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n, s. 
v. 18 
c. 1 














C'O.N.T E N T S . 


Contributions of Plates, Photographs, etc vi. 

Corrections vi. 

List of Plates, Woodcuts, etc. vii&viii. 

Annual Keports (including those of Curators and Treasurer) ... ix-xvi. 

Donations to Museum during year 1895 ... ... xiii. 

Treasurer's Statement xvii. 

Qouncil and Officers for 1896 xix. 

Honorary Members xx. 

Ordinary Members ... ... ... xxi. 

Societies with which Publications are exchanged xxix. 

I. The Walls of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. By Sheriton Holmes... 1 
II. Notes of the Family of Hebburn of Hebburn. By J. Crawford 

Hodgson 26 

III. Monuments in the Athol Chantry, St. Andrew's Church, 

Newcastle. By John Kobinson ... 37 

IIIo. Note on the Athol Matrix in the same Church. By Oswin 

J. Charlton .- 49 

IV. Obituary Notices of Deceased Members : 

1. Professor George Stephens, F.S.A. By T. Hodgkin, 

D.C.L., etc 50 

2. Wm. Woodman, a V.P. By J. Crawford Hodgson ... 53 

3. The Eev. George Home Hall, F.S.A., a V.P. By 

R. Cecil Hedley 57 

V. Tynemouth Castle after the Dissolution of the Monastery. 

By Horatio A. Adamson, V.P. 67 

VI. The Literary History of the Eoman Wall. By Thomas 

Hodgkin, D.C.L., F.S.A., etc 83 

VII. The Town Wall of Newcastle in Gallowgate. By S. Holmes 109 
VIII. The Chapel of Auckland Castle. By the Rev. J. F. Hodgson, 

Vicar of Witton-le-Wear ... 113 

IX. TJie Six Newcastle Chares destroyed by the Fire of 1854. By 

F. W. Dendy ... ... 241 

X. Ruins of Buildings once existing on the Quayside, Newcastle. 

By D. Embleton, M.D. 258 

Index 265 


Thanks are given to the following Contributors : 

Adamson, Mr. Horatio A.: for plate XV., plan of Tynemouth Castle, temp. 
Eliz., and loan of drawing of Tynemouth Castle, facing p. 80, and photo- 
graph from which plan on page 78 was prepared. 

Charlton, Mr. Oswin J. : for rubbing of Athol matrix, plate X. 

Hicks, Mr. W. S. : for plan of St. Andrew's Church. Newcastle, plate IX. 

Holmes, Mr. Sheriton : plans and drawings illustrating his paper on the Walls 
of Newcastle, pp. 1-25, and p. 112. 

Kilburn. Mr. H. : for photographs of interior of Auckland Castle Chapel, 
plates XVIII. and XXI. 

Mackey, Mr. M. : loan of Oliver's plan from which block on p. 243 made. 

Park, Mr. Frederick : for photograph of Town Wall of Newcastle, in Gallow- 
gate, on page 111. 

Spence, C. J. : for photograph of old houses formerly on quay, plate XXX. 

Woodman, Miss: for photograph of her father, the late W. Woodman, V.P., 
and plate facing p. 51. 


Page 108, line 1, for 'Conquestre' read ' Conquestu.' 

Page 106, line 12 from bottom, for 'maceriens' read 'maceriem.' 

Page 106, line 6 from bottom, for ' servatus' read ' servatis.' 

Page 107, line 8 from bottom, for ' Axeladuno ' read ' Axeloduno.' 

Page 105, line 21, delete stop after B/>eTTui//a. 

Page 215, line 9 from bottom, for ' Morton ' read ' Morley.' 



I. Carliol Tower, Newcastle 

to face p. 1 

II. Plan of Newcastle, showing Walls, etc 
III. Wall Turret, St. Andrew's Churchyard, Newcastle... 
IV The Herber Tower Newcastle . ... ... ... 

,, 8 

,, 10 


V. Plans, Sections, etc., of Herber Tower 
VI. Wall Chamber adjoining the Wall Knoll Tower, 

., ,, I* 

VII. Plan of Wall Knoll Tower 

VIII. The Town Wall, Pandon, and Corner Tower, New- 
castle, in 1882 


., 38 

X. Matrix of Athol Brass, St. Andrew's Church, New- 
castle ... 


XI. Portrait of Professor George Stephens, F.S.A. (Hon. 


XII. Portrait of William Woodman, V.P 
XIII. Portrait of the Rev. G. Rome Hall, F.S.A., V.P. ... 
XIV. Gateway of Tynemouth Castle, about 1780 
XV. Plan of Tynemouth Castle, temp. Queen Elizabeth... 
XVI. Tynemouth Castle from the South, about 1786, 
from a drawing by Ralph Walters 
XVII. The ' Written Rock ' on the river Gelt 
XVIII. Auckland Castle Chapel, Interior from North-East 
XIX. Plan of Fountains Abbey 



,. ., 62 

., >, 98 

XX. Auckland Castle Chapel, Portion of East Wall 
XXI. Interior, looking East 
XXII. Details of Mouldings 
XXIII. ., Pillars, etc. ... 
XXIV. Capitals, etc. ... 
XXV. Arch-moulds, etc. 


XXVII. Interior, looking West ... 
XXVIII. ., Bucks' view of exterior . . . 
XXIX. Speed's Map of Newcastle 


n 170 

,. 172 
, ; ,, 178 

., 190 
, 241 

XXX. Old Houses formerly on Quayside, Newcastle 
XXXI. Plan shewing the new streets on site of destroyed 

,, 246 

Chares, Quayside, Newcastle 248 




Portion of Shaft of Pre-Conquest Cross from Tynemouth xv. 

Newcastle Town Wall Character of Masonry in Hanover Square, east 

face 3 

South of Ever Tower 4 

St. Andrew's Church ... ... 5 & 6 

White Friar Tower 11 

Roman Inscriptions from Site of Wall Knoll ... ... 12 

Stone Figure from Wall 24 

Flint Implement from Chollerford 59 

Gateway of Tynemouth Castle in 1773 60 

' A Plan of Tinmouth Castle,' etc _ 78 

The Town Wall of Newcastle in Gallowgate Ill 

Section of do. ... ... ... ... ... 112 

Ely Part of Arcade of Infirmary Hall 121 

Details of do 122 & 123 

Peterborough Arcade of Infirmary Hall 126 

Oakham Hall Side Windows (exterior and interior) 132 & 133 

Lincoln Palace Plan showing relative proportions of Halls ... ... 134 

Longitudinal Section of Great Hall 135 

Side Windows of do 136 

Winchester Castle One Bay of Hall showing Window with Seat ... 139 

Seal of Bishop Pudsey 141 

Warkworth Castle View of Interior of Chapel looking East 148 

East Hendred Manor House Longitudinal Section of Chapel 149 

Canterbury Cathedral Capitals of Choir 174 

Auckland Castle Chapel Capital 176 

Seal of Bishop Beck 232 

Plan shewing destroyed Chares on Quayside, Newcastle 243 




&ocfetg of 




THE Newcastle-upon-Tyne Society of Antiquaries has not much of 
especial interest to report for the year 1895. The publication of the 
new County History of Northumberland is being steadily proceeded 
with, and the third volume, dealing with Hexham, is now completed 
and will be issued shortly. 

An important contribution to the medieval history of our city 
has been made by our member Mr. F. W. Dendy, who has edited for the 
Surtees Society the first volume of Extracts from the Records of the 
Merchant Adventurers of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. This volume contains 
(in the words of the preface) 'a fairly complete history of the 
company as a burghal merchants' guild.' A second volume will, it is 
hoped, give an account of the transactions of the company as a foreign 
trading company, and will also furnish some valuable materials to the 
local genealogist. The interest of the present volume is much 
enhanced by a carefully- written introduction, tracing 'the early 
prosperity and the subsequent decay of the gild system,' as illustrated 
by these records. 

The exploration of the Roman camp at Great Chesters has been 
successfully prosecuted by the Northumberland Excavation Committee, 
and the excavations have disclosed the existence of a western gateway 
unknown to Bruce and Maclauchlan. Interesting evidences are afforded 
of at least three distinct periods in the history of the camp, separated 
by intervening periods of demolition. The committee earnestly hopes 
to continue the operations in the central part of the camp next 

summer, but unless subscriptions are furnished on a more liberal 
scale than during the past year the work will have to be restricted to 
a very narrow area. 

In connection with the operations undertaken by the Cumberland 
Society at Walltown, our member and vice-president, Mr. Cad- 
wallader J. Bates, has discovered what appear to be the traces of a 
turf wall, similar to that which the Glasgow explorers have found 
between Forth and Clyde. It is too early as yet to appraise the 
consequences of this discovery, which may open out one of the most 
interesting chapters in the story of the scientific exploration of the 
Roman Wall. 

In this connection we ought also to mention that it is to Mr. 
Bates that we are indebted for a very valuable and thorough History 
of Northumberland, published in Mr. Elliot Stock's series of county 
histories. This is, we believe, the first time that an author has been 
found capable of compressing the rich and varied history of our 
county within the compass of a single volume without omitting any 
important particulars. 

During the year discoveries have been made in the great hall of 
the keep, elucidating some structural features of the castle of New- 
castle, which will be noted in a paper to be read at a future meeting. 

The first part of the general index is ready for issue to members 
who puy in advance the sum of 5s. per copy, which we have thought 
a proper sum to charge for it. 

We appointed a sub-committee to consider the financial position 
of the society, in view of the fact that the expenditure for the year 
1895 exceeded the income by the sum of 70 13s. 2d., and the 
following is their report to us, which we recommend to the society for 
adoption : 

In the year 1890 the council, basing its calculations upon an annual income 
of 446, apportioned the expenditure among the various departments as 

follows : 

Per Annum. 




s. d. 





Books for library 




Black Gate 










During that year (1890) the expenditure was a few pounds within the allotted 
sums, but every subsequent year has shown an increase, culminating in an aggre- 
gate excess of 281, of which 118 is attributable to this last year. 

The department in which the largest increase has occurred is that of the 
Archaeologia. For the six years 1890-95 the expenditure at 80 per annum 
should have been 480. The actual outlay has been 687, showing an excess of 
207, of which sum 58 is attributable to 1895, and 75 to 1891. It is to be 
noted, however, that whereas in the five years 1890-94 only three volumes (XIV- 
XVI.) of Archaeologia were issued, a whole volume (XVII.) has been completed 
in 1895. 

We have ascertained the approximate cost of these four volumes, and find it 
to be 

s. d. 

Vol. XIV. 489 pages 160 

XV. 455 149 

XVI. 540 171 

, XVII. 362 , 118 

Leaving for covers and illustrations, etc. 89 1 9 

Making a total of 687 1 9 

Another department in which there has been a substantial increase is that of 
books purchased for the society's library. For the six years above-named the 
allotted expenditure amounted to 180, the sum spent was 238, an excess of 

The aggregate expenditure upon the castle has exceeded the allotment by 18, 
the item of sundries shows an excess of 13, the Proceedings 10, and the Black 
Gate 6. The remaining departments show a saving museum 24, and illustra- 
tions 8. All these figures are even pounds, omitting shillings and pence. 

It must be borne in mind that although the expenditure has greatly exceeded 
the allotment the income of the society since the allotment was made shows a 
material increase. Over the estimate of 445 the annual augmentations of 
income have been as follows : For 1890, 1 Is. lOd. ; 1891, 87 4s. ; 1892, 53 
11s. 4d. ; 1893, 41 17s. ; 1894, 45 12s. Id. ; 1895, 47 18s. lid. ; making a 
total of 277 5s. 2d. 

If these figures be deducted from the 281 3s. 10d., by which the six years' 
outlay exceeds the allotment, it will be found that the excess is 3 18s. 8d., in 
other words, that we have spent all our income in that period, and 3 18s. 8d. 

The sub-committee is of opinion that a new scheme of apportionment 
should now be made, and that great care should be taken to keep each depart- 
ment within the prescribed limits of expenditure. 

The council is therefore recommended to adopt the following : 


The sum' allotted to the Archaeologist Adiana to be ... 100 

Being an increase of 20 per annum upon the sum 
apportioned in 1890, the editor to reduce the size of the 
separate parts issued, in conformity with this recommenda- 

The sum allotted to the Proceedings to be 55 

Being an increase of 10 per annum to cover the cost 
of printing the Parish Registers, the editor is advised not 
to repeat, details of places previously visited, or of which 
adequate descriptions have been already published in the 
Proceedings or Archaeologia Aelia,na. 
The sum to be spent upon books for the library each year 

not to exceed 20 


Other items to remain the same, namely : Illustrations, 55 ; the Castle, 80 ; 
the Black Gate, 35; the Museum, 10; Sundries, 70; Secretary, 40; 
total, 465. 

The income for 1895 was 492 18s. lid., and assuming that the income for 
1896 is no less, the observance of the recommendations herein contained will 
leave a credit balance of 27 18s. lid. 

The following is the report of the curators to us : 
' The objects presented to the museum in the past year numbered 
twenty-six. Seventeen of these are domestic and other articles, of 
comparatively recent date ; the remaining items include one engraving, 
one plan, a large utensil of hewn sandstone, a medieval vaulting boss, 
a pre-Conquest fragment, the large Roman stone from Corstopitum, 
and the classical capital and base now placed at the entrance of the 

It has been found difficult to utilize the three cases which occupied 
the floor of the uppermost apartment of the Black Gate museum. 
These cabinets were made for the narrow window-splays of the Old 
Castle, and, when removed to their new positions at the Black Gate, 
they not only proved inefficient, but added an ungainly feature to the 
room. In order, therefore, to adapt them to the place, their entire 
reconstruction, a work of considerable expence, became necessary. In 
your curators' last report it was mentioned that two new cabinets of 
special design had been presented for the Roman room of the museum ; 
from the same source, the whole cost of reconstructing and enlarging 
the three old cases has been defrayed. The appearance of the museum 


is greatly enhanced by this improvement, and it has now become possible 
to proceed with the re-arrangement of the society's collection. When 
this is completed the museum will be rendered of increasing value to 
students of archaeology, and will become, it is hoped, an attraction to 
the public at large. The importance of the latter consideration is 
apparent in view of the continuous annual loss which the maintenance 
of the museum entails upon the society. Your curators suggest the 
desirability of adopting means to popularise this important collection 
of antiquities. 

The cannons which lay on the basement floor of the keep have 
now been mounted and placed in positions favourable for the inspection 
of these important examples of ancient gunnery. 

The ordnance upon the gun platforms of the keep remain in the 
deplorable state already reported by your curators, and with each year 
the decay of the gun carriages increases. Some of the cannons are 
dismounted, and now lie where their neglected state adds an unsightly 
feature to the battlements and an element of danger to the visitor. 
The guns are public property, and are only within the province of the 
society as their custodians. In this relation it is suggested that an 
application to the proper quarter would, with little difficulty, obtain a 
grant of discarded ship's carriages suitable for the remount of the 
ordnance. If any further inducement is required to urge this repair, 
it is in the interest attaching to these relics of old Newcastle. Their 
salutes accompanied the civic pageant and played their part in every 
public demonstration of joy. Thus, as old servants of the town, if 
not of the state, they appeal for our consideration.' 


Jan. 30. From Mr. CHARLES JOHNSON 

Large iron key, from Old Mansion House, Newcastle. 

A bundle of ' spunks ' (brimstone matches for use with a tinder box). 

Three ' steels,' for striking with flint. 

Two portable boxes of steel, one of which is intended for holding 
tinder and the other a flint. 

Oval plate ; one of the plates formerly affixed by fire insurance 
companies to the houses insured by them. This plate was removed 
from the Tiger inn, west end of the Close, Newcastle. It bears 
the device and policy number of the Newcastle Fire Office (Proc. 
vol. vii. p. 2). 


Apr. 24. From Mr. HOBATIO A. ADAMSON (vice-president) 

Corinthian capital and base of a column, brought from a ruined 
temple at Ascalon, Syria. These relics were purchased in 1875 by 
the master of the s.s. ' Ethelred,' of North Shields, who happened 
to visit Ascalon whilst excavations were in progress (Proc. vol. 
vii. pp. 42, 50, and 52). 
From Mr. SHERITON HOLMES (treasurer) 

A plan of the Roman station at Great Chesters (Aesica), from the 

survey by himself (ibid. vol. vii. p. 42). 
May 29. From Mr. GEORGE CABB, Goldspink Cottage 

Papier-mache snuff box, three and a half inches diameter, and a 
cigar case of the same material. Both of these are decorated with 
painted figures. 
From Mr. T. G. GIBSON 

A parcel of old deeds, damaged by the great fire resulting from the 

explosion at Gateshead in 1854. 

A large teapot of white earthenware, from the Old Mansion House, 

From the Rev. Canon RAINE (vice-president) 

Matrix of a small oval seal, bearing the arms of Newcastle, and 
inscribed round the verge: 'NEWCASTLE INSTITUTE FOB THE 
Established A.D. 1823.' 
From Mr. T. H. ROBINSON. Corbridge 

A large oblong tombstone of the Roman period, measuring forty-four 
inches by twenty-four inches, and six inches thick. It was found 
in digging the foundations for houses at Trinity Terrace, Cor- 
bridge, a little east of the site of the Roman Corstopitum, and 
near it were also found two large vennel stones apparently on the 
site of a conduit used for bringing water from the direction of 
Prior Mains to the station. The tombstone shows signs of cal- 
cination, and is completely shattered. Under a pediment, in 
which an object like a fir cone appears, the lettering is apparently 
D.M. | IVL PR////SVE | CO//VGIC | PC. 

From the Rev. R. COULTON (vicar of Kirkmerrington) 

An early eighteenth-century medal of brass, with a stem, probably 
used as a pipe stopper, representing on one side the head 
of a pope, on the other that of a cardinal, found in Kirkmerrington 
churchyard. When the medal is turned upside down the profiles 
appear as the devil and a fool respectively (Proa, vol vii. p. 50). 
July 31. From Mr. W. RINGWOOD 

Old padlock, measuring twelve inches long by six inches across at 
its widest part, having keyhole cover opening with a spring catch. 

Large key for above. 

A flint and steel mill, as used by miners, but adapted subsequently 
for turning a small grindstone (Proc. vol. vii. p. 94). 


Aug. 28. From The Rev. E. HUSSBY ADAMSON (vice-president) 

Framed engraving representing a coat of arms showing all the 
quarterings of the Percy family, together with a letterpress key 
to the same (ibid. vol. vii. p. 134). 


Two phials containing charred wheat from the Roman camps at 

Birrens and at Great Chesters (ibid. vol. vii. p. 134). 
Nov. 27. From Mr. W. A. OLIVER, Newcastle 

A circular vessel of hewn sandstone found in an excavation at the 
back of Rewcastle Chare during the current month. It measures 
about thirty inches diameter, is roughly hewn, and appears to 
have been used in some process of manufacture (ibid. vol. vii. 
p. 153). 

Dec. 18. From Mr. CHAS. L. BELL, Woolsington 

Carved vaulting boss, sixteen inches diameter, with crouching 
figures clasped, of probably early fifteenth-century date. Origin 
unknown (ibid. vol. vii. p. 161). 

From Mr. S. S. CARR 

Fragment of the shaft of a pre-Conquest cross found in the castle 
yard, Tynemouth (ibid. vol. vii. pp. 161 and 163). 



The following is the 

for the year ending December 31st, 1895 : 

' During the past year there has been a loss of 30 members arising 
from deaths, resignations, and other causes, and 21 members have been 
elected. The present number of ordinary members is 329, of whom 
four are life members. 

The balance of revenue account carried forward to 1896 is 130 
11s. 10d., and the capital invested in 2| per cent, consols now amounts 
to 49 8s. 9d. 

During the year 100 of the bank balance has been placed on 
deposit account with our bankers, Messrs. Lambton & Co., in accord- 
ance with a resolution of the council. 

The total income from all sources has been 492 18s. lid., which 
is slightly in advance of 1894 ; but the expenditure has been very con- 
siderably increased beyond that of the previous year, and has amounted 
to 563 12s. Id., an increase of 56 13s. 6d. over that of 1894, and 
which leaves a debit balance upon the year of 70 13s. 2d. 

This increase of expenditure has arisen chiefly under the heads of 
Archaeologia, Proceedings, and the purchase of books, though it may 
be noted that the cost of the Proceedings has been swollen by the 
printing of the registers of the parish of Esh, which have occupied 
about fifty pages. 

The receipts from members' subscriptions have been 333 18s., a 
falling off of fourteen guineas from that of the previous year. 

The sale of the society's publications has amounted to 31 7s. 9d., 
compared with 16 3s. 9d. during 1894. 

The expenditure for the castle is about 8 over that of last year, 
but it includes a sum of 17 paid for a case to hold the numerous 
woodcuts and other blocks belonging to the society. The expenditure 
on the Black Gate is nearly the same as last year, but the receipts show 
an increase of 5 8s. 4d., which is curious, as during the year the castle 
receipts have decreased about 4. The balance of receipts against 
expenditure upon the two places for the year shows a loss of 2 7s. lOd. 

Sheriton Holmes, Hon. Treasurer.' 


Sheriton Holmes, Treasurer, in account with the Society of Antiquaries 
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

DECEMBER 31si, 1895. 

Receipts. Expenditure. 

s. d. s. d. 

Balance on January 1st, 1895 201 5 

Members' Subscriptions ... ;. ... 333 18 

Castle 102 10 6 91 19 6 

Black Gate 25 2 8 38 1 6 

Museum ... 2 13 10 

Books 31 7 9 47 19 1 

Archaeologia Aeliana ... ... ... ... ... ... 138 8 6 

Proceedings and Registers ... 75 3 9 

Illustrations ... ... .. ... 56 7 5 

Sundries ... 72 18 6 

Secretary (clerical assistance) ... ... ... ... ... 40 

Balance 130 11 10 

694 3 11 694 3 11 

Capital account. 

s. d. s. d. 

Invested in 2| per cent. Consols 42 18 5 

Interest to end of 1895 610 4 

49 8 9 

49 8 9 

Audited and certified, 


24th January, 1896. 

details of Bjpenfciture. 

CASTLE s. d. 

Salaries 6516 

Gas 056 

Water 060 

Property Tax 1 10 6 

Insurance ... ... 076 

Rent 026 

Sundries : Coal, Firewood, etc. ... 2 14 5 

Curtains for Library ... 2 16 1 

Excavations in Walls of Keep 11 

Case for Wood Blocks, etc 1710 

91 19 6 



BLACK GATE- & f> d - 

ar-- ::: ::: ::: ? " I 

Water '". I!! 100 

Property Tax 


Rent 100 


Sundries (Coal, etc.) 1 

Bell Fixing 

ShowCase 12 6 

38 1 6 

MUSEUM s - d. 

Engraved Plate for Mr. Walker's Portrait 

Carriage of Stones from Aesica 9 10 

Cases for Roman Slabs 1 18 

2 13 10 


Cohen's Medailles Imperiales ... 16 

Boecking's Notitia Dignitatuin ... 18 

Tanner's Notitia Monastica 3 12 6 

Reports of German Limes Commission 7 10 

Cumberland Worthies, 6 vols ... 18 

Sharp's Hartlepool 086 

Summers's Sunderland ... ... 110 

Calendar of State Papers, 2 vols. ... ... ... ... ... 1 10 

Surtees Society publications, vols. 13, 15, 24, 36, 82 5 18 6 

Northumberland County History, vol. 2 ... 110 

Tomlinson'a Denton Hall ... ... ... ... 12 6 

Year-book of Societies ... ... ... ... ... ... 076 

Antike Denkmaler ... ... ... 212 

Haswell's The Maister 10 6 

Reliquary and Antiquary 192 

Transactions of the Imperial German Archaeological lustitute 2 10 6 

Bates's History of Northumberland ... 060 

The London Companies ... 10 

Shelf Register for the Library ... ... ... 10 5 

Waters for binding Books . ... 928 

General Index to Society's Transactions 3 12 9 

47 19 1 


Cheque Book 050 

Nicholson for general printing 25 12 6 

Reid & Co. do. do. 631 

Hughes for Frames ... ... ... .. ... 046 

Moor for re-caning Chairs 1 19 8 

Gibson, postage and carriage 12 5 

Income Tax ... ... ... 044 

Subscription Harleian Society 110 

Do. Surtees Society 110 

Secretary's petty disbursements 18 5 

Treasurer's do. do. .. 266 

Index to Archaeologia - .. 330 

Sundries .. 12 6 

72 18 6 















































1ST MARCH, 1896. 


Date of Election. 
1851 Feb. 3 
1855 Jan. 3 

1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 
1883 June 27 

1883 June 27 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1886 June 30 
1888 Jan. 25 
1892 Jan. 27 

1892 May 25 

Sir Charles Anderson, Bart., Lea Hall, Gainsborough. 

J. J. Howard, LL.D., F.S.A., Mayfield, Orchard Road, Blackheath, 


Professor Emil Hiibner, LL.D., Ahornstrasse 4, Berlin. 
Professor Mommsen, Marchstrasse 8, Cbarlottenburg bei Berlin. 
Dr. Hans Hildebrand, Royal Antiquary of Sweden, Stockholm. 
Sir Augustus Wollaston Franks, K.C.B., P.S.A., Keeper of British 

Antiquities in the British Museum, London. 
Ernest Chantre, Lyons. 

Ellen King Ware (Mrs.), The Abbey, Carlisle. 
Gerrit Assis Hulsebos, Lit. Hum. Doct., &c., Utrecht, Holland. 
Edwin Charles Clark, LL.D., F.S.A., &c., Cambridge. 
David Mackinlay, 6 Great Western Terrace, Glasgow. 
General Pitt- Rivers, F.S.A., Rushmore, Salisbury. 
Sir John Evans, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c., fcc., Nash Mills, Hemcl 

Professor Karl Zangemeister, Heidelberg. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1896.) 


The sign * indicates that the member has compounded for his subscription, 
t that the member is one of the Council. J indicates a life-member. 

Date of Election. 
1885 Mar. 25 

1883 Aug. 29 
1843 April 4 

1873 July 

1892 Aug. 31 
1885 Oct. 28 
1895 July 31 

1885 June 24 

1886 Jan. 27 

1893 Sept. 27 
1885 Dec. 30 
1889 Mar. 27 

1884 Jan. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 

1894 Mar. 25 

1893 Feb. 22 

1894 Oct. 31 
1889 July 31 

1891 July 29 
1894 July 25 

1892 April 27 

1874 Jan. 7 
1892 Mar. 30 
1888 Sept. 26 
1892 Dec. 28 
1892 June 29 
1888 April 25 

1891 July 29 

1883 Dec. 27 
1883 Dec. 27 
1883 June 27 

1892 May 25 
1888 Sept. 26 

Adams, William Edwin, 32 Holly Avenue, Newcastle. 
fAdamson, Rev. Cuthbert Edward, Westoe, South Shields. 
fAdamson, Rev. Edward Hussey, St. Alban's, Felling, R.S.O. 
fAdamson, Horatio Alfred, 29 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Adamson, Lawrence William, LL.D., 2 Eslington Road, Newcastle. 

Adie, George, 46 Bewick Road. Gateshead. 

Allan, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 

Allgood, Anne Jane (Miss), Hermitage, Hexham. 

Allgood, Robert Lancelot, Titlington Hall, Alnwick. 

Archer, Mark, Farnacres, Gateshead. 

Armstrong, Lord, Cragside, Rothbury. 

Armstrong, Watson-. W. A., Cragside, Rothbury. 

Armstrong, Thomas John, 14 Hawthorn Terrace, Newcastle. 

Armstrong, William Irving, South Park, Hexham. 
fBates, Cadwallader John. M.A., Langley Castle, Langley, North- 

Bates, Stuart Frederick, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Baumgartner, John Robert, 10 Eldon Square, Newcastle. 

Beckingham, F. H., Westward House, Ryton. 

Bell, Charles Loraine, Woolsington, Newcastle. 

Bell, John E., Bell & Dunn, Queen Street, Newcastle. 

Bell, W. Heward, Holt, Trowbridge, Wiltshire. 

Bell, Thomas James, Cleadon Hall, near Sunderland. 
fBlair, Robert, F.S.A., South Shields. 

Blenkinsopp, Thomas, 3 High Swinburne Place, Newcastle. 

Blindell, William A., Wester Hall, Humshaugh. 

Bodleian Library, The, Oxford. 

Bolam, John, Bilton, Lesbury, R.S.O., Northumberland. 

Bolam, Robert G., Berwick-upon-Tweed. 

Bond, William Bownas, Northumberland Street, Newcastle. 

Booth, John, Shotley Bridge. 

Bosanquet, Charles B. P., Rock, Alnwick, Northumberland. 

Boutflower, Rev. D. S., Newbottle Vicarage, Fence Houses. 

Bowden, Thomas, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Bowes, John Bosworth, 18 Hawthorn Street, Newcastle. 

Boyd, George Fenwick, Whitley, R.S.O., Northumberland. 


Date of Election 
1894 Feb. 28 
1891 Dec. 23 

1891 Oct. 28 

1892 Aug. 31 
1866 Mar. 7 
1860 Jan. 4 

1892 Feb. 24 
1865 Aug. 2 
1891 Dec. 23 
1891 July 29 

1893 June 28 
1884 Sept. 24 

1891 Sept. 30 

1889 April 24 
1888 Nov. 28 

1884 Dec. 30 
1887 Nov. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 

1885 April 29 
1892 Dec. 28 

1892 July 27 

1894 Jan. 31 
1887 Oct. 26 

1892 Feb. 24 

1885 Nov. 25 

1895 Sept. 25 

1885 May 27 

1895 Nov. 27 

1896 Jan. 29 
1883 Dec. 27 

1893 July 26 

1892 Aug. 31 

1886 Sept. 29 

1893 July 26 

1887 Jan. 26 
1892 Oct. 26 

1888 Feb. 29 
1896 Feb. 26 

Boyd, William, North House, Long Benton. 
Braithwaite, John, 21 Landsdowne Terrace, Gosforth, Newcastle. 
Branford, William E., 90 Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Brewis, Parker, Ellesmere, Jesmond, Newcastle. 
fBrooks, John Crosse, 14 Lovaine Place, Newcastle. 
Brown, Rev. Dixon, Unthank Hall, Haltwhistle. 
Brown, George T., 17 Fawcett Street, Sunderland. 
Brown, Ralph, Benwell Grange, Newcastle. 
Brown, The Rev. William, Old Elvet, Durham. 
*Browne, A. H., Callaly Castle, Whittingham, R.S.O. ' 
Browne, Thomas Procter, Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Bruce, Sir Gainsford, Yewhurst, Bromley. Kent. 
Burman, 0. Clark, L.R.C.P.S. Ed., 12 Bondgate Without, 


Burnett, The Rev. W. R., Kelloe Vicarage, Coxhoe, Durham. 
Burton, William Spelman, 19 Claremont Park, Gateshead. 
Burton, S. B., Ridley Villas, Newcastle. 
Cackett, James Thoburn, 24 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
Campbell, John McLeod, 4 Winchester Terrace, Newcastle. 
Carlisle, The Earl of, Naworth Castle, Brampton. 
Carr, Frederick Ralph, Lympston, near Exeter. 
Carr, Rev. Henry Byne, Whickham, R.S.O. 
Carr, Sidney Storey, 14 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 
Carr, Rev. T. W., Barming Rectory, Maidstone, Kent. 
Carse, John Thomas, Amble, Acklington. 
Challoner, John Dixon, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Charlton, Oswin J., B.A., LL.B., 122 Northumberland Street, 


Charlton, William L. S., Reenes, Bellingham, North Tyne. 
Chester, Mrs., Stamfordham, Newcastle. 
Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter T. Browne, 

Librarian). . 

Clapham, William, Park Villa, Darlington. 

Clayton, John Bertram, Chesters, Humshaugh, Northumberland. 
Clephan, Robert Coltman, Southdene Tower, Saltwell, Gateshead. 
Cooper, Robert Watson, 2 Sydenham Terrace, Newcastle. 
Corder, Herbert, 10 Kensington Terrace, Sunderland. 
Corder, Percy, 41 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Corder, Walter Shewell, North Shields. 
Cowen, Joseph, Stella Hall, Blaydon. 

Cress well, G. G. Baker, Junior United Service Club, London, S.W. 
Grossman, Sir William, K.C.M.G., Cheswick House, Beal. 
Cruddas, W. D., M.P., Haughton Castle, Humshaugh. 

LIST OF MEMBEES. (1st March, 1896.) 


Date of Election. 

1889 Aug. 28 
1888 Mar. 28 

1891 Nov. 18 
1844 about 

1887 Aug. 31 
1893 July 26 
1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Mar. 9 

1883 June 27 

1884 Aug. 27 
1884 July 2 

1894 July 25 
1884 July 30 

1892 Nov. 30 
1884 Mar. 26 

1891 Aug. 31 

1888 June 27 


1895 May 29 
1884 Feb. 27 
1886 May 26 

1883 Oct. 31 

1886 Aug. 28 
1865 Aug. 2 

1894 Nov. 28 

1884 Jan. 30 

1894 May 30 

1887 Dec. 28 
1894 Oct. 31 

1894 Oct. 31 

1890 Mar. 26 

1895 Jan. 30 

1892 April 27 
1892 Aug. 31 
1859 Dec. 7 
1883 Oct. 31 


1896 Jan. 29 
1886 June 30 

Culley, The Rev. Matthew, Longhorsley, Morpeth, Northumberland. 

Darlington Public Library, Darlington. 

Deacon, Thomas John Fuller, 10 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 
fDees, Eobert Richardson, Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 
fDendy, Frederick Walter, Eldon House, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Denison, Joseph, Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 

Dickinson, John, Park House, Sunderland. 

Dickinson, William Bowstead, Healey Hall, Riding Mill. 

Dixon, John Archbold, 5 Wellington Street, Gateshead. 

Dixon, Rev. Canon, Warkworth Vicarage, Northumberland. 

Dixon, David Dippie, Rothbury. 

Dolan, Robert T., 6 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Dotchin, J. A., 65 Grey Street, Newcastle. 

Drury, John C., 31 Alma Place, North Shields. 

Dunn, William Henry, 5 St. Nicholas's Buildings, Newcastle. 

Durham Cathedral Library. 

East, John Goethe, 26 Side, Newcastle. 

Edwards, Harry Smith, Byethorn, Corbridge. 

Elliott, George, 47 Rosedale Terrace, Newcastle. 

Ellis, Rev. Philip, Kirkwhelpington, Northumberland. 

Ellison, J. R. Carr-, Hedgeley, Alnwick, Northumberland. 
fEmbleton, Dennis, M.D., 19 Claremont Place, Newcastle. 

Emley, Fred., Ravenshill, Durham Road, Gateshead. 

Featherstonhaugh, Rev. Walker, Edmundbyers, Blackball. 

Fenwick, George A., Bank, Newcastle. 

Fenwick, John George, Moorlands, Newcastle. 

Ferguson, John, Dene Croft, Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Ferguson, Richard Saul, F.S.A., Chancellor of Carlisle, Lowther 
Street, Carlisle. 

Forster, Fred. E., 32 Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Forster, John, 26 Side, Newcastle. 

Forster, Robert Henry, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O. 

Forster, Thomas Emmerson, Farnley, Corbridge, R.S.O. 

Forster, William, Houghton Hall, Carlisle. 

Forster, William Charlton, 33 Westmorland Road, Newcastle. 

Francis, William, 20 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Gayner, Francis, Beech Holme, Sunderland. 

Gibb, Dr., Westgate Street, Newcastle. 
fGibson, J. Pattison, Hexham. 

Gibson, Thomas George, Lesbury, R.S.O., Northumberland. 

Glendinning, William, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Glover, Rev. William, 48 Rothbury Terrace, Heaton, Newcastle. 

Gooderham, Rev. A., Vicarage, Chillingham, Belford. 


Date of Election. 
1886 Oct. 27 
1895 Sept. 25 

1888 Feb. 29 
1894 Aug. 29 

1886 Aug. 28 
1883 Feb. 28 
1891 Oct. 28 
1845 June 3 

1883 Feb. 28 
1877 Dec. 5 

1891 Jan. 28 
1893 Mar. 8 
1883 Aug. 29 

1883 Aug. 29 

1887 Mar. 30 
1893 July 26 

1892 Aug. 31 

1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Aug. 30 

1889 Feb. 27 

1894 May 30 

1893 Aug. 30 

1886 April 28 
1884 Feb. 27 
1891 Oct. 28 
1883 Feb. 28 

1883 Feb. 28 

1888 April 25 

1894 Oct. 31 

1865 Aug. 2 

1895 Jan. 30 

1890 Jan. 29 

1884 April 30 

1887 Jan. 26 
1895 July 31 

1891 Oct. 28 
1877 July 4 

1892 June 29 

Goodger, C. W. 8., 20 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Gough, Rev. Edward John, Vicarage, Newcastle. 

Grace, Herbert Wylam, Hallgarth Hall, Winlaton. 

Gradon, J. G., Lynton House, Durham. 

Graham, John, Findon Cottage, Sacriston, Durham. 

Green, Robert Yeoman, 11 Lovaine Crescent, Newcastle. 

Greene, Charles R., Hill Croft, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
fGreenwell, Rev. William, M.A., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., Hon. 
F.S.A. Scot., Durham. 

Greenwell, Francis John, Crosshouse, Westgate, Newcastle. 
fGregory, John Vessey, 10 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 

Haggie, Robert Hood, Blythswood, Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Hall, Edmund James, 9 Prior Terrace, Tynemouth. 

Hall, James, Tynemouth. 

Hall, John, Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Halliday, Thomas, Myrtle Cottage, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Harris, Sir Augustus, Tyne Theatre, Newcastle. 

Harrison, John Adolphus, Saltwellville, Low Fell, Gateshead. 

Harrison, Miss Winifred A., 9 Osborne Road, Newcastle. 

Hastings, Lord, Melton Constable, Norfolk. 

Haverfield, F. J., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford. 

Haythornthwaite, Rev. Edward, Felling Vicarage, Gateshead. 

Hedley, Edward Armorer, 8 Osborne Villas, Newcastle. 

Hedley, Ralph, 19 Bellegrove Terrace, Newcastle. 

Hedley, Robert Cecil, Cheviot, Corbridge. 

Henzell, Charles Wright, Tynemouth. 

Heslop, George Christopher, 135 Park Road, Newcastle. 
fHeslop, Richard Oliver, 12 Princes Buildings, Akenside Hill, 

Hicks, William Searle, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 

Hindmarsh, William Thomas, Alnbank, Alnwick. 

Hinds, Allan B., 24 Grey Street, Newcastle. 
fHodges, Charles Clement, Sele House, Hexham. 
fHodgkin, Thomas, D.C.L., F.S.A., Bank, Newcastle. 

Hodgkin, Thomas Edward, Bamburgh Castle, Belford. 
f Hodgson, John Crawford, Warkworth. 

Hodgson, John George, Exchange Buildings, Quayside, Newcastle. 

Hodgson, William, Elmcroft, Darlington. 

Hogg, John Robert, North Shields. 

Holmes, Ralph Sheriton, 8 Sanderson Road, Newcastle. 
(Holmes, Sheriton, Moor View House, Newcastle. 

Hopper, Charles, Monkend, Croft, Darlington. 

Hopper, John, Grey Street, Newcastle. 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1806.) 


Date of Election. 
1895 Dec. 18 


1888 July 25 

1894 May 30 

1894 Feb. 28 

1886 May 26 

1883 Aug. 29 

1883 Feb. 28 

1884 Oct. 29 

1890 Jan! 29 
1894 Sept. 26 

1892 Dec. 28 
1894 Oct. 31 

1885 April 29 

1887 June 29 
1894 July 25 
1850 Nov. 6 

1885 Aug. 26 

1894 Jan. 31 

1888 June 27 

1883 June 27 

1884 Mar. 26 
1884 Aug. 27 

1891 May 27 

1895 Sept. 25 
1884 Mar. 26 

1893 Oct. 25 
1891 Mar. 25 
1888 Sept. 26 

1894 July 25 
1891 Jan. 28 

1891 Aug. 26 

1896 Jan. 29 
1883 Mar. 28 
1883 May 30 
1883 Feb. 28 
1883 Oct. 13 

1886 Dec. 29 

Houldsworth, David Arundell, 2 Rectory Terrace, Gosforth, New- 

Hoyle, William Aubone, Normount, Newcastle. 

Hunter, Edward, 8 Wentworth Place, Newcastle. 

Hunter, Thomas, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 

Ingledew, Alfred Edward, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Irving, George, 1 Portland Terrace, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Johnson, Rev. Anthony, Healey Vicarage, Riding Mill. 

Johnson, Rev. John, Hutton Rudby Vicarage, Yarm. 

Joicey, Sir James, Bart., M.P., Longhirst, Morpeth. 
fKnowles, William Henry, 38 Grainger Street West, Newcastle. 

Laing, Dr., Blyth. 

Leeds Library, The, Commercial Street, Leeds. 

Leitch, Rev. Richard, Osborne Avenue, Newcastle. 

Lennox, A. H., Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 

Liverpool Free Library (P. Cowell, Librarian). 

Lockhart, Henry F., Prospect House, Hexham. 

Long, Rev. H. F., The Glebe, Bamburgh, Belford. 

j-JLongstaffe, William Hilton Dyer, The Crescent, Gateshead. 

Lynn, J. R. D., Blyth, Northumberland. 

Maas, Hans. Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Macarthy, George Eugene, 9 Dean Street, Newcastle. 

McDowell, Dr. T. W., East Getting wood, Morpeth. 

Mackey, Matthew, 33 Lily Avenue, West Jesmond, Newcastle. 

Mackey, Matthew, Jun., 8 Milton Street, Shieldfield, Newcastle. 

Maling, Christopher Thompson, 14 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

Manchester Reference Library (C. W. Sutton, Librarian). 

Marley, Thomas William, Netherlaw, Darlington. 

Marshall, Frank, Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Martin, N. H., F.L.S., 8 Windsor Crescent, Newcastle. 

Mather, Philip E., Mosley Street, Newcastle. 

Maudlen, William, Gosforth, Newcastle. 

Mayo, William Swatling, Riding Mill, Northumberland. 

Mearns, William, M.D., Bewick Road, Gateshead. 

Melbourne Free Library (c/o Melville, Mullen, and Slade, 12 
Ludgate Square, London, E.G.) 

Mitcalfe, John Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 

Mitchell, Charles William, Jesmond Towers, Newcastle. 

Moore, Joseph Mason, Harton, South Shields. 

Morrow, T. R., 2 St. Andrew's Villas, Watford, Herts. 

Morton, Henry Thomas, Twizell House, Belford, Northumberland. 

Motum, Hill, Town Hall, Newcastle. 

Murray, William, M.D., 9 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 

vot. xviji. 


Date of Election 
1883 June 27 

1883 Feb. 28 

1884 July : 
1895 Feb. 2 
1883 Jan. 3 
1893 Feb. 28 

1885 May 27 

1893 Feb. 22 

1889 Aug. 28 

1891 Feb. 18 

1883 Mar. 28 

1894 Dec. 19 
1889 Aug. 28 

1884 Dec. 30 

1892 Mar. 30 

1893 Mar. 29 

1891 Feb. 18 
1884 Jan. 30 

1892 Nov. 30 
1884 Sept. 24 


1879 Jan. 
1888 Jan. 
1892 Oct. 
1892 Oct. 
1854 Oct. 

1887 Aug. 31 

1883 June 27 

1888 May 30 
1894 Feb. 28 
1892 June 29 
1886 Feb. 24 
1883 Sept. 26 
1891 April 29 
1894 May 30 
1886 Nov. 24 

Nelson, Ralph, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland. 
Newcastle, The Bishop of, Benwell Tower, Newcastle. 
Newcastle Public Library. 
Newton, Robert, Warden House, Hexham. 
Nicholson, George, Barrington Street, South Shields. 
Nicholson, Joseph James, 8 North View, Heaton, Newcastle. 
Norman, William, 23 Eldon Place, Newcastle. 
Northbourne, Lord, Betteshanger, Kent. 

fNorthumberland, The Duke of, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 
Oliver, Prof. Thomas, M.D., 7 Ellison Place, Newcastle. 
Ord, John Robert, Haughton Hall, Darlington. 
Ormond, Richard, 35 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 
Oswald, Joseph, 33 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Park, A. D., 11 Bigg Market, Newcastle. 
Parkin, John 6., 11 New Square, Lincoln's Inn, London, W.C. 
Pattison, John, Colbeck Terrace, Tynemouth. 
Pearson, Rev. Samuel, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
Pease, John William, Pendower, Benwell, Newcastle. 
Pease, Howard, Bank, Newcastle. 
Peile, George, Greenwood, Shotley Bridge. 
Percy, The Earl, Alnwick Castle, Northumberland. 
^Phillips, Maberly, F.S.A., 12 Grafton Road, Whitley, R.S.O. 
Philipson, George Hare, M.A., M.D., Eldon Square, Newcastle. 
Philipson, John. Victoria Square, Newcastle. 
Pickering, William, Poplar Cottage, Longbenton, Newcastle. 
Plummer, Arthur B., 2 Eslington Terrace, Newcastle. 
Potts, Joseph, Windsor Terrace, Newcastle. 

Proud, George, Woodside Cottage, Broom Lane, Whickham, R.S.O. 
Proud, John, Bishop Auckland. 
Pybus, Robert, 42 Mosley Street, Newcastle. 
Raine, Rev. James, Canon of York. 

Ravensworth, The Earl of, Ravensworth Castle, Gateshead. 
Reavell, George, Jun., Alnwick. 
Redmayne, R. Norman, 27 Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Redpath, Robert, Linden Terrace, Newcastle. 
Reed, The Rev. George, Killingworth, Newcastle. 
Reed, Thomas, King Street, South Shields. 
Rees, John, 5 Jesmond High Terrace, Newcastle. 
Reid, Andrew, Akenside Hill, Newcastle. 

Reid, William Bruce, Cross House, Upper Claremont, Newcastle. 
Reynolds, Charles H., Millbrook, Walker. 

Reynolds, Rev. G. M., Rector of Elwick Hall, Castle Eden, R.S.O. 
Rich, F. W., Eldon Square, Newcastle, 

LIST OF MEMBERS. (1st March, 1896.) 


Date of Election. 

1894 Jan. 31 

1891 July 29 

1895 July 31 

1892 Mar. 30 
1889 July 31 

1892 June 29 

1883 Jan. 31 

1892 Sept. 28 

1884 July 30 

1894 Mar. 25 


1893 Mar. 8 
1893 April 26 

1895 Oct. 30 

1892 Sept. 28 
1891 Dec. 23 

1887 Jan. 26 

1888 July 25 

1893 Nov. 29 

1891 Sept. 30 

1892 Aug. 31 
1886 Feb. 24 
1888 June 27 
1883 Feb. 28 

1891 July 29 

1894 July 25 

1894 Oct. 31 

1888 Oct. 31 

1895 May 29 

1889 May 29 

1892 Oct. 26 
1888 Jan. 25 
1891 Nov. 18 

1893 Mar. 29 
1883 June 27 
1866 Jan. 3 
1883 Dec. 27 
1895 Nov. 27 

1891 Jan. 28 

Richardson, Miss Alice M., Esplanade, Sunderland. 
Richardson, Frank, South Ashfield, Newcastle. 
Richardson, Mrs. Stansfield, Thornholme, Sunderland. 
Biddell, Edward Francis, Cheeseburn Grange, near Newcastle. 
Ridley, John Philipson, Bank House, Bothbury. 
Ridley, Sir M. W., Bart., M.P., Blagdon, Northumberland. 
Ridley, Thomas Dawson, Willimoteswick, Coatham, Redcar. 
Robinson, Alfred J., 136 Brighton Grove, Newcastle. 
Robinson, James F., Burnopfield. 
Robinson, John, 7 Choppington Street, Newcastle. 
Robinson, William Harris, 20 Osborne Avenue, Newcastle. 
Robson, John Stephenson, Sunnilaw, Claremont Gardens, New- 

Rogers, Rev. Percy, M.A., Simonburn Rectory, Humshaugh. 
Rowell, George, 100 Pilgrim Street, Newcastle. 
Runciman, W., Fernwood House, Newcastle. 
Rushton, George, 247 Hamilton Street, Newcastle. 
Rutherford, Henry Taylor, Blyth. 

Rutherford, John V. W., Briarwood, Jesmond Road, Newcastle. 
Ryott, William Henry, Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 
Sanderson, Richard Burdon, Warren House, Belford. 
Savage, Rev. H. E., St. Hilda's Vicarage, South Shields. 
Scott, John David, 4 Osborne Terrace, Newcastle. 
Scott, Owen Stanley, Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle. 
Scott, Walter, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
Scott, Walter, Holly House, Sunderland. 

Sheppee, Lieutenant- Colonel, Picktree House, Chester-le-Street. 
Sidney, Marlow William, Blyth. 
Silburn, Miss Jessie, 7 Saville Place, Newcastle. 
Silburn, Reginald J. S., 7 Saville Place, Newcastle. 
Simpson, J. B., Hedgcfield House, Blaydon. 
Simpson, Robert Anthony, East Street, South Shields. 
Sisson, Richard William, 13 Grey Street, Newcastle. 
Skelly, George, Alnwick. 

Slater, The Rev. Henry, The Glebe, Riding Mill. 
Smith, William, Gunnerton, Wark-on-Tyne. 
Smith, William Arthur, 71 King Street, South Shields. 
South Shields Public Library (Thomas Pyke, Librarian). 
*f Spence, Charles James, South Preston Lodge, North Shields. 
Spencer, J. W., Millfield, Newburn, Newcastle. 
Stamper, Mrs., Mountain View, Caldbeck, via Wigton. 
Steavenson, A. L., Holywell Hall, Durham. 
Steel, The Rev. James, D.D., Vicarage, Heworth. 


Date of Election. 

1883 Dec. 27 

1885 June 24 

1887 Mar. 30 

1892 Jan. 27 


1866 Dec. 6 

1887 Nov. 30 
1895 Feb. 27 
1860 Jan. 6 
1892 April 27 

1884 Oct. 29 

1883 Jan. 31 

1888 Aug. 29 
1892 June 29 

1891 Jan. 28 
1888 Feb. 29 
1888 Oct. 31 

1888 Nov. 28 

1894 Mar. 28 

1892 July. 27 

1895 Dec. 18 

1884 Mar. 26 

1889 Oct. 30 

1894 May 30 
1884 Feb. 27 

1891 Mar. 25 

1890 Aug. 27 
1887 Mar. 30 

1892 Oct. 26 
1887 Jan. 26 

1895 May 29 

1889 Nov. 27 
1886 June 30 
1892 Aug. 31 

Steel, Thomas, 51 John Street, Sunderland. 
Stephens, Rev. Thomas, Horsley Vicarage, Otter burn, R.S.O. 
Stephenson, Thomas, 3 Framlington Place, Newcastle. 
fStevenson, Alexander Shannan, F.S.A. Scot., Oatlands Mere, 

Weybridge, Surrey. 

Straker, Joseph Henry, Howdon Dene, Corbridge. 
Strangeways, William Nicholas, Breffin Villa, Eglinton Road, 

Donnibrook, Dublin. 
Sutherland, Charles James, M.D., Dacre House, Laygate Lane, 

South Shields. 

Swan, Henry F., North Jesmond, Newcastle. 
Swinburne, Sir John, Bart., Capheaton, Northumberland. 
Tarver, J. V., Eskdale Tower, Eskdale Terrace, Newcastle. 
Taylor, Rev. E. J.,* F.S.A., St. Cuthbert's, Durham. 
Taylor, Hugh, 5 Fenchurch Street, London. 
Taylor, Thomas, Chipchase Castle, Wark-on-Tyne. 
Taylor, Rev. William, Catholic Church, Whittingham, Alnwick. 
Tennant, James, Low Fell, Gateshead. 
Thompson, Geo. H., Baileygate, Alnwick. 
Thomson, James, Jun., 22 Wentworth Place, Newcastle. 
Thorne, Thomas, Blackett Street, Newcastle. 
Thorpe, R. Swarley, Devonshire Terrace, Newcastle. 
Todd, J. Stanley, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
fTomlinson, William W., 6 Bristol Terrace, Newcastle. 
Toovey, Alfred F., Ovington Cottage, Prudhoe. 
Toronto, University of (c/o Edward G. Allen, 28 Henrietta Street, 

Covent Garden, London, W.C.) 
Turner, S. C., 5 Collingwood Street, Newcastle. 
Tweddell, George, Grainger Ville, Newcastle. 
Vick, R. W., Strathmore House, West Hartlepool. 
Vincent, William, 18 Oxford Street, Newcastle. 
Waddington, Thomas, Eslington Villa, Gateshead. 
Walker, The Rev. John, Whalton Vicarage, Morpeth. 
Wallace, Henry, Trench Hall, near Gateshead. 
Watson, Joseph Henry, Percy Park, Tynemouth. 
Watson, Mrs. M. E., Burnopfield. 

Watson, Thomas Carrick, 21 Blackett Street, Newcastle. 
Weddell, George, Grainger Street, Newcastle. 
fWelford, Richard, Thornfield Villa, Gosforth, Newcastle. 
Wheler, E. G., Swansfield, Alnwick. 
Wilkinson, Auburn, M.D., 14 Front Street, Tynemouth. 
Wilkinson, The Rev. Ed., M.A., Whitworth Vicarage, Spennymoor, 
* Elected originally Jan. 31, 1876, resigned 1887. 


Date of Election. 

1893 Aug. 30 
1891 Aug. 26 

1885 May 27 

1894 Jan. 31 
1891 Sept. 30 

1886 Nov. 24 
1894 Oct. 31 

Wilkinson, William C., Dacre Street, Morpeth. 

Williamson, Thomas, Jun., 39 Widdrington Terrace, North Shields. 

Wilson, John, Archbold House, Newcastle. 

Wilson, William Teasdale, M.D., 8 Derwent Place, Newcastle. 

Winter, John Martin, 17 Percy Gardens, Tynemouth. 

Wright, Joseph, Jun., Museum, Barras Bridge, Newcastle. 

Young, Hugh W., F.S.A. Scot., 27 Lauder Eoad, Edinburgh. 


Antiquaries of London. The Society of (Assistant Secretary, W. H. St. John 

Hope, M.A.), Burlington House, London. 

Antiquaries of Scotland, The Society of (c/o Dr. J. Anderson, Museum), Edin- 
Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, The, 20 Hanover 

Square, London, W. 
Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, The (c/o Robert Cochraue, 7 St. 

Stephen's Green, Dublin). 

Royal Society of Northern Antiquities of Copenhagen, The 
Royal Academy of History and Antiquities, Stockholm, Sweden. 
Royal Society of Norway, The, Christiania, Norway. 
Berwickshire Naturalists' Club, The (Secretary and Editor, James Hardy, LL.D., 

Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B.) 
Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society, The (Secretary, The Rev. W. 

Bazeley, Matson Rectory, Gloucester). 
British Archaeological Association, The (Secretaries, W. de Gray Birch, F.S.A., 

British Museum, and G. Patrick, 16 Red Lion Square, London, W.C.) 
Cambrian Antiquarian Society, The (c/o J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A., 28 Great 

Ormond Street, London, W.C.) 
Cambridge Antiquarian Society, The (Secretary, T. D. Atkinson. St. Mary's 

Passage, Cambridge). 
Canadian Institute of Toronto, The 
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society, The, 

Tullie House, Carlisle. 
Derbyshire Archaeological Society, The (Arthur Cox, Hon. Sec., Mill Hill, 


Heidelberg Historical and Philosophical Society, Heidelberg, Germany. 
Huguenot Society, The (c/o Reg. S. Faber, Secretary, 10 Primrose Hill Road, 

London, N.W.) 
Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society, The (R. D. Radcliffe, M.A., Hon. 

Secretary, Old Swan, Liverpool). 
London and Middlesex Archaeological Society, The (8 Danes Inn, London). 


Nassau Association for the Study of Archaeology and History, The (Verein fiir 

nassauische Alterthumskunde und Geschichte forschung), Jena, Germany. 
Numismatic Society of London, The (Secretaries, H. A. Grueber and B. V. Head), 

22 Albemarle Street, London, W. 

Peabody Museum, The Trustees of the, Harvard University, U.S.A. 
Powys-land Club, The (Editor, Morris C. Jones, F.S.A., Gungrog Hall, 

Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, The (Secretary, Francis 

Goyne), Shrewsbury. 

Smithsonian Institution, The, Washington, U.S.A. 
Society d'Archeologie de Bruxelles, La (rue Ravenstein 11, Bruxelles). 
Somersetshire Arch icological and Natural History Society, The (c/o Curator, 

W. Bidgood), Castle, Taunton, Somersetshire. 
Surrey Archaeological Society, The (c/o Hon. Sec., Mill Stephenson, 8 Danes Inn, 

Strand, London, W.C.) 
Sussex Archaeological Society, The (C. T. Phillips, Hun. Librarian and Curator), 

The Castle, Lewes, Sussex. 

Trier Archaeological Society, The, Trier, Germany. 
Yorkshire Archaeological Society, The (c/o William Brown, Hon. Sec., Arncliffe 

Hall, Northallerton). 

The Proceedings of the Society are also sent to the following : 
Dr. Berlanga, Malaga, Spain. 

The Copyright Office, British Museum, London, W.C. 
Prof. Ad. de Ceuleneer, Eue de la Lieve 9, Ghent, Belgium. 
The Rev. Dr. Cox, Holdenby Rectory, Northampton. 
W. J. Cripps, C.B., Sandgate, Kent, and Cirencester. 
J. Hardy, LL.D., Sec. Berw. Nat. Club, Oldcambus, Cockburnspath, N.B. 
Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle. 
Robert Mowat, Rue des Feuillantines 10, Paris. 
The Rev. Henry Whitehead, Lanercost Priory, Carlisle. 
The Bishop of Durham, Bishop Auckland. 
The Rev. J. F. Hodgson, Witton-le-Wear. 
T. M. Fallow, Coatham, Redcar. 




[Read on the 29th May, 1895.] 


THE early history of the town walls of Newcastle-upon-Tyne is of 
a very fragmentary character, and by no means conclusive as to the 
time when they were built. 

The earliest mention of them occurs in the Rhyming Chronicle of 
Hardyng, in the time of Henry the sixth, who says, alluding to king 
William the Second : 

' The towne to builde, and walle as did append, 
. He gave theim ground and golde ful great to spend, 
To builde it well, and wall it all aboute.' 

Hardyng, however, is a very unreliable authority. 

In his History of Newcastle Brand states that in the charter 
granted to the town, dated the 28th of January, 1216, by king John, 
express mention occurs of the walls ; but there is no note of this in 
the digest of the charter printed in 1817 by John Clark in his New- 
castle Remembrancer* 

In 1291 Edward the first was petitioned by the good men of 
Newcastle to grant a sum of money and a licence for the building of 
a wall round the town, which was granted accordingly. 2 He also, by 
a charter, dated ab York, December 20th, 1299, granted the town of 
Pampedon (Pandon) to the burgesses and good men of Newcastle, and 
by a grant dated September 18th, 1280, he allowed the society of 
Black Friars to make a postern-gate through the town wall, then 
newly built, at the west side of the town, for the purpose of communica- 
tion with a portion of their property which had been severed by the 

1 Brand, vol. ii. p. 136, gives the date of John's charter as 1217, the year 
after that king died, though at page 2 of vol. i. he dates it the preceding year, 
viz., 1216. The date 1217 is also given to the charter in the Newcastle 
Remembrancer, p. 11. 

2 Newcastle Remembrancer p. 12. 




building of the wall, but with the reservation that if found necessary 
for the security of the town the sheriff of Northumberland should at 
any time have power to build it up. They afterwards, in 1312, got 
permission from Edward the second to make a drawbridge of wood, 
five feet broad, over the new fosse of the town, with a similar pro- 
vision for removal in case of imminent danger. 

Brand states that 'in a record, dated May 26th, 1307, the 
building anew of the wall of Newcastle, on the side towards the east, 
occurs: this was, in all probability, occasioned by the union of 
Pampedon, or Pandon, with that town, by the charter of Edward I., 
dated Dec. 20th, 1299.' 3 He also states that 'among the writings 
preserved in the hutch, or common treasury of Newcastle, A.D. 1565, 
was one intitled "A grant for building the walls of the town." ' The 
original is now lost, and the date has not been transmitted. 4 

Leland, in his Itinerary, p. 114, vol. v., tells us that 'the waulles 
of Newcastelle were begon in King Edivarde the firste Day, as I have 
harde, by this Occasion. A great riche Man of Newcastelle was 
taken Prisoner by the Scottes owt of the Town self as it is reportid. 
Wherapon he was raunsornid for a greate Sum : and returning home 
he began to make a Waulle on the Ripe of Tyne Ryver from 
Sandehille to Pandon Gate, and beyound in to the Towne agayne the 
Augustine-Freres.' He afterwards says the walls were not entirely 
finished until Edward the third's time. This king repaired the walls 
during his residence in the town in 1334. 5 

After the walls had been built the town was apportioned into 
twenty-four wards, which were, named after the gates and towers the 
defence of which devolved upon them. Full particulars of these are 
given in the histories of Bourne and Brand. 

The evidence of age afforded by the walls themselves is not of a 
very definite kind, though they seem to present broad lines of the 
character of building adopted at different periods, and if this be taken 
in conjunction with other important buildings of the town, a sequence 
seems probable. Thus the walling of the keep of the castle, built in 
1172-7, is of coursed work, with the stones very long in proportion 
to their depth. The Black gate masonry is also of a somewhat 

3 Brand's Newcastle, vol. i. p. 3. 4 Ibid., p. 3n. 

5 MS. in the Bodleian library, Oxford. Bernard's catalogue, p. 86. 


similar character, 6 whereas the masonry of the walls generally partakes 
of what may be termed a cubical character, the stones being more or 
less square on their faces and interspaced at intervals with upright 
stones much deeper on the face than their length of bed, and generally 
built with the quarry bedding reversed, that is plumb instead of being 
horizontal. If then the style of building at any particular time prevailed 
generally in the town, it follows that the walls had chiefly, if not 
wholly, been built after the date of the Black gate which is attributed 
to 1247-50, after the 
longwork had gone out 
of use and the cubical 
kind was introduced. 
With the exception of 
the walling of the por- 
tions in St. Andrew's j * >\ 
churchyard, the mason- ] f *~ 
ry of the walls through- 
out (excepting where 
rebuilt or heightened) 
is of the cubical kind, 
though from evidence 
afforded by the wall in 
Hanover square, and 
particularly by that at 
the corner, tower, the 
longwork would seem 
to have again come into 
use. In the latter the 
base and wall adjoining 
are of cubical stones, 
whereas the turret 
above is in longwork, 

and at Hanover square (see diagram no. 1), where the wall has 
been built at three several times, the longwork overlies the cubical. 

6 In his paper on the Castle (see Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. iv. p. 124) Mr. 
Longstaffe states that the front of the Black gate is of the debased style of 
James the first's time. This, I think, is not so, the masonry being of the same 
character as that of the Early English work below but with more recent 
windows inserted. 

cmor i 

of I&. -maJtonYU o[ me- (ou>rv ' 

o<xo \- 


In this the first three courses from the top seem to be comparatively 
late work, long-bedded and close-jointed, the next three similar to the 
cubical below but more scientifically built, and the lower portion, down 
to the rubble foundation, being of the wide-jointed cubical character 
which prevails generally in the walls. Diagram no. 2 is characteristic 






- ic ~i : 

Character of "Ihc mqao-nry on tiie/loton. cogil sou-lh op 

Tver Tower 

of the west walls, where not rebuilt, from near "Westgate street to the 
Ever tower, beyond which through the churchyard there is a marked 

Diagrams nos. 3 and 4 (see pages 5 and 6) are portions of the 
north face of the east section of wall in St. Andrew's churchyard. In 
this the lowest masonry is of a very rude, ill-coursed, and wide-jointed 
kind which becomes worse upwards, until near the top we get to the 
true cubical masonry. Bourne was of opinion, from a comparison 


of the masonry, that this portion of the wall was the first built, and 
in this I am inclined to coincide. The inner or south face of the 
western portion of this wall is built of rubble work with little attempt 
at coursing, and from the sharpness of the punch- and pick-marks I 
am led to think that it has been rebuilt in very much later times. 



JL ^ - -^ r - vT^ ^TX-o= -^ *" *^- < 




The inner face of the other portion of the wall approaching New gate 
has also been chiefly rebuilt with old material, though underneath the 
turret and beyond it in the lower portion is a piece of original cubical 
work, but with the stones of a smaller character than those in the 
west walls. 

The remaining portion of the inner castle wall extending westward 
from the postern on the castle stairs, is of the same character of 
masonry as the west walls, and must have been built about the same 
time, or at a later date than the keep or even the Black gate, without 









it can be proved that the cubical masonry preceded the long-bedded 
work, which I think improbable. Mr. Longstaffe supposed this wall 
might have formed a portion of Rufus's work, but the cubical charac- 
ter of it would bring it to a later date if the succession of masonry 
character I have sketched holds good. And this seems to be strength- 
ened by- a reference to 
the keep where it may be 
noticed that on the inner 
face of the gate tower 
the wall has been height- 
ened or rebuilt up to 
the level of the modern 
addition of 1813 by work 
of the cubical character 
very similar to that of 
the inner castle wall be- 
fore alluded to, and to 
the town walls generally. 
It seems probable that 
the walls were built, as 
money could be got for 
the purpose, between the 
beginning of the thir- 
teenth century and the 
early part of the four- 
teenth, but it is quite 
possible that a portion 
might have been built in 
John's reign, and if so, 
I think, it would be the more northerly section of them. 

The width of the town wall above the base plinth varies con- 
siderably. At the west walls and in Hanover square it is six feet 
ten inches wide. At the Wall Knoll tower the wall is seven feet two 
inches wide on the west side, but eight feet six inches on the East 
or Sally-port gate side, and this is also the width of the western 
portion of the wall in St. Andrew's churchyard. 

jNfotlh in vie 


At sundry times the walls appear to have been seriously damaged 
or suffered to get out of order, for, from time to time the kings were 
petitioned for money, or easement of payments, by the town, to 
enable the walls and bridges to be repaired. 

In 1386 there was an assignment by Richard the second to the 
mayor and bailiffs to take workmen for repairing the walls of the 
town. 7 In 1403 Henry the fourth granted to the mayor of New- 
castle-upon-Tyne, all fines and forfeitures for the reparation of the 
walls and bridge of that town, 8 and in 1527 mention occurs of an 
annuity of 20 granted by king Henry the eighth for the support 
of the walls and bridge. For his aid in procuring this grant Sir 
Arthur Hazlerigg, bart., was presented with a silver basin and ewer 
of the value of 30. 9 The walls were much damaged during the 
remarkable siege, and at the taking of the town by storm, in the year 
1644. There was afterwards a grant from Parliament of the sum of 
2,564 for repairing them. 10 On June 17th, 1667, the walls, gates, and 
drawbridges were repaired by order of the Common Council, and in 
1745 several houses, erections, buildings, and other obstructions near 
the walls were pulled down when the rebellion occurred in that year. 


For information as to the condition of the walls at various periods, 
and the appearance of the towers and gateways before they were 
destroyed, I am indebted to the following authorities : 

A MS. drawing of the town in 1590, preserved in the British 
Museum, and republished in the Archaeologia Aeliana (4to 
series), vol. iii. p. 124, by the Society of Antiquaries of 

Speed's map of Newcastle of 1610. 

A MS. Description of the walls in 1638, preserved in the Record 
Office, London, and reproduced in the ArcJiaeologia Aeliana, 
vol. xii. p. 230. 

Corbridge's map of Newcastle, 1723. 
Bourne's map of Newcastle, 1736. 
Bucks' view of 1743. 

7 Aubone MS. 8 Randall's MSS. Historical Events. 

9 Common Council books. lu Brand, vol. i. p. 4. 


An undated view of the town from Gateshead, in ray possession. 

Halton's map of 1770. 

Brand's map of 1788. 

Wood's map of 1827. 

Mackenzie's History of 1827. 

Oliver's maps of 1830 and of 1844. 

M. A. Richardson's Local Historian's Table Book, 1843. 

Sykes's Local Records. 







Close gate. 
Forth gate. 
West gate. 
New gate. 
Pilgrim gate. 



Pandon gate. 
Sand gate. 
Bridge gate. 



River side tower. 


Ever tower. 


White Friars tower. 


Andrew tower. 


Denton or Neville tower. 


Bertram Momboucher tower. 


West Spital tower. 
Stank tower. 


Ficket tower. 
Carliol tower. 


Gunner tower. 


Plummer tower. 


Pink tower. 


Austin tower. 


Durham tower. 


Corner tower. 


Heber or Herber tower. 


Wall Knoll tower. 


Morden tower. 


The general scheme of defence consisted of an ashlar-faced wall 
of stone about twelve feet high on the inside and from six feet ten 
inches to eight feet six inches wide, with a fosse or ditch on its outer 
side twenty-two yards wide and fifteen feet deep. Gateways were 
erected for the principal roads, and towers at convenient distances 
apart, with, between them, turrets, or, as Bourne names them, 
' garrets,' which formed covered sheltering places on the top of the 
walls. These were thirteen feet in length, with an interior passage 
way three feet wide, loopholed on its outer side. The top, which 
was reached by a stone stairway on the inner face, had corbelled 
out parapets, which were ornamented by figures of warriors carved 


in stone. Of these" turrets only three now remain in a compara- 
tively perfect condition, one of them between the Herber and 
Morden towers, one near the Ever tower, and the third in St. 
Andrew's churchyard. 

The towers were generally of the form shown in the Durham and 
Herber specimens now remaining, and were horse-shoe shaped on 
their outer face, projecting their full size beyond the wall. The 
interior was rectangular, with three arrow slits, and the space arched 
over by a pointed and ribbed Early English arch. Stone stairways 
led to the roof, which had an embattled parapet. On the outer face 
of the tower there were heavily projecting corbels two and three 
stones in depth, which appear to have carried a shield round the out- 
side to protect the defenders whilst throwing down stones or other 
defensive objects on the attackers below. 

But the towers were not invariably of this form. The one at the 
river face near the Close appears to have been rectangular. The 
White Friars was octangular, with a circular chamber on the top. The 
Wall Knoll tower was nearly square, and the Corner tower was after 
the pattern of the turrets, merely a covered passage on the wall top. 

The late George Bouchier Richardson, in a paper read by him at 
the meeting of the Archaeological Institute held at Newcastle in 
1852, said there had existed seventeen of the circular bastions. That 
of these six were possessed of two obtusely arched apartments 
with bold ribs. Access to the first of these vaulted apartments was 
from the ground, and to the second by a winding stair leading 
out of the first, though in many cases they were provided with stairs 
leading at once from the military way on the inside of the curtain 
to the upper chamber. Nine of the bastions had but one apart- 
ment, but that of larger size than the others, upon the ribbing of 
which rested the platform which, in these cases, was always gained 
from the curtain wall and not by an internal stair. He alludes to 
the Herber and Pink towers as being good examples of the latter, 
and says that the single chambered bastions were all placed in suc- 
cessive order on the north-west quarter of the fortification, which 
would embrace the White Friars, Denton, West Spital, Stank, Gunner, 
Pink, Durham, Heber, and Morden, leaving the Ever, Andrew, 
Momboucher, Ficket, Caiiiol, and Plummer to make up the six 



which had two arched chambers. At the time when Mr. Richardson 
resided in Newcastle there was doubtless much more opportunity of 
gaining accurate information concerning the walls than now exists, 
and as he sketched them a great deal his record is deserving of every 
consideration, but I am not sure that he is strictly accurate. When 
the Carliol tower was being pulled down I made some notes 
and find that the intermediate floor was a timber one, and not 
arched. I have, however, seen a sketch by him of the Austin tower, 
which shows both chambers arched and ribbed, the lower arch 
being pointed, and the top segmental. It is therefore probable that 
his distinction of the number of single chamber and double chamber 
bastions or towers is correct. 

The main outlets were the Close gate, West gate, New gate, 
Pilgrim gate, Sand gate, and Bridge gate which spanned the passage 
way along the Tyne bridge near its northern end. Besides these 
there were several openings of less moment. Thus, a postern existed 
at the Denton tower, called the White Friars' postern, where the 
wall turns abruptly westward, and a gateway at the Forth walk, leading 
to a pleasure ground of that name, surrounded by trees, which was 
the property of the town. The Black Friars had an opening between 
the Herber and Morden towers, and a little beyond is another ancient 
doorway, three feet wide, now used as an entrance to the bowling 
green, but I find no historical reference to it. Then there were the 
gateway at the Wall Knoll tower, known as the Sally-port, and seven 
smaller openings through the wall along the quay. Bourne and Cor- 
bridge's maps show a larger opening or gateway in the wall along the 
quay, opposite the Broad chare, which may have been opened out at 
a later period, as the prospect drawing of 1638 does not show it. 

At an early date, generally during the sixteenth century-, the 
towers, and also some of the gates, became the meeting places of the 
various town's companies, who, as a rule, removed the original castel- 
lated top, and added a story to the tower to form a meeting hall. 


Commencing at the west side, where the walls abut upon the river, 
and following their course round the town, there was, firstly, a tower 
at the river side which, in Bucks' view and on Bourne's map, is shown 



square in form, with an embattled top. Part of it remained in 1789, 
and Brand states that it was used successively by the Companies of 
House Carpenters and Sail Makers. 

The Close gate came next, of which a representation occurs in the 
Table Book, though, as stated, only a ' design from various sources.' 
This view shows a high tower-like structure, three stories in height 
above the archway, which is single, and pointed in form. When the 
Tyne bridge was washed away in 1771 the prisoners were removed 
from the Magazine tower upon it to the Close gate. The gate was 
much damaged in 1644, was repaired by order of the Council in 1648, 
and finally pulled down 
in 1797. 

From this point the 
wall rose steeply up the 
bank to the White 
Friar tower, which 
from 1614, was the 
place of meeting of the 
Society of Wallers, 
Bricklayers, and Plas- 
terers, and also the 
Company of Mettors, 
who occupied the base- 
ment. There are sev- 
eral views of this tower 
in Richardson's Table 
Booh, from which it 
seems to have had an 
upper story, but the 

views differ so widely that from them alone it is difficult to determine 
its shape. He also gives a ' restored ' view of it, which agrees with 
his description, that on clearing away the ground from its base they 
came upon the lower apartment, which had been converted into an 
ice-house in 1780. This lower story, he says, was found to be 
octangular, and the superstructure circular. 11 Corbridge's map 
shows it hexagonal. It was occupied by the Company of Masons 

11 Table Book, vol. v. p. 230. 



before they removed to the Plummer tower in 1742. The wall near 
this tower was breached by the Scottish army in 1644, and the 
tower was taken down in 1840. When removing it, several Eoman 
and other coins, and two Roman altars, were found, 12 also in the 

heart of the wall a mason's setting pinch was brought to light. 
The remains of a human skeleton were found underneath the wall, 
and another at a little distance from it. Cannon balls and other 
things were also dug up. 13 

Between the "White Friars and the Denton or Nevil towers the 
wall had two turrets upon it. The Denton tower seems to have 
been of the normal horse-shoe character, and beside it the White 
Friars had a postern gate, an illustration of which is given in the 
Table Book, vol. iii. p. 51. The Company of Wallers, Bricklayers, and 
Plasterers had their meeting place in this tower after they left the 
White Friars tower. After passing two turrets we reach the West 
Spital tower, of which there is an etching in T. M. Richardson's 
Memorials, where it is stated that the tower derives its name from 
St. Mary's hospital, and was thought to have been built by that 
charity, as in 1290 they obtained a patent for their postern through 
the town wall. The tower was removed at the time of the demolition 
of the hospital in 1844. 

Then occur two turrets leading up to the Stank tower, of which 
tower I fail to discover any record. 

12 These are described in the Lapidarium Septentrionale, p. 15. 

13 Table Book, vol. v. p. 200. 


Two more intermediate turrets lead to the Gunner tower, which 
in 1821 was converted into a hall for the Company of Slaters and 
Tylers. During the alterations many coins of the reign of Edward 
the first were found, 14 which might lead to the supposition that 
this part of the walls was built with the money he granted for the 
purpose of walling the town. 

The Gunner tower was deprived of its top in 1885, when the 
offices of the Tyne Improvement Commissioners were built, but the 
base of it yet remains. 

One wall turret and then the Pink tower, of which there is an 
etching by T. M. Richardson, dated 1826, which shows it very 
similar to the Berber tower, afterwards described. It does not 
appear to have had an added story at that time, but at the date of 
its removal it had a room above, which is shown by an engraving 
of it in the Society's Proceedings, vol ii. p. 22, and also in a drawing 
I made at the time of its demolition. Between the Gunner and 
Pink towers was a gateway leading to the ' Forth,' which was built 
in 1715, and removed in 4811. 

Another turret and then the West gate. Of this there is an 
engraving in Brand's History, and an etching by "Win. Pybus in the 
Memorials of Old Newcastle. These show the opening to have been 
arched segmentally, but in the latter view the arch is pointed and 
ribbed. There was also a footway passage on the north side which 
was opened out in 1782. Two heavy buttress towers flanked the 
arch on the west side. The gate was removed in 1812. Brand, 
following Grey, says this gate is said to have been built by Roger 
de Thornton, which, if correct, would give the proper meaning to 
the West gate in the rhyme as applied to the roadway and not to 
the masonry structure. 

' In at the West gate came Thornton in, 
With a happen hapt in a ram's skynn.' 

A footway was opened out on the north side of this gate in 1782. 
It was formerly used as a prison for unruly apprentices. 

There were two turrets between this gate and the Durham tower, 
two between the Durham and Berber, one between the Berber and 
Ever, and two from that to the Andrew tower, and one beyond to the 

11 Table Book, vol. iii. p. 220. 


New gate. The Durham tower now stands in almost a complete 
state, excepting that the parapet has been destroyed. It is roofed 
by a pointed Early English arch with three ribs. The interior is 
rectangular, exterior horse-shoe shaped, with projecting corbels. 
There has not been any addition to its top. Its present office is a 
coal and lumber room for the adjoining school, and a doorway has 
been broken through the outer wall to give access to it. 

We now reach the most interesting tower extant, namely, the 
Heber or Herber tower, which, with very trifling alterations, is now in 
its original condition, and forms a typical example of the form in 
which the towers generally were constructed. 

On referring to the drawings of it accompanying this paper it will 
be seen to be of horse-shoe shape, twenty-three feet six inches diameter, 
projecting beyond the outer face of the wall, with a rectangular 
interior, sixteen feet eight inches by ten feet, having three splayed 
openings to arrow slits on the exterior face. This chamber is roofed 
over by a pointed Early English arch and three projecting ribs. A 
stairway leads from the interior to the top of the wall and from 
there to the roof of the tower, which has a flagged floor upon a 
steepish incline, and is surrounded by its original parapet, which has 
three splayed embrasures, the returning angles being ornamented by 
carved heads. On the outer face, at a depth of two feet six inches 
below the floor level on the top, are corbel stones, two in depth, pro- 
jecting four feet from the wall, for the purpose of carrying an outer 
parapet or shield to protect the defenders when casting down stones 
or other missiles upon those attacking. This tower was the meeting 
place of the Company of Felt-makers, Curriers, and Armourers. 
There is a view of it in the Table Boole (vol. iii. p. 29), dated 
1826, which shows it much in the condition in which it remains at 
the present time. It is now occupied as a blacksmith's shop. 

The Morden tower has been similar to the Herber, but had an 
upper chamber added in 1619 to form the meeting place of the 
Company of Plumbers, Glaziers, and Pewterers. It was further added 
to in 1700 when the company built an inner face of brickwork to it. 
Suspended from a bracket in the hall was a cannon ball painted and 
gilded which has recently been presented to the Society of Antiquaries 
of Newcastle, and is now in the Black gate museum. This was pro- 


bably a relic of the siege by the Scottish army in 1644. It was 
found embedded in the wall when the alterations were made. The 
two chambers of the tower are now occupied as dwellings. 15 

Between the Herber and Morden towers there are two ancient 
arched openings through the wall. The larger one, five feet wide, 
would I think be for the Black Friars' postern. 

The Ever tower has been greatly mutilated, the arch torn away 
and a three-storied stone building placed upon it. It forms a portion 
of the tanning premises adjoining, and the ground has been raised on 
the outer face which converts it into a cellar. Notwithstanding its 
filthy condition it was recently the abode of a well-known character 
who went by the name of ' Hairy Nanny.' Formerly it was the hall 
of the Company of Colliers, Paviours, and Carriage-men. 

Brand says : 'This was built by some of the ancient family of Eure, 
or Ever, lords of Kirkley, near the river Blyth, and barons of "Witton, 
in the county of Durham. 16 So that the present name Ever would 
seem to be a perpetuation of the original pronunciation of the name 

The Andrew tower was destroyed between the years 1827 and 
1830. An etching of it by T. M. Eichardson shows that it had not 
been added to. There is also a similar view of it in the Table Book, 
vol. ii. p. 256, dated 1818. 

We now reach the most important fabric on the line of the wall, 
New gate, of which a great number of views are given in Brand's 
History, Richardson's etchings, and engravings in the Table Book. 
The original gate consisted of a massive tower, with semi-octangular 
buttresses at the angles, the opening being vaulted and diagonally 
ribbed. Previous to 1390 this was supplemented by the construction 
of a barbican and connecting walls on its northern front, which gave 
the name by which it was afterwards known, though, according to 
Brand, the original gateway bore the name of the Berwick gate. 
Above the archway of the later erection there were three ancient shields 
of arms, St. George's cross, the arms of England with fleurs-de-lis 

15 By an ordinary of September 1, 1536. the Company of Goldsmiths was in- 
corporated with the Plumbers, Glaziers, and Pewtererp, but separated from them 
in 1717. Arms of Incorporated Companies. 

16 Brand's Newcastle, vol. i. p. 12. 

17 Compare maps of Wood and Oliver of these dates. 


semee, aud those of Ne \vcastle-upon-Tyne ; and above these shields, 
in a pedimented niche, stood the statue of a king, supposed to be 
James the first, which, in its sadly decayed condition, .occupies a 
place in the guard chamber of the castle. This portion of the 
northern fa$ade appears to have been rebuilt in Jacobean times. 
In 1822 an Act of Parliament was obtained for its removal, which 
was immediately afterwards accomplished. In 1400, when Newcastle 
was made a county of itself, and took charge of its own prisoners, the 
towers of the older gate were used as a gaol. When the structure 
was destroyed the felons were removed to the cells of the county 
courts, and the debtors to the castle. In an account of the demolition 
of 1823, by M. A. Richardson, he says, 'By the end of May the 
greatest part of the barbican had been removed. In June the demoli- 
tion of the east wing of the inner gate was commenced, and was 
speedily followed by the west wing (both erected between the years 
1702-6), with the remains of the barbican. The original gate was 
thus nearly isolated.' 18 There is considerable difficulty in reconciling 
the various views, and ascertaining what was meant by the wings. 
Some of the views show a flanking tower on the east side of the older 
building, and probably there would be a similar one on the west side. 
The view in the Table Book, vol. i. p. 402, appears to show them 
both, in which case they were flanking towers built on each side of 
the southern face of the older gateway. The Table Book proceeds to 
record that 'the portcullis which remained here until the final demoli- 
tion of the gate, was the last existing in Newcastle. It was of oak, 
with spikes strongly shod with iron, and of an enormous weight.' 
' In this portion were found many cannon balls of large size, and deep 
sunk into the wall.' 19 In a footnote it states 'the portcullis is now at 

From New gate to the Bertram Momboucher tower there were two 
wall turrets, then three to the Ficket tower, and two more to Pilgrim 

The Momboucher tower is figured in the Table Book, vol. iii. 
p. 293, where the face of the tower seems to be in line with the outer 
face of the town wall, which is unlikely. This tower and the next 
one, with the connecting wall up to Pilgrim gate, were taken down in 

18 Table Book, vol. iii. p. 272. 19 1 bid. vol. iii. p. 273. 


1824, for the formation of Blackett street, the stones being used for 
the sewer along that street. The Fickefc tower, which occupied 
the site of the St. James's chapel portico, near the Grey monument, 
must, if Eichardson's etching of it be a correct representation, have 
been in a state of complete dilapidation before it was pulled down. 
Corbridge's map shows a postern near this tower. 

Pilgrim gate, so named, says Gray in his Chorographia^ 'because 
of Pilgrims Lodging in that Street; and went out of that Gate to the 
Shrine of the Virgin Mary in Gesmond; to which Place, with great 
confluence and Devotion, people came from all parts of this Land, in 
that time of Superstition.' 20 In 1659, and again in 1716, this gate 
was repaired and ' beautified ' by the Company of Joiners who held 
their meetings in it. Brand gives a view of the south front, and 
Bichardson one of the north front of this gate. The roadway arch 
was very low, and carts had frequently to be partly unloaded to get 
through it. 

