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ARCHAEOLOGIA:

MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS

RELATING TO

ANTIQUITY.

ARCHAEOLOGIA:

OR.

MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS

UELATING TO

ANTIQUITY,

PUBLISHED BY THK

SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON.

VOLUME XLVIII.

LONDON :

PRINTED BY NICHOLS AND SONS, 25, PARLIAMENT STREET.
SOLD AT THE SOCIETY'S APARTMENTS IN BURLINGTON HOUSE.

M.DCCC.LXXXIV.

'DA

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE

I. — Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. By ARTHUR JOHN EVANS,

Esq., F.S.A. 1—105

II. — On a Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen, near

Ely. By JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S. 106- 114

III. — On a Hoard of Bronze, Iron, and other Objects found in Belbury

Camp, Dorset. By EDWARD CUNNINGTON, Esq .- 115 — 120

IV. — Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax,
Knights, of Walton, and of Gilling Castle, Yorkshire, in the
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Communicated by EDWARD
PEACOCK. Esq., F.S.A. 121—156

V. — Some Account of the Courtenay Tomb in Colyton Church, Devon.
By WILLIAM HENRY HAMILTON ROGERS, Esq., F.S.A. With
Remarks by HENRY SALUSBURY MILMAN, Esq., M.A., Director 157 — 166
VI. — On a List of the Royal Navy in 1660. By CHARLES SPENCER

PERCEVAL, Esq., LL.D., Treasurer 167 — 184

VII. — The Church of Saint Augustine, Hedon, Yorkshire. By the late

GEORGE EDMUND STREET, Esq., R.A., F.S.A. 185—200

VIII. — Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house in the Six-
teenth and Seventeenth Centuries, in the possession of Captain
HERVEY GEORGE ST. JOHN-MILDMAY, R.N. Communicated by
the Reverend JAMES ARTHUR BENNETT, B.A., F.S.A. - 201 — 220
IX. — New Points in the History of Roman Britain, as illustrated by
Discoveries at Warwick Square, in the City of London. By
ALFRED TYLOR, Esq., F. G.S. .... 221—248

CORRECTION.
Page 10, line 19, for " III." read " IV."

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PLATE PAGE

Researches in Illyricum.

I. Map of parts of Roman Dalmatia - between 2 — 3

Roman Signifer - - - - on 7

Section of Aqueduct tunnelled through Rock, at Epitaurum on 10

Bath Chamber at Epitaurum - - - on 11

Inscription at Epitaurum - - . on 12

do. on Sarcophagus at Epitaurum on 13

do. at Epitaurum - . - on 14

Mithraic Relief, Tomina Jama, Canali - - on 21

Mithraic Gem, from. Epitaurum - on 23

Mithraic Gem, from Scardona - - on 23

Roman-Christian Gem, from Epitaurum - on 20

Roman- Christian Ring, from Epitaurum on 27

Roman Inscription from Sveti Ivan, Canali on 37

II. Sacrificial Knife from Narona, and Askos from Salonae - facing 44

Inscriptions from Risinium - - on 47

Roman-Christian Intaglio from Risinium - - on 49

Gold Enamelled Pendant, from Carina - - - on 50

Inscription found at Udbina - - on 55

do. do. from Lower Lapac - on 5(i

Roman Bas-relief of Mercury, from Vrtoca, Bosnia - on 61

Monument found at Knin, Dalmatia - - on 62

Ornamentation on. the Knin Monument - - on 63

Roman -Christian Sepulchral Slab, from Salonae on 67

Inscription from Ljubuski (Biceste) - - - on 74

Chrystallum from Salona? - . . on 7(5

;i;rj.. Turquoise Ring from Narona - - .•*;. - on 77

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PLATE PAGE

Researches in Illyricum — continued.

I [I. View of the City of Niksic - facing 86

Plan of Old City, Niksic on 87

Roman Monument at Gorazda - on 90

do. to the Andarvani, at Gorazda on 91

Roman Milestone on Mokro Polje on 96

Section of Roman Way across Mokro Polje and fragment

of its side Wall on 98

Map of Roman Remains near Trebinje River - on 99

Fibula, from Zubci on 100

IV. Map showing course of Roman Road inland from the

site of Epitaurum - facing 100

Milliary Column of Claudius, Lucin Do on 101

Column of Claudius (restored) • on 102
Wilburton Fen.

V. Bronze Objects - - facing 108

Other Objects - on 111-3
Belbury Camp.

VI. Plan - ... - on 116

Anchor - on 117

Bronze Objects, &c. - facing 119
Three Heraldic Shields on the Courtenay Tomb in Colyton

Church, Devon - - - - on 162
Church of St. Augustine, Hedon, Yorkshire.

Plan - . facing 187

North Elevation - . . facing 188
Plan of Column in South Transept — Elevation of said

Column . facing 190

Jamb Moulding of Windows in Nave Aisles - - on 194
Roman Discoveries in Warwick Square.

X. Section of Excavations - ... facing 222

XI. Plan of Excavations - - - . . facing 224

XII. Objects found - .; . . . facing 226

VII.

