius, 'the philospher on
the throne,' 88
Marisco, Hereward and Rametta, 26
Marlborough great hall, 154»
Marley, Robert, son of sir John, 72 ;
description of, 72
Marshall, John, 254
Mary, queen, grants Tynemouth castle
to Thomas, earl of Northumberland,
63
Maryonhouse lane, Colvin's chare,
Newcastle, alias, 245
Matches, brimstone, xiii
Matfen, Ann, and Jane, her daughter,
256
Mather, William, 257
Maximin, ' the barbarian bully,' 92
Maximus, Aper and, consuls (see Aper
and Maximus)
May field palace hall, 118
Meatae, Caledonians and, 89 ; fight in
chariots, 89 ; enjoy robbery, 89 ;
dwell in tents and have women in
common, 89; expedition of Septimius
Severus, against, 90
Medway, sailing of Dutch fleet up, 76
Members, honorary, xx ; ordinary, xxi
Members, deceased, 50 et seq.
Men of Mark, Welford's, 242 et seq.
Merchant Adventurers of Newcastle,
the, 249»; extracts from records of,
ix
Metcalf, John, a rebel, 64
' Meter's arms,' Butcher bank, New-
castle, 247
Middleham castle, hall at, an aisleless
parallelogram, 118
Midrigg, Peter de, 160
Milbank, John, 254 ; [Milbanke], sir
Mark, 37
Mitford, Bartram, 254 ; John and
Robert, 253
Mitre-coronets at Auckland and Dur-
ham, 196n
Mommsen thinks Dion's reference to
Wall is to Antonine Wall, 89
Monmouth, earl of, captain of Tyne-
mouth castle, 68
Montford, Simon de, 26
Monthly Chronicle, quoted, 241
Morley, Robert, designed windows of
Auckland castle chapel, 213
Morton, bishop, of Durham, double
chapel at Auckland used for service
until days of, 145
Museum, objects presented to, xii
Myddletons, the, of Offerton, 251
N.
Nevill, John lord, sacrist sold a bed
from Auckland castle to, 164
Newcastle Remembrancer, The, 1
Newcastle, History of, Brand's,
quoted, 1
Newcastle : merchant adventurers of,
ix ; iron key from Old Mansion
house, presented, xiii ; large teapot
from Old Mansion house, presented,
xiv ; fire office plate, xiii ; oval seal
of Newcastle ' Fine Arts Institute,'
presented, xiv; Roman name of Pans
Aelii, after Hadrian, 86 ; the walls
of, 1 ; town wall, in Gallowgate,
109 ; Black Friars, 1 ; Leland's
Itinerary, 2 ; masonry of Black
Gate, 2 ; town wall, Hanover
square, 3 ; Westgate street, 4 ; Ever
tower, 4 ; character of masonry,
near, 4 ; Newgate, 5 ; character of
masonry near St. Andrew's church,
5 ; at Wall Knoll tower, 6 ; fines,
etc., granted by Henry IV. for
repair of wall, etc., 7 ; general
scheme of defence of town, 8 ;
towers on wall generally horse-shoe
shaped, 9 ; towers on wall, 17 ; Close
tower, rectangular, 9; White Friars,
octangular, 9 ; Wall Knoll, nearly
square, 9 ; circular bastions, 9 ;
Carliol tower, 10 ; gates, 10 ; Close
gate, 11 ; Plummer tower, granted
to company of masons, etc., 18 ;
wall near, breached by Scottish
army, 12 ; Roman altars, etc., found
on removal of tower, 12 ; Denton
tower, 12 ; Stank tower, 12 ; Gun-
ner tower, 13 ; Pink tower, 13 ;
Heber or Herber tower, 14 ; plans
and sections of, facing page 14 ;
meeting place of company of felt-
makers, etc., 14 ; Morden tower,
14 ; meeting place of company of
plumbers, etc., 14 ; Andrew tower,
16 ; Newgate, 1(5 ; Monboucher
tower, 16 ; Ficket tower, 17 ; 'Pil-
grim's gate, 17 ; Carliol tower, 17 ;
Austin tower, 18 ; hall of millers,
etc., and ropers, 18 ; Corner tower,
19 ; Pandon gate, 17 ; occupied by
INDEX.