The arch was pointed and ribbed, and there were footway open- 
ings on each side at some distance from the centre one. It was 
removed in 1802, and in pulling it down a cannon ball was found 
lodged in the masonry. The wall between Pilgrim gate and the 
Carliol tower was taken down in 1811. 

From this tower forward there were three turrets to the Carliol 
tower, four to the Austin, two to the Plummer, one between that 
and the Corner tower, and one more to Pandon gate. 

The Carliol tower was the meeting place of the Weavers' Company, 
who repaired it in 1682. In 1823 the building was considerably 
altered by the same company, and while the workmen were engaged 
in clearing away the accumulation of earth over the ditch on the out- 
side of the tower several skeletons were found huddled together, and 
in the skull of one of them was a cannon ball. A twenty-four pound 
cannon ball was also found lodged two and a half feet deep in the wall. 

Richardson gives an etching of the front of the tower which shows 
it much in the condition it was in at the time of its demolition in 
1880, when it was removed to make way for the Public Library build- 
ing. The builders of the earlier portion, erected for a Mechanics' 
Institute, respected the ancient relic, and adapted its shape to the 
, M Chorographia (Newcastle, 1649), p. 8. 


preservation of the tower; but to make way for the buildings added 
for the library it was swept away entirely. In the Table Book are 
representations of it. A front view in 1800 before it had the pointed 
windows inserted, and a view of the outer portion in 1783 show the 
wall with its three turrets along to Pilgrim gate. This tower, though 
of the prevailing horse-shoe form, seems to have been of a more 
imposing character than the others, and had been divided by an 
intermediate floor which may have been original. The upper arched 
chamber, for some years the meeting place of a musical and fine 
arts club, under the name of the 'Bats,' was barrel-arched with 
projecting ribs. Of this there exists a drawing by the late John 
Storey, of which the frontispiece is a reproduction (see plate I). A 
staircase tower at the west angle contained a newel stair communi- 
cating with the upper chamber and the roof. 

The Plummer tower was granted to the Company of Masons in 
1742, previously to which it bore the name of the Cutlers' tower or 
Carlel-croft tower. In 1750 the masons built an ornate ashlar front 
of classic design to the tower, but in their alterations they destroyed 
the original arched top. The outer circular face has evidently been 
altered at various times, loopholes having been enlarged to window 
size and again blocked up. In making their alterations the Masons' 
Company had apparently used two kinds of stone, one for the flat 
ashlar face work, including doors and the lower windows, the other 
for their enrichments in pilasters, cornices, etc., so that whilst the 
former remains in sound and good condition the latter is in a state of 
utter decay from weather action. Attached to this tower is a short 
length of the town wall within which is an arched chamber which, at 
one time, had been entered from the tower. This, I think, has been a 
similar chamber to the one at the Wall Knoll afterwards described, 
but it has been widened by digging into the wall faces on each side. 
T. M. Richardson gives an etching of this tower much in its present 
condition. The two chambers are now occupied as dwellings. 

The Austin tower. This tower evidently had its name from its 
vicinity to the house of Austin Friars. It has been, successively, the 
hall of the Millers and Coopers, and afterwards of the Eopers who 
repaired it in 1698. It was taken down to make room for the 
terminal station of the Newcastle and North Shields railway in 1836 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. XV 111. (to face page IS). 

Flo* '.'!. 


or 7, as the parliamentary plan of that railway appears to show it 
standing in 1835. The wall then descended to the Corner tower, from 
which originally it would go direct to the river, leaving the town 
of Pandon outside on the east. This, although one of the wards of 
the town, 21 seems never to have been a tower proper, but merely an 
L-shaped turret with a covered way through it, and the top corbelled 
out on both sides for parapets. It is now in a very ruinous condition. 

Pandon gate comes next. It was occupied by the Company of 
Barber Surgeons until 1648 when their new hall in the Manors was 
built. The only illustration I can find of it is in the Table Book, which 
is stated to be from a drawing by the late Rev. Mr. Hornby. This 
shows a single archway for traffic, and near the top a curiously flat 
arched opening with a corresponding smaller semicircular opening on 
the opposite face. The hall windows must have faced north as there 
are no windows shown on the south side of the gate. The gateway 
was defended by folding iron gates, but had no portcullis. It was 
pulled down in 1795. A further description of the structure will 
be found in the Table Book, vol ii. p. 374. 

Between Pandon gate and the Wall Knoll the wall had one turret, 
and four between that and Sand gate. 

The Wall Knoll tower (plate VI.), attributed by Grey and Bourne 
to Roman times, is only, in its oldest portion, coeval with the town wall 
which abuts upon it at each side. This is clearly shown by the similar- 
ity and continuity of the masonry, and by the angular bond stones 
connecting the two, which are cut to form the angle of junction. The 
original tower is a rectangular building, twenty-eight feet long by 
twenty-five feet six inches wide, with an interior room, eighteen feet 
ten inches by fourteen feet nine inches, loopholed on the three outer 
faces, and vaulted over by a flat pointed stone arch. In the south- 
west angle of the tower is a newel stairway which formerly led to 
the embattled roof, and at an intermediate height communicated, by 
means of an arched doorway, with a chamber in the town wall which 
was twelve feet long by three feet nine inches wide, lighted to the 
south by a small window. See plan (plate VII.). The tower base 
has been enlarged for the construction above it of a hall for the 
Society of Carpenters or Shipwrights, which was built in 1716 the 

21 Account of the wards in the archives of the Corporation. 


original top of the tower having been removed for the purpose. 
The whole building had a narrow escape from destruction in 1882, 
when the new roads were formed, and was much shaken and cracked 
at that time, but is now securely seated upon massive buttresses. 
The present occupant, Mrs. Isabella G-leghorn, informs me that a 
stairway leads down from the foot of the newel stair. This is now filled 
up, but might possibly have led to a lower chamber, and it would be 
interesting to ascertain whether, if so, there were any remains of 
Roman work in it. On the east side of the tower is an arched passage 
through the town wall, protected by folding doors, which was named 
the Sally-port. Another tower named the Habkin is mentioned in 
this district. It was allied with the Wall Knoll tower in the 
apportionment of the wards of the town. 22 The reference on Bourne's 
map of the Wall Knoll tower names it the Carpenters' tower, Wall 
Knoh 1 and Habkin tower. 23 

From this point the wall descended steeply to the Sand gate, of 
which there is an etching in Richardson's Memorials and a similar 
engraving in the Talk Book showing a tower of two storys over the 
archway with a footway opening on one side. It was taken down in 
1798. From here the wall ran along the quay to the buildings near 
the end of Tyne bridge. It had seven openings in it of a small 
character, though Corbridge's and Bourne's maps show a larger open- 
ing or gateway at the foot of the Broad chare. 24 This portion of the 
wall was almost swept away in 1339 on the occasion of a heavy flood 
in the river when one hundred and sixty-seven lives were lost. 25 In 
1762 the Corporation petitioned the Crown and got leave to take 
down the wall from Sand gate to the Sandhill and to use the stone 
in the re-erection of St. Ann's chapel, the ancient building having 
become ruinous. The Water gate stood at the north end of Tyne 
bridge. It is shown on Corbridge's and Bourne's maps, and from 
the latter appears to have been a hexagonal structure of stately pro- 
portions. The bridge had also two other towers or gateways upon 

22 Brand's Newcastle, vol. i. p. 17 n. Could this have been the tower alluded 
to by Grey as the Roman tower ? 

23 Could this have been the tower alluded to by Grey as the Roman tower ? 

24 This larger opening is not shown on the MS. view of 1638. It was there- 
fore probably constructed some time between that date and the time when 
Bourne wrote in 1736. 

n Table Book, vol. i. p. 116. 


it ; the Magazine tower, which stood upon the third water pier from 
the north end, was erected in 1636 and taken down in 1771, and the 
Bishop of Durham's tower at the south end. The wall then continued 
on the river face along to the tower near the Close gate. 

Leland's Itinerary alludes to the building of this portion of the 
wall, and Brand mentions that the wall continued along here. But 
on the MS. draught of the walls preserved in the London Record 
office it is clearly shown, extending from the Close tower to where 
houses are built on the river face, and beyond that it appears to form 
the foundations for these houses. 


The present condition of the walls, etc., may be thus summarised. 
Commencing at the river side, where formerly stood a rectangular 
tower, the foundation walls of which I saw exposed in 1872, when a 
trench had been cut for the purpose of laying in pipes, but of which 
and the Close gate no traces now remain above ground. From the 
Close gate a portion of the wall in a ragged condition, but with some 
of the parapet work remaining, goes up the steep bank towards 

where stood the White Friar tower. 

From a little beyond this tower, along the back of the Orchard 
street houses, the wall remains in very good condition, with its 
parapet standing where not incorporated with later buildings. Until 
within the last three years, when ground was required for station 
extension, there was much more of the wall in this length of it 

A considerable gap now occurs. The Denton, Stank, West Spital, 
Gunner, and Pink towers, with their connecting wall, having all 
disappeared, with the sole exception of the base of the Gunner tower, 
which yet occupies its position behind the office buildings of the River 
Tyne Commissioners. The Stank tower stood on the line of the 
eastern face of the Central Station portico. From near the site of 
the West gate to St. Andrew's churchyard there is an almost continu- 
ous length of the wall, remaining in very good condition, broken only 
by openings for Stowell and Heron streets, and having its original 
loopholed parapet standing, though in it there are many evidences of 
alterations and rebuilding. In it are the Durham, Herber, Morden, 


and Ever towers, previously described, and two of the wall turrets in 
a moderately complete state, also the two ancient arched passages 
through the wall. In St. Andrew's churchyard are two detached 
portions on each side of the site of the Andrew tower, the more 
westerly portion having upon it the remains of two of the turrets, 
which are shown in the engraving in Brand's History of Newcastle, 
and the other, along by the back of the baths building, a turret 
almost in a complete condition. The masonry of this portion of the 
wall bears evidence, in the character of the work, of having been 
almost rebuilt at a time much later than the date of the original 
work. Nothing nowremains of the wall until reaching the Plummer 
tower at the foot of Croft street, the Momboucher and Ficket 
towers and their connecting wall along to Pilgrim gate having been 
swept away for the foundation of Blackett street, and beyond that to 
the Carliol tower for New Bridge street. Croft street occupies the 
forward position of the wall to the Plummer tower, which yet remains 
in its mutilated condition. Beyond this the railway and gaol works 
have cleared away all traces of the wall with the Austin tower down to 
the Corner tower, which yet stands, but in a sadly dilapidated condition 
and tottering to its fall. A portion of the wall a little further on forms 
the lower part of the end of a large warehouse. Then every trace is 
obliterated by the formation of the Pandon new roads, until reaching 
Wall Knoll tower on its commanding situation, rendered the more so 
from having been completely isolated and perched like an ancient 
sentinel up the top of its massive retaining buttresses. Beyond this 
point all trace of the walls must be sought for in history and that 


Although nothing now remains beyond the works hitherto 
described, it may be of interest hereafter to know what did exist 
immediately previous to the destruction occasioned by the formation 
of the new roads in Pandon by the Corporation in the year 1881. 
When these works were about to be commenced I was requested by 
the society to keep watch over them, and to note anything of interest 
which might be revealed during their progress. This I did from time 
to time, making notes and drawings as the walls were cleared of the 


adjoining houses and the excavations carried through the Wall Knoll, 
with the intention of writing a notice of them for the society. As, 
however, another member of the society, who also took a lively 
interest in the alterations, and who visited the works occasionally, 
wrote a short paper upon them, which was printed in the Archaeologia 
Aeliana, vol. x. I thought it inadvisable to do anything further in 
the matter at that time. The following account of the alterations 
embodies the notes I took at the time. 

"When the houses were cleared away for the purpose of founding 
the large retaining walls for supporting the embankment of the new 
road, a very interesting length of the town wall was exposed to view, 
extending from near the Corner tower to Sandgate, and forward up 
the hill to the Wall Knoll tower. This was built of the usual large 
square-faced block-work characteristic of the walls generally, with a 
chamfered course forming the cap of the extra thickness of wall 
towards its base. From below the Corner tower to Sandgate the wall 
stood to its original height, and had upon it portions of the outer 
parapet. It was eight feet six inches in breadth, and upon its inner 
face were heavily projecting stone corbels, three stones in depth, which 
would probably have carried an inner parapet, and so have allowed 
more top width of wall. About midway in this length was a seg- 
mentally arched opening through the wall, allowing a passage for the 
Pandon stream, the opening of which was ten feet wide and eight feet 
six inches in depth from the springing of the arch, which had a versed 
sine of two feet three inches. The chamfered base course of the 
wall had been neatly stepped down to the level of the opening, and 
through the opening the Pandon sewer had been carried at a later date. 
In clearing the mud from the fosse for the retaining wall foundations, 
a line of riven oak stakes was brought to light. These were eighteen 
inches to two feet apart, and at a distance of eight feet from the face 
of the wall. The stakes were four feet long by four to six inches 
square. As they were merely stuck into the mud of the ditch, and 
not pointed at the top as spikes, it is difficult to imagine what purpose 
they could have served. 

Pandon gateway had its western abutment standing, and this, with 
the exception of a few of the top casing stones, I prevailed upon the 
contractor to spare, and consequently it remains deeply buried for a 
future race of antiquaries. 



Between Pandon gate and the Wall Knoll tower the wall which 
had served for the backs of the houses built up to it, was in fairly 
good condition, but not to the full height generally. At one place in 
this length a curious feature occurred, the wall having a foul junction 
of its parts, the face of one portion ranging in line with the back 
of that adjoining, and the two pieces of walling ending squarely where 
so joined, thus 

The walling here was founded in strong clay by ill-built rubble 
work, at a very slight depth below the surface, and without any trace 
of having been previously occupied by the Roman wall, with which 
repeated surmise had accredited it. 26 Similarly, the "Wall Knoll 
tower, which both Grey and Bourne ascribe to Roman times, was, 
in its oldest portion, only the age of the town wall abutting upon it as 
previously noted. 

From the Wall Knoll tower to the 
foot of the Causey bank the wall appeared 
to be double, the two walls forming the 
front and backs of houses between them. 
Of these the more westerly one was evi- 
dently the original, as it had the inner 
corbels indicative of the base of a turret. 
The other had, however, been built of 
similar shaped stones, and as the two 
walls came together at the foot of the 
bank at a very acute angle, it seems 
unlikely that it had been built for the 
purpose of forming the front walls of 
the houses. 

On making the excavations in Pan- 
don opposite the 'New Road,' two of 

the stone figures which had graced the coping of the wall turrets, 
were found. These are now in the Castle, as are also a cannon 
ball and other objects found there. Within the wall a circular- 
chamber was dug into, which had probably communicated with the 

28 Grey's Chorographia ; Bourne's History of Newcastle. 


floor of a house by means of a shaft. And from this chamber, running 
under the wall to the outside, was a driftway or passage lined with 
wood, the uprights and head timbers of which seemed to be old boat 
spars mortised and tenoned into each other. In the chamber was a 
cask, the aroma from which was strongly suggestive of whisky or some 
other spirit. This seemed to have been an ingenious device of some 
enterprising smuggler to get his goods introduced into the town free 
of tollage. 

On the Wall Knoll were some remains of the monastic buildings, 
forming the bases of the brick houses and stables built upon them. 
These had in them portions of door and window casings, and some of 
the tracery of the chapel windows was brought to light. On digging 
through the deep covering of rubbish the fine rich soil of the former 
monastery gardens was reached, with an apple tree in situ which had 
been buried up, and at its foot a buried cat and dog. Several 
human skeletons of bodies which had been buried here were also 
found. A well having some curious features about it was discovered 
on the edge of the high ground twenty-five yards south of the tower. 
It was rectangular, with the sides four feet ten inches and six feet 
eight inches, arched over with brick and stone lined. A portion of 
it was narrower than the general width, and this was covered by a 
circular stone like a millstone, five feet diameter and nine inches 
thick, with a square hole through its centre. An entrance had been 
left in the arched roof of the well, and in it were some lengths of 
cast iron piping three inches diameter with flanged joints. The oak 
timber stays of which had become quite black from age. A culvert 
of curious construction led towards the well. It had flat slabs of 
stone forming the bottom, on which rested stones cut out in the form 
of a semicircular arch eighteen inches diameter internally, and uni- 
formly three inches and a half thick. The stones were truly dressed 
inside and out, and why the exterior portions of them should have 
been cut away at considerable expence of labour and a decrease of 
strength it is difficult to make out. They may have originally been 
designed for some other purpose and afterwards used as drain covers. 




[Read on the 28th August, 1895.] 

THE recent meeting of the Society at Chillingham, when the bastle- 
house of Hebburn was inspected, affords a not unsuitable opportunity 
of laying before you the gathered fragments of the history of its 
ancient owners, whose surname was taken from this, their principal 

The earliest notice of the Hebburn family seems to be in the reign 
of king John, when John Viscount II., gave to the monks of Fame 
land at Newton-by-the-Sea, adjoining the meadow of Robert de 
Hebburu, knight. Between 1237 and 1244 John Viscount III.. 
granted a third part of Earle, near Wooler, and a moiety of Newton 
to Robert de Hebburn. In 1255 Gerard de Hebburn was an attesting 
witness to the charter which records the sale of the barony of Emble- 
ton by the Lady Rametta and Hereward de Marisco, her husband, to 
Simon de Montford, and was witness to another charter of the same 
period of a grant of a tenement in Stamford from Patrick Harang to 
de Montford. In"1352 sir Thomas de St. Maur granted to sir John 
Stryvelyn all his rights in the manor and township of Newton and 
the holdings which John de Hebburn had held in Hebburn of sir 
Lawrence de St. Maur, his grandfather. It was probably the widow 
of this John de Hebburn, and mother of Guychard or Gerhard de 
Hebburn, who, in 1292, as Mathilda, wife of John le Taillur of 
Berwick, claimed one third of Newton as her dower from the said John 
de Hebburn, her former husband. 1 

In 1271 Nicholas Hebburn granted to the vicar of Chillingham 
certain lands and offerings there conditional on his officiating in the 
chapel at Hebburn on specified feast days, 2 and the names of James 
de Hebburn and Alice de Hebburn appear in the Subsidy Roll of 
1312. In 1319 Guychard de Hebburn and Isabel, his wife, held the 
manor of Hebburn, with lands in Newton and Earle. 3 

1 The new Hist, of NortM. vol. ii. pp. 17, 18, 83, 85, 89. 

2 Border Holds, pp. 23, 302. 

3 HodgsoD, Hist, of Xorthd. iii. vol. i. p. 62. 


On the 19th March, 1350, Mathilda, daughter of [Guychard and] 
Isabella de Hebburn, and wife of William Darrayns, for a rent of 1 OOs. 
granted to Eobert Wendout, an adjoining landowner and kinsman, all 
her lands at Newton, Embleton, and Earle, for the term of her life. 
These lands, some six years later, were finally transferred by Darrayns 
to Wendout. 

Robert Wendout, the purchaser, had one sou and six daughters. 
Upon failure of heirs to the former in 1379 the daughters became 
co-heiresses, and part of the lands, including one third part of the 
manor of Newton, fell to the second daughter Isabel, who had married 
a Hebburn, probably a second cousin of Mathilda Darrayns. In this 
way the alienated lands, or part of them, were restored to the blood of 
the former owners. 4 

The husband of Isabel Wendout was probably that John Hebburn 
who was found to have died circa 28 Edward III. (1354), seized of the 
manor of Hebburn, and of lands at Newton and Earle. 5 We now 
reach firmer ground, for Robert de Hebburn, son of Isabel 
Wendout, was found to be of the age of thirty in 1381, and to have 
died 3rd August, 1415. An Inq. p.m. was taken (4 Henry V.), and he 
was found to have died seized of Newton-by-the-Sea, of the manor of 
Hebburn, and of the manor of Earle. 6 He was succeeded by his son, 
Thomas de Hebburn, then aged twenty-seven, who died 1st July, 
1424, leaving a son and heir, John de Hebburn, aged five years. In 
1448 Agnes, widow of Robert de Hebburn, was found to have died 
seized of lauds and tenements at Earle. Newton, East Ditchburn, etc. 7 

In 1486 John Hebburn, who would then be aged about sixty- 
seven years, and is described as senior, conveyed his manor of 
Hebburn, and his lands at Hebburn, Earle, Newton-by-the-Sea, 
Ellington, Ingo (?), and Coldmartin to William Rutherford of 
Rochester, William Lawson, and others, in. trust. 8 

In 1509 Thomas Hebburn is returned as owner and occupier of 
Hebburn-hold, capable of accommodating twenty horsemen. He was 
possibly a grandson of John Hebburn, senior, and is mentioned again 

4 The new Hist, of Northd. vol. ii. pp. 89, 90. 
s Lambert MS. 

6 Hodgson, Hist, of Northd. iii. vol. ii. p. 267 ; and new History, vol. ii. p. 89. 

7 Hodgson, Hist, of Northd. iii. vol. ii. p. 274. 

8 Visitation, edited by Joseph Foster, p. 66. 


in 1522 as a freeholder in Embleton, and in 1541 as owner of 
Hebburn tower. His will, written by the vicar of Chillingham, and 
made 18th April, 1574, when 'syck in body & hole of mynde & of 
good & p'fett memorie,' gives his body 'to be buryed w th in the 
. . . church of Sent peter th'appostle in Chillangh'm where I am a 
p'rshon 1 .' He gives to his daughter 'Bele' Hebburn 20 ; to his son 
Ralph 40s. a year out of his lands in ' Slynglay,' within the bishopric 
of Durham ; to son Robert 40s. a year out of Newton-by-the-Sea. ' I 
will that Myghell hebborne my sonne and heire shall stand and be 
charged and chargeable w th Rauf hebborne and Robert hebborne his 
brothers for mete drynk and loddinge in my Mansion hows of heb- 
borne orells where, from the day of my deceas duringe and untill 
they & either of them shall com to xxiiij yeres of age orells be other- 
wise p'vided by s'uice or interteynment, & Also I will that the said 
Mighall shall fynde my syster Elsabethe mete drynk and clothe Lyn 
& Wollende from the day of my desceas duringe her lif naturall yf 
she will remayne w th him.' 9 

He was succeeded by his son, Michael Hebburn, who married the 
posthumous daughter of that George Craster of Craeter who died in 
1546. In his time occurred the blood feud between the Stories 
and Hebburns, whose differences were submitted to arbitration. The 
award of Edmund Craster, the arbitrator, is printed in Border Holds, 10 
in the Annals of the House of Percy, and elsewhere. 

Michael Hebburn's will is dated 2nd January, 1601, and was 
proved at York 24th July, 1613. He charges his lands at 'Newton 
Morell, co. Richmond,' with 100 apiece to his daughters, Eleanor 
and Ann, and appoints numerous executors, viz , his wife Margaret, 
his son Arthur, Ralph Gray of Chillingham, Nicholas Forster of 
Huln abbey, Arthur Grey, Ephraim Widdrington (his son-in-law), 
and Roger Grey. 11 

Arthur Hebburn in 1614 took a mortgage on Carlecroft, 12 and 
occurs as owner of Hebburn in the freeholders' list of 1628. His 
will is dated 19th August, 1636, and was proved in 1638. Besides his 
eldest son Ralph, he had three sons, Edward, Arthur, and John, to 
whom he left 100 apiece, to his eldest daughter Margaret, he 

9 Durham Wills, (Surt. Soc.) vol. i. p. 401. " Baine, Testa. 

10 Border Holds, vol. i., p. 303. 12 Lambert MS. 


devised 200, and to the other six 100 apiece, charged on Hebburn, 
Earle, and Newton. He appointed his wife (Mary, daughter of John 
Salkeld of Hulne abbey) his executrix. 13 His inventory, taken by Henry 
Ogle, Thomas and William Armorer, and Richard Forster, was 
exhibited in 1638, 14 and an Inq. p.m. was taken 10th November, 14 
Charles I., by the king's escheator, when he was found to have died 
seized of the manor and township of Hebburn and other lands, 
Ralph Hebburn, the son and heir, being under age. 

In 1661 the heir of Arthur Hebburn was amerced 3s. 4d. for not 
appearing at the court at Alnwick. 

The heir, Ralph Hebburn, embraced the profession of arms, and 
became the colonel of a foot regiment in the service of king Charles I., 
and in 1662 and 1664 was stationed at Berwick. In 1663 he was 
rated to the county rate for Hebburn on 120, and for Earle at 20 
per annum. He married a daughter of Robert Delaval of Cowpen, 
and entered his pedigree at the Heralds' Visitation of 1666, in which 
he returned his then age as fifty, apparently an over-statement. He 
called in the mortgage on Carlecroft, and re-leased that estate to 
George Potts in 1672. 15 

His son, Robert Hebburn, was aged eight years in 1666, and 
appears in the Bamburgh Register as godfather to William, son of 
Thomas Forster of Adderstone, in 1685. In 1693 he rented the great 
tithes of Chatton from Ford, lord Grey of Wark, 16 and four years later 
was a trustee of the marriage settlement of Fergus Story of Beanley 
and Dorothy Proctor of Shawdon and Rock. 17 The writer has no 
record of his death or will, but he would seem to have resided on his 
own estate at Hebburn, for the Chillingham Register records the 
baptisms of five of his children. 

He seems to have been succeeded by his son, Robert Hebburn, the 
last male of the direct line, who also served in the army. His will 
preserved in the rev. John Hodgson's collection, is printed at length 
in the Appendix. It shows that besides his daughter Mary, and his 
two sisters, he apparently had no near blood relative. 

The heiress of this ancient line had a somewhat eventful and 
unhappy life. After being educated at the once well-known York 
Manor school, she afterwards visited Bath, Clifton, London, etc., 

13 Raine, Testa. " Ibid. " Lambert MS. ls Ibid. " Ibid. 


under the care of Mre, Johnstone, her father's sister. She married 
Edward Brndcnell, a descendant of Lord Cardigan and a kinsman of 
the duke of Montague, who, after serving as aide-de-camp to his 
father in the German war, took orders for the sake of the family 
living of Hougham, Lincolnshire. The marriage settlement is dated 
6th November, 1764. ' The habits of dissipation he had acquired in 
the army were not forsaken, and his marriage to an heiress was a 
further step to the gratification of his expensive pleasures. He was 
a man of insinuating and accomplished manners, but totally without 
moral or religious principle, and the selfish hardness of his heart 
showed itself in utter disregard of the happiness of an affectionate 
wife, and in the grossest indulgence in illicit amours and profligate 
habits of expense. His wife brought him two sons ; they both, how- 
ever, died in infancy ; and after suffering every species of unkindness 
and indignity Mrs. Brudenell came to the resolution of parting from 
her ungenerous and cruel husband.' She left a letter for her husband 
' threatening that if he attempted -to molest her or refused the separate 
maintenance provided by her marriage settlement, she would throw 
herself on the protection of the duke of Montague, and disclose the 
cruelty with which she had been treated.' . . . . ' Mrs. Brudenell 
visited some of her mother's connexions in London, while Mr. 
Brudenell made some arrangements with respect to her estate of 
Hebburn in Northumberland, and he finally agreed to allow her 100 
a year. From the deranged state of his own affairs he found it 
expedient to accept the appointment (obtained for him by his half- 
brother, General Philips) of chaplain to General Burgoyne's army, 
along with a detachment of which he sailed for America in the year 

At her husband's death in 1804 Mrs. Brudenell became again 
possessed of her paternal estate of Hebburn. * She who in her youth 
had bounded over those fields, the heiress of a fair domain, full of life, 
hope, and promise, now, at the age of 66, came back a shattered, 
feeble, old woman.' Mr. Brudenell had ' pulled down an old baronial 
castle which time had spared,' and built Hebburn house upon ' pre- 
cisely the only part of the estate which affords a prospect utterly 
devoid of picturesque beauty.' 18 

18 Mrs. Fletcher's Autobiography (Edinburgh, Edmonston & Douglas, 1875), 
pp. 2, 3, 4, 5, 85, 91, and 96. 



Mrs. Brudenell, 'having no connexions on her father's side, and 
her mother's connexions never having shown her any affectionate 
consideration or regard, devised her estate to the daughter of an old 
friend, the wife of Mr. Archibald Fletcher of Edinburgh, an eminent 
lawyer and a member of the literary society of the period. She died 
at Tadcaster 25th November, 1806, arid was buried near her children 
in the chancel of Hougharn, where the following epitaphs preserve 
their memory : 

Near this place are deposited the remains of Edward and William Brudenell 
sons of the reverend Edward Brudenell rector of Hougham cum Marston and 
Margaret his wife, daughter and sole heiress of Robert Hebborne esq. of Heb- 
borne in the county of Northumberland. 

Edward the eldest was buried July the 20th, 1767, aged 1 year. 
William February the 24th, 1770, aged 3 years 

Sacred to the memory of | Margaret Brudenell | of | Hebburne | To an 
elevated and generous mind | she unite 1 | a grateful and affectionate heart | 
she died in the humble trust | of a blessed immortality | November, 1806 | 
aged 61. 

Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher sold Hebburn 13th September, 1808, 19 to 
the earl of Tankerville, who has absorbed part of it in the Ohillingham 
park. 20 

POSTSCRIPT. On 4th January, 20 Henry VII., Ralph Hebburn of Hebburn, 
esquire, granted to the Fraternity of Mariners the site of the present Trinity 
house at Newcastle. The priest ministering within the chapel there was to pray 
for the good estate of the said Ralph Hebburn, of master John Hebburn, and 
of George Hebburn. On the 9th September. 16 Henry VIII., the Fraternity 
obtained a confirmation from Thomas Hebburn, son of the above Ralph, who 
was to be made a brother and a partaker of all masses, prayers, and suffrages 
said in the chapel. Bourne, pp. 143-144 ; cf, Welford, i. p. 400 ; ii. p. 77. 

Matter John Hebburn may be identified with John Hebburn, LL.B., vicar 
of Tynemouth in 1492. Brand, vol. ii. p. 102. 

19 Lambert MS. and ex. inf. Mr. R. G. Bolatn of Berwick. 

20 There remains on the Chillingham vestry books a 'survey and valuation, 
made in 1806, of Hebburn, the estate of Mrs. Mary Brudenell': 



Value p. a. 

Lancelot Reed, esq. 



John Ord . 



Walter Atkinson 

... 735 


Jas. Jeffrey 
Wm. Jorden 



Tithe rent, 

Mat. Alder 



83 10s. 

Jas. Scott 

... 400 


do. lime quarries 


Mary Hall 

1 10s. 


1,120 13 9 


ARMS : Argent; three lamps for cressets ) sable. Visitation. 

ROBERT HEBBURN, lord of the manor of Newton-by-the-Sea, had = 
grant of one-third part of Earle and a moiety of Newton from 
John Viscount III. (c). 

John Hebburn, son 
and heir, held lands 
at Hebburn from 
Sir Lawrence de 
St. Maur (c). 

Mathilda who remar- 
ried John le Taillur 
of Berwick, and at the 
assize of 1292 claimed 
dower (c). 


Nicholas Hebburn of 
Hebburn in 1271 
granted lands to vicar 
of Chilliugbam (e). 

Guychard (or Gerhard) Hebburn ; = Isabella . 
living 1319. 

Adam Hebburn. 

William Hebburn = 

Mathilda, daughter and co-heiress, 
married William Darrayns, and 
in 1350/1 conveyed her interest 
in Newton to Robert Wendout 
for an annuity (c). 


Alice, daugh- 
ter and co- 
heiress, mar- 
ried of 

[John] Heb- = 

= Isabel, daughter of Robert 
Wendout and co-heiress 
of her nephew, Robert 
Wendout, in 1379; in- 
herited one-third of 
manor of Newton-by- 
the-Sea (c). 

Robert Hebburn, aged 30 in 1381 ; died = Agnes . . . . ; died 1448, seized of 
3rd Aug., 1415. lands at Earle. 

Thomas Hebburn was a'ged 27 in 1416 ; died 1st July, 1424 = 

John Hebburn was aged 5 in 1424, and as John Hebbnrn, senior, in 1486 conveyed his = 
lands at Hebburn, Newton, Earle, Ellington, Ingo, and Coldmartin to trustees. : 

Ralph Hebburn of Hebburn, in U04 a benefactor to Fraternity of Mariners = 

at Newcastle. 

Thomas Hebburn of Hebburn, 1509 = 
and 1524. 

John Hebburn, LL.B., In 1492 
vicar of Tynemouth. 

George Hebburn, 
living 1504. 

I I : 
Thomas Hebburn of Hebbnrn, = Dowsabel, daugh- Elizabeth ; named Jane, married 
will dated 28th Apr.l, 1574; ter of Sir in her brother's Richard For- 
to be buried in Chillingham Roger Grey of will. ster of Fleet- 
church (d). Horton. ham. 

Michael Hebburn of Hebburn, = 
son and heir; will dated 
2nd Jan , 1601 ; proved at 
York, 24th July, 1613 (d). 

- Margaret (or Eleanor), 
posthumous daughter of 
George Craster of Craster; 
named in husband's will. 

1 I 
Robert Hebburn 
of Newton-by- 
Ralph Hebourn. 


Arthur Hebburn of Hebburn ; will = Mary, daughter 

dated 19th Aug., 1636; proved 
1638 (d) ; Inq. p.m. 10th Nov., 
14 Charles I. 

of John Sal- 
keld of Huln- 

Jane, married 
Sir Ephraim 
of Ritton. 

I I 
(One of whom married 

.... Middleton.) 


Ralph Hebburn of = 
Hebburn ; was 
aged LO in 1666 ; 
colonel of Foot 
in service of 
Charles I. 

I ! I 

Alice, daughter Edward, 

of Robert De- Arthur, 
laval of Cow- died un- 
pen ; buried married. 

5th Oct., 1688 John. 


Margaret, married Robert Frances. Martha, bur. 
Dodsworth of Barton ; Ann. 24th Jan., 

1705/6 (6). 

and 2nd, Col. Heary 
Chaytor of Croft. 
Dorothy, married Henry 
Peaison of Newton by- 

Catherine. ,-,-,- 

(One of whom mar- 
ried Roger Pearson 
of Titlington.) 

Robert Hebburu of 
Hebburn, was aged 
8 years in 1666. 

I I 

Arthur, aged 7 in 1666. 
Edward, aged 2 in 1666 ; baptised 
18th Jau., 1663 '4 (a). 

I I 

Mary, baptised 20th Oct., 1662 (a). 
Alice, aged 1 year and 6 mouths 
in 1666. 

Robert Hebburn of Hebburn, = sister 

an officer in the army. Will 
dated 21sb Sept., 1753 ; codicil, 
1755; 'to be buried in the 
church of Berwick, beside 
my dear wife, in a private 
decent manner.' 

of the wife 
of the Rev. 
.... Duck- 

Ralph, baptised 
2nd Oct., 1688; 
buried 6th 
Jan., 1688/9 

Alice, baptised 25th Aug., 

1687 (b) ; living 1753.* 
Susanna, baptised llth Feb., 

1689 (6) ; died in infancy. 
Susanna, baptised 19th Nov., 

169.. (6); living 1753.* 
Maria, baptised 19th Nov., 

1695 (6). 

Margaret, daughter and heiress, born circa 1735, married Edward Brudenell, clerk in orders, 
rector of Hougham, Lincolnshire ; marriage settlement 6th Nov., 1764 ; died at Tadcaster, 
25th Nov., 18C6, and buried beside her two children in the chancel of Hougham. 
This pedigree is founded on the Herald's Visitation of 1666. 

a) Berwick Register. (d) Raine, Testamenta. 

b) Chillingham Register. (e) Bates, Border Holds. 

c) New County History of Northumberland, vol. ii., account of Newton-by-the-Sea. 

One of these ladies married Johnson, and with her Mrs. Brudenell resided before marriage. 



This is the last Will and Testament of me Robert Hebburne of Hebburne in 
the County of Northumberland, Esquire, made and published this twenty first 
day of September in the year one thousand seven hundred and fifty three, as fol- 
lows : First it is my mind and will that all my just debts I shall owe at my 
death and the legacies hereinafter given shall in the first place be paid and dis- 
charged and for the more sure doeing thereof I do hereby charge and make 
subject all my Estate as well reall as personal with the payment of the same. 
And I give, devise and bequeath all my messuages, lands, Tenements and 
Hereditaments with their and every of their appurtenances situate lying and 
being in Hebburne aforesaid or elsewhere in the said county of Northumberland 
in whose tenure or occupation soever the same are or be. And all my personal 
Estate whatsoever and wheresoever, and of what nature kind or quality soever, 
unto my daughter Margaret Hebburne and her heirs for ever when she shall 
have attained the age of twenty one years (subject and liable to all my just 
debts, funeral expences and legacies hereinafter bequeathed) and in the mean 
time, and untill my said daughter shall have attained the said age of twenty one 
years, I hereby order and direct my Trustees and Executors, hereinafter named, 
to pay yearly out of the rent of my real Estate and other my yearly income, to 
Mrs fforster, wife of Thomas fforster of Lucker, in the said County of 
Northumberland, Gentleman, to whom I commit the .sole care, management, 
and direction of my said daughter, the sum of one hundred pounds yearly, to be 
applied by her towards my said daughter's maintenance, education, and bringing 
up, till she arrives at the age of twenty one years ; and the overplus of all my 
rents, and other yearly income of my real and personal estate, after payment 
yearly of the said one hundred pounds and annuities hereinafter bequeathed, I 
do order and direct the same to be placed out and put forth at interest by my 
said Trustees and Executors to the use of my said daughter, to be paid her with 
the increase thereof when she shall have attained the said age of twenty one 
years. But if my said Daughter Margaret Hebburn shall happen to dye before 
she shall have attained the said age of twenty one years, and unmarried (charged 
and chargeable with the several annuities herein bequeathed) I give and devise 
all and every my messuages, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments and appur- 
tenances whatsoever in Hebburne or elsewhere in the County of Northumber- 
land aforesayd, unto Robert fforster, one of the sons of the said Thomas fforster 
of Lucker aforesaid, and the heirs male of his body lawfully issuing ; and for 
default of such Issue, I give and devise all and 'singular the same premises 
(charged and chargeable as aforesaid) unto John fforster, another son of the said 
Thomas fforster of Lucker aforesaid and the Heirs. % Male of his body lawfully 
issuing ; and for default of such issue, I give and devise all and singular the same 
premises etc. unto Ralph fforster another son of the said Thomas fforster and the 
Heirs Male of his Body lawfully issued ; and for default of such issue, I give 
and devise all and singular the same premises to the right heires of the said 



Thomas fforster for ever ; and in case my said Daughter Margaret Hebburn 
shall happen to dye as aforesaid, before she attains the said age of twenty one 
years, and unmarried, Then I give and bequeath unto Eleanor fforster 
and Joannah fforster, Daughters of the said Thomas fforster of Lucker, afore- 
said, all my personal Estate whatsoever and wheresoever, of what nature, 
kind, or quality, and of whatsoever the same consists, equally betwixt them, to 
be divided share and share alike, Subject and liable in the first place to and 
with the payment of all my debts legacies and funeral expences. Also I give 
and devise unto my sister Alice Hebburn for and during the term of her natural 
life, one clear annual rent of twenty pounds of lawf ull money of great Britan to 
be yearly issuing and payable out of all and singular my said messuages, Lands, 
Tenements, and Hereditaments, and to be yearly payable to my said sister at or 
upon the first day of May and the eleventh day of November by equall portions, 
free of all manner of deductions or abatement whatsoever ; the first payment 
thereof to be made on such of the said days as shall happen next after my 
decease. And I also give and bequeath unto my said Sister, Alice Hebburne, 
the sum of twenty pounds, to buy mourning with, to be paid her within two 
months after my death. Also I give and bequeath unto my sister Susannah 
Hebburne for and during the term of her natural life, one other clear annual 
rent of twenty pounds of like lawf ull money, to be yearly issuing and going forth 
out of and from all and singular the same premises, and to be yearly payable to 
my said sister Susannah Hebburne at or upon the said first day of May and 
eleventh day of November by equal portions, etc the first payment, etc. And I 
also give and bequeath unto my said sister Susannah Hebburne, the sum of 
twenty pounds to put her into mourning to be paid her etc. And I do will and 
devise that of either if the said annual rents or sums of Twenty pounds or 
either of them shall happen to be behind and unpaid in part or in all by the 
space of twenty days next after either of the said days, upon which the same are 
respectively before limitted and appointed to be paid (the same being lawfully 
demanded) Then and so often it shall and may be lawf ull to and for my 
said sisters Alice Hebburne and Susannah Hebburne respectively unto whom 
the said respective annual rents or sums of money in any part thereof shall be 
so due and in arrear unto and upon all and singular the said messuages, Lands, 
Tenements and Hereditaments, out of which the said yearly rents are to be 
issuing as aforesaid, and unto and upon every or any part or parcel thereof, to 
enter and distrain, and the distress and distresses then and there found to take, 
impound, detain and keep untill the said respective rent or rents so unpaid, and 
all arrears thereof (if any shall happen to be, and all costs and charges of such 
distress and distresses shall be fully satisfied and paid. And also that if the said 
rents hereby before detailed or any of them shall be behind and unpaid in part 
or in all by the space of fforty days next after any of the said days whereon the 
same respectively ought to be paid as aforesaid, the same being lawfully 
demanded, then and in every such case and so often it shall and may be lawfull 
to and for my sisters respectively unto whom the said respective yearly rents 


shall be so due and in arrear by the space of fforty days as aforesaid into and upon 
all and singular the said premises, out of which the same yearly rents are to be 
issuing or into or upon any part or parcel thereof, to enter and the same to have 
hold and enjoy untill she or they shall be therewith or otherwise fully satisfied 
and paid the said respective yearly rent or rents so behind and unpaid and all 
arrears thereof then incurred (?) or that shall incurr during such possession or 
possessions respectively together with all the costs and charges of such entry or 
entries. And further it is my will and mind that if my said Daughter shall 
happen to dye before she shall attain the age of twenty one years and 
unmarried, then and in that case, I give and devise unto my said sisters Alice 
Hebburneand Susannah Hebburne aforesaid, during their several and respective 
Life and Lives an additional clear annual rent or sum of ten pounds apeice. 
And if one of them be then only living, then one single additional clear annual 
rent of ten pounds to such surviving sister for and during the term of her 
natural life, The said additional rent or rents to be also yearly issuing and going 
forth out of and from all every or any of my said messuages, Lands, Tenements 
and Hereditaments and to be yearly payable to my said sister or sisters respectively 
at or upon the same days and times, and in like manner or proportions as is or 
are hereinbefore limitted for payment of the former annuities hereinbefore 
given and devised to my said sisters, with the same or the like powers and 
remedies for the obtaining and receiving thereof as I have given and devised to 
my said sisters for or in respect of their said former annuities anything con- 
tained to the contrary thereof anywise notwithstanding. Also I give and 
bequeath (if my said Daughter shall happen to dye before she attain the age of 
twenty one years and unmarried, as aforesaid) unto Mrs Duckworth, wife of the 
Reverend Mr Duckworth, and sister to my late dear wife, the sum of fBfty 
pounds, to be paid her within six months after my said Daughter's death. 1 
also give and bequeath unto my servant Robert Straughen, if he be living with 
me at the time of my death all my wearing apparell and wearing Linen whatso- 
ever, and all my Saddles and Leather accoutrements in the stables whatsover 
(the chair and harness only excepted) And I do also give my said servant the 
horse he usually rode upon in attending my Chair. Also I give and bequeath 
unto the said Thomas fforster of Lucker, Nicholas Brown of Bolton in the said 
County of Northumberland, Esquire, and Matthew fforster, Gentleman, son of 
the said Thomas fforster, the sum of twenty pounds apiece as a token of 
gratitude for the trouble they will have in the execution and management of the 
trusts hereby reposed in them. And I do constitute and appoint the said Thomas 
fforster, Nicholas Brown, and Matthew fforster joint executors of this my will ; 
And I do also give and devise unto the said Thomas fforster, Nicholas Brown, 
and Matthew fforster the Guardianship and Tuition of my said Daughter during 
her minority, and to the survivors or survivor of them. And also I do order and 
direct and it is my will that the said Thomas fforster, Nicholas Brown, and 
Matthew Forster, their executors, etc., shall and may deduct and retain out of 
the income of my Estate all such costs, charges, and expences as they or either 


or any of them shall lay out, expend, or be put into, in about or concerning 
the execution or management of all or any of the trusts hereby in them reposed. 
And that they or any of them shall not be answerable for or chargeable with 
any more of the said trust money than what they respectively actually receive 
or comes to their respective hands, nor one for the others of them nor one for the 
receipts, acts, or defaults of another (their joining in signing receipts for money 
for conformity notwithstanding) nor for any loss or difficulty which may 
happen in the said trust money without their own wilf ull acts and defaults. 
And I do hereby revoke all former and other wills by me at any time heretofore 
made and declare this my last Will. In Witness whereof I the said Robert 
Hebburne the Testator to this and another part hereof have set my hand and 
seal the day and year first above written. [Signed] ROBT. HEBBURNE. 

[Signet Crown above 3 fleurs delys]. 

Witnessed by GEOEGE MARSH, Rector of Ford ; 

THOS. THORP. Vicar of Berwick ; WM. JEFFREYS. 

Codicil dated Ap. 1. 1755. 

[Confirms annuities to sisters, etc.] I do also give and bequeath unto each of 
my said two sisters one further annuity of five pounds apiece to be paid them 
respectively during their respective lives on the same days and times I have by 
my said will ordered and directed their several annuities of twenty pounds 
apiece to be paid them. And I do also order and direct my Executors to give 
such further relief and assistance unto my said two sisters or either of them out 
of my estate and effects as they in their discretions shall see proper in case my 
said sisters or either of them shall happen to be afflicted with sickness or 
Infirmities. And I do also by this my Codicil make Null and Void to all and 
intents and purposes both in Law and Equity the bequest to John Forster in 
and by my said will of my Messuages. Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments in 
Hebburn aforesaid, and the Heirs Male of his body lawfully issuing in case of 
his Brother Robert dyeing without Heirs Male as by my said Will is more 
particularly mentioned and expressed. I do also order my ffuneral to be about 
four in the afternoon in a private, decent but not expensive manner. My 
Corpse I desire may be interred as near as may be the Corpse of my late dear 
Wife, within the Church of Berwick aforesaid, And I do order that there be only 
four bearers to bear up the pall, vizt., Samuel Younghusband and George Can- 
Esquires, and Mr William Jeffreys and Mr William Hall. In Witness whereof I 
have herewith set my hand and seal the Twenty first day of Aprill One 
thousand seven hundred and fifty five. ROBT. HEBBURNE. 


Mr. Forster : I desire and my Will is that you and my other Executors may 
give to my serv* Robert Straughen over and above what I have particularly 
given him in my will the following particulars (to wit) my Setting Dogg and all 
iny * my gun, pistolls and sword. May 3rd, 1755. ROB. HEBBUBNE. 


* Torn. 



[Read on the 29th May, 1895.] 

THE restoration, 1 under the supervision of Mr. "W. S. Hicks, a member 
of this society, of the Holy Trinity chantry in St. Andrew's church, 
and the uncovering of monuments to famous burgesses of Newcastle, 
is a subject deserving the attention of the Society of Antiquaries. 

Some of the best known local benefactors, poets, painters, 
musicians, mathematicians, and men of letters have their names 
recorded in the registers of the church. The names of de Athol, 
lord of Jesinond, and of the family of Mrs. Barrett-Browning are 
sufficient in themselves to give prestige to any parish. But when 
we find that the centuries which intervene between the periods 
represented by these two names have been made famous in the town's 
history by the lives of such inhabitants as sir William Blackett, sir 
Mark Milbanke, sir Ralph Jenison, sir Francis Anderson, Edward 
Delaval, the Brandlings, Isaacsons, Collingwoods, Ellisons, Claverings, 
Surtees, Scotts (lords Eldon and Stowell), Stotes, Ogles, Ords, and 
Armstrongs, the majority of whom have been, from time to time, 
members of the ancient vestry or f our-and-twenty of St. Andrew's ; when 
science, art, and literature are represented by Charles Avison, Henry 
Atkinson, John Forster, T. M. Richardson, Perlee Parker, Carmichael, 
Ewbank, Winch, Chicken, Richard Grainger, the Fairbairns, and Dr. 
Bruce ; when amongst its curates are the revs. John and Nathaniel 
Ellison and John Brand, enough has been recorded to prove the many 
associations gathered round the ancient fabric. 

The Trinity chantry was the burial place of several members 
of the old Newcastle trade guilds, for many names upon its raonu- 

1 Amongst other alterations the floor of the chantry, which originally was at 
least a foot above the level of the church, has been lowered to the same level, 
necessitating the disturbance of the ledger stones and the Athol slab. In the 
process all the remains found, including those of Adam de Athol and his wife, 
were, it is said, mixed together and buried in one place. A few glazed tiles 
discovered during the work have been set diamond-wise into the centre of 
a sandstone slab. ED. 


ments are associated with them, and their armorial bearings are to 
be seen sculptured upon the stones. For generations these slabs 
have been hidden from sight by the erection of the organ in 
the chantry. A plan of the chantry, which measures twenty 
feet from east to west by twenty-eight feet from north to south, 
similar to that here given (plate IX.) by the courtesy of Mr. Hicks, 
the architect, will be placed among the parish records, so that the 
exact spot will be known where each particular monument is to be 

The recent restoration has demonstrated the fact that the same 
burial space, and even the same sepulchral monument, has been more 
than once used, regardless of family relationship ; and in some 
instances the last monument has been placed on the top of an earlier 

The custom of purchasing ground inside the church for the pur- 
poses of a pew for the living, and a burial place for the dead, is illus- 
trated by the following entry in the churchwardens' accounts of St. 
Andrew's in the seventeenth century : 

1680. Pews No. 21, 22 and 23. These three pews above mentioned let to 
Mr. Richard Lambert, together with a Burial place granted him, the length of 
the said Pews, and two yards in breadth. 

The same family had previously buried their dead in the interior 
of the church, as may be seen from the records of 1644, where it is 
stated that among ' sums received fore Larestones for the year 1644 ' 
there was paid by ' Thomas Lambert, son of Mr. Eichard Lambert, 
00 : 01 : 08.' For centuries it was the custom of wealthy families to 
have their burial places inside the church ; and as we have seen from 
the above extract from the church records in numerous instances the 
family pew was above the family burial place. 

The chantry was founded by sir Aymer de Athol ; who was lord of 
Jesmond, and in 1381 high sheriff of Northumberland. 2 He buried 
his wife Mary in it, and erected an altar to the Holy Trinity at the 
foot of her grave. So great had been his charity that the church twice 
granted indulgences of forty days to all who should offer up prayers in 
the chantry he founded, or should contribute to its proper ornamenta- 
tion. The chief object of interest in the chantry is the large slab of 

2 Welford, Newcastle, i. p. 198 ; see also pp. 205, 208, 215. 


freestone bearing the matrices of the brazen effigies of the founder 
and his wife. Of this slab the dimensions are fourteen feet four 
inches in length by four feet ten inches in breadth, and six inches 
thick, and weighs about three tons. 3 The grain of the stone is very 
hard, and on the underside full of large pebbles. The local masons 
state that they have never seen a stone of the same grit, and they do 
not believe it was from any local quarry. 

Inlaid round the verge of the stone ran an inscription on brass, of 
which Richardson 4 informs us some portion remained in 1708. 
This he gives as ' Hie jacent Dominus Adamarus de Atholl, miles, 
et Dna Maria uxor ejus quae obiit quarto decimo die Meiisis .... 
Anno Domini Millessimo tricentesimo .... animarnm propitietur.' 

Some of the brass nails, by which the brasses were attached to 
the stone, are still to be seen. 

Not a single fragment of the brasses remains on the stones, piece 
by piece they disappeared, and, in the memory of some now living, 
the last remnant was torn from its place. This represented the 
knight's feet resting on a leopard, and was rescued from the melting 
pot, and presented to this society by Monseigneur Eyre (now Roman 
Catholic archbishop of Glasgow), and is in the museum at the Black 
Gate. 5 

Between the Athol monument and the north window of the chantry 
is the Rutter monument (No. 1 on plan), on which is inscribed the 
following : 

The Burial Place of | CHRISTOPHEB RVTTER | Baker and Brewer And Ann 
his | Wife and their Children fhe | Departed this life the 20 tu day of April An 
Dom: 170+ | He departed the 17 th day of March An: | Dom: 1714 In the 52 nd 
year of his | Age And left four Children (Viz:) lacob, Christopher, lane | 
Ivlia. | JACOB RUTTEK Died April The 25 th 1759 Aged 24 years Elizabeth 
his Daughter Died March the 30 tu | 1757 Aged 10 weeks. 

The Rutters were one of the leading mercantile houses in New- 
castle in the beginning of the last century. They had their own pew 
in St. Andrew's, which is thus recorded in the churchwardens' books : 

October 19th, 1707. Agreed and Let to Mr. Christopher Rutter, Beer 
Brewer, Two New Pews, buiJt by himself at the west and next to Number six in 
the middle Isle, North Side, For which he pays two shillings and sixpence in 
hand, and to pay yearly, every year at Whitsuntide one shilling. 

* See reproduction of this, from a rubbingmade by Mr. 0. J. Charlton, at p. 49. 

* Talk Book, Hist. ii. p. 174. s See Proc. vi. p. 169 et sey. 


In 1720 Jacob Kutter was sheriff of Newcastle. On May 4th, 
1749, the marriage of Miss Rutter with Mr. Clayton is announced 
to the world in the following quaint style in the Newcastle 
Courant : 

Mr. William Clayton, an eminent Merchant in Newcastle, and son of 
Alderman Clayton, to Miss Mary Rutter, daughter of Mr. Rutter, Brewer, in 
Newcastle, a Lady of fine accomplishments and a great fortune. 

In 1762 the widow of Mr. Christopher Rutter was married to 
lieutenant John Graham, of the Yorkshire East Riding Grenadier 
Company of Militia ; his regiment was at the time stationed in New- 
castle. After his marriage, he succeeded to the business in Pilgrim 
Street, and the firm of John Graham became one of the most exten- 
sive traders with the West Indies, for which purpose he built and 
fitted out a fleet of vessels, which traded between the Tyne and 
Jamaica. In 1771 Mrs. Graham died, without issue, and Mr. 
Graham married for his second wife, in 1780, Miss Arabella Altham 
of Islington, sister to Mrs. Aubone Surtees of the Sandhill, Newcastle, 
whose husband's sister, Bessy Surtees, eloped with John Scott, after- 
wards lord Eldon. The issue of the marriage of John Graham with 
Miss Altham was Mary, afterwards Mrs. Barrett, mother of Mrs. Barrett- 
Browning, the gifted poetess. Mr. Graham some years afterwards, 
in 1786, assumed, by royal licence, the arms and name of Clarke. 
The Rutter family mansion, in which Mr. Graham lived from his 
marriage to his first wife until the building of his larger mansion 
next door, was in Pilgrim Street. The old house, in which Mrs. 
Barrett-Browning's mother was born, is now the Bible house. After 
John Graham Clarke had removed into his new mansion, the old 
residence was occupied for many years by the maiden sisters of lord 
Collingwood. The family vault and monument to the Rutter family 
and their old family mansion in Pilgrim street possess, therefore, 
historical associations of more than usual interest. 

To the west of the Rutter monument is a long, narrow ledger 
stone, wider at the top than at the bottom (No. 2 on plan). The 
inscription round the edges reads : ' HEAR LYETH THE | BODYE 
THE 5 OF MARCH, 1638, WHO MARIED ISABEL REA | .' In the centre 
the inscription is continued thus : ' DAUGHTER OF REA or 


and below is a shield with the blacksmiths' arms (quarterly, 1 and 4 a 
chevron between three hammers, 2 three horse shoes (2 and 1), 3 is 
blank). The name of Haddock frequently appears in the records of 
the parish of St. Andrew in the seventeenth century and early part of 
the eighteenth. A Miss Annie Eeay was one of the largest ratepayers 
according to the book of rates for 1738. Henry Reay was sheriff in 
1707 and mayor in the years 1712 and 1729. There was an altar 
tomb of blue marble in the graveyard of Tynemouth priory to the 
memory of ' Henry Reay, Esqr., Merchant, Alderman, and twice 
Mayor of Newcastle.' 

On the south side of the Athol monument is the grave cover 
of a member of the tanners' guild, and from the date on the stone it 
is a record of the last interment in the chantry (No. 6 on plan). 
The inscription reads : 

The Burial place of | IOSHVA TWIZELL | Tanner \ and CATHERINE his Wife 1 
and their Children He | departed this life June | the 23 1718 | Jos GREENWELL | 
obiit 29 Augst 1797 JEt 5G | MART GREENWELL | died July 19 th 1810 Aged 70 

Of Joshua Twizell there is little evidence in the parish records, but 
the Greenwell family are an influential branch of old Newcastle 
worthies. In 1591 William Greenwell was sheriff, as was also, in 
1738, another member of the same family of the same name. In 
removing the above-named Twizell monument, during the lowering 
of the floor of the chantry, an important discovery was made, which 
has set at rest any doubt about the Athol vault having been used 
for later date burials. In the Local Historian's Table Boole 6 for 
October 18th, 1768, it is stated that : 

The remains of William Wilkinson, Esq., were deposited in the Chantry of 
the Holy Trinity, in St. Andrew's Church, Newcastle. The body was interred 
in the burial place of Sir Adamarus de Athol, the large stone of which it was 
supposed had not been removed since his death, as, upon opening his grave only 
two skulls were found, and there appeared the flag work in which the bodies of 
Sir Adam and his wife had been deposited about 400 years before. 

The recent alterations in the chantry have proved this record 

to be an error. The Athol remains had not been disturbed; the 

south wall of the vault had been partly removed to allow of a burial 

alongside the Athol grave, when the old chronicler of the last century 

6 Table Book. Hist. ii. p. 174. 

vnr. VVTTI 8 


may have looked into the famous sepulchre; but the remains 
of the great benefactor of Newcastle and those of his wife were 
found to be undisturbed in 1894; no other burial could possibly 
have taken place in the same vault. The remains of Athol lay 
on the north and his wife on the south side of the grave. The skulls 
were in a wonderful state of preservation, the teeth of the lady being 
perfect. Athol's head had been large, and high, and well developed; 
that of the lady rather small, and gave evidence of being much 
younger than that of the knight. They had evidently been buried 
in oak coffins, three or four inches thick, held together at the ends 
by iron clasps. The vault was once more built up, the large monu- 
mental stone lowered into its original position, not again, we hope, 
to be disturbed. 

To the west of Twizell the tanner's grave, is the older monument 
of Samuel Twizell (No. 7 on plan). The central portion of the 
slab is worn smooth, but round its edges can be deciphered the 
inscription : ' Samuel Twizell, Master & mariner & Marie, his 
wife. She DeParted the llth day of APrill, 1696.' 

There is a fitness in this being the resting place of a member of 
the ' Guild or Fraternity of the Blessed Trinity ; ' and it completes 
the gathering together of all the various trade guilds which have 
made Newcastle what it is to-day, of which not the least honourable 
is that of the Trinity house, or master and mariners of the town and 
port of Newcastle. 

Close to the western arch of the chantry, alongside that of the 
sailor's grave, is the upper portion of a memorial stone (No. 8 
on plan) which records * The Buriall place of | STEPHEN BOND 
M r - & | Mariner & Isabella his . . .' Here the stone is broken off, and 
the end fixed to that of another, monument which reads, after five 
lines, which are illegible : ' JOHN MAKEPEACE | Baker And Brewer 
And | Elizabeth his wife And | their Children. She Departed | this 
Life the 11 th (?) of July, 1710.' 

Of the Bond family we have no records in the parish registers, 
but the Makepeace family name is well known as that of goldsmiths 
at the beginning of the last century. The communion plate of 
numerous churches in Northumberland and Durham bear the name of 
Robert Makepeace, probably a relative. 


At the foot of the Makepeace monument are two fragments of 
grave covers which were found underneath a larger monument, near 
the doorway of the north vestry, which vestry was according to the 
churchwardens' accounts of 1714, 'let to Mr. Sanderson for a (Beer) 
Cellar for 01 :00: 00.' The first fragment bears the initials, R W E 
cut very deep into the stone. The other fragment bears the modest 
epit;iph : ' The Burial place | of RALPH WATSO N | Weauer, 1718.' 
The quiet life and modesty of the Newcastle weaver has left no 
record in the history of the parish. But an ancestor of his, John 
Watson, was sheriff in 1658. 

The following epitaph is the only one in the chantry where 
poetic fancy has been allowed to soar above the usual plain matter of 
fact records on the sculptured monuments. On the east of the 
weaver's monument is a large stone with the inscription : 

The Burial place of | ANTHONY DRUMMOND | Mary Mitchell Died Aprill | 
the 3 rd 1763 Aged 82 years. | Elizabeth Brown Died January | the 12 th 1770 
Aged 5 years. 

Go Spotles honer andun Sullied truth 
Go Smiling Inocence and Blooming youth 
Go Female Sweetnes Joined with manly Sence 
. Go Winning Wit that never Gave offence 
Go Soft humanity that blest the Poor 
Go Saint ey'd Patience from affliction door 
Go modesty that never wore a frown 
Go vertue and Receive thy heavenly crown 
ANTHONY DRUMMOND died | July the 31 th 1777 Aged 42 years. 

On the south side of this poetical memorial are the fragments of 
several monuments joined together, but the inscriptions are unfor- 
tunately illegible. Time, and we must add neglect, have removed all 

To the west of these fragments is a fine slab ledger stone of blue 
marble (No. 12 on plan), at the top of it being a coat of arms 
bearing a chevron bearing 3 escallops, between 3 goats' heads erased, 
surmounted by a crest and helmet, and surrounded by rich mantling. 
Below the arms the inscription (No. 12 on plan) : 

The Burial Place of | WILLIAM NEWTON and his Family | Underneath this 
Stone | Lieth Interred the Remains of | DOROTHY | The beloved Wife of William 
Newton | who departed this life January 5 th 1789 | much lamented by her 
FAMILY and FRIENDS | aged 49 Years. | WILLIAM NEWTON | died April 29 th 
1798 aged 69 years. 


This William Newton would be the architect, designer of the 
Assembly rooms, in Westgate road, also of Howick hall, the seat of 
earl Grey ; and he also was the co-despoiler of the ancient monuments 
in St. Nicholas's church at the restoration of 1783. 

At the foot of the Newton memorial are eight fragments of 
monumental stones (Nos. 14-21 on plan), which have been placed side 
by side to form one large square. Each fragment has traces of 
inscriptions, but time has erased all evidence of the records ; only on 
one fragment has part of the brewers' coat of arms, a shield, on 
which are a cask, and below it a circle with the letters E c at either 
side, survived the ravages of neglect and wilful destruction of times 

To the west of these fragments of monuments to unknown 
citizens of Newcastle are two monuments deserving the attention of 
all who admire honour and worth. On the first is inscribed : 

The Buriall place of | JOHN DAWSON, Taylor, and | Martha his wife and their 
Children. She departed this life the 9th day of December, 1710. Barbara, Wife 
of Michael Dawson departed this life 9th of January, 172|. Michael Dawson, 
son of the above said John Dawson, departed this life August the 6th, 1757. 
Aged 66 years. 

The Dawsons were important members of the Newcastle com- 
munity in the seventeenth century. From the years 1646 to 1692 
the office of mayor was occupied six times by members of the family, 
and twice the office of sheriff was filled by a Dawson. There is also 
an interesting connecting link between admiral lord Collingwood 
and the Dawson family, whose monument has been brought to 
light in the Athol chantry. Mr. Cuthbert Collingwood, father to 
admiral Collingwood, was bound apprentice for ten years to Mr. 
Christopher Dawson, merchant adventurer and boothman, and took 
up his freedom in 1737, having then one month and ten days yet to 
serve as apprentice. Mr. John Clayton, commenting on this fact in 
his valuable 'Notes on Lord Collingwood,' 7 says, 'The Company of 
Merchant Adventurers comprised three ancient companies, the Mercers, 
the Drapers, and the Boothmeu otherwise merchants of corn.' Lord 
Collingwood was therefore a freeman of Newcastle by patrimony, 
through a relative of the John Dawson whose monument has been 
discovered in the chantry of the Holy Trinity, St. Andrew's. 
7 Arch. Ael. vol. xiii. p. 167. 


To the east of the Dawson monument is the fragment of a monu- 
ment with the brief inscription : ' The Burial place of Thomas 

In the year 1611 we find Alexander Davison sheriff of Newcastle 
in 1626, and again in 1638 he was elected mayor. During the second 
year of his mayoralty king Charles I. visited Newcastle, and was 
entertained by the mayor with more than usual magnificence, in 
return for which he received the honour of knighthood. During 
the siege of Newcastle in 1644 he was one of the defenders of the 
town against the Scottish invaders. On the mural tablet to his 
memory in St. Nicholas's church it is recorded that 'during the 
siege of this Town of Newcastle, while fighting courageously the 
attacking Army of the Scotch rebels (almost eighty years of age), he 
bravely breathed his last.' 

Thomas Davison in 1633, sir Alexander Davison in 1644, and sir 
Thomas Davison in 1666, gave handsome legacies to the poor of 
St. Andrew's parish. Nor were the descendants of these worthy 
Tynesiders less benevolent than their ancestors. Mrs. Ann Davison 
founded a hospital for six widows of ' protestant clergymen, merchants, 
and freemen of Newcastle ; ' and Thomas Davison, with his sister, 
founded another hospital for six unmarried women, under the same 
roof with those intended for the widows, and also for ' six unmarried 
men, poor and decayed burgesses of Newcastle,' founded by their 
relative, sir Walter Blackett. These charities are yet known as the 
Davison hospital, in the Manors. 

The following record of purchase of grave space, taken from the 
parish register, is of interest : 

Sold to Mr. Thomas Davison a Burial place in St. Andrew's Church in New- 
castle upon Tine, in the North Porch, containing in length Eight foott, and in 
breadth five foott and a half, to the East of John Dawson's Burial Place. 

Rec d for part Ace* 00 : 10 : 09. 
March 25th, 1711. 

It will be seen that the position of the two burial places of Mr. 
Thomas Davison and John Dawson in the chantry corresponds with 
the terms of this official agreement. To the south of the Davison 
monument, and close to the chancel, on a fragment of stone is 
sculptured in delicately-cut Italian letters, an inscription, almost 
illegible, in memory of . . . Wright. Ann, his wife, departed 


the ... ye llth day of May, 1697.' The name reminds the 
present generation of a former inhabitant of the parish in 1664, who 
is recorded in the churchwardens' books to have paid for ' A house in 
ye Hooksters Boothe in the possession of Ralph Wright, 00 : 02 : 08.' 

Alongside of this fragment of Wright's monument is a large 
smooth slab ; on the upper part are two distinct crosses, and on the 
lower end has been rudely carved the letters J. D. Conjecture as to 
the original use of this large stone is useless; the inscription, if 
there ever was one, is now past deciphering. It may have been 
the original altar slab of the chantry in pre-Eeformation times, 
used subsequently as the gravestone of a Novocastrian. 8 

The next monument is in excellent preservation, and in clear-cut 
letters we read : ' The Burial Place of John Langlands, Goldsmith.' 
No date is given, but we know that he was admitted a member of the 
Goldsmiths' company in 1754, and was in business in 1795. The 
communion cups of the churph were made by him. The church- 
wardens' books inform us that, 'In 1686 then was Paid to Mr. 
Ramsey for mending the Silver Cup, 00 : 07 : 00.' Again, in 1687, 
the same expence is recorded, 'Mr. Ramsey for mending the silver 
cup, 0:7: O.' 9 

These two names belonging to the Goldsmiths' guild of Newcastle 
found associated with St. Andrew's church, are more frequently seen 
on the communion plate of the Northumberland and Durham churches 
than is that of any other Newcastle goldsmith. The communion vessels 
of many churches in our northern counties bear the mark of William 
Ramsey, with dates from 1681 to 1687, while the mark of John 
Langlands may be seen on many others bearing dates from 1754 to 

The other monuments did not belong originally to the chantry, 
but were discovered in 1844, when extensive alterations took place in 
the south transept. Under the east window of the chantry, on a 
portion raised a few inches above the level of the floor, are six old 
gravestones, which are of special interest. At this spot the original 
altar stood ; no burials took place under it. The slabs, placed where 

8 Altar slabs have often been used in this second-hand way. 

a These entries cannot possibly refer to either of the present cups, which 
some would have us to believe, but to one which preceded them. It must have 
been in very bad condition to need so much repair. ED. See Proc. vii. p. 122. 


the new side altar will stand, could not have found a more fitting 

The first monument to the north has no date upon it. The 
inscription reads : 

This the Buriall place of | ANTHONY YOVNGEB | Tanner and alice his wife | 
and their Children | W. Younger. 

It would be a relative of this Anthony Younger who, at a meeting 
of the guild in the year 1844, had a serious charge to make against a 
brother freeman : 

Roger Younger complains against Cha. Clarke for abusing him in the Spittle 
in calling him dissembling knave, and he would prove it. 

The adjoining grave cover has been of the usual seventeenth- 
century pattern the inscription running round the edges of the 
monument, and the arms of the guild, or private family, in the 
middle of the stone. It appears to read round the verge : 
' [Cross-bones] This is [skull] The Bu [cross-bones] | Riall Place 
of Thomas Buriie Miller who De [cross-bones] | parted the 16 day 
[cross-bones] | of August 1681 and his daughter ;' the inscrip- 
tion is continued in the centre : ' who deParted | This Life the 26 | 
day of January An | 1680.' 

The next monument is in excellent preservation, and is embellished 
with a beautifully executed design of the tanners' coat of arms 
(a bull's face between two fountains in chief, a tree in base). The 
inscription reads : 

The Buriall place of | THOMAS WINSHIP tanner | & IANE his wife and their | 
Children | She departed the | 13 of feb- v : Anno 1689. | He departed the 2 d of 
Septem b | Anno 1695. 

Next to it, is the following : 

The Burial place of \ NICKHOLAS FESWICK | Merchant who departed | this 
life the 14 th of december, | Anno 1725 aged 62 years | SAKAH his wife de- 
parted | this life March the 26 th day | Anno 1732 Aged 60 years | Hannah 
Fenwick, Spinfter | Ob: 3 th July 1780 Eta: 48 j Anne Wife of Tho 8 Fenwick 
Esq r | of EAKSDON died 11 July 17 . . | 

The "Winship family have not left any distinct impression upon 
the history of the parish., It is different with the Fenwick family. 

To the north of the Winship and Fenwick monument is a well- 
known gravestone, on which is sculptured round the verge : 



which is continued in the centre : 


The inscription is followed by the tanners 1 arms. At the bottom of 
the stone are ' The Burial place of | MARGARET OLIVER ' and * The 
Burial place of "Wm. Procter.' 

This monument of the Rowmaynes stood for fifty years against 
the outside of the church tower, and interested all visitors by its 
quaint lettering. The names of the first proprietors of the monument, 
the Rowmaynes, are graven round the edges of the stone ; the other 
names are given in the middle, with the tanners' coat of arms at the 
foot of the stone. The names of Margaret Oliver and Wm. Proctor 
are given below the tanners' arms. The Rowmayne family were 
influential citizens of Newcastle ; they stood fourth in the rate books 
of the parish in 1691, when they paid 3 10s. for rates. Whether 
Margaret Oliver and Wm. Proctor were relatives of the family is 
perhaps difficult to prove, yet the importance of each family can 
be easily verified. In 1691 William Oliver was rated in the 
church books to the sum of 5 for ' House and Mill.' In 1 684 
William Procter was sheriff, and in 1714 Thomas Proctor ' built a 
Pew on the South Isle at the west,' for which ' he paid yearly and 
every year one shilling at Whitsuntide.' 

The next gravestone is of great interest, and carries the mind 
back to the twelfth and thirteenth century. No name or date appears, 
a plain incised cross, with a mason's or carpenter's square, is all 
that is given to indicate the religious faith and worldly occupa- 
tion of the old Newcastle worthy. This stone also stood outside of 
the church tower for fifty years. Its present position is more fitting 
for its preservation and association with its original use. 




IN May, 1894, during alterations in the chantry of the Holy 
Trinity, St. Andrew's, Newcastle, there was brought to light the slab 
bearing the matrix of the once magnificent brass of sir Aymer de 
Athol, by whom the chantry was probably founded towards the close 
of the fourteenth century. The slab, which lies nearly in the centre 
of the chantry floor, has fortunately been left uncovered. It is of 
great size, measuring eleven feet three inches iii length by four feet 
eight inches in breadth and seven inches in thickness. From the 
indents on it the following particulars can be made out. The brasses 
of the knight and his wife occupied the centre of the slab, hers being 
on the dexter side. Beneath their feet was an inscription plate, from 
the ends of which rose the shafts of a fine double canopy with one 
centre and two outside pinnacles. There were two shields of arms 
above the canopy, and two below the foot inscription. A border 
fillet, with rose-shaped evangelistic symbols in the angles, surrounded 
the whole. The knight wore a pointed bascinet, a misericorde at the 
dexter hip, and a sword on the sinister side. His feet, in sharply 
pointed collerets of seven lames, with rowelled spurs and gussets of 
mail showing at the instep, rested on a spotted leopard. The lady 
was attired in a long gown, and her head reposed on two tasselled 
cushions set crosswise. The matrix is in fair preservation, with many 
of the brass rivets remaining. 

The only portion of the brass now left, the feet of the knight, 
with the leopard below, is preserved in the Society's museum in the 
Black gate. The loss of the rest is particularly to be deplored ; the 
whole composition was of quite the finest period, and was a large and 
splendid example of that class of monument which, unfortunately, is 
all too uncommon in these northern counties. 

VOL. xvin. 



1. PROFESSOR GEORGE STEPHENS, of Copenhagen, LL.D., F.S.A., 

etc., Honorary Member. 
By THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., F.S.A., etc., Secretary. 

[Read on the 30th October, 1895.] 

WITH deep regret we have to record the death of professor George 
Stephens of Copenhagen, the patriarch of Scandinavian archaeology 
and an honorary member of our Society. 

Professor Stephens was one of the rather small class of Englishmen 
who have settled and found a home neither under the Union Jack 
nor the Stars and Stripes. The son of a Wesleyan minister (the 
rev. John Stephens of Ongar, Essex), George Stephens was born at 
Liverpool in 1 8 1 3 . His academic educati on was received at Universi ty 
college, London, of which he must have been one of the earliest 
students. His strong philological bias caused him, while still a young 
man, to undertake extensive journeys in order to study the local 
dialects of Great Britain and Scandinavia. Shortly after his marriage 
(to Miss Maria Bennett), which took place in 1834, he settled in 
Stockholm, where it is believed he adopted the profession of a teacher. 
In 1851, however, he removed to Copenhagen, having received the 
appointment of professor of English Language and Literature in the 
university of that city, which he held till 1894. 

The life-labour of professor Stephens was the study of old Runes. 
While strictly contending for the specially Sandinavian (or to use his 
own phrase Scando- Anglian) character of this interesting script, he 
heartily accepted the rev. Isaac Taylor's brilliant suggestion that it was 
originally derived from the Greek colonies of Thrace and the Euxine, 
being carried by Gothic tribes along the valleys of the Dnieper and the 
Vistula, and so reaching the Scandinavian lands, all which probably 
occurred six or seven centuries before Christ. But he strenuously 
combated the theory of ' so-called German Runes,' and in his bitter 
attacks on the German ' annexers,' who wished to wrest the Runic 
alphabet from his beloved Scandinavians, may be heard some echoes 

Troc. Soc. i/lntiq. ^(ewc., Vol. XVIII. 

To face p, 50. 


of the war of 1864, which resulted in the dismemberment of Denmark 
by the overwhelming might of Germany. He seems to have been all 
his life a keen politician, and in his published pamphlets there are to 
be found some pretty sharp attacks on European or English statesmen 
who had roused his anger. 

One of the points for which professor Stephens strenuously con- 
tended was that the 15th letter in the Runic alphabet S-*, which un- 
doubtedly had in the later Scandinavian inscriptions the power of M, 
was originally and for many centuries equivalent to A. Here also Isaac 
Taylor agrees with Stephens in the main, at least he says that, 
' though originally descended from a guttural, it cannot be doubted 
that in some inscriptions it has the power of a vowel ' (Greek and Goths, 
84-5). The fourth Rune F, to which most preceding scholars had 
assigned the value of A, must, according to Stephens, be read (in the 
earlier inscriptions) as M. Here, also, he is in general agreement with 
Taylor, who derives this Rune-letter from the Greek Epsilon. 

Another of Stephens's main points was ' that the whole modern 
doctrine of one uniform classical, more or less Icelandic, language 
all over the immense north, from Finland and Halogoland to the Eider 
and the Thames, in the first thousand years after Christ, is an impossible 
absurdity,' that Icelandic, as we now know it, is a peculiarly developed 
and artificial dialect, and that * in one word, to translate the oldest 
Runic inscriptions written in their local floating dialects from 200 to 
700 or 800 A.D., into a modern uniformised "Icelandic" of the 13th 
or 14th century, is as reasonable as it would be to read Latin monu- 
ments from the times of the Kings and the Republic, as if they 
answered to the classical dialect of Florentine Dante.' Evidently 
this question of the language with which the Runes are to be read 
is one of primary importance to the decipherer of Runic inscrip- 

Though perhaps sometimes hasty in forming his own conclusion, 
Stephens saw clearly the dangers of premature and precipitate criticism. 
As he himself says at the end of one of his ' forewords ' : ' The present 
rage for infallibly fixing everything all at once is highly to be 
deprecated. Future finds and the progress of Runic studies will 
doubtless modify some things here given. We shall know more a 
hundred years hence than we do now.' 


An amusing instance of the errors into which over-speed in 
coming to a conclusion might betray the critic was furnished by 
Stephens himself in his interpretation of the famous Brough inscrip- 
tion. In his handbook, published in 1884, he attempted to read 
this inscription as Runic, commemorating a certain 'Ingalang in 
Buckenhome.' He made, it must be confessed, very poor sense out of 
it, and in June of the same year professor Sayce published a letter in 
the Academy showing quite clearly that the characters were Greek, and 
by his labours and those of other scholars five very tolerable Greek 
hexameters recording the death or disappearance of a young lad 
named Hermes have been recovered out of the chaos of the supposed 
Eunic epigraph. Perhaps no one was more amused at this involun- 
tary mystification than Stephens himself. He frankly acknowledged 
his error, 'for which,' he said good humouredly, 'I ought to be 
beaten.' It must be stated, however, that the Greek professor at the 
University of Copenhagen declared repeatedly that the inscription was 
not Greek. 

Professor Stephens published a great number of pamphlets, archaeo- 
logical, literary, even political, both in Danish and English, but his 
magnum opus was his book in three folio volumes, The Old 
Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia and England now first 
collected- and deciphered (Copenhagen, 1860-1884). A fourth volume 
of this work will be published posthumously about the close of 
the year, and will complete the catalogue of hitherto discovered 
Eunic inscriptions. He also published, in 1884, a handsome quarto 
volume containing the more important inscriptions. This he called 
a Handbook to the Old Northern Runic Monuments of Scandinavia 
and England. "We are informed that he was engaged in the last years 
of his life on the dialects of the north of England. The members 
of the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries have especial reasons for 
hoping that the result of these labours may not be lost to the world. 

In this notice of his literary labours it is impossible to avoid some 
allusion to the peculiar language in which he wrote. He had all 
professor Freeman's horror of using a Latin or Greek word if a word 
of Teutonic or, better still, of Scandinavian origin could be found to 
serve the purpose. Thus a photograph is with him always a 'light- 
bild,' an antiquary is an 'old-lorist,' parchment is 'skin-book,' and so 


on. His spelling also is sometimes phonographic. A few sentences 
from the preface to his handbook will give a good idea of the 
general effect which is thus produced. 

' Foreword. 

I have often been askt to publish in a cheap and handy shape 
the rune-laves in my great folio volumes which many cannot well buy 
or have time to read. And this I have long wisht to do: but I 
waited for more finds and a better knowledge of this hard science. 
The day has now come when I can lay this HANDBOOK before all 
lovers of our Northern mother-tung. Sametimely with my third folio 
tome, which holds more than 70 new pieces bearing Old-Northern 
staves. (The whole tale of these O.N. rune-laves is now about 250, 
of which nearly 1 -third is from ENGLAND ALONE, Scandinavia's oldest 
colony.) This additional gathering and the onflow of Runic 
studies have, of course, thrown fresh light on the monuments already 

The venerable professor celebrated his diamond wedding on the 
16th of January, 1894. Our member, Mr. J. Crawford Hodgson, 
called upon him in Copenhagen on the 6th of August, 1895 ; he was 
then very ill, but his British pluck kept him in his library at work a 
few hours each day until the 7th, when his work ended. He con- 
versed with Mr. Hodgson freely on subjects of archaeological interest, 
and presented him with copies of his published pamphlets. On the 
morning of the 9th he passed peacefully away, full of years and honour. 
He was a lion-like man, an ardent and truth-seeking scholar, one 
whom England may well be proud of having lent for sixty years to her 
Scandinavian sisters. 

2. WILLIAM WOODMAN, one of the Vice Presidents. 

[Read on the 30th October, 1895.] 

He who learns from the old, to what is he like ? 
' To one who eats ripe grapes and drinks old wine.' 

The Ethics of the Fathers. 

ABOUT the middle of the seventeenth century, Heron's Close, in the 
chapelry of Hebburn, was purchased by Thomas Woodman a Hex- 
ham yeoman, and thenceforth became the seat and home of the 


family. His great grandson, who bore the same Christian name, 
married Isabella Newton, of the Hawkwell family, and had three sons, 
of whom the second, William, born circa 1737, was apprenticed to 
Eichard Fen wick, tanner and freeman of Morpeth. After serving 
his time as an apprentice, William Woodman was admitted free of the 
Tanners' Company, and established himself in that respectable (and 
at that time lucrative) trade, which was then, and for a hundred years 
to come, the most important industry of the town. He married Mary, 
daughter of Benjamin Bennet, of an influential Morpeth family. His 
eldest surviving son, Benjamin, born in 1766, followed his father's 
calling, and was a man of strong determined character, who a great 
number of times filled with honour the office of bailiff, and with dis- 
interestedness and public spirit served his native town in many ways. 
His reading was wide and extensive in the days when reading meant 
acquisition and assimilation of knowledge rather than pastime. By 
his marriage with Frances, daughter of Edward Wilson of Ulgham, 
he connected himself with that respectable family as well as with the 
Cooks of Togston and Blakemoor, the Lawsons of Longhirst, Old 
Moor, and of Ulgham, the Fenwicks of Ulgham, the Smiths of 
Togston, and the congeries of gentle and yeomanly families which 
parcelled the district between the Coquet and Wansbeck. Of this 
marriage the third child and eldest surviving son is the subject of our 

William Woodman was born at Morpeth on the 19th March, 1806, 
was educated at the king Edward VI. grammar school in his native 
town, a care which he afterwards repaid a thousandfold, becoming to 
that school ' the repairer of the breach, the restorer of paths,' and 
almost its second founder. He afterwards proceeded to Bruce's 
school in Newcastle, where he formed friendships which helped to 
direct and develop the tastes cultivated in after years, and which 
continued through life. 

In his school days (as Mr. Woodman has told the writer) the 
Christmas holidays began on the 1 6th December, ' Sapientia,' when 
the boys brought horns, bored and polished, to school, and made 
sweet music as they went homeward : on Christmas Eve they called 
at well nigh every door asking for Hogmanay. On the Tuesday before 
Lent the schools and shops were closed, so that pancakes might be 

Troc. Soc. tAntiq. iT^ewc., Vol. XV III. 

To face p. 54. 

(T.iis J Iate presented by MISS WOODMAN.) 


made and eaten : on the Monday and Tuesday of Easter week the 
boys resorted to the North Field with paste eggs and to play ball : on 
Royal Oak day, having provided themselves with oak branches, they 
repaired to school early, said their lessons, and had holiday after 
8 a.m. : at Midsummer they resorted to the woods with branches of 
the rowan ; and they were also in evidence at the fair, bounder-riding, 
and on municipal feasts. Mr. Woodman has often spoken to the 
writer of the reception of the news of the battle of "Waterloo, and of 
his being seated in the following year in the emperor Napoleon's 
travelling carriage, a small brougham, with half the seat extended to 
the front to serve as a table. 

Mr. Woodman was articled to Mr. Anthony Charlton, an attorney 
of repute in Morpeth, was admitted an attorney in Hilary term, 
1832, and established himself in the exercise of his profession. His 
ability, industry, and single-eyed devotion to .the true interests of his 
clients soon procured a large share of the best class of business from 
the outside, as well as a preponderating influence within the town. 
He was elected to various public offices, and became successively 
town clerk of Morpeth, clerk to the justices of the West and South 
divisions of Coquetdale Ward, clerk to the Eothbury Poor Law 
Guardians, and treasurer of the County Courts of Northumberland 
and Durham. 

