Archaeologia Cambrensis : a record of the antiquities of Wales and its Marches and the journal of the Cambrian Archaeological Association

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700

tl

'^tth^ala^h (Uamlrrfitsis,

JOURNAL

Camhriait Irr^tfolcgifal Insoriation.

^

VOL. XII. FOURTH SERIES.

LONDON:
PARKER AND Co., 6, SOUTHAMPrON STREET,

STBiHD.

1881.

» - • .

LONDON
T. SIOHABDB, 37, QSKAT qUBKH STEKKT, W.C.

CONTENTS.

Of tlie "Castles of England at the GonqnoBt
and under the Conqueror

Hats of Ardudwj

Querns ....

Anglesey ....

Extracts from old Wills relating to Wales
{continued)

A Comparison of Celtic Words found in
Old English Literature and English
Dialects with modem Forms

On the Political Value of Castles under
the Successors of the Conqueror

The System of Place-Names in Wales
compared with that of England

The Marches of Wales

Notes relating to Glamorganshire

MedifBval Pembrokeshire .

The Caldj Island Stone .

Historical MSS. Commission (continued)

The Political Influence of Castles in the
Reign of Henry II . . .

The Marches of Wales (continued) <t^i .

Gwysaney Papers

Basin gwerk Abbey and Priories of Den-
bigh and Rhuddlan

The Steyntou Inscribed Stone, Pembroke-
shire .....

G. T. Clark
Hugh Prichard
E. L. Barnwell

John Davies

G. T. Clark

PAOB
1

17
30
48

80

89

109

Sir J. A. Picton,
F.S.A. . . 125

SirG.F.Duckett,Bt.l37
W. Watkins . 151
E. L. Barnwell . 158
W. G. Smith . 1G5

. 166

G. T. Clark' . 177
SirG.F.Duckett,Bt.l86

• • • 4U\J^

. 212

John Rhys

. 217

IV CONTENTS.

PAftl

Private Papers of Richard Vangban, Earl

ofCarberj .... H. P. J. Vaughaa 220

Pembrokeshire Antiquities : Carew, Hodges-
ton, Upton . . . £. L. Barnwell . 238

Unexplained stone articles . Arthur Qore . 246

Historical MSS. Commission (contintied) . . .250

A Comparison of Celtic Words found in
old English Literature and English Dia-
lects with Modern Celtic Forms. Pt. II J. Davies . .257

Private Papers of Richard Yaughan, Earl

of Carbery (concliided) . . H. F. J. Vanghan 273

Stokesay . . . J. G. D. La Touche 289

Caer Creini . . W. W. Williams 307

Melverley Scholastic Ferule . . M. C. J. .315

Historical MSS. Commission (continued) . . 322

Obituary Notices : Mrs. Stackhouse Acton,
Edwin Guest, LL.D., F.R.S., Mr. Edw.
Breese, Mr. T. Brigstock, Rev. C. Hea-
ton, Rev. Canon Williams

Report of Church Stretton Meeting

Index ......

Illustrations .....

cobrespondencb .
Miscellaneous Notices .
Arch^ologioal Notes and Queries

•

84,

171

•

•

337

*

■

367

•

■

369

86,

174,

329

88,

176,

331

•

•

176

^ri:hae0l0J9ia Cam&r^n^is.

FOURTH SERIES.— VOL. XII NO. XLV.

JANUARY 1881.

OF THE CASTLES OF ENGLAND AT THE

CONQUEST AND UNDER THE

CONQUEROR.

It has usually been assumed that the rapidity of Wil-
liam's conquest was due to the absence of strong places
in England. There is, however, ground for believing
that England, in this respect, was exceedingly well
provided, — quite as well provided as Normandy ; and
that, with the possible exception of a very few re-
cently constructed strongholds, the works in the two
countries were ver/similax in character. The older sites
of the castles of the barons in Normandy are nearly all
ascertained, and are for the most part distinguished by
a moated mound with an appended court or courts also
moated. This simple and very effective form of defence
seems to have been in use among the northern nations,
invaders both of England and the Continent, and in
the ninth and tenth centuries was as common on the
banks of the Thames, the Humber, and the Severn, as
on those of the Seine and the Ome. It was in the
eleventh centiny, and chiefly during the troubles at-
tendant upon the a<X5ession and minority of Duke
William, that the Normans seem to have adopted a
new and more permanent description of fortress, and
the old fashioned structure of timber began to be re-
placed by walls and towers in masonry, and especially

4th 8Sm., TOL. XII. 1

2 CASTLES OF ENGLAND AT THE CONQUEST

by keeps of that material. Of these, the best known,
because the most durable, form was the rectangular, of
which not above half a dozen examples can be shewn
with certainty to have been constructed in Normandy
before the latter part of the eleventh century, and but
very few, if any, before the English conquest. Nor is
there known to be in Normandy any specimen of the
polygonal or circular form of keep as early as that event.
De Caumont attributes the rectangular keep of Lan-
geais, in which brick is largely used, to the year 992; but
Du Pin and St. Laurent are probably among the oldest,
and do not seem to be earlier than the reign of Duke
William ; and this is true also of Arques and Nogent-
le-Rotrou, both early structures. In Normandy as in
England, the polygonal or shell-keep, though on the
older site, seems usually to be, in masonry, the later
construction ; that of Gisors was built by Robert de
Belesme in 1097, and that of Carentan at about the
same time. Many even of the most considerable mounds,
as Briquessart and Vieux-Conches, shew no trace of
masonry. The $hell-keep of Plessis-Grimoult was held
by De Caumont to have been constructed before 1047;
but if this be so, it is certainly a singular exception.
Castle building in Normandy seems to have preceded
the English conquest, if at all, by but a very few years.
The Romans left behind them in Britain many walled
towns ; but it is not known to what extent these de-
fences were preserved by the Northmen, or in what con-
dition they found them. At the Conquest, Chester, Lin-
coln, Exeter, Hereford, Leicester, Oxford, Stafford, and
Colchester, seem to have been already walled, and the
walls of Exeter had been repaired or rebuilt by iEthel-
stan . Canterbury, Nottingham, and York were defended
by a ditch. There were also probably some others, and
possibly a few military towers in masonry of English
workmanship ; but there is no evidence of there having
been anything like a rectangular keep, notwithstand-
ing the special mention in 1052 of Richard's Castle, the
work of Richard the son of Scrob. There is no reason

AND UNDER THE CONQUEROR. 3

to suppose that it possessed a tower of that character,
which would have been quite out of keeping with the
moated mound which even now marks the spot. Still
less had the English any shell-keeps in masonry. What
there reaUy was in the way of military masonry, and
what was its character, is not so clear. It was said of
Dover by William of Poictiers, that it was by Harold
'^studio atque sumptu suo communitum'^ and that
there were " item per diversa loca illius terrsB alia cas-
tra ubi voluntas Ducis ea firmari jubet"; also in the
account of the advance of William from Canterbury it
is added, "ad fractam turrim castra metatus est",
pointing to a work in masonry, though, no doubt, it
might, as at York, be Roman. Arundel, named in
Domesday as having been a castle in the reign of the
Confessor, was probably, from the size of its mound and
the depth of its ditches, as strong as any castle of its
type in Normandy ; but no masonry has been observed
there, either upon or about the mound, of a date earlier
than the Conquest, if as early.

That there existed in England, at the Conquest, no
castles in masonry of English work, it may be too much
to assert ; but it may safely be said that, save a frag-
ment of wall at Corfe, no military masonry decidedly
older than that event has as yet been discovered. In
1052, when the Confessor and Earl Godwin came to
terms, and the attack on London was set aside, it is
stated that Archbishop Bobert and his Frenchmen
fled, some westward to Fenticost Castle, and some
northwards to Robert's Castle; so that these places
probably, like Richard's Castle, were in Norman hands,
though it does not follow that they were constructed
of the material, or in the fashion, then coming into use
in Normandy.

Domesday mentions directly forty-nine castles as ex-
isting at the date of the survey, and of these at least
thirty-three were on sites far older than the Conquest ;
and of them at least twenty-eight possessed artificial
mounds similar to Arundel and the castles in Nor-

4 GASTLBS OF ENGLAND AT THE CONQUEST

mandy. Domesday, however, is notoriously capricious
both in its entries and omissions on such matters as
were not included in its proper view, and its list of
castles is nearly as incomplete as its list of churches.
Neither were required to be noted. "Of the forty-nine
castles recorded", says Sir H. Ellis, " eight are known
either on the authority of Domesday , or of our old his-
torians, to have been built by the Conqueror himself ;
ten are entered as erected by greater barons, and one
by an under tenant of 'Earl Roger ; eleven more, of
whose builders we have no particular account, are
noticed in the Survey, either expressly or by inference,
as new". The fact is, however, that although the num-
ber of castles actually mentioned may be only forty-nine,
of castles and castelries (which imply a castle) there
are named in Dom^day fifty-two. The castles reputed
to have been built by the Conqueror himself are Lin-
coln, Rockingham, Wareham, two castles at York, Do-
ver, Durham, London, and Nottingham, of which the
last four are not mentioned in Domesday. Exeter, also
omitted, is generally reputed to be one of William's
castles, as was Stafford; which, however, was con-
structed and destroyed before the date of the Survey.
" Terra de Stadford in qua rex percepit fieri castellum,
quod modo est destructum." A very short period for
tne construction and destruction of a work in masonry.
Mr. Pearson, who has given great attention to the sub-
ject of Norman castles in England, tabulates the result
of his researches in the atlas attached to his History.
He there enumerates as standing in the reign of the
Conqueror forty-nine castles belonging to the King, and
fifty to his subjects. Of these, at least thirty-eight
have mounds. He gives also a list of fifty-three belong-
ing to private persons in the reign of William Rufus,
of which at least five have mounds. Probably there
were of each class many more than these. Colchester,
for example, is not included, nor Famham, nor Berk-
hampstede.

Of the ninety-nine castles enumerated by Mr. Pear-

AND UNDER THE CONQUEROR. 5

son aa belonging to the reigp of the Conqueror, at least
fifty are on old sites. These are Arundel, Berke-
ley, Bramber, Cambridge, Carisbrook, Chester, Clare,
Clifford, Caerleon, Coniugsburgh, Dover, Durham, Dun-
ster, Dudley, Eye, Ewias, GuUdford, Hastings, Hunt-
ingdon, Launceston, Leicester, Lincoln, Lewes, L'wre,
Marlborough, Montacute, Norwich, Oxford, Pevensey,
Pontefract, Quatford, Raleigh, Richard's Castle, Roches-
ter, Rockingham, Shrewsbury, Striguil, Stafford, Stam-
ford, Tickhill, Tonbridge, Trematon, Tutbury, Wig-
more, Windsor, Wallingford, Wareham, Warwick, Wor-
cester, and York. Almost as many are doubtful, and
probal3ly not more than two or three, such as Richmond,
London, and possibly Mailing, were altogether new. The
fact is, that all these lists, however valuable they may
be as shewing what castles were taken possession of or
re-edified or strengthened by the Normans, give no ade-
quate idea of the fortresses already existing in Eng-
land, and omit scores of earthworks as large and as
strong as those occupied by the Normans in England,
or left behind them in Normandy, of a date long before
the reign of William, — probably before the end of the
tenth century. Every part of England, much of Scot-
land, and the accessible parts of the Welsh border, were
covered with strong places which were, no doubt, de-
fended, and well defended, with palisades, as more suit-
able to made ground than work in masonry such as
wss more or less in use for ecclesiastical purposes. It
was not that these places were less capable of defence
than those in Normandy, but that England was broken
up into parties. Harold's seat was too insecure, and
the few months of his reign far too brief to allow his
great administrative talents to come into play ; and his
early death left the English without a leader. TUe
power of the other earls was local. There was no
organised opposition. Not\idthstanding the assertion
of Orderic that the English were mere tillers of the
soil, a convivial and drinking race, they by no means
submitted quietly to the Norman rule ; but their efforts

6 CASTLES OF ENQLAin) AT THE CONQUEST

for freedom, boldly devised and gallantly executed,
were ill timed and ill combined, and were, in conse-
quence, put down in detail. Under such circumstances
the strongholds of the country availed little. Dover,
Lewes, Arundel, Bramber, Tonbridge, Rochester, Guild-
ford, Farnham, Wallinffford, and Berkhampstede, had
their strong earthworks been held in force, would
have rendered William's advance too imprudent to
have been attempted ; and that these and other not
far distant positions were well chosen, is shewn by the
fact that they were all adopted by the Conqueror. The
conquest of England was made possible, not by the
absence of strong places, but by the want of organisa-
tion for their deience.

But whatever may have been the character of the
defences in use in England before the arrival of the
Normans, it is certain that from that period they
imderwent a considerable and probably a rapid change,
though scarcely so rapid as ' has been supposed. The
Normans, who had so long, in common with the Eng-
lish (probably by reason of their common ancestrjr),
employed the moated and palisaded mound, proceeded
to carry out in England the important improvements
they had already commenced in Normandy. William's
chief object, having conquered, was to secure his con-
quest; and his first care, on obtaining possession of
each division of the kingdom, or each capital city or
town, was to regard it from a military point of view,
and to order the construction of such strong places as
might be necessary for the holding of it. How com-
pletely, in so doing, he trod in the footsteps of those
who had gone before, is shewn by what he found and
what he did towards the covering of London, and the
nmintaining of bis communication with the sea. Thus
he found and reinforced castles at Chichester, Arundel,
Bramber, Lewes, Hastings, and Dover. On his road
he found and strengthened Canterbury, Tonbridge,
Rochester, and Ryegate. In London he founded me
Tower, an entirely new work ; but for the defence of

AND UNDER THE CONQUEROR. 7

the basin of the Thames he trusted to the ancient sites
of Guildford and Famham, possibly Reading, and cer-
tainly Wallingford and Berkhampstede. And so all
over the kingdom, such strongholds as were central, in
good military positions, or of unusual strength, or were
placed in tne ancient demesne-lands of the crown,
were taken possession of or reconstructed for the sove-
reign ; but every baron or great tenant in chief was
permitted — and, indeed, at first expected, and was, no
doubt, sufficiently ready — to construct castles for the
security of the lands allotted to him, which in the vast
majority of instances were meant to remodel the de-
fences of the English predecessors. This was under the
Eressure of circumstances, for William seems always to
ave been awake to the danger of uniting extensive
hereditary jurisdictions, and even from the nrst to have
contemplated governing the counties through the inter-
vention of vice-comiteSy or sheriflfe, who were appointed,
and could be displaced, at pleasure. But this policy
was at first, in certain districts, necessarily postponed,
though even then William made it to be understood
that the chief castles of the realm, by whomsoever
built, were royal castles, and their actual acquisition
was always an important part of the policy of both him
and his successors so long as castles were of consequence.
Thus Windsor, Cambridge, Exeter, Corfe, Wareham,
Winchester, Porchester, Southampton, Carisbrooke,
Canterbury, Dover, Lincoln, Bockingham, Nottingham,
Staflford, Guildford, Warwick, Marlborough, and York,
were royal castles from the commencement. Walling-
ford, Gloucester, Bristol, Oxford, Tutbury, Worcester,
though built by subjects, were not the less claimed
and oflScered by the crown. Even Durham, though
held by the bishops, and Leicester, Lincoln, and Hunt-
ingdon, by the lords of those earldoms, were from time
to time in the hands of the crown, whose rights over
them were of a far more direct character than those it
claimed to exercise over the lands and feudal posses-
sions of lords of the above mentioned castles.

8 CASTLES OF ENQLAKD AT THE CONQUEST

Arundel, Shrewsbury, Montgomery, Bridgenorth, and
some less important fortresses, fell to the crown on the
overthrow of the house of Talvas ; and with this event
a number of castles on the Welsh border, built by
tenants of Earl Roger, became fiefs in capite, dependent
directly upon the crown. Besides these, there are on
record, in England, about forty or fifty castles built by
local barons, which, when it suited the crown, were
taken in hand and repaired and garrisoned at its
charge.

Oi nearly all the castles on record, as existing in the
reigns of the Conqueror and his sons, the site is well
known ; and of very many, fragments of the masonry
remain. What is veir^remirkabfe is, that of this masonry
there is but little which can be referred to the reign of
either the Conqueror or William Kufus, that is, to the
eleventh century. Of that period are certainly London
and Mailing, Guildford, Bramber, the Gate-House of
Exeter, the foundation of Chepstow, the keeps of Ches-
ter, Goderich, Walden and Wolvesey, Colchester and
Newcastle, though this last looks later than its re*
corded date. Probably there is more of this masonry,
but not much. Dover, Rochester, Porchester, and
Hedingham, among our finest examples, are certainly
later. Part of Durham Castle is, no doubt, of the age
of the Conaueror ; but the shell-keep has been rebuilt,
and it is aoubtfijl whether the original work was of
the age of the early Norman chapel and hall attached
to it. Speaking generally, those castles in England
which belong to what is called the Norman period
are too late to be the work of the Conqueror or his
personal followers, and too early to allow of any pre-
ceding work in Norman masonry (usually sound and
solid) to have been constructed and swept away. What
is the solution of this difficulty ? Of what character
and material were the great majority of the castles
which WUliam ordered to be constructed ? Of what
character were those mentioned in Domesday ?

That William ordered many castles to be constructed

AND UNDER THE CONQUEROR. 9

is certain ; and among the orders left with Bishop Odo
and William Fitz Osbom, when acting as loint regents
of the kingdom, was one speclaUy cha^ng them to see
to the building of castles ; and no doubt these orders
were obeyed. But it has been hastily assumed that
the castles constructed were of masonry. The keeps of
Dover and Rochester, for example (if such were erected
under the Conqueror), were certainly not those now
standing, which belong to the reign of Henry II ; and
80 of iforwich, and probably of Sottingham"; no^ de-
stroyed. And yet the masonry of William's reign was
of a very durable character, as is seen in the Tower of
London, and in not a few still standing churches. Also
it is stated that William ^'custodes in castellis strenuos
viros collocavit, ex Gallis traductos, quorum fidei pari-
ter ac virtuti credebat". This looks very much as
though the castellans were at first, at any rate, put in
charge of existing castles ; which must mean tnat in
most cases some temporary arrangement was made, and
the existing works strengthened, untile it was conveni-
ent to replace them by others more in accordance with
the new ideas of strength and security.

William and his barons evidently employed two
classes of castles, — one always in masonry, and one very
often in timber. Where a castle was built in a new
position, as in London, or where there was no mound,
natural or artificial, they chose, as a rule, for the keep
the rectangular form, — a type said to have been intro-
duced from Maine, and employed at Arques, at Caen,
and at Falaise ; but where the site was old, and there
was a mound, as at Lincoln, Huntingdon, Rockingham,
Wallingford, or York, they seem to have been content
to repair the existing works, usually of timber only, and
to have postponed the replacing them with a regular
shell till a more convenient season, which in many cases
did not occur for a century.

Nor was the postponemejpt very serious, for the
native fortresses, if well manned, were strong, at least
for a limited time. The attacks of the Danes upon

10 CASTLES OP ENGLAND AT THE OONQUEST

Towcester, Bedford, and Wigmore, are on record ; and
yet these, of all of which the earthworks remain, were
not burhs of the first class, and certainly would not
contain a hundred men ; or even if the base-court were
occupied, more than thrice that number; and the
Danish army could scarcely be less than ten times as
numerous. The fact is, however, that such a mound as
Arundel or Tonbridge, palisaded, could be held for a
time by three or four score of resolute men against a
sharp attack from any number, armed as men were
armed in the tenth and eleventh centuries. No doubt
towers of masonry were more secure, because less de^
pendent upon the vigilance of the garrison ; less ob-
noxious to fire, less liable to be taken by surprise.
But the Normans were stout soldiers, well disciplined,
and could, from the first, expect no quarter from the
insurgent Enghsh.

Among the castles ordered by William to be built,
one of the most important was i ork. The order was
given in the sui^mer of 1068 ; and it is known that the
new castle was to be upon the old English site, which
contained a moated mound of the first class, commanded
and protected on one side by the Roman city, and on
the others by the swamps and waters of the Ouse and
Foss. William's castle was to be garrisoned by three
leaders and five hundred knights, which implied a con-
siderable following. Its area, therefore, must have been
spacious, and no doubt included the mound and its
ample base-court as seen at the present day. In 1069
the castle was attacked by the citizens in revolt, and
was even then capable of being held, and was held, till
William came to its assistance. He then ordered a
second caatle to be constructed upon the Bayle Hill;
and this was completed in eight days, before he left the
city. . A few months later, before September 1069, the
citizens, aided by the Danes, again attacked and burned
the castles, whicn in 1069-70 were again renewed. Now
York was the metropolis &f the most disaffected half of
the kingdom. There, if anywhere, a castle of stone

AND UNDEB THE CONQUEBOR. 1 1

would be desirable, and stone could readily have been
brought by water; and yet York Castle was constructed,
and made capable of being defended, in a few months,
and its subsidiary fortress in eight days; and both,
soon after, were taken and burned, and at once ordered
to be rebuilt. It is clear, from the time occupied by
the whole sequence of events, that these castles were
not of masonry. Moreover, the masonry of the present
York keep contains nothing that can be attributed to
the eleventh century ; but much that is far too early
to have replaced a really substantial keep or curtain of
Norman date, had such been built. Upon the great
and artificial mound of Bayle Hill, the site of the
second castle, there is neither trace nor tradition of any
masonry at alL

The building of a Norman castle required both time
and money. The architects, overlookers, and probably
the masons, had to be imported from Normandy, and in
many cases the stone for the exterior ; and as most of
the existing square keeps, and very nearly aU the shell-
keeps, are of the twelfth century, it seems probable
that the Conqueror was to some extent content with
such defences as he found in England ; strengthened,
no doubt, very materially by the superior skill and
resources of his engineers. This is quite consistent
with the fact that the art of castle buUding did, from
the building of the White Tower, undergo a great and
somewhat rapid change. It is true of William, both in
Normandy and in England, as Matthew Paris observes,
" ad castra quoque construenda, rex antecessores sues
omnes superabat ^; and he, no doubt, as we are told by
William of Jumieges, ** tutissima castella per opportuna
loca stabilavit". Lanfranc, writing to Roger Earl of
Hereford before his rebellion, assuring him of William's
confidence, adds, '^et mandat ut quantum possumus
curam habeamus de castellis suis, ne, quod Deus aver-
tat, inimicis suis tradantur"; and in the subsequent
rebellion it was, when Balph Guader found the men of
castles against him, that he left his wife and children

12 CASTLES OF ENQLAITD AT THE CONQUEST

to make terms from Norwich Castle, while he himself
fled. Lanfranc's dispatch informs William, " Castrum
Noruuich redditum est, et Britones qui in eo erant et
terras in Anglia terra habebant, concessis eis vita et
membris." Besides the Bishop and Earl Warrene, the
Castle contained three hundred " loricati", with cross-
bowmen and many artificers of military machines. Also
the same prelate charges Bishop Walcher, of Durham,
" Castrum itaque vestrum, et hominibus, et armis, et
alimentis vigilanti cura muniri facite/'

Castles, no doubt, there were at William's command,
many and strong. All that is here contended for is
that, whatever he may have desired, William was able
to construct but few castles such as London or Dur-
ham ; and that the greater number of those that re-
main, and exhibit the Norman style of architecture,
belong, some to the close of the eleventh, and a greater
number to the twelfth century. But if William did
not actually build so many castles as is supposed,
he and his followers certainly restored and refounded
an immense number, upon which those who came imme-
diately after him built structures, the ruins of which
we now see.

There is much to be learned from the consideration of
the positions of these fortresses. William's first care
on obtaining possession of each district was to order the
preparation of such strong pla^ aa might be necessary
for the holding of it. But it is evident that he was in-
fluenced also by another consideration. He desired to
be regarded as the legitimate heir of the Confessor
rather than as the conqueror of the kingdom ; and so
far as was consistent with his own security, he strove
to administer the ancient laws, and to leave the ancient
tenures and private estates, and even English owners,
undisturbed. This, indeed, owing to the strong national
discontent, shewn by repeated insurrections and by a
general current of ill will, of which these were the indi-
cations, he speedily found to be out of the question.
But even while driving out the native magnates he was

AND UNDER THE CONQUEfiOR. 13

careful to associate the new men, as far as possible,
with the past, in the hope (weU founded) that before
long the "successores et antecessores*', as they are called
in Domesday y would be looked upon as part of a conti-
nued line, — Earl Roger, for example, as the represent-
ative of Edwin at Shrewsbury, Hugh Lupus of Morcar,
and William Fitz Osbem of Ralph the Earl of Hereford
under the Confessor.

And this policy is particularly evident in the sites of
the castles. Where circumstances absolutely required
it, an entirely new position was selected ; but this was
extremely rare, and probably did not occur in half a
dozen instances ; if, indeed, in more than London and
Richmond. Usually it was found that the English lord
had attached to his estate an earthwork upon which
he and his ancestors had lived for centuries, which was
identified with the estate or district, and regarded with
respect and confidence by the surrounding tenantry.
It is surprising to find how completely the leading
positions in the country had thus been occupied. The
upland passes; the margins of the rivers; the summits,
where readily accessible, of the detached hills; the
spots rendered strong by cliffs or ravines, or extended
or impracticable marsW Each had its aula, where a
succession of lords had identified themselves with their
people, afforded them protection, and received in return
their support. Such were Guildford, Farnham, and
Berkhampstede, in the clefts of the belt of chalk by
which London is rirdled ; Hertford, Bedford, Walling-
ford, Tamworth, Worcester, Shrewsbury, Durham, and
York, upon the banks of deep or rapid streams ; Wind-
sor, Belvoir, Lincoln, Corfe, and Montacute, placed on
the summit of more or less detached hills, commandin]
a broad sweep of country ; Dover, Scarborough, an(
Bamborough,upon rugged and lofty sea-cli&, isolated by
deep and formidable ravines ; Huntingdon, Cambridge,
Ely, and Oxford, more or less covered by marshy fens
at that time almost impassable ; while attached to, and
80 placed as to overawe their adjacent cities or towns.

14 CASTLES OF ENGLAND AT THE CONQUEST

were such fortresses as Exeter, Leicester, Winchester,
Chester, Chichester, Taunton, York, Norwich, and Not-
tingham. Each, excepting such as belonged to the
crown, represented an English estate. To many of them
military service had long been paid; and now into
them the knights and barons from Normandy, and the
lieutenants and governors for the crown were inserted.
So far the policy was sound, and promised to be suc-
oessful ; but when the new lords began to build castles
of stone, they became obnoxious to both sovereign and
people. The possessor of a strong castle was ever ready
for rebellion, and was not uncommonly a tyrant even
to his own people, of whom this made him indepen-
dent : hence castles properly so called, — ^buildings in
masonry, — were hated by both king and people. The
old fashioned residence, half mansion, half fortress,
formed of earth and timber, or at best of a rude kind of
masonry, such as Scott, more by intuition than inquiry,
attributes to the Saxon Cedric, was strong when held
by brave men in sufl&cient numbers, for a short time ;
but under ordinary circumstances it could easily be
attacked, and set on fire. These fortified residences
were out of fashion with the Normans, and fell into dis-
use. The EngUsh lords were of the same immediate
lineage with their tenants; and if they occasionally
squeezed them, they did it as a man squeezes his own
milch cow, tenderly. But the castle of stone was held
by a stranger whose language, arms, and armour, were
strange to the people, and by them feared and hated.
The Norman castle was a purely miUtary building. It
was not only strong when well garrisoned, but its
passive strength was also great ; and when the bridge
was up, and the gates closed, it was at ail times safe
against an enemy unprovided with military engines.
Fire, the ordinary and ready weapon of the populace,
against such a wall, for example, as Cardiff (40 feet high
and 11 feet thick), or against such a Tower as London,
could do nothing. The garrison also, composed in the
English times of the tenants of the lord, under the

'A

AND UNDER THE OONQUEROK. 15

Normans were not unfrequently mercenaries, — men
without ruth or conscience, distrusted even by their
employers, whose trade was war, and whose gain plun-
der, and of whom Maurice de Bracy was a very favour-
able specimen. " Quot domini castellorum*', it was said,
"tot tyranni". No wonder, then, that the Norman
castle came to be regarded as the symbol of rebellion
on the one hand, and of tyraimy on the other.

Although the personal attention of the Conqueror
was necessarily confined to the chief cities and central
towns of England, to Exeter, Gloucester, Nottingham,
York, or Durham, his western frontier was not neg-
lected, although he was obliged to depute its ordinary
defence to others. The Welsh, hardened by centuries
of constant warfare, held with tenacity their strip of
mountain land between Offii's Dyke and the sea, and
were ever on the watch to spoil that other more fertile
tract which lay between the Dyke and the Severn
and the Dee, known as the March. Foremost among
the barons of the March were Roger of Montgomery
and Hugh D'Avranches, Earl of Chester, to whom later
generations gave the surname of " The Wolf.*' The
caput of this latter earldom, protected by the deep
and rapid Dee, was posted at one angle of the old
Boman enclosure ; and the castle of Earl Roger, girdled
by the convolutions of the Severn, was an almost
impregnable citadel. From these fortresses these great
Earls exercised more than regal power over the counties
of Salop and Hereford, composing the Middle March.
The border barons, their feudatories, succeeded to
no peaceful heritage ; but by degrees they possessed
themselves of the older English possessions upon the
border, and along with them, of the fortresses by which^
in Mercian times, the Welsh had so long been held at
bay. That these were numerous is evident from the
remains of their earthworks ; and that they were strong
and well held against the Welsh, is evident from the
English names along and beyond the frontier. Domes-
day ^ however, though compiled after Earl Roger had

16 CASTLES OF ENGLAND, ETC.

held the earldom of Shrewsbury about twelve years,
only mentions four castles upon his border, — ^Oswestry,
Montgomery, Shrewsbury, and Stanton or Castle Hol-
gate, and tne Earl's house at Quatford. Bridgenorth
and Carreghova were built a few years later, in the
reign of Rufus ; but Bridgenorth represented the burgh
of iEthelflseda, the remains of which are seen at Old-
bury, as are works of still stronger type, actually em-
ployed by Earl Roger, at Quatford. Besides these,
Wattlesborough and Clun exhibit rectangular Norman
keeps ; and eleven or twelve more castles in those dis-
tricts are mentioned in records as early as the reign of
Henry I. Altogether, by the close of the twelfth cen-
tury, there were fifty to sixty castles in the county of
Salop alone. Now, although the masonry of these
castles, or of such of them as remain, can very rarely
indeed be attributed to the Norman period, the earth-
works shew that they existed as fortresses long before
that time ; and it seems, therefore, certain that here,
as in the other parts of England, Earl Roger and his
barons made the most of such works as they found
ready to their hands ; and this applies equally to the
Palatinate of Chester and to the southern Marches,
•where also Norman castles took the place, with more or
less of interval, of strongholds of the English type.

a T. Clark.

17

HUTS OF ARDUDWY.

During a short stay at Barmouth last autumn^ enjoying
its scenery, I had several opportunities of crossing the
hill at the back of the town, in the direction of Upper
Ardudwy, a part of Merionethshire described by most
writers as abounding in British remains. These consist
chiefly of hut-ruins found scattered along the skirts
and shoulders of its hiUs, dotting here and there an
extensive tract frequented only by the shepherd. Their
numbers indicate the presence of a large population
here in remote times ; but the land these ruins occupy is
now a deserted waste not very pleasant to traverse, the
course of the explorer being often interrupted by wet
morass, long tracts of boulders, rocky decUvities, and
waUs of loose stones, 6 and 7 feet high, the risks of get-
ting over which he prefers to the imcertainty of meet*
ing with an outlet elsewhere.

In the ArchcBologia Camhrensis for the year 1873,
p. 84, we have an illustrated description of many of the
archseolofifical attractions of this neififhbourhood : to
which eziuent paper the reader is referred. My pre-
sent object is simply to invite attention to a class of
small huts and chambers met with here, which, if ever
occupied by man, speak of a period when the inhabit-
an Juved Inud^Jj in the op^en air. regardless of roof-
protection, excepting at night or in severe weather.

Ascending the hill from Barmouth, on a dusky morU'
ing, a remarkable scene opened to view. From a cold
mist below, drifting in from the Bay, I found myself,
by slow degrees, emerging into bright sunshine, which
became so intensely warm that I moved with difficulty.
The scenery around was most striking. On my right
the estuary of the Mawddach, usually so beautiful with
its long vista of water and wooded rocks, was com-
pletely lost beneath a cloud of fog, whilst the hills
beyond and around it stood out in perfect cleamesi|^

4th ssb., vol. XII. 2

18 HUTS OF ARDUDWY.

each seam and fissure in the rugged front of Cader
Idris being as distinctly defined as if there had been no
space between it and myself. Diphwys, Rhobell, Moel
Ofl&^m, and other hills, were equally conspicuous. On
my left the low lands of Ardudwy, with Cardigan Bay,
were one sea of silvery fog, out of which rose the higher
mountains of Lleyn, like so many islands out of a beau--
tiful lake.

The first object of archaeological interest I met with
was about a mile from the town, on the western side
of the hill, in a retired nook between two outcrops of
rock, in which dry and sheltered situation were the
ruins of a hut with two adjoining courts. Its builder
had availed himself of every surrounding advantage.
One rock he had used as a support to the gable of his
house, and the other had served his purpose equally
well in completing the enclosure of a small court in
front of it. The interior of the dwelling is 8 feet long
by a central width of 5 feet, which narrows to a width
of 4 feet at each end. It has a large covering slab of
slate at top, measuring 5 feet in length by 2^ feet in
width, which, reaching from wall to wall, is interesting
inasmuch as it indicates the manner in which some of
the huts of this neighbourhood were roofed over. The
gable inclines inwards with a considerable overlap in
each of its courses, the result being that gable and roof-
ing-slab combined cover about 4 feet, or one half of the
chamber, which I am disposed to think was the family
sleeping place.

Continuing my course along the western side of the
hill, and following a trackway leading to some neglected
slate quarries, I observed on a sheltered limb of the
mountain with a southerly aspect, a group of three en-
closures, a ground-plan of one of which is given in
sketch No. 1. It consists of what appears to have been
a small open space, quadrangular in form, measuring
10 feet each way, and having a narrow, dilapidated
entrance with shattered walls on each side.
. I suppose this part of the building to have been open,

HUTS OP ARDUDWY. 1 9

because its walls are scarcely strong enough to support
such an extent of roof. To the left of the entrance,
and extending along the eastern side of this uncovered
space, is a curiously narrow chamber, partitioned oflF
from the rest of the enclosure by a stone wall, as shewn
in the plan. The interior measure of this compartment
is 6 feet long by 2 feet wide : dimensions which the
reader will kindly bear in mind, as they will more than
once occur in the course of my observations. Near to
it, in the wall of the court, is a square recess or cup-
board. In the western wall, on the right of the entrance,
and near to the corner, I noticed a square aperture
measuring 18 inches each way, which proved to be the
only perceptible passage leading to a second chamber,
10 feet long by 5 feet wide. Piled on the floor of this
apartment, and filling its interior, are lon^sh stones
lying transversely, which are unmistakably tne remains
of its collapsed roof. At first it was difficult to conceive
that this small opening in the partition-wall was in-
tended as a doorway, but subsequent observation has
convinced me it was so used by the inhabitants. This
is a very curious specimen of a primitive dweUing; and
the only suggestions I have to offer in respect to its
arrangements are, that the open court may have served
the purpose of a general apartment, where the family
assembled, kindled their fires, and prepared their food ;
where, sheltered bv its walls from ordinary winds, they
spent their daylight hours ; and when evening closed,
they retired for the night into the adjoining roof-
covered chambers, entering them on all fours, as an
Esquimaux does into his ice-built house, having previ-
ously lined them with a bedding of heath, fern, or
rushes.

From this point, maintaining an upward course m
the direction of Diphwys (a line evidently too high and
exposed for dwellings of any kind), I at len^h got a
view of Llyn Irddyn, the object of my search, on the
western shore of which I hoped to find traces of a
British village. The rapid advance of an autumnal

20 HUTS OF ARDUDWY.

evening and rising fog prevented my reaching its sup-
posed site ; but tne view obtained of the lake from its
southern end gave the impression that on all sides it is
bordered by a wilderness of undisturbed boulders,
amongst which are no architectural remains. One struc-
ture at this end of the lake took my attention, the
size and masonry of which I found it difficult to recon-
cile with its position. It is 1 7 feet long by 1 1 feet
wide; and its gable, with well built corners, is still
7 feet high. It stands amidst stones so thickly strewed
up to its very walk that even a cleared pathway lead-
ing to the entrance is untraceable. Near to its eastern
end is a small circular spot cleared of stones ; but for
what purpose I was unable to determine during my
hurrieJ ofiervation. Its doorway is narrow, and ft hi
neither window, chimney, nor fireplace. Low in its
eastern gable are two small niches corresponding in size
and position. They are narrower above than below,
with inclining jambs, each of a single stone placed end-
wise, having another at top horizontaUy imposed, much
in the style of ancient Insh doorways. The object of
the builder in selecting a spot now so dreaiy is not
easily ascertained. The lake in front of it has been
styled ** The Priest's Lake", for some reason unknown
to me. It is possible that the wild retirement of this
stony Paradise, with its sombre outlook over lake and
hills, may have harmonised with the feelings of some
pious recluse, and induced him to spend his days here.
At the same time, it is likely that security from pirati-
cal invaders on the coeat, and abundant pasture on the
neighbouring hills for sheep or goats, were the objects
of a settlement here. The building does not seem to
have been designed for the housing of stock. At the
back of it is a low and longish hut with a skeleton roof
of stones in position, which I much regret I had not a
second opportunity of examining.

My next excursion was by the way of Dyffiyn Sta-
tion and the mansion of Corsygedol, in the direction of
Craig y Ddinas, a small and primitive fortress described

BUT HO. 2, p. 21.

1.7 leetbjtlael. Exterior, height 3) [occ

,OF- I

HUTS OF AEDUDWY. 21

by Pennant and others. It stands at the extreme end
of a low ridge which, spurring out from the foot of
Moelfre, runs obliquely across a wet mountain glen,
the upper and broader part of which it cuts off, and
partly encloses. Immediately beyond the crest of this
ridge are the remains of many habitations, in front of
which the glen widens into a basin-like mountain cwm,
and stretching away for about a mile, in the direction
of LlawUech and Diphwys, is intersected by the river
Ysgethin. Along the rushy margin of this basin, where
it touches the hills, the curious in such remains will
find many hut-ruins in a better state of preservation
than they are usually seen. This marsh and its en-
virons I suppose to be the original Corsygedol, which
in remote times may have been called Corsygadhel,
Gaedhil, or Gwyddel, — a name suggested by the fenny
nature of its soil and a supposed link between its anti-
quities and a Gaedhelic race ; a random conjecture I
fully admit, and to be received as such.^

Midway up the Craig y Ddinas ridge I came upon
hut No. 2, wnich is a strangely small structure stand-
ing alone, as it does, quite unconnected with other
bmldin^, and some 40 yards apart from walls of any
kind. The interior measure of this sleeping chamber,
or night retreat, if I may so regard it — and I know not
at present for what other purpose it could have been
built — ^is 7 feet long by 2 feet wide. The outside ele-
vation of the gable, as seen in the sketch, is 3^ feet,
and its height within is pot more than 2^ feet. At
the eastern or opposite end are two slaty roofing-
slabs resting on the side-walls, in their original posi-
tions, each of theA being 3 feet long by 1 foot across.
These had probably an exterior covering of sods or
rushes when the roof was in a perfect state. An
overlap appears in its upper courses, as represented
in the sketch. Its broken down entrance is in a

^ Gors-y-gadheol P An old road from Ardadwy passes through
the marsh, and crossing the Ysgethin by a stone bridge winds over
LlawUech in the direction of Dolgelly. Gedai (Irish) signifies a reed.

22 HUTS OF ABDUDWY.

corner^ or rather passes through the side wall at its
junction with the gable, a characteristic which seldom
varies in these narrow huts and one most inconvenient
for the housing of animals, if such was their object.
Craig y Ddinas is a small fortification of dry masonry,
built, we may suppose, by the chieftain of the district,
and regarded by his neighbours as their common
stronghold and place of muster when an alarm was
given. The area of its court measures about 70 paces
by 36, but so rocky and uneven is its surface that a
party defending its western wall would be at a loss to
know how it fared with their comrades on its eastern
side. Within this court are the foundation lines of
three or four huts. One of them was measured and
its interior found to be no more than 5 feet by 4 feet.
Its main wall, described by Pennant as " retaining in
many parts a regular and even facing", is 10 feet
thick and in some portions from 4 to 5 feet high.
Along its north-eastern extent I observed a cavity or
two in its surface — one of them distinctly formed and
faced within, indicating seemingly the presence of mural
chambers often found in fortifications of this class.
Two outer defences, projecting from its northern front
and crossing the crest of the hill with an outward
curve, add materially to the strength of this its most
assailable point. They are walls of stone without
trenches, believed to be the earliest kind of fortification
in stony places. On the Breiddyn, supposed by many
to be the scene of Caractacus' overthrow, we find on
the breast of the hill a stone wall, as described by the
historian, but lower down is a trench unnoticed by
him, which if this was the position selected by the
British Commander must be regarded as belonging to
a later period. The first or innermost of these ad-
vanced walls at Craig-y-Ddinas is 6 feet thick and has
on its eastern and exterior side marked traces of a
longish hut partly built into its face. This chamber
measured 6 feet by 3 feet. But the most interesting
object at Craig-y-Ddinas in my estimation is hut No.

HUTS OP AEDUDWY. 23

3, a long and low structure of loose slaty stones in a
tumble-down condition, which stands conspicuously
alone between the inner and second rampart, not far
from tte gateway of the fortress. Ite interior dimen-
sions, aa shown in the plan, are 6^ feet long by
2^ feet wide. In its present condition its exterior
elevation is 4 feet ; and its doorway 24 inches high by
a width of 18 inches at bottom and 12 inches at top,
is placed, as usual, in a corner, or, as I have previously
observed, in the side- wall, where it abuts on the gable.
Its northern end has fallen outwards, and has opened
to view a curiously small recess occupying the interior
of a cross building or projection, in some respects not
unlike a diminutive transept. This recess, the object
of which is not very evident, is 1 9 inches high, 9 inches
wide, and recedes from the chamber about 18 inches.
If we admit the idea that these narrow huts were dor-
mitories, it is possible that this niche or cupboard, so
near to the sleeper s head, was intended for the pre-
servation of his morning's repast, or otherwise as a de-
pository for some venerated or talismanic object sup-
posed to have the power of protecting him during the
night. The side-walls of the hut converge in their
ascent, and support at top six small roofing-stones,
most of which are shaken out of position.

The approach leading up to Braich y Ddinas is on
the eastern side of the hill, and commencing with a
broad entrance, gradually narrows to a sort of gate-
way between two fragments of rock, whence, continu-
ing its ascent obliquely between confining walls, it
reaches the Dinas under its ramparts. Close to the
commencement of this approach are well constructed
quadrangular buildings superior in structure to the
generality of cytiau. Along this eastern side of the
ridge I counted from sixteen to twenty ; and in one
spot there was a cluster of nine, with an open court at
hand for the folding and protection of animals. At the
gable of one of these dwellings I noticed a narrow com-
partment measuring 6^ feet by 2^ feet. One hut was

24 HUTS OF ARDUDWY.

9^ feet by 5^ feet ; the height of its wall, 4^ feet ; and
the width of its entrance, 22 inches. Another measured
21 feet by 8 feet. Higher up the side of this ridge,
advantage had been taken, in one instance, of a project-
ing rock which partly roofed over the remains of a
chamber 6 feet by 5 feet.

From this point the explorer may follow the edge of
the morass in a northerly direction until he finds him-
self at the foot of the hill Moelfre, where, below the
rocks, or strewed on their grassy shoulders, — sometimes
on a level with the plain, at others higher up, and con-
cealed by some projecting limb of the mountain, — he
will find traces of many habitations. This face of the
hill, looking towards the south, is well sheltered from
northerly gales ; and however dreary its present aspect,
it had its attractions in remote times, as appears by
the number of its huts. I counted at its base from
twenty to twenty-five, not far from each other, forming
quite a village, and representing, I thought, in their
ruder or more advanced construction, the dwellings of
several periods. A few of the more striking were
measured, and their dimensions are given as the readiest
mode of imparting an idea of their form and size. The
first entered was rectangular, and had substantial walls
5]^ feet high on one side, and 4 feet on the other. It
was hence inferred that the roof, of whatever kind, had
but one inclination. The space within was 5^ feet by
5 feet. The entrance, placed at the north angle, seems
to have been 5 feet high by 21 inches wide. There was
a yard in front of it, measuring 9 feet by 9^ feet. Along
its north-western gable were indications of a narrow
chamber, 5 feet long by 21 inches wide, outside of which
was another imperfect chamber or yard. A shepherd
told me that a hut having a perfect roof of slaty stones,
sloping in one direction, had recently been destroyed
by a party of fence-builders. He described it as a
retreat for one person only, and within it had often
found shelter during passing storms. Although a
shortish man, he had to stoop considerably in entering,

HUTS OF ARDUDWY. 25

but when inside was able to erect himself near to the
highest walL

At the foot of Moelfre, and some hundred paces above
the marshy ground which slopes away from its base, I
met with the narrow hut No. 4, a more perfect speci-
men than any I had yet seen. Owing to its diminutive
size, and the gray mountain tint which time has im-
parted to it, it is very easily passed imobserved. Its
roof-work of stones is undisturbed ; but the whole struc-
ture is so rudely put together, that if seen on a com-
mon, or near to a farmyard, it might be regarded as a
shed for poultry or other small animals. Built on a
declivity, its northern gable runs into, and is partly
buried in, the face of the hill, whilst its southern end,
standing on lower ground, has slightly additional stone-
work to bring its foundation up to the floor-level.
Notwithstanding this advantage, the lower gable, from
base to ridge, measures no more than 3^ feet. Its
entrance, placed in a comer, is about 14 inches wide by
20 inches high. Its interior measure was roughly esti-
mated to be about 5 feet lengthwise by 2 feet across.
One of its covering stones was temporarily raised ; a
stick was introduced ; and when it touchea the soil, it
indicated a depth, from ceiling to floor, of 2 feet. This
operation disclosed the &ct that the stone covers are
fixed in a most random and irregular manner. Some
of them are placed with an overlap, whilst others ex-
tend from wall to wall, leaving vacancies which the
builder closed as best he could with the rugged mate-
rials at hand, and completed his work by giving to the
whole a roimded form. This covering being pervious
to rain, served the purpose, I am inclined to think, of
roof-timbers for the support of a thatch of some kind.
Bearing every trace of antiquity, this hut is certainly
curious, whatever the purpose of its construction. The
sketch is taken from the east, with the object of in-
cluding the entrance. On its western, or opposite side,
a greater extent of masonry appears.

The next thing noticed was a square enclosure, well

26 HUTS OF ARDUDWY.

built without cement, capable of suBtaining a flat roof
of poles and rushes, if thought desirable. To the right,
as I entered, an opening appeared in the comer of the
opposite wall, measuring 18 inches each way, which
proved to be the only entrance to an inner apartment,
6 feet 4 inches long by 2 feet wide. We here meet
with another example of the narrow chamber occupying
one side of a dwelling, which chamber could not have
been approached without passing through the court or
room, roofed or otherwise, in which it is supposed the
family assembled for food and shelter. Are we to
imagine that this inner cell was intended for the head
of the house, who had the privilege of creeping into his
cheerless bed on all fours, whilst his dependents and
family in the outer apartment spent the night around
a fire ? It will be observed how nearly alike are the
dimensions of these chambers, and how closely they
approach in length and width to the proportions of a
man. Some of them are wider, as if for the reception
of more than one person.

Near to this was an oblong dwelling, 18 feet long
within by 9 feet wide. It had a cupboard in the wall
at one end, and in a corner near to it a cylindrical bit
of stonework, 18 inches high, with a circular top, re-
minding one of a modern music-stooL On this rudely
contrived support, in a corner of the house, a slumberer
might have dozed as securely as if in an arm-chair. In
its southern wall is a square opening about 3 feet above
the floor, supposed to have been for the admission of
light. Its entrance was narrow ; and one of its side-
walls being higher than the other, suggested the idea
that its roof sloped in one direction. Its gable is still
6 feet hiffh within, and 9 feet hififh on the outside.
. The nL thing observed wajf buUdiog of mode^te
size, scarcely inferior in its masonry and look of com-
fort to many a cottage I remember to have seen else-
where. Its interior measure is 16 feet by 13 feet, and
in its walls are four square recesses in the form of cup-
boards. Occupying one corner of it, and measuring

mrrs of ardudwy. 27

5 feet by 4 feet, are the reinains of an inner chamber
partitioned off, which might have been a sleeping-place,
or otherwise a storeroom. Its walls, which are 2 feet
thick, are looped in two places, either fer defence or
more likely fer the admission of light and air. The
aperture in its eastern gable is 12 ins. high by 6 ins.
wide, the jambs or sides of which are neatly and angu-
larly finished on the outside. Here, as in all the other
dwellings, however roomy and well constructed, I failed
to discover a chimney or fireplace, and did not notice
ash or refuse-heaps near to them.

Built against this house, but not connected with it
by passage or opening, is another squarish building,
noticed here because, with the exception of the narrow
huts, it is the only one met with having its lintel-stone
in position. Its doorway is 3 feet high by 2 feet wide ;
and although it has excellent walls, its interior mea-
sures no more than 4 feet by 3^ feet. A cupboard was
observed on one side, and its gable is still 6 feet higL

The last ruin to which I invite attention is of the
narrow kind, situated in a rushy spot some distance
beyond the assemblage of dwellings I have endeavoured
to describe. Its roof has fallen in, and one gable is

{)rostrate. Enough of its walls remain to shew that its
ength within was 6 feet, and its width 2^ feet. A part
of its upper course, on one side, is entire, and indicates,
by its overlap, the manner in which the chamber was
roofed over.

Of the huts described here, it will be seen that four
of them are of the smaller class, measuring interiorly
from 6 to 7 feet in length, by from 2 to 2^ feet in width,
with a height, from floor to ceiling, of 2 or 2^ feet.
These stand perfectly alone, and are quite unconnected
with other buildings. Two others have inner chambers
which measure 6 feet by 2 feet ; whilst a few, resembling
the above in length, appear, by their greater width, to
have been adapted for the accommodation of more than
one person. The preceding dimensions are remarkable,
and relate to structures so inconvenient for the keep-

28 HUTS OF ARDUDWY.

ing of stores, and for the housing of animals of any
kind, that I cannot think they were built for such pur-
poses. In which case we might have looked for sheds
more compact in form, with entrances centrally placed
instead of in a comer. The natives, as a pastoral
people, were doubtless possessed of goats or sheep ; but
a stock so hardy required no better shelter than the
walls of an open court such as we often find adjoining
or near to the huts. All circumstances considered, their
size, their varied positions, — sometimes detached, at
others connected with buildings, — and their suitability
for the reception of a man in a recumbent position, I
incline. I must confess, to my first impression that they
were dormitories or night-retreats, and are the earliest
existing specimens in Ardudwy of roof-protected dwell-
ings. It may surprise many that chambers so small
should at any period have been desi^^ned by man for
his own comfort ; foi^tting, it may b? that i the pre-
sent day he contrives for himself sleeping places equally
confined. An ordinary seaman's berth in some of our
smaller craft is remarkably similar. For the sake of
comparison I had two berths measured at Carnarvon
with the following result. Their entrances opening in
a comer, are, as regards position, precisely tne same.
The doorway of one was 2 feet high by 19 inches wide.
It measured within 6 feet by 2 feet 4 inches, and its
height was 2 feet 3 inches. In the other ship the
entrance was 2 feet eaxsh way. Interiorly it was 6 feet
long, 2 feet 4 inches wide, and 2 feet 6 inches high.
Into these small compartments the sailor of modern
times wriggles his person, heels or head foremost, just
as I suppose did the inhabitants of Ardadwy into their
narrow huts.

It might be contended, however, that these sup-
posed sleeping-places were, after all, chambers for the
dead, and not for the living. My reasons for thinking
otherwise are, that around them were no perceptible
traces of mounds or cairns, and researches in the neigh-
bourhood, at Hengwm and other places, have shewn

HUTS OF ARDUDWY. 29

that the early inhabitants of these hills disposed of
their dead by cremation, and subsequently covered their
ashes with mounds of ekrth or stores.

The Moelfre huts and a few at the foot of Craig y
Ddinas are in some respects superior to the ordinary
cwt gwyddel met with in Anglesey and Carnarvonshire.
Their forms are quadrangular instead of circular, and
their uncemented walls are substantially built. With
the exception of chimneys and fireplaces, two of them
are scarcely inferior to many a straw-thatched cottage
I remember to have seen in my younger days. Tne
small, narrow hut I suppose to be coeval with the fort-
ress of Craig y Ddinas ; but the larger ones probably
belong to a later period ; and a few may represent the
kind of dwelling built by the inhabitants about the
time they thought of retiring from these mountain
wiJds to a more fertile tract near to the sea. Along the
stony skirts of Llawlech, and up in its recesses, the
irregular aud primitive form prevtiils.

Their origin is attributed by the inhabitants to a
Gwyddelian race, who are supposed to have preceded
them in the occupation of Wales. So widely spread is
this tradition along our south-western coast that no one
familiar with the Welsh language can fail to meet with
it Inquiring of an aged shepherd above Bannouth
whether he could direct me to any cytiau Gwyddelod,
he replied that having once lived near to Corsygedol
he knew of many in that locality, where there were
mounds also, out of which he had seen urns filled with
human bones exhumed. " They tell me", said he, " that
the Kymry preceded the Saxons in England, and sup-
planted the Gwyddelod in Wales ; but the odd part of
the story, sir, is that foxes were the dogs of these
Gwyddelod, and they are the people who brought them
into the country." This tradition of a Gaedhelic occu-
pation coincides, I scarcely need remind the reader,
with the published views of several eminent writers,
and agrees with the Chronicle of the Princes {Brut y
Tywysogion), wherein it appears that so recently as the

30 QUERNS.

year 966 the Gwyddelod had settlements in Mona,
Arvon, Lleyn, and Ardudwy, and that during the tribal
struggles of that period many of them fled to Ceredi-
gion, Dyved, and Gower. It accords also with the fact
that, with the exception of Roman antiquities, the
ancient ornaments, bronze implements, and pottery,
found in the western counties of Wales are, for the most
part, of the Irish type. It would be interesting to
know whether this tradition is as generally current in
South Wales as it is in the North. Its absence would
imply that the disturbance or displacement of races had
not been so great there as here.

These few remarks about Ardudwy will, I hope, in-
duce some active young member to complete the survey
of these hills, where there are many objects of interest
un visited by the antiquary, or, at least, which have not
been sketched and described by him.

Hugh Prichard.

QUERNS.

Men in the earliest prehistoric times seem to have been
ignorant of agriculture, and consequently of com. This
ignorance is thought by the latest and best authorities
to have continued during the two earliest periods,
namely that of the drift and cave men. When, how-
ever, the arts of agriculture became known, the posses-
sion of com soon followed ; and the earliest means of
adapting it for use may have been either by boiling or
parching, both which operations were performed by the
use of heated stones. By throwing heated pebbles into
vessels filled with water, the boiling was easily effected,
while the com was roasted or parched on hot slabs of
stone. No example of the latter is known to exist, but
numbers of what are generally held te be pot-hoilers
are frequently found in excavating the sites of our
earliest dwelling-places. It is said that at the present

QUERNS. 31

time AmericaD Indians find parched corn sustains tixem
better than any other food during their long journeys.
It, moreover, has the additional recommendation of
being easily carried. But when men became more settled
in their habitations, they would soon improve upon this
simple process of parching and boiling ; and the first
thing they would do would be to reduce the corn to
meal, to be made into cakes baked on a heated stone,
as oatmeal cakes are to this day on iron plates. At this
early period handmills were most probably unknown,
and therefore they must have used stones either as
simple pounders, or what may be called rubbers or mul-
lers, but are often termed " mealing stones". As to the
form, there are in various coUections a large number of
types, probably of different ages. These are slightly
hollowed out in the middle, so as to allow an easier
and firmer grasp. Such, if used for crushing corn,
must have been used only with very shallow mortars,
on account of the shortness of the stone ; and so mortar-
stones are found with very shallow cavities well suited
for the purpose.

The next step may have been the using long, club-
like stones which are well adapted for deeper mortars.
Kepresentations of these are given in Mr. Evans' valu-
able Ancient Stone Implements of Great Britain, pp.
228-231. One of them is the curious implement found
by the Hon. W. O. Stanley during one of his numerous
excavations on Holyhead Mountain. This, however, is
more like a stone bludgeon or the war-hammer of a
Southsea Islander, although it may have been used for
pounding. The mortar with which it was used was
probably a deep one, or at least deeper than those con-
nected with the shorter pounders alluded to above.
Mr. Evans has given eight or nine examples of these
long stones, but many of which were probably used for
other purposes. Many of these come from Orkney, and
are similar to those used by the American Indians for
pounding maize.

Considering, however, that the use of such stone

32 QUERNS.

implements must have been among the earliest of human
inventions, as well as most widely used throughout the
habitable world, it is almost hopeless to fix dates even
approximately to them. Mr. Boyd Dawkins assigns
the knowledge of agTicultural operations to the neolitnic
period; an?^if col was then first grown, and these
pestles or muUers were only used for pounding grain,
it might be supposed that they were not known until
this time. Mr. Evans is of opinion that the men of the
river-gravel, or drift-men, and their successors the cave-
men, had not got beyond the simple chipping of flints
and working up the flakes into serviceable tools ; yet
us some kind of rude hammer must have been used in
shaping the rude flint implements so constantly found
in our gravel beds, these hammers may have been used
also for crushingf ; and at any rate, any stones of a fit-
ti-g shape woid be .^labfe for UidiBg. Even if
there were no com to pound, yet there were roots that,
if pounded into the form of paste, were useful.

In the ArchcBological Journal, voL 27, Plate II, fig. 4,
Mr. Stanley has illustrated his excellent account of ex-
cavations on Holyhead Mountain, etc., and among many
illustrations gives us the figure of a large quartz shore-
pebble weighing ten pounds, suited for a pounding-stone.
Mr. Stanley thinks it may have been possibly shaped,
in some degree, artificially ; but as far as an opinion
can be formed from the engraving, there do not appear
to be any traces of such treatment. It does not bear
marks of having been used as a hammer, although its
being found in conjunction with many rude stone im-
plements shews it was intended for some use.

Another mode of bruising or crushing corn was that
of the so-called saddle-quern, if it can be correctly so
named. This consists of a slightly concave stone, very
similar to the hollow part of a saddle, in which the com
is operated on by a long round stone. Kepresentations
of mese are given in Mr. Stanley's account of his exca-
vations on Holyhead Mountain and elsewhere (PL III,
fig. 3, Arch. Journal, vol, xxvii), and by the Rev. W.

QUERNS. 33

Wynn Williams (see Cambria Romana, p. 40 ; Arch.
Cambrensis, 1861, vol. vii, Series III). The Rev. Hugh
Prichard, of Dinam, has among his numerous collection
of such remains one of these primitive stones, which
differs from other known examples. It may be called
a double one, having two faces, the upper and the lower
having been used for crushing. The rubbing stone or
muUer is proba.bly varied in form, to correspond with the
shape of the stone. Professor Babington, in a letter to
the Editor of the ArchcBologia Cambrensis of 1861, p.
245, alluding to a pair of stones found in a wall on the
land of Treifan, near the river Braint, in Anglesey,
thinks that these are the earliest of all contrivances for
crushing meal ; and from their rude simplicity, the
Professor had good grounds for his suggestion. Some
time before, a similar pair had been found near Anglesey
Abbey, in the Cambridge fens, now in the Museum of
the Cambridge Antiquarian Society. With this excep-
tion, Professor Babington thought nothing of the kind
existed in Great Britain, excluding Wales ; but Mr.
Evans states that they have been found in Cornwall ;
some near Bridlington, now in the possession of Mr. Tin-
dal. They are also found in Scotland. Mr. Worthington
Smith has one from the east of England. One of granite,
found near Weeks, is in the Museum of Antiquities in
Edinburgh. That of the Royal Irish Academy has four
or five ; and Mr. Evans thinks they were probably used
at a comparatively late period (p. 226). Fynes Morri-
son mentions having seen in Cork "young maidens,
stark naked, grinding corn with certain stones, to make
cakes thereof"; and these, Mr. Evans thinks, '* seem to
point to something different from a handmill- quern.
In the Blackmore Museum at Salisbury are one from the
pit-dwellings at Highfield, near Salisbury {Flint Chips,
p. 62) ; and another from Anglesey, presented by the
Bev. Hugh Prichard of Dinam. A small one was found
near Chateaudun in France, and a German one from the
ancient cemetery of Monsheim has been engraved by Lin-
denschmidt. Some were also found in the Genista Cave

4th 8XB., TOL. XII. 3

34 QUERNS.

at Gibraltar. Their great scarcity, as contrasted with
ancient querns properly so called, confirms, to a certain
extent, their claim to a greater antiquity. At the Ban-
gor Meeting Mr. W. Wynn Williams, as stated above,
exhibited one of these querns, together with its muller
or rubber, which were found close together in a wall on
the land of Treifan, near the river Braint, in Anglesey.
There can be little doubt that though not actually toge-
ther when discovered, yet as they formed part of the
building materials of the wall, and so near one another,
it may be fairly inferred that they were once used toge-
ther, especially as the convex form of the one fitted with
the concave one of the other. The illustration is from a
drawing of the late Rev. H. Longueville Jones. ( Cut
No. 1 .) A fuller description of this curious relic will be
found in ArchcBologia CambrensiSy viii, p. 157, Ser. III.

There is, however, another class of stones used for
the same purpose, which, if not so ancient as the
" saddleback" stones, are most probably older than the
earliest handmill. Three of these are figured in Mr.
Stanley s article alluded to more than once : one very
shallow pne found with some stone balls with which the
com was bruised ; a smaller one is deeper, which Mr.
Stanley thinks may have been used as a lamp. The
larger and more interesting one was found at Tymawr.
This contained a small cylindrical grinding-stone hav-
ing a central cavity in either face, to give the hand a
better hold in grinding. A similar appliance was found
at Pen y Bone in the same locality. Several examples
of these are given in Mr. Evans work.

Mr. Hume, in his interesting article on querns (see
ArchcBologia Ca^nbrensis, 1851, p. 90), does not men-
tion the "saddle-back" variety. He distinguishes four
stages. The first is that of simply roasting and boiling
the com ; the second, by trituration, which seems
to be nearly the same as the use of ** saddle-back"
querns. He illustrates this by the practice in New
Mexico, where " the maize is beaten on a broad stone
which is inclined to the ground at a small angle by a

QUERNS. 35

smaller one like a painter's muller. The fragments are
beaten again, if it is necessary to produce an unusual
degree of fineness; then the dough is kneaded, and the
cakes are baked. The same stone, therefore, is the
nether millstone, the bake-board, and the floor of the
oven." The first part of the description seems to repre-
sent the use made of the saddle-back querns ; but that
these were also used as the bake-board and floor of the
oven seems doubtful.

Next come in order the pestle and mortar; but
these must have been contemporaneous with the querns
as both are mentioned together.

We are referred to the Book of Numbers (xi, 8),
where we are informed that the people snround the
manna in mills or "beat it in a mortar'C The two.
methods of preparing meal seem then to have been co-
existing. Mr. Hume suggests that the quern was used
by the more enlightened of the Hebrew people only ;
but if mortar and pestle were ruder and less costly
articles than the quern, we might think that it was
more a question of money than enlightenment. At any
rate it is certain that both were in use during the same
period.

But before the Exodus we have evidence that querns
were known in ancient Egypt, from ancient monuments
which illustrate domestic manners. In the account of
the destruction of the firstborn we read the announce-
ment of Moses, that the destruction was to be " from
the firstborn of Pharaoh that sitteth on the throne to
the firstborn of the maidservant that is behind the miU."

Handmills must, however, have been known in many
other countries, probably in still more remote times.
Thus they were used in China, India, and other portions
of the East. In almost every country of Europe they
can be found either in use or kept as curious antiqui- •
ties. The Negroes of Central and Western Africa grind
their corn with them. Hume quotes from the well
known extemporised song of the hospitable Negress
who invited Mungo Park during a stormy night, and

3«

36 QUERNS.

entertained him, the last two lines of which, in Park's
version, ran,

" No mother has he to bring him milk,
No wife to grind his com."

Mr. Evans, in his important work referred to above,
has given an ample description and history of querns,
which should be consulted. He considers such a hand-
mill, with its upper rotatory stone, to be merely a
modification of the pestl.e and mortar ; but the remark
does not, perhaps, apply to the later examples.

The earliest querns consist of two stones, the upper
varying in diameter from 12 to 30 inches, and on aa
average 5 inches deep. In some instances the lower
stone is convex, the upper concave ; but this kind is
very rare. It was usually worked by an iron or wooden
peg inserted vertically near the edge of the stone. In
other and more unfrequent instances, the bar with
which the stone was moved was placed horizontally; in
which case only one could work. On the contrary, two
persons, usually women, sitting opposite one another,
ground the corn. Thus two women are mentioned in
St. Matthew xxiv, 41, which verse Wy cliff renders —
" Tweine wymmen schulen hen gryndynge in o qtceme"
Pennant, in his Toiir in Scotland (vol. ii, p. 233), repre-
sents two women grinding, with the peculiarity of the
long handle hanging from the branch of a tree. What
the object of this arrangement is does not appear. The
illustration (cut No. 2) is from a copy by Arthur Gore,
Esq. It is clear, then, that the quern was in \ise at
that period, although the custom of singing while
grinding had, according to him, ceased some time before
his visit. He has, nevertheless, represented the old
and young woman in the act of singing.

It is generally believed that the upper stones of
querns are rare in comparison with the lower ones; but
whether this is the fact is not certain. In 1284 it was
enacted in Scotland that handmills were not to be used
except in cases of necessity, when it was impossible,

QUERNS. 37

from storm or other reasons, to convey grain to the
nearest authorised mill, for the Act conferred a mono-
poly on certain mills ; but even in these cases a cer-
tain toll was to be paid to the owner of the milL In
order, therefore, to secure the entire trade, the millers
waged a war of extermination against the querns.
Thftse were either purchased or obtained by other
means ; but in all cases they were destroyed by break-
ing the upper stone. According to Mr. Hume numerous
fragments might be found on the surface, or dug up in
the neighbourhood of the older wind and water-mills.
Mr. Evans (p. 233) mentions the contest between pri-
vate individuals and the Abbots of St. Albans, who
claimed the monopoly of grinding for their tenants.
Thirteen of these, however, maintained their right of
using handmills, as having been enjoyed of old. Other
claims were raised to the privilege of grinding oatmeal
only by handmills. One reason for breaking the upper
stone may have been the greater ease with which it was
broken. The lower stone was not only larger, but pro-
bably harder, than the upper, as we hear of a heart
harder than the nether millstone. It is somewhat re-
markable that the natives of Anglesey give the same
reason for the destruction of the upper stones, as men-
tioned above. In this case it was probably by order of
the Prince of that portion of Wales, who had the same
motives that induced the Abbot of St. Albans and the
Scottish millowners to maintain their monopoly.

The Rev. W. Wynn Williams, whose valuable collec-
tion of these relics is well known, thinks that they
belong to the Romano-British period. It is a curious
circumstance that the countiy people throughout An-
glesey call them to this day ^'Mn meini melinau Rhuf-
eintaid'\ or the old millstones of the Romans, Mr.
Williams has also often heard them give the same rea-
son for the upper stones being generally found broken
as Mr. Hume describes, viz., that the millers did it pro-
bably by the order of the Prince, with a view to bring-
ing all "the grist to their miU."

38 QUERNS.

This local tradition is to some extent confirmed, as
so many have been found in connection with the Roman
camp of Rhyddgaer, in Llangeinwen parish, a full
account of which, by the same gentleman, will be found
in vol. i, p. 214, and vol. vii, p. 37, of the Third Series
of the Arch, Camb. Five of these querns were found
at this work, but only one of them ornamented. (Cut
No. 3.) Mr. Williams, however, is acquainted with
two similar ones,— one at Tantwr, a farm in the same
parish ; and the other is, or at least was, in the Car-
narvon Museum. The ornamented one is of a primitive
type, and is more probably Celtic than Roman ; or if
Roman, very late Roman. Another upper stone, also
in Mr. Williams' possession, is what is now usually called
" late Celtic" (cut No. 4), and is almost identical with
the details found on some of those hitherto unexplained,
or hardly satisfactorily explained, spoon-shaped articles,
notices of which will be found in the Journals of this
Association and of the Archasological Institute. This
last mentioned quern was found on removing the
earth previously to the opening of a limestone quarry
on the farm of Blochty, in the parish of Llanidan. The
quarry, first worked about fifty years ago, lies about
100 yards to the north-east of the quadrangular en-
closure at Tan Ben y Cefn ; marked in the Ordnance
Map, Caer Fynwent. Many querns of plain workman-
ship and rude mortars have from time to time been dis-
covered at or near the same place. When the quarry
was first opened, human remains were found in consi-
derable quantities. Mr. WiHiams thinks that here may
have been the cemetery of the nearest village. Nume-
rous circular foundations formerly existed at Tan Ben
y Cefn, but were removed in 1851-2 ; but in one of
them Mr. Williams found an upper and lower stone in
situ.

The collection of Mr. Williams also includes part of an
upper stone (cut No. 5) with an ornamented rim, which
is, if not Roman, at least Keltic-Roman. The diameter
at the upper part is 7 inches ; the depth is 6. Another

QUERNS. 39

ornamented fragment, in the Dinam collection, is also
of tlie same date, though the details are different. The
diameters, however, of both are the same; but the depth
of this one is 1 or 2 inches less. It is worn out at the
handle-mark, and shews sign of much use. (Cut No. 6.)

Mr. Prichard, of Dinam, also possesses several upper
stones, and amongst them a fragment from Caerleb (a
well known Roman castrum), figured and described by
Mr. Wynn Williams in the ArchcBologia CamhrensiSy
whence he procured several of his specimens. The frag-
ment belonging to Mr. Prichard has radiating grooves
underneath. It is remarkable that Mr. Prichard has
only three lower stones of the ordinary round quern,
while he has several upper ones, — a fact which corre-
sponds with Mr. Williams' experience, that the upper
are more common than the lower ones.

In addition to the above, the Dinam collection con-
tains several stone basins, the orifices of which vary in
diameter from 5 to 1 2 inches ; all of them, found in dif-
ferent parts of Anglesey, shewing how common the use
of them was formerly in that island. These latter are
probably primitive mortars in which the grain was
merely crushed by pestles.

Many examples are ornamented in various manners,
according to the taste and means of individuals. Where
this ornament does not exist, there is usually, accord-
ing to Mr. Prichard, a moulding around the mouth of
the upper stone, the use of which may be to assist in
the pouring in of the grain. A more elaborate example
is an upper stone found in the parish of Bal-Maclellan,
near Galloway, and now the property of the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland, who have published an account
of it in the fourth volume of their Proceedings^ p. 417.
It is also given in Mr. Evans' work, p. 234, and is
assigned to what is usually termed the late Celtic
period. It is here reproduced (cut No. 11) with the
kind permission of the owners, as it shews an advanced
example of the moulding noticed by Mr. Prichard.

Another kind of quern is known as the " pot-quern".

40 QUERNS.

and is here represented from a sketch, by Mr. Williams,
of an example in the Carnarvon Museum, (Cut N8. 7.)
Its height is 4 inches ; internal diameter, 8 inches. The
hole for discharge of the meal is 2 inches broad and 3
high, becoming smaller and much flatter inwardly. A
similar one, of about the same dimensions, is built into
a wall at Porthamel. The upper stone fitted in the
interior, and must have been turned by a handle, pro-
bably of metal, the opposite extremity of which fitted
the small hole at the bottom, as shewn in the cut. The
object of this sterns to be to keep the handle constantly
upright, as a well fitting stone would be kept in its
place by the rim. Of the age of this class it is difficult
to form any opinion, except that it seems to be a much
later improvement on older querns.

Another example of the pot-quern is that found in
East Lothian (cut No. 8), and now in the Museum of
Antiquities, and here given from a drawing of Pro-
fessor Westwood from the cut in Professor Wilson's
work. Here both stones are preserved, and shew how
the inner one was worked. The iron ring with which
the rotating stone was put in motion, Wilson pro-
nounces a later addition ; and such it must be unless
the quern itself is modem. Unless the iron ring occu-
pies the hole for the peg or handle, there were no means
of working it. It is, therefore, not unlikely that the
original inner stone has been replaced by tie present
one, and then furnished with the ring.

This figure of a human head in this situation is so
very uncommon that it might be considered unique until
the discovery of a quern with the same device, but on
a grander scale, in the Temporary Museum during the
Meeting of the Association in 1880. This curiosity
was discovered, many years ago, at Popton, in Rhos-
crowther parish, on MUford Haven, not far from an
ancient earthwork, with which it may possibly be con-
nected. (Cuts 9, 10.) It has been called a "pot-quern",
but it diflfers from those already mentioned, not having
a flat upper stone like the Scotch example; for the sec-

QUERNS. 41

tion here given shews the cavity in which the tenon, as
it may be called, of the upper stone was worked. Some
have conjectured it to be Roman, but it is probably
later ; and all that can be said of it is that it is cer-
tainly not Celtic.

In conclusion it may be remarked that while the
upper stones are frequently more or less ornamented,
the lower ones are rarely so. The exceptions to the
rule are those from East Lothian and Pembrokeshire —
a feet which may give additional interest to them. The
Popton one, the property of CoL Laml^ton of Brown-
slade, has been kindly placed in the new and promising
Museum at Tenby, the most fitting receptacle for it.
It is only proper to add that the Society is much in-
debted to their accomplished and energetic artist, Mr.
Worthington Smith, for the faithful representation of
what may be called the most interesting quern not only
in South Wales, but in some respects even Anglesey
itself.

The latest addition to our knowledge of querns wiU
be found in a work of a well known Scotch antiquary,
Arthur Mitchel, M.D., LL.D., The Past in the Present
(1880, Edinburgh). His statement as to their present
use is remarkable : " In Scotland rotating querns are
found in hut-circles, circle-houses, crannogs, and brochs ;
and they certainly may belong to the prehistoric, if not
to the stone period. Yet they are not only still in use
in certain parts of Scotland, but they are in common
use. Those I mvself have seen at work I should count,
not by tens, but by hundreds. They are most nume-
rous, perhaps, in Shetland; but they are common in
the Orkney and Hebridean Islands, and in the west
coast parishes of Sutherland, Ross, and Inverness. They
can scarcely be called rare. Resting the opinion on
what I have personally seen, I should be inclined to
think that a census of the querns still in use in Scot-
land would shew their numbers to be thousands. This
mode of grinding com, a mode which dates from very
early times, and is also still employed by the savage

42 QUERNS.

races of many parts of the world, can, therefore, by no
means be said to have died out of Scotland. So far
otherwise is the fact, that there are not only thousands
of people in Scotland who still use querns, but there
are people who earn part of their livelihood by making
and selling them. One man in Shetland, who thus
occupied himself, I visited ; and I found the selling

i)rice of a quern to be from 3s. 6d. to 5s. This price is
ower than it is believed to have once been, because
querns are now more rudely and less costly made than
they were of fid. The cause of this degradation is
plain ; only the poorer people were now the purchasers.
It would be useless, therefore, to spend time in the
manufacture of a well finished and ornamented quern,
because it would find no buyer. The wealthier of the
community get their bread from the South, or send
their oats to be ground at the water-mills." Hence,
Dr. Michell argues with justice that the ruder made
querns are probably not so old as those on which so
much labour has been spent both in the general execu-
tion and in elaborate ornamentation. He gives a figure
of one now in the Edinburgh Museum of Antiquities,
than which it is not easy to conceive anjrthing rougher ;
and yet he found it in a cottage in the Island of North
Yell, where it was still in use, as he ate some of the
bread made firom the meal ground in it. In this in-
stance the quern was not used on the ground, but on a
wooden tray, one end of which was let into the wall,
the other being supported by two rough legs. In Lewis
houses it is generally placed in the porch ; in Shetland
it usually stands in the living or day-room. To grind
the corn on the floor of a rude hut crowded with a
family, to say nothing of other inmates in the form of
lambs, calves, etc., would indicate a simplicity too bar-
barous for the remotest of the western isles.

Some good specimens also of querns were deposited
by the late Mr. Wynne, of Peniarth, in Harlech Castle,
where it is to be hoped they will be allowed to remain.
The following are the cuts referred to :

ANGLESEY. 43

No. 1. Saddle-back quern found in a wall at Treifan,
near the Braint, Anglesey (p. 33).

No. 2. Women at quern (p. 36). From Pennant's
Scotland.

No. 3. Upper stone, Rhyddgaer (p. 38).

No. 4. Upper stone, Blochty, Anglesey (p. 38).

No. 5. Fragment of upper stone, Treana (p. 3 8).

No. 6. Fragment of upper stone, Dinam (p. 39).

No. 7. Pot-quern, Carnarvon Museum (p. 40).

No. 8. Pot-quern with human face, East Lothian,
now in Edinburgh Museum (p. 40).

No. 9. Carved lower stone of quern, from Poptown,
near Rhoscrowther (p. 40).

No. 10. Section of ditto (p. 40).

No. 11. Upper stone, Bal-Maclellan, near Galloway,
in Edinburgh Museum.

E. L. Barnwell.

Jan. 1881.

ANGLESEY.

INTEODUCTION.

Soon after the commencement of the Third Series of
the ArchcBologia Cambrensis (1855), the late Mr. Thos.
Wright put into the hands of the Rev. H. Longueville
Jones a MS. containing a curious account of the state
of Anglesey in the seventeenth century, with a view to
its being printed by the Society, tor some reason
(probably for want of space in the Journal) this was not
done, and the MS. was returned to Mr. Wright. Sub-
sequently it was transferred to Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps,
who printed twenty-five copies only, which are now not
easily procured. Mr. Wright subsequently presented
his proof-sheets, corrected by himself, to Mr. Barnwell ;
aiid as Mr. HaJliweU-Phillipps has kindly given permis-
sion to the Society to reprint it, it is now presented to
the members of the Association.

44 ANGLESEY.

Who the author was is, we believe, not known ; but
he evidently writes from his own knowledge of An-
glesey, of which island he was probably a native. If
nis language is strong on many occasions, there is no-
thing in it of caricature and abuse, such as marked the
Torbuck school, which a century later was fond of hold-
ing up Welshmen and their doings to ridicule. On the
contrary, our author's object is evidently to improve
the condition of his countrymen by pointing out their
numerous imnerfectipns and shortcomings.

It is not, however, to be supposed that matters in
Anglesey were worse than in other parts of Wales or
England at that period, and even at a much later
oni Many me. nU livmg can remember case, where
curates managed every Sunday to serve four or five
churches scattered in different directions ; and anxiously
enough were such duties sought, though their united
salaries furnished but scanty support for the clergyman
and his family. But we are more interested in the
present state than in the past, when non-residence and
pluralities seem to have been the rule; when rural
deans and archdeacons were unknown,— for it is only
within the last fifty years that North Wales had but
one archdeacon ; and he more nominal than practical,
for he was supposed to have only one visitation during
his tenure. How bishops of the time, with bad roads,
could supervise their flocks, it is diflScult to understand.
If such was the state of the Anglesey clergy at the
time in question, it was less the fault of the inferior
clergy than of the general system. Three of the North
Wales archdeaconries formed part of the endowment of
the bishops ; the fourth, that of Merioneth, was saved,
owing to its slender income, which hardly suflBiced to
pay the curate of Llandudno, then an isolated, humble
village. Now that we have railways and penny posts,
rural deans selected from our leading clergy, four arch-
deacons, not endowed like the former one of Merioneth,
our North Wales Church, if not already, must in a
short time form a remarkable contrast to that of the
time when the writer Uved.

AKGLESKY. 45

ANGLESEA.

Many and over many, yea far more then in any former
age, are the Iniquities, sins, wickedness, ahuses, and
disorders, done, committed, and practiced in this little
Island, of all sorts of men, among all degrees of per-
sona, from the highest to the lowest, all proceeding out
of the contemptuous reputation that all manner of men
have of all laws divine and humane, ecclesiasticall and
temporall. That scornfuU contemning of aU laws, and
of the authority thereof, proceedeth also out of the
nonchalance and negligence of the rulers, oflficers, and
ministers of both laws, in executeing the same in due
time, and in convenient measure, with due regard to
Justice, the end of all laws, for the maintenance and
advancement of which cardinall vertue all laws were
made and ordeined. Yea, so many and so infinite are
the abuses and disorders of this unhappy age, that it
were an infinite labour for any man to remember them
all in particular; and such habit and power have these
disorders gotten in and upon the minds of men in this
depraved time, yea, upon some that have the means,
and are sworn to repress them, that it presently strik-
eth a deadly despair in the very inwar5 cogitations of
their hearts, that with fervent prayer, wish, and cry for
reformation of those abuses, praying that vices, wicked-
ness, lewdness, and all manner of filthy Iniquities, were
utterly abolished, and in their room all good and
commendable vertues, theoricall and practicall, re-
established, renewed, reconfirmed : and because despair
is worthily sorted among the chiefest vices, and ill be-
comeing the magnanimous heart of a resolute Christian,
it behoveth then every good and courageous Christian
man to proclaim open war with this deformed vice,
despair, the sentinell of all the rest of her sisters (all
foul and uglie vices), and armed with fortitude in a
good quarrell, to endeavour every man in his severall
vocation to fight manfullie for the suppressing of tri-

46 ANGLESEY.

umphant Iniquity, and for the Resteuration of more
then half conquered good vertues and piety.

And because in this aangerous war and doubtfull
combat, the weakling and simple man (sans authority)
can do no greater good, or faithfull service, than cry
and call, and give the alarum, when the aforesaid ene-
mies approach with rage and fury to give the onset
and assault ; because he hath no weapon in hand, nor
no force or vigour to wealde and manage a weapon if a
had it, yet by the crying, the armed and valiant soul-
diers may awake, and take suflBcient notice to stand to
their manlie defence. As we read that the Capitol in
Home, the chiefest fortress of the then chiefest city in
Western parts of the world, was once defended from a
dangerous surprize of an huge army by the only means
and confused, goggling alarum of a poor flock of geese.
Let us therefore poor souls cry, make a great noise, and
exclaime against vices that seek to overune us, and
almost have overwhelmed us, for we have a good hope
yet left, and provided by the omnipotent God for our
comfort in this dangerous time ; for if the well-spring
and source or head of the fountain be clear, pure, and
wholesome, the danger is not so much, though some of
the extreamest channells issuing and derived from the
fountain, to water the hardened fields of this litle
Island with the rainie drops of Justice, be somewhat
troubled and corrupted ; we have an heroicall, vertuous,
good King, and very honourable and righteous magis-
trates to govern under him, in the most eminent and
chiefest places of command, who provide wholesome
Laws and minister pure justice to their Inferiours : I
mean our immediate chiefest Rulers within this Island.
But the contagion begins to take place amongst our-
selves, those smaller pipes, as from whom we are to
receive and drawe Christaline Justice, are only infected,
and unhappily intoxicated with ignorance, pride, par-
tiality, affection, avarice, and other passions, and chieflie
and specially with negligence and remissness in dis-
chargeing their severall and respective obliged duties.

ANGLESEY. 47

Let UB, therefore, cry so lowd as that these superior
Magistrates, the greater instruments in this body poli-
tick, may hear our lamentations, and if need be, till the
Head and well-spring itself (our just and soveraigne
good King) may take this alarum, and questionless we
shall be heard, we shall see our contagious and cor-
rupted ministers of both laws scoured, cleansed, puri-
fied, and corrected. And they being once cleared and
thoroughlie reformed, we shall see the course of Justice
derived jfrom the said oriefinaU fountain, and conveyed
through the aforementioned superior conduits, to mn
clearly through our immediate Ministers, to moisten
and water the fields of our consciences as pure as the
very Christaline itself. The force whereof will quickly
choake up all the predominant vices that now-a-day»
raigne and domineer over us ; and then God will ba
reconciled with us, his honour will begin again to
flourish, the Laws of his Majestic and of the land, with
due respect will be observed, charity will gather some
heat, all kind of vertues will wax green, and we shall
be reduced again to a happy estate in our present Pil-
grimage in tlus life, within this litle, sweet Island.

First therefore, let us cry and complaine against our
secular and lay ministers, and officers of Justice, such as
are sworne, according to the laws, to suppress all abuses
and disorders happening especially our Justices of the
peace ; who although they dayly minister innumerable
occasions of complaint, for their palpable and affectionate
partiality, in the manageing of their authorities, yet we
will, for this time, pass over with silence their indirect
proceedings in matter between partie and partie ; and
we will only complain of three especial, and general
enormities, wherewith the estate our whole Island is
half choked up already, which happeneth only by their
sloth, remissness, and meer negUgence whereof ensueth
infinite mischiefs and inconveniences, as namely super-
abundance of rogues, and beggers of aU sorts, and con-
fused diversity of measures and waights, and multipli^
city of tipplings and ale-houses. Of these three severall

48 Al^GLESET.

and mischievous plagues, that heavily oppress the
honester sort of men in this Island, I will only speak
and that as brief as I possibly can, at leastwise, with
far more brevity then the cause requireth, against these
enormities divers complaints have been heretofore made
by divers persons. To the Kings Majesties Chief
Justices of the great Sessions, of the same County, who
ever, and always took orders, and gave good and
learned exhortations, to the Justices of peace for the
suppressing and reforming of the premises. But what
followed ? forsooth, the Justices of peace at first, would
seem to take the matter in hand very fervently, and
would go to work very roundly ; But ever against the
times appointed for the execution of these good orders,
their heat would be allayed, and every man falling in
his severall humour ; some of pride, and disdaine that
they should' be directed by the Justices of Assize, in
matters belonging to their own authorities, others for
some private gaine, or profit, others, for favour to the
offenders, or to some of them, and all for some one or
other such corruptible regarde, and inconsiderate re-

aBct, would absolutely neglect the service, and suflfer
disorders to growe on, statu quo priuSy without any
further reformation or amendment, for the greatest
fruit of their labour, would be no more, then threatening
some of the offenders, coniving at others, encouraging
some to proceed without any regard of law, to do what
themselves best pleased, and so to suffer all malefactors
and transgressors of the Law to escape without im-
punitie. In so much that still upon every attempt, or
shew of reformation, for want of due execution, all kind
of abuses and disorders complained against did, and do,
dayly encrease, multiply and superabound : yea, and
some of our Justices are so far from intending to do so
much good to their country in generall, that they do not
only omit to punish the delinquents, but also do incense,
as far forth, as in them lieth, the common people to con-
ceive ill of those that seek and endeavour to procure
any such information at all : And for example thereof, I

ANGLESEY. 49

will not stick to touch one instance taken out of many
the like. In July sessions 1612 one among the rest,
observing as well the drought, which that summer
made the earth flinty, hard and barren, and also the in-
finite great quantity of corne then consumed in riotness,
and drunkness, took courage by way of a petition, to
acquaint the Justices of the great sessions therewith.
Those Reverend Judges caused the Petition to be pub-
licly read in open Court, whereupon, not only the
uniform voice of the Country proclaimed the effect of
the said petition to be most true, but the Justices of the
Peace themselves, voluntarily confessed that there was
not a word untrue, in the said Petition. The said
Reverend Judges hearing as well of such disorders,
so universally confessed of all sorts, as also of the
danger the poor Island, was like to fall in, for want of
bread, the next ensueing year made an excellent,
learned, pathetical short exhortation to have the abuses
reformed, and the said mischief publickly prevented,
and took exceeding good order, for the reformation
aforesaid, causeing the Justices of the peace of every
severall limit, to consider, who were those that were fit
(respecting the credit of their severall persons, the con-
veniency of their places of abode, and all other necessary
circumstances,) to keep tipplings, and ale-houses causeing
the order, and their names to be registred of Record by
the pronotharie of the said Court, directing the Justices
of peace in their severall limits, immediately without
delay, to make assemblies, to enquire of all abuses,
especially touching Tipplers, rogues, and false measures,
and so to licence those that were registred of record,
and to cut of, and suppress all the rest, with all speed
and celerity : But what followed ? The Justice of the
peace (of some of the limits at least) defer'd this
service, till toward the end of August, and then in the
heat of our harvest called great assemblies accordingly ;
and in one of those assemblies a Justice of the Peace
did not stick openly to say unto the people, that such
a man alone (nameing the aforementioned petitioner)

4th 81B., VOL. XII. 4

50 ANGLESEY.

was the only cause of their said trouble, then in the
middest of harvest time, when every man had then been
better occupied in harvest business, then in such un-
seasonable troubles : And in good sooth, it was in some
sens true : for the Country was thereby indeed troubled,
and not a whit bettered : for after a very diligent
Inquisition made, and a great many offenders of all sorts
presented, there was not so much, as one man punished
nor not one indemnified, in so much as in one peny, or
penyworth of their goods, except such as gave private
bribes, and such as were licenced to keep tipplings
those very foolishly payd 2s. a piece for their licences,
whereas the rest as many as would, and could, kept, and
still do keep tipplings unlawfuU gameing and all kind of
disorders without restraint, punishment, or contra-
dicting, as hereafter shall be more at large shewed :
But wnat followed the year ensueing ? Marie, the staff
of bread which ever was wont to superabound in this
Island so much, as some do write, that this Island for
that cause, was by antiquity stiled, Monn the mother of
Wales, (because in all extreamity of dearth, the neigh-
bour countreys, were by it plentifully relieved) was so
short and so scant among us, the ensueing summer that
had not we been relieved from France, Ireland, and
other strange Countreys, with corn, we had died by
famine in heaps, in such sort as that we had been a
pityfuU, and a lamentable spectacle to all beholders.