VIII.

IX.

ARCHAEOLOGIA:

OR,

MISCELLANEOUS TKACTS,

&c.

I. — Antiquarian Researches in Illyricmn. Communicated l>y ARTHUR Jonx

EVANS, ESQ., F.S.A.

Head Nov. 30 and Dec. 7, 1882.

L-EPITAURUM, CANALI, AND RISINIUM.

SYNOPSIS.
ANTIQUITIES OF EPITAUKUM.

PAGE

4. Tlie original site of EPITAURUM, Ragusa Yecchia, and not Prevlaka as suggested by Mommscn.
:>. Greek coins and gems found on the site of Epitaurnm.
8. Existing architectural remains: the Aqueduct.

11. Bath-chamber or Piscina at the head of the Aqueduct.

12. Monument to P. Corn. Dolabella.

13. Xevv Inscriptions, one mentioning ' JEdile ' and ' IIVIK Quinquennalis.'

16. Development of Civic Institutions at Epitaurum, as illustrated by monuments.

17. Gems relating to cult of ^Esculapius: this cult apparently extinguished here by St. Hilarion.
19. Discovery of Mithraic monuments near Epitaurum.

22. Observations on some Mithraic gems.

26. Engraved Christian gein, probably representing Vision of Constantino.

27. Roman Christian ring.

27. Observations as to the date of the destruction of Epitaurum.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE DISTRICT OF CANALI.

29. Derivation of the name by Constantine Porphyrogenitus explained.

31. Illyro-Roman survival in the local nomenclature and physical types.

36. Apparent site of Roman Municipiutn at Sveti Ivan and Djare.

37. Monument mentioning the ' HVIR IVRE DICVNDO.'

39. Traces of Roman road leading from Epitaurum to Risinium.
VOL. XLVIII. B

ANTIQUITIES or RHIZON OK RISINIUM.

PAGE

40. Remains of Acropolis at Risano.

41. The '^Eacian ' walls of the ancient city.

42. Jllyrian coins struck at Risinium.

44. Greek terra-cotta vase and askos from this site.

45. Notes on the Greek commercial connexion with the Jllyrian coast.

46. Roman inscriptions.

48. Traces of Aqueduct and Reservoir.

49. Christian intaglio.

49. The Risinian episcopate in the sixth century.

oO. Late Roman enamelled pendant displaying Persian influences.

Sites

have beeft
Doubtful MoTnarv Sit€&

and'^Niajne3
Rumaji' Jfoads
('•cnjectut^al, fiTur-se- oC

Romasi roods .

Q f if

SKETCH MAP

OF PARTS OF

Jntticatiruj the ti>urse of the Jf-oads ami
where Roman Kfmfunn have been*

Prepared, fy tfi»Author.

ANTIQUARIAN RESEARCHES IN ILLYRICUM.

I-EPITAURUM— CANALI-RISINIUM.

OWING to the neighbourhood of the civilized republic of Ragusa, which sprang
as it were from the ashes of the Grseco-Roman city, the antiquities of the Dal-
matian Epidaurus have been investigated from the early days of the Renascence.
The merchant antiquary, Cyriac of Ancona, who visited Ragusa during his voyage
'nto the Levant, undertaken in 1435, had already begun the work of copying the
remaining inscriptions, which was continued in the next century by the native
Ragusan antiquaries, who supplied Aldus Manutius and others with epigraphic
materials from the Epidaurian site. The work thus early begun was worthily
continued in the last century by the Ragusan patrician De Sorgo," more recently
by Dr. J. A. Kasnacic and others, and Professor Mommsen personally collated
many of the inscriptions for the great work of the Berlin Academy. b The aque-
duct and general antiquities of the site are treated at length by Appendini, but
in a somewhat fantastic and uncritical manner.0 A residence on the spot has now

*• Comment. Lud. Cervarii Tuberortis de origine et incremento Urbis Rhacusance. Ragusa, 1790.

b The hitherto known inscriptions from the site are collected in C. I. L. iii. p. 288 se</q. and Prof.
Mommsen (g. v. EPJDAURDM) gives a resume of the earlier sources for the epigraphy of the place.

c Notizie istorico-critiche sulle Antichitd, Storia e Letteratura di Hayusei. Ragusa, 1802, t. i. lib.
i. ii. The remains at Ragusa Vecchia have been touched on since Appendini's time by Stieglitz, Istricn

B 2

4f Antiquarian Researches ui lllyricum.

enabled mo to make some fresh contributions to the materials already collected,
and to correct perhaps some prevailing misconceptions.

The site of the ancient city, at present occupied by a small town called, by a
curious transference of names, Ragusa Vecchia, but still known to its Slavonic-
speaking inhabitants as Zavtat or Cavtat, from the earlier Romance form Civitafe,
is on a small peninsula jutting out from the opposite side of the bay to that on
which its offspring Ragusa stands. Although the Dalmatian Epidauros, or, to
accept the prevalent local orthography, Epitaurum/ does not appear in history
I ill the time of the Civil Wars, the name itself may be taken as a sufficient
indication that it was an Adriatic colonial station of one or other of its Pelo-
ponncsian namesakes ; and its peninsular site was just one of those which offered
special advantages to the early Greek settlers on a barbarian coast.