Besides taking an active and leading part in the changes which 
followed the reform of parliamentary and municipal representation 
and government, and the transfer of the duties, responsibilities, and 
powers which followed the latter, he was also engaged in the pro- 
tracted negotiations which preceded the decisive selection of the 
route of the North-Eastern railway. To him it is largely owing that 
Morpeth is an important station on the main line between London 
and Edinburgh, and not merely connected with it by a loop line or 
branch. In 1849 he prepared the evidence presented at the public 
enquiry held, under the Public Health Act, by Mr. (afterwards sir) 
Robert Rawlinson, an enquiry which led to a revolution in the 
sanitary condition of Morpeth. 

But the case in which his keen insight, his wide grasp and 
marvellous aptitude for details, attracted the greatest interest and 
closest attention, was that known as the ' Morpeth grammar school 


The royal grammar school of Morpeth was founded by king 
Edward VI. on an older foundation, and by him was endowed with 
the lands of the suppressed chantry of St. Giles. The chief part of 
the lands lay at Netherwitton, where they had 'for some centuries 
been held by the Thornton family, till the landlord and tenant alike 
forgot there were lands, and honestly imagined that the sum paid and 
received was but a money payment to which the land was liable.' 
From 1685 the annual sum paid was 45, but in 1710 the master of 
the school, who, as master, was a beneficiary of the trust of which the 
bailiffs were the trustees, deeming this rent inadequate, commenced 
an action in the Court of Chancery, and obtained a decision that the 
school was entitled to the lands. A compromise was agreed upon 
that 2,000 should be invested in lands, and that until this was 
done 100 a year should be paid. This payment continued until 
1832, when Mr. "Woodman, acting for the then master of the school, 
revived the suit. The court again decreed that the school was 
entitled to the lands, and held the compromise to be invalid, but 
threw upon the plaintiff the duty of pointing where the lands were. 
This was the task to which Mr. Woodman addressed himself, and it 
was one which required all his ripened experience and penetrative 
mind. In 1685 ' the lands at Netherwittou had been neither divided 
nor enclosed, and the portion belonging to the charity lay intermixed 
in the common fields.' In order, therefore, to recover the charity 
lands, it was necessary to distinguish them from the rest of the land 
of the township. The evidence collected fills many folio volumes, and 
convinced the court that a large proportion of the township belonged 
to the school, in redemption of which the large sum of 15,000 was 
accepted by the trustees. As a public recognition of Mr. Woodman's 
exertions in bringing the suit to such a termination, a service of 
plate, the result of a public subscription, was presented to him in 

As early as 1832 a graceful tribute was paid to Mr. Woodman's 
literary ability and archaeological skill by the rev. John Hodgson, 
who, in the preface to the second or Morpeth volume of his parochial 
history of Northumberland wrote : ' The active mind and ready pen 
of Mr. Woodman, solicitor, in Morpeth, left me comparatively little to 
do in searching for material for my account of the corporation of that 


town, in which, however copious it may seem, I have inserted only a 
very small part of the information he has given me.' He rendered 
substantial help to Mr. J. H. Parker in the preparation of his 
Domestic Architecture in England in the Fourteenth Century, to the 
rev. J. T. Fowler in the editing of the Newmimter Chartulary (the 
original of which he was the means of rescuing from loss and oblivion 
and placing with the earl of Carlisle), and to many other writers. 
After the formation of the Northumberland County History Com- 
mittee he read most of the proofs of the first two volumes, and 
rendered to a work which is intended to complete and supplement 
the labours of the great historian of Northumberland, help not less 
valuable than that acknowledged by the latter over sixty years ago. 

Mr. Woodman's published papers though not numerous are 
valuable, among them are Ulgham and its Story, published anony- 
mously ; on 'Chibburn,' printed in the Archaeological Journal; 'On 
a Leaden Seal of Henry IV. found at Catchburn,' in the Archaeologia 
Aeliana ; ' Reminiscences and Desultory Notes of Morpeth Social 
Customs now obsolete,' written in 1894 and printed in the History 
of the Benvickshire Naturalists' 1 Club. Among his numerous literary 
correspondents were numbered Mr. John Mitchel Kemble, Mr. 
Frederick Seebohm, the rev. Lambert Larking, sir Henry -Maine, the 
second and third earls Grey, sir George Grey, and the duke of Argyle. 
His magnificent collections of MSS., plans, and drawings relating 
chiefly to Morpeth and district have yielded documents and facts 
freely placed by him at the service of other enquirers and writers. 

Mr. Woodman was elected a member of this Society in 1848, and 
subsequently a vice-president. He died at his residence at the East 
Riding, near Morpeth, inter sylvas et flumina haUtans, on the 19th 
September, 1895, in his 90th year, leaving, out of a family of eight 
sons and daughters, four surviving children. 

3. THE REV. GEORGE ROME HALL, F.S.A., a Vice-President of 

the Society. By R. CECIL HEDLEY. 
[Read on the 27th November, 1895.] 

DEATH has lately deprived this society of several of its most respected 
and most gifted members. We have, as a society, but the poor 
satisfaction of knowing that they have left the impress of their learn- 


ing and personalities not only upon our local, but upon our national 
archaeology. But who can fill their places with us ? Who amongst 
us that have had the privilege of their friendship or association, but 
must feel the loss of the scholarly John Clayton ? of our genial, 
kindly, and beloved Dr. Bruce? who was so much a part of, as to 
be almost synonymous with, the society ; of the gentle, unassuming, 
kindly, and erudite George Rome Hall ? the impersonation of all our 
best traditions of the antiquary of a time that is passing from us. It 
was my privilege to have frequent association with Mr. Hall, and 
never have I met one whose every thought was so thoroughly imbued 
with the spirit of true loving kindness, or one who had such a 
perfect unselfishness. This, as a man ; as an antiquary, the pages of 
The Archaeologia and of the Archaeologia Aeliana bear the frequent 
impress of his learning and research since 1865. He was elected a 
member of our society on the fourth of January of that year, and 
was thus one of our oldest members. His archaeological bent was 
strongly towards the obscure, and somewhat neglected period of 
our national life, known vaguely as ' prehistoric.' To him we are 
indebted for the first systematic attempt to examine, describe, and 
elucidate the life and early history of the Ancient Britons of North- 
umbria, as it is to be learned from an intelligent examination of their 
dwellings and fortifications. He did much to rescue this study from 
reproach as a merely speculative amusement, and to elevate it into 
a branch of science. It has been the well deserved privilege of 
Dr. D. Christison, the secretary of the Society of Antiquaries of 
Scotland, to obtain for this section of archaeology the recognition it 
deserves. To all his studies the late Mr. Hall brought a vast store of 
well digested reading, a persistent patience, and a vigorous intellect, 
capable of readily seeing, and as rapidly estimating the value of even 
trivial circumstances in their bearing on any obscure subject. To 
this he added the faculty of communicating his ideas lucidly and 
pleasantly to others. In his method of treating any archaeological 
subject could be seen his natural, thorough, and instinctive love of it. 
It was an education to converse with him. He was a living proof 
of how deep learning may be unobtrusive, unassuming, and not 
dogmatic ; of how it may be a source of pleasure to the possessor and 
to others, and not the incentive to wordy strife. He had by natural 

Troc. Soc. <Slntiq. O^ewc., Vol. XV111 

To face p. 



gentleness and self-culture attained to that best of all Parnassian 
heights where learning is combined with toleration, and mental 
attainments devoid of all Phariseeism. He was a Fellow of the 
Society of Antiquaries of London, a vice-president of this society, 
and a member of the Durham and Northumberland Archaeological 
Society, and of the Berwickshire Naturalists' Field Club. His library 
was extensive and well selected. He had a small collection of 
neolithic implements, and an extensive series of Roman coins, chiefly 
from Coventina's well at Procolitia. His loss will long be felt amongst 
us, especially at our field meetings. The truest testimony to a 
man's greatness is the measure of the gap left by his death. To 
Mrs. Hall and her family the keen and heartfelt sympathy of us all 
will go forth in their affliction. 

(Formerly in Mr. Hall's collection.) 






By HORATIO A. ADAMSON, a Vice-President of the Society. 

[Read on the 27th November and 18th December, 1895.] 
ON the 12th of January, 1539, Robert Blakeney, prior of the 
monastery of Tynemouth and his convent, with their unanimous 
assent and consent, and of their mere motion, and of their free will 
and accord from certain just and reasonable causes, especially touch- 
ing their souls and consciences, surrendered to their illustrious prince 
and lord in Christ, Henry the eighth, the monastery of the order of 
St. Benedict with all its extensive possessions so reads the deed 
of surrender. When we know of the cruel death of the venerable 
abbot of Glastonbury and his subsequent dismemberment for his 
refusal to surrender his abbey, we can better understand the motive 
which actuated the prior and his convent to surrender their monastery. 
Prior Blakeney was the last of a long line of priors who had carried 
on their religious work upon the bold and bleak promontory which 
jutted into the North Sea at the entrance to the river Tyne. 

It is not my intention to enter into the causes which led to the 
surrender, or the ruthless manner in which the illustrious prince dealt 
with the monasteries which he suppressed in the years 1536 and 1539. 
It is a humiliating chapter in our history. 

Prior Blakeney retired to his manor house at Benwell on a pension 
which is stated by some authorities to have been 50 and by others 
80 a year. 

Within the walls of the castle at the time of the dissolution of the 
monastery stood the stately church dedicated to SS. Mary and Oswin ; 
one portion, the beautiful Transitional east end, with its imposing 
lancet windows, was the monastic church ; the other portion, to the 
westward of, but only separated from it by a screen, was the paro- 
chial church, the ruins of which are the first to meet the eye of 
the visitor as he enters the gate of the castle. They occupy the 
nave of the Norman church. In addition to the church there were 
the usual monastic buildings, which are shown in a plan drawn 


in the time of queen Elizabeth, to which I shall hereafter refer. 1 
I think it may be assumed that the buildings shown upon this plan 
were all standing at the time of the dissolution of the monastery. 
Queen Elizabeth succeeded to the throne in 1558, and it is impro- 
bable any constructive work would be carried on in the short period 
of twenty years ; that there was much destructive work on the priory 
church we know too well. 

The monastery remained in the hands of the king for about two 
months. On the 9th of March, 1539, it, with all its buildings 
within the site and precincts of the same, was demised to sir Thomas 
Hilton, knight, for twenty-one years, at an annual rent of 163 Is. 5d. 
The king reserved the castle, with the herbage of the castle dyke or 
foss Sir Thomas Hilton was high sheriff of Northumberland in 
1548. He was one of the Hiltons of Hilton castle, near Sunder- 
land, and was four times married, but died childless. The castle 
was in the custody of a constable for the king's use. 

In 1543 the king granted a commission to sir Richard Lee, 
Antonio de Bergoman and John Thomas Scala, Italians, experts in 
the skill of fortifications, to view the state of Tynemouth. In pre- 
paration for an invasion of Scotland in March, 1544, John Dudley, 
lord high admiral, came round to Tynemouth with a fleet of two 
hundred ships, from which they sailed with ten thousand men for 
the Firth of Forth. In the following year, while the war with Scot- 
land was still pending, the earl of Shrewsbury and his colleagues 
reported that they had taken measures for protecting the ' new 
fortifications ' at Tynemouth, and had directed a cannon, a saker, 
two falcons, and two slings to be sent thither from Newcastle. 
Among the English army at this time was a number of mercenaries. 
There were fifteen hundred Spaniards and five hundred Spanish 
hackbutiers (horsemen). 2 Whether the ; new fortifications' were those 
at the Spanish battery or were in the castle itself I am not aware. 
It is probable the Spanish battery may have obtained its name from 
some of the Spanish troops having been quartered in it. The earl 
of Hertford wrote to the king about the disposal of the hot-blooded 
southrons, and suggested that they should be placed at Newcastle, as 
they grumbled about being kept near the borders. 

In 1550, Tynemouth is mentioned as being ' one of the King's 
Majesty's Castles and fortresses within the Middle Marches.' 

1 See p. 77. 2 Hackbutierg were also foot soldiers armed with the arquebns. 


There is a grant on the 8th December, 1551, from king Edward 
the sixth to Dudley, earl of Warwick, who was created duke of 
Northumberland, of the site, circuit, compass, and precincts of the 
late monastery of Tyuemouth, and all the demesne lands, which 
had been leased to sir Thomas Hilton. No mention is made in this 
grant of the castle ; but in the following year the duke of Northum- 
berland exchanged the site of the monastery, with the castle of 
Tynemouth, for lands in "Wilts, York, and Norfolk. 

Queen Mary, on the 16th August, 1557, demised to Thomas, 
earl of Northumberland, for twenty-one years, from the feast of 
the Annunciation in 1560, the monastery. This was the year in 
which the lease to sir Thomas Hilton would expire. In the summer 
of 1559 sir Henry Percy was appointed by queen Elizabeth to the 
charge of Tynemouth castle upon the death of sir Thomas Hilton. 
In a letter, dated 10th January, 1559/60, from the queen to the 
duke of Norfolk, she says : ' We did the last sommer appoynt Sir 
Henry Percy Kt: upon the death of Sir T. Hilton to take charge of 
Tynemouth, being a place necessary to be well guarded and sene to.' 
Sir Henry Percy felt his position as governor of the castle an onerous 
one. In a despatch written from the camp before Leith, on 30th 
April, 1560, he says: 'And as for mine own affairs which I have 
long troubled you in, I mean Tynemouth, I pray you let me not be 
burthened with so weighty a place as I am and so small Commission 
to rule the same by, for you know I have kept it this twelve months 
almost at mine own charges which is too sore a burthen for a younger 
brother of my ability.' He did not succeed to the earldom of 
Northumberland until 1572. On the 13th December, 1561 (third 
Elizabeth), the queen, by patent, granted to sir Henry Percy the 
office of governor of the castle, which, it is stated, had been con- 
structed in the place where the monastery lately existed. Tynemouth 
castle was used as a state prison. In 1563-4, James Hepburn, earl 
of Bothwell, afterwards the third husband of Mary, queen of Scots, 
was confined in the castle under the charge of sir Henry Percy. 

Sir Henry Percy must have spent several years at Tynemouth as 
governor of the castle. He married his cousin Catherine, eldest 
daughter of John Nevill, last lord Latimer. His son, Henry Percy, 
afterwards ninth earl of Northumberland, was born at Tynemouth 


on the 21st of April, 1564. His son, Thomas, was born there on 
the 19th of March, 1565, and his daughter, Lucy, in 1567. In a 
letter which sir Henry Percy wrote on the 27th October, 1566, to 
sir William Cecil, he made a most extraordinary proposal for the 
removal of the parish church from the castle. In his letter he said, 
' I have already told you the annoyance to this House by the Parish 
Church being within it and much frequented by the Strangers who 
visit the Haven. At my request Sir Rich : Lee has inspected it and 
can report on the cost of a new one and the value of this towards it.' 
Happily, the suggested act of vandalism was not carried out, or one 
of our most interesting landmarks would have disappeared. 

In 1570, queen Elizabeth granted to sir Henry Percy a new 
patent of the governorship of the castle upon more favourable terms, 
and with reversion to his two eldest sons, Henry and Thomas Percy. 
The receiver of Northumberland was to pay the following fees at 
Lady Day and Michaelmas : 

Tothe Captain 100 

To the Master Gunner, 12d. per diem ... 18 5 

To 8 other Gunners, at 6d. per diem 73 

To 11 Household Servants, each 6 13s. 4d. per ann. ... 73 6 8 

264 11 8 

Sir Henry Percy was soon to experience a reverse in the royal 
favour. On the 23rd October, 1571, orders were issued from the 
Privy Council to sir John Forster to apprehend sir Henry Percy, 
and to visit Tynemouth castle and report upon its condition. On 
the 25th October sir John Forster wrote from Seaton Delaval to the 
Council as follows: 'On your letter for apprehending Sir Henry 
Percy I sent letters to all suspicious places. I then went myself to 
all places where I thought he would be likely to repair as Tynemouth. 
. . . I thought it good to continue the watches a little longer 
and doubting Tynemouth Castle most, lest he should come thither 
and keep himself secretly and there take ship and so pass over the 
seas. I went thither but only found John Metcalf a rebel, late 
Servant to the Earl of Northumberland who went with him into 
Scotland, standing at the gates with his keys in his hand, who 
declared he was the porter, and Thomas Dicam, another Servant of 
Sir Henry Percy. As I disliked Metcalf I appointed certain men 


to remain there with them.' On the receipt of another letter as to 
the condition of the castle, which was stated to have been greatly 
neglected, and the ordnance almost useless, Percy was committed to 
the Tower. In the following year he was indicted for conspiring 
with others for the delivery of Mary, queen of Scots, out of the 
custody of the earl of Shrewsbury. He confessed his guilt, and a 
fine of five thousand marks was imposed on him. In April, 1572, 
Henry, lord Hunsdon, wrote to lord Burghley and said, ' Sir John 
Forster hopes to get the keeping of Tynemouth for Sir Francis 
Russell and has sent him up, and I know of promises made for some 
officer thereof.' 

On the 12th August, 1583, sir Valentine Browne wrote to secretary 
Walsingham, and urged for the good of her majesty and our country 
that he should visit Newcastle, with the river and fort standing upon 
the mouth of the haven, which was called Tynemouth abbey, and so 
along the sea coast. 

In 1584, queen Elizabeth required sir Henry Percy, then earl of 
Northumberland, to give up the charge of the castle, and he besought 
her pardon, and among other reasons for not delivering up the keys 
he gave the following : 

His estate was but small to maintain the countenance of an Earl being 
charged with 10 Children and the benefit of the office of Tynemouth being a 
good portion of his living without it would not be able to sustain the charge 
of housekeeping and the education of his Children. By holding this office he 
maintains 20 of his old servants who have served him from 10 to 30 years and 
he has no other means of so doing : if they should be displaced they would be 
left to beg their bread having been trained up to get their living by service. 
That disgrace will grow to him in his own country by removal from the office 
which he tenders as his life and begs Her Majesty to remember his former 
faithful services to her and Queen Mary her Sister in that time of his hardest 

The earl was committed to the Tower. In the early part of 1585 
lord Francis Russell was in possession of the castle. In one of his 
letters to secretary Walsingham he says the bearer, my deputy, can 
inform you what lack there is here for munition. The time is 
dangerous, and her majesty's house here had need be provided. I 
wrote you for my fee of Tynemouth and am very loath so oft to 
trouble you, but am constrained by necessity. On the 21st of June, 
1 585, the earl of Northumberland was found dead in his bed in the 



Tower, slain by three bullets from a pistol. On the 26th June, lord 
Francis Russell wrote from Tynemouth to secretary Walsingham : 

The Lord of Northumberland's death will hardly be believed in this Country 
to be as you have written. (It was stated the wounds were self-inflicted.) 
Yet I am fully persuaded and have persuaded others that it was not otherwise. 
I wish you would be a means to Her Majesty that I might have such commodities 
belonging to Tynemouth Castle as the Earl of Northumberland had. I am 
scant able to maintain housekeeping with what I have, and I have sent my man 
to you for my fee, so that my present wants may be supplied. 

I have not been able to ascertain who became governor of the 
castle after the death of the earl of Northumberland. In 1588, a 
Mr. Delaval was keeper of the castle. In 1591, Henry Percy, ninth 
earl of Northumberland, was restored to the governorship of the 
castle. His deputy, in 1594, was Thomas Power. In this year 
there are some interesting letters about the arrest at North Shields 
of a Dutchman and a Frenchman, the former being goldsmith and 
the latter footman to the queen of Scots, who had stolen from her 
and run away with a chain of pearls, two gold and pearl bracelets, 
a gold and diamond brooch, four diamond rings, and other articles 
of the value of eight hundred and five crowns. They were kept in 
custody in Tynemouth castle, and afterwards taken with the jewels 
to Berwick and there delivered to the deputy warden of the marches 
on a Tuesday, and on the Friday following were hanged at Edin- 
burgh. In the letter which mentions the circumstance, it is added, 
'such expedition does the King make now a days of justice.' The 
earl of Northumberland attained a high reputation for the pursuit 
of those literary and scientific studies to which he afterwards devoted 
so much of his enforced leisure. His kinsman, Thomas Percy, one of 
the sons of Edward Percy of Beverley, was made constable of Aln- 
wick castle about 1594. In 1605, he took part in the Gunpowder 
Plot, and implicated the earl of Northumberland in it, and, in con- 
sequence, he was placed under restraint. Sir Henry Witherington 
(Widdrington) was ordered to take and seized possession of Tyne- 
mouth and other castles. On the 23rd June, 1606, by a decree of 
the Star Chamber the earl of Northumberland was fined 30,000 
and ordered to be displaced and removed from every office, honour, 
or place he held by his majesty's pleasure, and to be returned to 
the Tower whence he came, and there remain prisoner as before 


during the king's pleasure. On the 24th November, 1606, the king 
required sir Henry Witherington to deliver up Tynemouth castle to 
sir William Selby, who was sheriff of the county of Northumberland. 
On the 4th December, 1606, the earl of Northumberland granted sir 
George Whitehead an annuity of 20 in consideration that he had 
been dispossessed of his post of lieutenant of Tynemouth castle, the 
keeping of which it had pleased the king to take away from him. 
On the 8th April, 1608, there is a letter from the king to the officers 
' of the exchequer as to the profits of the lights at Tynemouth castle 
which had been received by the earl of Northumberland, out of which 
he granted to sir Allan Percy, brother of the earl, 40 a year so long 
as the profits remained in the king's hands. The earl of Northum- 
berland had fallen on evil days. Although every effort was made 
to connect him with the ill-judged act of his kinsman, whose life 
paid the forfeit for the act, it was unsuccessful. His estates were, 
however, sequestrated for the payment of the fine which he described 
as the greatest fine that was ever imposed upon a subject. In the 
year 1613, the king agreed to accept 11,000 in payment of the 
balance of the fine, and on that being paid he granted the earl 
a full pardon and release, but he kept him a prisoner in the Tower 
until his birthday in 1622, when he was released after an imprison- 
ment of sixteen years. He died on the 5th November, 1 632, on the 
twenty-seventh anniversary of the discovery of the plot which had 
cast so dark a shadow over his life. There is much of interest in 
the life of the earl of Northumberland during the long, dreary years 
in the Tower. As an indication of his love of books he spent 200 
a year in the purchase of them. On his death the grant from the 
crown, in 1570, of the governorship of Tynemouth castle came to an 
end. During the incarceration of the earl of Northumberland, sir 
John Fenwick was captain of the castle. In 1625, he states that 
the castle was so ruinated that he could not remain there. 

On the 3rd of June, 1633, the ill-fated king Charles the first 
entered Newcastle on his way to Scotland to be crowned. He was 
attended by Laud, bishop of London ; White, bishop of Ely ; the 
earls of Northumberland, Arundel, Pembroke, and Southampton, 
and other persons of distinction. On the 5th of June he went with 
his retinue, escorted by the master and brethren of the Trinity house, 


Newcastle, to the castle of Tynemouth. He was the last of our 
monarchs who visited the castle. In the year 1635, the earl of 
Northumberland was appointed by the king, lord high admiral of the 

In the year 1635, sir William Brereton, bart., the parliamentary 
general, made a journey through Durham and Northumberland and 
visited Tynemouth, and described the castle as a dainty seated castle, 
almost compassed with the sea, wherein hath been the fairest church 
I have seen in any castle, but now it is out of repair and much 

The earl of Monmouth was captain of Tynemouth castle in 1638. 
He was ordered to deliver up to the earl of Newport, minister of the 
ordnance, all his majesty's ordnance, carriages, and furniture to be 
carried to Newcastle. In the same year, sir Jacob Astley (an ancestor 
of lord Hastings) and others were sent into the north to inspect the 
fortifications and muster train bands. In the extracts from the State 
Papers it is stated the fort of Tynemouth was to be slighted, and a 
fort made half-a-mile from the same. In the succeeding year he 
was appointed major-general of the field. In the month of January 
he inspected the castle, and reported it would be needless to demolish 
it, because the ground upon which it stood would command all the 
lower works to the waterside. It was he who, before the battle of 
Edgehill, offered up the short but celebrated prayer, ' 0, Lord, Thou 
knowest how busy I must be this day. If I forget Thee, do not 
Thou forget me. March on, Boys.' I commend this prayer to our 
modern divines. 

The year 1640 was a memorable one in the great struggle which 
had commenced between king Charles the first, his parliament, and 
his Scottish subjects. On the 30th of August in that year, Tynemouth 
castle was seized and garrisoned by the Scots. It did not long 
remain in their possession, as in the year 1642 it was put in a posture 
of defence for the king by William Cavendish, earl, marquis, and 
duke of Newcastle, general of the king's forces in the northern parts, 
and it remained in the possession of the king's forces until October, 
1644. In March of that year, when the fort at South Shields was 
besieged and taken by the Scots, the guns from Tynemouth castle 
were used for the defence of the fort. On the 26th October, 1644, 


articles of agreement for the surrender and delivery of Tynemouth 
castle were entered into between Alexander, earl of Leven, lord 
general of the Scottish army, and sir Thomas Kiddell, knight. He 
was a colonel of foot in the king's army, and governor of the castle. 
The terms were, firstly, that every officer, soldier, gentleman, and 
clergyman shall march out with bag and baggage, and the officers 
with their arms; and that such goods as properly belong to them, 
but which they cannot now take with them, shall be kept for them 
till set opportunity. Secondly, that the national covenant shall not 
be enforced either upon officer, soldier, gentleman, or clergyman. 
Thirdly, that all who stay in their own country shall have protection 
for their persons and estates, and such as will go to his majesty shall 
have free pass with a safe convoy. Fourthly, oblivion for all things 
past in this service to be extended to officers, soldiers, and gentlemen 
who shall stay at home in their own houses. Fifthly, that sir Thomas 
Riddell shall deliver up the castle this day, with a perfect list of all 
arms, ammunition, cannon, and furniture. Sixthly, it is always pro- 
vided that those who stay at home and have protection for their 
persons and estates shall be liable to all ordinances of parliament. 

By an error in the Calendar of State Papers (domestic series) this 
agreement is entered under the same date in the following year, and 
this mistake makes some of the events in that year difficult to under- 
stand. The castle was surrendered on the 27th of October, 1644. 
In the journals of the House of Commons, under date November 
5th, 1644, it is ' Ordered that Sir Thomas Widdrington do give 
notice to the preacher to take notice of the surrender of Tynemouth 
Castle, and that he give thanks therefor in St. Margaret's Church.' 
In the same month of November, sir Thomas Riddell was in custody, 
and the commissioners and committee of parliament residing in 
Newcastle were ordered to send him up to London as a delinquent. 
He, however, escaped to Berwick in a small fishing vessel, and died 
in exile at Antwerp in 1652. 

The Scots having got possession of Tynemouth and other castles, 
the parliament was anxious to get rid of them and that they should 
return to Scotland, but the suggestion did not meet with their 
approval. On the 12th July, 1645, commissioners were appointed 
by parliament to proceed to Scotland to treat and conclude divers 


matters concerning the safety and peace of both kingdoms. Among 
the matters to be dealt with was the immediate withdrawal of the 
Scottish troops from Tynemouth, Newcastle, and other castles where 
garrisons had been placed without the consent of both houses of 
parliament. On the 5th September, 1645, the commissioners met 
the commissioners for Scotland at Berwick, and on the 13th of 
November following, the speakers of both Houses of Parliament 
reported the answers which had been received, which were not 
satisfactory, and a further demand was made for the removal of the 
garrisons before the 1st of March following. Algernon, earl of 
Northumberland, had cast in his lot with the parliamentary party. 
In the year 1645 he wrote several letters about the Scots, and in one 
of these to sir Harry Vane he says : ' Certainly the Scots detaining 
our Towns and Castles and continuing their Garrisons in them against 
our wills gives very just cause of jealousy to us and truly I believe 
will hardly be endured whatever the consequences prove.' He speaks 
of the Scots as ' Our Brethren.' The Scots continued to occupy the 
castle, and made a claim of two millions sterling for their services, 
less the sums they had received in money or in kind during their 
stay in England. A dispute arose about the money to be paid, 
which was finally settled by parliament agreeing to pay to the 
Scottish commissioners 400,000, of which it was stipulated that 
200,000 should be paid before the Scots left Newcastle. The 
200,000 having been paid the Scottish army departed from New- 
castle with their treasure in thirty- six covered waggons. The earl 
of Leven, lord general of the army, issued a proclamation command- 
ing that the troops should not plunder on their way home. Before 
leaving Newcastle they gave up possession of Tynemouth castle, and 
handed over their king to the committee appointed by parliament 
to receive his person. It is said to be an error to suppose that the 
payment of the 400,000 had anything to do with the surrender of 
the king, but the payment of half of the amount and the surrender 
were concurrent acts. As they went north with their ' siller ' the 
king was conveyed south by the troops of the parliament. 

On the llth of December, 1646, major-general Skippon was 
approved of by parliament as governor of Tynemouth castle. In 
1648, sir Arthur Heselrige was governor of the castle. In April in 


that year there was an order of the commons for 5,000 to be forth- 
with raised to be employed for repairing and fortifying the town of 
Newcastle and Tynemouth castle. 

I read a paper to the society on the 29th of July, 1891, on 
' Tynemouth Castle : the eve of the Commonwealth,' 3 and gave an 
account of the revolt of lieutenant-colonel Lilburn, deputy -governor 
of the castle, and the recovery of the castle in the month of August, 
1648. Since I read the paper additional volumes of the Calendars 
of State Papers have been issued, and among them a volume covering 
the period from 1648 to 1649. It contains the proceedings of the 
committee of both Houses of Parliament at Derby house, the old 
town house of the earls of Derby. On the 14th of August, 1648, 
the committee sat and ordered that a letter of thanks should be 
written to sir Arthur Heselrige for his care and diligence in recover- 
ing the revolted castle of Tynemouth. The letter is given in detail, 
and as it is so quaint I append it. 

By yours of the 10 th inst: we are informed of the traitorous revolt of Lieut: 
Col: Lilburn and of his just punishment. We have great cause to bless God 
for his goodness to us in so happy a recovery of a place of so very great conse- 
quence, which, if it had continued in their hands, would have given a great 
turn to the Parliament's Affairs in those parts. But it pleased God only so 
far to permit it to proceed that it might be a discovery of an unsuspected 
Traitor and a demonstration of His watchful providence in the conduct of his 
own cause, the approbation of which by the evident appearances of His own 
hand in the punishment of the traitors, the recovery of the place and preserva- 
tion of our Men. He writes in characters so visible as he that runs may read 
them, to whom we desire to return praise as the Author of all. And also give 
you as an instrument our hearty thanks for your prudent, resolute, present and 
effectual care for regaining of it, as we do also to those Officers and Soldiers 
who in obedience to and in pursuance of your commands, did with so much 
alacrity and readiness undertake and with such resolution, courage and success, 
carry on a work of such great concernment to the public and so great difficulty 
and danger to the undertakers, which our thanks we desire you to make known 
to them all, in which service if any delay had been made the place had been 
in all probability irrecoverably lost, and the state of affairs most dangerously 
altered and hazarded thereby. We are confident after this experience we need 
say nothing to desire you to have a most especial care of a place of so very 
great importance. 

From this letter it is clear that the parliament, although they 
recognized the Divine interposition in their favour, attached very 

1 Archaeologia Aeliana, vol. xv. p. 218. 


great importance to the instrument, mentioned in the letter, for the 
recapture and future keeping of the castle. It was on the 10th of 
August and not on the llth, as generally stated, that the castle was 
retaken. The letter from sir Arthur Heselrige to the committee of 
the lords and commons, which formed the subject of my paper, is not 
in the Calendars of State Papers. 

The castle remained in possession of the parliament and the 
commonwealth until the restoration of the monarchy in 1660. For 
several years captain John Topping was governor of the castle, and 
in the Calendars of State Papers there are several letters from him 
to secretary Thurloe, commencing in the year 1654. In one letter 
he says : 

We have 11 Contrary (country) Gentlemen prisoners who are suspected 
persons and 1 expect more to be sent in this day. We have two Companyes in 
this Garrison consisting of 70 Men in a Company. Yesterday I sent thirty men 
commanded by Captain Simpson to secure the Castle until 130 Men who are on 
their march from Barwicke come to secure the towne alsoe. We were on the 
third nights duty before I sent the party away ; and indeed this place is as 
cold, standing in the sea as any place I ever came to which causes our Soldiers 
to fall sicke and will weaken us much if the Centinells go on every third hour. 
I hope our God will owne his people still for our enemyes witts are good ; but 
they want hearts to act their diabollycall designs. Soe doubtless the Mercies 
of our God endure for ever. 

In another letter he gives an account of his interview with Mr. 
Robert Marley, son of sir John Marley (the gallant defender of 
Newcastle against the Scots), and of his attempts to extract infor- 
mation from him. He had come from Antwerp, where he had left 
his father, who was with the earl of Newcastle. The son is thus 
described : 

The young man is upwards of 19 years of age speakes good French and 
hath kist Charles Steward's hand. He hath been educated near two yeares 
in Antwerpe. I caused him to be sucked but could find noe letters only an 
ould piece of paper with some verses writ and in four places begun the verse 
with God damne me. In his Portmantle was French and Lattin bookes and 
in English Wallers poems and the pretenders booke of the late Kings to his 
Sonn with six of Newcastle's lady's pictures. 

In another letter he says : 

I bless God we are all contented and \ heare no unquietnesse, but want of 
pay bathe begott mutinyes and I feare the worst. 

I took bond of a Lynn Merchant for drinking the health of Van Tromp and 
De Witt and abusing a custom House Officer at Newcastle. 


In 1655, the lord protector fixed the establishment charges at 
Tynemouth castle at 199 5s. 4d. per month. The castle was to 
have a complete establishment of fifty ' Centinels.' In September 
in that year an order was issued for the removal of arms from Raby 
castle to Tynemouth castle. Colonel Robert Lilburn 4 appears to have 
been in charge of the castle in December, 1655. In August, 1659, 
captain Topping was ordered to send to the council of state a list 
of his prisoners in the castle, and what he had to say concerning 
each ; and in the same month a warrant was issued to the farmers 
of the excise of beer, ale, and cider for the counties of Kent and 
Sussex for the payment of the troops in Tynemouth castle, late under 
lord Howard, but then under the command of captain Topping, of 
their arrears, amounting to 253 8s. 

During the occupation of the castle by the Scots and during the 
commonwealth, the parishioners were deprived of the use of their 
parish church, which stood within the walls of the castle, and had 
been used for four hundred and fifty years. In 1658, the parishioners 
petitioned the justices of the peace for the county of Northumberland 
and the grand jury at the sessions at Morpeth for a new church. In 
the order of sessions it is stated the church was made use of for the 
garrison of the castle, so that some thousands of people were left 
destitute of the word and means of salvation, to the great dishonour of 
God and encouragement of many loose and ignorant people in pro- 
faning of the Sabbath and living in a lewd life and conversation. 
An assessment of two shillings in the pound was ordered to be levied 
throughout the county for building a church or place of public meet- 
ing. In 1659, general Lambert arrived in Newcastle with a large 
force of men. The soldiers in Tynemouth castle were marched into a 
chapel to sign an engagement to support Lambert and his party 
against the revived ' Rump ' parliament, when the roof fell in and 
killed five or six of them. The commonwealth was rapidly drawing 
to a close. In January, 1659, there is a record among the municipal 
accounts of Newcastle of * Paid John Hall which he disburst for 
horse hire and a guide when he caryed a letter from Generall Muncke 
to the Governor of Tynemouth Castle 6 s .' 

1 He was one of the regicides, and signed the warrant for the execution of 
king Charles the first. 



In 1G60, sir Arthur Heselrige surrendered the castle at Tyne- 
mouth, along with other castles of which he was governor, on 
condition of having his life and estate preserved. He was, however, 
excepted from the Act of Indemnity, and was committed to the 
Tower, where he died on the 8th of January, 1661/2. In January, 
1661, there was a grant of the office of captain and commander-in- 
chief of Tynemouth castle to the earl of Northumberland and lord 
Percy, his son, fee one hundred marks a year. In the same year, 
Edward Villiers was governor of the castle. I have in my possession 
a receipt, signed by him, which was given to me by Mr. J. C. Brooks, 
one of our vice-presidents. It reads thus : 

xv io die Martij 1661. 

Received by mee Edward Villiers Efq r . Governo r of his Ma ts . 
Garrifson of Tynmouth of S r Job Harby Baronett S r John Wol- 
ftenholme K 4 , and others Commifsion rs of his Mat 9 Customes & 
Subsidies through out England & c the sume of One Thousand 
ffive hundred sixtye eight pounds vpon the sume of cclxj 1 ' v ... h 

yj yjija p er menfsfor the pay of two Companies with their 
officers appointed for the said Garrifon And is due for sixe 
Moneths begining the feaventh of September 1661 and ending the 
xxj tu day of ifebruary next followeing By feuerall Lres Patents 
dated xv' Januar' 1660 and xxiiij' Maij 1661. I say received. 

Edward Villiers. 

In the collection of the ' Sufferings of the People called Quakers,' 
published in 1753, is an account, under the date 10th August, 1661, 
of George Linton and twenty-six other members of the society having 
been taken at a meeting at South Shields by major Graham, deputy- 
governor of Tinmouth castle, and cast into nasty holes there, where 
they lay a full month, and then he turned them out, having, so far as 
appeared to them, neither order, authority, nor warrant for any part of 
his proceeding. The George Linton referred to in the extract died in 
January, 1663/4, and by the ' fury of the tymes was by relations and 
Souldiers caryed away from Friends and buryed in the down end of 
Tinemouth Kirke' (vide register book belonging to the Society of 
Friends). He is the only person mentioned in the Tynemouth registers 
as having died excommunicate. 

Among the State Papers in 1662 is a letter from lord Fauconberg 
to secretary Nicholas. ' Heard much of the Meetings and night 
ridings of disaffected persons. Has taken bond of Bellwood and 
ordered Sir John Marley to have an eye on Tynemouth for the 


Deputy Governor there keeps the old Chaplain and many of the 
Soldiers.' In the following year there was a grant to Yilliers of 
200 for the repairs of the castle, and in April, 1 664, a warrant to 
pay 173 13s. 4d. for furnishing the garrison with flock beds, etc. 

In 1664, the English and the Dutch were at war, and among the 
state papers is a letter from Win. Leving to secretary Bennet, in 
which he says : 

They talk of the Dutch bringing over the English and landing them at 
Hull therefore Hull and Tynernouth should be cared for. Col. Villiers, trusts 
Love of Tynemouth, a Lieutenant who has been tampered with and will betray 
the place for gain. Sir Ralph Delavale was spoken of as encouraging the late 
businefs. They act cunningly and encourage private men who will not betray 
them to break the ice. 

On the 28th June, 1665, the town council of Newcastle voted 
200 towards the repair of the works of Tynemouth castle, in con- 
sequence of a letter received from king Charles the second informing 
them that colonel Edward Villiers, governor of the castle, had been 
directed to repair it on account of the Dutch war, and to protect the 
trade and port of the Tyne. 

In June, 1666, some Dutch prisoners on board of the ship 'Ipswich' 
lying at Shields plotted with prisoners on board of other ships in the 
harbour to kill the master, secure the rest in their cabins, and carry 
away the ship, but were discovered by a Scot of their own party, 
and were all lodged in Tynemouth castle. The country was in a 
great state of alarm. In the same month, secretary Morice wrote to 
the governors of Tynemouth and other castles, and stated that being 
apprehensive of danger from sudden invasion the king wished them 
to use all industry to have their works repaired, fortified, and victualled 
for two months, and to fill up with the allotted number of soldiers. 
In the following month we have an account of an engagement near 
Tynemouth. One hundred and fifty landsmen were marched from 
Berwick to Tynemouth, and shipped in the ' Pembroke.' She set 
sail, and engaged a new Dutch man-of-war, well fitted out, of twenty- 
two guns, and fought until eight o'clock at night, and then the 
landsmen boarded and took her. The enemy had twenty killed and 
sixteen prisoners. The ' Pembroke ' had five killed and sixteen 
wounded. In the months of June and July, 1667, the whole of 
Tyneside was in a state of great alarm about the attack of the Dutch 


fleet at Sheerness, and their sailing up the Mechvay. The Calendars, 
of State Papers contain letters from Newcastle and Tynemouth. In 
one of the letters it is said : 

All are sad at the attack of the Dutch at Sheernefs and people are distracted 
and at their wit's end with the sad news. The Magistrates (of Newcastle) are 
very careful, they have prevailed with Col. Villiers for 600 Arms and will call 
the Shipmasters together to know what arms and ammunition they have. Sir 
Ralph Delaval and Col. Villiers consulted with the Shipmasters at Shields about 
securing their Ships. Four Companies of Guards were marched from Berwick 
to Tynemouth Castle. The Lords Ogle and Carlisle were at Tynemouth and 
ships were ready to be sunk if needful. The presence of these Noblemen 
inspired the people with great confidence. Lord Ogle remained in Newcastle 
and Lord Carlisle at Tynemouth where he was careful and vigilant and had so 
well ordered his businefs that no attempt by water need be feared. 

In March, 1667, there was a grant from the privy seal to colonel 
Villiers of 200 for the repairs of the castle and adding such fortifica- 
tions as might better secure the mouth of the Tyne. 

Ralph Thoresby, the historian of Leeds, visited Tynemouth castle 
on 8th September, 1681. He says: 

Went with E. H. (Eleazar Hodshon) to Shields by Water but it proved a 
most terrible stormy day. Visited Tinmouth Castle now almost ruined and 
maintained by a slender Garrison. 

In the memoirs of Ambrose Barnes, 5 merchant and alderman of 
Newcastle from 1627-1710, is an entry about the castle. In 1686, 
when the government was alarmed by the rumour of a great arma- 
ment in Holland, colonel Widdrington in a great huff came to Mr. 
Barnes requiring him to order some guns down to Tinmouth castle. 
' That is not my business,' said Mr. Barnes, ' the King never made 
me Governour of that Castle.' He was conveyed to the castle, and 
charged upon suspicion with a design against the government. 
Colonel Edward Villiers was knighted in 1680, and died in July, 
1689, and was buried in Westminster abbey. He was succeeded by 
his second son, colonel Henry Villiers, as governor of the castle. In . 
1691, the establishment of the castle was rated at 474 10s. per 
annum. In August, 1707, colonel Villiers died and was buried 
within the castle. 

It was during the tune the Villiers were governors of the castle that 
many of the old monastic buildings were pulled down, and irreparable 
damage was done to the priory church. Grose, in his Antiquities of 
England and Wales published in 1774, says: 
5 50, Surtees Society publications. 


Plate XV. 

(Reproduced from a Plan in Gibson's Tynemouth.) 



Much of these buildings have been pulled down by M r . Villars (Villiers) for 
erecting the Barracks, Light House, his own House near it and other edifices ; 
he likewise stripped off the lead which till then had covered the Church. This 
I was informed by an ancient man who lived near the spot, and who likewise 
said, a great deal, particularly a long gallery, had fallen down itself. 

In the plan of the castle, temp. Elizabeth, here given, all the 
buildings within the walls are shown. On the north and east sides 
the castle was inaccessible, and on the south and west sides there were 
two walls, one of which ran along the escarpment, and the other was 
at the top of the slope. There were also walls to the westward of 
the gates of the castle which extended to and included the Spanish 
battery or fort, in which one gun is shown as mounted. The entrance 
to the castle was by a drawbridge, not opposite to the gateway but 
some distance from it, and nearly opposite to the old road which lay 
to the southward of the garden of the house which recently belonged 
to Mr. Alexander S. Stevenson. This drawbridge must have crossed 
a dry ditch or fosse. After passing the drawbridge was the gatehouse 
in which the porter resided, and then the ward house for the armed 
retainers of the monastery. Passing through the gatehouse the 
great court was entered, on the south side of which stood the principal 
domestic offices of the monastery within an enclosure or inner court 
(y e ender court). To the eastward of these were the parish and priory 
churches. To the southward of the parish church were the cloisters 
(ye closter), on the east side of which were the chapter house and 
dormitory. To the southward the lord's lodging and the new hall (new 
aule). On the west side of the cloisters was the common hall (como 
aue), and adjoining it the buttery and kitchen (boterye aule and 
ketchyn), and to the westward stood the new lodging. Within the 
inner court were the brewhouse, mill, and bakehouse (bruhouse, mine, 
and barkh). On the north side of the parish church was the prior's 
lodging, and among other buildings and places were the corn house, 
stables, poultry yard, kiln, great barn garner, north walk, garden 
place, south court, the outer port, and beyond the walls was the ' olde 
Fyshe pownde now a olde dyke.' In the inventory of the goods of 
sir Thomas Hilton, who died in 1559, his goods at Tynemouth castle 
are enumerated, and some of the buildings mentioned in the plan in 
the time of queen Elizabeth are referred to. In the British Museum 
is " a plan of Tinmouth Town and Castle and Clifford Fort scituate 


at the entrance of the River Tyne.' In the explanation to the 
plan the house of Mr. Villiers, the governor, is shown. As the 
Villiers were governors of the castle from 1661 to 1707, and Clif- 
ford's fort, built in 1672, is shown upon the plan, it is probable 
it was prepared towards the close of the seventeenth century. The 
house built by Mr. Villiers is still standing, and is known as the 
' governor's house.' Upon the ground floor, at the right hand side 
of the doorway, are two interesting panelled rooms. The stairs and 
balustrade are old, and are objects of interest. The plan in the 
British Museum I have had photographed. I believe it has not been 
published. The castle at the time was in a ruinous state. The 
works defensive were in ruins. The house which had formerly 
belonged to the governor had gone to ruins. The storehouse belong- 
ing to the ordnance was much out of repair. The lighthouse built 
by sir Edward Villiers is shown. The Spanish fort had gone to ruin. 
Clifford's fort is shown with a section of it. By a very singular 
arrangement the barracks in Clifford's fort, inhabited by a company 
of invalids, are in the upper part of it, and immediately below them 
is the powder magazine. The abbey is described as demolished. 
Happily the abbey, or more correctly the priory, has not reached the 
final state described in the plan. It still stands beautiful in its ruin, 
and is one of our most conspicuous and cherished landmarks. 

On the 1st of May, 1717, John Campian, a soldier, who was shot 
for desertion, was buried within the castle. Beyond the simple entry 
in the church registers we know nothing of him. 

In the same year the establishment at the castle was rated at 
573 15s. per annum, made up thus : 

The Governor 016 5 per diem ; 301 per ann. 

Lieut-Governor 10 182 10 

One Master Gunner 020 36 10 

3 other Gunners, each 12d. ... 3 54 15 

1 11 5 574 15 

The regulation allowance for fire and candles was 18 a year. 

In 1745, there were French prisoners in the castle, and in the 
following year Dutch and Swiss soldiers were quartered in it, some 
of whom died and were buried within its walls. In 1747, on two 
occasions, French prisoners escaped from the castle. In 1759, the 


Trinity house of Newcastle subscribed two guineas towards the 
relief of the French prisoners in it. 

In Grose's Antiquities of England and Wales the picturesque gate- 
way of the castle is shown. (See frontispiece.) In 1296, king Edward" 
the first granted a licence to crenellate it. Grose says : 

There is still standing here a strong square Gateway having small turrets 
like guerites at each angle. It was formerly fenced by a ditch over which there 
was a drawbridge ; but these have long been demolished. 

This gateway was the most important defensive work within the 
castle. There was no keep. 

There was an outer and an inner gateway, the outward gate- 
way having two gates at the distance of about six feet from each 
other, the inner of them being defended by a portcullis and an open 
gallery. The interior gateway was in like manner strengthened by 
a double gate. The space between the gateways being a square of 
about six spaces was open above to allow those on top of the battle- 
ments to annoy assailants who had gained the first gate. The gateway 
shown in Grose represents the inside of it. There is a drawing in the 
Richardson collection in the library of the society showing the outer 
part of the gateway in 1780. 6 Both of these drawings show the 
turrets at each angle, but in neither of them is shown the circular 
tower which surmounts the present structure. I have recently 
examined it, and although the newel staircase has an old look about 
it, I am of opinion it is not older than the work executed in 1783. 
In a drawing in my possession by Ralph "Waters, which I believe has 
never been engraved, the machicolated barbican is shown in the 
position where the drawbridge was. 7 At some distance from the 
barbican and nearer to the haven are shown some outworks with a 
flight of steps leading into the haven. In 1783, the government 
resumed possession of the castle, and the old and interesting features 
of the gateway were completely obliterated, and the hideous super- 
structure, as we now know it, was built, and the old stonework 
covered with plaster. In a picture of Newcastle published in 1807, 
the duke of Richmond, who was master of the ordnance, is charged 
with having entirely destroyed the entrance which had been for ages 
the chief ornament of the castle, and that he had rebuilt it in a 
contemptible style of architecture, over which barracks were fitted up 
8 See plate facing p. 62. T See plate opposite. 

*" . - - 

x . 


ft 1 



for the soldiers. The work was planned and executed under the 
superintendence of Mr. Leonard Smelt, engineer extraordinary. Of 
the monastic domestic buildings very few remain. The vaulted 
' Boterye Aule (hall) and Kitchen ' were converted into and are still 
used as a powder magazine. The building has a vaulted roof and 
is of two bays. 

The fate of Tynemouth castle is the common one which befalls our 
historic buildings when they come into possession of the government. 
The effacement of the old features and a senseless pulling down of 
all that is historic, and the erection of buildings of the most unsightly 
shape and of material little in harmony with the buildings around 
them is the usual feature of government work. 

In the year 1828 the War Office furnished a list of the governors 
of Tynemoath castle and Clifford's fort, which comprised the follow- 

Date of Appointment. 

Sir Edward Villiers 8 Unknown. 

Col. Henry Villiers 2 nd February, 1702. 

Thomas Meredith 20 th February, 1707. 

Alg 11 , Earl of Hertford 11 th January, 1714/15. 

Alg 11 , Earl of Hertford 20 th June, 1727. 

Sir Andrew Agnew, B* 13 th February, 1749/50. 

Hon. Alexander Mackay 8 th August, 1771. 

Lord Adam Gordon 4 th April, 1778. 

Charles Rainsford 2 nd Nov r ., 1796. 

General David Douglas Wemyss ... ... 27 th May, 1809. 


Henry Villiers 7 th May, 1713. 

John Middleton 28 th January, 1714/5. 

Edward Hall, Capt. Commandent in the 

absence of the Governor and LVGov*. ... 27 th September, 1715. 

John Lewis de le Bene 17 th July, 1717. 

Henry Villiers 20 th June, 1727. 

Thomas Lacey 11 th June, 1753. 

Spencer Cowper 19 th October, 1763. 

Hon. Alexander Hope 16 th March, 1797. 

Charles Crawford 9 th January, 1799. 

Lieut.-General James Hay 2 nd April, 1821. 

Do. William Thomas ... ... 6 th Sept., 1826. 

In the Annals of the Northern Counties, published in 1839, it is stated 
that the governorship of Tynemouth and Clifford's fort had become 
vacant by the death of general Wemyss, and the government had 

8 His appointment was in 1661 as shown by the receipt signed by him. 



determined not to fill up the sinecure appointment. The governor had 
a salary of 284 7s. lid., and the salary of the lieutenant-governor 
was 173 7s. 6d. General Wemyss, while he was governor, made a 
claim of 10s. for permitting the burial ground within the castle to 
be broken for each interment, which was resisted by the parishioners. 
A voluminous correspondence was earned on between the years 182t> 
and 1833. In one of the letters from the irascible governor he 

I have only to lament that your Vestry had not more able Counsellors than 
those who advised a contention with the authority I have the honor to be 
invested by King in Council. I can let them know should I see cause pre- 
vent both the living and the dead from entering these walls. I want neither 
their money nor their dead. 

The exaction was withdrawn, and a few years afterwards the old 
governor passed to his rest. 

General Thomas was an old veteran who had served throughout 
the long continental war, as well as in America and Ireland. 

The Spanish battery which, as I have stated, was within the line 
of fortifications of the castle, has entirely disappeared. The unsuc- 
cessful attempt forty years ago of the contractor of the Tyne Com- 
missioners to find stone for the piers destroyed the old wall and 
outworks along the escarpment, and partly, but not entirely, isolated 
the castle. A few years ago the houses of the lighthouse keepers 
which, with their trimly kept gardens, were the admiration of 
visitors, were pulled down and destroyed, and the lighthouse is 
threatened with destruction. 9 It is intended to pull down the 
governor's house and the buildings which surround it, and a grant 
has been made for the purpose. 

At present, brick buildings, out of keeping with all their sur- 
roundings, are rapidly rearing their heads within the castle, and 
when finished may not be required. 

For much of the information in this paper I am indebted to the 
Annals of the House of Percy, the invaluable volumes by Mr. Welford 
on Newcastle and Gateshead and on Men of Mark, and the Calendars 
of State Papers, and I am also under an obligation to major Porter- 
field, R.A., for his uniform courtesy in allowing me to see over the 
buildings in the castle. 

The lighthouse was purchased of the descendants of the Villiers family in 
1840 for 124,678 17s. 2d. by the Trinity House, London. 



BY THOMAS HODGKIN, D.C.L., F.S.A., one of the 
Secretaries of the Society. 

[Read on the 28th August, 1895.] 

THE object of the following paper is to collect into one brief summary 
the notices furnished to us by the writers of antiquity as to that most 
interesting monument of the Roman dominion in Britain, the Wall 
between the estuary of the Tyne and the Solway. 

Discussions at great length have been waged, and probably will 
continue to be waged, concerning the real builders of this extraordinary 
work. The evidence of inscriptions along the line of the Wall has 
been appealed to, and rightly appealed to, for in my judgment what I 
have termed the literary history of the Wall will never by itself 
enable us to decide these questions. Still it seems to me that there 
may be an advantage in looking at that literary history separately, and 
estimating the information contained by it, whether much or little, by 
itself, as if not a single stone with the name of a Roman general or 
emperor upon it had ever been discovered. Especially I wish to 
measure the distance of time by which each of the authorities whom I 
have to quote is separated from the events which he records. For if 
there be one quality more than another by which history in the hands 
of recent enquirers has gained in accuracy, and has made some 
approach to scientific exactness, it has been by the resolute determina- 
tion to sift as well as to collect historical evidence. There was a time 
when any statement of a historical kind which appeared in print, 
especially if it were clothed in the majesty of ' a learned language,' was 
deemed worthy of attention ; when it was thought that at any rate the 
frequent repetition of such statements, though it might be clear that 
they were all only copied from one, perhaps untrustworthy source, 
proved something. Now, under the guidance of such scientific 
historians as Niebuhr, Grote, Freeman, Mommsen, and others, we have 
learned that witnesses must be weighed not simply counted, and that 
one contemporary witness, if a man of a cautious habit of mind, not 


under any strong bias of personal interest, and careful in distinguishing 
between observed facts, outweighs any number of mere romancers who 
are separated by generations from the events about which they profess 
to inform us. 

I will, therefore, very briefly recount the well-known facts of the 
Roman occupation of Britain in order to show at what points in that 
long career (reaching, it must always be remembered, over nearly four 
centuries) the lives of the chroniclers of that occupation have to be 

The conquest of Britain by the generals of the emperor Claudius 
took place, as we all know, in the year 43 after the birth of Christ. 
At least this was the year in which the process of subjugation com- 
menced. It proceeded rapidly over the southern part of the island ; 
steadily, but with one or two signal reverses, over the midland and 
northern portions, and in about fifty years it had reached the limit 
which it never afterwards overpassed. Of this conquest we ought to 
have a complete and almost contemporaneous narrative, for Tacitus, 
the great historian of the early empire, was born about seventeen years 
after A.D. 43 ; he doubtless conversed with many of the officers who 
took part in the first expedition, and his father-in-law, Agricola, was 
the general under whom the Eoman arms were carried northward into 
the recesses of Caledonia. Unfortunately, however, the great gaps 
which have been made by time and human carelessness in the Annals 
and Histories of Tacitus prevent us from reading his account either of 
the beginning of the conquest or of some of its more important after- 
scenes ; but this loss is to some small extent compensated by the rapid 
sketch of the Romanisation of Britain painted for us in the life of 
Agricola, which was the earliest of his historical works, and was pro- 
bably written about A.D. 98, only fourteen years after the close of 
Agricola's campaigns. 

It is generally agreed that with all the magnificent gifts which 
Tacitus possesses he is not a good military historian. Either he did 
not know or he could not describe clearly the nature of the country 
through which his father-in-law marched : maps, of course, in these 
days were meagre and inaccurate ; and the result is that it is extremely 
difficult to make out from his work a clear and consistent narrative 
of the five campaigns in which Agricola subdued the region which 


was called in a later day Northumbria, and even penetrated, appa- 
rently, into the Scottish highlands. But these are the sentences 
which probably describe his operations in this part of the country. 

'When summer arrived (the summer of 79) he drew his army 
together, he was constantly on the march, he praised the subordin- 
ation of his troops, he chastised the stragglers : he himself chose the 
places for the camps, himself reconnoitred the estuaries and the 
forests : and, meanwhile, he gave the foe no rest but perpetually 
ravaged their territory with sudden excursions. Then, when he had 
struck sufficient terror into their hearts, he again by his clemency 
gave them a longing for peace. As a consequence of these measures, 
many cities [states] which up to that time had held aloof now gave 
him hostages and laid aside their thoughts of revenge. These were 
surrounded with garrisons and forts and were administered with more 
care and statesmanship than any of the previously conquered parts of 

Of the next year we read : ' The third campaign opened up 
new country, the native races being all harried as far as the estuary 
of the Tanaus. Frightened by these alarms the enemy did not 
venture to harass the Roman army, though buffeted by sore tempests, 
and thus leisure was obtained for building further forts (castella). 
Good judges deemed that no general had ever chosen the ground for 
these with more wisdom. No fort founded by Agricola was ever 
stormed by the enemy in force or abandoned by flight or surrender, 
Frequent sallies were made from them, for they were safeguarded 
against a lingering blockade by yearly reinforcement of their supplies.' 
This passage would be of immense value for the history of the con- 
quest of North Britain if only we could say with certainty where ' the 
estuary of Tanaus ' is to be placed. Unfortunately, most of the chief 
estuaries along the east coast have names beginning with T : Tay, 
Scottish Tyne, Tweed, our Tyiie, Tees : and every one of them has 
some champions who defend its claim to be the original Tanaus. 

As we find that in the next year ' Clota and Bodotria (the firths 
of Clyde and Forth), which are driven far inland by the tides of two 
different seas and are therefore separated by a narrow interval of land, 
were then strengthened by garrisons' ('quod tune praesidiis firma- 
batur'), we seem to be entitled to conjecture, though we cannot 


prove, that the similar narrow neck of land which intervenes between 
Tyne and Solway was also 'strengthened by garrisons,' and that 
Agricola's watchful care in selecting suitable places for camps was 
exercised in choosing some of those sites in the Northumbrian hills 
which are still encompassed by Roman masonry. 

But this only takes us at furthest to the construction of camps. 
"We have still no hint of anything like a wall. 

The second century after Christ was, we are sure, of immense 
importance in the actual building of the Wall ; but, strangely enough, 
it adds nothing to what I call its literary history. Let me briefly 
run over the names and characters of the chief emperors who wore 
the purple during this, the golden age of the Roman monarchy. 
There are some of them to whom we shall have to return when we 
reach the writers who tell us of their deeds. 

I will not linger over the reign of TRAJAN (98-117), 'Best of 
Princes ' (as he was deservedly named by his grateful subjects), for 
we have, I think, no direct evidence of Trajan's action in refer- 
ence to the government of Britain. I pass on, therefore, to his 
successor, AELIUS HADRIANUS, who reigned from 117 to 138. 
He undoubtedly visited our island, and probably held his court at 
Eboracuin (York), in the winter of 119-120. Though not the 
best of the emperors, Hadrian is certainly one of the most inter- 
esting of the series. He was a restless traveller, for seventeen 
years perpetually on the move from one end to another of his 
vast dominions. Britain, as we have seen, saw in him almost for 
the first time the purple of an emperor, 1 and he left his name in 
the military station of Pons Aelii which guarded his bridge over the 
Tyne at the spot where we now listen to the clamorous industries of 
Newcastle. Britain settled, Hadrian journeyed through Gaul to 
Spain, from Spain to Mauritania, and thence to the borders of Persia. 
All the great capitals of the ancient world Athens, Alexandria, 
Antioch felt the presence of this ubiquitous emperor, and wherever 
he went stately buildings sprang up to attest his passionate love for 
the noble art of architecture. Though himself a Spaniard, his heart 
was given to Greece. He lingered long in Athens and adorned her 

1 Claudius was the only emperor who had previously visited Britain, and his 
visit lasted only eleven days. 


with so many beautiful buildings that a triumphal arch bore on that 
face which looked towards them : ' This is not the city of Theseus 
but the city of Hadrian.' 2 ^Returning at length to Italy to spend 
his old age there, he reared, in sight of the temples and cascades of 
Tivoli, that marvellous palace whose ruins still bear his name ' The 
Villa of Hadrian.' The traveller who visits the place, deceived by the 
modest title, expects to find one building of moderate dimensions, 
and finds instead the lines of a real city, barracks for many thousand 
soldiers, temples, baths, lecture halls, and libraries. And here the 
Hellas-loving emperor ' endeavoured to perpetuate his own recollections 
of Greece. Here he erected buildings to which he gave the names of 
Poikile and lyceum ; by their side he planted the germ of an Academy, 
and he carried the stream of an ideal Peneus through the pleasant 
vale of an imitation Tempe.' 3 

Pity that this brilliant and vivid intellect was not united to a 
stronger and a purer character. Hadrian suffers by comparison 
with the emperors who came before and after him, for though far 
from sinking to the level of the cruel debauchees who disgraced the 
first century of the empire, he does not rise to the level of that serene 
and self-denying virtue which was generally attained by the Ulpian 
and Antonine emperors. With the brilliancy he had also the 
sensuousness and the moral weakness of the artistic temperament. 
He was pre-eminently the kind of man who needed religion rather 
than philosophy to enable him to work out his life-problem aright. 
For want of the soothing, regulating influence of the Divine Spirit on 
his soul he sank, in his old age and under the torments of a painful 
disease, into an irritable and jealous tyrant : his early, well-deserved 
popularity faded away, and he seems to have died hated .more than 
pitied by his people. 

But if there were blots in the record of Hadrian's closing years, 
they were almost effaced by the splendid wisdom which he showed in 
the choice of his successor. ANTONINUS Pius (138-161), whose very 
coins bring before us the image of a man of pure and noble character, 
was fittingly described in the address in which Hadrian introduced 


the other side of the arch looking towards the old city were the words 

3 Preface to Wordsworth's Greece. 


him to the senate 'of noble birth, gentle, tractable, wise, with 
neither the rashness of youth nor the slovenliness of age, trained up 
in the laws, having commanded as a general according to the good old 
custom of his fathers, so that he knew all the duties of those offices 
which lead up to sovereignty, and has been able to discharge them all 
honourably.' We know far too little of the public acts and private 
life of this true 'patriot- king,' but I will so far anticipate what I 
shall have to say when I come to speak of his biographer as to say 
that Antoninus was the undoubted author of the wall, or rather 
rampart, which connected the firths of Forth and Clyde. As there is 
so much that is perplexing and debateable about the history of our 
Wall ('the barrier of the Lower Isthmus,' as it is sometimes called), 
let this point at least be firmly fixed in our minds, that the builder of 
the northern, or what we now call the Scottish, rampart was, by the 
consentient testimony of historians, inscriptions, and coins, Antoninus 
Pius, emperor of Rome from 138 to 161. 

His adopted son and successor, MARCUS AURELIUS (161-180), 'the 
philosopher on the throne,' the man who in all the heathen world 
comes nearest, except Socrates (if, indeed, we ought to except Socrates), 
to the Christian ideal of righteousness, had hard battles to fight with 
the barbarians of the Middle Danube in defence of the empire, and, as 
far as I know, his name is not even mentioned in the scanty records of 
the time in connection with Roman Britain. 

All the world had to mourn the awful change when the saintly 
Aurelius, the friend and father of his people, was succeeded by his son, 
the cruel and cowardly profligate, COMMODUS (180-192). Britain soon 
felt the change. Dion Cassius, the historian whom I am about shortly to 
introduce to you, and who is strictly a contemporary (for he was about 
twenty-five years of age at the time of the accession of Commodus), 
says (Ixxii. 8) : ' There were wars in other parts of the empire, but 
the greatest of all was the war of Britain. For the tribes in that 
island having overpassed the Wall which separated them from the 
camps of the Romans, and committing many outrages, and having cut 
to pieces a certain general with the soldiers under his command, 
Commodus, struck with fear, sent Marcellus Ulpius against them.' 
Dion Cassius then goes on to give us a characteristic sketch of this 
general, of the means which he used to maintain the discipline in 


the army, and of bis own ascetic habits. But neither these details nor 
the fact that he ' terribly worsted the barbarians ' concern us at 
present. What I want to point out to you is that here at last, in a 
book written between 211 and 222, we get a clear mention of 'the 
Wall which divided the barbarians from the camps of the Romans.' 
It is true that we have no absolutely unmistakable indication which of 
the walls is here alluded to, but the whole tenor of the passage makes 
it probable that it was our Wall here in Northumberland, and that the 
invading barbarians did really effect an entrance over it into the 
northern counties of that which we now call England, and laid them 
waste by their ravages. 

The same author, Dion Cassius, says, in a later book (Ixxvi. 12) 
'There are two tribes the greatest of all the Britons, namely, the 
Caledonians and the Maeatae, and all other tribal names have, so to 
speak, coalesced in these two. Now the Maeatae dwell close to the 
Wall itself which cuts the island in twain, and the Caledonians behind 
them. Both tribes inhabit wild and waterless mountains and wastes, 
marshy plains, having neither walled cities nor agriculture, but living 
by pasture and the chase, and feeding also on certain hard-shelled 
fruits. For fish, though they swarm in their rivers, they never taste. 
They dwell in tents, naked and unshod, having the women in common, 
and rearing all their offspring. They are for the most part democra- 
tically governed, and greatly enjoy robbery. They fight in chariots 
drawn by little and swift horses, but they are also foot soldiers, most 
nimble in running, and most resolute in standing together : ' and so 
on. The passage is too long for me to quote the whole of it here ; but 
though interesting as showing us how long democratic government, 
with all its attendant blessings, has existed among our northern neigh- 
bours, it does not help us much as to the position of the Wall ; for 
though the Caledonians we know, the Maeatae as the name of a British 
tribe conveys no idea to us. Perhaps Mommsen is right 4 in saying that 
the wall here means the wall of Antoninus. 

The 'reign of terror' under Commodus was ended by his assassina- 
tion (31st December, 192), and by the elevation to the empire of the 
estimable senator PEKTINAX (193). All readers of Gibbon will 
remember his admirable description of the short reign of this worthy 

* Book viii. c. 5 (p. 187, English translation). 



emperor, his murder by the Praetorian guards, the putting up to 
auction of the imperial dignity, and the chaos of civil war which 
followed. One of the three pretenders to the purple whose legions 
clashed together in this anarchic time was Clodius Albinus, governor 
of Britain, but he was not the one who emerged victorious from the 
doubtful strife. The victor was SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS (193-211), who 
wore the purple for eighteen years, and who left a great name, certainly 
one of the six greatest names, in the history of Roman Britain. 

A man more unlike the courtly and cultivated Hadrian, with whom 
he is sometimes brought into competition, could hardly be imagined 
than this stern, dry African soldier, short in stature, snub-nosed, with 
only a slight tincture of learning, but with a wonderful power of push- 
ing his way through the thickets of political life. During the greater 
part of his reign he was warring against the Persians on the eastern 
frontier of the empire, but in 208, though sixty-three years old and 
tortured by gout, he commanded in person an expedition to Britain 
in order to chastise the hostile Caledonians and Maeatae. 

A somewhat obscure notice in Dion Cassius informs us that there 
had been trouble in Britain, occasioned by the faithlessness of the 
Caledonians who, unmindful of their promises [to Rome], had prepared 
to assist the [hostile] Maeatae. It was the civil war [between Severus 
and Albinus] which had given them boldness thus to resist the 
emperor, and the result of their operations was that the governor, 
Lupus, was obliged to redeem certain captives (probably of high rank) 
for a very large sum of money. We may safely infer that these 
operations of the Caledonians must have included at least a partial 
destruction of the Wall, and a ravage of the lands immediately to the 
south of it. 8 

The expedition of Severus, undertaken to punish this invasion, 
lasted three years. He seems to have really penetrated farther into 
Caledonia than any other Roman general except Agricola. According 
to Dion Cassius he reached the extreme limit of the island. 6 This is 
probably an exaggeration, but the remark that he accurately explored 
the sun's position at the solstice and the length of the days and nights 
in summer and winter looks as if he really had gone farther north than 
the ordinary run of Roman soldiers and merchants. We can well 
* Dion Cassius, Ixxv. 5. s Ibid. Ixxvi. 13. 


believe that 'he went through great labours, cutting down forests, 
levelling heights, filling up marshes, and bridging rivers ; ' and yet 
with all this, we are told that fifty thousand Roman soldiers, perished, 
not in a pitched battle, but victims to the Caledonian ambuscades, 
to the treacherous morasses, to the fatigues and dangers of the 
march. 7 

The news of another revolt of the half -subdued Caledonians filled 
Severus with such rage that, with a Homeric quotation, he vowed to 
exterminate the whole race down to the infant in its mother's arms ; 
but death cut short the angry soldier's career ere he had begun his 
fourth campaign. He died at York on the 4th February, 211. He 
had, though with great sacrifice of Roman life, chastised the presump- 
tion of the Caledonians. The presence of so great and strenuous an 
emperor had doubtless done much to consolidate Roman dominion 
in the southern part of the island. Had he also left his special 
mark here in Northumberland ? That is a question which for the 
present shall be left undiscussed. 

It may be a little help to the memory, as fixing the place in 
history of the author whom I mentioned a little while ago, and who 
is certainly, after Tacitus, our best authority on the history of Roman 
Britain, to mention that Dion Cassius often pleaded as an advocate 
before Severus. ' Then at early morning-tide he sat on the judgment 
seat,' says he, ' except when some great festival was being celebrated. 
And in truth he did this part of his work very well : for he gave the 
litigants plenty of water [that is, ' time ' by the clepsydra or water- 
clock] ; and to me, when I pleaded before him, he gave great liberty 
of speech. So he judged till noon ; after that he rode on horse-back 
as long as he was able to do so.' 8 

It was by the advice and encouragement of the emperor Severus 
that Dion determined to write the history of his reign. He apparently 
began to collect his materials in 201, spent ten years over the work 
of preparation, and, after the death of Severus, spent ten years more 
in writing it, completing it, down to the end of that emperor's reign, 
in the year 222. 

It should be mentioned here that one frequently sees statements 
as to the campaigns of Severus and other points in the history of 
7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. Ixvvi. 17 


Eoman Britain quoted on the authority of a certain Xiphilinus. From 
the pen of this Xiphilinus they certainly do literally proceed all the 
statements which I have been laying before you ; but if they came 
originally from the mind of Xiphiliuus they would be of no conceivable 
value to us, seeing that he was an ignorant and uncritical Byzantine 
monk, contemporary with our William the Conqueror. But he under- 
took, by command of his emperor, to make an abridgement of the 
history of Dion Cassius from the 36th to the 80th book (from 
B.C. 67 to A.D. 229). 9 Though the epitomiser was, as I have said, 
careless and uncritical, and has doubtless omitted many facts which 
we would gladly know, there is no reason to suppose that he has 
added anything to his author, and, therefore, I think we are justified 
in considering and quoting his book as not the work of Xiphilinus 
but the work of Dion. 

It should be mentioned that we have also a history of the reign 
of Severus from the pen of another contemporary Greek historian, 
H&rodian. He is, however, much briefer in his account of the British 
campaigns than Dion, and I do not find in his text anything which 
even by inference throws light on the history of the Wall. 

As Severus died in the year 211, we are now, you will perceive, 
fairly launched into the mid-current of the third century after Christ. 
That century was one of the saddest in all the chronicles of time. 
The fratricide Caracalla, the effeminate glutton Elagabalus, the fierce 
barbarian bully Maximin, the dark Arabian traitor Philip, the clever 
fool Gallienus, were among the third-century emperors, and although 
some good emperors appeared here and there in the ranks of the 
wearers of the purple, their lives were generally cut short by the 
dagger of the assassin or the sword of the mutineer, and they scarcely 
availed to make even a moment's pause in the empire's downward 
course to ruin. The third century was growing old, and it seemed as 
if its death and the death of the great world empire might come almost 
in the same hour. 

The ruin was averted and another century was gained for Borne, 
for civilization, for the happiness of the human race by the wise states- 

' From book 61 to 80, that is from the accession of Nero to the eighth 
year/ of Severus Alexander we have only the abridgement of Xiphilinus to 
represent the original work of Dion. 


manship of the second founder of the empire, the great DIOCLETIAN 
(284-305). Himself the son of a man who had once been a Dalmatian 
slave, he climbed up by no unworthy means, but by the mere force of 
an indomitable will and a vigorous intellect, to the foremost place in 
all the world. Once there, he determined that his power should not be 
at the mercy of every breath of disaffection in the barrack-room of 
every legion. He chose to himself three strong and capable partners 
of his throne to aid him in pushing back the barbarians on the 
frontier, and at the same time in repressing the tumults of the mutin- 
ous soldiery. The Roman emperor, he conceived, had been too ready 
to pose as only the first citizen of a republic. A monarch he was, as 
much as, nay more than, any king of Persia or Armenia, and as a 
monarch he must show himself to his dazzled and awe-stricken subjects. 
Hence came his resolution to place upon his head the white bejewelled 
diadem 10 to interweave with his purple the threads of gold, to tinge 
even his shoes with purple and adorn them with blazing jewels, to 
insist upon his subjects prostrating themselves in the attitude of 
adoration when they entered his presence, to surround his person with 
a guard of tall, stately soldiers bearing shields of gold. All the 
theatrical pageant of royalty now encompassed the Roman emperor, 
and being well put upon the stage it in great measure accomplished 
its intended purpose. Though in some things the great designs of 
Diocletian failed in their aim, the mutinies and rebellions which were 
almost incessant in the third century were comparatively rare in the 

One of the smaller cares of Diocletian, a sovereign whose various 
energy somewhat resembled that of the great Napoleon, was to 
provide a history of the emperors, his predecessors. Suetonius had 
written their lives down to the reign of Domitian, and Diocletian 
decided that the work of Suetonius should be continued to his own 
day. With this view he gave the needful orders to certain rhetoricians, 
probably clerks and notaries in the government offices, and the book 

10 The diadem, the Oriental sign of monarchy, seems to have been first 
assumed by Heliogabalus, but not worn outside his palace. Aureiian wore it in 
public. Diocletian adopted it from these predecessors, perhaps adorned it more 
sumptuously with jewels, and wore it more habitually. (See Historia Augusta, 
Vita If el toga bali, xxiii. ; Victor, Epitome, xxxv. ; Jordanes, DC Rvynorum 
Successione, Ixviii. ; Eutropius, xxvi.) 


called the Historia Augusta was the result. 11 History written to order 
in this imperial style is not generally distinguished by its literary 
excellence, and the Historia Augusta, though most valuable to us as a 
record of an obscure and difficult period, is very unworthy of the 
countrymen of Livy and Tacitus. The authors are so little known, and 
have so little succeeded in impressing their personality on Roman 
readers, that there is even a doubt as to their number. Certain lives 
in the series are attributed to Aelius Spartianus, and certain others to 
Aelius Larnpridius ; but it is now suggested by some scholars that 
these two are one man, Aelius Lampridius Spartianus. This is as if 
Vanity Fair were attributed to one author, William Makepeace, and 
The Neivcomes to another, William Thackeray, a sort of mistake which, 
in such a case where genius has left its ineffaceable signature, is not 
likely to be made. 

It is, however, fortunate that in this curious patch-work perform- 
ance the best, or perhaps we should rather say the least bad, lives are 
those which come from the pen of Spartianus, and that among these 
are the two which concern us most closely, those of the two emperors 
who left the clearest mark on the provinces of Britain. 

From this obscure literary hack, probably a subordinate official in 
the imperial chancery, from Aelius Spartianus, we get the life of 
Hadrian, with all its faults a precious authority for the reign of that 
brilliant and much-travelling emperor. In that life this passage 
occurs : ' Therefore, having like a true king of men changed the 
habits of the soldiery, he visited Britain, in which island he corrected 
many things that were amiss, and was the first to draw a wall [across] 
for eighty miles, in order to divide the barbarians and the Romans.' 

11 1 must just allude to an interesting literary controversy as to the time of 
the composition of the Historia Augusta. The account given in the text is that 
which has generally passed current till recent times, and which seems to be borne 
out by the dedications to Diocletian or Constantino which are found in some MSS. 
of the Historia Augusta prefixed to some of the lives. There are, however, some 
passages in the compilation which seem to indicate a considerably later date, and 
strong reasons are assigned by the German scholars who have been discuss- 
ing the question for suspecting that there is a literary artifice in all the allusions 
to Diocletian as a contemporary ruler, and that the lives really belong to the age 
of Theodosius, or even later (say 380 to 410 A.D.). It is not necessary for my 
purpose to go further into this question here. My chief point is the length of time 
which elapsed between the reigns of Hadrian or Severus, and the account of those 
reigns given in the Historia Augusta. If it was really written a century after 
its alleged date this argument becomes so much the stronger. 


And again, in a passage where he is speaking more generally of 
Hadrian's imperial energy : ' At that time and frequently at many 
other times and in very many places, in which the barbarians are 
divided (from the Romans) not by rivers but by [artificial] boundaries, 
he separated them from the empire by great stakes fixed deep in the 
earth and connected with one another, after the fashion of a mural 

Here at length, in the first of these passages, at least one 
hundred and fifty years after the death of Hadrian (for Spartianus 
certainly did not write before 288), we have a passage clearly 
assigning to Hadrian the building of a wall, eighty miles in length, 
across the north of Britain, and connecting it with a general plan 
of defence all round the borders of the empire where natural frontiers 
failed. Truly, notwithstanding its late appearance, this is a most 
precious document for the history of our Wall. 

The next imperial life in the Historia Augusta is that of Antoninus 
Pius, and bears the name of Julius Capitolinus, another member of 
the literary partnership ; but the opinion of some scholars inclines to 
the view that this life also is the work of Spartianus. In that life occurs 
this passage (chap, v.) : 'By his lieutenants he waged very many wars, 
for he conquered even the Britons by his lieutenant Lollius Urbicus, 
having pushed the barbarians away and drawn another wall made of 
turf [across the island], and he forced the Moors to beg for peace,' 
and so on. There are some little indications in this passage that it 
was written, if not by the author of the life of Hadrian, at any rate by 
someone who had that life before him. 12 It will be seen that it speaks 
of another wall, and that it describes it as ' built of turf,' a description 
which the recent explorations of the Glasgow Archaeological Society 
prove to be exactly accurate, for the sections which they have made show 
at regular intervals the black streaks of that which was grass alternat- 
ing with the brown soil, so that in fact we can tell just how many 
' cespites ' or layers of turf went to the building of each portion of the 
wall between the Forth and the Clyde, the undoubted wall of Antoninus. 

After six more lives, the work of various authors, we come to the 
life of Severus, which, like that of Hadrian, is attributed to Spartianus. 

12 The use of the word ' alio ' and the expression ' muro ducto ' as in the 
former life. 


He, after enumerating this emperor's victories in the east over Persians, 
Arabians and Adiabeni, says (chap, xvii.) : ' The greatest glory of his 
reign is that he fortified Britain by a wall drawn across the island and 
ending on both sides with the ocean, for which achievement he received 
the name of Britannicus.' 

This, again, is a memorable passage in the history of the Wall, 
the very Thermopylae or Hougouuiont of the controversy, a fortress 
which has been taken, lost, and retaken over and over again, and 
round whose walls antiquaries will probably fight for generations to 
come. The difficulty lies chiefly in this : that we have here a distinct 
attribution to Severus of the building of a wall across Britain from 
sea to sea, but no allusion to the fact mentioned by the same author in 
his life of Hadrian that a wall had been originally built in the same 
place. The word 'restored' or 'repaired' instead of 'built' would 
have made all things clear. The introduction of * alium ' (another) here, 
as in the life of Antoninus, would have had the like effect ; or if there 
had been any change in the word used for wall, if murus had been 
used in one place and vallum in another, the two narratives might 
still have been perfectly consistent. This difficulty induced Hodgson 
at one time to throw overboard altogether this sentence in the life of 
Severus, and to suggest that it was inserted here instead of in the life 
of Hadrian by mere inadvertence. He himself afterwards perceived 
that this was going too far, and I do not think any scholar would 
be satisfied with such a drastic remedy. The probability is that 
Spartianus, who, as I have said, was a mere literary hack of no great 
learning or ability, found in the works of those who had gone before 
him these two statements attributing the building of a wall across 
Britain to two different emperors, and incorporated them both in his 
book without perceiving that they required at least some attempt at 

There is another passage in this life of Severus by Spartianus which, 
if the text were not so evidently corrupt, and if a certain emendation 
of it were allowed, might help us much, but which at present seems to 
make the darkness of the mural controversy only darker. 

The hitherto received text of this passage (which describes one of 
the omens which foretold the death of Severus) is 'Post murum apud 
vallum in Britannia missum cum ad proximam mansionem rediret.' 


To the advocates of a certain theory there is a strong temptation to 
translate this : ' When Severus was returning to the nearest lodging- 
place after building his [stone] wall near the [earthen] rampart in 
Britain.' But (1) we have no authority for translating 'mittere' 'to 
send ' by 'to build.' (2) The words 'stone' and 'earth' which we have 
inserted are unauthorized glosses. (3) It now appears that the two 
best MSS. of the Historia Augusta (Bambergensis and Palatinus) and 
the Editio Princfps which is also founded on a MS. of respectable 
authority, unite in reading Maurum instead of Murum. What the 
meaning of his ' sending a Moor to the rampart in Britain ' may be 
we know not. Perhaps it alludes to some event to which we have lost 
the clue. In any case the passage is too obscure, or the text too 
corrupt, to make a safe foundation for any theory. 

The author goes on to say : ' When he was returning to the nearest 
mansio (lodging-place, not only victorious, but also having established 
peace on eternal foundations, and revolving in his mind what omen 
would next meet him,' the whole of this life of Severus is full of 
stories of omens of glory or of disaster 'a certain Ethiopian from 
the ranks of the soldiery, a well-known buffoon, who was always playing 
practical jokes, met him with a wreath woven of cypresses (the funereal 
leaf). When the emperor in a rage ordered him to be removed from 
his sight, looking upon the man's black skin and cypress wreath as both 
ominous of evil, the Ethiopian is asserted to have said by way of a joke : 
" Thou hast been everything ; thou hast conquered everything ; now 
let God be the conqueror." ' 

The general meaning of the story is clear. Severus, who did 
actually die at York after his Caledonian campaign, was met by a negro 
soldier in a certain sense a fellow-countryman, as he, too, came from 
Africa and this man's colour, his cypress wreath, and his clumsily 
jocose words, all pointed to the approaching end of Severus. 

But, as before said, what to make of the words : ' post rnaurum ' or 
' murum apud vallum missum ' is an enigma to which I am afraid we 
are not likely soon, if ever, to find the answer. 14 

One more passage which at least illustrates the subject may be 
quoted from the same life of Severus : 18 ' Great was his service to the 

13 Printed at Milan, 1475. 

14 It seems to me that Hodgson in his comments on this passage, iii. 308, 
309, and 315, by substituting 'the Vallum at the Mums' for 'the Murus at the 
Vallum ' vitiates his whole argument. ls Chap, xxiii. 



city in this respect that at Rome he restored all the public buildings 
which were falling into decay by the lapse of time, nowhere hardly 
affixing his own name but always keeping the titles of the original 
builders.' This certainly points to Severus as essentially a restorer, 
and one who was more anxious to do the needful work than to claim 
the glory of it, one who might, therefore, very probably have restored 
Hadrian's work (though I must repeat that this is not what Spartianus 
says) without obliterating Hadrian's name. 