And first to speake of beggars, rogues, vagabonds,
and idlers, we have an infinite number of them, and of
divers sorts that live, and lead an idle life, wandring
abroad over all the countrey from house to house, and
from place to place, in heaps and troops, some men,
some women ; some old, some young ; some weak, some
strong ; some poor, some rich ; and all at their own will
and pleasure, without any rule, order, restraint, or pro-
hibition. Their number is grown infinite, as well of our
own home bred beggars as also incomers, from ail parts
of our neighbour countreys ; and at some time of the
year they swarme and fill the whole island insomuch

ANGLESEY. 51

that many housholders are forced in answering them, to
bestow more food in a month, then would serve their
own family in a fortnight. And as the time groweth
on, so do they increase m number dayly and no marvel,
for they live the best and easiest life of all others, in the
camall judgment of witty worldlings. For they can
get by begging not only their necessary food and
rayment with ease, but also many of them will spend
largely upon good ale, in these our blind tipplings ; and
what they cannot get by begging, shall be largely sup-
plyed, by stealing and pilferings. I have heard of late,
an understanding Gentleman, to observe that the third
part of our people in this Island are beggers and half
those to be thieves and stealers. And truely his sup-
position was not much amiss, if we do but consider of
all sorts of men that with reason may be comprehended
under the name of beggers, for alas ! those that have no
means of themselves, and yet live, and lead an idle life,
whatsoever they pretend, may go for currant under that
title of beggers, wherof to omit the weak and impotent,
as well old as young, and those that are blind, lame,
impotent, and diseased, and all that may be lawfully
admitted to beg; There are many sorts of strong,
sturdie. and rich beggers as namely to remember some
of them, there are many counterfeit soldiers and these
by shewing some artificial fears of their own makeing
must have meat, and of some will have money : There
are also a great many Bedlems, that be strong, active,
and lustie fellows, these go well apparelFd, and have a
kind of set speech, and rhetoricall oration to be
delivered at every door, and can sing out some odd song
withall ; And they forsooth, must have the best meat
and speciallie the best drink in every house, and money
of the better sort, they are skilfuU in pedegree, and have
an exquisite cuning in glavering and flatterie and by
that means, can with great facility bring some of our
Justices of peace and others into a fools Paradise, and
so live at will, and wallow in drunkenness, lecherie,
thieverie, and all other villanie sans check or con-

4»

52 ANGLESEY.

troulment. We have also many Idlers that will be
counterfeit soldiers, nor csannot be Bedlems, but go
abroad, from House to House, under the name of
labourers, wanting place of services, And as soon as a
man takes up one of these, and puts him to work, he
will presently make a sure escape, far from those parts,
such felicity they find in this idle drowsie life of beg-
ging. Some there are also so blinded with insatiable
avarice, that in time of dearth can leave their own
Houses^ and grain yards stored with com, and grain, and
their fields with cattle, and put themselves, their wives,
and some of their family in beggerlie apparell, and so
betake themselves to the furthest parts of the Countrey,
where they are less known, to cry, crave and beg for a
month, or two, that their store at home, may be the
better spared. I might here speak of pedlers, tinkers,
and fiddlers, with a whole rabblement of such idle de-
vouring drones, that wander abroad, and live idHe to
devour and wast, that which the painfull husband-men
get with the sweat of their browes, travel and industry ;
All these for the most part, besides their beastlie
drunkeness, carry a rout of queans, whores, and
children after them, and have more skill in lyinef,
cogging, swearing, blaspheaming, and stealing, then the
infernal devils themselves. And where art, and cunning,
fail them, they will not stick in time, and place con-
venient to threat, and commit force, or violence. Of
this we have lately had so many experiments, that it
would seem incredible, to those that live where order
and discipline is observed to hear the tenth part thereof
recounted, especially of stealing; for in winter last,
from the beginning of November till the end of
February, when the nights were long and dark, there
was nothing so common, as complaints in all parts of
the countrey, of some stealing or other, there was almost
none free, from some losses in that behalf, for muttons,
gees, turkies, capons, hens, pullets, ducks, and all kind
of poultries, were stoln in abundances, and for aa
instance, there was one gentlemen that had 36 capons

ANGLESEY. 53

stoln from him in less than 20 days ; Breaking of barns,
and grain-yards, and stealing of corn and grain by loads
and horse loads, was too common ; Stealing of cloth,
linnen and apparrell, and pilling of sheep was over riffe.
To be brief, the loss of the Oountrey is infinite, and if
it were possible to gather a collection of all, it would
growe to a thing incredible ; for it is certain and
affirmed by many, that there was more felonies and
petit larcenies committed in this Island, this last
winter, then in any seaven years of this age, before this
time. And all this mischief proceedeth from the neg-
lect of officers, in suffering such offenders to escape with
impunity. And if this remiss cours, will be still con-
tinued with these men, it will encourage them to wax
the more and more audacious, in their villanies. And
what then shall we expect? But that at last, they
will combine and gather into societies, if not into a
head, among themselves, and in a short space, bring the
whole Island into confusion. Let God provide some
speedy remedy, to prevent this, and other mischiefs.
Besides all these aforemenconed sorts of beggera we
have many others, which were very long to recount in
particular with their manner of begging, and infinite
abuses and inconveniencies thereupon depending, only
I will glance at some of them. As namely, we have
never a church or chappell, upon any sabbath or holy
day, without a gathering of alms, or a Cymhortha, as
we term it, and many of these will presently drop from
the Church to the ale-house, and there for that evening
will be as drunk as a beast, upon the alms of the Parish.
And some, upon some colourable pretence or other, can
procure a license from the Justices of peace, for that
purpose which is a foul abuse, for while every lewd
villain is permitted and licenced in this manner, those
that be m extreamitie of need indeed must fare the
worse for it ; I have seen of late, and it much grieved
my heart to see and consider the same. A lewd,
lascivious, lying, treacherous drunkard, having obtained
his Majesties letters Patent, under the great seal of

54 ANGLESEY.

England, to gather alms for one whole year, in divers
shires and counties, under the pretence of an infinite
loss that he had sustained by fire, which (as by his
letters testimonial, under the hands of 5 of the greatest
members of this province of North Wales, appeared)
had utterly consumed three of his houses to ashes and
cinders, to his loss of I know not of what great deal
of substance ; whereas the vile rogue had but a poor
cottage, with a little front only burnt, where his married
wife, that lived by begging, harboured in the night
time, he keeping with other lewd light huswifes that
he had at his command. And I dare affirm it, upon my
knowledge and conscience, and shall have the testimony
of all the neighbours with me, that his said whole loss
might well have been made up and repaired with 8 or
10s, or under. And was it not a lamentable thing to
see the great seal of England, and the name of his
sacred Majestie, so far abysed as to be a means to
maintaine whordom and drunkennesse. And I much
marvail how those five eminent persons, chiefest^for
command and authority in these parts, were so far
beguiled as to subscribe to such a testimonial, for I
dare affirm, upon mine own knowledge, that the best
three of those five men never sawe the said cottage, and
do believe in conscience, that the other two never knew
or observed the same. Let all wise men conceave what
use a lewd fellow would make of such a licence ; for he
gathered much, where he was less known and consumed
the same as fast in all wickedness and villany. I
brought in this instance purposely for a caveat to all
Magistrates, to be less prodigall of such untrue testi-
monies : Besides this kind of Cymhortha we have many
other fashions of begging: especially every married
couple must go a begging the year after they be
married, though many of them have well to live of
their own. The men go in sowing harvest abroad to
begg grain and seed, and in corne harvest to gather. . .
kes, and thraves of com over all the countrey where
they can reach, and the good young wife must take an

ANGLESEY. 55

old impudent drabb with her, that can alleadge either
kindred, alliance, nurserie, or some affinity or other, with
all men. And in this manner, you shall find them go
by couples from door to door, over all the countrey, from
the beginning of June till midd August : Insomuch,
that you shall many a day, see half a dozen or half a
score couples of these at an honest man's door, useing
all kinds of Rhetoricall perswasions to beg cheeses,
wool, hemp, flax and such commodities : And these
are called by us (Gwragedd Cowsa) that is chees
gatherers : some perhaps would think those to be not
much prejudicial to the common good: but' those are
deceived, for besides that there's a special law provided
against thase, and all such kind of roguerie and begging,
I could detect a number of abuses and villanies, com-
mitted under the shadow of this pretence : and there-
fore would wish it were repressed &c. There are also
another kind of people that would scome to be called
beggers, and yet being considered in re vera may well be
comprehended under the generall term of beggers, and
those are such of the pensioners of the countrey, as go
under the name of maimed souldiers, that are no
souldiers indeed, and that either were never in the
wars, or being there, never did any good service at all,
or lost a drop of their blood at the hand of an enemy.
But rather drop into the List of Pensioners, by some
unlawfuU favour or some preposterous means or other,
and those also of the lewdest sort of idle villains, as
drunkards, whoremasters, incestuous persons, and such
like notable delinquents. And if but a few of these
copesmates had crept into the catalogue of our pen-
sioners, the matter nad been more tollerable : But to
the countreys great grief, and wrong, the greatest part
of our unruly pensioners consist of these rakehells, and
such like ; and yet all admitted by our good Justices of
the peace, for some corrupt consideration or other :
Thus this laudable law enacted for the relief of true
hearted souldiers that loos their blood, and limbs, in the
service of their Prince and countrey is now most

56 ANGLESEY.

wickedly converted, to maintaiii a number of the
lewdest persons, and least worthy of respect in the
common wealth : a thing much to be pitied, and pity
but it were for shame reformed.

In the reare of all noysome beggers I will^ in a word
or two, toutch and remember our milkwifes, and these
are not few but very many in number, and of all others
most pernicious, for they dwell over night in cottages
that they have of their own, sometimes two or three
together in a cottage (meer repugnant to the statutes
of Inmates). And these walk abroad in the day time,
with their pitchers under colour, to gather some milke
from house to house, and know the humor of all men,
especially the good wife of every house, and can tell and
devise news from all parts, and rip up all the neighbours
most secret faults, and have all the craft of the devil to
glaver^ flatter, and insinuate unto fools, whereby they
sowe so many strifes and discentions between neighbours
that scarce shall you find three neighbours but two of
them are at enmity among themselves; and thereof
ensueth infinite and innumerable inconveniences to all
men in generall. And with all these idle drabbs have
the faculty, of all others, to provoke and allure mens
children and servants to steal from then- own Parents
and masters all such grain, butter, cheese, and such
trashes as they can come by, and wiU receive them into
their cottages and make a light sale of them, and so
part the bootie as please themselves. I have myself
felt the OTief of this inconveniency so far, that I would
pursue this abuse over many leaves, if it were not that I
have been over tedious already. And I woulde to God
that my self alone, and none but I, did feel the smart
of this plagueing practice. But I think that few or
none in this Island are free from loss in this respect, the
thing is so rife and so common.

All these aforementioned beggers and beggings pro-
ceed fix)m idleness, which was one of the sins of Sodom,
as the holy prophet Ezekiel recounteth it, saying, Ecce
h®c fuit iniquitas Sodomae sororis tuse, superbia, saluri-

ANGLESEY. 57

tas (sic) panis et abundantia et otium ipeius, et filiarum
ejus &c And no mar vail that so many villainies are dayly
committed by these idle droanes, seing the spirit of God
sayeth, Multam enim malitiam docuit otiositas. And
to that end Plato and Cato were wont to say, that men
in doing nothing did learn to do evil. St. Ambrose
calleth idleness the pillow of Satan.

Neither have our Justices of the peace not so much
as a thought or a good purpose for the reformation of
these rogues, although we have many laws made to that
end, and that they are sworn to observe those laws and
statutes, among others. But their oaths they observe
herein as well as in other matters belonging to their
offices, as dayly experience sheweth. Marie, sometimes
they will take matters in hand so hotly that a man
would ween they would do wonders. But presently,
before their business takes effect^ you shall find them so
allayed that a man might think they never purposed
any such good. As for an example of the matter we
have now in hand : upon the publication of the late
statute for the erecting of a house of correction in every
countrey, under pain of a penalty to be inflicted upon
them, for want of executeing the same statute, good
God ! what hast they made for to assemble together, to
devise a convenient course for the performance of that
law (for fear of the rood, if I be not deceived), presently
they agreed (as indeed they are very prone) to cast a
Taxation upon the Countrey, for the erecting of this
house of correction ; thereupon in some parts of the
countrey this mise was never cessed, in other parts it
was cessed, but never leavied, in some parts it was
cessed and leavied, and since converted to another use.
But in that: part of the Island which ever feeleth the
greater grief of their misgovernment this Taxacon was
cessed and leavied, and never repay d again, but still
remaineth in their hands, or where they know, even to
this day, let the poor Inhabitants complaine and murmur
never so much tnereat. And thus our poor countrey is
used by her own principall members, that ought to have

58 ANGL£SKY.

the greatest care of her good. And our new House of
Correction smothered in the very Embryo, and they leye
open for the penalty of the said statute, to any that will
aime at their nakedness. And by this means, and by
many such experiments of their loose government, no
marvail that we have the number of our rogues and
vagabonds so far multiplyed, and they also so cocksure,
and so bold to commit all villanies the Devil can put
into their heads, hereof ensueth the infinite felonies of
late committed, and the diversity of actions of slanders
dayly brought by known thieves against them whose
goods they steal, thereby redoubling the poor simple
mens wrong. And now it is come to that pass that
thieves will not stick to bum their houses over their
heads, in the night time, when they are fast asleep,
that will oifer to lay any such matters to their charge.
And if these escape with impunity, let wise men con-
sider into what case honest men shall be brought unto
shortly. Oh Lord ! how long shall we groan under the
Burthen of these abuses, and gape for a Reformation ?
Have we no hope left in this depraved age, to see these
and such like abuses repressed ? Oh 1 that we had not
in exchange for our Justices of Peace, those Indian
Philosophers, whom the Greeks call Gymnosophistae,
who, for punishment of Idleness, were accustomed at
dinner time not to give any meat to those that could
labour, unless they perceived that they had well deserved
to be fed, by their Travel and Industry, and he or she
that could work, and did not work, should not eat : the
fittest punishment that ever for that oflFence could be
inflicted. Could the Pagans, in their times, find out a
Licurgus, a Solon, yea, and a Draco, to make severe
laws against Idlers and Loyterers, and to execute them?
And many common-wealths, especially the Lacedemo-
nians, Egyptians, and Romans, had Censors purposely
ordained to take exact accompt how every living man
in the common-wealth lived. And cannot our Christian
Magistrates find out a means to shake ofi their drowsi-
ness, and to execute some of so many excellent laws

ANGL£S£T. 59

as remain in force in this flourishing Common-wealth
against these putrified limbs of our body politick ? But
suffer all men to live according to our own corrupt
nature. Macrobius, in his book, De somno Scipionis,
menconeth of an ancient Law amongst the Hetruscians,
much observed, and since practised by the Romans :
That in every Town through their dominions, upon the
first day of the year, everyone appeared before the
Magistrate or chief Ruler of the place to render accompt
of their life and manner of living, and those that were
found to live an idle,loytering life, were heavily punished.
For the ancient Laws of flourishing Republiques, and
the duty of Magistrates in this respect, I will not
presume in this place to commemorate, my purpose
being only to discover the abuse, and to complaine and
implore for Reformation. And for this time let that
suffice which I have already written concerning the
sama

OF THE DIVERSITY OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

As concerning measures and weights I know not
what is more necessary to be duely observed among
civil and well governed people then uniformity of
weights and measures, for that is agreeable to Justice,
honesty, and truth, whereas the diversity of confused
weights and measures openeth the way to all fraud and
guile, and to commit infinite mischiefs besides, whereof
ensueth a number of inconveniences ; as this little
Island may well bear witness, by many millions of
experiences happening dayly within the same. The
necessity whereof may well appear, as well by the pro-
vidence of this wise Common wealth of England, in
providing so many good laws for the establishing and
preserving of true and just weights and measures, as
may be seen in Magna Charta, and among the Statutes
of Edward the first, Edward the 3rd, and Henry the
7th, and others. As also by the endeavour of the Devil
and his adherents, in withstanding so many good orders^

60 ANGLESEY.

as of late have been taken by the justices of the great
Sessions of North Wales, for the conformity of measures
within this and the next adjoyning Countrey, wherein
the more pains and travell have been taken about the
same, the more diversity of confused measures are every
where used, as anon shall be partly toutched, what shall
we talk of the Laws and ordinances of man in this
respect, while we have the authority of so many
passages of the laws of God himself to warrant the
same, for we read in Leviticus : Statera justa» et aequa
sunt pondera, Justus modius eequusque sextarius. And
in Deutronomy it is written, non nabebis in Saccule
diversa pondera, majus et minus : non erit in Domo tua
modius major et minor. Pondus habebis justum et
verum et modius sequalis et verus erit tibi. In the
Prophet Ezekiel we read thus, Statera justa, et ephi
justum, et Batus Justus erit vobis ephi et batus^ sequalis
et minus mensurse erunt. And to shew yet more clearly
the will and pleasure of God in this behalf, we find it
recorded in tne divine volumes of God s own book thus,
pondus et statera indicia Domini sunt. And in another
place of the same book, Statera dolosa abominatio est
apud Deum, et pondus sequum voluntas ejus, and again,
Pondus et pondus, mensura et mensura utriumque
abominabile est apud Deum. And in the Prophet
Micah we read that God, threatening his people for
useing of false weights and measures, saith, Numquid
justificabo Rateram (?) impiam et sanelli pondera dolosa.
By these and many other places of Scripture may be
evidently gathered how pleasing it is to the blessed
Jehovah to use and observe uniform and true weights
and measures, and how abominable a thing it is in his
sight to use and maintaine the contrary. But now let
us consider a little how conformable we are to these
sacred laws, both of God and man. In our late Queens
time we had ordinarily two sorts of usuall measure of
corn in this Island, takeing their denomination of the
two usuall markets of Bewmares and Carnarvon, whom
this Countrey doth frequent; for the East and the

^ Mcaniug e^hah and bath?

ANGLESEY. 61

North part of this little Island resort most commonly
to Bewmares, and the South and West part thereof
frequent Carnarvon Market over the water. Neither of
these Towns had the true measure established to be the
standard of England, called Winchester measure, but
rather a kind of measure used by custom in each of
them, and takeiug name of the Town where it was used.
And Carnarvon bushel was then wont to be bigger then
Bewmares bushel, by the one eight part or thereabouts.
But the mischief was that these measures were not per-
manent and settled, especially in Carnarvon, but rather
• almost yearly altered and changed, according to the wiU
and pleasure of the oflScers and Clerks of those Markets.
And the greater miscliief it was, that in each of these
Towns there were always divers bushels, all differing in
quantity among themselves, and which is worse of all,
it went for true, that in some houses, especially amongst
the malt women, there were two severall bushels, the
one bigger to buy barly, and the other lesser to sell
malt. So that the Countrey did not know for their
hearts what measure to send to the markets, such
chopping and changing, and such cogging and foisting
were there amongst them. This being of late years
shewed and complained to the Justices of the great
sessions, divers good and commendable orders have been

Eublished for the establishing of the true Winchester
ushel in either of these Towns ; much pains and some
cost have been bestowed in procureing these orders to
be performed. But what followed ? And what good
hath the countrey reaped thereby? Marie, the self
same event as we have seen in these depraved times
to take place in other matters that were assayed to be
reformed, especially in the suppressing of tipplings, for
always after every meeting, like Hydra his head, we
had two for one, and their villanies still increase with
their number, and so it doth to this day. So in this
business, we see, and have those that prosecuted and
followed this Reformation to be cursed, reviled, threat-
ned, and abused beyond all reason ; And the measures

62 ANGLESEY.

three times more diverse and more confuse than ever
before : for in Bewmares, where there was before but
the name of one measure, though diverse bushels much
differing in quantity went under the name of that one,
now they profess two severall measures, give them
severall names : the one they call the water measure
(which is the biggest), the other is the Town measure,
with the one they did use the last dear Summer to buy
com of strangers, and with the other to sell the same
to their neighbours ; but in Carnarvon theres now three
severall measures, all used to severall purposes, called
the greater, the lesser, and the middle measure, and so
many subdivisions of those also, and so many abuses
thereon depending, as the iniquity of man coulde devise.
A man shall not there have a bushel to measure his
com or meal unless he pay towle for the same ; and
when towle be paid, he shall not measure it himself,
but he must look upon a drabb corrupted by the buyer
to measure his com or meal, who (let a man do what he
will) will beguile the seller, by diverse slights and cog-
ging shifts, of the tenth part of his market at least.
Thus are we so fast sticked in the mire of iniquity, that
the more we strive and struggle to get out, the more
we sink into the same, till at last we shall be over-
whelmed. And this hath put all good and honest men
almost out of hope to obtain any reformation of this
and other abuses. And surely experience sheweth it to
be a greater piece of work then a man would deem it
at first to be, because we have none to execute with
effect the goodly laws and laudable orders made, or to
be made, to that purpose. And if we had ministers
fitting and willing and fully authorized to reform this
abuse, it were very necessary that the matter should
be redressed from the very foundation. For we had of
late in Bewmares, when the last order was taken for
the establishing of Winchester measure, two honest
gentlemen for officers in the same Town, very good
members of the same corporation, whom I the more
boldly commend because they are now both dead, and

ANGLESEY. 63

in their life deserved much commedation. These two,
or one of them, did undertake to sett up- a true bushel
according to the lawfuU measure of Winchester, which
being performed, and many bushels both in Town and
Countrey made correspondent thereto, all sealed and
marked, within a short time it was boasted abroad that
it was not indeed the true Winchester measure, but
rather somewhat lesser then the same ; which report
procured such loathsomeness in all men in generall, and
such a dispair of Reformation, that the established
measures were and are neglected, and things grown to
that confusion as never the like had been seen before.
Therefore I hold it were a good and a convenient course
that there were provided at the common charge of the
countrey, one brass bushel in every market Town,
stamped with the seal of the Tower of London, and a
good treene bushel of dry wood, to be duely and justly
made by the brazen bushel, to be delivered to every
high constable in the countrey ; and Proclamations
made to bring in all the bushels in Town and every
severall hundred to be reformed thereafter, and all the
rest to be broken, burnt, and suppressed ; and especial
men to be appointed once at least in every year, to see
and view all measures upon their oaths, to present all
men that should buy or sell by any other measure then
the uniform Bushel and parts thereof so settled. And
a good sound penalty (I could wish it were felony) to
be inflicted upon whosoever would presume to trans-
gress in that respect. And then the poor and the
simple should not be so much beguiled and deceived as
now they are. But all men in generall, both rich and
poor, high and lowe, great and small, should have the
selfe same measure. The abuse is not only in measure
of corne, which is far more confuse and out of frame
then here hath been declared.

But also in measures of lenth, in liquid measures,
and in weights. Of each of these there are diverse
sorts. And first, for measure of length, we have two
usuall yards as commonly used as we do our two hands :

64 ANGLESEY.

the one is the Welsh yard, the other the English. The
English yard is certain and known, and being reduced
from a known ground, and allowed by the law, the
other is uncertaine and unlawfuU, and the ground
thereof (to me at least) unknown, but taken to be some
3^ or 3 1 inches, or much there abouts, longer then the
English yard. The one is used by all merchants, mer-
cers, pedlers, masons, carpenters, land mooters, and
others ; the other by all taylors, weavers, fullners, hus-
wifes, and such like, etc. And this is one inconvenience
that ariseth of the use of these two yards : let a Coun-
trey huswife upon the street sell a piece of cloth to a
mercer by the yard, it must be measured by the Welsh
yard ; and let that huswifes owne husband, or any
other follow the mercer close by the heels to the shop,
and there agree with him for the same piece of cloth,
or any part thereof, • by the yard, and it shall be in-
stantly measured with the English yard.

In like manner we have in liquid measures two seve-
rall gallons, the English and Welsh gallon, and both
uncertaine and differing so much among themselves,
especially the Welsh, as the humor and consciences of
men differ. The Welsh gallon (wherewith is usually
measured butter, tallowe, hony, and the like), is thought
to be seaven quarts and a half, or, as some hold, eight
quarts English ; and of this diversity insulteth many
abuses too long here to repeat.

In weights, besides the Troy weight used by gold-
smiths, we have the Avoir-du-pois weight used by mer-
chants and mercers ; and withall we have another kind
of Pound used in this countrey, called Pwys y garregw-
lan, or the wool pound. By this is weighed all butter
and chees sold in the countrey, all yam, wool, hemp,
flax, tallow, and many other commodities. By thia^ all
our huswives deliver their yarn to the weavers ; and
these are so diverse and uncertain, that look how many
huswives and weavers, so many diverse pounds : hereof
insulteth many strifes' and contentions between them,
and very many actions in the base courts, and many of

AKOLESEY* 65

them determined by wUfoU perjury, which is so com^
mon in base cx)urts as drunkards in the ale-house. This
pound is taken by some to be 4^", by some 4f*^, and by
others 5" of the Avoir-du-pois, but so diverse and un-
certaine that it would require a pretty volume to lay
down in particular all the known abuses that ariseth
thereof. Neither would it be nothing amiss to examine
now and then the Avoir-du-pois so much used by our
merchants, mercers, and pedlers ; for some will not
stick to say that they are somewhat lighter then the
London weights. For mine own part I cannot affirm
it, because (besides report) I have no warrant for it.
And yet I must uphold mine own countrey Proverb
which saith : Ni waeth cowir er ei chwilis ; that is.
The honest man is nothing impaired by being serched.
Even so, by examining their weights, either their fals-
hood would be detected or their honesty better ap-
proved, which might prove very profitable to the com-
mon good.

OP ALE-HOUSES AND TIPPLINGS.

Now we are come to say somewhat of the third abuse
before mentioned, that is, of the schools of drunkenesse,
which are the ale-houses and tipplings that are suflfered
at randome to run the race, and to practice all the
vUlames, that the enemy of maiikind can devise. These
be they that do not only consume in excess and riot
the better part of the fruit of the earth, which God
sendeth for the relief of mankind, but also have already
corrupted the most part of our labourers and craftsmen
with this beastly vice of drunkeness. These made them
that were wont with great Industry to till the earth,
to become, some liers, some thieves, many of them loy-
terers, and almost all drunkards ; for those that tipple
overnight in an ale-house cannot, nor will not, the next
morrowe perform their ordinary work, but must needs
spend some part of the ensueing day in sleeping and
slumbering, and some part thereof in devising with

4th 8JIR., VOL. XII. 5

66 AN0LB8ET.

themselves what to steal from their masters to fall to
it afresh the next night following. These Tipplers
have a thousand slights to allure and entice mens
children and servants, to spoyle their parents and mas-
ters, for to get wherewitnall to mamtaine this and
other lewd practices incident to the same. There be
some of our said Ale-houses that have a barrell or two
of good ale drunk in a week ; and let them be privily
watched in the day time, and many a day you shall not
see two pots drunk in one of them ; but all their drink
is consumed in the night. And this is one reason that
we have of our more tipplings in Winter then in Sum-
mer, because the summer nights are too short for their
purpose. And thus with di-unken soppes and sweet
morcells these dampned villains have bereft us of our
best means for tillage by intoxicateing not only our
mechanicks, but also almost all sorts with drunkeness.
They can entice our gentlemen to haunt their pesti-
ferous dens with unlawfuU gameing and lechery, and
our servants and labourers with thievery, and all sort
with drunkeness. They buy their com, mutton, and
poultry, and other commodities, where they can have it
best cheap; and who give a better peny worth than the
theefe that takes it up for nothing. These Ale-house
keepers have, and will have, all such attractive entice-
ments that may be, to draw all sorts of men to their
poysoned nests. They niust have tobacco, for sooth, to
allay the foaming froth of their strong liquor ; and pre-
sently they must quash the smoak with the self same
liquor. So that these good fellows cannot be without
both ; the one for a remedy to the other, as they sup-
pose, whereas, in truth, both are the Devil s bait to
catch them with his hook for their utter undoing. And
the most of our Ale-houses have a Punke besides ; for
if the good hostess herself be not so well shaped as she
may serve the turn in her own proper person, she must
have a maid to fill pots that shall be fitting for the
purpose. And this is one especial cause that when
these Tipplers are complained upon to the Justices of

ANGLESEY. 6 7

the great sessions for some offence or other, they can-
not want some of the better sort to plead in their be-
half. I cannot, and it is not my purpose at this time
to discover the tenth part of the viUanies and of the
wicked abuses that are dayly practiced by means of
these corrupt and rotten members of this body politick,
but rather to shew the just grief of the countrey in
generall against our justices of the peace, that do not
only suffer and permit as many as will to foUow this
trade, but also do cherish and maintaine some of them
for no good purposes.

Diverse complaints have been heretofore made of this
abuse, especially in July 1612, upon the great fear of
dearth that happened the year ensueing, as well by the
excessive consumeing of corn and other provision to
maintaine and keep afoot about 300 ale-houses within
this little Island, who consumed no less than 60,000
bushels of barly yearly, one year with another, besides
what wast the Town of Bewmares could perform,
which by the judgement of some amounted to near the
third part of as much as the countrey tipplings wasted,
as also by the great drought wherewith AUmighty God
had then so hardened the earth as a just punishment
for our sins; which dearth and scarcity being then fore-
seen by many, as indeed it happened in the year 1613 ;
for if our countrey had not then been happyly relieved
with com and grain from foreine parts, especially from
France and Ireland, in great quantity, we had died in
heaps of the said famine.

But that reliefe of corn hath so emptied this Island
of money as we shall not be able to recover the same in
a long time ; which if the justices of the peace had then
effectually performed the order taken by the justices of
the great Sessions, and entred of Reconl, it would have
saved to this little Island no less than seaven or eight
thousand pounds, and had done much more good be-
sides.

But what did our Justices of peace then ? Marie !
the Justices of the great Sessions were no sooner gone

5«

68 ANGLESEY.

but they began to stand so much upon their own
Authorities to grant licenses to divers that were not
allowed by the order entred of Record ; and those also
without respect of any good cause, place, or person, but
upon corrupt and shameful! considerations, granting
some of their licenses to some of the vilest rakehells in
all the countrey. I coulde bring divers instances to
prove this to be true. Let* one serve at this time for
many, By the standing order of record in the great
Sessions there were two allowed in one village towards
the north of the Island, where one had been sufficient.-
Three others were presently allowed within a mile com-
pass to the same ; one of the three dwelling within the.
village. And what was that one ? Forsooth, the re-
puted son of a gentleman that once upon his oath
denjed him for his son ; but it was to save a little fine.
This bafle fellow was married to a scolde that stands
endicted of record for a common Barreter, and had no
wrong neither. This good woman also had a son dwell-
ing in house with her, that was the most notorious
theefe in those parts ; and vsdthin three months after
his mother was admitted to keep an alehouse, comitted
infinite pettit larcenies, divers felonies, and many burg-
laries besides. Let any indiflferent man judge whether
this partie (all circumstances considered) was fit to have
a licence and authority conferred upon him to keep this
helly trade or no. And yet this is all true ; and more
then this, too, I could alleadge another instance of one
in like manner licenced, that came in upon the by, not
through the gate, but over the walls of good order,
whose life would make an honest man's ear to Itch for
very horror to hear it fully and distinctly repeated.
Many others were in like sort licenced, as by conference
with the Records of the Pronothary and the Clre of
the Peace appeareth. And all these that were of late
so licenced to keep ale-houses, I must needs reckon to
be either unfortunate or fools. Those I account unfor-
tunate that were at first allow'd and entered of Record
in the great Sessions, because they were enforced and

ANGLESEY. 69

compelled to flue forth new licences, which cost them
2s. a piece. The rest that dropped into the list since
by some corrupt means and special labour, were meer
fools that would make such a do to their charge of 2s.
a piece ; whereas all others, of what condition soever,
whether they be notorious malefactors, or light hus-
wives, or whatsoever, that could get malt either for
money or credit, fell a brewing as well as the rest, and
kept, and still do keep, their tipplings with all the un-
lawful! gameing and disorders that may be, as free and
as open as the rest, 5an5 controule. And though some one
be known among the rest to be a conspirator of mur-
ther, to entice his neighbours wifes (not one only, but
two or more) to leave their husbands and children, and
to follow him by turns into other countreys, and after
a long vagare to return again, and with his own wife
(being not much better then himself) to keep a conti-
nual tippling for this ten or twelve years at least, with-
out leave or licence, and withall to keep a braze of
punkes in his house, yet did I never see him no more
restrained then the rest, nor no kind of punishment
offered to him or his wife ; saving once I remember to
have seen his wife and his neighbour's wife, which he
kept for his queane, to fall out by the ears at a meet-
ing where the Justices of the Peace did pretend to re-
form many abuses ; and there his married wife was
well and soundly beaten, and aD imbrued in her blood.
She was, withall, committed by the Justices of the
Peace, out of their discretion, for the fray, which, per-
haps, the other drabbe began ; but it pleased our good
Justices, upon the reconciliation of these haggs, to
release again, in that instance, the parties committed,
which is all the punishment that ever I saw against
these damnable ere we. The example whereof animated
as many as would and could to fall to this trade with-
out either law or licence ; and no marvail then if their
number be so well encreased as now they are, and espe-
cially at certain times of the year. I know a little
Parish, being, indeed, but a small Chappell Parish,

70 ANGLESEY.

wherein could be found but 14 persons to bear part of
a taxac'on of £140 in all the county; and yet a gentle-
man of credit told me that the Devil could at one time
this last winter find 1 6 persons to sell ale within this
little Pansh. Let men suppose^ by this one Instance,
what number of Ale-houses we have at some times of
the year in all the whole countrey, and suppose further
what an enormity is this to be suffered in a civil
countrey.

I could here relate an infinite number of inconveni-
ences depending upon this abuse, and describe what
kind of light persons are allow'd for pledges for our tip-
plers, especiaUy for such as come into the Rowle by
extraordinary means ; but my purpose is only to give
a tast of the abuse, and not to make a full declarac'on
thereof, to see whether God will stirr the hearts of
some good men to heal this grievous malady before it
proves to be an irremediable ulcer past all hope of re-
covery. I do wonder, and cannot choose but marvail,
when I consider with myself what reason those gentle-
men have that are sworn to see and to look to this
business, to suffer such disorders to be so apparantly
permitted, that are so hurtfull to the coimtrey, so dan-
gerous to themselves, and so repugnant to the laws not
only of the realm, but ako of God himself. I dare not
call them fools, though some of them already foresee
and discerne the very disolution and destruction to
their own Houses to proceed from these Ale-houses,
which they not only connive at, but also in some sort
support and keep afoot ; but yet I may boldly conclude
with Solomon, who by the Spirit of God said that they
are not wise men when he saith, Luxuriosa res vinum,
et tumultuosa ebrietas : quicumque his delectatur non
erit sapiens. The Blessed Apostle St. Paul saith, Nolite
inebriari vino in quo est hixuria. And yet our great
men must needs frequent these Ale-houses ; there must
all their meetings and Assemblies be appointed ; there
they must come, though they have no business saving
to make merry in an Alehouse, and there they must be

1

AlfGLESET. 71

all day long ; which puts me in mind of that place of
the Holy Prophet, Vae qui consurgitis mane ad ebrieta-
tem sectandam et potandum usque ad yesperam, ut
vino sestuetis. And would they could remember another
place of the same Prophet, and ruminate thereupon,
when they most glory in their carousing and great
drinking. I mean that verse which saith, Yaa qui po-
tentes estis ad bibendum vinum, et viri fortes ad mis-
cendam ebrietatem. Let them for shame hear what
another Prophet saith unto them by name, with like
woe still, in these words : Vsb qui potum dat Amico
suo, mittens fel suum et inebriant ut aspiciat medita-
tem ejus, repletus es ignomina pro gloria Bibe tu quo-
que et consopire ; circundabit te calix dextras domini,
et vomitus ignominiae super gloriam tuam. The Pro-
phet Joel hath left them a caveat also, saying, Exper-
fidsemini ebrii, et flete, et ululate omnes qui bibetis
linum in duli^ne, qu^niam periit ab are vLtro. But
perhaps our great ones come not to the Ale-house to
drink only, but rather, withall, to see their hostess or
her maid. I believe that well, the rather because it
was fore-seen and fore-spoken by the spirit of truth long
ago, saying, Vinum et muUeres apoetatare feciunt sapi-
entes, et arguimt sensatos.

. Many and diverse are the passages we find in Holy
Writ against this beastly vice of drunkeness, which for
brevity I must pretermit, and hasten to come to finish
my pretended purpose, which is to shew what grief
and hurt the oountrey most justly conceives against
these gentlemen that suffer these and many other
abuses to sway and domineer amongst us, and that
aspire to their offices to maintain pride, and to have
the precedency to them and their wifes ; and having
attained to places of dignity and command, use, or
rather abuse, the Sacred Law (which God bestowed
upon men as a superexcellent gift to reduce and hold
men in perfect and civil society) as a stoaking horse to
attain to their own disordinate and lustfuU desires ;
which to comprehend in few words is nothing else but

72 ANGLESEY.

to please a friend or to displease a foe ; and that with-
out respect of Law, but by colour of Law, many a time
as well to punish an innocent adversary as also to pro-
cure a wicked friend to escape with impunity ; and to
spare a nocent is in effect as great an injustice as to
punish an innocent.

Thus we see the Law is brought to that pass that it
is not much better then when we had no laws at all ;
for the abuse of the Law is waxen so strong that the
same Law which God and good men ordained to give
every man his own, and to defend the simple innocent
from the cruel nocent, is now most justly reckoned for
a plague to them that must follow the same, as very
experience teacheth that many are utterly undone by
the following suits in law. Thus we see how the ad-
versary of mankind can find out the means to abuse
the most supereminent gifts that God bestoweth upon
us. We have very many good laws and statutes pro-
vided almost against all crimes, offences, and wrongs,
that may be thought upon ; but what good do we reap
thereby, seeing they are not executed ? Or if they be,
they are not according to the meaning of the Law, but
rather abused to a contrary sense. And while the
Magistrates are so careless for the right administration
of laws, what marvail is that we have so many delin-
quents, so many villanies and abuses ? What crime
dare not men in passion attempt and undertake when
Justice sleeps and magistrates wink ?

The perverse nature of man is such that he findeth
nothing fairer, sweeter, or more desirable, then the
thing strictly forbidden and prohibited; and therefore
what can be more dangerous than to create laws against
offences, and to suffer those laws to go into contempt
and unexecuted ? I know not which is worst, to live
without laws, or to have laws and not to execute them
in their right meaning.

But our Gentlemen that bear oflSce know nothing of
this ; or if they do, they regard it but a little. Good
Lord, how different in opinion we are from many of our

ANGLESEY. 73

ancestors 1 TotUas, King of the Goths, being earnestly
entreated by a great favorite to pardon a friend that
had ravished a woman, answered, To commit an oflFence,
and to hinder the punishment of the offender, is the
selfsame thing. Take this for certaine, quoth he, if I
do not punish him the common weale of the Gothes
wiU perish ; for caU to remembrance, my friend, that
since Theodatus began to make more accompt of riches
then of Justice, God hath not been favourable unto us.
Seneca, in his book, De Beneficiis, writeth that when
Caesar profer'd Demetrius 200 talents for to corrupt
him, he smiled and forsook them ; and wondering at
the folly and indiscretion of Csesar for imagining that
gold or silver could have altered him, said to his friends
thus : If he had meant to try me, he should have
tempted me with his whole empire. Oh, good God 1
what shall we say of officers that will not stick against
their oathes to violate justice for less than a talent,
yea, for a flietch of bacon, a mutton, a pair of capons,
few wild-fowls or puffings, or such like trifles, when the
worthy Pagan did prefer Justice before such a masse of
treasure? But we are unhappily reserved for those
times that carry little good with them besides the
name. We have the name of Christians, but the very
Pagans lived a far better life.

Well, these contemplations, with many thousands
more then I intend here to digest, hath brought me to
this digression from the Ale-houses, where I left our
Justices of Peace carousing among their cups, and make-
ing merry in an Ale-house ; and there, instead of sup-
pressing tipplings and disorders, and of conserving the
peace, let them chidd and brawle, and offer to draw
and to strike, as I have heard that some of late did, to
his small credit. Or if some of them be grown so old
as that they cannot or dare not fight themselves, let
them advise, animate, and set on, such as can. As of
late one of them did when a lusty young man was
brought by a warrant before him to be bound of the
peace to an old wretch whom he had formerly well

74 ANGLE8BT.

beaten and abused. The boon Justice of Peace, like a
good ghostly father, tooke ye fellow aside, asked him
what he had done to the simple wretch. The fellow
confessed that he had given him two or three sound
buffets about his ears, and no more. Go thy ways
home, quoth the Justice of Peace, and when thou meet*
est the churle in place convenient, alone, toward night,
take him by the beard and cuff him well, and spare
not ; but be sure to draw no blood, cmd that no man
see thee. And was not this a straight recognizance ?
And truly I think the fellow had done no less, unless
he by chance had met with a better councellor that
diswaded him from that attempt, advising him to think
himself well to escape punishment for the first offence.

Are these fit men to govern a countrey that forget
themselves and their oatns so abruptly ? Have we not
offended heavily the Divine Powers, that we are to be
ruled by such Magistrates ? I do not intend here to
tax aU our Justices of Peace with such palpable wrong
doing, though I can excuse none of them from being
remisse in their government, which is an inexcusable
fault, as may well appear by the proceeding described
by our Saviour in the Gospell of the latter Judgment,
where Christ expostulateth with us, not for committing
of ffreat and grievous sins, but rather for omitting this
and that good that we could and should have done ;
therefore these our Justices of Peace that think they
do well in withdrawing themselves from intermeddling
with business are justly to be condemned.

But my purpose here is only to tax those that take
the matter in hand, and think to make themselves
great by shewing favour to the one and rigor to the
other without any regard to Justice. These that glory
to see themselves well clienteled, and are the best Jury
mungers, and that by colour of law do more wrong in
a week then Justice in a whole year ; these only I in-
tend now especially to tax. Neitner am I ignorant also
how that some part of the countrey is somewhat better
governed than the other; and those which for years

ANGLESEY. 75

and knowledge ought to do best, prove, indeed, the
worst and the more dangerous. If they suflFer the estate
of the countrey to run to ruine of ignorance, God for-
give them, and illuminate their hearts to see and amend
their errors ; but if they erre of malice and set purpose,
I doubt me much that prayer can do them but small

food, for Voluntarie peccantibus hostia non relinquitiu:.
will instantly waae no further into this puddle of
errors to detect further abuses, though many other ab-
surdities might be discovered ; but I will most heartily
pray the Father of all Goodness, for the Glory of his
own name, and for our common good, to send his
heavenly grace upon some fit instrument to reform
these and all other abuses that tend to the dishonour
of his holy name and to our inevitable grief.

OP THE CLERGY.

If a man shoidd narrowly examine as well the cause
of these our grievances as also the cause efficient of all
evil, and of the midtiplicity of our sins, he shall not
need go far to seek, but shall find the cause even hard
by ; and that is the negligence of the clerks in perform-
ing their duties in their severall degrees and vocations,
and their ill Ufe and wicked manners. For priests are
in some respect called the princes of the people, and
people must needs imitate their Priests. And so we
read in Hosea the Prophet, speaking belike of our time,
Et erit sicut populus, sic sacerdos. When I consider
the excellency of man above all other terrestrial crea-
tures, which the Prophet David setteth forth, saying
of man to God, Minuisti eum paulominus ab Angelis,
gloria et honore coronasti eum ; and thereupon ako con-
sider the dignity of the ecclesiastical calling above the
secular, for the Holy Scripture calleth a Priest some-
times Vir Dei, sometimes Homo Dei, and sometimes
Angelus Dei, I cannot but admire at their calling, and
reverence the same with all humility. But of the other

76 ANGLESEY.

side, when I think of the life and manner of living of
most our clergy, my understanding is so confounded
that I have not what to say or think of them ; for as
the soul is more honorable then the body, so the Clergy
ought to excell the Layty in all good qualities and ver-
tues. But our Clergy is cleane contrary ; for let us,
the Layty, be never so ill, they will be sure to be far
worsCj insomuch that I see clearly that they must
always excell either in the best or in the worst part«
When the world was good, and people were devout,
honest, and religious, then the Clergy were most excel-
lent and venerable for all kind of godliness ; but when
the Devil found out the means to alter the condition of
men from good to ill, he likewise transformed the lives
and manners of the Clergy to excell the modem lewd
Layty as far in all iniquity as the ancient Clerks did
excell the people of their time in all vertue and holy-
ness ; and therefore when I consider of their loose life,
and the ill example they give to the world, then I sup-
pose I have found out the cause eflficient of the super-
abundant iniquity of our unhappy time, for they have
the light of the world and the leaders of the people ;
therefore, if they be dark and obscure, how can we
shine ? If they trace the way to Babilon, how can we
go to Jerusalem, seeing we are to follow our leaders
where ever they go ? And that our Clerks are such
notorious imposters, all the countrey know it and
rewe it.

And myself, when at first I conceived the idea of this
confused chaos, did purpose to speak of the particular sins
predominant among our Clergy, and to shew how they
excell all others in pride, envy, avarice, lechery, drunk-
eness, and perjury, and to produce horrible examples in
every of those sins by themselves ; but afterwards,
upon a more retired consideration, I thought good to
alter that coiurse, and not to enter with my poor barke
into that profound and vast ocean ; and that for three
severall considerations, — first, when I bethought what
instances to relate, there came struggling into my

ANGLESEY, 77

memory such a multitude of examples in every of those
sins, most of them within the compass of mine own
knowledge, that my poor memory was thereby cleans
confounded, and knew not of many which to leave, nor
which to take. Secondly, if I had delivered but few
examples in every kind, such as are well known to me
and most of the countrey besides to be most true, I
should have thereby brought this whole discourse into
small credit with any honest and true hearted stranger
that would have read the same, for it is scarce possible
for a man to believe how far wide divers of the Clergy
have strayed from the path of good life and honesty.
And thirdly and lastly, when I happened lately to read
in what estimation and reverence that glorious Emperor
Constantino the Great, the first Foster Father of the
Church of Christ, held the Clergy in regard of their
function and ministry, when he oaid, if I did see
with mine own eyes a religious man to sin, I would
cover him with my robe imperiall lest any man else
might see him. If this heroicall Emperor would cover
the nakedness of the Clerks with his own proper impe-
riall robe, why should I, poor worm, presume to dis-
cover their nudity, unless I were sure that some good
would follow thereupon ? For I could find in my heart
to proclaime open wars with their persons, if I could
but shew the way to any that would conquer their
vices. And ruminating with myself why should the
learned clergy surpass the vulgar layty in loudness and
iniquity, I found at last some reason thereof in that
leamea Spaniard, Anthony Guevarra, who saith in his
Favori de la Court that the Devil hath more pleasure
in one sin committed in the Church, or by an ecclesias-
ticall person, then in ten like sins committed elsewhere
or by lay persons. And the same he proveth by the
Devils practice in bringing our Saviour Christ to the
pinnacle of the Temple rather than to any tower upon
the walls of Jerusalem, where many of them towers (as
some writ) were as high as the said pinnacle. These
reasons, therefore, being well considered, and withall

78 ANGLESEY.

how this unpolished treatise groweth over long, I de-
sisted from entrmg into that long and spacious field ;
and therefore will speake a word or two of the state of
the Church in generall within this little Island, and
then make an end.

This Island being of so small extent of ground that
a man cannot in any part thereof stand five miles from
the sea, was once well furnished with churches, when
in times past it deserved to be called Insula Sancto-
rum ; but this age hath brought many of them to ruin ;
and yet we have 32 benefices and 2 vicarages, compre-
hending in all 77 churches and chappelles, with their
several! and distinct parishes, or more ; all these being
rated, but to a reasonable, indifferent rate, according to
the time, amount to the value of £2500 per anniun,
communibus annis. The whole Island is divided into
two Deaneries. In one of these Deaneries there are
seven or eight rectors and one vicar, most commonly
resident upon their livings. In the other Deanerie
there is a vicar always resident, and one rector some-
times, and no more. Of these that keep true residency,
some keep indifferent houses, others Lerve no gre^t
commendation. By this may be supposed how much
of this £2500 is spent in hospitallity. For preachers
we have but few ; the most of them very tither also in
feeding their flock with spirituall food, insomuch that
there are many a gentleman in the countrey, upon
many a Sabbath Day may well take his horse, and not
know where within ten miles of to hear a sermon ; and
those that preach most commonly, happily are not the
best livers, and therefore their preaching doth not so
well prosper to edification ; for while a man sayeth one
thing, and doth another thing, how can others believe
him ? Cardinall Pool being upon a time demanded
what he thought of a Preacher that was famous for his
sermons, but yet of a loose life, answered, I would to
God he would firat preach unto himself, and then unto
others. And truly he had reason to say so ; for as the
sun shineth better in clear water then in a muddy

AKGLBSEY. 79

puddle, so the light of religion shineth far more bright
in pure and neate spirits then in those that are polluted
and contaminated i^ith troubled terrestrial affections.
Thus we are fed by the Clergy, in body and souls, in a
very thin diet, Goa knoweth. The cures are discharged
by unworthy Post Priests that serve, some two, some
three, some four, and some five churches apiee^. Ima-
gine now how well are our 2600" or more deserved by
this reckoning. Let these dainty clergy that to them-
selves receave the profits, and serve their cures by
attorneys (and those the best cheap they can find), take
heed least one day they shall for tiie same be converted
to appear in Hell in proper person to answer for the
same.

We did the last day conceave great hope of a reform-
ation in this ecclesiasticall business ; so in August now
last past were held the metropoKticall visitations of my
Lora s Grace of Canterbury for this Diocess of Bangor,
by grave Commissioners that professed and protested
to procure wonders, upon knowledge had of tne estate
of the Church, which they expected by our present-
ments ; but now our hope is vanished, for these assem-
blies were ended with the most palpable extortion that
ever was seen in these parts m proceedings of that
natinre ; for after it was agreed m court, when the
Bench was clustred with grave, wise, and learned Com-
missioners, that every parish should pay Sd. for the
receiving of their presentments, and no more, the
parishes were forced, without law, custom, or reason, to
pay 4^. 6d. a piece. Tn such sort as that (wanting
means to acquaint my Lords Grace of Canterbury there-
with) we are cleane dejected in heart from seeing any
goodness in our time. Let God dispose of things accora-
ing to his pleasure.

80

EXTRACTS FROM OLD WILLS RELATING

TO WALES.

(Continued front p. 221, vol. xi,)

Anglesey. — ^Wm. Cranewell, Sheriff of ComwalL Will at Lam-
beth, 1396. To be buried either in Friars Minors at Bodmin, or
in Friars Minors at Llanfaes.^ Deceased wife, " Wentt/'

Cardiganshire, Llavhadam. — ^Will, 1539-40 (2, Alenger), Wil-
liam John Voyd... "to Cathedral Church of St. David iijs. iiijrf,
...to the fabric' of Saynt Paternes* churche vjs. viijrf. Item
fabric' eccl'ie de Uanychayam iijs. iiijd. Item fabric' eccl'ie de
llan Elar iijs. iiijd. Item fabric' eccPie de llan rychangell castell
gwaUter iijs. iiijd. Item fabric' eccl'ie de llan rychange gelyn-
rode iijs. iiijd. Item I bequethe to gele my wedyd wyfe a deyre
conteyning xx*^ kyne and iiij^ shepe...sir Thom's glover my
spirituall father. . .Item to my sone Lewys my purches in Mach'n-
Ileth...Item to the working of the bridge at Aberystwt' xxs....
Eichard ph' John ph' and Morgan ph' my nepotes."

Carnarvonshire. — 1540 (4, Alenger), Edward Gruffith'of the

^ The Priory of Llanfaes, of the order of Franciscans, was founded
by Llewelyn ap lorwerth in memory of his wife, Joan, daughter of
King John, who died in 1237. It was consecrated by Kowel, Bishop
of Bangor, in 1240 ; burnt to the ground by the Welsh under Madoc,
temp. Edward I ; rebuilt by Edward II ; plundered by Henry IV, in
revenge for its support of Owen Glyndwr; restored by Henry V ;
and at the Dissolution granted to Nicholas Brownlow, by whom it
was sold to a family named White ; and is now in the possession of
Sir R. W. Bulkeley, Bart.

^ Llanbadam, near Aberystwith, was once a cathedral city. The
fine old church has lately been restored. Llanychaiam, in the hun-
dred of Uar, in Cardiganshire, formerly a portion of Llanbadarn
Yawr. Llanilar is also in the hundred of the same name. Llanfi-
hangel Castell Gwallter, so called from a fortress built on the sum-
mit of a lofty eminence above the church of Llanfihangel Geneu'r
Glyn, by Walter TEspec, the Norman, after whom it was named.

• Of Penrhyn, son and heir of Sir William Griffith, and brother
of Sir Rhys Griffith and of John Griffith, of Kickley, and of Sir
William Griffith of Caernarvon. His sister Margaret afterwards
married, Ist, Peter Moton, Serjeant-at-Arms; and 2ndly, Simon
Thelwall. His wife was Jane, daughter of Sir John Pilstone, Knt«
These children were probably the surviving offijpring by Jane, sister
of Sir John Pylston.

OLD- WILLS RELATING TO WALES. 8 1

*' dioc. of Bangom^ Esquyer, to be bur* in Oristea Churche in
Dablen. Item I leave unto myn heire all suche londes as I have,
deducting suche porc'ons as here folowithe...to Rice Gryffyn all
the londes wMn Bangor and MaynoU Bangor during his lyfa
Item to John Gryffyn the comodo of Meny during his lyf. Item
to Richard Will'm Nantporte and treporte during his lyfe. . .to
my syster Margaret GryflFyn half of my kyne to hur manage.
Item I leave my wyfe Jane Gruffith, John Pylston serjeante of
Armes, and Will'm App Robert Esquyre, to bestowe all other
my goodes. . .Then being p'nt at this my last wyll S'r John
AYhyte knight, S'r John Pylston preeste, John Owen, Jent',
S'r Robert Luttrell parsonne of Kylbery", etc. (a Kilberry, co.
Meath, and another co. Kildare.)

John Gruffith of Conwey,^ Carnarvon, Gent. Will, 1540-1
(24, Alenger). To be buried in church of St. Margaret, West-
minster. Wife, Elen G. " My mother, Genet G. of town of Car-
narvon, wedow, late wife of £dmond G., my father. Two susters,
Elen G. and Grace G....to my brother Robert G. a tenement or
ferme called Raro w*in Comode of Uyvon during his lyfe, and
afterward to remayn to myn heire. And also I bequeath unto
my said brother Robert all my right, title, and interest whiche I
now have unto the moveable goodes of John Buckley, gentil-
man, deceased, my father-in-lawe, and nowe being in variance
betwene me and Sir Richard Buckley, Knight. . .unto my brother
Sowland G. my Close lying nere unto Mr. Edward Gruffith
Ferme, w*in the fraunches of Carnarvon, during his lyfe, and
afterward to remayn to myn heire. And the next close to hit I
bequeth to my brother William Gruffith during his lyfe. Item
I bequeth to my sonne John Gruffith and to Elyn tfenkynson,
the W3rfe of James Smythe, tenne heflfers and bullockes of three
and foure yeres old.''

John Gowght, " otherwyse called Powes", of Henley, Oxford.
Will dated 1540. Proved 1541-2. " To William Loveles and
Margery his wyfe, my doughter, my hole leace and tenne of yers
whiche now I have by indentur of certeyn manors, landes, tene-
mentes, tythes, and other profyttes, in Wales, late belonging to
the late Monastery of Chertsey,^ whiche at the daye of the mak-

^ In L. Dwnn (ii, 131), under Tref Borthaml y Plas Newydd, John
Griffith is stated to be of Talybont. His mother was Janet, daughter
of Meredith ap levan ap Robert, founder of the Gwydir family. His
brother Robert was Constable of Carnarvon, and M.P. for the
Boroughs. William, R. of Llanfaethlee, booght Carreglwyd, and
founded that family. The other members mentioned in this will are
not noticed.

* The Priory of Qilbertine Canons, at Beddgelerfc, was annexed

4th MB., VOL. XII. 6

82 EXTRACTS FROM OLD WILLS

ing hereof ys to me, above all charges, of the yerely value of
xixli. sterling, wherof the seyd William and Margery his wyfe
shiall paye yerely to William Gowght my son Fifty shillinges
sterling. And to the childem of the seyd William, equally to
be devyded betwene them, towardes their manages, fyfty shil-
linges sterling. And also to paye yearly to Marget my doughter,
suster to the said William Gowght, other fyfty shillinges ster-
ling, and yerely to the childem of the same Margett...Fyftie
shillinges sterling.... And yf it shall happen they all to departe
to God, that then yt to remayn hole to the seyd William Love-
les and Margery his wyfe, my doughter, all the *hole Rentes of
xixli, to be devyded for the mariage of their childem and every
of them lengist leving, keping an yerely Obiit wHn the parishe
ehurche of seynt German^ w*in the towne of penrisa, the hun-
dred of yownyth, and countie of Carnarvon, of xxs. for me, my
father and mothers sowles and all xpen soules, to be kept yerely
the secounde daye of August during all the terme of the sayde
Indentur. Item I will that the sayd William Gowght and Mar-
gret shall yerely kepe an obite in the parishe ehurche above-
sayd the morrow next after Eelike sondaye, of Ten shillinges,
during the foreseyd yeres. To son WnL G. all lands, co. Car-
narvon, Kateryn, the mother of William Gowght, and Margrett
shall have all the yssues and proffittes of my ferme of Botyff,
paying the Kinges grace his rentes. John WilPms, sone of
William Gowght... William Thomas my doughters sone."

1551 (24, Bucke), "Griffith Johns, servante to the Right
Honorable Therle of Warwycke, where as T have the advowson
and patronage of a benefice in the dioces of Bangor, called liau-
beddrock,* and have willid and appoynted lyke as by these pre-
sentes I do nowe wille and appoynte one S'r Richard Griffith of
Okinge^ in the Countie of Surrie, to be therunto presented when
the same benefice shall first and next chaunce to falle voyde; yf
the said Sir Richard Gryffith shall overly ve the Incumbent there
now being, the said S*r Richard Griffith shall, being thereunto
presented and admitted^ accordingly graunte and make a suffi-
cient and laufuU Lease of the same benyfice for the terme of his
the said Sir Richardes lief, unto my sonne William, of all pro-
fyttes, commodities, and soo fourthe, whatsoever they be, grow-
by Henry VIII to the Abbey of Chertsey, and subsequently, with
that Abbey, given by him to Bisliam Abbey. All the landR in the
county of Carnarvon, belonging to the Priory, were granted by
Edward VI to Robert and Henry Bodville.

^ Llanarmon, in the hundred of Eifionydd.

* Llanbodrog is now in the patronage of the Bishop of Bangor.

^ Woking.

RELATING TO WALES. 83

ing or rysinge in any wise upon the said benefice", etc., etc....
"My brother Thomas... executor... shall sell my weyre at Car-
narven...Item to paye twentie poundes to the king, that re-
mayned in my handes unbestowed upon the Castell of Conwey
...my brother in law John Wyn ap Howell."

Will dated 12 Oct. 1556, proved 10 May 1557 (13 Wrastley).
Eyse Powell, clerk,* " to be buried in the churche or churche
yarde of Aldermarie. Firste of all I will that xxli xjs. vd. q* be
paide unto the Queues grace for the first frutes of the Deaynery
of Bangor... my Cosyn Robert Meredethe...my Cosyn his wief...
I will XX5. be paide to Mr. John Pytton, priest, which taught
scole lately at Higham Ferys.. . .Also I bequetbe my moietie upon
the ferys in Northe Wales called Porthathwy bonedon...to my
two brethem Thomas and Evan... my sister Katheryn." Eobert
Meredith, the executor, died before administering, and grant
issued to John Payne, gent. On April 21, 1559, another grant
issued to Owen Thomeus, next of kin of the deceased.

1557 (26, Wrastley), "David lloyd ap John Grur...to the
reparacion of the CappeU of Botwynnoke x5....of Aberdaron x*.
...of ManywynadelP x5....of Bryncoris iijs. iiijd....of the Chap-
pell of Tedweliock vJ5. viijrf....to the poore folkes of the parishe
of penllech vjs. viijd....to Jenet verch Res owyn ap Mores sixe
poundes... to my son John lloyd, fellowe of all sole coUeige in
Oxforde, towardes his procedinges and for his paynes and labour
to be Coexecutour to me with my sonnes GrufT and Owen, the
some of fourtie poundes... my doughter Katheryn verch D'd....
My owtes that are in my new howse at Nangwynedyle^. . .Marget
verch John ap Robert, my wedydd wief, all my mesuages...
within the towne of Bottwynok in y** Commote of Garfieyon^ in
the Countie Caem....for the space and terme of eight yeres."

1558 (32, Noodes), William Glynne, Bishop of Bangor.* Inte-
resting will.

^ Rhys Powell was appointed to the deanery of Bangor in 1554,
in place of Robert Evans, LL.B., who was deprived for being mar-
ried, bat restored in 1557, on the death of Rhys Powell.

' Llangwnodl Chnrch is described in the Archctologia Camhrensis^
1846, p. 146, by Mr. Jones-Parry.

• Alias CjflBogion or Canologion, one of the commotes of Lleyn,
"within which all the charches mentioned above are situate, viz.,
Botwnog, Aberdaron, Llangwnodl, Bryn Croes, Tydweiliog, and
Penllech.

^ Bishop Glynne succeeded Bishop Biilkeley in 1554, died iu 1558,
and was buried in the choir of his Cathedral.

84

©bituarg.

Tbe Aflsociation has lost its oldest member by the death of Mrs.
Stagkhouse Acton, who died at her residence, Acton Scott, on the
24ith of January last, in her eighty^eventh year. She was the sar-
▼ivor of the three daughters of the late Andrew Knight of Downton
Castle in Herefordshire, well known as the leading authority of his
time, and the founder of the Horticultural Society. It was to his
skill that so large an addition was made to our list of fruits and
vegetables, such as the pea that goes by his name, the Elton straw-
berry, and Downton pippin, called after his residences, and other
new fruits. His daughter, however, seems to have followed the
taste of her uncle, the well known Richard Payne Knight (whose
collection of antiquities was purchased by the Trustees of the British
Museum), rather than that of her father.

Being an admirable artist, Mrs. Acton had, during her long life,
made a valuable collection of drawings of mediaeval architectural
details, which it is to be hoped will not be dispersed. Some few
were lithographed, such as the curious sedilia of St. Lawrence at
Ludlow ; her views of St. Donat's Castle, in Glamorgan, which, with
an account of that building, from the pen of Mr. G. T. Clark, was
sold for the benefit of the Cardiff Hospital. Her most important
work was The Castles and Mansions of Shropshire, the profits of
which were also devoted to a similar purpose in Shropshire. She
was left a widow, and childless, some short time before 1836, losing
her husband and only child, a daughter, about the same time. Since
then she has resided at Acton Scott, looking after the wants of the
poor and aged of the parish, the advowson of which was in her gift.

Edwin Guest, LL.D., F.R.S. — We, like several of our kindred
Societies, have to lament the death of one of our most distinguished
members. The late Master of Caius College, Cambridge, died Nov.
23, 1880, at his seat, Sandford Park, Oxfordshire, in the seventy-
eighth year of his age. In him we have lost one of our highest
authorities on some of the most abstruse points in British history,
and a man universally respected by those who knew him for his
kindly disposition and great learning, for he was one of those retir-
ing men who are really known by few.

He graduated at Caius College, Cambridge, in 18241, and was the
eleventh Wrangler of his year. He was soon elected a Fellow of
his College, and was in 1828 called to the Bar. He did not long
practise the legal profession, but turned his attention to literary
and antiquarian pursuits. He published his only distinct work,
entitled h History of English EhythinSy in 1838. At that time tberc

OBITUARY. 85

were few sonrces, except manascript, whence io derire the matter
80 lacidlj placed hefore the reader in this work, which continues to
be the chief authority on the subject upon which it treats, notwith-
standing that many of the MSS. which he had laboriously to search
have since been ^ven to scholars through the press. This book
soon became very scarce ; but its author could not be persuaded to
issue a second edition. In 1852 he was elected Master of his Gol«
lege, a position which he retained until a few weeks before his death.
He occupied his leisure hours in the study of the early history of
Britain ; but unfortunately his extreme love of accuracy caused him
to withhold from the press many of the results at which he had
arrived. We have, therefore, only to enumerate a short list of
essays which issued from his pen. They are contained in the long
series of volumes of the Archceological Journal^ and are, therefore,
difficult of access to those who do not possess a set of that valuable
Journal. They are so excellent that it is to be hoped that they will
now be collected and issued as a volume, with all the latest correc-
tions which he may have made in them. It is believed that he has
left many manuscripts which, although unfinished, are in a state to
admit of their publication. We trust that they will be placed in
the hands of the one man best fitted to edit them, from his great
and accurate knowledge of our early history. We know so little of
the time between the departure of the Roman legions and consolid-
ation of the so-called Heptarchy, that any scrap from Dr. Guest's
pen is of great value, and oaght to be made accessible to scholars.
It has also long been reported that he had a book in preparation on
these subjects. We hope that it will be found in a tolerably ad-
vanced condition, and admit of publication. The following is a list
of his papers as far as we have been able to discover them. We
have already mentioned the English Bhythnu^ published in 1888:

1. Early English Settlements in South Britain. 1851. Salisbury

Volume of Archesological Institute.

2. On the Belgic Ditches and the Age of Stonehenge. 1851.

Archaeological Journal^ viii.

3. On the Boundary Ditches of Cambridgeshire. 1854. 26., xi.

4. On the Four Roman Ways. 1857. /&., xiv.

5. On the Boundaries between the Welsh and English in Somer-

set 1859. Ib.^ xvi.

6. On the English Conquest of the Severn Valley. 1862. Ih,^ xix.

7. On the Landing of Julius Cassar. 1864. Ib,y xxi.

8. On the Campaign of Aulus Plautius. 1866. 16., xxiii.

86

TO THE EDITOR OF THE ARCHJSOLOGIl CIMBRENSIS.

MONKTON OLD HALL.

Sir, — ^The October Namber of the Jonmal has only just reached
xne. I notice that in the editorial detail of the recent Meeting at
Pembroke it is stated (p. ^SS) that " considerable alterations have
been lately made to render the bailding available as a reading or
loctnre-room. These alterations, however intended to be usefal,
have not added to the architectural interest of the building.*' And
the Vice-President is represented as saying (p. 33(5) that ** Monkton
Hall was being altered, and not for the better as far as antiquaries
are concerned.*'

Having taken a great deal of pains, and not spared expense, about
this interesting old building, simply because it was to me so very
interesting, and in such a lamentable condition that it was scarcely
possible it could have survived another severe winter, I am disap-
pointed to find the result thus viewed. My first business was to
save the venerable old pile, which was considered as only a quarry
of good building stone by those then interested. To find befitting
use for it was a secondary consideration, though I am very pleased
to think that not only is the fabric made safe for many years, but
that it is likely again to be used for purposes as nearly like those
for which it was originally designed as the change of circumstances
and manners will permit.

It is quite certain that the eminent author of Domestic ArchUec-
iurCy experienced as he was, failed to make out many of the details,
owing to the accumulation of filth and ruin ; and our late Secretary,
who has made the old Pembrokeshire houses one of his peculiar
studies, was alike unfortunate. He thought he discerned in the
pervading obscurity what did not exist ; and he certainly did not
see, and could not have seen, the chief beauties. Nor does either
appear to have realised that the squalid chambers in the basement
formed one grand, groined hall.

In some respects I have not had quite my own way, — in the
matter of plastering, for instance, and other like things, — ^and the
windows are not to my mind ; but as they are inserted in respect-
able old openings of good workmanship, I thought it better not to
interfere further, and to put in modern frames, which cannot deceive
any one, rather than to ramble in conjecture, and produce possible
deception. I can safely say that I have not altered anything ancient,
except that I have built up the old stack solid within, as the only
way of preserving its outward appearance ; and I have moved the

CORRESPONDENCE, 87

exterDal mbble steps leading to the npper hall, opening instead a
more ancient doorway at the side, the step to which shewed signs
of enormous traffic. I did this solely on archsBological grounds.
What existed would have been, perhaps, the most convenient, and
certainly the cheapest. And I altered the floor-levels more than I
liked, at the urgent request of others ; the extreme slope either
from one side to the other, or from the centre towards the sides,
which £ think interesting, and tending to easy washing, being
thought undesirable now. Beyond this I am not aware of any alter-
ations ; and with an anxious wish to have it pat on record what the
old building really was, or was like, I should be much obliged by
any one pointing them oat.

If antiqaaries prefer the condition of the building as it was before
I touched it, to its present one, I am sorry for the antiquaries.
I can safely say that now any one can see and realise its pecu-
liarities ; nothing is hid. Before, it was confasion. Large trees,
a bramble copse, and falling, decayed slates, outside; within, dark-
ness, fllth, and vile smells. It took me many days to get to the
floor-level of the lower hall, and open the internal steps, the exist-
ence of which was wholly unknown. They had been used by the
last occupants as a chimney. I think there were sixteen of such
chimneys ; and the vault had fallen in three places, the openings of
course daily increasing. Do the " alterations'' refer to the removal
of these defects ?

Yours faithfully, J. B. Cobb.

Brecon. Dec. 22, 1880.

Sib, — In the interesting article on " Moated Mounds" (p. 200,
July No., 1880) there is an error which may be pointed out. It is
there said that the mounds upon which the ** gemote, or assembly,
was held, were called * Moot-hills', or * Toot' or ' Tut-hills'." I assert
that Toot-hills have no connection with Moot-hills, but have quite a
diflerent meaning.

Some years ago I was engaged on a topographical work, and was
puzzled with the name of Toothill, — places near several Welsh
castles built by the English invaders. There is a Toothill near Con-
way, another near Caernarvon, and another near Bhadhlan, and it
occurs in many other places. I had no dictionary then to give me
the information ; but I have now long learned the meaning of it.
Twi'lnll means a look-out hill, and is equivalent to the Welsh golva
or gwylva. The word is now in common use in mining countries ;
and iutwork means exploring work.

B. Williams, M.A.

CalmingtOD. Dec. 22, 1880.

LOED CAWDOR AND HIS HOESE.

Sir, — I may probably be mistaken in thinking that a cert^iin
event connected with the Cawdor familv is not generally known ;

88 MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

bat whether this is so or not, it may be as ivell to record it in
onr Jonmali especially as it is probably connected with the French
attempt at Fishguard, in crashing which the Lord Cawdor of the
day took so prominent and effective a part. Some relics of that
event are, I believe, still at Stackpool, in the form of the mnskets
taken from the French. Some of these invaders seem to have
been placed within Porchester Castle ; at any rate, ^^MUord Cor-
dower, Colonel de Begiment de Garmarihen*\ one day paid a visit to
the French prisoners, and appearing to have no attendant, he tied
np his horse "d une des harriere8*\ When he returned he could not
find it, and after banting for it some time, at last he was informed
that the prisoners had eaten it up. Refusing to believe this unless
he saw some remains of it, he was conducted to a place where were
shewn to him the skin and entrails, and near them a miserable
wretch just finishing the last piece of raw flesh. The saddle and
bridle were probably secreted for future sale. If Fillet, a French
officer detained in England for some time, tells the truth, even with
a little colouring, the sufferings of the prisoners at Porchester must
have been great. Every dog that found its way inside the walls
was disposed of in the same manner ; and in particular he mentions
that the butcher who supplied the rations was attended by an enor-
mous bulldog, which soon fell a victim. It is, however, right to say
that the author, in his account of England as Been in London and
the Provinces^ has made some atrocious statements as to our manners
and morals ; but this story of Lord Cawdor's horse is not, appa-
rently, mere fiction. I should be glad to be informed if any tradi-
tion, either at Stackpool Court or elsewhere in Wales, exists. M.
Fillet's work was printed in 1815, before the battle of Waterloo.

I am. Sir, yours obediently,

A Member.

iHtscfllaneous Notices.

It is proposed to publish, about next November, a volame contain-
ing the monumental inscriptions in the Cathedral Church of Here-
ford. Accurate copies will be given of all recorded or existing
inscriptions, and the heraldry will be revised by the College of
Heralds. The work will be supplied to subscribers at lOs. 6(2. ; to
non-subscribers at 15«. Subscribers' names received by the Rev.
F. Havergal, Upton Bishop, Boss.

The diaries and letters of Philip and Matthew Henry are about
to be published by their descendant, the Rev. Matthew Henry Lee,
Hanmer Vicarage, Whitchurch, Salop, who will be much obliged to
any one who possesses MSS. if he will communicate with him on
the subject. Philip Henry's diaries, ranging from 1656-96, are
written with a crowquill, in Goldsmith's Almanacks, which measure
4 inches by 2, and are generally enclosed in a dark binding.

%ttkmahm Canitrcttsis.

FOURTH SERIES,— VOL. XII NO. XL VI.

APRIL 1881.

. A

COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS FOUND IN

OLD ENGLISH LITERATURE and ENGLISH

DIALECTS WITH MODERN FORMS.

In the papers lately published in the Archceolegia
Gamhrensis on "The Celtic Element of the English
People'', some Ibts of words were given to shew the
existence of such an element in the English language.
It is proposed now to compare this class of words with
the corresponding modem forms which are in use among
the Celtic speaking races in Wales and Ireland. Many
of these words do not vary from their modern equiva-
lents, but in general they present a more archaic form,
as if, when they were blended with the prevailing Saxon
speech, they had become crystallised, and had thus
escaped the process of " phonetic decay" that affects all
languages, more or less, during a long course of time.
When the poet Chaucer wrote, in the fourteenth cen-
tury, the word which in modern Welsh is hragawd
appears as hrahet :

" Hire month was swete as hraket or the meth."

Cant, T. A,, 3261.

This form is found as late as the eighteenth century :

" Now at the coflTee-houses they
Do rob the hogs, selling the whey."

4th 8JIB., VOL. XII. 7

90 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

They also sold

>»

" Stepony, tea or aromatick
Branswick-mum, sjder or brcu^t"

Poor Bohifiy 1755.

In Lancashire, where the Celtic population apparently
preserved their native speech to a late period, the form
is hragget or hragot, approaching more nearly the
modem Welsh. This form is used by Ben Jonson :

'* And we have served there, armed all in ale,
With the brown bowl, and charged in hraggat stale.'

Masque of OipsieSj vi, p. 78.

The form of the word in the Gododin is bracaut, to
which the Irish bracat (malt liquor) corresponds.

Another Celtic word, moky is found in a mediaeval
religious poem :

" For (because) eueri mok most into myre
Preye we to God ur scales enspire."

Fha, Tram., 1858, p. 132.

The Editor, Mr. Fumivall, is unable to explain the
word. It is the W. moch, a generic word for pigs, as
the Com. and Arm. moch. The Ir. Gael, form is muc,
a sow or pig. The Manx mtic means a sow only. The
reference is to the passage in 2 Pet. ii, 22, " The dog is
turned to his own vomit again, and the sow that was
washed to her wallowing in the mire." Hence it may
be assumed that in the seventh or eighth century, when
the Celtic tribes in Loegria were beginning to blend
with their Saxon conquerors, the tenuis was used where
the aspirate now appears ; and that the word denoted
a single animal, as the Ir. Gael muc, without the use
of a suffix.

In the county of Lancaster, which Lappenberg has
declared to be tne most Celtic county in England, when
water, after flowing down in a stream, begins to fall in
drops, it is said to per. This may be equated with the
Arm. 6era, to fall in drops, to distil ; berad^ a drop, a
falling drop ; W. di-fei^^ to drop, to drizzle {destillare,
Dav.) ; derived by Pryse from at and mem, though he

WITH MODERN FORMS. 91

has the verb beru, to drop, to ooze. It may be a ques-
tion whether a primitive b has been changed by provec-
tion into p in this case, or the original anlaut (initial
sound) has been retained. The latter opinion is, I
think, the more probable, — (1), because I have never
met with an instance of an undoubted change to p from
a primitive b in any Lancashire word ; and (2), the
Sans, prishy to bedew ; prishat, a drop of rain, a drop,
are in favour of the assumption that p was the primary
initial letter. Pictet has ^ven some instances of Snns.
p represented in the Celtic languages by b. To these
may be added the English pan (a slang term for money)
compared with the Irish ban, copper ; banna, a half-
penny ; bunn, a piece of money (the a sound becoming
u, as in Sanskrit); and the Sans, pam^ a copper coin.^

ITie preservation of the primary meaning of a word
is shewn in our dialectic word clan. In the north-
east of England it is commonly used, but not to denote
a multitude of families united in a sept or tribe. It
has retained its primitive meaning of family. A man
is said to have " a girt (great) clan o bairns.'' In Irish
and Gaelic dictionaries we find ^'clann, eland, chUdren,
descendants, a tribe"; but the first is the original mean-
ing {cf. W. plant, children). In the index to the Book
of Deir, written in the ninth century, clann is glossed
by Mr. W. Stokes bs proles. {Goidelica, p. 116.)

In the Gloucestershire word sallis (hog's lard) there
is a retention of an ancient word-form, or of an archaic
grammatical form. The modem word in IrLsh, Gaelic,
and Manx, is saiU (fat, bacon, lard) ; and this represents
a more ancient salli, the diphthong being formed by a
well known Irish and Gaelic rule. But at the time
when the Celtic population in this county was be-
ginning to blend with the prevailing Teutonic race,
not only was this older form preserved, but the word
appears to retain an old case-form. We may compare
it with the Sans, agni, which becomes agnis when it is

^ In the Pali language, a dialect of the Sanskrit, pano means a
snm of money ; also wages, wealth.

92 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

the subject of an action or predicate, and with the Ir.
silil (eye), which represents a prehistoric sHUis (Windisch,
Rev. Celt, iii, 325). We learn from this word sallisy that
the Celtic population in Gloucestershire was not Cymric,
or that the word hjis passed away from the Welsh lan-
guage without leaving any trace of a past existence
there. It belongs to the great Indo-European, or Aryan,
stock, being related to the Sans, sdra, butter or mar-
row.

In general, however, the Celtic words in the English
language have become subject to Teutonic grammatical
forms. Thus in Derbyshire, when a horse rears and
curvets, this action is called cawming ( W. camUy to bend,
to curve). In the dialect of Leeds it is called ravmiing
(W. rhamu ?) The Germ, rdumen means to remove, to
put away, or to quit. Both these words have the broad
sound of the a which is used in Ireland, but is, I believe,
not common in Wales. (See Donovan's Ir. Gram., p.
10.) It has sometimes the same sound in our English
speech, generally before the liquids, as in hall, taU,
v)arm, and other words. It is much more common in
our dialectic speech, and appears to be a sign of the
Celtic element in the English people.

The word cam appears in the Lancashire dialect, and
some years ago was commonly used by all dasses. It
is pronounced as in Wales. But when it becomes a verb
it is conjugated as one of the Teutonic weak or ex-
panded class. Its meaning is to be or to make crooked,
awry. It is said of one that had a habit of wearing the
heels of his boots unevenly, that " he cammed (camd)
his heels." Fick, in his Verg. Wort (ii, 52), assumes a
primary Aryan form, kam (to bend or curve), with which
he connects the Gr. KufiirrtOy and the Sans, kamp, to
tremble, to move up and down ; but he omits the Celtic
ccmi or camm, which represents an older camb, as in
Camhodunum}

* The Sans, kamhu, a shell, a bracelet, a neck, a vein, etc., has pre-
served more nearly the primary meaning, for all the objects which
it denotes are of a winding or circling form.

WITH MODERN FORMS. 93

We may infer, from many indications, that along the
whole of the western line the blending of the two races
was not completed until a comparatively late date, and
that many Celtic communities lived apart from their
Teutonic neighbours, preserving their native speech and
some of their native customs long after the Saxon con-
quest. Such place-names as Welsh Bicknor in Here-
fordshire, Welsh Hampton in Shropshire, and Welsh
Whitton in Lancashire, indicate that a Celtic population
long preserved its separate nationality in these places.
Such instances are not rare. From the preservation of
a German dialect in the Sette Communi of Verona and
the Tredici Communi of Vicenza; the existence of many
Latin words and forms in the language of Wallachia ;
the long continuance of a Saxon tongue in the barony
of Forth, CO. Wexford, due to a settlement there of
Saxons and Flemings in the twelfth century, — we have
proofs of the fact that a separate race, retaining its
own language, may continue for centuries unaffected by
the surrounding races. Eventually the barrier-walls
are broken down, and a fusion of these separate peoples
is effected ; but traces of the absorbed race have inva-
riably been found in the language of the united people.
When one race has become subject to another, the
words of the subject race that may survive the fusion
of the peoples will rather belong to the homely class
than to the higher departments of law or religion.
They will be found in the language of the streets ; but
not so frequently in the more exclusive walks of litera-
ture, or in the solemnities of a religious creed. In
those parts of Ireland where the English language now

Erevaiis, many words are used in common speech that
ave been drawn from the old Celtic- tongue, and a few
appear in the pages of the poet Spenser and other
writers. The same result followed when the two races
were blended in England. A large number of Celtic
words remains still in the common language, and some
are found in its more refined or more exclusive part.
This fact is now beginning to force itself into view.

94 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

In Professor Skeat's excellent Etymological Dictionary,
now in course of publication, a considerable number of
words may be found which are referred to a Celtic
source, though hitherto accounted as part of the herit-
age of the Saxons or Angles who adopted them. We
may hope that the old theory, often repeated, of the
complete destruction or banishment of the Celtic races
in England by their Saxon conquerors, and the assump-
tion tnat no words of Celtic origin remain in our Eng-
lish speech, may be consigned to the region of exploded
fancies; to that "windy sea of land" where, on the
authority of Milton, are found

" Both all things vain, and all who in vain things

Build their fond hopes of fame."

P. L., iii, 448.

The inquiry before us does not extend beyond the
question whether the words adduced are or have been
in use among the Celtic tribes in Wales and elsewhere.
The question, however, of their native origin is one of
some importance to every one who is connected with
the Celtic race. " Every nation", says De Quincy, " has
reason to feel interested in the pretensions of its own
native language ; in the original quality of that lan-
guage, or cnaracteristic hind of its powers, and in the
particular degree of its expansions.^ ^ The pretensions
of the Celtic languages will receive some support, in
this respect, by our investigations ; at least it will
appear that they contributed a large class of words to
the common English stock in the sixth and seventh
centuries of our era. Some of these words were cer-
tainly received from the Roman conquerors ; but many
words of this class came to the Teutonic tribes through
a Celtic medium. If the claims of the Celtic languages
have sometimes been pushed too far, there has been,
for a long time, a reaction against them both in France
and England, which has gone, I think, beyond the
bounds of a sound philology. Some jealousy of race,

^ Essay on Langucbge^ p. 78.

WITH MODEftN FORMS. 95

not always inexcusable, will probably continue to aflPect
these inquiries. German scholars are generally dis-
posed to rush to arms if any German word is assumed
to be borrowed. 1 have read an indignant argument,
the design of which was to prove that the word dun
(Tr. duriy W. din), found in some German place-names,
belonged to the Teutonic race ; and Bacmeister stoutly
maintains that the German zinn (tin) is the original
source of the English word, and even of the Latin stan-
num; though he is somewhat puzzled by the fact,
which he admits, that all the mines known to Europe
at an early date were on Celtic ground.^ It is not
necessary, however, that our pride or jealousy of race
should lead us to cherish illusions. Sooner or later
truth will prevail ; and if I am not mistaken, the result
of a careful and unimpassioned inquiry will be to prove
that the English language and the English race have
been more affected by Celtic elements, as the late
Mr. Kemble surmised, than our Anglo-Saxon scholars
have been willing to allow. Our German neighbours
have sometimes been confuted by their own researches.
"The engineer has been hoist with his own petard."
The laws of letter-change (lautverschiebung) established
by Grimm prove that many German words have cer-
tainly been borrowed. All civilised nations have such
words in their vocabularies : they are a necessity as
knowledge increases. But it is a legitimate object or
pursuit to determine, by scientific means, what part of
a language is native to the soil, and what has been
imported from other lands, or received from other
races.

The words that have appeared in the lists which
form a part of the papers on the Celtic element of the
English people, and those which are referred by Prof.
Skeat to a Celtic source, will not be used in this paper,
with one or two exceptions. The words of the latter
class have been in my collection for many years ; but as
a selection must be made, I prefer to occupy new ground.

1 KeUische Briefe, p. 22.

96 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

The Welsh language will be generally used as the basis
of comparison when the particular word has an equiva-
lent in Welsh. The authority to which I shall refer,
for the most part, is Pryse's edition of Dr. Pugh's Die-
tionary ; for the Irish words, O'Reilly's Dictionary, and
the Glossary lately put forth by Windisch. In the
transliteration of Sanskrit words, the system of Prof.
Whitney will be used.

CLASS I.

WORDS GOBEESPOMDINO IN CONSONINTAL, AND OBIBFLT IN YOWEL,

SOUNDS.

English. Celtic.

Anan, what 1 What do you say ) 0. W. nan^ what ? what now 1
ilTan, id. (Sussex), W.

An amusing story is told of the late Dr. Clarke, the
traveller. He was taking a stroll in the west of Eng-
land, and went into a cottage to ask the nearest way
to some place which he wisned to see. . He asked an
old woman who was seated near the fire to direct him.
Not understanding his questions, she only replied by
saying "Nan.*' Thinking that she meant to call a
daughter of that name, he went to the foot of the stair-
case, and called out lustily, " Nan 1" The old woman,
thinking that he was a madman, rushed out of the
house ; and the Doctor rushed after her, thinking that
she was mad. The old lady took refuge in a neighbouring
house, closing the door behind her, and the Doctor was
obliged to find his way as he could.

Argy, a dam, an embankment (Salop, W. argae^ a dam, a lock in a river ;
Hants) datisutn, dauaura (Day.)

A place near Kinnerley, a raised bank with a planta-
tion of poplars and other trees, is called by the people
of that neighbourhood the Argy. (Miss Jackson's Word-
Book.) Hartshorne mentions another bank, near Mel-
verley, " made to resist the overflowings of the Severn",
which is also called the Argy. Many such Celtic names
are used by our peasantry. In the neighbourhood of
Leeds there is a large mound of stones wliich the

WITH MODERN FORMS. 97

country people call Pompocaliy which a Celtic scholar
can easily interpret. The central or old part of the
village of Elm, in Cambridgeshire, was always called by
the £,bouring class the GucUttv/. It was near the great
embankment that once kept in the waters of the Wash,
which extended long ago so far inland.

English. Cbltio.

AuUj rubbish, refuse, detritus. A Corn, attal, W. adhaily refuse, waste;

miner's word (W.) (}ael. athar, dregs, refuse
AviUj promise, appearance. ''The Arm. avtfn, figure; Corn. avam, image,

aven of a fine colt" (Sal.) form (Zeuss, 1110)

Baban, an infant Ir., Ghiel., W., baban^ a young child

Babbojiy a babe, a doll (beyins) Arm. b(tbikj '* petit enfant k la nour-

nce".

Bahan is found in the Ancren RiwU (p. 234), which
was written in the first part of the thirteenth century.

^am,Y.,tomockiestiDgl7, to delude; krm, ham-eiuy enchanter, endormir
8., a false, mocking tale, a jibe par des contes, tromper ; Ir. Gael.

oeii,m^ a stroke, a taunt ; Com. homj
a. blow.

" There is some conspiracy, I suppose, to havrty to
chouse me out of my money." {TheCozeners,vXy2yFooie.)
" To relieve the tedium he kept plying them with all
manner of hams" (Prof. Wilson.) In Lincolnshire, a
hamhary tale is a story that cannot be relied on as true.
Bary seems to be related to the Gael, beurra^ pron.
hdrra, eloquent, witty ; heurrany a witty, garrulous
fellow. Ir. heurla, speech, language ; beurlafeine, the
language of the old Irish laws.

Betdey a den, a cave ; a beaUy den, Ir. Gael, heed (pron. hale), a mouth,
'Upelunca" (Levins) a hole, a den ; becUach, a gap, a

pass ; Manx, heeal, a mouth, a pit ;
W. bily mouth of a vessel.

The Ir. heal or hel is often used in place-names. (See"
Joyce, Irish Names of Places, i, 23 7.)

Ben, the name given to the figure of Ir. Gael, hen^ bean^ a woman, a lady;
a woman dressed up with ribands, Manx, ben, a female ; Com. ben;
etc., and set on the top of the last W. ben-en, a woman. A term of
load of harvest, immediately in respect, probably connected with
front ; a kind of Ceres {Norf. £.) Sans, vanita, woman, wife ; van, to

honour, to desire.

98 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

Strabo says that the ancient Britons worshipped
Ceres and Proserpine more than any other deities. (See
Camden's Brit^ p. xix). There is here a relic of the
old heathen worship. In Henderson's FoVcrLore of the
Northern Counties there is an interesting account of
this harvest custom as practised in Northumberland.
" The image is crowned with wheat-ears, and dressed
up in gay finery, a white frock and coloured ribbons
being its conventional attire. The whole group circle
round this harvest-queen, curtsejring to her, and danc-
ing and singing ; and thus they proceed to the farmer's
bam, where they set the image up on high as the pre-
siding goddess of their revels, and proceed to do j ustice
to the harvest-supper/' (P. 66.) Other such customs
still survive, or were common in the last century.
Bailey tells us (vol. ii,ed. 1776) that the coimtry people
on Malvern Hills, when they wanted a wind to fan
their corn, invoked Youl (jiEolus ?) to send one. He
says also that " the common people in some counties in
England are accustomed, at the prime of the moon, to
say, * It is a fine moon. God bless her !' " And that it
is a custom in Scotland (particularly in the Highlands)
for the women to make a curtsey to the new moon."
He adds, " some English women do still retain a touch
of this gentilism, who, getting upon and sitting astride
on a gate or stile the first night of a moon, say

'All hail to the moon ! All hail to thee !
I prithee, good moon, declare to me
This night who my husband shall be.' "

Diet, 8. V. " Youl" and " Moon".

EiroLisH. Celtic.

Bidowe^ a short sword W. Indog^ a hanger, a short sword ;

" ensiculus, gladiolus, sica" (Day.) ;
hid-an^ a small branch^ a twig;
Arm. bid, a point ; Ir. bideog ; Gael,
Hodag (Hdag), a dagger, a dirk;
Manx, hiddag^ a dagger

'' Ao now is Beligionn a ridere, And a rennere aboute,
A hidowe or a biselard He berith at his side."

Fiers PUmgJiman.

Koquefort has ^^hidauXy corps de mauvaise infanterie,

WITH MODERN FORMS. 99

qui combattoit avec des lances"; but the Eng. bidowe
was not a lance.

English. Gxltio.

^/i^A, yielding milk, profitable (Phil- yf.blithf milk, giving milk; m eta-
lips) phorioUl J, what is profitable ; *' lac-
tans, lac prsebens ; et metaph.,
?uicQuid commodum alicui affert'*
Day.)
Bran, a name for the carrion crow, W., Arm., Com., hran, a crow ; Ir.
corvut corone QbaL, bran^ a raven, a rook ; Ir.,

Oael., Manx, braUj black.

**C. corone, the carrion crow, gor crow, black crow,corby
crow, hoody, bmn" {Eng. Enc, s. v. "Corvus*'.) The
Welsh term is, I believe, generic, but in England it has
become the name of a single species. Bran, with the
meaning of black, is found in the hybrid word bran-
wyrt^ a olackberry. (Bosworth's A. S. Diet)

Bur, bire^ force, impetuosity, any W. i«r, violence, rage (marked by
force or impetus (N. Br.), a sudden Pryse as obsolete) ; har, indigna-
hurry (Cumb.) tion, wrath ; Arm. hro€z, emporte-

xoent, mouvement de col^ qui
passe vite; Ir. hara, anger

^^ Then the gome in the grene gray tbed hym swyihe
Gederes vp hys grymme tole, Oawayn to amy to
With alle the hut in bis body he ber hit on lofle."

Sir Qawayiie, 2259-61.

'^ Then is bettor to abyde the hur nmbenstonndes (sometimes)
Then ay throw forth my thro (anger) thay me (men) thynk ylle."

AllU. Poems (E. E. T. S.), 7, 8.

"And with a great bire the flok was cast down into the
see."" (WicliflPe's Trans., Mark v, 13.) Stratmann com-
pares the Eng. bur with O. N. byn\ " ventus secundus",
but this meaning does not suit the passages quoted.

Oim^en, a crooked stick which butch- W., Ir., Qael., cam, crooked, and W.

ers usei to hang sheep or calves on pren, bren, wood

when they dress them. (Blount,

Phillips)
Cambrel, id.

"From British cam, crooked, and pren, a stick." (Blount.)

Cama^ stones. (Coles, Bailey.) Cam- Jr., Gael., cam, a rock, a heap of
Hate, to build stone houses. (Harri- stones ; W. cam, a heap of stones,
son, Due, of Eng.) Ir. eamail, a mote of atones

100

COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

English. Obltic.

Cat, a small piece of wood used in the W. catf a piece, a fragment, *' fnistu-

game of bandy, a small cutting of lum, particula" (Day.); ehware-cat^

stick, a chump of clajstone (Dor- the game of bandy ; Sans, thanda,

set, N.) a piece, a fragment

" The cat is about six inches in length, and an inch and
a half, or two inches, in diameter, and diminished from
the middle to both ends, in the manner of a double
cube/' {Sports and Pastimes, 101, N.) Cat and trap (the
play), "Indus buxi et baculi." (Coles, Eng. Lat. Diet.)

Cawl, to do anything awkwardly (N".
B.), to make a mess of it

Chynge^ a discharge from the body;

'* reuma, chynge" (^E, Eng. Toe, i,

267)
Ccl^ false, deceitful ; in the hybrid

words* col-foXy a cunning fox ; cU"

hnife^ a treacherous knife ; col-

prophet^ a false prophet

W. cawlio^ to mix about, to turn

about disorderly, to make a hedge--

podge
Manx, eking {ting), a sore, an ulcer;

adj., sick, diseased; Ir. Qael. tinn^

sick ; tinneoif a malady
Ir. coif falsehood, treachery, deceit ;

'*col, t. «., feair*, falsehood, deceit ;

(0. Ir. Gloss.) Gael., co2, sin, a crime;

W. Com., eallf cunning ; Sbans. kalij

deceit, fraud.

" A eoJrfox, fnll of sleigh iniquity.*'

Chaucer^ "The Nonnes Tale."

" Whereby I fonnd I was the heartless hare,
And not the beast col-prophsts did declare."

Mirr. for Mag,^ ii, 74.

Com, a clay marble (Lane.) W. com, a round, a curve ; Ir. Gael.

com^ a round form, as a waist, the
trunk of the body, an entiail
Coon^f the hollow space at the junc- W. ewm, 0. W. cwmb. Arm. komby a
tion of the main branches with the hollow, a valley
trunk of a tree. (N. Hamp. B.)
Crilhe, a small push or swelling 0. Ir. creithi, ulcera ; ereachd, an

growing over theeyebrows (Kersey) ulcer (Z. 172); W. craith, a scar
Cro^ a bar, a lever (N. H.) Ir. Gael, cro^ crodh^ an iron bar ;

Manx, eraue, a lever to lift up
stones.

** Pince, a croe, great barre or lever of iron." (Cotgrave.)

CrobSf erob'lambs, the worst of the
flock (Cumb. F.)

CttU, to pull, to enforce (Coles), to
push or strike ; s., a blow

W. crob, what is shrunk into a round
heap ; crybwcky what is shrunk or
crinkled up ; Ir. Gael, erub, to
crouch, to cringe; Manx,cnt6^^A,
shrunk, shrivelled

Ir. Gael, evtl, to push, to shove, to
thrust ; Ir.cut^, a beating ; Sans.
kal^ to go, to advance; (caunJ
form), to throw

WITH MODERN FORMS. 101

The "ctiZ of the eax." {Ancren Riwle, 128.)

*' Ofte me (men) hine smsat, mid smsarte gerdeo,
Ofle me hinde culde.^*

Lajamon's Brut^ ii, 429.

The editor, Sir F. Madden, translates the word stntck (?)
doubtfully.

Bnolish. Celtic.

Dadn a piece (^. B.); Friesic, dodd^ Jr. dad, somewhat, a small piece ;

a lump Gael, dud^ a small lump

Dag, a small, projecting stump of a Arm. da^, a dagger, a stiletto ; da^j
tree (Dorset, H.), a sharp, sudden to strike with a sharp-pointed m-
pain (Beds., Leeds) strument (Fr. dague); ^^dae, pugio

ou c'est hadalaire*', a short sword
(CaiKolieon^ Le Men) ; 0. W. taig
(tagi), a nail, a peg ; Ir. Gael, toe,
a nail, a pee
Dollar, to dress in a great yariety of Ir. daUr^ to gleam, to dazzle ; Gael,
colours (Line, H.) deallair, to shine, to gleam ; Ir.

QmI. dealradh^ brightness, splen-
dour ; Manx, dallagh, dazzling
(Deeary, small, puny. ''A deeary Ir. Gael, dearoil, direoil, poor, little,
i bairn'* (Whitby) mean ; Ir. d^r, small

(2>0ary, small, diminutive. "A deary
bit''' (Line. Br.)