Mommsen, indeed, who visited this site in order to collate the monuments for
the Corpus Insert pfionum, has revived in a new form a theory, already propounded
by Mannert;' and others, that the site of Epitaurum is to be sought at Prevlaka,
at the entrance* of the Bocche di Cattaro, and not on the peninsula of Ragusa
Vecchia. It lias been pointed out by these; authorities that the Tabula Peutin-
yeriana makes Epitaurum 105 miles distant from Lissus and 103 c from Narona,
while Pliny'1 makes it equidistant — 100 miles from either— and it has been urged
that these measurements can only he reconciled with the position of Prevlaka.

As Mommsen however himself admits, the statement of the Itinerarium
Mnritinmm e that Epitaurum was 200 stadia from the isle of Melita (Meleda) can

'ind Dalmazien, p. 204 (Stuttgart und Tubingen, 1.S45), Wilkinson, Dalmatia i. 373 (London, 1848).
Kohl, lieise nacli Istrien. Dalmazien und Montenegio, ii. 33 seqq. (Dresden, 1856), Lago, Alemorit; sulla
Italmazia (Venezia, 1870), and others, but the notices are slight and add little to our knowledge.

" On a Prifilegium Veteranorum of Vespasian found at Salona there is mention of a P. Vibius
Maximus, — EPITAVR . EQ . R. In the Tabula Peutingeriana the name appears as Epitawo: in the Geo-
grapher of Ravenna as Epitawon (379, 14) and Epitanmm (208, 10). In St. Jerome ( Vita S. Hilarionis)
Epitaurum : in the sixth century Council-Acts of Salona, Epitaurensis Ecclesia. The town is alluded to
by Constantino Porphyrogenitus (De Adm. Imp. c. 29) as TU KCICTCIOV TO imXeyupivov Uiravpa; and its early
.Slavonic name was Starigrad Pitmir, still preserving the t in preference to d. The readings of Ptolemy
(2, 16, 5), Pliny (23, 143), and Antonine (It. Mar. 520), cannot weigh against this consensus of local
testimony; but we need not with Prof. Tomaschek (Die vorslau'ische Topographic. &c. p. 37) seek an
Uiyrian derivation for the name.

" 7, 350.

c Accepting the correction of the distance Naror.K — Ad Tin-res (see p. 79).

" Hist. Nat. iii. 22, 143.

c A MELITA EPiDAvnos STADIA cc. It. AntonM, 520.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. §

only be reconciled with the Ragusa-Vecchian site. He further observes that
any one who, like himself, has visited Ragusa Vecchia, who has seen the remains
of the amphitheatre cut out of the solid rock, the traces of the Roman harboiir,
the inscriptions which, though not presenting in a single case the name of the
city, are numerous and imposing, and the other abundant traces of Roman
habitation that are daily brought to light, can fail to recognise the fact that
a famous and important Roman city must have existed at this spot, epithets
which, among all the Roman stations on the coast between Lissus and Narona,
alone apply to the Colony of Epitaurum."

In order to reconcile these conflicting indications Mommsen has recourse to
the hypothesis that the original Epitaurum existed at Prevlaka, but that for some
reason unknown, and at a still flourishing period of the Roman Empire, it was
transferred to the Ragusa-Vecchian site ; so that there would be an Old and New
Epitaurum as well as an Old and New Ragusa.

This hypothesis, not very hopeful in itself, appears to me to be untenable for
several reasons. At Prevlaka a single inscription only has been discovered, refer-
ring to a decurion of the Sergian tribe, b the tribe to which the citizens of Risi-
nium and the Roman predecessor of Cattaro belonged, but not the tribe of the
Epidauritans, which was the Tromentine. Taken by itself, therefore, this inscrip-
tion supplies internal evidence that it belonged to one of the known Roman cities
of the Rhizome Gulf. A careful examination of the isthmus and peninsula of
Prevlaka lias convinced me that no ancient town has ever existed at that spot.'1
Not only are all architectural traces wanting, but the soil is absolutely deficient
in those minor relics, such as fragments of pottery and tiles, that always mark an
ancient site.

On the other hand, there have been discovered on the site of Ragusa Vecchia
indubitable relics of Hellenic intercourse, dating from prte-Roman times.

* C. I. L. iii. p. 287, s. v. EPIDAURUM. I do not know to what Prof. Mommsen refers as the remains
of the Amphitheatre.

" C. I. L. iii. 1738.

c Dr. Ljubie, Viestnik hrvatskoga archeologickoga Dntztva (Journal of the Croatian Archaeological
Society), iii. p. 52, and cf. ii. p. 102, completely corroborates my observations: " Na Prevlaki neostoje
ni traga rimskomu gradu, a rimski nadpis koji ondje stoji uzidan u crkvici bez dvojbe je iz Risna iii iz
Kotora donesen." (There is not a trace of a Roman town at Prevlaka, and the Roman inscription, which
is there walled into the church, has been doubtless transported from Risano or Cattaro.) Dr. Ljubie is
replying to G. Gelchich, who in his Memorie stifle Bocche di Cattaro (Zara, 1880), p. 7, asserts at random
that remains of the city exist at Prevlaka.