With the Historia Augusta ends, I consider, all independent Eoman 
testimony as to the builder of the Wall. The assertions of Eutropius, 
of Aurelius Victor, of Orosius, of Cassiodorus, that Severus built a wall 
in Britain whose length they state in varying numbers from thirty- 
two to one hundred and thirty-two miles, 16 are probably all copied 
from the same source, and that source possibly the Historia Augusta. 17 
They do not, therefore, really add anything to our knowledge, though 
the fact that in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries the name of Severus 
had entirely replaced that of Hadrian as the builder of the British 
Wall is one of some importance. More important perhaps is it to 
note that Cassiodorus in his chronicle (composed about 519) assigns 
the building of the Wall to the consulate of Aper and Maximus 
A.D. 207, the year when Severus first came into Britain, four years 
before his death. It might be said that this date conflicted with the 
story of the meeting with the negro, which was evidently just before 
the death of the emperor. On the other hand, Cassiodorus would 
probably date the building of the Wall from the time when Severus 
issued the orders for its commencement, and three years would be not 
an unreasonable time to be occupied with such a work. The building 
would, on this hypothesis, be begun probably in the summer of 207, 
and it might be ended in December of 210 or January of 211, when 
Severus, racked with the gout, furious with the Caledonians, doubtful 
about the loyalty of his son, the murderous Caracalla, was returning to 
Eboracum to die. 18 

The importance of this notice in Cassiodorus is much increased by 

18 Victor gives thirty-two ; Eutropius, Orosius, and Cassiodorus one hundred 
and thirty-two. The real distance was sixty-eight English miles and three 
furlongs, equivalent to about seventy-four and one-third Roman miles. 

" They are, however, inscribed in my list of authorities at the end of this 
paper, to be taken for what they are worth. 

18 Dion Cassius tells us that Severus died on the 4th of February. 

ARCH. A EL. Vol. 

Plate XVII. 



the fact that it coincides in time with the well-known inscription on 
the written rock above the river Gelt. From this inscription we 
learn that an offidna or gang of stone-workers under the command of 
a petty officer or opt-to named Agricola were working this rock in the 
year which had Aper and Maximus for its consuls, the very year 
named by Cassiodorus. 

The next authority which we have to notice, prior in date to one 
or two of those already mentioned, and not one that touches the ques- 
tion of the builders of the "Wall, is the Notitia Utriisque Imperil. This 
was a sort of army list and civil service almanack of the Roman 
state. From it we derive almost all our information as to the gradation 
of ranks in the official hierarchy, and the disposition of the legions in 
the provinces of the empire. There is good reason to suppose that 
each successive emperor made with his own hand a copy of this 
important document ; and the MS. from which our present copies of 
the Notitia are printed may have descended, with but few intervening 
exemplars, from one traced in purple characters by the august fingers 
of Arcadius or Honorius. 

In the second part of this document, which relates to the western 
empire, we have a chapter of the deepest interest for us which contains 
the disposition of the troops : ' Sub dispositione viri spectabilis ducis 
Brittanniarum,' and a sub-section, most interesting of all, entitled 
' Item per lineam Valli.' It is from this page of the Notitia, com- 
bined with the evidence of inscriptions, that Horsley recovered the 
true names of the Roman stations from "Wallsend to Gilsland, rightly 
inferring that as the ala of the Astures was stationed at Cilurnum, 
that must have been the imperial name of the camp at Chesters, 
where the inscriptions of that ala are found ; and so with Procolitia, 
Borcovicus, and all the other stations in the region indicated above. 

But what we have here especially to note is that this sub-section 
is headed per lineam Valli. Vallum, therefore, we may safely conclude, 
was the generic name of the line of the Roman fortification in Britain 
when that chapter of the Notitia was compiled. 

Our next authority is one of a most puzzling kind. His own age 
and country are doubtful, and we cannot tell in listening to his 
diffuse and declamatory periods whether he is really adding anything 
valuable to our stock of information or is simply ' darkening counsel 


by words without knowledge.' I refer to the monk Gildas, from 
whom are derived almost all the facts or legends concerning the 
conquest of Britain by the Angles and Saxons which have become 
part of the received text of history. 

Gildas appears to have been an inhabitant either of Wales or of 
' West Wales ' (as Cornwall and Devonshire were once called), and, 
according to Mommsen, 19 he was born at the very end of the fifth or 
beginning of the sixth century, certainly before A.D. 504. There is 
some authority for the statement that he died A.D. 569 or 570. 
But all the facts about his life and personality are wrapped in much 
obscurity, so that a recent writer has argued with some plausibility 
that the work De Excidio Britanniae, by which he is best known, is not 
his at all, but was written by an unknown scribe a full century later. 20 
It does not seem to me that he has proved his point, but the mere 
existence of such a controversy shows how far we have drifted away 
from the region of well-defined, clearly-dated history. 

However, let Gildas's contributions to the history of our Wall be 
taken for what they are worth. They amount to this, that it was a work 
not of the second or even of the third century, but one that marked 
the decline and approaching ruin of Roman domination in our island. 
The Roman legions, he says, had followed Maximus on to the 
Continent when he rebelled against Gratian (A.D. 383), and for a time 
established himself as emperor at Milan. He knows nothing of any 
return of the legions, nor of the re-establishment of the imperial 
domination. But he says that Britain, being ravaged by the Picts 
and Scots, languished under their oppression for many years, and then 
cried to Rome for help. A legion came and speedily delivered her. 
The Britons were ordered to construct a wall across the island between 
the two seas for a terror to the enemy and a defence to the citizens ; 
but this wall being built by the unreasoning, vulgar herd without a 
director, and made of turves, not of stones, was of no good. 

The legion, he says, returned to Rome, and the Picts and Scots 
renewed their ravages. A second time the Britons cried for help, and 
with eagle-like swiftness the Romans crossed the sea and swooped 
down upon the foe. But having delivered the country, they plainly 

19 In his edition of Gildas for the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, p. 5. 
80 Mr. A. Auscombe, in various letters to the Academy between September 
14th and November 16th, 1895. 


told its inhabitants that so mighty and so brave an army could not be 
harassed by laborious expeditions such as these against paltry bands of 
robbers. The Britons must learn to defend themselves, their wives, 
their children, and their country against nations who were really no 
stronger than they if they would only shake off their timidity and 
sloth. They must arm themselves with sword, with shield, and with 
spear, and stretch forth their ready right hands to the slaughter. But, 
moreover, thinking that the following plan would do something to help 
the people whom they were leaving behind them, 'the Romans set about 
building a wall, not like the previous one, but in the style regularly 
used in such structures. This wall was built by contributions from 
the public treasury as well as from private individuals, and by the 
united labours of the Roman soldiers and the miserable natives ; and 
it went from sea to sea by a direct course, between the cities which 
had been, perchance, placed there through fear of the enemy. 
Having done this and given many counsels of valour to the trembling 
people, and shown them how they ought to use their arms, they 

So much for the account of the building of the Roman "Wall given 
by Gildas, or whoever is the author of De Excidio Briianniae. He 
gives no dates, but from the sequence of events in his story one would 
say that he assigns the building of the first, useless, turf -made wall, to 
somewhere about 400, and the second, or stone wall, to 420. A third 
irruption of the barbarians, and a third cry for help, this time to 
Aetius, thrice consul, bring down the story to about 446. I have given 
the story as he tells it, but I may say that I do not think it is worth 

We now come to the last work that I purpose to notice in this 
paper, the Historia Ecclesiastica of our great countryman Baeda, 
compiled about the year 731, or rather more than three centuries after 
the Romans evacuated Britain. He very emphatically and pointedly 
attributes the building of a turf wall, which he calls vallum (not a 
stone murus) to Severus. 

'In the year from the incarnation of Our Lord, 189 [it should be 
193], Severus, an African from the town -of Leptes, seventeenth from 
Augustus, obtained the empire, which he held for seventeen years. 
He being stern by nature, and much harassed by perpetual wars, 


nevertheless ruled the Republic with great courage and industry. 
Being conqueror in the civil wars, which sorely taxed his powers, he 
was drawn into Britain by the defection of nearly all his allies [the 
subject chiefs of Britain], where, after fighting many hard battles, he 
formed the decision to divide that part of the island which he had 
recovered from the other unsubdued nations, not with a murus, as 
some have supposed, but with a vallum. For a murus is built of 
stones, but a vallum, with which a camp is fortified against the onset 
of an enemy, is made of sods of earth. These are cut round and taken 
out of the earth, and out of them a structure like a wall is raised high 
above the ground, in such fashion that in front is the ditch out of 
which the sods have been taken, and on the top are fixed sharp stakes 
of very strong wood. Severus then drew from sea to sea a great ditch 
and a very strong vallum, fortified with frequent towers above ; and 
then died of disease at the town of Eboracum.' 

This passage of Baeda is, I believe, the cause of our distinguishing 
in ordinary archaeological parlance between the stone murus and the 
earthen vallum, and is our sole authority for doing so. "Wonderfully 
learned man as the monk of Jarrow was, it will probably be admitted 
that his authority on a philological question like this is not consider- 
able. It is too late now to try to upset this usage (which, after all, 
has the recommendation of convenience), but we must admit that there 
is virtually no evidence that the Romans themselves called the two 
lines of defence by the names by which we know them. 

In a later chapter Baeda, after relating the departure of the 
Romans from Britain and the invasion of the Picts and Scots, goes on 
to describe the embassies to Rome, the succour given from thence, 
the building of a turf wall, and afterwards of a stone wall by the 
advice and with the assistance of the legions, in words so evidently 
borrowed from Gildas, or from some author whom Gildas copied, that 
it is not necessary to repeat them here. 

Only, as being himself an inhabitant of Northumbria, and living 
in the neighbourhood of the still existing Wall, he adds to the 
narrative of Gildas some memorable, though possibly not altogether 
accurate, words as to the dimensions and appearance of the Wall in 
his day, five centuries after Hadrian, four centuries after Severus, 
three centuries after the departure of the Romans from Britain. 


'Moreover, because they thought to bring some [lasting] advan- 
tage to the allies whom they were forced to abandon, they founded of 
firm stone-work a wall from sea to sea in a right line between the 
cities which had been built there through fear of the enemy, where 
also Severus of old had made his vallum. This Wall, in truth, still 
famous and conspicuous, they constructed at the public and private 
expense, having joined a band of Britons with themselves, and it was 
eight feet broad and twelve high, in a right line from east to west, as 
is still manifest to those who at this day behold it.' 

Here I must stop. There are some thorny questions ahead of us 
connected with the terrible name of Nennius, but we have got far 
away from anything that could in any sense be called authoritative 
statements as to the foundation of the Wall, and I prefer here to 
close my enquiry into their value. 

Upon a review of the whole evidence afforded by this literary 
history, it will probably be admitted that it is not decisive as to any 
of the questions which most interest us in reference to the builder of 
the Northumbrian Wall. 

(1) That Agricola built some of our camps is highly probable. 

(2) That Hadrian connected these camps by some kind of rampart 
and drew a line of some kind across the island from Tyne to Solway 
is certain. That Antoninus Pius ordered the erection of the turf 
wall from Clyde to Forth is also certain. 

(3) That Severus did something to re-establish the great barrier 
which had been broken down by the incursions of the barbarians at 
the time of Oommodus is, I think we may say, certain. 

(4) The stories which ascribe the building of the Wall to the 
Britons, helped by Koman soldiers in the fifth century during the 
dying days of the empire, we may, I think, disregard as late, legendary, 
and in themselves utterly improbable. 

And looking to the literary evidence as a whole, seeing how late 
the best of it is, how emphatically not contemporary, we must feel 
that it is entirely inadequate to decide the questions raised. The 
evidence of coins, if the place of their discovery is carefully noted 
and great vigilance be used to exclude all but genuine finds : the 
evidence of inscriptions (if here, too, we are careful to mark the exact 
place of their discovery and to satisfy ourselves that they are found 


where they were first placed) ; and, above all, the evidence of the 
Wall, the aggers, and the fosses themselves, if we study them care- 
fully upon the spot, with minds unbiassed by any foregone conclusion, 
must eventually decide the question before us if it shall ever be possible 
for man to decide it. 

Everything shows the absolute necessity of accurate and patient 
excavations, liberally supported by all Englishmen who are interested 
in the earlier chapters of the history of their land, if we are ever to 
speak with any certainty upon this and many another interesting 
question connected with the story of BRITANNIA ROMANA. 


A.D. 79. TACITI AGBICOLA, cap. xx. 

'Ubi aestas advenit, contracto exercitu multus in agmine, laudare 
modestiam, disjectos coercere; loca castris ipse capere. aestuaria ac silvas ipse 
practentare ; et nihil interim apud hostes quietum pati, quominus subitis 
excursibus popularetur : atque ubi satis terruerat, parcendo rursus invitanienta 
pacis ostentare. Quibus rebus multae civitates, quae in ilium diem ex aequo 
egerant, datis obsidibus iram posuere, et praesidiis castellisque circumdatae, 
tanta ratione curaque ut nulla ante Britanniae nova pars.' 

A.D. 80. TACITI AGBICOLA, cap. xxii. 

' Tertius expeditionum annus novas gentes aperuit, vastatis usque ad 
Tanaum (aestuario nomen est) nationibus. Qua formidine territi hostes quam- 
quam conflictatum saevis tempestatibus exercitum lacessere non ausi ; ponendis- 
que insuper castellis spatium fuit. Adnotabant periti non alium ducem 
opportunitates locorum sapientius legisse. Nullum ab Agricola positum 
castellum aut vi hostium expugnatum aut pactione ac fuga desertum ; nam 
adversus moras obsidionis annuis copiis firmabantur.' 

A.D. 81. TACITI AGBICOLA, cap. xxiii. 

1 Quarta aestas obtinendis quae percucurrerat insumpta ; ac si virtus exer- 
cituum et Romani nominis gloria pateretur, inventus in ipsa Britannia 
terminus. Namque Clota et Bodotria, diversi maris aestibus per immensum 
revectae, angusto terrarum spatio dirimuntur: quod turn praesidiis firmabatur 
atqne omnis propior sinus tenebatur, summotis velut in aliam insulam 


DION CA8SIUS (abstracted by Xiphilinus), Ixxii, 8. 

Se Kal wo'Xe/tot' T<I>CS atrip irpos TOI> v-rrep TTJV Aa/aav 
fjapftdpov? .... fieryitno? 8e 6 BpeTTuvtKos. fu>v <ya/> ev Ttj vrfffu> eOvwv 
TO Tei^cs TO Siopigov at/rows T6 (cat Ta TUIV ' 

trrpinoireSa, KOI TroXXa KUKOVp^ovvrwv, ffTpar-qrydv re Tti/a fiera rwv 
(TTpariioTwV ovt ei~)(e KafuKO^dvrwv, 0oy3i/0ets o KofifioSo? M.dpK\\ov 
Ov\irtov eTr' uvrovs eVeyti^-ei/. 

Idem, Ixxvi. 12. 

Avo ^e ryevrj iwv Eperravwv fieryurrd elai, Ka\^2o'i/<o< KUI Maiaruf Kal 
es airra KUI Ta ttav u\\iav TrpoaprjftMra (a>9 ciTreiv) ffV^Ke^wprjKCv. OiKovffi 
8e ol ftev MamT< TT/JOS uinw TW SiuTeij^t'afiuri o rrjv vijaov 

& fae-r eiceivov?, Kal vefiomat iicdrepoi opr) u<ypta icru uwSpa 
Kal ire&i'a eprjfiu KOI e\w8rj } pyre Tet'^ 1 / /*>7 T6 wo'Xets pyre fftop^jai ^OI/TCS, 
aXA. etc Te vofirji Kal B^pus uKpoftpviav T tivwv ^wi'Tes. Ta'i/ <ya/) i^Oviav 
aTrelpwv KUI a.Tr\erwv ov^u)v ov <yevovrai. A/atTwi/Tat e ei* triajva'ty <yvuvol 
xal awTrd&rjTOi, rats f^vvai^tv eirtKOi'voK -)^pwfjLevoi Kul TO, ^evviafieva 
eCT/)60oi/Tes. ArjfioKpawutrTai TC lis 7r\rj6ei KUI \rjaTevovffiv r)8i<rra. 
tnevovrui 2e eW Te apfia/rwv, 'iTr-novs ejfome^ [iiKpov? /cat Ta^etV ? /cat 
ot 8e elffi /cat Bpajieiv O^VTOTOI KUI ava"n}vui 7ra<ytwTaTot. . 

A.D. 196-7. DION CASSIUS, Ixxv. 5. 

Tore 8rj /cat ev 'BptTruviq. &ia TO TOVS KaX^^ovt'ovs firj efifieivat TU?S 
Tots MataTats TrapeaKevaapievovs a/u,vvat, Kal dia TO TOTS rbv 
TUJ irapoiKW TroXifiw -jrpoaKeiadoi, Karrji/a^KdaOr] o AoSwos 
ftsffd\wv ^prjficnwv TTJV eiprjvijv irapa rwv MataTwi/ eKTrpi'aaOai, aij(fia\u)- 
TOVS Tti/as oXt'^ous airoXufitav. 

A.D. 208-211. /(few, Ixxvi. 13. 

Kat TOVTWV [rwv ftperTavwv~^ ^yttets ov woXXtp Tti/i T^S ijfitaeia? eXarrdv 
TI expfUEv. 'O 8' ovi/ 2oi^/)o iraaav auT^i/ Ka-raaTpe^fuoOut eOeXqaas 
eoef3a\V es T^V KaXf^oj/t'ai' /cat ?aa'j/ avrfjv afnvQifru. Trpd^ftaTu eff^c. . . 
Ov fievroi airearr) (ye Tr^tj/ TW ea^fcma T^S vr^aov wXiyfftao-at, oVov <ye 
TO fid\i<rra TIJV Te TOW rjXi'ov Trapd\\ugiv /cat TO TWI* ijfiepwv -rSyv re 
WICTWV Kal TWV Oepivwv Kal iwv -^eifiepivwv ue<yedos a 

Idem, ibidem. 
1 A[JLV0T)Ta irpd<yuaru tV^e, Tas Te vXas Tefivwv Kal Ta 

rd re e\rf ^lavvviav, Kal TOWS TroTa^ovs ^evyvvwi'. Ovre 
nva efiayeaaTo ovre iro\efjndv riva ev irapardgei e/'^e. . . . 
Kat <ya^> VTTO rwv v&drtav 8eivw<s IKCLKOVVTO [ot ffrpa.Ttu>TCti] Kal aTrooKe- 
Savvvfievoi eVeySowXevoi/ro. E?r' a5ui/aTO)j/Tes ftaStgeiv VTT avrwv rwv 
oiKelwv e0oi/evoj/TO, tva p.rf aKiaKwvrai, ware es irevre juvpidSas oXas 


L. AELIUS SPARTIANUS (Historia Augusta) in vita Hadriani, cap. xi. 

' Ergo conversis regio more militibus Brittaniam petit, iu qua multa correxit 
murumque per octoginta millia passuum primus duxit, qui barbaros Romanesque 

Idem, cap. xii. 

' Per ea tempora et alias frequenter in plurimis locis, in quibus barbari non 
fluminibus sed limitibus dividuntur, stipitibus magnis in modum muralis saepis 
funditus iactis atque conexis barbaros separavit.' 

JULIUS CAPITOLltfUS (Historia Augusta) in vita Antonini Pii, cap. v. 

'Per legates suos plurima bella gessit. Nam et Brittanos per Lollium 
Urbicum vicit legatum, alio muro cespiticio summotis barbaris ducto, et Mauros 
ad pacem postulandam coegit, etc. 

(In view of the passage, cap. xxii, hereafter to be quoted from the life of 
Severus, it is curious to observe that here also we have ' Maurus ' introduced in 
close juxtaposition with the building of a wall in Britain.) 

L. AELIUS SPARTIANUS (Historia Augusta) in vita Severi, cap. xviii. 

' Brittaniam, quod maximum eius imperil decus est, muro per transversam 
insulam ducto utrimque ad finem Oceani munivit. Unde etiam Brittanici 
nomen accepit.' 

Idem, cap. xxii. 

' Post Maurum apud vallum missum in Brittania cum ad proximam 
mansionem rediret non solum victor sed etiam in aeternum pace fundata 
volvens animo, quid ominis sibi occurreret, Aethiops quidam e numero 
militari, clarae inter scurras f amae et celebratorum semper iocorum, cum corona 
e cupressu facta eidem occurrit. Quern cum ille iratus removeri ab oculis 
praecepisset, et coloris eius tactus omine et coronae, dixisse ille dicitur ioci 
causa : " Totum fudisti, totum vicisti, iam deus esto victor." ' 

The above reading of the first five words seems to be the only one which has 
any MS. authority ; but as it puzzles the commentators various emendations 
have been proposed. 

(1) For Maurum, murum, taurum, or maceriens. 

(2) For vallum, Luguvallum, one of the stations on the Wall. 

(3) For missum, visum, or commissum. 

Idem, cap. xxiii. 

' Sunt per plurimas civitates opera eius insignia. Magnum vero illud in 
vita eius, quod Romae omnes aedes publicas, quae vitio temporum labebantur, 
instauravit, nusquam prope suo nomine adscripto, servatus tamen ubique 
titulis auditorum.' 

EUTBOPIUS, fl. circa 870. Sreviarium, viii. 18, 19. 

' Severus . . . novissimum bellum in Brittania habuit, utque receptas 
provincias omni securitate muniret, vallum per cxxxii passuum millia a mari 
ad mare deduxit.' 



(so called, apparently an epitomiser of the work of Sextus Aurelius Victor, who 
wrote in the middle of the fourth century. This epitomiser brings down his 
work to the death of Theodosius. A.D. 395), cap. xx. ' Hie [Septimius Severus] 
in Brittania vallum per triginta duo passuum millia a mari ad mare deduxit.' 

OROSIUS, circa 417. Hist. vii. 17. 

' Severus victor in Britannias defectu paene omnium sociorum trahitur. 
Ubi magnis gravibusque proeliis saepe gestis receptam partem insulae a ceteris 
indomitis gentibus vallo distinguendam putavit. Itaque magnam fossam 
firmissimumque vallum, crebris insuper turribus communitum, per centum 
triginta et duo milia passuum a mari ad mare duxit.' 

CASSIODORUS, circa 519. Chronicon. 

Aper et Maximus [Consules] (AJX 207). 

' His Coss. Severus in Britannos bellum movit, ubi ut receptas provincias ab 
incursione barbarica faceret securiores, vallum per cxxxii passuum millia a 
mari ad mare duxit.' 

NOTITIA DIGNITATTJM. (Occidens, cap. xxxviii.) 

(May have passed through several earlier editions : probably attained its 
present form about A.D. 400.) 

Cap. xxxviii. Sub dispositione viri spectabilis ducis Britanniarum. 
(After mentioning detachments of cavalry and infantry stationed in York- 
shire, Cumberland, Westmorland, and North Lancashire, the document proceeds.) 
Item per lineam vnlli : 

Tribunus cohortis quartae Lingonum, Segeduno. 

,, primae Cornoviorum, Ponte Aeli. 

Praefectus alae prirnae Asturum, Conderco. 
Tribunus cohortis primae Frixagorum, Vindobala. 
Praefectus alae Savinianae, Hunno. 

secundae Asturum, Cilurno. 

Tribunus cohortis primae Batavorum, Procolitia. 

., primae Tungrorum, Borcovicio. 

quartae Gallorum, Vindolana. 

primae Asturum, Aesica. 

secundae Dalmatarum, Magnis. 

,, primae Aeliae Dacorum, Amboglanna. 

Praefectus alae Petrianae, Petrianis. 

., numeri Maurorum Aurelianorum, Aballaba. 

Tribunus cohortis secundae Lingonum, Cangavata. 

primae Hispanorum, Axeladuno. 

secundae Thracum, Gabrosenti. 

primae Aeliae classicae, Tunnocelo. 

primae Morinorun, Glannibanta. 

tertiae Nerviorum, Alione. 

Cuneus Armaturarum, Bremetennaco. 
Praefectus alae primae Herculeae, Olenaco. 
Tribunus cohortis sextae Nerviorum, Virosido. 


GILDAS (de Excidio et Conquestre Britanniae, 15). 

After describing the denudation of the Roman forces in Britain, caused by 
the revolt of Maximus, the consequent invasion of the Picts and Scots under 
which Britannia 'omnis belli usus ignara penitus multos stupet gemitque 
annos : in answer to the cry of the provincials for help, ' Mox destinatur legio 
praeteriti mali imniemor, sufficienter armis instructa, quae ratibus trans 
oceanum in patriam advecta et cominus cum gravibus hostibus congressa 
magnamque ex eis multitudinem sternens et omnes e finibus depulit et subiectos 
cives tarn atroci dilacerationi ex imminent! captivitate liberavil. Quos iussit 
construere inter duo maria trans insulam murum, ut esset arcendis hostibus 
turba instructus terrori civibusque tutamini ; qui vulgo irrationabili absque 
rectore factus non tarn lapidibus, quam cespitibus non profuit.' 

Idem, cap. xviii. 

The legion which has wrought this deliverance returns to Italy ; the 
barbarians resume their incursions ; again the provincials cry for help, which is 
speedily rendered by the Roman soldiers. But the Romans, representing that it 
was a shameful thing that such a splendid army as theirs should be harassed by 
these perpetually recurring inroads of petty bands of robbers, and that the 
inhabitants of the country must be trained to do something for their own 
defence), ' quia et hoc putabant aliquid derelinquendo populo commodi adcrescere, 
murum non ut alterum, sumptu publico privatoque adiunctis secum miserabilibus 
indigenis, solito structurae more, tramite a mari usque ad rnare inter urbes, 
quae ibidem forte ob metum hostium collocatae fuerant, directo librant : fortia 
formidoloso populo monita tradunt, exemplaria instituendorum armorum 

BAEDA. Hlstoria 'Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorvm, i. 5. 

'Victor ergo civilium bellorum quae ei gravissima occurrerant in Britannias, 
defectu paene omnium sociorum trahitur, ubi magnis gravibusque proeliis 
saepe gestis, receptam partem insulae a caeteris indomitis gentibus, non muro 
ut quidam aestimant sed vallo distinguendam putavit. Murus etenim de 
lapidibus, vallum vero quo ad repellendam vim hostium castra muniuntur fit de 
cespitibus, quibus circumcisis, e terra velut murus exstruitur altus supra terrain, 
ita ut in ante sit fossa, de qua levati sunt cespites, supra quam sudes de lignis 
fortissimis praefiguntur. Itaque Severus magnam fossam firmissimumque 
vallum, crebris insuper turribus communitum, a mari ad mare duxit ; ibique 
apud Eboracum oppidum morbo obiit.' 

Idem, i. 12. 

' Quin etiam, quod et hoc sociis quos derelinquere cogebantur aliquid commodi 
adlaturum putabant, murum a mari ad mare recto tramite inter urbes quae 
ibidem ob metum hostium factae fuerant, ubi et Severus quondam vallum 
fecerat, firmo de lapide conlocarunt ; quern videlicet murum hactenus famosum 
atque conspicuum, sumptu publico privatoque, adiuncta secum Brittanorum 
manu construebant, octo pedes latum et duodecim altum, recta ab oriente in 
occasum linea, ut usque hodie intuentibus clarum est.' 





[Read on the 25th March, 1896.] 

IN excavating the foundations for some new buildings at present being 
erected on the south side of Gallowgate, an interesting portion of the 
northern face of the town wall has been exposed down to its base, 
revealing masonry of much better character, and what I take to be 
of considerably earlier date than the other wall remains present. 

In my paper on the Newcastle town walls, 1 I hazarded the opinion 
that the long-bedded masonry, such as we find in the keep of the Castle 
and the Black Gate, preceded the peculiar cubical kind characteristic of 
the town walls generally, in which the stones are nearly square on 
their faces, and built without much attention to concurrence of the 
plumb joints ; and that the different character of the masonry in the 
wall near St. Andrew's church led to the belief that it had been built 
at an earlier date. This opinion, I think, is fully confirmed by the 
exposure of the excellent masonry of the lower portion of the wall 
in Gallowgate, which is comparatively long-bedded work : the stones 
ranging from fifteen to twenty-four inches long and eight to ten 
inches in depth. 

The foundations are very shallow, there being only about twelve 
inches of rubble under the first course of dressed masonry which is 
twelve inches in depth. Above this is a double line of splayed courses, 
each seven and a half inches deep, stepped up towards the west, truly 
dressed and set, from which, to a height of four feet nine inches, the 
masonry is well coursed work, and arranged so as to avoid plumb joint- 
ing, though in many places the scanty depth of the stones has necessi- 
tated the use of spallings, or thin pieces of stone packing in the bed 
joints, so as to make the top line of the course even. This masonry 
also presents the peculiarity of the upright packing pieces so character- 
istic of the wall masonry, though in it they are of less frequent 
1 See pages 1-25 of this volume. 


occurrence. Above this good masonry, to a height of ten feet, the 
walling is, or has been, of a somewhat similar character, but it is 
not so regularly built, and the exposure to weather, rats, and rough 
usage, has opened the joints and made it present a very different 
appearance from that below it. The loss of mortar and spallings also 
tends to make the big joints more perceptible, but notwithstanding its 
present very different appearance, I think it possible that the greater 
portion of it may be coeval in age with that below. Not so, how- 
ever, the portion above it, including the parapet, to a height of nine 
feet three inches, which is distinctively of the cubical character, and 
clearly an addition at a later date. 

The mortar with which the walls have been built is of very poor 
character, the quantity of lime being deficient, and that completely 
killed by admixture with a fine loam instead of sand, so that it remains 
in a crumbling state without any adhesive power whatever. 

In excavating for the cross walls of the new building in the mud 
of the fosse, I ascertained that the angle of slope of the fosse from the 
wall base was at the rate of eight horizontal to four perpendicular, or 
a slope of two to one. A bank of clay runs along the fosse parallel to 
its course, which the builder thinks is original ground. If this be 
so, the ditch has been of a double character, but this, I think, is 
extremely improbable. 

There was nothing found of any importance in the excavated 
ground. Some horses' skulls and bones were turned up out of the 
fosse mud, and a portion of an old Delft dish, the design and colours 
of which are very good. The date of this dish would probably be 
towards the end of the seventeenth century, and having been found in 
the fosse it would mark the latest time when the fosse remained 

On my first reaching the place I ascertained that it was the 
intention to cut away and destroy the lower portion of the wall, but 
on explaining to the builder, Mr. Hutchenson, the great desirability of 
leaving it undisturbed, he took an intelligent view of the matter, and 
devised a plan whereby it could be saved. This received the assent 
of the architects, Messrs. Liddle & Browne, and is now being carried 
into effect, whereby the masonry with its splayed courses will not only 
be preserved but exposed to view in the cellarage of the building. 



By the kind co-operation of Mr. Park, photographs of the wall 
face have been taken, which show the different kinds of masonry, and 
the accompanying section 2 of it at the place, marks their various 



heights. The thickness of the wall above the dado is seven feet six 
inches, and the extreme height from the fosse level to the underside 
of the parapet coping is twenty-six feet five inches. 

2 See next page. 



It is very curious that the present level of Gallowgate is between 
eight and nine feet above what must have been the level of the top of 
the fosse, and only eight feet below the top of the older masonry. It 
is scarcely to be imagined that the wall builders would have left so 




commanding a height so close up to their barrier, and yet the slope of 
ground to the north of Gallowgate seems of a normal character as 
though the level of the street had not undergone alteration. 

ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 113). 

Plate XVIII. 

Interior from the N.E. 

(From a photograph by Mr. H. Kilburn of Bishop Auckland.) 



By the Rev. J. F. HODGSON, M.A., Vicar of Witton-le-Wear. 

[Read on the 26th February, 1896.] 


WHEN, or by whom the first episcopal manor-house or palace at 
Auckland was founded is unknown. The earliest mention of the 
place itself is that found in Symeon (ed. Bedford, p. 150), from which 
we learn that about the year 1000, the two Aucklands (Alclit II.), 
together with several other possessions of the see, were temporarily 
surrendered by bishop Aldhune to Uchtred, earl of Northumberland, 
in aid of the wars then raging. But, as he speedily discovered, lands 
thus alienated were far more easily parted with than recovered ; and it 
was not till the days of his successor, Eadmund, that king Cnut at 
length restored those of Auckland and some few others of them to the 

It has been imagined a vain thing, however, as I think that 
the site of the castle was utilized in Roman times as a sort of outpost 
to the great neighbouring station of Binchester ; yet, for no other 
reason than that it occupied the point of a peninsula between two 
streams, the Wear and the Gaunless, a very favourite one for the 
purpose. 1 But no single fragment of that period, either of masonry 
or fictilia, has ever, so far as I am aware, been discovered on the spot ; 
nor would they, even in such case, unless in actual position, prove 
more in this instance than in the adjoining one of Escomb, viz., that 
they had been gathered from the same source. The existing building 
has been described, and its history touched upon, by Hutchinson and 
Billings, as well as at more recent dates by the late Mr. Sidney Gibson, 
in -vol. ii. of the Transactions of the Durham and Northumberland 
Archaeological Society, and by Mr. Boyle, in a short history of the 
county, published by and for Walter Scott & Co. But by far the com- 
pletest and most exhaustive account is that written by the late Dr. Raine, 

1 Among other local examples may be instanced those of Bowes, Piercebridge, 
and Greta Bridge, near Rokeby, at which latter place very considerable eaith- 
works remain in excellent preservation. 



at the request, and cost, of bishop Maltby. Of this all future notices 
must necessarily take account, since it gathers together in one focus the 
whole history, not merely of the building, but of its builders, as well as 
of all those prelates who, from age to age, have dwelt in it. 

It would seem probable, both from the convenience of the situation 
and natural beauty of the spot, so near the castle and cathedral church 
of Durham on the one hand, and forest of Weardale on the other, 
that it became a country seat of the bishops at a very early period 
indeed ; perhaps, as Dr. Raine conjectures, from the time of its 
retrocession to bishop Eadmund (1020-1040). But, however that 
may be, it certainly was, and apparently had long been, occupied by 
his successors in the following century, when the great survey, known 
as Boldon Book, was made under bishop Pudsey in 1183. It is there 
referred to constantly in the same breath as Durham, with which it is 
bracketed throughout, as a place of like established and habitual 
residence ; and its park and orchard are especially mentioned. 2 The 
place was thus evidently one of some local importance, and its 
buildings, however rude and inferior in comparison with those of after 
days, extensive enough for the accommodation of a considerable house- 
hold. That they were really of a more or less rude and ephemeral 
character may be gathered from the fact of their having long since 
wholly vanished ; not a vestige of them, apparently, having existed for 
many centuries. 

But to whatever period their construction may have reached, and 
whatever additions or improvements may have been effected in them 
by former occupants of the see, the work of reconstruction, involving, 
perhaps, partial demolition, fell clearly to the lot of that great builder, 

2 ' Monachus cocus tenet pro servitio suo ad voluntatem Episcopi j. acram 
et dimidiam, quas Willelmus Scot et Elstanus et Willelmus Boie tenebant, et 
infra parcam et extra xix. acras et dimidiam de terra lucrabili, et de terra non 
lucrabili x acras.' .... 'Luce Makerell tenet j. domum juxta pomarium 
Domini Episcopi, et reddit in festo Sancti Cuthberti dimidiam libram cimini.' 
(25 Surtees Soc. p. 24.) 

' In Mortona sunt xvj. firmarii, qui .... faciunt viij. ladas ad Dunolm. in 
anno, vel iv. ad Alclet/ etc. (7J. p. 8.) 

1 In Stanhopa sunt xx. villani, quorum unusquisque .... portat venationes 
apud Dunolm. et apud Alclet,' etc. (Z&. p. 29.) 

' Byncestre .... quadrigat j. tonellum vini et lapidem molendini apud 
Alclet.' (Ib. p. 37.) 

' In North Alcland sunt xxij. villani, quorum unusquisque .... reddit iij. 
quadrigatas de wodlade, si apud Alclet duxerint, et, si apud Dunolm. ij. quadri- 
gatas et dimidiam,' etc. (Ib. p. 23.) 


the mighty and beneficent Hugh Pudsey. Yet, though the structure 
as left by him and the several prelates who, during the course of the 
next three centuries, added to it, has for a long period from the days 
of bishop Sherwood in the fifteenth century indeed been known by the 
courtesy title of castle, it would seem never, in any strict or proper 
sense, to have merited such term. Till then, it had been known by 
no loftier appellation than that of manor ; and the bishop himself, in a 
letter dated January, 1489, addressed to sir John Paston, describes it 
as his ' Castel or Manoir of Aucland.' The term, it is clear, was then 
just beginning to creep into use. But with all its enlargements and 
they were at that time far from being finished manor, and manor 
only, to all intents and purposes, it must have been. Its earliest 
designation was the simpler, and doubtless, far correcter, one of * Halha,' 
or hall. And it is not a little interesting to know that, just as in the 
neighbouring case of Raby, it was with the hall that the work of 
rebuilding under the lordly Pudsey was begun. And well, indeed, 
might it thenceforward be known as the ' Hall ' par excellence. At the 
time, with the single exception, perhaps, of the great hall in the king's 
palace of Westminster (of which, however, we know little or nothing 
particularly), there was none other, probably, of its kind in all the 
land, which could compete with it in size, and none whatever, that of 
Westminster itself even included, which could approach it in beauty 
and richness of decoration. 3 Whether or not a previous structure of 
the kind ever occupied the site cannot now be said, but its peculiar 
position, all but detached from the other buildings, coupled with its 

* The royal hall at Westminster was of the same size originally as now, 
though, as may well be supposed, when its age, viz., that of William Rufus, is 
considered, in all other respects of very inferior character. That it was 
divided into a nave and aisles is certain from its great breadth, but whether the 
division was effected by arcades of wood or stone is, perhaps, uncertain. It was, 
however, quite an exceptional and unparalleled structure which, though vastly 
larger, could not for a moment compare in point of architectural excellence 
with this of Pudsey. Neither could that, also of Norman date, of which there 
are still some slight surviving remains at Farnham castle. The slightly earlier 
hall at Oakhani, the only surviving secular hall of equal age (of which more 
hereafter), beautiful as are its details, is, as a whole, as inferior to it in size as 
in general grandeur of design. The infirmary halls of the greater monasteries 
(hereafter referred to) were doubtless, even then, fine buildings in their way, 
but most of them were destroyed and rebuilt at later periods. That of Ely, 
some few years earlier, the extensive remains of which will be noticed further 
on, though a grand and rich structure, was yet part of one of the most important 
monastic foundations in the land, and therefore, as such, quite apart from the 
class to which this at Auckland belonged, viz. , that of bishops' country houses. 


great size, and the fact that its own special appurtenances of kitchen, 
etc., lay still farther remote from them, leads pretty certainly to the 
conclusion that the work was an addition, and wholly new. With 
those other buildings which, together with itself and those dependent 
on it, served to make up the group known in the aggregate as the hall 
or manor, I am in no way concerned ; my purpose in the following 
account being to deal historically and architecturally with the 
structure which, erected primarily by bishop Pudsey as a new hall to 
the old manor in the twelfth, was consecrated and converted 
into a chapel by his successor, bishop Cosin, in the seventeenth, 
century. It will be convenient, therefore, to examine it in connection 
with these two several uses : first, that for which it was originally 
built ; and secondly, that to which it was subsequently applied. 


As the hall, or as I should, perhaps, rather say, the great, or new, 
hall of the old manor-house of Auckland, it could scarcely fail at the 
time of its erection to have burst forth upon the country-side as a 
species of revelation, so greatly in advance was it of anything in the 
way of domestic architecture that had been seen or heard of there 
before ; for there was no other, far or wide, which could in any way 
compare with it. At Raby, the ancient Saxon or Norman hall 
remained till then untouched, and such would also be the case at 
Lumley. Though entirely dissimilar, the only halls of any importance 
in the neighbourhood if, indeed, they did not only form a single one 
in two storeys were those in Durham castle. 4 And, singularly 

*That the same principles which were applied to double chapels, of which we 
had, and have still, many instances that of Auckland itself formerly among the 
number should be extended to the halls or great chambers of castles, when these, 
as at Durham, forming part of the actual fortifications, were of limited dimensions, 
seems both reasonable, and likely enough. The arrangements in many of the Scotch 
castles, such as those of Borthwick, Castle Campbell, Craigmillar, and Liberton, 
among others, point strongly to such a conclusion, which appears to be that also 
locally and generally entertained. Though lighted by two sets of windows and 
with fireplaces in each stage, the rows of corbels at mid-height have much rather 
the appearance of being designed to carry comparatively narrow galleries along 
the sides, with, perhaps, broader ones at one or both ends, than an unbroken 
floor over the whole surface, thereby severing all connection, by dividing the 
chamber into two distinct storeys. For this, their proportions, while perfectly 
adapted for a single apartment, are quite unfitted, both divisions being much 
too low, and the upper one consisting of little or nothing else than arched roof. 

Parker, in his Domestic Architecture (vol. iii. pt. i.), speaking of the ' Hall,' 
says ' In some instances, when the hall was lofty, there was also a gallery round 


enough, both of these also owed their present form, if not their origin, 
to the same author as itself. Built, in the first instance, either by the 
Conqueror, his son Robert, or the contemporary bishops in obedience 
to their orders, Coldingham tells us how both of them, as their details 
remain to show, were reconstructed at an earlier period of his reign 
by Pudsey : ' In castello itaque Dunhelmite aedificia, qua primis 
episcopatus sui temporibus flamma consumpserat, renovavit.' (Hist. 
Dunelm. Scriptores tres, 12.) 

That the massive stone walls should either have perished in the 
fire, or become so injured by it as to need general rebuilding, is not, 
perhaps, to be supposed. They were probably far too substantial for 
that, 'and Pudsey's work could hardly have gone much further than 
what Coldingham calls renovation, a renewing, that is, only in a far 
richer and more elegant fashion, of the architectural details. Never- 
theless, while thus greatly adorning them, he doubtless followed, as he 
could hardly help doing, both the original dimensions and arrangement 
of the halls, which, built one above the other, were, whether separate 
or connected, some seventy-five feet in length, by twenty-six feet in 
breadth ; the lower one being the chief, and, as to its walls, the loftier, 
of the two. But these, though unequalled either in size or richness 
among those of the palatinate at the period, had nothing in common 
with that which, many years after their completion, the same great 
master builder set about erecting at Auckland. The former, it must 
be borne in mind, constituted a central part of a fortress, and their 
general form and dimensions were necessarily governed by those 
conditions. None such, however, attached to the new work. With 
ample space in all directions, the bishop was free to carry out the 
scheme of his new hall there without any limitations whatever, and 
give full scope to all the higher qualities of that new school of 

the upper part of the wall, immediately under the roof ; this is said to have 
been a general practice in Scotland, but it is often difficult to decide whether 
there was a gallery or a low upper chamber separated by a floor ; the woodwork 
has always been destroyed, and the corbels, the upper windows, and the door- 
ways, would be the same in either case ; in many of the Scotch towers the hall 
is so small and narrow that it does not seem probable there was a gallery. ; on 
the other hand, in the larger castles, where the hall is on a grand scale, it is very 
probable there was such an arrangement. This appears to have been the case 
at Durham, where the roof was evidently intended to be seen from below, while 
the clerestorey windows and corbels seem to show that there was originally 
a gallery, where a floor has since been introduced.' 


architecture which, during the interval, had achieved so marvellous a 
development. It was a great opportunity, and turned to brilliant 

As to the halls of castles pure and simple save where, as in the 
case of Newcastle, they were mere temporary structures, erected either 
in the courtyard or some other open space within the walls of enceinte 
they were, as a rule, not only always of more or less restricted 
dimensions, but in plan, simple, aisleless parallelograms. Such, for 
example, among our northern ones, were those at Ravensworth, 
Richmond, Middleham, Sheriff- Hutton, Brougham, Bolton, Alnwick, 
Harbottle, Prudhoe, Norham, Wark, Bamburgh, Ford, Lumley, 
Brancepeth, and Barnard Castle, both those at Raby, as well as that 
known as Hatfield's, at Durham one of the largest and stateliest in 
the land. And such, among others elsewhere, were those of Stokesay, 
Raglan, Gonway, Carnarvon, Cardiff, Bodiam, Hurstmonceux, Berk- 
eley, Warwick, and Kenilworth ; and, indeed, of all the English, 
"Welsh, and Scottish castles that I know of, including that known as 
the parliament hall in the royal castle or palace of Linlithgow. 5 

Nor did the halls of the great manor-houses or palaces differ at all 
as to plan from those of the castles, the same simple arrangement being 
found in the palace halls of Wells, Westminster, Eltham, Hampton 
Court, Lambeth, Mayfield, and St. David's the very finest of their 
class; and of manor-houses, such as those of Penshurst, Fawsley, 
Athelhampton, Cowdray, Great Chalfield, and others without number. 
And if to this vast multitude we add those of the Inns of Court, the 
college halls of the universities, those of the various guilds and 
corporations, and the refectories of the great monasteries and religious 
houses throughout the land, we shall then, and not till then, I think, 
understand how practically all-pervading and universal the application 
of this rule was. 

Here, hpwever, as in some few other special instances, a different 
plan was followed more spacious, imposing, and picturesque. Instead 

* The only partial exception to the rule that I know of occurs at Warkworth, 
where the inner side of the hall towards the court-yard has had a single aisle of 
three bays. But as the castle was certainly in existence before the invasion of 
William the Lion, king of Scotland, who laid siege to it in 1173, and as the 
alight remaining details of the arcade are of distinctly later date, circa 1220, it 
was pretty certainly an addition, and formed no part of the original plan. 


of a simple rectangular apartment, we have one composed of a central, 
and two side aisles, and which, standing all but independent of the 
main buildings, received light freely on all sides. It may safely, I 
think, be said to have been the first, as it probably ever after continued 
to be the sole, instance of the kind in the four northern counties. Yet, 
for alt that, its design cannot be said to have been new. Originally, 
and before its internal arrangements were swept away under Richard 
II., Rufns's great hall in the royal palace at Westminster 6 unless its 
pillars and arched braces were of wood must certainly have been . 
constructed on this system ; as was also, though but so short a time 
previously as to have been practically contemporary, the well-known 
hall of Oakham castle. But, all told whatever may once have been 
their number, and it was always very limited I know of but three 
other examples of such halls, viz., those of Oakham, Lincoln, and 
Winchester still remaining in the kingdom a fourth, constructed on 
the same principle by the famous Grostete at Buckden palace, having, 
with some few others, belonging almost exclusively to the hunting, 
and other lodges of the crown, long since perished. They were, in 
fact, about the rarest .features to be met with in the whole range of 
domestic architecture, whether castellated or palatial. And this cir- 
cumstance at once suggests an enquiry as to their origin, and the 
prototypes from which they may not improbably have been derived. 

Now, that such were to be found in the infirmary halls of the 
greater monasteries, can hardly, I think, be doubted. Many of these 
last were certainly of earlier construction than any of the aisled 
secular halls which have come down to us, and they afford, both in 
themselves and their accessories, the most perfect analogy to them 
possible. In them alone, as a class, do we find the same triple arrange- 
ment of a great central and two side aisles, accompanied by special 
culinary and other dependencies buildings at once so airy, spacious, 
and convenient, that they might well be taken as models for those of 

4 This magnificent structure, which is no less than two hundred and thirty- 
nine feet long by sixty-eight feet wide, surpasses enormously in dimensions all 
others in the kingdom ; the next largest, I think, viz., those known as Hatfield's 
.at Durham, and bishop Burnell's at Wells, being only one hundred and thirty- 
one feet by thirty-five feet, and one hundred and fifteen feet by fifty-nine feet 
and a half, respectively. The hall at Oakham, which measures but sixty-five 
feet by forty-three feet internally, is thus little more than a quarter as long as 
that of Westminster, and shorter by three feet in length than it is in breadth. 
But in all cases the royal halls occupied a special place, and were subject. to 
special conditions. 


the same type, designed, as many of them, at any rate, appear to have 
been, for especial use on great occasions, 7 and for which the dimen- 
sions of the ordinary everyday hall would be quite inadequate. 


How many of these aisled infirmary halls there were altogether, we 
cannot, of course, in our present very imperfect state of knowledge, 
pretend to say. But remains of them, more or less distinct, may still 
be seen of Norman date at Westminster, Ely, and Norwich, as well as 
of later reconstructions of others of Norman origin at Canterbury, 
Peterborough, Gloucester, and Fountains abbey where, if the second 
and smaller one forming part of the Xenodochium, were not, as may 
perhaps, have been the case, the guesten hall, there were two : the 
larger one for the monks, the other, for strangers. 

The earliest of these is undoubtedly that at Westminster, which is 
said to date from about the end of the eleventh century. It is now 
known as the chapel of S. Catherine, and differs in this respect from 
some others of them in having what looks like a chancel to the east. 
This, however, should rather, I think, be regarded as the chapel 
proper, the aisled nave, so to say, forming the infirmary hall, as in 
the hospitals at Chichester, Glastonbury, and Sherborne ; while the 
two, thus symmetrically arranged, give the whole, upon plan, its present 
very striking resemblance to a church. I say upon plan for, ' the out- 
lines of the walls and the bases of the shafts, hidden, more or less, by 
modern brickwork, alone remain.' The hall, which is of five bays, is 
about fifty-two feet in length, by forty-five in breadth, and the chapel 
about twenty feet by eighteen, internally. They stand south of the 
cloister court, and eastward of the southern extremity of the long 
range of buildings in line with the south transept. 

Next in point of date to these of Westminster come the remains of 
the great infirmary at Ely by far the most perfect and imposing 
extant, and which, therefore, serve to convey a better idea of the 
general character and arrangement of such structures than any other. 
Though for the most part roofless, they yet continue wonderfully well 
preserved throughout almost their whole extent. At present they form 
a sort of avenue to the prebendal houses ; the arcades being built up 

' Such was certainly the case at Lincoln where the lesser hall beside the 
dining room, and the ruins of the great hall still remain ; and such was also the 
case here at Auckland. 



into their walls on either side, while the aisles, or rather the spaces 
they once occupied, are absorbed into, and form part of, their area. 
Not only are the dimensions of the several parts on the grandest scale, 
and the workmanship of the richest kind, but the whole scheme, is set 


out in the most complete and normally perfect way conceivable. First 
comes the magnificent hall proper, in this instance clearstoreyed, and of 
nine bays, with an external length of a hundred feet. As the accom- 
panying illustration shows, the arches are carried on columns alternately 





circular and octagonal, the latter presenting alternate angles and flat 
faces to the front. Anything finer or more fitting than the richness 
and delicacy of the arch moulds, the varied designs of which, full of 
thought and play of fancy, give such life and character to the whole, 
could hardly be conceived. As the width of the aisles, following the 
common rule of the period, would be, as nearly as possible, just half 
that of the central nave, the whole internal span of this noble hall may 
be reckoned at about forty-two feet. But this was far from forming 

the whole length of the 
building. Joined on to 
it as symmetrically as 
an ordinary chancel to 
the body of a church, 
comes the chapel, en- 
tered by an arch which, 
though smaller than 
those of chancels usu- 
ally are, is yet larger 
than a mere doorway. 
It is of exactly the 
same style and char- 
acter as those of the hall 
arcades. The chapel to 
which it gives access, 
and which still retains 
two, had originally 
three distinct parts 
or divisions, viz., nave, 
choir, and sanctuary 
or apse. Of these, the 

first is about forty feet in length by twenty in breadth ; the second, 
twenty feet feet by fifteen ; while the third, now destroyed, was a semi- 
circle opening from the latter by a very lofty and highly enriched arch. 
The nave roof which, like that of the hall, had doubtless been of wood, is 
gone, but that of the choir, vaulted with richly moulded diagonal and 
transverse ribs, remains perfect ; as does also, though now blocked, the 
arch once giving upon the apse. Strange to say, the astonishing mis- 



takes and misapplication of historic facts so long rampant with respect 
to the hall at Auckland, have, even for a longer period, and, if possible, 
in a still firmer and more persistent fashion found their exact parallel 
in connection with these infirmary remains at Ely. Through no fewer 
than six and twenty pages, Mr. Millers, the late painstaking and 
accomplished historian of the cathedral, following in the steps of his 
mentor, Dr. Bentham, labours to prove that this late Norman build- 
ing is the original Saxon basilica erected by S. Etheldreda in the year 
673 ! Every point con- 
nected either with the 
cathedral or itself, even 
its more refined and 
elaborate architecture, 
is held to substantiate 
and confirm this posi- 
tion. Never for a mo- 
ment does he trouble 
himself with the con- 
sideration that, follow- 
ing all analogy, the 
Saxon and Norman 
churches occupied the 
same, and a wholly diff- 
erent, site from these 
infirmary buildings, 
which he never men- 
tions otherwise than as 
the 'conventual church' ; 
or that all his multitu- 
dinous quotations have 

reference to a structure, the last vestiges of which were improved off 
the face of the earth just a couple of centuries before the foundations 
of the building he describes were laid. 

But Mr. Millers, it is only fair to say, wrote as far back as 1834, 
and architectural knowledge has advanced somewhat since then. 

At Norwich, the remains of the infirmary occupy a site to the south 
of the refectory, which itself also lies, as usual, south of the cloisters. 


It ranged east and west, and consisted, apparently, of a nave of six 
bays, extensive remains of which exist in two modern houses, while 
three pillars are still standing in the open space to the east of those 
houses. Their style, which is late Norman, shows that the building 
was probably the work of bishop John of Oxford, 1175-1200. In plan 
it consists, at the present time, of a nave ninety -two feet in length, by 
twenty-six feet in breadth, a south aisle ten feet in breadth, and piers 
having a diameter of four feet, the total breadth being, therefore, forty 
feet. What has become of the north aisle is uncertain. The chapel, 
which was of the same breadth as the nave, would appear, as some 
foundations seem to show, to have been about thirty -two feet long, and 
occupied the normal position towards the east. The great hall was 
restored in the Perpendicular style, when the existing aisle was cut up 
into separate apartments. 

At Canterbury, the actual remains, though dating only from the 
middle of the fourteenth century, are known to have replaced a far 
earlier building, existing certainly in the time of king John, and 
probably from a yet earlier period. The following is the account given 
by Somner in his Antiquities of Cantvrlvry (p. 197), published in 1640. 
After mentioning the various conjectures rife in his day respecting its 
origin and uses, ah 1 of which he shows to be wild and untenable, he 
proceeds' Truth is, as there is an upper and a lower part of this 
building, so was each part a distinct structure by it self, and not one 
intire piece, the lower or Western part whereof was sometime a Hall, 
for the pulling down whereof there passed a decree in Chapter anno 
1545, whence in the Division ' (that is the division of the monastic 
buildings between the dean and prebendaries) 'the very next yeare 
following it is called the late long Hall. And the upper or Eastern part 
of the building was this very Fermary or Infirmary-Chapell. The same 
Division calls it so, and that in regard it did sometime appertain and 
was appropriate to those of the Infirmary or Infirmitory (the Nosocomium 
I may call it) of the Minster situate by it, consisting chiefly of an Hall 
of Refectory, for their common board or table (if able and fit to come 
to it, otherwise feeding in their chambers) a kitchin to dresse their 
necessary provision in, a Dormitory or Dortor for their place of sleep 
and repose, distributed into certain distinct and severall chambers ; of 
which, that one might not disturb another, every of the infirme 


folk had one proper to himself. And a private Chapell for their devo- 
tions, who either were sick and could not, or diseased and might not 
accompany their brethren in their more publick and common devotions 
in the Temple. D r Langworth a late Predecessor of D r Blechynden 
(as it is noted down in a Chapter book) anno 1579 took down a crosse 
wall between his house and D r Lawses (a predecessor of D r Brayes) 
at the Churches charge, and paved the way between them with the 
stone. In all likelihood it was the Western wall of this Chapell, or the 
wall which terminated the Chapell Westward, a cleare argument of 
the disjunction and separation thereof from that other lower part of 
building. The Infirmary hall or Refectory, which the Division calls 
the Table hall, yet stands perfect and intire, being the same which is 
now D r Blechyndens hall to his prebendall house, built with other 
rooms (as I finde) about the yeare 1342. For out of Threasurers 
Accompts of the Church, in that and the next yeare following, I have 
these notes, viz. : 

Pro nova aula & una Camera de novo factis infirmar. 96 lib. 8 s 2 d prseter 
20 marcas receptas & Feretrario pro nova camera faciend. 

Item pro novis cameris infirmar' & pentisiis circa aulam ibid' 61 lib. 1 s 6 d . 
Item pro novo pentisio juxta novas cameras infirmar. 6 lib. 15 s 4 d ob. 

This infirmary or domus Infirmorum I reade of in our Chronicles 
in King Johns time. For the Monks of this Church quitting the 
Monastery by command of the King sorely offended at them, for their 
choice of Stephen Langton for their Archbishop ; 13 sick Monks 
which could not remove, were left behinde (saith my Author, Matt. 
Paris) in domo Infirmorum.' 

The actual remains, at present very slight, consist of parts of the 
aisle arcades built up in the walls of a house to the left of a narrow 
passage opening to the Prior's, or Green Court. They constitute that 
'arched or embowed work of it,' the style of which led Somner, 
while declining to accept them as remains of the chapel of S. John 
built by archbishop Cuthbert in Saxon times, or yet of the church 
of S. Trinity built by archbishop Lanfranc, as some would have them 
to be, as nevertheless part of a ' building erected since the Conquest.' 

From all which we see that the infirmary at Canterbury followed 
the normal plan, and consisted of a great aisled nave or hall, having a 
chapel attached, and which, in the nature of a chancel, opened more or 
less directly to it, towards the east. 



At Gloucester, the infirmary buildings would seem to have been as 
wholly reconstructed during the thirteenth century, as they were at 
Canterbury in the fourteenth. All that I can at present say about 
them, however, is derived from the information furnished by Mr. 
Waller, the cathedral architect, in answer to certain questions addressed 
by me to the dean, to the effect that the great hall was, as usual, 
aisled, since six of its arches are still standing ; but, that the whole 
plan and dimensions could only be ascertained after very extensive 
and difficult exploration. Judging from its details, the rebuilding, 
he says, must have taken place circa 1240. Its predecessor, therefore, 
whose arrangement it probably, in the main, followed, would, like the 
church to which it belonged, date back, undoubtedly, into twelfth 
century Norman times. 

The infirmary buildings at Peterborough must also, like those at 
Canterbury and Gloucester, have superseded others of earlier, and 
probably Norman, date. A slight sketch of them, here reproduced, 


will serve to show their present state and architectural character. 
They lie eastward of the cathedral, ' built up into the walls of the 
prebendal houses, and are among the chief surviving relics of the 
monastic buildings,' Of fully developed Early English design, having 
been erected, or re-erected, during the abbacy of John de Caleto, 1248- 
1261, their details, though simple, are very fine, and deserving of close 
attention. The columns, it will be observed, are of a quatrefoil 
section, as at Auckland, while shafted corbels, carried up between the 
arches, served also, as in that instance, to carry the main timbers of 
the roof. 

At Durham, the only great aisled hah 1 of which we have any 
evidence, was that pertaining, not to the infirmary, but to the 
hospitium, and known as the ' (rest Hall.' In the Rites and Monu- 
ments (15 Surtees Society) we read : 'There was a famouse house of 
hospitallitie, called the GESTE HAULE, within the Abbey garth of 
Durham, on the weste syde, towardes the water, the Terrer of the 
house being master thereof, as one appoynted to geve intertaynment to 
all staits, both noble, gentle, and what degree so ever that came thether 
as strangers, ther interteynment not being inferior to any place in 
Ingland, both for the goodnes of ther diett, the sweete and daintie 
furneture of there lodgings, and generally all things necessarie for 
travellers. And, withall, this interteynment contynewing, not willing 
or commanding any man to departe, upon his honest and good 
behavyour. This haule is a goodly brave place, much like unto the 
body of a Church, with verey fair pillers supporting yt on ether syde, 
and in the mydest of the haule a most large rannge for the fyer. The 
chambers and lodginges belonging to yt weare swetly keept, and so 
richly furnyshed that they weare not unpleasant to ly in, especially one 
chamber called the KYNGS CHAMBER, deservinge that name, in that 
the King him selfe myght verie well have lyne in yt, for the princelynes 
therof . The victualls, that served the said geists, came from the same 
Kitching of the Prior, the bread and beare from his pantrie and seller. 
.... The Terrer had certaine men appointed to wayte at his table, 
and to attend upon all his geists and stranngers, and for ther better inter- 
taynment, he had evermore a hogsheade or two of wynes lying in a seller 
appertayninge to the said halle, to serve his geists. withall.' (p. 76.) 

Following the infirmary halls (or, as at Durham, guesten hall) of 


the cathedral monasteries, we come now to those of Fountains abbey. 
Both owe their existence to the magnificent taste of abbot John of 
Kent, the completer of the glorious choir and nine altars commenced 
by his predecessor, John, bishop of Ely, and who ruled from 1219 to 
1247. Speaking of him, the short chronicle of abbots says : ' Hie 
novem altaria, claustrum, infirmitorium, Pavimentum, ac Xenodochium, 
tarn ad Christi pauperum, quam mundi principum susceptionem 
fabricavit, et consummavit.' Of the group of ruined buildings forming ' 
the xenodochium, it is not now possible, perhaps, to assign the respec- 
tive uses with absolute certainty, or to say which was the infirmary, 
and which the guest, hall. Nor is it at all needful for our present pur- 
pose to do so, as in either, case its design remains the same. In his 
very careful and exact description of the abbey (Collectanea Archaeolo- 
gica of the British Archaeological Association, vol. ii. part iii.) the late 
Mr. Gordon Hills speaks of it as 'a large hall placed north and south, 
built like a church, with a nave divided by arcades of four arches on 
each side from its aisles. The bases of the columns are all that remain 
of the arcades. The river Skell passes under the hall by four arches or 
tunnels, all remaining in their original and perfect state.' An almost 
exact square of about sixty feet, the building formed the easternmost 
member of the group to which it pertained, and, somewhat apart 
from the rest, stood a little to the west of that great range containing 
the domus conversorum, cellarage and abbot's chambers over, which 
ran beyond, and parallel with, the west walk of the cloisters, southward. 
But infinitely grander and more important than that pertaining to 
the xenodochium, as became its purpose, was the infirmary hall which 
John of Kent built for the use of his brethren. It was probably the 
most splendid structure of the kind either in England or elsewhere. 
* The abbot John,' says Mr. Hills, ' had certainly forgotten the moder- 
ation in building prescribed by the Cistercian rule. His infirmary 
was planned on the same scale of grandeur as his other works. The 
ground was too limited for him on the north side of the River Skell, 
and as he had done at the xenodochium, so again here he conquered 
the obstacles of space, by building above and across the river. The 
passage for the river is preserved by four still perfect parallel tunnels, 
elbow-shaped or bent in plan, between two hundred and thirty and 
two hundred and eighty feet long, about nine feet wide, with 


abutments six feet thick between them. Upon and athwart this sub- 
structure, and carefully designed, so that the pillars and principal walls 
should not stand on the arches, but on the solid abutments below, 
was placed a vast hall aud its appurtenances. The hall is one hundred 
and seventy and a half feet long, and seventy feet wide within the 
walls. In the centre portion it was formed like the nave of a church, 
with aisles all round it ; the nave having eight arches on each side, 
and two at each end. Of this great hall, or of any of its adjuncts 
above the level of the tunnels, the walls are now scarcely breast high 
in any part. At the south end of the hall, two of the pillars are still 
standing, or rather, I believe, have to some extent been put together 
from the fragments found around. Abundant fragments show the work 
to have been of exquisite architecture. The pillars were each formed 
of groups of shafts, the centre shaft of sandstone, thirteen inches 
diameter, with four marble shafts attached ; the base mouldings, the 
marble band which unites the shafts midway, and the marble capitals, 
are all treated with admirable delicacy and propriety ; and though there 
is here (as elsewhere at Fountains) little use made of carving, yet we 
cannot fail to gather that the effect when complete, must have been 
finished to perfection. There should be noticed the provision of fire- 
places at the ends of the hall, and one standing detached in its eastern 
aisle, and the little single latrine outside both the aisles near their 
southern extremities. Of the buildings east of the hall, the south 
portion is separated from it by a court twenty feet wide ; this consists 
of two attached parallel apartments forty-nine and a half feet long, 
evidently applied to culinary purposes. There is a large fireplace 
close by it, an oven in the partition wall, the furnace place of a large 
boiler in the east end, and close to it, in the north-east angle, a stone 
grating, ingeniously constructed in the floor, and through the tunnel 
arch under it. The grating is eight feet by six feet, and intended for 
the emptying, draining, and drying upon it of casks or tubs, and such 
utensils. On the north of this building, and separated from it by a 
court twenty-one feet wide, is the infirmary chapel, forty-six feet 
three inches long, by twenty-one feet nine inches wide. At its east 
end stands the lower part of an altar.' 

We have thus, as will readily be seen, only on an unusually 
splendid scale, the type, not merely of the secular aisled halls, but of 



the special kitchens and other dependent offices which pertained to 
them as well. The pattern was at once immediately to hand, and 
perfect in every part. 

That aisled halls, of a kind, however, were in use in very early 
times is probably true enough. If only the MS. illustrations may be 
trusted, some few of the Anglo-Saxon hall-houses, at any rate, would 
seem to have been built on this principle, and to have exhibited in a 
modified way, and with a wooden construction, the basilican arrange- 
ment found in the naves of the larger parish churches. But these 
erections were, by comparison, mean and temporary, and altogether 
lacking in those solid and monumental qualities which, lending as they 
do, such dignity to those of later date, lift them directly from the level 
of cheap utilitarianism to that of architectural art. Not but that such 
structures, as was only natural where timber was both good and 
plentiful, continued in use, as well for barns as for more purely domestic 
purposes, down to the latest times. Instances of both sorts in 
abundance such as those of Nurstead court, 8 the Guildhall at York, 
and the magnificent tithe barn at Harmondsworth, Middlesex, still 
survive to witness to the fact. But all these, and others such like, 
differ, it will be observed, not only in material, but in structural 
principle as well, from the infirmary halls above referred to. In the 
one case the principal timbers were framed into, and became one with, 
their supports ; in the other, they were quite distinct and separate ; 
and instead of the roofs being any longer brought down, practically 
and materially, to the ground, they became entirely cut off from it, 
being borne up by walls and arcades of stone, on which solid and rock- 
like foundations they were simply set. 

Neither from the wooden halls of primitive or contemporary times, 
then, nor yet, indirectly, from the arcaded naves of the churches, but 
rather directly and immediately from these infirmary halls buildings 

8 The hall of Nurstead Court in Kent, of which two good views, external 
and internal, are given by Parker (Domestic Architecture, ii. 281-282) from 
drawings by Blore, has since been either wantonly destroyed or so altered as 
to have entirely lost its value. Its dimensions (external) were seventy-nine 
feet by thirty-four feet nine inches ; and its date, of the first half of the fourteenth 
century. Though, doubtless, there must once have been many others of the 
like kind, its destruction is the more to be regretted that both design and 
workmanship were of the best ; and it was perhaps, if not probably, the last 
surviving relic of such an early age. 


which were in all respects so thoroughly adapted to the purpose may 
we reasonably suppose the great aisled halls, whether of castles or 
manor-houses, to have been derived. 


Of the four existing secular aisled halls, the earliest and smallest is 
that at Oakham. Sole remaining fragment of the castle of which it 
once formed part, it has, curiously enough, come down to us in a 
condition almost absolutely intact. Hence its special value, as 
showing, at least approximately, what that at Auckland must origin- 
ally have been like. A full and excellently well illustrated account of 
it (to which I would refer my readers) may be seen in vol. v. of the 
Archaeological Journal, as well as in Parker's Domestic Architecture, 
vol. i. pp. 28-31. 

The hall is said to have been built by "Walkelyn de Ferrers, who 
held the barony from 1161 to 1201; and, as internal evidence shows 
that its date must be referred to a period lying inter 1180-1186, the 
traditional account is, no doubt, correct. Like that at Auckland, it 
runs east and west ; and its masonry is of rubble, with ashlar quoins 
and dressings. The internal dimensions are sixty-five feet long by 
forty-three feet wide; and the aisles, again like those at Auckland, 
are separated from the central nave by arcades of four arches on each 
side. These, however, are round in form and simple in section, though 
the capitals of the pillars which carry them are enriched with remark- 
ably fine foliage, close copies, indeed, of those of William of Sens in 
the choir of Canterbury cathedral (inter 1174-1179), and not im- 
probably cut by the same man. 

Again, as at Auckland, the principal entrance was originally 
towards the east end of the south aisle, near the kitchen and offices. 

Owing to the steep pitch of the roofs, and their consequent want 
of height, the side walls were entirely without buttresses ; a pair of 
very slight projection only, as also at Auckland, being applied at the 
east end to receive the thrust, of the arcades. Four windows lighted 
the hall on either side ; together with another set high up in the 
eastern gable above the line of the adjoining roofs. These side 
windows, which from their exceptionally early date and architectural 
character are of the utmost interest, serve also to show us pretty 



clearly what the type of the original ones at Auckland must, most 
probably, have been. As in Pudsey's aisle-windows in Darlington 
church, 9 they are seen to consist of two coupled lancets, but, unlike 
them, to be richly adorned with shafts and dogtooth, and, as became 
their domestic character, having the heads of their arches, which are 
much enriched with sculpture, blank, thus leaving the actual openings 

square-headed. In- 
ternally, these win- 
dows are enclosed in 
semi-circular arches, 
the jambs of which 
come straight down 
to the ground. Both 
jambs and arches 
are enriched contin- 
uously along their 
edges with a very 
effective hollow 
moulding studded 
with four-leaved 
flowers, as is also the 
narrow outer order 
of the arcades, 
which, as in the 
case of the great 
crossing arches at 

SIDE WINDOWS, OAKHAH HALL (Exterior). Darlington where 

a somewhat similar feature occurs, produces the exact appearance of 
a hood-mould. 

As also at Auckland, the whole of the attached buildings are de- 
stroyed ; but, though the woodwork of the roofs is modern, the pitch of 
them, both of the nave and aisles, has been preserved, and the gables are 
still surmounted by their ancient terminals of figures. The roofs 
though practically, are not actually, continuous, a slight intervening 
strip of wall, which just serves to break the Hue, being allowed to 
appear between the two. Whether such a feature ever occurred in 

9 The sills of one of these pairs of lancets may still be detected in the 
masonry of the south side of the nave, not far from the west end. 



Pudsey's hall or not cannot now, perhaps, positively be said. 10 One 
difference of arrangement in the interior construction may, however, 
be mentioned, which is that, in the case of Oakham, the main timbers 
were brought down to the springing line of the arches, where they 
were received on corbels consisting of seated figures playing on 
instruments of music, admirably designed. At Auckland, on the 
other hand, they were received 
on shafted corbels, the beauti- 
fully carved capitals of which 
reached as high as the intrados 
of the arches. As the latter 
were not only pointed, but of 
quite exceptional height and 
span, the difference of arrange- 
ment must have been wholly 
an improvement as giving a 
vastly increased appearance 
both of height and space. 
Still, smaller in scale, and 
less generally imposing in 
effect as the Oakham hall 
must always have been, no 
such precious example of the 
domestic architecture of its 
period a full decade earlier 
than that at Auckland, the 
next in date remains, while both in the beauty and originality of 
its sculpture it stands alone. 

Next, but most ruinous of all, is that of the episcopal palace at 
Lincoln. It is, however, the most perfect as regards the remains of 
its necessary adjuncts, the kitchen, pantry, buttery, and larders. 
They still form, as they did probably from the first, the noblest, 

10 It is pretty certain, however, that no break of any kind occurred. If the 
position of the corbels towards the central and side aisles be taken into account, 
it will be seen that while the former are in a line with the points of the intrados 
of the arches the latter are set but a little above their springing ; and that if the 
outline of an unbroken high-pitched roof be drawn transversely, the inner corbels 
would be exactly adapted to the support of the arched braces of the principals of 
the central part, while the outer ones would be just as exactly fitted to receive 
the struts of the ends covering the aisles. 




completest, and most imposing group of early thirteenth-century 
domestic buildings in the land, and deserve, consequently, the closest 
attention. As the accompanying plan will show, they formed by far 
the most important section of that group of buildings of different 
styles and dates which went to make up the ancient palace. They are 

Plan of Lincoln Palace, shewing the relative proportion of the great, and ordinary, Halls, 
and their respective kitchens 

also the most ancient, having been commenced by S. Hugh, bishop of 
Lincoln from 1185 to 1200, and completed at great cost by his 
successor, bishop Hugh of Wells, who ruled from that time till 1234. 
Plundered and devastated during the Civil War, these noble buildings 
continued in a state of peaceful rain till 1726, when bishop Reynolds 
most unhappily gave leave to the dean and chapter to utilize them as 
a quarry for works then proceeding at the cathedral, Hence their 



present miserably ruined state. Notwithstanding, how they appeared 
in 1647, we learn from the account of the parliamentary surveyors 
written in that year' The Greate Hall,' say they, ' is very faire, large, 
lightsome, and of stronge freestone buildinge, in good repaire, beinge 
60 foote of Assise in breadthe, and 90 foote of Assise longe ; the 
forme of buildinge consisteth of one large middle allye, and two out 
lies on eyther syde, with 8 gray marble pillars bearinge up the arches 

_ L i . . i i i \ i 

I _V^:-T . ..-.'. '"""_.. i '- :' ! [LU.-- . 

XSBVS**. . _ 

SIDE WINDOWS, GREVT HALL, LINCOLN (restored elevation). 

of freestone in the forme of a large churche, having large and faire 
freestone windows very full of stories in paynted glasse of the Kinges 
of this land. The fyre is used in the middle of the hall ; the roofe of 
very stronge tymber covered all over with leade. The proporcon of 
yt is much lyke the bodye of Christe-church in LoiiJon.' 


The accompanying illustrations will give as good an idea as their 
small scale will allow of the completeness and perfection of these fine 
works as a whole ; while the elevation of the pairs of windows which 
lighted it in each bay, restored carefully from existing fragments, 
will show how rich and effective, though at the same time thoroughly 
domestic, those features were. Thus, while the upper parts were 
permanently glazed, the lower, as usual at the time, are seen to have 
been fitted with wooden shutters, a system adopted, perhaps, for the 
double purposes of light and ventilation. As at Oakham and also 
at Auckland the interior of this hall was divided longitudinally into 
four bays. A fifth, in all respects similar to them, but cut off by a 
solid wall, was utilized on the floor line for the pantry, buttery, and 
central passage leading to the kitchen; while above was a spacious 
room, probably the great chamber, having two tall windows in the 
south front with a fireplace between them, and two other windows 
at the east and west ends. An arrangement precisely similar is 
also found in the magnificent hall of the episcopal palace at "Wells, 
built by bishop Burnell (1274-1292), which is of five bays, and 
where the great chamber was placed over the pantries and central 
passage-way to the kitchen, which, as at Lincoln, was an entirely 
separate erection. 11 

Of the six (not eight) pillars of dark grey marble which carried 
the arcades, only some fragments of the bases and capitals have been 
found, but these show that each column consisted of a central pillar 
with four smaller and four larger round shafts attached to it ; the whole 
height being about twenty feet, and divided into two parts, as at Auck- 
land, by a central band. The kitchen had five fireplaces ; and the roof, 
covered with lead, rose, like that of the chapter house, to a great height 
in the centre, in the form of an octagonal pyramid. As a typical example 
of a great aisled hall with all its subsidiary offices complete, this of 

11 At Wells the interior arrangements of the hall are unfortunately so com- 
pletely destroyed that it is impossible to say exactly what they were. No traces 
whatever of any pillars are to be seen ; and the two end walls where indications 
of the arcades, if any such existed, would be found, are gone. Whether, there- 
fore, the roof, which was too wide to have been constructed in one span, was 
supported by pillars and arches of wood or stone, cannot be said. Mr. Parker, 
with characteristic inaccuracy, gives the dimensions as one hundred and twenty 
feet long by seventy feet wide, whereas they are really one hundred and fifteen 
feet by fifty-nine feet and a half internally. 

VOL. xvni. 19 


Lincoln is by far the most perfect that remains, and its special value 
lies in this, that it serves to show, more or less exactly, what those, 
now destroyed, of all the rest must formerly have been. 

In connection with this greater, and earlier, hall at Lincoln must 
be taken into account also that smaller, and later, one built by S. 
Hugh's illustrious successor, the world-renowned Grostele at Buckden 
in Huntingdonshire, where he died in 1253. 

This hall, which was wholly destroyed by fire during the Common- 
wealth days, resembled that at Lincoln by being divided into a 
central and two side aisles by pillars and arches, and having a large 
porch at the entrance vaulted with stone. It was, however, on a 
much smaller scale, being only, according to the parliamentary survey 
of 1647, ' twenty yards long and twelve yards broad, about half 
covered with lead, the rest with stone slat.' And it is interesting 
to observe that this also was of the early part of the thirteenth 
century, and thus, more or less contemporary with the rest of the 
same very limited class whose former, or present, existence is known 
to us. 

But, most important of all these halls, whether past or present, 
in point of size as well as preservation, is that still in use in the 
royal castle of Winchester, built by king Henry III. ' of Winchester ' for 
the greater glory of the place in one of whose chambers he was born 
in 1206. The first in the series of writs respecting it dates from 
1222, in which year charges for drawing stone for the columns of 
the hall occur. Ten years later the bishop of Winchester is directed 
to apply the moneys derived from the underwood of the forest of Bere 
to the making of the great hall of the king in the castle of Winchester. 
In 1234, anew kitchen, buttery, and 'dispensa' were also erected, 
not, however, on the normal system, that is to say, with the kitchen 
beyond and in line with the hall, and the pantry and buttery with 
the passage of communication connecting the two between them, 
but with the kitchen to the south and the other offices to the north ; 
while in the year following the hall was so far completed that the 
capitals of the pillars and the wooden ' botilli ' in the beams of the 
roof were then gilt ; the walls whitened and painted ; and ' verrinae,' 
or glazed frames made for the windows ; a seat also being placed for 
the king at the head of the hall versus orientem.' The whole of 



these works, we learn, as well as many others in the castle, were 
carried out from the designs, and under the superintendence of, Master 
Elias de Dereham. 

The hall itself was one hundred and eleven feet three inches in 
length by fifty-five feet nine inches in breadth, internally, and divided 
on either side into five bays. A small triplet was inserted in the 
point of the east gable ; there were four windows in each of the 


lateral walls, and, op- 
posite each other in the 
second bays from the 
west, north and south 
doorways, exactly as 
in a church. As at 
Auckland, though to a 
much less extent, the 
eastern and western 
bays were somewhat 
wider than the rest. 
The accompanying 
illustration will show 
how admirably propor- 
tioned and refined the 
whole of the architec- 
tural details are ; while, 
the window openings, 
not terminating at the 
line of the glass, but 
continued down to the 
ground and provided 
with stone seats, declare the purely secular and domestic character of 
the building at a glance. Notwithstanding these arrangements, 
however, and the fact of its having all along from the first been 
known as the king's hall, and secular business transacted in it, the 
late learned historian of Winchester, Dr. Milner, came, from its 
division into nave and aisles, as well as the fact, perhaps, of its 
standing east and west, to the conclusion that it had originally been 
a chapel ; and, strong in this misplaced confidence, attacked the 



county magistrates of Hampshire with much violence for sacrilegiously 
turning God's house into a court of justice. And curiously enough, 
precisely the same mistaken impression prevailed with respect to the 
last of these four halls that at Auckland. Till quite recently, it was 
universally believed to have been the ancient chapel of the manor- 
house from the beginning ; notwithstanding the indisputable fact 
that such chapel, or chapels for it was, as often happened in 
domestic chapels, a double one occupied not only an entirely 
different site, but was destroyed by gunpowder in the time of the 
Commonwealth. But then, it was divided into a nave and aisles 
' like a church,' and not only so, but it stood east and west ; circum- 
stances which, taken together, appeared, in spite of all historical 
evidences, to the contrary, as conclusive proof of its true ecclesiastical 
character to the local antiquaries, as a similar combination did at 
Winchester, to the friends of Dr. Milner. 12 

12 It is not a little curious to note for what a length of time, and how 
frequently, in their descriptions of aisled halls, the same idea has presented 
itself to, and been expressed in the same or similar terms by, divers writers. 
Thus, in the Rites of Durham (1690) the guest hall there is described as being 
' a goodly brave place, much like unto the body of a church, with very fair pillers 
supporting yt on ether syde.' Again in 1647, the parliamentary surveyors 
describe the great hall of Lincoln palace as consisting ' of one large middle alleye 
and two out lies on eyther syde . ... in the forme of a large church; ' adding 
afterwards the remark that ' The proporcon of yt is much lyke the bodye of 
Christe-church in London.' At Canterbury, Somner, writing in 1640, tells us how 
the arched remains of the infirmary hall were, doubtless for the same reason, 
regarded by some as the chapel of S. John ; by others, as the church of S. 
Trinitie, built by Lanfranc ; and by others again as the church of S. Saviour ; 
and a similar mistake might seem to be also made by the late Mr. E. J. King, 
in Murray's Cathedrals, who speaks of ' the infirmary with its church, the 
arches of which may be traced in the walls of the houses.' The arches, however, 
as need hardly be said, were those of the hall and not of the chapel. So, too, 
Mr. Parker (Domestic Architecture, ii. 250) speaks of John de Calceto as the 
builder of ' the beautiful infirmary church at Peterborough,' whereas the 
remains referred to are not those of the church or chapel at all, but of the hall. 
At Westminster, again, the slight remains of the arcades of the infirmary hall 
are in a similar way, still pointed out, and figured upon plans, as the chapel of 
S. Catherine. At Winchester, the great hall of the castle, owing as well to its 
standing east and west, as to the presence of aisles, was confidently asserted by 
the late historian of the city, Dr. Milner, as well as by his predecessors, Warton 
and Grose, not merely to resemble, but beyond all doubt to be, the chapel of S. 
Stephen, and built by the king of that name. And so, too, at Ely, the historian 
of the cathedral, Dr. Bentham, and his successor, Mr. Millers, the author of an 
excellent but briefer account of it, have no hesitation whatever in asserting as 
an indisputable fact that the infirmary hall was the nave of the conventual 
church founded by S. Etheldreda in 673 ! And then, lastly, we have the late 
Mr. Gordon Hills, in his admirable account of Fountains abbey, though knowing 
perfectly well its real purpose, which he takes the fullest account of, describing 
the great hall, in the old familiar fashion as being like the nave of a church. It 



What its true purport was, what the scheme of which it formed 
part, and who the founder under whom, and by whose command, the 
whole was planned, we have now to consider. 


Of historical witness we have simply none, and in such default are 
therefore obliged to fall back exclusively on the internal evidence of 
architectural style. But this is quite sufficient for the purpose, if not, 
indeed, of accounting for the 
completion of the works, yet, 
at any rate, of fixing the 
period of their commence- 
ment. Of this there cannot, 
happily, be a shadow of a 
doubt ; and it adds no little 
to the sufficiently great in- 
terest of the place, even when 
regarded separately and per 
se, to find that not merely 
was its inception, but its 
actual erection also largely, 
if not wholly, due to the 
same great prelate who, be- 
sides building or restoring 
the two halls of Durham 
castle, the Galilee chapel of 
the cathedral, and founding 
the hospital of Sherburn, built 
also S. Cuthbert's church at 
Darlington the famous and 
renowned Hugh Pudsey. 

Whether the entire remains can be referred to his days or not, and 
if not, how much of them, are points to be determined only after the 
most careful examination. Unfortunately nothing more than the 

may not, perhaps, be amiss to note how conclusively, if indirectly, this sustained 
simile points to the real rarity of aisled halls of any kind. Had the fact, as 
sometimes asserted, been otherwise, such constant comparison of them with, 
and positive assertions founded solely on the strength of such likeness 
that they were, and must have been, churches, would be altogether unintel- 


shell of the hall itself is left us, and this, though absolutely perfect as 
regards its more central parts, the arcades and the walling over them, 
has been greatly altered on the exterior, the northern wall having 
been much tampered with and raised, and the southern one utterly 
destroyed and rebuilt in a different style during the seventeenth 
century. Thus, besides the loss of all the details proper to those parts, 
that is to say the whole of the original windows, doorways, and 
buttresses, we are left without any evidence whatever as regards those 
other necessary adjuncts, the kitchen, pantry, and buttery, which were 
attached to it, and formed integral parts of the general scheme. All 
that can be said of these last is that, as at Chepstow and Coventry, 
they occupied a somewhat lower level than the hall itself, and lay 
beyond it eastwards. They were thus, as will be seen, quite separate 
from the body of the manor-house with which they may be said to 
have had no connection, being proper to the uses of the hall to which 
they belonged, and for which alone they were built. 13 A flat flagged 

13 This was a far from uncommon arrangement. It occurs among other 
instances, for example, in the Bishop's palace at Lincoln, where the two halls, 
the greater and the less, with their several kitchens respectively proportioned, 
may still be seen. Also at Bolton castle, where the two halls, the greater on 
the north side of the quadrangle, and the less on the south, with their respective 
kitchens and other attendant offices remain. At Winchester castle, again, 
there were also two halls and kitchens. The older and smaller hall and kitchen 
were those which the sheriff of Hampshire was ordered in 1220 to prepare, along 
with the painted chamber and other offices, for the king's reception at Christmas. 
The great hall, ' magna aula ' or ' aula infra ballium,' as it is termed, is that still 
standing, which, together with its kitchen, called in 1238 the 'greater kitchen,' 
buttery and dispensa, erected in connection with it on the north and south 
sides, were commenced in 1222. At Chepstow a similar arrangement occurs. 
There also are two halls, a smaller one with the usual two doorways at the lower 
end leading to the pantry and buttery, and a central one to a straight flight 
of steep stone steps down to the kitchen, which, with other offices, was on a 
much lower level. This is situated in the outer court. The great hall is in 
the inner court, its upper end having apparently been appropriated as a chapel 
or sanctuary, which was separated from the hall by a richly ornamented broad 
stone screen or gallery like a rood-loft, while the lower end was occupied, as 
usual, by the screens which connected it with the dependent offices. 