Dill, to complete, to finish (Gumb. W.£?i^,work; (£t7tn, worked, wrought;
H.) dilio, to work ; Arm. dilo, activity

Dog, a part Yf,dog,dogn, a share, a due quantity,

a piece ; *' demensum, quantitas
debito" (Dav.)

" When a part only of the moon can be seen, it is called
a dog" (Furness, GL) This is also a boy's term. "A
party of two or three playing at marbles, and putting
two, or three, or more, in the ring, he who knocks out
the number he put in is said to have * got his doogs\"
(Moor, Syff. GL) The word donks is also used with the
same meaning.

Dos, a master (N. H.); sometimes Ir. <20<, a nobleman, a hero ; Ir. €(ael*

pron.^'oM do8, a tuft ; 0. Ir. doa9, name of a

' certain grade of poets (M'Oor-

mack's GL, p. 15); Manx, toih^
principal, chief

The word doss is used in Suffolk for a tuft of grass.
Whithals, in his Dictionary (1553), has dosnd (Ir. Gael
dosaUy a tuft), meaning tufted or plumed. " The dosnd
dawouck comes dropping in among the doctors. ''

102 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

Snolirh. Celtic.

Drill, to tickle down (Nares), to Ir. Gael, dril, a drop ; drillj to drop;

drain, to percolate (Webs .) ; a small Ir. Gkiel. driog ; Manx, driff^ a drop,

draught of liquor (H.) a tear

^^DryUe, or lytylle draft e of drynke ; *' haustillus".
(Prom. Parv.)

" With that, Bwifl watery drops drill from his eye."

Hey wood (Nares).

Du/'jadark coloured clay (Kent, H.); Ir. OaeL duhh^ dark, black; W. du

coal-dust (N., Wr.) black

Eever, the ray-grass (Dev., H.); ever^ W. efr^ Corn, efetf darnel, the ray or

rye-grass, or darnel (Dev., H.); rye-grass

every J a species of grass (W., H.);

rye-grass, "lolium perenne"(I)ors.)
Elky a species of biroi, the wild swan W. dley$, wild swans, '* cysnus syl-

or hooper /'cygnus ferus**(Webs.); vestris*' (Dav.) ; Ir. Gad. eada, O.

Germ. <dhj the auk or scout Ir. e2a, a swan

Fcdc^ a barren place (?) Ir. Gael, fcde, sterility, barrenness

from drought ; adj., barren, dry ;
Manx, vdgey, to roast, to parch

*' i speod an marrit is mi main^iis/a^ i falow an felde."

E. £ng. Poem, Phil. Soc., 1859.

Mr. Fumivall, the editor, supposes a plant to be meant,
but more probably a dry, barren place in a field.

Fdl^ cautious, discreet, clever, crafty W. f^d, Com. fd, wily, subtle, cun-
(N. H.); A. 8.yfdl, cruel, severe mng; Ir.//eo»r, a crafty man

*' And loke thon be wyse Bndfelle,
And therto also that thow goneme the (thee) welle."

Bahees Booky p. 13.

Fdl. "A workman will say that if 0. Ir. fU, a festival, a holiday {Ir.
he cannot complete his work he Oloss,^ p. 70) ; Ir. Gael, feil (id.) ;
will not catch a fdl this week.*' Manx, feeail, a feast, a vigil ; W.
He takes Kfdl when he has com- g^l^ a holiday, a festival
pleted a job. (Nhamp. B.)
Fue, a witch or wizard li, Jue, a seer, a sorcerer ; Ir. Gael.

Jios, knowledge ; Manz,}^s, know-
ledge ; fyseee, a sorcerer

'' But be that senstere (sempstress) ded, Mary that^e,
We shall brenne here body, and the aschis hide."

Oov. Myst, p. 385.

/Vi«A,— "a plain between woods*' W./nfA, a forest, a plantation, wood-
(Eersey, Blount); unused pasture- land ; Ir. frith, a wild, mountain-
land (Lane), a field taken from a ous place ; Gael./ft^A, a forest
wood (Craven)

" Out of forest andfrithes and all faire wodes."

Will and the Werw., p. 80.

WITH MODERN FORMS.

103

" All that enjr his loud with-held
FrUhe or forest, towne or filde,
With tresnr owte bog^ he."

Sir Amadace^ p. 56.

"«onon anlag m6arce...8et «8Bre baran fyrhVe' (thence
along the boundary to the bare or open frith). — Kemble,
Cod. Dipl, iii, 130. "This is the British Frith.*'—
Kemble.

English.

Oaifif a beyelled shoulder of a bind-
ing lOMt (Webfl.) ; the leyelling
shoulder of the joist, or other tim-
ber (Bailey)

G'are, a rough kind of wool that grows
about the shanks of sheep (Bailey)

Oarm^ a loud noise, an outcry

CiLTIO.

W. gdn, a mortise ; Arm. genn, coin,
'* pi^e de bois ou de fer taill6e en
angle aigu"; W. gaing,^ Jr. (3ael.
geinn, a wedge

Ir. Oael. g^^ gear ; W. garw^ rough,
coarse ; Manx, garroOy rough

W., Arm., Oom., garm, a cry, a shout,
an outcry ; Ir. Gael, ^airm, id.

** Snob a gomerly (sad) garm of gelling ther rysed
Therof olatered the clondes that kryst xnygt haf rawthe."

AUit. Poems, p. 67,

There is a related word, gaure, to cry, W. gaufr^ a cry ; ^otm, to shout ; Ir.

to shout (H.); sometimes in the
form garr, to cry, to chirp ; 0. H.
G., kerren^ to chatter
Oingran, the stinking toad-flax

gair, to call, shout, bawl; Sans.
grif to sing, to cry out

W. gingroen, the stinking toad -flax

("antirrhinum linaria*', P. )• Ba-
▼ies (Welsh Bot.) says that the W.
gingroen is the stinking morel
(** phallus impudicus"), and that
the toad- flax is called gingroen
fechan

" Keason is an excellent limbeck, and will extract rare
quintessences; but if you put in nothing but mush-
rooms, or egg-shells, or the juice of coloquintada, or the
filthy gingraUy you must expect prod\ictions accord-
ingly, useless or unpleasant, dangerous or damnable."
(Bp. Jer. Taylor, Duct. Dub., i, ii, 32.)

I CHave^ smooth, polite (N. Br.) W. glaf^ smooth, glistening ; glafru,

< Olaver, to flatter to flatter ; Ir. GaeL glafar, chatter

( G'^aw^, to talk endearingly (Whit-
by, E. I>. 8.); A. S., gliwere^ a flat-
terer

** That takes not her lyf in vayne,
Ne glaiieres her neghbor wyth no gyle."

AUU, Poems, p. 21.

104 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

" * Sir,* sais * Syr Q-awayne, ' so me God helpe,
Sich glaverande gomes graves me bot lytille.' "

Morte Ari.f p. 212.

In the Irish use :

*' Tbenne sache a glatierande glam (Ir. glam) of gedered racbches
Bos, that the rocheres rungen aboate." (Sir Gawayne, p. 4S.}

English. Cbltio.

Olen, a secluded yalley ; y^^n, id. W. glyn^ Com. glen, Ir. gleann, a val-
ley

" And wooes the widow's daughter of the glen,^' (Spenser.)

Orig, the herb called heath* (Salop, W. gruff (pron. ffrfg), Com. ffriff^

J., Chesh.) heath

Ouary, garye, a play, a dramatic en- Com. gwary, W. chtcarf^ sporfe, pas-

tertainment time, a play, Arm. choari, game,

amusement

" Tbis ys on of Brytayne layes
That was nsed by olde dayes.
Men callys playn the garye/*

Emariy 1032, H.

OuiUanif the name of a bird (Ash, W. awilym, a bird ; '^ avis qusedam*'
Bailey), the guillemot, C^rui Troile (Dav.)

"This species is the gwilym and chwilog (the latter
term applicable to the state in which Pennant calls it
the lesser guillemot) of the Welsh, and is called willoch
in the south of England, shout in Yorkshire, and kiddaw
in Cornwall." {Eng. Enc., N. S., iv, 1122.) The name
is derived from " the sharp and rapid flight" of the bird.
(Eng.Enc.) W.gwill, swift (Rich.); gwilog^ full of starts.
From this point our selection must be confined within
still naiTower limits, from the want of space for a full
exhibition of this class of words.

i7arr^, a jeering, inteijectionalimpe- W.haro, an interjection expressing

rative when a labourer or naviga- contempt or a slight ; Arm. hartiOj

tor is overladen and cannot wheel cri tumultueux pour se moquer

his barrow along. His fellow work> de quelqu*un ; Fr. harau, haro,

men then cry "Harry! harry!*' "cri, clamour pour implorer du

(Nhamp., E.) 0. H.G.Aar^»,PrOY. secours, ou reclamer la justice."

Sw. harja^ to giye a loud outcry (Roquefort.)

The French corresponding word is a cry made by a dis-
tressed person, not against him.

Heck, to hop (W. P.) W. hec-iany to hop ; hegl^ a leg

Bocke, the mallow ; hock-herbf id. W. hocys^ the mallow ; kocyt bendi'
(Ash) gaidy the hollyhock.

WITH MODERN FOKMS. 105

" Rose d'outre mer, the garden mallow, called hocks
and hollyhocks/' (Cotgrave.) //oi, mallow. {E.Eng.Voc.^
i, 265.) Many other country names of plants are from
a Celtic source. I subjoin a few instances. Fluelliny
the herb speedwell ; W. llysiau Llewelyn, " Speedwell,
otherwise called FluelUn*' (Phillips.) '^Fluelline, vero-
nica." (WithaFs Dicty ed. 1602.) Fion, fox-glove ; W.
ffion. ^'FioTiy camglata, foxesglove.*' (E. Eng. Foe, i,
140.) Lurkey-dish, a, country name for the pennyroyal;
W. llyrcadySy the pennyroyal. (Da vies, W. Bot.) Mat-
felon, the knapweed ; W. madfelen; with many others.

7Wn, iry (N. H., Oleyel.), a Celtic Corn, hiving W. ywenf Manx, hibin,

termination AtVm, ivy

Kaf, a gardener's hoe (N. H.) W. eaf, a rake with curved prongs ;

W,caibf Jr. Qael. caibe, a mattock,
a hoe
Kain, rent paid in kind (Webs., Jr. Gael, cain^ rent, tribute, fine ;
Nhumb.) cana, eanach, tribute, amercement

(Ir. Glosses, p. 47; Zeuss, 592)

A farm in the parish of Hedsor,co. Bucks., was formerly
held by the service of bringing in the first dish at the
lord's table, on St. Stephen's Day, and presenting him
with two hens, a cock, a gallon of ale, and two manchets
of white bread. (Blount's Ten., 153.) '^Cain, kain, a
duty paid by a tenant to his landlord in kind, as cane
cheese; cane fowls, etc.*' (Jamieson, Sc. Diet.)

Keffle^ irfyly a horse ; generally an W. eeffylj Com. hevU, a horse ; Ir.
inferior, worn out horse (Som., Sal., Gael, capall, capuU
eu:.); 0. N. kapall^ a mare

" Sir Richard, having no more to say,
Mounted his keffie and rode away."

Rich, of Dalton Dale. (H.)

The Irish form is found in Chaucer and Piers Ploughman.
The Promp. Parvulorum has ^^capul or caple, a horse'*
(p. 61, Way's ed.); ^'cahallus, a horse ; yet in some parts
of England they do call a horse a cable" (Eylot's Diet.)

LamyU) run. *^Ther wur a peeler W MamUy Com. lamme, Arm. lammeC,

after him. By Gow I didn't he to leap, to bound
lam !" (Leeds)

Leehf Uck^ a hard subsoil of gravel W. llech, a hard, flat surface ; slate,

and cUy (Cumb.) slate-rock

4th skb., yoL. XII. 8

106

COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

English. Celtic.

Luchft to throw, to fling; lutcky to W. UuchiOf to throw, to fling, to dart
pulsate strongly, as an angry tu-
mour (L^nc.)

" Into that lodlych loze they ltu*Jie hym (Jonah) aynite,
He watz no tytter (sooner) out-tulde that tempest iie sessed.*'

Allit Poems, p. 98.

Mawn^ peat (Heref.)

Meacon^ sedge, carex (Levins); ma-

ifein, the yellow flag (Lane.) ; mea-

kin, flags or bulrushes (Oumb.) ;

mackenboy, a sort of spurge with a

knotty root (Bailey)

W. mawn^ id.

Ir. Gael, meacan, a plant with a tu-
berous root; meacan-b^Udhe (pron.
macanboy)^ the yellow macan or
carrot ; m. L atUdeibhe (of the
mountain), the knot-rooted spurge

Mackenhoy seems an imported word, though not so
marked, but the others are native.

Merchet, a fine anciently paid by in-
ferior tenants to the lord of the
manor, for liberty to dispose of
their daughters in marriage (B.)*

Nin, a child's word for drink

W. m&rch, a daughter, a woman ;
Arm. merch, filie

Ir. Gael. nin,a wave ; mn-w, a cloud;
0. Ir. ntn-tM, water of a foss, or a
wave (Oormack's QL, p. 31) ; 0.
W. no7t, a stream ; Sans, ninv, to
wet, to moisten

The word that children call their drink by, as our
children say ninne or hihhe, (Florio, p. 64, H.)

Nuckid, ill nourished (Sal. Sat. Rev. ^

Oct. U, 1879.)
Othar^ to be decrepit, to work feebly

(llolderness, E. D. S.)
Ouniny a weak, spoiled boy (N. H.)

Oye, a grandchild (N. Br.)

Fally-My, a game in which a flat
piece of earthenware, or the like,
is jerked with a hop through the
compartments of an oblong divi-
sion of the ground (Olevel.Whitby)

W. nychu^ to pine, to fade away

Ir. othar^ sick, weak ; Ir. Gael.otMar,
pale, wan

Ir. Gael, ouna, silly (ountn, a silly
one); Corn, ownec, a coward

Manx,(7«, Ir. na, Ir. Gael, oyha (pron.
oha)y a grandchild

Gael, pulagy a round stone ; W. pal^
a flat body (?), a spade ; Arm. pdl,
" pierre plate et ronde qui sert k
jouer"; Ir. Gael, ida, xdadh^ a jerk

^ '^ Malcta qusBdam apud Britannos qasa olim domino solvebatur
pro virginum castitate".*(Bracton, quoted by Davies «. v. AmohrJ)
" British certainly is Mercheta of the Scottish feuds (and of English,
see Blount's Tenures), and is apparently nothing more than the
merched of Howel Dha, the daughterhood, or fine for the marriage
of a daughter." (Whitaker, Hist, of Manchester, ii, b. i, c. 8). In
the Welsh laws the fine is called amobyr. The Fr. marchet denoted
the same commutation-fee (Roquefort, s, v.)

WITH MODERN FORMS. 107

English. Cbltio.

Panty a hollow (W., Lane, Gumb.), W. pant^ a hollow

a cistern, a reservoir (N. H.)

PartaUf a crab (Nhumb.) Ir. Gael, partan^ a crab (Jr. 01.^ p. 70)

Ped^ a fort, a stronghold ; peel-house^ W. pill, a fort (prim, a stock of a
astocka(le,a small fortress (Cumb.)^ tree); Arm. pill, '^ tron9on de bois'';

Manx, peeley, a tower or fortress

" The romance, it says Richarde did make a pele
On kastell-wise, allwaies wrought of tre (tree) ful wele."

Rob. de Branne's Chron.y p. 157.

" There met I crying many one,
A larges ! larges ! hold up well !
God save the lady of this pell !
Our owne gentill Ladie Fame.*'

Chaucer, House of Fame^ iii, 220.

Pocthy^ close and hot, applied to W. poeth, hot, burning, fiery

weather (Nhamp.)
Poof Atfry, close, muggy, sultry (Leic,

Warw. E. D. S.)
Rann, a division of a not (Suss.) W. rhan, Arm. ra7in, Ir. Qael. rann,

a part, a division
Baths, ancient mounds or earthworks Ir. Gael, rath, W. rhath, a hill, a

(Whitby, E. D. S ) mound

BilU, passages, as foot-rills in coal- W. rhiU, a furrow, a trench

works open to the air (Staff.)
Rodruy, an idle fellow who wanders W. rhodiady a stroller ; rhodiena, to

about (Staff.) stroll about ; rhodienaij a gadding

gossip
Ross, a morass ^(Heref.) ; rosland, W. rhos, a moor; Arm. ro«, "tertre

heathy or moorish land (Webster) couvert de foug^re ou de bruy^re";

Ir. Gael, ros, a plain
Sarn^ a pavement, stepping-stones W. «ar7i, a pavement, causeway, step-

(Webster, Ash) ping-stones

Seen, a cow*s teat or pap (B.), (Kent, Ir. Gael, sine, a teat, a nipple ; sin,

H.) round ; Manx, shinney, id.

Skain, skeen, a sword ; skane, to cut Ir. Gael, sgian, a knife {Ir, Ql., 74);

shellfish out of the shell (Whitby) Manx, skynn, a knife ; W. ysgien

(skieri), a cutter, knife, scimitar
Skainsmate, a comrade

" The Saxons of her sorts the very noblest were.
And of those crooked shains they used in war to bear.
Which in their thundering tongue the Germans hand-seaz

name,
They Saxons first were called." PolyoWion^ iv, 737.

" His arme is strong,
In which be shakes a skeine bright, broad, and long.''

Heywood, BnL Troy, iii, 50.

^ Mr. Brocket says, s, v, " Peer, that they were defences " of earth
mixed with timber, strengthened by piles or palisades."

8«

108 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

*' Scurvy knave ! I am none of his flirt-gills. I am none
of his skains-Tnates" (Rom. and Jul., ii, 4.)

English. Celtic.

Speyrty the flap at the front of a wo- Ir. Oael. spaidkir (pron. speyr)^ the

man's under-clothing, the pocket- pocket -hole of a petticoat, flap of

hole of a gown or petticoat breeches

Speyre of a garment, "cluniculum/ manubium" (Promp.
Farv.) Spare, "mancupium" (E. Eng. Voc, i, 238.)

" Telling this pyteous tale.
How my byrd bo fayre,
Tlmt was wont to repayre.
And go in at my spayre.
And crep in at my gor
Of my gonne before."

Philip Sparrow (Skelton).

Stoor^ dust, dust in motion (N. Br.); Ir. Gael. stuVy Manx, atootj dust

BtouTy dust (Craven, Der.)

Taffle^ to spread hay, to beat down W. tafi^ a cast, a throw ; taflu^ to

wheat or grass (Dors.) ; to throw throw, cast, project

into disorder (Cumb.)

Tigh^ teage, a close, an enclosure (in Ir. Gael, tighy teaghy a house; Manx,

old records ; Bailey); A. S. tige, a tigh, thie ; W. <y, id.

tie, a band, a bag

Titty^ a cat (N. H.); ^tV,a cat (Nhamp ), W. titw, puss, a fond name for a cat

used for calling a cat (Leeds)

Tow9€, *' Can this be a form of W. toeSy dough, paste of bread ; Arm.

dough ?" (Marsh) toaz^ toez, paste, '^ farine detrempie

et p6trie"; Ir. toes, dough (/r. OL,
p. 60 ; Ooiddiea, p. 29)

'' These iiij soteltees devised in totcse,
Wher they ben shewed in an bowse,
Hit dothe gret plesannce."

Bahees Bohe^ p. 169.

Ugeeh'ny twenty (Yorks. Dales, E. W. te^am, twenty; Com. ii^tf7w,tiy«n^,

D. 8.) id.; 0. W. ucent; "also urkeltisch

vikent'' (Fick); Lat. viginti. Sans.
vingati
Waiihy the figure or apparition of a Com. weth^ W. gwedd, a figure, a form,

person about to die, or recently or shape

dead (N.)
Whap, a blow, to strike smartly (H.); W. chtoap, a blow ; chtpapio, to strike

fohappeif a blow on the ear (Der.) smartly

Whig^ buttermilk (Lane), a drink W. chwig, buttermilk ; adj., sour, fer-

prepared from fermented whey mented

(Webs.)

* ^^ Cluniculumj le pertuis (opening) qui es vestemens des femmes
ioast le coete." {Cathol. Abbrev., 1477.)

WITH MODERN FORMS. 109

«

" Whigged. This term now describes some defect in a
culinary preparation of milk." (Hunter, Hallam, GL) In
Lancashire milk is said to be whigged when it has be-
come sour.

'<If yoa go to Nun Keling, you shall find yoar belly filling
Of whig or of whay ;
Bat go to Swine, and come betime,
Or else yon go empty away.
Bat the Abbot of Meaas doth keep a good hoase
By night and by day.''

Yorhs* Rhyme (Hanter).

English. Celtic.

Wlon^ wool or nap W. fftUan, wool ; someiimes wlan^ as

cnu wlatiy a fleece of wool

** When somme of them walketh with clouted shon (shoes)
And clothes fal feble, wel neigh iorwerd (worn oat).
And the wlon offe."

Piers PI Creed, 1. 1462.

Our following list will be of words that vary in vowel
or consonantal sounds from the Celtic forms which are
now in use.

J. Davies.

OF THE POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES
UNDER THE SUCCESSORS OF THE

CONQUEROR.

It is rather remarkable that castles should not occupy,
even incidentally, a more prominent place in the Domes-
day Survey, as they formed a very important feature in
the country; were closely, for the most part, attached to
landed property, and were of great political importance.
No great baron was without a castle upon each of his
principal estates, nor was any bishop secure of his per-
sonal safety unless so provided. At the death of the Con-
queror it was the possession of Winchester Castle that
gave to William Rufus the royal treasure, and enabled
his adherents to acquire the castles of Dover and Hast-
ings, and th\is, at the commencement of his reign, to

110 POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES

secure a safe communication with Normandy. The
power of his party depended largely upon their fort-
resses. Archbishop Lanfrano held Saltwood, which the
earthworks shew even then to have been strong; William
de Warren held Lewes and Ryegate, and the strong hill
of Coningsburgh in Yorkshire ; Chester belonged to Earl
Hugh, who was supported by his fifteen barons, each of
whom had his castle; and in North Wales the Earl held
Diganwy, which, covered in front by the Conwy water,
closed the seaward pass from that aggressive district.
With the Earl, and on the side of Rufus, were Robert
de Tilliol, who held Flint and Rhuddlan, and Scaleby
and other castles on the Scottish border ; while Bishop
Wolstan, representing the English feeling, held his
episcopal castle of Worcester against Urso d'Abitot and
a swarm of Marcher barons who crossed the Severn to
assail him.

Nevertheless, the lords of the castles were mostly on
the side of Duke Robert. Such were Alan the Black
and Ribald his brother, the lords of Richmond and
Middleham ; Stephen of Holderness, strong in his sea-
girt rock of Scarborough ; the Mowbrays, Geoflfrey,
Bishop of Cout^nce, Justiciary to the Conqueror, and a
great soldier ; and Robert Mowbray, his brother's son,
who held the impregnable rock of Bamborough and the
great castle of Axholm in the fens of Lincolnshire; both
strong, though in a different kind of strength. With
them was the powerful Earl Roger of Shrewsbury with
his border following ; and at a later period Robert de
Belesme, his successor, builder of Bridgenorth and Car-
reghova, and superior lord of many border castles. In
the west, Duke Robert was supported by Bernard New-
march, who held the castles of Brecknock and Builth,
and a large and fortified tract of Monmouthshire ; with
whom were William of Bretuil, son of William Fitz-
Osborn, and lord of Hereford ; Roger de Lacy of Ewias ;
and William Earl of Eu, the owner of the strong rock
of Hastings, and who at that time held the castle
and walled city of Gloucester. Besides these great

UNDER SUCCESSORS OP THE CONQUEROR. Ill

leaders were, on the same side, Ralph Mortimer of Wig-
more ; Walter Giffard, whose castle on one bank of the
Buckinghamshire Ouse, combined with a similar moated
mound on the other, commanded that town and its
river ; Ralph Guader, who held Norwich ; and Hugh
Bigod, his successor there, lord of Framlingham, after
Norwich the strongest place, both in earthworks and
masonry, in East Anglia. Between Bristol and Bath
the Mowbrays ravaged the country up to the tower of
Berkeleyness, the present castle being then but an
earthwork ; and with them were Hugh de Grainmais-
nel, who held Hinckley and Leicester castles ; and Wil-
liam de Carileph, at first one of William's prime coun-
cillors ; but who afterwards changed sides, and was
enabled to do so with safety from his possession of the
keep of Durham. Bishop Odo, who held Rochester
Castle (even then a place of great strength), and with
it the passage of the Medway, placed there Eustace of
Boulogne ; and himself, with his brother Earl Robert
and five hundred knights, held the Roman Pevensey,
strengthened by some English additions in earth.

Rufus, however, with far more energy than his brother
Robert, had also the popular feeling on his side, which
enabled him to make head even against this powerful
combination. He laid siege to Pevensey, and took it
after a seven weeks' siege. He then assailed and took
Rochester, and finally Tonbridge, held by Gilbert Fitz-
Richard, the consequence of which was the banishment
of Bishop Odo. Robert Mowbray was beaten back from
before the walls of Ilchester Castle, now utterly de-
stroyed ; and Bishop William was forced to surrender
Durham. Carlisle, wasted by the Danes in 877, received
from Rufus in 1091-92 a castle and a keep, now stand-
ing ; and Newcastle, similarly provided in 1080, with
Cumberland became incorporated into England. In
1098 Malcolm of Scotland, the husband of St. Margaret,
was slain before Alnwick, then better known as Muri-
elden ; and Mowbray was driven from Tynewald Castle
back upon Bamborough, which seems to have been

112 POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES

finally taken by means of a Malvoisin, which in this
instance was evidently an entrenched camp thrown up to
the west of the Castle, and employed probably as the
headquarters of a blockade. In this reign also the con-
quest of South Wales was completed, and the foundations
laid of a chain of castles from Gloucester and Hereford
to Pembroke, the main links of which were Chepstow
and Abergavenny, Caerleon and Cardiff, Builth and
Brecknock, Caerkennen,Caermarthen, Cardigan, Tenby,
and Carew. How far these Welsh castles were at once
constructed of masonry is uncertain. Besides Chep-
stow, two only, or at most three, and those subordinate,
Ogmore, Penlline, and Newcastle, exhibit decided Nor-
man features ; but however this may be, neither Fitz-
Hamon, Newmarch, nor Amulph of Montgomery, were
likely, in the face of foes so formidable, to be satisfied
with defences in any way inferior to the strongest of
that day.

The reign of Henry I was prolific in castles. It is
probable that to him is due tne greater number of our
extant rectangular keeps, by the construction of which
he carried to completion the plans sketched out by his
father, and which his brother had been too busy, and
too much pressed, to take in hand. In this reign, espe-
cially between 1114 and 1121, most of the Welsh castles
were completed. Bristol and Cardiff Castles were the
work of Robert Earl of Gloucester. Bishop Roger of
Salisbury built Sherborne, Salisbury, the Devizes, and
Malmesbury ; and his brother, Alexander of Lincoln,
Sleaford and Newark. " Castella erant crebra per totam
Angliam." Most of these were great and strong, very
different from the hasty and unlicensed structures of
the succeeding reign.

Henry, like Rufus, commenced his reign with the
taking of Winchester with its treasures. Flambard,
who had been entrusted with the great episcopal castles
of Durham and Norham, was imprisoned in the keep of
London. The outlawry of Robert Malet and Robert
de Lacy in 1101 gave Henry their castles in Yorkshire

UNDER SUCCESSORS OF THE CONQUEROR. 113

and Suffolk; and in 1102 Ivo de Graintmaisnel was
driven from his stronghold at Hinkley, and forced to
flee the country. Also the King obtained, by forfeiture,
the castle of William de Warenne, though this was
afterwards restored. Henry in 1103 laid his hands
upon Arnulph de Montgomery's castle of Pembroke, and
on those of Robert of Poitou, his brother, between the
Kibble and the Mersey. The death of William Earl of
Moretaine brought in the almost impregnable hill-castle
of Montacute, with Trematon, Launceston, Tintagel,
Boscastle, and Restormel, and other Cornish fortresses.
The fall of Robert de Belesme gave the crown the
castles of Arundel, — a lesser Windsor in its plan, and
scarcely inferior in its position ; of Shrewsbury, the
mound of which still towers over the Severn, and
dwarfs even the extensive and incongruous railway-
station at its foot ; of Bridgenorth, where a fragment of
the keep shews what it must once have been ; and of
Carreghova, of which the very traces are well nigh
effaced. Belesme retired to Normandy, where he is said
to have been lord of thirty-four casties ; but the frag-
ments of his power only betrayed him into further re-
belUon, so that he endea his life a prisoner and an exile
on the castled mound of Wareham.

There still remained, indeed, in private hands a con-
siderable number of castles, the owners of which found
it convenient to give way, and thus to retain a portion
of their influence. Such were Bourne in Lincolnshire ;
Malton, held by Fitz-John, in Yorkshire ; Beaudesert
in Warwickshire, the episcopal castles of Newark and
Sleaford, and that of Oakham. There were also War-
blington in Hampshire ; and in Cumberland, Egremont
and Cockermouth.

The rebellion of 1118 gave to Henry the castles of
Hugh de Goumay in the west, of Stephen of Albemarle
at Scarborough, of Eustace of Bretuil, of Richard de
TAigle, and of Henry Earl of Eu ; together with the
Mowbray castles of Thirsk, Malzeard, and Burton in
Lonsdale. Nearly the whole of the strongholds thus

114 POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES

acquired were retained by Henry in his own hands, and
Suger states that in Normandy the principal castles
were by him either held or destroyed : " Fere omnes
turres et quaBCunque fortissima castra Normanni8e...aut
eversum iri fecit... aut si dirutae essent proprise volun-
tati subjugavit." In either country he laid hands on
the castles ; but where the delinquents held in both, it
was upon those in England that the forfeiture was
most rigidly enforced. Among the exceptions were
William de Roumare, who was allowed to hold Lincoln ;
and similar protection was shewn to Ralph de Conches,
William de Tancarville, William de Warrene, Walter
Giffard, and William d'Albini. Among their castles
were Ryegate, Lewes, Coningsburgh, and Castle Rising,
Buckingham and Arundel.

It has been said that Henry did not himself con-
struct any new castles. This is probable enough, as all
the sites of importance had been occupied by his father;
but it is not improbable, judging from the internal evi-
dence afforded by their remains, that he completed
such of his fathers castles as were left unfinished. Of
baronial castles, the grand fortress of Kenilworth, bj
far the most important strong place in the midland
counties, was constructed in this reign, though very
probably upon an English site, by the founder of the
house of Clinton. In this reign also were probably con-
structed the masonry of Northampton Castle, by Simon
de St. Liz, of Old Sarura and Odiham by Bishop Roger.
The keep of St. Briavels, now destroyed, was recon-
structed, or built of masonry ; and Ralph Flambard
laid the foundations, and seems to have completed, the
keep of Norham.

Stephen.

The issue of the contest between Matilda and Stephen
turned very much upon the castles over which each
had control. It was again by the seizure of Winchester
Castle and its treasure that Stephen was able to cele-
brate his coronation in the adjacent cathedral. It was

UNDER SUCCESSORS OP THE CONQUEROR. 115

under the walls of Reading Castle, strongly placed
between the Kennet and the Thames, that he trusted
himself to meet Matilda s adherents, and with them to
lay the corpse of her father before the altar of the great
Abbey that he had founded, and the ruins of which
have long survived those of its secular neighbour. From
Oxford, strong in its walled city and partially water-
girdled keep, Stephen issued his first charter, so full of
promises to his new subjects ; and from thence he went
to Durham, one of the strongest castles of the north,
to meet David of Scotland, who had wasted the border
from Carlisle to Newcastle, and taken Alnwick and
Norham, though foiled before Wark and Bamborough.
One of David's principal concessions was the Castle of
Newcastle. On the other hand he obtained the con-
firmation to him of that of Carlisle, long the gate of
Scotland. The two, posted one at each end of the lines
of Severus .and Hadrian, are still tolerably perfect, as
is the impregnable Bamborough, the Norman keep of
which, in Stephen s time, was new.

From Oxford, still his central stronghold, on his
return to the south Stephen conceded his second char-
ter, less distinct in its promises as the danger of his
position seemed less pressing. On the report of his
death in 1136, it was trust in their strong castles of
Exeter, Plympton, Okehampton, Norwich, Framling-
ham, and Bungay, that encouraged Baldwin de Redvers
and Hugh Bigod to rise in arms. Bath had then a
castle, and was a walled town. Stephen laid siege to
and took the Castle, and thence, with two hundred
horse, rode to Exeter, where Rougemont, its citadel,
was strong and well garrisoned. The siege was a re-
markable one, and the warlike machines employed both
within and without were of a formidable character. The
citizens were with Stephen, so the attack was on the city
front. The bridge, still standing, from the city was one
point of attack. A *'malvoisin'' was constructed, whence
stones were poured in upon the garrison ; the walls were
ruined, and the towers much injured. Finally the well

116 POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES

ran dry, and the garrison surrendered upon terms.
Plympton also capitulated, and Norwich was taken.

On Stephen's arrival from Normandy, in 1137, he
secured the castles of Bourne, Wareham, and Corfe, the
two latter held by Fitz-Alured and Redvers. A second
rising, in 1138, timed with an invasion by the Scots,
turned in some degree upon the strength of the castle
of Bedford, then including a pair of moated mounds on
the opposite banks of the Ouse, of w^hich one is entirely
removed, and the other remains deprived of its masonr/,
and shorn of its fair dimensions. This castle was held
by the sons of Milo de Beauchamp, its owner, and only
surrendered after a long and severe siege conducted by
Stephen in person, and which terminated in a block-
ade. The defence was very able, and the surrender
upon fair terms.

Meantime David, linking the interests of Matilda
with his own claims to the great earldom of Hunting-
don, twice crossed the border in the spring of 1128,
retiring as Stephen approached, but a third time re-
turning in August. He took Norham, and much injured
its superb keep, built by Bishop Flambard in 1121, a
noble ruin which still frowns over the Tweed, and is
rich in historical recollections. Bamborough, Alnwick,
and Malton, were held for Stephen by Eustace Fitz-
John. Parts of the wall and inner gate of Alnwick are
of about this date ; but Malton has disappeared, though
the previous Roman camp may still be traced. David s
progress was also checked by Clitheroe, a very strong
castle, of which the Norman keep, one of the very
smallest extant, crowns the top of an almost impreg-
nable rock

At this period Stephen's position was most critical.
Against him, on the Welsh Marches, Talbot held Gode-
rich and Hereford, while Ludlow and Dudley, Shrews-
bury and Whittington, were in the hands of Paganel,
Fitz-Alan, and William Peverel. Further south, the
barons of Somerset were encouraged against him by
William de Mohun from his hold at Dunster, strong

UNDER SUCCESSORS OF THE CONQUEROR. 117

naturally and by art ; and by Fitz-John at Harptree, a
castle in the defiles of the Mendips ; while Maminot
both held and strongly augmented Dover. Stephen,
however, was active and he was brave. Leaving Arch-
bishop Thurstan to muster and encourage his northern
supporters, he himself marched south, strengthened
the garrison of Bath, and threatened Bristol. Thence
he entered Somerset, and took by siege the Level seat
of Castle Gary, of which the earthworks cover a hill-
side ; secured Harptree by surprise, and thence doubled
back upon Hereford, which won, he next recovered the
old British and English fortress of Pengwern or Shrews-
bury. Bristol alone held out, strong in its newly built
keep, and in the presence of Robert Earl of Gloucester,
its builder.

The ''battle of the Standard", A. D. 1138, was fouffht
in the open field, under the leadership of D'AumaJe ;
but it was also named from North Allerton, where,
intersected by the railway, are still seen formidable
earthworks far older than Bishop Puiset's castle which
surmounted them, and was afterwards entirely razed
by Henry II. The victory of North Allerton was en-
hanced by the capture of Dover by Stephen's Queen.
The castle of Garlisle still remained in the possession
of King David, and from thence he renewed the war,
and in the following year obtained for his son Henry
the earldom of Northumberland ; with the exception,
however, of the castles of Newcastle and Bamborough.

When, in 1139, Stephens change of policy lost him
the support of the clergy, led by his ambitious brother
the Bishop of Winchester, his first blow was struck at
the episcopal castles. Of these, the Devizes, Sherborne,
and Malmesbury, belonged to Bishop Roger of Sarum.
Malmesbury, an episcopal encroachment upon the adja-
cent Abbey, was wholly the Bishop s work, and is now
utterly destroyed. Sherborne, a very ancient episcopal
seat, still retains its early earthworks, and a keep and
gatehouse, the work of Bishop Roger ; and although of
the Devizes there remain but a few fragments of its

118 POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES

circular keep, the earthworks, the grandest in England,
shew that it may well have deserved its great reputa-
tion. These Stephen seized upon, and he also took
Newark upon Trent, still admired for its lofty and ex-
tended front, and for its magnificent Norman entrance.
With Newark fell Sleaford, both built by Bishop Alex-
ander of Lincoln, nephew of Bishop Roger, and also a
great builder of castles. Sleaford is utterly demolished,
and being entirely post-conquestal, had scarcely any
earthworks to preserve its memory.

Among the events of this important year were the
taking of Nottingham and Marlborough Castles by
Stephen ; his attack on Ludlow; the appearance on the
scene of his rival, the Empress Matilda ; and his siege
of Arundel, in which castle she took refuge with D Al-
bini and Queen Adeliza his wife. Nottingham is gone.
Of Marlborough only a fine mound remains, upon which
stood its circular keep. Much of Ludlow, especially its
rectangular keep, played a part in Stephen's siege, as
did a part of the existing exterior wall, whence the
grappling-hook was thrown by which the King was
hooked, and was being dragged up to its battlements,
when he was rescued by the Scottish Prince Henry.
Arundel preserves its earthworks pretty much as they
must have appeared in the reign of the Confessor ; and
with its shell-keep on its mound, and the original gate-
house at its foot, gives to the modern visitor a fair
notion of the appearance of the defences before which
Stephen pitched his camp. It was also in 1139 that
De Redvers, returning to England, landed under the
Conqueror's castle of Wareham, on the margin of the
Poole water. From Wareham he proceeded to Corfe,
a seat of the kings of Mercia, where he was besieged by
Stephen.

It was during this period of the war between Stephen,
Matilda, and the Church party, that were constructed
the multitude of unlicensed castles ("castra adulterina")
employed not merely for the security of the builders,
but to enable them to prey upon their neighbours with

UNDER SUCCESSORS OF THE CONQUEROR. 119

impunity. Nothing could well be worse than the cir-
cumstances under which these castles were built, and
the purposes for which they were employed. " Stephen",
says John of Tynemouth, quoted by Dugdale," concessit
ut quilibet procerum suorum munitionem, seu castrum,
in proprio fundo facere posset." William of Jumieges
and Malmesbury compare the times to those of Nor-
mandy during the minority of Duke William ; and
other writers declare the state of England to have re-
sembled that of Jerusalem during the Roman siege.
There was no rule and no responsibility. The unhappy
peasants were forced to labour in the construction of
the strongholds of tyranny. It would seem that these
castles were built with great rapidity, and with but
little expenditure of labour upon earthworks, for in the
next reign they were destroyed without difficulty, and
scarcely any of their sites are now to be recognised.
They were the work of the lesser barons, probably with
the connivance of their chief lords, or even of Stephen
and Matilda, who were little scrupulous as to the terms
on which they accepted assistance. This multiplication
of castles without the licence of the sovereign was no
novelty, and was forbidden by the celebrated **Edictum
Pistense" of Charles the Bald in 864, by which it was
expressly ordered that aU "castella et firmitates, et
haias, sine nostro verbo fecerunt", should be at once dis-
mantled ("disfectas"), because they are an injury to the
district ("vicini et circummanentes exinde multas de-
predationes et impedimenta sustinent'').

Another irregularity was the admission to the title
of earl of several persons unfitted to receive so great an
honour, and whose only claim to distinction was that
they were leaders of mercenaries. Moreover, Stephen
was not in a condition to endow them with the third
penny of the revenues of a county, the usual appanage
of an earl. Many of the earls created by Stephen stood,
however, in a very different position. Such were
Geoffrey de Mandeville, Lord of Plessy and Walden,
who accepted the Earldom of Essex from both parties ;

1 20 POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES

Alberic de Vere, who built the noble keep of Heding-
ham, and was the first of the long line of the Earls of
Oxford ; Hugh Bigod, who held the Earldom of Nor-
folk ; Richard de Clare, that of Hertford ; D'Aumale,
of Yorkshire ; Gilbert de Clare, of Pembroke ; Robert
de Ferrers, of Derby ; Hugh de Beauchamp, of Bed-
ford ; and probably William de Ypres, of Kent. He
seems to have created, in all, nine ; and the Empress
six, — Cambridge, Cornwall, Essex, Hereford, Salisbury,
and Somerset.

From Arundel, Matilda, it is said by Stephen s
courtesy, moved to Bristol, where her brother, Robert
Earl of Gloucester, held his castle on the marshy con-
fluence of the Frome with the Avon. Robert aJso at
that time held the royal Castle of Gloucester, long since
destroyed, and a prison built on its site ; and he was
probably builder also of the shell-keep still standing
upon the mound of Cardiff. At that time Matilda's
friends held Dover, with the square keep of Canter-
bury, placed just within the enceinte of the far older
city ditch, and almost within bowshot of the more
venerable mound of Dane John. Mention is also made
of the Castles of Trowbridge and Cerne as recently
erected. The latter was taken by Stephen by storm,
before the attack on Malmesbury. Trowbriage held
out with success.

The great event of 1141 was the siege, or rather the
battle, of Lincoln. The Castle had been surprised, and
was held by Ranulph Earl of Chester and his half-
brother William de Roumare. As Stephen approached,
Earl Ranulph left the place secretly to procure assist-
ance from the Earl of Gloucester. This was afforded,
and the two Earls, with 10,000 men, some of them Earl
Robert's Welsh followers, crossed the Trent, and found
Stephen drawn up to receive them. The result of the
battle was the capture of Stephen, and the confirmation
of Earl Ranulph in Lincoln Castle. On this Matilda
went to her royal Castle at Winchester, a part of the
defences of the old Venta Belgawm, and characterised

UNDER SUCCESSORS OF THE CONQUEROR. 121

by a large mound, now removed. Here Bishop Henry,
Bafe in his rectangular keep of Wolvesey, still standing
near the Cathedral, in the opposite angle of the city,
treated with her almost as equal with equal, but ac-
knowledged her as Lady of England. Their accord,
however, was neither cordial nor of long duration.
Upon the Queen s return, in some discredit, from Lon-
don, an open quarrel broke out She attacked Wolvesey,
and the Bishop retaliated upon the royal Castle with
better success.

Under the escort of Brian Fitz-Count and Milo, to
whom Matilda had given the Earldom of Hereford and
the " Castle and Mote" of that ancient city, she fled
from Winchester, Earl Robert guarding her rear. They
were pursued. Matilda reached Ludgershall Castle in
safety, and then went to the Devizes ; but Earl Robert
was taken on the way by William of Ypres, and im-
prisoned in Rochester Castle. Stephen was then a
prisoner in Bristol Castle ; and in November 1141 the
Earl and King were exchanged. A month later, at the
Synod of Westminster, the pains of excommunication
were denounced against all who built new castles, or
offered violence to the poor, — a significant conjunction.

Stephen s illness ana Earl Robert's absence in Nor-
mandy checked for a short time active hostilities, and
meantime Stephen held the Tower of London, and
Matilda the Castle of Oxford. Late in 1142 Stephen
attacked and took Oxford, and blockaded the castle
until the winter set in, and the stock of provisions fell
short. The Thames was frozen, and the ground covered
with snow, by the aid of which Matilda, robed in white,
escaped across the river, and fled to Fitz-Count at
Wallingford. The castle was then surrendered. Its
grand mound is yet untouched ; and below it, upon the
river, is a large square tower of the eleventh century.
Part of the city wall also remains.

Before Reading, Stephen had taken several strong
but less important fortresses, such as Bow and Arrow
castle on the Cliff of PoFtland, which still remains, and

iTH 8SB.^ YOL. ZZI. 9

122 POLITICAL VALUE OF CASTLES

Carisbroke, the strength of the Isle of Wight. He took
also Lulworth, in Purbeck, represented by a far later
residence. Cirencester, which he burned, seems never
to have been restored ; and Farringdon, built in haste
by the Earl of Gloucester, was also swept away. Ste-
phen's strength, however, lay in London and the east ;
and that of Matilda about Gloucester and Bristol, and
in the west. Stephen also held Pevensey. The great
midland barons stood aloof, biding their time. Thus
Roger de Bellomont and his brother Waleran, of Meu-
lan, held Leicester wdth its Roman walls and English
earthworks, protected by the meads of the Soar ; along
the edge of which, and at the foot of the mound, is still
seen the Norman Hall, and hard by the stately church
of St. Mary de Castro, also in large part; Norman. They
also held Mount Sorrell, at that time a strong castle
built upon a rock of syenite ; but now quarried away,
both rock and castle, to macadamise the highways of
the metropolis. Saher de Quincy was strong about
Hinkley, where the early mound, stripped of its masonry
(if, indeed, it ever received any), still guards the eastern
entrance to the town. The Earl of Chester held Lin-
coln as his own ; and the hill of Belvoir, the cynosure
of the Midland, was guarded by the grand shell-keep
of Trusbut and De Ros, burned down and rebuilt after
a tasteless fashion in our own days.

In 1146 death deprived Matilda of the Earls of Glou-
cester and Hereford. She retired to Normand}^ ; but
her place was taken by the young Plantagenet, her son.
In tnis year also Stephen availed himself of the pre-
sence of the Earls of Chester and Essex at his court to
seize their persons, and to force them to render up, the
one the Castles of Lincoln and Northampton ; the other
that of Plessy, of Virhich the moated mound and con-
tained church are still seen ; and Stansted Montfitchet,
now almost a railway station, and which vied with the
old castle of the Bishop of London at Stortford. Wal-
den, also thus gained, is still famous for its earthworks
and for the fragment of its Norman keep, composed,

UNDER SUCCESSOKS OF THE CONQUEROR. 123

like Bramber and Arques, of flint rubble deprived of its
ashlar casing.

Earl Geoffrey having thus purchased his liberty,
employed it in burning the Castle of Cambddge, the
mound of which, sadly reduced in size, still overlooks
the river. While in pursuit of the Earl, Stephen is said
to have built certain new and probably temporary
castles. More probably he refortified with timber some
of the moated mounds, such as Clare, Eye, and Bures,
and of which there are many in Essex and Suffolk.
Works in masonry he certainly had neither time nor
means then to construct. Soon afterwards the Bishop
of Winchester ceased to be papal legate, and found it
convenient to* support his brothers party, and per-
suaded him to refuse permission to Archbishop Theo-
bald to attend the new Pope at Rheims. Theobald,
however, defied the King, and on his return took shel-
ter within the unusually lofty walls and strong earth-
works of Framlingham, a Bigod castle in Suffolk. About
this time mention is made of castles at Cricklade in
Wilts, at Tetbury and at Winchcombe in Gloucester-
shire. There was also a castle at Coventry, and at
Downton in Wiltshire, still celebrated for its moot-hill.

In 1149 York opened its gates to young Henry of
Anjou, who assembled a considerable force, with which
he met the royal army at Malmesbury, though without
an actual collision. Of 1151 is on record a curious con-
vention in which the Earls of Leicester and Chester
were concerned, under which no new castles were to be
built between Hinkley and Coventry, Coventry and
Donnington, Donnington and Leicester ; nor at Gate-
ham, nor Kinoulton, nor between Kinoulton and Bel-
voir, Belvoir and Oakham, and Oakham and Rockingham.
In 1152 occurred the celebrated siege of Wallingford,
held for Matilda by Brian Fitz-Count. Enough of
Wallingford remains to shew how strong it must for-
merly have been ; and the temporal was fully equalled
by the spiritual power, for the town, always small, con-
tained as many churches as apostolic Asia. Stephen,

9»

124 POLITICAL VALUE OP CASTLES, ETC.

unable to approach the Castle from its landward side,
threw up a work still to be traced at Crowmarsh, on
the left bank of the river, and there posted his engines.
Young Henry, holding Mai mesbury, Warwick, and about
thirty other not very distant castles, marched to the
relief of Wallingford, and invested the lines of Crow-
mai'sh, besieging the besiegers. Stephen advanced to
their aid from London, and Henry seems to have moved
into the town, holding the passage of the river at the
bridge by a special work. Wallingford was thus saved,
and Henry, early in 1153, laid siege to Stamford, where,
as at York, Hertford, and Buckingham, two mounds (of
which one now remains), commanded the river, and
stormed Nottingham, where were similgx works upon
the Trent. Stephen, falling back into the eastern
counties, took Ipswich, a castle of which even the site
is lost.

The death of Eustace, Stephens son, in August 1153,
paved the way to an arrangement between the rivals.
Stephen was to remain King, and Henry became his
acknowledged successor. William, Stephen's surviving
son, was to retain the Warren castles and estates, which
included Ryegate, of which traces remain ; Lewes, with
its double mound and strong natural position ; and
Coningsburgh, an English site of excessive strength,
though not then as yet celebrated for its noble tower.
He also had t^he castles of Wirmegay and Bungay,
Norwich, and the castle and honour of Pevensey. It
was also agreed that the garrisons of the royal castles
generally should swear allegiance to Henry and to
Stephen ; and the castellans of Lincoln, London, Oxford,
Southampton, and Windsor, gave hostages that on Ste-
phen's death they would give them over to Henry. It
was also agreed at a conference at Dunstable in 1154,
that all castles built since the death of Henry I should
be destroyed ; a clause which may be taken to shew
that no absolutely new castles of very great importance
had been built by Matilda or Stephen ; also that all
mercenary troops were to be sent back to their own

PLACE-NAMES TK WALES AND ENGLAND. 125

countries. The office of sheriff, aa representing the
crown in the counties, was to be strengthened.

Stephen died in October 1154, and his rival ascended
the throne as Henry II without opposition.

G. T. C.

THE SYSTEM OF PLACE-NAMES IN WALES
COMPARED WITH THAT OF ENGLAND.

The nomenclature of places in any country forms a very
interesting subject of inquiry in a variety of aspects.
From being a topic fit only for fanciful interpretations
and ingenious guesses, it has of late years acquired
importance as a valuable adjunct to the historian and
the philologer. When the historian has traced his nar-
rative as far back as the faintest records will carry him,
the names of places step in to supplement his labours,
and offer a light, frequently clear and distinct, on the
prehistoric condition of the country, and on the races
by whom it was inhabited. I might cite the peninsula
of Spain and Portugal as an eminent instance of this.
It is a country which has been peopled by successive
races from a time long before the dawn of history, and
each race has left the print of its footmarks on the
names of localities they occupied. Tracing its history
backwards, for many ages the descendants of the
Goths and the Moors contended for the mastery. Pre-
vious to this the Romans held sway for a long period.
The Carthaginians before them were the lords para-
mount ; and further, history cannot penetrate. But
language applied to place-names proves unmistakably
that before all these there was a Celtic race which
peopled the country, and that the Phoenicians, the
great merchants and navigators of antiquity, had there
established and successfully carried on a large part of
the commerce of the world. What is true of Spain

126 PLACE-NAMES IN ENGLAND AND WALES.

equally applies, in a greater or less degree, to other
countries.

The subject of place-names has been ably treated by
several writers of recent date, amongst whom may be
noticed Messrs. Isaac Taylor, Edmunds, Ferguson, and
Joyce. The general principles are fully understood ;
their application to particular instances will amply re-
pay the slight amount of labour and research required.
My object in the following paper is to compare the
system of place-names in Wales with that adopted in
England. We shall see that, with some amount of re-
semblance, there is much diversity, and that this diver-
sity throws considerable light on the condition of the
respective peoples at the time the names were imposed.
Of course we all know that the greater part of the
place-names in England are Teutonic, of the Low Ger-
man or Saxon stock ; and that the nomenclature in
Wales is Celtic, of the Cambrian stock ; but the prin-
ciple on which these names were applied is not so ob-
vious.

If we examine carefully the map of England we find
the greater part of the names of the counties, towns,
villages, and hamlets, formed out of the English tongue,
and naving a distinct and intelligible meaning ; if not
in current modern speech, at least in that spoken by
the ancestors of the present inhabitants. In some dis-
tricts a large portion of the names are patronymics,
such as Billing, Harling, Tooting, etc. There are then
the descriptions of habitations, the tonSy wicks, hams^
steads, cots, stowes ; the relative positions, such as high,
low, east, west, etc. Natural features, though not so
common, are tolerably abundant,— ^orcZ, brook, well, den,
dale, holt, wood, etc. This general description suffices
to shew that these names were given by a people cog-
nate with the present inhabitants, who at some time in
the far past were in sufficient strength to colonise the
. country, and call it by their own name.

If we look a little closer we discover other pheno-
mena. We find in various places, and especially round

PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND. 127

the coast, intrusive patches of names allied to, but not
identical with, the Saxon nomenclature, such as fey,
thorpCy toft, hoe, thivaite, etc. These overlie the Saxon
names, and shew that subsequent to the Saxon settle-
ment another race, proved by their language to be
Danes or Northmen, dispossessed in these localities the
previous holders, and gave their own names to the
lands.

Proceeding further we find other names, of a differ-
ent tongue, underlying the general Anglo-Saxon strati-
fication, and evidently of older date. A large number
of towns and villages in various parts of the kingdom
have their names terminating in Chester, frequently
modified into caster, caistor, ceter, such as Dorchester,
Manchester, Lancaster, Exeter, Wroxeter, etc. We can
trace these, through the Saxon ceaster, to Latin castra,
the term for a fortress. There are other names, such
as Colne, Lat. Colonia; Pontefract, Lat. Pons fr actus
(broken bridge), which point in the same direction.
Many names of Anglo-Saxon origin also refer to Roman
remains existing at the time of the Saxon settlements.
Ermin Street, Watling Street, and others, indicate the
Roman paved roads (Lat. strata) which crossed the
country in various directions. Stretton, Stratford,
Chester-le-Street, and others, mark stations along these
roads. In these names we have indelible proof of the
existence in England, for a long period, of the strong,
powerful, and to a great extent beneficial, supremacy of
Rome.

But we have indications of higher antiquity still.
There are various names which are merely Latinised
forms of appellations in a previous language before the
Roman conquest. London can be traced back to Roman
Londinium, which is simply the Cymric Llyn-din (the
fort on the pool) with a Latin termination. York, Exe-
ter, Wroxeter, Brancaster, and other towns, take their
names from similar combinations.

Proceeding on the same line, we further find that
many of the natural features of the country are called

128 PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND.

by names of purely Cymric origin. The Esk, the Axe,
the Avon, the Dee, the Don, tne Douglas, the Yarrow,
etc., retain the names conferred long before the Saxon
or even the Roman invasion. The mountains of the
north of England, Helvellyn, Blencathra, Pen y Gant,
Wernside, etc., also retain their Cymric appellations.
From this we gather that, previous to the arrival of
the Saxons or of the Romans, there are clear evidences,
apart from written history, that the country was peopled
by a Celtic race who have left behind few traces but
the names, apparently indelible, which they gave to the
great features of nature. It is far from improbable
that, concealed by their Saxon suffixes, there may still
exist in the names of places in England many relics of
Cymric nomenclature hitherto undiscovered or unno-
ticed. This is a subject well worthy of further inquiry.

We have thus existing in England, independent of
all written records, clear indications of the successive
waves of population which overspread the country, and
left their indelible marks behind. We have a tableau
of history before our eyes, inscribed on the face of the
country itself in characters which cannot be mistaken.

If we now turn to the Principality of Wales we shall
find a very different state of things. Whether the
Cymry are the avToxOove^: (the aboriginal inhabitants), I
will not take upon myself to affirm. There is a theory
that they were preceded by a Gaelic race who were
gradually driven westward, and either exterminated or
forced to cross the Channel to Ireland. Professor Rhys,
in his excellent work on Welsh Philology, alludes to
this theory, but holds it to be untenable. It may be
so ; but there are traditions which point in that direc-
tion, and which it is difficult to account for in any
other way. The circular bases of huts sunk in the
ground, which are found in such numbers on many
points of the coast of North Wales, bear the traditional
name of cyttiau guuyddelod, usually interpreted " the
huts of the Irishmen." It may not have anything to
do with Irishmen properly so called, gwyddel being pro-

PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND. 129

bably a derivative from gwyddy trees. It is, there-
fore, the synonym for the English ** savage", mediaeval
selvage^ from silva, a wood. This certamly seems to
imply that there had been a race of men, in a lower
state of civilisation, preceding the Cymry, who con-
quered, and probably exterminated them ; and ths^t we
have in these cyttiau the remains of their last strong-
holds. Be this as it may, these mythical aborigines
have left, so far as we know, no impress on the nomen-
clature. Whether any of the cromlechs, maenhirs, stone
circles, and camps, are of a period preceding the advent
of the Cymry is a question not now coming within my
purview.

The vast majority of the place-names in Wales are,
then, pure Cymric ; and so far as we can perceive they
have not been intruded into any previous name-system.
They are formed in a manner entirely different from the
English, and give no indications of a conquering race.
The prominent physical features of the land, the moun-
tains, and rivers, would be the first named. For the
former we find a variety of appellations, arising from their
respective magnitude, form, colour, relative position,
natural productions, and other circumstances — Mynydd,
Breidden, Moel, Glyder, Ban, Bryn, Craig, Aran. The
highest mountain takes its name from its highest peak,
Craig Eryri (the Eagle's Rock). Other craigs are
named from their peculiarities, — Craig Goch (the Red
Rock), Craig Durg (the conspicuous Rock), Craig y Fod-
wyn (the long, sharp Rock), etc. The two next are
named from the cairns or tumuli on their summits, —
Camedd Llywelyn and Camedd Dafydd.

Next in order come the Glyders. Glwyd^ or gloyw^
signifies bright or clear, akin to the English " glow".
The Glyders, then, are the conspicuous summits of the
bright mountains, which exactly answer to their cha-
racter. Faen or Fain signifies a sharp, pointed cone,
illustrated in the well known Trci^aen, the triple peaks
which predominate over Nant Francon. Moel or Foel
(a bare, rounded summit) is very common, as Moel

130 PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND.

Eithin (the Furze Mountain), Moel Hebog (the Hawk
Mountain), Moel Famma (the Mother Mountain), Foel
Goch (the Red Mountain), Foel Lwyd (the Dark Moun-
tain. Mynydd, from mwn (to ascend), means an emi-
nence pure and simple — Mynydd Mawr (the great Hill),
Mynydd Rhiw (the Mountain Slope). The Breiddens
are the cloud-dispersers. Cefn (a ridge) is in very com-
mon use. Cefn Coch (red ridge), Cefn Llechan (flat
ridge), Cefn Maen Nanmor (the ridge of the Nanmor
stone). Bryriy a hill of less eminence, is found in great
profusion. Bryn Dinas (the castle hill), Bryn Gossol (the
hill of the watch tower), Bryn Tirion (the pleasant hill).
Pen, which is so frequently found in place-names, does
not originally signify an eminence. It primarily applies
to the extremity or termination of anything ; but like
hen in Gaelic it is frequently attached to mountain
summits. In the prim iry meaning we find it in Pen y
Bont (the bridge end). Pen y Fordd (the end of the
road). Pen y Waun (the end of the meadow or plain).
In connection with summits we have it in Pen y Gaer,
Pen y Dinas, Pen y Castell, fortified eminences ; Pen
Maen Mawr and Pen Maen Bach, the great and little
termination of the rocks.

These are the principal mountain names, though
there are other epithets occasionally used, such as Tal
y Fan (the end of the eminence), Cader or Gader (a
seat or chair, as Cader Idris), Pen y Gader. Aran is not
very common, but is found in seveial places applied to
a nigh mountain. It is common also to the Gaelic, and
is found in Scotland and Ireland.

The passes and valleys have distinctive names. Bwlch
from hwl, equivalent to Eng. howl, is very frequently
met with in the sense of a hollow or defile. Nant has
a very wide range in the sense of a valley usually fer-
tile, and gives the name to a great number of places :
Nant Francon (the beavers' vale), Nant Llwynog (the
foxes' valley), Nant Gwrach (the vale of the hag),
Sychnant (the dry valley), Nant Gwynant (the fair
vale). Glan (Eng. glen) is applied to the banks of a

PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND. 131

river flowing through a valley, as Glan Afon, Glan Usk.
Cwm (Eng. combe) is the name for the large hollows
scooped out of the mountain sides, as Cwm Coch (red
combe), Cwm Bychan (little combe). This word is very
common in place-names in Devonshire and Cornwall,
derived from the ancient Cornish language. Dwygy-
fylchi, a charming little vale near Penmaenmawr, sig-
nifies the meeting of the two clefts or passes.

The nomenclature of the mountainous districts which
I have just described is almost entirely wanting in
England, owing to the different conformation of the
surface. What little there is has been principally de-
rived from the Cymric. The greater features of nature
supply a large fund of place-names in Wales. Dol, a
river-meadow, is frequent, as Dolwyddelan, the Gwydd-
elans meadow; Dolgelley, the hazel meadow. Gwem
or wern, an irrigated meadow ; Wern-y-go-uchaf, the
upper Smith's meadow ; Wem-y-go-isaf, the lower one ;
Gwem-y-go-cogwrn, the Smith's crab-tree meadow.

The river-names in Wales are extremely interesting
from the links they supply to connect the place-names
over the greater part of Europe. Many of these names
are found not only in England, but in France, Germany,
Italy, and Spain, where their signification has been
entirely lost. It is only in those countries where the
Celtic dialects are spoken that their true origin can be
traced.^ Avon, as the name of a river, has a very wide
range. In Wales, England, Scotland, and Ireland, it is
found attached to numerous streams. In France we
find it, though somewhat corrupted, in the AuoUy the
Cal'Avon, and others. In Portugal there is the Avid,
and in Spain the Avono ; in Italy, the Aven-za, the
S-avone, the Avfen-te. It is held that Latin amn-is is
a corruption or contraction of Avon; and that all these
are connected with Sanskrit ab or ap by the usual in-
terchange of b and v. The same will apply to most of
the other river-names, on which time and space wiU not
allow me now to dilate. Wy is found in a variety of
combinations, sometimes in its simple form, as in the

132 PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND.

rivers Wye, Conwy (the spreading water), Llugwy (the
sparkling water) JDyfrdwy^ or Dee (the dark water). Wysg
is another river-name very widely diffused in its various
forms of Usk, Esk, Exe, Axe, etc. Perhaps it has been
brought into the most prominence by its modem de-
rivative, lohishey^ which is simply the original Wysg
with the epithet hagh or hach^ which is a term of endear-
ment indicative of its exciting properties. Dwr is
another river-name widely spread, of which Dr. Pritch-
ard gives forty-four ancient river-names in Europe con-
taining this root, amongst which are the Derwent, the
Douro, the Adour, the Dart, the Durance, the Durbach,
etc. In fact, all the river-names of Wales will be found
in some part of Europe, indicating clearly the solidarity
of language over a wide extent. The Celtic languages
have retreated from their ancient habitat ; but like the
ancient glaciers of the Welsh valleys, they have left
behind, strewed over the surface, indelible indications
of their former existence.

Coedy a wood, is of frequent occurrence, as Bettws y
Coed (ihe station in the wood), Tyn y Coed (the house
in the wood). Coed Talon (the wooa on the hillock),
Bangor-is-Coed (the lofty choir below the wood). The
number of place-names containing this word indicates
the great prevalence of timber in ancient times.

lUioSy a marsh, is found in many names, — Eglwys
Rhos (the church in the marsh) ; as also Morfa^ u salt
marsh. Morfa Rhianedd signifies the lady's marsh by
the sea.

Llyriy a lake, is, of course, widely diffused ; as also
Pwll^ a pool ; Pistyll, a spout ; ana Rhavadr^ a water-
fall.

The operations of human industry furnish a large
nomenclature, though there is by no means the variety
in this respect which prevails in the English names.
Garth, an enclosure, to which Eng. " gard-en" is allied,
is common. Ty, a house, is exceedingly numerous, qua-
lified by various adjectives, — Ty-newydd (new house),
Ty-bach (little house), Hafot Ty (dairy or farmhouse).

PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND. 133

etc. B6d^ a dwelling, as Bod-hyfryd. Tre, a hamlet,
common in Wales, but much more so in Cornwall, —
Hendre (the old hamlet), Hafod-tre (the rural hamlet).

The name Powys, applied to the district about Welsh-
pool, implies a settlement after a period of disturbance.
Pchgwys combines the two ideas of habitation and re-
straint.

There is one word so prominent in Welsh place-
names as to take precedence of all the rest. I mean
the prefix ttan, which opens up a very wide inquiry ;
much wider than I can now go into. The word origm-
ally signified an enclosed area, probably a clearing ; and
it is still found in compound words with much the
same meaning, as cor-lan (a sheep fold), corf -Ian (a burial-
ground), etc. ; but as a prefix it is exclusively used in
connection with a Christian place of worship, in the
same manner as cil or hi in Gaelic. In the Clergy List
there are four hundred and fifty one places quoted with
the prefix Llan^ each having a church.^ It is found in
Cornwall and the part of England formerly called
Western Wales, at least from twenty to thirty times ;
sparsely in other parts of England; in the -ancient
kingdom of Strathclwyd in Scotland ; and very fre-
quently in Brittany. The question is, how came it to
be applied exclusively to Christian worship ? There
are some who mabtain that the llans were oriffinaUy
areas set apart for heathen rites, and afterwaras con-
verted into churches ; but we have no evidence to this
effect. It is somewhat singular that, whilst in England
many of the place-names contain reminiscences of the
Saxon worship of Woden, Thor, and Saetor, there is no-
thing whatever in the Cymric names to call up associa-
tions with pre-Christian times. Whatever may be the
cause, the llans are now exclusively connected with the
names of Welsh saints, of whom Professor Rice Bees
enumerates no fewer than four hundred and seventy-
nine.' The same ecclesiastical propensity existed in

^ Mr. Taylor, in Words and Places^ says the word " occnrs ninety-
seven times in the village names of Wales."
* Essay on the Welsh Saints.

134 PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND.

Cornwall, where, either with the prefix of Llan, or
Saint, the ancient church worthies are commemorated.
In England these are comparatively few, and I believe
nearly all are of mediaeval origin. The Saxon saints
gave their names to numerous churches ; but the places
were not called by their names.

It has been sometimes asserted that the names of
places in mountainous countries are more poetical and
imaginative than those of the plains. After some ex-
amination of the subject I cannot coincide in this view.
The Cymric names are quite as matter of fact as the
English ones, and display even a less exercise of the
imagination. There is one name connected with a pretty
legend which it would be a pity to destroy, and which
connects, by a long course of tradition, the Cymric
people with the old Aryans of India. I mean, of course,
" Beddgelert", the grave of Llewelyn's faithful hound.
It has been maintained^ that Beddgelert commemorates
the grave of a Welsh saint of the fifth century, Celert,
to whom the church of Llangeler is dedicated. It may
be so ; though why this particular saint, out of the four
hundred and seventy-nine, should be so honoured does
not appear. However this may be, the coincidence of
this traditionary legend with one similar, mutatis mu-
tandis, in the Sanskrit Hitopades'a is very remarkable.

The place-names to which our attention has hitherto
been directed are unmixed Celtic and Cymric; and did
they rest alone, we might infer that no other race had
ever obtained a permanent footing in the Principality.
But it is not so. The great masters of the ancient
world, who brought with them not only conquest and
dominion, but also the arts of civilised life, held sway
here for at least four hundred years, and have left
behind them conspicuous and permanent memorials
reflected in the names of the places they occupied, and
of the works they executed. Conovium (now Caer
Rhun) dominated the Vale of Conway ; Segontium, Caer
Seiont (now Caernarvon) protected the Menai Strait;

^ Taylor, Words and Places, p. 359.

PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND. 135

Deva (now Chester) and Bovium (Bangor -is -Coed)
overlooked the Dee ; and we still find recorded their
various strongholds in such names as Caerleon (Castra
Legionis), Caerwys, Caergwrle. Caersws, etc. The roads
connecting these various stations are in many cases
still the high roads of the country. Sarn Helen, which
was the highway from Conovium to Muridunum (now
Caermarthen), may still be traced through the defiles
of Dolwyddelan and Festiniog.

The fortifications which abound on the hill-tops in
every part of the Principality, are called by different
names indicating their builders. For the most part, the
caers are of Roman origin, but by no means exclusively
so. Tre 'r Ceiri, one of the finest British remains, may
possibly have been occupied by the Romans ; but it is
decidedly of pre-Roman origin. The castells are mostly
mediaeval, and the dins and dinases hill-forts of the
Cymric period.

There is another element of nomenclature yet to be
mentioned. The Danish and Norse sea-rovers, who
harried and plundered the coasts of Europe for several
centuries, did not neglect Wales. The country, how-
ever, was poor, and offered few inducements to perma-
nent settlement : hence in North Wales the Danish
nomenclature is confined to the coast, where many pro-
minent points bear Danish names. The Point of Air,
the Great and Little Orme's Heads, Priest's Holme, or
PuflBn Island, the Skerries, Holyhead, the North and
South Stacks, Bardsey, Anglesey, with many others,
indicate the points taken possession of, or frequented
by, the sea-rovers, who have thus left their traces on
scattered and isolated positions.

I must now bring these remarks to a close. I trust
enough has been said to shew the interest which
attaches to the study of place-names, and the light it
is capable of throwing on the history of a country far
beyond any written records. There is still a wide field
open to investigation in this direction ; and if these
few words should have the effect of stimulating any to

136 PLACE-NAMES IN WALES AND ENGLAND.

pursue fiirther this course of inquiry, I shall be amply
repaid.

Before I conclude I wish to add a few words on the
boundary between Wales aijd England considered phi-
lologically. It might have been supposed that, in the
case of an intruding race gradually gaining ground, and
thrusting back or absorbing the aboriginal inhabitants
step by step, there would be a manifest intermingUng
of the nomenclature of both races, and that the Saxon
and Cymric names would insensibly be fused together.
Such nas been the case in North America, where we
find the old Indian names very numerous, mixed with
the English appellations. Such, however, is not the
case in Wales and England. The English names in
Wales, and the Welsh names in England, are compara-
tively few in number, and limited in extent. This is
not unlikely owing to the existence, in the, middle
ages, of what were called the Welsh Marches, — ^a sort
01 debatable, or no man's land, which was occasionally
the battle-ground of the rival races, and which served
to separate their conflicting interests.

Commencing fram the south, we know that Mon-
mouthshire was, until a period not very remote, a part
of the Principality ; and we should, therefore, naturally
expect that the vast majority of the place-names would
be Cymric, which is actually the case. West of the
river Wye there are very few English names. There
are Whiteley, White Brook, Shire-Newton, Mounton,
Grosmont (which is French), and a few others mostly
modern. In Gloucestershire, between the Severn and
the Wye, there occur a few Welsh names, such as Lan-
cant, St. Briavel's, Newent. In Herefordshire, eaat of
the Black Mountain, a few occur, — Uanveino, Landwr,
Ty Coch, etc. In Breconshire there is scarcely an
English place-name west of the Afon Honddu and the
upper reaches of the Wye. In Radnorshire, Knighton
is almost the only English name, and this is barely
within the border. In Montgomeryshire the natural
eastern boundary would be the Severn ; but between

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 137

the river and Offa's Dyke we find a strip of border-land
where the Saxon and Cymric names are intermixed.
Buttington, Leighton, Forden, Newtown, are side by
side with Llanmerewig, Llandyssil, Trewem, Llandrinio.
Montgomery is, of course, French. In Shropshire,
north of the Vyrnwy, there is hardly a Welsh name east
of Offals Dyke ; and to the west of that ancient bound-
ary scarcely an English one. The nomenclature of
Denbighshire is intensely Cymric ; but in the east por-
tion there are a few Saxon names, such as Wrexham,
Gresford, Bersham. These naturally connect themselves
with the Danish and Saxon settlements in the adjoin-
ing county of Flint.

J. A. PiCTON, F.S.A.

'the marches of WALES.

[From Historical Collections in the Handivriting of Oliver Acton, ^ towards the
end of the 11 th Century^ among the RawUnson MlSS, in the Bodleian^ and
other Authorities.']

BY SIR G. P. DUOKETT, Baet.

"CONCERNING THE MARCHES OF WALES^', WITH A LIST

OF THE LORDS PRESIDENT.

In the antient and latter Dutch, or rather in the Language of
those nac'ons which over rann the greatest part of Christendome,
under the names of Vandalls, Goths, and such like, the word
Marck (or Marcken) [pi.] did denote a Limit, Bound, or Frontier,
and more especially such a one as did distinguish two Nac'ons,
or Empires, according to the definic'on of it in Minsheu, ''eodem
verbo," where he calls it " Limes in agris [sive territoriis], fines
regionum, et margines imperii distinguens ;" and according to
this signification it is frequently used in the Laws of the Lum-
bards, and severall other nac'ons as such, as in antient histo-
rians^ as may be seen in Mr. Selden's (Tit. of Hon', part 2, c. i,

^ So entered in Macray's incomparable Catalogue of the Bawlin-
8on MSS. From the same it woald appear that Oliver Acton was
the Steward of Christ's, St. Thomas's, and Bridewell Hospitals.
His appointment by the City of London, under the designation of
" Oliver Acton of London, gentleman", as Attorney and Receiver
for those City Hospitals, is dated 26th Nov. 1728.

4rH SIS., VOL. XII. 10

138 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

sec. 47). But amongst the Saxons it signified the extent of a
Jurisdiction or Teritorie, — ^*' districtus unius villicacionis aut

ditionis," says ;* from whence afterwai'ds in the Empire, it

came to be attributed to any Country or Province that was con-
quered by force of Arms. The first use of it in this kind was
under the Emperour H. 1 st,* who flourished between the years
of Our Lord 919 and 937, for he having conquered the Nac'ons
of the Heneti and the Sombi, divided all his new acquest ** in
prefecturas limitaneas, quas nostra lingua vocamus Marchias ;'*
and these he distributed amongst his officers and soldiers, which
from that time were called "Marchiones," and according to Cran-
tius " coUocavit in ea primus Marchionem, qui Provinciam tue-
retur armis qusesitam, et augescere contenderet in diem, et quam
Eomani, simili ex causa, dixere Provinciam, ille appelavit Mar-
chiam;" and presently after to the same purpose he saith,
** Marchiam dicerent Saxones eam Provinciam, quam sui juris
esse, per arma sunt consecuti. Inde prajsidi nomen inditum ut
Marchio diceretur, qui illi jus diceret/^* This course he likewise
followed in other places, erecting the Marches of Sleswick
against the Danes, as he had done that of Brandenbui^h against
(the) Heneti, as he did those of Misnia and Lusatia against the
Polander and Sylesian; And as many others were afterwards
constituted by his successors upon the same occasion; these
Foeudatories being as so many bulworks upon the borders of
Germany against the barbarous Nac'ons that encompast it.*

^ Krantzins, Wandalia, lib. iii, ca. xv.

* This appears to be a popular error. Henry Duke of SaxoDy,
here alluded to, was the first King of Germany ; but it was his son
Otho (the Great) who became the fii*8t Emperar of Germany, and of
the so called " Holy Roman Empire."

' Vide Cal. lex jur., de verbis feudalibns, verbo Marchia.

^ The following passages may be added in allusion to the redac-
tion of Schleswig on the one side, and the first use of the term on
the creation of the Mark of Brandenburg by Henry I, Kin^ of Ger-
many, on the other : ** Transferens imperii sui limitem ad Danos in
Sleswig, (quam fecit Saxonnm coloniam), et usque ad Wandaloa in
Brandenborg, ambobus in locis constitueus Marchiofiem, qui rebus
prssesset"; (Krantzius, Metropolis, p. 76), Again, as to the origin
or institution of the Mark (or Margravate) of Brandenburgh, the
same writer says : *^ Urbem Sleswicum coloniam fecit Saxonum,
constitute ibi marchicne, Deinde quum Wandaloa qnoq. ad jnga

cogeret, oppugnata urbe illorum prsBcipna Brandenburgo", etc

"Expugnatae nrbi preasidem imposuit cum colonia Saxonum, cui
simile indidit honoris vocabulum, ut marchio diceretur, quod itidem
in Wandalia signavimns. Inoleuerat turn primnm Marohionum
nomen ante inaudilum, et (nt arbitror) ex Saxonica lingua doctnm ;

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 139

Hence it comes that so many countries of the Empire retain
the name of Marcks to this day, as besides these already men-
cloned, Baden, St}nria» and Moravia in Germany ; and in Italy,
Ancona, Mantua, Ferara, Tarvissina (sic), and others. This he
conceives, and I think truly, to be the originall of the title of
Marquesse, a dignitie now common in most of the kingdomes of
Europe, for though before this time the word " Marchiones" doth
frequently occur, being menc'oned in the constituc'ons of Charles
the Great ; and Aimoinus^ (speaking of his expedition into Gas-
coigne) saith expressly, that he [Charlemagne] left there Mar-
chiones or Marquesses [Relictis Marchionibus] " qui fines Eegni
tuentes, omnes, si forte ingruerent, hostium arcerent incursus ;"
yet I conceive these dignities were rather ofl&ciary and personal,
like the Duces Limitanei amongst the Bomans, then [thaTf
FeudaU or hereditary, whose beginnings were not elder [older
than the reigne of this Emperor ; But after this time the title o
Marchio grew common, not only in the Empire, but allsoe in
France and other places, for so Frodoardus* stiles the Counts of
Bm^ndie, about the year 921 ; and Baldwin, Earle of Flanders,
so styled himselfe not long after,' as may be seen in the Belgick
Chronicles; And so likewise is Bichard Duke of Normandy
called, in the letters of Credence from Pope John 15th to Leo,
Arch B'p of Tryers, touching the concluding of a peace between
the said Bichard and Etheldred, King of England, who began
his reign in the year 978, " relatum est a compluribus de inimi-
citia Etheldri Saxonum occidentaliim Begis nee non et Bichardi
Marchionis ;" but the use of this word came not into England
tiU after the times of Wm the Conqu'r,* nor doth it occur any

nam Yeltmarck vocat qnodqne villag^'nm sunm agrnm, quod alibi
latins dedaximns"; (Saxonia, lib. iii, p. 70.) Also to the same effect :
*^ Marchiones quasi daces limitaneos constituit, ad Danos in Sleswig,
ad Wandalos in Brandeubnrg, qui hodie permanet principatus";
(Metropolis, p. 65.) And again : " Henricns Bex victor, apad Sles-
vicum (qnee etiam Heidebu dicebatnr), regni soi terminos ponens,
marchionem ibi constituit, hoc est, ducem limitanenm, et Saxonum
coloniam habitari prsBcepit.*' (Metropolis, lib. iii, p. 62.) Helmoldus
refers to the same particular (Chron. Sclavorum, lib. i, cap. 2) ; also
Selden (Tit. of Hon., Pars 2, p. 421).

^ De Gest. Frana, lib. v, cap. 2. Aimoinns (or Aymoinns) was a
Florentine monk. Muratori (Annali d'ltalia) gives many other in-
stances in the time of Charlemagne. See poeiea,

' Flodoardus, or Frodoardns, a French historian ; Canon of the
Gborch of Bheims.

' Baldwvnus Comes FlandrisB marchio^ (Marchantins, etc., CArontc.
Belg., pp. i82, 199.)

* WiUiam Dnke of Normandy (The Conqueror), was frequently

10*

140 THE MARCHES OP WALES.

where, as I can find, amongst the Saxon writers, which may
allsoe be gathered from the alltering the tenninac'on of Marck
and Marcken into March, which is according to the French pro-
nunciac'on here.

After the Nonnans were once settled, they beganne presently
to thinke of extending their dominions upon the remainder of
the Brittons in Wales. Thus, in a short time the Earles of Ches-
ter seized upon the County of Flint, and the parts adjacent.
The Laceys, Clares, Mortimers, and others, seized upon severall
parts of Monmouthshire ; Fitz Hamon, with his twelve Knights,
upon Glamorganshire; Bemardus de Novo Mercato upon Breck-
nock ; and others upon other places, depriving the Welsh in a
manner of all South Wales, and reduceing them into a narrow
comer even of North Wales itself.^ Every [part] of these Terri-
tories thus acquired by the sword was called a March, and the
owner of them Lord Marcher, and the whole territorie thus
divided amongst the Norman Barons came to be called the
Marches^ or the Marches of Wales, because it bordered upon that
country ; which name it first obtained, as I conceive, about the
latter end of the reign of Henry 2d, or the beginning of King
John, for in Doomesday, which was made about the 20th of W^m
Conq'r, there is no menc'on made of the Marches, and all the
Land which was without the confines of the English counties is
said to be in Wallia ; neither doth Giraldus Cambrensis, who
lived under the reign of Henry 2d, and in his Tntinerary (sic) often
speakes of the Castles and Houses of the Norman Barons, any
where call them by the name of Marches ; neither doth any
writer before Radulphus de Diceto, as I can find, who flourished
in the time of King John, or about the year 1210, call this tract
of ground by the name of the Marches, but speaking of Cadwal-
la's* invasion of the English saith, " fines inter Ajiglos et Britto-

styled Marchioj with reference to Normandy. Ordericus Vitalis calls
him " Gaillelmns Normannornm comes sen Marchw'\ and "Inclytus
Normannise Marchio Willelmus, contra Belvacenses, qui fines sues
depopulari conabantur", etc. (Hist Eccles., Pars H, lib. iii, 16.)
Again, " Guillelmus Normannornm Marchio ad transfretandnm in
Angliam se parat*'; and '^ Nihilominns Normannornm Marchio para-
bat suam profectionem", etc. (lb., xvii.)

^ See this more fully postea.

^ Cadvallanus in Sudwallia principatnm aliqnem habens, fines
inter Anglos et BritoneR limitatos antiqaitns ssspe transgressos est,
efc Marchinm violenter incnrsans, Ac. (Diceto, Imagines Historia-
rum, p. 607.) Oadwallanus was, according to Diceto, a Prince of
Sonth Wales. We assume him to be the brother of Owen Gwyn-
neth, called both Cadwalader and Cadwallus by some historians.

f

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 141

nes limitatos antiquitus sepe transgressus est, et Marchiam vio-
lenter incursans/* &c. (p. 607) ; and afterwards (p. 703) " in
Marehia principales defensivae locorum prope munitionem illam
quae vocatur Castellum Matildis ad pugnam accincti concurre-
runt hostiliter/' This Castrum Matildis Cambden (Camden)
thinks to have been the same which was afterwards called Castle
Collwtn} and stands in the county of Badnor, between New
Badnor and Bealt, in the middle of the Marches, In the same
sense it is alsoe used in Matthew Paris, where he saith that
David, Prince of Wales, and his nobles, " bellum moverunt, et
ipsum (Henricum tertium) non mediocriter in Marehia damnifi-
caverunt;" and in the condic^ons of peace between the said
David and K. Hen. 3d, there is menc'on made of the Barones de
Marehia (p. 626), and in him allsoe (p. 1001), the Lords
Marchers are called Marchianes f after which time wee shall find

He was assassinated in 1179, whilst nnder the safe conduct of
Henry 11. In the Chronicle of Benedict of Pet-erborongh occars, in
1177, Catwalanus, one of the Welsh princes who did homage to
Henry II in that year.

* Camden {Britannia^ ii, 466) has the following : " On the east
side \of Radnorshire^ among other castles of the Lords Marchers,
now 1 1607] almost baried in their own rains, the most remarkable
are (jastel Paine and Castel Colwen, which, if I mistake not, was
formerly called Castel Maud in Colewent. This last was very
famons, and belonged to Robert de Todeney, a man of considerable
rank in the reign of Edward II. It is supposed to have taken its
name from Maud de St. Yalery, a woman of great spirit, wife of
William Breose, who rebelled against King John." It was after-
wards known as Castell Collen, or the great camp of Com-Radnor,
lying in the parish of Llanfihangel Helygen, in the vicinity of Llan-
drindod. According to Nicholson, it was in 1840 "a square enclo-
sure surrounded by a wall of rough, hewn stone, and defended on
the west side by a double ditch."

^ " Eo tempore Legatus, et Comes Glovemiaa, et alii duodecim
electi erant ad pacem componendam, qui maxime elaborabant, ut
exheeredati, facta redemptione pro transgression ibus, terras suas et
possessiones recuperarent. Rogerus de Mortuo Mari cum casteris
Jliarchionibus, qui terras illorum dono Regis acceperant,'' etc., etc.
Matthew Paris again, in alluding to the '* Wallensium Rebellio",
calls them also Marchisii (Hist., 638, 13) : [1244] " Sub illius anni
quoque tempore vernali, Wallenses nescientes et nolentes coUa sua
legibuB ignotis Regni Anglomm submittere, duces sibi constituentes,
David Leolini filium, et quosdam alios potentes de Wallia, contra
Regem et ejus Marchisios bellum moverunt cruentissimum, charta-
rum juramentorumque suorum obliti." B'urther on we learn who
these Lords Marchers were at that time, opposed to David and the
Welsh, — " Comes de Clare, Comes de Herefort, Thomas de Mnno-

142 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

ihe word used in the same sence very frequently, not only in
our Historians, but also in our Statute Laws. So in the " pre-
rogativa regis" (17 Edw. II) there are excepted in the Article
of Wardships, " Feoda Comitum et Baronum Marchie de terns
in Marchia, ubi brevia Domini Begis non currunt ;" which is a
strong ai^ument that this tract of ground was then understood
by the name of Marches, because the King's writ was not cur-
rent there, which cannot be presumed of any County of Eng-
land.

In the 28 of Edw. Ill (chap. 2d), there is an act made that all
the Lords of the Marches of Wales should be perpetually annext
to the Crown of England, as they and their ancestors have been
at all times before this, and not to the Principalitie of Wales, in
whose hands soever the same Principality may be, or hereafter
shall come, where I think it cannot be denyed but [by] these
MarcJies must be meant [lands] which by the graunt of the
Principality of Wales were either claimed, or at least supposed
to be aliened from the Crown of England.

But this is more expressly deducible from the Stat. 2 Hen. 4th
(chap. 12), at which time there were many severe Laws made
against the Welsh, who at that time, under the conduct of (}wen
Olendower, did very much infest the Borders. At that time it
was ordained that no Welshman should purchase lands or tene-
ments within the town of Chester, Salop, Bridgenorth, Ludlow,
Lempster, Hereford, Gloucester, Worcester, nor other marchant
townes joyning to the Marches of Wales, which is an evident
proofe that these Townes were thought no part of the Marches
of Wales, since they are there said to be only joining to them.

The like allso may be inferred from the Stat. 23 Hen. 6th
(Cap. 5), where persons dwelliug in Wales, and in the Marches
of Wales, being indited and outlawed for Treasons and Felonies,
are prohibited to come into the County of Hereford, where the
County of Hereford is manifestly distinguisht j&x)m the Marches
of Wales,

In the Stat. 32 Hen. 8 (Cap. 13), there is mention made of the
Sealme of England and Wsdes, and the Marches of the same ;
which Marches being neither belonging to the Kingdome of
England and [or] Principalitie of Wales, must necessarily be
placed here, or no where. [Vide 32 Hen. 8th, c. 4, of TryaUs of

mnhe (Mnnemnto), Begems de Mnhant (Mnhaud), et alii Mar^
ehisii potentes & prsBclari.'' 'Again, in the ^* Prodi tic facta con-
tra Wfkllenses" (in 1258), the same chronicler says, '^ Cam antem
hsBC andissent Angli, videlicet, contermini, qnos Marchtsios appela-
mus, irruemnt sabitb in Wallenses," etc. ; bnt in this last sense the
term is used to designate the inhabitants of the Marches^ as we
might say " borderers".

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 143

Treasons in the Marches of Wales]. See allsoe more to this
purpose (in) the Stat 2 Hen. 4 (Cap. 16 and 17) ; 31 Hen. 6th
(Cap. 4) ; 13 Eliz. (Cap. 13) ; 26 Hen. 8 (Cap. 4 and Cap. 6) ;
2 Edw. 6th (Cap. 13) de decimis.

In Uke manner are the Marches excepted in all the Secords
of Parliament, as farr as I can informe myselfe, of which I shall
here produce some few examples. In the 20th Edward I (Ryley's
Eecords, p. 74)/ in the great controversie between the Earles of
Gloucester and Hereford, concerning the invasion of Brecknock,
and the spoils there done, there was a Commission awarded to
the Bishop of Ely and others, to examine the truth ** per sacra-
mentum tarn magnatum quam aliorum,'' &c.; who being sum-
moned to appear, refused to take their oaths, and unanimously
answered, " quod nunquam consimile mandatum regium venit in
partibus istis, nisi tantum quod res tangentes Marckiam istam
deducte fuissent, secundum usus et consuetudines partium ista-
rum," and so went away at that time without doing anything to
advise with their fellowes.* And afterwards there being a Jury

* Ryley's Pleadings in Parliament, or Flaciia Parliamentarian 1661.

* The refusal to be sworn, on the part of the several members of
the Bishop of Ely's commission, summoned to inquire into the ex-
cesses committed by the Earls in question, is given in the Abstract
of Pleadings (Placitorum Abhreviatio), temp. Edward I, and is not
without interest. It runs thus: ''Ob qnamplnn'mos exccssus more
hostili cum vexillo displicato per Gilbertnm de Clare, Comitem
Glouc' et Hertr, et homines suos de Morgannon illatos contra
Humfridum de Bohun, Com* Hereff* et Essex, et homines suos de
Brekenoke ; Dominus Rex assignavit episcopum Eliens', et alios
coromissarios ad inquirendum", etc.

" Mandavit eciam D*nus Rex, per literas suas, dilectis et fideli-
bus suis Joh*i Hastinges, Joh'i fil' Reginald, Edraundo de Mortuo
Mari, Rbgero de Mortuo Mari, Theobaldo de Verdon, Joh'i Tregoz,
Will'o de Brcause, Galfrido de Canvill, et Rogero de Pycheworth,
quod intersint apud Brekenoke, et postea ven' apnd Laudon," etc.
Voluit idem D'nus Rex, pro statu et jure suo, per ipsos justiciaries,
quod inde rei Veritas inquiretur, per sacramentum tam magnatum
quam aliomm proborum et legalium homiuum de partibus WallisB et
comitatibns Glouc* et HereP, per quos," etc., cujuscumque condici-
onis fuissent. Ita quod nulli parceretur in hac parte, eo quod res
ista Dominum Regem et Corona m et dignitatem suam tangit," etc.
** Dictum est ex parte D'ni Regis Joh'i de Hastinges, efe omnibus
aliis magnatibus supra nominatis, quod pro statu et jure regni, et
pro conservacione dignitatis Corone et pacis sue, apponant manum
ad libmm, ad faciendum id quod eis ex parte D'ni Regis injungere-
tnr ; qui omnes nnanimiter responderunt, quod inauditum est quod
ipsi vel eorum antecessores hactenus in hujusmodi casu ad prestan-
dum aliqnod sacramentnm coacti fuerunt," etc. '^Et licet prefato
Johanni et aliis magnatibus expositum fuisset, quod nullns in hac

144 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

sworne in the same cause, they amongst other things p'sent, that
the £arle of Hereford and his men of Brecknock had committed
many disorders the more audaciously and presumptuously, be-
cause they hoped, " quod per libertatem suam MarckU possent
evadere a penft et periculo, que merito incurrisse debuissent, si
extra Marchiam alibi in regno talem excessum perpetrsussent \"^
and in the same Eecord there is often menc'oned, " Lex et con-
suetude Marchie," as opposite, or at least different from the
Lawes and Customes of England.

In the 50th Edw. 3d (No. 164), the Commons of Worcester-
shire, Salop, and Stafford, Hereford, Bristol! and Gloucester,
desire remedy for the safe passage of their merchants to Callis
(Calais), and also [that] such as being of the Marches of Wales
and County of Chester, robb in the Counties first recited, and
commit other felonies or trespasses, and being thereof attainted
in such shires, where the felonies are done, may therefore loose
their goods and lands to their Lords ; to which the answer was,
that the old Law there be kept.

In the 2 Eich. 2d (No. 61), divers Townes upon the Marches
of Wales pray that they may not be distrained or impeach't in
Wales, but where they are debtors, suters or trespassers; to
which the Answer is [that] the King 8md the Lords of the Marches
would provide remedy therefore.

parte potest habere marchiam, D'noB Rex qai pro commani utilitate
per prerogativam suam in multis casibus est supra leges et oonsue-
tudines in regno sue usitatas, ac pluries eisdem magnatibus ex parte
ipsius Regis, conjunctim et separatim, libroque eis porrecto, injunc-
turn est quod faciant sacramentnm ; responderunt demnm onines
singillatim, quod nichil inde facerent sine consideracione pariam
suornm. '

In the end, says the record, many things being overlooked owing
to the Royal affinity of the parties concerned, the Earl of Gloucester
paid to the King a fine of 10,000 marks, whilst the Earl of Here-
ford was fined in 1,000 marks. " Demum comes Qlouc' fecit finem
cum D'no Roge pro x millibus marcarum*; et comes Essex pro
mille marcis ; et ob affinitatem et consanguinitatem cum Rege per-
donantur plurima." (Hill, 20 Edw. I, QIouc', rot. 14)

^ "Etetiam quod hec omnia audacius et presnmptnosius per ipsum
Gomitem et homines de Brecknock fiebant, credentes quod per liber-
tatem'*, etc. (Ry ley's Placita, p. 83.) This was a celebrated suit at
the time, between Humphrey de Bohun,Earl of Hereford and Essex,
and Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, in 20 Ed-
ward I (1291). Gilbert de Clare was the eighth Earl of Gloucester.
He married Joan Plantagenet, daughter of Edward I, and died in
1295. Humphrey de Bohun, third Earl of Hereford in descent from
Henry de Bohun, ob. 1297. His son Humphrey married Elizabeth,
seventh daughter of Edward I.