6 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Among the coins here brought to light, I have noticed several silver pieces of
Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, of the third century B.C., in one case an autonomous
coin of Scodra, dating probably from about the year 168 B.c.,a and I have, myself,
picked up a small brass coin of Boaotia. A few years since there was dug up here
a pale carnelian intaglio in the perfect Greek style, representing Apollo Agyieus,
guardian of roads and streets, leaning on a pillar and holding forth his bow.b
The old Greek connexion with this part of the Dalmatian coast is still traceable
in the local names, and one of the Ragusan islands has preserved in a corrupted
form the name of the Elaphites Nesoi."

Finally, I hope to be able to adduce some fresh evidence as to the course of
the land communication between Epitaurum and Narona which may serve to
reconcile completely the statements of Pliny and the author of the Tabula Peutin-
(jeriana with the position of Epitaurum as indicated by existing remains, and may
enable us to dispense once and for all with the ingenious hypothesis of Mommsen.
This evidence I am compelled to reserve for a future paper ; but it may be useful
to mention that I have discovered the traces of the Roman junction road from
Epitaurum, running inland, and not, as hitherto supposed, along the coast ; and
that an inscription on this road shows that, in Claudius's time at any rate, the
maritime terminus of this road was to be found on the llagusa-Vecchian site.

The existing architectural remains of Epitaurum are small. The rocky nature
of the soil has hindered the usual accumulation of humus, which so often pre-
serves for us at least the foundations of ancient buildings. On the other hand,
what remained of the Roman city has, no doubt, largely contributed to supply its
more renowned mediaeval offspring with building materials. Epitaurum, only
seven miles distant, across the bay, by sea, has become a convenient quarry for
Ragusa. Traces of the quay, however, and parts of the city walls, may yet be
seen, and the ancient steps, cut in the rock, show that several of the steep and
narrow streets of Ragusa Vecchia, the small town that now partially occupies the

11 Vide Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. vol. xx. pi. XIII. fig. 2.

b This gorn is now in the possession of Mr. W. J. Stillman. It greatly resembles that engraved by
King, Antique Gems and Rings, pi. XV. fig. 8, and probably preserves the outlines of a celebrated
statue.

c Lopud (It. Mezzo) in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Dalafota, i.e. Da Lafota or D'Alafota,
Cf. Dr. Constantin Jirecek, Die Handelstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien und Bosnien wahrend des
Hfittelalters, Prag, 1879, p. 9. Pliny (H.N. iii. 30, 151), mentions the seven Elaphites Insulae as lying
south of Melita (Meleda).

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 7

site, follow the Roman street-lines. On the height, now crowned by a chapel of
S. Rocco, are evident remains of the Roman cemetery, the ohlong cavities of sarco-
phagi being cut out of the solid rock ; and on the shore of the Bay of Tiha, along
which the Roman road leading to the peninsula gate of Epitaurum must have
run, are still to be seen Roman mortuary inscriptions cut in the face of a ledge of
rock. That considerable suburbs existed on this side is shown by the fact that
Roman remains arc abundant as far as Obod, where a fine tessellated pavement *
was discovered in the last century ; and in the bay itself walls believed to be
Roman are at times visible in the shallows. On the further side of the present
harbour of Ragusa Vecchia Roman remains are also distinctly traceable. In the
walls and courtyards of the present town are fragments of sculpture, and columns,
inscriptions, and monuments, amongst which is an interesting representation of a
Roman Signifer (fig. l).b

Fig. 1. ROMAN SIGNIFKR.

1 " I di cui vivacissimi colori con inaraviglioso artificio fra loro clisposti presentano all' occhio ana
serie luminosa di vaghissime listc," is Appendini'a high-flown description of this mosaic in 1802. Storia
di Raqusa, p. 5<).

b The engraving which I here reproduce is taken from my work on Bosnia, in which I have already
given a popular account of some of the Roman Antiquities of Ragusa Vecchia.

8 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

But the most important relic that remains of Roman Epitaurum is unques-
tionably the Aqueduct. The total length of this great work, the remains of which
extend to a mountain source called Vodovalja, on the further side of the plain of
Canali, is about fifteen miles. I have myself traced it throughout the greater
part of its course, and from a comparison of its different levels am persuaded that
the water was iu places conducted up eminences a siphon by means of large
reservoirs a, chasse and afuite, as has been shown to be the case Avith some of the
great aqueducts of Provence. The arches by which it spanned the level tracts
have unfortunately all perished, though some were existing in the immediate
neighbourhood of Epitaurum within the memory of man. The last pier of one
of these, formerly existing just outside the present gate of Ragusa Vecchia,
was removed not longer asro than 1875 to widen the road in honour of the