Kidwelly castle, Caermarthenshire, affords another example in which the 
evidences of this arrangement, so frequently destroyed, still remain distinct. 
The original castle, probably of the time of Edward I., consisted chiefly of 
what is now the inner court or keep, an oblong block of building with a small 
courtyard in the centre. In this are the great hall with its proper kitchen, 
chapel, etc. This inner castle was enclosed by a wall of enceinte with two 
gatehouses north and south, the former the principal one, and of the original 
work. The south gatehouse, which is of the fifteenth century, and a very fine 
structure, formed a distinct house in itself, having, besides many smaller and 
dependent apartments, its own hall, kitchen, and offices; the former, a grand 
room forty feet long and seventeen feet wide, being placed above the gateway. 



platform, nine and a half feet in height, and approached by two flights 
of steps, marks, at present, without defining the extent of, their site. 14 
As to the hall itself, though not the largest, it was, perhaps, in 
regard to the freedom and boldness of its parts, the finest, of its class. 
Vaster than that of Oakham, richer in its details than those of 
Winchester or Lincoln, it differs from both the latter examples in the 
variety of the design of the columns, as well as proportion of the 

One of the earliest as well as finest examples, however, is found in the 
episcopal palace at Wells, a building, or rather group of buildings, of unsur- 
passed, perhaps unequalled, interest. The earlier block or palace, complete in 
itself, is that forming the north-easternmost part of the present structure, and 
built by bishop Joceline between 1205 and 1244. It is of the richest and most 
beautiful Early English work imaginable, built for the most part upon a 
uniform range of vaulted and groined lower chambers, and with all the chief 
rooms upon the first floor. Among these were the hall ; the kitchen, with the 
pantry, etc., being on a lower level, and in an adjoining block. 

The great hall, a magnificent structure, far larger than all the chief buildings 
of bishop Joceline's palace put together, was built by bishop Burnell (1274- 
1292) circa 1280. It was no less than one hundred and fifteen feet in length 
by fifty -nine and a half in breadth, and had, like the earlier one, all its dependent 
offices of solar, pantry, buttery and kitchen complete. The former were, as 
usual, beneath the solar at the west end, but the kitchen, now destroyed, was a 
separate building, and connected with the hall by a covered passage way. 

And such would seem generally, where these great halls were attached either 
to castles or manor-houses, to have been the case. 

At St. David's, the magnificent palace, built by bishop Gower about the 
middle of the fourteenth century, shows an ingenious and somewhat different 
arrangement. It is all of one date, and of extreme magnificence ; the principal 
buildings, which are of the same height, occupying the southern and eastern 
sides of a large quadrangle. The southern range contains the great hall, with 
a solar at the west end. The eastern, the smaller hall, with a large kitchen 
or kitchens at its southern extremity, which, occupying the angle between it 
and the end of the great hall, would therefore, in this case, probably, be 
common to both. 

14 In the wall supporting this platform towards the east, two large stones are 
inserted bearing the following inscriptions in Roman capitals. To what parti- 
cular work the first and most important of them erected originally by the 
famous bishop Butler (1750-52) refers, cannot now, I think, be said : 







arches of its arcades. There the bays are all either actually, or 
practically, alike. Here it is otherwise ; the two extreme ones at 
either end, though harmonizing perfectly with those towards the 
centre, being of very perceptibly wider span. Nothing finer than the 
general justness, unity, and variety of effect, however, could possibly 
be conceived. That there were other than artistic reasons for such 
treatment which from a purely structural standpoint is, of course, 
the reverse of what it should be is probable ; though what those 
reasons precisely were, it may not, perhaps, now be possible to say. 
But the east, or lower end, was, it will be remembered, the kitchen 
end, and consequently the eastern bays, which would contain the 
screens with the music gallery over, might receive an extra width on 
that account. And then, as the other, or west end, would be that of 
the dais, or high table, its dimensions also might, quite possibly, not 
only be increased to the like extent for that reason, but, as we see, 
still further extended along the floor line, by having the western 
responds stopped short upon corbels and not continued down to the 
ground like those eastwards. Certainly its details are of a distinctly 
different, and far richer kind, and point to its more dignified uses in 
a way there is no mistaking. But the arrangement and details of the 
several parts prove something more than this, from which all manner 
of doubt or conjecture is excluded, and that is that the entire plan was 
not only laid out, but strenuously proceeded ivilh throughout its whole 
extent till its completion, from the very first. 


Before proceeding to a detailed examination of its architecture, 
however, it may be desirable to take account of the original chapel or 
chapels, with which this, the original great hall, has so long been 
confounded. Till quite recently, and through sheer default of due 
investigation, it was universally assumed to be such chapel ; and that 
in spite of the most direct and positive witness of those who had for 
years seen and known it in its integrity, to the contrary. Nay, so 
complete was the prevailing ignorance and misunderstanding, that we 
find the late learned antiquary, Dr. Kaine, in his admirable History of 
Auckland Castle, not merely repeating and lending all the weight of 
his great authority to it, but thereupon proceeding, out of his own 


mouth, to couvict bishop Cosin, of being something worse than a mere 
braggart a wilful and deliberate liar. And this, let me add, in the 
sincerest and most absolute good faith with the irrefragable record 
of the fabric itself, as he imagined, on the one hand, and the bishop's 
own handwriting, in flat contradiction to it, on the other. 

What, however to such, at least, as are willing to attend to them 
can possibly be clearer, fuller, or more harmonious than the structural 
and written evidence of the case ? Let us see what they have to tell us. 

First of all then, we learn that there was certainly a chapel in the 
episcopal manor-house at Auckland in the year 1271 (temp, bishop 
Stichell), as had doubtless been the case from the beginning. Next, 
since this was probably of the original building, and of small and 
simple character, we find from an account roll of 1308, that bishop 
Beck, among his other works of rebuilding there, expended on the 
erection of a new chapel in that year 148, a sum equivalent, 
probably, to nearly 3,000 of our money. Afterwards, in 1338, 
two chapels are spoken of, the major and the minor) which, as we learn 
at a later date still, viz., in 1547, stood one above the other. In 
other words, that this chapel built by Beck, was, as usual with those of 
its class, in two storeys, and could thus with equal propriety be spoken 
of as one chapel or two, according to circumstances. Furthermore, 
that this double chapel continued to be used for divine service down to 
the days of bishop Morton (1632-1659), Dr. Basire telling us that 
he himself had officiated in it as chaplain for years : while sir William 
Brereton, speaking of the same ; two Chapels one over the other,' 
describes the higher as ' a most dainty, neat, light, pleasant place, but 
the voice so drowned and swallowed by the echo, as few words can be 

After this, from Dugdale's Appendix to his History of St. Paul's, 
that this double, or two-storied chapel stood on the south side of the 

And then, finally, on the unimpeachable authority not only of 
Dr. Basire but of Smith, the biographer of bishop Cosin, that after 
the transfer of the castle by the parliamentary commissioners to sir 
Arthur Haslerigg, these chapels were blown up by him with gun- 
powder, and their materials re-used in the construction of a newly-built 

mansion house. From all which it clearly appears : 




Firstly, that the present chapel could have nothing whatever to 
do with that erected by Beck ; its general design, composed of arcades 
and aisles, at once precluding all idea of such a plan ; while the 
shafted corbels between the arches, designed to receive the principals 
of the original high-pitched roof, prove just as conclusively that no 
upper storey ever could have existed there. 

Secondly, that independently of any such considerations, the present 
chapel occupies an entirely different site, lying as it does to the north, 
while the original one was to the south, of the castle ; and 

Thirdly, that wherever that chapel stood, it was, beyond all con- 
tradiction, destroyed in the seventeenth century, while the present 
one remains, as to its ancient features, practically entire and undis- 

Yet, strange to say, all these indisputable circumstances notwith- 
standing, Dr. Raine persisted in identifying the two. Nay more, 
we find him even holding the existing building to be that mentioned 
in 1271, and which, since its architecture is of a period manifestly 
anterior to that of Beck, he imagines that prelate not to have taken 
down and rebuilt, but only to have enlarged and beautified. And this, 
so far at least as its more ancient parts are concerned, he supposes to 
have formed the major, or lower chapel ; the minor, or upper one 
having occupied that portion of the fabric now converted into bed- 
rooms immediately above, or west of, the present porch of the lower 

But such a supposition, it is clear, proceeds, and could only proceed, 
from an entire misconception of the nature of this class of buildings. 
A brief reference to the subject, therefore, may not be out of place, 
seeing it is one, generally speaking, but little understood, and in which 
the arrangements varied considerably. 

In his unfinished essay on the castle or manor-house, the late bishop 
Lightfoot assumed, without hesitation, that the chapel at Auckland 
would follow closely in that respect those of the episcopal palaces at 
Laon and Rheims, and, by consequence, of the Sainte Chapelle at 
Paris, and the palace of S. Stephen at Westminster. In all these 
instances the two storeys, though of the same superficial extent, were 
of very unequal magnitude ; the lower chapels being nothing more or 
better than mere undercrofts or crypts, on which the upper and lofty 


chapels proper were erected. They were, moreover, wholly separated 
from each other by the intervention of groined stone roofs and floors, 
so that service common to both could never be carried on in either. 
But this, so far from being the universal, or even general, was only 
one form of these double, or compound chapels. Another, met with 
occasionally in Germany, differed from it by having both storeys of the 
same, or nearly the same, height as well as superficies, so that the one 
could in no sense be described as the major, and the other as the minor. 
But the chief difference lay in this, that both formed in reality, and 
for all practical purposes, but one apartment in which service performed 
at either the upper or lower altar could be heard and joined in by two 
congregations so to say at the same time. This result was arrived 
at by dividing both storeys into central, side, and end aisles ; vaulting 
only the latter in the lower one ; and leaving the central space between 
the two open. The pillars and arches of the upper chapel, which were 
placed immediately above those of the lower one, carried not only, like 
them, a second set of aisle vaults, but a central one, common to both 
at the same level, as well. In other words, the two chapels might 
be said to be connected by a well floor. 

One of the most interesting buildings of this class, perhaps, is the 
church of Schwartz Rheindorf, dedicated in the year 1151. The under 
church, though nearly, is not quite as lofty as the upper one ; while 
the opening in the floor of the latter though somewhat small, is yet 
sufficient for those present in both to hear the service in whichever of 
them it might be performed. In castle chapels, where this arrange- 
ment is common, the upper storey seems to have been occupied by the 
noblesse, the lower by their retainers, as in England generally, and, 
doubtless, here at Auckland. There is a chapel of this kind in the 
castle of Eger, and another and very beautiful one of the twelfth 
century in that of Landsberg near Halle. One of the most beautiful 
of all, however, is that at Friburg on the Unstrutt, where the exquisite 
capitals and perfect finish of every part are very remarkable. 

But this, so far as I know, was a method never followed in Eng- 
land. Here, practically, a similar end was achieved by a far simpler 
and homelier process. Instead of a series of aisles and vaults, two 
ordinary rooms, one above the other, were planned to open into a third 
and shorter one, but which equalled the two in height, at one end. 



This third, short and lofty room formed the chancel, and contained 
the altar common to them both. As the floors of the lower room and 


View of Chapel looking east. Corbels for beams of floors of upper Chapel are shewn 
in the foreground, with entrance doorway over. 

chancel were on the same level, and might, therefore, naturally be held 
to form one chamber, the lower was consequently spoken of as the 



major, or great chapel ; the upper, which, in effect, was only a sort of 
west gallery the minor, or lesser one. This last, however, it should 
be observed, was invariably appropriated to the use of the lord and his 
family ; and hence, probably, the explanation of that strange craze for 
galleries in parish churches which took so firm a hold on the imagina- 
tion of church-goers during the last and preceding centuries. 

Interesting examples of chapels thus constructed may still be seen, 
among others, in ruins, at Wark worth, and in use, at Berkeley castle. 
Another, formerly belonging to the old manor-house of East Hendred, 


Longitudinal section of Chapel, shewing raised altar platform, and upper and lower 
Chapels, with their respective screens. 

Berkshire, has now been destroyed, but of this I am also thanks to 
a view of it having been taken in due time able to offer an illus- 

That Beck's chapel was constructed on the same system cannot, 
from the several notices of it that have come down to us, be doubted. 
A knowledge of it not only might, but probably would, have saved Dr. 
Raine from very serious misunderstandings, both as to the actual 


chapel and Cosin's words respecting it. But thoroughly confusing two 
wholly separate and distinct buildings, he goes on to tell us that the 
statement of bishop Cosin, 'in his own handwriting,' that he 
had ' erected a fine new chapel, the former having been, along 
with the Castle, almost utterly destroyed by the ravinous sacrilege of 
Sir Arthur Haslerigg,' is positively contradicted by the chapel itself, 
which in its great lending characteristics is essentially in the same state 
in which it was left by bishop Beck in 1310. And then, thoroughly 
satisfied on this head, and before proceeding to describe the building, 
he warns us that he must at once ' not only deprive Bishop Gosin 
of the credit of its total re-edification, but in pointing out the works 
for which alone he is answerable, specify the little which he did, and 
the bad taste in which that little was executed.' 

Had Dr. Raine but steadily kept in view the established facts of the 
original chapel's having occupied an entirely different site, and of its abso- 
lute annihilation before Cosin came to the see ; and had he only known, 
as it is perfectly clear he did not know, what the actual arrangement 
of such double chapels as that at Auckland was ; he would never have 
committed the mistake of transferring it from one side of a quad- 
rangle to the other, or confusing a one-storeyed secular building 
with a two-storeyed ecclesiastical one. And further, had he only 
paid attention to the words actually used by the great prelate whose 
life he was writing, instead of suggesting others which he never used 
at all, he would have escaped the odium of attaching to them a mean- 
ing which they neither did, nor were ever intended to, convey. 

When Cosin, as he himself tells us, set about the restoring of 
'our Episcopal Castles and in them especially our Chappels and 
some other places and buildings adjoining destined for public uses 
(all which indeed we found almost quite destroyed either by violence 
of the times, or the neglect and malice of men) that they might be 
duly repaired as soon as 1 possible, and where necessary rebuilded,' 
Beck's chapel, with which having long officiated in it as chaplain 
he was perfectly well acquainted, had long ceased to exist. 

Repairs, therefore, being quite out of the question, nothing but the 
other process of rebuilding remained open to him. But how ? Not, 
as Dugdale erroneously supposes, with the materials of the old chapel 
collected out of Haslerigg's new mansion in which they had been built 


up, and which the bishop caused to be in its turn demolished ; for it 
was not pulled down till the present chapel was nearly, if not quite, 
finished. Nor yet on the same site, as Dr. Raine just as erroneously 
supposes, but on quite a different one. In what sense then must Dr. 
Basire, who, in his funeral sermon on the bishop, declared that : ' He 
did erect a goodly Chappel in the Castle of Auckland ; ' and Smith, 
who in his Life of Cosin, writes: 'Sacellum Aucklandiae flagrante 
rebellione Parliamentaria pulvere pyrio eversum, e fundamentis 
extruxit ;' and lastly the bishop himself, who simply says that he ' had 
erected a fine new chapel,' be understood ? "Why, just in the simple 
and natural sense which was present to the minds of the writers, and 
in which all who either heard or read their words understood them at 
the time. The ancient chapel being gone and a new one urgently 
needed, the bishop at once proceeded to provide it in the fittest and 
readiest way possible by utilising the remains of the hall, out of which, 
by means of such great and costly additions as altogether transformed 
its general character and appearance, he 'erected' as, without the 
least thought of deception, he tells us ' a fine new Chappel.' Not a 
syllable, be it noted, does the bishop say of ' total re- edification ' ideas 
and words which are Dr. Raine's alone nor anything, in short, beyond 
the literal and exact fact that he had 'erected' a new chapel, i.e., 
partly out of what had, till then, not been a chapel at all, and partly 
out of work altogether new. 

And both these statements are borne out and corroborated by Dr. 
Basire when he says that not only did the bishop ' erect a goodly chapel, 
but consecrated the same himself on St. Peter's day' a ceremony 
which, had it, as Dr. Raine supposes, been the original major chapel of 
the castle, would have been quite uncalled for. 

And even Smith's assertion that ' sacellum pulvere pyrio eversum, 
e fundamentis extruxit,' is capable of a perfectly correct, though very 
different, meaning from that more sweeping and comprehensive one 
which Dr. Raine attributes to it. For he neither says, nor means to 
say, that the entire chapel was raised up new from the foundations ; 
but simply that, while wholly new as a chapel, a considerable part of it 
had been so raised. Which was exactly the case, not only as regards 
the whole of the clearstoreys, roofs, windows, turrets, battlements, and 
pinnacles, but of the entire south side and east and west ends as well 


the only parts, that is to say, which are either generally seen or 

But Dr. Raine's error, and that of his contemporaries, indefensible 
as it may be, is yet far from inexcusable. Historians so he would 
seem to have argued might blunder, and bishops brag, while biogra- 
phers abetted and backed them up ; but there was the building itself 
not merely a church in actuality, but so ' like a church,' that it could 
never, conceivably, have been anything else, belieing them all flatly. 
It was just that fatally deceptive likeness, conjoined with contempt of 
history, which knowing as they did nothing about two-storeyed chapels 
or aisled halls led them to as thoroughly false conclusions respecting 
it, as did similar circumstances, the late Sir Gilbert Scott, in respect to 
the date and authorship of S. Cuthbert's church at Darlington. In 
both cases the contemporary written evidences were contemptuously set 
aside : in both, the structural evidences, unexamiued and ignored. 

vi r. 

We come now at length to a detailed examination of the hall 
certainly commenced, and so far as its present remains go all but 
as certainly completed, by bishop Pudsey ; the first step, possibly, as 
at Itaby, towards a contemplated rebuilding of the entire manor, of 
which it not only was, but must ever after have continued, the grandest 
and most conspicuous feature. In striking contrast to his earlier 
castle hall, or halls, at Durham, its leading characteristics were 
spaciousness and grace. Eighty-five feet in length by forty-eight 
in breadth internally, it was divided by four admirably arranged 
but unequal bays into a central and two side aisles, the first measur- 
ing, from centre to centre of the columns, twenty-four feet, the latter 
twelve, or exactly half. Though unequally spaced, the bays through- 
out on either side correspond exactly with those opposite, the first 
to the west having a diameter between the shafts of twenty feet one 
inch ; the next of seventeen feet two and a half inches ; the following 
of seventeen feet ; and the easternmost of twenty feet. A further 
diversity of effect was produced by the use of different materials, 
Frosterley marble being introduced in varying proportions throughout. 
In the corbelled western responds stone alone is used. In the first 
detached western columns the alternate shafts, entire bases, central 


bands, and capitals are of marble. In the central columns, with 
the exception of the capitals, the same. In the eastern columns 
the shafts, though again alternately of stone and marble, have no 
bands but only marble bases, with a marble capital to the south ; 
while the eastern responds, which are not corbelled off like those 
to the west but descend to the ground, are of stone only. This 
inferiority of material, as well as greater simplicity of detail which 
accompanies it, is explained by the fact not only that the east was 
the lower, or kitchen end of the hall, but that it was in a large 
measure shut off by the screens. The arrangement, it is clear, forms 
in itself, if such were needed, another, if minor, proof that the building 
could never originally have been meant for a chapel. 

As to the original height and pitch of the roof there is nothing 
now to show ; but, as happened universally in the case of churches, 
the ridge would pretty certainly coincide more or less exactly with 
that of the existing clearstorey. It was, however, certainly of con- 
tinuous or compass form, i.e., embracing nave and aisles in a single 
span, and would therefore descend considerably lower down the aisle 
walls than do their present roofs, which are nearly flat. Moreover, 
as the beautiful shafted corbels show, we learn that, like that at 
Hartlepool, it was constructed with principals, and not as in some 
other cases at Darlington for instance with continuous rafters. 

But beyond this, save that it was covered externally with slates, 
and provided with leaden gutters, which prove that it did not over- 
hang the outer walls like that at Oakham, but had parapets as at 
Lincoln and Winchester, and that it had a louvre in the centre, we 
know nothing. 

Nor can anything now be said as to its lighting, beyond the fact 
that, in addition to its side windows, there was also a small one, 
probably above another of much larger size, at the west end. 16 One 
very curious and interesting fact, however, has been preserved to us 

u As will be seen later on, that at the west end was a very small thing, little 
if at all better than a mere ventilating hole, and an insertion of the fourteenth 
century. There would, however, pretty certainly be a window of some sort, 
circular or otherwise, in the eastern gable, above the kitchen roof from the first. 
At Winchester, in a similar position, there was a small triplet. But the gable 
windows of halls during both the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were 
features not only deemed important, but on which considerable attention was 
bestowed, as numerous royal writs still extant serve to show. 



by Dr. Raine, which otherwise would never be suspected, and that 
is that, until the days of bishop Van Mildert, who executed many 
repairs in it, the floors of the side aisles were two steps below that 
of the central one, an arrangement which must have lent the latter 
an immensely enhanced dignity. But beyond these few facts we 
know very little. The complete destruction or obliteration of every 
feature of the original work, as well as of such alterations and modifi- 

At Wells, the gables of bishop Jocelin's new palace (1205-1244) were occupied 
by large bold quatrefoils above the double two-light windows. In the fine hall of 
Penshurst Place, a licence to crenellate which was granted in 15th Edward II. 
(1321), and which, with its roof, is all of one period, there are three small 
windows in the gables within the roof ; the lower, of four lights, being adapted 
to the sweep of the arched principals, while the two other and smaller ones, 
eachjof two lights above it, are so arranged as to allow the king-post to be exactly 
fitted in between them. 

Of special interest, however, as showing the king's own personal interference 
in the subject, are the many orders respecting these details contained in the 
Liberate and Close Rolls of Henry III. Thus, we find the king commanding 
the keepers of the works at Woodstock ' to pull down the four windows which 
are in the gable of the hall towards the east, and in their stead make one great 
round and becoming window, on high, with glass lights.' Lib. Roll, 28 Henry 

Then, again, the sheriff of Northampton is commanded ' in the window which 
is in the gable of the hall (at Yeddington) to make a white glass window with 
the image of a king in the middle.' Same date. 

Next year, ' the sheriff of Oxford is ordered to put new glass lights in the 
windows of the west gable of the king's hall at Oxford.' -Lib. Hall, 29 Henry III. 

Again, the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex ' is ordered to cause the window in 
the king's hall at Guildford towards the west nigh the dais (the gable window) 
to be filled with white glass lights, so that in one-half of that glass window there 
be made a certain king sitting on a throne, and in the other half a certain queen 
likewise sitting on a throne. Reading, February 3.' Lib. Roll, 30 Henry III. 

The sheriff of Kent is also ' commanded to make in the hall of the king's 
castle at Rochester, in the northern gable, two glass windows, one having the 
shield of the king and the other the shield of the late count of Provence.' Lib. 
Roll, 31 Henry III. 

The bailiff of Woodstock, again, is commanded to ' put two windows of white 
glass in the gable of our hall, barred with iron.' 

The constable of Marlborough is also ordered ' to make a great round window 
over the king's seat (at the gable end) in the great hall there.' Lib. Roll, 35 
Henry III. 

Then, again, ' The sheriff of Northampton is commanded to make a certain 
glass window in the king's hall at Northampton, with the figures of Lazarus and 
Dives painted in the same, opposite the king's dais (i.e., in the gable facing it), 
which may be closed and opened. Merton, Jan. 8.' Lib. Roll, 37 Henry III. 

In addition to all which we have the justices of Ireland directed ' to cause 
to be built in Dublin castle a hall containing one hundred and twenty feet in 
length and eighty feet in width, with sufficient windows and glass casements, 
after the fashion of the hall at Canterbury ; and they are to make in the gable 
over the dais a round window thirty in circumference, and also to paint over the 
same dais a king and a queen sitting with their baronage. Bordeaux, April 24.' 
Close Roll, 27 Henry III. 

The fine circular traceried windows in the gables of the palace halls at S. 
David's, and in that, now destroyed, of the bishops of Winchester at Southwark, 
are too well known from engravings to need further notice. The object, or at 


cations of it as might have been, and no doubt were, introduced in 
later days by bishop Cosin in his general rebuilding of the south side 
in 1662, has deprived us of many evidences, not only interesting in 
themselves, but largely explanatory of the primitive arrangements. 
Among the most salient of these would probably be that universal 
and important feature, the porch. This adjunct, which was often 
richly groined in stone, besides serving to shelter the chief entrance 
to the hall, had very commonly a chamber over it as well, from which, 
when so minded, the lord could view all who either came or went 
at his leisure. As it was always placed behind or * in ' the screens, 
however, its position only is known in the present instance, and 
nothing more. The conversion of the building into a chapel, of 
course, rendered its further continuance not only useless but impos- 
sible. But if this, the front, door has perished, the back, or servant's 
door which, as usual in such cases, was exactly opposite at the other end 
of the passage, remains and, though blocked, perfect. Like all, or all 
but all, of the earlier external features, it is to be discovered on the north 
side. As the opening is built up level with the surface of the wall, 
it is therefore impossible to say anything of its details, if such exist, 
but it exhibits jambs six feet seven inches wide and five feet eight 
inches in height to the springing of the arch, which is obtusely 
pointed. Eastward, but closely adjoining it, is another and smaller 
doorway, also blocked, only four feet wide, and whose sill is no less 
than six feet six inches above the basement or earth table. This led 
directly to the music gallery above the screens, and the marks of the 
weathering overhead show that it was formerly sheltered by a pentice. 
West of the doorways the walls, which remain as in Cosin's days, 
show marks of window openings in pretty well all directions both 
above and below, but nothing, so far as I have been able to make 
out, which gives us any clue either to the position or dimensions of 
those originally pertaining to them. 16 

least one of the chief objects, of their presence must undoubtedly have been to 
light up the timbers of the high roofs in which they were placed, and which must, 
otherwise, have remained in semi-darkness. Such would, quite certainly, have 
been the case at Auckland. 

18 At a distance of about seven feet beneath the sill of the second window 
from the east is that of another and somewhat wider one, eight feet eleven inches 
in diameter, and four and a half feet only above the level of the earth-table. 
Another similar one also occurs beneath that of the westernmost window, having 
a diameter of eight feet eight inches, and set at a level of five feet ten inches above 


But, by far the most striking and important features are the lofty 
and well-proportioned buttresses which extend from end to end. 
These, it is perfectly plain, formed no part of the original building, 
but are additions of the time of Beck ; and their presence serves to 
solve some very interesting, and hitherto unexplained, historical and 
architectural problems. First among them comes that somewhat 
precise and positive assertion of Dugdale that Beck built the hall, 
with its pillars of black marble speckled with white. Now, though 
such assertion, if taken au pied de la lettre would, of course, be still 
more inaccurate than the counter one, made in after times, that it was 
built by Cosin, one can still hardly escape the conviction that there 
must have been some sort of foundation for it in fact. He was 
certainly not the man to invent such a statement ; and, if not true in 
an absolute and unqualified sense, there might yet very well be one, or 
more than one, in which it was so. What, and how well grounded, 
that was, these buttresses remain to show. For just as their 
projection and outline declare them to belong to Beck's period, so 
does their great height, the fact that the walls they were erected to 
sustain were then raised far above their former level, and that the 
building generally, therefore, was recast well nigh as completely by 
Beck in the first instance, as by Cosin in the second. And hence, 
and not unnaturally, the attribution to him, in after ages, of the entire 
work. But that is not all : they explain far more than this. For 
they serve to connect those two famous prelates in a way which is not 
only very curious, but one which has never yet been even so much as 
suspected. No ordinarily attentive architectural student, I think, in 
his examination of the present chapel can fail to have been struck 
with the very marked and striking contrast which exists between the 

the earth-table. Both are closely blocked, so that it is impossible to come to any 
certain conclusion aoncerning them. From their breadth and the low level at 
which they are placed, they might seem to have been insertions for extra light or 
air. or both, effected by some one or other of Cosin's more or less immediate pre- 
decessors, while the building was yet a hall, and before its conversion into a 
chapel. But one thing at least is certain, viz., that they are nut, as stated by the 
author of The Cttunty of Durk/rni,etc.., the original, undisturbed sills of Hatfield's 
windows which, in every other case, were taken out and set at a higher level by 
Cosin. leaving the rest of the jambs and tracery undisturbed ; since the entire 
masonry of the actual windows is, as the mouldings show, of Cosin's date, pure 
and simple. Besides, were it even otherwise, those lower sills and jambs could 
never, by any possibility, have formed parts of the windows overhead, as they 
are of a different and considerably greater width. 


character of the windows of the aisles and gables of it, and those of 
the clearstorey. Although seen in a setting of palpably seventeenth- 
century date, the character of the one, in spite of its surroundings, is 
as distinctly that of the pure fourteenth-century Geometrical Gothic, 
as is that of the other of the mixed, or bastard, seventeenth century 
Gothic. The last, interesting, and indeed excellent, as they are in 
their way, are altogether the product and outcome of the revived 
mediaeval taste of the age to which they belong : the first, though 
with some few and faint traces of that age, in all essential particulars, 
entirely distinct and alien from it. The one, that is, presents us with 
the general ideas of Gothic tracery prevailing in Cosin's days ; the 
other, on the contrary, with close, and marvellously exact copies of 
certain early and particular instances of it, which Cosin's architect 
had immediately before his eyes. Now, the buttresses and raised 
walls show us, with sufficient clearness, both for what purpose they 
were built, and where it was that those originals, of which we now see 
the copies, were found. As throughout nearly every parish church in 
the county Darlington, Sedgefield, Staindrop, Hartlepool, Brancepeth, 
and Barnard Castle for example the low side walls of Pudsey's hall 
were evidently raised in order that windows of a larger size might be 
inserted in them, and the building consequently receive more light 
than the limited dimensions of the originals would allow. Since the 
windows then were contemporaneous with the walls raised specially to 
receive them, and with the buttresses built to sustain their increased 
height, they must have been of Beck's time too, that is to say of the 
Geometrical style of the early part of the fourteenth century. And 
it is precisely this style of tracery, altogether different from 
that of Cosin's, or any other time, that these windows display. 
The inference, I think, is irresistible, viz., that Cosin's architect, 
finding Beck's windows, though probably decayed, still actually 
in position, saved himself all further trouble in designing new, 
and as they would doubtless have proved, very inferior ones, by 
simply copying them with a minute, and almost literal, exact- 
ness. And thus we see how little as one might imagine it 
at first sight this comparatively hidden and out of the way range 
of buttresses, serves to vindicate the works of the bishop, and the 
words of the historian, at the same time. 



But, a recent writer on the subject, in a work entitled The County 
of Durham, its Castles, Churches, and Manor Houses, takes a different 
view. In two passages of considerable length and confidence, he thus 
expresses himself: ' AJthough we have no record of works carried out 
by Bishop Hatfield in the castle of Auckland beyond those which occur 
in the solitary bailiff's roll for the fifth year of his episcopate, there can 
be little doubt that here, as at Durham, his works would be of an 
extensive character. Indeed we can have no hesitancy in saying that 
as he is known to have greatly altered the great hall at Durham built 
by Bek, so at Auckland he made considerable changes in the hall built 
by Pudsey. The windows in the side walls, and at the east end of the 
aisles, are unmistakably of his period. The same may be said of the 
window at the west end of the nave, but that at its east end has, with- 
out doubt, been greatly tampered with ' (p. 484). And then 
a little further on : ' The first important changes made in the 
great hall were effected, there can be little doubt, by Bishop 
Hatfield. The whole of the tracery of the existing windows, with 
the exception of that of the great east window and the clerestory 
windows, is distinctly of his period. Fortunately we have documentary 
evidence to show that Hatfield inserted the existing windows. Only 
one roll of receipts and payments of this bishop's bailiff for the manor 
of Auckland has been preserved, but from this we .learn that in 
1349-50 a new stone window was erected in the west end of the hall, 
and that glass windows were bought during the same year for this and 
the rest of the windows of the hall. From the way in which these glass 
windows are mentioned there can be little doubt that, in accordance 
with the practice of the period, they were movable glazed frames, which 
could be taken out and stored away when " my lord " was from home. 
But had the bailiff 's roll for the preceding and following years existed we 
should undoubtedly have found entries accounting for the erection of 
the windows in the side walls, and at the east end, all of which are 
clearly of the same general character as the one at the west end. 
Although the windows in the side walls are of Hatfield's period, not 

more than two of them retain their original proportions 

The sills were raised by Cosin.' (Ibid. 494.) 


More numerous or considerable mistakes, however, than are con- 
tained in the above extracts could hardly, I think, be compressed into 
the like compass. They comprise, as will be seen, no fewer than four 
distinct allegations. First, that bishop Hatfield made similar altera- 
tions in the hall at Auckland to those which he carried out in that at 
Durham. Secondly, that the existing windows are not merely in the 
style of his day, but those actually inserted by him. Thirdly, that the 
present west window is that referred to in the account roll of 1349, the 
cost of which in masonry, iron work, and glazing is all set out there in 
detail ; and, fourthly, that these windows of the aisles which were 
erected by Hatfield were fitted originally with wooden glazed frames, 
and, with two exceptions, had their sills raised by Cosin. "Well, let us 
now bring these allegations to the test of critical enquiry, and see how 
far they can sustain it. 

In the first place then, as regards the style of the work. Bishop 
Hatfield ruled from 1345 to 1381, and his fifth year, to which the 
works here are assigned, would consequently fall in 1349, when the 
flowing Pointed style, if not already past, was, to say the very least, at 
its zenith. But the type of the tracery found in these windows is not 
that of the flowing Pointed period at all, but of the strictly Geometrical 
period, which ceased some thirty years previously. This fact alone, 
therefore, is quite sufficient to dispose of the first of these propositions. 
And the second, viz., that the windows seen to-day are the originals 
actually set up by him, is refuted still more conclusively by the witness 
of their masonry which, throughout its whole extent is that, not of the 
fourteenth, or even fifteenth, or sixteenth centuries, but of the seven- 
teenth, as the most cursory examination of it suffices to show clearly. 
Thirdly, that the present west window which is adduced as fixing the 
date and authorship, not only of itself, but of all the rest along with it, 
has absolutely nothing whatever to do with that mentioned in the roll 
of 1349, may also be understood, at once, by simply comparing it with 
the cost of that historical insertion. What the size and general char- 
acter of the latter were may be gathered from the fact that its masonry 
cost less than half a crown, or about forty-six shillings of our money. 
And then, as appears further, it was not, after all, an original one, for 
the account runs : ' To a mason making a stone window anew at the 
west end of the hall by agreement for himself and his servant 2 s 3 d .' 


The strong iron bars and clasps for it came only to two shillings and 
sixpence, and the glass needed for filling it, and repairing that in 
all the other hall windows as well, to but forty shillings. 

But the actual window instead of being a mere small lighting and 
ventilating aperture, such as that mentioned in the account roll of 
1349 must necessarily have been is a large one of four lights, filled 
with richly moulded net tracery, the cost of which, so far from being 
covered by less than fifty shillings, would amount to between twice and 
thrice as many pounds. As to the fourth allegation, that these windows 
of Hatfield's were fitted originally with glazed wooden frames ; were this 
so, and the windows themselves those actually built by him, as alleged, 
then the channels or recesses for their reception would remain to bear 
witness to the fact, but nothing of the kind is to be seen in any one of 

Not to Hatfield then, as is clear, but to Beck, to whom existing 
remains and historic record alike bear witness, must the first great 
alteration of the hall be referred ; just as to Gosin, the preservation, not 
of the material stonework, but the patterns only of the window traceries. 
A full and particular examination of these must be deferred, however, to 
a later page, when we come to speak of the second and far greater altera- 
tions effected by that prelate on his once more changing, not its aspect 
only, but its character, by transforming it from a hall into a chapel. 

Of its general details, fittings, or accessories between Beck's time 
and Cosin's, as between Pudsey's and Beck's, we know nothing of any 
moment ; yet the few scanty and scattered notices that have come down 
to us have their interest, and cannot be passed by. The first thing we 
learn about it, from the account roll of Peter de Midrigg in the fourth 
year of Richard de Bury's pontificate, 1337-1338, is that it had gutters 
which needed repair both in lead and shingles (cindulis). This entry 
proves that, if not from the first, yet from Beck's time at any rate, it 
was, like the great halls of Winchester, Wells, Lincoln, and the some- 
what later, but exceedingly fine and unaisled one at Penshurst, 
provided with parapets. Further charges for 1,500 shingles or boards 
and 4,000 ' brodds ' in the same year show further that, as might be 
expected, the roof was boarded above the rafters ; while a still further 
one of thirteen shillings and fourpence to Walter, the glazier, for re- 
pairing the glass u-indows in the gable of the hall, together with 


another of twenty-three pence for ' barres wegges and iron nails for that 
work,' show that more than one such window, at any rate, was in exist- 
ence eleven years before Hatfield's repairs of that at the west end on 
which so wonderful a theory has been founded were undertaken. 

Then, the next thing we learn from the roll of Roger de Tikhill, in 
the fifth year of bishop Hatfield (1349-1350), and which immediately 
follows the entry of the repairs of the little gable window already 
mentioned, is this : ' For whitewashing the hall by my Lord's order, 
3 s .' This piece of information, slight as it is, is not without interest, 
for the coat of whitewash laid on then, remains still. With many 
other such like, and successive coats, it helps to make up the lowest 
strata which underlie sundry others of darker hue and later date, and 
which, after divers pickings and scrapings, serve to give in part to 
the arches, but more especially to the corbels at the west end, a 
resemblance to the Frosterley marble of certain of the shafts and caps, 
so close as completely to deceive, at a little distance, even the most 
careful eye. This piece of deception, the result of pure accident, 
has, of course, only been achieved in recent days. 

Hatfield's coat, however, which contributed to lead up to it, was 
doubtless merely the continuation of a practice which had obtained 
all along, and was handed on to the time of Cosin. With sundry modi- 
fications, it was the common way of treating all wall surfaces, even those 
of the royal halls and chapels. 17 Whatever other kind of decoration 

" What an entire ignorance of ancient ideas and practice is displayed in the 
modern outcry against plaster and whitewash as being barbarisms of recent 
introduction, and especially chargeable against churchwardens of the Georgian 
period, is shown in the clearest way by the Liberate Rolls of that highly 
cultured and art-loving king Henry III. His own personal directions in the 
matter as applied to the various royal residences, and their principal apartments, 
can hardly fail to be read with interest. How completely at variance the views 
of his days and ours, generally, on the subject were and are, let the following 
extracts show : 

' The king to the constable of the Tower of London. We order you to cause 
the walls of our queen's chamber, which is within our chamber, at the aforesaid 
Tower, to be whitewashed and pointed, and within those pointings to be painted 
with flowers.' Lib. Poll, 23 Henry III. 

' The king to the keepers of the works of the Tower of London. We 
command you to cause our great chamber in the same tower to be entirely 
whitewashed and newly painted.' Lib. Roll, 24 Henry III. 

The king to the same. ' We command you to cause all the leaden gutters of 
the great tower to be carried down to the ground ; so that the wall of the said 
tower, which has been newly whitewashed, may be in no wise injured by the 
dropping of rain water. And also whitewash the whole chapel of St. John the 
Evangelist in the same tower. And whitewash all the old wall around our 
aforesaid Tower.' Lib. Roll, 25 Henry III. 

VOL. xviii. 22 


might be superimposed, it would seem, almost invariably, to have formed 
the groundwork. Sometimes stencilled patterns representing ashlar- 

' The sheriff of Dorset and Somerset is ordered to cause the tower of the castle 
of Corfe to be pargeted with mortar where needful, and to whitewash the whole 
of it externally.' Lib. Roll, 28 Henry III. A similar order also was issued to the 
constable to ' whitewash the keep of Rochester castle in those places where it 
was not whitewashed before.' 

' The sheriff of Wiltshire is ordered to repair the wall of the king's chamber 
at Clarendon externally with mortar, and to whitewash it.' Lib. Roll, 28 
Henry III. 

' The sheriff of Southampton is ordered to stop up and repair the crevices in 
the new tower in the king's castle at Winchester, and to whitewash that tower 
inside and out.' Lib. Roll. 30 Henry III. 

' The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you to whitewash our 
great hall at Clarendon.' Lib. Roll, 33 Henry III. 

' The king to the mayor and bailiffs of Bristol. We command you to let glass 
windows be made in the chapel of St. Martin, and lengthen three of the windows 
of the same chapel, to wit, two in the chancel and one in the nave, that it may 
be better lighted ; and let it be whitewashed throughout.' Lib. Roll, 34 
Henry III. 

'John de Haneberg is commanded to crenellate the queen's chapel at Wood- 
stock, to wainscote and whitewash the same chapel.' 

' The king to the sheriff of Wiltshire. We command you to cause the new 
chamber within the park at Clarendon to be whitewashed and bordered.' 

' The king to the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex. We command you to 
strengthen the wall of the castle of Guildford with buttresses and underpinning, 
and whitewash it ; and repair the lead on the tower, and whitewash the same 
tower.' Lib. Roll, 35 Henry III. 

' The bailiffs of Feckenham are commanded to whitewash the king's chamber 
and the queen's chamber.' 

' The king to the sheriff of Nottingham. We command you to cause to be 
painted before the altar in our chapel a certain tablet, etc., and in the passage 
make wooden windows, etc., and wainscote the wardrobe in the queen's chamber ; 
and cause to be painted in the chapel of St. Catherine, before the altar a tablet 
and above the altar another with the ' ; history " of the same virgin, and paint the 
judgment to be dreaded in the gable of the same chapel ; and whitewash that 
chamber, wardrobe and chapel on every side and point them lineally.' Lib. 
Roll, 36 Henry HI. 

' The sheriff of Nottingham is ordered to whitewash the king's chamber at 
Clipstone.' Lib. Roll, 36 Henry III. 

' The bailiff of Gillingham is commanded to make a new wardrobe, with a 
privy-chamber, to the great chamber towards the kitchen, with a chimney to 
the same chamber ; to whitewash and illuminate the whole chamber, and to 
wainscote, whitewash and illuminate the chamber of Edward the king's son.' 

' The king to the bailiff of Havering. We command you to plaster and 
whitewash our queen's wardrobes.' Lib. Roll, 37 Henry III. 

'The sheriff of Surrey and Sus-ex is ordered to whitewash the king's hall at 
Guildford within and without; and to whitewash and quarry the king's 
chamber ; to paint the ceiling in the same of a green colour becomingly 
stencilled with gold and silver ; to whitewash within and without the king's 
chapel, the queen's chapel and chamber, and the queen's great wardrobe.' Lib. 
Roll, 40 Henry II F. 

' The king to the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex. We order you to whitewash 
and wainscote the chamber over the chancellor's bed at Guildford. Whitewash 
and repair where needful, the tower of our castle there, and repair and white- 
wash the walls of the baily of the same castle.' Lib. Roll, 41 Henry III. 

It may not be without interest to note in this connection that, besides the 
interior of the hall, the exterior of the parish church of S. Andrew was also 
certainly in former times whitewashed. 


work, with borders of foliaged or other ornament ; sometimes, though 
rarely, pictorial panels containing scriptural, historical, legendary, 
or mythological subjects, helped, as in churches, to break the dreary 
uniformity, and give life and colour to the scene. 18 Whitewash, pure 
and simple, nevertheless, answered well enough for ordinary occasions ; 
and when the lord happened to be in residence for he travelled about 
habitually from one manor to another then its stark nakedness was 
covered with some one or other of the various sets of ' ballings,' which 
were either kept in store, or sent on with him in his migration from 
place to place. If those of Beck at all corresponded in costly 
splendour with his historic saddle cloths, and the vestments pertaining 
to his chapel, as doubtless considering they were his private property, 
and not, like the hall itself, that of the see would naturally be the 
case, they must have been of a very sumptuous sort indeed. But 
nothing is certainly known of them. Of some of Hatfield's hangings, 

18 That these painted decorations were similar in kind to those of the other 
chief apartments, of which divers notices occur, can hardly be doubted. A few, 
however, among those mentioned as actually occurring in some of the royal 
halls may be instanced. Thus, at Winchester, ' a map of the world ' was 
painted on the wall. Among other subjects not specified in the hall at Wood- 
stock was a ' certain chequer-board ' containing this verse : 

' Qui non dat quod amat, non accepit ille quod optat ; ' 
and a similar verse : 

' Ke ne dune Ke ne tune, ne prent Ke desire ' 
was painted also on the gable of the king's great chamber at Westminster. 

In the hall at Winchester the paintings above the dais were to be renewed 
and repaired, the heads on the dais of the king's great hall there to be painted 
and gilded, and the ' pictures on the doors and windows ' to be ' renewed.' 

At Ludgershall 'the history of Dives and Lazarus' was to be painted 'in 
the gable opposite the dais.' 

In the great hall at Northampton ' the history of Lazarus and Dives ' was 
ordered to be painted ' in a certain glass window opposite the king's dais.' 

The hall at Guildford also contained the same subject in the same position, 
where, as in the two preceding instances, it was pictured in obedience to the king's 
special order. 

The sheriff of Southampton was ordered to make, among other other things, 
' a figure of St. George on the wall, in the entry of the hall ' at Winchester, 
and to renovate the windows which were painted with the king's arms. 

The sheriff of Surrey was also commanded ' to make at the head of the 
table in the king's hall at Guildford, towards the entry of the king's chamber, 
a certain spur of wood ; and to paint there the figure of St. Edward, and the 
figure of St. John holding a ring in his hand.' 

All the doors and windows of the king's hall and chamber at Winchester 
were, again, ordered to be painted with his arms. 

The sheriff of Wiltshire was ordered ' to put four Evangelists in the glass 
windows of the king's hall ' at Clarendon ; and the sheriff of Southampton ' to 
carve and paint an image of St. Edward and place it over the door of the king's 
hall ' at Winchester ; while 

At Dublin, over the dais, were to be painted ' a king and a queen sitting 
with their baronage.' 


however, though belonging to a bed room rather than to a hall, \ve 
have mention in the account of the offerings made to the church at his 
funeral. Besides the ' two cloths of gold of a red colour, interwoven 
with pelicans and crowns which covered his body,' we read of a ' bed, 
having five curtains of purple silk and satin, with images of St. George 
the Martyr in armour,' which the sacrist sold to John Lord Nevill, as 
they could not be conveniently made into vestments ; and then, of 
' eight pieces of tapestry, of woollen of the same bed and colour, inter- 
woven with wild men in arms, which the Prior retained in his 
chamber for curtains.' 

That the hall, whatever its other surface decorations may have 
been, was really hung with curtains in addition, is shown by a charge 
in a roll of the first year of bishop Dudley (1476-1477), for '200 
little hooks to support lez costers in the hall, 3 d .' But of these 
particular costers or any others, indeed, nothing descriptive has been 
recorded. As in all similar structures, its floor, according to custom, 
was strewn with rushes ; one of the items in the same roll running 
' Paid to Thomas Hopeland for mowing rushes to strew the hall and 
chambers within the manor-house, for 4 days 16 d .' 

Of the flooring itself, on which, as well for convenience as comfort, 
perhaps, these rushes were spread, no mention is made in the scanty 
records that have come down to us ; nor should we have known of what 
sort it was, but for the discoveries made in connection with the intro- 
duction of hot water pipes under bishop Maltby in 1842. In many 
cases the flooring of halls, as indeed of certain churches Hamsterley 
for example could only be described as such on the lucus a non lucendo 
system, seeing that, beyond mere beaten earth, they had no existence 
at all. Here it was found to have consisted of ' a concrete of lime, 
small gravel, and coal-dust,' and it still remains, as is said, at a depth 
of eighteen inches beneath the surface. Whether this concrete covering 
was ever exposed to view, or, as may possibly have happened, in part at 
least, served simply as a foundation for a superficial facing of tiles, or 
other material, does not appear ; but as no remains of anything of the 
kind seem to have been met with, the concrete alone, it is probable, 
formed the only sort of flooring the hall ever knew. 19 

19 That the floors of poor country churches should, in many cases, consist of 
nothing more or better than earth, is hardly to be wondered at when we find 


Two other vanished features, more or less intimately connected with 
the floor of the hall, and of which mention, either direct or implied, 
occurs, should also be mentioned. I mean the bishop's (probably) 
fixed chair of state, at the high table, and the brazier or reredos, 
which would occupy a raised hearth in its centre. 

Of neither, indeed, have we any particulars merely the fact that 
they existed. As to the seat or throne, however, it would doubtless, 
like those of king Henry III. in the halls of his many castles and 
manors, occupy the central place of the dais at the west end, where the 
present doorway has been broken through. In bishop Ruthall's time 
the following entry occurs respecting it in the roll of his clerk of 
works for the year 1513-14 : 'For dressyng of my Lord's place in 
the holl 5 s .' If, as is possible, this dressing referred only to some 
substantial or decorative repairs, then the seat, like divers other such 
like, may have been one of considerable richness. Thus, among con- 
stant orders respecting those in the many royal palaces, we find in the 
Liberate Rolls, 34 Henry III., Godfrey de Lyston ordered ' to make a 

that such was the case in at least one of the royal chapels, the bailiff of Havering 
being ordered ' to wainscote and crest the queen's chapel at Havering, and to 
well earth the flooring of the same chapel.' 

At Winchester castle, the floor of the same queen's chamber is ordered to be 
plastered, perhaps in similar fashion to this at Auckland. The hall there was 
ordered to be paved, doubtless with tiles, as in the king's demesne chapel and 
oriol at Clarendon ; where also the king's chamber was ordered to be paved with 
plain tiles, as well as that of the queen. That the hall at Winchester had pre- 
viously had an untiled floor is evident from the fact that its internal decorations, 
such as the gilding of the capitals of the column?, and the bosses of the roof had 
been executed no less than five years previously. Ten years later, 35th Henry 
III., the king's new chapel there was directed to be paved with tiles (this, no 
doubt, in the first instance), as were also the king's chamber, and that of the 
queen, which were not new, and must consequently, till then, have had floors of 
another, and probably inferior, description. The chapel, and the queen's high 
chamber at Clarendon, were also ordered to be paved, in the same year, in place 
of whatever flooring they had had before. 

' The chamber of Edward, the king's son,' at Winchester, again, was ordered 
in the 37th of his reign ' to be paved with flat tile,' and the king's chamber, and 
that of the queen at Gloucester with tile ; and ' the king's chamber, the queen's 
chamber, and all the king's chapels at the manor of Woodstock to be paved,' as 
would seem, for the first time, with such material. 

In the 41st of the same reign, the upper^tep of the king's hall at Winchester 
was ordered to have a pavement of tile, a renewing, perhaps, in better quality of 
that which had been laid down sixteen years previously. 

The king's new chapel at Woodstock was ordered to be paved (in the first 
instance as we may suppose) by the advice of master John of Gloucester, the 
king's mason, the chapel of the queen there, which had been built previously, 
having a new floor of tiles laid down in it at the same time. The sheriff of 
Surrey was also ordered in the 42nd Henry III., 'to pave the king's chapel, the 
queen's chapel, the king's chamber, and the queen's chamber ' at Guildford, in 
lieu of whatever kind of flooring they had theretofore been provided with. 


royal seat at the middle table in the king's hall at Windsor castle, on 
which he is to paint the figure of a king holding a sceptre in his hand, 
taking care that the seat be becomingly ornamented with gold and 
paint.' Again, two years later, the wardens of the works at Woodstock 
are directed ' to make a canopy (tabernaculum) above our seat in the 
hall, with a royal seat ; ' as is also, in the fifty-fourth of the same reign, 
the sheriff of Northampton, ' to complete the chair in the king's hall at 
Northampton castle lately begun, and cause it to be carved as the king 
enjoined him orally.' Though sometimes movable, chairs of this sort 
were also sometimes, as perhaps here, fixed. Such, for instance, 
among others, must have been that which in the 29th Henry III. 
Edward of Westminster was directed to have ready before Easter in 
the great hall there, and respecting which the king wrote to him : 
' As we remember you said to us that it would be little more expensive 
to make two brass leopards (that is, lions) to be placed on each side of 
our seat at Westminster, than to make them of incised or sculptured 
marble, we command you to make them of metal as you said, and 
make the steps before the seat aforesaid of carved stone.' In the great 
hall of Durham castle, until the days of Fox, who greatly curtailed its 
length, the bishops had two such great chairs of state, one at either end, 
a most unusual, if not unique, arrangement. 

Save that, like the hall it had to warm, the brazier was perhaps 
somewhat larger than common, it differed probably in no respect from 
such utensils generally. That, like its necessary adjunct, the louvre, 
it must have held its place from the beginning, goes, of course, with- 
out saying. Of the latter, however, we know, apparently, only how 
long it lasted, since the first distinct notice we have on the subject 
points clearly to its successor. It occurs in the account roll of William 
Cawood, clerk of the works to bishop Dudley, 1480-1, and runs 
thus : ' Paid to John Robson, carpenter (7 s ), working at the making 
of one " lovir " in the hall of the said manor-house, for 14 days at 6 d ., 
along with 23 s 4 d paid to Thomas Fisher and his three comrades, car- 
penters, at the same work, for 56 days one with another, at 5 d ., 23 9 4 d .' 
The only other mention of it occurs in the days of Cuthbert Tuustall, 
in the account roll of whose clerk of works for the year 1543-4, we 
read : ' Payd for on yron band for the lover of the hall, 4 d .' Of its 
final removal, in bishop Cosin's time, we shall have to speak further on. 


Another feature connected with the hall, and forming no unimport- 
ant portion of it, which has also, since its transformation, naturally 
disappeared, is the porch. It occupied the easternmost bay on the south 
side, and would, pretty certainly, as the covering of a principal 
entrance through which so many were ever coming and going, be of 
becoming size. Of the value attached to these convenient and neces- 
sary adjuncts we may judge, as well from existing remains, as from the 
frequent reference made to them in the Liberate and Close Rolls. 
Thus, in the 23rd Henry III. the sheriff of Southampton is ordered to 
make in the castle of Winchester ' two posts before the porch of our 
hall, and a certain chain for the same posts,' by way of protection to 
it. Then, in the 27th of the same reign, the justices of Ireland are 
directed to cause a great hall to be built in Dublin castle of a specified 
length and breadth, with 4 a great portal at the entry of the same hall.' 
In the year following the keepers of the bishopric of Winchester are 
ordered ' to buy four images for the porch of our hall there,' as is also 
the bailiff of Woodstock ' to make a door in the aisle of the same hall, 
with a great and decent porch ; ' and in the next, the sheriff of Wilt- 
shire ' to make one great and becoming porch for the king's hall at 

All we know about that at Auckland, however, and which goes but 
little further than a bare intimation of its existence, is contained in the 
following brief entry in the account roll of Tho. Thornburgh, clerk 
and surveyor of the works to cardinal Langley, for the year 1422-3 : 
' Paid for 300 (the greater) lattez for the roof above the hall door, 3 s .' 
Whether such roof came immediately above the doorway, as in the case 
of ordinary porches, or whether, as in the case of the parish church of 
S. Andrew, the porch was vaulted in its lower stage, and only roofed 
above its upper chamber with wood, it would now be idle to enquire. 
But chambers in such positions, as at Penshurst, Kent ; Clevedon 
Court, Somerset ; Crowhurst, Sussex ; Great Chalfield, Wilts ; Wing- 
field manor, Derbyshire ; Winchester and Kenil worth castles ; and the 
magnificent episcopal palace of S. David's, were common enough, and 
might very well have occurred here too. 

Intimately connected both with the hall and porch, was another 
accessory feature of which we have only a very brief and late notice, 
and that is the laver, In an account of 1584, temp, bishop Barnes, 


there appears the following : ' For two cockes in the laver at the halle 
dore, 3 s 8 d .' The customary place for this useful and appropriate 
appendage was inside the porch and hall door, and behind, or within, 
the screens. There all, of whatever degree, had an opportunity 
afforded them, which they were expected to turn to account, of 
sitting down to meat whether with 'pure hearts, and minds unlifted 
up to vanity ' or not, at least ' with clean hands." 1 

One of the earliest of those appliances extant is probably that at 
Dacre castle, Cumberland, where it takes the form of a richly moulded 
trefoil-headed piscina, with a scalloped bowl, and stone shelf at the 
springing of the arch overhead. This last was provided, perhaps, 
either for the reception of the towel, or attached metal dish which 
contained the water, as in the hall of S. Mary's Guild at Boston, 
where the inventory mentions 'A laver of laten, hangyng with a 
cheyne of yron.' A very highly ornamented niche, apparently for the 
reception of the towel, and provided with a twisted iron pendant to 
hang it on, occurs also, in this connection, at Little TVenham Hall, 
Suffolk. But probably the finest, and most elaborate domestic example 
of the kind is that at Battle hall, Leeds, Kent a large and excessively 
rich crocketed, ogee-shaped niche, fringed with beautiful hanging 
Decorated tracery, and containing a cistern in the shape of a miniature 
castle. At the base of this are two lions' heads for the issue of the 
water, and in front, a projecting and richly moulded trough for wash- 
ing. The very rich and extensive ecclesiastical remains of this nature 
at Norwich and Gloucester cathedrals will occur to most of my readers. 

But one other of the ancient and lost details of the hall remains 
now, I think, to notice I mean the external covering of its roof. 
"What this was in the first instance is, perhaps, doubtful. From the 
accounts of shingles or boards for the hall roof contained in the roll 
of 1337-8, it might seem uncertain which of the two forms was 
intended that is, shingles, as ordinarily understood, in the shape of 
wooden tiles, or an inner lining of planks between them and the 
rafters, known technically as sarking. The former constituted a very 
general form of roofing, even of the royal manors, down to the 
fourteenth century, and may once, therefore, very possibly have been 
adopted here. Thus, in the 17th Henry III. the sheriff of Oxford is 
ordered ' to cause the aisles of the great hall at Woodstock to be 


unroofed, and re-covered with shingles ; ' in the 23rd, Walter de 
Burgh is commanded ' to roof our Chamber at Kennington, and the 
Chamber of our queen there with shingles ; ' and the bailiff of Wood- 
stock to cover the small chamber of the great wardrobe with the same 
material. In the 25th, again, Paulin Peyvre and I. de Gatesdene, 
keepers of the bishopric of Winchester, are directed ' to roof the 
great wardrobe with its pent houses with shingle ; ' and in the 30th, 
the bailiff of Kennington, to cover the chambers of the king and queen 
with shingles, and to repair the walls of the same chambers. And so 
in many instances down to the 44th of the same reign, when the 
constable of Marlborough is ordered ' to remove the shingles from 
the roof of the King's great Kitchen and to cover it with stone ; 
. . . . and take the thatch off the outer Chamber in the high 
tower, and cover it with the shingles of the said Kitchen, and to crest 
it with lead.' 

But slates and tiles began gradually to supersede these more perish- 
able materials ; the former being ordered for the roofing of ' the house 
erected in the middle 'of the castle of Winchester; as also for a new 
stable for the use of the queen, a certain house for the poultry, another 
for the use of the salter, and for all the houses of each court which 
were not slated. So, too, Walter de Burgh is ordered to unroof the 
king's chamber at Kennington, and afterwards to re-cover it with 
good tile, and allowed the cost of tile bought to cover the hall there. 
How generally such change w#s effected by the beginning of the 
fourteenth century may be seen by the letters patent of Edward II. 
granted in 1314 to his mother-in-law, Margaret, queen dowager of 
England, which set forth that divers manor-houses and castles which 
she held in dower, being greatly in need of repair, they might be 
roofed at a less cost with slates, stones, and earthen tiles, than with 
wooden shingles. He therefore gives her leave to unroof, and cover 
them accordingly, as well as to cut down and sell as many oak and 
other trees in the several manors as will pay for the cost of such 
repairs. And such a course may, not at all improbably, have been 
pursued here at Auckland, since, whatever the primitive covering of 
the hall may have been, it is quite certain that in 1543, at any rate 
and how much earlier cannot now be said it consisted of slates. 
Thus, in th/e^account of the clerk of works for that year, we read : 

vnr. YVTTT 2o 


' 1543-4. Manerium de Aivklande. Payd, the 21 day of July, to 
John Lockey and his servaunte, ether of them, for working 27 dayes 
in dyghting of sklaytis and settyng of them and poyntyng over the 
hall, at ll d the daye for them boyth, 24 s 9 d . Paid to Antony 
Johnson for working at the sayme 25 dayes, at 6 d the day, in toto 
12 s 6 d . Payd William Browne for servyng of them 23 dayes, at 4 d 
the day, 7 s 8 d . Payd to 4 women, every of them for 10^ dayes, for 
servying of them, and beryng of rubbysshe, 2 d the daye, 7 s . Paid to 
Lancelott Aytis and his son, at 2 tymis, for 10 foder of lyme from 
Cornforth, 2 s 8 d , boyth for the lyme and for the caryage of ever 
foder, in toto 26 s 8 d . Paid to John Somer, for carying of 100 stone 
of leyde from Henknoll to Awklande, 4 d . . . Payd to the 
plumbers for 3 dayes in wirking uppon the hall syde and uppon the 
chapell, at 6 d the day, 18 d . Payd for 6 pounde of sawder that was 
spent uppon the sayme, 2 8 . Payd to Kobert Bylloppe for 4400 latte 
brodds that was spent of the royf of the hall, at 3 d every hundreth, 
11 s . Payd for 500 duble spyking for the sayme, 3 s 4 d . . . . Payd 
the 23 daye of August John Lockey (13 s ), Antony Johnson (13 s ), 
William Brown (8 s 8 d ), every of them for wirking 26 dayes in 
theking over the hall, the stewerd-chalmer and other placis, at 6 d the 
daye for ether of 2 of them, and 4 d the daye for th'oder, in toto 
34 s 8 d . Payd to Jam is Lockey for wirking at the sayme 26 dayes at 
5 d , 10 s 10 d . Payd to 4 women every of them for wirking 26 dayes in 
beryng of sande and lyme, and servyng of the sklayters with morter and 
stone, at 2 d of the daye every of them, 17 s 4 d . Payd for on woman 
for carying of lyme in to the lyme hous, 2 d . Payd for a rydle and on 
booll for the lyme, 3^ d . Payd for sherping of the picks, 17 d .' 

This slating, which was evidently of a very extensive nature, going 
on as it did for nearly a month, would be, if not the first, yet pretty 
certainly the last of its kind ; and continue till Cosin, some hundred 
and twenty years later on, removing both it and all its supports along 
with it, raised those flatter and costlier lead-covered roofs which con- 
tinue still. 


And now, after noticing at such length the vanished, it is time 
to turn our attention to the surviving, features of this grand twelfth- 
century hall. They, happily, far exceed in value any, or ah 1 , such 

ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 170). 

Plate XXL 

Interior from Organ Gallery, looking E. 

(From a photograph by Mr. H. Kilbum of Bishop Auckland.) 


minor details as are gone, and serve to stamp it still, I do not hesitate 
to say, as the noblest surviving example of the domestic architecture 
of its day. 

The first and most momentous question that confronts us, then, 
is as to when, broadly speaking, that day precisely was. And it is 
precisely that which has never yet been scientifically entered on, or 
answered. The utmost that has hitherto generally been advanced is 
the very safe assertion, or conjecture, that the westernmost piers on 
either side are of Pudsey's time ; leaving the date of all the rest an 
open question, though with the necessary implication, of course, that 
they are, or may be, of a different, though unspecified, one. By one 
local writer of repute they are said to be of the 'style of Bishop 
Pudsey's time, and strongly resemble those in the Galilee at Durham ; ' 
and by another, that the two clustered piers at Auckland castle in 
the chapel, with Transitional volutes, attest his (Pudsey's) probably 
unfinished work there.' Mr. Billings, who certainly should have 
known better, is content, imagining it, like all others in his day, to 
be the ancient chapel, to leave the whole of it to Beck; while the 
late bishop Turner, of Grafton and Armidale (then Mr. J. F. Turner, 
B.A., of Durham University, an excellent architectural scholar, who 
supplied the notes from which Dr. Raine chiefly drew up his description 
of the chapel in his work), says only that 'the capitals are of the date 
1180-1190, so as to come within the episcopate of Bishop Pudsey, who 
built the Galilee at Durham, to which they and their piers bear a strong 
resemblance.' And with such halting and incorrect, as halting 
utterances, enquirers had to rest content. How halting, is obvious 
enough ; how incorrect, from the simple and well-known fact that 
Pudsey's columns in the Galilee are not of a quadruple form at all, 
but of two detached and coupled shafts ; while even the extra ones 
inserted by Langley in the fifteenth century are not, like those of 
Pudsey here, cut out of the same stones, but merely packed in, tant 
bien que mal between the ancient and monolithic ones. Beyond the 
single point, however, that one pair of columns, may safely be referred 
to Pudsey's days, the writers are afraid to go, judiciously preferring 
to let all concerned draw their own conclusions about the rest. What 
the true, but much shirked, conclusion is we have still, therefore, to 


Now, the first point to which here, as in all like cases, attention 
should be directed, is the planning of the building as a whole, in 
order to see clearly whether it can be attributed to one mind and 
time or not. Had such a course only been followed by those who 
from time to time have undertaken to describe the hall, those doubts 
and fears which so evidently beset them might very largely, I think, 
have been dispersed. A very brief view either of the interior eleva- 
tions or ground plan would have sufficed to prove, beyond all contra- 
diction, that the planning was the work of a single mind, most 
carefully considered and set out from the first. For, though display- 
ing considerable irregularity in the proportion of its parts, those 
irregularities, so far from being the result of either accident, careless- 
ness, or change of plan, are found to be not only perfectly balanced 
and symmetrical, but the outcome of the profound&st artistic insight 
and constructive skill. 

The general planning then, being self -evidently uniform and con- 
temporaneous, the next point for examination is that of style, as 
exhibited in the mouldings. And further, and in special connection 
with the subject of the particular piers referred to, as to how far, if at 
all, their details harmonize with, or differ from, those east and west of 
them. To this end it will be desirable to begin at the beginning, and 
first of all take account of the several bases, premising that those on 
either side correspond exactly with their opposites ; the only exception 
to this rule being that on the south side the westernmost pier has 
leaves at the angles, whereas the northern one is plain. 

To put the matter beyond all doubt, I have measured and drawn 
the mouldings of all the bases full size ; as well as an entire base one 
of the two westernmost in question showing the vertical surfaces in 
addition to the mouldings, half full size (see plate XXII.). The sub- 
bases of the easternmost columns, as also those of the eastern responds 
both north and south, it should be said, are, and apparently have long 
been, destroyed. There is not the least reason, however, to doubt but 
that, like the upper parts, they corresponded as to style exactly with 
the rest. A single glance will be enough to show how, differing slightly 
in every case as regards the proportion of their members, those 
members preserve not only the most perfect unity and identity of 
character, but almost of form, throughout. All are evidently designed 

ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIll, (to face p. 172). 

Plate XXI11. 

J. F. H., 

mens. ft del. 





by one man, and set in their places at one and the same time. All are 
of the same cruciform section, and all too, save those of the eastern 
responds which, like their columns, are of stone, are of Frosterley 

From the bases we proceed naturally to the piers which they carry. 
And here again the designs of all are seen to be alike. In each case 
the eastern and western shafts which are united by a hollow neck (see 
plate XXIII.) are built in several courses of stone, while those to 
the north and south are detached, and in single lengths of marble. 
In the western and central piers, all the four shafts are banded at mid- 
height with marble bands of the same pattern, the under mouldings of 
which are so identical in design with others on the dwarf western 
responds as to show, in addition to the bases, that all are of one date 
in these particulars also. The easternmost piers and their responds 
which, unlike the western ones, descend to the ground, are not banded; 
the latter being also wholly of stone. The reason of this diminished 
richness of design and material has nothing whatever to do, as some 
.have supposed, with any difference of date, which the bases have shown 
could not be the case, but simply with the fact of their connection with 
the screens in which they were both more or less incorporated. 

And now, after comparing bases, bands, and shafts, we come, in 
the next place, to the capitals. Of these, but two on each side, viz., 
those of the western responds and pillars are foliated, the rest simply 
moulded. And the first point to be noted in the whole of these is the 
strict and close resemblance, amounting to practical identity of design 
which, notwithstanding a constant difference in proportion, exists in 
the abaci of the four central and western ones (see plate XXIV., figs. 2, 
3, and 5) ; those of the western reponds (fig. 1), which differ from 
them very slightly in section, doing so not at all in style any more 
than those of the eastern capitals and responds (fig. 4). That these 
last, as well as their capitals, should be both plainer and smaller than 
the others, which adjoined the dais, is due simply to the inferiority of 
their position. 

But, apart from their abaci, the capitals themselves, strictly so 
called, remain to be examined. And it must be admitted that the con- 
trast presented by the two often quoted western ones, not only to the 
rest, but to all the other sculptured foliage in the corbels, both of the 



nave and aisles, is very striking indeed. Nay, so marked and palpable 
is it that we can hardly wonder at the mere superficial observer seizing 
on the fact, and drawing a decided, if unexpressed, line of distinction 

between them. And then, as though 
still further to accentuate the differ- 
ence, the abaci of these two capitals 
are square, while those of all the 
rest are round. How, therefore, it 
miglit well be asked, save only on 
the hypothesis of a difference of 
date, are such discrepancies to be 
explained ? Till quite recently 
the explanation, it is true, was far 
from being either as simple or con- 
vincing as could be wished. What- 
ever correspondence of detail might 
exist in other respects, the diver- 
gence of character in the foliaged 
ornament seemed far too pronounced 

to lead readily to any other conclusion than that the capitals of these 
westernmost piers had been worked some ten years or so earlier than 
those of the responds and roof corbels. 

And yet such conclusion would 
as divers other instances of that 
period of Transition remain to show 
be as hazardous as wrong. Of 
this, Pudsey's other great work at 
Darlington, to go no further, pro- 
vides at once a striking illustration. 
There, in the lower north range of 
wall-arcading in the choir, and sup- 
porting the arch of the central win- 
dow enriched with frets, which have 
commonly been called Norman, is a 

little capital of the most beautifully designed and detached foliage 
imaginable blown, apparently, by the wind, and having all the 
characteristics of pure Early English work. Yet above it, and there- 


fore to some extent necessarily later, are, in the clearstorey range, two 
other capitals of the same sort, but with the broad, flat, water-leaf 
curled up at the corners, freer, no doubt, but of just the same fashion 
as those in the Galilee at Durham. Were these but detached from 
their surroundings and set side by side, the general verdict would 
doubtless be, not only that the later ones were the earlier, but earlier 
by at least twenty years. A similar difference in the leafage of capitals 
of the same date may be further instanced among those of the choir of 
Canterbury cathedral, erected by the famous William of Sens, 1174-78. 
Here, the fine bold Corinthianizing foliage of the one is seen in 
intimate connection with that of another of a far plainer, flatter, and 
more archaic type, but which, nevertheless, we know from a con- 
temporary eye-witness to belong to the very last year of that master's 
work. (See opposite page.) 

Further light, the result of closer and more careful enquiry, has 
sufficed, however, to dispel all manner of doubt with respect to these at 
Auckland, and reconcile apparent contradictions, in the clearest way 
possible. Viewed from below, that is from the floor of the chapel, the 
capitals, both of the piers and responds seemed to be, quite certainly, of 
the same material, viz., Frosterley marble. And the difficulty they pre- 
sented was this, that if the bold and detached foliage of the one could 
be cut from such a substance, there was no efficient reason why that of 
the others should not correspond with them. In much the same way as 
at Darlington, where other seeming difficulties occurred, all that was 
wanted for its solution was a sufficiently long ladder. Brought into 
close view the apparently indubitable marble of the responds was dis- 
covered to be nothing of the kind, but simply stone stone, moreover, 
as appeared on removing the grey, and white, wash that covered, and gave 
it its fictitious character, containing so much iron as still further to 
aid the fraud by exhibiting just such a corrugated and fretted surface 
as that of the marble itself after prolonged exposure. The explanation, 
like the imposture, was complete. It showed in the most convincing 
way that the contrast in style of the respective capitals was due, 
not to any difference of date, but simply of material ; the sandstone 
of the respond capitals accounting as completely for the detached tufts 
of foliage in their case, as the stubborn intractability of the marble for 
the flat and massive treatment of it in those of the piers. And, as 



will be seen, it served doubly to clinch the fact that whatever 
differences of style or date might seem to exist the two sets of capitals 
were, notwithstanding, contemporaneous ; since both at Darlington 
and Canterbury, where precisely similar variations occur, the material 
of both is the same, and the difference of treatment due therefore to 

the caprice, or previous prac- 
tice of the carver only. 
Besides which, we have, un- 
doubtedly, in these two groups 
of Auckland capitals the work, 
not of one, but of two entirely 
different men the first, a 
marbler pure and simple, 
limited, as well by habit as 
necessity, to one mode of 
treatment ; the second, a stone 
cutter, free as air, and limited 
by no such conditions at all. 
And then, another point of 
interest brought clearly to 
light, on close inspection, was 
that the abaci of both these 
capitals, differing as they do 
in some particulars from the 
rest, were practically alike 
(see plate XXIV.), a further 
proof, if such were wanted, 
that both are of the same 

And yet further evidence 
of the unity of date and style, 
not only between the western 
piers and their responds, but 
between them and those- at the other extremity of the building. The 
capital moulds of the south-western respond and those of the eastern- 
most piers and responds on both sides are identical, as are also the 
abacus moulds of the western and central piers ; and thus minute 


variations of outline and proportion notwithstanding, the whole of the 
piers from base to abacus are seen to be of one date and style. 

Still a further point which, in a critical examination as to unity 
of date may be noted is, that the reduced depth of the abaci in the 
capitals both of the eastern piers and responds which might, perhaps, be 
thought indicative of an advance in style from those west of them is 
closely matched by that of the south-westernmost pier (see plate XXIV., 
fig. 5) which, while agreeing with the opposite and central ones 
in design, agrees just as closely with these eastern ones in proportion. 
A final and noteworthy point is, that the abaci of the capitals of the 
western and central piers the earliest and latest in type of all, 
which, viewed separately and apart from their surroundings, might well 
be taken as belonging to the purely Transitional and Early English styles, 
respectively are yet, both in design and proportion, all but identical. 
A diligent comparison of details shows, in fact, that whatever slight 
variations of form or proportion may here and there appear, a perfect 
unity of style, notwithstanding, pervades these capitals from end to 

As to the marble of which the two western and south-eastern 
capitals, as well as all the bases, bands, and alternate shafts of the 
columns are composed it is not a little interesting to know, to an all 
but absolute certainty, the name of the artificer, none other than 
bishop Pudsey's tenant, Lambert, the marmorarius who, in 1183, held 
thirty acres of land of him at Stanhope for his services, of which we 
here as I think I may safely say see some of the results. 

"We come now to those crowning features of the arcades, the arches, 
still as ever, the most imposing and noblest of all. For mingled bold- 
ness of design, beauty of contrasted form, and richness of detail, they 
far surpass anything of their kind, indeed, that has come down to us. 
Their vast height and spaciousness which produce so commanding an 
effect, are due, no doubt, to the fact that, in the first instance, they 
were designed to carry nothing further than the roof which sprang 
immediately from their summits. Yet the added clearstorey and raised 
aisles of after days, owing to the massiveness of the construction, have 
detracted nothing from their justness of proportion, or fitness for their 
place. And no greater praise could be given them, I think, than 
this, that so far from helping to degrade the character of their seven- 



teenth-century surroundings, or causing them to look contemptible, 
they serve rather to raise them to a higher level, and bring them into 
sweet and solemn harmony with themselves. 

As with the piers which support them, the chief questions to be 
considered in respect to the history of the hall are as to the date of 
these arches ; whether any differences occur in their details, and, if 
so, to what cause and what period they must be assigned. Now it 
is obvious that their date can only be determined by the mouldings 
which, fortunately for our enquiry, are not only numerous but 
decisive. For the first time in their history probably, and with the 
sole purpose of elucidating it, I have drawn the whole of them on 
both sides of full size, part by part ; and after that remeasured and 
redrawn them half- full size connectedly. From these half -sized 
drawings the accompanying illustrations have been reduced again. 
They form, as will be seen, two distinct groups, one of which is 
confined strictly to one range, the other to the other. Of the two, 
the northern group (see plate XXV.) presents the slightly earlier type. 
Not, of course, that there is any actual difference of date between 
the two, but simply that the design of one of them was made and 
commenced with first. That anything in the nature of a pause or 
' solution of continuity ' occurred during the progress of the works 
there is absolutely nothing either to show or to suggest. The original 
design having once been begun was naturally, seeing that the outer 
mouldings flow into each other, continued uninterruptedly to the 
end of the range. But that circumstance does not in the least tend 
to prove that the other range was not carried on simultaneously. 
The trivial difference that takes place in the outer group of mouldings, 
(see plates XXV. and XXVI.), and in that alone, is just such as might 
naturally occur to the architect to make before his presumably earlier 
design was many days old. And that such was the case is likely 
enough, for just as the opposite piers of either range would seem to 
have been set at the same time, so might, and to a large extent pro- 
bably were, their arches also. But however this may have been 
and the matter is not of the least importance the great and supremely 
interesting fact to note is that the mouldings of both ranges are 
distinctly Transitional throughout, and not in any sense, or to any 
extent, Early English at all. 




ARCH. AEL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 179). 

Plate XXVI. 


NO 5CflLt. 

J. F. H., 

men*, et del. 

Arcbrmoulds, north side of Chapel, with abacuH of N.W. pier, showing how they sit upon it. 

Within, sketch arch-moulds of crossing, Darlington Church. 
These last are, really, somewhat larger than those at Auckland. 


As a reference to plate XXV. will show they agree to the utmost 
nicety, both as regards date and style, with the great crossing arches 
at Darlington, with which they cannot be too carefully compared. 20 
That the outer mouldings of the southern range at Auckland, which 
exhibit the roll and fillet, point in no way to any difference of date 
may be inferred from the fact that these tower arches at Darlington 
which, like those of the northern range, exhibit none such, must 
necessarily have been built, not before, but after, both the north and 
south transepts, where the same roll and fillet mouldings are found 
profusely. The great historical and architectural problem, there- 
fore, which a comparison of the two sets of arch moulds serves 
conclusively to solve is this, viz., that the three eastern limbs of 
Darlington church and the great hall of Auckland castle alike, were 
not only designed, but carried out to completion, at the same time, 
and by the same great prelate, Hugh Pudsey, before his death. 


We arrive now at the second great chapter in the history of the 
building when, after serving for three hundred and seventy years as 
the great hall, it underwent as complete a change of aspect as of 

20 1 give a carefully taken sketch section of the mouldings of the crossing 
arches at Darlington church, taken partly from the ground, but chiefly from 
the narrow internal gallery immediately above the crowns of the arches, whence 
a close and excellent view of them, and of the way they sit upon the capitals, is 
obtained. It is. of course, not taken to scale, as a nearer approach was 
impossible ; though as the walls are but some six inches thicker than those at 
Auckland, the dimensions vary only to that extent. The same arrangement of 
semi-circular rolls and hollows will be seen to obtain in both ; and both having 
been built by Pudsey, and at the same time, must, pretty certainly, have been 
the work of the same man. In both cases, it will be observed, the outermost 
moulding at the back of the arches consists merely of a simple chamfer. At 
Darlington, however, the dimensions of this moulding which, at A uckland, are 
very bold and full, are extremely trifling. Yet, the corresponding space towards 
the front, is made to yield the most surprising and deceptive effects imaginable. 
As will be seen on examination, this result is entirely due to deep and skilful 
undercutting, and the marvellous effects of light and shade thereby produced. 
Really flat with' the face of the wall, and in surface outline, the appearance 
produced is that of a projecting hood-mould, which again is further heightened 
and accentuated by the free insertion of multangular pointed cones. The decep- 
tion is still further heightened by this moulding being supported in the inner 
angles of the tower by dwarf detached columns, standing on the caps of the 
great piers. A more striking result, achieved in an equally small space, it 
would, I think, be impossible either to find or to conceive. 

It will, of course, be noticed that these arches belonging to the crossing, and 
not being continuous as those in an arcade, show only half the group of 
mouldings which appears on the plan of those at Auckland ; while being 
introduced only for purposes of comparison, their size is also considerably 


character, on being diverted from secular to sacred uses, and trans- 
formed into a chapel. Happier than Beck's structure, it would seem 
to have sustained little or no injury, save such as resulted from neglect 
or time, up to the close of Haslerigg's usurpation. That its ancient 
roof, though more or less decayed, still stood intact, at least, is clear 
from the fact of bishop Cosin's determination to retain the louvre, 
his projected alterations notwithstanding. 'My Lord,' writes Mr. 
Arden, ' meanes the same lanthorne that is over the Chappell at Aukland 
shall be so, though the roofe be altered, and he will a lanthorne like 
it also over the new Hall.' How truly he set himself ' diligently to 
provide and take care that our Episcopal Castles and in them especially 
our Chappels and some other places and buildings adjoining destined 
for publick uses might be duly repaired as soon as possible, and where 
necessary newly rebuilded,' may be gathered from the fact that though 
only consecrated to the see on December 2nd, 1660, the agreement 
for the new roof was being anxiously carried on during the January, 
of 1661-2. 'Ask Mr. Bowser,' writes the bishop himself to his steward, 
Mr. Stapylton, on the 30th of that month, 'what agreement he hath 
made for the wood roofe of my Chappell at Aukland. I have considered 
the upper windows there, and I think four may serve, if five cannot 
be had.' 

The aisle roofs, it seems, were finished first ; and that almost, if 
not quite, by as early a date as the 13th of March. ' How my work 
goes weekly on,' says the bishop to Mr. Bowser, ' you tell me not, nor 
how you have agreed with the carpenter for the cost and fashion of 
the Chappell roofe ; when, according to my former direction, which 
was to have it framed with great mouldings all along the bottome of 
the beames, as the roofes in the side iles are already done.' 

Among the many noteworthy features of the buildings, none, I 
think, are more deservedly so than these roofs of the aisles to which 
the bishop refers. Occupying a subordinate position, and by conse- 
quence deemed unworthy of the ornamentation applied so lavishly to 
the central one, they present us on that account with forms of such 
simple and massive dignity, combined with purity and fitness of 
proportion, as would tempt us to refer them far more naturally to the 
beginning of the fifteenth, than to the end of the seventeenth century. 
So thoroughly mediaeval of aspect are they indeed, that little or. no 


difference, either of detail or construction is to be detected between 
them and those raised by Cosin's predecessor Langley (1406-1437), 
above the central alley of the Galilee. As to the architect, to whose 
fame such works might justly redound, there would seem to have been 
none. Like all the rest of the new work about the chapel, the roofs, 
both of the aisles and centre, were apparently designed and executed 
by an ordinary workman, who is spoken of merely as the carpenter. 
His name, unfortunately, is not mentioned ; but as Abraham Smith of 
Durham is shortly afterwards designated by that term in distinction 
from his associate, John Brasse of the same place, joiner, it is 
probably to him who must have had perfect knowledge of Langley's 
roofs that these exceptionally fine pieces of timber-work are due. 

Some little difficulty seems to have occurred between him and the 
bishop, however, as to the price of the work of the central aisle roof, 
for various negotiations took place about it. Writing to the 
steward, Mr. Arden says : ' You and Mr. Bowser doe not agree in 
the difference of the charge in altering the two roofes at Aukland. 
Your accompt makes it 146/., and Mr. Bowser's notes makes it but 
100/. This does somthing distract my Lord's judgement of it, that it 
had beene better your reckonings had beene first compared. My Lord 
excepts against your saying that now the carpenter had finished the 
Chappell roofe (which he has done nothing to but borded it), he asks 
30Z. for altering. My Lord thinkes the carpenter very deare, and may 
be brought to abate of his price. If you see Mr. Bowser againe, pray 
agree about the true difference of the workmen's demands about this.' 