THE MAHOHES OF WALES. 145

In the 3 Eich. 2d (No. 30), among the Petitions of the Com-
mons, it is desired that certain counties boardering (sic) upon the
MartJies of Wales, might have remedy against such Welshmen
as came into their countries, committing sundry robberies, rapes,
felonies and other evills ; to which the Answer is that the King,
by the advice of the Lords Marchers, would provide remedy.
This record is cited by the Lord Cooke [Coke] in his Cap. of the
President and Councell of Wales.

In the 13 Hen. 4 (No. 42), among the Petic'ons of the Com-
mons, certain frontier countries on the Marches of Wales com-
plain against the manifold robberies and other extorc'ons of the
Welshmen, and for redresse pray three Articles to be enacted ;
to which the K[ing] answers that he will be advised. See aUsoe
more of the like nature.

1 shall conclude all this with the words of Mr. Selden, in his
illustrac'ons on Poly Albion^ {sic) [Polyolbion\ speaking of the
rivers which manure the batefull March, as the poet [Drayton]
there temis it ; by the March saith he UDderstand[/r] those limits
between England and Wales, which continuing from North to
South join the Welsh shires to Hereford, Shropshire, and the
English part ; and were divers Baronies divided from any Shire,
untill Henry 8, by Act of Parliament,* annext some to Wales and
others to England?

The like excepc'on is allsoe frequent in the Year Books of our
Law, of which, b^cailBe I have them not at present by me, I
shall enquire more hereafter. See many of these cited in my
Lord Cookes {Coke) Cap. of the Court of the President of Wales
(Cap. 48, p. 242).

[To the above account are these two marginal notes]:

The Court of Marches granted an injunction ag't prosecuting
a suit for debt in London ; upon which the Court of Com: Pleas

^ Selden's Notes on Drayton's FolyoUnon ; the latter work (pub.
1622) being " a chor2>graphicall description of all the Tracts, Rivers,
Mountains, Forests, of this renowned Isle of Ghreat Britain."

2 27 Henry VIII, cap. 26.

' Selden further says: *'Tbe Barons that lived in them were
called Lords-Marchers, and by the name of Marchiones, Le,, Mar-
quesses. For so {Lib. Bub, Scac,) Roger of Mortimer (Matthew of
Westm., lib. ii), James of Audeleg, Roger of Clifford, Roger of Lei-
bnm, Haimo L* Estrange, Hugh of Tnbervil, are called Marchiones
Walliof, or Lords-Marchers of Wales ; and Edw. Ill created Roger
of Mortimer Earl of March, as if you should say, of the limits be-
twixt Wales and England." (Selden, Notes on Drayton.)

146 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

awards a prohibition to the Marches to surcease, & in case they
did not an attachment. (Ajiderson, part i, fol. 279.)

Eschaet. 18 Edward IV. A writ directed [to] Nicho. Knyve-
ton, Eschaet' in comit' Glouc' et Marchiis Wallie eid' com* ad-
jacent^ to take an inquisition of the lands of Isabella late wife
of Geo. Duke of Clarence.

(Rawl. MS., C. 358, S. 15b-20.)

It would seem desirable for the object we have in
view,^ to consider the subject of the Welsh Marches
under two distinct heads : first, the origin of the term
in its application generally as a frontier line of defence;
and secondly, the definement of its particular limits,
site, and extent. The former of these has alone been
considered in the foregoing account, and will receive
further elucidation probably from the additional observ-
ations we propose to offer ; but the latter has yet to be
inquired into, and necessarily so, for there are vague-
ness and ambiguity in the expression "Marches", not
so much in its general import or signification, as to its
extent and limits, which a lapse of rifore than two hun-
dred and fifty years has not tended to lessen, and
which at the present day it will be difficult to remove.
The term originally signified the mark of any countrrfs
borders, and in process of time was used to designate
the whole territory that adjoined that mark. Hence
the difficulty of assigning the true limits or extent of
that territory which constituted the Marches of Wales.
Where, in fact, was their line of demarcation ? Was
the term " Marches'^ as we take it, tantamount to an
aggregation of lordships, baronies, or provinces, sepa-

^ The farther authorities for this paper are, — Annali d^ Italia da
Lodovico Antonio Mnratori, 1762 ; Krantzins,IFan(2aZta; Metropolis;
Chronica Begnorum AquUonarUim ; Doderidge, Frirkcipality of Walez^
1630 ; Selden, TiJtles of Hoj/wr, 1631 ; Notes on Drayton* s Folyolbion;
Hejlyn's Cosmography, 1622 ; Matthew Paris, EisL Angl. ; Orden*
CU6 Vitalis ; Historical MSS. Commission, vols. 4 and 5 (Bagot,
Carew, and Gholmondelej Papers) ; with other references qnoted m
loco.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 147

ratiDg England from Wales ? And if so, had this terri-
tory any precise or definite bounds ?

In the origin such must clearly have existed ; but
the interval since their first establishment is so great,
that all direct clue on these points may be said to be
nearly or entirely lost, leaving us in a state of compa-
rative ignorance as to their actual limits. It will, there-
fore, be the object of this paper, by refuting what they
were not, to endeavour to shew what they in all pro-
bability were.

First, as to the origin of the Marches under notice.
Both Selden* and Doderidge (writing, the one in 1614,
and the other in 1629), expressly state how these lands
or '* Mai-ches" were first acquired. The latter,* in his
Principality of Wales, specifies them as the ^^ March
grounds" y which were*' neitfier any part of Wales, neither
any part of the Shires of England*' (p. 41); and shortly
after he styles the same as '^Baronies Marchers".^ Sel-

^ John Selden, according io Haydn, statesman and jarist, was
bom in 1584, and died 1654. He was sent to the Tower for oppos*
ing in Parliament the illegal demands of Charles I in 1629.

^ Sir John Doderidge, Knt., one of the Judges of the King's
Bench, temp, James I.

' We cannot do better than qnote the entire passage from Dode-
ridge, as to the creation or original acquirement of the Welsh
Marches : '^ As touching the goyemment of the Marches of Wales,
it appeareth bj divers ancient monuments that the Conqueror,
after hee had conquered the English, placed divers of his nobility
upon the confines and borders towards Wales, and erected the Earl-
dom of Chester, being upon the borders of North Wales, to Pala-
tine ; and gave power unto the said persons thus placed upon those
borders to make such conquests upon the Welsh as they by their
strength could accomplish, holding it a very good policy, thereby
not only to encourage them to be more willing to serve him, but
also to provide for them at other men's cost. And hereupon further
ordained that the lands so conquered should be holden of the
Crowne of England in captte; and upon this and such like occasions
divers of the nobility of England having lands upon the said bor^
ders of Wales, made roades [raids] and incursions upon the Welsh,
whereby divers parts of that country neere or towards the eaid &or-
ders were wonne by the sword from the Welshmen, and were
planted partly with English colonies ; and the said lands so con-
quered were holden per Baronia, and were called, therefore, Baronys

148 THE MAfiCHES OF WALES.

den {Notes on Drayton's Polyolhion) says "that by
* Marches' he understands, those limits between England
aud Wales, which continuing from North to South, join
the Welsh Shires to Hereford, Shropshire, and the
English part, and were divers Baronies divided from
any Shire until Henry VIII (27 Henry VIII, cap. s.
6)^ by Act of Parliament annexed some to Wales, and
others to England."

Thus we see, both in the opening pages of this in-
quiry, and the authorities just quoted, that the Marches
originated in the conquest by certain Norman barons
of portions of Wales conterminous with England. The
preliminary question, however, wiU arise, whether such
territory was at first appropriated for the sole purpose

Marchers, In sucb manner did Robert Fitz Hamon acquire nuto
himself, and such others as assisted him, the whole Lordship of
Glamorgan ; likewise Barnard Ne wmarch [Bernardas de l^ovo Mer-
cato] conquered the Lordship of Brecknock ; Hugh Lacj conquered
the lands of Ewyas, called after his name Ewjas Lacj ; and others
did the like in other places of the Borders ; all which were Baronies
Marchers^ and were holden by such the conquerors thereof in capiie
of the Growne of England ; and because they and their posterity
might the better keepe the said lands so acquired, and that they
might not bee withdrawne by suits of Law from the defence of that
which they had thus subdued, the said Lordships, or lands so con-
quered, were ordained Baronies Marchers, and had a kind of Pala-
tine jurisdiction erected in every [ofie"] of them, and power to ad-
minister justice unto their tenants in every {one] of their Territories,
having therein courts with divers priviledges, franchises, and immu-
nities ; so that the writs of ordinary justice, out of the King's
Gourts, were for the most part not currant anxmgst them. Never-
theless, if the whole Barony had come in question, or that the strife
had beene {between'} two Barons-Marchers touching their territories
or confines thereof, for want of a superiour they had recourse unto
the King, their supreame Lord ; and in these and such like cases,
where their own jurisdiction failed, justice was administered unto
them in the Superiour Gourts of the Bealme. (IB Edw. Ill, Fitzha.
Jurisdiction, 23 ; 47 Edw. Ill, 5, 6, 7 ; 6 Hen. V, Fitzha. Jurisdic-
tion, 34 ; 7 H. YI, 35, 36.) And this was the state of the Gt>vem-
ment of the Marches of Wales both before and afber the general
conquest of Wales, made by King Edward the First, as hath been
declared, until the seaven and twentieth Yeare of King Henry the
Eight." (Doderidge, Principality of Wales, pp. 37, 38.)
^ See also 28 Edward III, cap. 2.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 149

of forming a bulwark against the inroads of the Welsh,
in the proper sense of the ancient Teutonic Mark, or
Italian Marca (whence the derivation), or simply from
love of conquest and spirit of aggrandisement. At the
outset there can be no doubt that the Seignories or
Lordships obtained by right of conquest by the Lords
Marchers (as the barons were called who "lived in
them'', to use Selden's words), were the result of a policy
which it was found convenient by the English kings to
adopt for the purpose of subjugating the Welsh ; but
so soon as the conquerors had established themselves,
and were left in undisputed exercise of their own
authority, such Baronies formed a barrier to all future
inroads, and thereby assumed the defensive character
by which, as Marches, they are specially known ; for
however much, up to the time of Henry VIII, each
Lord Marcher governed his acquired territory as to
himself seemed best, quite irrespective of his Sovereign's
authority,^ he was still ever ready to assist the King* in
any conflict against the Welsh. This independent law-
lessness must be considered as a separate feature in the
investigation. It was due to the circumstance that
these barons were allowed from the first to assume and
exercise their own authority, irrespective of Royalty ;
and to this must be traced the fact that the King's
writ " did not run" in those parts ; so also that out-
rages and excesses were committed there with impu-
nity, which could not have happened in England ; as

^ No better proof can be had of this than when Gilbert de Clare,
Earl of Gloacester and Hereford (of whom mention has been made)
was called npon in the 9th Edward I to make answer to a plea,
he refused to appear, alleging that he held his Seignorie bj right
of conqnest, with regal, independent jurisdiction ["quod tenet
terras suas in Glamorgan sicut regale^ de sno et antecessorum con-
qfiestu''']^ and in common with other Lords-Marchers enjoying the
same privileges, was not disposed to acknowledge superior authority
in respect thereof, [" nnde videtur ei, quod de biis sine considera-
cione parium suorum Anglie, et marchesium Wallie, qni eisdem
libertatibus in terns Walens' gaudent, non debet alicui re^ndere"]"
(Mic, 9 Edward I, Glouc', rot 35.)

* Ex gr,. Hen. Ill (Matthew Paris in loco).

150 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

we see in the controversy, already alluded to, between
the Earls of Hereford and Gloucester, in 20 Edward I,
touching the tract of country in dispute between them,
where the perpetrators of these acts well knew, "quod
per libertatem suam Marchie possent evadere k pen&
et periculo, que merito incurrisse debuissent, si extra
Marchiam alibi in regno talem excessum perpetras-
sent." (Ryley's Placita Parliamentarian 1661, p. 83).
Still these matters did not alter their essentially de-
fensive quality as Marches, though such inherent fea-
tures gave them a character peculiarly their own, and
probably not elsewhere traceable, save on the score of
lawlessness, which was equally paramount in the North-
ern Marches, towards Scotland, and other subordinate
Royalties formerly existing.^

There can be no question, therefore, that in process
of time, the name of Marches, as regards Wales, is iden-
tical, as a border-district, with the original Teutonic
application of the term ; equally so, in a defensive point
of view, with the Northern borders, or Marches towards
Scotland, which from first to last were organised purely
for defensive purposes, and partook entirely of the
nature of the original conditions under which such fron-
tier defences were established. The Welsh Marches,
however, retained the name as a district long after
these conditions had passed away.

1 Ex gr.y the Isle of Man.
(To fre eoM^fmed.)

151

NOTES EELATING TO GLAMORGANSHIRE.^

Copied from the lolo AfSS., in the possession of Lady Llanover^
by the Rev. W, Watkins, M,A.

1. The Butlers of Dunraven. — "Tradition says that
the last Arnold Butler had frequently put out false
lights, which being taken for those on the island of
Lundy, drew ships on the Skutsgar or Toscar Rock,
when they were wrecked, and plundered of their car-
goes by Arnold Butler. All his children but the
youngest, an infant, went out in a very fine summer s
day in a small yacht, which had often conveyed the
plunder of the wrecked to Dunraven, to the Skutsgar,
and moored the yacht on the sandy side of the Kock.
A high spring tide carried the vessel away up Channel,
leaving the young Butlers on the Rock, where they
were soon drowned. The parents and all the servants
and guests ran out on the alarm having been given,
leaving the youngest child asleep ; but when they re-
turned, this child was found drowned also in a tub of
milk, which had just been filled for making a cheese.
He, in his endeavours to drink some of the milk, fell
into the tub, wherein he was found dead. Some say
that it was into a tub of sweetwort he fell. In the dis-
traction occasioned by this dreadful event of losing all
their children so suddenly, they (the Butlers) sold the
estate, and went to live in Monmouthshire. This has
ever since been considered by the country as a divine
judgment on the Butlers for their infamous practice of
having occasioned the loss of so many ships, all of which
they always plundered ; and not only that, but mur-
dered the sailors also when they had reached the shore
by swimming from the Rock. It is said that the prac-

^ The words of the original have been faithfally preserved, all
additions to them (left ont of the originals merely for abbreviation)
being printed within sqnare brackets.

152 NOTES RELATING TO GLAMORGANSHIRE.

tice of plundering ships originated with the Butlers,
was, as it were, established by them, and, alas ! con-
tinued by the country people down almost to the pre-
sent day. It is now nearly discontinued, to which the
present more humane family of Dunraven have greatly
contributed. Arnold Butler's children, with others,
were lost on the Skulskwr, near Ogmore, about 17th of
Queen Elizabeth s reign."

2. Magna Charta. — "In many of the manuscript pedi-
grees of the Bassets of Beaupr^ it is said that Sir Phillip,
Lord of St. Hillary, and the first of the family at Beau-
pr6, was the person who first arranged and drew up
the copy of Magna Charta which King John was obliged
by the barons to sign in Runnymead ; that many of
those met at Beaupr6 to assist in this plan and its
arrangement. Sir Phillip Basset was Chancellor to
Kobert Fitzroy, Lord or Prince of Glamorgan, and after-
ward Lord Chief Justice of England ; and as he was so
in or about the time of King John, there may be some
probability in this account. It is at least remarkable
that such a tradition, both oral and written, should be
retained and preserved in the family ; and its being so
would be equally remarkable if it should be proved to
be erroneous. The drawing of Magna Charta was a
thing of great notoriety, of the greatest importance ;
and we may very reasonably infer that this family,
whose ancestor had such a principal hand in this national
concern, should consider it as an honour, and preserve
the memory of it for ages."

3. Various Kinds of Yokes.—'' The oldest Welsh MSS.
on agriculture mention the hir-iau, or long yoke, having
six oxen to it, that draw five plows. The Welsh Laws
also mention the hir-iau. Whether this is capable of
modem improvement must be left to the judgements
of ingenious mechanics. I, fpr my part, think it may
be revived on an improved principle. * Pedair iau y
sydd ; un yw y Fer-iau, i ddau ychen ac un aradr ; ail,
y Fer-iau i dri ychen a dwy aradr : trydydd, y Mei-iau
1 bedwar ychen a thair aradr. Pedwarydd, yr Hir-iau

NOTES RELATING TO GLAMORGANSHIKE. 1 53

i chwech ychain a phum aradr/*' [There are four kinds
of yokes : one for two oxen and one plough, one for
three oxen and two ploughs, the third for four oxen
and three ploughs; and the long yoke for six oxen and
five ploughs.]

4. The Title of Penrliaith. — " Penrhaith, the most
ancient title of sovereignty in Britain ; i.e, chief or fore-
man of the Rhaith, or senatorial assembly. If conten-
tions arose between the Princes of Dinemvr and Aher-
jffraw, the Prince of Mathraval was Penrhaith, the
supreme or sovereign, and had authority to assemble a
Rhaith, — twenty-five from AberffraWj and twenty-five
from Dinevwr, having himself the casting vote ; which,
however, was not arbitrary, but a result of the Rhaith
Gwlad, or Gorsedd ddygynnull, of his own principality.
In a dispute between Aberffraw and Mathraval^ Din-*
evwr was Penrhaith ; if between Mathraval and Din-
efowT^ Aherffraw was Penrhaith. Besides these, the Pen-
cenedl of every tribe or family could, by Gosteg un dydd
a bljvyddyn, assemble the iduaith Giolad, whenever he
had an occasion, in behalf of his kinsman, or one of his
cenedl (tribe). He possessed this power independently
of the sovereign prince of the TaJaith, or realm, and
could even summon him to Rhaith Gwlad, to give an
account of his actions, and to answer for them. If the
Pencenedl was absent, the next in constitutional order
was to act ; and in the case of his absence, the next to
him again in such order ; and so down to the Plainant
or Claimant himself, who could in this ultimatum of
the case assemble a Rhaith Gwlad by Gosteg un dydd
a hhvyddyn. On the principles of this ancient British
constitution there was an ultimate case, wherein every
man could lawfully exercise the powers and authority
of a king."

5. Quakers^ Yard. — " Inscription on a tombstone in
Quakers' Yard, in the parish of Merthyr Tydvil (or
Llanvabon), on the high road to Cardiff : * Here lyeth
the body of Lydia Phell, who departed this Life the
20 of December 1699, ag\.. (The age is obliterated.)

4th tVR., VOL. XII. 11

154 NOTES RELATING TO GLAMORGANSHIRE.

Lydia Phell, it is traditionally said, was a Quaker who
had a freehold property in this neighbourhood. She
gave the ground walled about, as it still remains, to be
to the Society of Friends for a place of worship. It
was continued as such till within the memory of many
still hving, of which I myself am one ; and I have been
twice at a meeting of Divine worship there. It has a
stone bench aU around it. The wall is 6 or 7 feet high,
with a door on the east side. It is still the property
of the Friends, by whom the wall has been repaired
in 1821.

" The traditional account of Lydia Phell is, that she
was a single woman who had bought the estate, and
lived on it ; that it was intended to build a Meeting
House there, but that most of the Sopiety in these parts
emigrated with William Penn to Pennsylvania ; and
that after the death of Lydia Phell, what remained of
them here joined the Society at Tref y Rhyg, where a
Meeting House, said to be the oldest in Wales, had
been built by Mr. Bevan, of whom the present (or late)
Joseph Gurney Bevan , of London, is a descendant.

" Lydia Phell is said to have been very rich, and was
very charitable ; that on every first day of the week
she attended at the Yard to worship, on which occa-
sions she was numerously attended by her poor friends
and neighbours, however bad the weather might be.
There is hereabout an obvious predilection in favour of
the Friends to this very day ; and were it tolerably fre-
quented by ministers, a very decent Society might be
most probably gathered there. Quakers' Yard stands
in a secluded valley, on a gently rising ground, above
the romantic river Taf.

" George Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends,
married a daughter, or, as some say, a sister, of Judge
Phell. Quere, was Lydia Phell a sister or any other
relation of Mr. Fox ? I have enquired a good deal, and
cannot find that there ever was any other person besides
herself, of the surname of Phell, in this part of the
country."

NOTES RELATING TO GLAMORGANSHIRE. 155

6. Aherthaw Harbour. — "About the time of Charles
the First there were two large vessels employed on the
West India trade, the owners being the Spencers of
Marsh House, and Merchant Nichols, one of the Ham
Nichols. Cargoes were brought up by lighters to Booth
Cellars or Warehouses and to Marsh House. At the
Booth Cellars it was at that time a very common thing
to take £100 of a morning for sugar and other West
India produce. The merchants and owners were
ruined, and of course the trade, in the civil wars. The
ruins of the Cellars (as the warehouses were called) are
still to be seen at Booth."

7. Primitive Iron Smelting. — "Anciently the method
of smelting iron [in Glamorgan] was in Bloomeries.
The ore, charcoal, and limestone, were in due propor-
tion heaped together in the form of a tumulus, similar
to what are now called charcoal-pits, or the heaps of

• cord wood as put together for being converted into
charcoal ; and, like these, well covered over with earth
or sods. But for iron there was, it is said, a kind of
funnel of iron set up in the middle, on the top of the
heap thus formed, to give vent to the smoke. Below,
on or near the ground, there were two, three, four, or
more, pair of large bellows fixed or hung to posts, in a
manner similar to that in which blacksmiths hang their
bellows. When the blower had raised the upper part
of the bellows by pressing down the arm or handle, he
stepped up on it, that it might thus be pressed down
and blow with greater force, and more efi*ectually blow.
Such a bellows was termed megin dan draedy i.e., a
bellows under feet. At the base of the heap were
formed two, three, or four holes, into which the noses
of the bellows were inserted, and closely luted about
them with well tempered potter s clay (of the country);
and thus were the fires blown, the smoke finding its
vent at the central funnel The fires were thus in-
tensely kept up until the ore was smelted ; and as often
as the fire appeared through the covering, more earth,
or clay, or sods, was added to cover it as long as po»-

11 »

156 K0TE8 KELAXnilG TO OLAMOBGAKSHIBE.

sible. When the ore was smelted, the heap {Truirteg)
was opened, and the metal conducted into moulds in
sand, to form it into pig-iron. It was then cast into
moulds, also for boiling pots, poinets, or killets, eta
For the purpose of rendering the iron malleable, it was
melted over several times : tradition says nine times.
It was afterwards heated for the hammer and anvil,
and so worked until it became fit [for] general use;
and tradition says that was better iron than any that
has ever been made in a diflferent way. For converting
it into steel, they passed it through the fire in a proper
process many times ; some say nine times. The fires
for such purposes were made, in addition to charcoal,
of horns, hoofs of horses and cattle, bones, and other
animal substances, in due proportion. After it had
passed through the whole process, it was (witness tra-
dition) most excellent steel. Those old iron-makers, or,
if you wiU, iron-masters, had, it seems, a strong predi-
lection for the number nine, or at least tradition has it
for them ; but the following ancient triad indicates
clearly that steel was passed through nine Jires : ' Tri
chaled byd ; y maen cellt, dur naw-gwyniaSy a chalon
mab y crinwas' (the three hardest things in the world,
a flint stone, the steel of nine fireSy and the heart of a
miser).

8. Land Inclosure in the County. — " The county [of
Glamorgan] seems to have been enclosed from pretty
remote times. Dafydd ap Gwilym, anno 1380, says of it^

' Gwlad dan gaead jn gy wair,
Lie nod gwych Ilawn yd a gwair.'

(A county enclosed in good order, a place of great note,
abounding in com and hay.^

" A MS. history in Welsn, of the Lords Marchers of
Glamorgan, says that in the civil wars of Owain Glyn-
dwr all the hedges and enclosures of the county were
burnt and otherwise destroyed ; that the county lay in
that condition, in great part, till the time of Jasper
Duke of Bedford, on whom Henry VII bestowed this

NOTES RELATING TO 6LAM0RGANSHIKE. 157

Lordship Marcher. He bountifully assisted the county
to reinclose the land, built a great many houses, planted
great numbers of orchards, [and] eased the county of
many of its grievances.

" Leland represents the county as inclosed about the
year 1430.

" Bhys Meyrig, of Cottrell in this county, [who] wrote
a history of Glamorgan in the time of Elizabeth, a copy
of which is in the British Museum, says that he remem-
bered old people who had seen that part of the country
between the high Post Bx)ad, as it was called, and
Barry, open and uninclosed. This implies that it was
in his time inclosed, and had been so ever since the first
part of the reign of Henry VII, as Jasper died before
nim. And his saying that he remembered old men that
saw the country uninclosed, must refer to a period so
&r back ; and thus his account corresponds with my
Welsh MS. account.

" The same Welsh MS. says that Sir Gilbert de Clare,
Lord of Glamorgan (he married Jane de Acres, daughter
to Edward I, whence we know the time wherein he
lived), built 2,000 cottages, giving them to the poor of
the country, and planted orchards that they might have
good fruits and wine, as the MS. says ; and in the popu-
lous villages he built the houses now called Church {the
word is very illegible) houses. The upper apartments
are halls, [in which] law courts, baron, [and] parish
courts (vestries) were held; and where markets were
held every Sunday morning on meats, meal, cheese,
butter, etc. ; and therein the assemblies of dance and
song (so the Welsh phrase it) were held as often as the
inhabitants pleased.

" These structures still remain in their original form.
The lower apartments are mostly inhabited by the
parish poor. Above them [is] a large room [with] a
stairs to it from without, which would in most country
towns in the kingdom be at this day esteemed a good
town hall, chiefly used at present for schoolrooms, for
dancing as of old, and sometimes for vestries, the

158 MEDIEVAL PEMBROKESHIRE.

meetings of benefit societies, etc.; now and then as
Methodist preaching places : this and the dance often
succeeding one another."

9. Cows and Horses Yoked. — " It is traditionally said
in some places in the mountains, that of old they habitu-
ated their cattle, cows as well as oxen, to be saddled,
and to carry manure^ etc., where wheel-carriages could
not go. If true, it is to be much lamented that ever
such a practice was discontinued, and it should be re-
vived. The practice of yoking cows as well as oxen to
the plough is not quite forgotten, I have seen it two
or three times. Tradition says that horses were formerly
yoked, and I have had a horse-yoke described to me.
Two horses yoked, and a single norse before them, was
esteemed a sufiicient plough-team."

MEDIAEVAL PEMBROKESHIRE.

In Pembrokeshire, and more particularly in its southern
portion, are found stone roofs which are the distinguish-
ing features of the churches of that district. Their
peculiar character is fully described in the valuable
paper on " The Architectural Antiquities of South Pem-
brokeshire", by Mr. E. A. Freeman, read at the Tenby
Meeting in 1852, and published in the ArchcBologia
Cambrensis of that year, pp. 162-202. Although mili-
tary and domestic buildings are included in the article,
they occupy a small space in comparison with that
which is devoted to the examination of the ecclesiasti-
cal remains.

In describing the tall, narrow towers of the churches,
Mr. Freeman shews that they were, no doubt, con-
structed not merely as belfries, but as secure places for
temporary retreat in cases of sudden attacks. He
notices other peculiar features; but these occur in other
districts. There is, however, one distinguishing feature

MEDIEVAL PBMBEOKESHIRB. 159

which occurs only in Pembrokeshire. This is the stone
roof described by Mr. Freeman as a " perfectly plain,
pointed, barrel-vault without impost, rib, or anything
to break or mask it. It is simply an inclination of
the walls on each side; and when the church is small
and low, it gives almost the appearance of a cavern.**
This description applies also to the roofs of domestic
buildings, numerous instances ^of which remain, al-
though several have been removed within the memory
of the present generation, as, for example, the build-
ing adjoining the churchyard at Tenby, said to have
been the parish poor-house, which was removed in
1866. Examples of these vaulted roofs in domestic re-
mains exist at the partly ruined house at Lydstep, on
the right hand side of the road from Tenby to Manor-
beer, which has been variously described as a hunting-
seat of Bishop Gower, or the palace occupying the site
of Llys Castle, where a king of Dyfed is said to have
held his court. The peasants of the district, within the
last fifteen or sixteen years, called it the " Place of
Arms", and probably it is still known by that name. It
is, however, only the remains of a larger building which
must have been at one time of considerable importance.
There still remain several vaulted rooms ; some of
which, however, are unprovided with chimneys or win-
dows. A view of the exterior will be found in vol. xiii
of the 3rd Series of the Journal (1867), p. 366. On
the opposite side of the road is another early house
with similar vaulted roof, but not so old or interesting
as the " Place of Arms". The same roofs are found in
the buildings adjoining the churchyard of Manorbeer,
and in the oldest part of Scotsborough House, near
Tenby, although in this latter case the upper part of
the vault has been destroyed ; but sufficient is left to •
shew what it was in its original form. Numerous other
examples might be mentioned, but they are not so
common as in churches.

If these are common enough, yet examples of genuine
groined vaulting are very rare. Mr. Freeman says that

* ■ • • •

160 MEDI-fiVAL PEMBROKESHIRE..

it only occurs in one or two of the towjers at Robeston
and Warren ; but in this latter instance only skeleton
springers remain. In the south chapels of Cheriton
and Gumfreston plain cross-ribs are thrown across to
disguise, as Mr. Freeman thinks, " a roof of the ordi-
nary construction". At Haverfordwest is a house, on
the left hand side as one ascends the hill, and near St.
Mary's Church. The dellar of it has an early groined
roof with massive ribs. In the belfry of the church is
another example of the same kind of roof which is also
said to exist in the porch of Nolton Church. At St
David's, in the Cathedral and adjoining buildings, are
also remains of the same character. But our observa-
tions are hmited to the English speaking portion of the
county.

In a few of the castles within this district are remains
of groined vaults, as in Carew Caistle ; where, however,
the ribs have been knocked away at some period. In
Picton and Newport Castles still remain examples, on
the ground-floors, of the round towers; but in the former
case a chamber has been utilised as a beer-cellar, and
has somewhat suffered in consequence.

The cellars of Stackpool Court, the sole remaining
relics of the former Castle, furnish a fine example of the
ribbed barrel-vault, which remind one of the inferior
similar work of the transept of Manorbeer Church,
although the ribs are not set so close together. The
masonry in the latter case is so rude and coarse that
it must have been intended to be plastered as at pre-
sent. But the most perfect example, of a groined roof
is that of the basement of Monkton Hall, known as the
Prior's Hall, or according to the author of the Domestic
Architecture of the Middle Ages, the Great Hall or the
Charity Hall. Mr. Cobb, in his excellent description
of it, which appears in the Archoeologia Cambrensis of
1880 (pp. 248-252), calls it simply the "old Hall'', as
its original use is somewhat uncertain. The charaxster
of this vaulted basement will be best understood by the
accompanying illustration (cut No. 1) from the accurate

162 MfiDIiEVAL PEMBROKESHIRE.

Of its history nothing is known, nor even is the
ownership free from doubt, — a doubt which has pre-
vented a member who was desirous of buying it, from
carrying out his intention. Under these circum-
stances its destruction, either by weather or by man,
seems inevitable. It was called "old John Dunn's
house"; which is all that is known, and which is cer-
tainly very little, as even all memory of the man has
passed away. The other building belongs to St. Mary's
parish. There is a good window which looked to the
south, over the probable line of parapet of the town
wall. It is now blocked ; but if opened, it might give
some evidence as to the date of this building, which
may be of the fifteenth century. It is not, however,
easy to say how far local styles remain in fashion in
any particular district after they have passed away
elsewhere. These remains of ancient Pembroke are cer-
tainly picturesque, and worthy, on that account, of
being given in the pages of the ArchcBologia Cam-
brensis, where their likeness will remain long after the
buildings themselves have vanished.

For most of the above details we are indebted to
J. R. Cobb, Esq., the Local Secretary for Breconshire.

Another remnant of former times is the Blockhouse,
an illustration of which is also here given. (Cut No. 3.)
It is situated in Angle (or as it is sometimes called, but
erroneously, Nangle), which is, in fact, a corruption
of in angulo. Nangle, however, has been in use in early
times, as the Nangles of Ireland derive their name
from this place, their ancestor having joined Strongbow
in his invasion of Ireland. A large portion of the
county Leitrim was granted to De Angle after the Con-
quest. The family were subsequently palatinate barons
of Navan, County Meath. The Lords Nangle of Con-
naught became Irish, and took the names of Mac Hos-
tile, now corrupted into Costello. (See " Irish Families
of Welsh Extraction" in the-4rcA.Cam6.of I852,p. 139.)

The situation of this ruin is one of great beauty,
looking over the entrance of the Haven, towards Dale.

UEDIMVAL P£MBROK£SHntE. 163

There is another called West Blockhouse, as this one
is known as the East, on Dale Point, exactly oppo-
site. The contributor of the account of Dale, given
in Lewis' Topographical Dictionary, says Blockhouses
were built here in the reign of Elizabeth ; a chain,
as it is stated, being drawn across the mouth of the
Haven, from St. Anne's "to Nangle Point on the
opposite coast, to obstruct the passage of the Spanish
Armada". These points are nearly two miles apart, a
fact which shews the value of the tradition. The
Blockhouse at Dale corresponding to the one at Nangle
Point, may have served as a signal-station ; but they
could not by guns prevent the entrance of vessels, un-
less those guns approached those of the present time in
projectile force. But however this may be, the name
indicates for what purpose they were erected. George
Owen, the historian of Pembrokeshire, states that tms
Blockhouse was built in the time of Henry VIIL Lewis
Morris assigns it to the reign of Elizabeth ; but does
not appear to have any authority for his statement,
unless it may be the tradition which speaks of the long
chain to cut off all approach to the Haven; whereas,
on the other hand, Fenton (p. 403) justly argues that
George Owen, who lived about that time, and made a
survey and drew up an exact account of Milford Haven
for the Earl of Pembroke, could hardly have made such
a mistake. The fact that Henry built on the south and
east coasts low castles commanding convenient landing-
places (as; for example, on the coast between Rye and
Winchelsea), may lead us to suppose that he might
have taken similar precautions at the Haven, chang-
ing only the character of the works to suit that of the
ground. The eastern part of Brighton was formerly
protected by a block-house built by Henry, but the re-
moval of which, about a hundred years ago, was made
necessary by the encroachment of the sea. A similar
defensive work was also erected by him to protect the
entrance to Southampton Bay, and still exists, with
some small additions. It is weH known as Calshot

164 MEDIEVAL PEMBROKESHIRE.

Castle, a small work more picturesque than useful as a
stronghold. Hurst Castle, on the same coast, is another
of Henry's buUding.

In describing the building, Fenton remarks that the
parts projecting over the precipice "are held up by the
strength of the cement, which seems harder than the
stone itself Although a native of the county, he does
not seem to have been impressed with the great supe-
riority of Pembrokeshire lime, otherwise he would
hardly have "been inclined to infer that something
had been here begun by the Romans for the security of
the harbour", of the importance of which he suggests
that they were fully aware. In confirmation of this
theory he states that he has noted traces of a Roman
road from St. David's (or Menevia), coastwise, to Dale,
where the opposite Blockhouse stands ; and thinks that
" Carausius, that great naval commander, and a native
of the country, must have justly estimated the value of
such a harbour." But unfortunately for this tempting
story, the masonry has nothing Roman in its composi-
tion. The Roman road, coastwise, that he traced, no
one, it is believed, has been fortunate enough to find ;
for the only known road to Menevia, or Menapia^ is the
well known Via Julia, with its station Ad Vicesimum.
And lastly, the Menapia which was the birthplace of
Carausius was not in Pembrokeshire at all. It was a
district between the Scheldt and the Meuse. Carausius
probably, therefore, knew little about Milford Haven.

We may, then, take George Owen s statement, namely
that it was built in the time of Henry VIII, to be the
correct one ; and if the one on the opposite side of the
water is the same, the two are unique specimens of
sea-coast defences in Wales.

It is only necessary to mention that we are indebted
to Mr. Worthington G. Smith for the faithful and beau-
tifully executed illustrations.

K L. Barnwell.

May 24, 1881.

THE CALDY ISLAND STONE.

In vol. i of the 3rd Series of the ArchtEologia Camhren-
sis, at p. 258, Prof. J. 0. Westwood gives a description
and illustration of this stone. In vol. xi of the 4th
Series, p. 294, Prof Westwood returns to the subject
with a second illustration from my graver. Little re-
mains to be added to these two descriptions and illus-
trations. The stone is 5 feet 10^ inches long, I foot
2f inches wide at its narrowest part, and 4 inches thick.
The first illustration was engraved from a rubbing
only. I made myself familiar with the first cut before
I made the camera-lucida drawing on the spot. Prof
Westwood, in his first description, says the letters are
" rudely formed"; but in this (if he means that they are
thick, and clumsy) he has been misled by the rubbing,
as the actual letters are sharp, and somewhat thin, and

to me elegant. The limbs of the cross, described as
"somewhat furcate",Ioould only see as perfectly straight
and flat. A comparison of my engraving, letter for let-
ter, with that of 1855, taken with Prof Westwood's
reading, cannot fail to be instructive. The differences in

166 THE CALDY ISLAND STONE,

some of the letters, and the difference in the proportion
of the upper limb of the cross, are singular. It seems
strange that the additional Ogham marks of the right
hand edge, the crosses on the edges, and the cross on
the back, were at first overlooked. The cross at the
back has not till now been illustrated; so that the pre-
sent engraving, chiefly founded on a sharp and excellent
rubbing kindly supplied by J. T. Hawksley, Esq., lord
of the manor, and aided by my memory and a rough
sketch I made on the spot, will sufl&ce to complete the
illustration of this remarkable stone. The cross at the
back is similar in size with that of the front. It is,
however, considerably lower down on the stone ; it is
much more inide in execution, and all the limbs are
boldly furcate at the extremities.

The stone is in good preservation, and the inscription
is remarkably clear and sharp. It only remains to be
added that the present engraving, and that of the entire
stone at p. 294 of vol. xi, 4th Series, are both engraved
to an uniform scale, viz., 1 inch to the foot.

W. G. Smith.

flISTOEICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

(Continued from p. 225, Vol, xi,)

1626, April 25. Order for the discharge of Grifi&th, under-
sheriff of Carnarvon, in custody for arresting Henry Grif&th,
servant to the Bishop of Bangor. Annexed : 1. List of persons
to be sent for to answer for contempt in the matter of Griffith's
arrest. Signed by the Lord Keeper Coventry. 2. Petition of
Sir Thomas Williams, Bart., High Sheriff of the County of Caiy
narvon, to Lord Keeper Coventry.

1626, May 4. Warrant to pay Jenkin Lloyd, Esq., £25 for
the press of one hundred men, and their conduct from Mont-
gomery to Chester, for service in Ireland.

1626, May 4. Warrant to pay John Wynne £7 lis, 8d. for
the press of fifty men, and their conduct from Merionethshire to
Chester, for service in Ireland.

1626, May 16. Petition of Anne Toy, praying their Lordships
to hear her siut against the Bishop of Bangor and Sir Bobert
ManselL

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 167

1626, May 16. Petition of John Edwards the elder, of Chirke,
that the order made by this House in his cause against his son
may be discharged.

1626, May 16. Petition of John Edwards the younger, that
the order made by their Lordships on the 9th of July 1625, in
his suit against John Edwards the elder, may be confirmed.

1628, April 29. Petition of James Whitney, one of the clerks
of the Convocation for the diocese of Llandaff. Eichard Colley,
petitioner's servant, has been arrested by the Under-Sheriff of
Hereford. Claims the ancient privilege of the House of Convo-
cation, and prays that the persons offending may be sent for to
answer their contempt.

1628, May 16. Petition of the Lower House of Convocation.
Bichard Colley, servant to James Whitney, a member of their
House, has been arrested, contrary to privilege, by the under-
sheriff of Hereford. Prays that he may be punished for his
offence.

1640, April 14. Certificate of the return of Thomas Glynne,
Esq., as knight of the shire for the county of Carnarvon, and
John Glynne, Esq., for the town of Carnarvon.

1640, April 15. Certificate of the return of Sir Edward Lloyd
to be burgess for the town of Montgomery.

1640, April 15. Certificate that WiUiam Herbert, of Cardiff,
Esq., returned to be burgess for that town, is improperly de-
scribed as mayor. The said town is '* no mayor town^^ and the
indenture has accordingly been amended by the Sheriff.

1640, April 15. Certificate of the return of Francis Lloyd,
lEsq., to be burgess for the town of Carmarthen.

1640, Nov. 10. Copy of warrant for issuing a new writ for
election of a Member for Carnarvonshire.

1640, Nov. 14. List of the sums received at the Exchequer
from the laity of each county of England and Wales, for the
fifth subsidy under the Act 3 Car. I, cap. 7, amounting to
£54,407 18s. 6^^., and the fifth subsidy of the nobility, amount-
ing to £3,910 18s. Od.

1640-1, Jan. 21. Petition of Hugh Morgan that John Vaughan
may be -called upon to answer for refusing to deliver up to peti-
tioner certain lands in Merionethshire in compliance with two
orders of the Court of Bequests.

1640-1, Feb. 1. Petition of Hugh Gw3m Ap Humphrey and
his mother Mary Gwyn for relief against a decree in Chancery,
made by the late Lord Keeper Finch, touching certain lands in
Carnarvonshire.

1640-1, Feb. 9. Petition of John Watkins, B.D. Henry Mor-
gan, clerk, was lately presented to the rectory of St. Pagan's ;

168 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

but a charge of simony was brought against him, and petitioner
obtained presentation from the King. Morgan is dead ; but the
Bishop of Llandaff will not institute petitioner upon the King^s
title. Prays for relief.

1640-l,Feb.27. Petition of the nobility, knights, gentry, minis-
ters, freeholders, and inhabitants of the County Palatine of
Chester [to the High and Honourable Court of Parliament].
Many petitions are circulated in the country in favour of inno-
vations in religion, the opinions contained in which petitions
the present petitioners entirely disclaim. While thanking Par-
liament for what has already been done in redressing grievances
and repressing Popery, they deprecate any change in episcopal
government, which they believe to be far more conducive to reli-
gious liberty than the Presbyterian. They annex a copy of a
petition or libel dispersed abroad, and also a copy of certain posi-
tions preached in the county, which they bdieve to contain
matter dangerous to the peace both of Church and State. (L. J.,
iv, 174.) Annexed :

1. Copy of petition or libel referred to in preceding. Peti-
tioners' grievances are insupportable ; and thanking God for the
opportunity of representing them to Parliament, they complain
of grievances : 1st, ecclesiastical, — ^the usurping prelates and
their lawless^ dependent officers ; and their irregular manner of
worshipping God, which they cruelly impose upon petitioners.
The prelates are the Pope's substitutes, and lord it over God's
heritage, both the pastors and people. Petitioners pray for the
utter abolition of bishops, their impious courts, their dependent
officers, their corrupt canons, book of articles, and " English re-
fined Mass-Book of Common Prayer, with all their Popish, sig-
nificant ceremonies therein contained.'^ 2ndly, civU miseries :
payment of tithes, delay in suits at law, county courts kept on
Monday, and petitioners thereby obliged to travel on Sunday ;
the country very destitute of schoolmasters, excessive fines im-
posed by some landlords. Pray for government according to the
will of God revealed in the Old and New Testaments.

2. Certain positions preached at St. John's Church in Chester
by Mr. Samuel Eaton, a minister lately returned from New
England. Names of parsons and vicars are anti-Christian;
pastors, etc., should be chosen by the people ; things of human
mvenlion (the Book of Common Prayer) are unsavoury and
loathsome unto God ; each congregation should censure its own
members, and not allow this power to the bishops ; episcopal
government should be abolished, and those who helped not in
the work should be cursed, like Meroz; '' the power of the keys"
belongs to the whole congregation.

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 169

These papers are stitched tip in vellum, with 113 pages of
schedules of signatures.

1640-1, March 3. Petition of Griffith Grifiaths [to H. C]
prays for inquiry into the conduct of Eichard Wjmne, who hav-
ing bought the office of under-sheriff of Montgomery, is a great
exactor of fees and oppressor of the county.

1641, May 8. Return of the payments made by the laity of
each county in England and Wales to a subsidy in the seventh
year of James I, amounting in aU to £71,630 98. lid.

1641, May 31. Certificate of the magistrates and ministers of
the city of Chester, that there have been no such disturbances
in any of the churches there as are mentioned in their Lord-
ships* Order of the 22nd of April last Pray for grave consider-
ation of those who have wrongfully informed the House. (L. J.,
iv, 262.)

Annexed : 1. Copy of order mentioned in preceding (L. J., iy,
225), 171 eaienso,

1641, June 19. Petition of Mary Hughes, spinster, for relief
against Thomas Hughes and Boger Middleton touching a mort-
gage of the manor of Esclusham in the county of Denbigh.

1641, August 14. Draft order for the protection of Thomas
Bushell, Undertaker of His Majesty's Mines Royal in the county
of Cardigan, in the working of the same. (L J., iv, 364.)

Annexed : 1. Affidavit of William Bushell, steward to Thomas
Bnshell, respecting the mines and the opposition of Henry Mid-
dleton to the wojrking of the same. 11 Aug.

2. Certificate of Sir Eobert Heath. 11 Aug.

3. Paper respecting the case. BusheU having put in bail, pur-
suant to order, prays that he may be put into quiet possession
of the mines.

1641, Aug. 25. Copy of order for the seizure of the tempo-
ralities of the Bishop of St. David's until he make appearance
in Parliament. (L. J., iv, 376.) In extetiso.

1641, Aug. 30. The Commons' declaration upon the complaint
of Sir John Corbett, Bart., against John Earl of Bridgewater ;
William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury ; Henry Earl t)f Man-
chester, Lord Privy Seal; Francis Lord Cottington, Edward
Lord Newburgh, Sir Henry Vane, and Sir Francis Windebank,
Knights and Secretaries of State. In 1632 the Earl of Bridge-
water, then Lord Lieutenant of Shropshire, appointed Edward
Barton muster-master for the county, and, contrary to law, im-
posed upon the county a large yearly sum, afterwards reduced
to £50. At a sessions before Sir John Corbett and others, this
was presented to the grand jury as a grievance, and some doubt
arising, Sir John said that the Petition of Bight would deter-
4th rcr., vol. XII. 12

\ *

1 70 HISTORICAL MSB. COMMISSION.

mine that question, and desired that it might be read. For this
he was put out of the commission of the peace, attached, and
brought before the Council Board, and was committed to the
Fleet, and there kept prisoner twenty-four weeks and three
days, the plague being then in London. During this imprison-
ment an information was exhibited against him in the Star
Chamber, containing no other matters than the doings aforesaid ;
to which Sir John was compelled to answer, and to enter into
bond for £2,000 to attend from time to time. The cause was
published three years since^ but never brought to a hearing.
The Commons impeach the Earl of Bridgewater and the other
persons above mentioned for their several shares in these illegal
proceedings. (L. J., iv, 383.)

1641, Dec. 30. Petition of divers of the nobility, justices,
gentry, ministers, freeholders, and other inhabitants of the County
Palatine of Chester [to the King, Lords, and Commons]. Peti-
tioners are very apprehensive of the dangerous consequences of
innovation, and much scandalised at the present disorders. The
holy, public service is so fast rooted by a long settled continu-
ance in the Church that it cannot be altered, unless by the ad-
vice and consent of some national synod, without universal dis-
content. Petitioners pray that no innovation of doctrine or
liturgy may be admitted, and that some speedy course may be
taken to suppress schismatics and separatists whose factious
spirit endangers the peace of both Church and State. The peti-
tion is signed by 9,556 persons. (L J., iv, 482.) In extenso.

1641. The names of great recusants that live in and near the
town of Monmouth, where the magazine of the county is, with
the value of their estates, and the distances at which they live
from the town.

1641. Petition of John Owen that Lewis Nanney may be
called upon to answer for his misdemeanors touching certain
leases of the manor of Estimawer in the coxmty of Merioneth.

1641. Petition of Sir William Williams, Bart., prays for a de-
termination of the cause between his brother Thomas Williams
and himself, touching the will of their late father. The matter
was referred to the Bishop of Lincoln, who gave a judgment to
which petitioner, though a loser thereby, is ready to submit;
but his brother declines so to do.

171

In the last Number of the Society's Journal we had the melancholy
duty of recording the deaths of two of our oldest members, both octo-
genarians. We have on the present occasion a still more painful
announcement to make, namely the death of Edwaad Bbebse of Port-
madoCy which occurred on the 10th of March last, in London. He was
bom in Caermarthen, April 13, 1835 ; so that he was removed at the
early age of 45. He was the son of the Rev. John Breese by Margaret,
second daughter of Mr. David Williams of Saeson, Carnarvonshire.
On the resignation of his uncle, the late Mr. David Williams, who for
some years represented the county of Merioneth in Parliament, he was
appointed by the Court of Chancery Receiver of the extensive Madoc
estate. He was also Clerk of the Peace for the county of Merioneth,
and to the Magistrates of the Portmadoc and Penrhyn divisions. In
1862 he purchased the Dolwriog estate, which in the fifteenth cen-
tury formed part of the lands of Rhys Goch Eiyiri. At a later period
he became by purchase the owner of a smaller property, but of greater
interest as containing the great Roman camp of Tomen y Mur, which,
had his life been spared, would probably have been more completely
examined than has as yet been done, for few took more genuine inte-
rest in Welsh antiquities of all classes than he did. He was Local
Secretary for Merioneth when in 1876, on an attempt being made to
preserve from destruction the building in Dolgelley known as Cwrt
Plasyndre, on the ground of its being the parliament-house of Owen
Glyndwr, he came forward and proved that the tradition was a myth,
and that the house could never have been what it was popularly
believed to be. Owen did hold a parliament in that town, but this
building was not then in existence.

Among Mr. Breese's other literary contributions, the Kalendan of
Gwynedd, printed in 1873, is the most important. The amount of
research and labour was enormous ; and as his careful accuracy was
one of his most remarkable characteristics, the work is one of very
great value. After the Carnarvon Meeting in 1877, arrangements
were made for printing the Diary of Peter Boberts of St. Asaphy and a

«anscript was obtained by him for that purpose, Mr. Breese under-
king the editing. Notices of the intended publication were issued,
and several subscribers' names were obtained. The state of Mr. Breese's
health caused some delay. Unfortunately one of his eyes was subse-
quently so injured by a gunshot, that after suffering intense agony for
a considerable time he was compelled to have it removed, and appa-
rently had recovered from the effects. In the early part of last Febru-
ary he went to London, where he caught cold, which seems to have
brought on a serious attack of rheumatic fever, which terminated his
existence, as above stated, on the 10th of March.

1 72 OBITUARY.

In the formation of his library he spared no expense. Among other
literary treasures is a perfect copy of Salesbury's New Testament^
which is in that condition so rare that it may almost be called unique.
There are also more than one copy of the original edition of Powell's
Huiory of Wales, all of them in unusually good condition.

Mr. Breese was, however, not only an able and accomplished scholar
as regards the history and antiquities of his native country, but be
was one of the most genial and hospitable neighbours, and a kind-
hearted and generous friend to all who had the pleasure of his ac-
quaintance ; so that the void his decease has made will not be easily
tilled up, either as regards his large circle of private friends, or the
members of this Association. He leaves a w*idow and six children,
the eldest of whom, aged sixteen, was to have been articled to his
father, who was head of the well known firm of solicitors, Breese,
Casson,and Co., of Portmadoc; but is now, we believe, in their ofiica^

It is remarkable that in this same month the Society lost two other
members of long standing. On the 14th died Thomas Briostock,
Esq., of Welbeck Street, connected with a well known family of tliat
name in South Wales ; and on the 22nd he was followed by the Rev.
Charles William Heaton, a younger son of John Heaton, Esq., of
Pks Heaton in Denbighshire, and rector of Aston Clinton, one of the
most valuable livings in the gift of Jesus College, Oxon., of which he
was for many years a Fellow.

We have also the painful duty of recording the death of another old
member of our Association, Canon Williams of Culmington, formerly
of Rhydycroesau, who has soon followed his friends and fellow anti-
quaries, Mr. Wynne of Peniarth, and Mr. Breese of Portmadoc, to the
tomb. Canon Williams was for over forty years vicar of Llangadwaladr
and rector of Rhydycroesau.

Mr. Williams was the son of the Rev. Robert Williams, perpetual
curate of Llandudno, Carnarvonshire, and was bom in Conway on the
29th of June 1810. He was educated at Christ Church, Oxford,
and took a third class in Classics and his M.A. degree in 1832. The
year following he became curate of Llangemyw, and in 1837 vicar of
Llangadwaladr. In 1838 to this was added the rectory of Rhydy-
croesau, near Oswestry, which he held up to 1879, when he removed
to Culmington. * 4

As a Welsh scholar and antiquary, Canon Williams took the fore-
most rank, and his death will be a severe loss to Celtic literature.
Up to the last his pen was active, and his literary services to the
Principality covered more than half a century. His name to the
general reader will be best known as the author of an admirable " Dic-
tionary of Eminent Welshmen", a goodly octavo volume of nearly
600 pages, which was published in its present form in 1852. This
popular work first saw the light in 1831, as we gather from a minute
in the " Transactions of the Cymmrodorion Society" of that year,

OBITUARY. 1 73

which states that a prize was awarded to *^ Bobert Williams, Esq.," for
a *' Biographical Sketch of the most Eminent Individuals Wales has
produced since the Reformation.'* Tliis was tlie year, we may note
in passing, in which the Society awarded another prize to a *' young
Welshman" (Arthur James Johnes, Esq.) for an essay on the '' Causes
which in Wales have produced Dissent from the Established Church."
The Society had Mr. Williams' " Biographical Sketches" translated
into Welsh, and " printed for general circulation in the Principality",
under the title of ** Enwogion Cymru", and the original MS. was
ordered to be printed in the fourth Number of the Society's " Trans-
actions". In 1836 the author issued the iirst special edition of the
book with ** Addenda", containing notices of Dr. W. 0. Pughe,R. Llwyd,
and others. This was a thin duodecimo of 115 pages, and was pub-
lished by Hughes of 15, St Martin 's-le-Grand, London.

Another of Mr. Williams' earlier works was his " History of Aber-
conwy", which appeared in its original form as an ^* Historical Account
of Conway Castle." In 1865 Mr. Williams gave to the world his
" Lexicon Comu-Britannicuro'*, a dictionary of the ancient Celtic lan-
guage of Cornwall. This was a quarto volume, of which 500 copies
were issued. The work is out of print.

The most recent work of the deceased was the editing and trans-
lating of selections from the famous Hengwrt MSS. preserved at Peni-
arth. In 1876 Mr. Williams issued the first volume of " Y Seint
Greal". In the preface he says : " * The Seint Greal' is the most im-
portant of the prose works now remaiuing in manuscript, and it is
written in such pure and idiomatic Welsh as to have all the value of
an original work, and is well deserving of the study of the writers of
the present day, few of whom can write a page without corrupting
the language by the copious introduction of English idioms literally
translated. Should I succeed in bringing out * The Greal' without
incurring a heavy loss, I shall proceed with the publication of * The
Gests of Charlemagne', * Bown o Hamton', * Lucidar', * Ymborth yr
Enaid', *Purdan Padrig', * Buchedh Mair Wyry', * Evengyl Nicodemus',
etc., all of which have been carefully transcribed by me." "The
Greal", as we have said, appeared in 1876, in a complete volume,
having been first issued in three Parts. Two further Parts, for the
second volume, have since been issued.

Mr. Williams' literary labours were by no means confined to his
published books. He was one of the Editorial Committee of our Asso-
ciation, and at various times contributed to the pages of the Journal.
He also wrote a few papers in the now extinct Cambrian Journal,
To Hye-GoTus he also occasionally wrote, and his contributions were
always valuable. The publishers of the Gempiiig Guide to Wales were
indebted to him for a thorough revision of the work, and the addition
of a Glossary of Welsh words. In 1868 Mr. Williams translated into
English the Book of l^aliesiu, for Mr. Skene's Four A ndent Books of
WaleSy and in 1878 he revised several of the notes to Mr. Askew
Roberts' edition of the History of tlie Gwtjdir Family,

Mr. Williams' literary laboiire speak for themselves, and need no

174 OBITUARY.

panegyric. He was a hard-working student to the last, and although
over seventy years of age was able to read the smallest type without
glasses, and often continued his studies until midnight without fatigue.
As a Welsh scholar he has been rivalled, but not surpassed, and his
library of Welsh books and books connected with Wales is extensive
and valuable. The MontgomeryMre CoLUctiom of the Powysland
Club, published last year, contain a letter from Mr. Williams to Mr.
Morris 0. Jones, the Hon. Secretary of that Society, urging that the
Museum at Welshpool should be made the grand library for the
reception of Welsh printed books ; and calling attention to the fiEwt
that even the most unimportant works may sometimes be useful to
scholars, instancing as an iUustration of this the extracts from old
Welsh almanacks published in Bye-Oxmes by Mr. E. Q. Salisbury of
Glan Aber, Chester. We wish we could express a reasonable hope
that the library of the deceased could be secured to carry out this
suggestion. The remains of the deceased gentleman were interred at
Culmington on Monday the 2nd of May 1881.

A. IL

TO THE BDITOB OF THE ARCHiEOLOaiA GAHBBENSIS.

EARLY DEFENCES OF HEREFORD AND OTHER
TOWNS ON THE WELSH BORDER.

Sib, — A perusal of the interesting paper on the "Castles of England
at the Conquest and under the Conqueror", in the last Number, in-
duces me to make a few remarks on the subject of it. Hereford is
mentioned in it as one of the towns already walled at the time of the
Conquest ; but a question arises whether this was a stone wall. The
word murus would lead to the conclusion that it was. It appears,
however, that Earl Harold, after his victory over the Welsh in 1055,
returned to Hereford, and surrounded the city with a wide ditch and
high earthwork, fortified with gates and bolts or bars {nrit). It is
improbable that a stone wall was added soon afterwards. In Borneo
day Booh there are three or four references to the wall of the city of
Hereford in the time of King Edward, and a distinction is made
between the dwellers within and without the walL The town within
the wall had but a few inhabitants. 'As the city increased, the dwell-
ings without the wall were probably included within it ; but if a wall
existed at the time of the Survey, the city appears to have been only
partially enclosed in the early part of the reign of Henry III. During
the Ring^s stay there, on fi^Q 24th September 1223 (Close Rolls, vol. i,
p. 564), he directed Brian de Lisle to let the citizens of Hereford
have materials for a he!.dge»and stakes (clamturank et polos) of thorns

GORRESPONDEKCE. 175

and maples (arabulis) and underwood in his forest of Trivel and Haye
of Hereford, to enclose the city where it was not enclosed. A pleashed
or tyned hedge of dead wood formed the boundary between the park
and Castle of Huntington in 1413. {Arch. Camh.y 1870, p. 46.)
Shrewsbury and Bridgenorth were, in the early part of the same
King*s reign^ without a sufficient defensive enclosiure. In the 2nd
Heniy III the Sheriff of Salop was commanded to order the men of
Salop to adopt every means of fortifying and enclosing their town,
and so preventing the King's enemies having free ingress into it. Two
years afterwards Shrewsbury and Bridgenorth were authorised to
receive certain tolls for three years to enable them to enclose the
towns for safety and defence. No mention is made of a wall. The
Sheriff of Salop was at the same time ordered to let the burgesses of
each town have out of the King's forest trunks of old trees {zuckia)
and dead wood to make two piles or heaps of wood {rogos) to aid in
their enclosure. A ditch and mound would necessarily form a part
of such a fenced enclosure. {Close RolU, voL i, pp. 374 and 418.)

Ditches, with the excavations thrown up to form a rampart, were
probably in use as defences for many years after the Conquest, where
Btone was not readily procurable. Writs of murage for enclosing and
protecting the town of New Radnor were granted in 42 Henry III
and 11 and 18 Edward I. A large portion of the town wall remains
standing on the west and south ; but it presents the appearance of a
wide ditch with a yery high turf-<x)vered earthwork rising out of the
ditch.

The remarkable earthworks which formed the site of the Castle of
Builth (see vol. v, present Series) were probably thrown up under the
direction of Reginald de Braose, for separate writs were issued to the
Sherifils of the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, and Hereford, direct-
ing them to let Reginald have the aid of men of their respective
counties to fortify the Castle of Builth, and throw up earthworks
there y—fo*9aUts et trencheyas. (Close Rolh^ voL i, p. 408.) The em-
ployment of men from these thiiee counties sufficiently shews the
magnitude of the earthworks undertaken. Judging from the account
of works, the walled structure which formed the Castle of Builth may
have been built from the 5th to 9th Edward I ; but unfortunately
these accounts are mere entries of the monies paid weekly for wages
and materials, and give no account of the nature of the works.

Jl. W. B.

TOMEN T MUR.

Sir, — In September 1880 the Rev. C. H. Drinkwater, of Shrews-
bury, wrote to Bye-Oones to call attention to a stone lying on a wall
at Tomen y Mur, Festiniog, which bore incised marks. . Had Mr. Breese
lived he could have investigated the matter. The ReV. W. Alport
Leighton, in reply to Mr. Drinkwater's qu^ry, conjectures the stone
to have on it an Ogham Inscription, although no mention is m^de of

one at Festiniog ii| Brash's work ; and the only incised stones re-

■ ^^ •• • ■ • \ * •

174) ARCHiEOLOGTCAL NOTES AND QUERIES.

»
corded in tho locality, figtirod by Westn^ood, are Roman sepulchral
inacriptiona. Perhaps some reader of this may have an opportunity,
during the coming Beason, of reporting on this stone. ' ^

Yours, etc., . *A. R.

Croeswyian, Oswestry.

^rcfiaeologtcal jHotes anU (Queries.

Is it true that the bilingual inscription at Llanvaughan, near Llan-
ybyther, which' was visited by the Association during the Meeting at
Lampeter, has recently been demolished ) Some assurance to the
contrary would be very acceptable to all members of the Association.
No doubt some of the Local SecretcM^ies can give the informatioii re-
quired. . X. Y. Z.

At p. 86 of the lolo MSS. we have a ^hort tract entitled ** Prif
Gyfoethau Gwlad Gymry.'' Some of the boundaries there given are
exceedingly curious and interesting. But where is the original 1 At
the bottom of the page lolo gives one to understand that his version
comes from " Llyfr Mr. Cobb, o Gaer Dyf.** Who was the Mr. Cobb
of Cardiff referred to ? and what has become of his book ) Can any-
body give me a clue to its whereabouts f J. Rhys.

^tstellaneous Notices.

Cambrian ARCiLfiOLOOiOAL AssocrATiON.-^The Meeting of the As80>
ciation for the present year will be held at Church Stretton, under
the presidency of 0. C. Babington, Esq., F.R.S^., F.S.A., on Monday,
August 1, and four following days. Particulars as to arrangements
will be given in the July Number.

%n}im«lo%k €nmhnnm.

FOURTH SERIES.— VOL. XII NO. XLVIL

JULY 1881.

THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OP CASTLES
IN THE EEIGN OF HENRY IL

Henry II was a great builder, and especially of military
works. " In muris, in propugnaculis, in munitionibus,

in fossatis, nullus subtilior, nuUus magnificentior,

invenitur.'' This, however, does not so much refer to
new castles, of which he built but few, as to the com-
pletion or addition of new keeps to the old ones, such,
tor example, as Dover.

A few days after his arrival in England he received
the fealty of the magnates of the realm at Winchester
Castle, and was crowned at Westminster, 1 9th Decem-
ber, immediately after which he granted to William
Earl of Arundel the Castle and Honour of Arundel and
the third penny of the county of Sussex. This was
probably for life, for upon the Earl's death in 1 1 76 the
Castle and county reverted to the Crown, and were re-
granted. Notwithstanding this beginning, Henry was
fully determined to carry out the policy agreed upon at
Wallingford in the face of the nation. A few days later
he attended a council at Bermondsey, at which it was
decided to order all foreign mercenaries to quit the
kingdom on pain of death, and to raze aU castles
erected in the reign of Stephen. This decision was felt
on all sides to be absolutely required, and it was, to a
great extent, at once acted upon. Of these "castra

4th 8«B., vol. XII. 13

178 POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF CASTLES

adulterlna" he destroyed, by some accounts, 375 ; by-
others, 1,115. Unfortunately their names and sites
have rarely been preserved, and can only be inferred
where a castle played a part in the wars of Stephen
and Matilda, and is not afterwards mentioned. These
castles were, no doubt, built usually by men of limited
means, and in haste ; but even a small and badly built
castle of masonry would require some labour and out-
lay of money for its destruction. Possibly many of
these buildings were of timber, upon the existing
mounds. Also there are found slight earthworks of no
great height or area, the plan of which seems that of a
Norman castle, and which not improbably belong to
this period. At Eaton-Socon in Bedfordshire, and Lil-
bourne in Northamptonshire are such earthworks. Far-
ringdon and Mount Sorrel Castles, and those of Stan-
sted and Hinkley, Coventry, Cricklade, and Winchcombe,
are thought to have been dismantled at this time.
Drax Castle, in Yorkshire, stood out, and was destroyed,
as, though far less completely, were Bungay and Tut-
bury, Thirsk, Malzeard, and Groby. Under the pressure
of tne times even ecclesiastical buildings had been occu-
pied as castles. Ramsey and Coventry Abbeys were so
used by Geoffrey Glanville and Robert Marmion, and
the fine church of Bridlington by D'AumMe.

Henry strove to carry out tne new policy without
respect for rank or party ; but when he threatened the
strongholds of the great nobles his difficulties began.
Hugh Mortimer and Roger son of Milo Earl of Here-
ford and High Constable, old supporters of Matilda,
refused to surrender Wigraore, Cleobury, Bridgenorth,
Hereford, and Gloucester. Henry at once took action.
Leaving Wallingford Castle in the spring of 1155, he
laid siege to Bridgenorth, whence one of his letters is
dated, **apud Brugiam in obsidione". He also took by
siege Cleobury and Wigmore. This success caused the
Earl of Hereford to surrender Hereford and Gloucester,
where Henry had received much of his education ; and
on his protestation of submission, the Earl was allowed

IN THE REIOK OP fiBNRY 11. 179

to retain Hereford. Henry Bishop of Winchester,
Stephen's brother, was forced to flee the country, and
his castles were ordered to be destroyed; and that this
order was executed, appears from the charge for the
work entered in the ripe Roll for 1155-6. In like
manner D'Aum^le, a baron of the house of Charapagne,
whose power lay in Holderness, and who had com-
manded at Northallerton, was forced in January 1155,
after a short resistance, to give up Scarborough, the
strongest castle in Holderness, and Skipsea, not far its
inferior. Henry also visited Northampton, Notting-
ham, Lincoln, and York, and some of the western castles
and counties. At Windsor the " fermor'* of the castle
expended £4:15:5 in his reception, " in corredio regis".
According to Mr. Eyton, 140 castles were destroyed in
the course of 1155. William of Ypres, a turbulent
leader of Flemish mercenaries, who had been created
Earl of Kent by Stephen in 1141, was banished. He
was one of the " pseudo Comites".

A part of the new policy, though not at once en-
forced, was the introduction, to a certain extent, of a
money commutation for personal military service. The
new payment, under the name of " scutage", became an
impoitant branch of the revenue of the Crown. A rule
was also established, which, if not always acted upon,
was well understood, that no man should build a castle,
or convert hm dwelling into a " domus defensabilis'',
without a license from the King.

In 1156 Henry went by way of Dover to the Conti-
nent, where he took Mirabeau and Chinon, one of his
charters being dated " Mirabel in obsidione", and an-
other, " apud Chinon in exercitu"; nor did he return to
England till 1157, when he was at Southampton Castle,
and went thence to Ongar, Richard de Lacy's Essex
castle, and received from William Count of Mortaine,
King Stephen's son, Pevensey and the Warren castles,
which had fallen to him with the name and estates of
that family. Hugh Bigod also gave up Norwich, and
made a general submission. Henry then visited Coi-
ls'

180 POLITICAL INFLUEBTCE OP CASTLES

Chester and other Essex castles, and thence proceeded
to Northampton. Malcolm of Scotland was fain to fol-
low the example of his English friends, and gave up
Carlisle, Bamborough, and Newcastle, together with
the three northern counties. His personal submission
was made to Henry at Peveril's Castle in the Peak, on
which occasion the sheriffs expenses on his behalf were
considerable. Malcolm was aflowed to retain his grand-
mother's Honour and Castle of Huntingdon.

The destruction of smaller and later castles restored
to their former prominence those of greater strength
and older date, which being for the most part neces-
sary for the defence of the kingdom, were preserved and
strengthened, and entrusted to castellans of approved
fidelity. Becket, before his promotion, thus received
the Castles of the Tower and of Berkhampstead, and
the Castle and Honour of Eye.

One of Henry's chief difficulties arose out of the posi-
tion of the marcher-lords, such as the De Clares and
the Mareschals, whose almost regal powers, granted
originally to enable them to hold the frontier against
the Welsh, were more frequently used, in conjunction
with the Welsh, to coerce the sovereign.

In 1157 Henry invaded North Wales, and while
traversing Counsyth, a Flintshire pass, was for a moment
in great personal peril. It was on this occasion that
Henry de Essex threw down the standard and fled, and
thus forfeited his castle of Raleigh. On his way back
Henry repaired the castles of Basingwerk and Khuddlan,
and probably directed the construction of Bere Castle,
west of Cader Idris.

In 1158 Henry visited various parts of England. At
Carlisle, in January, he knighted Earl Warren, but
refused that honour to Malcolm King of Scotland.
While there he fortified Wark Castle, the sheriff's charge
for which was £21 : 8 : 11. At Nottingham he gave to
Richard de Haia the custody " castelli mei de Lincoln",
shewing that he claimed it for the Crown. In August
he embarked at Portsmouth or Southampton for Nor-

IN THE REIGN OP HENRY II. 181

mandy, and while abroad took the castles of Thouars,
Amboise, Fr^tevel, Moulins, and Bon-Moulins. In 1159
he was occupied three months at the siege of Thoulouse,
which he failed to take. Other castles in Normandy-
he took and repaired ; others, again, he destroyed ; and
he built a few altogether new.

In January 1163 Becket came to England with the
King, and gave great offence to the baronage by claim-
ing Tonbridge Castle for his see. Towards the close of
the year Henry deprived him of the charge of the
castles of Eye and Berkhampstead, and in December
admitted him to a personal interview at Oxford Castle.
In this year Henry was again at Peak Castle, and in
March 1164 at Porchester. Soon afterwards the strong
castle of Tickhill fell to the Crown by escheat ; and
Henry spent Christmas at Marlborough, a royal castle.

In 1165, after a short visit to Normandy, during
which the Queen visited Sherborne Castle, Henry was
at Rhuddlan, and caused Basingwerk and the Flintshire
castles to be again put in order. This was fortunate,
for the campaign was unsuccessful. Expenses on that
occasion were allowed at Oswestry (then called Blanc-
mont), Shrawardine, and Chirk Castles. This was an
assertion of ownership on the part of the Crown,
although Oswestry was part of tne private estate of
William Fitz-Alan, then a minor. Henry retired to
Shrewsbury, and soldiers were brought up from Wor-
cester and Abergavenny, some of whom were quartered
in the Corbet Castle at Caus. Grosmont, Llantilio or
White Castle, and Scenfrith, also contributed soldiers.
From Shrewsbury, Henry, reinforced, advanced into
Powis-land, and encamped on the Berwyn Mountain,
where he was near being cut off by the Welsh, and had
to take refuge at Shotwick Castle, a small fortress on
the root of the peninsula of Wirrall, whence he retired
to Chester, and returned to London.

In 1166 was compiled the return of military fiefs
and tenants in chief, known as the Liber Niger, and
which professes to represent the feudal military force

183 POLITICAL INF L UENCE OF CASTLES

of the kingdom, though so far only aa the division of
the land into military fees was then completed. The
Liher Ruber states the fees, in the reign of Richai-d I,
to have been 32,000. Orderic gives them at nearly
double this, or 60,000. But there are no data for esti-
mating, with any approach to correctness, the force that
the King could bring into the field. Under Henry I
and Stephen mercenaries were largely employed, drawn
mainly from Flanders. The Liher Niger has received
very valuable attention at the hands of Mr. Eyton and
Professor Stubbs.

Early in Lent in this year Henry embarked at South*
ampton for Normandy, where he reduced the castles of
Alen^on and La Roche Mahile, and received a visit
from the King of Scotland. Late in the year Geojffrey
de Mandeville and Richard de Lacy engaged in an un-
successful expedition into North Wales, and again
strengthened Basingwerk Castle, during which they
were attacked by the Welsh. Henry remained absent
in Normandy, Gascony, and Brittany, about four years,
landing at Portsmouth in March 1170; but he returned
to Normandy in Jime. In October he wrote to Prince
Henry directing him to restore the Honour of Salt wood
to the Archbishopw 29 December, Becket was mur-
dered, the assassins having rested at Saltwood the pre-
ceding night. After the murder they went to Knares-
borough Castle, then held by Hugh de MorviUe as Cas-
tellan.

In August 1171 Henry landed at Portsmouth, and
early in September was in South Wales, where he took
Caerleon from lorwerth ap Owen, and went on to Pem-*
broke Castle to meet Prince Rhys, to whom he made
over a large part of Cardigan. From Pembroke, of
rather from Milford, he went, in October, to Ireland,
whence he returned, by St. David's and by Cardiff, to-
England in April 1172, and thence embarked from^
Portsmouth for the Continent in May.

In April 1173, the confederacy between the King of
France and Prince Henry, who carried with him the

IN THE REIGN OF HENRY II. 183

discontented party among the English barons, broke
out into open war in both countries. Henry the elder
remained at Rouen, and with the doubtful exception of
a short visit to England was content to leave the con-
duct of the war there to the faithful and able Richard
de Lacy.

The English rebellion was of a very grave character.
Among the rebels were the Earls of Chester and Leices-
ter, Ferrars Earl of Derby, Mowbray, and Paganel.
Ferrars held Groby, Tutbury, Burton, and some other
castles ; Mowbray held Kinnard s Ferry Castle in Ax-
holm, Thirsk, and Malzeard, which seem again to have
been repaired or rebuilt; David of Scotland, Earl of
Huntingdon, held that castle ; as did Bishop Puiset
Norham and Durham. These northern castles were
strong, and supported by the Scottish levies ; but the
great body of the baronage was with the King, and
even in the north his party preponderated. It included
TJmfraville of Prudhoe, De Vesci of Alnwick, Ros of
Hamlake, Bruce of Whorlton and Skelton ; and in the
south, almost all the great barons. Lacy laid siege to
and burned Leicester town ; but the Castle seems to
have held out. He also, accompanied by Bohun, marched
into the north, and wasted the border country and the
Lothians. The royal castles generally were ordered to
be victualled and garrisoned

In September, Robert Earl of Leicester landed at
Walton in Suffolk, with a body of Flemish mercenaries.
Suffolk was, no doubt, selectea for the landing as being
opposite to the Flemish ports, and under the local in-
fluence of the house of Bigod, who held the castles of
Framlingham and Bungay, and were hereditary Con-
stables of Norwich, an office often forfeited, but which
gave them great influence in the city. Leicester
and his Flemings were at once received at Framling-
ham, and thence besieged Haganet Castle, governed
for the King by Ranulph de Broc. This they took ;
but failed before the walls of Dunwich, and thence
marched towards Leicester. Meantime Lacy and Hum-

184 POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF CASTLES

phrey de Bohun had hurried back from the Scottish
border, were reinforced near Bury by the Eark of Arun-
del, Cornwall, and Gloucester, and in October came up
with the Flemish army at Fornham St. G6n6vi^ve. The
invaders were routed, and Leicester and his Countess
taken and sent prisoners to Normandy. Lacy's work
was, however, but half completed. Mowbray still held
Axholm, and Earl David, or, probably for him, Anketil
Mallori, held Leicester Castle. The King of Scots laid
siege to Carlisle, while his brother took the castles of
Knaresborough, Brough, and Appleby. In May 1174
Leicester Castle was still untaken, and the Scots had
reduced Warkworth and laid siege to Prudhoe and
Alnwick. Lacy was engaged in the siege of Hunting-
don, aided by St. Liz, who claimed it. But a second
body of Flemings had landed, had attacked Norwich,
and much injured Nottingham and Northampton. The
Bishop of Lincoln had, however, taken Axholm.

In the midst of this critical state of aflEairs Henry
landed at Southampton, in July 1 1 74, with his prisoners,
whom he sent to Devizes. His arrival coincided with
a sudden and material improvement in the state of his
affairs. While Henry was engaged in an act of penance
at Becket's tomb, William Eling of Scots was taken before
Alnwick. After a short illness in London, Henry went
to Huntingdon in time to receive the surrender of the
Castle, ana thence to Framlingham, which, with Bungay,
was surrendered to him by Hugh Bigod. Prince Rhys,
tiien in alliance with Henry, besieged and took Tut-
bury, and the Mowbray castle of Malzeard was also
taken. At Northampton, in July, Henry received the
submission of the Bishop of Durham, with the castles
of Durham, Norham, and Northallerton, Thirsk Castle
was given up by Roger de Mowbray ; Tutbury and
Driffield by Earl Ferrars, with Leicester, Mount Sorrell,
and Groby.

Henry's success was complete; but the rebellion
shewed how dangerous were the great castles to public
order, and how necessary it was to dismantle a large

IN THE REIGN OF HENEY II. 185

number of them, and to keep the rest, as far as possible,
in the hands of the Crown. This policy he continued
to act upon to the end of his reign, treating all con-
quered rebels with great clemency as regarded their
Eersons and their estates, but retaining their castles in
is own hands. Even Bichard de Lacy, to whom the
hundred of Ongar was granted in 11 74, was not allowed
to retain the castle.

In May 1175 Henry was in England, and in June
received the surrender of Bristol Castle from WilUam
Earl of Gloucester. In January 1176 was held the
council at Northampton at which the kingdom was
divided into six circuits, with three justiciaries for each
circuit. Among the edicts which they were to enforce
were those relating to castles. A strict inquisition was
to be made into flie tenure by castle-guard, and how
far its duties were discharged.

It does not appear to what extent the new regula-
tions were carriea out ; but the general eflfect of the
new system was to check marauders, and to render in-
surrections more difficult aiid less frequent. North-
allerton, more than once dismantled, was at last (1177)
entirely destroyed; and the Bishop of Durham, its
owner, had to pay a fine of a thousand marcs for his
share in the last rebellion. Such castles as Durham,
Norham, and Scarborough, which it was expedient to
preserve, were attached to the Crown, and placed in
the hands of faithful castellans. Bamborougn was en-
trusted to William de Stuteville, and Norham to Wil-
liam de Neville, Scarborough to the Archbishop of
York, Berwick to Geoflfrey de Neville, and Durham to
Roger de Corners. The assize of arms, by which, in
1180, it became the duty of each freeholder to provide
himself with arms and armour according to his means
and condition, rendered the commonalty more capable
of resisting tyranny, and on the whole tended to
strengthen the hands of any not very unpopular sove-
reign against the barons.

The general result of Henry^s domestic policy was

1 86 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

undoubtedly successful, and his latter years were un-
troubled by any serious outbreak. In 1177 he returned
to Normandy ; but both there, and during his subse-
quent visits to England, he paid great attention to the
castles of either country, visiting many of them, ap-
pointing and changing the castellans, and causing the
defences to be kept in proper order. In February 1187
he visited the very singular castle of Chilham by Can-
terbury. He died in the castle of Chinon, July 1189.

G. T. Clark.

THE MAKCHES OF WALES.

BY SIR a. F. DUCKETT, Bart.
{Continued fromp, 150.)

The first who formed the idea of creating the Mark (or
Marches) for defensive purposes is commonly supposed
to have been Henry Duke of Saxony ; but erroneously,
for the original conception dates to the time of Charle-
magne. Ihis Prince Henry, who in 919 was elected
King by the Franks and Saxons, was the first King of
Germany of the Saxon dynasty.^ Endowed with more
than usual wisdom and foresight, he had especial regard,
in consolidating his conquests and dominions,^ to the
security of his frontiers, extending from Jutland' on the

■^ Henry Dake of Saxony waa samamed " Der Finkler" or " Vog-
ler"(Anglice, "the Birdcatcher"),"AucepB"(La(i), "L^ofseleur" (Pr.),
because on the news of his election reaching him, he was found
engaged in his favourite occapation. As observed by a German
writer, far more appropriately might he have been styled ** The
Saxon" or " The Great", for by his victories over the barbaroas
hordes sarroanding him, and the consolidation of his kingdom, in-
cluding the conquest of Lorraine, he laid the foundation of the
future German empire.

^ Heeren u. Ukert, Gesch. der europ. Staaten.

^ Supposed to have been the country whence came the Anglo-
Saxons, who conquered and established themselves in England
between 455 and 586.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 187

west, to Bohemia and Hungary on the east } and as a
barrier against the inroads o^ the Vandal^ Sclav, and
Hungarian hordes which surrounded him, he established
the defensive frontier or Mark [of] Schleswig on the
western side of his kingdom, that of Brandenburg
towards the east, and other intermediate Margravates
towaixis the north.

Thus the formation of these Marches (Marken, Mark-
grafschaften,^ or Margravates) by Henry I of Germany,
with their organised frontier force, has been assumed
(though wrongly, as observed) to be the origin of the
expression in their first employment for defence. Never-
theless, the term, whether Marches (Angl.),Marca (Ital.),
Marche (Fr.), or Mark (Ger.), (Grenzmark, Flurmark,
eta), has ever since been applied in all countries of
Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic origin, as in many others, to
their respective defensive frontiers, in the same way
that Markgraf,^ Margrave (Marquis), Marchesi, Mar-
chese. Lord Marcher, Lord President of the Marches, or
Lord Warden, has been used to designate the Governors
set over them.

Selden, in his Titles of Honour^ connects the term
with an earlier date; and it will be seen that as a
matter of fact the title of Marchese (Marcario) as
governor of a frontier district, dates to tne first years
of the reign of Charlemagne. He observes : " For the
ancient use of March or Mark there is testimonie in
divers passages that occurre in the Lawes of the Ale-
mans> of those that inhabited Baviere, of the Eipua-
rians, of the Lombards, and in divers other parts, that
give us the same notion of the word * Marcha^ with the
Latin termination, which cleerly is the same with Mark
or March ; and Margus (the same word varied in ter-
miiiation) is used by Sugerius for Normandie, being the

^ These consisted of the Mark Schleawig, the Mark Branden-
burg, the Nordsachsische Mark, and the Markgraftschaft Meissen.

' According to Sianda (ii, cap. yiii, p. 42), the title of Markgraf
had its origin in 938, when Otto (the Great) constituted Leopold
Margrave of Aastria.

188 THE MA ROUES OF WALES.

utmost West March of France. Whence it is also, that
'Commarchani' occures (Leg. Boior., tit. ii, cap. 5, etc.)
for neighbours * bordering one on the other'. So Marca
Hispanica^ Marca Brittanica, Marca Anconitana,^ and
Trivisana, in Italy ;* the Marca Normannica and Bri-
tannica in France, adjoining the sea ; with those inland
of Misnia, Lusatia, Brandenburg, Moravia, Austria^
Mountferrat, and Susa in Savoy ; and such more we
meet with in the elder times. Thence also * marchiser'
at this day (1631), in French, is * to border on or to ad-
joyne to'; and the Spaniards say * la ciudad y sus comar-
cas' (the city and its outskirts or limits) f and thus the
word hath out of Germany and those northern nations
spread itself into the rest of Europe. From * Mark', in
this sense, come Marchiones, Marchesi, or Marchiani (in
Latin), with Markgraves or Comites Limitanei.*'

Apart, however, from^ the foregoing we imagine, by
way of suggestion, that it might not be difficult to con-
nect the origin of the word with the name of Marco-
mani or Marcomanni, a German horde dating to an
anterior epoch (of whom Tacitus speaks), first on the
Bhine, and lastly in Bohemia ; for the term, if taken as
** Border-men", may not be without its derivative signi-
ficance, especially from the very early use of " Marca"
among the Italians, as shewn presently* by Muratori,

^ Op Marca d'Ancona.

• Heylyn {Cosmography, i, 98), speaking of Treviso, says : " A city
of sufficient note in the latter times, from being the residence or
seat of those ' Provincial Oorernours' (Marquesses they are some-
times called) which the Lombardian Kings sent hither to defend
their borders. Hence it gave the name to all the country : in Latin
called Marca Tremeiana^ or Tarvisana."

' The Italians also say rruircarey to border upon.

^ Since the above was in the printer's hands, the following ob-
servations by KvKnz {Wandalia, lib. iii, cap. xvi) and Heylyn {Cosmo-
graphy, ii, 345, 884) bear out our supposition. The former remarks :
*' Soleo quoque Marcomanorum nomen ad eundem referre origi-
nem"; the latter, speaking first of the Alemanni (Almans), says :
^'I see no etymology more agreeable to true antiquity than to
derive the name from Mannus, the son of Tuisco (from whom the
Teutones about Brandenbnrg derive), one of their gods, and a prin-
cipal founder of this nation (' Tuisconem Deum et filinm Mannum ;

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 189

coupled with the above quotation by Selden from Leg.
Boior., tit. ii, cap. 5.

That the term " Marca" was in use in Italy, and em-
ployed for a like purpose, as early as the time of Charle-
magne, fully a century and a half earlier than the date
ascribed to Henry King of Germany, is made perfectly
clear from Muratori's Annals of Italy, First, in the time
of Lothaire, the grandson of the Emperor Charlemagne
(a.d. 827), in alluding to the Marca of Friuli (or Tri-
vigi), and to Baldric, Duke and Marchese (or Margrave)
of the same, we find the following : " Cadde questo
medesimo gastigo sopra Baldrico Duca o Marchese del
Friuli, e quella Marcay quam solus tenebat, inter qua-
tuor Comites divisa est. Sicchfe veggiamo, che prima
d'ora era stata formata la Marca del Friuli, e ch essa
per questo avvenimento cessb d' avere un Duca o sia
Marchese, con essersene dato il governo a quattro Conti,
ciofe a quattro Govematori di Citti, indipendenti I'uno
dall* altro. Probabilmente queste Citt^ furono Cividal
di Friuli, Trivigi, Padova, e Vicenza, se pur fra queste

originem gentis conditoresque*, as it is said by Tacitas) ; the people
being called Alemanni in all ancient writers, as men that did deriye
themselves from this Mannas, the son of Tnisco. In like sorts, as
I think, the Marcomanni inhabiting the countries of Moravia were
80 called, as being the Manni of the Marches, or ont-borders of Ger-
many." The same author gives some farther particnlars of these
people and of the institution of Margravates : *' The old inhabitants
of the other part [of Au8tria\ were the Marcomanni, in those parts
which are next Moravia, who intermingled with the Boii, and united
with them under the name of Boiarians, won from the Romans the
whole province of the second Rhadtia", etc. " But these Boiarians
being conquered by Clovis the Oreat, and the Avares driven out of
Pannonia by Charlemagne, both provinces became members of the
French empire till the subduing of Pannonia by the Hungarians ;
to oppose whom, and keep in peace and safety these remoter parts,
some Guardians or Lorda-Marcliera were appointed by the Kings and
Emperors of Germany, with the title of Marquesses of Ostreich;
at first officiary only, but at last hereditary; made so by the
Emperor Henry I (see antea, pp. 1 and 11), who gave this province
to one Leopold sumamed the' Illustrious', the son of Henry Earl of
Bamberg, of the house of Schwaben, and therewithal the title of
Marquis, anno 980."

190 TH£ MAnCHES OF WALES.

non si computb anche Verona. II nome di Marca vuol
dire Confine. Fin sotto Carlo Magno per maggior sicu-
rezza delle Provincie situate a i Confini, furono istituiti
Ufiziali, che ne avessero cura, chiamati percib Mar-
cheiisiy e Marchesi, che h quanto dire Custodi de' Con-
fini. E perchfe secondo i bisogni non raancasse forza a
tali Ufiziali, al Marchese furono subordinati i Conti,
ciofe i Governatori delle Citt^ della Provincia." {Annali
d' Italia^ dair anno 601 sino all' anno 840, di Muratori,
1762, iv, 475-6.)

Then in allusion to the earlier years of the reign of
Charlemagne he says, viz., in a.d. 776 (anno di Carlo
Magno, Rb de Franchi e Longob. 3) : " Ivi (tnz., Tri-
vigi) lascib Marcario con titolo di Duca, etc." — "che al
Duca del Friuli fossero allora sottoposte varie Citt^, eiob
che fosse formata la Marca Trivisana, o del Friuli* (Id.,
iv, 317). **Era ito a Roma il povero Vescovo; e Papa
Adriano V avea rimandato e racoomandato a Marcario
Duca del Friuli" (a.d. 779, anno di Carlo Magno 6);
(Id., iv, 324.)

The Marches of Wales may be compared, in many
respects, with those of the frontier border of England
towards Scotland, with certain distinguishing peculi-
arities;^ but whereas the latter were from the very first
a defined tract of country organised solely for defensive
purposes,* like the original Teutonic Mark of the Ger-
man Empire, and so continued to be to the last ; the

^ It is true that at first the Scots from time to time took occa*
sional possession of Northamberland, Cumberland, and Westmore-
land, and thus temporarily extended their border ; but these pro
yinces were as often recovered, and the border-limits confined to
the Tweed on the east, the Solwaj on the west, and the Cheviot
range in the centre.

* A feature in the border-system of King Henry I was remarkably
followed in our own country very many centuries later, and should
not pass unnoticed. We allude to the erection on his borders of
" Watch-towers", because the same system was adopted in 1652 by
the Lord- Warden of the Northern Marches towards Scotland, when
such " look-out stations" (or posies de guetteur, as one may call them)
were manned by ^^ Watchmen", answering entirely to the same class
as the ^^ Kuhhilrger^* of the ancient Saxon period.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 191

former, as has been shewn, were the result of original
seizure and conquest, and much as they tended, at
diflferent periods, to form a barrier to the inroads or
forays of the Welsh, there is not that conspicuous
vagueness as to precise site and extent, in respect of
the Scotch and English Marches, so discernible in after
times in those of the Welsh borders, which retained
the name without the defensive administration of the
Northern Marches long after their annexation to Eng-
land, and all causes of hostilities having ceased, had
rendered the same any longer a necessity.

Each district, however, afforded a secure and similar
asylum to felons and outlaws ; and the same lawless-
ness in each was a feature which one had in common
with the other.^ Again, each had its courts of justice.
In the North, the Warden Courts,* with whatever local
differences associated, were established for the adminis-
tration of justice, similarly with the ancient courts of
the Lords Marchers' and the subsequent Court of the
Council of Wales ;* but the similarity in this respect
extends no further, for long after the Welsh Marches
had ceased to exist as a reality, the latter Court stiJl
continued to exercise its functions.*

^ See footnote, p. 149 antea.

* Ridpatb, Border Hintory, p. 574.

' Selden observes: "These Mnr chers {Loi'ds-Marchers of Wales}
had their laws in their Baronies ; and for matter of suit, if it had
been betwixt tenants holding of them, then it was determined in
their own courts; if for the Barony itself, then in the King's Court
at Westminster, by writ directed to the Sheriff of the next English
sliiro adjoining, as Gloucester, Hereford, and some other. For the
King's writ did not run in Wales as in England, until by statute
the Principality was incorporated with the Crown, as appears in an
old report, where one was committed for esloigning a ward into
Wales, extra potestaiem Begis^ under Henry HI." (13 Henry III,
tit. Gard., 147 ; Selden, Notes nv Drayton*s Polyolhion.)

* The Court of the Council of Wales had its seat at Ludlow ; the
Lord- Warden of the East Marches towards Scotland had his seat at
Berwick ; the Lord-Warden of the West Marches at Carlisle.

^ In 1689, when it was finally abolished, it had long been ac-
counted a standing grievance, and was deemed an " unnecessary
and arbitrary" court. (Tindal, Hist, of Engl.^ in, 98.)

192 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

With respect to the second part of this inquiry, the
extent of the Welsh Marches, about which, at this day,
such vagueness exists, it would appear that these had
not always been defined by the same limits ; so that in
after times it is not a matter of much surprise that in
certain quarters doubts were raised as to the territory
embraced by their jurisdiction. Selden, writing in the
time of James I (1618), observes thus of them : "The
particular bounds have been certain parts of Z)ee, Wye,
Severn, and Offd's Dyke} The antienst is Severn; but
a later is observed in a right line yrom StHgoiP Cattle
upon Wye (near Usk in Monmouthshire) to Chester upon
Dee. Betwixt the mouths of Dee and Wye in this line
(almost c. miles long) was that Offa's Dike cast. King
Harold made a law (Higden, Folychron., i, cap. 43) that
whatsoever Welsh transcended this Dike with any kind
of weapon should have, upon apprehension, his right
hand cut offi" (Selden, Notes on Drayton.)