O O

Emperor Erancis Joseph's visit. The great length of this aqueduct curiously
illustrates the known daintiness of the Romans in regard to their water supply.
At a point several miles nearer Ragusa Vecchia the aqueduct spanned a mountain
source called Gljuta, far more copious than that to which it is ultimately con-
ducted. The water of the Gljuta, so far as my own experience goes, is not only
deliciously cool to bathe in but eminently drinkable. I found however that the
natives of the district through which the aqueduct runs, and to which it gives
its name Canali, the old Serbian Zupa Kouavalska, have a prejudice against
either drinking or bathing in the water of this stream. They declare that it
is slightly saline, and that after drinking it you are quickly seized with thirst
again, that bathing in it is liable to give you ague, and that it is not beneficial
to herbage. Hence they call it Gljuta, or the bitter water. This prejudice may
lie traditional, since, although the Canalesi are at the present day a Slav-speak-
ing people, the name Canali itself, and many of the village names" of the district
as well as some of the prevalent physical types attest a considerable survival of
Illyro-Roman blood.

" As for instance Molunta (cf. Illyrian-Messapian suffix -untitm, -ventum, &c.), Vitaljina from Vitalis,
Cilippi, not to speak of the mediaeval reminiscences of Epitaurum, as Starigrad Pitaur, and its modern
local name, Cavtat=Civitatelcf. Rouman : Cetate, Citat, Albanian : Giutet, &c. (cf. p. 32). Excavations
conducted by my friend Dr. Luschan and myself in mediaeval cemeteries about Mrcine and Sokko, not far
distant from the head of the Aqueduct, amply demonstrate the prevalence of non-Slavonic crania. For
the survival of Eoman local names in the territory of Ragusa, see Jirecek, op. cit. p. 8. Still more
curious are the fragments of the Roman provincial dialect of Dalruatia existing in the Slavonic dialect
of the Ragusans. Vide Prof. Luko Zore, Dubrovnik, iii. p. 195, NaS jezik tijekom nase knjizevnosti «
Dubrovniku. (Our language in the course of our literature in Ragusa.)

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricmn. 9

The remains of the piers that still exist are formed of a conglomerate of
rubble-masonry, mortar, and bricks, and not of deftly-hewn blocks as in the
aqueduct of Salona. The most interesting feature in the existing remains is the
conduit hewn out of the solid rock, which may be traced for miles in the more
hilly part of the country to be traversed, taking great curves in order to maintain
the level. In the last century, to judge from a manuscript letter of the secretary
of the Republic of Ragusa, Antonio Alleti, to his friend Mattei at Rome, it must
have been still more perfect. " I have been," he writes on December 14, 1724,
" with much satisfaction at Canali to see the Aqueduct through which the Romans
from a distance of thirty Italian miles [an exaggerated estimate] used to conduct
the water to Epidaurum, and in order the better to enjoy that venerable antiquity
at times I rode on horseback in the very channel in which at one time the water

ran." a

It is noteworthy that in Canali the breadth of the channel of the Aqueduct is
nearly three times as great as at Ragusa Vecchia. More water was needed in
this part of its course to be employed in irrigating the fields. The district of
Canali is still the best artificially-watered tract in the whole of Dalmatia, and
the inhabitants seem to have preserved the art of irrigation from ancient days.

The Aqueduct on abutting on the peninsular hill on which Epitaurum stood
ran along the northern wall of the Roman city, which follows for awhile the
northern steep of the peninsula, the city itself lying below on the southern flank
of the hill, where the town of R.agusa Vecchia is at present situate. From the
north-western angle of the old city wall it descends slightly, in part of its course
by a subterranean channel tunnelled out of the rock, to a semicircular Chamber
overlooking the ancient quay, and which appears to have formed part of the
public baths.

Just above this spot I excavated a very perfect portion of the ancient channel.
The channel itself had been hewn, here as elsewhere, in the more rugged part of
its course out of the limestone rock, but the vault above had been constructed of
masonry and concrete. From the pitch of the vaulting to the floor the height

a " Sono stato con sommo contento in Canali per vedere gli avanzi dell' Acquedotto per cui i Romani
dalla lontananza di trenta miglie avevano condotto 1'acqua in Epidauro, e per maggior godere di quella
veneranda antichitu alia volta con cavallo mi cacciai in quel letto medesimo su cui un tempo scorreva
1'acqua." The correspondence of Alleti is in the possession of Don Paulovich of Ragusa, by whose
kindness I am enabled to reproduce the parts bearing on the antiquities of Epitaurum. Cervarius Tubero,
Commentaria suorum temporum, remarks, " Quod autem Canalensis ager territorii Epidaurii fuerit, argu-
mentum est opus mirabilis structure effectum, qua a vigesimo prope milliario aqua in urbem perducta est,
partim subterraneo rivo, partim opere arquato."

VOL. XLVIII. C

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

was exactly five feet, the object being apparently to enable workmen to walk
along it when repairs were necessary. The rock walls sloped inwards from the
spring of the arch so as to present a somewhat coffin-like section, due, no doubt,
as in the case of a coffin, to the desire to give space for the upper and broader
part of a man's body. The base was trilateral (fig. 2).