Whatever the exact nature of the ' difference ' may have been and 
it is far from being as clear as could be wished the ' carpenter ' was 
not called upon to complete the roof that he had made. For this pur- 
pose the services of a 'carver' were sought, and that, somewhat 
strangely considering with what zeal the works were being pro- 
secuted not till after the lapse of rather more than a year. The 
difference occurred in February, 1661-2, and it was not till April 7th, 
1663, that an agreement was made with ' Richard Herring, carver, to 
receive for carving 2 great eagles (in wood, for the roof of the middle 
aisle), at 12 s 6 d per pece, II. 5s. For 2 mitres at the west end of the 
Chapell, 10 s . For 4 cherubins heads, 14 s . For 4 garlands, 16 s 31. 5s. 
To have the stuffe sawne redy to hand. Mr. De Keyser to judge,' etc. 


The agreement, 21 however, is perhaps, almost as interesting for what 
it omits as for what it specifies. Besides the ' two great eagles,' which 
are placed on either side immediately above the bishop's grave, the 
two mitres, cherubin's heads, and four garlands at the west end of the 
chapel ; there are also two coats of arms there besides ; the great coat 
of ' my Lord's proper arms ' between the eagles ; 22 together with the 
same arms, and those of the see, which fill alternately the eight panels 
between the main beams in four bays, or compartments ; as well as the 
four mitres and four cherubins' heads of the eastern bay, of which no 
mention occurs at all. 23 Whether the latter were supplied by the car- 
penter, who was probably quite competent to do so, or by some other, 
does not appear. But the effect of the whole, even now, is magnificent. 
What it must have been originally we can, at the present time, unfor- 
tunately, only imagine. For it was never meant, nor allowed, to be seen 
as a mere expanse of bald and bare carved wood. The true taste for 
mediaeval polychromy would seem to have possessed the bishop just as 

21 We shall have occasion to note this agreement about the painting of the 
bench ends later on. 

- The eagle was the evangelistic symbol of S. John ; and the arms between 
them being those of Cosin : ' my Lord's,' as distinguished from ' the Bishop's,' 
the two together proclaim the name of the founder John Cosin. The eagles 
from their position, immediately above the tomb, may serve also to express ' the 
hope of the resurrection from the dead : ' ' They shall mount up with wings as 

3 The roof is divided into seven main compartments, of which the two end 
ones are very slightly the largest. The two on either side the central one are 
each divided into eight squares, containing the arms of the see and those of 
Cosin alternately. The central compartment is divided into three parts only, 
the middle one containing the arms of Cosin, the two outer ones each a great 
and very well-drawn and carved eagle the evangelistic symbol of S. John, the 
bishop's patron saint and namesake all set within oval frames or wreaths. The 
eastern compartment, which, like those adjoining the centre one, is also in eight 
divisions, has the four central ones charged with enormous mitres variously 
treated, and rising from ducal coronets, also within oval wreaths. The four 
corner compartments are each filled with four-winged cherubic heads. The 
westernmost compartment, above the ante-chapel, is treated in a somewhat 
different fashion. Instead of three or eight, it is divided into twelve panels, 
four large and nearly square ones occupying the centre, with four smaller 
oblong ones on each side of them, east and west. The two central larger ones 
bear the arms of Cosin ; the two outer, or side ones, mitres, all within wreaths, 
as before. The four central smaller panels, supporting those charged with the 
arms, are occupied by four- winged cherubs ; the other four outer ones supporting 
those bearing the mitres, with ribboned garlands. 

The admirable design and well thought out variety of treatment of this roof, 
together with its bold and vigorous execution, reproducing as they do alJ the 
leading characteristics of the finest mediaeval examples, are quite surprising, 
and testify most remarkably, not merely to the taste which distinguished, but 
to the wonderful hold which the ancient Gothic spirit still had upon, the local 
school of wood carvers of that day. 


completely as that for architectural forms ; and both had here, most 
happily, full play. How far the building both was, and is, indebted to 
his personal influence and direction, artistically, has never yet, I think, 
been adequately understood or appreciated. Practically, as all his 
letters and contracts show, he was not only his own architect, in the 
more restricted sense of the term, but his own decorator as well. 

What these, even now, splendid roofs would have been, but for his 
individual taste and supervision deprived, that is, of the ' great 
mouldings all along the bottome of the beames,' on the presence of 
which he so strenuously insisted, and which, without his influence, 
would certainly never have been there, may readily be conceived. A 
Norwich man by birth, he would be well acquainted with the wood- 
work of the city churches there ; and familiar, from his childhood, 
with such magnificent examples of it, as the roofs of S. Stephen's, and 
S. Peter's Mancrof t, with all the latter's wealth of moulded timbers, 
and cloud of perpetually poised, and praising angels. What wonder 
then, if, when his own turn came to raise a similar structure, he should 
take example by such glorious works, and not only enrich its beams 
with mouldings, but fill the intervening spaces with symbols of 
spiritual power, and of the heavenly host ? 

But this was not all. The whole of the surfaces were designed to 
be felt only not seen. The bishop, as well from natural instincts, as 
from bitter personal experience, had little love for puritanism in any 
shape its hypocritical affectation of 'sad' and sober tones included. 
All the surfaces were to be aglow with gold and colour. By an agree- 
ment made July 22nd, 1664, John Baptist Van Ersell undertook 'to 
painte the midle rooffe of the midle ile of the Chapell of Auckland, 
the beames, pendantes and mouldings, brases and spandrells, &c., with 
coullors of which part is now painted ; to painte all the coates of armes 
in their proper coullors, and the two large eagles alsoe, making the 
groundworke of the wholl rooffe of the blew already painted therein, 
bordering the flatt within every coate with yellow mixt with black 
stroakes, to showe like teeth ; to paint the carved myters and cherubin's 
heads fixed to the fooffe between the two east arches and east window 
with proper coullors ; to guild with leafe gold the carved worke of the 
said myters and off the cherubin's heads and wings in proper places 
only ; the beame adjoyning to the two east arches to be painted on a 


different collour, if the same shall be chosen, and the pendants and 
spandrells to distinguish between the myters and cherubin's heads over 
the Communion-table and the rest of the worke westward ; to paint 
and guild ten angells and escutcheons of my Lord's proper armes and 
the Bishops, to be placed as my Lord shall appoint ; to paint in 
stone collours upon the two sides of the wall by the east window on 
each side three collumnes or pillers, to be answerable to the two east 
pillors opposite to them, from the bottome of the spring of the arch to 
the pavement, with the cornish and base suitable thereto ; to fill upp 
and stopp all the cliffs or crackes in the myters, cherubin's heads, 
lyons or other carved worke in the said rooffe fixed, before he begin to 
painte the same ; to painte fower stall ends of the collour of the 
skreen. To finish all before 10 Aug. To receive 18/. at four 

Commencing, as we have done, with the coloured decoration of the 
roof, it will be more convenient and intelligible, perhaps, if we proceed 
at once to take account of the general scheme of polychromy applied in 
connection with it to the other parts of the chapel. But, before doing 
so, it may not be amiss to point out how thoroughly scientific and well 
understood that decoration, as determined by the bishop's own personal 
judgment, was. As a rule, all such applied colour, unless very judici- 
ously treated indeed, has the well-known effect of bringing the surfaces 
nearer to the eye, and by consequence lowering the apparent height of 
the building. Here such a mischievous result would seem to have been 
carefully guarded against, since none tends to preserve the appearance 
of height and distance so perfectly as the light blue selected, apparently, 
for the ground work of the panels. This was relieved, as will be noted, 
by its complementary colour, yellow ; which in its turn again was kept 
in place by ' stroakes of black to shew like teeth.' "With the gold and 
blue of the ' bishop's,' as opposed to the blue and silver of his own 
personal coat, and with the vermilion, white, and other light tints 
taken in connection, the general effect was doubtless as harmonious as 

Can it be credited that the whole of this splendid work, so beautiful 
originally, so much more beautiful when toned and mellowed by the 
soft touch of time, was brutally scraped off, and the wood left bare 
let us hope at the instance of some wretched satellite, not at his own 


by good bishop Barrington ? It was thought, forsooth, out of har- 
mony with the ' chaste simplicity of Protestant worship ! ' Nay, so 
unspeakably chaste was this simplicity that even the grey and white 
specked marble of the pillars was felt to be a scandal, and consequently 
covered up with a puritanically sombre coat of drab ! ! But Cosin, 
besides being a scholar and a theologian, was an artist, and judged 
differently. By him the roof was never meant to stand out as a 
solitary mass of colour, apart from, and at variance with, the rest. Its 
tinctures were to be extended and reflected everywhere. The heraldry 
displayed aloft was to appear also on the walls and in the windows. 
As early as February, 1662-3, the bishop, writing to Mr. Stapylton in 
London, says : ' As you passe through Holborne ask of the painting 
glasier (I have forgot bis name and his signe) neere Hatton House, 
what he will have for aneiling a coate of armes, about a foote and half 
in length, with the mantlins. Perhaps wee shah 1 have a dozen or 20 or 
more of them, to put in my Chappel windows here ; but aske him his 
price as of yourself and not from me, least his price be so much the 
greater.' And then, in December, comes the following : ' Contract 
with Nicholas Green and W m Lamb of Durham, glaziers, and Matthew 
Browne and John Arundell of Bishop Auckland, glaziers ; to glaze all 
the windows of the Chappell, .... with blew glasse and white glasse, 
according to patterne agreed upon, as may appear by one of the lesser 
east windows now in the said Chappell ; to glaze all the tracery worke in 
the windows aforesaid, inform to be chosen by the Bishop, with white 
and blewe glasse ; the blewe not exceeding one fourth part ; to provide 
white and blewe glasse, clean and good as in the said east window, lead 
solder, cementing, pointing, bands and tyes ; to performe the worke 
cleanly and artificially, without cracks or broken or disorderly pieces, 
at or before 1 Aug. next ; to receive for every foot both in the square 
lights and tracery, 9d. ; foure equal payments. For all the neeld 
glasse which the Bishop shall provide at his own cost abatement to be 
made according to measure and the above rate.' And this blue and 
white glazing of the windows was to be carried out and supported by 
the like tinctures in the walls between them ; an agreement of the same 
date as that relating to the painting of the roof, viz., July 22, 1664, 
running ' For the bleu pannels and skutchins in the side iles between 
the windows, I/.' 


Following swiftly upon this, and bearing date 19th August, comes 
also the following agreement : ' John Baptist Van Ersell, of the 
city of Durham, painter, to make the archatrive about the upper 
midle ile of the Chappell, and the mouldings under the soles of the 
windowes there, suitable to the arkatrive of the skreene and stone- 
worke of the said windowes, for which he shall have 31. The chaires 
and deskes before them in the two side iles, the stall ends, etc., to be 
painted of the coullour of the new wainscott, with tracery in the pannells 
before the deskes, varnishing the said work, 32. 10s. To paint the 
carpenter's worke now sett up at the est end of the Chappell, under 
the three windows, of a walnutt-tree colour, handsomely vained, with 
fruite downe the pillasters, the freese blew, with large gold letters 
over the Communion-table these words: LAUDATE DEUM IN DECORE 
SANCTO, and to put a cherubin's head, gilt, in the spring of each 
arche, and in the two side freeses these words : SANCTA SANCTIS on 
the north, and on the south freese SUESUM COEDA, 5/. To make in 
the pannells over the praying deske at the south pillar these words 
in large gold letters : IN FIDE FIEMA (the words actually painted were 
IN PEECE ASSIDUA) ; and in the same place over the preaching deske 
opposite to it, in blew and gold letters alike: IN DOCTEINA SANA, 
12s. The King's armes over the great west window painted and 
gilt, with the garter and motto about it, 4 foot square, 15s. Over 
the great east window, a shield, with these words (blank), 5s. An 
escutchion over the doore of the porch to hide the breach thereof with 
the Bishop's armes and my Lord's in a swelling shield, 5s. In all, 
13L 7s. He to find ah 1 collours and other materiails.' 

In connection with this general scheme of polychromatic decora- 
tion, as forming a kind of framing for a part, and that a very 
important part of it, should be mentioned the woodwork directed 
to be set up across the entire east end, including the aisles. On the 
28th of June of the same year, 1664, we have the following agree- 
ment entered into with Abraham Smith of Durham, carpenter: 
' To make and sett up the archetrive, frase and pitched cornish and 
two flatt pillasters with mouldings over and about the Altar table, 
to the splay of the east window of the middle ile from the ground, 
in the Chappell of Auckland ; to make and sett upp the like worke 
under both the little east windowes in the said iles, with boards and 


mouldings, to fttt in the hangings at the bottom of the said Chappell ; 
to make the Communion-table, with two pannells at each end of the 
table to the ground, with mouldings and the same tracery worke as 
in the screen pannells ; the pannells behinde the table to be plaine, 
without moulding. To receive for the three articles 4/.' 

It was this woodwork that Van Ersell covenanted to paint by the 
agreement of August 19th. What it was designed to frame, and 
what the nature of the furniture which both together were meant to 
set off and display, will best be learned from the following translation 
of the bishop's own words in Latin, copied from Dr. Raine's work. 

A Schedule or Inventory of the Vessels, Books and other Ornaments, 24 which 
we have conferred upon, and have for ever dedicated to, our Chapels in 
Auckland and Durham : 

Auckland. Two large candlesticks of silver, double gilt, three feet in height, 
fabricated with embossed work, and to be placed daily upon the Lord's Table.* 

A dish of silver, double gilt, upon which is skilfully represented the history 
of the Supper of our Lord, two feet in diameter.* 

A chalice of silver, double gilt, with a twisted stalk and cover, of the like 

Two patens of silver, double gilt, with inscriptions from Holy Scripture.* 

The Holy Bible in English, beautifully bound, in a cover of crimson velvet, 
with plates of silver double gilt, and clasps of the same workmanship, in large 

The Liturgy of the Church of England, beautifully bound in a like cover of 
crimson velvet, with plates of silver double gilt and clasps, in large folio, on 
imperial paper, ruled with lines of red.* 

Two copies of the English Liturgy, bound in purple leather, with tying 
strings of silk of the same colour, with gilt fringe, of the larger folio.* 

A frontal or antependent for the Altar or Lord's Table, of cloth of gold and 
silver, with a fringe or border, variegated with gold and silk. 

A covering for the pedestal (shelf) upon the Lord's Table, of cloth of gold, 
with a fringe or border, as above. 

Two towels for the Lord's Table, and a cover of linen for the Eucharistic 

A cushion of cloth, interwoven with thread of gold, with like tassels, to be 
placed beneath the Book of the Liturgy on the said altar. 

A very large piece of tapestry to hang above the altar, upon which is 
described the history of the Queen of Sheba visiting King Solomon. 

Two pictures of churches in perspective work, for each side of the east end 
of the Chapel. 

Two kneeling cushions covered with red cloth and fringed around, for the 
north and south ends of the altar. 

A large cover of thick red cloth to place over the altar and all its ornaments. 

24 The objects marked thus * are still preserved. 


Two large elbow cushions of cloth, interwoven with thread of gold, with 
corner tassels, to be placed before the stall of the Bishop and the first stall on 
the left. 

Two elbow cushions of red velvet, scalloped, with silk tassels, for the desks of 
the reader and preacher, or chaplains. 

A faldstool of wood for reading or chaunting the Litany, to be placed in the 
middle of the choir. 

Five covers, variegated with red and blue silk, with fringes, to be spread one 
on the Litany desk, two on the desks of the chaplains, and two on the Bishop's 
stall and the stall on the left. 

A canopy, variegated with red and blue silk, with a silk fringe, to be sus- 
pended over the stall of the Bishop. 

Eight kneeling-cushions, covered with blue cloth and fringed around, six for 
the stalls on each side at the entrance of the Chapel and two for the desks of the 

Twelve surplices, eight for men, the remaining four for the organist, the 
clerk of the Chapel and the boys attending him. 

Two gowns of purple (meliboei coloris), one for the organist, the other for 
the chapel clerk. 25 

A wind organ. 

26 Of Cosin's organ all the particulars we possess are as follows : ' 1665, 
7 Sep. Paid Van Ersell for additional painting the organ pipes II.' '1665-6. 
3 Feb. Paid Marke Todd for makeing the two figures, King David and Aaron, 
for the organ at Auckland, IZ I*,' from which we learn that not only painting, 
but statuary, as seen in so many ancient examples, were considered by the 
bishop as necessary adjuncts to its completion. That it was on a small scale 
cannot. I think, judging from the very limited dimensions of its successor, be 
doubted. The latter, which is merely a choir organ, measuring only two feet 
ten inches deep, by six feet broad, and about nine feet high, contains but six 
stops. As in other instruments of that day, the lower keys are black, and the 
upper, white. The case, which is of oak, is well designed, and consists of a 
centre and two supporting ends, which contain the larger pipes, and are crowned 
with mitres, much like the old organ at Durham. The whole of the pipes are 
brown and red alternately, and covered with richly -gilded arabesques varnished. 
The mitres, which are red, are also richly gilt. The case itself, well and 
elaborately carved, is left of the natural colour, now nearly black. In the 
midst of a mass of perforated scroll work at the base of the central part appear 
the arms of the see (with the cross plain) impaling Orewe, surmounted by the 
mitre, shown diagonally, and rising, like the mitres of Ruthall, Tunstall, and 
those upon the screen stall-ends, from a coronet of strawberry leaves and 
crosses. The seat for the organist, which is behind, is approached by a narrow 
passage-way channelled through the thickness of the west wall. You have to 
step over it, and there is only standing room for one at eirher end. How far 
the interior works have been tampered with I cannot say. The balcony, which, 
like the case, is of oak, is not so artistically carved, though the four rich and 
boldly-projecting brackets, or consoles, which support it are both well designed 
and executed. Its dimensions are very small, being only five feet from back to 
front, and twelve feet ten inches from end to end, in full. It was pretty 
certainly of local work, while the case would probably be made in London. 
Outside, in large gilded letters, is inscribed : 

I ATBANSL. ab ox5: xv. | NATH: EPISCOPUS DUNELM: | A CONSECB: xvni .' 
This fixes the date of the organ at the year 1688, Crewe having been consecrated 
to the see of Oxford in 1671, and translated to Durham in 1674. 


A picture suspended over the organ, representing musical instruments in the 
hands of angels. 

A picture in perspective, suspended over the Vestry, representing a church. 

A picture suspended over the west doorway of the Chapel, representing the 
front of the Cathedral Church of Wells. 

But the decoration, begun in the roof, and continued through the 
walls, windows, tapestries, pictures, hangings of cloth of gold and 
silver, golden vessels, and covers and cushions of blue and red silk, 
were not to terminate even there. As early as November 6th, 1662, 
the improvement of the floor by laying down a pavement of black and 
white stone and marble instead of the mere lime concrete, of which it 
was, till then, composed, was occupying the bishop's mind. ' My Lord 
desires you,' writes Mr. Arden to Stapylton, in London, ' to send the 
inclosed to Amsterdame by the Dutch post carefullye, it being about 
marble stones for his chappell.' The actual agreement for carrying 
the work into effect was made on May 18th, 1663, with Hendrick de 
Keyser of Bishop Auckland, sculptor, for ' worke in and about the 
Chappell. To pave the middle ile within the Chappell with blacke 
marbell polished, and hewn stone from Brusselton or Hunwicke quarrie, 
also pollished and layed in manner according to the draught ; to make 
the steps from the pavement to the altar of black marbell, pollished ; 
in the midle of the pavement to dig a vault, and to pave and wall the 
four sides with hewn stone, well joynted ; to provide stones to cover 
the top to support the large marbell, which is to be uppermost over the 
vault, the said large marble stone to be polished, and to make steps of 
hewn stone to descend into the said vault ; to provide at his own cost 
the necessary black marbell stone and stones from Holland, Newcastle, 
or elsewhere ; to find hewen stone from Brusselton or Hunwick, to find 
lime, sand, labourers, workmanship and materials ; to be performed 
before 16 Jul. next. To receive 8s. per square yard for every yard in 
the middle ile, the vault included ; to find carriage. Judge of work, 
Samuel Davison, Esq., with the advice of Robert Morley and Roger 
Coates, freemasons.' 

So complete and thorough, from the orient tinctures of the roof 
down to the black and white chequers of the floor, nay, even to the 
purple gowns of the organist and chapel clerk, was the scheme of 
colour as conceived and carried out by the cultured eye and brain of 



But, besides those features of the interior more immediately con- 
nected with that subject, there were other, and very important ones 
which were so only to a limited extent, and which must now be looked 
to. I mean the stall and screen work, and the praying and preaching 
desks, with the col our even, as well as with the form and ornamentation 
of which, we shall see the ever-vigilant and critical eye of the bishop 
still further occupied. "With respect to these, the earliest agreement is 
that entered into'on March 7th, 1663, 'with John Brasse of Durham, 
joyner, and Abraham Smith of the same, carpenter. To make and 
erect in the Chappell of Auckland Castle a skreene eleaven foote high, 
and of the breadth of the said Chappell, according to the moddell or 
draught ; to receive for every yard, the yard 11 foot high and 3 foote 
broade, 40s.' 

This is the truly artistic and magnificent structure which, still 
happily intact, serves to separate the building in so admirable a way 
for which, of course, no structural provision was originally made into 
the two essential parts of chapel and ante-chapel. I think it may truly 
be said to form one of the most admirable and wonderful works of its 
day. How special and peculiar the circumstances of that day, even if 
regarded from the point of view of art only, were, we all know. What 
all do not know, or believe, however, is the correctness of the 
opinion, too hastily and unscientifically enunciated by Dr. Raine, that 
Cosin's ' misfortune was to live at a period when church architecture 
was at its lowest ebb, and there was no one to give a right direction to 
his munificence.' Nor, shall we feel disposed, I think, to acquiesce in 
the further remarks that he was ' compelled to act as his own architect, 
little flio gh he knew of the art ; ' and that, ' if he had not so acted, we 
probably should have had much greater cause for censure ! ' To speak 
of a lower ebb in church architecture than has been witnessed by the 
present century, with its gross burlesques and parodies of that of 
the Middle Ages, and untold horrors in the shape of stained glass 
evils from which Cosin's day, at any rate, was free needs, surely, such 
a courage as comes from lack of knowledge only. The special 
peculiarities and difficulties of the Restoration period were that it was 
one of total and complete transition. Not such a species of transition 



as, for convenience sake, we are accustomed to speak of as occurring 
between the several so-called styles of mediaeval architecture which 
flowed naturally into each other by gradual process of development, 
but between two styles which had nothing in common nay, were at 
variance in every particular the indigenous and expiring Gothic, and 
the revived and imported Classic. And it is the special glory of this 
particular work, and such others, for example, as the stalls and font- 
cover at Durham, and the somewhat earlier, but equally admirable 
fittings of the choir at Brancepeth all executed under the bishop's 
more or less absolute supervision and control that they succeed in 
blending with such wonderful facility elements so seemingly incon- 
gruous, and achieve, without apparent effort, results as happy as they 
are imposing. In no case, probably, could a more conspicuous illustra- 
tion of such success be found than in this exceptionally noble screen 
admirable alike in arrangement, design, and execution. Not a single 
feature is there in it which the most exacting eye could wish to see 
altered, or endeavour to improve upon. And it is as rich and beautiful 
in colour as felicitous in the composition and distribution of its parts. 
The consummate taste and judgment of its planning will be best 
understood from the illustration (see plate XXVII.). As will be 
perceived, it does not cross the building in a straight line an arrange- 
ment which would prove disastrous to its own effect and that of the 
chapel at the same time but in a deeply recessed and broken one, 
which, while giving wonderful variety, and play of light and shade, as 
well as of perspective, not only allows the clustered pillars, while 
utilised as supports, to stand out free, but provides space for the 
bishop's, and other stalls beyond them also. 

Of its three horizontal divisions, the lowest one which is, of course, 
solid, has its arched panels decorated with the foiled, or neur-de-lysed 
cusping, so characteristic of Gosin's work generally. But the second 
or middle, is filled with pinnacled shafts and tracery so marvellously 
and purely mediaeval, that it might well belong to the days of Tunstall 
or of Ruthall. And the third, comprising the frieze with its bold and 
flowing scroll-work and amorini, and massive dentilled cornice, is just 
as purely and intensely classic. Yet nothing more thoroughly delight- 
ful'and satisfactory than the proportions and harmonious combination 
of these several parts the boldness, freedom, and play of fancy dis- 


played throughout or the general effect of the work as a whole, could 
possibly be conceived. Especially happy, however, where all is so 
admirable, is the depth and impressiveness of that crowning feature 
the cornice ; and the design and proportion of the three trophies of 
arms which, both in the centre and side pieces, surmouDt it. Together 
they impart a sense of majesty and grace which is beyond praise, and 
it needs but to picture the removal of either one or other to see how 
complete the ruin of the whole would instantaneously be. 

Whether John Brasse and Abraham Smith were responsible for 
the design, as well as the execution, of this screen ; or whether ' the 
moddell or draught ' after which they were to fabricate it was prepared 
elsewhere, does not appear. But, judging from the perfect freedom 
and spontaneity of the work, resembling so closely as it does that of 
earlier days in such respects, one might well suppose that both were 
theirs alike. 

A good deal of misapprehension has obtained respecting the 
standards of the six stalls which, three on each side the ^entrance, 
occupy the central portion of the screen. In an agreement dated 
September 1st, 1664, Abraham Smith undertakes, among other things, 
' To make three pannells like those of the skreene, before the deske 
upon each side of the said skreene, the floores six inches high, sur- 
rounded with a moulded base ; the deskes to be put betweene the 
stall ends, whereof two are to be made without any carving, save 
only the further endes of the deskes as far as the reath above it, 
and the fower stall ends to be wrought over by the carver with his 
tooles, to appeare like new worke, artificially repairing the mitres 
and what is decayed, 21. 11s.' 

As to the ' pannells and moulded base,' all is clear enough. The 
mistakes, and they are not a little curious, as showing what it is 
possible for people to imagine when told beforehand what they may 
expect, come in at the stall ends. ' The stall ends,' says Dr. Raine, 
4 at the right and left of the principal entrance through the screen, 
which the carver is directed " to work over with his tools to make 
them appear like new work," prove that they were fittings in the 
former chapel, and that the carver was not sparing of his tool work. 
They must have been of the date of about 1600, or perhaps a little 
earlier, and of bold workmanship, fait the mitres and shields which 


they contain have been grievously pared away, the Donations of the 
cross in the arms of the see have been cut off, and the whole workman- 
ship has been flattened and defaced.' 1 Astonishing as these utterances 
are, however, they are far outdone in the account of the chapel con- 
tained in the County of Durham: its Castles, Churches, and Manor 
Houses, in which the references to the four stall ends adjoining the 
screen in Cosin's agreement are transferred en bloc to four wholly 
different ones. ' Four stall ends carved with late Perpendicular 
tracery on the side,' we there read, ' are no doubt parts of the fittings 
of the Chapel destroyed by Haslerigg. An agreement with Abraham 
Smith, carpenter, provides that these stall ends " shall be wrought 
over by the carver with his tooles to appeare like new worke," and 
the direction was faithfully carried out!" 1 So, other four stall ends, it 
seems, were flattened and defaced. But the writer, unfortunately, 
had got a good deal ' mixed.' Dr. Raine may at least claim the 
merit, such as it is, of sticking to his text, and applying his descrip- 
tion to the proper objects. But he misses them altogether, for not 

28 The object of the bishop in requiring the four stall ends to be worked 
over so as to appear like new work was evidently to make them harmonise in 
colour with the new screen and new front panels of the stalls introduced between 
them. But the malicious defacement of the mitres and coats-ot'-arms, objects so 
specially hateful to Haslerigg and his puritanical satellites, proving .too serious 
lo be easily repaired, they were replaced by others wholly new. As to all the 
rest, since it was cut in such high relief as to render its re-working extremely 
difficult, it would seem probable that the idea of doing so was abandoned, and 
the method of treatment first contemplated by the bishop carried out. What 
that was we learn from an agreement with John Baptist van Ersell, dated 22nd 
July, some six weeks previously, wherein the latter engaged ' to painte fower 
stall ends of the collour of the tkreenej beyond all doubt the four in question, 
and this plan, from the absence of all appearance of re-working in the poppy 
heads, or ' reaths,' as they are called, and in the scroll-work beneath them, 
would seem, therefore, since both could not be followed, to have been the one 
really adopted after all. 

Van Ersell, by an agreement dated August 19th, just four weeks after this, 
undertook ' to paint the chaires and deskes before them in the two side iles, the 
stall ends, &.C., of the coullor of the new wainscott, with tracery in the pannells 
before the deskes. varnishing the said work,' for 3 10s. By the same instru- 
ment he agrees to paint ' the carpinter's worke now sett up at the est end of the 
Chappell, under the three windows, of a walnutt-tree colour, handsomely vained 
with f ruite downe the pillasters,' etc. 

The painting of the woodwork will, therefore, be seen to have been carried 
out on an extensive scale. And it may not be amiss, perhaps, in this connection, 
to point out, as showing how keen the bishop's eye for colour, as well as archi- 
tectural detail, was, that in the former contract, after specifying the various 
tints, patterns, and amount of leaf gold to be used in the decoration of the roof, 
he insists on ' the beame adjoyning to the two east arches ' (viz., that which 
marked off the sanctuary) being ' painted, of a different collour, if the same shall 
be chosen,' evidently declining to settle the point till he had judged of the 
actual effect. 

VOL. xvui. 26 


only do the stall ends he refers to fail to occupy the position specified, 
but instead of being four only, they are no fewer than twenty in 
number. And then, so far from ever having belonged to the ancient 
chapel, they are throughout the work of Cosin's days, and made, not 
for the use of the bishop and those immediately connected with him, 
but for that of the congregation generally; and ranged from the 
first, as at present, not on either side the screen doors facing east, 
but along the sides of the chapel facing north and south. Besides 
all which they were already set up before July 23rd, 1664, whereas 
the agreement to repair the mitres and what was decayed in those 
mentioned by the bishop, was not entered into till the 1st of September 
of that year. More than all this, however, they neither have, nor 
ever have had, either mitres or coats of arms at all, decayed or other- 
wise, or been at any time wrought over by tools, but are in all respects 
as fresh and perfect as when they left their maker's hands. 27 

But such confusion apart, let us turn to the stall ends really 
indicated by the bishop and described by Dr. Raine, and* see to what 
extent the assertions of the latter are borne out. That they belong 
to a somewhat earlier date than that of Cosin, though to one not 
long anterior, is clear enough ; and probably Dr. Raine, though dis- 
claiming all pretence to architectural knowledge, is not far wrong in 
ascribing them to about the year 1600, or a little earlier. 28 That 

27 The Perpendicular tracery on the sides of these stall ends is, no doubt, 
wonderfully correct and pure ; so much so, indeed, as to lead to the presumption 
that it must have been copied directly from some such mediaeval original as 
those at Staindrop or Darlington, which it much resembles. But the correctness 
of the copy is only one of those traps which serve to catch the unwary ; for 
nothing can be plainer, both from the moulding and thinness of the ends, and 
the designs of the poppies, which, as in the case of the traceries, arc all so 
exactly alike that they might have been cast out of the same moulds, that they 
are not older than the times of Cosin. The close copying is seen to be confined 
to certain features only ; the rest make no pretence to copying at all. It adds 
not a little to the curiosity of the mixture, however, to note that, besides the 
tracery proper, the transom, which divides the upper from the lower part of 
the designs, is battlemented precisely as in ancient work, while the front edges 
of the ends are embellished with attached quasi-buttresses, much in the same 
way as those of Ruthall in the chapel of Durham castle. 

28 It would be as interesting to know, as it is impossible to help questioning, 
the authoiship of these curious stall ends. Two things only concerning them 
are certain, viz., that they are both earlier, and considerably earlier, than the 
days of Cosin, and later than those of Tunstall. How much earlier, and how 
much later, is, however, a crux, the solution of which is as difficult to achieve as 
uncertain when achieved. Yet it is one, perhaps, which, if impossible definitely 
to arrive at, may, at any rate, be approached by a process of exhaustion. 
Unfortunately, the times were so entirely those of flux and upheaval, and in 


they not only came from the destroyed chapel as he supposes, but 
in all likelihood occupied also corresponding positions in it, may be 
conjectured, I think, from the fact that, while the exterior sides of 
two of them are richly carved, the corresponding sides of the two 
others are left plain, because, being placed originally against the 

which so much was left to the arbitrament of individual taste and caprice, that 
there is no definite standard whereby to gauge particular examples. And 
therein lies the artistic difficulty. 

The historical one, however, is somewhat less. If out of six possible inter- 
mediate bishops we cannot certainly say to which one they were due, we can at 
least, I think, say to which they were not. Of these, the first. Pilldngton, is, of 
course, quite out of the question. A thorough-paced Puritan, with all the 
distinguishing characteristics of his tribe, a hater of church doctrine and 
discipline, a wholesale waster of church goods, an aider and abettor of sacrilegi- 
ous rapine, turning the proceeds of his spoliations to his own use and the 
aggrandizement of his daughters' fortunes ; buried, as is said, without religious 
service, like a dog, and, finally, covered with a stolen tombstone, thus carrying 
his ' ravenous sacrilege ' even to the grave, he was certainly not one to spend 
anything on the fittings of the chapel. 

Nor was his like-minded, if less flagrant, successor, Barnes, to whom his own 
cathedral-church of Durham was, as he tells us, an ' Angle Stabulum, whose 
stinke is grievous in the nose of God and man, and which to purge far passeth 
Hercules' labour,' more likely to do anything in that line. 

Nor could the more respectable Matthew Hutton, ' tarred,' as he was, ' with 
the same stick,' be expected to do much for the honour of God's house, his 
business being rather to found one for himself and his family at Marske. 

Tobias Matthew, 1595-1606, might, not at all improbably, have caused their 
erection, and with his period their decoration, which has a distinctly Elizabethan 
character, would agree very well indeed better, perhaps, than any other. But 
we hear of no such works being effected by this bishop. 

William James, 1606-1617, who followed, was another Puritan, and need not, 
therefore, trouble us. There remains then only Richard Neile, 1617-1627, who in 
the latter year underwent the same parliamentary censure as Laud 'for favour- 
ing Popish doctrines and ceremonies.' As dean of Westminster, Neile had spent 
vast sums upon the abbey church, while as bishop of Durham, he is said to have 
expended nearly three thousand pounds in repairing and ornamenting the 
palace at Auckland. Among the other objects of his solicitude there was the 

' As touching bills paid to Lockey,' he writes, ' I wish workmen should be 
truely paid, for I make a conscience of due and timelie payment of the laborers' 
hire. But I doo not remember what I appoined Jo. Lockey to doo that should 
amounte to 26/. 12s. 8d., and 81. 13s. 8d., in regard that 1 paid him at Richmond 
51. of his agreement with me for the east window of Auckland Chappell.' 

1 Touching Barnard, the glass painter of Wetherby, I doubt he expected to have 
had some directions from me for his worke, which, it may be he hath omitted, for 
that he hath not heard from me, which in truth I have not hitherto had leisure 
to thinke of.' 20th December, 1621. 

Here, then, we have a bishop of another stamp altogether, and one who could 
say, ' Lord, I have loved the habitation of thy house, and the place where thine 
honour dwelleth,' with a clear conscience. It was he, too, who brought Cosin with 
him to Durham as his domestic chaplain, and to him, I think, since the details of 
the work are quite patient of such a date, the stall ends in question might be 
referred equally well as to Matthew. But the point is a very difficult one which 
I cannot satisfactorily decide. Externally, or historically, the evidence would 
seem to be in favour of the former ; internally, and from the point of view of art 
only, to the latter prelate. 


walls as now agaiust the pillars, their surfaces could not aforetime, 
any more than at present, be seen. But when we have said this we 
have said all ; for Dr. Raine's fancy has run away with him as com- 
pletely in this, the right case, as the other writer's his, in the ivrong 
one. With the bishop's directions and Dr. Eaine's words alike in 
view, I have examined the stall ends in question with the closest 
attention, and with this result, that so far from the mitres and 
shields having been ' grievously pared away ' as alleged, neither they 
nor any other parts of the work show the faintest trace of any flatten- 
ing or defacement whatever. 29 Nor, indeed, was it possible that they 
should do so. For, as I speedily discovered, Abraham Smith had 

29 It is observable that the design of the coronets from which the mitres on 
these stall ends spring, consists of strawberry leaves and crosses. The same 
diversity of treatment is seen to exist indeed in the forms of the coronets, as in 
those of the crosses in the arms of the see. Hatfield, Fordham, and Nevill are 
shown on their great seals on horseback and in armour, with mitres rising from 
comparatively plain fleur-de-lysed coronets. That attached to Dudley's mitre, 
which appears singly upon a seal, is of the most splendid description, being 
composed of great strawberry leaves, with small intermediate fleurs-de-lys, and 
closely resembling the magnificent crowns worn by king Henry IV., and Johanna 
of Navarre, on their tombs at Canterbury. The mitre coronets of Ruthall, as they 
appear upon his work at Auckland, and the stall ends removed from the chapel 
there to that in Durham castle, are also of the most imposing and grandiose 
character. They vary, however, as well from previous ones, as from each other. 
Thus, on one of his stall ends. viz. : that from which the grand ancient finial 
containing the figure of the ' Woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under 
her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve stars,' was most unhappily 
removed by bishop Cosin in concession to the rampant Puritan infidelity of his 
day, we see the simpler form exhibited in the earlier instances of greater and less 
fleurs-de-lys arranged alternately. On another, viz. : that where the carver, 
cutting from the matrix of a seal, has placed his personal arms to the dexter, 
instead of sinister to those of the see, and where the mitre appears of enormous 
size and excessive richness, the coronet, which is set thick with jewels, is com- 
posed of alternate crosses and strawberry leaves, between which are set clusters 
of three pearls, exactly as on the coronets of Ralph, first earl of Westmoreland's 
two countesses, at Staindrop church. Crosses and fleur-de-lys appear alternately 
upon the coronets of his mitres at Auckland, as well as on those of Tunstall at 
the same place. Just the same amount of licence, indeed, would seem to have 
prevailed in these ornamental details of the episcopal coronets as in those of the 
various orders of nobility, and of the sovereign himself, during the fourteenth, 
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries ; no two, perhaps, being in all respects alike, 
and those of the same prelate varying from time to time, according to circum- 
stances, and the taste of the designer. 

And it is interesting to find not only Cosin himself, in whose days the 
renewed mitres were executed, but his post- Reformation predecessor also, whoever 
he may have been, whose coronets were very probably copied by Abraham Smith, 
adopting the strawberry leaves and crosses of Ruthall. Equally interesting is 
it also to find the same form continued by Cosin's successor Crewe, on his achieve- 
ment of arms upon his organ case. 

Since then, generally, if not universally, the use of the modern stereotyped 
form of ducal coronet, consisting of strawberry leaves only, has been followed by 
the bishops as princes, or counts palatine, up to the latest bolder of that dignity, 
Van Mildert. 


' artificially ' repaired both the mitres and coats of arms, not by any 
process of patching or flattening and defacing at all, but by the far 
more effectual and radical one of cutting them off altogether, and 
applying brand new ones in their stead. Nor was that all. Not 
only were the new shields discovered to be attached by iron points 
to the stall ends, but the crosses in the arms of the see, instead of 
being ' flattened,' or having had their floriated extremities destroyed 
in the process of retooling, as alleged by Dr. Raine, were seen to be 
attached to the shields in precisely the same way as they were to 
the stall ends. Like the shields themselves they were, of course, 
quite new, and the excision of any quondam floriated terminations 
becomes therefore as purely fictitious and imaginary as the flattening 
and defacement of the mitres. As a matter of fact, such floriated 
terminations never either did, or were intended to, appear upon them. 
And had Dr. Raine during his singularly uncritical examination only 
raised his eyes to the roof above his head, he would have seen pre- 
cisely the same sort of simple unfloriated crosses repeated there in 
the arms of the see 30 from end to end of it, and, no doubt dropped 
his groundless charge of mutilation against poor Abraham at once. 

30 The change of form which the cross in the arms of the see has undergone 
from time to time is not a little curious, and, save on the ground that it was 
held to be a matter indifferent, difficult of explanation. It has been asserted 
that, previous to the ' Reformation,' it appeared as a cross fleurie, i.e., a straight- 
sided cross, the ends of which finish in, or like, a fleur-de-lys ; afterwards as a 
plain cross. And this form of fleurie has, still further to complicate matters, 
been sometimes but quite wrongly described as patonce, since the limbs of a 
cross patonce, as the name implies, expand broadly from the centre to the 
extremities, where they also assume a fleur-de-lys shape. But a cross of this 
kind never occurs in the arms of the see of Durham. The earliest example of 
a cross at all in this connection, probably, is that seen on the private seal of 
bishop Hatfield, 1345-1381, where, assuming the moline form, it appears alone and 
without any lions in a shield on the dexter side of his effigy, his own arms being 
displayed on a shield on the sinister side. Its earliest appearance in connection 
with lions probably is in a shield on the east front of the old Exchequer build- 
ings, now the University Library, erected by bishop Nevill, 1438-1457, where, 
perfectly plain, it occurs on a bordered shield accompanying that of Nevill, 
with the crest of the bull's head. Bishop Nevill also uses a plain cross between 
four lions to the left of his effigy on his seal ; his own arms below in centre, and 
to the right a shield with the same bearings as those of Hatfield, viz., a chevron 
between three lions rampant. The next appearance of the lions between the 
arms of the cross, so far as I know, is found on the seal of bishop Dudley, 1476- 
1483, where they are seen on a shield bearing a plain cross to the bishop's right ; 
his own arms, viz., two lions pass, guard, quartering a cross fleurie, being placed 
to the left. 

Then, on the obverse of the great chancery seal of bishop Fox, 1494-1502, 
we see the bishop on horseback carrying a shield charged with a plain cross 
between four lions, impaling his own proper arms of the pelican. On the 


But besides the screen, the bench ends, and the panelled fronts, 
there still remain the six stalls to claim some brief notice. And it 

reverse, to the right of his effigy, the plain cross again appears between the 
lions on the arms of the see; to the left, his pelican; while beneath his feet 
the same plain form of cross in the arms of the see impaling the pelican is 
displayed as fimbriated. 

Next, William Sever or Senows, 1502-1505, bears on his seal a plain cross 
between four lions as the arms of the see to the right of his effigy, his own 
personal arms being displayed to the left. 

Thomas Ruthall, 1509-1523, throughout adopted the cross fleurie between the 
lions as the arms of the see, both on his seal, on the bay window of his dining 
room at Auckland, and on his stall ends in the chapel of Durham castle. But 
it is not a little remarkable that, while at the north end of the window the arms 
of the see appear thus, on a corresponding shield at the south end is displayed 
a plain cross without any lions at all, much as on the seal of bishop Hatfield. 

The plain cross appears again, however, on the great seal of bishop Tunstall, 
1530-1559, where it is displayed on the shield which he carries on horseback, 
though on the other side of the same seal the cross appears thrice as moline. 
On the exterior stonework of his gallery at Durham castle the cross appears as 
fleurie, thus showing that the same prelate made use of no less than three 
different forms, plain on his shield, moline on the reverse of his seal, and 
fleurie on his buildings. On the upper part of the bay window of the dining 
room at Auckland, commenced by Ruthall but finished by Tunstall, the cross 
in the arms of the see is plain. 

Thus much for the pre-Reformation use. Now for that adopted subsequently. 
In the first place then so far as I have yet been able to pursue it we see 
Barnes making use of the cross fleurie in the arms of the see on the seal of his 
spiritual chancellor in 1577. 

After this, we find on the chimney piece of the senate-room in Durham 
castle, on either side the royal arms, two shields ; the first, on the heraldic right, 
bearing the arms of the see, with the cross fleurie, impaling those of bishop 
James, 1606-1617 ; the second, on the heraldic left, bearing the same arms, but 
with the cross plain. From this also it would seem clear that, at that time too, 
as before, no importance whatever was attached to the form of the cross the 
same bishop using both forms at the same time, and in the same work. 

The cross fleurie was also used by Cosin in the interior woodwork of the 
chapel, and elsewhere, as on a leaden spout head, bearing the arms of the see 
only, but dated 1661. And on another, dated 1699, we find Crewe again adopt- 
ing the same form of cross. Yet both these bishops used the plain cross in the 
same building; Cosin* in the stonework in the courtyard, and Crewe on the 
painted achievements inside. 

So too, among several painted and gilt wooden corbels of the chapel roof, 
where the cross fleurie appears in conjunction with the lions, is one with a plain 
cross impaling az. a lion rampant arg. Crewe. The same form is used also in 
his arms upon the organ in Auckland chapel. 

Trevor again, used the plain cross on his beautiful monument in the same 
building, as also upon the additions made by him to the castle, and the same 
form was adopted generally, if not always, both by Barrington and Van Mildert. 

According to Tonga's Visitation, 1530, the arms of the monastery of Durham, 
and of St. Cuthbert, were : Azure, a cross fleurie or, between four lions 
rampant argent. Those of the priory of Nostell and of St. Oswald : Gules, a 
plain cross between four lions rampant or. The question arises then, whether 
the plain cross could have pointed to S. Oswald, and the cross fleurie to 
S. Cuthbert : the one, that is, to the occupant of the see as prince, the other, as 
bishop ? However this may be, nothing can be plainer than the fact that, all 
along, till quite our own times when the plain cross has come in practice to be 
used exclusively the two forms have appeared indifferently, and, as might seem, 
just according to the caprice of the die-sinker, or carver, as the case might be. 


is not a little curious to note how, though the whole appear to go so 
naturally together, they were yet not only made at different times, but 
derived from at least three different sources. First, we have the screen 
proper, the work of John Brasse and Abraham Smith, jointly, whose 
contract bears date 7th March, 1663. Then the stall ends, made 
originally, as the arms and mitres show, for the bishop's stall in the 
ancient chapel, and which Abraham Smith agrees both to ' restore ' 
and to make the new panels iu front of the desks between them, 1st 
September, 1664. And then the six 'chaires,' or stalls, in question, 
which ' Marke Todd and James Hulle, joyners,' undertake to make of 
'wenscoate gross worke of the fashion of the chaires now in the 
Chappell at Durham Castle,' and of which it is specified that ' the 
seates must be to turne up, with a little seate when turned up, and 
carving underneath it,' and which was only contracted for on May 
29th, 1665. Of this last clause it may, at any rate, be said, and with 
perfect accuracy, that it ' ivas faithfully carried out.' For the seats 
and the subject affords a further illustration of the bishop's devotion 
to ancient methods do turn up, as required, and are duly carved with 
very well designed and varied details. On the north side, the first 
bears the arms of Cosin, enriched with roses. The second, a lion, with 
roses. The third, fruit, with roses. On the south (or bishop's) side, 
the first, the arms of Cosin, with roses. The second, an eagle, with 
roses. The third, again, fruit, with roses. 31 All which being inter- 

31 Roses are also introduced on all the elbows of these stalls, on the preaching 
and praying desks, and of very large size, in high relief, incurved, and magnifi- 
cently sculptured, on the fine west doors. Whether their presence in all these 
places was purely accidental, or had some special significance, seems difficult to 
say. The very remarkable display of the flower on Ruthall's bay window, again, 
cannot fail to attract notice. It is four times repeated on solid panels at the 
ends ; and the arms of the see, and the same impaling his own, towards the front, 
appear encircled in wreaths of roses. But there, perhaps, they may have a 
personal and heraldic import only, since they may but emphasize the two slipped 
roses which appear on a chief in the Ruthall arms. Even there, however, some 
further meaning may have been intended to be attached to them, for the rose 
was certainly used as a religious emblem. Two examples in brass may be 
instanced one, beneath the effigy of a priest at S. Peter's, near S. Alban's, 
the other, with an inscription, formerly at Edlesborough, Buckinghamshire 
both of the early part of the fifteenth century, and both bearing the following 
inscription, of which the first word, Ecce,' appears in the centre of the flower, 
the rest, round the edges of the petals : 

quoD espentoi fcabui, quod donati fcabeo, quod 
negafoi pimtor, quod gectmfot pecdtdu' 


preted may, and perhaps might be meant to, read as, 'John Cosin, 
bishop of Durham, fruitful in good works ;' the eagle (as in the roof) 
standing for John ; the shield (also as in the roof) for Cosin ; the lion 
from the arms of the see, his office as bishop ; and the flowers mingled 
with fruit, his character. 

But the screen, and these western stalls attached to it, though by 
far the finest parts of Cosin's fittings now remaining, served yet but 
as an introduction to those which lined the walls of the chapel on each 
side, and of which we must now take account. 

By an agreement made July 23rd, 1664, Abraham Smith of Dur- 
ham, carpenter, agrees ' To wainscott the walls of the side iles of the 
Chappell from the side window soles downwards to the topp of the chairs 
as they are noiv sett, with billextills and tracery within the pannells of the 
said wainscott, like those now made on the outside of the skreen, with 
a cornish thereon, according to the draught, with teeth and beads 
thereto, the said wainscott and cornish to be the whole length of the 
chaires, only in the uppermost pannells adjoyning to the said skreene 

Here, no doubt, they symbolize the transitory nature of the life of man, who 
' cometh up and is cut down like a flower.' The same idea is also expressed in 
an inscription at Bisham, Berkshire, 1581 : 

4 V\ Eo0a mane fotpt, tamen et mo$ begpece languet, 
>ic modo qut fttfmug, puluig et umbra 0umu0*' 

And again, on the tomb of John Marshall, canon of Lincoln cathedral, 1446 : 

' Ut rosa pallescit, cum solem sentit abesse ; 
Sic homo vanescit ; nunc est, nunc desinit esse.' 

Which remind us of those lines of George Herbert : 

' Sweet day, so cool, so calm, so bright, 

The bridal of the earth and skie : 
The dew shall weep thy fall to-night, 
For thou must die. 

Sweet rose, whose hue angrie and brave, 

Bids the rash gazer wipe his eye, 
Thy root is ever in its grave, 

And thou must die.' 

At Ashford, in Kent, an angel holding an inscription is encircled by a wreath 
with roses sprouting from it ; while in the canopy of the brass of abbot Kirton, 

1460, at Westminster, was a rose inscribed w^aCia,' its centre bearing the 
monogram 10 C^ with a crown over it, and round it the words : 

C >i0 ro0a flo0 (locum moirbijs me&icina reoninu* 

Among other instances innumerable, the rose slipped occurs on the elbows of 
the stalls at Pulham church, Norfolk, and is seen wonderfully expanded at the 
connecting angles of the western and side stalls at Staindrop church, Durham. 


is to be the same worke, with ballaceters and tracery archatrive, carved 
fre and cornish, wrought on one side suitable to the skreene, and of the 
same bight, and at the two east ends of the said wainscott worke, 
adjoyning to the two pannills next to the said chaires, riseing upon 
the second stepp in the side ile, is to be sett a pillaster with a 
peddacill base and cappitall, ornamentall to the said work ; to 
receive for the wainscott worke, 3s. per square yard, and for the 
cornish, Is. 6d. a yard, running measure, and for the wainscott 
adjoyning to each side of the skreene and the pillasters with peddicills 
etc., towards the east end of the said Chappell, 30s., which are to be 
excepted in a measure of 3s. a yard. To find wainstcott, nayles and 
glew.' In reference to this work, and that about the screen, there 
appears on the back of the agreement, as follows : ' Paid Abraham 
Smyth in parte for works at Auckland : 1663. March. The screene, 
5/. May 1664. Screene, 15/. June 1664. Skreen, 51. More 2L 
July 1664. Skreene, 41. More 3Z. 34?. The wenscoate in the side 
iles and other worke. 1664, Aug. In three places, 61. Sept. 151. Oct. 
1664, 10?., &c. In May 1665, 51., &c. In all, 1.25Z.' 

As the whole of these items added together, however, come only to 
82, instead of 125, little wonder that, if the other accounts were 
kept in the same fashion, they should, as Mr. Arden puts it ' somewhat 
distract my Lord's judgment of them ! ' 

Not too intelligible at the best of times, perhaps, the account of 
the work to be done about the stalls and panelling of the aisles is 
considerably less so, now that much of it is altogether destroyed, and 
the rest greatly added to and altered. At present, the stalls themselves, 
twenty-four in number on each side, extend from end to end in long 
unbroken lines. As set up by Cosin they occupied a lower level than 
they do now, being set on the floor of the aisles which then, as of old, 
up to the altar platform, was two steps below that of the central choir. 
Originally, only fourteen of them on either side had closed panels in front ; 
but when, in 1827, the aisle floors were raised by bishop Van Mildert, 
the remainder were provided with the like, and in exact facsimile. 
It is interesting to know that the oak required for the purpose came, 
as Dr. Raine tells us, from the floor of the ' black room ' in Durham 
castle, cut off by bishop Neile from the north end of the Great Hall 

VOL. xvni. 27 


It is the standards of these particular side stalls which, notwith- 
standing that they are twenty in number instead of four (two of the latter 
plain) and covered with simple Perpendicular tracery instead of mitres 
and coats of arms, that the author of The County of Durham, etc., 
confuses with those adjoining the screen, and assures us from his own 
personal observation, how the bishop's directions concerning their 
retooling wa& faithfully performed ! 

Other fittings, however, besides these stalls, were, according to the 
fashion of the day, deemed necessary. It was not enough that, as of 
old, the prayers should be said simply from one or other of the stalls 
a special and distinct praying desk must be erected. And then, in 
order that the ' word preached ' should suffer no loss of honour, a 
fellow, in all respects correspondent, must be found, not as afterwards, 
indeed, to overtop only to balance, it. Accordingly, Abraham Smith, 
of Durham, carpenter, again, by an agreement made 1st September, 
1664, undertakes ' artificially to make the praying deske before the 
middle south collume in Auckland Chappell ; the floor from the pave- 
ment to be twenty inches high, with two wainscott pannells with 
tracery and bilextills, according to the fashion of the pannells of the 
skreene, with a close tennett under the sayd pannells for the chappell 
clarke to sit and kneele before it ; the seat within to be a yard and six 
inches wide from the backe, and 4 foot long, with a deske made of the 
upper moulding or cornish without on the topp of the pannell, and 
a flatt board of 6 inches within, between four stall ends of 7 or 8 inches 
broad, and about 4 ft. 7 high, flower de luces, and all the backe 
pannell of the same fashion of the fore pannell, with, tracery and 
bilextiles, with the finishing of a cherubin's head as on the top of 
the lower skreenes, to reach up to the girth of the said collume, with 
a canted stepp to rise upp into the said deske, and carved fruitage on 
each of the said stall ends, 21. And the like in all the particulars to 
be placed against the opposit collome for a preaching deske, 2L To 
make two little pannells like unto the skreene before each of the 
further columnes, with desk and backes every way suitable to the 
praying and preaching deske, upon a floore 6 inches high from 
the pavement, with no seates before them, both, 31. 10s.' 

Of all these several works, so complete and comprehensive, con- 
tracted for by the bishop, though many still remain, many, on the 


other hand, have disappeared altogether. Among the latter may be 
included the whole of the woodwork and tapestry at the east end, as 
well as all that beneath the windows of the side aisles, and between 
them and the backs of the stalls. The latter, probably, perished 
during the mischievous alterations of bishop Van Mildert in 1827, 
when the stalls were raised along with the floors which supported 
them. The ' two little pannells like unto the skreen before each of 
the further columnes with deske and backes,' have also gone. So, too, 
have the ' bleu pannells and skutchins in the side iles between the 
windows,' as well as the royal arms at the west, and the bishop's at 
the east, ends of the chapel. The faldstool ' for reading or chaunting 
the Litany ' has vanished from the middle of the choir, as have also 
the ' wind organ,' the picture over it representing musical instruments 
in the hands of angels, the pictures over the vestry and west doorways, 
and the ' escutchion over the doore of the porch, with the bishop's 
armes and my Lord's in a swelling shield.' The whole of the glazing, 
save some of that in the west window, has also perished. In Van 
Mildert's new glass, however, among much poor wishy-washy stuff, 
the fret of Cosin has been very creditably perpetuated, though with a 
stupid reversal of the tinctures, the fret being shown blue, and the field 
white. The magnificent altar plate and service books, however, are 
still perfectly preserved, as are the stalls, praying and preaching desks, 
and above all, the noble screen, as perfect almost as on the day it was 
set up. I say almost, because the shield immediately above the central 
gates which originally, and rightfully, displayed the arms of Cosin, has 
since been removed, and another, bearing those of bishop Van Mildert 
inserted in its place. It was intended, doubtless, to commemorate the 
last-named prelate's works of general ' restoration,' even then synony- 
mous with destruction, and which are said to have cost 1,500. They 
included, besides the alteration of the stalls, and renewing of the 
stonework, the relaying of the floor which, owing partly, perhaps, to 
neglect, and partly to damp, had gone greatly to decay. This was 
carried out mainly after the original fashion, with black stone from 
Bangor in North Wales, and white, from Heathery Cleugh, near 
Stanhope ; but many blocks of the latter, after less than seventy years 
service, are fretting away again. Van Mildert, also, very properly, 
caused the inscriptions, above and around Cosin's resting place, to be 



carefully recut. They were written by the bishop himself, and 
engraved before his death, lacunae only being left for dates, and are 
as follows : 








































It seems somewhat strange that the late bishop Lightfoot should 
take exception to the wording of this inscription as savouring of 
vain-glorious ostentation. ' Cosin,' says he (Historical Essays}, ' was 
a most munificent prelate, and he acted right nobly by the episcopal 
residences of Durham and Auckland, but he was little disposed to 
allow his light to be hidden under a bushel. Cosin did very much 
repairing and remodelling, but little or nothing which can strictly 
be called rebuilding. The man who caused to be inscribed on his 
tombstone, 'In non morituram memoriam Johannis Cosini,' could 


have had no scruple in parading his own achievements, and this 
spirit of vaunting led him to exaggerate the destructiveness of others.' 
And in illustration he adduces Cosin's statements of the manor-houses 
or the castles having been ' of late ruined and almost utterly destroyed 
by the ravenous sacrilege of Sir Arthur Haslerigg ; ' and elsewhere, 
speaking of himself, as ' repairing and rebuilding the Castle of Auck- 
land, which was pul'd downe and ruined by Sir Arthur Haselrig ; ' 
and, still further, alleging that ' the usurpers, Sir A. Haselrig and 
others had ruin'd ' his two castles of Durham and Auckland. 

But surely Cosin, who not only lived at the time and was an eye- 
witness to the destruction, but was also called upon to make it good, 
must have been far better qualified, than anyone can now pretend to be, 
to judge of the nature and extent of that which he describes. Walls 
and roofs may still be standing long after a house has ceased to be 
habitable, and destruction may be none the less real because they 
remain to bear witness to it. Like Dr. Donne (Essay, page 221), 
they can preach their own funeral sermons in language far more 
eloquent than any others.' Besides, should not the bishop in his 
reflections on Cosin's statements however just and true from his own 
standpoint, and habit of weighing the literal and exact force of words 
have remembered of what very recent date such practice is, and how 
unscientific, as well as unjust therefore, the application of it to writings 
so remote as those of Cosin ? 

Nothing, we know, was commoner in mediaeval times than to 
describe buildings which had been damaged by fire, or at all seriously 
injured, as having been ' consumed ' or destroyed, where, as existing 
remains show, only very partial ruin had occurred. Take, for example, 
Symeon's account of the Danish invasions and the destruction wrought 
by them in the eighth century. "What a picture of wholesale and 
sweeping devastation a tabula rasa of things ecclesiastical does it 
not present ? ' Denique postquam scaevissima paganorum devastatio 
gladio ac flamma ecclesias ac monasteria in cineres redegerat deficiente 
pene Christianitate, vix aliquae ecclesiae et haec virgis fenoque 
contextae sed nulla uspiam monasteria per cc annos reaedificabantur.' 
Yet true, assuredly, as this witness is in its general bearings, what do 
the remains of the monastic churches of Jarrow and Wearmouth still 
actually standing above a thousand years after the event described, 


declare to us ? Why simply this, that, as might naturally be expected, 
they were merely fired, and then abandoned. All that perished was 
the woodwork, and even that, perhaps, not entirely. The marauders 
never dreamt of troubling themselves with the senseless and unprofitable 
labour of digging down the stone walls. To say nothing of the 
trouble, they had far more lucrative and pleasurable employment to 
engage them. And so, doubtless, in all, or nearly all, such other cases. 
Walls which, after standing roofless for a couple of centuries, are still, 
after over eight centuries of renewed occupation, sound and good, 
cannot, it is clear, have been very materially injured let alone 

Again, at Canterbury, the monk Gervase, a contemporary and eye- 
witness of the circumstances he narrates, tells us how ' in the year of 
grace one thousand one hundred and seventy four, the glorious choir 
of Conrad was by the just but occult judgment of God consumed by 
fire,' and so, that which had been hitherto delightful as a paradise of 
pleasure, was now made a despicable heap of ashes' But what, 
according to his own showing, were the literal and exact facts ? The 
wooden roof was destroyed, it is true, but the whole of the walls were 
left standing even to the top of the clearstoreys. Naturally, as in all 
such cases, the pillars suffered most severely through the blazing 
beams falling and burning against them ; yet even they were not con- 
sidered by several of the architects, French and English, who were 
called into consultation, to be beyond repair. And this they proposed 
to effect ' without mischief to the walls above? William of Sens, how- 
ever, one of the number, with as keen an eye to art as to business, 
proposed, as soon as the monks were calm enough to entertain the 
suggestion, their entire removal ; and to this course he eventually 
persuaded them. But this rebuilding which provided also for the 
insertion of a groined vault was confined strictly to the inner walls ; 
the outer walls, with the chapels of 8. Andrew and S. Anselm, being 
suffered to remain as, indeed, they do still. And thus it happened 
that Gervase, after again describing the work as having been 
' miserably consumed by fire? proceeds to speak of it further on as 
' the church which we are going to pull down ! ' 

The cathedral church of Chichester, too, affords another, and still 
more striking, illustration. Built, and completed by bishop Ralph in 


1108, it was burnt in 1186, and restored by bishop Seffrid II. (1180- 
1204). Speaking of this fire, Matthew Paris tells us that it ' consumed 
the mother church and the whole town ; ' and bishop Reade's 
Register, that Seffrid re-edified the church of Chichester : ' Saufridus 
Episcopus Cicestriae qui Ecclesiam Cicestrensem post incendium 
magnum sumptibus innumeris reaedificavit.' Yet nothing of the kind, 
literally construed, happened. Not only were the walls left standing 
to their full height, but even parts of the timbers of the roof escaped 
and still remain to witness to the fact. All that was not needed, for 
of that we have no proof but done, was the renewing of the outer 
order of the pier arches, and rebuilding, in a more ornate fashion, of 
the interior surface of the clearstorey windows, the vaulted roof and 
supporting shafts which were then inserted, being wholly new features, 
and introduced for the first time. In simple fact, the larger part of 
the woodwork only was destroyed, and parts of the, perhaps, slightly 
injured stonework, replaced in the newer style. 

But, as remarkable an example of the use of sweeping terms applied 
to works of mere architectural alteration or repair as can be found 
anywhere, perhaps, is one which occurs, not in the pages of any mere 
chronicler of events with which he was only indirectly connected, but 
with the author himself, and that in the place of all others in which 
conscious abuse of terms should least of all be looked for the inscrip- 
tion on his tomb. It is, or was formerly, to be seen on the splendid 
alabaster monument of Nicholas Fitzherbert, in Norbury church, 
Derbyshire. According to Le Neve (Monumental Inscriptions), it ran 
thus : 

' An. Mcccc seventy and three 
Years of our Lord passed in degree 
The body that bury'd is iinder this stone 
Of Nichol Fitzherbert, Lord and Patrone 
Of Norbury 

This church he made at his own expense, 
In the joy of heaven be his recompence.' 

What could possibly be simpler, more precise or definite than this ? 
But for the internal evidence of the building itself to the contrary, 
any, nay every, one would run away with the idea that the writer was 
the founder and constructor of the building. Nothing, however, could 


be further from the fact. The church itself, which is one of great 
interest and beauty, consists of a clearstoreyed nave with north and 
south aisles ; an engaged south tower ; and a magnificent chancel of 
four bays, nearly as long as the body of the church, and slightly higher 
than the clearstorey. Of different dates, the whole building is yet far 
earlier than the days of Nicholas Fitzherbert, the chancel in particular 
whose splendid subarcuated windows occupy the whole wall space 
between the buttresses belonging to the early part of the fourteenth 
century, or circa 1310-15. What then, it may well be asked, did 
Nicholas Fitzherbert do to warrant the statement that he ' made ' the 
church ? The answer is as brief and direct as the allegation. He 
simply placed new and flat wooden roofs over the nave and chancel ; 
built, or rebuilt, two small mortuary chapels ; placed a parapet on the 
south side of the chancel, and inserted divers quarries bearing his 
initals in the chancel windows. As to the main body of the fabric 
including the tower, so far from having 'made 'it, he just left it as he 
found it untouched. . 

The ' made ' we see, means, and was meant to mean, nothing more 
than made serviceable, or put into good repair. And such, as aforetime, 
was then, and long afterwards down well nigh to our own days, 
indeed continued to be the common application of such phrases. 
It never occurred to anyone, apparently, to submit every word to a 
species of literary analysis, or express themselves with a rigidly exact 
and etymological precision. Autres temps, autres moevrs. People 
neither dreamt of understanding others, or being themselves under- 
stood, or misunderstood, in any such fashion, and 'destroy,' or 
' consume,' seldom or never meant annihilate. 

Cosin, like other great men, and especially churchmen, has had his 
detractors, but none, I think, has ever ventured to suggest that he 
was a fool. Yet, fool and nothing else must he have been if, in the 
midst of countless eye-witnesses to the facts, he ventured to publish, 
and that for the express purpose of general edification, expressions 
such as these, unless they were both true and known to be true in 
the sense in which he wrote, and all who read understood, them at 
the time. True, bishop Lightfoot would never have allowed him- 
self to use such words in describing such events ; but then he lived 
and wrote in the nineteenth, Cosin, in the seventeenth, century. 


And as to the inscription however it may read, whatever spirit 
may seem to breathe in it to others I, for one, can certainly see no 
taint of arrogancy in it. ' In perpetual, or undying memory ! " 
What can be simpler or more natural ? The voice comes from the 
grave ; appeals only against forgetf ulness ; and thus, though indirectly, 
echoes the older and more personal ' Orate pro anima.' 

The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance. Psalm cxii. 6. 
It is all he asks for. 

*(C0 tegrig c&rijste: quot) non iacet l)ic lapig tete 
Corpug ut ocnetuc: 0eD gpirttug ut memoretur* 
tu qui tcang'tg, magnum, imtuug, PUEC an0i0: 
me ftrnde pceceg, tiabituc micljt &it tenie 0pe0.' 

After all the cost and labour he had bestowed upon it, the bishop 
was especially anxious that his own body should be the first to be 
interred within the walls of the chapel. In this hope, however, he 
was disappointed ; and great was his annoyance to find how, during 
his absence in London, that of his son-in-law, Mr. Davison, without 
either his knowledge or consent, had been buried there before him. 
' But,' as he writes to his steward, ' since Mr. Davenport and my 
daughter, together with yourselfe, have thus clap't up the matter, 
which cannot be now undone againe, I must be content to let it bee 
as it is, and say JRequiescat in pace. 1 

Other monument than the chapel itself Cosin has none ; and 
Wren's famous, 'Si mon amentum quaeris, circumspice,' at S. Paul's, 
might with equal truth be written on his simple gravestone here. 
The only other worth notice, indeed, almost the only one at all, is the 
very striking and beautiful effigy of bishop Trevor (1752-1771), in 
white and grey Sicilian marble, by Nollekens, which occupies the 
south-western angle of the ante-chapel. He is shown seated in a niche 
or alcove ; and as Dr. Raine well says, ' the mild and devout expression 
manifested in his countenance seems to justify the appellation by 
which according to persons with whom I have conversed, and who 
well recollected him, he was universally known in his diocese, " The 
Beauty of Holiness." ' With this monument, and designation, which 
so concisely sums up its characteristics, we take our leave of the 
interior the most solemn, religious, and artistically perfect of its kind 
to be met with far or near. 




As might be expected, the exterior, stately and imposing though it 
is in the mass, is yet, owing to the entire absence of all genuine 
mediaeval detail, much less interesting and impressive. Notwithstand- 
ing, it is a grand conception, and grandly carried out. Considering 
the age when it was built, the fact that, so far as can be gathered, no 
architect whatever was employed, but that the bishop himself, with 
his masons and carpenters, were responsible for every item of 
stone and wood work about the place, we cannot but be filled with 
admiration at a result, at once so singular and successful. How much 
depended on the bishop's own personal taste and intervention will 
appear from the following characteristic epistle at the very commence- 
ment of the operations, dated March 13th, 1661 : 'To Robert Morley. 
Robert, we have had many deliberacions about the Chappell, and you 
seeme unwillinge to follow my mind in the forme of the fower corner 
buttresses, both at the ends of the lower and the upper row of lights. 
I thinke it will be most beautif ull, as the lesse chargeable, if you begin 
your rustick ashler worke all along from the ground, and continue it up 
as a strong even wall, about four feet high, on the top of which 
bottome wah 1 make a large water table of 3 degrees, upon which you 
may place your butteresses (between the windows) that may be of the 
thickness only of the lower wall, and rise up flat before in 3 degrees, 
one lesse than another, till you come to the battlement, and add your 
finishing there to every such butteresse. At foure corners the 
butteresses may goe from the ground, and be made in 8 cants 
(whereof some wil be hidden in the coine), which need not be so 
great as a stayrecase, or look like any such ; for you may make them 
slender, every cant a foot long, and so the whole diameter of the 
butteresse will not be above 2 foot , every lay of stones consisting 
some of one and some of two ; and when you come to the top (which 
must be 4 foot higher than the other flatt butteresses), you may cover 
ah 1 in a round, according to this inclosed patterne, which is taken 
from the best built plaine chappell in London. Let me hear from 
you how you like all this. At the east and west end on both sides 
the window you may set the like 8-canted butteresses and begin their 
bases upon a great corbell stone set out, 24 foot from the ground, 

. \CE, /A 

Plate XXVIII. 



\ * 


which you say is of the height of the east window sole. Those 8- 
canted butteresses would make the chappell beautifull to the eyes 
and well please your loving friend Jo. DURESME.' 

How extensively and minutely the bishop entered into the general 
designs and details of the interior from the panelling, painting, 
gilding, and moulding of the beams of the roof ; the glazing of the 
windows ; the designs of the screen, stalls, reredoses, desks, cushions, 
altar plate, covers, books, pavement, and other and less important 
matter, we have already seen at large; and the same diligent and 
individual attention we now see him bestowing on all parts of the 
exterior. Not that he was obstinately bent on having his own way 
in the least. We have just seen by his own letter how he had 
evidently cast about all over London to find the best models for his 
angle turrets, and how, having done so, he sent sketches of them for 
his mason to follow ; and those models were exactly reproduced, both 
as to proportion and the cupola-like finish of their tops. But the 
plan of the basement so strongly insisted on was not followed. 
Evidently, the bishop's first idea was to have one of considerable 
depth and projection, like those at Darlington and Eipon, into which 
the buttresses, without further projection, might lie in Norman or 
Transitional fashion. However, either from personal change of 
mind, or his friend Robert Morley's persuasion, he eventually followed 
the usual arrangement as in Beck's work towards the north by 
reducing the proposed proportions of the base, and allowing the 
buttresses to project. 

Again, in another and far more important particular, we see how 
the bishop's second thoughts were best. Writing to his steward, 
Mr. Stapylton, January 30th, 1661, he says: *I have considered 
the upper windows there, and I think four may serve, if five cannot 
be had.' From this it is clear that both he and his mason had 
already laid their heads together on the subject, and that ' Robert ' 
had objected to the number five (which his master just as clearly 
preferred) ; and this for the best and most approved structural reasons. 
The bishop evidently looked at the matter only from a picturesque 
and external point of view, where five clearstorey windows would 
undoubtedly both look and fill up the space better than four. But 
as there were only four bays, such a number would have produced a 


very bad and confused effect internally, where the central window would 
have come directly over a pillar a void above a solid and the rest, 
occupying irregular positions above the arches, would throw the whole 
into confusion. Further deliberations, by which both views were 
abandoned, led to the happiest result. And it is surely pleasant to 
find how, by mutual concession, the structural and artistic instincts 
of both found not only equal but far fuller expression in the ultimate 
adoption of seven, instead of either four or five, as the number of the 
windows ; that which allowed of their being set symmetrically over 
the centres of the four arches and three pillars on the one hand, and 
forming an unbroken and grandly continuous range of openings on 
the other. 32 

But, interesting as these clearstorey windows are from the personal, 
they are just as much so from the architectural and historical points 
of view. Looked at from the standpoint of pure architecture, they 
present us with highly interesting illustrations of that striving after 
Gothic forms when, though the technical knowledge of the art was 
either dead or in its death throes, the Gothic spirit was, nevertheless, 
still struggling to express itself, and battling tenaciously for life. 

Worthless, like all other ancient forms even the very best and 
purest as models for servile copying, their value lies in this, that they 
exhibit a phase of art peculiarly and specially their own ; imitative, 
perhaps, in expression rather than in detail, but imitative in such a 
way as the work of no other times but theirs could be. 

K I have said that the selection of seven instead of five as the number of the 
clearstorey windows on each side allowed of their being set symmetrically above 
the three pillars and points of the four arches. And so, no doubt, it did, 
theoretically. Practically, however, it was found desirable to modify this 
disposition somewhat, so as to apportion the same, or nearly the same, space 
between each window and that at the ends of each range and the angles. 
Starting, therefore, from the centre window directly over the central pillar, the 
positions of the three others on each side are slightly shifted east and west 
respectively, so as to make the intervening wall spaces, as nearly as may be, 
equal throughout. And thus, while the deviation from mathematical precision 
is practically unperceived, especially as seen in perspective, the very awkward 
and ungainly effect of having the whole range crowded, as it were, into the 
middle, while the ends were left bald and blank, is avoided, and the effect 
rendered just as satisfactory inside as outside, where the relations of the several 
parts is unseen. Of the three different designs assigned to these windows, the 
first is confined to the four at the extremities on each side ; the second, to the 
second and centre, counting from each end ; and the third, to the third from 
each end ; so that there are four of the first and third, and six of the second 
altogether. The effect is, naturally, very rich and varied in that respect, and 
just the same as in old work. 


Nor is what may be called their historical, at all less than their 
personal, or architectural, value. For their evidence tends to prove 
what must otherwise have been more entirely matter of conjecture 
that the whole of the remaining windows, viz.: those of the aisles 
and ends, are not, like themselves, exhibitions of pure seventeenth 
century spirit, but reproductions, more or less exact, of others which 
were there before them. No more striking contrast than that offered 
by the designs and proportions of the two groups could, in fact, be 
imagined. Those of the wholly new seventeenth century clearstorey, 
are just as wholly of seventeenth century characters, without any trace 
of mediaeval design whatever. Unlike some others of their day, as for 
example those of Exeter and "Wadham college chapels, Oxford, which, 
save in one or two minute points of detail, might readily be taken for 
fine and perfectly genuine works of the fifteenth century, they make 
no attempt to revive Perpendicular forms the nearest to them in 
point of date at all. On the contrary, they go back to a mixture of 
geometrical and flowing figures, yet not such as ever occur in ancient 
work, but are due altogether to the fancy of their designer, the bishop's 
mason, Robert Morley. The windows are round-headed, of three 
lights, and set between massive crocketted pinnacles. They display 
three somewhat similar, though different, designs and are so unmistak- 
ably decadent I forbear the once fashionable term 'debased ' that any 
question of origin is impossible. But they show, just as clearly, that 
the great east and west windows, as well as those of the side aisles all 
those, that is, situate in the original parts of the building, are derived 
from another, and different, source altogether. Of the same date and 
workmanship as the clearstorey windows, the designs of the two are 
seen to have simply nothing in common. While the one set presents 
us with the uncertain and confused reminiscence of forms well-nigh 
forgotten, the other shows us the true forms themselves, and that with 
a degree of accuracy and precision such as could come only from the 
artificers having the originals present before their eyes. Now, what 
those originals were, and whence derived, is plain enough. The author 
of the History of Durham, etc., as we have already seen, referring to 
the great west window of four lights, declares it to be not only the 
actual one inserted for the sum of 2s. 3|d., but that such insertion 
was made in the 5th of bishop Hatfield, 1849-50. And as though 


that without stopping to reckon the cost in comparison of the work 
done we re not enough, he proceeds to assert that all the rest of those 
in the side aisles and at the east end, are also original, and inserted at 
the same time. But as all the stonework that of the jambs more 
conspicuously, which is worked in rustic ashlar, and where the joints, 
hardly broken, form almost vertical lines is incontestably that of 
Cosin, such claim to originality falls to the ground at once. And 
then, though the originals of such as have net tracery, had they 
only stood alone, might not improperly have been referred to 
Hatfield's time, such reference becomes manifestly absurd when, as 
happens here, they are intimately mixed up with others of more 
palpably geometrical character. The only period, it is evident, to 
which the originals can be assigned is the early part of the fourteenth 
century ; and the only prelate Beck ; who founded the college, rebuilt 
the ancient chapel, raised the side walls of the hall, inserted new and 
larger windows in them and at the ends to correspond with those of 
his new chapel opposite, and supported them at the same time with 
tall stepped buttresses which, towards the north, remain perfect to the 

present day. 


Clear, however, as the line of demarcation between the two groups 
is, it is not to be supposed that the copies of Beck's originals, close as 
they are, are yet, in all respects, literal and exact. That would be too 
much to expect. As in all assimilated, or copied, work, the touch and 
character of the copier, like murder, 'will out.' And thus, though 
the general outlines and proportions are, doubtless, faithfully repro- 
duced, pointing distinctly to days earlier than those of Hatfield, yet 
some of the minor details are seen to point, every whit as distinctly, 
to those far later ones when they were wrought. The whole of the 
tracery is of the kind styled by the late professor Willis roll-tracery, 
that is, having a roll-moulding in place of the usual flat and simple 
face. But, admirable as it is, the whole seems slightly flattened, and 
to that extent, therefore, tamer and less effective than the originals 
would be. And another slight, but very characteristic, difference 
between the copies and the originals is that the cusping, instead of 
springing, as in genuine mediaeval work, out of the chamfer plane, and 
being thus made subordinate to it, embraces, on the contrary, the 


whole of the plane, though, owing to the presence of the roll-moulding, 
which serves to throw that plane back, the fact is not perceived at 
once, nor the effect, perhaps, appreciably injured. 

Again, some of the most curious points of this close copying are 
seen in the treatment of the rere-arches in the interior. Not only are 
the whole of the windows provided with such arches, instead of mere 
splays, but these again are supported by slender shafts, the bases of 
which have fourteenth century mouldings, apparently exact copies, 
though the caps, while perfectly appropriate, are probably less so. All 
are, moreover, provided with hood moulds, but these again, though 
not exciting suspicion in themselves, are finished off in every instance 
with unmistakable seventeenth century corbels, instead of the tufts of 
foliage or heads which would, pretty certainly, terminate the originals. 

But what above all else serves to prove that, however close the 
general imitation may be, some liberty has been indulged in, is the 
introduction beneath the circular centrepiece of the great east window 
of a flattened oval figure between it and the head of the central light. 
It serves more forcibly, perhaps, than any other form could do, to 
betray its origin, and cast suspicion on all the rest at the same time. 
It is, however, the only detail due to the seventeenth century mason's 
invention. What the original figure which Robert Morley declined 
to copy was, is plain enough. The place of the oval, according to 
universal practice, no doubt was, and should have continued to be, 
filled by an acutely -pointed, arched, and cusped heading, either alone, 
as' at Easton Xeston, and Cricklade churches ; or above a lower one in 
continuation of those of the side pieces or fenestellae, as, among 
others, in the contemporary east windows of Ripon minster and 
Guisborough priory church, and that at the north end of the refectory 
at Easby abbey. Robert Morton's solitary device expunged, the tracery 
would then be of pure fourteenth century character throughout. 

Other work on the exterior of the east end which was also purely 
of Cosin's time, has nearly all, and, as I think, happily, perished. 
From such indications as Bucks' view affords, it would seem to have 
consisted of festoons of fruit and flowers above, below, and at the 
sides of the great central window as well as outside those of the side 
aisles. Strictly in the taste of the day, no doubt, it was yet so 
violently incongruous with the whole of the real and quasi- Gothic 


forms about it, that the effect, rich and ostentatious as it both was, 
and was meant to be, could never have been satisfactory. Now, 
however, all of this is not merely gone, but the surfaces of the stone 
so tooled over or renewed that its very existence could never be 
suspected. The only remaining but separate part of the composition 
is the weather-worn shield of the great bishop, which, occupying the 
centre of the gable, still ' tells the people what things he hath done.' 
The following refers to the work as a whole : 

' 1663. 8 April. Articles for work according to draught and 
designe. Henry de Keiser, sculptor, to have 251. to winne the stone, 
carve and set it up. My Lord to find the crampes and lead the 
stones, and to give 5. more, if he shall judge the worke shall deserve 
it. One third to be paid in hand, another when the work is finished 
at the east end of the Chappell, and the third when the armes and 
work about the porch are finished.' 

The porch, together with ' the armes and work about it,' are now, 
however, as clean gone apparently as the sculpture ' at the east end 
of the chappell,' though when they were altered or destroyed is not 
very clear. Bucks' view shows that of Cosin as a square, projecting 
structure, with scrolled parapets and square-headed, mullioned windows 
to the room above the archway. At present there is a shallow, three- 
sided portico, with slender pointed arches, serving as shelter to a quasi- 
Gothic archway, the door of which, enriched with festoons of fruit and 
flowers, is certainly of Cosin's time. But the walls of the porch have 
been rebuilt apparently by either Barrington or Van Mildert. It 
forms the southern end or division of a long and spacious vestibule 
which runs across and beyond the west end of the chapel, and is 
divided by cross walls and arches into three parts ; the principal one 
in the centre containing the entrance doorway to the chapel, and 
another to the great staircase opposite to it. The chapel doorway 
corresponds exactly with that of the porch in every particular, both 
of wood and stonework, as do also their rear arches with those which 
cross the vestibule and mark its divisions. Dr. Eaine says, 'The 
doorways in this part of the Chapel are of Trevor's period (1752- 
1771) or later.' He gives no authority for this assertion, however, 
which seems wholly improbable. The doors themselves are unques- 
tionably those set up by Cosin, and exactly fit the stone arches, 


which are of very peculiar outline, sharply pointed, and springing 
not from a tangent but an angle. The whole details of the stone- 
work, moreover, are precisely of such a hybrid, nondescript character 
as Robert Morley might be expected to have evolved out of his own 
' inner consciousness,' and it is difficult to see how, protected from 
the weather as both of them were from the first, they should have 
become so decayed as to need renewal above a hundred and twenty 
years ago, and when only about a hundred years old. That bishop 
Trevor did make divers alterations at the west end of the chapel 
seems, notwithstanding, clear enough. Thus, from a ' Memorandum 
of Work to be done at Auckland Castle ' in the auditor's office at 
Durham, there appears, among others, the following particulars : ' A 
wall to be built between the two buttresses to screen the stairs on 
the outside of the chappie, with a battlement on the top. The vestry 
to be taken away, and a closet for the same use to be made in the 
thickness of the wall. The inside of the chappie at the west end to 
have two windows to answer them on the east end, the one blank 
and the other a part open.' 

But all these works have in the interim been completely obliterated 
the closet covered over, the windows blocked up, and the wall and 
battlement at the west end swept away in the wholesale and destructive 
alterations effected by the notorious Wyatt, under bishop Barrington. 

All that remains to notice of Cosin's labours is the unseen, and 
therefore generally unknown, west gable of the chapel, a view of 
which is only to be had from the north-west angle at the back. It is 
a very grand and solemn composition, and perfectly preserved. Above 
the western window, and filling the entire flat-pitched gable with its 
outstretched wings, appear, in full relief, the noble head and bust of a 
great angel, with this fitting inscription ' Adorate Deum in atrio 

sancto ejus.' 


It remains now but to tell of those more recent works of pious 
munificence, so worthy of his great predecessor, which were carried 
out by bishop Lightfoot. 

Stript bare of all the sumptuous decorations with which Cosin's 
care had adorned it, the orient colours of its roof expunged, its marble 
pillars buff-washed, the stained glass and pictures, the armorial 




scutcheons, the silken cushions, the tapestries, the costly cloths of 
gold and silver tissue, all wasted and destroyed, with nothing but the 
gold plate left, and that undisplayed, the once solemn and religious 
interior of his chapel had been brought to assume, as nearly as might 
be, the bald and beggarly aspect of a dissenting meeting-house. 