^ Offa's Dyke, extending from the Dee to the Wye, through the
oonnties of Flint, Denbigh, Montgomery, Shropshire, Hereford, and
Monmouth, was the ancient boundary-line on the borders of Wales,
between that country and the kingdom of Mercia. There is some
doubt as to the time it was thrown up by Offa, King of the Mer-
cians, viz., between 774 and 704:, when he died, or before his time.
It consisted of a vallum or rampart from 50 to 60 feet wide, with a
ditch or dyke on the Welsh side; was crossed at intervals by
roads, and defended by forts. The Welsh, in their endeavours to
destroy it, were uniformly unsuccessful. Beginning to the west of
the mouth of the river Dee at Prestatyn, a little below Holywell,
on the Flintshire coast, it proceeded in a slanting or south-easterly
direction to Caedwyn, and from thence due southward towards
Monmouthshire and the Severn estuary at Bristol, or rather where
the Wye runs into that river. Passing by way of Minora, Rhuabon,
Chirk, Selatfcyn, to Llanymyneoh, it crossed the Severn into Shrop-
shire, ran past Montgomery and Clun-Forest to Knighton, and
thence by the eastern part of the county of Radnor, and the west of
Herefordshire and Gloucestershire, to its termination overlooking
the Severn. Vestiges of it can still be traced near Mold in Flint-
shire, and between Rhuabon and Wrexham ; but it is generally
levelled throughout its course. (S. Camden, p. 698.)

^ Striguil (or Troggy) Castle, between Usk and Chepstow in Mon-
mouthshire, seems here indicated. It was built, as it is said, by
Richard Strongbow.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 193

From the foregoing, and other extracts to be quoted
presently fron} authorities of the same century, point-
ing to a subsequent amalgamation of the Marches and
Shires, both English and Welsh, we infer that the entire
part of some counties, and portions of others bordering
on and now forming part of England and Wales (those,
namely, contiguous to the Dee, the Wye, and the
Severn), must have constituted the territory comprised
by the term " Marches/^ The counties of Hereford,
Monmouth, and Gloucester, are partially watered by
the Wye ; those of Shropshire, Worcester, Gloucester,
and Monmouth, equally so by the Severn ; whilst Offa's
Dyke is common to those of Hereford, Shropshire,
Montgomery, Radnor, Denbigh, and Flint. The whole
district lying between the Wye and the Severn in
Gloucestershire, would at least have constituted their
commencement.

That such was the original territory comprehended
by the Welsh Marches, is rendered probable from the
fact that in 1641 litigation took place as to the jurisdic-
tion of the Court of the Marches over certain counties,
supposed at that time to be exercised beyond its
" appointed limits", proving even that at that date the
exact extent of the Welsh Marches had not become less
questionable than was the case one hundred and fifty
years before that time, notwithstanding that Selden,
writing only in the earlier part of that century, defines
them very distinctly. As the four counties which re-
sisted the Court's jurisdiction were watered by the
rivers specified by Selden, and comprised within the
limits of the Marches, there can be no doubt that the
right, even if traditional, which the Manches Court ex-
ercised, was valid.

That conflicting opinions began to arise at a very
early date as to the reputed extent of the MarcheSy is
shown by the very Baronies, which constituted them,
being brought in question. This is fully set forth in a
MS. in the Lansdowne Collection, No. 216 (given by
Clive, History of Ludlow), from which is the following

4th sss., yol. zii. 14

194 THE MARCHES OP WALES.

extract. Alluding to the Act of 27 Henry VIII, in
which the " prerogatives" of the Lords Marchers were
taken away and vested in the Crown, it says : " Sithence
which time, for that the said jurisdictions and author-
ityes, the comon signes and outward badges and tokens,
whereby the comon people tooke knowledge of Lord-
ships Marchers, are taken awaye, and growne out of
use, and it is now growne a doubt and question, which
are and were Lordships Marchers in Wales, and which
were not, some clayminge the same who never was, and
some who are and ought to be allowed are denyed so
to be.''

But a still earlier proof of this may be given. In the
19th Edward I, Matilda de Mortuo Mari sought to reco-
ver lands and tenements of which she had been disseised
by Ralph de Tony and others, assumed and wrongly
stated in the writ to be in the county of Hereford. The
case was tried at Hereford, when the defendant pleaded
an error in the declaration ; that the lands were falsely
described, not being in the county of Hereford, ' ' but
in the Marches of Wales''; (" quod tenementa non sunt
in comitatu [HercfordX sed sunt in Marchia Wallie, et
debent in judicium deduci secundum legem Marchie, et
non per legem Anglie, juxta statutum de Ronemede").^
The lands, in fact, were in that part of the Marches
— the very centre of them — afterwards united, and
assigned {temp, Henry VIII) as a county to Radnor, but
correctly attributed to Herefordshire in one respect^
that the greater part of it towards Wales, at that time,
was comprised by the Marches.

These instances testify to the uncertainty prevailing
as to their limits at the periods named. Still it must be
remembered, oli the other hand, that the Marches com-
prehended not only most of Lord Marchers' Baronies,
constituting a very great extent of country in the aggre-
gate, but that some of those Lordships or Baronies ex-
tended far beyond the Marches thus understood, for

^ I.e.y Magna Carta. See PlacUarum Ahhreviatio, p. 286, Mich.,
19 Edward I, Heref rot. 58.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 195

nearly the whole of Wales had been conquered by the
Lords Marchers ; so that beyond doubt the present
border counties both of Wales and England may be
fairly assumed, as already observed, to have at one time
constituted the Marches in question.^

The foUowing entries tend, we think, to support this
and our own view generally, as to the extent of the
Marches. Among the Bagot Papers (Hist. MSS. Com.,
iv, p. 336) referrmg to the Council of Wales, some one
writing in 1594, oteerves, "Every one of the Counsell
there is ordinarily justice of the peace over all the Shires
of the Marches and Wales. '^ Tnis is conclusive as to
the Maixjhes comprising a plurality of Shires; and in
the controversy which arose te7np. Charles I, as to the
jurisdiction of the Court of the Marches of Wales,
Brecknock, Badnor, Montgomery, and Denbigh, were
shown to be wholly composed of Lordships Marchers ;
so that these came equally under that definition. The
Escheators' Accounts and Inquisitions-post-mortem are
uniformly headed, " Gloucestershire ana tlie Marches of
Wales'\ ^* Herefordshire and the Marches of Wales'\
** Shropshire and the Maixhes of Wal€^^\ proving a de-
cided connection with those [now] English counties, as
part and parcel of them. A writer of the seventeenth
century (Heylyn, chaplain to Charles I and II), alluding
to the Acts of Edward I and Henry VIII in respect of
Wales, observes thus : " The whole country, (not taking
in the counties of Shropshire and Monmouthshire^ into
the reckoning), contains in it twelve Shires only, of which
seven were set out by King Edward I ; that is to say,

* Nothing can be more fallacions than the assertion given at p. 95
of dive's History of Ludlow, tliat " all the country behveen Offa^a
Dyke and England was called the Marches or Boands between the
We^h and English." Offa's Dyke was simply a line of demarcation
between England and Wales, by crossing which a party from the
Welsh side came at once into England ; but the simple fact of the
partition of the Marches into Shires quite disproves any such assump*
tion.

^ Monmouthshire was formerly considered one of the counties of
Wales (Stat 27, H. 8, cap. 26).

196 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

Glamorgan, Pembroke, Carmarthen, Cardigan, Merion-
eth, Anglesey, and Carnarvon : the other five, viz., the
counties of Denbigh, Flint, Montgomery, Radnor, and
Brecknock, were added out of the Marchlands by King
Henry VIII"; and speaking of the same Kings in
another place, he observes to the same effect : "He (King
Edward I) divided Wales into seven shires {naming
^Aem), after the manner of England"; and of Henry VIII,
" He added also six shires to the former number out of
those counties, which were before reputed as the Bor-
ders and Marches of Wales" Sir John Dodridge ob-
serves in his Principality of Wales (p. 41) much to the
same purpose : " Therefore, by the said Act of Parlia-
ment (27 Henry VIII), there are erected in Wales four
other new ordained Shires of the Lands not formerly so
divided ; namely, the several Shires of Radnor, Breck-
nock, Montgomery, and Denbigh ; and those also, toge-
ther with the former ancient Shires, are by that Act of
ParFt, and by the Statute of 38 Hen. VIII, subdivided
into Cantreds ; and all the * March grounds, being then
neither any part of Wales, although formerly conquered
out of Wales, neither any part of the Shires (^England',
the said King, by the said Act of Parliament, did annex
and unite, partly unto the Shires of England, and partly
unto the said Shires of Wales next adjoyning, etc.;
which the said King was rather occasioned to do, for
that most of the said Baronies Marchers^ were then in
his own hands."

The above writer (Heylyn) quotes also Ludlow and
Shrewsbury as two market towns in the Marches, "built
not only for commerce and trade, but fortified witJi walls
and castles to keep in the Welch ; and so employed

^ Galled also ^'Lordship Marchers*'. Thus among the Garew Papers
(Hist. MSS. Gom., iv, 370) are these passages : *' A Lordship Mw^cher
is a Seignorie in Wales, holden of the Growne of England in chiefe,
which came to pass three maner of wayes." — " How the Lords of
the Marches or Lordship Marchers tooke first theire names." — " The
concordances and discordes or differences that were between a
Goanty Palatine in England and a Lordship Marcher in Wales in
oald tjmes"; i.e., in what they agreed, and- in what they differed.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 197

until the incorporating Wales with England took away
all occasion of the old hostilities/' Of Shrewsbury he
remarks, '^ counted now in England, but heretofore the
seat of the Princes of Powysland, who had here their
palace/' Powysland, or the greater part of it, clearly
comprised a considerable portion of the Marches of
Wales, for the same author defines it as containing
" the whole counties of Montgomery and Radnor, all
Shropshire beyond the Severn, with the town of Shrews-
bury, and the rest of Denbigh and Flintshire/' It ex-
tended, according to Selden {Notes on Drayton), " from
Cardigan to Shropshire, between North and South
Wales, comprising part of Brecknock, Radnor, and
Montgomery; and on the English side, from Chester to
Hereford/'

One authority speaks of ''all the Shires of the Marches
and Wales". Dodridge observes, p. 41, "some terri-
tories in Wales were then no Shire grounds, by reason
whereof the lawes of England could have no currant
passage therein"; another, " of the/our Shires incorpo-
rated afterwards with England, viz., Worcestershire,
Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, and Shropshire/'

As regards these last four shires, we find the follow-
ing particulars respecting them mentioned elsewhere :
" In the beginning of the reign of Charles H (Hist.
MSS. Com., V, 333), the President and Council of the
Marches of Wales claimed jurisdiction in Gloucester-
shire, and their claim was resisted." The same Marches
Court had in the previous reign (1641) claimed and ex-
ercised jurisdiction over the four counties of Gloucester,
Worcester, Hereford, and Salop, which also gave rise to
litigation and much commotion at the time. It was
then argued that the jurisdiction was " iUegal and inju-
rious", and held as an encroachment beyond their ap-
pointed limits, and that these four counties were never
parcel of Wales or the Marches thereof. The right of
the Council's jurisdiction over the four shires was main-
tained by the King's Solicitor-General, Sir Francis
Bacon (Hist. MSS. Com., v, 338). One of the argu-

198 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

ments held against the claim by the other side was as
to these words, " in the Marches of Wales, or in any
other place where the King's writ doth not run/' The
inquiry is, " Where are the Marches of Wales V The
Statute answers, " Where the King's writ doth not run.
But it is, and ever was, currant in those four counties ;
ergOy etc." Another : " No Welchman may purchase
lands in the Townes of Salop, Hereford, Glouc, etc., nor
in any other marchant Towne adjoining to the Marches
of Wales ; ergo^ not Marches, for nothing can adjoyne
to it selfe." (Gough's Wales, p. 3, Bibl. Bodl.)

These arguments may be taken for what they are
worth : we quote them chiefly to show the opinion
which existed at diflTerent epochs, as to what constituted,
and what did not constitute, the Marches of Wales.

Another (and final) argument against the Court's
jurisdiction, and which goes far to show the opinion of
what, at that time, was held to constitute the actual
Marches, was this, that whereas by 27 Henry VIII
several ** Lordships Marchers were annexed to England,
and others to Wales (as observed already, in other
words, by Heylyn), those laM were only properly Wales
and the Marches thereof, within the words of the Sta-
tute (Cott. MS. Vitellius, c. i), and not the Lordships
Marchers of the ancient English counties."

The case (first cited) in the time of Charles II, arose
from a letter dated March 14, 1661, addressed by the
Earl of Carbery, then Lord President of the Marches,
to the High Sheriff and magistrates of Gloucestershire,
bringing to their notice the bad state of the roads in
that county, and calling upon them to put in force the
statutes relating thereto. To this letter the justices of
the county, to the number of twenty-one, issued a
Declaration denying that the county of Gloucester was
within the Marches of Wales, or within the power or
jurisdiction of his Lordship's commission. (Hist. MSS.
Com., V, 338.)

Still the jurisdiction had ever been so exercised ; and
the result of these different quotations, taken collect-

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 199

ively, leads us to infer that the extent of the Marches
comprehended ab antique, as by us surmised, all the
Welsh border counties, and present English counties
bordering on the Principality, or the greater portion of
them, from the mouth of the Dee to that of the Severn,
though their precise limits have been long since lost.

To summarise the foregoing details, we may in con-
clusion observe, that as on the one hand the Marches of
Wales originated in territory acquired by force of arms,
and had a self-government of their own, to a certain ex-
tent independent of Royal authority, down to the time
of Edward III, constituting till that time and after-
wards so many distinct Baronies, — the Lord-Marchers,
however, their quasi supreme rulers, both aiding and
acknowledging the King in all his conflicts witn the
Welsh, proving thereby their eventual calling and posi-
tion identical with the originally established Margraves
of the German empire, — so on the other, from the time
of King Henry VIII, after all cause of such hostilities
had ceased, and the Marches had eventually become
incorporated with the Shires (which, again, were wholly
or partially added to England and Wales), the term
Marches appears still to have remained in force, though
the limits of the same in the amalgamation became
gradually lost sight of, or at least in time so undefined,
that the Shires or counties, of which they had formed
part, were in a way identified with the original Marches,
causing the confusion both in the latter appellation, and
the extent of country comprehended by tne term. This
ambiguity became greater as time drew on, and had
probably reached its height at the time of the contested
jurisdiction of the Court, above alluded to, in 1641. At
the present day the term is so much more vague and
indefinite, that unless what we have adduced has
brought conviction with it, and tended somewhat to
solve the mystery and difficulties surrounding the ques-
tion, one may well still ask, " What were the Marches
of Wales r

200 THE MARCHES OF WALES.

LIST OF LORDS PRESIDENT OP WALES.

Ex Dodridge's ^^Principality of Wales^\ p. 39.

17 E. IV.— About the 17 of Edward IV, the King sent his son
Prince Edward to reside there, under the tuition of the Lord
Rivers, his uncle, to whom Beverall were jojned ; and Joseph
Alcock, Bishop of Worcester, was made President, who is reck-
oned the first President of Wales.
17 H. 7. — Dr. William Smith,^ Bishop of Lincolne. (Godwjn, Cat.
of Bps., reckons him the first President there. Vide Pat.
17 Hen. 7, p. 2, m. 7, dors.)

(Commission to this William, Bishop of Lincoln, President ;
Robt Ffrost, Clerk ; Sr Gilbert Talbott ; Sr R. Pole i Sr Wm.
XJedale ; Sr Thomas Inglefield, Kt. ; Peter Newton ; and
Wm. Grevyll, Esqr., of Oyer and Termr., So of Array, in
North Wales, S. Wales, Salop, Hereford, Glocs., & Wore, &
the Marches of Wales. T. R., apud Westm', 18 June.)
4 Hen. 8. — Jeffery Blvth, Bp. of Coventry & Litchfield ;
7 Hen. 8. — Jo. Vosy (Voysey^ Voiscie^ or Fiwey), Bp. of Exeter ;
27 H. 8. — Roland Lee, Bp. of Coventry and Litchfield ;
84 H. 8. — Richard Sampson, Bp. of Chester ;

2 E. 6.— John Dudley,^ Earl of Warwicke (afterwards D, of North-

umberland) ;

4 E. 6.— William, Earl of Pembroke ;

1 Mary. — Nicholas Heath,* Bp. of Worcester (afterwards Arch-
bishop of York, and Lord Chancellor of England) ;

3 Mary. — ^William, Earl of Pembroke ;*

6 Mary.— Gilbert Browne,^ Bp. of Bath & Wells ;

1 Eliz.— Sr John WiUiams,« Lord Williams of Tame («c), Thame ;

•

^ William Smith, Bishop of Lincoln in 1495, was Chancellor of
Oxford, and founder of Brasenose College, and died 1513.

^ John Dudley, seventh Viscount L'Isle, was created Earl of War-
wick, 1547, and Duke of Northumberland in 1551. He was attainted,
and beheaded in 1553.

' Nicholas Heath, Bishop of Worcester, translated from Roches-
ter in 1543 ; was deprived of his temporalities in 1551, but restored
by Queen Mary in 1553, in which year he was translated to the
Archbishopric of York.

* William Herbert, first Earl of Pembroke, so created in 1551 ;
married Anne, daughter of Sir Thomas Parr of Kendal in Westmor-
land.

^ Gilbert Browne (or Bourn), Bishop of Bath and Wells in 1554 ;
deprived of his temporalities in 1559 (Cot MS.,Vitellius,c. i,f.l73).

^ John, Lord Williams of Thame, summoned as a Baron 5 and 6
Phil, and Mary, 1558 ; ob. 1559, and buried at Thame, where is a
monument to his memory.

THE MARCHES OF WALES. 201

2 Eliz. — Sr Henry Sydney, Kt. of the Oarter and Lient. of Ira-
land. He was 24 years Lord President of Wales (daring
which time Joseph {sic) Whitg^ft, John, Bishop of Worces-
ter,i and Henry* Earl of Pembroke, son-in-law to Sir H. Sid-
ney, were Vice-Presidents).
King James L — Edward' Lord Zonohe (1603).

The following are added from other sources :

Lords President of Wales and the Marches thereof.

2-24-25 Eliz.— Sir Henry Sidney (15828).
28 Eliz.— Henry, Earl of Pembroke (1586-1601).
1 James I.— Edward Lord Zouche (1602-6), ob. 1652.
4-14 James I. — Ralph, Lord Eure, Baron of Wilton (1607-16).
14-15 James I. — Thomas Gerard, Baron Gerard, of Gerard's Brom-
ley in Staffordshire, ob. 1618 (1616-17).
15-22 James I.— Earl of Northampton* (1617-25-30).
9-20 Charles L— John, Earl of Bridgewater^ (1633-39-49).
13-23 Charles H.— Richard Vaoghan, Earl of Carbery« (1661-66-71).

^ This was John Whitgift, Dean of Lincoln, consecrated Bishop
of Worcester in 1557, and Archbishop of Canterbury in 1 583.

^ Heniy, Earl of Pembroke succeeded his father, the first Earl, in
1569 ; was a Knight of the Garter, and ob. 1601.

' Edward La Zouche, twelfth Baron Zouche of Haryngworth,
succeeded his father, 13 Eliz., 1571.

* William Com p ton, created Earl of Northampton, 1618 (16 Jas.I),
ob. 1630.

^ John Egerton, second Viscount Brackley, created Earl of Bridge-
water in 1617. Dr. Johnson, in his Life of the poet Milton, states
that in 1634, whilst Lord Bridgewater was Lord President of Wales,
and resided at Ludlow Castle, the Comus of Milton, founded upon
a veritable incident which had not long before occurred in the
Earl's family, was for the first time brought out and represented at
the Castle by his sons and daughter, Lord Brackley, his brother,
and Lady Alice Egerton. Lady Alice afterwards became the third
wife of the Earl of Carbery, who afler the Restoration was made
Lord President of Wales. During the Parliamentary war the Earl
of Bridgewater defended Ludlow Castle for the King, but it was
surrendered in 1645.

^ Richard Yaughan, second Earl of Carbery, was Lord President
of Wales from 1661 to 1671-2. He married, as his third wife, in
July 1652, the Lady Alice Egerton. (Hatton Correspondence, John-
son's Life of MUton,) The title was created with John, first Earl of
Carbery, in 1643, and became extinct in 1712. At Golden Grove, in
Carmarthenshire, Dr. Jeremy Taylor, afterwards Bishop of Down
and Connor, wap harboured by this Earl during the time of Crom«

202 GWYSANEY PAPERS.

24> Charles II, 3 James II. — Henry Somerset, Marquis of Worcester,

created Duke of Beaufort (1672-87).
1 W. and M.— Charles Gerard, Earl of Macclesfield^ (1689), last

Lord President.

GWYSANEY2 PAPERS.

THE BRIDGEWATER LETTERS.

No. 1.
To the right Worp'U my very loving Cosen Eobert Davies Esq.*

at Gwyssaney etc.
Good Cosen

Y'r lett'r of the 21te of this pr'sent I have rec*d and the
money y'u sent by him my servant Will'm Wilkes hath likewise
receaved; but it faUeth shorte in waight: I have appointed
Wilkes to write to y'u thereof: had it beene presently to have

well ; and at Ludlow Castle, Samuel Butler, of whom he was also
the patron, composed, after the Restoration, the first cantos of his
Hudibras. A pamphlet in the Bodleian, by Robert Yaughan of
Hengwrt, Merionethshire, in 1662 (ancestor of the late Sir Robert
Yaughan, Bart.), gives Lord Carbery*s descent from Blethyn ap
Kynven, with his other titles, viz., Viscount Molingar (Mulllngar)
and Baron of Emlyn. " He beareth", says this writer, ^^Or, a lyon
rampant gules; the coat of Blethyn ap Kynven, King of North
Wales and Prince of Powis." (P. 44.)

^ Charles Gerard, Yiscount Brandon, created Earl of Macclesfield
in 1679, Captain General of all His Majesty's Life Guards of Horse,
ob. 1693. The title became extinct in 1702, on the death, «. j?., of
Fitton Gerard, the third Earl. An Act was passed in W. and M.,
25th July 1689, for abolishing the Court of the Marches of Wales.
The Earl of Macclesfield was the last President who kept his court
at Ludlow, at which place all the business of the Marches bad up to
that time been transacted.

' Gwysauey, near Mold, in Flintshire, was the old seat of the
Davies family, now (1881) represented by Philip Bryan Davies
Cooke, Esq., of Owston, Doncaster, Yorkshire. The house, a large
portion of which was unfortunately pulled down in 1829, stood a
siege, and was taken by Sir William Brereton, the Parliamentary
General, 12 April 1645. The old front door, with date 1640, bears
evident marks of the siege.

^ Robert Davies, Esq., of Gwysaney, co. Flint, bom at Chester,
and baptised in St. John's Church there, 29 July 1581,. served the
office of High Sheriff for Flintshire, and was a D.L. and J.P. of that

GWYSANEY PAPERS. 203

been paide some prejudice might have come thereby ; but it
seemeth the worke ia not yet done w'ch shoulde have enhabled
S^r John North^ to have receaved it ; when the Businesse is dis-
patched the money God willing shall be safe & safely paide ; In
the meane time I shall desire y'u to take care for the delivery
of the letters w'ch y^ servant will bring unto y'u, & lett me
heare from y'u w'th what speede y'u may, at w*ch time I shoulde
be gladde to heare of the ceasing of the Plague at Wrexham & in
Shropshyre w'ch I shall pray for : And thus in hast w*th remem-
brance of my loving salutac'ns to y'r self & my Cosen* y'r Bed-
feUowe I bidde y'u farewell & rest

Y'r very loving frend & Cosen

(Signed) J. Bridgewater.'
Barbycan 29 July 1631.

The lett're sent unto you from S'r Jno. North I opened at y'r
servants desire, & aft'r I had read it I sealed it up & fastened it
as y'u may perceave ; It appeareth to me to be a very honest &
kind lett'r.

county. He was son of Robert Davies, Esq., of Qwysaney, by
Catherine, danghter of George Ravenscroft, Esq., of Bretton, co.
Flint, and niece of Elizabeth Ravenscrofl, wife of Thomas Egerton,
Lord Ellesmere, Viscount Brackley, Lord High Chancellor of Eng-
land. Mr. Davies died 27 January 1633 ; was buried at Mold. He
was brother to Colonel Thomas Davies.

^ Sir John North was probably eldest son of Sir Roger North,
second Baron North, who was Ambassador Extraordinary from
Qaeen Elizabeth to Charles IX, King of France, by Winifred,
daughter of Robert Lord Rich, Chancellor of England. Sir John
married Dorothy, danghter of Sir Valentine Dale, LL.D., Master of
the Requests, and dying before his father, left, with other issue,
Dudley, who became third Baron North, a man much about the
court of Prince Henry, eldest son of James I.

^ Anne, wife of Robert Davies, Esq., of Gwysanney, and only
danghter and heir of John Heynes, Esq., of Salop, Receiver to Queen
Elizabeth of her revenues in Wales, by Elizabeth his wife, daughter
and heir of Lancelot Lowther of Holt, Esq. She died, and was
buried at Mold, 31 August 1636.

^ John Egerton, first Earl of Bridgewater, C.B., was the son of
Sir Thomas Egerton, Viscount Brackley, Lord High Chancellor of
England in the time of James I, by Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas
Ravenscroft, Esq., of Bretton, co. Flint. His Lordship married
Frances, second daughter, and one of the coheiresses of Ferdinando
Stanley, Earl of Derby. He, on the 12th May 1633, was appointed
Lord President of Wales and the Marches thereof, and as such lived
for a time at Ludlow Castle. He died in 1049. He wrote letters
Nob. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, with his own hand, and also parts in No. 3.

204 GWYSANKY PAPERS.

No. 2.
To my very loving & well respected Oosen^ Lieutenant

Colonell Davies Ac. &c.

Wth speede & safety. Leave this letter in his absence w'th his
honord frend & Cosen S'r Parish Davies Knight at his
house Dublyn.

Gentle Captaine

Upon perusaU & consideration of y'r letters & Mr. John
Wynne^s^I have this daye concluded a Bargaine w'th my Nephewe
Mr. Henry Hastings, for his parte of the Eectory of Moulde^ & I
ame to paye foer it fower thousand & five hundred poundes, the
one halfe in November next, the other in this monthe come
twelve monthes ; but he presseth harde upon me that he may
receave one thousand poundes the next Terme, w'ch I thinke I
must yealde unto ; & I ame to enter upon the Tythes to receave
all that doth, or shall arise, or accrewe since Candlemas last If
I had not strucke up the Bargaine when I did, & soddainely, I
thinke it woulde have beene gone another waye. There was
muche discourse between us, too long to write ; but I tell y'u
truly, I presume I have it as good cheape, or rather cheaper than
any man els shoulde. This is all my weake handes wiU suffer
me to write at this time, and I thinke I have written a greate
deale, & of a greate Businesse, & so I will conclude, letting you
knowe that if I have made too deare a Purchase, I must blame
y'u & Mr. John Wynne for misleading me, w'ch I hope I have
not. So wishing y'u a speedy & safe retume, I rest
Y'r very assured loving frend & Cosen,

(Signed) J. Bridgewater.
Baxbacan,8 1 Maij 1638.

^ Thomas Davies, second son of Robert Davies, Esq., of Qwys-
aney, go. Flint, by Catherine, daughter of George BavenscroPb, Esq.,
of Bretton, co. Flint, married his cousin Dorothy, daughter of Robt.
Morgan, Esq., of Golden Grove, co. Flint. Colonel Davies (bis com-
mission dated at Oxford, 19 July 1643, and signed by King Charles I,
is at Owston) was " servant to Prince Henry", eldest son of James I.
He was Constable of Hawarden Castle, and at one time had com-
mand of a regiment under the Right Hon. Sir Charles Morgan, Kt,
Ld. General of the King of Denmark. Colonel Danes was buried
at Mold, 7 March 1655. To him are written letters Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5,6, 7.

2 Mr. John Wynne, probably a Wynne of Tower, near Mold, co.
Flint

' Of this house in London nothing now remains. '' It was burnt
down in 1675. Lord Brackley, eldest son of the then Earl, and a
younger brother, with their tutor, unfortunately perished in the
flames." (Pennant's London, vol iii, p. 170.)

GWYSANEY PAPEK8. 205

I thanke God wee are all heere in good healthe ; but I can
not yet gett down the staires, though I praise God I goe every
daye to my Chappell.

No. 3.
For his Ma'tyes speciail affaires.

To my very loveinge and well respected frend and Cosen
Captaine Thomas Davies att Gwisaney &c. &c.

Hast Hast Post Hast Hast Post.

J, Bridgewater,
Barbacan 7 Ap'U 1640.

Gentle Captaine

I ame sorry you have had so foule a journey, & I assure
you you were neither unpittied, nor unremembred (by us here)
upon ye day you went from Ashridge,^ but wee are all glad to
knowe y't you are safely come to yo^r joumeyes end : for what
you write of y^r opinion of the two Lords w'ch you mett w^th
at Stony Stratford it is no other then what you & I thought
formly; yet sinne y'r letter doth expressely mencion ye Trained
Bands, I would first have y't course observed w'ch is herein
directed, & I thinke it will not be a misse if some other men
may be brought in unto you, Vch may either helpe ye Trained
men for supplies in their places, or els geve ease to yo'r selfe, &
ye rest of ye Deputy lieut'ts, if there be occacon for a fugt,
w*ch I imagine & beleeve there wille, in respect there is so much
liberty geven unto ye Trained men by the letter.

Thus wishinge you good speede & good health, I comend you
to God's direcc'on & p'tecc'on, restinge

To' truly lovinge & assured frend & Cosen,

(Signed) J, Bridgewater.
Barbacan, 6 Aprill 1640.

I thank God we are well here but my sone John who had his
fitt this morninge, but as I ame tould though sooner by 2: or 3:
houres then it ordinary time, yet it was not so long nor so vio-
lent as his former fitt was. Hee & all ye rest here com'end them
selves unto you.

My hind comvienda^c'ons to all at Ovnssaney, Doddleston^ and

^ Ash ridge, tbe beaatifnl seat of Lord Bridgewater, now of Earl
Brownlow, in Bucks., on the border of Herts, and Bucks., not far
from Tring.

^ Doddleston, a mansion of Lord Bridgewater, on the east side of
Saltney Marsh, near Chester. The old timbered house was pulled
down about the end of the eighteenth century. On the site is a
farm known as Oorsteila or Gorstelow.

206 GWYSANEY PAPERS.

Bretton} wHh all the rest of my kinde frendes : S*r Tho. Middleton
dk S'r Edw. Broughton have effected their Bumnesae for Denhtgh-
shyre.

No. 4.

To my very loving frend & well respected Cosen Lieutenant

Colonell Davies at Gwissanye.

Gentle Capt'n

I have rec'd y^r letter (together w'th a Booke sent by
Mr. Beece Grifl&ths)* the 3d of this instant, as also y^r lett'r sent
by the post, the 5th of the same, and ame not eable at this time,
nor have I lessure to write many lines : onely I have thought fitt
to geve y'u notice of the receipt of /rs. For Mr. Griffiths I have
bene willing to doe what in me laye for his despatche out of
Towne, & cUd put him in as right a waye as I coulde thinke of
to accomplishe it, but since the time he first came to me I never
sawe him imtill the writing of this letter. Touching the Buai-
ness of the Marches y'u may hereafter heare somewhat : in the
meane time I ame gladd I was not ou'r credulous to beleeve
fljring reports concerning S'r R K:* for I perceave this to be an
age wherein fewe men are to be beleeved. For Newes I can
send you little, save onely that the E. of Strafforde^s* Businesse
helde so long yesterday, that all were almost as tired ill as him-

^ Bretton, co. Flint, the seat of the Ravenscrofb family. This
house was destroyed by the garrison of Chester, to prevent it be-
coming a shelter to the enemy.

3 Mr. Beece Griffiths. Perhaps one of the Griffiths family of
Bhual, near Mold, co. Flint.

» " Sir R: E:" Query, an Egerton of Ridley ?

* Earl of Strafford. Sir Thomas Wentworth, second Baronet,
created an Earl, and made a K.G., born 1593, on 13 April ; mar-
ried, first, Lady Margaret Clifford, daughter of Francis Earl of Cum-
berland, who bad no issue ; second, Lady Arabella Holies, daughter
of John Earl of Clare, by whom he had five children ; third, Eliza-
beth, daughter of Sir Godfrey Rodes, Knt., of Great Honghton, co.
York. On the 22nd March 1640-1, this unfortunate nobleman was
brought to trial ; but his prosecutors were unable to establish their
charges according to the laws of the land, and were therefore, after
an investigation which lasted eighteen days, in which Strafford de-
ported himself admirably, obliged to resort to the very unusual and
unconstitutional mode of proceeding by bill of attainder. Charles I
hesitated to sign the doom of his faithful servant and friend. Bishop
Jnzon pleaded for Lord Strafford ; but the Queen and Council ad-
vised Charles to sign. The Earl was executed on Tower Hill, 12
May 1641.

GWYSANEY PAPERS. 207

selfe, the same continuing from 8. of the clocke in the morning
nntiU neere 6. at night, as my sonne John^ toulde me, who after
he came home from thence was ready & willing to leape at a
cruste. I thinke if there be many snche dayes as that was, my
Daughter Alice* & y'r wife* will be content to staye at home, &

^ " My Sonne John". John, second Earl of Bridgewater. The day,
according to the date of this letter, must have been the fifteenth of
the investigation.

s *< My daughter Alice", the Lady Alice Egerton. To an event
in this lady's life the world is indebted for Milton's celebrated mask
of Comus, Lord Bridgewater, her father, was Lord President of
Wales and the Marches. Warton gives ns the following account :
"I have been informed, from a MS. of Oldys, that Lord Bridgewater
being appointed Lord President of Wales, entered upon his official
residence at Ludlow Castle with great solemnity. On this occasion
he was attended by a large concourse of neighbouring nobility and

f entry. Among the rest came his children ; in particular Lord
trackley, Mr. Thomas Egerton, and Lady Alice, to attend their
father's state and new intrusted sceptre. They had been on a visit
at a house of the Egerton family in Herefordshire, and in passing
through Stay wood Forest were benighted, and Lady Alice even lost
for some time. This accident, which in the end was attended with
no bad eonseqaences, furnished the subject for a mask for a Michael-
mas festivity, and produced Comus.** The mask of Comus was, it is
said, acted in the great hall of Ludlow Castle, when Lady Alice
Egei*ton, Lord Brackley, and Mr. Thomas Egerton, took part in it.
Benry, first Duke of Beaufort, visited Lndlow Castle in 1684, and
in a MS. at Badminton, entitled '^ Cambria Britannica", is the fol-
lowing account of it : " 5th Augt. 1684. — His Grace went to the
Chappel called Prince Arthur's Chappel (on the 6th), where service

was read by the Rev In the Chappell you will find that

eight Bishopps have been Lord Presidents, ye first whereof was by
inscription there Wjlljam Smith, Bishoppe of Lyncoln. The Castle
Hall is very faire, having near ye King's arms this inscription in
letters of gold, ' Richard, Lord Yaughan, Earle of Carberry, Lord
President of Wales and ye Marches', and opposite this is placed yo
fire-arms of ye Castell. In a window on ye left hand, ascending to
ye chiefe table, are ye armes of England, onely painted, bat not
quartered with France. Sir Walter Lacy is deemed founder of this
Castell. This appears by an inscription in the Chappell, with his
armes. The council chamber, where ye judges dine, hath armes and
inscriptions of yo Lords Presidents that have been. Next ye great
hall, and ye room below stairs, and ye council chamber, ye Presi-
dent's bed-chamber, with a with drawing-room for privacy. Above
stairs is a large dining room, famous for its roof of large tymbers.
Near this is Prince Arthar's bed chamber, and was said to have a
double heart, according to ye device seen therein painted and gilded

208 GWYSANEY PAPERS.

forbeare to become stateswomen. So in hast w'th my loving
salntac'ons to y'rselfe, y'r Nephewe, &'all the rest of my good
frendes in those partes, & the kinde remembrances vnto y^r self
from all y^r frendes here, I bidd y'u farewell & rest
Y'r very assured loving frend & Cosen

(Signed) J. Bridgewater.
Barbacan, 6 Ap'el 1641.

T knowe that y'u houlde him an honest man that gave me the
information concerning S'r R: E:, & I can hardely persuade my-
selfe that he woulde wrong either Sir R; E: or my selfe by false
informac^ons.

No. 5.
ffor his lieutenant Colonell Tho: Davies.

Good Cosen

Y'rs of 4. instant I have receaved, A am sory for that I
hear of Wa: & Wh:,^ sure there was a fault some where, either
T. S. or Lo. C* was too blame, it seems W. B. was more heede-
full &c. I knowe no particulars. Wee are here as when I wrote
last both at home, & abroade; would Gk)d wee might finde
amendment every waye, & these times of distraction weere at an
end, w'ch shall be, & is, my prayer, as it is my desire to be
kindly remembred to my Co: Do:' & all the rest of my good
frendes w'th you, & in those partes. God keepe us & direct us :
in hast I rest

Y'rs after the ould manner as y'u knowe
Ba: 6*0 Junij 1643. (Signed) J: B:

I shoulde be gladde to knowe how parson F: F:* did speede at
Wh:

against ye wainscob. Next above stau* to be considered is ye Lord
President's Lady's room and her bed chamber, famished by His
Majesty with lemon colonred damask. In ye window is painted an
escutcheon, France and England quarterly, a label of three ermine
encompassed with a garter."

» " Y'r wife*', Mrs. Dorothy Davies.

1 " Wh:" ? Whitchurch.

* " Lo. C." Probably Arthur, first Baron Capell, son of Sir Henry
Capell by Theodosia, sister of Edward Lord Montagu. He took an
active part in the civil war on behalf of Charles I, and falling a vic-
tim to his loyalty, was beheaded in Old Palace Yard, London,
9 March 1648-9. He married Eh'zabeth, daughter and sole heir of
Sir Charles Morrison, Knt., of Cashiobury, Herts., and was ancestor
of the Earls of Essex.

* " Co. Do." is Colonel Davies' wife Dorothy.

* " Parson T. F." Probably the clergyman of Whitchurch.

GWYSANEY PAPERS. 209

No. 6.
To my very loving & well respected Cosen Colonell

Thomas Davies.

Good Cosen

Y'r lett'r w'ch /u sent my Nephewe Fortescue concern-
ing y'n paim't of £50 to him at Bartholomewetide I delivered
to him, & did what I coulde to make him confident that he
should not be disappointed ; nowe that you have failed, I knowe
not what opinion he maye have of us both ; but I must leame
to be wiser hereafter. I ame sory I confesse for y*r sake ; but
that I shoulde loose the good opinion that some have formerly
had of me, & by no faulte of myne but my credulity I will not
deny but it doth muche trouble me. I sende y'u herewith a
lett'r sent by my Nephewe to y'rseKe, & likewise a copy of the
lett'r w'ch he wrote to me (wherein y*rs was enclosed) that y'u
may thereby the better see what is expected both from y*u &
me ; & indeede I can not but at his request, & for y^r owne sake
desire y'u to be more carefuU in making good y'r undertakings,
& performing y'r promises ; els I doubt both you & myselfe
shfidl sustaine prejudice, & disreputation, & whilest I sollicite for
others I must not forgett my selfe, but desire y'u to consider
my pressares, & necessityes, (whereof y'u have beene in parte
both an eare & an eye wittnesse) and as my Nephewe Fortescue
woulde have y'u to remember that he is y'r frend & servant, so
I wishe y*u to remember that I ame & ever have beene,
Tt very affectionate frend & loving Cosen

(Signed) J. Bridgewater.
Barbacan, 31'o Aug. 1647.

I desire to be kindely remembred to my good Cosen y'r wife,
& to y'r Nephewe & Neisse.^

1 " Your nephewe & neisse". Robert Davies of Gwyeaney, bom

19 Feb. 1616 ; High Sheriff of Flintshire, 1644-46, and 1660. This
gentleman, a staunch Cavalier, garrisoned the old mansion of Gwys-
aney during the civil wars, and defended it until 12 April 1645,
when Sir Wm. Brereton compelled it to surrender. At the Restora-
tion his name appears among those deemed qualified for the knight-
hood of the Royal Oak, " he having an estate of £2,000 per annum."
Mr. Davies married, aged fifteen, at Gresford Church, co. Denbigh,

20 July 1631, Anne, daughter and coheiress of Sir Peter Mytton, of
Llannerch Park, Knt., Chief Justice of North Wales, and M.P. for
Carnarvon (derived from a common ancestor with the Myttons of
Halston, co. Salop), by Eleanor, sister of John Williams, D.D., Arch-
bishop of York, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. Robert Davies died
A.D. 1690, and was buried at Mold, the 19ih October ; Anne, his
wife, was buried at Mold, 14th Oct. 1690. Their portraits are in
the possession of P. B. Davies-Cooke, Esq.

4rrH BMR,, VOL. XII. 15

210 GWYSANEY PAPERS.

No. 7.

To my very loving & much respected Friend & Cosen
Coll: Thomas Davies, these &c. &c.
Good Cosen

I have received your letter concerning ye division of
Mould tythes, I hope this my answer will come safe to you,
though letters are now much intercepted: I am indeed very
willing such a division might be made as you desire, but I doubt
this yeere it can not be done, because though ye Towneships be
knowen, yet ye rate & value of each Towneship is not yet suflS-
ciently discovered, as without further inquiry to admit of such
a division, although I very much desire you had y't share y't
lies next you, & most for your convenience ; further there is a
maine stop Vch I thought not of, nor I beleeve you, when you
& I spake together about this buisinesse in ye Country, & -ft is,
y't although ye one halfe of those tythes is in me, & a quarter
fully in you, yet the other quarter is so left by my Father, y't
it is in the hands of S*r Edward Spencer, & S'r Bevis Thelwall,
for ye paiment of ye debts they stand ingaged with my Lord
for, A so no such division, as you desire, can be made without
their consent, I shall therefore againe intreate you, y't for this
yeere, you would put to your hand, y't such course may be
taken, for ye setting of those tythes, as may be most to ye ad-
vantage both of your selfe & me as ye case now stands, hoping
y't by ye next yeere such a course may be taken as may be to
ye satisfaction of your desire, so w'th my kind remembrance, &
my Wife's,^ to your selfe & your Wife, I rest

Tour truly loving Cosen,

(Signed) J. Bridgewater.*
Bridgewater-house, Julij 2'do 1650.

No. 8.
For my loving & much respected Cosen, Mrs. Dorothy
Davies,* at Guissanny, in Flintshire, these.
Good Cozen

I am very sorry to heare by your letter y't my Cozen
your husband is in so ill a Condition of health, & earnestly pray

1 " My wife". Elizabeth, second daughter of William Duke of
Newcastle.

^ John Egerton, second Earl of Bridgewater, married Elizabeth,
second daughter of William Cavendish (then Earl, bat subsequently)
Dake of Newcastle. He died 26 Deo. 1686. He wrote letters Nos.
7 and 8.

' Mrs. Dorothy Davies was wife of Colonel Thomas Davies. She

GWYSANEY PAPERS. 211

for his recovery, & hope ye worst of ye disease may be past, &
y^t notwithstanding his age he may retume to his health againe^
at least be troubled w'th no other infirmitie but onely age, w'ch
as I have often heard him say, is a sicknesse y't will not be
cured, but y't he may enjoy as perfect health as age can permit
is my serious prayer. For ye division of ye Parsonage of Mold
w'ch you desire in your letter, it hath often beene mentioned to
me by my Cozen your husband, & I have ever beene very will-
ing to hearken to his desire in it, & truly it had not beene thus
long undone, had it beene in my power to have done it, but my
Cozen knowes y^t though ye one halfe of y^t Parsonage be un-
doubtedly in me, & one fourth part as undoubtedly in him, yet
ye other fourth part is in Sir Edward Spencer, & y^t is the cause
why no agreement can be made in this businesse as you desire.

I thanke God we are aU in very good health here, & my Wife
remembers her kind respects to you & your husband, & your
welfare is very earnestly wished by

Tour very loving Cozen

(Signed) J. Bridgewater.

Ashridge, Maij 14:— 53 [1653].

was daughter of Robert Morgan, Esq., of Gt>lden Grove, oo. Flint,
by Catherine, daughter of Sir William Jones of Castel y March.
She died on the 14th, and was bnried on the 18th April 1654>, at
Mold. She is also mentioned in letter No. 4 as having been at the
trial of the Earl of Strafford ; also in letter as '' my Co: Do:"

15^

212

BASINGWERK ABBEY AND PRIORIES OF
DENBIGH AND RHUDDLAN.

PARTICULARS FOR GRANTS, 31 HENRY VIIL
APPAEY, HENRY AND PIERS MUTTON.

Sdt' nuper Mon* de Basingwerk in Com* Flints et infra

Episcopal AasapV,

Nuper Monasterium ibidem De anno regni Henrici octavi Dei
gra' Anglie et Franc' R' fidei defensor* Domini Hibeniie et
in terra supremi capit* ecclesie Anglicane xxxj"*** viz.

Sci^ nuper Mon^ pred' valet in

Eedd' et Firm' cum vna parcell' terr* voc' le courte grene dimiss'
Hugoni Starkey sub* sigill' Cur' Augment' reuen' Corone
Domini R' per annum - - - xiijs. wiijd.

Oraung' voc^ le Abbey grange in Com' pred^ et infra Episcopaf
predictum in parochia de Hollywell valet in

Redd' vnius claus' voc' Brinldnock cont* per estimac' xxx act'
terr' arab' alium claus' voc' Kehell cont' per estimac' x acr'
pastur' et alium claus' voc' le Cokesliothay cont' xv acr' per
estimac' dimiss' Hugoni Starkey sub sigill* Cur' Augmen' re-
uenc' Corone Domini R' per annum - - - k.

Oraung' voc* le Mydle Orange in Com? pred' et infra
Episcopal in parochia predicta valet m

Redd' ij pastur' voc' greneflfeld hays et cum alia pastur* voc' le
hay aboue the wode cont' per estimac' xx*^ acr' alium claus'
voc' Wliitney hay cont' per estimac' xij acr' alium claus* voc'
le Hardey hay cont' per estimac' xl. acr' alium claus' voc' le
bro'rie hay cont' per estimac' xij acr' alia pastur' voc' le litle
Hardhay cont' per estimac' vj acr' alium claus' terr' arab' voc'
Brinarwyn cont' per estimac' vj acr' alium claus' voc' llochan'
cent' per estimac' xij acr' alium claus' arab' voc' le Oldeffeld
et longflfurlonge cont' per estimac' x acr' alium claus' iuxta
claus^ voc' monthay cont' p* estimac' xij acr' vnum pratum

BASINGWERK ABBEY, ETC. 213

voc' le Mydle grange medowe cont' per estimac' ij acr' dimiss'
Hugoni Starkey sub sigill'Cur'Augmen' reuen'Corone Domini
E' per annum - - - . iiijK. vjs. viijU

Oraung^ voc' le Oelthie grange in Oom^ pred* et infra Episco-
paf pred^ inparochia de Whitford. valet in

Eedd' vnius parcell' pastur' voc' le Gelthie grange dimiss' Hu-
goni Starkey sub sigill' Cur' Augmen' reuen' Corone Domini
R' vltra xvj5. viijd. parcell' d'ce grangie in ma'ib' Gr' ap Jevan
ap Eobert ad volunt* Domini per annum - lxix5. viijd.

Graung* voc' le hier grange in Oom* pred^ et imfra Episcopal*

pred' valet in

Redd' et Firm' dimiss' d'd Marten' per Inden' sub sigill' eonuent'
nuper Mon' pred' sigill' in parochia de Hollywell' per an' xk.

vnum mes' vo(f StoUcen in Dom'e de JSollewell in Com' pred'

et infra Episcopat' pred' valet in

Redd' et Firm* dimiss' Thome ap P'ice per Inden' sub sigill' con-
uent' nuper Mon' pred' sigiU' per an' - vjs. viijd.

vnum claue' voc? Greathaye in parochia de Hallewell

valet in

Redd' et Firm' iac' infra vill' de Fulbroke al' Greneffelde iuxta
llocham' et ColdweU' ex parte vna et Walke mille ex parte
altera dimiss' Joh'i penante p' sigill' conuent' nuper Mon'
pred' dat' xviij® die Octobr' a° R' pred' xxvij° pro termino
iij" anno' reddend' per an' - - - vj5. viijd

vnum claiLs' voc' Oesteyhaye in parochia predicta valet in

Redd' et Firm' dimiss* Joh'i Richard ad volunt' Domini per
annum - - - - - -vs.

[Sunmia] xiijK. xviij«. iiijd.
xxiij die Februarij anno xxxi H. viij
pro Henrico Appary.

per Edward Gostwyk Audit'.
Henry Appary. — The some of all the p'myss' together w* the
woods of the same ratyd at one yerly value xiiijZi. iijs. iiijd
inde pro x* xxviij5. iiijd. & rem' clare xijK. xvs. wyche after
xx** year's purchase amontyth to the some cclvK. to be payd
in forme folowyng y* ys to sey in hande cxxx/i. and at xxiij
day of September next cxxvK.

214 BASINGWERK ABBEY

MM except a wood eallyd the gret copys cont' cxx*^ acrez
& the same to be reservyd to the Kyng Maister Chaiinceler
my lorde Eussell hathe moved me for this berer w* whom it
may please yow to go thorow as ye shall thinke good

Your assuryd flfreend

Thomas Cnimwell.

The late Frierhouse of Ruthland, — ^MM that ther is abowte the
late Frierhousse of Ruthlan' no woods but a few smale asshes
growinge before the housse wiche ar but of iiij^ yeres groweth
to the nomber of xxx** beinge worth iJ5. yjd.

Edward Grostwyk.

Nuper hospicium Fratrum nigrorum de Ruthlan' in Com' Flint'
et infra Episcopat' Assaph' De anno regiii Henrici viij'** Dei gra'
Anglie et Franc' R* Fidei defensor' Domini Hibemie et in t'ra
sup'mi capit' ecclesie Anglicane xxxj"^ viz.

Scitus nuper hospicy predicti valet in

Redd* et Firm' cum gam' et pomariis in tenura Pers' GriflP et
Pers' Mutton' ad volunt' per annum - - yjs, viijd.

Firma terr' dominicaV valet in

Redd' vnius claus' voc' le Red Closse cont' ij acr' terr' per ann' ys.
Redd' alt'ius claus' voc' le Gramande closse cont* ij acr' per
an' - - - - - - - v«.

Redd^ infra villam (sic) de Ruthlan* valet in

Redd' vnius aule cum trib' camerijs iac' inter Ecclesiam dicti
domus et coquinam eiusdem domus et cum vno stabular' iac'
iuxta cameram in qua Petrus Gr' ap D'd ap Ithell' nu'c inha-
bitat & duabus gardin' iac' inter tQctam Aulam et viam du-
cen' de Ruthlan' versus Denbighe vnacum vno pomario adiac'
super clas' dicti domus voc' Kayhiz et ij acr' ten^ voc' Kewet-
kayezunwent ac cimiteriu' dicti domus aceciam vna parua
parceir terr' voc' Ykayraan' iac* super viam ducen' de vill* de
Ruthlan* uersus Denbighe cum vno gardin' voc' garth Irrin'
sic dimiss' pred' Petro Gri' ap D'd ap ItheU per Inden* sub
sigill' conuent' pred' nuper hospicij dat* xx° die Septembr'
anno r' r' Henr* viij^ xxvj° per annum - - vs.

Redd' ij camerarum cum vno paruo pomario eisdem cameris ad-
iac' et vna parua parcell' terr' voc' y Kayhiz iac' iuxta Ypol-
edych' sic dimiss' Henrico Conwey per sigiU' conuent' nuper

AND PRIORIES OP DENBIGH AND RHUDDLAN. 215

hospicij pred' dat' iiij*° die Januar' anno R' pred' xxvij® per
an' ------ vj«. viijrf.

[Summa] xxviija. iiijc?.

Per Edward Gostwyk Audit'.

by me Antony Wjrngfeld k.

Mr. Chaunceler I am informyd by S' Antony Wingflfeld that
Kynges his graces plesnre is that this berer Peers Moton sholde
bye the premyss'

Your assuryd flfreend Thomas CrumwelL

xxiij^ die Fehrnarij anno «««;"* if nunc JETenr^ viij^, Henry
Appary Piers Mutton. — S'm totalF of all the premyssis afore-
seid together with the woods rated att one yerely value amount-
ythe to the sume of xvK. xjs. ixd. ob. wherof deducted for the
tenthe xxxjs, ijd. ob. Et rem' clare xiiijZi. vijrf. whiche rated at
xx'^yeres purchase amountythe to the sume of cciiij^^Zi. xj«. viijd.
to be paid in forme folowinge that is to seye in hand, cxlZi. xj«.
viijrf. and at the xxiij'*^ daye of September nexte comynge cxl/t.

Memor^ to excepte a woode callid the greate copis contejm-
ynge cxx acres and the same to be reseruid to the Kings grace.

Eychard Eyche.

Com' Flynte.

The valuacon' of the woodes growinge within the demesnes of
the late Monasterye of Basingworke and dyuerse graunges
parcells of the pocessions of the seid late Monasterye within
the seid oountie of Flynte in North Wales.

Basingworke. — Brymkynocke woode conteyneth viij acres
Gosteyhey cont' x acres wherof is wast ij acres. Summa acr* xvj.
Wherof the vnderwoode ys partely distroyede with cattail, iiij
acres of ij yeres grow* iiij acres of iij yeres grow' iiij acres of iiij
yeres grow* and iiij acres of v yeres grow* wherin be growinge
ccc okks parte tymber of be and Ixxx yeres growith wherof cc
valuid at yjd. the tree And one c resydue with the forseid vn-
derwoode not valuid bycause it will barely suflFyce to fynde the
fermor of the forseid demesnes fire bote ploughe bote carte bote
and house bote accordinge to the couenants of his indenture of
the same.

Trees cc. value, ca. Nota the grounde not valuid bycause
there is no profyte comynge of the vnderwoode.

Item there is a coppies woode called the great woode lyinge
in Myddell graunge conteynynge cxx acres whiche is not charged
in this value never the lees there most be a specyall excepcon
in the patent of the seid woode bycause it hath byn all ways

216 BASINOWERK ABBEY, ETC.

named to be in the Myddell graunge which is valuid within the
partyculers of the demesnes otbrseid.

Per me William Cowper.

PABTICULABS FOB GBANTS, HEN. 8. ANDREWS, BICHARD.

(sec. 4.)

North Wallia.

ParceU' possessionum nuper Monast' de Basingwark auctoritate
Parliament' suppress' ut inferius sequitur-videlicet.

In Comitat' Cestre. — Redd' vnius placee terr' vocat' Overleigh
cum xl acr' terr' cumiipertin' iac' per Hunbrige infra libert' Ciui-
tat' Cestr' in tenur' Ellis ap Dio ap GrifSth' per Indentur' sub
sigiir conuent' dat' in anno Domini millesimo quatuorgentesimo
octogesimo secundo Habend' sibi et assign' suis a fest' Sancti
Michaelis Archangeli eodem anno vsque ad terminum centum
annorum tunc prox' sequen' vltra vnam plac' terr* vocat' Nether-
leigh in man' Bicardi Browne per Indentur* Domino Regi reser-
uat' per annum - - . . Iiij5. ijjjd^

PARTICULARS FOR GRANTS, HEN. 8. ANDREWS, BICHARD.

(sec. 6.)

Nvper domus siue Prioraf Fratrum predicat' de Denbigh

in Norihwallia. Perjld\

Valor omnium et singulorum dominiorum maner' terr' tenement'
ac al' possessionum quarumcumque tarn Temporal' quam
Spiritual' diet* nuper Domui siue Priorat' pertin' sive spec-
tan' ad manus Domini Henr' octaui Dei gra* Anglie Fraunc*
et Hibemie Regis fidei defensor* et in terr' Anglican' et
Hibemice ecdesie supremi capit' sursum redd' ut inferius
sequitur viz' u

In Oom^ Denbigh^ Terr* et possession' quectimque
p'd' nuper domui pertin* valet in

Firm' tocius scitus siue domus diet' nuper Priorat' scituat' ex
oriental' parte viUe de Denbigh' vnacum omnibus et singulis
haulis cameris pincernis coquinis stabulis siue alijs edificijs qui-
buscumque eidem Priorat' pertin' siue spectan' Necnon vno
pomario et vno gardino eidem annex'. Ac eciam omnibus et sin-
gulis tenement' cotagijs terr' pastur* et prat' cum omnibus et
siugulis advantagijs proficuiset emolument' eidem similiter spec-
tan' et pertin' sic dimiss' Robert' Episcopo Assaphen' per Inden-

STEYNTON INSCRIBED STONE. 21 7

tur* sub sigilT commune diet' nuper Priorat' dat' xij"® die Au-
gosti amio r'r'Henr' viij'** xxix^ h'end'eidem Bp'o et successor'
suis a die confeccionis presenc' vsque ad t'minum iuj^xix anno-
rum tunc prox' sequen' et plenar* complend' £edd' inde ann*^
diet' Domino Regi pro decima premis' xijd. durant' termino pred'
et diet' priori et convent' sine eo' suce' aw. eodem termino durant'
viz. pro premis' Et pred' Episcopus ezonerabit diet' nuper pri-
orem et eorum success' de omnibus resolut' reddit' ezeimt' de
primis quequidem Indent' ac omnia et singula in eadem content'
per Caneellar' et Consilium Cur' Domini E' Augmen' revene'
Coron' sue allo^ Dat' apud Westm' xxv*° die AprUis anno regni
pred' Domini £egi3 xxxj°^ per annum - - - x«.

THE STEYNTON INSCRIBED STONE,

PEMBROKESHIRE.

To no other member is the Association more indebted
for the active interest he takes in the antiquities of the
Principality than to Professor Westwood, whose com-
munication to the Journal for October last, on " Some
Inscribed Stones in Pembrokeshire", was not only valu-
able throughout, but added one more to our short list
of Ogam inscribed stones known in Wales. Nor is
the service he rendered to Welsh epigraphy, in shew-
ing that the St. Florence Stone has no Ogam on it^ to
be passed over unmentioned.

But I wish to speak more particularly of the stone
in the churchyard at Steynton, for so I find the name
is written, and not Staynton. It struck me from the
first as differing from the majority in having its Ogam
inscription standing alone, not accompanied by one in
Roman capitals ; and as the cross on the stone does not
seem to be as old as the Ogam, while Professor West-
wood described it as being in relief, it occurred to me
that possibly remains of the Roman letters might be
found on the cross. So when I happened to be in Pem-
brokeshire, in December last, I made it a point to visit
the old stone, and to my gratification I found that the

218 STETNTON INSCRIBED STONE.

Boman inscription was no mere imagination of mine,
but that it could be traced along the perpendicular dia-
meter of the cross. I refer to Professor Westwood's
drawing at p. 292, premising, however, that somehow
his cross has slippea down towards the middle of the
stone. It should be close to the top of it. Now at the
top of the diameter of the cross, near the top of the
stone, the inscription begins with a capital g of the
usual reaping-hook form, followed by a faint E. The rest
of the diameter cannot be read untU one comes near its
lower end, where the man's name clearly ends with a
horizontal I preceded by L. These letters evidently
form parts of the same name which we have in the
Ogam ; but I noticed that somewhat beneath and be-
hind the L there was something like a horizontal stroke
which I could not account for. After leaving the stone
it occurred to me that it might be the remains of a pre-
vious L, in the bosom of which the one still perfect was
cut. Whether this was a happy thought, or the reverse,
must be left to somebody else to find out, who will
take the trouble to examine the stone again. The name
in capitals would then have been GendUli, and not
Gendili, as in the Ogam ; and there is reason to sup-
pose it to be the more correct of the two. Of course
these letters would not have escaped being erased had
they not happened to be just where it suited the later
Christian to have the shaft of the cross he wished to
make ; and I have little doubt that the name Gendilli
WM merely the beginning of the inscription, the rest of
which has been erased lower down on the stone, or
between the middle of the cross and the Ogam. But
what remains is enough to shew that this stone was no
exception to the usual rule, that the Ogam is accom-
panied by an inscription in Roman letters.

A few words as to the name Gendilli. This is pro-
bably the genitive of Gendili. It is hardly to be doubted
that we have a name of the same origin in GeniUin,
which occurs on a font at Patrishow, near Crickhowell,
which is said to read, " Menhir me fecit in tempore

STEYNTON INSCRIBED STONE. 219

GteniUin"; and I suspect that we have the identical
name in the Liher Landavensis, in that of a place
called Trefginhill (p. 32) and Tref Ginnhill (p. 247),
where the boundary of the townships so called is given
thus, " O Elei" (i.e., from Elei) "via custodiente usque
ad Abrenan" (in another MS. "Brenann''), " erigens sur-
sum transversum usque dum descendit in EleL" I give
this in full as I should be exceedingly glad to learn
from somebody who knows the banks of the Eley how
the place is now called. One might expect it to be Tre
Innill or the like ; but if English is the prevailing lan-
guage, then it may be Tree Innill, Tree Innilt, Tree
Indie, or the like ; but I should not like to be parti-
cular.

The Vicar has very kindly favoured me wilh a sketch
of the stone, which shews on the other face of it, near
the ground, a semicircle which I did not notice. It may
possibly be a part of a wheel-cross which has been
overlooked. The whole should be again closely ex-
amined ; and I should be delighted if our Secretary,
Mr. Robinson of Cardiff, could go so far and give us a
careful sketch of th^ stone, bringing out all that is still
visible. Correct and complete readings of inscriptions
of this sort can only be arrived at by degrees, and as
the restdt of repeated searching by more than one or
two men.

John Rhys.

Postscript — I paid a second visit to the stone last
June, when I failed to find the L suggested above as
possibly preceding the L*^ .

220

PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN,

EARL OF CARBERY.

This Indenture tripartite made the fower and twentieth day of
June in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred
sixty and eight And in the twentieth year of the raigne of our
Soveraigne Lord Charles the Second by the grace of Grod of Eng-
land Scotland Ffraunce and Ireland King defender of the ffaith
Ac Betweene the right Hon'ble S^r Eichard Vaughan K'nt of
the Hon'ble Order of the Bath Lord President of Wales Earie of
Carbery and one of his Ma'ties most Hon'ble Privy Councell
and John Lord Vaughan Knight of the Hono'ble Order of the
Bath now eldest sonne & heire apparent of the said Earle of the
first part Robert Blanchard Cittizen and Goldsmith of London of
the second |)art And George Gwynne of LlaneUwith in the
county of Radnor esq and William Dickenson of the middle
Temple London Esq*e of the third part Witnesseth that whereas
the said Richard Earle of Carbery George Gwynne and William
Dickenson heretofore namely on or about the eight and twen-
tieth day of September which was in the yeare of our Lord one
thousand six hundred sixty and one Together with F&ancis
Lord Vaughan then eldest sonne and heire apparent of the said
Earle (but since dec'd) became bound unto the said Robert
Blanchard in one bond or obligacon in the penaU sume of one
thousand pounds (being the proper debt of him the said Earle)
condic'oned for payment of five hundred pounds with due inte-
rest for the same at a day long since past which said bond or
obligac'on hath been lately put in suite in the Court of Comon
Pleas at Westminster against the said George Gwynn Walter
Vaughan and William Dickenson and prosecuc'on so farr had
there upon as that the said George Gwynn and William Dick-
enson are become outlawed And whereas upon adjusting the
principall and interest due upon the said bond or obligac'on apd
the charges expending in sueing the same as aforesaid including
halfe interest to the fower and twentieth day of August next for
the five hundred pounds being the principall money originally
lent there appears to be due and oweing to the said Robert
Blanchard the full and just sum of seaven hundred forty and
nine pounds and tenn shillings And whereas tis intended that
severall Judgements shall be confessed by the said Earle Geoige
Gwynn and William Dickenson to the said Robert Blanchard of
the severall sumes of one thousand pounds apeece for the better
secureing the payment of the said seaven hundred forty nine

PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAK. 22 1

pounds & tenn shillings which said snme of seaven hundred forty
nine pounds and tenn shillings and every part thereof is agreed
by the said Earle and the rest of the said parties to these presents
to be paid to the said Eobert Blanchard his ezecuVs or assignes
At or in the middle Temple Hall London with the space of five
yeares to be accompted from the first day of May last before the
date hereof with halfe interest at six per cent per ann for five
hundred pounds part of the said seaven huncbred forty nine
pounds and tenn shillings being the principall money originally
lent or without interest in such sort and manner as is hereafter
menc^oned and expressed by halfe yearly pajnnents (that is to
say) on the Ffeast of St. Bartholomew next ensueing the date
hereof the sum of seaventy fewer pounds and nineteene shilling
and thenceforth on every Michaelmas day and May day dureing
the said terme the full and entire sum of seveanty fewer pounds
and nineteene shillings and soe to continue during the said
terme of five yeares to be accompted from the first day of May
last And likewise to pay and satisfie interest for the said five
hundred pounds principall money in such sort and manner and
for such time onely and noe longer then as is hereafter men-
c'oned and expressed (that is to say) on the said Ffeast of St.
Bartholomew next for interest one pepper come (if demanded)
at Michaelmas following being the nine and twentieth day of
September the sume of one pound eight shillings and two pence
And on the third payment being May day 1669 the sume of
seaven pounds And on the fowerth payment being the nine and
twentieth day of September 1669 The sume of fewer pounds
seaven shillings and six pence And on the fifth payment being
May day 1670 the sume of five pounds and five shillings And
on the sixth payment being the nine and twentieth day of Sep-
tember 1670 the sume of three pounds two shillings and six
pence And on the seaventh payment being May day 1671 the
sume of three pounds and tenn shillings And on the eighth
payment being the nine and twentieth day of September 1671
the sume of one pounds seaventeene shillings and six pence And
on the nineth paj^ent being the first day of May 1672 the sum
of one pounds fifteene shillings And on the tenth last payment
being the nine and twentieth day of September 1672 the sume
of twelve shillings and sixpence over and besides the half
yearely payments before menc*oned and reserved payable in dis-
charge and satisfaction of the sume of seaven bundled forty and
nine pounds and tenn shillings being the debt now adjusted to
be due for principall interest and charges reserved payable as is
before menc'oned expressed and declared in these p'sents.
And whereas for tiie better secureing of the said seaven hun-

222 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUOHAN.

dred fiforty nine pounds and twelve shillings with interest for
the same as before expressed to be paid in five years time as
aforesaid It is proposed by the said Earle that the said several
Judgements upon mutuat usses shall be confessed by him the said
Earle George Gwynne and William dickenson in his ma'ties
Court of Common Pleas at Westminster unto him the said Robert
Blanchard of the several! sum'es of one thousand pounds apeice
as aforesaid for the better secureing the true payment of the
said sum'e of seaven hundred forty nine poimds and twelve
shillings as aforesaid which when confessed and entred into and
Releases of Errors given and the said John Lord Vaughan hav-
ing signed and sealed to this present Indenture Tis then the
true intent agreement and meaning of all the parties to these
presents That from henceforth all payment of interest is totally
to cease and determine Anything in these p'sents expressed and
conteyned to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding Now
these presents witnes that the said Earle of Carbery and John
Lord Vaughan for and in considerac'on of the sume of five shil-
lings to them in hand paid by the said George Gwynne and
WiUiam Dickenson the receipt whereof they doe hereby acknow-
ledge As alsoe aswell for the better secureing of the said seaven
hundred forty nine pounds and twelve shillings with halfe inte-
rest or without interest as aforesaid to be paid within the terme
of five yeares in maner and form aforesaid As alsoe for the save-
ing harmelesse and keeping indempnified of them the said
Greorge Gwynne and WiUiam Dickenson their Heires Executo's
and Administrato's and every of them of and from the said
Judgements intended to be confessed together with the out-
lawries already obteyned against them And all costs and
damages which may happen by reason thereof And for divers
other good causes and valueable considerac'ons then thereunto
especially moving They the said Richard Earle of Carbery and
John Lord Vaughan Have demised granted bai^ned and sold
And by these presents doe demise grant bargaine and sell unto
the said George Gwynne and William Dickenson their Execu-
to's Administrato's and Assignes All and singular the messuages
lands tenements and Hereditaments situate and lying in severaU
Townshipps parishes and places within the said county of Car-
marthen perticuler specified and expressed in a schedule to
these presents annexed To have and to hold the said Demised
p'misses and every parte and parcell thereof to the said George
Gwynne and William Dickenson their Executo's Administrato's
and Assignes from the first day of May last past before the date
of these p'sents for and during the fuU time and unto the ftdl
ende and terme of five whole yeares then next and imediately

PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN. 223

following and fully to be compleate and ended Yielding and
paying therefore yearely dureing the said terme the yearely rent
of one pepper come at the Ffeast of St. Michaell the Archangell
onely (if it be lawfully demanded) In trust neverthelesse that
they the said George Gwynne and William Dickenson their Ex-
ecuto's Administrators and Assignes shall and will out of the
rents issues and profitts of the messuages lands tenements and
Hereditaments menc'oned and conteyned in the schedule to these
presents annexed well and truely pay or cause to be psdd unto the
said Robert Blanehard his Executors Administrators or Assigns
At or in the Middle Temple Hall London upon the Feast of
St. Bartholomew next ensueing the date hereof the sume of
seaventy Fewer pounds and nineteene shillings and thenceforth
upon every nine and twentieth day of September and upon
every first day of May which shall yearly happen and fall out
dureing the terme of five yeares hereby granted or within thirty
dales aiter the said nine and twentieth day of September and
first day of May the sume of seaventy fewer pounds and nine-
teene shillings of lawfull money of England togeather with inte-
rest for the said five hundred pounds principall money in such
sort and manner and after such rates and proporc'ons as in and
by these presents before is agreed to be paid and as the case
may fall out to be at or upon every nine and twentieth day of
September and first day of May during the said Terme of five
yeres and all the before menc'oned payments to be made with-
out any deducc'on or defaulcac'on And the said George Gwynne
and William Dickenson for themselves their Execute's Adminis-
trato's and every of them doe coven' promise and grant to and
with the said Eobert Blanehard his Execute's Administrato'a
and every of them that they the said George*Gwynn William
Dickenson their Execute's Administrato's and Assignes shall
and will well and truly pay or cause to be paid unto the said
Robert Blanehard his Execute's or Assignes the said half yearely
sum'es or payments of seveanty fewer pounds & nineteene shil-
lings together with such interest and in such sort and manner
as the same shall become due and as is herein before menc'oned
and expressed at the place & on the several times herein before
limitted for payment thereof without any deducc'on or defalca-
c'on whatsoever And the said Robert Blanehard for himself his
Execute's & Administrators & every of them doth covent pro-
mise & grant to and with the said Richard Earle of Carbuiy
George Gwynne & William Dickenson their heires Execute's &
Admi's & every of them that till failer of payment of the said
halfe yerely sum's of seaventy fewer pounds & nineteene shil-
lings w* interest in such sort and manner as aforesaid or some

224 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAIJGHAN.

parfc thereof at the place and times hereinbefoie limitted for
payment thereof shall happen to be made he the said Sobert
Blanchard his Exec^s or Adm's of them or any other person or
persons in his or their name or names shall not and will not sue
forth and presente any extent or extents execuc'on or execuc'ons
ag'st the said Bichard Earle of Garbery and the said George
Gwynne & William Dickenson their heires Execute's or Admi-
nist^ or any of them or cause or procure any other proceedings
to be had upon the said intended Judgments or the outlawries
allready obteyned or any former security given for the said debt
or any of them or against their or any of their estate or estates
reaU or personaU And farther that in case the said Bichard
Earle of Garbery George Gwynne and William Dickenson their
Exec'rs Adm's or assignes or any of them doe and shall well
and truely pay and satisfie unto, the said Bobert Blanchard his
Exec'rs or Assignes the said halfe yearely sumes of seaventy
fewer pounds and nineteene shillings with interest as aforesaid
in manner and forme aforesaid during the said terme of five
yeares without defalcac^on or abatement for taxes or other impo-
sitions whatsoever to commence and be accompted from the 6ist
day of May last in manner and sort aforesaid Hee the said
Bobert Blanchard his Exc'rs and Adm'rs shall and will at the
costs and charges of the said Bichard Earle of Garbery the said
George Gwynn and William Dickenson their Exec'rs or Adm'rs
or any of them upon releases of errors first given acknowledge
satisfacc'on upon records of the said intended Judgements and
every of them if any such be hereafter entred and likewise to
give upp and discharge the said bond or obligac'on together with
all outlawries allreddy obteyned thereupon the same to be done
at the proper costs and charges of the said Bichard Earle of
Garbery George Gwynn and William Dickenson their Exe^rs or
Assignes or some of them As by the said Bichard Earle of Gar-
bery the said George Gwynne and WiUiam Dickenson their
heires Exec^rs or Administ'rs or by his or their Gounsell
learned in the Law shall be reasonably divised advised or re-
quired And if Judgem'ts shall be confessed as is hereinbefore
agreed and releases of errors thereupon given Then it is agreed
that the said Bobert Blanchard shall deliver upp the said recited
bond to be cancelled And for the better enabling of the said
George Gwynn and William Dickenson to pay the said seaventy
fewer pounds and nineteene shillings to the said Bobert Blanch-
ard and his Assignes upon the Feast of St. Bartholomew next
ensueing the date hereof Hee the said Earle doth hereby agree
that the said George Gwynn and William Dickenson their Ex-
ecutors and Assignes shall have and receive all such rents and

PKIVATE PAPERS OF RICHABD VAUGHAN. 225

arrearages of rents as were payable to the said Earle out of the
p'misses upon the first day of May last and if any part thereof

shall be paid to the said Earle he the said Earle will repay

the same to the said George Gwynn and William Dickenson
upon request the better to enable them to make payment as
aforesaid And the said George Gwynne and William Dickenson
for themselves their Execute's and Admits and every of them
doe coven't promise and grant to and with the said Eichard
Earle of Carbery and John Lord Vaughan their Execute's and
Assignes that in case the said George Gwynn and William Dick-
enson their Exec'rs or Assignes shall during the said terme raise
out of and by the rents issues and profitts of the said messuages
lands tenem'ts and hereditam'ts menc'oned and expressed in the
schedule annexed more moneys than shall be sufficient for pay-
ment of the said sume of seaven hundred forty nine pounds and
twelve sliiUings principall money debt with interest as aforesaid
to tlie said Robert Blanchard his Ex*rs or Assignes togeather
w*th necessary charges in doeing thereof they the said George
Gwynn and William Dickenson their Exec'rs and Assignes shall
and will at the end and expirac'on of the said terme pay the
overplus of the said moneyes if any happen to be to the said
Bichard Earle of Carbery if he shall be then liveing And in
case he shall be then dead to the said John Lord Vaughan or to
the Exec'rs or Assignes of the said Earle or some of them And
the said Eichard Earle of Carbery for himselfe his Heires Exec'rs
and Admi'rs and every of them doth coven't and promise to and
Vth the said George Gwynne and William Dickenson their
Execut'rs Adm'rs and Assignes and every of them that the said
messuages Lands and Tenem'ts specified and expressed in the
schedule to these p'sents annexed now are and soe shall con-
tinue and be dureing the said terme of five yeares of the full
and cleare yearely value of one hundred fibrty & nyne pounds'
& eighteene shillings over and above all interest money that
may happen to be paid and over and above all charges repaires
and other expences whatsoever And in case it shall happen
that the said demised premises shall at any time dureing the
said terme happen by any meanes or sort whatsoever to be of
lesser value then the sume of one hundred fforty and nyne pounds
and eighteene shillings (pound) by the yeare over and besides
the interest and charges as aforesaid that then the said Eichard
Earle of Carbery his execute's or Assignes shall and will upon
request to him or them made or left in writeing at the now
dwelling house of the said Earle called Golden Grove in the said
County of Carmarthen by the said George Gwynn and William
Dickenson their Exec'rs or Assignes or any of them within the
4th sbe., vol. XII. 16

226 PRIVATE PAPEBS OF RICHAED VAUGHAN.

space of thirty dayes after such request made or left as aforesaid
well and truely pay or cause to be paid unto the said Geoi^
Gwynn and William Dickenson their Executors or Assignes soe
much money as the said demised p'misses shall fall short of the
said halfe yearely sume of seaventy fewer pounds and nineteene
shillings togeather with interest and charges as aforesaid Pro-
vided allwaies And it is mutually agreed by and betweene all
and every of the said parties to t^ese p'sents their Exec'rs Ad-
ra^rs or Assignes respectively that if the said Earle of Carbeiy
George Gwynn and William Dickenson their Executors or
Assignes or some of them shall not well and truely pay or cause
to be paid unto the said4tobert Blanchard his Exec'rs or Assignes
or some of them the aforesaid cleere halfe yearely sum'es or
payments of seaventy fewer pounds and nineteene shillings at
the respective daies as aforesaid with interest in such sort and
manner as aforesaid w'thout making any deducc'on out of the
same for any taxes or any other thing whatsoever for and dure-
iug all the aforesaid terme of five yeares com'enceing as afore-
said That then and in such case It shall and may be lawfull to
and for the said Bobert Blanchard his Exec'rs or Assignes or
any of them to sue forth all or any writt or writts of Execuc'on
or execuc^ons or any other proceeding or proceedings upon the
aforesaid intended Judgement or Judgements if any such Judge-
ment or Judgements shall be soe obteyned as aforesaid or in
default thereof upon any or every of the Outlawries aforesaid
allready had and obteyned against the said George Gwynn and
WiUiam Dickenson or either of them or may proceede at Law
upon the said bond for the recovery of such sume or sumes of
money with interest and damages for the same as at the time of
such feiiler of payment as aforesaid shall remaine due and un-
paid of the aforesaid principall money due and oweing to him
the said Bobert Blanchard as aforesaid togeather with such fur-
ther costs and charges as the said Bobert Blanchard his Exec'rs
or Assignes shall or may be put unto for the levying and the
recovery of the remainder of the said debt and damages unpaid
and remayneing due to him as aforesaid And that in case such
failer of payment shall be made of all or any the sum'es hereby
intended to be secured to the said Bobert Blanchard that then
and in such case it is intended and declared to be the true in-
tent and meaning of all the parties to these present That the
said Bobert Blanchard his Executo'rs and Assignes shall not in
any wise be bound or concluded by any agreement recitall or
clause in these presents conteyned but be at full liberty for re-
covery of his debt damages and charges to all intents and p.r-
poses as if these presents had not been made any thing in these

1

PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN. 227

presents conteyned to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding
and &om thenceforth this present demise and grant to bee of
noe effect In witnesse whereof the said parties to these presents
their hands and scales interchangeably have sett the day and
yeare first above written.

Carbery. Unsigned. Eobert Blanchari

(Seal.) (No seal) (Seal)

The above deed is endorsed, " Sealed and delivered
by the within written Bichard Earle of Carbery and
Robert Blanchard", after the words, " present demise
and giunt to bee of noe effect", interlined in the last
line, "in the presence of W. B. Jervis, D. Vaughan,
Tho. Pyott''

The seal of tibe Earl is quarterly, 1 and 4, a lion ram-
pant; 2, three roses, two and one; 3, a chevron between
three pheons pointing to the fess-point; all surmounted
by the Earl's coronet. The second place was intended
for the signature and seal of Lord Vaughan ; and the
seal under Blanchard's signature is an angel holding a
wreath, and is not heraldic.

The document itself is a large sheet of parchment
with three slips attached for receiving the seals, the
signatures being on the parchment itself. But though
it is evident that it was intended that Lord Vaughan
should also sign it (a memorandum to that effect being
on the slip destined to receive his seal), yet he never
did so. From the date, 20 June 1668, as also from the
name of the Earl, it was evidently executed by Bichard
Vaughan, the second who bore the title of Earl of Car-
bery, and was also a Knight of the Bath. He is further
well known from the kindly protection and patronage
which he extended to Jeremy Taylor, subsequently
Bishop of Down and Connor, — ^a man of deep learning
and piety, and who, in grateful remembrance of the
time spent at the Earl's residence of Golden Grove in
Carmarthenshire, entitled one of his works of devotion
The Golden Grove. It will be remembered that Dr.
Tuylor was one of those who strongly upheld the cause
of Charles I and of the Church of England, being,

16»

228 PEIVATE PAPIRS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

indeed, a protegS of Archbishop Laud, aud a sufferer for
his principles, his living of Uppingham having probably
been taken from him on that account. While in retire-
ment in South Wales he maintained himself and family
by keeping a school, assisted, of course, very largely by
Lord Carbery and others.

The above deed is probably one of the consequences
of Lord Carbery's adherence to the cause of the Stuarts,
for though he did not suffer so much as others by se-
questration, etc., yet he spent large sums of money, and
the times were so unsettled that it took many years
after the restoration of peace for gentlemen of estates
and influence to put their affairs into proper order.

This family of Vaughan is descended from Eignion,
the twin son, with Cynric, of Madoc ab Meredydd,
Prince of Powys. They were, from the circumstance of
their birth, ordinarily called Eignion Evell and Cynric
Evell, and were illegitimate. The arms borne by Eignion
Evell are, pai-ty per fess, sable and argent, a lion ram-
pant counterchanged, armed and langued gides. They
are evidently a variation of the black lion on the argent
shield, the cognizance of the old Princes of Powys.
Eeignion Evell was lord of Cynllaith, and in Yorkers
Royal Tribes is said to have resided at Llwynymaen,
and to have died in 1196. His wife, according to Harl.
MS. 1241, was Arddyn, daughter of Meredydd Vychan
ab Madoc ab Urien ab Einion ab Lies ab lorwerth Ben-
vras. Harl. MS. 6153 says she was Aethyn, daughter
of Madoc Vaughan of Chirkland, — argent, a cross flory
engrailed inter four choughs sable, legged and beaked
gules. The Golden Grove Book makes her to be Ardhyn,
daughter of Madoc ap Alo of Powys. Vaughan of Hen-
gwrt calls her daughter of Madoc Vychan ap Eynon
Hael ab Yryen of Maen Gwynedd. Rhyn, the eldest
son of Eignion Evell, married Jonnet, the daughter of
John Lord Strange of Knockin, who bore as arms, gule^,
two lions passant guardant argent; and they had issue,
Cuhelyn, living in 1233, who married Eva, daughter
and heiress of Urono ab Cadrod (or Cadwgan, Harl. MS.

PRIVATE PAPEES OP RICHARD VAUOHAN. 229

1241) of Henvach yn Mochnaxit. Argenty a chevron
gules inter three pheons sahlcy the points turned to the
centre of the escutcheon. This is the third quartering
on the Earl's seal. Their son and heir, leuan, married
Eva, the daughter of Adda ab Awr of Trevor. Harl.
MS. 6153 calls her Evach, daughter of Adam Trevor.
Per bend sinister, ermine and ermines, a lion rampant
or. The mother of this Eva was Tanglwyst, daughter
of Yarth ap Ednived ; and her grandfather, Awr, was
son of leuaf (who gave as arms those of Tudor Trefor,
as before, in a bordure) ab Cyhelyn ab Cynwrig ab
Ehiwallon ab Tudor Trefor. The descent of this Efa is
in another place differently given, she being called the
daughter of Adda ab Awr, by Myfanwy, daughter of
Madoc ab Cynwrig Vychan ab Cynwrig ab Hoedliew of
Christionydd,- an estate near Ruabon, ab Cynwrig ab
Khiwallon. This last Cynwrig bore ermine, a lion ram-
pant sable, armed gules, and was slain in 1074, his
mother being Letitia, daughter of Cadwaldr ab Peredyr
Goch of Mon. Rhiwallon, his father, died in 1040,
being the son of Dingad ab Tudor Trefor by Cecilia,
daughter of Severus ab Cadifor ab Gwenwynwyn. Az.
three open crowns in pale or. leuan ab Cyhelyn had
issue by Eva, his wife, a son and successor.

Madoc Goch, i.e., the "Red'', who, according to ITie
Golden Grove Book and also Harl. MS. 1982, married
Lleuci, daughter and heir of Hoel Vychan ab Meredydd
Vychan ab Meredydd Hen ab Hoel ab Meredydd ab
Bleddyn ab Cynfyn. Or^ a lion rampant gules. She is
called in Harl. MS. 6153, Gwervyll, daughter and heir
. of Howell, lord of Powys. They had issue a son and
heir,

Madoc Cyffin, so called from having been nursed at
Kyffin, and to distinguish him from his father. The
name KyflSn signifies a boundary. He married twice,
according to Harl. MS. 1982, one of his wives being
Alice, daughter of Gruffudd ap Richard, descended from
Ririd Vlaidd, by whom he was father of the David
below ; the other being Tangwystl, daughter and heir

230 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

of leuan Voel of Penkelli. Az.^ a chevron between three
birds arg. This wife has been made by some the,
mother of David. She was* the mother of leuan Gethin
of Abertanat. leuan Voel was son of lorwerth ab Gwr-
geneu ab Uchtred ab Aleth, lord of Dyved. Az.^ three
cocks arg.y crested, etc., gules^ — some say or. It will
be observed that so far the Vaughans of Golden Grove
have a common descent with the families of Kyffin of
Oswestry and other places, the Tanats of Abertanat, etc.

David, the son of Madoc Kyffin or Cyffin, and Alice
or Alson his wife, married Catherine, daughter of Mor-
gan ab Davyd ab Madoc. Az.^ a lion rampant or inter
four olive branches slipped proper. This Madoc was
the son of Davyd Vaughan ab Davyd ab Griffith (or
Grono) ab lorwerth ab JHowel ab Moreiddig ab Sandde
Hardd, who came to help the Princes of Powys against
the English, and had Trefortjrn or Burton given him,
and also Llai. His armorial bearings were, t;er<. semfie
of broomslips, a hon rampant or ; and it would appear
not improbable that in the previous coat the broomslips
have been mistaken for ohve-branches. His wife was
Angharad, only daughter and heiress -of GruflFudd ab
Cadwgan of Nannau, near Dolgelley (or, a hon rampant
az.)\ and her mother was Angharad, only daughter and
heiress of Prince Davyd ab Owain Gwynedd and Emma
his wife, sister of Henry Plantagenet, King of England ;
whence, perhaps, the broomslips. Davyd was succeeded
by his son,

Davyd Vychan or Vaughan, of Gartheym, who mar-
ried Agnes (or Gwervyl, Harl. MS. 1969 and 1982),
daughter of Griffith ap Rhys ab Griffith ab Madoc ab
lorwerth ab Madoc ab Ririd Vlaidd, a man of consider-
able eminence, who lived {Eminent WelshTnen) at Rhiw-
aedog, near Bala, and was lord of Penllyn. Vert, a
chevron between three wolves' heads erased arg. By
this match Davyd Vaughan had a son and successor,

Griffith Vaughan, who married, according to some
(Harl. MS. 1969), Margaret, daughter of Owain of Meifod,
ab Dio ab Llewelyn ab Eignion ab Celynyn ; but

PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN. 231

according to The Golden Grove Book, Tybot, daughter
of Meredydd ab Tudor ab Grono ab Howel y Gaddir,
third son of Griffith, descended, as given above, from
Ryryd Vlaidd. They had issue a son and successor,

Hugh Vaughan of Kidwelly, a gentleman of some
note, who held the office of gentleman usher to King
Henry VII, and in a tournament held before that
monarch at Eichmond, near London, killed Sir James
Parker. He married Jane, the heiress of Maurice
Bo wen, Esq., of Llechdwnney, who, according to a note
in The Golden Grove Book, was a descendant, and, as
some say, of the oldest ^branch, of the house of New-
town. This match seems to have brought the Golden
Grove property into the Vaughan family in the reign
of Henry VIII. Since this alliance so materially con-
duced to the temporal prosperity of the Vaughans, it
may be well to go a httle into the history of the Bowen
family.

Urien Rheged is stated to have been King of Cum-
bria and also lord of Gwyn Yscennen, CarwiUion, and
Kidwelly, in Wales. He wa« the founder of the Castle
of Carreg Cenneu, and bore for his arms, argent, a
chevron sable between three ravens proper; and bv his
wife Margaret, daughter and heir of Gwrlais, Duke of
Cornwall (to whom are assigned the same arms, chang-
ing only the ravens into choughs), he had issue a son
Owen, Knight of the Round Table of King Arthur, who
married Dennis, daughter of Lot, King of the Picts.
From another place we learn that the wife of Loth or
Lot ab Cynvarcn, King of the Picts, was Anna, daughter
of Uther Pendragon, and so sister of King Arthur.
Owen had issue Pasken, father of More, father of Ryryd,
father of Llewarch, father of Einion Vawr, father of
Grono, lord of Iscennen, who married Llywelydd,
daughter of Einion Glyd, lord of Elvael, and had issue,
Rhys, who married Margaret, daughter of Gruflfudd ab
Cydrich, lord of Gwynvey, and son of Gwaithvoed.
This Rhys and his wife Margaret had issue a son,Elyder,
who married Gladys, daughter of Philip ab Bach, lord

232 PBIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

of Skenfrith ; though others say she was daughter of
Cadwgan ab Idnerth ab Llywarch ab Bran. Y Bach,
lord of Skenfrith, was brother of Kydric, lord of Gwin-
V6y, according to Harl. MS. 2288. Elider had a son,
Sir Elider, Knight of the Holy Sepulchre, who lived at
CrAg in Llandeilo Vawr, and married Sissil, daughter
of Seissylt ab Llewelyn ab Moreiddig Warwyn, lord of
Cantref Selyf, a descendant of Caradog Vreichvras. By
this marriage he had issue, Philip of Criig, who by
Gladys, daughter of David Vras of Cid welly (a descend-
ant of Cadivor Vawr), had issue, Nicholas, father, by
Janet, daughter of Gruffydd ab Llewelyn Voythys, of
GruflFudd of Newtown, Esq., living in the time of
Henry VI. This Gruffudd was a man of no mean im-
portance in his day, as is shewn by the bardic allusions
to him. He found himself surrounded by the contend-
ing factions of the White and Red Roses, and allied
himself to the Yorkist party, which he ably supported
by a large body of followers, and in whose cause he lost
his life, being fatally wounded at the battle of Morti-
mer's Cross. By his first wife, Mably, daughter of
Meredydd ab Henry Donne of Cidwelly, he had issue,
Ist, an eldest son, Thomas ab Gruffydd, of whom we
shall speak later ; and 2ndly, Owen, who bore the
ancient arms of his forefathers slightly differenced, viz.,
argent, a chevron ermine between three ravens proper.
By his wife Alice, daughter and coheir of Henry Malo-
phant of Upton, co. Pembroke, Esq., Owen had, with
other issue, a son Morris, sumamed, from his father,
Bo wen of Llechdonney,who married Elizabeth, daughter
of Thomas Lewis of St. Pierre, by whom he had issue,
Jane, the wife of Hugh Vaughan of Kidwelly. The
eldest son and successor of Hugh Vaughan, Esq., and
Jane his wife, was

John Vaughan of Golden Grove, co. Carmarthen. He
married Catherine, the daughter of Henry Morgan of
Muddlescombe, — an estate which seems to have de-
scended to him from his mother Jenhet, who was the
daughter and coheir of Henry Done of Picton. The

PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN. 233

mother of Catherine was Margaret, daughter of Henry
Wogan of Milton. The Morgan family deduce their
descent from Cadivor Vawr, lord of Dy vet, who died in
1089, and bore argent^ a lion rampant guardant sMe.
He married Elen, the daughter and heir of Llwchllawen
Vawr, lord of Cilsant, one of the peers of Wales, and
had a sonBledrey, lord of Gwidigada and Elvet, buried
at Llangadoc,1119,who bore as arms, argre?i^, thriee bulls'
heads caboshed sable ^ armed or\ and married Clydwen,
daughter and coheir of Gruffudd ab Cydrich, lord of
Gwinvey, mentioned above. By her he was progenitor
of the family of Morgan.

Catherine, the wife of Sir John Vaughan of Golden
Grove, was living in 1552. They had issue, besides
Henry Vaughan of Cilsant, a son and successor, Walter
Vaughan of Golden Grove, living 4 Mary ; who by his
second wife, Lettice, daughter of Sir John Perrot, Knt.,
of Heroldstone, had issue, Jane, wife of Sir Adam Loftus

of Ireland, and Elizabeth, wife of, Ist, Sir Edward

and 2ndly, Sir Henry Salisbury of Llewenny, Knt.
The first wife of Walter Vaughan of Golden Grove was,
according to The Golden Grove Book, Mary, daughter
of GriflSth Rice of Newtown, Mayor of Carmarthen in
1574 and 1580. Other writers have named her Cathe-
rine, probably through a confusion with her mother's
name.

It will be remembered that Griffith ab Nicolas of
Newtown, temp. Henry VI, previously mentioned, had
had two sons. From Owen was descended Jane, the
wife of Hugh Vaughan of Kidwelly. His son, Thomas
Hynaf, who was of Newtown, married Elizabeth,
daughter and heiress of Sir James Griffith of Abermar-
lais, a descendant of Edny vet Vychan, and had (with a
daughter Margaret, wife of Sir Eichard Herbert of Cole-
brooke) a son, Rhys ap Thomas of Newtown, a famous
man in his time. From Williams' Eminent Welshmen
many f)articulars may be learned of him. He was bom
in 1451, and possessed of great estates in South Wales,
so that he was able to bring some 6ve thousand men

234 PRIVATE PAPEBS OF RICHAfiD VAUGHAN.

into the field with him. He was instrumental in bring-
ing over Henry VII, and contributed greatly toward
his success at the battle of Bosworth. He was present
also at the battle of Stoke, against the partizans of
Lambert Simnel ; and at that of Blackheath, where he
took Lord Audley prisoner. He also pursued Perkin
Warbeck, as he was called, to Beaulieu Abbey in Hamp-
shire, whither he had retired for sanctuary. In 1606
Sir Bhys was made Elnight of the Garter ; and after
many other exploits, and the receipt of many other
favours, he died in 1527, aged seventy-six, and lies
buried in Carmarthen.