Fiji

SECTION OF AQUEDUCT TUNNELLED THKOUOH HOCK.
KPITAURUM .

The most remarkable feature, however, is the vaulting above the rock channel.
The concrete with which its surface is coated presents a curious cogged or
serrated section, due to the impression of the planks of the wooden framework or
centering on the soft material, as is proved by the grain of the wood being itself
in places reproduced. From this it appears that the centering employed by the

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum.

Epitaurian architect was different from those generally in use at the present day.
That it consisted of overlapping planks supported below on a semicircular frame-
work is evident, hut it is difficult to understand what the special advantages
of this form of centering may have heen. The fact, however, that no inter-
stices are left between the planks, shows that the concrete used was of a very
soft nature.

Approx. Breadth of hath floor.

Exterior Breadth C....Gm7S/t.

(Fie.3.)

TJi£ Aqueduct Channel it 3\ feet above the cement

floor of 1'ath..
Breadth of outer n'all D.F. = 13 feet.

Bath Chamber at Epitaurum.
(Ragusa Veoohia.)

The semicircular basin into which the channel of the aqueduct runs was ex-
cavated by me in 1878 (fig. 3). The water entered the Chamber by a semicircular
niche containing two steps 8 inches high. This again opens into what was
evidently a semicircular Piscina, about 46 feet in diameter, floored with cement,
and surrounded with a ledge on which the bathers could stand. The depth of
the Piscina is 3 feet 6 inches, about half a foot deeper than a similar bath at
Pompeii. Not only the niche and surrounding walls and ledge, but the concrete
floor of the bath itself, had been covered with plaques of marble, all of which —
with the exception of fragments — had been removed by the inhabitants. The
channel of the Aqueduct is continued along the middle of the western wall of the
building, and thence along another wall which follows the line of the straight

c 2

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

side of the Piscina. Unfortunately, however, the ruin of the rest of the bath
buildings has been too complete to admit of reconstruction.

The hitherto known inscriptions discovered on this site are collected in the
Corpus Inscriptionum, and many of those still existing on the spot have been
personally examined by Professor Mommsen. The most important of these, con-
taining an honorary dedication by the cities of Upper Illyricum to P. Corn.
Dolabella, who, as Pro-praetor under Tiberius, directed the execution of at least
five great lines of roadway from Salona into the Dalmatian interior, now, un-
fortunately, exists only in a fragmentary condition." According to the accounts
of the llagusan antiquaries, this inscription was originally discovered, together
with a head and other fragments of a statue, at Obod, in 1547, in the remains of
a small quadrangular building that lies about a mile distant on the line of
the Roman roadway that leads to Epitaurum from the north. The building
itself has the appearance of a low tower, about 18 feet square, and, according
to the testimony of a local antiquary, originally showed traces of a cupola.

Fig. 4. EPITAURUM.

It has certainly been built up of the remains of an earlier building, as frag-

a C. I. L. iii. 1741. In its perfect state the inscription ran : p. CORNELIO || DOLABELLAE cos ||

VlI.VIHO.EPVLONl || 80DALI TITIENSI || LEO . PKO . PR . DIVI . AVGVSTI || ET .11 . CAESARIS . AVOVSTI || C1V1TATES

SVPERIORIS || 1'ROviNciAE HiLLYRici. This Dolabella is referred to by Vellejus Paterculus, who, after
mentioning the good government of his Illyrian province by Junius Blassus in A.D. 14, continues: " Cnjus
curam ac fidem Dolabella quoque, vir simplicitatis generosissimas, in maritima parte Illyrici per omniii
imitatus est."

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

ments of moulding and a portion of a triangular arch had been built into the
walls.

To the inscriptions discovered at Eagusa Vecchia I am able to add the
following. The right hand portion of fig. 4 I found in 1875, embedded in
a recently constructed wall in the upper part of the town. I afterwards
learnt that the inscription had originally been discovered in a more perfect
state, and succeeded in obtaining from an inhabitant of Eagusa Vecchia a
native copy of the inscription in its entirety, from which I here supplement
my own.

On the lower part of a sarcophagus carved out of the solid rock, in the Eoman
cemetery already mentioned as existing on the summit of the Epitaurian penin-
sula, I was able to decipher the following fragment of an inscription (fig. 5) :

Fig. 5. INSCRIPTION ON SARCOPHAGUS HEWN OUT OF THE ROCK.
KPITAURUM.

Hearing that a " written stone " had been found some time since, embedded
in the Eoman Aqueduct, at a point near the north-east corner of the ancient city,
but had subsequently been removed for building purposes, along with other frag-
ments from the same source, and buried in the foundation of a wall, I prevailed
on the owner of the wall to permit its re-excavation. It proved to contain the
following not uninteresting inscription. (See fig. 6.)

The portion of the inscription that has been preserved may be completed :

II .F. TRQT&(entina sc. tribu)

AEDILI II FIRO IVRE J9/CVNDO

Antiquarian Researches In lUyrlciim.