273
company of barber-surgeons, 19 ;
Wall Knoll tower, 19 ; occupied by
society of carpenters, etc.. 19 ; plan,
etc., of, 20 ; Sandgate, 20 ; bridge,
20 ; present condition of walls, 21 ;
removals for Pandon new roads, 22 ;
stone figures from walls, 24 ; remains
of monastic buildings, etc., 25 ;
monuments in Athol chantry, St.
Andrew's church, 37 ; epitaph in
St. Andrew's church, Newcastle,
43 ; entry of Charles I. into. 67 ;
arrival of general Lambert at, 73 ;
castle hall at, a temporary struc-
ture. 118 ; chares destroved bv fire
of 1854, 241 ; plan of, 243 ; re-
sembled rows at Yarmouth, 241 ;
Vestiges of Old. referred to, 241 ;
Speed's map of, 241 ; Oliver's, 241 ;
new streets on site of chares, 242 ;
Mr. Ralph Walters purchased sites
of, 242 ; Thomas Grindon. bailiff of,
244 ; Henry Rawling, mayor of,
248 ; Miles "Corney, 248 ; Merchant
Adventurers, 249»; Joshua Douglas,
town clerk of, 257 ; Robert Sorsbie,
mayor of, 257 ; remains of builtiings
once existing on Quayside, 258;
great stone house of prior of Tyne-
mouth, on Quayside, 258 ; the
' Three Indian Kings,' 259
Newcastle and Gateshead, Welford's,
258
Newport, earl of, Tynemouth castle
delivered to, 68
Newton-by-the-Sea, 26
Newton, William, tombstone of, 43 ;
architect of assembly rooms, New-
castle, and Howick hall, 44 ; des-
poiled ancient monuments in St.
Nicholas's church, Newcastle, 44
Nicholson, Ann, 254
Norbury church, monument of
Nicholas Fitzherbert in, 207
Norfolk, duke of, letter of queen
Elizabeth to, concerning Tyne-
mouth, 63
Norham castle hall, 118
Norham [Norran's] chare, Newcastle,
245
Northampton, king's hall at, 15in ;
design painted on wall, 163»
Northumberland, new County History
of, ix ; quoted, 26 et seg.
Northumberland Visitation, Foster's,
quoted, 27 et seg.
Northumberland, ninth earl of, im-
prisoned in Tower, 66 ; fined, 67 ;
release of, 67 ; death, 67 ; a lover of
books, 67 ; Algernon, earl of, letters
of, 70 : Thomas, earl of, Tynemouth
granted to. by queen Mary. 63;
Henry, ninth earl, born at Tyne-
mouth castle, 63 ; duke of, Dudley
earl of Warwick created, 63
Norwich cathedral, laver at, 168 ; re-
mains of hall at, of Norman date,
120 ; site of refectory, 123 ; probably
work of John of Oxford (1 1 75-1200),
124; restored in Perpendicular style,
124
Notitia Utriisqiie Imperil, extracts
from, 107 ; army list of Roman
state, 99 ; second part relates to
Britain, 99; from this and inscrip-
tions true names of stations per
lineam ralli recovered, 99
Nurstead court, hall at, destroyed, 130
and n
O.
Oakham hall, How,- one of four aisled
halls remaining, 119; dimensions,
1 1 9n ; the smallest absolutely intact,
131 : sole fragment of castle, 131 ;
account of, in Parker's Domestic
Architecture and Archaeological
Journal, 131 ; said to have been
built by Walkelyn de Ferrers, 131
principal entrance towards east end
of south aisle, 131 ; side windows,
132, 133
Officers, council and, for 1896, xix
Ogle. Henry, 29; wife Jane, son
William, 256 ; William, of Causey
park. 256
Oliver, Margaret, burial place of, 48
Organ at Auckland castle chapel, 188
Orosius, extract from, relating to
Roman Wall. 107
Oxford, John of, probably builder of
Norwich infirmarv hall, 124 ; king's
hall at, 154»
P.
Pallister's chare, Newcastle, 242, 245;
or Hayward's chare, 245 ; inns in,
246
Pandon, granted to Newcastle by
Edward I., 1
Parker's Domestic Architecture, 116,
130ra, 131, 140w
Paston, sir John, letter of bishop of
Durham to, 115
' Pembroke ' engaged a Dutch man-of-
war, 75
Penshurst, manor-house hall of, 118 ;
provided with parapets, 160; licence
to crenellate, 154«; porch, 167
Peppercorn chare, Newcastle, 242, 245
36
274
INDEX.