By his wife Efa, the daughter and coheir of Heury
ap Gwillim of Court Henry, co. Carmarthen (a descend-
ant of Elystan Glodrydd), Sir Bhys was father of Sir
GriflBth ap Bhys of Newtown, who was created a Knight
of the Bath. He" married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir
John St. John of Bletsho,Knt., and had issue a daughter,
Elizabeth, wife of Sir Charles Herbert of Troy ; and a
son Rhys or Rice Griffith of Newtown, who married
Lady Catherine Howard, daughter of Thomas Duke of
Norfolk. In a copy of the Howard pedigree, kindly
obtained for the writer by Lord Edmund Howard (now
Talbot) from his brother the Duke of Norfolk, mention
is made of Catherine, wife, first of Sir Rice ap Thomas,
2ndly of Henry Daubeny. She was the daughter of
Thomas, second Duke of Norfolk, (?5i. 1524,by his second
wife, Agnes, daughter of Sir Philip Tilney of Boston,
and granddaughter of John Howard, created Duke of
Norfolk and Earl Marshal (slain at Bosworth), by his
first wife, Catherine, daughter of William Lord Molines.
The dukedom of Norfolk came to him through his
mother, he being the son of Robert Howard by Ma^a-
ret, eldest daughter of Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Nor-
folk.

Rhys Griffith had issue by the Lady Catherine, his
wife, a son, Griffith Rhys of Newtown, whoge wife,
Eleanor, was daughter of Sir Thomas Jones of Abermar-
lais (1567) by his second wife, Mary, daughter and co-

PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN. 235

heir of Sir James Berkeley, Knt Sir Thomas Jones
was son of John and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Thomas
Vaughan of Bradwardine, co. Hereford, and grandson
of the above mentioned Thomas Hynaf by his second
■wife Elizabeth, daughter of James de Burgoyne, second
son of Philip Duke of Burgundy and Brabant, and Earl
of Flanders.

It will be seen from the foregoing account that the
family of Vaughan of Golden Grove was at this time
connected with some of the principal houses of England;
and it is, perhaps, not unworthy of remark, that Mary,
the wife of Walter Vaughan, as the grandchild of Cathe-
rine, was related to the royal line, smce Thomas, second
Duke of Norfolk, was father, by his first wife (Eliza-
beth, daughter and heir of Sir Frederick Tilney of Ash-
welthorp^, of Elizabeth, wife of Thomas Bolejm, Earl
of Wiltshire, and mother of Anne Boleyn, who herself
was mother of Queen ElizabetL Further, the family
had also the advantage of wealth, being at this time
one of the largest (if not the largest) landowners in the
county of Carmarthen ; and thus, with everything in
their favour, it is not wonderful that they speedily
rose to greater distinction.

By his first wife, Mary, daughter of Griffith Rice of
Newtown, Walter Vaughan of Golden Grove had issue
three sons, — 1, John ; 2, William ; and 3, Walter; con-
cerning each of whom it will be necessary to say a few
words, and we will take them in inverse order.

The third son, Walter Vaughan, was of Llanelly, hav-
ing married Anne, daughter and heir of Thomas Lewis
of Llanelly ; and it would seem that to his youngest
son. Sir Henry Vaughan of Derwydd, the following
vicious passages from the State Papers are intended to
apply : " Harry Vaughan, John Vaughan, and John
Vaughan of Derllys, are principled and actuated by
their kinsman, the Earl of Carberry, who ought to bear
the blame or glory of their actions." " Harry Vaughan,
anything for money, a proselyte and favourite to all the
changes of times : a sheriff for his late Majesty, after-

236 PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN.

wards for Cromwell, justice of peace under each ; tyrant
in power, mischievous by deceit. His motto, * Qui nes-
cit dissimulare, nescit vivere/ '' These excellent speci-
mens of splenetic writing are not the only ones with
which this family of Vaughan has been honoured. How-
ever, Henry Vaughan was not the successor to his father
at Llanelly , which came to his eldest brother ; and upon
his death, without issue, passed to the second son, John
Vaughan, who married Margaret, the daughter of Sir
Marmaduke Lloyd of Maesyfelyn. This family of Lloyd
was descended through Gadifor ab Din wall of CasteU
Hoel (who distinguished himself in taking Cardigan
Castle from the Flemings, for which he received the
arms, sable, a spear s head imbrued, inter three scaling-
ladders argent, on a chief gules a castle triple towered
prpper), from Tudwal Gloff (i.e., the lame), being so
named from a wound he received in his knee in a battle
near Conway in 878, who was a son of Rhodri Mawr,
King of all Wales. The great-grandfather of Sir Mar-
maduke was Llewelyn of Castle Hoel, who married
Margaret (some say Lleucy), daughter of Thomas ab
Withen (az., a wolf salient arg), her mother being Ama-
bil, dau^ter of Owain ab Piers of Llanarth in Cem-
maes. dj this wife he had issue, Hugh of Llanllyr,
who by his wife Joan, daughter and heir of Griffith ab
Henry, a descendant of Gwaithvoed, had issue, Thomas
Lloyd, Clerk and Treasurer of St. David's, who gave as
his arms, gyrony of eight, or and sable, on a cross quar-
terly, pierced, five crescents counterchanged. He mar-
ried Frances, daughter of Marmaduke Midleton, and
by her was the father of Sir Marmaduke Lloyd, who
was educated for the law at the Middle Temple, and by
his integrity and learning rose to be a judge. He
settled at Maesyfelyn, and built a mansion there, where
he kept up a state befitting his position. He is called
in The Golden Grove Book "one of y® Judges for y® seve-
rall counties of Glamorgan, Brecon, and Eadnor", and
seems to have delighted in having about him persons
of devout life and strict morals, one of his great friends

PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUG^AN. 237

being the Rev. Mr. Prichard of Llandovery, a man much
esteemed in that country. It is sad to think that from
this intimacy probably sprang the "curse of Maesy-
felyn'', which, according to popular belief, has been suf-
ficiently powerful to overthrow the family of Lloyd,
and lay their mansion even with the ground.

The intimacy between the families of Mr. Prichard
and the Judge, Sir Marmaduke Lloyd, was so close that
the son of the former was constantly at the mansion of
the latter ; and according to the popular tradition,
young Samuel Prichard formed an attachment to one
of the daughters of the house. His suit was not looked
upon with favour by the family, and it is supposed that
after visiting Maesyfelin one evening a quarrel ensued.
From words they came to blows, and in the turmoU
young Prichard (the only son of his father) lost his life.
Next day his body was found, as it is said, brutally
murdered, and thrown into the river Teivy, and was
conveyed home. Upon learning the disaster which had
befallen him, the old man exclaimed, in the bitterness
of his grief, " May the curse of Almighty God fall upon
Maesyfelin! May it light upon the trees, withering
them to the root, and upon the stones within the wall,
for the young son of Llandovery has beeil cruelly
drowned in the Teivy !" These words, or at least words
to this effect, certainly came from the vicar Prichard ;
and he seems to have connected the house of Maesy-
felin with the death of his son, — whether reasonably or
not, cannot now be well known. However, the curae
in subsequent years worked its way according to popu-
lar tradition. The name of Lloyd passed away from
Maesyfelin ; the place was neglected, then became an
absolute ruin, and finally, at tlie present day all traces
of the mansion are gone. Two things seem certain :
1st, that young Prichard was drowned in the Teivy ;
2ndly, that the vicar connected his fate with the house
of Maesyfelin ; but that any murder was committed
has never been shown. The young man may have fidlen
accidentally into the river in returning from the Lloyds,

238 PElfBROKESHIRB AKTIQUITIES.

or it is possible that his despair at the ill success of his
suit may have driven him to the rash act of throwing
himself into the river.

{To h9 wnJtinvAd,)

PEMBROKESHIRE ANTIQUITIES.

OAKEW, HODGBSTON, UPTON.
CARBW.

The fortified rectory of Angle, in Pembrokeshire, is well
known as one of the most interesting relics of former
times. In the state of society in remote and impro-
tected districts it was necessary to provide strongly
secured residences, and hence such a building as that of
the Angle Rectory. If the Rectory of Carew, visited
during the Pembroke Meeting, does not present the
same defensive character, the difference may be ac-
counted for on two grounds, one of which is the compar-
atively later date of the present building ; the other,
and probably the more influential one, is its proximity
to the Castle, which protected it from sudden attack
from the sea. Still, however, the older part of the pre-
sent building, now used as a farmhouse, clearly shows
that the buUder had some idea that a rectory was also,
in some sense, a castle. The upper story is reached by
a newel-staircaae. Unfortunately the representation of
it here given does not show that portion of the build-
ing which is concealed by a low wall. High walls are
said formerly to have surrounded the grounds, only
fragments of which remain.

From Fenton's accoimt of it, it is evident that con-
siderable alterations must have taken place since his
time. He tells us that a handsome gateway leads to
the rectorial residence, and adds that *^the house is of
a singular appearance, having a square tower on one

PEMBROKESHIBE AKTIQUITIES. 239

side, through an arched opening, which (now stopped)
was once the principal entrance/' It is a large, irre-
gular building, a great part of it of considerable anti-
quity, unroofed, and in ruins, and seems to have stood
on an elevated spot in the middle of a uaddock enclosed
with a waU, a large portion of which, very high and
embattled, still remains on each side, and connected
with the principal gateway-residence. At present it
is the property of a member of a family as numerous
in Pembrokeshire as respectable. We refer to that
of which the present Dean of St. David's is a member.

Fenton was evidently puzzled to account for the "con-
sequential appearance of this rectorial mansion and its
walled precinct", unless on the supposition that David
Fitzgerald, previous to his advancement to the bishop-
ric, commenced his clerical career by building a residence
suitable to his rank and pretensions ; and that on his
promotion he annexed it to the see, making it an episco-
pal sinecure. As David Fitzgerald was consecrated in
1147, the building, or rather the remains that Fenton
saw, could not have been his work ; nor could such a
speculation have been hazarded by that antiquary had
he any idea of what a clergyman s residence was in
the twelfth century.

On whaif authority Fenton relies as to David Fitz-
gerald having held the rectory of Carew, and his mak-
ing it over to the Bishops of St. David's, is uncertain ;
but his character was certainly not that of a Uberal
benefactor, if the anonymous writer of his life can be
trusted, for he is described as a most violent and out-
rageous dilapidator, and shutting up his Cathedral
during the greater part of his episcopate. (See Jones
and 1 reeman's History of St. David's, p. 279.) It is cer-
tainly true that his nephew, Giraldus de Barry, gives
a character the reverse of that bequeathed to us by the
anonymous writer above mentioned ; but even he ad-
mits that his uncle impoverished his church, although
in a less flagrant manner than some of his predecessors.
It is' not, thr;efore, likely that he enriched the see by

240 PEMBROKESHIRE ANTIQUITIES.

I

the gift of the rectory of Carew and its important
residence. The nephew was a great pluralist, holding
the churches of Llanwnda, Tenby, and Nangle, of
Chesterton in Herefordshire, with a prebendal stall
in the Cathedral of Hereford, and subsequently the
archdeaconry and Prebend of Brecon. Had he also
held the church of Carew, he might have done what
Fenton thinks that his uncle did; although there is
no record that he ever did hold it.

The existence of this interesting building, for it is
interesting as the remains of an ancient rectory, is not
mentioned in the ordinary guide-books, and conse-
quently the numerous visitors to the Castle, Church,
and Cross, are not aware that there is another object in
Carew deserving notice, although they may not feel
much interest in the subject of ancient Welsh rectories.

HODGESTON CHURCH.

The most remarkable object in this church is the
canopied sedilia and double piscina, shewn in the accom-
panying illustration, for which we are indebted to the
skilful draughtsman of the Association. Mr. Freeman,
in his Architectural Antiquities of South W^es, has, in
his notice of this church, observed that the sedilia are
placed at an unusual distance from the east wall, as is
also the case at Monkton ; but in this instance a win-
dow intervenes between the piscina and sedilia. *' These
portions", says Mr. Freeman, "present a general re-
semblance to the peculiar style of Bishop Grower ; but
some differences may be detected, especially in the pro-
fuse use of the ball-flower. This ornament does not
occur in his best ascertained works, his favourite enrich-
ment being the open flower with four leaves." The
church itself is, in the opinion of the same high author-
ity, one of the three abnormal churches in the neigh-
bourhood, namely, those of Monkton, Carew, and Hodges-
ton, which last may be almost considered a miniature

I ^

Mo

OOD

att
toe
int
api
wt
lai
bi]

! a

s
\

; t

PEMBBOEESHIBE ANTIQUITIES. 241

Moakton. Although the church Is a small local one,
consisting of a nave and western tower, yet it has
attached to it a Decorated chancel of gi^eat beauty. Fen-
ton visited the church, but does not allude to this moat
interesting feature of it. He spells the name Hoggeston,
apparently on the authority of an ancient deed he saw,
which one John Stackpool, who styles himself capel-
lanus, dates at Oggeston. This man was, in all proba-
bility, chaplain to the episcopal palace at Lamphey, and
also rector of this parish, the duties of which could be
easily performed from Liamphey. There appears, more-
over, to have existed some religious house, from the con-
siderable ruins which were mentioned by a dignitary of
St. David's to Browne Willis in 1717. Of this religious
house there are not the leaat remains, not even a tradi-
tional history. The ruins mentioned to Browne Willis
may have been those of an ancient rectory, probably
fortified.

UPTON MONUMENTS.

Of the original castle little remains but the entsance-

gateway flanked by two round towers, a view of which

will be found in the ArchcBologia Cambrensis, 1852, p.

196, other portions having been more or less converted

into apartments and ofGces of the present mansion.
The ancient chapel has been long disused as such ; but
it contains monuments of interest. One of these is a
stone hand, here represented, 4 inches in breadth, and
6 in length. It projects from the north wall. Fenton

242 PEMBROKESHIRE ANTIQUITIES. i

thinks it was intended to hold a taper, for the main-
tenance of which funds may have been provided by the
friends of the deceased, over whose monument it may
have been placed. He had never seen or heard of a
similar instance. Mr. Vaughan believes it to be unique.
It is certainly so as regards Wales but not England,
as in Evington Church, in Leicestershire, there is another
example, a description of which will be given in the
forthcoming edition (the eleventh) of Manual of Gothic
Architecture^ vol. ii, p. 65, by that Nestor of antiquaries,
M. H. Bloxam, Esq., who has, with his usual courtesy,
forwarded the following extract : — " In the south wall
of Evington Church, Leicestershire, projecting from the
north wall near the east end is a stone bracket, in
which an image formerly stood, and in front of this is
a smaller bracket projecting from the larger one, on
which is sunk an orifice or socket for a taper or light
to be set in. This is a singular example now remain-
ing." " Projecting from the north wall of the little
chapel of Upton Castle, Pembrokeshire, is a man's fist
sculptured in stone, with a perforation for a light or
taper to be placed in." Mr. Bloxam has no doubt that
these two are what Mr. Fenton 'suggested the Upton
hand or fist to be. But although the Evington bracket
and the fist at Upton were intended for the same pur-
pose, yet the latter is still most probably unique, as
Mr. VaTighan thinks.

On the visit of the members in 1880, Mr. Halford
Vaughan kindly pointed out the details of the armour
of a knight, which was partly mail and partly plate,
which mixture was customary from the middle of the
fourteenth to about the middle of the next century,
when, by degrees, mail-armour was entirely superseded.
As the Malefants were owners of Upton for some
generations, the effigy, no doubt, is that of one of
the family, which was extinct in the male hne in
the time of Henry VII, when Henry, the last of
the Pembrokeshire branch, left a daughter Alice,
who married Owen, second son of Griffith ap Nicholas

PEMBROKESHIRE ANTIQUITIES. ^43

of Newton or Dynevawr. As this powerful Welsh-
man was slain at the battle of Mortimer V Cross (1461),
the date of Henry Malefant may be approximately
fixed. Mr. Halford Vaughan states that William Earl
of Pembroke, beheaded after the battle of Banbury
(1469), made his wiU on the day of his execution,
wishing his daughter Jane to be married to Edmund
Malefant. From Lewys Dwnn (p. 164) it appears
that the eldest son of Sir Thomas Malefant of Upton,
who died 8th May 1438 {Arch. Camh., 1862, p. 210),
was named Edmund, and that his son also bore the
same name. The Edmund mentioned was probably the
grandson, not the son, of Sir Thomas Malefant. Fen-
ton says that Henry was the last of the Upton Male-
fants, and that his only child Alice married, as stated
above, Owen, second son of Gruffydd ap Nicholas, whence
the estate passed to the Bowens, the grandson Owen
ap Nicholas being the first to assume that name. If he
is correct, this Henry must have been brother of Ed-
mund the younger, whom he succeeded, as he could
hardly have been his son, as being contemporary with
Grufl^dd ap Nicholas. But there appears to be an error
on the part of Fenton, as according to the Pembroke-
shire pedigrees printed by the late Sir Thomas Phillips,
Alice is called the daughter and coheiress of Stephen
(not Henry) Malefant of Upton, her mother being a
daughter of Stephen Perrot, whose sister Margaret
was the second wife of Gruff, ap Nicholas. To which
of the family this effigy is to be assigned it is impossible
to decide ; but it is apparently of the time of Gruff, ap
Nicholas or that of his father.

Who this knight was is now impossible to discover.
That he was an owner of Upton is probable; and if one
of the Malefants, he may well have been, as Fenton
thinks, the first of that ancient family who carved out
for himself so pleasant and fertile a spot as the penin-
sula of Upton.

There is another object of interest in this chapel,
namely, an effigy of a female lying on the north side,

17«

244 PEMBROKESHIRE AIJTIQUITIES.

within the raUs of the altar, where it was in Fenton's
time. He has given an engraving of it in his Tour
(p. 249). The arrangement of the hair is diflferent from
what was customary in the fourteenth century, when
the hair was braided at the sides of the face, and some-
times continued to the top of the shoulders. The eflSgy
at Cheriton (also given by Fenton, p. 249) has the hair
so represented, but is not carried so low down as the
shoulders. Towards the latter end of this century it
was customary to place it on the top only of the head,
sometimes confined in gold or silver network orna-
mented with jewels at the intersections. The Upton
effigy seems to be a still later modification, as far as can
be ascertained from Fenton's representation ; but the
following description of it, kindly given by Mr. Vaughan,
renders the accuracy of the drawing a less important
matter. " The dress seems to consist of a close-fitting
habit with tight sleeves, over which is worn a sleeve-
less, and down to the waist, sideless gown, so cut as to
disclose a tight habit underneath it, in the form of a
rather graceful jacket with a curvilinear outline, this
not being the shape of the tight habit itself. A mantle
covers the shoulders, and depending from them flows
down the side of the figure. A golden caul, I believe,
contains and confines the hair. Two cushions support
the head, guarded by two now mutilated figures
beside it."

From the above description the effigy may be referred
to a period from 1330 to 1420. A similar headdress
of a lady in Long Melford, Suffolk, is assigned to
1420 ; another, dated 1415, is at Waltham in Lincoln-
shire.

There is a third eflBgy connected with Upton, now
lying under the north wall of Nash Church, a short dis-
tence from the Castle. It is a mutilated effigy, and for
at least seventy or eighty years has been lying amid
weeds. Fenton tells us all that is known about it, which
is little beyond the fact that it was originally on a bench
at the north end of an aisle taken down a few years

P£UBB0EB8H1RE ANTIQUITIES. 24S

previously to his Tisit by the rector and patron of the
living. At the time Feoton saw it it was lying among
the rubbish of the demolished aisle. The workmanship
of these remains is good; but the face has been broken
off. He does not mention that the legs were also
broken just below the knee ; so that their mutilation
may have been made subsequently to his visit.

This monument is the oldest of its kind in Pem-
brokeshire. It is of the same period as the Butler one
in St. Bride's, Glamorganshire, visited by the Associa-
tion from Swansea in 1861, namely, the thirteenth
century. The position of arm and sword, however, is
different, but is like that of the De Barri eflBgy in
Manorbier Church. The De Barri monument is, how-
ever, later, as shewn by the mixture of plate and mail,
which was not adopted until the latter half of the cen-
tury. The Nash effigy is, therefore, tiie oldest, or one
of the oldest, examples in Wales, atfd in spite of its
mutilated state and neglected condition among the
rubbish and nettles, would it not be advisable to re-
move it within the church, where it would be protected
from bad weather and mischievous boys 1

Fenton seems to assume that it Is the effigy of a
Crusader, his reason probably being the crossing of the
legs, a position which was formerly tliought to prove that
the knight had joined the Crusaders ; but this error has

246 UNEXPLAINED STONE ARTICLES.

been long sinc5e disproved. He also conjectures that he
was the first owner of Upton Castle, and was the
founder and builder of Nash Church. There was a tra-
dition that he died abroad, and that his body was landed
at Cosherton PiU, a little below the church, and that
he was an admiral and a giant ; which latter tradition
Fenton thinks confirmed by the size of the eflSgy. The
left hand holds a triangular shield, and the right hand
a sword slightly inclining.

It need not be stated to whose skill the Society is
indebted for the faithful illustration of these antiquities.

E. L. Barnwell.

1881.

UNEXPLAINED STONE ARTICLES.

When I first saw the print of the stone article found
at Cleobury Mortimer, it occurred to me that it was
the handle of a musical instrument, chiefly on account
of the number and ft)rm of the smaller holes in the
stone ; but as I felt that the number might be one of
convenience or mere accident, I thought no more about
it, until I saw the stone in the glass case in Stokesay
Castle, with its centre hole, and its seven smaller holes,
when I was satisfied that the number was not an acci-
dent ; and as the stone, though difiering in outward
appearance, in all other respects supported the notion
I had previously formtM of the Cleobury Mortimer
stone, I now venture to state the reasons why I think
that these stofces formed part of a musical instrument

First as to the Cleobury Mortimer stone. It will be
seen that there is a large straight hole through the
centre, with seven smaller holes round the upper part
of the stone. These smaller holes are not made like
the larger one, but are of a cup-like shape; the cup
part being so formed (as it seems to me) for the pur-
pose of receiving a knot to confine a string, and that

UUBXPLAINED STONE ARTICLES. 247

tie strings would then be brought through the centre
hole, and drawn down to the body of the instrument ;
and as the number of these cup-shaped holes corres-
ponds with the number of the notes in music (seven), I
cannot but think that the instrument must have been
a musical one.

The stone in Stokesay Castle in its general appear-
ance has little resemblance (b^ond the centre hole) to
the Cleobury Mortimer sfone, but when closely exa-
mined, it appears singularly adapted for the purposes
I have suggested witb regard to that stone. There is
the large centre hole, and the seven cup-like holes,
not, however, upon the face of the stone, but on the
edge; and the large hole does not appear to be cut
through, like the other stone, but about the middle of
it there appears to be what Mr. Barnwell, in his
interesting paper on this subject, calls a groove; iuid I

248 UNEXPLAINED STONE ARTICLES.

cannot but think that if the seven small holes were
probed it would be found that they opened upon this
groove, 80 that the strings might be drawn down to
Uie body of the instrument Unfortunately, the glass
case in which this stone is kept waa screwed down bo
tightly that it could not be opened, and I waa, there-
fore, unable to satisfy myself upon this point.

FouDd in Uo&t ot SlokoBBy CuUe.

It may perhaps be thought that the centre hole in
the Cleobury Mortimer stone was for the purpose of
receiving a stick, to which the strings would be
attached ; but the rough state of the lower portion of
the stone suggests the notion that it has been £xed to
another body, and there appears to be some holes suit-
able for fastening it to such body.

The shape of the Stokesay stone, though differing
from the other, is not at all inconsistent with the
object of the other stone, as the pointed end is as well,
if not better adapted for insertion in another body
than the other stone.

The only objection that occurs to me with regard to
my theory is that, though we hear of music produced
by stones, we never see a stone handle to a musical
instrument ; but we are now considering a mediasval
article, and not a modern instrument, and one found in
a musical country, but in a district where the choicest

UNEXPLAINED STONE ARTICLES. 249

and more delicate instruments of Southern Europe may
have been heard of, but not seen. A wooden handle,
pieroed with so many holes, might have been thought
too weak to bear the strain that would be put upon it,
and therefore stone would have seemed more suitable
for the purpose; and it appears from Mr. Barnwell's
paper that the stone is soft, and not suitable for a ham-
mer. It could, therefore, be worked, probably, as easily
as wood. That the body to which these articles were
attached was wood, or some other perishable material,
may, I think, be admitted, as nothing appears to Jiave
been found in connection with them.
. If I am right in my notion of the use of these stones,
a most interesting enquiry suggests itself, and which I
am not aware has ever engaged the attention of this
Society. It is the early history of the musical stringed
instruments of Wales. In such a musical country as
this is, there must have been many strange instruments
formed and thrown away before they settled down into
the present beautiful harp.

The stones are engraved in the vol. 1873, pp. 349,
354.

Arthur Gore.

Melksham.

We think it as well to reproduce the cats of these very singular
stones as some members may not have seen them. Mr. John Evans
has seen Mr. W. G. Smith's drawing of the Stokesay Stone, and
confesses he is unable to make anything of it. — Editor.

250

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

(Continued from p. 170, Vol. zii.)

1580-1, Jan. 31. Draft of " Au Act touching Henry Vemon
and John Vemon", to make void a false return or certificate
made by Sir John Throckmorton, Knight, upon a* writ of error
sued by Henry and John Vernon, concerning the barony of
Powys, etc. This bill, or a similar one, was brought forward
several times, but finally rejected.

1621, April 28. Draft of " An Act touching several court
leets and court barons to be kept within the manor, barony
lordship, and fee of Malpas, in the county of Chester", to au-
thorise Sir Wm. Brereton, his heirs and assigns to hold a court
leet, etc. Bead 1* and rejected. (C. J., i, 595.)

1621, May. Report of a conference between Edward Leigh
and Mr. Dodd, touching a complaint made to the Parliament by
Leigh and Edward Vadrey against the Court of Exchequer of
Chester and Lord Derby. Annexed :

1. Petition of Edward Vawdrey, a suitor in the Exchequer
Court of Chester [to H. C] ; complains of the conduct of Edward
Dodd, registrar of that Court, for threatening and menacing
petitioner, and for taking bribes from suitors in the Court.
Prays that Dodd may be called upon to answer. (Undated.)

2. Direction for examination of witnesses respecting the
abuses and corruptions of the officers in the Exchequer Court of
Chester.

3. Deposition of Edward Leigh, that Edward Dodd, Baron of
the Court of Exchequer of Chester, told him that if he cla-
moured against the said Court in Parliament, he would do
nothing, and that it would some day be remembered against
him.

1641-2, Feb. 22. Answer of Sir Edward Herbert,^ Knight,
His Majesty's Attorney-General, to the impeachment exhibited
against him by the House of Commons in this present P6u:lia-
ment assembled. (L J., 603.) In extenso,

1641-2, Feb. 26. Petition of James Lord Strange, Lieu-
tenant of the county of Chester. Peter Heywood (against

^ Sir Edward Herbert, Knight, son of Charles Herbert, Esq., of
Aston, in the Goanty of Montgomery, and cousin-german to Lord
Herbert of Cherbury.

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 251

whom petitioner ha^ 9 suit), has printed and published a declara-
tion against petitionefr, and caused several bundles of papers to
be printed here in London in the form of petitions in the name
of tiie county of Lancaster, full of scandal against petitioner as
unfit for his place, and reflecting upon Parliament for appoint-
ing him. Prays for vindication of his honour. (L. J., iv.)
Annexed :

1. Printed copy of declaration referred to in preceding.

2. The answer of Peter Hejrwood, gent., to the charge con-
tained in the petition of James Lord Strange. March 22,
1641-2.

3. Petition of Peter Heywood. Prays that he may be dis-
missed from any further attendance, and be discharged of tht
pretended scandal

1641-2, March 2. Petition of His Majesty's Attorney-General
touching the Counsel assigned to him. (L. J., iv, 623.) In
extenso.

1641^2, March 4 Letter from the King to Lord Keeper Little-
ton concerning the Attorney-General. This letter was read in
the House on the 8th of March. (L. J., iv, 634.) In extertso.
Annexed :

1. Copy of the articles of high treason and other high mis-
demeanours against the Lord Kimbolton, Mr. Denzill Holies,
Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. John Pym, Mr. John Hampden, and
Mr. William Strode. Enclosed in preceding. (L. J., iv, 501.)
In extenso,

1642, April 6. Petition of Thomas Bushell: petitioner by
His Majesty's command, adventured his fortime in the recovery
of the deserted mines of Cardiganshire, but, being much molested
in the work by Sir Kichard Mce and others, obtained an order
from their Loidships for securing his quiet possession ; in spite
of this order. Sir Richard Price and the others have destroyed
petitioner's engines and works, and refused him turf " to make
into charke" by a method of his own invention for the saving of
wood, and in other ways molested him ; prays that they may be
convented to answer for their misdoings. (L J., iv, 700.) An-
nexed :

1. Affidavit of Walter Barsbee, " Saye-master" of His Ma-
jesty's Mint, county of Cardigan. 5 April, 1642.

2. Affidavit of John Huson. When Mr. Nevell, who for-
merly worked the mines, heard that Bushell had bought the
lease of them^ he hired deponent and others to pull up the
punjps, and inundated the mines, and stopped them up with
rubbish.

3. Copy of the order referred to in Bushell's petition. 14
August, 1641. (L. J., iv, 364.)

252 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

4 Another copy.

5. Letter from Sir Richard Price to Mr. Hevitoe. Under-
stands that he will interrupt the writer's workmen on the hills;
would have him know that his interest is better there than that
of any other.

1642, April 6. Copy of order made on Bushell's petition for
his protection. (L. J., iv, 700.) In extenso.

1642, April 6. Charge presented by Thomas Bushell, Esq.,
against Sir Thomas Price and others.

1642, April 19. Petition of John, Archbishop of York. Has
remained fifteen weeks a prisoner in the Tower, and all that
while, in a manner, continually sick ; prays for leave to go out
with his keeper, returning to prison every night. (L. J., v, 6.)

1642, April 23. Draft preamble to the judgment against
Sir Edward Herbert, Attorney-General, for impeaching the five
members. (L. J., v, 11.) In externa,

1642, April 30. Petition of parishioners of Pennard, in the
county of Glamorgan to H. C. Have never had more than four
sermons a year in their parish church, and those by a man of a
very scandalous life; pray for the nomination of Ambrose
Mosten, as lecturer, a man of godly sort, and one who can
preach in the Welsh and English tongues. (C. J., ii, 551.)

1642, May 5. Petition of John, Archbishop of York, pray-
ing that he may be bailed. (L. J., v, 44.) In extenso,

1642, May 2. Engrossment of the Bill for the forfeiture of
the lands and estates, and for the punishment of John, Arch-
bishop of York, and the other impeached bishops. Brought
from H. C, and read first this day. No further proceeding.
(L. J., V, 42, 43.)

1642, April 6. Petition of Sir Edward Herbert, His Ma-
jesty's Attomey-GeneraL Prays for enlargement from the Fleet,
not so much on account of his health (wherein he is not free
from suffering), as on account of the King's service, and his
own sorrow to have incurred their Lordships' displeasure. (See
L. J., V, 68.)

1642, May 7. Petition of Sir Bichard Price, Bichard Newell,
Thomas Lloyd, James Vaughan, and John Fox : have been in
custody since the 18th of April last ; were yesterday brought up
to appear before their Lordships, but could not be admitted
because of the more weighty matters in hand. Pray to be dis-
missed from custody on bail. (L. J., v, 53.) Annexed :

1. Petition of Bichard Newell and Thomas Lloyd, gentlemen ;
and John Fox : were, with Sir Bichard Price, apprehended by a
messenger, and brought from their homes, 160 miles away, to
answer a supposed contempt of an order of their Lordships pro-

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 253

cured by Thomas Bushell ; petitioners were cleared of all such
contempt on examination of the charge, but Newell and Lloyd
have since been apprehended and detained until they should
pay £35 a piece for the messenger's fees ; Newell has paid the
fees, but Iloyd is still in custody. Pray for redress, and that
Bushell may be ordered to satisfy the messenger. (Undated.)

1642, May 11. Petition of Sir Edward Herbert, His Majes-
ty's Attorney-General. Prays for enlargement on the ground of
growing ill-health. (L. J., v. 58.)

1642, May 21. Petition of Edward Herbert, Baron of Cher-
bury and Castle Islands. Prays for a benign interpretation of
those words of his which gave offence, and for release. (L. J.,
V. 77.) In exte7iso,

1642, May 23. Petition of Thomas Bushell, farmer of his
Majesty's mines royal, in the county of Cardigan. Is unable to
fulfil his contracts with merchants for supply of lead, in conse-
quence of the interference of Sir Richard Price; petitioner
prays the House to mediate between him and the merchants^
that they would give him further time for completion of his
contracts, and for prosecuting his suit. (L J., v, 78.)

1642, May 23. Petition of John,i Bishop of Asaph. Prays
that the time for his appearance before the House after notice
given may be enlarged, as the present period of three days pre-
vents his visiting his charge.

1642, May 23. Petition of Moigan,^ Bishop of Llandaflf.
Similar to that of the Bishop of St. Asaph.

1642, June 14. Instructions for Sir William Brereton and
the Deputy-Lieutenants for Chester. (L. J., v, 134.) In extenso.

1642, June 18. Petition of Morgan, Bishop of Ilandaff.
Petitioner's charge and place of residence are distant about 130
miles ; he has been absent a long time and cannot go thither,
whilst he is bound to appear before their Lordships within three
days after notice. Prays that this time may be extended,

1643, June 24. Letter from Sir William Brereton, at Chester,
to the Speaker of the House of Commons. Since his coming
into these parts he has distributed the deputations and in&truc-

^ John Owen, eldest son of Owen Owen, Archdeacon of Anglesey.

* Morgan Owen was a native of Caermarthenshire. He enclosed
the south yard of St. Mary's Church, Oxford, and built a beautiful
porch on the same side of the Church. Among the other carvings
of this porch was an image of the Blessed Virgin with a babe in
her arms, which occasioned one of the articles against his pntron
Archbishop Land. He was consecrated Bishop of Llandaff in
1639.

254 HISTOBIOAL MSS. COMMISSION.

tions to the several deputy-Keutenants, and appointed them to
meet on Monday next ; meantime hears that the King is ex-
pected shortly ; that he has issued a Commission of Array to
Lord Strange and others, which they will attempt to put in ex-
ecution at the same time as the ordinance for the MiUtia ; de-
sires more ample instructions, as any attempt to apprehend
persons persisting after warning in executing the Commission of
Array, cannot be effected without violence, which once begun
may not be easily composed, and cannot easily be made good
whilst the powder is in the hands of the other side ; he will use
his best endeavours for Parliament. This letter was read in the
House on the 27th of June. (L J., v, 167.)

1642, July 7. Petition of Captain John Poyntz. Petitioner,
being recommended out of Ireland for raising a company in
England^ took ship at Dublin and landed at Minehead. On his
passage he seized upon the body of Roger, Bishop of St. David's,
in a disguised habit, and took him before Thomas Luttrell, who
committed him to the custody of a constable of Minehead^
where he now remains. Petitioner, who has been put to great
charge in the matter, prays some reward for the great services
he has done, not only against the rebels in Ireland, but also in
the taking of the said Bishop. (L J., v, 189.) Annexed :

1. Examinations of Captain Poyntz and the Bishop of St.
David's. Taken the 14 June 1642.

2. Petition of Captain Poyntz to the Earl of Holland, pray-
ing his Lordship to move the House to send for and examine
the Bishop, and to take petitioner's services into their favourable
consideration.

1642, July 8. Copy of Warrant to the Gentleman Usher for
the arrest of Thomas Awbrey, Chancellor of St. David's, and
others. Annexed :

1. Petition of Edward Vaughan, clerk. By an order of the
25th of August, 1641, the temporalities of Dr. Manwaringe,
Bishop of St. David's, were seized into the King's hands. The
vicarage of Uangafelach, Glamorganshire, in the donation of the
BishcJp, having become vacant in November last, petitioner was
presented thereunto by the Lord Keeper. Thomas Awbrey,
chancellor of the diocese, having sole power of institution,
utterly refused to institute petitioner, and by unlawful combin-
ation with Walter Thomas and others, admitted Isaac Griffith
into the said church. Petitioner prays that he may be insti-
tuted to the vicarage, and that the parties complained of may
be called upon to answer for their contempt.

2. Statement of petitioner's grievances.

3. Copy of order referred to in petition. 25 August 1641.
(L J., iv, 376.)

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 255

4 Affidavit of Vaughau, that on the 2l8t of January last, he
tendered a presentation to the vicarage under the great seal to
Awbrey, and that he utterly refused to institute him. 9 May
1642.

5. list of persons to be sent for. 9 July 1642.

1642, July 16. Petition of divers of the Aldermen and

others of the town of Shrewsbury, to H. C. Many volunteers

\ of Shrewsbury having entered themselves to be exercised in

\ military discipline under the command of Thomas Hunt, the

\ High Sheriff of the county sent for Hunt and persuaded him to

i desist from that exercise, and discouraged the inhabitants from

/'' further training. Pray that the Mayor may be enjoined to en-
courage such exercises, and to join with petitioners for the
f better guarding of the town, by warding, watching, and provid-
ing the arms necessary for its defence. (C. J., ii, 675.)

1642, July 26. Order for the Judge of Assize for the county
of Hereford to see who will avow the paper intituled " A De-
claration or Besolution of the county of Hereford.^' (L. J., v,
242.) In extenso.

1642, July 30. Draft Order for the Earl of Pembroke to be
Lieutenant for the counties of Monmouth, Brecon, and Glamor-
gan. (L. J., V, 248.)

1642, Aug. 10. Order for Henry Herbert, Esq., a Member of
the House of Commons, to repair to Monmouth, and publish the
declaration concerning the illegality of the Commission of Array^
(L. J., V, 280.) In extenso,

1642, Sept. 17. Letter from John Prowde, at Shrewsbury, to
Humfry Mackworth, Esq., in London : ** I received your letter by
Mr. Walsh, the post came not long after, but the Mayor sent to
stop him at the gates, and examined the letters in the Town
Hall before they were delivered, and I doubt not would have
opened any that he thought suspicious. We sent Mr. Walsh
to Stafford to enquire after His Majesty, who heard there that
the gentry and trained bands attended him at Uttoxeter on
Thursday last ; he was supposed to be then going to Newcastle,
thence, perhaps, to Chester; no doubt he has had many invita-
tions from Sir James PsJmer and others in these parts; Sir
Henry Jones has promised to bring much aid from Wales, but
is not likely to do it ; Mr. Barber, Mr. Charlton, and others have
drawn towards Bristol ; Mr. Charlton is thought to be there ;
Mr. Barber was detained at Bridgnorth by the sheriff. Sir James
Palmer has taken some lodgings here, in case the King should
come. Part of Lord Falkland's carriage is come with a direc-
tion that it should be placed near the King's lodging. Lord
Northampton was at Bridgnorth yesterday, and the latest news is
that the King is expected to set up his standard here.'^

256

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

1642, Sept. 20. Petition of Owen George, John Betton, and
Edward Davies, gent. ; Bichard Owen and Richard Betton were,
by order of 30th August last, sent for as delinquents. Owen
was attached at Shrewsbury by an officer of the House on the
7th instant, but Bichard Gibbons, Mayor of Shrewsbury, with
others to the number of about 200, rescued him, and refused to
obey their Lordships* order, saying that Owen was a Com-
missioner of Array, and must attend the Commission the next
morning at Bridgnorth; while the officer was informed that
Betton, the other delinquent, was gone to the King at Notting-
ham. Pray that the rescuers may be sent for as delinquents,
and that Thomas Hunt, captain of the Militia in Shrewsbury,
and his company may assist the officer to attach them. (L. J.,
V, 364.)

1642, Nov. 4. Petition of Rice Williams, prays that certain
plate, etc., belonging to the Archbishop of York, left with him as
security for some engagements he is under for the Archbishop,
now seized by order of the House, may be re-delivered to him.
(L. J., V, 432.)

CAMBRIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCLiTION.

STATEMENT OF ACCOUNTS FOR 1880.

PAYMENTS.

RECEIPTS.

£ 9, d.

£

8,

d.

Printing . . . 146 10

Bj balance . . .60

8

JO

Engraving . . . CI 19

Books sold . . .17

10

W. G. Smith, Esq. .650

Subscriptions . 157

10

Editor . . . 40

Donation from Stanley

G. E. Robinson, Esq., for

Leighton, Esq., M.P. . 5

postages . . . 2 14 6

Balance fiom Pembroke

Rev. R. Trevor Owen, ditto 2 2

Meeting . • .37

12

6

Balance . . . 20 10 10

;£278 1 4

'' ^£278

1

J_

Examined andfotind correct,

(Signed) Arthur Gore

Charles C. Babikgton

I Auditors,

'-.->

^rcftae0l0J9}a Camtr^n^i^.

FOURTH SERIES,— VOL, XII, NO, XLVIIL

OCTOBER 1881.

A

COMPABISON OF CELTIC WORDS FOUND IN

OLD ENGLISH LITERATURE and ENGLISH

DIALECTS WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS.

PART II.

In the first part of this inquiry, some examples were
given of Celtic words in the English language that
are, for the most part, the same in consonantal and
vowel sounds^ as their equivalents in modern Celtic
tongues. It was stated, however, that many of these
Anglo-Celtic words vary from the present Celtic forms,
and that they present generally a more archaic type,
which is probably that which prevailed in the sixth
and seventh centuries of our era. Some instances of
this kind will now be given ; and the vowel sounds will
properly come first under discussion.

This part of our subject is, however, surrounded by
many diflficulties. The representation of these sounds
by letters vr^.ries so much in the English and Welsh
systems, ana also in the Welsh, as compared with the
Irish or Gaelic, that a mere comparison of one letter, as
of English u^ with Welsh u, would only mislead the
reader vvl«o is not, in some degree, conversant with
both la.ngaages. There are also in English many
differences of pronunciation of the same vowel forms,

4th 8CB., VOL. XII. 18

258 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

as in foot and rooty hloiv and cow ; but this is not alL
There are many niceties of pronunciation which require
an elaborate system of forms to represent them with
perfect accuracy. Mr. A. J. Ellis has formed such a
system in his work On Early English Pronunciation ;
but it is much too extensive to be produced in this
inquiry; nor can I assume that my readers are so
generally acquainted with it as to make an expla-
nation of it unnecessary, if it were adopted.

There is also this difi&culty in treating of English
archaic words, that the vowel forms represent now, in
some instances, diflFerent sounds from those which pre-
vailed a thousand years ago, and that in this drifting
from an original position, the Celtic words in our com-
pound English tongue may have drifted also. The
vowel i, for instance, in such words as bright, light,
etc., represents a sound which differs from that which
was formerly denoted by it, and is still retained in
some of our dialects. In Lancashire, the words bright,
light, etc., are still pronounced by the common people
as breeht, leeht, etc. The Welsh y also represents two
different sounds. The English a, which was probably
pronounced more uniformly by our ancestors, is now
the sign of at least four distinct sounds, as in bat,
father, ball, Bxidfate.

In the course of this investigation, I shall refer very
slightly to any theories of the formation of the vowel-
system in the Celtic languages, or in any other lan-
guage. Those who may wish to examine these theories
may consult the works of Schleicher, Brugmann, and
De Saussure. My chief object, or, rather, my only
object, is to present some facts with regard to the
vowel and consonantal sounds of related words that
may throw light upon the course which the Celtic lan-
guages have taken since the Saxon conquest of England.

I propose to mark some of the more common vowel
sounds in English as follows : —

The short vowels, as a in cat, e in dell, i in pit, o in
cot, and u in hut, by the several vowel forms.

WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS. 259

The sound of a in father hj d; of a in 6aK, or au in
caught, by d; of a in dale hj S; of ea in peat by t ; of
in core by 6 ; of oo in boot by ou ; of oi^ in foul by d.

(1). <3j (as a in 6a<). This vowel sound prevails
more extensively in Anglo-Celtic words than in the
corresponding terms in modem Celtic languages; show-
ing a more ancient type, and favouring, in some degree,
the theory of some modern philologists ; that in the
primitive Aryan tongue, before the formation of the
present Indo-European classes, this was the only vowel
sound. It is often represented in the Celtic languages,
especially in Welsh, by e,^ as in Greek compared with
Sanskrit. Of. Sans. hhar-a-Truis with Gr. (Doric)
^/9-o-/i€9> Sans. ganaSy Gr. 761^09, etc.

Anolo-Oelt. i. Mod. Celt. «.

Arm, amett, earnest money (Lane.) W. em, emesy money g^yen in pledge

of an agreement (arrha, arrhabo
Day.). Arm. arres and erresy ar-
gent donn6 pour Texdcution d'un
march^; Ir. eartuu (ernas)^ a
bond, a tie. I would connect W.
ern and Ir. emas with Sans, rina =
ama, debt, obligation, engage-
ment

( BrassickSy runch or wild mustard W. bresych ffr yd, wild mustard ;

< (Whitby) sinapi sylyestre (Day.) ; Ir. prais-

( ^raMocir.s, id. (Holdemess) eocA (O'Reilly); Mtkux^brashlagh,*

id. ; Lat. brassica, cabbage

Cad, to nap or felt together (Cumb.) W. ceden^ shaggy hair, nap of cloth ;

Ir. caitin; Gael, caitean (pron.
katyan) id. ; Sans. kiUaj a mat

Cadlocky wild mustard (Nhampton) W. cidw, mustard ; lly§ (for Hyeh)

an herb ; Oael. luiffh, id. ; Sans.
iaiu (I) of a pungent flayour; (2)
n. f. mustard'

Capel, capulf a horse W. cefyl, a horse ; Ir. Gael, capall ;

Slay, icohyla; Lat. eaballus

^ Cf. 0. W. celmed, gl. efficax (Cod. Juy.) with Ir. calma, braye,
strong. In the same Codex is found centhliat, from a root, can, Cf.
also EmrySy the W. form of Amhrosius.

' The Manx brash-lagh, means large or thick plant ; W. brag.

^ The Sans, katu is a name giyen to different plants of a pungent
kind, and among these to the Smapis ramosa of Roxburgh. The
W. eedw has lost its primitiye meaning. The Sans, ha^, sharp,
biting (in taste), is referred by Orassman to a root, kart, to cut.

18 •

260 COMPAEISON OF CELTIC WORDS

" Then Conscience upon his caput carieth forth faste.
And Reson with hym ryt rownynge togideres."

Piers Ploughman, p. 66. (Wright's ed.)

Farr, to ache ; generally, I believe, Yf.fferu, to freeze, to be benumbed,
from cold (N.) to perish with cold ; ferru, algere,

rigere (Da v.) ; Ir. Gael.yiwir, cold ;
Manz,/ifayr, cold, starved

Garr, to cry, to chirp W. gtran, to cry, to squeak; vagire,

ejulare (Dav.) ; Ir. Gael, gearan
(geran) complaint ; Sans, gri^^gdr,
to sing, to cry out

" Oarryng and fliyng of briddus (birds)."

Ajpol. LolL^ p. 95.

Hack, to hop on one leg (W.) W. hecian, to hop, to limp ; hegl, a leg

^ Bosky a basket made of rushes W. hesg, rushes, sedge ; kesor, a has-

(/^oMoeit, a reed, rush, tuft* of rushes sock; Arm. hesk^ sorte de flaieul

or grass, a mat ou roseau ; Ir. Qael. teasff, sedge

or bur-reed
Ka (for kan ?) to see (E.) 0. W. eento^ to see. " Cen et Cennis

pro eanfu, vidit, aspexit" (Dav.) ;

Bans, kan, to shine ; kan-ana, a

one-eyed man

Kaxes, cashes, the dry hollow stalks W. cecvs, plants with hollow stems,

of umbelliferous plants. (Plant- hemlock ; cegid hemlock ; Com.

names, Britten); kecks, kex, plants cegas ; Arm. kegit^ id. ; Sans, kak-

with hollow stems, chiefly hem- sha, an herb, a climbing plant, a

lock and meadow parsnep dry plant

" The even mead that erst brought sweetly forth
The freckled cowslip, burnet and green clover

nothing t«ems

But hateful docks, rough thistles, kechsies, burs.*'

Hen. V, v, 2.

" Canon de suls, a kex, or elder sticke" (Cotgrave).

Mag, an old cant word for a penny Gael meachain (mech), a luck-penny,
(Dekker) (Nhamp.), a gratuity to a an abatement of rent ; Ir. mea-
servant (Scot.) ; meg, a halfpenny chain, an abatement ; meacan
(Leeds) (mecan), hire, reward ; Fr. mahon,

cuivre, m6daille de cuivre (Roque-
fort)

The terminational form -an has also been retained,
where in the modern representative we find e or i, as in

The different species of Sin apis are found only in the temperate re-
gions of Europe and Asia. The original Aryan race must have been
located, therefore, in a country where the climate was neither verj
hot nor very cold.

^ " Hassok, ulphus" (sea grass, or a kind that grows in moist
places). Promp. Pari\

WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS. 261

Organs, pigs; '^Sarve organsy %,€,, Gael, uireh^ean (urcen), a pig; titV*
feed the pigs, a humorous desig- chin (urcin), a pig ; Gael. oirMan,
Dation, probably from their discord- id. ; Ir. orcy " ore t. wiwc", a pig (0.
ant voices" (Holdemess, E. D. 8.) Ir. Olosses, p. 109)

Pa<Am«A, restless, ever turuing round W. petruSy apt to start, hesitating;
as if without sense ; applied to Arm. badeTy 6tourdi (dizzy, mazed,
sheep that have water on the stupid) 1
brain (Sussex)
Quarty joy, mirth W. ehwerthxny ridere, risus (Dav.) ;

Quert^ joyful, in good spirits (Hall) Arm. choarz, laughter ; Corn.

wharthy id. ; W. chwarddy chwarth,
a laugh, laughter; chwarddedig^
laughing, joyous ; Sans, krath, to
be merry, to cause laughter

" Quyll tbon art qnene, in thy quart
Hold these wurdus in thi herte."

Anturs of Arthur, p. 10.

BaQy to scold, to abuse (Hall). 0. W. rhegUy to curse ; imprecari, exe-
Norse, hrekia, pellere, amare in- crari (Day.)
crepare (Haldorson)
Scan, to look at keenly Gael, sgeann (8kena)y to gaze, stare,

glare at ; Ir. Gael, sgean, a wild
look ; 0. W. cenioy to see
Wharrey crabs ; the crab-tree (Ches. W. chwerwy bitter ; amarus, acerbus
Lane.) " as sour as wharre^* (Ray) (Dav.) ; Arm. choueroy amer, qui

a une saveur rude et d6sagr6able.
Corn, wlierowy bitter

An Anglo-Celtic a is represented, however, more fre-
quently by a Mod.-Celtic o, probably due in some in-
stances to a final u, which has disappeared.

Amabyry amvahyr\ the old custom or W. amobrwt/y which denotes the same
price which was paid to the lord of custom or fee ; said by Dr. Pugh
the manor on the marriage of a to be compounded of am, here
tenant's daughter (Cowell, Blount) meaning ex change or commutation,

and gwobrwyy a reward, a fee ; W.
OwobryUy a recompense
Bannachy (annoci^, an oaten cake (N.) Ir. Gael, bonnach; Manx, bonnagy au

oaten cake ; Gael, bannachy id.

" Their bread and drink I had almost forgotten ; in-
deed, it was not rusk, as the Spaniards use, or oaten
cakes or bannacks, as in N. Britain." (Taylor s Works,
1630.)

1 The Anglo-Celtic amvahgr deserves notice as presenting an arch-
aic form. The fee was common in England. (Spelman s. v. Mar-
chet), ** Omnes tenentes de Tynemouth, cam contigerit, solvent
lajrewite [a fine for fornication] filiabus vel ancillis snis et etiam
merchet pro filiabns suis maritandis.** — Rentale de Tynemouth, a.d.
1378. (Brand, Fop. Antiq., ii, 1 16.)

262

COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

Branniffany a fat, ^uffj infant boj
(Oumb.)

iBraty filth

iBratttfy filthy, nasty (Lincoln)

Calk^ calkin, a sharp-pointed iron on
the shoe of a horse

Canakin, the plague (Bailey)

fCraddyy a daring feat (Lanc.,Linc.)
Craddins, miscMeTOUs tricks (N.)

DamkaUa (for dam-haUat f) irre-
coverably lost (Lane.)

Darnack, a hedger^s glore. 0. K.
domikwr^ stifi" boots for wading

Oalorey plenty, plentifully (common
in Eng. dialects)

O. Ir. Gael, hronn; W. 6ron, abreast,
a protuberance ;* Gael, bronn^ich,
big-bellied, corpulent ; bronnoffy a
gudgeon, a little bulky female.
Arm. bronnegen, a lump of fat.
Sans, vrinda = bamda, a round
mass, a beap (?), vrintOf abreast, a
round lump (mamelon)

Ir. Gael, brod, a blemish, filth ; brod'
achy filthy, nasty ; Manx, broghe^
dirty ; W. brwntj foul, dirty

W. cdiy a peak, a stiDg, the awn of
com ; aculeus, arista (Dav.) ; 0.
W. colgintiy arista (Cod. Juv.);
Arm. kdlo, kdloeny T^pi des difi^
rents grains; Ir. Gael, co/y, a
sting, a prickle

Ir. Gael, conach^ murrain

Ir. Gael, crodha^ brave, daring ; cro-
dhachd, bravery, prowess, hardi-
hood ; Ir. crodachd, id. (0. Ir.
Gloss,^ p. 63); Sans. krcUUf power,
might, a work accomplishea ; Gr«
itpdros

W. coU, loss. 0. W. coUa^ (?) ; Arm,
koUy loss; koUa^ to lose, koUet, lost;
Sans, chal, to depart (?) ; Of W.
dam-dreuliOf to be wearing away ;
dam-borthiy to uphold

Ir. Gael, domog, a glove, a gauntlet ;
dorn^ a fist ; Manx, dornaigy a
covering for the hand against
thorns ; doamagty a mitten, a
glove of raw skin ; Arm. dovamy
the hand ; W. dwrn ; Corn, dom^
a hand or fist

Ir. Gael. go-leiTy gti4eor, in abund-
ance, plentifully ; Ir. loure^ suffi-
cientia (Ir. Oloss., p. 108, Z'. 30) ;
Wr, lour (Ir. Gloss., p. 108) ; go or
gu gives an adverbial force

** To feasting they went, and to merriment,
And tippled strong Uqaor galore.**

Bitson's Bohin Hood.

^aclr, to cough faintly and frequently W. kochiy to throw up phlegm, to
(Hall.) hawk. A borrowed word (fi Cf.

Arm. hak, mouvement convulsif du

1 «

Bullo i bronnced" (Old W. Glosses, Phil. 8., 1861).
* "Participii pr89teriti passivi forma Cambrica vetusta etic (addita
ad term, ety quae suflScit ceteris dialectis amplins derivatione ic) :
dometic (gl. domitns.)" Z.^ 528.

WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS. 263

diaphragme et de Pestomac, avec
une explosion BODore par la bouche ;
difficult6 de parler; Sans, irdpa,
cough (the palatal sibilant repre-
senting an older guttural); kA^ii,
a faltering or difficult speech

with many others.^

d is also found in Anglo-Celt, words, where y ap-
pears in modern Welsh, or u in Irish, but not so often
as it is represented by modern o.

Basse, a kiss ; also buss Ir. his, the mouth ; hxMog, a kiss ;

Gael, husy a mouth, a lip, a kiss ;
Manx, pus, bus, the cheek

" Then of my mouth come take a hasse.
For other goodes have I none."

MS, Bawl (Hall)

Cogged, offended (Der.) W. gygus, frowning, angry ; gwg,

a nrowniug, anger ; cuck, a frown
Crannoeky an old measure of com W. erynog, a measure equal to ten
(Bailey)^ bushels ; corns mensura (Day*)

Ir. Qael. cranno^, a basket, a hamper.
Manx, cronnog^ a circle, a barrow
Cranny^ lusty, jovial, brisk (Bailey, W. cryno, compact, trim, well set ;
Ches.) conciDDus,compactuB(DaT.); Arm.

hren, fort, robuste, imp^tueux
Franion, luxuriant, thriving W. ffrymio^ to become luxuriant ;
(Nhamp.) frymiol, vigorous, thriving ;ffrwm,

Frim (N.),/rttw (W.), thick, rank, luxuriant, rank
vigorous, thriving

& also often appears where now the diphthong ai is
found, as in the following words : —

Cat, the penis (Som.) Ir. Oael. caithf id.; Sans, kati, a

haunch, a hip

^ The Yorkshire word paragoad, to talk in a domineering or over-
bearing style (Hold. Gloss.), seems to be an instance of this change
of a into o. I would connect this word with Sans, pari, around,
and also excess, and gad, to speak; Ir. Gael, gtUh, voice, word,
speech. Cf. Sans, hath, to speak, to tell, parikatkd (a ronndabont
story), a fable, a legend. May we not also compare the W. pre-
gawth&ti, prattle, rigmarole p

^ Called a comock in the seventeenth cent. " The bnshell in
many places is two busbells, but then is that bnshell called a strike,
and in some places half a quarter is called a cortwcke,*' Robert Re-
corders Ground of Arts, Ed. 1646, p. 138.

^ The Ir. cadih represents an ancient caU. In Pali, hUo denotes
the pudendum mnliebre.

264 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

Cragy a rock, a rugged rock W. eraig^ a rock; Ir. crnig^ id.; Arm.

karrek, a rock in, or by, the sea ;
Sans, grdvan^ a rock (?)

" Ne Dathyng sal growe than, grease ne tre,
Ne cragges ne roches sal nan than be."

Ham pole's Prich of Consciefiice, 14th cent.

Danckj dainty, nice (Cleveland)^ W. dain, delicate, nice ; Ir. Gael.

(f^t'n, clean, neat. Formed probably
as harddiUy from hardd
/*a(7, a name for soil or earth covering Ir. faigh, faiche^ a field, a plain;

stone or coal ; also faigh (Sal. and Manx, faaigh, a grass plat

Ches.)
Fag, the fringe at the end of a piece V/.ffatgy an end, an extremity ; Ir.

of cloth or rope (Ash); also in the fiig^t ^he topmost part

hybrid, fag-end ; Cf. ganny-wedge^

a kind of wedge (W.)

This diphthong is explained by a fanciful rule that
prevails in the written forms of Irish and Gaelic words,
which is thus explained by Dr. Donovan : " Every
consonant, or combination of consonants, must always
stand between two broad vowels or two slender vowels ;
molaid, they praise, not molid'\ (Ir. Gram., p. 3.)
The broad vowels are a, o, u; the slender, e and t.
The Ir. faghy prim, fage, becomes faige and faighe.
This rule may probably explain the ^*ffaig=fagi and
the a sound in such English words as tabled/ate, etc.,
the prim, a being affected by a following e or i.^

A primary a long (a) is often changed in Celtic words
into au or aw,^ as W. braivd, Sans, bhrdtri, Lat. frdter.
" In the Irish language," says Dr. Donovan, ** a when

^ Mr. Atkinson (Cleve. Gloss.) thinks that this word is equal to
Danish, but the Danes were not, in the eighth or ninth cent., either
dainty or nice.

2 Cf. Ir. masy comely, gmceful ; matse, beauty, grace ; maiseachy
beautiful; and Eng., mace (slang), "a dressy swindler who vic-
timises tradesmen**; probably, an imported word.

* W. Salesbury (1567) says, *' A in the British in eueryo word
hath ye true pronunciation of a in Latine. And it is never sounded
like the diphthong au, as the Frenchmen sounde it comrayng before

m or n in theyr tongue. neyther yet as it is pronounced in

English whan it corameth before ge, 11, sh, tch." ( Welsh Pronun-
ciatiofiy Ellis, iii, 746.) But a must have often had in old time the
sound of au or aw» See Professor Rhys, LecL on. W, PkiL p. 215,
first edition.

WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS. 265

long sounds like a in the English words call, fall" {Ir.
Gram., p. 8^ ; " but in Meath and Ulster as a in Eng.
fatherly which he thinks is not the true original sound.
In Gaelic, the a long is pronounced as a in Eng. part-
ner or Italian amo (Armstrong, p. 1), and in Manx as
a in Eng.yame, pale, ale (Kelly's Ghr., p. 3). In many
Anglo-Celtic words au appears as the representative of
Celtic a, approaching more nearly the Ir. a or the W.
aw. Examples : Aiild, great, the highest mark in
games, N.; Ir. alt, great, noble. Caush, a sudden de-
clivity, N. ; Ir. Gael, cos, abrupt, steep. Cawm, to
curvet ; W. camu, to bend, to curve. Caule, a landing-
place (Line.) ; Ir. Gael., caladh (dh silent), a port.
Claud, a ditch, a fence (also Claw), N.; Ir. Gael., cladh,
a dyke, trench, embankment ; pron. claw in the N. of
Ireland; 0. W., claud (Ir. Glosses, p. 59); Mod. W.,
clawdd. Gaun, a pail (Glouc), a tub (Heref.) ; Ir.
(Jael., gann, a jug. Gaunt, Gant, thin, slender, Ir.
Gael., gann for gant, scarce, short, little ; Launde, an
open space between woods {Prom. Parv.) ; lawn, a
smooth plot of land, W. Ran, a clear, open space ;
Com., laion, clear, open ; with other words of the same
kind.

The short e (6) in Anglo-Celtic words sometimes
represents a Celtic i, as in

Ben^ the truth (Dev.) Ir. hinn^ true

Clever, a tuft of coarse grass (E.) Ir. Gael, clib, a bushy lock of hair,

anything hanging loosely

Fdl^ to return periodically (Essex) Ir. Gael fiU, to turn, return, fold, in-
volve

Kebbel, a sweetheart, a darling W. ciblt, a favourite, a toast

" My Jcehhel sweet, in whom T trust,
Have now respect and do not fayle
Thy faithful frend, who ys most just,
And will not in hys frendshyp quayle."

Ballads and Soitgs of Lancashire, p. 40.

Fell, a hole of water below a water- W. pil, a sea-ditch or trench filled at

fall (Sussex) high water

Pelkam, dust (Som.) ; pilm in Dors. Corn, pilm, flying dust ; W, pylor,

and Dev. dust, powder

This e seems to be due to a broad vowel in the

266 OOMPABISON OF CELTIC W0BD8

auslaut or final sound (taking the Irish arrangement of
vowel sounds), as in Sanskrit we have veda (knowledge)
from the root vid; the course being vida, mida. veda}

Sometimes this short e represents a modem y. as in
Glen (valley), W. glyn ; Ir. gleann ; Greg, to vex, to
annoy (Cumb.), W. gryg^ harshness; cryg, harsh,
rough ; Hella, the nightmare, W. hyll, gloomy, horrid ;
Hespally Hespely to worry, to harass (Heref. Sal.), W.
yspeilio, to spoil, to ravage.

The Anglo-Celtic short i frequently represents y in
Welsh, and from this fact it would appear that the
sound of English u had not been given to this letter in
the fifth or sixth century.* The following words are
instances : —

Dilse, diUisk, a kind of sea- weed ; W. dylusgy a kind of alga ; Ir. QaeL

Iridea edvlu ; also Dtdse duiUeasg, id.

Micky to pull out suddenly (Som.) ; W. fflychio^ to break out abruptly

to giye a jerk (Wright)

Ktlkethj an old servile kind of pay- W. cyllid, income, tax, rent ; reditus

meat (Coles)'. Probably a bond- census, proTontus (Dav.) ; Com.

man's tax for his house, or for per- ceth, the common people ; Ir. caeih^

mission to labour for some other a serrant, a bondman

than his lord

Kinsinff^ cauterising W. cynnhesu, to warm ; calefacere

(Day.) ; Com. cinnis, fuel

" I askt physitions what their counsell was
For a mad dogge or for a mankind asse.
They told me,
The dog was best cured by catting and kinsing.**

Hall's Epigrams.

Zidden, long (Som.) W. Uydan^ broad

Livery, sticky, slimy (S.) W. llyfi^ slimy, mucus ; Uyfiol^

slimy

" The soil, being livery, dries into hard compact
clods." — Annals of Agriculture (Sussex).

1 Windiflch infers a pre-historic viras from Jr. fer (man) by this
process. {Bev, Celt, iii, 325.)

* Cf "monile, i, mincV\ now mynci; " acumine, gUbin", now gylfin
(Cod. Jnv.) and '* echitrauc, lege escithrauc, i, cum dentibus", now
ysgythrawg (Ir. Glosses, Phil Soc, 1860, pp. 213, 221, 249.)

^ **Kilketh, servilis qussdam solutio, nam in MS. quodam sio
lego, KiUceih pro qnalibet husbandrea, 2 denar.'* (Spelman, Gloss.
Archceohgicum.)

WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS.

267

Mielde, to choke (Dev.)

yicktf, a small short fagot of wood

(W.)
^ir, the signal word of schoolboys,

lo ! look out !
Prin, to take ; prinit, take it

(WUts.)

EU, to swallow greedily (N.)
Whinnochf a milk-pail (N. Ash)
Willj the sea-gull (S.)

W. mvgu; Com. megi^ to 8ti£e, to
choke ; Arm. mouga, 6touffer

W. cnycyn^ a little lump or ball, a
knob, a hillock

W. ntfcha, lo, behold ! look out ; en,
ecce ! (Day.)

W. prynUy to take hold, to buy ;
Com. prenne, id. ; Arm. prena^ to
acquire, to buy ; Sans, prick, to
. touch, join, give

W. rhythUy to be greedy or glutton-
ous, to open wide

W. cynnog^ a small pail ; Ir. Gael.
cainntog^cuinneag^K pail, a bucket

W. gvfylan^ the sea-gull

The Anglo-Celtic )( sometimes stands for the Welsh
u (Eng. i) ; as in Grig (heath), W. Crrug ; Iggan, twenty
(Craven), W. ugain; Isher high, W. uchel, and some
others. There are not many words of this class, and
they belong to districts where the Cymric race ap-
parently remained long upon the soil as a separate
class.

One Anglo-Celtic word of this class, pimp (five, W.
pump,) deserves a more extensive notice, because it
enables us to trace a Cymric population in the districts
where it is found. In Allendale (S. Northumberland),
in Swaledale (Yorkshire), in Fumess (N. Lancashire), in
the dales of Cumberland, the form is pimp ; in the
district of Knaresborough, and in Teesdale (Durham),
it iQ pip; in Westmoreland ^jp, and in the Wolds near
Pocklington (Yorkshire) it is pimpi ; this last form re-
taining the equivalent for the Sans, a mpanchan (five).
But in the central and southern parts of England, the
proper Loegria, the Anglo-Celtic form was pomp. In
Grose's Classical Diet of the Vulgar Tongue it appears
as a term used by whist-players. ^^Poinp ; to save one's
pomp at whist is to score five before the adversaiies
are up, or win the game : originally derived from pimp^
which is Welsh for five, and should be, I have saved
my pimp." But the word in use was pomp, and this
form indicates a nearer connection with the Sans.
pancha or panchan; for the Sans, short a is pronounced

268 COMPAEISON OF CELTIC WORDS

as Eng. u ; the Sans, pandita (a learned man, a savant)
becoming naturalised among us, with the Indian pro-
nunciation, as pundit ; and the Anglo-Celtic pomp re-
quires an original pumpa ; the process of change being,
probably, pumpa, paumpa^ pompa, pomp. There is
ample evidence that p in the anlaut is an inheritance
from the original Indo-European, or Aryan, tongue.
The primitive form is assumed by Fick ( WorfJ i, 363)
to be pancan. It is found in the Zend pancan, Gr.
Trevre, Lith. penkiy and the O. Slav, peti (Curtius,
Grundz; 363).

As instances of change of sounds or of ** phonetic
decay", I submit the Sanskrit, Welsh, and Northum-
berland numerals as far as ten : —

Sanskrit

Welsh

Allendale.

eka

un

ecQ

dwi

dau

tean

tri, nom. trayas

tri

tether

chatur, chatwar

pedwar, pet war

mether

panchaD, pancha

pump

pimp

ehash, nom. shat

chwech

citr (kitr)

saptan, sapta

eaith

lltr

ashtan, ashta

wjth, oith

Ova

nayan, nava

Daw

dOva (for ndoya ?)

da^an, da^a

deg

die (dik)

The corresponding words for 15 are Sans, panchador
gan ; W. pymtheg (for pump ar ddegVj; Allendale,
humfit. The latter is put as the equivalent for 20, and
Jigget for 15 ; but this is a mistake. In the Cumber-
land and Westmoreland dales the form is humfit, which
is the form in Teesdale (Yorkshire) ; but in the neigh-
bourhood of Pocklington itis pimpits or pumpits, and in
Swaledale pumfit. (Ellis, The Anglo-Cymric Score,
pp. 34-41.)

The Anglo-Celtic 6 sometimes represents a modem
Welsh w : as Hog, a pig ; W. hwch, a sow ; Mollock,
refuse, dirt, dung, W. mwlwch, refuse ; Tolmen, a per-
forated stone, W. twll, Corn, tol, a hole, and W. maen,
stone; Tottle (also Totle), an idle, slow person, W. twtial,
to loiter ; but more commonly this Welsh vowel is re-
presented by Anglo-Celtic m, as in Bug, a goblin, W.

{

WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS. 269

hwg. Bullion, a boss, Bullace, the wild plum, W. hwl, a
rotundity ; hwltxs, winter sloes ; Arm. bolos, the wild
plum. Butt, a kind of cart, W. bwt, a dung-cart, Com.
butt, a cart. Cullow, pale, wan, dejected, W. cwla,
Cusk^ the wild poppy, W. cwsg-lys (?). Frum (also
Froom\ thick, rank, luxuriant, W. ffrmm; Arm.
fromm. Fud, the tail of a hare, W. ffwtog, a short
tail ; and others.

The Anglo-Celtic ii is often represented by a Celtic o
or ou, as in the following words : —

Bludgeon, a thick stick with a knob Corn. Uogon^ a little block (W.

Stokes) ; ]r. bloc, round ; Manx,
hluchan, a ball
Btiddle, to suffocate (Som.), to W. boddi, to drown, to immerse ;
cleanse ore t j washing Corn, hudhy^ to drown ; buddal, to

huddle ; Arm. beuH^ to drown
Bugan, the devil (W.) W. bwg, bwci, a hobgoblin, a bugbear

Bug-bear, a hobgoblin
i Chuckle, round Jr. Gael, cochal, cochol, a cowl, a

< Cuckle-button, the burr of the bur- husk, a pod, a shell, the peri-
( dock cranium

" I choose to buy (in a bull) the most taper-headed
than too much upon the chuckle or round." {Mod.
Husb. 1750.) Cf. Sans, kosha, a bud, globe, egg, testi-
cle, etc., and kucJm, the female breast.

Cudgel, a thick stick W. cogel, a distaff; Com. cigel; Arm.

kegel, id.
Cumock, a measure containing four W. comogyn, a pail ; crynog, a mea-

bushels (Coles) sure containing ten bushels

Curr^ the bull-head. Cottus gobio ^ W. corr, short, squat, a dwarf; cro-

«,:j.1^ ^^^^^ r^j-l^^,^ ^^^> tl^e bull-head ; Ir. cor, a

With many others. ^^^^, ^^^ j^^^^.^^ ^^^^^^ ^ d^;,^

In such a word as Ir. cor we may infer that a more
primitive form was cura, and that the o was formed by
the reflex action of the auslaut or final sound.

Sometimes the Anglo-Celtic u expresses the primary
sound of the Welsh y, but as in the Eng. Celtic i
(Welsh u), this is apparently due to the long residence
of a Cymric population in the district. Some examples
of this unity of sounds are : Bruttle, furious, W.
brythol ; Bumfit, fifteen ( Yorks. Dales), W. pymtheg ;
buzon, a finger-ring, W. byson, etc.; but in other in-

270 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS

stances the Welsh & (Eng. i sound) is represented by
English u^ indicating a change in the pronunciation of
this vowel sign on the part of the Cymric race.

Bun, a tenn of endearment W. bun^^ a woman, a fair one ; Ir.

Gael, ban, a woman
Duffy a dark-coloured clay W. du, black ; Ir. Qael. dubh

Luche, to dart, to fling W. Uuchio, to cast, to throw

Auch. to tremble (Nhumb.) W. nugio, to shake, to tremble

RuggUy to moye about (Kent) W. rhuglo, to clear away briskly ;

rhugly handy, ready
Mule (rhiU) tumultuous frolicksome W. rhuU, frank, rash, hasty ; '^mihi
conduct (W.) videtur significare temerarium,

alacrem, prsspetem" (Day.)

The diphthongs in Anglo-Celtic words sometimes
denote sounds like those of the corresponding vowel
forms in Mod. Celtic; as Creany {Crtny) very small
(Lane.) ; Ir. Gael, crion^ criona (pron. crtn, crina), W,
crln, dry, withered, small. Claud {clod), a ditch, pro-
nounced a little more broadly than ou in Cloudy repre-
sents very nearly the O. W. claud^ Mod. W. clawdd, a
ditch, or dyke, and baiv, dirt, ordure, the W. baw.
Boodle, the corn-marigold (SuflF.) {oo as in Fr. hout\ and
Booin, the plant rag-wort (Cumb.) have partly the
same sound as Ir. Gael, buidhe and Ir. buine, with
which they are connected. But in the slang word
Fmvney (fdny), a ring ; Ir. fainne, a digammated form
of ainne (anne), a circle, eye, ring (Lat. annuSj annulv^\
a common sound of the Irish a has been retained,
which must be referred to the simpler form fanne.

On the other hand, we sometimes find a diphthong,
as at, where in Mod. Celtic a simple vowel has been
retained.

Gain (GrSn), the beveled shoulder of a binding joist
(Webster). This word is connected by Mahn, the
etymological editor of Webster's Dictionary , with W.
gdn, a mortise. This, however, seems to be a mistake,
for the mortise is the hollow in which the tenon is in-
serted. More probably we may connect the word with
Arm. genn, coin, pifece de bois ou de fer taill^ en angle
aigu ; W. gaing ; Ir. Gael geinn, a wedge.

^ Bun in Pryse's ed. of Pugh's Diet. ; hUn in the Diet, of Dr.
Davies.

WITH MODERN CELTIC FORMS. 27l

Siraxlh (ttrSth) a valley (N.) W. yHrad (strad)^ a Yalloy ; Manx,

ttrah (for Hradf), id.; but the Ir.
Qael. 9raith, for Uraith^ has the
diphthong

In 0. Eng. the form is strothy a variation of strad.

" At the Inst bi a littel dich he (the fox) lepes oner a spenne
Steles out full stilly bi a strothe rand.^

Sir Gawayney 1710.

Taynu {tSm) to separate into parts, W. tarn, a bit, a piece ; tatniad, a

to divide forming into pieces ; Arm. tamm^

Tarn, id. morceau, piece ; tamma^ couper

par morceauz ; Ir. taom, a morsel

"In the time of famine he is the Joseph of his
country. Then he tameth his stacks of com, which
not his covetousness but providence hath reserved for
time of need." {Fuller.)

" Tayme that crabbe.'' {Babees BokCy p. 265.)
The W. diphthong ew is represented by ay {S) in

Bay^ frost (Line.) W. rhew ; Arm. reo ; Com. reu (Z'

164) ; Ir. Gael, reodk^ reo^ id.

This sound of ai (i) is sometimes due apparently to
the Irish and Gaelic rule, mentioned in p. 12 : as in

Caimt (kimet) crooked (Lane.) Arm. kammay to curre ; kammety

curyed

HaUiwell has cemmedy twisted, without reference to
any particular county. In the Promp. Parv. the form
is cammydy *' Cammydy short-nosyd, simus".

Cainedy haying a white surface, used W. Ir. can^ white

of liquors

Cairtiy a pile of stones W. cam (for cam! ?) id.

Daims, small, refuse fish W. dam, a piece, a fragment

Faighy the soil coyering stone or coal Ir. QwX, faghy faiehe^ a field

BaipSy a slattern (Lane.)* W. hafir, a slattern

^ The editor of this work, Dr. Morris, supposes that by "a
strothe rand*' is meant a rugged path. The meaning is that the
fox crept along the edge of a valley.

^ This word haips is a contracted form of haip-eSy corresponding
to -es in W. brenhin-es, a queen, and Arm. ^ez in harz-eZy a female poet.
C . Fr. princesse ; a\id Gr. paalXiairtu The late Sir G. Cornewall
Lewis maintained that the Fr. suffix -es^e was derived from the
Latin -ilia in jtistitia {Bomance Languages, p, 130.) It was more

272 COMPARISON OF CELTIC WORDS, ETC.

There are also many variations in the forms of our
Anglo-Celtic words implying dialectic varieties among
the original Celtic tribes, as : —

CUck, a hook ; to catch with a hook Ir. Gael. clioc{dica)^ a hook, to catch

(N.) ; cleckey a hook, a crook {An- with a hook ; Oael. clichd, a hook,

cren Riwle, p. 102); dick^ to catch; a trick ; cliuchd^ a trick,- a strata-

M. B. cloche^ a claw ; duechen, to gem
claw

This seems t6 be the origin of the Eng. clutch, to
grasp with the curved hand, though Prof. Skeat con-
nects with A. S. gelcBccaUy to catch, to seize.

I have now presented some of the main facts con-
nected with the vowel systems in the Anglo-Celtic and
Mod.-Celtic classes of words ; very imperfectly, I am
aware, but I hope the facts recorded will enable some
more competent Celtic scholar to make a better use of
them.

The only inferences which I venture to draw from
these facts are : —

(1.) That the vowel systems in the different Celtic
languages approached each other more nearly in the
fifth and sixth centuries than at the present time.

(2.) That in this period the primitive vowel d was
more extensively used than in modern Celtic tongues,
indicating a more archaic form than that which now
exists.

(3.) That the vowel e has often been produced, as in
Sanskrit, by the reflex action of a in auslaut.

(4.) In the same manner the vowel o has been
formed by the union of a with u.

(5.) That in the Welsh language the signs u and y
now represent sounds difiering from those which they
denoted at the time of the Saxon conquest.

(6.) That the vowel a is frequently diverted to an
obscure sound (as in Sanskrit), which is represented by
u in such words as hun or sun.

J. DA.VIES.

probably from a Celtic source. Was the W. -e« in brenhin -es, taken
from the Latin p

273

PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN,

EARL OF CARBERY.

{Continued from p. 238.)

Sir Marmadukb Lloyd married Mary, daughter of John
Stedman of Strata Florida Abbey. The Stedmans de-
duce their line from a certain Stidmon, son of Calcarba,
a Duke of Arabia. But we need not ascend to the
higher part of the pedigree ; let it suffice that John
Stedman, son of Thomas, was of StaflTordshire, and mar-
ried Margaret, daughter of Sir William Stafford (or, a
chevron gules^ and a canton ermine). They had a son,
Harry Stedman, who married Margaret, daughter of
Andrew Cotton (sable^ a chevron inter three griffins'
heads erased argent), and had issue, Humphrey, who
married Catherine, daughter and coheir of William Hill
of Bickley, co. Salop {ermine, on a fess sable a castle
triple-towered argent); and from this match all the
Stedmans of Berks, Stafford, and Salop, are said to
descend* Their second son, John, married Joan or Janet,
daughter of John Lewis {gules, a chevron between three
trefoils slipped argent), and was father of John Moel
Stedman of Strata Florida, according to the Golden
Grove Book. He married Anne, daughter of William
Phillips of Pentrepark, a descendant of Cadivor Vawr,
and had issue, John Gwin Stedman, who married Mar-
^ret, daughter and coheir of Davyd Lloyd ab John of
JPorth y Crwys, descended from Elystan ; and their
daughter Mary was wife of Sir Marmaduke Lloyd. By
looking a little further it is quite possible we may find
the true cause of the destruction of the Lloyds and
Maesyfelin.

Sir Marmaduke Lloyd was succeeded by his son, Sir
Francis Lloyd, who was a gentleman of the Privy Cham-
ber to Charles II, and one favoured by that monarch as
being, no doubt, a participator in his pleasures and

4rH SSB., VOL. ZII. 19

274 PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN.

principles, or want of principle. • Sir Francis married
twice, his first wife being Mary, daughter of John, first
Earl of Carbery; and his second, Bridget Leigh, by
whom he had previously had two natural sons, Lucius
and Charles, the latter of whom succeeded him at Maes-
yvelin, and married Frances, daughter of Sir Francis
Comwallis of Abermarlais, co. Carmarthen, by whom he
had issue Charles and Lucius. This Sir Francis Com-
wallis was a descendant of the old Suffolk family of
Cornwallis of Broome Hall, near Eye, many of whom
are buried under sumptuous tombs in the church there.
It is now the property of Sir Edward Kerrison, Bart.

From this somewhat lengthy digression we must re-
turn to Margaret, the daughter of Sir Marmaduke Lloyd
and Mary his wife. She married, as before stated, John
Vaughan of Llanelly, and left issue, coheirs, the eldest
of whom, Jemima, married Sir Richard Vaughan of
Tyrracoed ; and this brings us to the descendants of
Sir William, second son of Walter Vaughan of Golden
Grove.

This Sir William was a man of great mental vigour
and enterprise. Bom at Golden Grove in 1577, he at
an early age distinguished himself in learning, first
entering at Jesus College, Oxford, then going on to the
Continent to continue his studies at foreign univer-
sities. He was the author of several works, one of
which takes its name from Golden Grove. At a subse-
quent period of his life he became a traveller in the
West, and spent much energy and money in founding
a colony called Cambriol, in the south of Newfoundland.
By his first wife he had no issue ; but he subsequently
married Anne, daughter and heir of John Christmas of
Colchester, co. Essex. She died 15 August 1672. In
the Heraldic Visitation of Essex for 1 6 1 2 we find an
entry of the marriage of Sibell, daughter of John Browne,
with John Christmas of Colchester, Essex. Sir William
left issue, besides his son and heir Sir Edward, five
daughters, — 1 , Margaret, wife of Walter Jones ; 2, Jane,
wife of Owen Brigstock of Llechdoney ; 3, Mary, wife

PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN. 275

of Francis Lloyd of Glyn Gwinf ; 4, Dorothy, wife,
firstly, of . . . Bradling of Yorkshire ; secondly, of Walter
Rice ; and 5, Anne, wife of Robert Bamadiston of co.
Bedford.

The son and heir, Edward Vaughan (afterwards
created a Knight at Oxford, 24th Nov. 1643) married,
for his first wife, Jemima, daughter of Nicholas Bacon
of Shrubland Hall, near Ipswich, co. Suffolk. Notwith-
standing the eminence of some of its members, the pedi-
gree of the Bacon family is very confused. Their chief
power seems to have been mential rather than bodily,
for we find them distinguished for their talents princi-
pally in philosophy, natural science, and law. Robert
Bacon of Drinkston, co. Suffolk (son of John Bacon and
Agnes, daughter of Thomas Cokefield), married Isabel,
daughter of John Gage of Pakenham, and had issue,
with others, the celebrated Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord
Keeper of the Great Seal in the reign of Elizabeth. He
was born at Chislehurst in Kent, in 1510, and becoming
known for his learning in the law, was by Henry VIII
appointed Solicitor to the Court of Augmentations, thus
having a chief position in the distribution of the pro-
perty taken by the King from the monasteries. He
himself received a grant of the manors of Bottesdale,
Ellingham, and Redgrave, in Suffolk. Few men have
held a diflficult position in more trying times than Sir
Nicholas Bacon, living, as he did, under Henry VIII,
Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth. As a lawyer of posi-
tion he was constantly consulted on difficult questions
respecting the changes consequent upon the denial of
the Pope s supremacy over England ; and there is no
fact in the life of Sir Nicholas which has afforded a
greater handle for the objurgation of his opponents than
his conformity to the religious changes of his day. It
must be remembered that he was a lawyer well skilled
in estimating the different views and opinions of men,
and capable of throwing himself into their different
mental attitudes. It must also be remembered that the
Reformation, as it is called, in this country is an entirely

19 «

276 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

different matter from that on the Continent. Here the
change was much more gradual, and began by taking
from certain ecclesiastical officers a mass of prerogatives
which they had gradually assumed or congregated
round themselves, and which constantly impeded the
exercise of the royal power. In all these matters of
royal prerogative few were better qualified to judge
than Sir Nicholas Bacon, and his consummate prudence
and moderation made him valued by the sovereigns of
either way of thinking. Being a lawyer he took care
to keep within the law. There are, however, several
instances on record of his kindness to poor men who
sought his assistance in legal matters, or on whom the
law seemed to press heavily. It is reported that the
Queen Elizabeth visited him at Gorhambury, and re-
marked that his house was too small for him, upon
which he replied, "Not so. But your Majesty has made
me too great for my house." Over the hall door was
the following inscription containing Sir Nicholas' favour-
ite motto in the last line :

*' Hec cum perfecit Nicholans tecta Baconns
Elizabeth regni lustra ftiere dno
Factas Eqaes, Magni Gustos erat ipse Sigilli
Gloria sit solo tota tribnta Deo.
Mediocria firma."

Sir Nicholas Bacon was much hated by the Scotch
nation, probably because he as well as Cecil, his brother-
in-law, opposed the Stuart succession to the throne, and
favoured that of the Hertfords. He was twice married :
firstly to Jane, daughter of William Femley of West
Creding, co. Sufiblk, by whom he had three sons and
three daughters ; secondly to Anne, daughter of Anthony
Cooke of Giddy Hall, co. Essex, by whom he had two
sons, Sir Anthony and Francis, afterwards the celebrated
Lord Verulam and Viscount of St. Albans. His death
is said to have been caused by the negligence of a bar-
ber who was shaving him, during which operation he
fell asleep, and was left thus in a violent draught.
Upon awaking he felt quite chilled and exceedingly ill,

PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN. 277

and after a few days died. His body was buried in
St. Paul's Cathedral. His character has been well ex-
pressed by Hay ward : "A man of greate diligence and
ability in his place, whose goodnesse preserved his
greatnesse from suspicion, envye, and hate.''

Nicholas Bacon of Shrubland Hall, whose daughter
Jemima was wife of Edward Vaughan of Terracoyd, was
descended from the Lord Keeper through his third son
by the first wife, viz., Edward Bacon, who married
Helen, daughter and heiress of Thomas Littel of Shrub-
land Hall, CO. Suffolk, and Bray, co. Berks., by Eliza-
beth his wife, daughter and coheiress of Sir Robert Lit-
ton of Kneb worth, co. Herts.

The Bacons were much connected with families in
their own county who retained the old religion a? it
was called, and it may be for that reason that they
were so little moved by bigotry against it. We find
them thus related to the Jerninghams (then spelt Jer-
negan) and the Suliards, and intermarrying with the
same families as the Walpoles and CornwaUises. The

following entries shew this : ** 1562-3, the day of

Feby. was christened, at St. Andrew's in the Wardrobe,
George Bacon, the son of Master Bacon, Esq., some
time Serjeant of the Acatry, by Queen Mary's days.
His godfathers were young Master George Blackwell
and Master Walpole.'* Mr. George Bacon had married
one of the daughters of Mr. Blackwell, and Walpole
another. In his will Blackwell mentions "my son Ed-
ward Blackwell, my son Bacon, my son Draper, my son
Walpole, and my brother Campion." The Walpole to
whom reference is here made was William Walpole, who
married Mary, youngest daughter of Mr. Blackwell, by
whom, however, he had no issue, his heir being his
cousin Edward Walpole, bom 1560, son of John Wal-
pole of Houghton, ob. 1588, by Catherine Calibut, and
grandson of Edward Walpole of Houghton, ob. 1559,
by Lucy, daughter of Sir Terry Robsart of Siderston,
CO. Norfolk, who was aunt of Amy Robsart, Countess
of Leicester.

278 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

The above Catherine Calibut was eldest daughter
and coheiress of William Calibut, a rigid Puritan. The
second daughter and coheiress, Elen, married Henry
Russell of West Rudham ; and the third daughter and
coheiress, Anna, also a Puritan, married firstly Thomas
Gardiner of Cambridgeshire; and secondly, Henry,
brother of Sir Thomas Cornwallis of Broome Hall, co.
Suffolk. By the former husband she had two sons and
two daughters, of whom Bernard became a Jesuit priest,
and Katherine married Thomas Cromwell, brother of
Henry Lord Cromwell. By the latter she had Richard
ComwalUs and others. Calibut Walpole, the ancestor
of the future family of that name, married Elizabeth,
daughter of Edmund Bacon of Hesset, co. Suffolk.

The above data, which have been culled from an ex-
ceedingly interesting account of the Walpole family by
Dr. Jessop of Norwich, will serve to shew a connection
between the several families mentioned.

Sir Edward Vaughan of Terracoyd, Knt., had issue
by his wife Jemima, daughter of Nicholas Bacon of
Shrubland Hall, two sons and three daughters, of whom
Mary married ... Green, and Frances married ... Stin-
ton. Christmas, the second son, of Pentoyngwyn,.co.
Carmarthen, died without issue; and Richard, the eldest
son, became his father's heir.

The writer has to thank Mr. Scott Gatty (Rouge
Dragon) for kindly giving him much valuable informa-
tion from the College of Arms, the Record Office, and
other sources where he had collected it, by which much
light is thrown on the later descendants of theVaughans
of Terracoed. Richard Vaughan, as previously observed,
succeeded his father, Sir Edward Vaughan, and accord-
ing to The Golden Ghrove Book was knighted. He mar-
ried twice, and in right of his second wife became of
Shenfield, Essex, as well as Terracoed ; and dying, was
buried at the former place, 20 July 1728. His first wife
was Jemima, daughter and coheiress of John Vaughan of
Llanelly, previously mentioned ; and by her he had a son,
Ed w. Vaughan, ana three daughters, Margaret, Dorothy,

PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN. 279

atid Rachel. The son Edward was of age in 1698, and
according to The Golden Grove Booh married Margaret,
daughter and heiress of Walter Jones of Llwjni y For-
tune ; but died before 1 704, leaving no issue, or no sur-
viving issue, since the son by the second wife succeeded
to the estates. One of the daughters married Thomas
(baptised 11 Oct. 1688), younger son of William Jones
of Chilton, CO. Salop, and had issue a son William, and
apparently another son George ; the former of whom
married Mary, daughter of Thomas Kyffin of Oswestry,
whose mother was the daughter of Edward Lloyd of
Llanvorda, and Frances {n6e Trevor) his wife ; and
whose grandfather, Thomas Kyffin, was of Oswestry in
1600, being son of Roger and Ermine (Kynaston) his
wife. The above Thomas Kyffin, father of Mttry, was
agent to Lord Bridgewater, a title with which we shall
meet again when speaking of the Earls of Carbery.

William Jones had by Mary his wife two sons, the
elder of whom, Thomas Jones, died without issue ; the
second, John Jones, for whom there was but a slender
provision, married, 2 Feb. 1779, Eleanor, only daughter
and heiress of WiUiam Adams of Broseley, an old
family possessinsf an estate at Cleeton in South Shrop-
shire; which had%een sold some generations previously
by Charles, son of Francis Adams of Broseley, and Anne
his wife, daughter and heiress of William Adams of
Cleeton. She was a widow at Broseley in 1637.

It is, perhaps, worthy of remark here, that William
Jones of Chilton, the great-grandfather of John Jones
of Broseley, in his will, which is dated 12 Feby. 1717,
and proved 29 Oct. 1729, mentions only two of his sons,
namely, the eldest, WiUiam (baptised 16 Sept. 1684),
and who married Mary, daughter of Joseph Muckleston,
Esq., of Shrewsbury (the Mucklestons were related to
the Lloyds and Kyffins), to whom he leaves all his
estate; and his youngest son, John Jones (baptised 24th
April 1694), to whom was owing the sum of £30, being
the balance of a legacy due to him under his grandr
father Calcott's will. He also mentions his daughters.

280 PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN.

Mary Jones, baptised March ISth, 1695, and Martha
Atkis, baptised 16th Sept. 1686. Besides these, how-
ever, he had two other sons, Thomas, baptised 1 1 Oct.
1688, and Isaac, baptised 17 Dec. 1691; and a daughter
Eleanor, baptised 9 May 1682, who was buried 24 Dec.
1691. It will be evident upon consideration, that these
sons were men at the time of their father making his
will, and were probably already settled in life.

John Jones of Broseley had by Eleanor his wife (whose
mother, Eleanor, was only child of Henry Fermor and
Elizabeth Brooke, whose father was a younger son of
Brooke of Madeley, Salop), two sons, to the elder of
whom, Daniel, he left all he had to leave ; the younger,
George, having a provision otherwise.^ This John was
an eccentric man in his way, and left all he possessed
to his elder son, from whom some coins, etc., and books,
chiefly of travels or on legal subjects (his forefathers
having been connected with the legal profession), after-
wards came into possession of his nephew, he himself
dying without heirs.