To redress these evils, and restore to the ' habitation of the house ' he 
loved so well, that beauty of holiness which it had lost, was the task, 
or, as I should rather say, labour of love, that the bishop set before 
him from the first. Till his time, from the days of Barrington or Van 
Mildert, the east end of the building, as may be seen in Billings's view, 
was occupied by one of the meanest and flimsiest apologies for an altar 
piece conceivable. Of mere carpenter's Gothic and poor at that it 
was as attenuated in proportions, as miserable in its painted compo 
details. The back of the canopy work, in five divisions, was filled 
with a picture of the Ascension, said, as Dr. Raine tells us, to have 
been painted by sir Joshua Reynolds though more likely a bad copy. 
But, whatever its origin, it was well-fitted for its setting, for a more 
vapid, washed-out, ineffective daub, or one more exactly continuing 
the universal drab-wash hues around it, could not be imagined. 

The pavement of the altar platform had also suffered in Van 
Mildert's restoration. The steps, which bishop Cosin had constructed 
of black marble, had been replaced by stone, as well as the black 
marble squares of the pavement with slate. And then the windows 
overhead, which Cosin had filled in with pattern-work of his armorial 
bearings a white fret on a blue field had also been destroyed, and 
miserable imitations, reversing the tinctures, and eked out with much 
pot-metal glass in vulgar patterns, inserted in its place. The whole 
of these slates, stones, picture, compo, and glass were first of all 
completely cleared away, and the three east windows then filled with 
excellent stained glass by Messrs. Burlison & Grylls, to whom all the 
rest of the new glass in the chapel is due. We wih 1 take them in their 



The Central Window. The great cusped circle in the head of this 
window exhibits the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. 
In the oval beneath is the familiar Christian emblem of the pelican 
feeding her young with her own blood. In the five long lights 


beneath are, in the centre, the Lord upon the cross, while the others 
are occupied by the four apostles of the inner circle S. Andrew and 
S. Peter on the one side, and S. John and S. James on the other. 

The lights of the two aisle windows and the five lower lights of the 
central window represent in order the chief scenes in the life of 
S. Peter. The north aisle window, it may be stated, was given by 
several of the clergy who had been ordained in the chapel. The 
subjects are as follows : 

North Aisle. 1. Call of S. Peter to the apostleship (Matt. iv. 19). 

2. Confession of S. Peter (Matt. xvi. 16). 

Central. 3. S. Peter walking on the sea (Matt. xiv. 31). 

4. S. Peter's denial (Matt. xxvi. 75). 

5. The pastoral charge to S. Peter (John xxi. 16). 

6. S. Peter's vision (Acts x. 15). 

7. His release from prison (Acts xii. 7). 
South Aisle. 8. The ancient story, ' Domine, quo vadis ? ' 83 

9. The crucifixion of S. Peter (John xxi. 1 8). 


The reredos consists of two parts, the lower portion being of dark 
Frosterley marble, and the upper of oak. 

Of the marble work, the lower part is plain and carries a richly 
moulded and carved retable with shields having the emblems of the 
Evangelists and the cross of S. Cuthbert carved on them. Above this 
is a large recessed panel, containing a plate of copper on which are 
painted ten figures of angels bearing shields charged with the emblems 
of the Passion. Above the panel is a cornice forming the base on 
which the oak superstructure stands. 

83 After passing the site of the first milestone on the Appian way, and the 
tomb of Priscilla, at the point where the modern Strada della Madonna del 
Devin' Amore branches off to the right, is the church of Domine quo vadis, so 
called from the tradition that it was here that S. Peter in his flight from Rome 
met our Saviour, who, to the above enquiry of the apostle, made answer, ' Venio 
Romam iterum crucifigi.' On hearing which he at once retraced his steps, and, 
like his Master before Pontius Pilate, ' witnessing a good confession,' fulfilled his 

A slab of white marble, professing to bear the imprints of the Lord's feet, is 
shown as one of the most precious relics in the neighbouring basilica of S. 
Sebastian. As the Appian way, however, was not paved with white marble slabs, 
and the one in question bears distinct marks of the chisel, the value of this, as 
well as of the other relics of which it forms the crowning glory, may be accur- 
ately appraised. 


The oak superstructure has two tiers of large bas-reliefs under 
canopies, and divided by buttresses and canopied niches containing 
twelve small statues of angels with musical instruments. The central 
bas-relief of the upper series contains a figure of our Lord in glory, 
with adoring and censing angels. The bas-reliefs on either side 
represent Apostles and Prophets respectively. The centre of the lower 
series contains a group of local saints, S. Oswald, S. Hilda, S. Aidan, 
the Yen. Bede, and S. Outhbert. On the one side is a group of 
martyrs ; on the other, of saints and doctors. The whole is sur- 
mounted by a coved canopy, finished by a richly carved cornice and a 
cresting with three shields. 

The painted panel is the work of Messrs. Burlison & Grylls, who 
also drew all the groups of figures. These latter were carved by P. de 
Wispelaere, sculptor, of Bruges. The architectural carving, which 
follows local types, was executed by the late Mr. Eoddis. 

The holy, altar is of oak with cedar panels. The super-altar, which 
is of the same materials, is carved with the sacred monograms, the rose 
and lily, the keys of S. Peter, and the cross saltire of S. Andrew. The 
cross and the standard candlesticks were designed and executed in 

The credence table is constructed out of a portion of an ancient 
altar slab, found in the house, where it had been put to other uses. 
Both itself and its legs are of Frosterley marble. 

The steps of the sanctuary are of 'black and white marble in 
accordance with Cosin's design, and their original construction. They 
have taken the place of those meaner ones of slate and stone sub- 
stituted for them in the time of Van Mildert. 


The series of pictures proceeds from right to left, beginning with 
the easternmost window of the north wall, and ending with the 
easternmost window of the south wall. For descriptive purposes, each 
window may be divided into three portions. 

I. Angels with /Scrolls. These occupy the central lower compart- 
ment. The scrolls bear the names of the earlier occupants of the 
Northumbrian see, which was fixed at Lindisfarne by Aidan, A.D. 
635, and remained there till Eardulf, A.D. 875. Meanwhile, an off- 


shoot was planted at Hexham (Haguldstald), under whose jurisdiction 
the county of Durham fell for a time, and this existed from Tunbert 
(A.D. 681) to Tidferth (A.D. 814). From Lindisfarne, the see was 
removed to Cestria (Chester-le-Street), and remained there till A.D. 
995, when it was removed by Aldhun to Durham. The names on the 
six scrolls are those of the bishops of (1), (2), Lindisfarne, (3), (4), 
Hexham, and (5), Chester, ending with (6), the earlier bishops of 

II. Tracery. This consists mainly of three quatrefoils in the 
easternmost window on either side ; and of a large cusped circle in the 
other four windows. All these are filled with figures of the principal 
personages belonging to the successive periods to which the historical 
scenes beneath refer. 

III. Historical Scenes. Of these there are three in each window in 
the following order : (1) Lower light (right hand) ; (2) upper light 
(the whole breadth of the window) ; (3) lower light (left hand) ; 
thus making eighteen in all. The nine on the north side comprise 
the Celtic period of Northumbrian history ending with the council of 
Whitby and the submission to Koine. The nine on the south side 
give the Roman period to the building of Durham cathedral. 


I. Angels' Scroll. The earliest bishops of Lindisfarne from Aidan 
(A.D. 635) to Eadfrid (698). 

II. Tracery. Three small lights, quatrefoils ; figures of king 
Edwin, of Paulinus, and of king Oswald. 

III. Historical Scenes. 1. Paulinus preaching in the court of 
Edwin; flight of the dove through the hall 34 (first conversion of 

84 The whole story of Paulinus and his labours is fully set forth by Bede who 
tells how, having first been consecrated to the episcopal office, he set out from 
Kent with the Christian Aethelburga to the court of her future husband, the 
still heathen Edwin of Northumbria. . . . ' Vir Deo dilectus Paulinus, qui cum 
ilia veniret, eamque et comites ejus, ne paganorum possent societate pollui, 
quotidiana exhortatione, et sacramentorum coelestium celebratlone confirmaret 
. . . . et sic cum praefata virgine ad Regem Edwinum, quasi comes copulae 
carnalis advenit. Sed ipse potiustoto animo intendens, ut gentem,quam adibat, 
ad agnitionem veritatis advocans, juxta vocem Apostoli, Uni virosponsovirginew, 
castam exJiiberet Christo. Ciimque in provinciam venisset, laboravit multum, 
ut eos, qui secum venerunt. ne a fide deficerent, Domino adjuvante contineret ; et 
aliquos, si forte posset, de paganis ad fidei gratiatu praedicando converteret. Sed 


2. King Oswald planting the cross before the battle of Heavens- 
field. 36 

sicut Apostolus ait, Quantvin multo tempore illo laborante in rerto, Devs seculi 
hwj-uts exeaecavit mentes vis fitly eret illuminatio Evnngelii gluriiu' 
Clirixti. At length, however, after escaping assassination at the hands of Eumer, 
the emissary of Quichelm, king of the West Saxons, and shortly after destroying 
the power of that king, Edwin, after due deliberation, yields to the teaching of 
Paulinas. ' Igitur accepit rex Edwinus, cum cunctis gentis suae nobilibus ac 
plebe perplurima, fidem et lavacrum sanctae regenerationis, anno regni sui 
undecimo (627). Baptizatur est autem Eboraci die sancto Paschae in Ecclesia 
sancti Petri Apostoli, quam ibidem ipse de ligno, cum catechizaretur, atque ad 
percipiendum baptisma imbueretur, citato opere construxit. In qua etiam civitate 
ipsi doctori atque antistiti suo Paulino sedem episcopates donavit.' V. Bedae, 
H. E. II. 9 and 14. 

The simile of the flight of the bird (dove or sparrow) through the hall was 
brought forward while the relative merits of Paganism and Christianity were 
being discussed between the king and his nobles, and previous to their eventual 
conversion. The incident is thus narrated : Coifi, the high priest, having 
first of all declared how vain and unprofitable his gods had been to himself, 
notwithstanding his devotion to them, concluded by saying: 'Unde restat, ut 
si ea, quae nunc nova nobis praedicantur, meliora esse, et fortiora (habita 
examinatione,) perspexeris; (absque ullo cunctamine) suscipere ilia festinemus. 
Cujus, suasioni verbisque prudentibus, alius optimatum Regis tribuens assen- 
sum, continu6 subdidit : Talis, inquiens, mihi videtur (Rex) vita hominum 
praesens in terris, ad comparationem ejus quod nobis incertum est temporis, 
quale cum te residente ad coenam cum ducibus ac ministris tuis tempore 
brumali, accenso quidem foco (in medio), et calido affecto coenaculo, furentibus 
autem foris per omnia turbinibus hyemalium pluviarum vel niviumj adveniens 
unus passerum domum citissime pervolaverit, qui cum per unum ostium 
ingrediens, inox per aliud exierit, ipso quidem tempore quo intus est, hyemis 
tempestate non tangitur : sed tamen parvissimo spatio serenitatis ad momentum 
excurso, mox de hyeme in hyemem regrediens tuis oculis elabitur: Ita haec 
vita hominum ad modicum apparet ; quid autem sequatur quidve praecesserit 
prorsus ignoramus. Unde si haec nova doctrina certius aliquid attulerit, merito 
esse sequenda videtur. His similia, et caeteri majores natu, ac Regis consiliarii 
divinitus admoniti, prosequebantur. Adjecit autem Coifi, quia vellet ipsum 
Paulinum diligentius audire de Deo, quern praedicabat, verbum facientem. 
Quod cum, jubente Rege faceret; exclamavit, auditis ejus sermonibus, dicens : 
Jan olim intellexeram nihil esse quod colebamus, quia videlicet quanto studio- 
sius in eo cultu veritatem quaerebam, tanto minus inveniebam. Nunc autem 
aperte profiteer, quia in hac praedicatione veritas claret ilia, quae nobis vitae 
salutis et beatitudinis aeternae dona valeat tribuere. Unde suggero Rex, ut 
templa et altaria quae sine fructu utilitatis sacravimus, ocyus anathamati et 
igni contradamus.' V. Bedae H. E. II. 13. 

35 The battle was fought between Oswald of Northumbria and Caedualla, 
king of the Britons, 'in fandus Britonum dux,' as Bede styles him. The follow- 
ing is his account of it : ' Ostenditur autem usque hodie, et in magna venera- 
tione habetur locus ille, ubi venturus ad hanc pugnam Oswaldus, signum sanctae 
crucis erexit, ac flexis genibus Deum deprecatus est; ut in tanta serum neces- 
sitate suis cultoribus coelesti succurreret auxilio. Denique fertur, quia facta 
citato opere cruce, ac fovea praeparata in qua statui deberet, ipse fide servens 
hanc arripuerit, ac foveae imposuerit, atque utraque manu erectam tenuerit, 
donee aggesto a militibus pulvere, terrae figeretur : Et hoc facto, elata inaltum 
voce, cuncto exercitui proclamaverit, Flectamus omnes genua, et Deum omui- 
potentem vivum ac verum, in communi deprecemur, ut nos ab hoste superbo 
ac feroce su& miseratione defendat : scit enim ipse, quia justa pro salute gentis 
nostrae bella suscepimus. Fecerunt omnes ut jusserat ; Et sic incipiente 


3. S. Aidan leaving the shores of lona to preach the Gospel in 
Northumbria 36 (second conversion of Northumbria). 


I. Angels' Scroll. The succeeding bishops of Lindisfarne from 
Ethelwold (A.D. 724) to Bardnlf (A.D. 854). 

II. Tracery. Figure of S. Aidan seated, with the legend 


III. Historical Scenes. 4. S. Aidan preaching and king Oswald 
interpreting. 37 

5. S. Aidan teaching the English youths. 38 

diluculo in hostem progress!, juxta meritum suae fidei, victoria potiti sunt. In 
cujus loco orationis, innumerae virtutes sanitaturn noscuntur esse patratae, ad 
indicium videlicet ac memoriam fidei Regis : Nam et usque hodie, multi de 
ipso ligno sacrosanctae crucis hastulas excidere solent, quas cum in aquas 
miserint, eisque, languentes homines au t pecudes potaverint sive asperserint, niox 
sanitati restituuntur. Vocatur locus ille lingua Anglorum Heofonfeld (quod dici 
potest Latine, coelestis Campus), quod certo utique praesagio futuroruin, 
antiquitus nomen accepit; significans nimirum quod ibidem coeleste erigendum 
trophaeum, coelestis inchoanda victoria, coelestia usque hodie forent miracula 
celebranda.' V. Bedae H. E. III. 2. 

38 ' Idem ergo Oswaldus rex, ubi regnum suscepit, desiderans, totam cui 
praeesse coepit gentem, fidei Christianae gratia imbui, cujus experimenta per- 
maxima in expugnandis Barbaris jam ceperat, misit ad majores natu Scotorum, 
inter quos exulans ipse baptismatis Sacramento, cum his qui secum erant 
militibus, consecutus erat ; petens ut sibi mitteritur autistes, cujus doctrina ac 
ministerio gens quam regebat Anglorum, Dominicae fidei dona disceret, et 
susciperet Sacramenta. Neque aliquanto tardiusquod petiit impetravit. Accepit 
namque Pontificem Aidanum, summae mansuetudinis et pietatis ac moderaminis 

virum ; habentemque zelum Dei, quamvis non plene secundum scientiam 

Venienti igitur se Episcopo, Rex locum sedis Episcopalis, in insula Lindisfarnenyi, 
ubi ipse petebat, tribuit.' V. Bedae H. E. III. 3. 

37 ' Qui videlicet locus, accedente ac recedente rheumate, bis quotidie, instar 
insulae maris circumfluitur undis, bis renudato litore contiguus terrae redditur : 
atque ejus admonitionibus humiliter ac libenter in omnibus auscultans, Ecclesiam 
Christ! in regno suo multum diligenter aedificare, ac dilitare curavit. Ubi 
pulcherrimo saepe spectaculo contigit, ut evangclizante antistite, qui Anglorum 
lenguam perfecte non noverat, ipse Rex suis ducibus ac ministris interpres verbi 
existeret coelestis ; quia nimirum, tarn longo exilii sui temporc, linguam 
Scotorum jam plene didicerat.' V. Bedae H. E. III. 3. 

33 ' Cujus doctrinam, id maxime commendabat omnibus, quod non aliter, 
quam vivebat cum suis, ipse docebat ; Nihil enim hujus mundi quaerere, nihil 
amare curabat .... Discurrere per cuncta et urbana et rustica loca, non 
equorum dorso, sed pedum incessu veotus, nisi major forte necessitas compulisset, 
solebat. Quatenus ubicunque aliquos, vel divites vel pauperes incedens 
aspexisset, confestim ad hos divertens, vel ad fidei suscipiendae Sacramentum, si 
infideles essent, invitaret ; vel si fideles, in ipsa eos fide confortaret, atque ad 
eleemosynas operumque bonorum executionem et verbis excitaret et factis.' 
V. Bedae H. E. III. 5. 


6. S. Finan baptizing Peada, king of the Middle Anglians 39 
(representing the missionary work of the Northumbrian church). 


I. Angels' Scroll. The first bishops of Hexham from Tunbert 
(A.D. 681) to Frithbert (A.D. 734). 

II. Tracery. Figure of S. Hilda seated, with the legend 


III. Historical Scenes. 7. S. Hilda receiving the poet Caedmon 
into her monastery at Whitby 40 (the beginnings of English literature). 

39 ' His tempoiibus Middel Angli (id est, mediterranei Angli) sub principe 
Peada, filio Pendan regis, fidem et sacramenta veritatis perceperunt Qui cum 
esset juvenis optimus, ac regis nomine ac persona dignissimus, piaeelatus est a 
patre regno gentis illius. Venitque ad regem Northanhymbrorum Oswiv 
postulans filiam ejus Alchfledam sibi conjugem dari; nee aliter quod petebat 
impetrare potuit. nisi fidem Christ! (ac baptisma), cum gente cui praeerat, 
acciperet. At ille audita praedicatione veritatis, et promissione regni coelestis, 
speque resurrectionis ac futurae immortalitatis, libenter se Christianum fieri 
velle confessus est, etiamsi virginem non acciperet, persuasus maxime ad per- 
cipiendam fidem a filio Regis Oawiu, nomine Alhfrido, qui erat cognatus etamicus 
ejus, habens sororem ipsius conjugem, vocabulo Cyniburgam, filiam Pendan 
regis. Baptizatus est ergo a Finano Episcopo, cum omnibus qui secum venerant 
comitibus ac militibus, eorumque famulis universis, in vico regis illustri qui 
vocatur Admurum.' V. Bedae, H. JE.2II.2\. 

40 ' In hujus monasterio Abbatissae fuit frater quidam, divina gratia specialiter 
insignis quia carmina religion! et pietati apta facere solebat; ita ut quiequid ex 
divinis literis per interpretes disceret, hoc ipse post pusillum, verbis Poeticis 
maxima suavitate et compunctione compositis, in sua, id est, Anglorum lingua 
proferret. . . . Narnque ipse non ab hominibus, neque per hominem institutus 
canendi artem didicit, sed divinitus adjutus, gratis canendi donum accepit. . . . 
Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cum esset laetitiae causa decretum, ut omnes 
per ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi appropinquare sibi citharam cernebat, 
surgebat. a media coena, et egressus, ad suam domum repedabat. Quod 
dum tempore quodarn faceret, et relicta domo convivii, egressus esset ad 
stabula jumentorum, quorum ei custodia nocte illfi, erat delegata ibique hora 
competenti membra dedisset sopori, astitit ei quidam per somnium, eumque 
salutans ac suo appellans nomine ; Caedmon, inquit, canta mihi aliquid. At ille 
respondens, Nescio, inquit cantare : Nam et ide6 de convivio egressus, hue 
secessi, quia cantare non poteram. Rursum ille, qui cum eo loquebatur. 
Attamen ait, cantare habes. Quid inquit, debeo cantare ? At ille : Canta, 
inquit, principium creaturarum. Quo accepto response, statim ipse coepit 
cantare in laudem Dei conditoris, versus, quos nunquam audierat, quorum iste 
est sensus. . . . Exurgens autem a somno, cuncta quae dormiens cantaverat 
memoriter retinuit, et his mox plura in eundem modum, verba Deo digni 
carminis adjunxit. Veniencque mane ad villicum, qui sibi praeerat, quid don! 
percepisset, indicavit; atque ad Abbatissam perductus, jussus est, multis 
doctioribus viris praesentibus, indicare somnium et dicere carmen, ut universorum 
judicio, quid vel unde esset quod referebat, probaretur. Visumque est omnibus 
coelestem ei a Domino concessaui esse, gratiam. Exponebantque illi quendam 
sacrae Historiae sive doctrinae sermonem ; praecipientes ei, si posset, hunc in 
modulationem carminis transferre. At ille suscepto negotio abiit, et mane 


8. S. Hilda is consulted by kings and bishops. 41 

9. The council of Whitby, at which S. Hilda is present on the 
Celtic side. 42 


I. Angels' Scroll. The succeeding bishops of Hexham from Alch- 
mund (A.D. 767) to Tidfirth (A.D. 814). 

rediens optimo carmine, quod jubebatur, compositum reddidit ; unde mox 
Abbatissa amplexata gratiam Dei in viro, seculare ilium habitum relinquere, et 
monachicum suscipere propositum docuit. Susceptumque, in monasterium cum 
omnibus suis, fratrum cohorti associavit ; jussitque ilium seriem sacrae Historiae 
doceri. . . . Canebat autem de creatione mundi, et origine humani generis, 
et tota Genesis historia ; de egressu Israel ex Aegypto, et ingressu in terrain 
repromissionis ; De aliis plurimis sacrae Scripturae Historiis ; de incarnations 
Dominica, passione, resurrectione, et ascensione in coelum ; de adventu Spiritus 
sancti, et Apostolorum doctrina : Item de terrore futuri judicii, et horrore 
poenae Gehennalis, ac dulcedine regni coelestis multa carmina faciebat,' etc. 
V. Sedae H. E. IV. 24. 

41 ' Tantae autem erat ipsa prudentiae, ut non solum mediocres quique in 
necessitatibus suis, sed etiam reges ac principes nonnunquam ab ea consilium 
quaererent et invinerent. Tantium lectioni divinarum Scripturarum suos vacare 
subditos, tantum operibus justiciae se exercere faciebat, ut facillime viderentur 
ibidem, qui Ecclesiasticum geadum, hoc est, altaris officium apte subirent, 
plurimi posse reperiri. Denique quinque ex eodem monasterio postea Episcopos 
vidimus, et hos omnes singularis meriti ac sanctitatis viros, quorum haec sunt 
nomina, Bosa, Aetla, Of tsor, Johannes et Wilfrid,' etc. V. Sedae H. E. 1 V. 23. 

42 The council of Whitby, held A.D. 664, in order to settle the long-standing 
and vexed question as to the true time of keeping Easter, belongs so entirely 
to the domain of ecclesiastical history that no detailed notice of it need be 
taken here. Its history will be found set out in full in Sede, H. E. 111. 25. 
Suffice it to say that it was attended by Oswin, king of Northumbria, and hie 
son Alchfrid who, as sub-king, ruled the province of Deira; Agilberet, bishop 
of the West Saxons, Wilfrid, abbot of^Ripon, Agatho, Jacobus, the deacon, and 
Romanus, the priest, representing the Roman party ; and the bishops Colman 
and Ceadda, the abbess Hild, and their respective clergy, the Scottish. The 
latter pleaded the use which, handed down from time immemorial, and tradi- 
tionally from S. John, themselves and their ancestors had all along followed; 
the former, the use of the church universal, which followed that established at 
Rome by the apostles Peter and Paul; urging, finally, that however great 
Columba might have been, he was not to be preferred to the prince of the 
apostles, ' Cui Dominus ait; " Tit es Petrus, et svper hanc Pet ram aedificabo 
Ecclesiam ineam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus earn, et tibi dabo 
claves regni coelontm." ' 

Asked by the king whether this were true, Colman answered, Yes ; whether 
such power had ever been conferred on Columba, he said, No. Then, asking 
both sides if such words had been spoken principally to Peter, and both agreeing 
that they had, the king thus characteristically wound up the debate : ' Et ego 
vobis dico, quia hie est Hostiarius ille, cui ego contradicere nolo, sed in quantum 
novi, vel valeo, hujus cupio in omnibus obedire statutis, ne forte, me adveniente 
ad fores regui coelorum non sit qui reserat averse illo, qui claves tenere probatur. 
Haec dicente rege, faverunt assidentes sibi, et quique, sive astantes, majores, 
una cum mediocribus, et'abdicata minus perfects! institutione, ad ea quae 
meliora cognoverant, sese transferre festinabant.' V. Sedae H. E. III. 25. 
Whelock's edition, Cambridge, 1644. 



II. Tracery. Figure of S. Cuthbert with the legend 
SUSTULIT BUM DE GREGiBUS Oviuii (Ps. Ixxviii. 70). 

III. Historical Scenes. 10. The youth Cuthbert presents himself 
to the abbot Boisil and seeks admission to Melrose. 43 

11. Consecration of S. Cuthbert by archbishop Theodore. 44 

12. Death of S. Cuthbert, announced by the attendant monks to 
their brethren at Lindisfarne by lighted torches. 45 

43 ' Et quidem Lindisfarnensem ecclesiam multos habere sanctos viros, 
quorum doctrina et exemplis instrui posset, noverat, sed fama preventus Boisili 
sublimium virtutum monachi et sacordotis, Mailros petere maluit. Casuque 
contigit, ut cum illo proveniens equo desiluisset, ingressurusque ad orandum 
ecclesiam, ipsum pariter equum et hastam, quam tenuerat manu, ministro 
dedisset, nee dum enim habitum deposuerat secularem, Boisilus ipse prae 
foribus monasterii consistens, prior ilium videret. Praevidens in spiritu 
quantees conversation esset futurus, quam cernebat, hoc unum dixit astantibus, 
" Bcce servus Dei," imitatus ilium, qui venientem ad se Nathanael intuitus, 
" Ecce," inquit, "vir Israelita, in quo dolus non est." .... Nee plura loquens 
Boisilus pervenientem mox ad se Cudberctum benigne suscepit, causamque 
sui itineris exponentem, quia, videlicet, monasterum seculo praetulerit, benignus 
secum retenuit. Erat enim Praepositus ejusdem monasterii.' V. Beclae 0. H. 
M. Vita S. Cudbercti, VI. Stevenson's edition. 

44 ' Cum ergo ibidem multis annis Deo solitarius serviret .... contigit ut 
congregata synodo non parva sub praesentia regis Ecgfridi juxta tiuvium Alne, 
.... cui beatae memoriae Theodorus Archiepiscopus praesidebat, unanimo 
omnium consensu ad Episcopatum Ecclesiae Lindisfarnensis eligeretur. Qui 
cum multis legatariis ac literis ad se praemissis, nequaquam suo monasterio 
posset erui, tandem rex ipse praefatus, una cum sanctissimo antistite Trumwine 
necnon et aliis religiosis ac potentibus viris insulam navigavit. Conveniunt et 
di ipsa insula Lindisfarnensi in hoc ipsum multi de fratribus; genuflectunt; 
omnes, adjurant per Domiuum; lacrymas fundunt; obsecrant; donee ipsum 
quoque lacrymis plenum dulcibus extrahunt latebris, atque ad synodum pertra- 
hunt. Qu6 dum perveniret, quamvis multum renitens, unanimo cunctorum 
volunate superatur, atque ad suscipiendum Episcoapatus officium collum sub- 
mittere compellitur. . . . Nee tamen statim ordinatio decreta, sed peracta hyeme, 
quae imminebat, in ipsa solennitate Paschali completa est Eboraci, sub praesentia 
regis Ecgfridi; convenientibus ad consecrationem ejus septem Episcopis in quibus 
beatae memoriae Theodorus primatum tenebat.' V. Bedae H. E. IV. 28. 

45 ' Haec et his similia vir Domini per intervalla locutus, quia vis, ut diximus, 
infirinitatis possibilitatem loquendi ademerat, quietum exspectatione futurae 
beatitudinis diem duxit ad vesperam, cui etiam pervigelem quietus in precibus 
continuavit et noctem. At ubi consuetum nocturnae orationis tempus aderat, 
acceptis a me (Uualhstod) sacramentis salutaribus, exitum suum quern jam 
venisse cognovit, Dominici Corporis et Sanguinis commuione munivit; atque 
elevatis ad coelum oculis, extensisque in altum manibus, intentam supernis 
laudibus animam ad gaudia regni coelestis emisit. At ego statim egressus, 
nunciavi obitum ejus Fratribus, qui et ipsi noctem vigilando atque orando 
transegerant, et tune forte sub ordine nocturnae laudis dicebant psalmum 
quinquagesimum nonum, cujus initium est, Deus repulisti nos et destruxisti 
ros, iratus es et misertus es nobis. Nee mora, currens unus ex eis accendit duas 
candelas ; et utraque tenens manu ascendit emineutiorem locum, ad osten- 
dendum Fratribus, qui in Lindisfarnensi monastelio manebant, quia sancta 
ilia anima jam migrasset ad Dominum ; tale namque inter se signum sanctissimi 
ejus obitus condixerant. Quod cum videret, Frater, qui in specula Lindis- 



I. Angels' Scroll. The bishops of Cestria (Chester-le-Street) from 
Cutheard (A.D. 900) to Aldhun (A.D. 990). 

II. Tracery. Figure of the Venerable Bede, with the legend 


III. Historical Scenes. 13. The abbot Ceolfrid and the boy Bede 
singing the antiphons during the plague. 46 

14. The erection of Benedict Biscop's twin monasteries. Wear- 
mouth is represented as already built in the background, and the plan 
of Jarrow is in Benedict's hands. 47 

farnensis insulae longe de contra eventus ejusdem pervigil exspectaverat horam, 
cucurrit citius ad ecclesiam, ubi collectus omnis Fratrum coetus nocturnae 
psalmodiae solemnia celebrabat; contigitque ut ipsi quoque, intrante illo, 
praefatum canerent psalmum.' V. Sedae 0. H. M. Vita S. Cuthberti, XXXIX. 

46 ' Porro in monasterio, cui Ceolfridus praeerat, omnes qui legere, vel 
praedicare, vel antiphonas ac responsoria dicere possent ablati sunt, excepto 
ipso abbate et uno puerulo, qui ab ipso nutritus et eruditus, nunc usqne in 
eodem monasterio presbyterii gradum tenens, jure actus ejus laudabiles cunctis 
scire volentibus et scripto commendat et fata. Qui videlicit, abbas praefatae 
gratia plagae multum tristis, preccepit ut, intermisso ritu priori, psalmodiam 
totam, praeter Vesperem et Matutinas, sine antiphonis transigerent ; quod cum 
unius hebdomadis spatio inter multas ejus lacrimas et querimonias esset 
actitatum, diutius hoc fieri non ferens rursus statuit ut antiphonatae psalmodiae, 
juxta morem, instauraretur, cunctisque adnitentibus, per se et quern praedixi 
puerum, quae statuerat, non parvo cum labore ccmplebat, donee socios operis 
divini sufficientes vel nutriret ipse vel aliunde colligeret.' Hist. Abb. Gyrvensium, 
Auct. Anon. XIV. 

47 ' Nee plus quam unius anni spatio post f undatum monasterium interjecto, 
Benedictus, oceano transmisso (076), Gallias petens, caementarios, qui lapideam 
sibi ecclesiam juxta Komanorum, quern semper amabat, morem facerent, 
postulavit, accepit, attulit. Et tantum in operando studii prae amore beati 
Petri, in cujus honorem faciebat, exhibuit, ut intra unius anni circulum, ex quo 
fundamenta sunt jacta. culminibus superpositis, Missarum inibi sollennia 
celebrari videres. Proximante autem ad perfectum opere, misit legatarios 
Galliam, qui vitii factores (artifices videlicet), Brittaniis eatenus incognitos, ad 
cancellandas ecclesiae, poiticuumque et coenaculorum ejus. fenestras adducerent. 
Factumque est, venerunt; nee solum opus postulatum compleverunt, sed et 
Anglorum ex eo gentem hujusmodi artificium nosse ac discere fecerunt ; ' etc. 

' Igitur venerabilis Benedicti virtute, industria ac religione, rex Ecgfridus 
non minimum delectatus, terrain, quam ad construendam monasterium ei 
donaverat, quia bene se ac fructuose ordinatum esse conspexit, quadraginta 
adhuc familiarum data possessione, augmentare curavit ; ubi post annum, missis 
monachis numero ferme decem et septem, et praeposito abbate ac presbytero, 
Ceolfrido. Benedictus consultu, immo etiam jussu. praefati Ecgfridi regis, 
monasterium beati Apostoli Pauli construxit (A.D. 682) ea duntaxat ratione, ut 
una utriusque loci pax et concord ia, eadem perpetua familiaritas conservaretur 
et gratia ; ut, sicut verbi gratia, corpus a capite per quod spirat non potest 
avelli, caput corporis sine quo non vivit nequit oblivisci, ita nullus haec 
monasteria, primorum Apostolorum fraterna societate conjuncta. aliquo ab 
invicem temtaret disturbare conatu.' etc. V. Sedae 0. H. M. Vita B. Ab. 
Senedicti, Ceolfridi, Eosterwini, Sigfridi atqtie Hwaetberhti. 


15. The death of Bede on completing his translation of S. John's 

Gospel. 48 


I. Tracery. Three small lights, quatrefoils, as in opposite northern 
one, containing the figures of king Alfred, bishop Aldhun, and prior 

II. Angels' Scroll. The earliest bishops of Durham, from Aldhun 
(995) to William de S. Barbara (A.D. 1143). 

III. Historical Scenes. 16. Discovery of the lost volume of the 
Gospels during the wanderings of the body of S. Outhbert from 
Lindisfarne to Chester-le-Street. 49 

48 'Cum venisset autem tertia feria ante Ascensionem Domini, coepit 
vehementius aegrotare in anhelitu, et modious tumor in pedibus apparuit. 
Totum autem ilium diem ducebat et hilariter dictabat, et nonnunquam inter 
alia dixit. Discite cum festinatione, nescio quamdiu subsistam, et si post 
modicum tollat me factor meus. Nobis autem videbatur quod suum exitum 
bene sciret ; et sic noctem in gratiarum actione pervigil duxit. Et mane 
illucescente, id est, quarta feria praecepit diligenter scribi quae ceperamus. Et. 
hoc facto, usque ad tertiam horam, ambulavimus deinde cum reliquiis sanctorum 
ut consuetude illius diei poscebat. Unus vero erat ex nobis cum illo, qui dixit 
illi, Adhuc, magister dilectissime capitulum unum deest, videturne tibi difficile 
plus te interrogari ? At ille, facile est inquit. Accipe tuum calamum, et 
tempera, et festineter scribe. Quod ille fecit. Nona autem hora dixit mini. 
Quaedam preciosa in mea capsula habeo, id est, piperem, oraria et incensa : sed 
curre velociter, et presbiteros nostri monasterii adduc ad me, ut et ego munus- 
cula qualia Deus donavit illis distribuam. Divites autem in hoc seculo aurum, 
argentum et alia quaeque preciosa dare student, ego autem cum multa charitate 
et gauclio fratribus meis dabo quod Deus dederat. Et allocutus est unum- 
quemque monens et obsecrans pro eo missas et orationes diligenter facere. Quod 
illi libenter spoponderunt. Lugebant autem et flebant omnes, maxime quod 
dixerat, quia amplius faciem ejus, in hoc seculo non essent visuri. Gaudebant 
autem quia dixit, tempus est ut revertar ad eum qui me fecit, qui me creavit, 
qui me ex nihilo formavit. Multum tempus vixi, bene mihi pius judex vitam 
meam praevidit, tempus resolutionis meae instat, quia cupio dissolvi et esse cum 
Christo, sic et alia multa locutus, in laetitia diem usque ad vesperum duxit. Et 
praefatus puer dixit, Adhuc una sententia magister dilecte non est descripta. 
At ille, Bene, inquit, veritatem dixisti, consummatum est. Accipe meum caput 
in manus tuas, quia multum me delectat sedere ex adverse loco sancto meo in 
quo orare solebam, ut et ego sedes possim invocare patrem meum. Et sic in 
pavimento suae casulae decantans, Gloria Patri, et Filio, et Spiritui sancto ; 
cum Spiritum sanctum nominasset, spiritum e corpore exhalavit ultimum, ac 
sic regna migravit ad coelestia.' Sim. Dunelm. HM. de Dunelm. Eeclesia, 
lib. i.e. J5. 

w ' Qua tempestate dum navis verteretur in latera, cadens ex ea textus 
Evangeliorum auro gemmisque perornatus, in maris ferebatur profunda ' 

' Per id quippe temporis, in locum qui Candida casa, vulgo autem huuiterna 
vocatur, devenerant. Itaque pergentes ad mare, multo quam consueverat 
longius recessisse conspiciunt, et tribus vel eo amplius milliariis gradientes, 
ipsum sanctum Evangeliorum codicem reperiunt, qui ita forinsecus gemmis et 
auro sui decorem, ita intrinsecus literis et foliis priorem praeferebat pulchri- 
tudinem, ac si ab aqua minime tactus fuisset.' Sim. Dunelm. Hist, de Dunelm. 
Ecclesia, lib. ii. cc. 13, 14. 


17. King Athelstan presenting his offerings at the shrine of S. 
Cuthbert at Chester-le-Street. 80 

18. Building of Durham cathedral by William of Carilef. 51 


The list of the bishops of the Northumbrian see having thus been 
brought down from S. Aidan to William of S. Barbara, and the 
historical scenes from the earliest evangelization of Northumbria to 
the building of Durham cathedral, from this point forward the history 
is represented by the armorial bearings of the successive bishops of 
Durham, from Hugh Pudsey (A.D. 1153), the immediate successor of 
this William, to Charles Baring (A.D. 1861), the immediate predecessor 
of the late bishop. The series proceeds from left to right, the 
earliest (Hugh Pudsey) being immediately below the building of 
Durham cathedral. 

50 ' Eo tempore Eadwardus rex, plenus dierum et confectus bona senectute, 
filium suum Ethelstanum vocavit, eique regnum suum tradidit, et ut Sanctum 
Cuthbertum diligeret, et supra omnes Sanctos honoraret, diligenter inculcavit ; 
notificans ei qualiter patri suo regi Elfredo in paupertate et in exilio miseri- 
corditer subvenisset ; et qualiter eum contra omnes hostes viriliter juvisset,' etc. 
' Igitur Ethelstanus rex magnum exercitum de australi parte eduxit, et versus 
aquilonarem plagam in Scottiam ilium secum trahens ad oratorium Sancti 
Cuthberti divertit, eique regia munera dedit, et inde hoc subscriptum testa- 
mentum composuit, et ad caput Sancti Cuthberti posuit.' 

' In nomine Domini nostri Ihesu Christi. Ego Ethelstanus rex do Sancto 
Cuthberto hunc textuin Evangeliorum, y casulas, et j album, et j stolam cum 
manipulo, et j cingvlum, et iij altaris cooperimenta, etj calicem argenteum, et ij 
patenas.alteram auro par atam, alter am. Graeco operefabrefactam,etj turribuhim 
argenteum, et j crucem auro et ebore artificwse paratam, et j rrgium pilleinn 
auro textum, et ij tabulas auro et argentofabrefactas, et ij candelabra argentea 
auro parata, et j missale, et ij Evangeliorum textus auro et argento ornatos, etj 
Sancti Cuthberti Vitam metrice et prosaice scriptam,et vij pallm, et iij cortinas, 
et tres tapetia, et ij coppas argentea s cum coopcrculis, et iiij magnas campanas, 
et iij cornua auro et argento fabrefacta, et ij vexilla, et j lanceam, et ij armillas 
aureas. et meam villain dilectam Wiremuthe Australem cum suis appendentiis, id 
eat, Westun, Ujfertun, Sylcesmtrthe, ditas Rcofhoppas, By r dene, Seharn, Setun, 
Daltun, Daldene, Heseldene. Haec omnia do sub Dei et Sancti Cuthberti 
testimonio, ut si guts inde aliquid abstulerit, damnet-ur in die judicii cum Judo, 
traditore, et trudatur in ignem aeternvm, qui. paratus est diabolo et angelis 
ejus.' Hi#t. de S. Cvthberto, Auctore Anonymo. (51 Surt. Soc. Publ. p. 149.) 

51 ' Est autem incepta M. xciij. Dominicae incarnationis anno, pontificatus 
autem Willielmi 13, ex quo autem monachi in Dunelmum convenerant xj. tertio 
Idus Augusti, feria quinta. Eo enim die episcopus et qui post eum secundus 
erat in ecclesia Prior Turgotus cum caeteris fratribus primes in fundannento 
lapides posuerunt. Nam paulo ante, id est quarto Kal. Augusti feria sexta idem 
episcopus et prior facta cum fratribus oratione ac data benedictione, funda- 
mentum coeperant fodere.' S. Dunelm. Hist, de Dunelm. Eccles. lib. iv. c. 8. 

' Ecclesia nova Dunelmi est incepta .... episcopo Willielmo, et Malcholmo 
rege Scottorum, et Turgoto Priore ponentibus primos in fundamento lapides.' 
Sim. Dunelm. De Gestis Regum Anglor. 


Some of the earlier shields after Pudsey are blank, since no 
authentic arms have been discovered, and probably those bishops did 
not bear arms. The armorial fictions of the Tudor age are discarded, 
as having no authority. 

At the end of the aisles on the east wall are the arms (impaled with 
those of the see) of the original consecrator of the chapel (A.D. 1661) 
and of the late restorer (A.D. 1879). 


Among other works connected with the restoration may be men- 
tioned the following : 

1. The Angels above the Arcade. The ancient corbel shafts which 
had supported the ancient roof before Cosin added the clearstorey, were 
rendered purposeless by this addition. They are now made to bear 
figures of angels with expanded wings. These angels were carved by 
W. de Wispelaere. 

2. The Choir Stalls. These being necessary, were designed to be in 
general harmony with the other stall-work of the chapel. 

3. The Canopy of the Bishop's Stall. This was given (as was also 
the book-desk on the holy table) by the students of Auckland castle. 
Accordingly it bears the inscription : 


Such were the works of restoration and enrichment carried out by 
the late bishop Lightfoot, the account of which as adding greatly to 
the interest attached to them I have taken almost literally from his 
own pen. Everything, I may add, that scholarly erudition, artistic 
skill, and devoted love backed by unstinted means could do, has been 
done, and done thoroughly. Incomplete, no doubt, as compared with 
the minute comprehensiveness of Cosin's scheme, all is yet, so far as it 
has gone, the best that modern art could compass, and higher praise 
cannot therefore be given it. 

Like his famous predecessor Cosin, bishop Lightfoot lies interred 
in the midst of his work. Cosin's tomb, as that of the founder of the 
chapel, occupies, very properly, and in strict accordance with mediaeval 
precedent, the central place. Bishop Lightfoot's, which is in line with 
it, one immediately in front of the altar platform, where, surrounded 
by his special works of restoration and adornment, it enjoys a like 


distinction. It is composed of a large slab of black marble bearing an 
admirably designed and deeply incised sculptured cross of the form 
known heraldically as 'potent quadrate,' that is, whose centre and 
extremities expand into squares, and which, carried on a stepped stem, 
occupies the entire field within the border. Two lengths, or strips, 
of conventionally fruited vine branches are displayed in narrow sunken 
panels on either side of the shaft, above whose transverse limbs appear 
the sacred monogram, or rebus, A. Q., in Greek capitals, and beneath 

them the Words avdpigeade. Kptnuio^ffQe. 52 

Around the border is cut the following inscription in Lombardic 
minuscules : 


Had his life but been prolonged, his works, extensive as they are, 
would yet, doubtless, have been still further extended; and so, in a 
purer taste than that of the seventeenth century, have restored to the 
building that completeness and perfection in every part, which so 
signally distinguished those of Cosin. 

The most serious loss, and that which at present calls out most 
loudly for renewal, is the scandalously destroyed painting and gild- 
ing of the roof, more especially in its eastern compartments. And 
next to this, perhaps, the proper cleaning of the beautiful arch-moulds 
of the arcades. They have already, it is true, been subjected to a 
certain, but very objectionable, treatment one which contrives to err 
at the same time both in defect and in excess. In defect, because the 
coats of white, and dark blue or black wash with which they had been 
covered were very imperfectly removed : in excess, because the joints 

52 " I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the ending, saith the Lord, 
which is, and which was, and which is to come, the Almighty." Rev. I. 8. 

" Quit you like men, be strong." I. Cor. XVI. 13. 

" I am the true vine, and my Father is the husbandman. Every branch in 
me that beareth not fruit he taketh away : and every branch that beareth fruit, 
he purgeth it, that it may bring forth more fruit. I am the vine, ye are the 
branches : He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much 
fruit : for without me ye can do nothing." John, XV. 1, 2, 5. 



instead of being left alone, as most, if not all of them, might, and 
should have been, were plastered over in vile modern fashion with 
dark nut-brown cement for an inch or more on either side. The 
result has, of course, been to impart an equally offensive and false 
character to them throughout, by making them look not only scabby, 
but ill-worked, which they are not. 

Lastly, the surfaces of the walls need similar cleansing, by clearing 
away their several coats of many coloured wash, down to the bare 
plaster. This should, then, be either painted or distempered in perma- 
nent, but subdued, tints and patterns, thus bringing the whole interior 
into solemn and harmonious unity. That the really fine reredos would 
gain as much in impressiveness as splendour by the free use of gold 
and colour in every part goes, I may add, without saying. Precedents 
without number might be adduced for such a course. It would then, 
as it should do, and in a minor degree, indeed, does now, form a grand 
and fitting climax to the whole, which would thereby become not merely 
complete but -perfect. 

(Reduced from that in Raine's Auckland Castle.) 





This, with the Book of Common Prayer, both of which are of the same size 
and bound exactly alike, form two magnificent volumes. Save that the pile 
of the velvet of the covers has been worn away, and that it has been split at 
the joints, both volumes, inside and out, are in the most perfect and beautiful 

*See Proc. Soe. Antig., Newc., vol. v. p. 193, for another account of the plate, etc., and at p. 251 
for description of small Elizabethan communion cup, presented by bishop Lightfoot. 




condition imaginable; and even the fraying away of the velvet does little or 
nothing to detract from the splendour of the colouring, a perfect blaze of 
gold and crimson. The backs are of velvet only, without metal or lettering, 
the leaves richly gilt, and the volumes fastened with pairs of clasps. The 
decoration is thus confined to the sides, which, in each case, are both alike. 
The whole of it is admirably proportioned to the surfaces to which it is applied, 
being as full and rich as was possible without overdoing. The four corner 
plates, four inches square, are composed of winged cherubic heads in high 
relief, set in richly embossed scroll work, of which the chasing and all, even 
the minutest details, are as sharp and perfect as when first done. Four small, 
detached, winged cherubs' heads are set between these towards the edges ; two 
others with scroll work composing the fastenings of the clasps ; while the centre 
is filled with a great pierced oval panel, measuring seven and a quarter by 
six and a quarter inches, containing the arms of the see impaling Cosin, and 
surmounted by the mitre and coronet of the Prince Palatine, curiously com- 
bined. The latter is composed of strawberry leaves, and out of it issues the 
mitre which appears in high relief, the points finishing in crosses, and having 
its own proper fillet jewelled like that of the coronet. The inf ulae take the 
form of long, flowing ribbons, elaborately twisted, and filling up the space 
between the arms and the enclosing border. This last, which is highly enriched 
and about an inch and a quarter in diameter, contains in very freely and most 
beautifully drawn, raised, flowing Roman capitals, in front OCVLI DOMINI 

It is beautifully printed in black letter on fine, thick, cream tinted paper, as 
clean and crisp as when issued from the press. The height is seventeen and a 
quarter, and the breadth eleven and one-eighth inches. There are two pictorial 
title-pages, the first consisting of an architectural composition containing David 
playing on the harp between Moses and Aaron at the top, two figures under- 
neath at the sides, and below, Solomon seated on his throne supported by twelve 
lions, and with the princes of the twelve tribes on either hand. On the centre 
panel, ' The Holy j Bible | Containing the Bookes | of the Old & New | Testa- 
ment | Cambridge | Printed by John Field | Printer to the Vniverfitie. | And 
illustrated w th Chorogra= | phical Sculpts by J. Ogilby | 1660.' 

Second Title, This consists of an engraved page showing the arms and 
tribal distinctions of the twelve patriarchs to the right, in stiff scroll work, 
and three-quarter figures of the twelve apostles to the left in like setting. 
Above and below appear the four evangelists with their symbols. On the 
central panel, ' The Holy | Bible | containing | The Old | Testament | and | The 
New. | Newly Translated out of | the original Tongues. | And with the former 
Translation | diligently compared and revised, | by His Majesties fpeciail | 
commandment. | Appointed to be read in Churches. | London : | Printed by 
Robert Barker, | Printer to the Kings most Excellent | Majestic : And by the 
Affignes of | John Bill. 1640.' Title to the New Testament the same, but 
dated 1639. 



Same size as Bible/and enriched with similar decorations. On front oval 
Engraved title page composed of a circular, peristyled, domical temple. Above 
it on a scroll : ' The Book of Common Prayer.' Above the doorway : ' Domus 
Orationis.' Around the base, men, women and children entering in. To right, 
a blind beggar sitting with his dog, attached to him by a string. Beneath, on a 
scroll : ' London Printed by John Bill & Christopher Barker, Printers to the 
King's most Excell* Mat ie lanbatifta Caespers Inven. D. Loggan, Sculp.' 

This impression is a very brilliant one. Paper similar to that of Bible. 
Rubricated margins ; top, three inches ; bottom, four and a half inches ; and sides, 
four and three-quarter inches broad. Black letter ; and condition, like that of 
Bible, clean, crisp and spotless. 


Of these there are three ; two, alike, forming a pair ; the third, a single one 
of a different pattern. 

I. Plain silver gilt paten, six and a half inches diameter, slightly sunk centre. 
EST. In centre : arms of See (plain cross) impaling Cosin, with mantling, all 
simply engraved. Above arms of See, knightly helmet barred and shown 
affrontee, surmounted by an earl's coronet, out of which springs an enormously 
exaggerated balloon-like mitre, finishing with knobs. Above bishop's arms, 
similar helmet, surmounted by a crest of demi-eagle. Above, on a scroll : 

II. The other two, finer and heavier ones, which form a pair, are somewhat 
larger, being seven inches in diameter. Centres more deeply sunk than in the 
smaller one. Same inscriptions, in similar incised lettering. In centre, arms of 
France (modern), England, Ireland, and Scotland, impaling Prance modern, the 
latter in dimidiation, all surmounted by an arched crown of French, or ogee 
shape, supported by palm branches. On back, same arms as on smaller paten. 



Of these there are two, both of large size, covered, and of great height. 

I. Chalice, nine, and a half inches high with cover, thirteen inches high. 
The foot which is, as in mediaeval examples, Saltish, is moulded, and in ten 
rounded lobes, containing in the front one the arras of the See impaling Cosin 
as on patens ; to left, on a scroll, SANCTA SANCTIS ; to the right. SANCTITAS 
DOMINO ; and at back, arms of France (modern) England, Scotland, and 
Ireland, impaling France (modern) under a French shaped crown, and sur- 
rounded with palm leaves. Large, bold, central knob with beaded mouldings 


above and below between foot and bowl. Cup plain, inscribed in incised 


The cover, which is well designed, and enriched with two belts of foliated 
ornament, terminates in a pine cone. The flat rim is considerably cracked and 
bent from many falls. All the rest is in perfect condition. Diameter of foot 
six inches. 

II. Quite plain : foot circular, higher and more pyramidal than first, and 
six and one-eighth inches diameter. Forms of stem and bowl almost identical 
with those of the other chalice. On front of foot, a coat of arms of six quarters 
surmounted by a helmet closed, in profile, with crest of an eagle, in mant- 
lings. To left, so slightly punctuated as to be almost invisible, arms of Cosin, 
with crest above helmet shewn affrontee. At back, a plain cross set upright 
in the ground : and to right, punctuated, but again, so slightly as to be all 
but invisible, the arms of the See beneath helmet, shewn affrontee, and sur- 
mounted by mitre with earl's coronet in one piece. On one side of bowl, 
slightly punctuated : SANCTA SANCTIS ; on other, SANCTITAS DOMINO. 

Cover, which follows lines of first, but plain, and, like it, finishes in a pine 
cone, has round lower moulding : :. >J POCVLVM BENEDICTIONIS cvi 


The rim, though slightly bent, is otherwise perfect. 

On the cover is a small sunk panel with the initials W.H. Under the foot, 
inside, is an incised inscription which follows the outline and runs thus : 
HYDE . BEVICTVBVS . D . C . Q . A. M . D . C . L . ^TATIS . SV^E . VICESIMO . PENE . 


Of these there are two, forming a pair. They are of the same magnificent 
character and pattern as the alms-dish, thirteen and one eighth inches high, 
and six and three quarter inches in diameter. Scroll shaped, chased handles. 

I. On one side, medallion displaying the Resurrection in high relief, with 
clouds : Roman guards falling back to right and left, affrighted. On the other 
corresponding medallion is shewn the Journey to Emmaus. Upon the lid 
appears a mitre, of good late mediaeval shape, with inf ulae : below it and quite 
distinct, ducal coronet with strawberry leaves. Alongside, crest of eagle. Magnifi- 
cent foliaged scroll decoration throughout. In front, in a small medallion, arms 
of See impaling Cosin within wreaths of laurel branches. 

II. Same, generally, as before ; but on panels appear, first, the Ascension, 
the lower half of Our Lord's figure only visible at the top. On the other, what 
is perhaps intended to represent the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of 
Pentecost. There are some difficulties, however, in so regarding it. In the first 
place, there are only eleven Apostles present instead of twelve. Then the 


central figure, around which the rest are grouped, is that of the Blessed Virgin 
Mary. And thirdly, must be taken into account the absence of the ' cloven 
tongues.' It would seem more likely, or at any rate more correctly, therefore, 
to show the first assembly of the Church after the Lord's Ascension in the 
'upper room,' as recorded in Acts i. 13, 14 : ' And when they were come in, they 
went up into an upper room, where abode both Peter, and James, and John, 
and Andrew, Philip, and Thomas, Bartholomew, and Matthew, James the son 
of Alphaeus, and Simon Zelotes, and Judas the brother of James. These all 
continued with one accord in prayer and supplication, with the women, and 
Mary the mother of Jesus, and with his brethren.' With this account the scene 
would correspond exactly. 


Of these there are a pair, which, according to the bishop's injunctions, are 
fully, indeed something over, three feet high to the top of the silver -gilt spikes. 
Though equally rich, they differ somewhat in design and character from the 
flagons and salver, or alms-dish. The very massive and solid bases, which are 
eight and three-quarter inches high, and on plan, composed of hollow spherical 
triangles with the points or angles broadly and flatly cut off. are supported by 
ball and claw feet. The angles are ' shaped,' i.e., formed of compound curves, 
and in their upper parts enriched with cherubic heads and busts springing, or 
.emerging from, drapery. Their wings, which are raised aloft, are carried along 
the edges upwards to the summit. On the three intermediate panels are, (first) 
arms of the See impaling Cosin ; (second) his crest of the eagle ; (third) mitre 
with infulae above ducal coronet, all within wreaths. Winged cherubic heads 
and open scroll work occupy the central parts of the stems which expand at 
top into broad, shallow basins decorated with acanthus leaves, from which 
issue the spikes, nearly six inches long. The workmanship and preservation, 
as well as the design, are magnificently perfect, and the effect of the whole 


This magnificent piece, which is embossed throughout in high relief, measures 
no less than twenty-one and a quarter inches in diameter; the centre, which is 
sunk to the depth of one inch and a half, being thirteen and five-eighth 
inches diameter. It contains, within a bordure of scroll work and drapery, 
the subject of the Last Supper, arranged, from the necessity of the case, 
circularly. Our Lord, who sits under a canopy of state to the centre at the 
back, is in the act of giving the sop to Judas, who occupies a position in the 
right foreground. All the heads are full of diversified character and expres 
sion, that of the Saviour being especially fine, sad, and dignified. S. John 
who is apparently kneeling immediately in front of Him, looks from the fact, 
perhaps, of His figure being concealed below the elbow, no bigger than a child, 
or youth. Nothing more perfect, however, than the brilliancy, richness, and 
sharpness of all the details of this splendid composition could possibly be 


On the border, which has a breadth of three and three-quarter inches, are four 
subjects set between highly embossed, cornuated scroll-work ornaments resem- 
bling ammonites. That at the top shows the Journey to Emmaus ; that to the 
left, the Flight into Egypt ; that to the right, the Agony in the Garden ; and 
that below, the Temptation. Our Lord is there shown in a landscape, walk- 
ing, and addressing another figure who is approaching him, habited as a 
pilgrim, with staff, and bottle slung at his waist, hooded, and holding some 
small object in his hand. At first sight the scene is far from easy of inter- 
pretation. The object held in the advanced hand of the second figure is 
very small and indistinct. It is only when you come to examine the feet 
that the true nature of the scene is revealed. The right foot of the ' Pilgrim 
Father' the furthest from the spectator shows the 'cloven hoof.' The small 
object then resolves itself into this stone, as S. Luke has it ; and we see 
what otherwise we should never have been able to guess that the wooded 
landscape represents the wilderness, and the incident, the Temptation there. 

On the back, and faintly engraved, are the arms of the See impaling Cosin. 
Mitre with inf ulae, perfect and distinct ; and coronet, with strawberry leaves, 
equally distinct, immediately below. Crest, an eagle. 



The three east windows, though very good in general effect, as well as in the 
design and colouring of their details, are of ordinary fifteenth-century character, 
and call for no particular notice. The whole of the side windows are, however, 
differently treated, being at once larger in their scale of drawing ; more distinctly 
pictorial ; of higher artistic excellence ; and, as regards the chief parts of their 
composition, thoroughly Renaissance in character. Of the six three on each 
side the two westernmost are decidedly the best, whether as regards colouring, 
composition, or detail. But the tracery lights of all are of the highest excellence, 
leaving nothing to be desired. In those of the north-eastern one especially, 
the treatment is altogether admirable and of the purest and most beautiful 
fourteenth-century type. Nothing, indeed, could be more charming than the 
figures of SS. Edwin, Paulinus, and Oswald, or the groundwork in which they 
are set. Nor are the larger single figures in the roundels of the other four 
windows, though treated in a somewhat different fashion, less praiseworthy. 
Of the four, representing respectively S. Aidan, S. Hilda, Ven. Bede, and 
S. Cuthbert, it would be difficult where all are so good to say which excelled ; 
though, perhaps, the palm might be assigned to S. Aidan, and Ven. Bede who 
is shown in extreme old age, seated in a chair. Both are perfectly beautiful 


Of those in the tracery lights of the south-east window, however, represent- 
ing king Alfred, bishop Aldhune, and prior Turgot, though the drawing is 
good enough, the colour, especially that in the dress of the two ecclesiastics, is 
far too black a fault which no true mediaevalist would ever have committed. 
In Durham cathedral, where several small original figures of monks are 
preserved, the dress, so far from being represented by either dead black or any- 
thing distantly approaching it, is shown of a palish, but distinct sky-blue just 
as even nowadays the stripes and ports and tops of ships in mourning, and 
supposed to be in black, are done. 

On the whole, with regard to the main subjects occupying the field, or central 
portion of the windows, the least satisfactory is, I think, that to the north-east, 
where S. Oswald is shown erecting the cross before the battle of Heavensfield. 
Besides being somewhat too large, perhaps, like the rest, the figure of the king 
looks too theatrical (to my own mind, always suggestive of having just stepped 
out of Mrs. Jarley's, or some kindred wax-work show). It is interesting to 
know that, as in many other cases (possibly all), the face of Oswald is a 
portrait, that, viz., of Edgar Lambert, once student at Auckland castle 
under bishop Lightfoot, and now chaplain to the Seamen's Mission on the 

The next window, westwards, which illustrates the life and labours of S. 
Aidan, is much more satisfactory, and altogether a very fine work. In the lower 
right hand picture, which shows S. Finan, second bishop of Lindisfarne, baptiz- 
ing Peada, king of the Middle Anglians, the face of the saint is a portrait of 
the late bishop Selwyn of Melanesia, as Missionary Bishop. 

The following, or north-westernmost window, illustrative of the life of 
S. Hilda, has for its main subject an exceedingly fine seated figure of that 
famous abbess, surrounded by groups of kings and bishops. Behind the latter, 
and habited as a simple Benedictine monk, appears, as I think, the portrait 
effigy of bishop Lightfoot. In respect of drawing, colouring, and general effect, 
this window is one of the very best pieces of modern work in stained glass that 
I have seen. 

Beginning with the east window on the south side this, like the one oppo- 
site is, in general, much less satisfactory than the rest. The figures in the main 
subject, king Athelstan presenting his offerings at the shrine of S. Cuthbert at 
Chester-le-Street, are too large and crowded, and the effect of the whole com- 
paratively inferior and unpleasing. 

The next, or central one, illustrating the labours of Benedict Biscop and 
Ven. Bede, fine as it is in other respects, has, again, in the principal picture 
representing the building of the twin monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow, 
the figures somewhat too large, and all and there are no others to relieve them 
are distinctly too black. The colour, which is of a dark, purplish indigo tint, 
is too deep even for small subjects more especially therefore for a large one, 
and when, as here, used throughout and exclusively. It is interesting to know 
that, though shewn of taller stature, the figure of Benedict Biscop, holding the 


ground plan of Jarrow, presents a portrait of the present bishop (Dr. Westcott) 
as the chief architectural friend and adviser of his predecessor, bishop Lightf oot. 
The sixth, or south-westernmost window, exhibiting scenes from the life of 
S. Cuthbert, and displaying his effigy pontifically vested in the roundel, is, like 
its opposite and corresponding one, in all respects admirable. The large central 
picture, which exhibits his consecration, is a very impressive and beautiful com- 
position. It is all the more noteworthy, too, as presenting numerous portraits 
of bishop Lightf oot's personal friends. Of the eight figures assisting in the act 
the portraits, if such they be, of the first and eighth that is the extreme ones 
to the right and left are unknown. The second, however, to the spectator's 
left, is that of archbishop Benson ; the third, that of the late bishop Selwyn ; 
the fourth, that of the late bishop Christopher Wordsworth of Lincoln ; the 
fifth, of the late archbishop Tait, consecrating; the sixth, that of the late 
bishop Fraser of Manchester ; and the seventh, that of the late bishop Harold 
Browne of Winchester. As to the figure of S. Cuthbert himself, the back being 
necessarily towards the spectator, the face is unseen. 

NOTE. The thanks of the society are due to Mr. Knovvles for kindly inking 
in the pencilled outlines of the various mouldings given in the plates; and to 
Mr. H. Kilburn, of Bishop Auckland, for the use of the photographic negatives 
from which the two interior views of the chapel have been reproduced. I may 
add that the quotations from documents bearing directly upon the construction 
of the building, the substantial accuracy of which there is no reason to doubt, 
are taken from the late Dr. Raine's History of Auckland Castle. 

J. F. H. 

ARCH. A EL., Vol. XVIII. (to face p. 241). 

Plate XXIX. 


(The block kindly lent by the Editor of the Newcastle Weekly Chronicle.) 


THE FIRE OF 1854. 

By F. W. DENDY, a Member of the Council. 
[Read on the 29th April, 1896.] 

PRIOR to the occurrence of the great fire of 1854, twenty chares or 
lanes led up from the Quayside of Newcastle to Butcher bank, Dog 
bank, and Pandon, between the Sandhill and Sandgate. 

As Mr. Boyle has pointed out, 1 and as may be clearly seen by 
referring to any of the old maps of the town, from Speed's map of 
1610 (see reproduction of this map herewith, plate XXIX.), to that 
of Oliver in 1831 (see a portion of this reproduced on page 243), the 
westernmost chares, lying within the original boundary of the town 
of Newcastle, between the Sandhill and Broad chare, differ in 
arrangement from the easternmost chares, lying within the ancient 
hamlet of Pandon, between Broad chare and Sandgate. 

The old Newcastle chares are straight or nearly straight, parallel 
or nearly parallel with each other, and of an approximately regular 
width. They were probably built under a stronger system of local 
government than then existed in Pandon, and they appear to have 
been formed before Pandon was added to Newcastle in 1299. 

They resemble closely the rows leading to the Quay at Great 
Yarmouth, which were built at an equally early date. The Yarmouth 
rows are still more straight and regular than the Newcastle Quayside 
chares. The photographs of Yarmouth rows, which I produce, show 
the resemblance of which I speak. 

The fire of 1854 is not ancient history. Many of those who are 
now present saw its flames and heard the explosion which hurled the 
burning matter over the river from the Gateshead side, and so set on 
fire the houses standing on Newcastle quay. Full accounts of the 
occurrence have been published, and one, and perhaps the best of 
such accounts, is contained in the Newcastle Monthly Chronicle for 
December, 1888. 2 

1 Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Oateshead, p. 181. 

- Newcastle Monthly Chronicle for 1888, p. 549. See also An Account of the 
Great Fire and Explosion, etc., with a plan of that part of the town destroyed, 

VOL. xviii. 32 


Among the minor effects of the force of the explosion, was the 
bending of the bar which fastened the door at the entrance to the 
great hall of the castle. This shortened the reach of the bar so that 
it could not be fixed-into the original socket. It was found easier to 
drive in another temporary staple than to unbend the bar. That 
temporary staple and the bent bar are still in use, and bear witness 
that even the strongest building in the town felt the violence of the 

The fire made its way from the Quayside through four of the 
chares as far as the Butcher bank. A large block of closely built 
warehouses and buildings lying between Butcher bank on the north, 
the Quayside on the south, Dark chare on the west, and Plummer 
chare on the east, was burnt to the ground, and several houses on the 
Quayside to the eastward of Plummer chare were also destroyed. 

The corporation of Newcastle took advantage of the opportunity 
which was then offered for making new streets and improvements on 
that part of the area cleared by the fire, which lay between the two 
chares above-mentioned. An act authorising them to do this and to 
purchase the property required for the purpose was passed in 1855. 3 
Three new streets, now known as Lombard street, Queen street, and 
King street, were laid out by Mr. John Dobson, the architect for the 
corporation, and in June, 1856, the sites adjoining those streets were 
advertized to be offered by auction ; and handsome new stone 
buildings, principally used as offices, have since been erected on the 

The making of these new streets, effaced from the map of New- 
castle six chares, lying between Dark chare and Plummer chare, 
namely Grindon chare, Blue Anchor chare, Peppercorn chare, 
Pallister's chare, Colvin's chare, and Hornsby's chare. 

The old title deeds of the houses formerly situated in those chares 
passed from their various owners to the corporation, and from the 
corporation to Mr. Ralph Walters, The history of his purchase of 
the sites is fully narrated in the memoir of his life contained in Mr. 

published by Lambert, Newcastle, 1854 ; and A Record, of the Great Fire of 
Newcastle and Gateshead by J. R. (James Rewcastle), published by George 
Routledge & Co., 1855. 

3 The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Improvement Act, 1855, (18 & 19 Vic. cap. 



"Welford's Mm of Mark. 4 By the kindness of Mr. Thomas George 
Gibson, his successor in title, I have been permitted to inspect the 
early deeds which Mr. Walters thus acquired. 

They throw considerable light on the varying nomenclature of the 
chares, and add a little to our knowledge of the connections and 
belongings of some of the Newcastle merchants who held property 
there in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 

4 Vol. iii. p, 663. 


All the historians of Newcastle who have described its chares 
mention that their names have varied from time to time. It is 
stated that the names by which some of them were known were 
derived from the persons who lived in them, but it was more generally 
some person who lived or had lived at the Quayside entrance to the 
chare whose name was bestowed upon it. 

Bourne 5 and Brand 6 mention the names of several chares which 
they have been unable to identify on account of this varying 
nomenclature. Two or three of these are now identified by the 
names given to them in the title deeds of properties abutting on 
them. The lists of names given to the chares in Bourne's map 7 and 
Brand's history served to fix the nomenclature which then existed, 
and it did not vary after their time. 

Of late years a list of more ancient names of some of the chares 
has been discovered in Gray's manuscript additions to the copy of his 
Ghorographia belonging to Lord Northbourne, and these more 
ancient names also correspond with names given in the deeds. 

I have therefore thought it worth while to make a comparative 
list of the names in Brand's history, Bourne's map, Gray's manuscript, 
and the deeds I have inspected, and I have comprised in that 
list the westernmost chare, called Dark chare, which was not obliterated 
after the fire, but still exists in its original position. The list is 
given on the opposite page. 

KusselPs chare and Roskel chare are mentioned in a record of 
20th January, 1336, set out in Mr. Welford's Newcastle and Gates- 
head* Grindon chare may have been so named after Thomas 
Grindon, who was bailiff of Newcastle from 1388 to 1396. It is 
mentioned by that name in 1394. 9 Walter Grendon was prior of 
the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in 1404. 10 There is a tradition 
that the knights of that order had a chapel in Grindon chare, 11 and 
an illustration of the building which is supposed to have been the 

5 Bourne's History of Newcastle, p. 133. 

6 Brand's History of Newcastle, i. p. 22. 

7 Bourne's map dated 1736 was simply copied from Corbridge's map dated 

8 Vol. i. pp. 95 and 96. 

9 Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, i. 217. 10 Ibid. 238. 

II Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, ii. 198. 



Brand's History, 1789. 

Bourne's Map, 1736. 

Gray's Manuscript, 
circa 1649. 

Mr. Gibson's Title 

1. The Dark chare ... 

The Dark chare 

Not mentioned ... 

Bottle chare. 

Dark chare. 

2. Grinding chare ... 

Granden chare ... 

Grunden chaire... 

Russell's chare. 12 

Grinden chare. 

Grunden chare. 

3. Blew Anchor chare 

Blew An ker chare 13 

Not mentioned... 

Rode's chare. 14 

Robinson's chare. 

Harrison's chare. 

Blue Anchor chare. 

4. Peppercorn chare 

Peppercorn chare 

Collman chaire... 

Norham chare. 14 

Norran's lane. 

Coalman's chare. 

Coalman chare. 

Coleman Pepper 


Pepper lane. 

Pepper Colman 


Peppercorn chare. 

5. Palester's chare ... 

Palester chare ... 

Hayward's chaire 

Howarth's chare. 

Hawarth's chare. 

Hay worth's chare. 18 

Black Boy chare. 

Errington chare. 

Pallister's chare. 17 

6. Colwin's chare ... 

Colvin's chare . . . 

Shipman chaire 

Shipman's chare. 

Elmer's chare, 

with many slight 

variations. 18 

Crome's chare. 

Armorer's chare. 19 

Colvin's chare. 

7. Hornsby's chare 

Hornby chare .. 

Hornby, chaire .. 

Hornsby's chare. 

alias Maryon 

House lane. 

12 Cf. Brand's unidentified Roskel's chare, temp. Edward III. 

ls The ' anker ' was a measure for liquids. ' Monday, arrived at Leith the 
' True Briton ' of Folkstone, from Ostend. with about 200 ankers of brandy and 
gin.' The Newcastle Chronicle for 20th December, 1783. There is a Blue 
Anchor Inn on the south bank of the Thames below Gravesend. 

14 Cf. Brand's unidentified Gor chayr, alias Rod's chayr, A.D. 1432. 

15 Cf. Bourne's unidentified Norham chare. 

14 Cf. Brand's unidentified Heworth's chare, temp. Richard III. 

17 Michael Pallister lived in this chare in 1694. 

18 Christopher Elmer, merchant adventurer, died in 1605. 

19 This name is" not derived (as suggested by Mr. Boyle, Vestiges, 174) from 
the Company of Armorers, but from Francis Armorer, who lived and owned 
property at the quay end of the chare at the beginning of the eighteenth 


chapel is given by Mr. Welford at page 362 of the first volume of his 
history. It was built of stone, with buttresses on the outside, and 
had a crypt, which was afterwards used as a cellar. 20 The records 
collected by Mr. Welford also mention Heworth chare in 148 4, 21 
Hornsby's chare in 1622, 22 and Shipman's chare in 1590. 23 

The chares contained well-built houses, which had been originally 
occupied by merchants and tradesmen, but most of the houses not 
actually fronting the Quayside or the Butcher bank had, towards the 
close of the last century, been abandoned to less reputable occupiers, 
who loved darkness rather than light. 

Brand, in a letter to Beilby, dated 8th August, 1788, humorously 
commiserates him for having had to visit ' those dark and suspicious 
lanes' to verify the names which Brand had given to them in his 
history. Brand mentions that he had intended to visit them himself 
very early in the morning that he was in Newcastle, and adds, ' when, 
if I had been seen either going in or coming out of one of them my 
character would have been irretrievably gone.' 24 

Mackenzie, in the inflated diction of the time, writes in 1827 that 
' Plumber Chare was noted a few years ago as the receptacle of 
Cyprian nymphs,' but adds, that the character of the chares had been 
much altered for the better at the time he wrote, most of the 
dwelling houses having been converted into granaries, warehouses, 
makings, breweries, etc. 25 

These alterations increased in the same direction, and at the time 
of the destruction of the chares the buildings in all of them, except 
Grindon chare, were used for the most part as warehouses. 

Grindon chare was somewhat wider than the others. It still 
contained, in 1854, besides shops and dwelling houses, three inns, the 
Dun Cow, occupied by Mr. William Teasdale, which had formerly 
been known as the King's Head tavern, the Golden Anchor, occupied 
by Mr. William Batey, and the Blue Bell, which was burnt down in 
the month previous to the great fire. 

20 Mackenzie, i. 152. 

21 Welford's Newcastle and Gateskead, i. 386. 

22 Ibid. iii. 247. 2S Ibid. iii. 60. 

24 Newcastle Typographical Tract, Letters of the Rev. John Brand, A.M.. to 
Mr. Ralph Beilby, vol. v. pp. 25-27. 
2i Mackenzie, i. 164. 


In Pallister's chare there was an inn called the Prussian arms, and 
another inn known as the Earl Grey (if the two were not different 
names for the same house). On the Quayside, between Peppercorn 
chare and Blue Anchor chare, was a celebrated inn called the Grey 
Horse, occupied at the time of the fire by Mrs. Pearson. There is a 
beautiful sketch of this inn in Dibdin's Northern Tour. 26 It was 
owned successively by Charles Atkinson, 27 George Adams, and James 
Harding, by whose representatives it was sold to Mr. Ralph "Walters. 
On the Quayside also, between Hornsby's chare and Plummer chare, 
was another inn which had formerly been known as the Black Bull, 
and was then known as The Rising Sun. It was occupied at the time 
of the fire by Mrs. Swallow, and then belonged to the representatives 
of Addison Langhorne Potter, deceased. Two inns in Butcher bank, 
namely, the Angel and the Meter's Arms, were also pulled down. 
The Quay front, from the Sandhill eastwards, as it was before the fire, 
is very well shown in Richardson's views of old Newcastle (Garland's 

The easternmost buildings on the Quayside which the fire destroyed 
were three low gable-fronted houses, the easternmost of which was the 
Low Crane inn, occupied by Mr. R. T. Allan, the next was a butcher's 
shop, occupied by Mr. P. Wheatley, and the next was the shop of Mr. 
John S. Gail, instrument maker. These three houses, and the rest of 
the destroyed Quay front as far westward as the Grey Horse inn, are 
well shown in an interesting early photograph which has been lent to 
me by Mr. C. J. Spence. The photograph must have been taken 
almost immediately before the occurrence of the fire, for the names of 
the then occupiers may be seen over their shop fronts. Of this 
photograph the annexed collotype (plate XXX.) is a reproduction. 

Three of the sketches of Newcastle by G. B. Richardson, in the 
possession of this society, illustrate the subject of my paper. One of 
them shows Grindon chare as it was in 1848, and the two others are 
sketches of the head of Plummer chare and of the head of Dark chare 
respectively. They are both taken from Butcher bank, and are dated 
in 1843. 

28 Vol. i. p. 354. 

27 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 131. Charles Atkinson was sheriff of Newcastle 
in 1765-6. Mayor in 1775-6, and 1783-4, 



Amongst those who held property in Peppercorn chare in the last 
century was Sir Benjamin Rawling, a grandson of Henry Bawling, 
merchant adventurer, alderman, and (in 1646-7) mayor of Newcastle. 

There is a note in Brand, i. 309 n. as follows : 

Sir Benjamin Rawling, Knt. (who had been knighted when he served the 
office of Sheriff of the City of London) dying intestate, at Putteridge in Hert- 
fordshire, in December, 1775, aged 97, his considerable real estate devolved to 
Mr. Miles Corney, bookseller, at Penrith in Cumberland : and his personal 
effects, amounting it is said, to upwards of li'0,000, to Mrs. Elizabeth Ellison 
of West Gate, in Newcastle, the only surviving sister of Dr. Ellison. Mrs. 
Ellison died unmarried. February 12th, 1776, having, with great propriety, left 
equally among her nephews and nieces the great fortune which had devolved to 
her as related above. 

The following pedigree from the abstract of title of Sir Benjamin 
Rawling's Peppercorn chare property shows his connection with the 
Ellisons and the persons who became the heirs to his real estate : 

Henry Rawling, died 8th May, = Rebecca Chapman, daughter and 

1666 ; buned at All Saints. 28 

co-heiress of Henry Chapman; 
died 23rd August, 1682 ; buried 
at All Saints. 

Rebecca, burn 15th 
May, 1639 ; married 
George Nicholson. 

Henry, born 4th Nov., 
1641, married Alice 
Ellison; died 8th 
Nov., 1680. 

Sarah, born 3rd July, 
1653, married Miles 
Corney, the grand- 

George Xicl 

>olson = Elizabeth Bell. 



Sir Benjamin Rawling, baptised 7th 
Jan., 1678, died Dec., 1775, intestate, 
unmarried, aged 97, having sur- 
vived his brothers and sister, whose 
issue had failed. 

Miles Co 

rney, the 


>n, born 
ov., 1714, 

1 1 
Elizabeth, Ann, 
married married 
John Robert 
Smith. Wainwright. 

1 1 1 
Sarah Mary, Susannah, 
Brockhurst, married married 
widow. the Rev. Newton 
John Pearkes. 

Rebecca. Miles C 
the s 
Hth N 
died 1 

Catherine Corney. Sarah Corney. 

The co-heirs were therefore Sir Benjamin Rawling's first cousins 
twice removed, namely, (1) Elizabeth Smith, (2) Ann Wainwright, 
(3) Sarah Brockhurst, (4) Mary Pearkes, (5) Susannah Pearkes, (6) 

28 Henry Rawling had thirteen children by his wife, Rebecca Chapman. His 
monument in All Saints' church (badly copied in Sopwith's All Saints' 1 Church') 
reads : ' Henry Rawlin, merchant-adventurer, alderman, and sometime maior of 
this town, who married Rebecka, one of the daughters and co-heirss, of Henry 
Chapman, alderman, by whom he had issue thirteen children. He departed this 
life the 8th of May, 1666. Henry, his eldest son, who left issue by Alice, daughter 
of Robert Ellison, six sons ancj one daughter. He departed the 8th of Novem- 
ber, 1680. She departed this life ye 23rd of August, 1682.' 



Eebecca Arnold, and his first cousin once removed, namely, (7) Miles 
Corney, the son. The six first-named persons and the daughters of 
Miles Corney (the son) joined in the conveyance of the late knight's 
real estates as his co-heirs at law and received the purchase money. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Ellison, 29 who took the personalty as Sir Benjamin 
Rawling's next of kin, was his first cousin, and therefore was of nearer 
relationship than the above-mentioned beneficiaries, but this relation- 
ship being on the mother's side did not avail for the realty, which 
passed preferably to his heirs on the father's side, although they were 
more remote relations. The real estate was offered by auction on the 
24th January, 1777, and according to the particulars of sale it consisted 
of : (1) 548 acres of land in the parish of Mitford, offered at the 
upset price of 12,000 ; (2) glebe lands and tithes at Mitford, up- 
set price, 8,000; (3) a farm consisting of 46 acres of land at 
Jarrow called Jarrow wood (probably purchased by the Ellisons), 
upset price, 1,800; (4) houses on the Quayside between Pepper- 
corn chare on the west and Pallister's chare on the east, upset price, 
800, realised price, 830. 

The following extracts show a connection between the Oromes of 
Newcastle (who gave their name for a time to what was finally known 
as Colvin's chare) with the Herons of Chipchase. These, as well as 
subsequent extracts, I have simply given seriatim, with footnotes 
containing a few references to other books in which particulars may be 
found about the persons named in the extracts : 

Itth August, 1668. Thomas Crome 30 of Newcastle, merchant, by 
his will gave unto his wife, Elizabeth Crome, his messuage on the 
Quayside, Newcastle, between Shipman's chare on the west and 
Hornsby's chare on the east, and gave to his son, Eichard Crome, hi& 
messuage on the east side of Haworth alias Errington's chare. 

3rd January, 1671. Richard Crome son and heir of Thomas 
Crome by his will gave the said messuage to his mother Elizabeth Crome. 

29 Mrs. Elizabeth Ellison was not the sister of Dr. Ellison, vicar of New- 
I castle, as stated by Brand, but his daughter and a sister of Nathaniel Ellison 

M.A., who died 27th February, 1775. She was baptised 25th July, 1693, and died 
unmarried 12th February, 1776. See the Ellison pedigree in Hodgson, pt. 2. vol. 
iii. p. 347, and Surtees Durham, ii. p. 79. 

30 Newcastle Merchant Adventurers, vol. i. 135 (Surt. Soc. publications). 
For the position which the Cromes occupied in the coal trade see Welford's 
Newcastle and Cfateshead, vol. iii. p. 212, etc. 

*-rtT -VtrfTT ***J 


f>th March, 1687. Elizabeth Crorae by her will gave her messuages 
on the Quayside to Timothy Robson, esq., merchant and alderman, 31 
Humphrey Pybus, merchant, 32 and Matthew White, merchant, 33 all 
of Newcastle in trust for dame Elizabeth Heron, the wife of sir 
Cuthbert Heron, bart., 34 reserving a life interest in one messuage to 
testatrix's sister, Faith Frotheringham. 

18th October, 1694. Dame Elizabeth Heron of Newcastle, widow 
of Sir Cuthbert Heron, late of Chipchase, bart., deceased conveyed her 
messuages to Matthew White, George Errington, 35 of Newcastle, esq., 
and Reynold Hall, baker and brewer, to the uses of a fine. In this 
deed a house in Errington chare is mentioned as being in the posses- 
sion of Michael Pallister. 

<oth August, 1695. Dame Elizabeth Heron by will proved at 
Durham, 27th November, 1697, gave her messuage on the key, 
Newcastle, to her mother, Faith Frotheringham, and all her other 
messuages to her son Cuthbert Heron and his heirs, and in default of 
heirs to the right heirs of her deceased aunt, Elizabeth Crome, and 
appointed her mother, Faith Frotheringham, and her said son 

lUh April, 1699. Faith Frotheringham by her will gave unto 
her grandchild, Cuthbert Heron, all her estate, and appointed her 
friends Matthew White and Mark Browell 36 executors. Proved at 
Durham, 8th July, 1703. 

2nd and 3rd August, 1703. Cuthbert Heron, late of Newcastle, 
but then of the parish of Chester in the county of Durham, gentleman, 
conveyed the property to Ralph Sanderson of the Middle Temple and 
Thomas Hindmarsh of Newcastle, gentleman, to the uses of a fine. 

20th and 21st October, 1715. By marriage settlement between 
Cuthbert Heron, then of Offerton in the county of Durham, son of 

S1 Brand, i. 299, ii. 495, 497-501. Merchant Adventurers, i. 188, 288, 240. 

32 Merchant Adventurers, i. 153, etc. For a copy of the inscription on the 
tombstone of Humphrey Pybus, discovered in St. Nicholas' church in 1876, see 
Welford's Men of Mark, iii. 148. 

93 Welford's Men of Mark, iii. 317. Brand, i. 112, etc. 

M See the authorities treating of the Heron Pedigree collected in Marshall's 
Genealogists' Cfuide, 1893 ed., p. 315. 

** This George Errington is of later date than the last George Errington 
mentioned in Tomlinson's Dent on Hall, app. vi. 

84 Brand, i. 368 n., 378. Mark BrowelFs pedigree and diary are in Eichard 
sou's Keprints, ' Diary of Mark Browell, gent., for Anno Domini 1688.' 


Sir Cuthbert Heron late of Chipchase in the county of Northumber- 
land, bart., deceased, and of dame Elizabeth Heron deceased, widow 
of the said Sir Cuthbert Heron, which said Elizabeth was daughter of 
Faith Frotheringham, widow, deceased, who was the sister of Elizabeth 
Crome, widow, deceased, of the first part; Katherine Myddleton of 
Offerton aforesaid, spinster, one of the daughters of Richard Myddle- 
ton, late of Offerton aforesaid, esq., deceased, and of Katherine 
Myddleton of Offerton aforesaid, widow and relict of the said Richard 
Myddleton of the second part, and the said Katherine Myddleton, 
widow, and Francis Myddleton of Offerton, aforesaid, esq., of the third 
part, the said messuages were settled in special tail on the issue of 
Cuthbert Heron and Katherine Myddleton. 