Percy quarterings, engraving re-
presenting, presented, xv
Percy, sir Aian, grant to, out of lights
of Tynemouth, 67; sir Henry, ap-
pointed governor of Tynemouth, 63 ;
letter from him from camp at Leith,
63 ; married his cousin, Catherine,
daughter of the last lord Latimer, 6iJ ;
letter of, to sir W. Cecil, 64 ; his son,
ninth earl of Northumberland, 63 ;
order to sir John Foster to arrest, 64 ;
committed to Tower, 65 ; Thomas,
constable of Alnwick castle, 66
Percy, Aimals of the House of, referred
to, 28
Pertinax, ' the estimable senator,'
raised to the purple, 89; murdered
by Pretorian guards, 90
Peterborough, remains of Norman hall
of, 120; infirmary buildings super-
seded earlier, 126 j lie east of
cathedral church, 127 ; erected
during abbacy of John de Caleto,
127 ; columns of quatrefoil section,
127
Philip, ' the dark Arabian traitor,' 92
Pipe stopper of brass, with heads of
pope and a cardinal, presented, xiv
Plummer chare, Newcastle, 242
fans Aelii (Newcastle), named after
Hadrian, 86
Porches : of halls, 167; referred to in
Liberate and Close Rolls, 167 ;
Penshurst, Kent, etc., 167 ; St.
Andrew's church, 167
Power, Thomas, deputy governor of
Tynemouth castle, 66
Pre-Conquest cross shaft from Tyne-
mouth, fragment of, presented, xv
Prudhoe castle hall, 118
' Prussian Arms,' the, Pallister chare,
Newcastle, 246
Pudsey, bishop, reconstructed Auck-
land castle, 115, 141 ; two halls of
Durham castle, Galilee chapel of
the cathedral, founded Sherburn
hospital, and built Darlington
church, 141 ; seal of, 141
Pybus, Humphrey, 250
' Quakers, The sufferings of the/ 74
R.
Raby castle, work began with hall,
1 15 ; when Auckland hall built,
Saxon or Norman hall at, untouched,
116; orders to remove arms from.
73
Raglan, 118
Raine's Auckland Castle, 144 ; state-
ment, 149, 150 ; account of Auckland
castle, the most exhaustive, 113
Ramsey, William, silversmith, 46
Ravensworth castle hall, an aisleless
parallelogram, 118
Rawling, pedigree of, 248 ; sir Ben-
jamin, 248 ; Henry, grandfather of.
merchant adventurer and mayor of
Newcastle, 248
Reports (annual), ix ; of treasurer,
xvi ; curators, xii
Reynolds, bishop of Lincoln, used
palace as quarry for cathedral, 134
Richard II., assignment by, to mayor
and bailiffs, 7
Richmond, duke of, destroyed en-
trance to Tynemouth castle, 80
Richmond castle, hall of, an aisleless
parallelogram, 118
Riddell, sir Thomas, 69 ; in custody,
69 ; escaped to Berwick, 69 ; died
at Antwerp, 69
'Rising Sun,' Quayside, Newcastle, 247
Rites >jnd Monuments, extracts from,
127, 140/i
Robinson, John, on monuments in
Athol chantry, St. Andrew's church,
Newcastle, 37
Robinson's chare, Newcastle, 245
Rochester castle, 154»
Rode's chare, Newcastle, Blew Anchor
chare or, 245
Roman inscribed stone from Corsto-
pituni, xii
Roman Wall : The Literary History of
the,' Hodgkin's, 83 ; discussions as to
real builders of, 83 ; evidence of
inscriptions, 83 ; authorities, 83 ;
witnesses must be weighed not
counted, 83 ; conquest of Britain in
43, 84 ; tribes overpassing, 88 ; first
clear mention of, 89 ; Meatae close to
the, 89; Mommsen thought reference
to Scotch Wall, 89 ; all independent
testimony as to builder ends, 98 ;
ascribed to Hadrian, 94 ; to Severus,
96 ; assertions of Eutropius and
others probably all copied from
Historia Augusta, 98 ; assigned by
Cassiodorus to consulate of Aper
and Maximus, 98 ; true names of
stations between Wallsend and
Gilsland, recovered through Notitia
and inscriptions, 99 ; the Historia
Augusta and, 97 ; Gildas and, 100 ;
Bede, 101 ; extracts from Tacitus,
104; Dion Cassius, 105; Spartianus,
106 ; Capitolinus, 106 ; Eutropius,
106 ; Victor, 107 ; Orosius, 107 ;
Cassiodorus, 107 ; Notitia, 107 ;
INDEX.