The second son, George, bom 28 March 1781, as pre-
viously remarked, gainea great wealth from his mineral
estates in Staffordshire and South Wales. He married,
in 1802, Catherine, the eldest daughter and coheir of
Daniel Turner of the Brownhills, near Walsall, Stafford,
by Sarah, only child of Robert Hanbury. The father of
Daniel Turner (i.e., Henry Turner) had married Cathe-
rine, the elder coheir of Thomas Jordan of Great Barr
and Birmingham, by Catherine his wife, sister and coheur
of Ferdinando Lea, Lord Dudley. The Turners were an
old family in the neighbourhood of Great Barr and Sut-
ton Coldfield. In the time of Henry Turner there were
still in the family lands at Lyndon derived from the

^ The family of Adams wa8 connected previonslj with that of
Brooke through the Gowers of Worcestershire, of whom John Gower
of Colmers married Mary, daughter of William Fitzherbert of Swin-
nerton, by Anne, daughter of Sir Basil Brooke of Madeley ; and
Ursula, daughter and coheir of William Gower of Ridmarley mar-
ried William Adams. Henry Fermor was younger son of Henry
Fermor of Tusmore, co. Ozon., who died 3 Feb. 1683.

PBIVATE PAPERS OF RICHABI) VAU6HAN. 281

Mortons ; and it is singular that his grandfather^ Ed-
ward Turner, is said to have married the daughter of
Thomas Leigh of Sutton Coldfield, co. Stafford, whose
mother was Anne, eldest daughter of Thomas Corn-
wallis, son of Sir Charles Comwallis of Brome Hall, co.
Suffolk.

At the death of John Jones of Chilton (the last male
heir) without issue, on the 5th of October 1815, the
representation of the family vested in his distant cousin,
George Jones above mentioned ; but the old Chilton
estate, which had descended to them from the Con ways
of Bodrhyddan, was sold, and so passed into the posses-
sion of the Burtons of Longner. George Jones left
issue, by Catherine his wife, a son John, bom 1 805, and
a daughter Theodosia ; a younger daughter, Eleanor,
died unmarried.

But to return to Eichard Vaughan of Terracoed. He
married, secondly, Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of
Sir William Appleton, Bart, of Shenfield, co. Essex (17
Nov. 1688), who died in 1727, and was buried at Shen-
field* By her he had issue,— John Vaughan, baptised
1 June 1693, ob. 1765; Bichard YaughAn, bapt. 21st
July 1694, and died the same year; William Vaughan,
bapt. 19 Sept. 1691, oh. s. p.; Elizabeth, bapt. 18 FeK
1695, died young; Elizabeth, bom Feby. 1700, died
aged one month; Sophia, bapt. 11 March 1696, buried
1766 (will dated 29 Dec. 1764, wherein she mentions
her nieces Barnwell and Comyn, and appoints her bro-
ther John Vaughan and Mr. George Jones her execu-
tors ; she died unmarried) ; Jane, who, in a Chancery
case, Barnwell versiLS Lord Cawdor (1808), was found
heiress of the whole blood to her brother John Vaughan.
She married a gentleman named Beynolds, and had
issue, two daughters and coheiresses of the whole blood ;
of whom Elizabeth, the elder, married Captain Nicolas
Comyn of Rotherhithe and Cork, who in nis will men-
tions £500 left by Sophia Vaughan to her niece, his
wife. They left issue two daughters, coheiresses, of
whom Jane Comyn, the elder, married Lieut. Bobert

282 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

Scott, R.N., and so was ancestress of Mr. Scott-Gatty
of the College of Arms ; and Anne Comyn the younger
married Matthew Moran, and left issue. Sophia, the
second coheiress of Jane Vaughan and Mr. Reynolds,
married Capt. Silvester Barnwell, and left issue.

It may be worthy of remark that Jane and Anne
Comyn had a brother, John Comyn, drowned off the
sloop of war Pegasus in 1 774. There was apparently
an older son than John Vaughan, named William, bom
at Shenfield, 10 Sept. 1691, who died during his father's
lifetime, so that John became heir ; and having so many
brothers and sisters of his own, it is not surprising if
the former family (his half-sisters on the father s side)
were left somewhat in the background. This John
Vaughan has been considered a fortunate man, since his
kinswoman Anne, Duchess of Bolton, by her will, dated
1 Feby. 1749, left him the Golden Grove estates, which
had descended to her, as will be seen hereafter. He
married twice, and died 27th January 1765, at Shen-
field, where he is buried. By his second wife, Eliza-
beth, daughter and coheiress of John Vaughan of Court
Derylls, and widow of Thomas Lloyd of Danyrallt, who
died 20 Jany. 1754, he had no issue ; and by his first
wife, Ellen, daughter and coheiress of Nicholas Part-
ridge of Doddinghurst, co. Essex (buried at Shenfield,
19 Sept. 1730), he had issue one son, Richard Vaughan
of Golden Grove, Shenfield, and Terracoed; baptised at
Shenfield, 22 Nov. 1726, and who died at the same
place in 1781. This Richard .married twice, his second
wife being Susannah, daughter of John Warner of Swan-
sea, whom he married at Clapham in 1767, and by
whom he had an only daughter, Susanna Eleanora
Vaughan, baptised 21 Dec. 1768 ; married at Maryle-
bone, 1795, Rev. Thos. Watkins of Pennoyre, co. Brecon,
by whom she had issue two sons, — Pennoyre, lost at
sea, s, p., 1812, and John Lloyd Vaughan, who succeeded
to Pennoyre, but died s. _p., — and five daughters. In
the above mentioned lawsuit, Susanna Eleanora Vaughan
was found to have no claim to John Vaughan's estates,
being only of the half blood.

PRIVATE PAPERS OP RICHARD VAUGHAN. 283

The first wife of Richard Vaughan of Golden Grove,
etc., was Elizabeth Phillipps, daughter of Charles Phil-
lips of Llanelly, which place came to them as follows :
Anne, daughter and heiress of John Vaughan of Llan-
elly, married Charles, son of Thomas Vaughan, descended
from the Vaughans of Bredwardine; but he dying with-
out issue, she married, secondly, Griffith Lloyd of Llan-
arthney, who outlived his wife, and left away the pro-
perty to his own nephew, Grismoud Phillips. ^ By this
wife, Richard Vaughan of Golden Grove had issue two
sons, of whom the younger, Charles Richard Vaughan,
died without issue, and was buried at Shenfield, 28th
August 1786. The elder, John Vaughan, succeeded to
the estates of Golden Grove, Shenfield, Terracoed, etc.
He was Lord Lieutenant and Member for the county of
Cannarthen for several yeaiB ; and having married
Elizabeth Letitia Jane, daughter of Comwallis Maude,
Lord Hawarden of Ireland, died without issue at Golden
Grove, March 1804.

It has been remarked of the Vaughans that they all
have some eccentricity ; and one which shewed itself in
John, the last of this line, was an intense affection for
one of the Campbell family, afterwards created Lord
Cawdor, to whom, at his death, he bequeathed the
Golden Grove estate; and he, believing himself possessed
of everything, proceeded to administer to all the pro-
perty, whereupon arose the lawsuit previously men-
tioned, which ended in Elizabeth Comyn and Sophia
Barnwell being found heiresses of the whole blood;
when aU the other estates were ordered to be sold by
auction in 1822, and the proceeds divided between
these two. It would appear, however, that the pro-
perties thus sold could not have been very large, smce
Elizabeth Comyn sold her share to Lord Cawdor for the
sum of £4,000 and a life-anDuity of £50. This was the
end of the Vaughans as large landowners in Carmar-
thenshire.

We must now, however, again look back to the eldest
son of Walter Vaughan of Golden Grove and Mary his

284 PfilVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUOHAN.

wife, before mentioned. John Vaughan, Mayor of Car-
marthen in 1603, was created by Charles I Baron
Vaughan of Mullingar in Ireland, and Earl of Carbeiy ;
the first by letters patent, 29th July 1621, and tne
second by the same, 5th August 1628. He died at
Golden 6rove, and was buried at Llandilo Fawr, co.
Carmarthen, having married twice, — ^firstly, Margaret,
daughter of Sir Gelly Meyrick, by whom he had issue
one son and one daughter, Mary, wife, as previously
stated, of Sir Francis Lloyd of Maesyfelin. He married
secondly, Jane, daughter of Sir Thos. Palmer of Wing-
ham, CO. Kent, but by her had no issue.

Richard Vaughan, second Earl of Carbery, whose sig-
nature is appended to the above deed, the only son of
the first Earl by his first wife, succeeded to the dignities
and estates of his father, and on 25th of October 1643
was created Baron Vaughan of Emlyn, co. Carmarthen,
in the peerage of England. Lord Carbery has been
amply abused., principally for his politics. He was a
powerful advocate of the King's cause, but acted with
moderation and common sense, so that when the oppo-
site party came into power he was able to retain his
estates, and even so far rose in the good graces of Crom-
well that the latter sent him a present of some deer
from London to furnish the park at Golden Grove. But
that he was a great friend of the Parliamentarians in
general is disproved by a tract fuU of abuse, written by
one of that body, and entitled The Earle of Carherrys
Pedigree^ 1646. His friendship with Cromwell, if it
may be called by such a name, was probably personal
and also politic. It will be remembered thlt the ori-
ginal name of the family of the Lord Protector was
Williams, and that he was descended from Gwaithvoed
Vawr, a common ancestor with the Vaughans. It was
also an act of good policy to give an opportunity of
favourable reception to one of the largest and most
powerful landowners in South Wales. Moreover, it is
possible, since the Vaughans all gathered round the
head of the house, that their connection with the Lords

PBIYATB PAPERS OF BIOHARD VAUGHAN. 285

Cromwell, through the Bacons, was not unknown to.
the Lord Protector. Most people will at least allow
that the use he made of his being on good terms with
the ruling party, in protecting Dr. Jeremy Taylor, a
fierce Royalist, was praiseworthy ; and fiirther, the posi-
tion which we find him occupying subsequently to the
Kestoration may be looked upon as a testimony to the
high esteem in which he was held by Charles II. It
would seem, then, that he was a man of great modera-
ation, which obtained for him the hatred and abuse of
the extreme men of either party. The deed itself is
probably an attempt to make a final settlement of all
kinds of claims which had arisen during the troublous
times of the civil war; for it must not be supposed that
even that calamity was not made use of by some for
pushing their own fortunes, especially since documents
were lost or destroyed, witnesses died or were killed,
and circumstances so changed that it was often no easy
matter to understand how justice should be adminis-
tered.

It will be noticed that among his other offices^ Lord
Carbery held that of President of the Council of the
Marches, a position which gave him great power ; and
doubtless many of the le^ profession would become
acquainted with him and his relatives in this capacity.

It is also, perhaps, not unworthy of remark that the
Kyffin family were of kindred descent with the Vaughans,
being, like them, descended from Madoc Cyffin, or An-
glicd Kyffin. The Golden Grave Book makes their re-
spective forefathers children of the same parents ; but
it is more probable that the Harleian MS. 1982 is more
correct in this matter, which makes David the son of
Madoc Cyffin by Alise or AJson, daughter of Gruffudd,
etc., as above ; and leuan Gethin his son by Tangwystl,
daughter and heir of leuan Voel of Penkelli {az., a chev-
ron inter three birds argt). The great-great-grandson
of this leuan Gethin was the first to bear the family
name of Kyffin, and from his place of abode was called
John Kyffin of Oswestry. His son Robert married Mar-

286 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

garet, daughter of leuan Lloyd, of Abertanat, by Eliza-
beth, daughter of Koger Thornes of Shropshire, whose
wife was a Kynaston ; and his grandson Koger is the
Roger Kyffin of Oswestry mentioned- before, who mar-
ried Ermyn, daughter of Roger Kynaston, by whom he
was father of Thomas Kyffin of Oswestry, etc.

Both the Abertanat family and the Kyffins were de-
scended from leuan Grethin by his wife Margaret,
daughter of Robert ap lorwerth of the line of Edno-
wain Bendew. She was hence sister of Cunric ab Robert
ab lorwerth, the direct male ancestor of the family of
Jones of Chilton. By his second wife, Margaret, daughter
of leuan ab Madoc ab Cadwgan Wenwis, a descendant
of Brochwell, leuan Gethin was grandfather of Sir
Geofirey Kyffin, who, by a daughter of Lord Strange of
Knockyn, had two coheirs, — ^Jane, wife of Sir Peter
Newton ; and Anne, wife of Edward Trevor of Bryn-
kiwalt, great-great-great-grandfather of Frances Trevor,
wife of Edward Lloyd of Llanvorda. This may give
some idea of the way in which the connection between
these families ramified, and point out their interest in
North Wales and Shropshire.

Richard, second Earl of Carbery, married, firstly,
Bridget, daughter of Thomas Lloyd of Llanllyr, and
The Golden Grove Book says that he had many children
by her ; who, however, did not live long. He married,
secondly, Frances, daughter and coheir of Sir John Alt-
ham, Knt., of Oreby, co. Herts., one of the Barons of
the Exchequer, by whom he had issue, two sons and
two daughters. He married, thirdly. Lady Alice Eger-
ton, daughter of John Earl of Bridgewater ; by whom,
however, he left no issue. His Lordship died on the
3rd of December, and was buried on the 15 th of the
same month, in the year 1686. All his surviving issue
was by his second wife, and consisted of the two
daughters. Lady Frances and Lady Althamia, and two
sons : first, Francis Lord Yaughan, who married Lady
Rachel, daughter and coheir of Thomas Wriothesley,
Earl of Southampton, who subsequently became so well

PRIVAXB PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN. 287

known as the wife of Lord William Russell ; but by
Lord Vaughan she had no issue, he dying, without
issue surviving him, 2 March 1667, when his younger
brother John, who is mentioned in the deed, became
Lord Vaughan, and (upon the death of his father) the
third and last Earl of Carbery. He was for some time
(xovemor of Jamaica, and married twice, firstly, Mary,
daughter and heiress of George (others say Humphrey)
Browne of Greene Castle, co. Carmarthen, the ruins of
which still exist near the road to Llanstephan ; by her,
however, he had no issue, and upon her death married,
secondly, Lady Anne Montague, daughter of George
Marquess of Halifax, by whom he had issue an only
daughter and heiress, Lady Anne Vaughan.

The last Earl died on 12 January 1712-13. His
daughter and heiress, Lady Anne, married, in 1713,
Charles Paulet, third Duke of Bolton and Marquess of
"Winchester; but died without issue, 20 Sept. 1751,
leaving the Golden Grove and other Vaughan estates to
her kinsman before mentioned, John, son of Richard
Vaughan of Terracoed, by his second wife Elizabeth,
daughter and coheiress of Sir William Appleton, thus
leaving a good example to his descendants, of assisting
the family and keeping the estates in the old name ;
which, however, the next John, grandson of the above,
failed to foUow.

The Earls of Carbery seem to have used the arms
attributed to the old Princes of Powys, or, a lion ram-
pant guleSy instead of the later modification used by
their ancestor Einion Evell. The same arms have been
assigned to their ancestor, Gwaithvoed of Powys. We
migit, however, rather ;)nsider the arms of Einion
Evell to have been taken from the black lion of the
Princes of Powys ; but there is a curious note in lU
Golden Grove Book, which says that Gwerystan ab
Gwaithvoed ^* gave, as an old chart intimates, or, a lion
rampant per fess gides and argent"

It would be useless here to go into the question of
the two Gwaithvoeds, and the confusion between them ;

288 PRIVATE PAPERS OF RICHARD VAUGHAN.

but it may be remarked that the cradle of this family
of Vaughan was the confines of Shropshire and Wales ;
and they seem to have become connected with South
Wales chiefly through the marriage of Hugh Vaughan
(who is celebrated for his duelling propensities) with
Jane^ daughter of Morris Bo wen.

It is not always easy, or even possible, when tracing
out the several branches and connections of families, as
those experienced in the work must know, to avoid
errors of Christian names, and in some cases to distin-
guish between families bearing the same name ; but
this difficulty is increased in the case of Welsh families
by the comparatively smaU number of surnames. It is
hoped, however, that the foregoing account of the family
of V aughan of Golden Grove, though by no means de-
void of faults, will be found sufficiently full and sub-
stantially correct to form a slight offering to the memory
of those who once held high position and wealth in
Wales, and who, though, perhaps, their estates are now
in the hands of a wiser race, ought not to pass away
entirely unnoticed in the page of histoiy.

Henry P. J. Vaughan, B.A., S-C.L.

Kensington. Angast 1880.

Note, — ^We haye a more detailed statement of the descent of Isa-
bel, wife of Sir Giles Capel, in Harleian MS. 1041, where she is
recorded as the second daughter and coheiress of Thomas Gradoc or
Newton by his second wife Elianor, daughter of Lord Danbeny. The
father of Thomas was Sir John ; and his mother, Isabel, daaghter
and heiress of Sir John Cheddar, Knt. ; Sir John being son of Sir
Richard by Emma, daughter of Thomas Perrot of Haroldstone, son
of John by Margaret, daughter of Howel Moythe, son of John
Cradoc, of Newton, by Nest, daughter of Sir Peter Bussell, Knt,
son of Robert by Margery, daughter of Sir Nicholas Sherbewell,
Knt., of Mangle (erm., three lozenges «a.), son of John by Joane,
daughter of Elidr Ddy, son of William, son of Sir Wilcock of New-
ton, son of Cradog, son of Howel, by Gwenllian Gethin, daughter
of Lord Rhys gryg^ son of Gronwy ab Rhytherch ab Criadog ab
Jestyn ab Owen ab Howel Ddha.

289

STOKESAY.

At the northern entrance of the valley, through which
the river Onny winds its way, stands the ancient forti-
fied mansion of Stokesay. To the east rises a steep
hill, on the summit of which may be traced the remains
of an extensive and very perfect Saxon or British camp;
and to the west, a corresponding cliff, called Weo Edge,
the lower slopes of which are covered with a holly
forest of great age ; while the crest, composed of the
rock known to geologists as the Aymestry Limestone,
presents the appearance of a line of rugged time-worn
battlements.

The lover of the picturesque will not easily find a
fairer' scene than that presented by the grey old ruin,
especially when the sun setting over the Holly Park
lights up its moss grown tower and gables. But to the
antiquary, it is replete with suggestive thoughts and
instruction as to the life and habits of the middle ages.
For here was the home of one of those lords of the
marches, who, in the time of the first Edward, held
this border land under a stem feudal rule ; and who
had firequently to repel the attacks of the as yet un-
conquered Welsh.

And yet, that this building was originally intended
to be a castle or stronghold is not at once apparent.
Its site at the foot of high hills would have rendered
it insecure even in times of more imperfect engines of
warfare than we now possess ; besides, the gables and
mullioned windows of the principal hall are more sug-
gestive of domestic life than of war. On the other
hand, the tower and the moat bespeak a troubled time,
when its owners found it expedient to strengthen their
dwelling against attack. A further examination of its
different parts, as well as what can be ascertained of its
history, tends to confirm this view of its composite
nature. Stokesay is an almost unique specimen of a

4th 8BB., VOL. XII. 20

290 STOKESAY.

mansion of the thirteenth century, fortified subse-
quently to the erection of the domestic portion of it.
It combines in itself associations not only of the peace-
ful daily life of its inmates, but of that eventful time
when this border land was the scene of forays and
bloodshed; and, happily, preserved with very little
alteration through the cnances and changes which have
levelled so many other similar structures of that early
date, it presents to the archaeologist and historian many
features of peculiar interest.

The first objects which will arrest attention on visit-
ing Stokesay Castle, are the gatehouse and the moat.
The latter surrounds the whole building, and has a
depth of six feet, and an average breadth of twenty-
two feet. There can be little doubt that it waa once
much deeper. A few years ago, the rubbish with which
it was partly filled was carefully examined, and a few
curiosities were discovered.^ The moat was supplied
from a pool which still exists on the west of the build-
ing; and this, by a small stream which ultimately
flows into the Ojiny.

The gatehouse, which has probably replaced the
original drawbridge, is a fine example of a Tudor

^ These are now to be seen in a case in one of the rooms of the
Castle ; they consist of a few coins of Nnrembor^g^, one of Henry
III, the token of a London spectacle maker, a fragment of fine
china, a broken falcon's bell, and lastly, a stone implement the use
of which is by no means easy to determine ; in shape it resembles a
hammer, in the centre is a large hole, with a groove deeply cnt in
its interior, and round the edge are six holes ; though a seventh,
less distinctly marked than the others, may also be observed. A
somewhat similar instrument, in a more perfect state, was not long
ago discovered near Cleobury Mortimer. In a memoir on Yorkshire
dials, recently published by the Rev. D. H. Haigh, the author, refer-
ring to the oval stone found at Stokesay, considered it to have been
a portable dial, of which the six holes in the margin answer to the
Saxon divisions of time, uhta, morgen^ undem, non^ dn^ and ce/en, and
that the central hole received the gnomon. Mr. A. Gore, however,
suggests that if the seventh hole be included in the number of those
found in the Stokesay stone, both of them may rather have been
used in the construction of a musical instrument, since they would
thus represent the seven strings required for that purpose.

ST0KE8AY. 291

" black and white" building. Its timbers, hoary with
age and stained by the rains of three hundred winters,
are still in excellent preservation, and in many parts
are richly carved. Over the ample archway which runs
through its centre are displayed the figures of Adam
and Eve, the serpent and the forbidden fruit ; while at
each comer of the house are massive oaken corbels, of
which the carving is veiy bold and masterly, each of
the four being different in design. In the last century
this gatehouse was often the resort of an outlaw, who,
when forgery was a capital crime, successfully eluded
capture by secreting himself in a small room entered
by a trap door.

On the side of the hall next the courtyard are three
lofty and well-proportioned windows, mullioned and
transomed, finisned with trefoils above, with a circular
aperture between the heads ; excellent specimens of
Early English tracery. Grooves running round the
upper part were evidently intended for the insertion of
permanent sashes. The lower divisions have, instead
of grooves, holes sunk in the stone to admit iron bars,
and were supplied with shutters or moveable sashes.
Before the twelfth century, glass was a luxury only
known to the wealthiest persons and on exceptional
occasions ; and at other times it was the custom to stow
away the window-frames for future use. A similar
arrangement to the above may be seen in the windows
of the fine Abbot's Refectory at Haughmon Abbey.

To the left, a short flight of stone steps leads to the
solar or withdrawing room; and parallel with them,
overhead, an original ledge projecting from the wall
indicates that there was a covered way to protect those
who passed from the hall to the solar.

The courtyard was, evidently, once surrounded by a
strong parapet, pierced for crossbows or fire-arms, of
which the only portion remaining is a few feet abutting
on the tower ; in the upper part of this may be seen
an embrasure, similar to those above.

On entering the hall, the eye is at once struck by its

20 «

292 STOKESAY.

excellent proportions and its height. Its length is 53
feet 4 inches, its breadth 31 feet 5 inches, and its
height to the roof- tree 34 feet. The massive beams or
sweeps which support the roof are arched, springing
from brackets of unusual length, which rest on Early
English stone corbels, not more than 7 feet from the
floor. On each side of the hall are the windows of
which the tracery has been already described. Five of
these have seats, while those at the northern end are
of only half length, and that over the principal entrance
has been built up. There is no appearance that the
upper part of the hall, as was usually the case, was
provided with a raised platform or dais, and the fact
that an original doorway at this end is on a level
with the rest of the floor is inconsistent with such a
structure. There may, of course, have been a tempo-
rary one. At 1 4 feet from the southern end, and mid-
way between the sides, is an octagonal pavement, on
which stood a brazier, the only provision for a fire in
this apartment. The beams of the roof above are
blackened with smoke, for which no chimney was pro-
vided. Everything about the place recalls the mediaeval
baronial hall, its rude banquets and wassail ; and we
seem almost to hear the voices of those long passed
away, with which these old walls resounded.

At the northern end of the hall, a short flight of
steps leads downward into an apartment, which is pro-
bably the most ancient part of the building. The very
narrow loopholes show that it was intended for defence.
In a projection of this is a well, which was until a few
years ago nearly filled up, but has since been cleared
out. The rubbish which it contained yielded but few
objects of interest ; and seemed to consist largely of
the debris of countless dinners, including among other
bones, a boar's head and deer's skull, and a pair of roe-
buck's horns. It is 15 feet deep, and has two lateral
openings at the bottom, terminating in the moat. On
its walls are traces of some rude arabesque ornamenta-
tions in a red colour, with, in two places, the Tudor rose

STOKESAY. 293

and portcullis. Around the top ran a design in which
birds appear in various attitudes. But little of this now
remains, and these details are taken from some sketches
made several years ago by Mrs. Stackhouse Acton.

Returning up the steps into the hall, we next ob-
serve an original staircase, constructed of solid baulk,
cut through diagonally. This leads, on the first floor,
to an apartment which again opens into another. These
go by me name of the priest s rooms. The floor of the
innermost is laid with a number of ancient tiles, ar-
ranged, however, without plan; many of them were
evidently portions of coats of arms. On several the
device of a centaur and an archer with a long bow
figures. But little change seems to have been made
in these rooms from their original state, except in the
insertion of an ogee window, the others being of a lan-
cet form.

Ascending the staircase to the upper storey, we enter
an irregularly shaped, well-lighted apartment of about
25 by 30 feet, which was at one time divided into
several rooms. In this is a fine example of an early
English fireplace with side pillars, down each of which
runs a rib. A wooden frame, resting on corbels, which
once supported a hood, still remains, though the upper
part of the structure has disappeared. The floor of
this room partly rests on brackets projectmg from the
walls, and it is thus of greater size than those below.

Descending the staircase, we pass from the hall at
its southern end, through a square-headed trefoil door-
way, characteristic of Edwardian architecture, into two
small apartments, wainscoted and furnished with cup-
boards, which would seem to have been store-rooms.
From these, steps lead to a cellar below, and a passagfe
terminating in the wall of the tower. Above these rooms,
and approached by an external flight of stone steps,
over which was the awning already referred to, is the
handsome solar. It is remarkable that a somewhat simi-
lar arrangement of steps, protecting roof, and door, with
flat trefoiled arch, is found at Aydon Castle in North-

294 STOKES AY.

umberland. The traoery of the windows of the room in
which we suppose ourselves now to stand is similar to
those of the hall, and they are furnished with seats.
The lower part of that next the court is cut off below
to correspond to the covered way which was outside.
A small lancet window at its side is now walled up,
while an ogee was added, probably to obtain a view of
the gateway, which was lost when the others were
closed. Two very small windows furnished with shutr
ters open into the great hall, evidently to enable its
occupants to keep an eye on the proceedings of those
who were carousing there.

The remains of elaborate wainscoting still line the
walls of this room ; and even some of the colour and
gilding with which it was enriched may be seen. But
the chief object which will command attention is the
magnificent chimney-piece of oak. This is probably of
the time of James I or Charles 1, and is an excellent
specimen of the style of carving then in vogue. Five
pilasters, formed of grotesque figures, three female and
two male, enclose four compartments, in the innermost
of which are two masks of very quaint design. The
strap scroll work surrounding them is extremely rich
and florid. The whole rests on a plain but massive
stone arch, and, curiously enough, this heavy structure
is entirely supported by beams of wood beneath, which
has led to the suspicion that a fireplace did not form
part of the original design. A narrow passage, corres-
ponding to the store-rooms below, extends from this
room to the wall of the tower, where it terminates.

This apartment was doubtless the chief resort of the
later tenants of the castle, one of whom was Sir Samuel
Baldwyn. He held the house on a long lease from
Lord Craven, and seems to have been a gentleman of
cultivation. Dugdale, in his diary, gives a letter from
Sir Symon Archer, in which he mentions that his son-
in-law, Mr. Younge, " lying at Stoke as he rod the cir-
cuit", saw ** a book of armes of the gentlemen of Shrop-
shire finely tricked out", which Mr. Baldwyn was

STOKES AY. 295

copying — perhaps in this very dpawing-room, which
not improoably owes its decoration to his taste. An
account in a curious old MS. of a visit to Stoke about
1730 mentions this room, hung with several pictures.
" Theodoric Vernon, alias Vernon with the red hand,
alias the proud Vernon, with a gold chain about his
neck with a medal at the bottom." The picture of
Charles the First and of "the proud Vernon" is still
in existence. The same manuscript also mentions the
foUowiBg sHelds as displayed in this room. Baldwyn

Quartering Wigly — Childe of Kinlet — Ashley and
Eolland. These were probably the quarterings of Sir
Samuel Baldwyn. He died m 1683, and hjs monu-
ment in the Temple Church styles him as of Stoke
Castle. Another shield is thus described : " Crest, an
oak issuing out of a coronet. Quarterly 1st and 3rd,
gules, three cinquefoils ermine ; 2nd and 4th, argent,
a ship sable. A coronet and garter with the motto
Jioni soit, etc. Supporters, two unicorns." These were
probably the arms of James, Duke of Hamilton, who
was a patron of Charles Baldwyn. The other arms
were — Powis quartering Littleton of Henly, and
Talbot of Worneld impaling Shelton of Broadway.
Sir S. Baldwyn and Lord Craven were both staunch
Eoyalists, and were fined by the Long Parliament.^

To resume our investigation of the building. The
first floor of the tower is entered by a wooden way ex-
tending from the top of the steps which led to the
drawing-room, but an archway on the basement
between two massive buttresses opens into an apart-
ment of the same size and shape below. There are
several indications that originally a kind of drawbridge
connected the door with the steps just mentioned.
Large beams built into the walls above have been cut

^ In the same book a pen and ink sketch is gi^en of one of the
coats of arms which adorned the windows, and at the present time
a fragment of glass exists in a window of Mnpslow Chnrch repre-
senting the Lndlow arms (or, a lion rampant sable), which there is
reason to believe was a portion of that which once filled the circular
aperture of the Stokesay window.

296 STOKESAY.

off flush with it, and a moulding higher up was evi-
dently part of some structure of the kind which has
since disappeared. The plan of the interior of the
tower at first appears somewhat irregular, but further
examination shows that it is formed, as it were, of two
octagonal towers placed side by side. Owing to the
thickness of the walls (6 feet), the angles within and
without do not correspond. Each floor is furnished
with a large fireplace, the flues of which terminate in
two cylindrical chimneys on the parapet. A stair, in-
cluded in the thickness of the wall, leads from floor to
floor, and to the roof, and is so constructed as to be
entirely on the side next the court. Each of the
rooms is lighted by lancet windows, with seats. On
the second floor is a door, of which the hinges still
remain, although the aperture has been almost built
up. It is not easy to assign its object, except that it
was used to hoist materials which could not be readily
carried up by the narrow stair, and which would be
required for the defence of the building. The battle-
ments on the roof consist of large embrasures alter-
nating with loop-holes adapted for the use of the cross-
bow, all of which originally had shutters. Holes in
the masonry overhead w,ere inserted for the erection of
an awning to ward off the missiles which the catapult
would shower on the heads of the defenders. A short
flight of steps on the northern side leads to a small
watch-tower.

From the foregoing description it will be seen that
Stokesay Castle consists of three tolerably distinct
parts ; a tower at the north end, of which the top is
now covered with a comparatively modem wooden
structure; the hall, with its solar or drawing-room;
and the great tower on the south. Of these, the only
portion of which the date of its erection can be clearly
traced is the last. Any attempt to fix the order in
which the others were built must rest on inferences
drawn from their plan, and from the history of the fami-
lies who have from time to time occupied the building.

STOKESAY. 29 7

The Domesday record is silent as to the existence of
any other houses at "Stokes", as it was then called,
than those of a miller and a keeper of bees. Honey,
before the introduction (by the Crusaders, it is said) of
sugar, was much used for the production of mead and
other condiments, and its mention suggests at least the
contiguity of a mansion where it would be in request.

From the date of Domesday to 1241, with the ex-
ception of two intervals of forfeiture in the reigns of
William II and of John, the De Lacys held this and
many other manors around it directly from the King
{in capite)y but it is not probable that they ever
resided here, since Ludlow Castle, which was partly
built by them, and Stanton Lacy, would naturally be
their chief abode. About 1115, nowever, the De Says
were enfeoffed at Stoke by De Lacy. Their ancestor,
Picot de Sai, so called from Sez, a place about nine
miles west of Exmes in Normandy, had foiight at
Hastings among the followers of William I. Five of
this family in succession, Theodoric, Helias I, Helias II,
Robert, and Hugh, the last three being brothers, are
named in connection with the manor; and it is not
unlikely that the place to which they have given their
name was also their residence. If such were the case,
it is probable that the north tower, or rather what
remains of it, formed a portion of that house. There
are, as has already been observed, many indications
that it formed no part of the design which included
the hall. A reference to the ground plan shows that it
is in no way uniform with the latter, and it has even
been united to it by a wall on the west side, which
was built subsequently to its erection ; the level of the
floors in the two do not correspond, and a string-course
which surrounds the hall and southern tower here stops
suddenly ; its masonry is of a much ruder kind, and
bears marks of greater antiquity, and the loopholes
with which it is furnished are quite unlike any other
windows in the building. Altogether, these facts lead
strongly to the inference that its erection belongs to

298 STOKESA^.

an eaxUer period than any other part, and if so. it
would almost certainly be a portion of the original
dwelling of the De Says.

In 1240, the last of the line of De Lacys died at an
advanced age, and blind, after an eventful and che-
quered life, and his estates were divided between his
two sons-in-law, Peter de Geneva, who married his
daughter Matilda, and John de Yerdun, who married
her younger sister Margaret ; and to the latter fell
Stokesay with other manors. He held it in capite^
although he owed the service of two knights due at
Ludlow Castle, and one knight in ward of Montgomery
Castle. At the time John de Verdun thus came into
possession of the manor, Hugh de Say was feoffee;
but shortly after, that is about 1240, he effected an
exchange with de Yerdun. Alienating all, or nearly
all his property, he settled in Ireland, where other
members of his family already enjoyed considerable
possessions, and where many traces of their existence
may be found in the Patent Rolls and other Records.
It would thus appear that John de Verdun became,
about this time, closely connected with the place. He
has left, however, but few direct traces of his occu-
pancy. He is registered in the Inquisition of 1255 as
Lord of Stokesay, Newton and Wetleton, the .two
latter being members of the manor, and in 1270 he
conveyed to Philip de Whichecote his manor of Stoke-
say, for a term of three years ; which afterwards, with
certain reservations, became a life interest, in consi-
deration of the sum of £24, to be paid by Philip to
him, the grantor, though the manor was at this time
valued at £26 135. 4d. per annum.

John de Verdun died in 1274, and was succeeded by
his son Theobald, who also held the manor in capite,
and during his tenure it was conveyed to Lawrence de
Ludlow. At this time, Reginald de Grey appears as
feoffee, and not Philip de Whichecote ; and in the
feodary of 1284, Lawrence de Ludlow is said " to hold
the Vill of Stokesay for one knight's fee, under John

STOKESAY. 299

de Grey, which John held it under Theobald de Ver-
dun, who held of the king/'^

How long the De Yerduns held this intermediate posi-
tion between the feoffee and the king does not appear ;
but, in 1290-1, Lawrence de Ludlow, who, from a
Royal Charter of 1281, appears to have been now in
full possession of Stokesay, obtained the following
patent to enable him to fortify his house, and this fixes
the date of the erection of the southern tower : —

Pro. Laurencio de Ludelawe. — Eex omnibus ballivis at fidel-
ibus sxiis ad quos &c. salutem Sciatis quod concessimus pro
nobis et heredibus nostris dilecto nobis Laurencio de Lodelawe.
Quod ipse mansum suum de Stoke Say in comitate Salopiae
muro de petra et calce finuare et kernellare et illud sic iirmatum
et kemaUatum tenere possit sibi et heredibus suis in per-
petuum sine occasione nostri vel heredum nostrorum aut
ministrorum nostrorum quorumcunque In cujus T. Rex apud
Hereford XIX die Octobr. {FcUeTU BoU of ths nineteenth
year of Edward the First, m. 2.)

A question here arises as to whether the hall was
not erected before the tower. It has been observed
that the tracery of the windows at Acton Bumell,
(which was certainly built in 1284, that is, seven years
before the tower at Stoke) though very like that of those
in Stjbokesay Hall, is of a more florid description, which
affords in itself a presumption in favour of the earlier
date of the latter building. Moreover, that a consider-
able house was in existence here before 1290 is rendered
very probable, from the fact that in that year Bishop
Swinfield, with a great retinue, made this his resting
place on a tour through his diocese. A curious docu-

^ In a suit previously instituted between de Ludlow, as plaintifT,
and John de Grej, son of Reginald, as Impedient, the former, in
acknowledgment of de Grey's rights, was said to give a sore
sparrow hawk. An instance of peculiar tenure oocnrs in a pre-
vions docnment in which ''Elias de Say, with the consent of
Amicia his wife, gives to Andrew Fitz Milo of Ladlow, for his
homage service, and for 23 merks, the mill of Stoke and Weteling-
ton, with suit of his men, and a messuage and meadow to hold in
fee for the rent of one pound of pepper."

300 STOKESAY.

ment by his chaplain, John de Kemesey, setting forth
the Bishop's expenses, was discovered some years ago
in the library at Stanford Court in Worcestershire, the
seat of Sir Thos. Winnington, and has been published
by the Camden Society, in which the following entry
occurs : —

1290.

Stokesay || on Thursday at Stoke de Say, Ap. 27.
'. !n bread 3s. 2d,
2 Sextaries of wine 2s. 8d.
Ale 5s.

Item 1 pig (or porker) already accoimted for.
Beef and pork 16d.

2 calves 22d.

3 kids lOrf.
2 pigs )

10 capons >■ a present

5 fowls j

And out of them remains 1 pig.

Bread 2d,

Hay given by Master E. de Heyton.^

Item 2 quarters 5 bushels of oats for 35 horses, given by the

Lord Abbot of Haughmond.
Carriage of the hay 2rf.
Alms for several days i2d.
Sum 16s. 2d,

The foregoing considerations, as well as the general
opinion of archaeologists, among whom may be men-
tion^ Mr. Hudson Turner, Mr. Blore, and Mr. Parker,
that^^he character of the architecture is of an earlier
date than that of the tower, render it probable that
when John de Verdun came into possession of this
manor, which, as we have seen, he did in 1240, he
erected this hall, and that the only part of the original
mansion of the De Says which he left standing, was the
lower part of the northern tower.

During the troubled reign of Henry III, de Verdun
was active on the king's side ; and, being one of the
Lords Marchers, he, and several others, were ordered

^ Master Hichard de Hejton had previously entertained the
Bishop at Staunton Lacy.

STOEESAT. 301

to reside on their estates, to check the incursions of the
Welsh. In the 54th of Henry III (1270) "he was
signed with the Cross, together with Prince Edward,
in order to a voiage to the Holy Land, where he went
accordingly". — {Bishop BaldwyrCs Travels). Most pro-
bably the arrangements with Phillip de Whichecote,
already mentioned, whereby the latter became under-
tenant at Stoke, and which took place in the same
year, had some relation to this event.

For 20 7 years from the time when Lawrence de Lud-
low was recognised as Lord of Stokesay, no event of
any great interest in connection with the place has
been recorded. Ten generations of de Ludlow held
the manor, and this branch of the family ended in co-
heiresses. In 1497 one of these, Anne, daughter of
John Ludlowe, married Thomas Vernon, son of Sir
Richard Vernon (of Haddon, in DerbjBhire, and Hod-
nett in Shropshire), and received Stokesay as her por-
tion.^

Of Lawrence' de Ludlow, who was now the recog-
nized Lord of Stokesay, not much information has been
obtained. His name occurs as one of the attestors of a
few deeds belonging to the corporation of Ludlow.
He would seem, as Mr. Eyton remarks, to have been
one of those prosperous merchants who havQ risen to
optdence through their enterprise, — one of the first
of that numerous order which has so largely contrilmted
to the greatness of England. This remark is fouiraed
on the fact that in 1292 he got into trouble with the
burgesses of Ludlow, his native town, by selling cloth
contrary to the assize ; which aflFords grounds for think-
ing that the wealth which enabled bim to rise to the
position of an important land-owner, and the founder
of a great and powerAil family, was acquired in busi-

^ According to the Vernon pedi£p:*ee and other pedigrees in Hen.
Vis. Shropshire, 1623, Anne, daughter and co-heiress of John
Lndlow, married Thomas Vernon, second son of Sir Henry Vernon,
of Haddon, and brother of Sir Richard Vernon, of Haddon and
Hodnet.

302 STOKESAT.

Hess. There are other evidences, says Mr. Eyton, that
at this period the trade of Ludlow was very prosperous ;
but it was not till the reign of Edward I that mercan-
tile wealth could be thus readily exchanged for terri-
torial importance.

Mr. Vernon was living here when Leland visited
Shropshire. He thus mentions Stoke, which he passed
on his way from Ludlow to Bishopscastle. " There is
a pratty stone bridge over Oney a little above Brom-
field, and there is alsoe a bridge of stone over Oney at
Whishter, two miles above Bromfield, and above this
Mr. Vernon hath a place not far from Oney. Almost
four miles from Ludlo, in the way betwixt Ludlo and
Bishop's Castle, Stokesay belonging to the Ludlowes,
now the Vemons, builded like a castelL'^ Again he
says : " The white grey Friars at Ludlow, a fayre and
costly thinge, stood without Corvegate by North ; one
Ludlow, a flight, Lord of Stoke Castle or Pyle towards
Bishop's Castle, was original founder of it. Vernon,
by an heir general, is now owner of S€bke.'' There is
an inaccuracy here, since Stokesay is seven, and not four
miles from Ludlow.

Mr. Vernon was Sheriff of Shropshire, 16 Henry VHI,
was involved in a dispute with the burgesses of Shrews-
bury, which lasted several years and proved very ex-
pensive to both parties. He was succeeded by his son of
the^ame name, who died in 1570, and Stokesay was sold
to Sr George Main waring, of Hampton, and Sir Arthur
Mainwaring of Ightfield, by whom in 1616 it was con-
veyed by a family settlement to Sir Thomas Baker, and
Sir Richard Francis, together with the manor and ad-
vowson of Onibury, Staunton Lacy, and Wistanstow,
all of which were resold in 1620 to Dame Elizabeth
Craven, and William Craven, her son. She was the
widow of Sir WilUam Craven, Knt., Alderman of Lon-
don, and the daughter of William Whitmore, Esq., of
Apley, and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir William Acton.

His eldest son, who thus became Lord of Stoke, is
described as " one of the most accomplished gentlemen

STOKESAY. 303

in Europe, an useful subject, charliablei abstemious as
to himself, generous to others, familiar in his conver-
sation, and universally beloved." He was a gallant
soldier, and distinguished himself in Germany and the
Netherlands under Henry Prince of Orancre when only

Newmarket, March 4th, 1626, and in March following
was created Lord Craven of Hampstead Marshall, co.
Bucks.

The following is the title of a poem dedicated to
him by a writer of the day, and is a curious specimen
of the bombastic style then in vogue. "Mischief's
masterpiece or Treason s masterie ; the Powder Plot, in-
vented by hellish malice and prevented by Heavenly
mercy, translated and dilated by John Vicars, dedicated
to Sir William Craven, Knt, and others, because they
are high-topt cedars of Lebanon, Chief Magistrates of
the famous City of London, and pious professors of
Christ's veritie.''

Lord Craven took an active part in the disastrous
enterprise to place Frederick, the Elector Palatine, on
the throne of Bohemia, was taken prisoner in 1637
with Prince Rupert, and was only released on the pay-
ment of a ransom of £20,000. He had, besides this,
spent £50,000 in assisting the Royal Family of Eng-
land during the Civil War and in their exile. The
story of his life is full of romantic interest. His, ad-
miration for the beautiful but unhappy Elizabeth,
daughter of James I, and wife of the Elector, who was,
in the chivalric language of the day, called the Queen
of Hearts, led him to sacrifice his means and adventure
his life in her cause. When the kingdom of Bohemia
was gone, and the Queen had lost ner husband and
many of her children, and was almost without the
means to obtain the necessaries of life, Lord Craven
continued her friend and adviser. But the only portion
of his once princely estate, which remained after his
fines and forfeiture, was Coinbe Abbey in Warwick-
shire, which, in former years he had purchased, from,

304 STOKESAY.

it is said, a romantic desire to possess the place where
Elizabeth had passed her happy childhood. On his
return to England he was received with great distinc-
tion by Charles II, and was created Earl of Craven and
Viscount Uifington. In 1661 Elizabeth also returned
to England; her nephew Charles showed little sym-
pathy for her ; but Lord Craven had provided a home
for her, having purchased Drury House at the comer
of Drury Lane (a few years before described as a ''deep,
foul, and dangerous road,") which he rebuilt, and gave
to it the name of Craven House, and which she occu-
pied till her death in February 1662. He not only
saved her from dependence on her selfish nephew, but
he gave a further instance of his romantic devotion to
the widowed Queen, by preparing another abode for
her at Hampstead Marshall, which was to be built in
imitation of Heidelberg, the scene of her early married
life.

Lord Craven afterwards resided chiefly at Combe
Abbey, where are several portraits of him, as also of
the Queen of Bohemia, and of all her children. He
never married, and closed his useful Ufe on the 9th of
April, 1697, aged 88. On his death, his titles and
estates passed to a cousin of the same name.

During Lord Craven's absence from England, Stoke-
say was let on a long lease, which has only recently
expired, to Charles Baldwyn, Esq., of Elsick, and his
heirs. During the civil wars, it was held by Sir
Samuel Baldwyn, the son of this gentleman, and was
garrisoned for the King. At this time, it had a narrow
escape from the fate which has befallen so many other
buildings of the kind.

The following account of this event is copied from a
quaint old work, entitled. The Burning Bush not Con-
sumed, by John Vickers.

"There was'drawn out of this garrison (Shrewsbury) by order
of the Committee 500 foot and 300 horse, being part of Colonel
Mackworth's regiment, and part of Colonel Lloyd's regiment.
Our forces marched within five miles of Ludlow, the design

STOKESAY. 305

being to reduce that part of the country, and to secure it by
placmg garrisons there to block up Ludlow. With a party of
horse they viewed Holgate and Braincroft (Broncroft) Castles,
both of which the enemy had demolished, notwithstanding they
placed the Lord Colvine in Braincroft Castle, and fell to repaire
and fortify it. In the interim they sent Lieutenant Eiveling to
view Stokesay, a gamson of the enemy. The place was con-
siderable, therefore the next morning we drew up to it, and
summoned it, but the Governor, Captain Dawrett, refused;
whereupon we prepared for a storm, and being ready to fall to,
we gave a second summons, which was hearkened unto, a party
admitted, and it is now garison'd for us. One of these castles
commands Corve Dale, a rich and varied country ; the other
secures Stretton Dale ; so that Ludlow is now blockt up on this
side, and hath only Hereford to rainge in."

Whatever may be thought of Captain Dawrett's
valour, his discretion deserves the admiration and
gratitude of all who value Stokesay, which otherwise
v\rould now be a pile of ruins.

After the foregoing occurrence, Sir Michael Wood-
house, then Governor of Ludlow, appears to have made
an effort to raise the siege of that place. Procuring
assistance from the other loyal garrisons in the neigh-
bourhood, he advanced against Broncroft. In the
meantime, a party from Stokesay marched to Wistan-
stow, in hopes of meeting reinforcements from Shrews-
buiy, which, however, did not arrive ; and, contrary to
their expectations, they found the enemy hastening
from Corve Dale to besiege Stoke, "judging it of
more consequence." An engagement ensued, which
is mentioned in most of tne newspapers of that
day, though with much incorrectness as to its site
and circumstances. John Vicars, in the work already
quoted, says that ** We slew near to 100 on the place,
took above 300 common soldiers, about 60 officers and
gentlemen, and all their ordnance and baggage, and 4
barrels of powder, a good quantity of match and bullets,
100 horse. Some gentlemen of quality were slain, these
being most of the gallantry of Herefordshire. In the
action. Sir William Croft, the best headpiece and

4th 8EB.« vol. XII. 21

306 STOKESAY.

activest man in that county, was slain, the Governor of
Monmouth and Ludlow hardly escaped. Sir Michael
Woodhouse, his horse being taken."

From the tower of Stokesay may be seen, on the
opposite side of the valley, at the foot of Norton
Camp, a group of farm buildings surrounded by green
meadows. A few years ago, when the foundations of
these buildings were being laid, the workmen came
upon a number of human skeletons, doubtless the
ghastly relics of that bloody fray. Near this spot,
an ancient but now unused road, deeply worn into the
side of the hill, may still be traced from the farmhouse
to the bank of the river, which must have here been
crossed by a ford. Close by are the remains — a bit of
stone wall and a pavement — of the mill referred to in
Domesday and in several other records of the manor.
This road is in a direct line between Corvedale and
Stokesay, and is that by which a troop advancing from
Broncroft to the latter place would naturally coma
There can be little doubt that it was here the party
who had been reconnoitering up the Stretton Valley
encountered and defeated their enemies, and that in
this now peaceful spot most of the " gallantry of Here-
fordshire", with Sir William Croft at their head, then
met their doom.

After the Civil Wars Stokesay was, with many other
castles, ordered to be " slighted" or rendered incapable
of defence. In most cases, this order was carried out
ruthlessly; but in this instance it was apparently con-
sidered sufficient to remove the battlements of the
northern tower and the parapets round the court, and
to leave the rest intact. Possibly to the influence of
Sir Samuel Baldwyn, who resided here about this time,
and who appears to have taken much interest in the
old house, and to have been a person of taste and re-
finement, we owe its preservation ; and it is not un-
likely that he had the timber rooms, which now pre-
sent so quaint and picturesque an appearance, built on
what remained of the northern tower.

:'i'.i '•

ifV,:!!'

.^':: ;

STOKESAY. 307

From ihat time to the present, Stokesaj, like those
kingdoms which are said to be happy in having no
history, has had an uneventful career. At one time,
indeed, it had become a mere out-building to the neigh-
bouring farm-house, and was fast falling into a dilapi-
dated state; but Lord Craven was induced to allow
the repairs necessary for its preservation to be carried
out, and put an end to its further desecration. Since
then the old mansion has, with all the surrounding
property, passed into the possession of Mr. Allcroft,
who, at very considerable expense, and with much
judgment, has put it into an excellent state of repair.

I cannot conclude this paper without expressing the
deep obligation I am under to the late Mrs. Stackhouse
Acton, for the assistance she rendered me in its pre-
paration. Whatever value it mav possess is entirely
due to the materials which she, for many years, col-
lected with great care and industry, and which she
kindly placed at my disposal

CAER-CREINL

The most direct road from Bala to Corwen passes
through a small hamlet called Bethel, distant from
which, at a point about a mile to the north-east, is situ-
ated the entrenched camp marked "Y Gaer" on the
Ordnance Map, but more commonly spoken of in the
neighbourhood as Caer-Creini or Caer-Crwni. An old
road passes a little to the north of it, and in all proba-
bility follows, for part of its course, one of the **Samau"
giving title to the village of that name, and which may
have joined the line connecting Caer-gai, near Llan-
uwchlyn, with Pen-y-gaer, near Ceryg-y-drudion, from
whence four Boman roads diverge. (See Arch. Camh.,
voL V, 3rd Series, p. 129.) Its course, however, is now
nearly obliterated by aOTicultural operations, excepting
where it goes over the hill of Cefii-Creini to the west.

21»

308 CAER-CREINT.

The name is variously spelt as Caereimi, Caerau-
Crwyni ; and in historical notices relating to many of
the parishes in Merionethshire, in the autograph of
Ed. Lhuyd, quoted by Mr. Wynne of Peniarth in Arch.
Camb., No. vii, p. 278, Kaer-KyreinL Another old
spelling, taken from the Myvyrian Archaiology^ p. 864,
(reprint, 1870), is Cerwyni, as in the subjoined line,
given there as a proverb, "Lladd Maer Caer ar gevn
Cerwyni" (the killing of the Mayor of Chester on Cefii
Cerwyni). To what, if any, historical event this refers,
it is now impossible to say, although it would imply that
the main road from Chester to these parts, along which
this unfortunate magistrate travelled, then followed the
ridge of Cefn-Creini ; unless, indeed, proverbially, it
may point to the improbability of any Mayor of Chester
going so far from home as to risk being slain in such
an out-of-the-way place.

Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt, as quoted (from Mr.
Evans' collection) in Arch, Uamh.^ No. Ili, New Seri^,
July 1850, p. 204, says of it: "In the parish of Llann-
dderfel there is a mountain called Cefn Crwyni, about
whereof is a great military trench."

Accompanying a letter from Mr. John Lloyd to Ed-
dward Lhuyd, printed from the collection of W. W.
E.Wynne, Esq., in Arch. (7am6., vol. ii,New Series, 1851,
p. 54, there is given, on a small scale, a ground-plan of
the fortification, for the most part correct. He says :
" 3 miles further' (ie., than Tommen-y-Castell, which
he has just been describing), " upon y* top of a larg
mountain called Cefn Corwuni-Crwnni" (two new spell-
ings), " or more commonly Creini by y® neighbours, we
meet with a larg fortification above 300 paces in
length, and aV 80 in breadth. I mentioned this before,
and Mr. Thelwall's conjecture y* it was f^one Corvinus,
a Roman, f°^ w™ likewise CasteU Dinas BrSn might have

its name I will add my brother's conjecture y* y*

mountain had its name from y* Caer, viz., Cefn-Caer-
Heini." After a digression he proceeds : " To give you
a draught of y® Caer. The entrance of the north end

CAKR-CKEINI. 309

is 8 paces over : y® ditch looking towards y® vale & y**
towards Bala but 2 paces & a half at most. The little
circles at y* entrance are so many rising 2 or 3 paces
from one another. The Deliquium" (this, I suppose,
refers to the abrupt ending of the fosse on the south-
east side) *4n y® ditch on y® one side is a steep preci-
pice, below which lies a plowed field called Llwyn yr
Erir; whether from the Roman eagle you are to judg.
The two middle stones are 2 larg stones. One seems
to be natural to y® place, having y® appearance of a rock
hard by it, & perhaps a rock itself ; y ® other seems to
have been removed thither. Both, I daresay, above 3
tuns in weight. The lesser gaps are occasioned by rocks
w** I designed to express by y* strokes in y® ditcn by it.
Beyond y* Highway y® 2 Buarthydd lie where they
kept their cattle. This is one of tie greatest roads in
our countrey."

The enclosure is rather more pear-shaped than in his
plan, being broadest towards the south-west end, and
consists of an inner area 310 yards long by 60 broad,
surrounded by what must have been either a kind of
wall or raised breastwork ; outside of which is a ditch
from 10 to 14 feet deep in places, and which is carried
all around, excepting for about a quarter of the dis-
tance on the south-east. There may have been entrances
at the south-west and north-east ends ; that is, if the
present fillings up of the ditch do really represent the
original entrances, which is open to doubt. Near the
south-western of these a piece of rock crosses the
ditch, and it may either have served as a bridge across,
or else was too difficult to move ; and at another point
between this rock and the " deliquium^' there are indi-
cations that may point to an entrance. Again, on the
opposite or nortn side, about half way from either end,
there is a kind of way leading from the interior down
into the ditch, the course of which it follows to the
north-east ; and as there is also a break in the rampart,
marked in Mr. Lloyd s plan at this point, I incline to
think this may be original ; but inasmuch as the entire

310 CAER-CBEINL

area at the top has been ploughed up (the ridges being
plainly discernible), it is difficult at the present day to
say which of the approaches really are, and which are
not, of ancient date. The " little circles at y® entrance"
have completely disappeared, and of the "middle stones"
but one remains. No traces could I find of the large
circular enclosures on the other side of the road, called
by Mr. Lloyd "Buarthydd": indeed, the road itself is
now barely traceable in the neighbourhood of the Caer.
Although the position is remarkably strong and well
chosen, there would still be nothing to distinguish this
particularly from many other fortified posts in the
Principality, were it not for the partial vitrification of
a portion, or at all events what is left, of the inner ram-
part. The Caer is alluded to in the " Archseological
Notes and Queries" attached to vol. vi of the Arch.
Camh.y 3rd Series, p. 246, where, under the heading of
"Vitrified Forts in Wales", we read, *'of these curious
relics Scotland claims a monopoly as regards the rest of
Her Majesty's dominions in this part of the world; but
it is stated by competent authority that at Caerau-
Crwyni, on the most western of the roads from Corwen
to Bala, are the remains of vitrified stones, to be found
with little trouble just below the surface." Not only
are the baked and vitrified fragments, scarcely distin-
guishable from the refuse of an overheated brickkiln,
" to be found with little trouble", but they lie about on
the surface of the ground, and numbers have rolled
down to the bottom of the ditch. It may be observed
that the vitrification is most observable at the south-
west end of the fort, which may be accounted for either
through there being a stronger draught, owing to
greater exposure to the prevailing winds, or else a more
thorough dearing away of the material has taken place
towards the north-east end. The surrounding modern
walls are filled with blocks shewing plainly enough
whence they have been taken. Stuart, in his Caledonia
Romana, when describing the Scotch examples, which
he considers as " native retreats of very remote anti-

CAER-CHEINI. 311

quity", supposes that accident first imparted to the
builders this most enduring method of consolidating
the irregular stonework of which the walls are com-
posed ; and that vitrification was attained by piling
around the rampart trunks and branches of trees^ and
setting them on fire.

In Arch. Carrib., vol. vi, Third Series, p. 335, there
is a short notice signed "Antiquary", quoting from the
fourth volume of M. VioUet Leduc's Dictionary of Archi-
tecture an account of a vitrified fort to be found at
Peron, in the neighbourhood of St. Brieuo. He says :
" It is stated to consist of an oval enclosure composed
of granite, clay, and trunks of trees ; and that the vitri-
fication seems to have been effected by covering the
wall with faggots, and then setting fire to the whole.
A section of the wall is given, from which it appears
that first of aU a vaDum was made of lumps of granite
mixed with trunks of trees ; this was covered on the
outer side by a thick stratum of clay. By the action
of the burning faggots heaped over the whole, the
granite has been partially fused and vitrified, while the
clay has run into a solid substance firmly adhering to
the agglutinated mass beneath/'

It is possible that like treatment may have produced
a somewhat similar eflTect at Caer-Creini ; and if clay
was required, there is an extensive bed of fine yellow
clay within a short distance. I have made a careful
examination of the spot, and do not hesitate to say
that vitrification, such as is met with there, could only
have resulted from the application of intense heat to
some sandy or clayey substance. At one time I was
disposed to think, in view of the fact that the baked
and vitrified masses are to be seen chiefly at the end
next the quarter whence the prevailing winds blow,
that the effect witnessed might have been the result of
an organised attempt on the part of those who attacked
the fortress to drive out the occupants by means of
huge fires kindled to windward ; and for this purpose,
all required at a particular time of year would have

312 CAER-OREINI.

been to collect heaps of heather, procurable in any
quantity on the hill, set it alight, and produce a fierce
flame. Still, on reflection, it appeared to me that no
fire, however fierce,' applied in such a way from outside,
and in the open air, would sufiice to cause the lique-
faction visible, unless there were a large proportion of
sand or clay or both present. I have examined the
site of numerous hill-fires, but have found no trace of
liquefaction ; nothing but the partial baking and split-
ting of the stones ; and this inclines me to think that
the heat which caused such eff'ects could not have been
applied merely from the outside.

Considerable light has lately dawned upon me in
regard to this matter, through reading an article in the
Journal of the Archaeological Institute, No. 147, 1880,
p. 227, being an account of vitrified forts on the west
coast of Scotland, by Edward Hamilton, M.D., F.L.S.
There, in Plates i and ii, are shewn enclosures some-
what similar in shape to Caer-Creini, but smaller. The
evidence given in that paper goes strongly to prove
that the Scotch examples had been purposely vitrified
by the race of men who afterwards occupied them as
places of defence : indeed, the interesting discovery of
the method employed for the purpose at Arka UnskeU,
on Lochnuagh, is detailed at length, where Plate i
gives a section of the wall, shewing how the building
up was accomplished. And from the last examination
I made of Caer-Creini, my impression is that traces of
a similar arrangement are to be met with there. I say
traces only, for so much of the rampart has been pulled
to pieces, and carried away.

Professor Ramsay's account of the process whereby
particular kinds of sandstone are at the present day,
near Barnsley in Yorkshire, vitrified so as to become
sufficiently hard to serve as metalling for the roads
(quoted in the above paper from his Physical Geogra-
phy of Great Britain)^ bears so much upon the point
that I cannot forbear repeating his description. He
says : *' The stone being quarried in small slabs and

CAER-CREINI. 313

fragments, is built in a pile about 30 feet square and 12
or 13 high, somewhat loosely ; and while the building
is in progress, brushwood is mingled with the stones,
but not in any great quantity. Two thin layers of
coal about 3 inches thick, at equal distances, are, so to
speak, interstratified with the sandstones, and a third
layer is strewn over the top. At the bottom, facing
the prevailing wind, an opening about 2 feet high is
left, something like the mouth of an oven. Into this,
brushwood and a little coal are put, and lighted. The
fire slowly proceeds through the whole pile, and con-
tinues burning for about six weeks. After cooling, the
stack is pulled down, and the stones are found to be
completely vitrified ; slabs originally flat have become
bent and contorted like gneiss, and stones originally
separate get, so to speak, glued together in the process
of vitrification, aided by the soda, potash, and iron
which form part of the constituents of felspar and mica,
and act as a flux." He goes on to say that having in
the year 1859 visited a vitrified fort called Knock-farrel,
near Strathpefier in Ross-shire, he came to the conclu-
sion that the vitrification had been done of set purpose,
and that the efiect had been produced by burning
wood ; and he formed the opinion that the Yorkshire
method of vitrification most closely resembled that used
by the old fort-builders.

Knowing that the hill on which Caer-Creini stands
is composed of the Denbighshire grit, I wrote to the
Professor asking him whetner that rock was capable of
being treated in the manner he describes, and I quote
his reply : "As a rule I would say that in general the
Denbighshire grit might be very well adapted for the
process of vitrification. It consists of silica mingled
with grains of felspar, and the soda or potash in the
felspar would readily assist in the general vitrification
of the blocks of sandstone. I recollect nothing about
the bed of clay. In all the forts (vitrified) that I have
seen no mortar was used of any kind ; vitrification
more or less answered the purpose." This last remark

314 CAEB-CBEINI.

was in consequence of my having mentioned the exist-
ence of a bed of clay, and suggesting that it might
have been used in the construction of the wall. ''Neither
do I think the fire was ever applied purposely by an
enemy. The builders would, as a general rule, clear the
slopes of wood adjoining the fort while piling the
stones ; and the wood they mixed with the stones, and
fired it. This served two purposes ; it vitrified the
fort, and destroyed cover for the shelter or concealment
of an enemy." He further remarks: " This is the first
case I know of a vitrified fort south of the Tweed"; and
I may also say that, to the best of my belief, this is the
solitary instance existing in the Principality, although
it is possible that a more careful examination, especially
in out-of-the-way mountainous districts, might lead to
the discovery of others.

As the matter now stands, it is curious that of these
memorials of a race long since passed away, which are
comparatively numerous in Scotland, there is only this
example to be met with in Wales ; and but one also,
according to M. VioUet Leduc, is to be foimd in Brit-
tany. All the connecting links seem to have vanished.
Were the people originally occupying the whole country
gradually driven into remote corners ? Or do we see
here all that remains of the work of an invading and
conquering tribe which held in subjection by their
superior military attainments the older inhabitants?
The problem is difl&cult to solve ; and it seems to me
that the only way through which additional light may
be thrown upon it would be by means of carefully con-
ducted excavation within and around a camp of this
kind, when some implement or other might be found
tending to shew to what age the original builders be-
longed. But even here — in this instaiice at least — one
might be misled, as it would have been a point of im-
portance to successive races. It is pretty nearly cer-
tain that in Roman times so strong a position would be
well guarded, commanding, as it did, one of their re-
puted lines of communication, which passed within a
hundred yards or so to the north-west.

MELVBRLEY SCHOLASTIC FERULE. 315

A most varied and extensive prospect is obtained
from this height, comprising, when it is clear, the dis-
tant hills of Caernarvonshire and Denbighshire, and
numerous points of interest in the surrounding country,
so that in fine weather it is a delightful place to visit ;
but when the bitter wind of winter whirls past with
eddying elouds of blinding sleet, it is so terribly ex-
posed that there is great difficulty in keeping one's
footing; and a permanent residence on such a spot
must have been trying even to the very hardy moun-
taineers who, we may suppose, were the first builders
and occupiers of the fort.

W. Wynn Wiluams.

Menaifron. Augast 1881.

SCHOLASTIC FERULE FOUND IN MELVER-

LEY CHURCH.

(fieprinted from the ^^Montgomeryshire CoUections'\
Oct, 1881, vol, anr, p, 331.)

About two years ago, when Melverley Church was
being restored, a somewhat curious and rare object was
found therein. Melverley is an old timber-wattled
church, and the instrument in question was discovered
lying on one of the pieces of timber forming part of the
framework of the building, within the wattle- work, and
it seemed as if it had been hid there.

The parish of Melverley is singularly situate at the
junction of the Vymwy with the Severn, being bounded
by the latter river on its south and westerly boundary,
and by the former river on its northerly boundary. It
is on the English side of these rivers, and therefore
locally in Shropshire ; but it is doubtful whether it has
always been deemed to be in England. With reference
to ite ecclesiastical status^ it is within the diocese of
St. Asaph ; and Browne Willis, in his Survey of St.

316 MELVEKLEY SCHOLASTIC FERULE.

Asaph,^ expressly states that " it was antiently a chapel
to Llandrinio", and on his authority we should rely ;
and we think it probable that at one time it was in liie
gift of the rector of Llandrinio, as Buttington is in that
of Welshpool. Llandrinio and Melverley are both in
the diocese of St. Asaph, and the gift of that Bishop.
Melverley is mentioned in Domesday Book; but the
Domesday sub- tenants were two Welshmen ("//TFaZen-
ses'^). Mr. Eyton* states " that Melverley Church was
probably a chapel originally , of which there is no doubt;
and he adds, " but an affiliation of Kinnerley"; and the
Rev. Canon D. R. Thomas* seems to regard Melverley
"as most likely an outlying portion of Kinnerley",
alleging in a note, apparently as a reason, that " in the
township of Tir y Coed, in Kinnerley, there are three
pieces of land still belonging to this parish (Melver-
ley)". This reason, of itself, does not shew that Mel-
verley was part of Kinnerley. The fact that the right
of presentation to Kinnerley and Melverley is in oif-
ferent hands, the former being in the gift of the Crown,
and the latter in the gift of the Bishop of St. Asaph (in
whose ffift also is Llandrinio), confirms Browne Willis's
express statement-no mean authority in itself-that
it " was antiently a chapel to Llandrinio". We there-
fore conclude it can fairly be claimed as having been an
outlying portion of the latter parish.

The object in question is a small wooden instrument,
about a foot long, having at each end a disc ; the one
about two and a half inches broad, and quite plain and
flat ; and the other a smaller one, an inch in diameter,
roughly carved on both sides with the figure of a cross.
The stem is ornamented on one side, for a short dis-
tance, with a pattern which points to the seventeenth
century as its date.

Many have been the conjectures as to what this in-

^ Edwards' edition, vol. i, p. 825. Ecton*s Thesaurus, we believe,
also says so.

* 'Ejiou^B Antiq, of Shropshire^ x, 315.

^ Jiistonj of the Diocese of St. Asajyh, p. 642.

MELVERLBY SCHOLASTIC FERULE, 317

strament was. Some have suggested that it was not
improbably intended for mixing the wafer for the Eu-
charist in Roman Catholic times. Others have sug-
gested that it may have been used for salt, formerly an
item in baptism. There are fonts in existence where
there is a place for salt, attached to or part of the font.^
Instruments not unlike it in shape have been, and still
are, used in the Eucharist for fishing out the wafer, or
part of the wafer, from the chalice. But this instru-
ment is too large, and being made of wood, of an im-
suitable material for such a purpose. Being found in
a church, the question was naturally asked. May it not
be an ecclesiastical im^ement ?

In ''The Book of Kells", in Westwood's PalcBogror
phia Sacra,* in Plate 1, the angels surrounding the
Virgin are represented as holding in their hands objects
very similar in appearance to the one we have under
consideration. There are three of them in the picture,
and two have crosses on the roundels, like the cross on
the smaller disc of the Melverley instrument. But
Cheetham's Dictionary of Christian Art, under the
article Flabellum, fully explains the object held by the
angels in " The Book of Kells". The discs of such^a-
hma were made both of metal and parchment, and
were of much larger size than the Melverley object.

A rough tracing of the latter was submitted to Mr.
H. Syer Cuming, who at a glance unravelled the diflfi-
culty. In a letter dated 1881, received from him, he
states that,

" No sooner did I gaze on your sketch of the wooden imple-
ment found in Melverley Church than I recognised it as a repre-
sentation of the old scholastic ferule wherewith pupils were

^ Amongst varions relics found in the ruins of Montgomery
Castle at the beginning of this century were seven old silver instru-
ments, the handles of which were about the size of modern dessert-
spoon ; and their shape, as portrayed in outline, was somewhat of
the form of small hammers. The Bev. J. Brickdale Blakeway was
of opinion they were instruments used in the Catholic ceremony of
unction. (Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. iii, p. ]35.)

* Ex inf,, Mr. Jo&|^ph Anderson of Edinburgh.

318 MBLVBBLET SCHOIASTIC FBSULE.

Btruck on the hand as a punishment for bad behaviour : hence
the object. was also frequently denominated apalmer and katui-
dapper. The blade of the ferule was generally discoid, as in the
Melverley specimen, and as seen in the hands of the pedag(^es
on the Grammar School seals of Tewkesbury, Gloucestershire,
and Camberwell, Surrey; but it was occasionally sometrhat pyn-
formed, as it appears in a painting of a Dutch school hanging in
my library ; and a writer in Hone's Every-Day Book (voL i, p.
967) speaks of having felt the blow of a ferule of this form in
his younger days.

" The instrument is believed to have received its title of ferule
from the Latin word ferio, to strike ; so that we may presume
that it is an object of very considerable antiquity ; but it was
not wholly laid aside even as late as the end of the last century.
I once knew a very old man (long since dead) who told me that
he went to school to a Mr. Moneypenny at Bethnal Green in
the north of London ; and Mr. Moneypenny dressed in the style
of Thomas Dilworth, with black velvet cap and long black gown,
and made free and frequent use of the ferula 1 also knew a
clergyman who told me that his mother, before her marriage,
kept a school, and punished her pupils with a ' hand-spanker*
of stout leather in the form of the wooden femla The orna-
mentation on the Melverley ferule points to the seventeenth
century as its date."

We give an engraving of the Melverley scholastic
ferule, aa\S size.

In January 1861 Dr. Kendrick, of Warrington, exhi-
bited at the meeting of the British Archieological Asso-

ciation an impression from the seal of Tewkesbury Free
Grammar School ; and ttie seal itself is engraved in

MELVBRLET SCHOLASTIC FERULE. 319

Plate viii, &g.5y British ArchcBological Joumcd^voL xvii.
We reproduce this engraving, as it clearly shews an
example of the schoolman holding in his hand a scho-
lastic ferule very similar to the Melverley one. Dr.
Kendrick has also kindly sent us, for the Powys-land
Museum, an impression of the seal of Bangor Grammar
School, which represents the pedagogue having in his
left hand the ferule, and in his right hand a birch-rod.
In the Tewkesbuiy Grammar School seal there is also
an object on the floor very like a birch-rod.

In the Journal of the British ArchcBological Associor-
tion (vol. xvii, p. 67), Mr. H. Syer Cuming made some
interesting observations upon the Tewkesbury Gram-
mar School seal, and also upon the subject of scholastic
ferules, which seem so apposite to our subject that we
shall quote them extensively.

After premising that Tewkesbury Free Grammar
School was founded by William Ferrers of London, a
native of Tewkesbury, in 1625, and endowed by him, and
that the charter granted in 1701, by King William III,
to the borough of Tewkesbury, recognised the estab-
lishment of tiie School, Mr. Syer Cuming proceeds to
remark " that the seal dates from the foundation of the
School in 1625. It is of a circular form, about one inch
and seven-eighths diameter, bearing on the verge the
words, — siGiL : gubern : revenc : lib : schol : in :
TEVKESBYRIB, the field exhibiting the master and one of
the pupils placed on a tile floor. The bearded peda-
gogue is seated in a high-backed armchair, wears a
dome-crowned hat with up-turned brim, long gown
decorated with buttons, and holds a formidable ferule
in his hand. The youth stands in fixjnt, habited in a
short tunic, and holds an open book, on which he gazes,
and between him and his preceptor appears the terrible
rod.''

Mr. Syer Cuming here, in a note, parenthetically
remarks that " the seal of the Priory of Totnes (four-
teenth century) exhibits St. Anne menacing the Virgin
with a rod whilst instructing her from a booL" Mr.

320 MELVERLET SCHOLASTIC FERULE.

Worthingtx)n Smith also informs us that he has seen a
copy of an illuminated initial letter with a monk with
a thing similar to the ferule in his hand, and schoolboys
on their knees around him. This shews this instru-
ment was used at an early date.

Mr. Syer Cuming proceeds to make general remarks
upon the rod, and states that on referring to engravings
in the previous part of the Journal of the Brit Arch.
Assoc, it will be seen that the rod is held by the master
on the school seals of Macclesfield, Rivington, Louth,
and Kirkby Lonsdale ; on those of Oakham and St.
Saviour's, Southwark, it is laid before him ; and only in
one instance do we see the schoolmaster armed with
the ferule, namely on the seal of Camberwell Grammar
School, founded by the Rev. Edward Wilson, M.A., in
1615 ; but the seal is manifestly of later date than the
reign of James I ; the Tewkesbury matrix, therefore,
gives us an earlier representation of this instrument of
punishment. The ferule was a sort of wooden pallet,
or slice, which Hexham, in his Nederdwytch Dictionaries
1648, well describes as "a small battledore, wherewith
schoole-boyes are strooke in the palmes of their hands";
hence it is called, in Cocker's Dictionary^ 1724, "a
hand-clapper, or palmer", the latter title agreeing with
its Spanish designation oi palrnatoria, as given in Min-
sheu, 1599. A writer in Hone's Every Day Book (vol. i,
967), says, " A ferule was a sort of flat ruler, widened at
the inflicting end into a shape resembling a pear — ^but
nothing so sweet — with a delectable hole in the middle
to raise blisters, like a cupping glass." This was the
only mention which Mr. Syer Cuming had met with of
a perforated ferule.^

Some uncertainty attends the origin of the name of

^ In 1841, Moses Roper, an escaped slave, exhibited at public
meetings in this neighbourhood (Montgomeryshire) a wooden imple-
ment similar to the ferule, the end of which, being oval instead of
round, was pierced with several small holes, about a quarter of an
inch in diameter, and stated that it had been used for punishing the
slaves. It doubtless would produce a series of blisters, corresponding
with the number of holes.

MELVERLEY SCHOLASTIC FERULE. 321

tliis instrument. It has been derived from ferula, the
giant-fennel, the stalks of which were employed by the
Komans in the chastisement of slaves and pupils. The
sceptre of the Byzantine Emperor was denominated
ferula; and it has been thought that the name was ap-
plied derisively to the palnier^ as the master's ensign
of authority ; but the title has been deduced, with
much more probability, from the Latin /mo, to strike.
The mention of the ferule in foreign dictionaries of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, proves its employ-
ment on the Continent as well as in England ; and
Mr. Syer Cuming mentions his old oil-painting of the
interior of a Dutch school-room, where the pedagogue
holds the palm^mate in his left hand, as in the Tewkes-
bury seal. It may be remarked, that the instrument
continued to be used in this country even as late as the
last decade of the eighteenth century.^

The Melverley ferule was left at the Powys-land

^ With reference to the manner, and the instruments of scholastic
punishment, (an enquiry, interesting enough to engage the atten-
tion of any antiquary, and the materials for ^hich are not scarce)
it may perhaps here, not inappropriately, be mentioned that in
some schools in Wales, where the Welsh pupils were instructed
in the English tongue, and the use of the Welsh language was
prohibited, the mode of punishment adopted to enforce the prohi-
bition was remarkable. It was called the "Welsh Lump", or the
"Welsh Stick." At Caerwys School, for instance, if a pupil was detected
speaking Welsh, he was punished by hanging round his neck a large
piece of lead, fastened to a string. In the school at Llandymog,
Denbighshire, the Educational Commissioner had his attention at-
tracted to a piece of wood suspended by a string round a boy's
neck, and on the wood were the words " Welsh Stick". This the
Commissioner was told was a stigma for speaking Welsh. The
Welsh stick was transferred by the bearer of it to any school-fellow
whom he heard committing a similar offenc-e. It thus passed from
one to another until the end of the week, when the pupil in whose
possession the Welsh stick was found was punished by flogging.
In another school, Llanarmon Dyfiryn Clwyd, the punishment was
somewhat varied in form. The offender was compelled to stand for
sometime on one leg in a comer, with the stick in his mouth, imtil
he detected a schoolfellow guilty of the offence for which he was
being punished, and when he did so, he was allowed to pass it on. —
Bye-gones, 1879, pp. 188 and 196.

4fru BUR,, VOL. XIX. 22

322 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

Museum, in June 1881, by Mrs. Pritchard, the widow
of the late Rector of Melverley. From the ornamenta-
tion on its stem it may be regarded as a rare example
of a scholastic ferule of the seventeenth century.

M. C. J.

HISTOEICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

(Continued from p, 256.^

1642, Nov. 21. The woeful complaint and humble petition
of divers well-afifected to the King and Parliament in the evil-
aflfected county of Hereford, for relief from their miseries suf-
fered at the hands of the Cavaliers, to Henry Earl of Stamford,
Governor of the city of Hereford. (L J., v, 453.) In extenso.
Noted, " This petition was delivered me from these poor perse-
cuted Protestants, and I have made provision for them in the
houses of the cathedral men, who have for the most part aban-
doned this place. (Signed) Stanford." [Stamford.]

1642, Nov. 29. Draft order for defence of the county of
Chester. (L. J., v, 468.) In extenso,

1642, Dec. 3. Draft order pledging the public faith for
repayment of money advanced for the relief of Chester. (L. J.,
V, 473.) In eoctenso,

1642-3, Jan. 7. Draft declaration of the Lords and Commons
against the agreement for the neutrality of Cheshire. ' (L. J., v,
535.) In extenso. Annexed:

1. Copy of the " Agreement made the three and twentieth
day of December, at Bunbury, in the county of Chester, for a
pacification and settling the peace of the said county, by us
whose names are subscribed, authorized thereunto by the Lords
and gentlemen nominated Commissioners of Array and Deputy-
Lieutenants in the said county.^'

1642-3. Jan. 9. Petition of Frauncis Eichards of Presteyne
[Presteign], in the county of Radnor. On the 27th of October
last, the captain of a troop of horse, under the command of the
Earl of Stamford, seized Captain Charles Price, knight for the
county. Petitioner went in a neighbourly way to visit Price,
and was then, without any cause, taken by the captain of the
troop, and afterwards, with Captain Price, conveyed to Coven-
try, where he hath remained ever since in durance. Prays for
his discharge. (L. J., v, 536.) Annexed :

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 323

1. Certificate of the Committee at Coventry, to whom preced-
ing petition was referred. Eichards was committed under a war-
rant of Colonel Essex. This is e£& the information the Com-
mittee can obtain, as his commitment was from Gloucester, and
his habitation is Presteign, sixty miles off. 17 Jan. 1642-3.

1642-3, Feb. 16. Ordinance for associating Shropshire with
Warwickshire and Staffordshire. (L. J., v, 608.)

1642-3, Feb. 16. Ordinance for raising forces and money in
the county of Chester. (L. J., v, 608.)

1643, June 3. Draft order for repayment of £5,000 to Sir
Thomas Middleton, advanced by him for raising forces in Wales.
(L J., vi, 80.) In extenso.

1643, June 12. Draft ordinance for the association of Den-
bigh, Montgomery, and other counties in Wales, and for appoint-
ment of Sir Thomas Middleton as Serjeant-Major-General of all
the forces to be raised in those counties. (L. J., vi, 90.) In
extenso.

1643, June 21. Draft ordinance that an acquittance under
the hands of any three of the Committee for Shropshire shall be
sufficient authority for repayment to the persons who advance
money there for the service of Parliament. (L. J., vi, 103.) In
extenso.

1643, Oct. 17. Baron Trevor^s^ answer to the impeachment
of the Commons concerning ship-money. (L. J., vi, 262.) In ex^
lenso.

1643, Oct 18. Petition of Sir Thomas Trevor, one of the
Barons of the Court of Exchequer, acknowledging his error of
judgment in the case of ship-money, and submitting himself to
the favourable consideration of the House. (L J., vi, 262.) In
eootenso.

1643, Oct. 19. Demand of the Commons for judgment against
Baron Trevor. (L. J., vi, 264.) In extcTiso. Annexed :

1. Articles of the House of Commons, in the name of them-
selves and of all the commons of England, against Sir Thomas
Trevor, Knight, one of the Barons of His Majesty's Court of
Exchequer, impeaching him for his judgment given in the case
of ship-money. Trevor was impeached by message from the
Commons on the 22nd of Dec. 1640 (L. J., iv, 114), but judg-
ment was not delivered till this day. (L. J., vi, 263.)

1643, Oct. 20. Petition of Sir Thomas Trevor, Knight, one of
the Barons of His Majesty's Court of Exchequer, praying to be
released from imprisonment. (L. J., vi, 265.) In extenso,

^ Sir Thomas Trevor, Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, was
fourth son of John Trevor, Esq., of Trevalyn in the county of Den-
bigh.

22 «

324 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

1643-4, Jan. 6. Patent to Thomas Bulckeley of the ancient
family of the Bulckeleys of the Isle of Man, and the heirs male
of his body, creating him Viscount Bulckeley of CashelLs in the
kingdom of Ireland. (Parchment collection.)

1643-4, Feb. 29. Draft orders for the supply of arms, etc., to
Sir William Brereton. (L. J., iv, 446.) In extenso,

1644 [March 25]. Message from the Commons desiring the
Lords to expedite an ordinance concerning Sir William Brereton,
etc. (See L. J., vi, 482.)

1644, March 26. Draft ordinance appointing Sir William
Brereton to command in Cheshire, etc. (L. J., vi, 486.) In ex-
tenso.

1644, April 30. Draft order for the payment of £1,000 for
arms and ammunition for Pembroke. (L. J., vi, 535.) In extenso,

1644, May 13. Draft order for the payment of moneys due
to the gunsmiths, armourers, and others, for supplying arms to
Sir William Brereton. (L. J., vi, 552.) In extenso,

1644, May 20. Draft order for Sir Thomas Trevor to be freed
from his impeachment. (L. J., vi, 562.) In extenso.

1644, May 30. Draft ordinance for Mr. Bradshawe and Mr.
Steele to take subscriptions for Cheshire in the absence of Sir
William Brereton. (L. J., vi, 572.) In extenso.

1644, June 3. Draft ordinance continuing Sir William Brere-
ton's ordinance for two months longer. (L. J., vi, 576.) In ex-
tenso.

1644, June 20. List of persons to be added to the Committee
for Gloucester, Hereford, etc. (C. J., iii, 537.) In extenso.

1644, Aug. 7. Draft order for the legacy of £1,000 left by
Daniel Oxenbridge to the Parliament, to be paid for the service
of the county of Salop. (L. J., vi, 664.) In extenso.

1644, August 21. Draft order for continuing the ordinance
for sequestring delinquents' estates in Gloucester, Hereford, etc.
(L. J., vi, 684.) In extenso.

1644, Sept. 2. Letter from the Earl of Warwick at Pljrmouth
to both Houses of Parliament ; is doing all he can to carry out
the commands of Parliament with regard to North Wales and
Lancashire, and has given special orders to the Admiral of the
Irish Seas on the subject ; hears from Milford that CoL Gerard
is returned into those parts, having lost all his horse, and that
Hereford is taken, etc. This letter was read in the House on
the 7th of Sept. (L. J., vi, 699.)

1644, Sept. 21. Petition of James Heath, servant to the Bight
Honourable the Lord [Herbert] of Cherbury. His master went,
with the leave of the House to his Castle of Montgomery for
his health's sake, and there remained, rejecting aU offers from

HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION. 325

Prince Bupert and others to join them in the execution of the
array; and has since preserved the peace in those parts, and
assisted the well affected from time to time; but was prevented
by sickness from coming to London, or disposing of his Castle,
which is of very great consequence, and the key of Wales, and
is now delivered up to the Parliament, as the accompanying
papers will shew. Petitioner prays that the further sale of his
Lordship's goods in Camden House, and of the books in peti-
tioner's custody, may be stayed by order of the House. (L. J.,
vi, 712.) Annexed:

1. Similar petition of James Heath. Undated.

2. Copy of order of the Commons for sale of the goods of
Lord Herbert and others. 9 Feb. 1643-4.

3. Copy of letter from Richard Moore to Mr. Trenchard.
Understands that some persons have leave to seize the goods of
the Lord [Herbert] of Cherbury : his Lordship's name may be
faulty, but is confident his person is not ; desires that an inven-
tory may be taken of his Lordship's goods, and that they may
be left in his house upon security to be forthcoming if required.
3 Oct. 1643.

4. Copy of order of Committee of Sequestrations at Westmin-
ster with reference to the goods of Lord Herbert. 7 Dec. 1643.

5. Letter from Sir Thomas Myddleton, at Montgomery, to his
much honoured cousin John Glyn, Esq., Eecorder of London.
Is at this present at Montgomery town ; has sent to the Castle,
and received a satisfactory answer. The writer and his party
have been at Newtown, and taken Sir Thomas Gardner, with his
whole troop of horse, his comet and quartermaster, and about
twenty-eight troops; the rest fled. Some sixty horse were taken,
and but few arms, for they had not many, and thirty-six barrels
of powder intended for Chester, where they want it. Sir Thomas
and his force came by forced marches from Oswestry to New-
town with much difficulty, on account of the foulness of the
roads, and the breaking of the bridges by the enemy, the water
being so high that they could not pass through any ford. The
Prince, with his beaten forces, has gone from Chester, by Euthin,
etc., to Bishop's Castle. Desires that the sending of money and
arms may be hastened. 5 Sept. 1644. Noted by Glyn : — " I
think it will not be disadvantageous to the estate to forbear the
disposing of my Lord's goods for one week longer, till we hear
of his behaviour touching the surrender of the Castle." 17 Dec.
1644.

1644, Sept. 24. "The Coppie of the Articles of Agreem't be-
tweene the Lord Cherbury and Seriant Maio'r Generall S*r
Tho. Myddleton touchinge the surrend'r uppe of Mountgomerye
Castle :

326 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

" I, James Till, Grent., as Lieutenant GoUonell of horse doe
hereby, in the name of Sir Thomas Middleton, Knight^ promise
and undertake that noe violence shalbee oflfred to the p'son or
goods of Edward Lord Herbert, or any p'son or p'sons within his
Castle of Mountgomery ; and that they shall haue free liberty
to goe out of the said Castle, and carry away their goods and
money, whensoever they will ; and that a good convoy shalbee
graimted for the safe doeing thereof as farr as Coventry; and
recommendations given to the officers there for the further con-
veying of the said persons and goods to London, if it bee re-
quired ; and that in the meane while a true Liventory shalbee
taken of all the household stufiPe vsed in the said Castle, and
of all the Bookes, Trunkes, and Wrytings in the said Castle ,
and that all the horses and cattell in a&d about the said Castle,
and all p'visions of victualls, bread, wine, and beare, shalbee
imployed for the vse of the said Edward Lord Harbert and his
family; and that noe money, silver, gould, or plate, shalbee
taken from the said Edward Lord Herbert or any of his family ;
and that the said Castle, with all the goods Bookes and Armes
of the said Edward Lord Herbert, shalbee restored and rede-
lyvered to the said Edward Lord Herbert, if it please God to
send peace, or the Parliament order it soe to bee done. And that
in the meane while the said Edward Lord Herbert, with his
daughter and family, shall continue in or retume to the said
Castle as formerly they did, if they soe please ; and that they
shall carry into the said Castle all provisions necessary for
cloathing or diett. And it is further agreed that Sir Thomas
Middleton shall signe and scale this accord or agreement, if the
6aid Edward Lord Herbert shall require it ; and shall also fur-
ther and assist the bailiffs of the said Edward Lord Herbert in
the leavying of his rents, and also preserve his woods and deere.
Dated halfe an houre past twelue of the clocke at midnight on
Thursday the fift day of September, Anno D^ni 1644.

"And it is further agreed that as longe as the said Lord Her-
bert or his daughter continue in the said Castle, there shall not
exceede the number of twenty p'sons or souldiers, vnlesse some
iminent dainger appeares; and that noe Truncks or doores vnder
locks and keyes shalbee broken open. And that if it happen
that the said Lord Herbert at any time doe remove from the
said Castle, that the said Lord Herbert shall haue halfe a dozen
men servants within the said Castle to doe the Business of the
said Lord Herbert, and three or fowre maides to attend his said
daughter. And that if any thinge may be required for the fur-
ther satisfacc'on and contentment of the said Edward Lord Her-
bert, it shalbee lawfull hereafter to explaine and add the same.

"James Till.

HISTORICAL M8S. COMMISSION. 327

" Witnesses :

" Hugh Pryce Oliver Herbert

" Samuell More Eowland Evans

" Edward Price Daniell Edwards.

" Whereas there is a doubt what goods should be removed or
carried away out of the Castle of Mountgomery by Edward Lord
Herbert It is agreed that there shalbee left within the said
Castle six beds for souldiers, one suite of Hangings in the Dyne-
ing roome in the new Castle, as also one suite of Hangings and
Furniture for a Chamber w'thin the said Castle, wherein S'r Tho.
Middleton shall please to lodge, and one Bed with Furniture for
a captaine. And it is further agreed that there shall noe Person
or Persons enter into the Library or Study of the said Edward
Lord Herbert, or the two next Eoomes or Chambers adjoining to
the said Study or Library, during the time of the absence of the
said Edward Lord Herbert, or at any time other time. It is further
agreed that the said Edward Lord Herbert shall remove and
carry aU his goods out of the said Castle, except the Beds and
Furniture before mentioned, when the said Edward Lord Herbert
shall thinke fitt

" I am content to stand to all the above specified agreements
in every point.

« Edward Herbert."

1644. Petition of Hugh Grundy, gentleman, an inhabitant of
the parish of Llangendeime, in the county of Carmarthen. Henry
Vaughan, M.P., has in his hands six parish churches, with seve-
ral chapels, from Henry Percy, Esq., at the yearly rent of £750
or thereabouts, out of which he is to allow twenty nobles a
piece, or thereabouts, for the maintenance of ministers in those
churches, and £30 a year more for sermons. In these churches
six unworthy and scandalous ministers, no preachers, are placed;
and for twenty or thirty years past there have been no constant
preachers in those churches or chapels, except that twelve years
since, for the space of about a year, a poor blind man had or
was to have half a crown a sermon to preach in each of those
six churches ; and since this Parliament began. Mistress Vaughan,
in her husband's absence, procured a Mr. Evans to preach, who
was to look to Master Vaughan's courtesy for his pains, and who
has been since put out ; while the six ministers or curates who
serve those cures are some of them drunkards ; others do hedge,
ditch, and hold the plough, and sell ale and beer, and engage in
such like scandalous employments. Petitioner desires the House
further to consider the number of Papists in those parts, of
whom Sir Thomas Sherly and Walter Lloyd have been enter-

328 HISTORICAL MSS. COMMISSION.

tained by Master Vaughan ; and then to think whether Vaughan
ought to be himself a Commissioner for examining scandalous
ministers, or should nominate those that are to be. {See G. J.,
iii, 389.)

Petition of Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester. His pro-
perty lies in effect between the two armies. His house where
he did reside, and all his other houses, as he is informed, have
been plundered ; his doors, trunks, chests, broken open ; his
sheep and cattle carried away; while the soldiers threaten to
pull down his houses, and have already stolen the casements
and irons, and burnt the wainscots ; and he knows not what he
has lost, for he has money and plate in most of those places.
All this he takes patiently, as the just judgment of his sins, and
desires no relief, but forgives and remits ail ; he prays only for
protection from further mischief, that he may not be utterly un-
done. He further can receive neither rents, nor debts, nor
money for his ordinary expenses, while he has to account for
large sums to the Exchequer. Prays that some course may be
taken to save him harmless, and that being, as God knows, an
innocent man in all these troubles, he may have liberty to go to
his own houses, and there have free ingress and egress for him-
self, his servants, and goods, without let or molestation.

1644-5, Feb. 25. Draft of order for allowing Lord [Herbert
of] Cherbury £10 a week. (L. J., vii, 241.) In extenso.

1644-5, March 3. Draft orders for payment of the messen-
gers that brought the news of the taking of Shrewsbury. (L. J.,
vii, 260.)

1644-5, March 11. Draft ordinance for the Commissioners of
Excise to repay themselves £3,000 advanced for Sir William
Brereton. (L. J., vii, 269.) In extenso.

1645, April 25. Draft ordinance for raising £5,000 for the
forces under Sir William Brereton. (L. J., vii, 336.) In extenso.

329

Corre0]ionlience«

TO THE EDITOR OF THE ASOHJIOLOGIA CAHBBENSIS.

DENBIGHSHIER— APPORTIONMENTS IN 1675.

Str, — The following, copied from the fly-leaf at the end of an old
manuscript copy of Powel's History of Cambria, in my possession,
made apparently about 1684, may be interesting to some of your
readers.

Newtown. R. Williams.

"The Capitall Division is the Division what ffalleth from the
County to the Hundred, and soe to y* parishes.

" When 5" is Imposed upon the County, what falleth on the seu'all
Hundreds, it is thus :

If a 100" be on y* county

20 . 10 . 00 Bromfeild Hundred 01 . 00 . 061
20 . 10 . 00 Issallett Hundred 01 . 00 . 06
20 . 10 . 00 Isdulas Hundred 01 . 00 . 06
18 . 00 . 00 Ruthyn Hundred 00 . 18
13 . 13 . 04 Chirk Hundred
06 . 16 . 08 Tale Hundred

a

00,13
00.06

00
08
10

y&^

What falleth from
the Hundreds to
the parishes you
shall find on the
other side.