We are thus presented with the first epigraphic record of the highest muni-
cipal dignity at Epitaurum — that of the Duumviri Quinquennales — elected every

Q VENN At,

Fig. (i. EPITAUUUM.

lustrum, or five years, to discharge in their Municipium duties analogous to those
performed by the Censors at Borne, whose title, indeed, they on occasion assumed."
One of their most important functions was to revise, in accordance with the fun-
damental law of the city, the list of the Decuriones, or local Senators, and to enter
it in the album, or Libra cV Oro, of their civic Republic. The Patrician Roll of
Epitaurum, perpetuated and renewed by its offspring Ragusa, was closed by
Napoleon within the memory of man.

The mention of the local yEdile is also new on Epitaurian monuments. The
Aqueduct in the ruins of which the inscription was found would have been under
his special charge ; and we are tempted to believe that the magistrate whose name
it records, and who added to his duties of municipal Consul and Censor that of
guardian of the public works,b had connected his name in some honourable
manner with this important fabric.

a Cf. Marquardt, Handbuch der romischen Altcrthinner, pt. iii. sec. i. p. 360. Their financial
functions seem to have been later on transferred to the Curatores.

b At Dyrrhachium (Durazzo), ^Enona (Nona), and Apsorus (Ossero) on this coast, the titles of
AEDILIS and IIVIR QVINQVENNALIS are coupled on inscriptions. (Cf. C. I. L. iii. 611, 2977, 3138.)
AEDILIS IIVIR is common: but on the other hand there were ^Ediles who were not Duumvirs, and Duumvirs

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 15

Considering the peninsular position of the town, the character of the soil, and
the climate, which rendered it liahle to droughts, the water supply of the city,
notwithstanding the existence of an aqueduct, must have been a special care of
the civic officers ; and we find accordingly another Epitaurian monument
recording the restoration by the Duumviri Jure Dicundo, at the public expense, of
a large cistern or reservoir." The present city of Ragusa, though provided with
an aqueduct constructed by a Neapolitan architect in the fifteenth century, stands
greatly in need, during a dry season, of such a reservoir as was provided for her
Roman predecessor by the wisdom of the Epitaurian magistrates. The Duumvirs,
or local Consuls, are referred to on two other monuments. Erom an unpublished
letter of the then Secretary of the Republic, Antonio Alleti,b the brother-in-law of
the great Ragusan antiquary, Banduri, it appears that part of the bust of the
Duumvir M. Pomentinus Turbo was, in 1724, still attached to the monument
recording his name. In three instances decrees of the Decuriones are preserved,
in whicli these municipal senators pay, in the name of their city, the last honours
to citizens that had served it. In two instances they vote a public statue : in one
case the mother and grandmother of the deceased treating the Decurions, the
Sacral College of the Augustals, and their officers or Sexviri, to a banquet, and
the citizens at large to a show of prizefighters.0 The third inscription, relating to

who were not ^Ediles. At Narona we read of AEDILIS IIHVIH: at Salonae of a Curule Jidile. (C. I. L.
iii. 2077.)

a 1> . VIBIVS . P . F . VRBICVS || P . ANVLENVS . BASSVS || II . VIH . I . 1> || CISTERNAM . EX

fecunia . vublica . REFICIEN||DAM . CVRAVERVNT. (C. 1. L. iii. 1750.)

b Antonio Alleti, Segretario della Eepubblica di Kagusa, al Reva° Don Georgio Mattei, a Roma,
Dec. 14, 1724: " Mi sono impossessato di un mezzo busto di marmo ed e la figura di M. FOMENTING figlio
di M. FOMENTING TVRBONE nviEO i. D." The iiiscriptiou has been published by Aldus Manutius and others
and is given by Mommsen, who had himself personally collated it, in C. I. L. iii. 1748; but the hitherto
unpublished passage in Alleti's correspondence is, I believe, the only reference to the bust which formerly
accompanied it. The inscription itself at present exists in the Casa Gozze at Ombla. Alleti adds, " Anche
allo scoglio di Mercanna ho trovato frammenti di vari iscrizioni senza pero che abbia potuto cavare altro
che un barlume indistinto." (Mercanna is a rocky isle opposite the peninsula on which Epitaurum stood;
personally 1 have been unable to find Roman remains there.) In a letter written from Ragusa in April
1714 he describes an urn found near Kagusa Vecchia with TIPANSIANAS stamped on the lid. The stamp of
the FiglincB Pansiance is common on Dalmatian sites. (Cf. C. I. L. iii. 3213.)

c P . AELIO . P . F || THO || OSILLIANO || NOVIA . BA8SILLA || MATER . ET . NOVIA . IVS jj TILLA . AVIA . POSVE-
RVNT || ET . SPOKTVLIS . DECVRIO || AVGVSTALIBV8 ET 8EXVl||RI8 DATIS ITEM PVGILVM || SPECTACVLO

DEDICAVE||RVNT HVIC VNIVERSVS || ORDO DECVRIONATVS || HONOREM ET LOCVM || STATVAE DECREVIT. (C. I. L.
iii. 1745.) Discovered in 1856 in the ruins of an ancient building on the shore.