275
Gildas, 108; Bede, 108; building
of a vallvm ascribed by Bede to
Severus, 101 ; evidence not decisive
as to builder, 103 ; probably Agricola
built some of the camps, 103 ; these
camps connected by some kind of
rampart by Hadrian, 103 ; that
Severus did something to re-estab-
lish the great barrier, also certain,
103 ; stories ascribing building to
Britons, legendary, 103
Koofs of halls, 168
Kookbye, Thomas, of Mortham, 260
Roses on stalls, 199?t
Eoskel chare. Newcastle, 241
Rowell, Thomas, 254
Rowmayne, Ralph, tombstone of, 48
Rushes, floors of beaten earth and
covered with ,-164
Russell's chare, Newcastle, 244
Ruthall, mitre-coronets of, 196ra
Rutherford, William, of Rochester,
lands conveyed to, 27
Rutter : tombstone, St. Andrew's
church, Newcastle, 39 ; William, of
Newcastle, 256
Ryton, Malin Sorsbie, rector of, 257
S.
St. Albans, Thomas De La Mere, abbot
of, 262
St. Catherine, hall at Westminster,
now known as chapel of, 120
St. David's palace, built about middle
of fourteenth century, I43ra; hall,
118, 154?t
St.»Etheldreda, the infirmary hall at
Ely, described by Mr. Millars as
original Saxon basilica, erected by,
123
St. Lawrence, chapel dedicated to, 261 .
St. Maur, sir Thomas de, 26
St. Paul's, Dugdale's History of, 145
Sanderson, James, 256
Scala, John Thomas, one of commission
of Henry VIII. to view state of
Tynemouth, 62
Scots garrisoned Tynemouth castle,
68 ; besieged and took fort at South
Shields, 68 ; surrender of Charles I.
by, 70
Scott, William, father of lords Eldon
and Stowell, 257
Screen at Auckland castle chapel, 190
Selby, sir William, Tynemouth castle
delivered to, 67
Sens, William of, choir of Canterbury
cathedral erected by, 175
Septimius Severus, one of six greatest
names in history of Roman Britain,
90 ; a ' dry African soldier,' utterly
unlike Hadrian, 90 ; warring against
Persians, expedition against Cale-
donians and Meatae, 90 ; reached
extreme limit of island, 90 ; died at
York in 21 1, 91 ; said by Spartian
to have made Wall for which named
Britannicus, 96 ; building of a
vallum ascribed to, by Bede, 101
Shaf tos of Benwell, the, 255
Sheerness, attack of Dutch fleet on, 76
Shepherd, Anthony, 251
Sherborne hospital, infirmary hall at,
120
Sherburn hospital tounded by Pudsey,
Sheriff Button castle, hall of, an aisle-
less parallelogram, 118
Sherwood, bishop, Auckland castle so
called from time of, 115
Shrewsbury, earl of, report of, on new
fortification at Tynemouth, 62
Skippon, major-general, governor of
1 ynemouth castle, 70
' Slynglay,' county Duiham, 28
Smith, biographer of Cosin, tells us sir
A. Haslerigg blew up chapels, 145
Smith, Abraham, carpenter, Durham,
contract with, for work at chapel,
Auckland castle, 186 ; and John
Brasse, makers of screen, 190
Societies ex changing publications, xxix
Somner's Antiquities of Canterbury,
124
Sorsbie, Malin, rector of Ryton, 257 ;
son Robert, mayor of Newcastle, 257
South Shields, fort at, besieged and
taken by Scots, 68 ; George Linton
and others, quakers, taken at meet-
ing at, 74
South wark, hall of bishops of Win-
chester at, 154?i
Spanish battery, the, 62, 179
Spartianus, Aelius Lampridius, lives
of Roman emperors ascribed to, 94 ;
passage in, clearly assigning to
Hadrian building of Wall, 95 ; some
say life of Antoninus Pius by, 95 ;
life of Severus ascribed to, 95 ;
extract from, relating to Roman
Wall, 106
Staindrop church, tomb of Ralph, first
earl of Westmorland, in, 196/t
Stamford, tenement in, 26
Stephens, professor George, F.S.A.,
etc., obituary notice of, 50 ; works
written by, 52
Stichell, bishop (1271), chapel in
manor-house, temp., 145
Stokesay castle, 118
Story, Fergus, of Beanley, 29
276
INDEX.