" The Subdivision is what falleth from the parishes to the Towne-
ships.

'*What falleth on the lower part of the Hundred is thus. If
20* be charged on Qresford parish it is thus :

Allington . 06 . 08
Burton and llay 06 . 08

Gresford
Qwersyllt
Erlas .
Erthig .
Burras riffrey

02 . 02J
02 . 02H .
00.09
00.09
00.09

J

BANGOR.

Pick-hill 06. 08^
Eaton . 06.08
Royton 03 . 04
Seswick 03.04

Marchwyel.

Marchwiel 16.00

Sontley . 04.00,

IBACOTD.

rHolt . . 13.04
Sutton . 02 . 08
Button Difia 01.00

^ Button y Bra. 01 . 00 ^20»
Oacca Button 01 . 00
Rydley . 01 . 00

" If 20* 6* be charged on Gresford 4f 3*, Bangor P 11*, March-
wiel 1' 2 J*, and Isacoyd 1' 2 J*, it is thus :

Allington . 01 . 06
Burton and llay 01 . 05

Qresford
Qwersyllt
Erlas
Erthig .
Burras Bdfirey

00 . 05^
00 . 06|
00.02
00.02
00.02

04.03

fPickhyll 00.11
Eaton . 00.11
B^yton 00 . 05 j
Seswick 00 . 05^

1.11

r Sutton
Button Bifia
Button Brain
Caeca Button
Ridley

> <

Marchwiel 00. 11^
L Sontley 00.03

00.04
00.02^
00.02
00.02
00 . 02j

01.02

330

CORRESPONDENCE.

^'AUington the 3' part, and Barton A Uaj y* 3*. Gresfoid to be
the 3' part of Allington. Gwersyllt is y* like. Erlas, Erthig, and
Barras riffrey to beare the like 3^ part between them equally.

'' Pickhill is the 3' pS A soe Eaton, Boyton, and Seswick beares
equally the halfe p* of Pickhill. Marchwiel beares all bat Sontley
y« 5th p\

'* Isacoyd is the 3' p* of y* p'ish, & holt A libertyes y* other 2 parts.

" Sutton the 8*^ p* of 20, and y* other 4 towneshipes to beare 3
p^ equally as y^ have the example above written.

*' The High Constahlea Division for the Hundred of BrowmfeUd,

^* When the hundred of Bromfeild be charged of 20* the Diyision
is as ffoUoweth :

4. d» 9, dm

6. 6^ rOresfoTd p'ish . .3.10*)

«. d, Bangor p^ish . . \. 6\i, d.

Wrexham parish
Ruabon parish .
Brbistocke
Egluseagle
Treyibuchain .

3.10

0. 6 }-10.6^ Holt p'ish
. 6 Marcnwiel

0. 2]

3. 0V9.6
1.

'' When 20* 6' be charged vpon the said hundred for the erecting
and repaireing of Bridges, the decayes of Buthyn and Holt In-
cluded, the Diyision as ffoUoweth :

Wrexham parish
Ruabon
Erbistocke .
Eccluseagle
Treyybycnain

d.

11

«. d.

Gresford parish 4 . 3
Bangor p*ish . 1 . 11
Isacoed . . 1 . 2 ob
Marchwiel 1 . 2 ob.

1 «. d.

• Vs.?

J

*20" on y* p'ish ) When 20* falls vpon the parish of Wrexham, the
is as foUoweth, / Deyision ffalls vpon each Towneshipp as ffoUoweth,

04.06.08
01 . 06 . 08
04 . 00 . 00

01 . 06 . 08

02 . 06 . 08
01 . 16 . 08

00 . 16 . 08
00 . 16 . 08
00 . 16 . 08

01 . 06 . 08
00 . 06 . 08
00 . 06 . 08
00 . 06 . 08

«. d,

Wrexham regis 4. 4

Wrexham aboot 1 . 4

Esclusham

Minera .

Bersham

Brymbo

Broughton

Stansty

4.

1. 4

2. 4
1.10
0.10 }^20«.

Acton

0.10
0.10

Abembury yawr 1 . 4
Gouston . 0. 4
Beiston . .0.4
Bums hoya . 0.4

" If 20s. be ypon Ruabon parish,
it is as ffoUoweth :

Ruabon towneship .
Coed Ohrystionith .
Ohrystionyth kenrick
Deninlla ycba
Morton Walicorum .
Morton Anglicorum
Deninlley Issa

s. d,

6.41

0.4

4.6

2.3

3.4

1.1

2.3J

^20».

" The parish of Huabon is diyided into 3 p^ vidz^ Ruabon k Coed
Ohrystionith. for one part, Mor: Walicoru*, Mort: Anglicorum &
Deninlley for the 2*^^ part, Ohrystionith kenrick, DeninUey vcha
y" 3"* p*.

CORRESPONDENCE. 331

'* Maymed Sonldiera money quarterly, according to the new order
made at Quarter Sessions held att Bathyn Janaary 13th, 1662 :

£ s, d. £ 8. d,

Wrexham p'ish . 02.03.04^ fGresford . . 02.03.04

Ruabon p'ish . . 02 . 03 . 04 ^ J Holt . . . 01 . 01 . 08

ErbiBtocie . . 00. 10. 10 J 1 Marchwiel . . 00.16.03

[Bangor . . 00.1(5.03

*' These senerall summes yon are to receine of the Ghnrchwardens
of the seuerall parishes, and to pay the same enery quarter Sessions.

" p. Ja. Robts. 1676."

OWEN GLYNDWR AT DOLGELLEY.

Sm, — ^In the memoir of the late Mr. Breese, published in the April
Number of the Archceologia OamhreTisisy the writer alludes to that
gentleman's refutation of the assertion that Gwrt-plas-yn-dre was
ever Owen Glyndwr's parliament house, and adds, *'Owen did hold
a parliament in that town, but this building was not then in exist-
ence." Is not the writer in error here ? Mr. Breese expressed no
such opinion as to a parliament, and Mr. W. W. E. Wynne, whom
he quoted, said in Bye-Qones, Jan. 26, 1876, "It was never suggested,
until the present century, that Owen held a parliament at Dolgelley,
and only in last century that he held one at Machynlleth. Con-
temporary authority, however, shews that he summoned a parlia-
ment to meet at Harlech." The nearest approach to anything like
a parliament at Dolgelley seems to have been the signing of com-
missions to ambassadors to France. Mr. Wynne was of opinion that
Cwrt-plas-yn-dre was not in existence in Owen Glyndwr's time ; but
Mr. Phipson, an experienced architect, who reported on the building
in Dec. 1875, had a contrary opinion ; on which Mr. Wynne sug-
gested, if Mr. Phipson was right, that it was possible " the ' great
Glyndwr' signed the commissions in the building".

A. B.

Groeswylan, Oswestry.

iStscellaneous Notices.

The Eabldom of Hebefobd. — The following charter is deserving
of notice, as it throws a light on local history, and supplies a note
to Dugdale's account of Milo Fitzwalter and his family. {Baronage^
vol i, p. 538.)

King John, by his charter dated at Porchester, 18 April 1200,
granted to Henry de Bohun £20 of the third penny yearly receiv-
able from the county of Hereford, and made him Earl of Hereford ;
and Henry de Bohun granted that he would nothing ever claim of

332 MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

the King or his heirs, by a wedded wife, under a charter of King
Henry II as follows :

" Henry King of England, Lord of Ireland, Dake of Normandy
and Aquitaine, and Goant of Anjou, to the Archbishops, etc. :
Know ye that we have granted and confirmed to Roger Earl of
Hereford in fee, and the inheritance to him and his heirs, to hold of
me and my heirs, all the fee of Earl Milo his father, and all the fee
of Bernard Newmarch, wherever it might be. Moreover, I have
given to him and granted all the lordships which K. Henry, my
grandfather, had between Severn and Wye in Gloncestershire, ex-
cept the castle of St. Briavels and the town of Newnham [Newe-
ham] and the Forest of Dene. These are the lordships, viz.,
Mynsterworth and Redley and Anr and Dymoc, with all their ap-
pendages ; and on the other side of Severn I have given to him and
granted Cheltenham (Cilteham), with all its appendages, for 60
librates of land. Besides 1 have given to him and granted the moat
of Hereford, with all the Castle, and the third penny of the
borongh of Hereford, whatever it may ever yield, and the third
penny of the pleas of the whole county of Hereford with which I
have made him Earl. I have given to him and granted three manors
in the county of Hereford, of my domains, viz., Marden (Man war-
diue), Lugwardine, and Wilton, with all their appendages. I have
given to him and granted the Haye of Herefoi*d and the Forest of
Triveley, with everything which pertains to them. I have given to
him and granted the service of Robert de Candos and Hugh Fitz-
william, with all their fee, wherever it may be. And all the afore-
said I have given and granted to the same Roger Earl of Hereford
in fee, and the inheritance to him and his heirs, to hold of me and
my heirs. Besides I have also granted to the same Roger all justi-
ciarships and offices which were his father's, wherever they may be,
as his father held them in the time of K. Henry, my grandfather ;
and the custody of the Tower of Gloucester in fee, to hold to him
and his heirs of me and my heirs ; and the office of Sheriff of Glon-
cestershire by the same rent which Earl Milo, his father, was wont
to pay in the time of K. Henry, my grandfather."

King John's charter concludes thus : " This charter of the afore-
said King, our father, was deposited in the Priory of Winchester by
Godfrey Bishop of Winchester, to be torn up and destroyed if we
had an heir of a wife wedded to us ; but if otherwise, the said
Henry de Bohun will have recourse to the same charter to do as to
him may seem expedient.*'

King Henry II died in July 1189, and Godfrey Bishop of Win-
chester was consecrated in October following. The minute as to
the deposit of King Henry's charter suggests a notion that Roger
Earl of Hereford was merely a trustee, trusts not being then recog-
nised by law ; and that the form of the charter, coupled with its
deposit, was a contrivance to give effect to a secret trust that all
that was granted to Earl Roger should on failure of John's issue
revert to the Crown. Henry de Bohun's charter, relinquishing his
claim in like terms, is printed in Charter BoUs^ p. 61.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 333

In order to explain how Henry de Bohnn derived his claim from
Earl Roger under the charter of King Henry II, it may be well to
state that King Henry I gave Sybil, the eldest daughter of Bernard
Newmarch, in marriage to Milo Fitzwalter, Constable of England.
The '* Chronicle of Llanthony'* (Dngd., Mon,, t. ii, p. 66) states that
King Henry made Milo Earl of Hereford ; but it appears more pro*
bable that his claim to the earldom was first acquired after Eang
Stephen was taken prisoner at the. battle of Lincoln in 1141, under
a charter of the Empress Maud, by which she also gpranted him, in
reward for his services, the Castle of Hereford, the third penny, and
other lordships before mentioned, in the county of Hererord. Earl
Milo died in 1144, leaving issue five sons, of whom Earl Roger was
the eldest; and three daughters, Margaret, the eldest of whom,
became the wife of Humphrey de Bohun, Steward to Henry I, and
was grandmother of Henry, the first Earl of Hereford of that family
under King John's charter. Earl Roger died without issue in 1154.
According to the '' Chronicle of Llanthony" his younger brothers
also died without issue soon afterwards, leaving their three sisters
coheiresses, among whom his inheritance was divided.

R. W. B.

Extract from the Will of Sib Griffith Jeffreys of Acton. —
The will is dated March 6th, 1694. It was proved May 30th, 1696,
by Dame Dorothy Jeffreys, his widow, and her co-trustees, Peter
Ellis, Esq., and Thomas Gardner, Gent., and it gives a clue to the
family of Dame Dorothy Jeffreys, as the following extracts will
shew : —

''First, whereas by certain marriage articles bearing date July
26tb, the 35 year of Eling Charles the 2nd (1683), I covenanted and
agreed to midce a settlement of £400 p. a. upon Dorothy Pledell (or
Pleydell), my then intended wife, which said marriage was after-
wards compleated". Then he explains what is to be done to secure
this yearly settlement. He also gives £6,000 to be equally divided
between his three daughters, Elizabeth, Margaret, and Frances,
when they attained the age of eighteen years, or were married,
whichever should happen first ; and £50 each immediately after his
decease, for their maintenance and education. He gives his only
son Robert all the rest of his property, except the following legacies :
" Item I give and bequeath to my cousin Thos. Gkirdner, late Fellow
of All Souls' Coll., Oxford, £20 yearly during his life, desiring him,
jointly with my wife, to take care of the tuition, education, and
government of my son Robert during his minority. Item I be-
queath to Mr. John Price, vicar of Wrexham, £20. Item to my
mother and to Dr. Jeffreys' widow and her son, each of them, £10,
to buy them mourning. Item to Mrs. Judith Mathews of Acton
the yearly sum of £20 during her life, if she will live with my
children after mine and my wife's decease, or else but £10 p. a. I
do hereby nominate and appoint my son Robert Jeffreys sole execu-
tor of this my last will and testament ; and I do make and ordain

334 MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

my brotber-in-law, Robert Pleydell of Holyrood, Amney, in tbe co.
of Gloucester, Esq.; Dr. Jonathan Edwards, Principal of Jesas
Coll., Oxford ; Peter Ellis of Oroesnewydd, oo. Denbigh, Esq., and
the said Thomas Gardner, to be guardians to my said ezecator
Robert Jeffreys, and to my said daughters, Elizabeth, Margaret, and
Ffrances, until they attain the age of one and twenty years, or be
married."

The spelling of some of the words in the will is in the old style of
the period, and his wife's maiden name is written as Pleydwell ; the
modem name is Pleydell. There are pedigreea of the Pleydells of
Holyrood, Amney, in Sir Robert Atkyn's Glottcestershire, and Rud-
der's history of that county. One of the branches ends in an heiress,
the only daughter of Robert Pleydell, Esq., the brother of Dame
Dorothy Jefl^ys. There were other branches of this family at
Westcot and Coleshill in Berkshire, and also in Wiltshire. The
Goleshill branch ended in an heiress, Harriet, daughter and heir of
Sir Mark Steuart Pleydell, who married William Bouverie, Earl of
Radnor. The descendants, after this marriage, became Pleydell-
Bouveries, and continue to assume the two names to this day.

At the dissolution of the Abbey of Tewkesbury, the manor and
rectory of Amney or Ampney, Holyrood, and Amney Grucis, etc.,
were vested in the Grown, by which they were grranted to John
Pleydell or Playdell, of Westcot, in the fourth year of Queen Eliza-
beth. He was a descendant of the Pleydells of Goleshill. Dame
Dorothy Jeffreys* father was Robert Pleydell, Esq., of Holyrood,
Amney ; and her mother was Elizabeth, daughter of John Saunders,
M.D. Her brother Robert was High Sheriff for the county of
Gloucester in 1682, and married Sarah, daughter of Phib'p Shep-
pard, Esq., of Minchin Hampton, co. Gloucester. His only daughter
and heiress, Gharlotte Louisa, married the Hon. John Downay,
eldest son of Lord Yisoount Down, and conveyed the estates to that
&mily.

Dame Dorothy Jeffreys made her will in 1728, and died in 1728-
29, her son Robert and daughter Margaret having predeceased her.
Elizabeth, her eldest daughter, married John Robinson, Esq., of
Gwersyllt. Her youngest daughter, Frances, became the wife of
Philip Egerton, Esq. There is a list of certain legacies left to the
parishes where her property lies, with full directions concerning
them. The parishes named were Wrexham, Bangor Iscoed, Gres-
ford, Holt, and Marchwiel ; and interest of various sums of money
is left for the benefit and support of charity schools. She refers to
Mr. Jones, vicar of Wrexham, and the late vicar, John Price, and
his daughter Dorothy, and to her godson Gharles, eldest son of her
nephew Robert Hughes, Esq., of Trostry in Monmouthshire, and
other relations. There was a copy of her will in full in the Oswestry
Advertiser a few years ago, and at that time there was an inquiry
after her family, which was not answered as far as I know. Dame
Dorothy must have lived to a good old age.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES. 335

Merthtb Tewdbig. — DnriDg the restoratioii of Matheme Ohnrch,
near Chepstow, a stone coffin has been discovered, which was sup-
posed to be that in which was bnried Theodoric, or Tewdric, King
of Glamorgan, afterwards hermit and martyr, who was mortally
wounded in battle a.d. 560. The coffin has been fonnd lying length-
wise in the chancel, and immediately under a tablet on which was
written a long descriptive epitaph by Godwin, Bishop of Llandaff,
1601-17, who tells us that he opened the coffin, and saw the body
of Theodoric. The coffin is 5 feet 5 inches long inside, 6 feet 9 inches
deep. The stone is native, and in good preservation. In the coffin
there were found human bones and portions of skull in fair preserv-
ation. Near to the foot of the coffin there was found also an urn,
in which it is supposed that the heart and bowels of Bishop Miles
Salley were interred, as the said Bishop directed that these por-
tions of his body should be so buried.

Pbbhistobio Cavb at Llandudno. — A prehistoric cave of great
interest was discovered some eighteen months ago by an old inha-
bitant whilst quarrying for stone on the south-eastern face of the
Gbeat Orme's Head, opposite the end of Mosiyn Street, at some
elevation above Church Walks. It is within the grounds of Mr.
Kendric, lapidary. Amongst the breccia and clay of the newly
opened cave were found embedded a great quantity of bones and
teeth. Amongst the former, Professors Boyd Dawkins and Hughes
have discovered the remains of four human beings of short stature,
with long skulls, believed to be of the same race that once dwelt in
southern Europe in the neolithic epoch. A human jaw reveals
several molars in splendid condition. In a small glass case within
Mr. Kendrick's workshop (which forms the original entrance) are
several objects of extreme interest to the student of early man in
Britain. A necklace of teeth of various animals, several canine, is
shewn with the holes drilled at the ends of fangs, evidently by
chipped flint, pieces of which have been found. This necklace bore
signs of long use in its polish. Two strange looking teeth, about
3 inches long, of the great extinct cave-bear, drilled and transversely
cut on fangs by human hands, thought to have been ear-pendants,
are very significant. Associated with these are the remains of
several domestic animals, as dogs, horses, etc. There is also a
badger's skull in very perfect condition. Other relics are shewn of
a period long anterior to history or tradition.

Johnson's " Customs of Hereford." — The subjoined notice of a
new edition of this interesting work will be probably welcomed by
many members of this Association. Although this work is called a
second edition, it is rather an additional work ; at the same time
the original volume has received various emendations and correc-
tions. '^ Since the first edition of the Ancient Customs of Hereford
was published by the late Mr. Johnson, Town Clerk, a number of

336 MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

miscellaneoTis papers hare been discovered in the city archives.
Amongst them are conrt-rolls and bailiffs' acconnt-rolls from the
time of Henry III to Henrj YIII, royal proclamations, le<;ters from
the Lords-President of the Marches to the civic aathorities, etc. It
has therefore been proposed to issue a second edition containing
this new information. The subscription list is now open, and a
limited number of copies only will be issued." Subscribers' names
can be sent to Mrs. Johnson, Eigne, Hereford ; or to the Bey. E. L.
Barnwell, of Melksham, Wilts. Price 10^. 6d.

EIerbt Church, Montoomertshibe. — Mr. Q. E. Street has reported
as follows with respect to the restoration of this interesting church :
*' I found that in order to make a really sound and good work, it
would be necessary to rebuild a great part of the exterior walls of
the church. They are in a bad state of repair, and almost all the
windows have been modernised. I found also that the old roofe,
where they remain, will require a great deal of repair. The design
of the nave-roof is very good, and characteristic of the district ; and
if it is well repaired and opened to view, and if the columns and
arches are also carehilly repaired, the general effect of the interior,
in spite of the considerable extent of new work, will be that of an
old church of more than usual interest. It might be possible, for
the same sum, to build a new church from the ground ; but in no
way would this be advisable, and I hope no one will be found to
propose it ; for the old church, as I propose to restore it, would be
in all respects preferable to an entirely new one built at the same
cost." Giraldus' account of the consecration fixes the date of the
earliest portion of the present edifice in a.d. 1176.

The next Annual Meeting of the Association will take place at
Llanrwst some time in August 1882. President, Henbt B. Sand-
bach, Esq., Hafodunos.

Cambnan SIrctiaeological 9si£(ociation.

THE THIKTY-SIXTH ANNUAL MEETING

WAS HBLD AT

CHURCH STRETTON

ON

MONDAY THE Ist OF AUGUST 1881,

AND FOUR FOLLOWING DATS.

PBESIDEHT.

C. C. BABINGTON, Esq., M.A., P.R.S., F.S.A., etc.,

PROFESSOR OF BOTANT, CAMBRIDGE.

The arrangements were nnder the management of the following

• LOCAL GOMXITTEE.
BALPH A. BENSON, Esq., Chairkan.

Bev. Wm. ALLPOET LEIGHTON, B.A., F.L.S., F.B.S.E.,

Shrewsbaiy, Yios-Chaibxan.

The Bight Hon. The E<vl of Powis
The Bight Hon. Lord Windsor
Bobt. Jasper More, Esq., M.A., High

Sheriff
Sir Gbas. H. Boose-Bonghton, Bart,
Sir Baldwin Leighton, Bart., M.P.
J. E. Seveme, Esq., M.P.
H. W. Adnitt, Esq., Shrewsbury
Bev. H. F. Baxter, M. A., Sibdon Castle
William Beacall, Esq., Shrewsbury
Bev. K G. Benson, Hope Bowdler
Bev. Canon Sutler, M. A., Shrewsbury
Bev. E. D. Carr, B.A., Woolstaston
Bev. Vernon B. Carter, M.A., Church

Stretton
C. O. Childe-Pemberton, Esq., Millie-
hope Park
Bey. Edw. ff. Clayton, M.A., Ludlow
George Cocking, Esq., Ludlow
Colonel Corbet, Longnor Hall
Bey. J. D. Corbet, Sundome Castle
Bey. Wm. Elliott, M.A., Cardington
Charles Forty, Esq., Ludlow
Bey. St. Leger Hope-Edwardes, Net-
ley HaU
Bey. F. H. Hotham, M.A., Bushbury
Bey. Wm. Jellicorse, Clnnbury

4th sib., TOL. XII.

Bey. J. D. La Tonche, B.A., Stokesay
J. B. McLintock, Esq., M.D., All

Stretton
Bey. Canon Lloyd, M.A., Shrewsbury
Bichard Marston, Esq., Ludlow
Bey. H. W. Moss, MA., Shrewsbury
Bey. Charles Noel-Hill, M. A., Church

Stretton
William Phillips, Esq., Shrewsbury
W. F. Plowden, Esq., Plowden Hall
Bey. Andrew Pope, Corfton Bectory
John Pryce, Esq., Burway House,

Church Stretton
Bey. T. Owen Bocke, B.A., Clungun-

ford
Theophilus J. Salwey, Esq., Ludlow
Bey. Holland Sandford, M.A., Eaton-

under- Haywood
J. C. A. Scott, Esq., Batlinghope
F. B. Southern, Esq., Ludlow
Arthur Sparrow, Esq., Preen Manor
Bey. Wm. Charles Sparrow, LL.D.,

Ludlow
Bey. J. G. Swainson, M.A., Wistan-

stow
Bichard Taylor, Esq.; Shrewsbury

23

338 CAMBRIAN ARCHiEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

Oener&l Sooretariei of the Assoeiation.

Bev. B. Trevor Owen, Llangedwyn Vicarag^^ Oswestry.
G. £. Robinson, Esq., Cardiff.

Seeretary for Shropshire.
R. Eyrke Penson, Esq., Ludlow

Looal Treasurer.
Messrs. Rocke, Eyton, and Co., Church Stretton

Iioeal Seeretary.
Richard Wilding, Esq., Church Stretton.

MONDAY, AUGUST 1.

The General Committee met at 8.15 p.m. for the consideratioii of the
annual Report. At 9 p.m. the Meeting was held at the Town Hall.
In the absence of the outgoing President the chair was taken by the
Rev. E. L. Barnwell, who resigned it to the President Elect, Pro^
fessor C. C. Babington, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A.
The President read the following letter, —

" 29th July 1881.
" My dear Sir, — I much regret that my engagements will preyent
my haying the gratification of personally relinquishing the office of
President of the Cambrian ArchsBological Association into more
able hands, and of enjoying a meeting which last year's experience
conyinces me will be a most agreeable one. May I ask you to be
good enough to express this regret to your Committee, and to offer
them my warmest thanks for the courtesy and kindness I experi-
enced at their hands ? With best wishes that you may haye a yery
successful Meeting,

'' Beiieye me, my dear Sir, yours faithfully,

Chas. E. G. Philipps.
"Professor Babington, M.A., P.R.S., etc.*'

The President then deliyered his address as follows :
" On taking the chair of the Association I may be allowed to
assure you how greatly I appreciate the honour of being appointed
its head ; more especially because I have been elected to the office
by those with whom I have had the pleasure and advantage of work-
ing for many years, and also because they selected this year to
place me at the head of the Association when the Meeting is held
in my native county, and at a place of such interest to me as a natu-
ralist as well as an archaeologist When we observe the magnifi-
cent hills which surround this town, we cannot but wonder that
this place is so little known. The few tourists who visit it usually

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT. 339

confine themselves to an ascent of Caer Caradoo for the grand vievv
obtained from thence, and through ignorance totally overlook the
beautifal ravines of the Longmynd, and the many places of interest
in the neighbourhood. I must confess that nntil recently I was one
of the nnmber. How many interesting places are totally unknown
to English people who are thoroughly well acquainted with the
Continent ! They travel far to find beautiful and grand scenes
whilst they have them at their very doors. We of the Cambrian
ArchsBological Association know numbers of places well deserving of
a visit which exist in Wales. But it is not my intention to take up
your time this evening with remarks of this kind. I propose to de-
viate from the usual type of inaugural addresses by bringing a defi-
nite subject of interest before the Meeting.

*' We must many of us have remarked how ignorant we are con-
cerning the camps and other primedval fortifications which so
abound in Wales and other hilly parts of our country. We must
have noticed that they differ greatly not only in their strength, but
also in the very plan upon which they are constructed. This sub-
ject has been incidentally mentioned at some of our meetings, and
has then g^ven rise to interesting discussions ; but afterwards the
question has been allowed to drop, and we have remained in very
much the same state of ignorance as before. If, however, we ex-
amine the works, even very superficially, we discover that it is not
probable that they were all made by tribes in the same state of
civilisation and advancement in constructive skill : indeed, we see
the probability of there having been a long lapse of time between
the earliest and latest of them, and that they were most probably
the work of successive occupants of the country. We remark that
the names borne by most of them are either quite legendary or
simply descriptive. This is in itself a proof that those who bestowed
the present names upon them were unacquainted with their origin.
It is true that in a few cases faint traditions have survived the
lapse of ages concerning some tumuli and megalithic structures ;
but these, I believe, always refer to persons supposed to have lived
in remote prehistoric times. Such faint traditions may have passed
irom the conquered to the conquering tribe, and are so few in num-
ber that they only illustrate the saying that exceptions prove the
rule. Of course it is highly desirable to arrive, if possible, at some
definite opinion concerning these great works, for much of our early
history, or rather the true mode of looking at the time preceding
history, depends largely upon our forming a probable theory con-
cerning them. They are found in nearly every strong position in
the country : on the hills of the interior, on comparatively elevated
points in the low country, and on the pi^cipitous capes of the coast.
Wherever we go we find the remains of the strongholds occupied
by the ancient inhabitants. Some manifestly intended for more or
less permanent occupation, some to fly to in times of danger, and
some formed by invaders for their temporary shelter, or the inha-
bitants for an almost equally temporary obstruction to the enemy.

23 «

340 CAMBRIAN ARCHiEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

They also seem to be of all ages, from the dark and distant period
of the primeval inhabitants, who, perhaps, made some of them
simply as a defence against the wild beasts of the country, to the
time of the very latest invaders during the historic period. We
have thus a very long time — we can form no idea of how long a
time — during which rude fortifications of earth and stones were
being made in the land.

*' If now we look carefully at the works themselves we shall see
that they shew several different modes of construction ; and as these
differences are viBry marked, we are led to believe that their builders
did not belong to the same race, or were all in a similar state of
civilisation : in short, that each successive race of men which inha-
bited the country had its own mode of entrenchment and fortifica-
tion. The remains seem to shew that each succeeding race was
more advanced in civilisation than its predecessor. This accords
with what we learn from a study of the weapons, tools, ornaments,
and fictile vessels, which have been obtained by excavations. We
have the rude stone weapons of the palaBolithio age, the more
finished ones of the neolithic, 'the stone tools of a still more recent
time, some of which, indeed, seem to have remained in use until
shortly before the appearance of the Romans in Britain. These last
more finished stone implements retained their value notwithstand-
ing the possession by the richer people of bronze and iron in the
later prehistoric period. We have evidence that the country was
inhabited before the disappearance of the reindeer and other animals
requiring the climate which existed when our mountain-valleys had
their glaciers, and the cold was, at least in the winter, intense. No
one will, therefore, be prepared to deny that several successive races
may, and indeed we may say must, have lived here before the
arrival of the first wave of the Keltic people, the second wave of
which still inhabits the country. We are, therefore, not surprised
to find works which may belong to several successive races. Some
of these remains seem to be of such great antiquity that the exist-
ence of a Turanian race here, as is pointed out by Mr. Boyd Daw-
kins in his valuable essay on Early Man in Britain^ will probably
be generally admitted. He thinks that their descendants remained
as a distinct race in South Wales and the south and west of Ireland
until the Roman period : indeed, there seems no reason to doubt
that tribes of Turanian race occupied nearly, if not quite the whole,
of the west and north of Europe until the arrival of the Kelts drove
the remnants of them into the extreme western parts bordering on
the Atlantic Ocean, where we still find them represented by the
Basques and perhaps others. But that is not enough. The west
of Europe must have been occupied long before the arrival even of
the Turanians, by a race which probably lived in natural caverns,
and subsisted solely upon the produce of the chase. I do not mean
to deny that many tribes living at a date long posterior to the
glacial period, depended almost wholly upon the results of hunting
fbr their food and clothing ; but we do know that great advance

CHURCH STRBTTON MEETING. — REPORT. 341

had been made before the first Boman invasion, for at that time the
inhabitants of the soathem part of Britain were snccessfal agri-
culturists.

" Having made these preliminary remarks, we will now turn to
the works themselves, and endeavour to classify them as far as our
present knowledge will admit Of course we make no attempt to
appropriate each type of works to any special race ; for we have as
yet no proper means of doing so. But one thing I may venture to
say, namely, that very few of them are the work of the present
Welsh people ; and those few are of that simple kind which were
the first made at the very dawn of civilisation, and have continued
to be formed until the present time, when they are found to be the
most efficient defence against the formidable trajectiles used in
modern warfare. I propose to arrange the existing remains under
four heads : 1, simple earthworks ; 2, earthworks with external
stone supports or revetments ; 3, dry stone walls ; 4, simple earth-
works again.

" 1. The camps of the first period consist of one or more banks of
earth or stones, according to the character of the ground, and ex-
ternal ditches. These are exceedingly common, and very difficult
to distinguish from the comparatively modem camps of the Roman
period : indeed, often it is impossible to do so. Most of the hill-
camps and of the cliff-castles belong to this class ; but their simpli,-
city of structure is such, and their formation so easy and rapid,
that, as has been already said, they were doubtless erected during
successive periods, whenever sudden and temporary defence was
required. Examples are so common that no special reference is
required. Many of them are places of great strength, and were
manifestly intended to afford safety to the tribe and its valuable
flocks in time of danger ; but as there is often no supply of water,
they cannot have been permanent habitations. At the period when
they were required they must usually have been quite impregnable,
and specially fitted to resist the sudden and transient attack of an
invading tribe whose chief, and probably sole, object was plunder.
If not carried by the first rush, no further attempt was likely to be
made upon them, and the invaders retired with only such booty as
there had not been time to remove to a place of safety.

"2. The second doss consists of much more elaborate works.
They have the appearance of having been constantly occupied by a
garrison, and provided more or less conveniently with water. Here
again the banks are formed of earth and stones surrounded by for-
midable ditches ; but one or more of the banks was strengthened
externally by very large stones being placed upright against it,
forming a kind of revetment. There was also usually a well con-
trived entrance, passing diagonally through the defences, and formed
by a narrow passage flanked on each side by large upright stones,
supported by banks which might be used by the defenders as a
cover when resisting an attempt to force an entrance. Unfortu-
nately the country people seem to fiud the stones, so characteristic

342 CAMBRIAN ARCHJBOLOOICAL ASSOCIATION.

of fhia class of norka, very nsefal for boilding pnrposes, and hnre
in many cases nsed gonpowder to break them into convenient
pieces. This destmction of national antiquities, so greatly to be
deplored, is the more remarkable when we notice that in nearly all
cases sfoneB quite as well Baited for bnilding are abundant in tha
neiRhbonrbood. Water is often found in small qnantity within these
works ; but in some caaes, as at Dinas Dinorwig, near Llanberis, a
well defended covered way leads to a copiona spring just outside of
and below the fortress. Uaually also there is a tolerably extenaive
enclosure, defended by a moderately strong bank, attached to the
other works. This was, donbtteas, intended for the defence of the
flocks in time of dan^^r. In many cases these oatworka cannot now
be easily traced, owing to the degradation reanlting from the long
lapse of time since they were formed, or the action of the ploogh of
the modem agricnltnrist. The few remains of this class of works
are well deserving of careful preserration, and the destroctive acta
just mentioned ought to be immediately stopped. In the larger of
these works, especially each as cover the whole summit of a bill,
there is usually a portion strongly fenced off from the rest, to form
n kind of citadel. I have not noticed any tme hut-circles in these
forte; bnt it wonld be well to obtain definite evidenoe of their
absence or preBcnce. It is qnite clear that they were not common
at that period, although we sometimes find pits or enclosures which
may easily be mistaken for them.

" It may be well to mention a few instances of thia class of works.
One of the best examples is very aocessible, from being close to a
much frequented place. I refer to Dinas Dinorwig, which is at a
very short distance from the lower lake of Llnnberis, and abont a
mile from a railway station. It is also in very fair preservation,
although many of Uie characteristic stones have been used in tbo
erection of a new farmhouse adjoining it. Several have disappeared
since I have known the place, and the beautifully defended entrance
is nearly destroyed. A description of this place will be found in
the ArcktBoUtgia CambretuiM, Series iii, vol. vii, p. 236. Din Sylwy, in

\

CHURCH aTRBTTON MEETING. — REPORT. 343

AcgleBey, and Llif^w; in the same island, are beanfiful examples of
this ohiSB, hnt they are not very easily BoceeBible. Tbeaa are
both apparentlj of eomewhat later constmction than Dinas Dinor-
«ig, for the npright stones bear a far greater proportion to the
mass of the defeDces, and confer a far more marked character npon
them. At Dinaa Dinorwig the atones plaj a very subordinate part
to the banks, except at the entrance, where they were as marked
a feature as at the ivio places just named. At these forta in

Uaacmiy, odUt WiB, neu Sonth-WMt Conur, Vigwj.

Anglesey the rows of stones seem to constitute a kind of wall, as
we might almost call it, and the earth and mbbish simply fill np
the space between them, for there is an internal as well as external
row of stones. These works also are well illustrated in our Journal
(Series in, vol. xv, p. 56, and vol. xiii, n. 55). The defences consist of
lines formed of two rows of upright atones, which present a remark-
ably regular appearance, from the rock splittinrin flags. These stones
are placed so as to touch each other, and the space between the
rows is filled with loose stones of all sizes and earth. The entrances
are very ingeniously planned in both of them. These works shew
a decided advance upon Dinas Dinorwig; but the plan of the
builders is the same, and there is no approach to the walls found in
the next class. They are certainly most remarkable defences, but
they are not walls. I might name other forts of leas importance
belonging (o this class, but it is nnnecessaiy. All that I am ac-
quainted with are confined to the north-west part of Wales. This
seems to shew that a partially civilised tribe held that country at a
Tery early period, but probably did not occupy the rest of Wedes.

" 3. We will now proceed to the third cIom, which shews a further
decided advance in constructive power. The works of this class are
very numerous, bnt they are nsnally so dilapidated as to be far from
easy of detection. These defences often seem to be only confosed
heaps of stones, and it is only by veiy careful and somewhat skilled
search that their true structure is discovered. Bnt although nsnally
BO little is at first apparent, even in some of the most stnpendons of
them, a careful examination shews how skilfully they were bailt.
I may instance that on the top of Penmaenmawr as a dilapidated
one, and Tre 'r Ceiri, on the Bivals, as one still tolerably perfect

344 CAMBRIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

Works of tbis class aro by far the grandest and most interesting
forts of which any remains exist in Britain, which are anterior to
ihe Roman period. They were entirely walled forts, or even towns,
bnilt with a skill which would do credit to a modem architect and
modem masons : indeed, there are few modern builders who could
build with stones alone (for there is not the least trace of mortar)
walls which could stand as long as those have done. At Tre 'r Geiri
the walls are still 15 feet high in some parts, with very nearly per-
pendicular external and internal faces. These walls are so perfect
that a person may walk along the top of the wall behind a breast-
work or banquet rising from the outer face. This breastwork is
sufficiently high to have protected the defenders of the place from
most of the missiles of an enemy. In this more perfect part of the
wall there is a very curious sallyport with slightly converging sides,
and covered by enormous slabs extending across it ; in these re-
spects much resembling some of the magni6cent prehistoric forts in
Ireland. The true entrances to these fortresses are usually defended
by flanking walls of great strength and thickness, the opening itself
being narrow, perhaps about 8 feet in width. Here the builders
depended upon the wall for their defence, for there are no ditches :
indeed, the wall was quite a sufficient defence if the enemy could be
prevented from using a battering-ram or other means of throwing it
down. But a regular siege was very unlikely at that period, and
without it the wall was safe. Here also there were extensive out*
works less strongly defended. Oar Treasurer has given a full and
excellent account of this interesting place in our Journal (Series iv,
ii, p. 66).

" At Penmaenmawr the enormous fortress of Braich y Ddinas
occupies the whole top of the hill ; but the walls and other remains
are so much dilapidated, and their faces obscured by masses of fallen
stones, that it is only by a very careful examination that their real
character can be detected : indeed, it requires a tolerably practised
eye to see them. Tourists who visit that hill for the magnificent
view obtained from it, often do not observe the existence of the stu-
pendous fortress, although they necessarily pass through it to attain
the summit. I have myself heard them express wonder where the
* camp' was, of which they had been told. Here as well as at Tre 'r
Ceiri there are the remains of numerous huts of either a round or
rectangular shape. Such remains of huts are usually to be detected
in works of this class, and they have continued in use down to very
recent times in North Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, even when the
surrounding defences are simply earthworks, or wanting altogether.

** I will only refer to two or three other great works of this class.
A fine example is furnished by Garn Goch, near Llandovery, which
has been slightly noticed in the ArcfKeologia Gambrensis by the late
Archdeacon Williams, and was visited by the Association in 1855.
There the walls are even more obscured by fallen stones than at
Penmaenmawr. But some curious passages through them have
been observed which have * vertical sides formed of dry masonry

OHDRCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT. 345

alternatiDg with large upright stones, and are covered by heavy
flags laid across from side to side in some parts, and in other parts
closed by successive horizontal courses of stones converging until
they meet above.' These passages seem to be much lower than the
sallyport at Tre 'r Ceiri ; if, indeed, we really know their true
height. Cam Goch is very well deserving of a minute and careful
examination. Nearly all we know of it is derived from the very
imperfect account given by Archdeacon Williams. Another work
which I will mention is the great ' camp' upon Worle Hill, above
WestouHSuper-Mare, in Somersetshire, which is fully described by
the Rev. F. Warre in the Proceedings of the Somerset Society for ISbl.
This appears to have been a primasval town with very strong forti-
fications, consisting in most part of dry walls of great thickness and
height, with diagonal entrances flanked by outworks. In the part
which is open to approach along the ridge of the Hill there are the
remains of two wcdls extending across the Hill, and external to
them several deep trenches ; and again, further out, a considerable
space is surrounded by an entrenchment of inferior strength. In
the interior of this very strong place there are many pits of 28
to 80 feet in diameter, which were doubtless the foundations of
huts. Each pit is lined with a wall of uncemented masonry, which
does not now reach the level of the ground, and probably never rose
much above it There is a very curious approach to this outer
part of this fortress, from what was probably an inlet of the sea. It
is a flight of upwards of two hundred steps, extending from near
the base to the top of the Hill. This reminds me of the steps form«
ing part of the approach to a fort of apparently this class near
Abergele, called Gastell Cawr, which I have recently mentioned in
the ArchoBologia Gambreneis,

'* But there is one other place to which I must be allowed to
refer, called Castell Caer Helen, or Pen y Gaer. It caps a hill over-
hanging the Conwy valley. The entrance to it is defended by hav-
ing a great number of stones so placed on end as to obstruct the
approach of an enemy. I am not aware of any other instance of
this kind of defence, except at Dun Angus in the South Isles of
Arran, near G^way, which is also a great fortress built of unce-
mented stones, and belongs to the class of works we are now consi-
dering. I have recently learned that there is a grand work of this
kind, called Caer Drewyn, near Corwen, of which very little is
known, and venture to hope that the Association wOl find some
opportunity to visit it.

" The fourth class need not detain us long. As I have already
remarked, the works referable to it are usually not distinguishable
by their form or construction from the very oldest of class 1, or
from the most modern of military earthworks. We have near this
town a remarkable example of possibly very late date in Caer Cara-
doc, and also one which may be of very early date, called Bodbury
King, upon the top of the hill above the town. As long as distinct
and often hostile tribes inhabited the country, such works as these

346 CAMBRIAN ARCHJSOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

retained their value : indeed, even to the time of the wars between
the Welsh and old English, or Normans, they were of mnch nse.

'* The inroads of one tribe npon another may have been one cause
of the formation of the enormous ditches, extending for many miles,
found in several parts of Britain, although they may also have been
of use as boundaries. Not very far from this place we have the
dyke named after OfTa, King of Mercia, and which was perhaps
made by him. Such a dyke must have presented a very great
obstacle to those who were driving off the semi-wild cattle obtained
during their raid, and so allowed the plundered tribe to assemble in
force in pursuit of the marauders. Such dykes, formed apparently
with this object, are found in Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, Wiltshire,
and elsewhere. Indeed, have we not the great Roman lines cross*
ing the northern part of England and the south of Scotland, which
were formed chiefly with this object by the Emperors Hadrian and
Antoninus ?

" But I fear that I have taken up too much of your time, and will
therefore conclude with the expression of my hope that you will
receive pleasure from the excursions during this Meeting, and that
something may be added to our knowledge of the antiquities which
exist in this beautiful district. Of one thing I am certain, if we are
favoured with fine weather, any of us who may not take especial
interest in the ancient remains which we shall visit, will be sure to
receive much pleasure from the scenery through which our routes
will take us."^

Mr. Ralph Benson said that it was a very proud incident of his
position to appear that evening, and to have the privilege of being
the first of that large audience to break the silence in an expression
of gratitude and appreciation to the President for the paper, which
he was sure had afforded them all a great deal of pleasure. Ue
thought it was indeed of special interest, breaking away, as it did,
from the beaten track of inaugural addresses. He thought that
their thanks were especially due to Associations like the Cambrian
Arch89ological Association, who in their progress through a district
left some light to guide and gladden the humbler seekers after his-
toric truth. He wished only that it might be possible that the pro-
ceedings of a Meeting like the present one could be published in
some cheap form, and could find their way to the farms, and he
might almost say to the cottages, of the husbandmen. He thought
they would not only stimulate the love of home and the love of
country, but they would beguile many an hour after weary toil.

Sir Charles Bouse-Boughton, in seconding the proposition, made
a feeling allusion to the late Mrs. Stackhouse Acton, who, he said, had
intended to assist the present Meeting in every way, if she had lived.

The President, after acknowledging the vote, called upon the
Secretary to read the Bicport.

The Secretary then read the Report^ as follows :

* It has been thought desirable to append the cuts used in former volumes
in illustration of this address. — Ed. A. C,

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — ^REPORT. 347

'* In 1 852 the Society met in this part of the Welsh Marches, when
the sixth annual Meeting took place at Lndlow, under the presi-
dency of the Hon. K H. Olive, M.P. On that occasion the General
Secretary, the Bey. W. Basil Jones, now Bishop of St. David's,
congratulated tlie Meeting on the prosperous termination of the
first five years of the existence of the Society. The first Meeting
was held at Aberystwith in 1847, at which the Society was estab-
lished in a qnalified sense, one of the rules being that no pecuniary
subscription should be required. The Archcbologia Cambrensia, how-
ever, had existed for nearly two years before this Meeting, the first
Number having been issued in January 1846 ; but it was not the
Journal of the Association, as at present, but the private property
of the Rev. H. Longueville Jones, who subsequently organised, and,
so to speak, established the Society. At the end of its fourth year
Mr. Jones gave up the Journal, making over the remaining copies
to Mr. J. Russell Smith of Soho Square. These four volumes con-
stitute the First Series of the Archceologia Camhrensis,

*' In the year 1850 an important alteration was made in the con-
stitution and administration of the Society. In the Beport of the
Oommittee read at the fourth annual Meeting, held at Dolgellau,
mention is made of the Meeting at Gloucester in the preceding
March, at which various important changes were made, the most
important of which was ' the establishment of a system of subscrip-
tion on a settled plan, as a security for the permanence of the Arohoh
ologia Cambrensis, and through it of the Society itself.' A new
Series of the Journal was then commenced, arrangements having
been made with Mr. Mason of Tenby, which made him the sole
proprietor of the Journal, the Society purchasing copies for its sub-
scribing members, and making grants for suitable illustrations.
Thus the Socie^ was put on a new and in some respects more satis-
factory basis. This arrangement, however, lasted only ^ve years, as
Mr. Basil Jones, who principally conducted the business of the Asso-
ciation, was obliged to resign owing to new official duties at Oxford,
which resignation was announced at the special meeting held at the
close of the Ruthin Meeting in 1854. The Society was then placed
on a new footing ; the arrangement with Mr. Mason was given up,
and the Society undertook the expense of printing and publishing
for itself. A new Series of the Archasologia Cambrensia was com-
menced in 1855, and continued till 1869, when, owing to the diffi-
culty new members had in procuring complete sets, the volumes of
1855 and 1856 having become out of print, a fourth Series, namely
the present one, was commenced.

" The important change made in 1855 would probably not have
been attempted, much less carried out, but for the action of four or
five members who agreed to support each other in carrying on the
work of the Association, and particularly in taking part in the
annual meetings. Of these members two idone survive, one of them
being Professor Babington, who has so kindly yielded to the request
of the Society to act as President on this occasion ; and your Com-

348 CAMBRIAN ARCH^OLOQIOAL ASSOCIATION.

mitiee, therefore, heartily congratalate the members apon beia^i^
presided over by a gentleman distinguished no less for his eztensiv-e
and accurate knowledge than for his courteous manner and readi-
ness in communicating to others any information sought.

'* It is with great regret that your Committee records the removal
of so many yaluiable friends of the Association since the Meeting at
Pembroke, the first of whom was Mrs. Stackhouse Acton of Acton
Scott, who died on the 24th of January, in her eighty-seventh year.
She assisted at the Ludlow Meeting in 1852, where she exhibited an
illustrated manuscript account of Stokesay Castle, which splendid
work deservedly attracted great attention. Had her life been
spared, and her strength permitted, she had promised to render all
the assistance in her power towards the success of the present
Meeting. Another valuable member was Edwin Guest, Esq., LL.D.,
F.R.S., late Master of Caius College, Cambridge, who died Nov. 23,
1880, at his seat, Sandford Park, Oxfordshire. His only distinct
work was a History of English Bhythniy a work now become exceed-
ingly scarce ; but in the long series of volumes of the Royal Archaeo-
logical Institute there are most valuable essays on the history of
Britain from the departure of the Roman armies to the establish-
ment of the Saxons, of which we know so little that the smallest
contribution from Dr. Guest's pen is of the greatest value. His love
of accuracy was so great that many of his researches amid ancient
landmarks were usually attended with considerable labour as a
pedestrian. His view of the Stonehenge question has not been re-
placed by any other more probable. Full obituary notices of two
others from among the most valued members of our Association
have appeared so recently that it is only needful to mention their
names here, the Rev. Canon Williams, a contributor to our pages
from the very first Number of the Journal, and Mr. Breese, F.S.A.,
Local Secretary for Merionethshire.

" The first volume of the History of the Princes^ the Lords- Marcher^
and the ancient Nobility of Fowys Fadog, by J. Y. W. Lloyd, M.A.,
K.S.G., of Clochfaen, has lately been isbued to the subscribers. It
is a substantial volume of more than 400 pages, and contains much
curious and supplemental information in addition to the genealogi-
cal portions, of which much has already appeared in the JournaL
This is one more addition to our local histories, and one which, bat
for the existence of the Cambrian Archasological Association, would
probably have never been published. There are several useful illus-
trations, and, what is still more valuable, a copious index. It is to
be hoped that the learned author will soon be able to present to his
supporters the second volume.

*^ It was stated in the last Report that the Rev. Canon D. R.
Thomas, F.S.A., intended to bring out a supplementary volume to
his invaluable History of Hie Diocese of SL Asaph, and it is hoped
that this desirable object will before long be accomplished. Pro*
fessor Rhys is also engaged on a history of the Breton Celts, a his-
tory that has been long desired ; while the Rev. D. Silvan Evans

J

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT. 349

has nndertaken a Welsh diciionary, the value of which may be con-
sidered gnaranteed as far as carefal accuracy and thorough know-
ledge of the language can secure success. It will be remembered
that subsequently to the last meeting of the Society at Camaryon a
proposal was carried to print the chronicle of the famous '* clerke*',
Peter Roberts, called Cwtta Cyfarwydd, being a chronicle of births,
deaths, and marriages, and of the principal local events in the Yale
of Clwyd and other parts of Flintshire and Denbighshire. The late
Mr. Breese, who was the owner of this interesting document, had it
transcribed, and printed a specimen page of the work. Since his
death his executor, after repeated researches and. inquiries, has not
been able to find it. All that has been discovered is a copy of a
small part of the transcript, with corrections, in Mr. Breese's hand-
writing. At present there does not appear to be much chance of
its recovery. Your Committee regret to make this announcement ;
and if, after further delay, there is no prospect of finding either
transcript or the original, the subscriptions that have been advanced
will be returned.

" Those who attended the Pembroke Meeting will remember the
kind exertions of the President, Mr. Philipps of Picton Castle, in
promoting the success of that very pleasant and interesting Meet-
ing. Your Committee would therefore suggest a hearty vote of
thanks, and that his name should be added to the list of Vice-
Presidents, and also those of the Hon. and Bev. Canon O. T. Or-
lando Bridgeman and the Hon. F. H. Tracy, M.P. The retiring
members of the Committee are : R. H. Wood, F.S. A. ; H. W. Lloyd,
Esq., M. A. ; and J. Y. W. Lloyd, Esq., M.A., K.S.G., and are recom-
mended for re-election ; and in place of the Hon. and Rev. Canon
Bridgeman (appointed Vice-Chairman) and the Rev. Walter Evans
(withdrawn), the names are proposed of the Rev. Canon D. B.
Thomas and the Rev. Professor Edmondes.

'* Your Committee also propose that the following Local Secre-
taries be appointed : Evan Parry Jones, Esq., for Merionethshire ;
Rev. E. Tudor Owen for Flintshire ; Rev. Charles Chidlow for Car-
marthenshire.

'* Since the last Meeting the following gentlemen have joined the
Association, and await confirmation of their election :

"North Wales.

" Miss Light, Plas Llywelyn, Festiniog
The Rev. J. S. Lewis, Guilsfield Vicarage, Welshpool
The Rev. D. Jones, Llanfechan Rectory
Henry Leslie, Esq., Bryntanat, Llansaintffraid
A. N. Palmer, Esq., Ar-y-bryn Terrace, Wrexham

"South Wales.

" W. Hulm, Esq., Pembroke
G. E. O. PhilippSi Esq., Picton Castle, Haverfordwest

350 CAMBRIAN ARCHJEOLOGIOAL ASSOCIATION.

*' Shropshire.

" The Rev. W. A. Leighton, P.L.S., Shrewsbury
Colonel Bnckle, Shakenhurst, Cleobary Morfcimer."

The Rev. E. L. Barnwell, in proposing that the Report be adopted,
endorsed all that had been said in regard to the late Mrs. Stack-
hoase Aoton by Sir Charles Ronse-Boughton.

Mr. H. W. Lloyd seconded the proposition, which was carried
nnanimously.

The Rev. R. Trevor Owen having read the arrangements for the
next day, the Meeting separated.

TUESDAY, AUGUST 2.

The members proceeded by train to Shrewsbury, and commenced
the day's work by an examination of the Castle, under the guidance
of the Rev. W. Allport Leighton, who pointed out the early British
fortress near Laura's Tower ; the square keep with round comer-
turrets, of Edward I's time ; and the gateway, the only remnant
of Roger de Montgomery's castle.

The Council House of the Court of the Marches of Wales was next
examined. On the entrance appear the arms of Sir Henry Sidney,
Lord President.

The principal features of the Grammar School, founded by Ed-
ward yi, are a pinnacled tower flanked on one side by the school-
room, and on the other by the chapel and library. The latter con-
tains portraits of Edward YI, Elizabeth, Sir Philip Sydney, and
Judge Jeffreys ; a manuscript treatise on the Apocalypse, that
belonged to Buildwas Abbey ; and four sculptured stones from
Wroxeter.

At St. Mary's Church the members were received by the Rev.
Canon Lloyd, who gave the following account of its architectural
history : '* In some recent excavations within the building they had
discovered plain evidence of one, if not two, earlier churches ; but
he would only speak of what was above ground. The existing
church was at first a plain Norman building, 140 feet long from east
to west, with transepts 91 feet from north to south. There were no
aisles, no clerestory, no western tower, and no donation from the
simple cross, except four shallow chapels in the eastern walls of the
transept, only one of which remained. In the centre were four
Norman arches, with probably a low lantern-tower above. If any
of the members had ever visited Porchester Church, they would
have seen a church now presenting the same appearance which St.
Mary must have done seven hundred and fifty years ago. This
Norman church was built probably at the end of the eleventh or the
beginning of the twelfth century. What now remained of it are the
lower parts of the wails of the transepts and of the chancel, part of

CHURCH 8TRBTT0N MEETING. REPORT. 351

the central tower, and the walls of nave between the aroade and
the clerestory. Two Norman windows also remain in the sonth
transept ; bat they are no longer in its enter walls. Fifty or sixty
years later the western tower was added, of which three stories ont
of four remain. At the end of the twelfth centnry this plain Nor-
man church was converted into an Early English one, both by
alteration and by addition. Nearly all the windows were made into
lancets or groups of lancets ; three of the four chapels in the tran-
septs were enlarged ; the four arches of the central lantern -tower
were rebuilt in the Pointed style, and two aisles were added to the
nave. The Norman roofs, both the groined roof of the chancel and
timber roofs of the nave and transepts were left untouched. The
addition to the aisles seems to have been effected in an ingenious
way. Without pulling down the walls of the nave, arcades were
inserted into them, above and below which the old Norman walls
yet remain. It became possible to do this inasmuch as the walls
were sufficiently sustained dunng the process by a tower at either
end, and by crutches inserted where the gas-brackets are now
fixed. This is evidenced by the fact that the walls in these places
were filled up subsequently to the completion of the surround-
ing surface. The walls of the new aisles were low, with steep roofs.
In this condition the church remained for more than two hundred
and fifty years. During this long period there is no trace of any
change, except one small window over the vestry. In the latter
half of the fifteenth century came a great change. A continuous
clerestory was added to the church, the south aisle was raised, a
new east window inserted, the whole church re-roofed, the spire
built, and the small Leybourne Chapel enlarged into that of the
Holy Trinity ; and with the exception of the north aisle, the church
became, both inside and outside, very much the same as we now
see it. This north aisle remained in its original state for another
century, when, during the Commonwealth, it was raised, and made
to correspond with its southern sister."

The examination of the church was then proceeded with. The
large east window is filled with glass originally given to the church
of the Grey Friars by Sir John de Charlton circa 1350. On the
north side of chancel is a triplet with subjects from the life of St.
Bernard. The glass was brought from the church of St. Severin,
Cologne, and belonged to the Abbey of Altenburgh. The Trinity
Chapel contains a mutilated effigy of a cross-legged knight in chain-
armour, on an altar-tomb. In the Stafford Chantry are a slab with
incised figures, representing Nicholas Stafford, Bailiff in 1458, and
his wife ; also a Saxon coffin-lid with interlaced pattern, found under
one of the pillars of the nave.

The next place visited was the Drapers' Hall, a building with a
fine old wainscoted room in which are portraits of Edward lY,
Degory Watur, draper, and his wife.

Thence the members went past St. Alkmund's Church, the spire
of which is the only remnant of the original church, to an old timber

352 CAUBRIAH ARCH^OLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

nmnsion inUooble Butcher Bow, the Guild House of the Fraternity
of the Holy Cross in St. Alkmnnd's Church.

On Pride Hilt were seen several old timber-honBes ; and in High
Street Ireland's maneion, a spacious, timbered -gabled honse, fonr
stories high, — on the beams of the gables are the armorial bearings
of the Ireland family ; Owen's mansion, built in 1591 ; and the old
Hall of the Shearmen.

Afler a halt for luncheon, the members inspected the rnins of old
St. Chad's Chnrch, originally founded by one of the Mercian kings.
The chnrch, built in the reign of Henry III, was much damaged by
fire in 1394, and finally fell in 1788, owing to one of the pillars of
the lai^ oentral tower giving way. In the small portion now re-
maining there is a carved oak pulpit of Jacobean work. There is a

peculiarity, however, whidi we do not remember to have seen or
eveu beard of. The cnt here introduced gives a faithfnl representa-
tion of the Bible, which was intended not only for ornament, bat
also for a reminder to the congregation that there was preached the
true Word of Ood. When the phrase " Bible Christiana" first came
into use is unknown, but probably it was in fashion, at least in
Shrewsbury, at this time. The person who suggested this ornament
was probably a zealons Puritan.
The Abbey Church of SS. Peter and Paul was next visited. Tha

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING.— REPORT. 353

domestio buildings of the Abbey have been swept away. The stone
pulpit of the refectory now stands in a large coalyard. The nave,
side-aisles, and western tower, alone remain of the Abbey Church,
and these owe their preservation to the circumstance that the
western end had always been the church of the parish of Holy
Cross. The basement of tower is Norman ; the remainder, in which
is inserted a Perpendicular window of seven lights, double tran-
somed, is of the fourteenth century. The nave is separated from its
aisles by five arches ; the two on each side adjoining the tower are
Early English, while the others are Norman. The north porch,
above which is a chamber, formerly in two stories, contains two
effigies which originally were on the same tomb ; one of a knight in
plate-armonr, with a long robe thrown back ; the head is covered
by a cowl. The other has the robe drawn close, and buttoned down
to the feet. In the south aisle are, a mutilated effigy of a knight in
mail, supposed to be that of Roger de Montgomery ; a tomb of a
knight in plate-armour (Sir William Charlton), and his wife with
pointed headdress, brought from Wellington ; an effigy of a cross-
legged knight in mail, supposed to be that of Walter de Dunstan-
viUe, brought from Wombridge ; a coped tombstone, on which is
cut, in high relief, a floriated cross ; beneath it, on the left, a small
figure vested in an alb ; near the head of figure a bell ; on the right
a chalice with wafer, a book, and a lighted taper. On the edge of
the stone are the letters T : M : o : r : e : vi : F. In the north aisle are
an effigy having a tunic open at the bottom, with tight sleeves from
which lappets hang down, over the shoulders a tippet, and large
pointed shoes ; an altar-tomb of Richard Onslow, Speaker in the
reign of Elizabeth, and his wife.

White Hall, in the Abbey Foregate, built in 15?8 by Richard
Prince, was the last place visited. It has a gatehouse and a good
example of a pigeon-house.

Before returning to Church Stretton, the members, together with
several members of the Shropshire Archaeological Association, dined
at the George Hotel.

After dinner the Rev. C. H. Drinkwater read a paper on " The
Inner Wall of Shrewsbury", and also exhibited a rubbing of a stone
at Tomen y Mur, near Festiniog.

The evening meeting was held in the Town HaJl, Stretton. The
President gave an account of the day's excursion, and referring to
St. Mary*s Church said that when they looked at the church at first,
it appeared as if the date of it could be clearly seen at once ; but
when they came to look carefully at it, they found it was full of
puzzles, and in the time they spent in it they were quite unable to
understand a number of points in regard to the arches. There
appeared to have been a series of changes at difierent times. The
Vicar was good enough to give them his views concerning them.
Some suppose that the arches dividing the nave from the side-aisles
had been completely renewed by being underpinned; that new
arches had been built underneath the other masonry, different to
4th ■■&., VOL. XII. 24

354 CAMBRIAN ARCHiEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

the arches which existed hefore. That was one theory, and one
likely to be true, for they knew that the masons and the architects
of that age were quite as capable of doing such a thing as they are
at the present time. Bat there was another view. Might it not be
that the whole of the masonry had not been touched, and that,
instead of taking out all the lower parts, they simply cut off the
outside of the Norman columns, and carved them in such a way aa
to make them look like columns of a later day ? That had been done
at Winchester, and therefore it was possible it had been done in 8t
Mary's. There were, therefore, two totally different theories to account
for the results they saw in that interesting church. That would
give them some idea of the difficulties that might arise when they
entered and examined a church like St. Mary's. He ofben felt, when
called upon to express an opinion on such matters off-hand, that it
was impossible to do so. Sometimes, when that was done, a gentle-
man who lived in the parish, and knew all about it, would jamp up
and say that such and such a view was wrong, as such and such a
thing had been done. People who lived in the place should tell
them what had been done, and what they knew, because the mem-
bers of the Society came to learn, and not to teach. They could
look at a building, and form their own conclusions respecting it,
and were at all times ready to give their opinions, and to answer
any questions they could; but still, as for laying down the law
positively and absolutely, they did not profess to do it.

The Rev. J. G. D. La Touche read a paper on Stokesay Castle,
which appears in the present Number of the Journal.

Mr. Dyke then read the following short paper on " Elarly Hill-
Ploughing":

"People living near hills must ofben notice traces of extensive
ploughings. The marks are not distinct everywhere ; but they come
out under certain lights, and at certain times of the year, more
especially during the time of snow-thaws, when they are very visible.
These ploughings extend all along the hills of the Welsh border,
and are, I believe, to be seen on all the hills and mountains of Eng-
land and Wales ; and I know from my own observations that nearly
all but the most steep and difficult parts of the hills in this neigh*
bourhood have been ploughed.

" I think this work must certainly be older than the feudal sys-
tem, as the feudal laws have survived to the present day in their
relations to commons and unenclosed lands, and are totally opposed
to small subdivisions for agricultural purposes. There appears to
be a legend that the hills were ploughed at the time the kingdom
was placed under an interdict during the reign of King John. A
writer in Chambers' Booh of Days mentions the legend, that in
order to evade the interdict by which all the cultivated land in the
kingdom was put under a curse, the people, considering that the
terms of the interdict applied only to land in cultivation at the
time the interdict was proclaimed, ploughed the then uncultivated
land, and thinks that the ploughings are remains of that temporary

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT. 355

oultiyation. Bnt from the shortness of the time, abont six years,
from the 23 March 1208 to 1214, 1 am almost certain that, looking
at the difficulties of such a cultivation, it could not have been done
then. The writer in Chambers' Book goes on to say that it is now
the opinion of antiquaries that the ploaghings are remains of the
agriculture of the British- Roman period, " for the Romans obtained
immense quantities of com from Britain." I have heard a legend
in Radnorshire that the ' Denes' (Danes) ploughed the hills ; and if
you ask who the ' Denes' were, you will be told simply that the
* Denes' were red men. There is, perhaps, a germ of truth here, for
the ' Denes' or other northern hordes may have occupied the low
lands, and driven the natives to live or starve on the hills, thus
causing the hills to be ploughed.

"Having seen a g^at deal of hill-land ploughed under recent enclo-
sure Acts, 1 submit a few observations as to the ancient mode of cul-
ture : 1st. The land was not fenced, bnt divided by margins of turf;
therefore the sheep, which probably were few in number, must have
been herded by dogs by day, and folded by night, as is now done,
I believe, in many of the chalky districts of England and France.
2ndly. The ploughing was not long continued, as there is but a
slight displacement of soil on the steepest parts. Srdly. The sur-
face was first * cerfd', or cut in batting, as the small burnt stones
and ashes attest. 1 have ofben seen thin, compact layers of ashes at
a depth of 5 or 6 inches ; thus shewing that it had not been har-
rowed to that depth, else the ashes would have been mixed with the
soil. 4thly. It was not much trodden by animals for years after-
wards, else the contour of the ridges wonld not have been so well pre-
served. 5thly. The ploughing was not badly done ; it often follows
the form of the ground in long, sweeping cui'ves. 6thly. 1 have often
found the sites of huts with hearths containing ashes. In some
instances they appear to have been square in form. They are gene-
rally excavated on the slope of a bank, and the earth thrown out in
front. These huts were very probably of the same date as the
tillage. 7thly. The corn grown was rye and oats, as they are the
only cereals which mature and ripen on the higher hills. No lime
was used, and the land was exhausted and left to lie. It was not
laid down with grass-seeds, for the harrowing would have, on light
land, destroyed the ridges."

After a discussion as to the date and character of this primitive
kind of agriculture, the proceedings were adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 3rd.

This day's proceeding^ commenced with the inspection of the
parish church, which consists of nave and chancel, with transept,
and a tower surmounted with a spire rising from the centre. It is
of various dates from early Norman. It has been restored in a

24 •

356 CAMBRIAN ARCH-ffiOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

satisfactory manner, except as to the interior walls, from the face of
which the plaster has been entirely removed, leaving exposed the
original rnbble work which, from the nature of the stone, not ad-
mitting of even an approximation to courses, has a singularly bad
effect. In addition to this, the dark colour of the stone gives a
very gloomy appearance to the building by its making the interior
unnecessarily dark. This custom of disfiguring the walls of
churches cannot be too severely condemned, as it has not a single
advantage to recommend it. It is in direct opposition to the prac-
tice of our early church builders, who invariably prepared the
walls so as to admit of ornamental colour, or representations of
sacred events. Over a small Norman door, now blocked, to the
west of the north transept, is fixed a rude representation of a nude
female. It is nearly two feet in length. The hands rest upon the
hips, while the head has no hair, and appears never to have had
any. The stone out of which it is carved is oblong, having the
two ends and one side perfect ; the other side has its edge either
left rough and untooled, unless this edge has been broken. On
the whole, it is exceedingly rude in detail and execution. It is the
work neither of a Roman nor mediasval mason. Nothing was ascer-
tained at the time as to the date of its being placed in its present
position, or whence it was brought. More than one of the mem-
bers present thought it connected with a pagan cult. However
that may be, this curious relic may be as old as the later Roman
period. Perhaps, on inquiry, something of its history may be
ascertained.

The town hall is the modem successor of one of those interesting
timber buildings, some of which still remain in Shropshire and
Herefordshire. Fortunately, the Stretton one is given by the late
Mrs. Stackhouse Acton in her Castles and Old Mansions of Shrop-
shire. It was not on so grand a scale as others of the kind, bat
quite sufficient for the requirements of the inhabitants. There are
a few timber houses in the long street that constitutes the town,
but mostly small and poor. The manor house is an exception, and
is an excellent specimen of the domestic architecture of the time.

Stokesay Castle, which was the second part of the day*s excur-
sion, is unique in more than one respect. It is rather a fortified
mansion of the thirteenth century than an ordinary castle, although
a portion of it may be older, and worked into the present struo*
ture. To enter, however, into the various details of this most
interesting building is altogether unnecessary, as the Rev. G. D.
De la Touche, the vicar of the parish, has furnished the admirable
and exhaustive account which will be found in the present num-
ber. Mr. J. H. Parker, C.B., in hia Domestic Architecture of the
Middle Ages^ vol. i, p. 157, has given a richly illustrated notice,
which he thus concludes, " Altogether this is one of the most per-
fect and most interesting thirteentii century buildings which we
possess, and deserves a much more careful examination of the uses
of its parts than it has yet received."

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT. 357

One of the curiosities of the bailding is the staircase bnilt
against the north wall, '* oonstracted of solid banlks cut through
diagonally'', leading to two upper chambers ; and as one of these
has its original fireplace of the thirteenth centurj, the wooden
staircase is probably of the same century. Mr. Parker calls this
part of the building the North Solar; but, in the ordinary ac-
ceptation of the term, it can hardly be so termed. The proper
solar is at the opposite end, which, although it has undergone
alteration at a later period, yet retains the usual arrangements to
allow its occupants to watch the proceedings of those in the hall
below. The clumney has its fine carved mantel-piece of the first part
of the seventeenth century, so that the original chimney has been
removed. If the original chimney was accompanied, as in the
northern chamber, by a recess, it was probably removed at the time
of the alteration. A view of it is given in Mr. Parker's notice.
What its use was is not certain. It may have held a small lamp.
It is of the same date as the chimney. In the same room in the
north tower is a glazed case, containing certain relics found at dif-
ferent periods, of no particular interest in themselves, with the ex-
ception of the curious hammer-shaped stone, of which divers ex-
planations have been suggested. An engraving of it is given in the
present volume, p. 248.

The Elizabethan gateway, with its elaborate oak carving, and
which is given at p. 60 of Mrs. Acton's book, is one of the most
picturesque gateways remaining.

There are in Merionethshire, at Glyn, near Harlech, and Corsy-
gedol, near Barmouth, gateways of a similar character as to arrange-
ments, but not material, being built of stone. The one at Glyn
has, besides apartments on each side of the entrance, other offices
attached. An engraving of the Corsygedol gateway is given in the
Antiquarian Topographical Cabinet^ from a drawing of Sir Richard
Colt Hoare.

The late Mrs. Stackhouse Acton has given in her Castles and
Old Mansions of Shropshire views of the rich Elizabethan mantelpiece
in the south chamber or solar.

The hill-camp at Norton was, according to the programme, to be
visited ; but, even had time permitted the ascent, it would have
been found hardly worth the labour, as the ground is so densely
wooded that a satisfactory examination of it would be very difficult.
It has all the appearance of an ordinary hill camp, probably Bri-
tish, but used in later times by their successors. The excursioniste,
therefore, proceeded to Ludlow, once the stronghold and head-
quarters of the Lords Marcher. From its commanding situation it
must have been taken advantage of as a defensive position long
before Norman times ; but whatever the earlier works were, they were
swept away for much more importent buildings. The Castle stands
on^an eminence at the junction of the Teme and the Corve, occu-
pying the north-west angle of the town, and, from the steepness of
the slope, looking towards the country, and the height and strength

358 CAMBRIAN ARCHiEOLOGIOAL ASSOCIATION.

of tbe tower and connecting curtains on that side, it mast have
been impregnable before artillery was in fashion. The greater
portion of the building, except the round church, is of the four-
teenth century, with some later work. The chnrch, which has a
circular nave, had a small rectangular chancel, the lines of which
are still evident.

Henry II, about 1176, gave the Castle and the vale below to
Fulk Fitz-Warine, whose son Soccas built the church in the latter
part of the twelfth century. It has changed hands many times
from forfeitures and other causes, and is now the property of Earl
Powis. When the office of Lord Marcher was abolished in the reign
of William and Mary, the Castle was emptied of its contents by
the inhabitants. In 1774, when Buck's Antiquities was published,
many of the royal apartments were entire. Some of the panels
bearing the arms of the Lord Presidents were converted into wain-
scoting for a public-house. For further particulars of the Castle
and town reference may be made to the published accounts of
them.

The church of St. Lawrence, the only one in the town, is one of
the grandest of our parish churches, and is kept in order suitable
to the building. It is a cross church of noble proportions, and,
though it possessed a chantry of ten priests, yet it was not a ool«
legiate church, its expenses being borne by the wealthy Guild of
St. John. The lofty east window, with its effective painted glass,
representing the legend of St. Lawrence, is deservedly admired.
The stalls, with their miserere seats, formerly disfigured with
yellow paint, are remarkably perfect. The execution of the carving
of the under part of the seats is generally very good. The ecclesi-
astic warming his toes at a fire flanked by two flitches of bacon, is
nearly identical with one in Worcester Cathedral, which is of the
fourteenth century. The church was commenced in the time of
Henry YII, when the Lord President and his Court were much at
Ludlow, so that it is probable that at this time the GuOd of St. John
reckoned among its numbers the neighbouring nobility and gentry.
The whole of the roof is of oak, embellished with carving. The
town had formerly seven gates, only one of which remains, at the
bottom of Broad Street.

A conspicuous ornament in the town is the Feathers Hotel, a
grand specimen of a timbered house ; the interior, also, has some
carved work of superior execution. The Bull Inn, which is nearly
opposite, has some good panelling in its principal room, but whica
seems to have been brought from some other building — probably
the Castle. Mr. Penson, the Local Secretary, hospitably enter-
tained a large number of the officers and principal members of the
Society. There was no evening meeting.

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT. 359

THURSDAY, AUGUST 4th.

A large party started at the appointed hour, and, passing through
Hope Bowdler and Busbury, where are the remains of a small
Roman camp on the Roman road called '' The Devil's Causeway",
arrived about noon at Wenlock. Here, under the guidance of the
Mayor (T. H. Tharsfield, Esq.), the first place visited was the
Museum, where are preserved several deeds connected with the
Monastery, a chalice, paten, and bell, found among the ruins of the
Priory.

In the Guildhall, an interesting timber structure of the Jacobean
period, supported hj an open pillared corridor, the members were
shown the borough stocks on wheels ; a book containing the Cor-
poration records, dated 1495 ; the original charter of the borough
granted by Edward lY, with the seal, in good state of preservation ;
a grant of fairs, date 1620 ; and other documents.

The parish church consists of a chancel and nave, with south aisles.
The pointed arch between the chancel and its aisle cuts through a
Norman arch, now filled up. The east window is Perpendicular,
of five lights, double transomed, and is flanked on each side by
canopied niches. On the north side of chancel is an aumbry ; on
the south a piscina and sedilia. The nave of ^ve bays has round
pillars, with plain moulded capitals and pointed arches. In its
south- western corner is a round-headed doorway. Above the porch
is a room with fire-place, several aumbries, a blocked squint into
church, and an ogee piscina or drain in the east wall ; apparently
there have been two storeys. A fine recessed Norman door, above
which is a good Norman window, opens from the church into the
base of tower, a later addition.

Adjoining the church are the ruins of the Cluniac Priory of S. Mil-
burgha, founded by Roger de Montgomery about 1080.

The southern side of west front is tolerably perfect, showing the
lateral shafl of the great west window. Bases of five shafts, door
jamb, and broken arches, point to a grand portal of six orders. A
large window of two lights, with a circle in the head, is on the tri-
forium level ; below it is a round-headed window. The nave con-
sisted of a tall arcade, with shafted octagonal pillars ; a triforium,
containing couplets with nook shafts, divided by a central group ;
and a clerestory of similar design, but smaller dimensions. Only
four pillars of the south arcade remain perfect. Attached to them
are low massive columns with enormous bases and broad pointed
arches below the original arcade, supporting a plain groined roof,
above which, on a level with the triforium, is an apartment lighted
by the window mentioned in the west front, and two similar ones
on the south side. This room communicated with the cloisters.
The south aisle for three bays beneath this room has quadripartite
vaulting.

360 CAMBRIAN ARCH^OLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

The whole sonth wing of transept remains. The front shows a
gable pierced with a lancet over a triplet. Three arches, the middle
one blind, occupy the triforiam, and below them are two pointed
arches. On the west and east sides, the triforiam consists of coup-
lets contracted in the southernmost bays. The clerestory has
single lights with a continuous label. Square-headed oblong loops
on the exterior also open into the wall passages. At the north-
west comer is a slit communicating with the Tresaunt. The east
side has an arcade of three pointed arches springing from clustered
shafts, which opened into so many chapels.

The presbytery retains the bases of three Norman pillars on the
south and two on the north side ; one bay distant from the eastern
chapels of south wing of transept are to be seen the foundations of
an octagonal building.

The chapter house, now roofless, is oblong. The entrance to it
was by a rich circular-headed doorway, on each side of which is
a window, all similarly ornamented with cheyron moulding. The
north and south walls are still tolerably perfect ; about three feet
from the floor, in each of these, is a chevroned string course,
from which rise two clusters of six small round shafts, which divide
the space into three bays, and have carved capitals. In each bay
are Ave small circular arches resting on columns consisting of three
shafts, above which, up to the groins of the roof, the space is
covered by two rows of intersecting arches, each springing from the
intersecting points of the arches beneath them, with diagonal ma-
sonry in the spandrils. In the south-east corner is a square-headed
recess or door, on the capstone of which is a mask between two
lizards, having heads at both ends.

The remains of the refectory, once vaulted in seven spans, consist
of the doorway from the cloister, a few fragments of vaulting shafts,
and two round-headed aumbries.

In the cloister garth, two years ago, were discovered the re-
mains of a circular P built of small stones, with two tablets
inserted. 1. The miraculous draught of fishes ; 2. Figures of SS.
Matthew and John. At a short distance to the south of the refec-
tory is a two-storeyed building, retaining some doors, square-
headed windows, and, in what is now an outside wall, two corbels
above a large pointed arch, enclosing two low-shouldered arches.

The Prior's residence is an interesting specimen of fifteenth cen-
tury domestic architecture, and appears to have occupied the eastern
side of a quadrangular Qourt, of which one side only remains per-
fect. It has a cloister extending the whole length, and communi-
cating with the rooms on either floor. This cloister is divided into
compartments by large buttresses at regular intervals, and these
again are subdivided into two compartments by smaller buttresses,
the space between being filled in by trefoiled couplets with tran-
soms ; the space below the transom is filled in solid. The arrange-
ment is the same for the lower story. A similar cloister appears to
have extended along the other sides of the court, but to have been

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT. 361

odIj of one storey. The commnnication from one cloister to the other
is by a narrow stone staircase at the north end. Here also, on the
ground floor, is a room in which is a recess, b'ghted by a triplet-
trefoiled window, containing an altar and a water-drain, divided
from the room by an arch of singular form. Upon the altar, at pre-
sent, there is a stone lectern. The Prior's Refectory is in the upper
story, and is lighted by four windows of two lights. To the south
of this room is another of the same dimensions, with a water-drain
and garderobe. The eastern side has long, narrow, acutely pointed,
triangalar-headed windows divided by a single muUion, and double
transomed.

At right angles to the Prior's Lodge, forming the north side of
court, is a large building, two stories high, with a Norman door and
a range of six round-headed lancets. The ground-floor of it, now
used as an entrance-hall, contains a stone effigy with Lombardic
letters, and several tiles with armorial bearings.

Quite recently the foundations of the large northern entrance to
the nave of Priory Church have been discoyered by the owner, Mr.
Milnes-Gaskell, who takes admirable care of the ruins.

The Cistercian Abbey of Buildwas, founded in 1135 by Boger de
Clinton, Bishop of Chester, was next visited. The church was cruci-
form, with a massive central tower. On each side of nave are seven
pillars, massive, round with the exception of the two eastern ones,
which are adapted to receive the choir-stalls. The capitals, of the
cushion type, are square with indented angles. The arches are
Pointed, with plain orders. In each wing of transept are two
chapels, entered under a Pointed arch ; they have groins with dia-
gonal ribs springing from corbels in the angles. Each chapel has a
plain Norman window. The south wing had, jutting from its eastern
angle, a stone staircase ; westward of this a flue doorway. In the
north wall of north wing, on the west side, is a door about 8 feet
above the pavement ; on the east side, the doorway of the passage
to the sacristy. The basement of the northern bay of the transept
is entered by steps from the cloister; the sacristy, between the
northern wing of transept and the chapter-house, entered from
under a segmental arch, is vaulted and groined in two bays. The
chapter-house, in which are preserved several sculptured tomb-
stones, is oblong, and has a groined roof. The whole range to the
north of the transept formed the substructure of the dormitory.
Along the upper line of the wall may be seen the remains of the
windows. Still further northward are the remains of a building
divided north and south into three bays, and east and west into two
bays, which formed the west side of a court, on the east of which
stands the Abbot's Lodg^. In a building now used as a coach-
house is an aumbry, under a semicircular stone covered with carved
work.

The members next proceeded to Acton Burnell. The Castle, a
building of the latter part of the thirteenth century, the mould-
ings of the windows being of the Decorated style, was built by

362 CAMBRIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

Sir Robert Bnmell, some time tutor to Edward I, and by him made
Bishop of Bath and Wells, where the remains of his fine hall are
to be seen. In shape it is a parallelogram, haying a small square
tower at each angle. In the west wall are some small square win-
dows, and on the north side are three large transomed windows.

Only the gables are left of the old Parliament House where the
" Statutum de Mercatoribus" was passed.

The chancel of the parish church has Decorated windows on the
north and south sides, a double piscina on the south, and the remains
of what may have been a squint on the north. The font is octa-
gonal, of the fourteenth century. In the north wing of transept
is a brass representing " Nicholas Bumell, Miles, Dominus de Hol-
got", who having married the heiress of the Bumells, and assumed
their name, died in 1385. Another tomb bears the effigies of Richard
Lee and his wife, whose daughter married Sir Edward Smythe,
temp. Charles II, and so conveyed the property to the family which
still owns it.

In the evening a meeting of members was held, at which the
officers of the Society were re-elected, and Llanrwst was chosen as
the place of Meeting for 1882.

FRIDAY, AUGUST 5th.

The members went by rail to Shrewsbury and thence to Haugh-
mond Abbey. Only a fragment of the south-west portion of the
church has been preserved, containing a round-headed doorway of
three orders, enriched with foliage and diamond ornament ; be-
tween the shafts are canopied figures. The west wall of cloister
crenellated is complete, and, in its south end, there is a lavatory
formed of two large arches of two orders. On the south of the
cloister are the remains of the refectory ; in its western wall is the
lower part of a Perpendicular window of five lights. A consider-
able portion of the chapter house survives. The doorway, flanked
by arches on either side, is of three orders, richly moulded and
adorned with flat four-leaved ornament. In the jambs of the
arches are fourteenth century additions. After the dissolution an
apse was added on its eastern side. The ribbed oak ceiling is
solid and massive. To the south of the refectory are the remains
of two large buildings at right angles to each other. In the one
running north and south, are a large bay window in two tiers,
several square-headed windows, and a fireplace. The other build-
ing was probably the hall ; in one of the comers is a newel stair-
case, and, on the north side, is a very large fireplace, and, on the
south side, are three transomed windows of two lights, trefoiled in
the head.

The members then drove to Wroxeter, where the remains of the
Roman station have been excavated to the extent of two acres,

CHURCH 8TRETTOK MEETING. — REPORT. 363

ori^nKUy in 1859, by the late Thomas Wright and Dr. Henry
Johnson, who pnblished the rcsalt of thoir labours in the Arehfeologia
Cambrentit of 1859, accompanied with many illnBtrations. At a
Bnbeeqnent period the work was continued by the Society of Shrop-
shire Antiquaries. The only part of the original city above ground
is called the " Old Wall", although, strictly speaking, it is not a
wall, but the remains of a building. The inner face shows the
springiogs of the barrel-roofs of the rooms adjoining it. South of
this wall are courts and hypocanats, in one of which were found
three human skeletons ; one that of a very old man, to judge
from the character of the skull, the other two are thought to be
those of females ; bet the remarkable circumstance was a heap of
small Roman coins which had evidently been contained in a small
wooden box, traces of which were fonnd with them. These per-
sons, at the time of the capture of the city, seem to have retreated
to the hypocanst, where they were either snfibcated or ont off
by the ffJling in of the ruins when the bonse was bnmt. The
coins were 132 in number, twelve of which were either illegible,
or mde copies of some of those fonnd. They ranged from Tetri-
cus to Valena, and were of the ordinary types, with the excep-
tion of a plated denarius of Julian. Other parts have been exca-
vated, and a large quantity of fibuln, pottery and glass, removed to
the Unseum at Shrewsbury.

Wrozeter Church is Norman, with later alterations, and oontains
several altar tomba with effigies. A floriated co£Ba-lid forms the
sill of the vestry door, and in the sonth wall is inserted a Saxoa
tombstone. At the chnrch gate are two Roman pillars, and in a
garden adjoining the churchyard are some Saxon remains from the
former church.

Atcham Chnrch was next visited. In the north wall has been
inserted a stone from tJriconinm, which is here represented on one

and a half inch scale. The letters are dear enongh, but not so the
menniiig. On the opposite aide of the chnrch, lying on the gronnd
under the wall, is pari of an early stone, which may be as old as

364 CAMBRIAN ABCH^OLOOICAL ASSOCIATION.

the ninth centniy. It might be thought desirable that it shonld find
a aeoDre resting place in the charch. The cats here given will be
recognised as the work of the Society's drafteman.

SbkU, ant i^fAk kod A lulf-

The Sbrewabary Museum, to which the aatiquities found at
Wrozeter have been removed, was the last place visited.

At the evening meeting, the President called upon Mr. B. W.
Banks to read his paper on " Herefordshire and its Borders in
Saxon Times", which will appearin a future number of the Society's
Joamal.

The Bev. £. L. Barnwell proposed, and Ur. H. W. Lloyd
seconded, a vote of thanks to the Local Committee, and especially
to Mr. B. A. Benson the Chairman, and Mr. B. Wilding the
Secretary.

It was proposed by the Rev. E. L. Barnwell, and seconded by
the R«v. Prebendary Daviea, that the thanks of the Society be
given to the Rev. W. A. Leighton for his kind aasistance to the
Society daring the present Meeting.

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING. — REPORT.

365

CAMBRIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION".

CHURCH STRETTON MEETING, 1881.

STATEMENT OF AOGOUlTrS.

Payments.
Printing .

Town Hall expenses
Postage .
Sundry expenses
Balance .

£ «.

d.

. 1 11

. 1 6

3

. 1 6

6

. 1 13

1

. 39 6

2

^45 2

Receipts. £ «. d.
Subscriptions, including

family & double tickets 44 3

Tickets sold at door . 19

^45 2

Examined and found correct.

C. C. Babinoton, Chairman of General Committee.

Ralph A. Benson, Chairman of local Committee.
8. B. Ebboll.

SUBSCRIBERS TO LOCAL FUND.

C. C. Babington, Esq., President

Ralph A. Benson, Esq., Lutwyche Hall, Much Wenlock

B. Jasper More, Esq., Linley Hall, Salop

Sir C. H. Rouse-Boughton, Bart., Downton HaU, Ludlow

J. E. Seyeme, Esq., M.P., Wallop Hall, Salop .

William Beacall, Esq., The Crescent, Shrewsbury

Rey. R. G. Benson, nope Bowdler, Church Stretton

Rev. Canon Butler, Wilderhope House, Shrewsbiiry

Rev. E. D. Carr, Woolstaton, Ijebotwood, Salop

Rev. y. R. Carter, Church Stretton

Rev. C. Noel-Hill, Church Stretton Rectory .

Rey. W. Elliott, Cardington Vicarage, Church Stretton

Rey. F. H. Hotham, Rusbury Rectory, Church Stretton

Rev. Holland Sandford, Eaton Rectory, Church Stretton

Rev. Canon Lloyd, Whitehall, Shrewsbury

Rev. H. W. Moss, The Schools, Shrewsbury

Rev. St. Leger Hope-Edwards, Netley, Salop .

Rev. J. G. Swainson, Wistanstow, Craven Arms

Arthur Sparrow, Esq., Preen Manor, Salop

John Price, Esq., Burway House, Church Stretton

J. R. McLintock, Esq., M.D., Church Stretton .

C. 0. Childe-Pemberton, Esq., Millichope, Church Stret-
ton ...■••

Richard Taylor, Esq., Shrewsbury

£
5
2

8. d.

2

1
1

1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

1

1
1

366 CAMBRIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.

£ 8. d.

George Stanton, Esq., Coton Hill, Shrewsbury .
J. J. Salwej, Esq., Ludlow
Richard Marston, Esq., Ludlow
R. Kyrke Penson, Esq., Dinham House, Ludlow
Miss Shaw, The Tan House, Church Stretton .
W. P. Plowden, Esq., Plowden Hall, N. Lydbury
Rev. C. M. Feilden, Welsh Frankton Rectory, Oswestry
J. E. Cranage, Esq., Ph. D., Wellington
Rev. 0. W. Mackey, Albeley Vicarage, Bridgnorth
Edwin Lloyd, Esq., Solicitor, Leominster
G. E. Robinson, Esq., Cardiff
Rev. Andrew Pope, Corfton Rectory, Craven Arms
J. C. A. Scott, Esq., The Manor House, Ratlinghope,
Salop ......

— Bedlington, Esq., Stretton House, Church Stretton
Miss Stridcland .....

Mr. Dyke, Oakwood Cottage, Church Stretton
R. S. Clough, Esq. ....

J. Colam Salter, Esq., Chandos Cottage, Cheltenham

Charles Forty, Esq., Ludlow

J. D. Gale, Esq. .....

Rev. H. W. Phillott ....

S. H. Kough, Esq., Church Stretton
W. Hyslop, Esq., Church Stretton

. 1 1

. 1 1

. 1 1

. 1 13

. 1 1

. 1

y 1 1

. 1 1

. 12

. 12

. 12

. 10

! 10

. 7

6

. 7

6

. 7

6

. 7

6

. 7

6

. 7

6

. 7

6

. 7

6

. 2

6

. 2

6

£44 3

%* Since the printing of the Report of the Church Stretton Meet-
ing, it has been discovered that the missing transcript of Peter
Boberts' Diary was left by the late Mr. Breese at the Society's
printer's office in London. The printing of this very interesting
record of family histories, especially in the counties of Flint and
Denbigh, will commence as soon as a sufficient number of subscribers
have given their names to the Rev. E. L. Barnwell, Melksham, or
to the Rev. Canon Thomas, Meifod. Price to subscribers, 68. 6d.

367

ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF CONTENTS.

VOL. XII. FOURTH SBBIE8.

Accounts, statemont of, 1880, 256
Anglesey, 43, 80
Ardudwy, huts of, 17

Bangor (Rhys Powell), Dean of,83
(William Glynne), Bishop

of, 83
Basingwerk Abbey, 212

Castle, 181

Bedford (Jasper), Dnke of, 156

Blochty Quern, 38

Brereton (Sir William), 253, 324,

328
Bridgewater Letters, 202
Buckeley (Yiscount), 324

Caer Oreini, 307

Caldy Island Stone, 165

Garbery (Richard yanghan),Earl
of, 220, 273

Cardiganshire, 182, 251

Carew Rectory, 238

Carreghova Castle, 16

Castles of England at the Con-
quest, 1

political value of, from

A.D. 1087 to A.D. 1154, 109, 177

Celtic words, comparison of, with
modem forms, 89, 257

Chester (Hugh d'Avranches),
Earl of, 15

Church Stretton, Annual Meet-
ing, 176; Report, 337

Cleobury Mortimer, stone imple-
ment, 246

Craig y Ddinas, 20

Craven (WiUiam Lord), 303

Denbigh Priory, 216
Denbighshire, 329

Glamorganshire, notes relating
to, 151

Glynne (William), Bishop of Ban-
gor, 83

Goodman (Godfrey), Bishop of
Gloucester, 388

Griffith (Edward) of Penrhyn,80

(John) of Conway, 81

Gwysaney Papers, 202

Herbert (Sir Edward), 250, 253
(Edward), Lord of Cher-
bury, 253, 326, 328
Hereford, the Earldom of, 331

early defences of, 174

Johnson's ** Customs of,

335

monumental inscriptions
in cathedral church, 88
Historical MSS.Commission,166,
250, 322

368

ALPHABETICAL INDEX OP CONTENTS.

Henry (Matthew), 88
Hodgeston, 240

Jeffi^js, Sir Gbiffith, 331

Kerrey Church, 336

Llandaff (Morgan), Bishop of,

253
Llandndno, Prehistoric cave at,

335
Llanbadarn, 80
Llanbedrog, 82

Lords President of Wales, 200
Lndlow, Lawrence, de, 299

Marches of Wales, 137, 186
Melyerley scholastic femle, 315
Middleton, Sir Thomas, 323,

325
Moelfe hnts, 21
Monkton old haU, 86, 160
Montgomery, Boger de, 15

Nash, Effigy, 245
Nangle Block house, 162

Oswestry Castle, 16
Owen Glyndwr, 331

Pembroke Castle, 182

Old honse at, 161

Penrhaith, title of, 153
Place names, 125
Popton qnem, 40

Powell, Bhys, Dean of Bangor, 83

Qaems, 30

Ehnddlan Castle, 181

Priory, 214

Rhyddgaer quern, 38
Rhys, Prince, 182

St. Asaph (John), Bishop of, 254
St. David's (Boger), Bishop of,

254
Scholastic femle, 315
Steynton inscribed stone, 21 7
Stokesay Castle, 289

stone instrument, 247

Stone instruments, 247
Strange, John, Lord, 250

Tomen-y-Mur, 175
Trevor, Sir Thomas, 323,
Tut-hiUs, 87

Upton Castle, 241

Yaughan, Richard, Earl of Car-

bery, 220, 273
Verdun, John de, 299

Wales, North, 324

" ■ wills relating to, 80

Lords President of, 200

Marches of, 137, 186

York (John), Archbishop of, 252
Yokes, various kinds of, 152