3Qth April and 1st Hay, 1745. Conveyance from Thomas Heron, 
late of the city of Durham, esq., and then an ensign in General 
Handyside's Regiment of Foot, and Elizabeth Heron, then of Offerton, 
aforesaid, his sister, to Anthony Shepherd, subject to a term of 1,000 
years for securing 350 and interest to Thomas Heron. 

9th April, 1780. Assignment of term of 1,000 years from Sir 
Thomas Heron Myddleton of Bowlby, in the county of York, bart., 
formerly Sir Thomas Heron to Thomas Allen. 

The following extracts refer to Abraham Akenside and Aaron 
Akenside, the poet's uncles, Mark Akenside, the poet's father, and 
Dorothy, his sister, all Christian names which emphasize the influence 
of the remote past. The extracts also identify five generations of 
Dobsons to whom the Akenside's property in Butcher Bank, now 
known as Akenside hill, had formerly belonged. 

9th December, 1749. Abraham Akenside of Newcastle, butcher, 
by his will so dated, bequeathed to his nephew, William Akenside, all 
his wearing apparel as well linen as woollen, ' except my nightgown.' 
To his niece, Dorothy Akenside, daughter of his late brother, Mark 
Akenside 37 20. To his brother, Aaron Akenside, 38 20. He 
appointed Aaron Akenside his executor. The device on the seal 
attached to the original will is an eagle displayed. 

The said Abraham Akenside by the same will devised to Abraham 
Wilkinson a messuage and shop in the Butcher bank. According to 

37 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 27. w Archaeologia Aeliana, xii. 269. 


the title deeds, this messuage, which was bounded by Grindon chare 
on the west, was purchased by Abraham Akenside from John Dobson 
of Newcastle, merchant, eldest son of Thomas Dobson of Newcastle, 
feltmaker, and grandson of John Dobson, feltmaker, who was the 
grandson of George Dobsou 39 of Newcastle, merchant, who made his 
will in 1668. Wilkinson sold it to "William Burnup. 

In 1804 it was owned by John Dunn, butcher. In 1831 it had 
passed to his sons, William Alder Dunn, the founder of the drapery 
firm in Market Street, and Nathaniel Dunn. It ^as sold to the 
corporation in 1855 by Lawson Dunn, roper. The woodcut of 
Akenside's house in Mr. Welford's Men of Mark does not represent 
the house mentioned in these deeds, but another house on the 
opposite side of the Butcher bank. There may well have been two 
shops occupied by the Akensides in the Butcher bank. That street 
was the headquarters of the trade from which it took its name. 
Whitehead's Directory for Newcastle, published in 1788, mentions no 
fewer than 29 butchers who then had shops there. 

The following extracts relate to the Erringtons of West Denton, 
and carry their descent a little farther down than does the pedigree 
contained in Mr. Tomlinson's book on Denton hall: 

Blst August, 1663. Deed, whereby Ann Babington of Newcastle, 
widow, in consideration of affection for her daughter, Margaret 
Errington, wife of Gilbert Errington 40 of West Denton, gentleman, 
granted her messuage in Hornsby's chare to Gilbert Errington and 
Edward Crow in fee, to the use of the said Ann Babington for life, 
with remainder to the use of Margaret Errington in tail. 

22nd September, 1663. The said Ann Babington by her will 
proved at Durham on the 5th February, 1664, devised the same 
property to her said daughter, Margaret Errington in fee, and 
bequeathed her household goods to her daughter, Jane Babington, 
and to her son, Edward Bulmer, 20s., and appointed Gilbert 
Errington sole executor. One of the witnesses was George Dobson. 

20/^ March, 1664. By deed witnessed by George Errington and 
Charles Errington, Edward Bulmer released his claim on the premises 
in favour of Gilbert Errington and Margaret his wife. 

39 Merchant Adventurers, i. 123, etc. 
w Tomlinson's Denton Hall, appendix vi. 


2nd May, 1G86. Francis Errington of Chancery lane in 
Middlesex, son and heir of Gilbert Errington and Margaret his wife, 
granted the said messuage to William Pritchard and Thomas Stringer 
to the use of Francis Errington and Elizabeth his wife, formerly 
Elizabeth Blackman of London, and their heirs in tail with 
remainder to Francis Errington in fee. 

21st April, 1720. Francis Errington, the elder, of Monkhouse in 
the parish of Balmbrough in the county of Durham [Northumber- 
land], and Elizabeth, his wife, and Francis Errington, their eldest 
son, granted the said messuage to Thomas Ilderton. 

4th August, 1720. Thomas Ilderton conveyed property in 
Hornsby's chare and Crome's chare to Francis Armorer (hoastman). 

Wth September, 1759. Francis Armorer by his will proved at 
Durham, 15th October, 1759, devised to his daughter, Jane Selby, 
widow, his messuage in Crome's chare, otherwise Armorer's chare, and 
his messuage in Hornsby's chare. 

The following extracts refer to the Bewickes of Close house, and 
are interesting as containing a reference to William Gray, the 

1st September, 5 Charles I., 1G29. Indenture between Robert 
Bewick, esquire, 41 then mayor of Newcastle, of the one part, and 
William Gray 42 of Newcastle, merchant, and Thomas Bewick, 43 son 
of the said Robert Bewick, of the other part, witnesses that in 
pursuance of an award by arbitrators between the said Robert Bewick 
and John Mitford late of Newcastle, then deceased, touching the 
agreement made by the said Robert Bewick on a marriage between 
the said John Mitford and Jane, daughter of the said Robert Bewick, 
and for the advancement of Robert Mitford, son of the said John 
Mitford, and grandchild of the said Robert Bewick, the latter con- 
veyed to William Gray and Thomas Bewick a tenement late in the 
occupation of the said John Mitford, and formerly of Cuthbert 
Bewick, merchant, deceased, 44 in the Sandhill, bounded by premises 
occupied by Alexander Davison, merchant, 45 westward, by premises of 

41 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 279. 

42 William Gray, the historian, was a nephew by marriage of Robert Bewick. 

43 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 279. 44 Merchant Adventurers, i. 112. 
45 Welford's Men of Mark, ii. 21. Merchant Adventurers, i. 128, etc. 


John Milbank, 46 merchant, eastward, the Sandhill southward, and pre- 
mises of Robert Ledger, 47 draper, deceased, northward, and he also con- 
veyed to them lofts and waste ground formerly in the possession of 
Cuthbert Bewick, and sometime belonging to John Barker, 48 merchant, 
in Ellinor chare, bounded by premises of Ann Nicholson, widow, on 
the north, premises of Eobert Stott, merchant, on the south, premises 
of John Marshall, tailor, Thomas Rowell, mariner, and Robert Law- 
son, 49 boother, on the west, and the said chare *on the east ; to the 
use of the said Robert Mitford, in tail, with a proviso that if Robert 
Mitford died without issue, Robert Bewick should pay 300, as 
follows : To Bartram Mitford of the said town, three score and 
fifteen pounds, to Jane Carnabie, wife of Raiph Carnabie of Halton, 
in Northumberland, esquiro, sister of the said Bartram the like sum, 
and to the children of Cuthbert Bewick, one hundred and fifty pounds. 
1674. Release, by Thomas Bewick of Close house, to the said 
Robert Mitford. 

The following extracts refer to the Coulsons of Jesmond : 
12 th March, 1610. Indenture between John Coolson of New- 
castle, barber chimrgion, and Francis Burrell 50 and Thomas Hum- 
frey, whereby in consideration of the affection which John Coolson 
bore for his wife and fower sons, namely, Samuell, Francys, William, 81 
and Oswold, he granted to Burrell and Humfrey a messuage in the 
Keyside bounded by Rode's chare on the west and Coleman Pepper 
chare on the east (except a shop to the fore street, then used by the 
said John Coolson), a messuage in Coleman Pepper chare, alias Norham 
chare, a messuage in Rode's chare, and a messuage in Middle street, to 
the use of John Coolson and Margaret, his wife, for life, with re- 

48 Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, iii. 237, etc. 

" Ibid. Robert Ledger was sheriff of Newcastle in 1622. 

48 Welford's Newcastle and Gateshead, iii. 60, etc. John Barker was a son of 
alderman Robert Barker, who, dying in 1588, left property in Grindon chare 
and Shipman chare. 

49 Merchant Adventurers, i. 108 or 162. 

40 Brand, ii. 450, 451. Merchant Adventurers, i. 112, etc. Francis Burrell 
was sheriff of Newcastle, 1602-3 ; mayor, 1615-16. Welford's Newcastle and 
Gateshead, iii. 191, etc. 

41 Hodgson's Northumberland, vol. iii. part 2, p. 131. 


inainder to his sons for life, each son taking the first life interest in 
one of the said messuages, with remainder to him in tail, with 
remainder to his brothers successively in tail, 

23rd September, 1661. Indenture, whereby William Coulson and 
Jane, his wife, granted to Ralph Carr for a nominal consideration 
hereditaments on the Key side bounded by Rhode's chare on the west, 
and a chare called Pepper Corn, alias Pepper Coleman chare, on the 

24^ September, 1661. Indenture, whereby Francis Hall granted 
to William Coulson of Newcastle, grocer, and Jane, his wife, a mes- 
suage on the Quayside, bounded by Colman Pepper chare, alias Nor- 
ram chare, on the east. 

Memorandum of Livery of Seisin, endorsed on the above deed, and 
witnessed amongst others by Ellinor Coulson. 

llth July, 1678. Indenture, whereby John Coulson of Jesmond, 
gentleman, and Elizabeth, his wife, Jane Coulson of Jesmond, widow, 
and John Watson 52 of Newcastle, merchant, granted to John Bee, 53 of 
Newcastle, master and mariner, two messuages on the Quayside, 
bounded by Pepper Corn chare on the east and Robinson's chare on 
the west. 

The following extracts refer to the Shaftos of Benwell, and are 
interesting as mentioning their ownership of 6 acres or 14 rigs of land 
on the Castle Leazes : 

2th November, 1669. Indenture, whereby Robert Shafto 54 of 
Newcastle, merchant and alderman, conveyed to James Shafto of 
Newcastle, merchant, one of his sons, a messuage in the Quayside and 
a messuage in a certain street called the Upper Fryer's chare, in the 
parish of St. Andrew's, and another messuage without the walls and 
within the liberties near a certain gate called the Close gate, and all 
those lands and grounds without the walls and within the liberties in 
a certain place there called the Castle Leazes, containing, by estima- 
tion, six acres, and formerly the lands of Andrew Gofton. 

25^ May, 1672. The said James Shafto therein described as a 
merchant adventurer, by his will, proved at Durham, the 31st May, 

52 John Watson was sheriff of Newcastle, 1658-9. ss Brand, i. 372, etc. 
54 Surtees Durham, vol. iii. p. 296 ; pedigree of Sbafto of Benwell. Brand, 
ii. 663, etc. Merchant Adventurers, i. 135, etc. 


1672, gave to his brother, Bartram Shafto, his coffee house for life, 
and then to his brother, Mark, 55 in fee. He gave Sir John Swinburn's 
lease of the manor cole to his Antt (sic) Booth for life, and he charged 
his brother to get it renewed when Mr. Jennison and Mr. Dawson renewed 
their part and gave it in remainder to his brother, Mark. He gave 
his brother, Mark, the close at the Forth, called the Hospital close, 
and the glass houses without the Close gate and the house in High 
Fryer chare and fourteen rigs in the Castle Ifeazes, and other his 
rights therein to him and his heirs for ever. He gave his brother, 
Bartram, one-sixteenth part of Leven's colyery. He gave to Jane 
Mattfin, daughter of his sister, Ann Mattfin, 100, to Jane Rutter, 
50, and to his sister, Mattfin, and his sister, Rutter, 50 apiece and 
other legacies. He appointed his brother, Mark, executor. 

l$th October, 1700. Mark Shafto, late of Newcastle, esq., and 
then of the city of Durham, by his will gave to his niece, Jane San- 
derson, wife of James Sanderson, clerk, all his right in his house in 
the Quayside and all arrears due to him out of the colyery at Benwell, 
being the annuity left him by his late father, Robert Shafto of Ben- 
well, aforesaid, esq., deceased, to his niece, Jane Mattfin, 50, and 
to the poor of Benwell, forty shillings, and to the minister of the said 
place, ten shillings, to preach a funeral sermon the Sunday after his 
decease. He appointed Jane Sanderson executrix who proved the will 
at Durham, the 12th November, 1700. 

The following short extracts are, perhaps, also worth noting : 
5th June, 1668. John Lambton of Houghton-le-Spring, gentle- 
man, and Phillis, his wife, late wife of George Gran, late of New- 
castle, master mariner, conveyed to Christopher Bowman of Newcastle, 
shipwright, a messuage in Hornsby chare. 

23rd July, 1762. William Rutter 56 of Newcastle, gentleman, by 
his will gave his messuage in Pudding chare to trustees for his 
daughter, Jane Ogle, wife of Henry Ogle, for life, with remainder to 
her son, William Ogle. He gave to William Ogle of Cawsey park, 
esq., 100, to put him and his wife (my dear daughter) into mourning, 
and he desired to be buried in his own burial ground in St. Nicholas' 
church. Proved at Durham in April, 1764. 

53 Brand, ii. 210. M Brand i. 298. 


4th October, 1815. Thomas James of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 
merchant, by his will so dated and proved at Durham bequeathed the 
residue of his estate, including a messuage in Blue Anchor chare, to 
his brother, William James, late of Deckham hah 1 , in the county of 
Durham, merchant. 

Qth February, 1821. The said William James died, leaving 
Thomas James, afterwards of Otterburn tower, esq., his eldest son 
and heir at law. 

The William Gray mentioned in the following extracts, though 
living at the same time, was not the historian, as the father of the 
latter was Outhbert Gray. 

1st February, 1660. George Gray, by will of this date, devised 
his messuage between Hornsby's chare and Elmer's chare to his son, 
William Gray, 57 in tail, with remainder to testator's son, George Gray, 
in tail. 

13th March, 1667. William Gray and his brother George Gray 
conveyed the messuage to Christopher Bowman. 

Amongst other Novocastrians mentioned in the deeds are Joshua 
Douglass, town clerk of Newcastle, 1709-1742, Robert Sorsbie, mayor 
in 1731-2, son of Malin Sorsbie, D.D., rector of Ryton, 1679-1706, 
William Mather, builder, the famous millionaire, 58 Nathaniel Bayles, 
surgeon and sword-bearer, 59 William Scott, fitter, the father of Lord 
Eldon and Lord Stowell, Sir Thomas Burdon and John White the 
founder of the Oourant. 

57 William Gray, the historian (whose father was Cuthbert Gray), lived until 
1674, but, as mentioned by Mr. Welford, there were other William Grays in New- 
castle at that time. 

88 Richardson's Table Book, iv. 319. 

59 Welford's Men of Mark, i. 210. 





By D. EMBLETON, M.D., a Vice-President of the Society. 
[Read on the 29th April, 189$.] 

1st. An undescribed arched wall supposed to have belonged to 
some church or chapel. 

2nd. A priory of the order of the knights of St. John of Jerusalem. 

3rd. A great stone house of the prior and convent of Tynemouth. 

On looking into Welford's valuable History of Newcastle and 
Gateshead in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, my attention 
was arrested by the following short passage at page 215 : " ' The great 
stone house of the prior of Tynemouth on the Quayside ' is mentioned 
in a deed of this year's date, 1392," [15th and 16th Richard II.] This 
recalled an almost forgotten impression which, many years ago, I had 
received at the old Three Indian Kings' inu, on the Quayside, to the 
effect that in the west wall of the cellarage of that ancient hostelry, 
there was a series of three or four quite plain, pointed arches of stone 
of the same style of architecture as those prevalent in our churches of 
St. Nicholas and St. John, but of smaller dimensions, and without 
capitals to the pillars, a peculiarity, according to Mr. Longstaffe, 
of Newcastle church architecture. The arches were filled in with 
stone walling, and were supposed to have appertained to some ecclesi- 
astical edifice of the fourteenth century, were perhaps coeval with the 
churches named, and possibly may have had some connection with the 
Trinity house, the almshouses of which were only a very few yards 
distant, or either with the chapel of St. John of Jerusalem, or even 
with the great stone house of the prior of Tynemouth on the Quayside. 

These arches, when new, and with the exception of their having no 
capitals to their pillars, must have resembled the three plain arches 
forming the nave arcade of the church of Witton-le-Wear, as 
described and figured by the Rev. J. F. Hodgson, vicar of Witton-le- 
Wear, in his paper on that church in vol. xvi. part 45, page 63, of 
Archaeologia Aeliana. 


It was about the year 1840, when the old Three Indian Kings, by 
the arrangements of its parts and their age, having become unsuited to 
the changed customs and requirements of the increasing commerce of 
the Quayside, was obliged to be pulled down in order to make room 
for erections better adapted to the altered circumstances, and so the 
line of pointed arches which had long stimulated curiosity, but had 
kept its own counsel and the secret of its origin, necessarily went the 
way of most old buildings no longer wanted, and was carted away with 
the rest of the inn to assist in making some embankment or other, and 
the present Three Indian Kings was erected in its place. 

In a deed of mine, dated 1560, more than one hundred and fifty 
years after the date quoted by Mr. Welford, as stated above, relative 
to the old Three Kings' inn, there is a general descriptive account of 
the properties occupying the site of the inn at that time, and had 
occupied for some time previous. This account gives us an interesting 
view of the arrangement of the buildings at this part of the Quayside 
long before the present street front had been erected ; and we get 
a verbal picture of a group of small erections consisting of the 
following, viz. : 

1. A messuage or tenement, with its appurtenances.. 

2. Around this are four tenements or burgages, one on each side, 
and one at each end. At the south of this group there are no private 
buildings between it and the Tyne, there is only the town wall. At 
the north of the group is a stone wall, extending nearly east and west, 
which is still the southern boundary of the property of the Trinity 

I have copied from the deed the description of these tenements, 
and have arranged them in a simple diagrammatic form. 1 From their 
moderate size these houses may have been not dwellings but offices 
devoted to business purposes, and so occupied for a part only of the 
day, as it may be supposed that the amount of daily commercial 
business in the first half of the sixteenth century would not require 
much space or many hours for its dispatch. It is presumed that they 
were separated from each other by passages or chares, into which 
doors and windows would open to give access, air, and light to the 
merchants, the tenants, and the public. Now, the central compart- 
ment, according to the above document, was the nucleus or starting 
1 See this at p. 264. 


point of the future inn, the west wall of which showed the pointed 
arches. "Whether these formed part of the house before the tenement 
and it were joined together does not appear by the deed. They were 
the sole representatives, however, of anything architectural in the 
group. It is a pity that the dimensions of the arches were not 
taken. All the dimensions given in the deed have been copied in 
the diagram. The tenement at the west side of the house belonged 
to Thomas Rookbye, esq., of Mortham, Yorkshire, who let the 
tenement at the south side of the house to Richard Harrygatt or 

The tenement to the north of the central one belonged to James 
Anderson, master and mariner, who let it, also his property, to the 
above-named Richard Harrygatt, who therefore held both tenements. 
The tenement at the east of the house had been lately in the occu- 
pation of the prior and convent of Tynemouth. 

The prior and convent possessed property not only in the very 
centre of commercial activity, but also in various other and upper 
parts of Newcastle. By the Tynemouth chartulary they had a yearly 
rent of Ills, from eight burgages on the Quayside. The burgage on 
the east side of the central one must have been one of these eight, and 
it was empty, probably on account of the recent suppression of the 
monastery, and the rent of it according to the above rate was pro- 
bably about 14s. per annum. 

With regard to the tenement at the south of the centre of the 
group, belonging to Thomas Rookbye, esq., it would, in all pro- 
bability, being the southernmost of the group, have on its south side 
or front a doorway and window or windows looking out upon the 
Quayside, the town wall, and its gates, with a chare on each side of it. 

After 1560 several unrecorded changes, forming a revolution in 
the arrangements of the items of the group, their ownership and 
tenantry must have occurred; in fact, the five must have been 
entirely pulled down and replaced by two rows of houses extending 
from north to south, with a yard or passage between, forming an 
enlarged property extending from the boundary wall of the Trinity 
house to the Quayside as then existing. 

In 1575 this property was conveyed by George Lawson, gentleman, 
to Richard Harrygate. Whether this was the same person previously 


named, or a relative of his, cannot really be decided, but as only 
fifteen years had elapsed since the date of the deed, it may be the 

In what has now been read there is nothing that can throw light 
on the origin of the arches in the west wall of this property, neither 
is their anything to show that they had connection with either the 
so-called chapel of St. John or the stone house of the prior of 

Let us, then, pass on to the consideration of these other ruins. 

In Brand's History and Antiquities of Newcastle, vol. i. page 22, 
we find the following: 

1st. Between G-rindon chare and Blue Anchor chare there is a 
remarkable old building, the front towards the quay. It has a 
balcony, supported by posts with shields on them, but at present not 
charged with any armorial bearings. 

2nd. Behind, in Grindon chare, is a very observable house of 
stone, 2 with buttresses on the outside, with a crypt or vault arched 
with stone, now converted into a cellar. Human bones have been 
found here, and there is a tradition that this was once called St. 
John's chapel. 

In Richardson's Table Book, Hist. vol. iv. page 24, the following 
passage occurs: ' 1829 (May). This month, on pulling down an old 
house on the Quayside, Newcastle, a fine gothic window was discovered 
in the east side of what is supposed to be the chapel of St John of 
Jerusalem. This building, which is of stone, with buttresses on the 
west side in Grindon Chare, is used as a corn loft ; the crypt is used 
as a warehouse. Human bones have been dug up about it. 

'There was anciently in the town's hutch a writing endorsed 
" The agreement made betwixt the Prior of St. John and the towne 
of Newcastle, touching a water gate." ' 

' There is now no longer any doubt that this was the Chapel of 
that Order, and that the gate alluded to was one contiguous to the 
town wall which extended along the Quay.' 

' There was also a chapel below the Ouseburn, in the parish of 
All Saints, dedicated to St. Lawrence, and founded by one of the 
Percies, which is said to have been dependent on the Priory of St. 

2 May not this have belonged to the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of 
Jerusalem 1 


John of Jerusalem This chapel and its possessions were granted, in 
1594, to the Corporation of Newcastle. The remains of St. Law- 
rence's chapel form a part of the glasshouse belonging to Messrs. 
Robert Todd & Co.' 

It seems extraordinary that the author of this extract had neither 
seen or heard of the remarkable old building with its front towards 
the Quay, having a balcony supported by posts with armorial shields 
upon them, although it was quite adjacent to tlfe stone house which 
he attributes to the priory of St. John of Jerusalem. 

Now this old building has a character peculiarly knightly with its 
array of armorial shields, not at all an ecclesiastical one, and most 
probably was once the property of the order of St. John of Jerusalem, 3 
and a priory or commandry of the order, similar to the preceptory of 
Chibburn, in Northumberland, which has two escutcheons over the 
south door of its ruined chapel. 

To whom, then, are we to assign the stone house in Grindon 
chare with a fine Gothic window in its east side or end, its buttresses, 
its crypt arched with stone, all of which must have given the ruin a 
decidedly ecclesiastical appearance, not to mention that human re- 
mains had been dug up near to it, to whom, but to the prior and 
convent of Tynemouth, who, we know alone had a great stone house 
on the Quayside. 

These two very interesting ruins have long been confounded to- 
gether, owing to the untrustworthiness of tradition, the want of 
right discrimination, and the popular ignorance of the existence of 
a stone house belonging to the prior of Tynemouth, a house which I 
do not find noticed in Gibson's history of the priory. 

It is scarcely possible to discover the dates of the foundations of 
these once important establishments. 

We know that the great stone house was existent in 1392, and 
that Thomas De La Mere was elected prior of Tynemouth in 1342, 
and died abbot of St. Albans in 1396. He was a very eminent man, 
and a great builder, and the house in question was most likely con- 
structed during his Tynemouth priorate. 

The order of the knights hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem, 
instituted in 1120, driven from Palestine to Rhodes in 1310, and 
from Rhodes to Malta in 1523, they assumed the name of 

3 See p. 244. 


knights of Malta, had a preceptory at Chibburn, in Northumberland, 
and besides many preceptories scattered all over England, Chibburn 
had thirty-two properties from which rents were received. But in the 
history of the order to which I have access, there is no mention of 
any preceptory, priory, or commandry, or other institution as existing 
in Newcastle, and yet we had one of their houses on the Quayside, 
which had a dependent chapel near the mouth of the Ouseburn. 

If it be true that this ruin was really that of a priory of the 
knights of St. John of Jerusalem, as seems proved by the fact of 
the prior having had an agreement with the town of Newcastle about 
a Watergate, how does it happen that there is no notice of the existence 
of the priory in the Extenta Terr arum et Tenementorum Hospitalis, etc., 
which is published in vol. Ixv. of the Camden Society, or in vols. v. 
or xvii. of Archaeokgia Aeliana. 

The order was dissolved by king Henry VIII. and queen Elizabeth. 
It is disappointing to have the thread of one's story suddenly cut off. 

In conclusion, the two ancient buildings herein mentioned after 
having been as good as buried out of sight and memory for centuries 
had yet to be utterly destroyed as it were by fire. The fate of the 
arched wall has been already told, that of the ruins of the supposed 
chapels remains to be briefly indicated. 

On the 5th of October, 1854, occurred the memorable explosion at 
Gateshead, of a large goods warehouse, situated in Hillgate, which 
scattered fire and desolation among the houses and offices on both 
sides of the river, and the shipping lying between. The Quayside 
was next day as if it had been bombarded, the part of the quay which 
suffered most was that in which Grindon chare, Blue Anchor chare, 
and three others immediately to the eastward of them, were situated. 
The Dark chare, to the west of them, escaped, and still exists, being 
both dark and narrow. 

The houses on each side of the chares were so seriously damaged 
that they had to be pulled down, and the result was that the once 
celebrated houses of the priory of Tynemouth and of the knights of 
St. John of Jerusalem or knights of Malta were involved in the com- 
mon ruin, and for ever disappeared. 

Out of a great evil sprang a magnificent good ; the narrow, dark, 
and dirty chares were replaced by wide streets of fine architectural 
pretensions a credit to the town. 




Stone boundary wall of Trinity house. 


belonging to said 

Thomas Rookbye, 

esq., in tenure of 

John Chater, 




belonging to 

James Anderson, 

in breadth 8 yds. 

Tenement with appurtenances 

conveyed by 
James Anderson, 
master & mariner, 

Richard Harrygatt or 


on the Key-side. 

[The original of the 3 Kings.] 

Tenement belonging to 

Thomas Rookbye, of 

Mortham, Yorkshire, esq., 

(see Welford's 16 and 17th 

Centuries (family Rookbye), 

page 4), 

in the occupation of the 
said Richard Harrygate. 


of late belonging 

to the 

prior of Tynemouth, 
in length 7 yds. 


River Tyne. 


River Tyne. 

DIAGRAM showing boundaries of tenements referred to in page 259. The 
particulars taken from a deed, dated January 23, 1560. 





Adams, George, 247 
Adamson, H. A., presented Corinthian 
capital and base, xiv; on Tyne- 
mouth castle after the dissolution 
of the monastery, 61 
Aesica, exploration of Roman camp 
of, ix; discovery of west gateway 
of, ix 

Agricola carried Roman arms into 
recesses of Caledonia, 84 ; life of, 
by Tacitus, 84 ; extracts from, 104 
Aisled halls, rarest feature to be met 
with in whole range of 'domestic 
architecture, 119 ; some Saxon 
houses built on this principle, 130 
Akenside family, the, 251 
' Alclit 11.,' = the two Aucklands, 113 
Aldhune, bishop, surrender by, of 
two Aucklands to Uchtred, earl of 
Northumberland, 113 
Alnwick castle, hall of, 118; Thomas 

Percy, constable of, 66 
Anderson, sir Francis, 37 
' Angel,' Butcher bank, Newcastle, 247 
' Anker,' a measure for liquids, 245w 
Avison, Charles, 37 
Annals of the House of Percy, referred 

to, 28 
Antiquities of Canterbury, Somner's, 


Antoninus Pius, builder of Wall 
between Forth and Clyde, 88 ; life 
of, said to be by Julius Capitolinus, 
95 ; some say by Spartianus, 95 ; 
waged many wars by his lieutenant, 
Lollius Urbicus, 95 ; Wall of, in 
Scotland, of turves, 95 
Aper and Maximus, building of Roman 
Wall assigned by Cassiodorus to 
consulates of, 98 ; mentioned on 
the ' written rock ' on the Gelt, 99 
Arms of see of Durham, change of 

form of cross on, 197 
Armorer, Francis, 245, 253 ; Thomas, 

29; William, 29 

Armorer's chare, Newcastle, 245 ; 
named after Francis Armorer, 245 n 
Arundell, John, glazier, Bishop Auck- 
land, 185 

Ascalon, Syria, Corinthian capital and 
base from, presented, xiv 

Astley, sir Jacob, 68 ; and Edgehill, 68 

Athelhampton, manor-house hall of, 

Athol chantry, St. Andrew's Church, 
Newcastle, monuments in, 37, 
39 ; matrix, 49 

Atkinson, Charles, 247 

Aucklands, the two, 113; surrendered 
by bishop Aldhune, 113; restored 
to church by king Cnut, 113 

Auckland castle, the chapel of, 113 ; 
founder of first manor-house un- 
known, 113 ; Symeon first to mention 
it, 113; no trace of Roman occupa- 
tion of site, 113 ; existing buildings 
described by Hutchinson, Billings, 
W. S. Gibson, and Boyle, 113; 
most exhaustive account by Dr. 
Raine,113; probably became country 
seat of bishops at very early date, 
114; referred to in Boldon Book, 
114 ; reconstructed by Pudsey, 115 ; 
never merited term castle, though 
called so from time of bishop 
Sherwood, 115 ; known till then as 
manor, 115 ; in letter from bishop, 
'castel or manoir,' 115 ; earliest 
designation, 'halha' or hall, 115; 
work began with hall, 115; largest 
and most beautiful, 115 ; converted 
into chapel by Cosin, 116 ; kitchens, 
etc., at lower level than hall, 142 ; 
record of bishop' Butler, 143; 
chapel in manor-house, temp, bishop 
Stichell, 145 ; a chapel erected by 
bishop Beck, 145 ; two chapels, 
major and minor, spoken of in 
1338, 145; one stood above other, 
145 ; used for divine service until 
time of bishop Morton, 145; spoken 
of by Dr. Basire and Sir William 
Brereton, 145 ; stood on south side 
of castle, 145 ; detailed examination, 
152 ; dimensions, etc., of hall, 152; 
' lighting of, 153; bishop Van Mil- 
dert executed repairs in, 154 ; details 
of north side, 156 ; difference in 
style of windows, 157 ; low side- 
walls raised that larger windows 
might be inserted, 157 ; Beck's 
windows copied by Cosin's'architect, 
157 ; aisle windows of north side, 




159 ; first great alteration of hall to 
be ascribed to Beck not to Hatfield, 
160; provided with parapets, 160; 
shingles or boards for, 160 ; roll of 
Roger deTikhill, 161; whitewashing 
of chambers usual, 161 and n, 162, 
163 ; bishop Hatfield's hangings, 

163 ; curtains, temp, bishop Dudley, 

164 ; sacrist sold bed from, to John 
lord Neville, 164 ; floor covered 
with rushes, 164 ; bishops' chair of 
state, 165 ; brazier or reredos, 165 ; 
larger than usual, 166 ; porch, 
167 ; extracts from account roll of 
cardinal Langley, 167; the la ver, 167; 
true date of building, 171 ; opinions 
of Billings, Turner. Raine,etc., 171 ; 
details of arcades, 172 et seq.; 
architectural details, 177 ; Lambert, 
inarmorarius, designer of columns, 
177 ; arcades, 177 ; agreement with 
arches at Darlington, 179 ; conver- 
sion into chapel, 180 ; the roofs of 
chapel, 180; agreement for, 180; 
decoration of, 182 ; Mr. Bowser's 
notes, 180 ; arms of bishop Cosin, 

182 ; evangelistic symbols, 182; 
John Baptist van Ersell, painter, 

183 ; paint ' brutally scraped off,' 

184 ; contract for glazing of win- 
dows, 185 ; for painting, 186 ; for 
carpenter's work, 186; altar plate, 
etc., at, given by bishop Cosin, 233 ; 
schedule of, 187 ; the organ, 188 ; 
the floor, 189 ; the screen and its 
makers, 190 ; the western stall ends, 
193; authorship of , 194?t; design of 
coronets from which mitres spring, 
196; aisle stalls and panelling, 
201 ; van Mildert's restoration of, 
203 ; monument of bishop Cosin 
in, 204 ; exterior of, 210 ; the 
windows, 213 ; Robert Morley, 
designer of, 213; doorways, 217; 
works of bishop Lightfoot, 217 ; 
painted glass windows, 218, 238 ; 
episcopal shields, 229 ; choir-stalls, 
canopy of bishop's stall, etc., 230 ; 
bishop Lightfoot's gravestone, 231 

Aurelius Victor, 98 ; extracts from, 
relating to Roman Wall, 107 

Autobiography, Mrs. Fletcher's, re- 
ferred to, 30 


Babington, Ann, of Newcastle, 252 
Balance sheet for 1895, treasurer's, 


Bamburgh castle hall, 118 
Barnard castle, 118 

Barnes, Memoirs of Ambrose, referred 

to, 76 

Barrett- Browning, Mrs., 37 
Barrington, bishop, paint ' brutally 

scraped off ' roofs of Auckland castle 

chapel in time of, 185 
Barker, John, 254 
Basire, Dr., officiated in double chapel 

at Auckland, 145 ; funeral sermon 

on bfchop Cosin, 151 
Bates, C. J., on discovery of a turf 

wall, x: History of Northumberland, 

x ; his Border holds, quoted, 264 

et seq. 
Battlehall, Leeds, Kent, finest example 

of a la ver at, 168 
Bayles, Nicholas. 257 
Beck, bishop, erected a new chapel at 

Auckland, 145 ; also double, 149 
Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica, building 

of vallum ascribed by, to Severus, 

101 ; 'extracts from relating to 

Roman Wall, 108 
Bee, John, 255 
Bell, Charles Loraine, presented carved 

15th century vaulting boss, xv. 
Benwell, Blakeney, last prior of Tyne- 

mouth, retired to, 6 1 
Bergoman, Antonio de, commissioned 

by Henry VIII. to view state of 

Tynemouth, 62 
Berkeley castle, 118 ; double chapel at, 

in use, 149 
Berwick, men marched from, to Tyne- 

mouth, 75 

Bewickes, the, of Close house, 253 
Blackett, sir William, 37 
Blackboy chare, Newcastle, 245 
Black Friars, Newcastle, 1 
Blakeney, Robert, last prior of Tyne- 

mouth, 61 ; retired to his manor 

house on dissolution, 61 
Blue Anchor chare, Newcastle, 242, 

245, 261, 266 
' Blue Bell,' Grindon chare, Newcastle, 


Bodiam castle, 118 
Bodotria, Clota and [Forth, Clyde 

and], 85 
Boldon Book, Auckland and Durham, 

referred to in, 114; extracts from, 

Bolton castle hall, 118 ; kitchens, 142/j 
Bond, Stephen, and Isabella his wife, 

tombstone of, 42 

Border Holds, Bates's, referred to, 28 
Borthwick castle, 1 13 
Boston, hall of St. Mary's guild at, 

Bothwell, earl of, confined in Tyne- 

mouth castle, 63 



Bottle chare, Newcastle, or Dark 

chare, 245 

Bowman, Christopher, 256 
Bowser, Mr., bishop of Durham's 

agent, 181 
Boyle's Guide to County of Durham, 

referred to, 158 ; ' more numerous 

mistakes could hardly be compressed 

into the like compass,' 159 
Brancepeth castle hall, 118; church, 

fittings of choir of, 191 
Brand's Newcastle, quoted, 1 ; Letters, 


Brandlings, the, 37 
Brasse, John and Abraham Smith, of 

Durham, makers of screen at Auck- 
land castle chapel, 190 
Brazier, the, somewhat larger than 

common at Auckland castle hall, 

166 ; extract from account rolls of 

bishop Dudley, 166 ; other mention 

of it in days of bishop Tunstall, 166 
Brereton, sir William, parliamentary 

general, visited Tynemouth, 68 j 

speaks of two chapels at Auckland 

castle, 145 

Brimstone matches, xiii 
Britain, conquest of, in 43, 84. 
Britanniae, De Excidio, not by Gildas, 

Brougham castle, hall of, an aislelass 

parallelogram, 118 
Browell, Mark, 250 
Browne, Matthew, glazier, Bishop 

Auckland, 185 ; sir Valentine, letter 

to secretary Walsingham, 65 
Buckden palace with its aisled hall, 

destroyed during Commonwealth, 

119, 138 

Burdon, sir Thomas, 257 
Burne, Thomas, miller, gravestone of, 

Burnell, bishop, dimensions of his hall 

at Wells, 119 
Burrell, Francis, 254 
Bury, Richard de, pontificate of, 160 
Butler, bishop, inscription recording 

work of, in Auckland chapel, 143 


Caernarvon castle, 118 

Caledonians and Meatae, 89 

Caleto, John de (1248-61) infirmary 

hall at Peterborough, erected during 

abbacy of, 127 

Calendar of State Papers, error in, 69 
Cannons on Newcastle castle top, xiii 
Canterbury cathedral church : tombs 

of Henry IV. and Johanna de 

Navarre at, 196; Somner's account 

of, 124 ; capitals of choir of, 175 ; 
infirmary hall of fourteenth century, 
124 ; replaced earlier building, 124 

Capitolinus, Julius, life of Antoninus 
Pius, 95 ; extracts from, relating to 
Roman Wall, 106 

Caracalla, the fratricide, 92 

Cardiff castle, 118 

1 Carnabie, Raiph,' 254 ; Jane, wife of, 

Cassiodorus, 98; assigns building of 
Roman Wall to consulate of Aper 
and Maximus, 98 ; extract from, 
relating to Wall, 107 

Castle Campbell, 11G 

Castle Leazes, Newcastle, the, 255 

Cecil, sir William, letter of sir Henry 
Percy to, 64 

Chairs of State, 165, 166 

Chalfield, Great, manor house, Wilts., 
hall of, 118; porch of, 167 

Chapels, double, 116/t, 147, 148, 149 

Chares of Newcastle destroyed by the 
fire of 1854, 241 ; plan of, 243 

Charles I., entry of, into Newcastle, 
67 ; attended by Laud and others, 
67 ; visit to Tynemouth, 68 ; sur- 
render of, by the Scots, 70 

Charlton, 0. J., on matrix of Athol 
brass, St. Andrew's church, New- 
castle, 49 

Chepstow, kitchens, etc., at lower 
level than hall, 142 and n 

Cheaters (Great), see Aesica 

Chibburn preceptory. 263 

Chichester, cathedral church of, burnt, 
207 ; hospital, infirmary hall, 120 

Chorographia, additions to Gray's 
manuscript of, 244 

Clarendon, four evangelists in glass of 
great hall at, 163; porch of hall, 

Clarke, John Graham, 40 

Claudius, conquest of Britain by 
generals of, in 43, 84 ; account of, 
by Tacitus, 84 

Claverings, the, 37 

Clayton, William, merchant, New- 
castle, 40 

Clevedon court, Somerset, porch of, 167 

Clifford's fort, 79 

Clodius Albinus, 90 

Closegate, Newcastle, the, 255 

Clota and Bodotria [Clyde and Forth , 

Clyde, Forth and, Antoninus Pius 
builder of wall between, 88 

Coalman's chare, Newcastle, 245 

Coldmartin, lands at, 27 

Colemanpepper chare, Newcastle, 245 

College halls of universities, 118 



Collingwoods, the, 37 

Collingwood, lord, 44 ; Cuthbert, 
father of, 44 

Colvin's chare, 242, 245 ; alias Maryon 
house lane, 245 

Commodus, a 'cruel and cowardly 
profligate,' 88 ; Dion Cassius on, 
88 ; assassination of, 89. 

Communion plate, etc., at Auck- 
land castle given by bishop Cosin, 
inventory of, 187 

Conway castle, 118 

Corney, Miles, 248, 249 

Corstopitum (Corbridge), Roman in- 
scribed stone from, presented, xii 

Cosin, bishop of Durham, Smith, 
biographer of, 145, 151 ; statement 
of bishop regarding chapel at Auck- 
land castle quite true, 150 ; con- 
verted Auckland hall into chapel, 
116, 180 ; altar plate, etc., given by 
him, 233; inventory of, 187; his 
organ, 188 ; monument of, 204 ; 
funeral sermon on, 151 

Coulson, John, 254 

Council and officers for 1896, xix 

Courant, the, John White, founder of, 

Coventry, kitchens, etc., at lower level 
than hall, 142 

Cowdray manor house, hall of, 118 

Craigmillar castle, 116n 

Craster, Edmund, 28 ; George of Cras- 
ter, 28 

Cromes, the, of Newcastle, 249 

Cromes chare, Newcastle, 245 

Cross on arms of see of Durham, 
change of form of, 197. 

Crowhurst, Sussex, porch of, 167 


Dacre castle, earliest form of laver, 168 
Dark chare, Newcastle, 242, 245, 263 
Darlington church, built by Pudsey,146 
Darrayns, William, and Mathilda, his 

wife, 27 
Dawson, John, tailor, and Martha, his 

wife, tombstone of, 44 
Davison, Alexander., 253 ; sheriff .and 

mayor of Newcastle, 45 ; knighted, 

45 ; legacies of, to poor, 45 ; Ann, 

founded hospital, 45; Thomas, 

tombstone of, 45 
Deceased members, obituary notices 

of, 50 et seq. 
De la Mere, Thomas, prior of Tyue- 

mouth,262 ; abbot of St.Alban's,262 
Delavals, the, 37 
Delaval, Mr., keeper of Tynemouth 

castle, 66 ; Robert, of Cowpen, 29 

Dendy, F. W.. 'Extracts from the 
Records of the Merchant Adventurers 
of Newcastle,' ix ; 'On the six New- 
castle chares destroyed by the fire 
of 1854', 241 

Dibdin's Northern Tour, 247 

Dicam, Thomas, servant of sir Henry 
Percy, 64 

Diocletian, the second founder of the 
empire, 93 ; son of a Dalmatian 
slaver93 ; reign somewhat resembled 
Napoleon's, 93 ; and the Historia 
Augusta, 94 

Dion Cassius, the historian, 88 ; de- 
scribes tribes as overpassing the 
Wall, 88 ; first clear mention of the 
Wall, 89 ; often pleaded as an ad- 
vocate before Septimius Severus, 91 ; 
on advice of Septimius Severus 
history written, 91 

Ditchburn, East, 27 

Dobsons of Newcastle, the, 252 

Dobson, John, laid out new streets on 
site of Newcastle destroyed chares, 

Domestic Architecture, Parker's, 116n, 
130, 131, 140/1 

Domestic architecture, aisled halls, 
rarest features in, 119 

Douglas, Joshua, town clerk of New- 
castle, 257 

Dublin castle hall, 154; a king and 
queen painted over dais, 163w 

Dudley, bishop, 164 ; mitre of, 196n 

Dudley, John, lord high admiral, at 
Tynemouth, 62 

Dugdale, History of St. Paul's, ap- 
pendix to, 145 

' Dun Cow,' the, Grindon chare, New- 
castle, 246 

Dunns, of Newcastle, the, 252 

Durham castle, two halls, 116 ; built 
or restored by Pudsey, 141 ; aisled 
hall pertaining to hospitium, known 
as 'gest hall,' 127; account of, in 
Mites and Monuments, 127; until 
days of Fox bishops had two great 
chairs of state, 166 

Durham cathedral church, Galilee 
chapel, built by Pudsey, 141 ; stalls 
and font cover at, 191 

Durham, change of form of arms of 
cross on arms of see, 197ra; arms of 
monastery of, according to Tonge's 
Visitation, 198 

Dutch war, 75 ; prisoners plot, 75 ; 
lodged in Tynemouth castle, 75 ; 
man-of-war, four engagements of 
' Pembroke,' with, 75 ; fleet, attack 
of, on Sheerness, 76 




Earle, near Wooler, 26 ; granted to 
Kobert de Hebburn, 26 

Edgehill, battle of, 68 

Edward I. granted town of Pandon 
to Newcastle. 1 ; gave licence to 
crenellate Tynemouth castle, 80 

Edward II. granted licence to crenel- 
late Penshurst place, 154 

Edward VI. granted Tynemouth to 
Dudley, earl of Warwick, 63 

Elagabalus, 'the effeminate glutton,' 

Elizabeth, queen, appoints sir Henry 
Percy to charge of Tynemouth, 63 ; 
letter from, to duke of Norfolk 
concerning, 63 ; plan of Tynemouth 
castle, temp. 77 

Ellington, lands at, 27 

Ellinor chare, Newcastle, 254 

Ellison, Elizabeth, next of kin to sir 
Benjamin Ifawling, 249 

Elmer, Christopher, merchant adven- 
turer, 245 

Elmer's chare, Newcastle, 245 

Eltham palace hall, 118 

Ely, infirmary hall, 115; remains of, 
most imposing extant, 120 ; of Nor- 
man date, 120 ; part of arcade, 121 ; 
details, 122, 123 ; Mr. Millers, the 
historian of the cathedral, called this 
' the original Saxon building erected 
by St. Etheldreda,' 123 ; John, 
bishop of, commenced choir, etc., at 
Fountains, 128 

Embleton, barony of, 26 

Embleton, Denis, ' Ruins of buildings 
once existing on Quayside, New- 
castle,' 258 

England and Wales, Grose's Anti- 
quities of, quoted, 75 

Epitaphs. St. Andrew's church, New- 
castle, 43 ; of Brudenells at Houg- 
ham, 31 

Erringtons of West Denton, the, 252 

Errington's chare, Newcastle, 245 

Eutropius, 98 ; extract from, relating 
to Roman Wall, 106 

Evangelistic symbols, 182 

Farnham castle, hall at, 115. 

Fauconberg, lord, letter of, to secre- 
tary Nicholas relating to Tyne- 
mouth, 74 

Favvsley, manor-house hall of, 118 

Fenwick, sir John, captain of Tyne- 
mouth castle, 67 ; Nicholas, mer- 
chant, and Sarah, his wife, tombstone 
of, 47 

Ferrers, Walkelyn de (1161-1201), 
Oakham hall, built by, 131 

Fire of 1854, An Account of the Great, 

Fitzherbert, Nicholas, monument of, 
in Norbury church, 207. 

Fletcher's (Mrs.) Autobiography, 30 

Ford castle hall, 118 

Forster, sir John, orders to, to arrest 
sir Henry Percy, 64 ; letter of, to 
privy council, 64 ; Nicholas, 29 ; of 
Hulne abbey, 28 ; Thomas, of Adder- 
stone, 29 ; William, son of, 29 

Forth and Clyde (Clvta and Bodotria), 
Antoninus Pius builder of Wall 
between, 88 

Foster's Visitation i>f Northumberland, 
quoted, 27 

Fountains abbey, remains of hall at, 
120; infirmary halls at, 127 ; both 
erected by abbot John of Kent, 128 ; 
Mr. Gordon Hill's note of. 128 

Fox, bishop, until days of, bishops of 
Durham had two great chairsof state 
in Durham castle, 166 

Friar's chare (upper), Newcastle, 255 

Frotheringham, Faith, 250 


Gallienus, ' the clever fool,' 92 

Gallowgate, Newcastle, the town wall 
in, 109 ; section of, 112. 

Gelt river, ' written rock ' on, mention- 
ing consuls Aper and Maximus, 99. 

Gildas, a native of Wales, 100 ; book 
De Excidio Britanniae, not by him, 
100 ; building of Roman Wall in, 
100 ; extracts from relating to 
Roman Wall, 108 

Glass, painted, Auckland castle chapel, 
218 ; subjects of, 218 

Glastonbury, death of last abbot of, 
61 ; hospital infirmary hall at, 120 

Gloucester cathedral, the laver at, 168 ; 
remains of hall, 120 ; infirmary 
buildings re-constructed in thir- 
teenth century, 126 

Gofton, Andrew, 255. 

' Golden Anchor,' the, Grindon chare, 
Newcastle, 246. 

' Gor Chayr,' alias ' Rod's Chayr,' 
Newcastle, 245 

Gower, bishop, built St. David's 
palace about middle of fourteenth 
century, 143 

Graham, lieut. John, 40 ; major, 
deputy governor of Tynemouth 
castle, 74. 

Grays: of Newcastle, the, 253 ; George, 
and son, William, 257; Ralph, of 



Chillingham, 28 ; William, the 
historian, 253 ; his Chorographia, 

Grey, Arthur, 28 ; Ralph, 28 

Green, Nicholas, William Lamb and 
others, glaziers, Durham, contract to 
glaze windows of Auckland castle 
chapel, 185 

Grendon, Walter, prior of hospital of 
St. John of Jerusalem, 244 

' Grey Horse,' Quayside, Newcastle, 
247 ; sketch of, in Dibdin's Northern 
Tour, 247 

Grindon chare, Newcastle, 242, 245, 
261, 266 ; may have been named 
after Thomas Grindon, 244 ; Walter 
Grendon, prior of hospital of St. 
John, 244 ; tradition that knights 
had chapel in, 244 ; inns in, 246 

Grindon, Thomas, bailiff of Newcastle, 

Grose's Antiquities of England and 
Wales, referred to, 76, 80 

Grostete constructed Buckden palace, 
117; destroyed during Common- 
wealth, 138 

Guildford, king's hall at, 154 ; history 
of Lazarus and Dives and St. 
Edward, painted on wall, 163 

Guilds, halls of, 118. 


Haddock, Roger, tombstone of, 40 ; 
married Isabel Rea, 40 

Hadrian, his court at York, 86 ; left 
name in station of Pons Aelii, 86 ; 
a Spaniard, 86 ; travelled all over 
world, 86 ; adorned Athens, 87 ; 
the villa of, at Tivoli, 87 ; blots in 
closing years, 87 ; life of, by Aelius 
Spartianus, 94 ; building of Wall 
attributed to, by Spartianus, 95; 
1 another wall of turf, 95 

Hall, rev. G. Rome, obituary notice 
of, 57 ; Reynold, 250 

Halls, aisled, rarest features in domes- 
tic architecture, 1 1 9 

Halls, infirmary, of great monasteries, 
115; of castles, 118 

Hampton court, hall of, 118 

Hamsterley church, floor of beaten 
earth, 164 

Harang, Patrick, grant by, of a tene- 
ment in Stamford, 26 

Harbottle castle hall, 118 

Harding, James, 247 

Hardyng's Chronicle, referred to, 1 

Harmondsworth (Middlesex), tithe 
barn, 130 

Harrison's chare, Newcastle, 245 

Harrygatt or Harrygald, Richard, 260 

Haslerigg, sir A., blew up double 
chapel at Auckland, 145 (see also 

Hatfield, bishop, hangings at Auck- 
land, 163 

Hatfield's hall, Durham, 118 

Hay ward's chare, Newcastle, Pallister's 
chare or, 245 

Hebbu^-n, of Hebburn, the family of, 
26 ; pedigree of, 32 ; Ann, 28 ; 
Arthur, 28 ; took mortgage on Carle- 
croft, 28 ; will of, 28 ; ' Bell,' 28 ; 
Eleanor, 28 ; Gerard de. 26 ; James 
de, and Alice, his wife, 26 ; John de, 
26; Michael, 28; will of, 28; Nicholas, 
26 ; Ralph, 28 ; the royalist soldier, 
29; stationed at Berwick, 29; rated 
for Hebburn, 29 ; married daughter 
of Robert Delaval of Cowpen, 29 ; 
pedigree entered, 29 ; Robert, son 
of, 29 ; will and codicil of, 33 ; his 
daughter, Mary, married Edward 
Brudenell, 29; Robert de, 26; inq. 
p.m., 27 ; Agnes, widow of, 27 ; 
Thomas de, 27 ; Thomas, owner of 
Hebburn-hold, 27; a freeholder of 
Embleton, 28 ; owner of Hebburn 
tower, 28; will of, 28 

Hebburn-hold, 27 ; tower, 28 

Hedley, R. C., obituary notice of the 
rev. G. Rome Hall, 57 

Hendred (east) manor-house, double 
chapel at, 149 

Henry III., born in Winchester castle, 
138; built hall, 138; liberate rolls of, 
relating to whitewash and plaster, 
quoted, 161 

Henry IV. granted to mayor all fines, 
etc., for reparation of wall, etc., 7 ; 
and queen, tombs of, at Canterbury, 

Herodian, a Greek historian, 93 
Herons of Chipchase, 249 et seq.; sir 
Cuthbert of, 250 ; Cuthbert of Offer- 
ton, 250 

Heron's close, Hebburn, 53 ; purchased 
by Thomas Woodman, a Hexham- 
shire yeoman, 53 
Herring, Richard, carver, 181 
Hertford, earl of, letter to king, 62 
Hesilrige, sir Arthur, presented with 
silver basin and ewer, 7; governor of 
Tynemouth castle, 70 ; thanked by 
parliament for recovery of, 71 ; 
letter, 71 ; surrendered Tynemouth 
castle, 74 ; excepted from Act of 
Indemnity, 74 ; committed to tower, 
74 (see also Haslerigg) 
Hills, Mr. Gordon, his description of 
Fountains abbey, 128 



Hilton, sir Thomas, high sheriff of 
Northumberland, Tynemouth castle 
demised to, 62 

History (Literary) of the Roman 
Wall, 83 

Historia Augusta, the, 94; controversy 
as to time of composition of, 94 ; 
two best editions read Alaurum 
instead of Murum, 97 ; with these 
all independent Roman testimony 
as to builder of Wall ends, 98; asser- 
tions of Eutropius and others that 
Severus, builder of Roman Wall, 
probably copied from, 98 

Historia Ecclesiastica, Bede's, 101 

Hodgkin, Thos., ' Obituary Notice of 
late Prof. Stephens, honorary mem- 
ber'. 50 ; ' The Literary History of 
the Roman Wall,' 83 

Hodgson, rev. John, on Roman Wall, 

Hodgson, J. Crawford, on the family 
of Hebburn, 26 ; ' Obituary Notice of 
W. Woodman, V.P., 53 

Hodgson, rev. J. F., on the chapel of 
Auckland castle, 113 

Holmes, Sheriton, on the walls of 
Newcastle, 1 ; the town wall of 
Newcastle in Gallowgate, 109 

Hornsby's chare, Newcastle, 242 

Hospital close, Newcastle, 256 

Hougham, Lincolnshire, 30 ; epitaphs 
of Brundenells at, 31 

Howick hall, architect of, 44 

Hugh, St. (1185-1200), bishop of 
Lincoln commenced palace, 134 

Humfrey, Thomas, 254 

Hurstmonceux castle, 118 


Ilderton, Thomas, 253 
Ingo, lands at, 27 
Inns of Court, halls of, 118 
Inventory of communion plate, etc.. 
at Auckland castle chapel, 187 


James, Thomas, of Newcastle, 257 ; 

William, 257 ; Thomas, his son (of 

Otterburn tower), 257 
Jenison, sir Ralph, 37 
Jocelin's (bishop) palace at Wells, 154 


Kenil worth castle, 118 ; porch of hall, 


Kennington, orders to roof, 169 
Kent: abbot John of, erected both halls 

at Fountains, also choir and Nine 

Altars, 128 ; and Sussex, warrant 
to farmers of excise of, for ale, etc., 
for Tynemouth castle, 73 

Keyser, Hendrick de, of Bishop Auck- 
land, 189 

Kidwelly castle, Caermarthen, temp. 
Edward I., 142 

Kerkmerrington churchyard, brass 
pipe stopper from, presented, xiv 


Lamb, Wm., Nicholas Green, and 
others, glaziers, Durham, contract 
with to glaze windows of Auckland 
chapel, 185 

Lambert, marmorarius, bishop's ten- 
ant, the artificer of columns at 
Auckland castle, 177 ; general, 
arrival of, at Newcastle, 73 ; soldiers 
at Tynemouth agree to support, 73 

Lambeth palace hall, 118 

Lambton, John, of Houghton-le- 
spring, and Phillis, his wife, 256 

Langlands, John, goldsmith, tomb- 
stone of, 46 

Langley, Cardinal, account roll of, 167 

Lawson, George, 260 ; Robert, 254 ; 
William, 27 

Lazarus and Dives, history of, in glass 
window, 163tt 

Ledger, Robert, 254 

Lee, sir Richard, one of commission 
from king to view state of Tyne- 
mouth, 62 

Leith, letter of sir Henry Percy, from 
camp at, 63 

Lei and, Itinerary, 2 

Leven, Alexander, earl of, 69 

' Leven's colyery,' 256 

Liberton, 116. 

Lightfoot, bishop, works of, at Auck- 
land castle chapel, 217 ; painted 
glass, etc., 218 ; gravestone of, 231 

Lilburn, colonel Robert, in charge of 
Tynemouth castle, 71, 73 ; one of 
regicides, 73w 

Lincoln, episcopal palace of, 133 ; hall 
of, one of four aisled halls remain- 
ing, 119 ; most ruinous of all, 133 ; 
plan of, 134 ; section east and west, 
135 ; commenced by St. Hugh, 
bishop, 134 ; devastated during Civil 
War, 134 ; used by bishop Reynolds, 
as quarry, 134; side windows of, 136 ; 
provided with parapets, 160 

Linlithgow, parliament hall, 118 

Linton, George, of South Shields, a 
quaker, died, 74 

Lollius Urbicus, general under 
Antoninus Pius, 95 



'Low Crane' inn, Quayside, Newcastle, 

Ludgershall, history of Lazarus and 

Dives in window at, 163 
Lumley castle, early hall at, 116 


Makepeace, John, baker and brewer, 

tombstone of, 42 
Map of world painted on wall of 

Winchester, 163 
Marcellus, Ulpius, sent against tribes 

who broke the Wall, 88 
Marcus Aurelius, 'the philospher on 

the throne,' 88 

Marisco, Hereward and Rametta, 26 
Marlborough great hall, 154 
Marley, Robert, son of sir John, 72 ; 

description of, 72 
Marshall, John, 254 
Mary, queen, grants Tynemouth castle 

to Thomas, earl of Northumberland, 

Maryonhouse lane, Colvin's chare, 

Newcastle, alias, 245 
Matches, brimstone, xiii 
Matfen, Ann, and Jane, her daughter, 


Mather, William, 257 
Maximin, ' the barbarian bully,' 92 
Maximus, Aper and, consuls (see Aper 

and Maximus) 
May field palace hall, 118 
Meatae, Caledonians and, 89 ; fight in 

chariots, 89 ; enjoy robbery, 89 ; 

dwell in tents and have women in 

common, 89; expedition of Septimius 

Severus, against, 90 
Medway, sailing of Dutch fleet up, 76 
Members, honorary, xx ; ordinary, xxi 
Members, deceased, 50 et seq. 
Men of Mark, Welford's, 242 et seq. 
Merchant Adventurers of Newcastle, 

the, 249; extracts from records of, 


Metcalf, John, a rebel, 64 
' Meter's arms,' Butcher bank, New- 
castle, 247 
Middleham castle, hall at, an aisleless 

parallelogram, 118 
Midrigg, Peter de, 160 
Milbank, John, 254 ; [Milbanke], sir 

Mark, 37 
Mitford, Bartram, 254 ; John and 

Robert, 253 

Mitre-coronets at Auckland and Dur- 
ham, 196n 
Mommsen thinks Dion's reference to 

Wall is to Antonine Wall, 89 
Monmouth, earl of, captain of Tyne- 
mouth castle, 68 

Montford, Simon de, 26 
Monthly Chronicle, quoted, 241 
Morley, Robert, designed windows of 

Auckland castle chapel, 213 
Morton, bishop, of Durham, double 

chapel at Auckland used for service 

until days of, 145 
Museum, objects presented to, xii 
Myddletons, the, of Offerton, 251 


Nevill, John lord, sacrist sold a bed 
from Auckland castle to, 164 

Newcastle Remembrancer, The, 1 

Newcastle, History of, Brand's, 
quoted, 1 

Newcastle : merchant adventurers of, 
ix ; iron key from Old Mansion 
house, presented, xiii ; large teapot 
from Old Mansion house, presented, 
xiv ; fire office plate, xiii ; oval seal 
of Newcastle ' Fine Arts Institute,' 
presented, xiv; Roman name of Pans 
Aelii, after Hadrian, 86 ; the walls 
of, 1 ; town wall, in Gallowgate, 
109 ; Black Friars, 1 ; Leland's 
Itinerary, 2 ; masonry of Black 
Gate, 2 ; town wall, Hanover 
square, 3 ; Westgate street, 4 ; Ever 
tower, 4 ; character of masonry, 
near, 4 ; Newgate, 5 ; character of 
masonry near St. Andrew's church, 
5 ; at Wall Knoll tower, 6 ; fines, 
etc., granted by Henry IV. for 
repair of wall, etc., 7 ; general 
scheme of defence of town, 8 ; 
towers on wall generally horse-shoe 
shaped, 9 ; towers on wall, 17 ; Close 
tower, rectangular, 9; White Friars, 
octangular, 9 ; Wall Knoll, nearly 
square, 9 ; circular bastions, 9 ; 
Carliol tower, 10 ; gates, 10 ; Close 
gate, 11 ; Plummer tower, granted 
to company of masons, etc., 18 ; 
wall near, breached by Scottish 
army, 12 ; Roman altars, etc., found 
on removal of tower, 12 ; Denton 
tower, 12 ; Stank tower, 12 ; Gun- 
ner tower, 13 ; Pink tower, 13 ; 
Heber or Herber tower, 14 ; plans 
and sections of, facing page 14 ; 
meeting place of company of felt- 
makers, etc., 14 ; Morden tower, 
14 ; meeting place of company of 
plumbers, etc., 14 ; Andrew tower, 
16 ; Newgate, 1(5 ; Monboucher 
tower, 16 ; Ficket tower, 17 ; 'Pil- 
grim's gate, 17 ; Carliol tower, 17 ; 
Austin tower, 18 ; hall of millers, 
etc., and ropers, 18 ; Corner tower, 
19 ; Pandon gate, 17 ; occupied by 



company of barber-surgeons, 19 ; 
Wall Knoll tower, 19 ; occupied by 
society of carpenters, etc.. 19 ; plan, 
etc., of, 20 ; Sandgate, 20 ; bridge, 
20 ; present condition of walls, 21 ; 
removals for Pandon new roads, 22 ; 
stone figures from walls, 24 ; remains 
of monastic buildings, etc., 25 ; 
monuments in Athol chantry, St. 
Andrew's church, 37 ; epitaph in 
St. Andrew's church, Newcastle, 
43 ; entry of Charles I. into. 67 ; 
arrival of general Lambert at, 73 ; 
castle hall at, a temporary struc- 
ture. 118 ; chares destroved bv fire 
of 1854, 241 ; plan of, 243 ; re- 
sembled rows at Yarmouth, 241 ; 
Vestiges of Old. referred to, 241 ; 
Speed's map of, 241 ; Oliver's, 241 ; 
new streets on site of chares, 242 ; 
Mr. Ralph Walters purchased sites 
of, 242 ; Thomas Grindon. bailiff of, 
244 ; Henry Rawling, mayor of, 
248 ; Miles "Corney, 248 ; Merchant 
Adventurers, 249; Joshua Douglas, 
town clerk of, 257 ; Robert Sorsbie, 
mayor of, 257 ; remains of builtiings 
once existing on Quayside, 258; 
great stone house of prior of Tyne- 
mouth, on Quayside, 258 ; the 
' Three Indian Kings,' 259 

Newcastle and Gateshead, Welford's, 

Newport, earl of, Tynemouth castle 
delivered to, 68 

Newton-by-the-Sea, 26 

Newton, William, tombstone of, 43 ; 
architect of assembly rooms, New- 
castle, and Howick hall, 44 ; des- 
poiled ancient monuments in St. 
Nicholas's church, Newcastle, 44 

Nicholson, Ann, 254 

Norbury church, monument of 
Nicholas Fitzherbert in, 207 

Norfolk, duke of, letter of queen 
Elizabeth to, concerning Tyne- 
mouth, 63 

Norham castle hall, 118 

Norham [Norran's] chare, Newcastle, 

Northampton, king's hall at, 15in ; 
design painted on wall, 163 

Northumberland, new County History 
of, ix ; quoted, 26 et seg. 

Northumberland Visitation, Foster's, 
quoted, 27 et seg. 

Northumberland, ninth earl of, im- 
prisoned in Tower, 66 ; fined, 67 ; 
release of, 67 ; death, 67 ; a lover of 
books, 67 ; Algernon, earl of, letters 
of, 70 : Thomas, earl of, Tynemouth 

granted to. by queen Mary. 63; 
Henry, ninth earl, born at Tyne- 
mouth castle, 63 ; duke of, Dudley 
earl of Warwick created, 63 

Norwich cathedral, laver at, 168 ; re- 
mains of hall at, of Norman date, 
120 ; site of refectory, 123 ; probably 
work of John of Oxford (1 1 75-1200), 
124; restored in Perpendicular style, 

Notitia Utriisqiie Imperil, extracts 
from, 107 ; army list of Roman 
state, 99 ; second part relates to 
Britain, 99; from this and inscrip- 
tions true names of stations per 
lineam ralli recovered, 99 

Nurstead court, hall at, destroyed, 130 
and n 


Oakham hall, How,- one of four aisled 
halls remaining, 119; dimensions, 
1 1 9n ; the smallest absolutely intact, 
131 : sole fragment of castle, 131 ; 
account of, in Parker's Domestic 
Architecture and Archaeological 
Journal, 131 ; said to have been 
built by Walkelyn de Ferrers, 131 
principal entrance towards east end 
of south aisle, 131 ; side windows, 
132, 133 

Officers, council and, for 1896, xix 
Ogle. Henry, 29; wife Jane, son 
William, 256 ; William, of Causey 
park. 256 

Oliver, Margaret, burial place of, 48 
Organ at Auckland castle chapel, 188 
Orosius, extract from, relating to 

Roman Wall. 107 

Oxford, John of, probably builder of 
Norwich infirmarv hall, 124 ; king's 
hall at, 154 


Pallister's chare, Newcastle, 242, 245; 
or Hayward's chare, 245 ; inns in, 

Pandon, granted to Newcastle by 
Edward I., 1 

Parker's Domestic Architecture, 116, 
130ra, 131, 140w 

Paston, sir John, letter of bishop of 
Durham to, 115 

' Pembroke ' engaged a Dutch man-of- 
war, 75 

Penshurst, manor-house hall of, 118 ; 
provided with parapets, 160; licence 
to crenellate, 154; porch, 167 

Peppercorn chare, Newcastle, 242, 245 




Percy quarterings, engraving re- 
presenting, presented, xv 

Percy, sir Aian, grant to, out of lights 
of Tynemouth, 67; sir Henry, ap- 
pointed governor of Tynemouth, 63 ; 
letter from him from camp at Leith, 
63 ; married his cousin, Catherine, 
daughter of the last lord Latimer, 6iJ ; 
letter of, to sir W. Cecil, 64 ; his son, 
ninth earl of Northumberland, 63 ; 
order to sir John Foster to arrest, 64 ; 
committed to Tower, 65 ; Thomas, 
constable of Alnwick castle, 66 

Percy, Aimals of the House of, referred 
to, 28 

Pertinax, ' the estimable senator,' 
raised to the purple, 89; murdered 
by Pretorian guards, 90 

Peterborough, remains of Norman hall 
of, 120; infirmary buildings super- 
seded earlier, 126 j lie east of 
cathedral church, 127 ; erected 
during abbacy of John de Caleto, 
127 ; columns of quatrefoil section, 

Philip, ' the dark Arabian traitor,' 92 

Pipe stopper of brass, with heads of 
pope and a cardinal, presented, xiv 

Plummer chare, Newcastle, 242 

fans Aelii (Newcastle), named after 
Hadrian, 86 

Porches : of halls, 167; referred to in 
Liberate and Close Rolls, 167 ; 
Penshurst, Kent, etc., 167 ; St. 
Andrew's church, 167 

Power, Thomas, deputy governor of 
Tynemouth castle, 66 

Pre-Conquest cross shaft from Tyne- 
mouth, fragment of, presented, xv 

Prudhoe castle hall, 118 

' Prussian Arms,' the, Pallister chare, 
Newcastle, 246 

Pudsey, bishop, reconstructed Auck- 
land castle, 115, 141 ; two halls of 
Durham castle, Galilee chapel of 
the cathedral, founded Sherburn 
hospital, and built Darlington 
church, 141 ; seal of, 141 

Pybus, Humphrey, 250 

' Quakers, The sufferings of the/ 74 


Raby castle, work began with hall, 
1 15 ; when Auckland hall built, 
Saxon or Norman hall at, untouched, 
116; orders to remove arms from. 

Raglan, 118 

Raine's Auckland Castle, 144 ; state- 
ment, 149, 150 ; account of Auckland 
castle, the most exhaustive, 113 

Ramsey, William, silversmith, 46 

Ravensworth castle hall, an aisleless 
parallelogram, 118 

Rawling, pedigree of, 248 ; sir Ben- 
jamin, 248 ; Henry, grandfather of. 
merchant adventurer and mayor of 
Newcastle, 248 

Reports (annual), ix ; of treasurer, 
xvi ; curators, xii 

Reynolds, bishop of Lincoln, used 
palace as quarry for cathedral, 134 

Richard II., assignment by, to mayor 
and bailiffs, 7 

Richmond, duke of, destroyed en- 
trance to Tynemouth castle, 80 

Richmond castle, hall of, an aisleless 
parallelogram, 118 

Riddell, sir Thomas, 69 ; in custody, 
69 ; escaped to Berwick, 69 ; died 
at Antwerp, 69 

'Rising Sun,' Quayside, Newcastle, 247 

Rites >jnd Monuments, extracts from, 
127, 140/i 

Robinson, John, on monuments in 
Athol chantry, St. Andrew's church, 
Newcastle, 37 

Robinson's chare, Newcastle, 245 

Rochester castle, 154 

Rode's chare, Newcastle, Blew Anchor 
chare or, 245 

Roman inscribed stone from Corsto- 
pituni, xii 

Roman Wall : The Literary History of 
the,' Hodgkin's, 83 ; discussions as to 
real builders of, 83 ; evidence of 
inscriptions, 83 ; authorities, 83 ; 
witnesses must be weighed not 
counted, 83 ; conquest of Britain in 
43, 84 ; tribes overpassing, 88 ; first 
clear mention of, 89 ; Meatae close to 
the, 89; Mommsen thought reference 
to Scotch Wall, 89 ; all independent 
testimony as to builder ends, 98 ; 
ascribed to Hadrian, 94 ; to Severus, 
96 ; assertions of Eutropius and 
others probably all copied from 
Historia Augusta, 98 ; assigned by 
Cassiodorus to consulate of Aper 
and Maximus, 98 ; true names of 
stations between Wallsend and 
Gilsland, recovered through Notitia 
and inscriptions, 99 ; the Historia 
Augusta and, 97 ; Gildas and, 100 ; 
Bede, 101 ; extracts from Tacitus, 
104; Dion Cassius, 105; Spartianus, 
106 ; Capitolinus, 106 ; Eutropius, 
106 ; Victor, 107 ; Orosius, 107 ; 
Cassiodorus, 107 ; Notitia, 107 ; 



Gildas, 108; Bede, 108; building 
of a vallvm ascribed by Bede to 
Severus, 101 ; evidence not decisive 
as to builder, 103 ; probably Agricola 
built some of the camps, 103 ; these 
camps connected by some kind of 
rampart by Hadrian, 103 ; that 
Severus did something to re-estab- 
lish the great barrier, also certain, 
103 ; stories ascribing building to 
Britons, legendary, 103 
Koofs of halls, 168 
Kookbye, Thomas, of Mortham, 260 
Roses on stalls, 199?t 
Eoskel chare. Newcastle, 241 
Rowell, Thomas, 254 
Rowmayne, Ralph, tombstone of, 48 
Rushes, floors of beaten earth and 

covered with ,-164 
Russell's chare, Newcastle, 244 
Ruthall, mitre-coronets of, 196ra 
Rutherford, William, of Rochester, 

lands conveyed to, 27 
Rutter : tombstone, St. Andrew's 
church, Newcastle, 39 ; William, of 
Newcastle, 256 
Ryton, Malin Sorsbie, rector of, 257 


St. Albans, Thomas De La Mere, abbot 

of, 262 
St. Catherine, hall at Westminster, 

now known as chapel of, 120 
St. David's palace, built about middle 

of fourteenth century, I43ra; hall, 

118, 154?t 
St.Etheldreda, the infirmary hall at 

Ely, described by Mr. Millars as 

original Saxon basilica, erected by, 


St. Lawrence, chapel dedicated to, 261 . 
St. Maur, sir Thomas de, 26 
St. Paul's, Dugdale's History of, 145 
Sanderson, James, 256 
Scala, John Thomas, one of commission 

of Henry VIII. to view state of 

Tynemouth, 62 
Scots garrisoned Tynemouth castle, 

68 ; besieged and took fort at South 

Shields, 68 ; surrender of Charles I. 

by, 70 
Scott, William, father of lords Eldon 

and Stowell, 257 

Screen at Auckland castle chapel, 190 
Selby, sir William, Tynemouth castle 

delivered to, 67 
Sens, William of, choir of Canterbury 

cathedral erected by, 175 
Septimius Severus, one of six greatest 

names in history of Roman Britain, 

90 ; a ' dry African soldier,' utterly 
unlike Hadrian, 90 ; warring against 
Persians, expedition against Cale- 
donians and Meatae, 90 ; reached 
extreme limit of island, 90 ; died at 
York in 21 1, 91 ; said by Spartian 
to have made Wall for which named 
Britannicus, 96 ; building of a 
vallum ascribed to, by Bede, 101 

Shaf tos of Benwell, the, 255 

Sheerness, attack of Dutch fleet on, 76 

Shepherd, Anthony, 251 

Sherborne hospital, infirmary hall at, 

Sherburn hospital tounded by Pudsey, 

Sheriff Button castle, hall of, an aisle- 
less parallelogram, 118 
Sherwood, bishop, Auckland castle so 
called from time of, 115 

Shrewsbury, earl of, report of, on new 
fortification at Tynemouth, 62 

Skippon, major-general, governor of 
1 ynemouth castle, 70 

' Slynglay,' county Duiham, 28 

Smith, biographer of Cosin, tells us sir 
A. Haslerigg blew up chapels, 145 

Smith, Abraham, carpenter, Durham, 
contract with, for work at chapel, 
Auckland castle, 186 ; and John 
Brasse, makers of screen, 190 

Societies ex changing publications, xxix 

Somner's Antiquities of Canterbury, 

Sorsbie, Malin, rector of Ryton, 257 ; 
son Robert, mayor of Newcastle, 257 

South Shields, fort at, besieged and 
taken by Scots, 68 ; George Linton 
and others, quakers, taken at meet- 
ing at, 74 

South wark, hall of bishops of Win- 
chester at, 154?i 

Spanish battery, the, 62, 179 

Spartianus, Aelius Lampridius, lives 
of Roman emperors ascribed to, 94 ; 
passage in, clearly assigning to 
Hadrian building of Wall, 95 ; some 
say life of Antoninus Pius by, 95 ; 
life of Severus ascribed to, 95 ; 
extract from, relating to Roman 
Wall, 106 

Staindrop church, tomb of Ralph, first 
earl of Westmorland, in, 196/t 

Stamford, tenement in, 26 

Stephens, professor George, F.S.A., 
etc., obituary notice of, 50 ; works 
written by, 52 

Stichell, bishop (1271), chapel in 
manor-house, temp., 145 

Stokesay castle, 118 

Story, Fergus, of Beanley, 29 



Stott, Robert, 254 

Stryvelyn, sir John. 26 

Buetonius, history of emperors to 

Domitian, 93 
Surtees, Aubone, 40 
Sussex, Kent, etc., warrant to farmers 

of excise of, for ale, etc., to Tyne- 

mouth castle, 73 
Symeon, first mention of Auckland 

manor house, 113 


Tacitus, gaps in his account of Britain, 
84; son-in-law of Agricola, 84; life 
of Agricola, 84 ; not a good military 
historian, 84 

Taillur, John le, of Berwick, and 
Matilda, His wife, 26 

Tanaus, the estuary of the, 85 

Thoresby, Ralph, the historian of 
Leeds, visited Tynemouth castle. 76 

Thornton, Roger de, 13 

' Three Indian Kings,' Quayside, New- 
castle. 259 

Tikhill, roll of Roger de, 161 

Tithe barn, Harmondsworth, Middle- 
sex, 130 

Tivoli, Hadrian's villa at, 87 

Tonge's Visitation, 198 

Topping, John, governor of Tyne- 
mouth castle, 72, 73 ; interview of, 
with Mr. Robert Marley, 72 

Trajan, ' best of princes,' 86 

Twizill, Joshua, tanner. Catherine, his 
wife, tombstone of, 41 

Tynemouth. fragment of pre-Conquest 
cross shaft from, presented, xv ; 
priory graveyard, 40 ; the great 
stone house of the prior of, on 
Quayside, Newcastle. 258 ; Thomas 
de la Mere, prior of, 262 

' Tynemouth castle and the eve of the 
Commonwealth,' 71 

Tynemouth castle after the dissolution 
of the monastery, 61 ; plan, temp. 
Elizabeth, 62 ; monastery, Robert 
Blakeney, prior of, 61 ; church of 
SS. Mary and Oswin, 61 ; demised 
to sir Thomas Hilton, viewed by 
sir Richard Dee and others, 62 ; 
John Dudley, lord high admiral, 
at, 62 ; report of earl of Shrewsbury, 
62 ; grant of Edward VI. to Dudley, 
earl of Warwick, 63 ; granted by 
Mary to Thomas, earl of Northum- 
berland, 63 ; sir Henry Percy, ap- 
pointed to charge of, by queen 
Elizabeth, 63 ; castle used as a 
state prison, 63 ; James Hepburn, 
earl of Bothwell, confined in, 63 ; 

Henry, ninth earl of Northumber- 
land, born at, 63 ; Mr. Delaval, 
keeper of, 66 ; Henry Percy, ninth 
earl of Northumberland, restored to 
governorship, 66 ; Thomas Power, 
deputy, 66 ; sir Henry Widdrington 
ordered to take possession, 66 ; 
castle delivered to sir William 
Selby, 66 ; George Whitehead. lieu- 
tenant of, 67 ; profits of lights at, 
67 ; sir John Fenwick, captain of, 
67 ; castle ruinated, 67 ; visit of 
Charles I. to, 68 ; visited by sir 
William Brereton.theparliamentary 
general, 68 ; earl of Monmouth, 
captain, 68 ; delivered to earl of 
Newport, 68 ; seized and garrisoned 
by Scottish, 68 ; surrender and 
delivery of, 69 ; again surrendered 
in 1644, 69 ; major-general Skippon, 
governor under parliament, 70 ; 
sir Arthur Hesilrige, governor, 
70; order for repair, 71 ; thanked 
for recovery of castle, 71 ; lieu- 
tenant-colonel Lilburn, deputy 
governor. 71 ; John Topping, gov- 
ernor of, 72 ; establishment charges, 

73 ; order for arms from Raby 
castle, 73 ; colonel Robert Lilburn 
in charge, 73 ; order to farmers of 
excise of Kent and Sussex to supply 
ale, etc., to, 73 ; parishioners de- 
prived of use of parish church, 73 ; 
petition of parishioners for new 
church, 73 ; soldiers at, agree 
to support general Lambert, 78 ; 
surrendered by sir A. Hesilrige, 74; 
earl of Northumberland, captain, 
etc., 74 ; Edward Villiers, governor, 

74 ; major Graham, deputy governor, 
74; letter of lord Fauconberg, 74 ; 
sir John Marley, ordered to have 
eye on Tynemouth, 74 ; engagement 
near, 75 ; landsmen marched from 
Berwick to, 75 ; alarm at, concern- 
ing the Dutch. 76 ; grant, for repairs 
of castle, 76 ; Ralph Thoresby 
visited, 76 ; colonel Villiers and his 
son Henry, governors of castle, 76 ; 
death of colonel Villiers, and burial 
in castle, 76 ; old monastic buildings 
pulled "down, 76 ; plan of, temp. 
Elizabeth, 77, 78 ; late seventeenth 
century plan, 79 ; John Campian, 
a soldier shot for desertion, 79 ; 
cost of establishment, 79 ; French 
prisoners in, 79 ; escape of, 79 ; 
Dutch and Swiss soldiers quartered 
at, 79 ; gateway of, 80 ; licence to 
crenellate, 80 ; drawing of, by Ralph 
Waters, 80 ; entrance destroyed by 



duke of Richmond, 80 ; list of 
governors and lieutenant-governors, 


Uchtred, earl of Northumberland, 2 ; 

Aucklands surrendered to, 113 
Ulpius, Marcellus (see Marcellus 

Universities, college halls of, 118 


Van Ersell, John Baptist, painter of 
roof of Auckland castle chapel, 183; 
contract for painting, 186 

Van Mildert, bishop, executed repairs 
in Auckland castle chapel, 154 

Vestiges of Old Newcastle and Gates- 
head, referred to, 241 

Villiers, colonel Edward, governor of 
Tynemouth castle, 74 ; receipt signed 
by him, 74 ; colonel Henry, gov- 
ernor, 76. 


Walters, Ralph, purchased sites of 
chares, Newcastle, 242 

Wark castle hall, 118 

Warkworth castle, hall of, towards 
courtyard, single aisle, llSw; view 
of double chapel interior, 148 

Warwick castle, 118 

Warwick, Dudley earl of, created duke 
of Northumberland, 63 

Waters, Ralph, drawing of Tynemouth 
monastery, etc., by, 80 

Watson, John, 265 ; Ralph, weaver, 
tombstone of, 43 

Welford's Men of Mark, 242 et seq. ; 
Newcastle and Gatesltead, 258 

Wells palace hall, 118, 137; provided 
with parapets, 160 ; interior arrange- 
ments of, completely destroyed, 
137; kitchens at, 143/&; lighting 
of,. 154 ; bishop BurneH's hall at, 
143; dimensions of. 119/t 

Wemyss, general, governor of Tyne- 
mouth and Clifford's fort, death of, 

Wendout, Robert, lands at Newton, 
Embleton, and Earle, granted to, 

Wenham hall (little), Suffolk, the 
laver at, 168 

Westminster hall, 115 and n, 118; 
dimensions of, 119; remains of 
Norman date, 120 ; earliest in date, 
120 ; now known as chapel of St. 
Catherine, 120 

Westmorland, tomb of Ralph, first 
earl of, at Staindrop, 196 

Whitby, the council of, 225 

White, John, founder of Courant, 
257 ; Matthew, 250 

Whitehead, George, lieutenant of 
Tynemouth castle, 67 

Whitewash and plaster, an entire 
ignorance of ancient ideas displayed 
in modern outcry against, 161; 
Tower of London and many places 
whitewashed, 16 In 

Widdrington, Ephraim, 28 ; sir Henry 
ordered to take possession of Tyne- 
mouth castle, 66 

Wilkinson, William, 41 

Winchester castle, Henry III. born in, 

138 ; hall of, one of four aisled halls 
remaining, 119 ; most important of 
all, built by Henry III., 138 ; new 
kitchens, etc., erected in 1234, 138 ; 
carried out under Master Elias de 
Dereham, 139 ; dimensions of hall, 

139 ; supposed to have been chapel, 
139, 140 ; kitchens, etc., 142w; hall 
provided with parapets, 160 ; map 
of world painted on wall, and also 
figures of St. George and St. Edward, 
163 / floor of queen's chamber to be 
plastered and to be paved with flat 
tile, 165w; porch of hall, 167; images 
for, 167 

Wingfield manor, Derbyshire, porch 

of, 167 

Winship, Thomas, tanner, 47 
Woodman, William, vice-president, 

obituary notice of, 53 ; genealogy 

of, 54 ; born at Morpeth, 54 ; 

articled to Anthony Charlton, 55 ; 

official posts, 55 ; tribute of rev. J. 

Hodgson to, 56 ; papers by, 57 ; and 

Morpeth grammar school suit, 55 
Woodstock, 154a ; King's new chapel 

at, ordered to be paved, 165 ; 

images for porch of hall, 167 
Wright, Ralph, fragment of gravestone, 



Xvnodochium, the, 120, 128 
Xiphilinus,'an ignorant anduncritical 

Byzantine monk,' 92 ; abridged 

Dion, 92 


Yarmouth, Newcastle chares resembled 

rows at, 24 1 
Yeddington hall, 154 
York, guildhall at. 130 
Younger, Anthony, gravestone of. 47 



Archaeologia aeliana 




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