Stott, Robert, 254
Stryvelyn, sir John. 26
Buetonius, history of emperors to
Domitian, 93
Surtees, Aubone, 40
Sussex, Kent, etc., warrant to farmers
of excise of, for ale, etc., to Tyne-
mouth castle, 73
Symeon, first mention of Auckland
manor house, 113
T.
Tacitus, gaps in his account of Britain,
84; son-in-law of Agricola, 84; life
of Agricola, 84 ; not a good military
historian, 84
Taillur, John le, of Berwick, and
Matilda, His wife, 26
Tanaus, the estuary of the, 85
Thoresby, Ralph, the historian of
Leeds, visited Tynemouth castle. 76
Thornton, Roger de, 13
' Three Indian Kings,' Quayside, New-
castle. 259
Tikhill, roll of Roger de, 161
Tithe barn, Harmondsworth, Middle-
sex, 130
Tivoli, Hadrian's villa at, 87
Tonge's Visitation, 198«
Topping, John, governor of Tyne-
mouth castle, 72, 73 ; interview of,
with Mr. Robert Marley, 72
Trajan, ' best of princes,' 86
Twizill, Joshua, tanner. Catherine, his
wife, tombstone of, 41
Tynemouth. fragment of pre-Conquest
cross shaft from, presented, xv ;
priory graveyard, 40 ; the great
stone house of the prior of, on
Quayside, Newcastle. 258 ; Thomas
de la Mere, prior of, 262
' Tynemouth castle and the eve of the
Commonwealth,' 71
Tynemouth castle after the dissolution
of the monastery, 61 ; plan, temp.
Elizabeth, 62 ; monastery, Robert
Blakeney, prior of, 61 ; church of
SS. Mary and Oswin, 61 ; demised
to sir Thomas Hilton, viewed by
sir Richard Dee and others, 62 ;
John Dudley, lord high admiral,
at, 62 ; report of earl of Shrewsbury,
62 ; grant of Edward VI. to Dudley,
earl of Warwick, 63 ; granted by
Mary to Thomas, earl of Northum-
berland, 63 ; sir Henry Percy, ap-
pointed to charge of, by queen
Elizabeth, 63 ; castle used as a
state prison, 63 ; James Hepburn,
earl of Bothwell, confined in, 63 ;
Henry, ninth earl of Northumber-
land, born at, 63 ; Mr. Delaval,
keeper of, 66 ; Henry Percy, ninth
earl of Northumberland, restored to
governorship, 66 ; Thomas Power,
deputy, 66 ; sir Henry Widdrington
ordered to take possession, 66 ;
castle delivered to sir William
Selby, 66 ; George Whitehead. lieu-
tenant of, 67 ; profits of lights at,
67 ; sir John Fenwick, captain of,
67 ; castle ruinated, 67 ; visit of
Charles I. to, 68 ; visited by sir
William Brereton.theparliamentary
general, 68 ; earl of Monmouth,
captain, 68 ; delivered to earl of
Newport, 68 ; seized and garrisoned
by Scottish, 68 ; surrender and
delivery of, 69 ; again surrendered
in 1644, 69 ; major-general Skippon,
governor under parliament, 70 ;
sir Arthur Hesilrige, governor,
70; order for repair, 71 ; thanked
for recovery of castle, 71 ; lieu-
tenant-colonel Lilburn, deputy
governor. 71 ; John Topping, gov-
ernor of, 72 ; establishment charges,
73 ; order for arms from Raby
castle, 73 ; colonel Robert Lilburn
in charge, 73 ; order to farmers of
excise of Kent and Sussex to supply
ale, etc., to, 73 ; parishioners de-
prived of use of parish church, 73 ;
petition of parishioners for new
church, 73 ; soldiers at, agree
to support general Lambert, 78 ;
surrendered by sir A. Hesilrige, 74;
earl of Northumberland, captain,
etc., 74 ; Edward Villiers, governor,
74 ; major Graham, deputy governor,
74; letter of lord Fauconberg, 74 ;
sir John Marley, ordered to have
eye on Tynemouth, 74 ; engagement
near, 75 ; landsmen marched from
Berwick to, 75 ; alarm at, concern-
ing the Dutch. 76 ; grant, for repairs
of castle, 76 ; Ralph Thoresby
visited, 76 ; colonel Villiers and his
son Henry, governors of castle, 76 ;
death of colonel Villiers, and burial
in castle, 76 ; old monastic buildings
pulled "down, 76 ; plan of, temp.
Elizabeth, 77, 78 ; late seventeenth
century plan, 79 ; John Campian,
a soldier shot for desertion, 79 ;
cost of establishment, 79 ; French
prisoners in, 79 ; escape of, 79 ;
Dutch and Swiss soldiers quartered
at, 79 ; gateway of, 80 ; licence to
crenellate, 80 ; drawing of, by Ralph
Waters, 80 ; entrance destroyed by
INDEX.
277
duke of Richmond, 80 ; list of
governors and lieutenant-governors,
81
U.
Uchtred, earl of Northumberland, 2 ;
Aucklands surrendered to, 113
Ulpius, Marcellus (see Marcellus
Ulpius)
Universities, college halls of, 118
V.
Van Ersell, John Baptist, painter of
roof of Auckland castle chapel, 183;
contract for painting, 186
Van Mildert, bishop, executed repairs
in Auckland castle chapel, 154
Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Gates-
head, referred to, 241
Villiers, colonel Edward, governor of
Tynemouth castle, 74 ; receipt signed
by him, 74 ; colonel Henry, gov-
ernor, 76.
W.
Walters, Ralph, purchased sites of
chares, Newcastle, 242
Wark castle hall, 118
Warkworth castle, hall of, towards
courtyard, single aisle, llSw; view
of double chapel interior, 148
Warwick castle, 118
Warwick, Dudley earl of, created duke
of Northumberland, 63
Waters, Ralph, drawing of Tynemouth
monastery, etc., by, 80
Watson, John, 265 ; Ralph, weaver,
tombstone of, 43
Welford's Men of Mark, 242 et seq. ;
Newcastle and Gatesltead, 258
Wells palace hall, 118, 137; provided
with parapets, 160 ; interior arrange-
ments of, completely destroyed,
137»; kitchens at, 143/&; lighting
of,. 154 ; bishop BurneH's hall at,
143»; dimensions of. 119/t
Wemyss, general, governor of Tyne-
mouth and Clifford's fort, death of,
81
Wendout, Robert, lands at Newton,
Embleton, and Earle, granted to,
27
Wenham hall (little), Suffolk, the
laver at, 168
Westminster hall, 115 and n, 118;
dimensions of, 119«; remains of
Norman date, 120 ; earliest in date,
120 ; now known as chapel of St.
Catherine, 120
Westmorland, tomb of Ralph, first
earl of, at Staindrop, 196»
Whitby, the council of, 225»
White, John, founder of Courant,
257 ; Matthew, 250
Whitehead, George, lieutenant of
Tynemouth castle, 67
Whitewash and plaster, an entire
ignorance of ancient ideas displayed
in modern outcry against, 161»;
Tower of London and many places
whitewashed, 16 In
Widdrington, Ephraim, 28 ; sir Henry
ordered to take possession of Tyne-
mouth castle, 66
Wilkinson, William, 41
Winchester castle, Henry III. born in,
138 ; hall of, one of four aisled halls
remaining, 119 ; most important of
all, built by Henry III., 138 ; new
kitchens, etc., erected in 1234, 138 ;
carried out under Master Elias de
Dereham, 139 ; dimensions of hall,
139 ; supposed to have been chapel,
139, 140 ; kitchens, etc., 142w; hall
provided with parapets, 160 ; map
of world painted on wall, and also
figures of St. George and St. Edward,
163» / floor of queen's chamber to be
plastered and to be paved with flat
tile, 165w; porch of hall, 167; images
for, 167
Wingfield manor, Derbyshire, porch
of, 167
Winship, Thomas, tanner, 47
Woodman, William, vice-president,
obituary notice of, 53 ; genealogy
of, 54 ; born at Morpeth, 54 ;
articled to Anthony Charlton, 55 ;
official posts, 55 ; tribute of rev. J.
Hodgson to, 56 ; papers by, 57 ; and
Morpeth grammar school suit, 55
Woodstock, 154a ; King's new chapel
at, ordered to be paved, 165» ;
images for porch of hall, 167
Wright, Ralph, fragment of gravestone,
41!
X.
Xvnodochium, the, 120, 128
Xiphilinus,'an ignorant anduncritical
Byzantine monk,' 92 ; abridged
Dion, 92
Y.
Yarmouth, Newcastle chares resembled
rows at, 24 1
Yeddington hall, 154»
York, guildhall at. 130
Younger, Anthony, gravestone of. 47
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