16 Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum.

a decree of the Decurions, has been only imperfectly given in the Corpus Inscrip-
tionitm* and I therefore reproduce it —

L. P INVITILLA

MLIO PlISSIMO

VFLDDDN.

Nothing, indeed, is more instructive on this site than the large proportion of
inscriptions illustrating the municipal life of Epitaurum. Out of twenty-three
extant inscriptions no less than ten, or nearly half the total number, refer to the
civic government or record the public benefaction of some citizen to the town.
Of tituli militares there are only two. This overwhelming preponderance of
civil and civic records becomes all the more noticeable when we compare the case
of Epitaurum with that of the neighbouring coast towns on either side. At
Risinium, indeed, out of twenty inscriptions only two have any reference to the
common weal. Even at Narona, where there are some splendid records of
private munificence to the city, the proportion of municipal records is far
smaller than at Epitaurum. At that city the nucleus and germs of the later
municipality are to be found in an informal commercial colony of Roman citizens
in an Illyrian emporium who formed a vicus governed by two Magistri and two
Quaestors. b On the deduction hither of a formal colony about the time of
Augustus we find the city governed by IIIIVIRI, but the civic life of the place
seems rather to have centered in the sacral guild of the Augustales, whose Sex-
viri are mentioned in no less than eighteen inscriptions found in that site ; and
the liberality of the citizens is chiefly displayed in vows of temples and altars to
the Gods. The government of a vicus was based on sacral rather than purely
political relations, and this characteristic seems to have clung to the city even in
its later colonial days. At Epitaurum, on the other hand, which was not in its
origin a native market, a mere Illyrian tribal aggregation, later moulded into
shape by a guild of Roman merchants, but, as its very name proclaims, a Greek
colonial city, the case would have been very different from that of Narona. At
Epitaurum we may believe that the local Senate, or Ordo Decurionatus, and the
Plebs of the Roman Municipium, were in some degree, at all events, nothing
more than a recasting in a Roman guise of the Boule and Demos of the original

a C. I. L iii. 1746, on the authority of Dr. Eitelberger (Jakrliich der Central Commission, &c. v. 288),
who makes the third line simply L D D D. The letters, however, as given in my copy, are perfectly clear.
b C. I. L. iii. 1820, and cf. Mommsen, op. cit. p. 291, s. v. NARONA.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 17

Dorian colony, still known by their old names in the Greek-speaking half of
the Empire on the borders of which this city never ceased to stand. In the
Parian colony of Pharia, in the isle of Lesina, which lies a little further up
the Adriatic coast, inscriptions a have been discovered referring to the Boule and
Demos of the Greek city, to the D£march and Prytanes. We find a self-
governing community, waging war with the Illyrian mainlanders,b striking coins
in its own name, receiving legates from another city, and sending a deputation
to consult the Delphic oracle. Issa, a Syracusan insular colony on the same
Dalmatian shore, presents us with similar monuments,0 and her Roman Muni-
cipium3 was only a perpetuation of the earlier and more complete autonomy of
her Hellenic days. The discovery of Greek coins and gems on the site of
Epitaurum to which I have already referred gives us something more than
etymological evidence that the Roman city sprang out of an earlier Greek
foundation ; and though, in the absence of epigraphic records, we are at present
debarred from knowing the exact form of its autonomous institutions, we may
with confidence infer their general character. To these Hellenic antecedents,
to the abiding Hellenic contact of the Roman city, I would refer the specially
high development of the civic sense noticeable on the existing monuments of
Epitaurum.

Among the gems of Roman date discovered at this site I have noticed another
interesting indication of the Hellenic traditions of Epitaurum. Three of those in
my possession contain representations of JBsculapius, in two cases associated with
Hygieia. This may be taken as fair evidence that the special cult of the Saronic
Epidauros was perpetuated in its Illyrian namesake. Dedicatory inscriptions to
the God are unfortunately wanting, but the fact that the cult of J^sculapius
flourished in the neighbouring city of Narona, and that his name appears there
twice under the quasi-Greek form of ^Esclapius, is not without significance, as
showing the extent to which the cult of the Epidaurian patron had taken root in
Roman times on this part of the Dalmatian coast. The serpent form under which
the God of healing was worshipped in his inmost shrine may still indeed be said to
haunt -the ruined site of the Starigrad Pitaur. St. Jerome, writing in the fifth

a C. 1. G. ii. add. 1837, b, c, d, e. All these Pharian inscriptions are now in the museum at Agram.
Vide S. Ljubi<5, 1 nscriptiones quce Zagabrice in museo nationali asservantur. Zagabrise, 1876, p. 71 seqq.

b C. I. G. ii. add. 1837, c. The mainlanders with whom the Pharians seem to have been at war
were the Jadasini, the inhabitants, that is, of the later Jadera (Zara) and their Liburnian allies.

c C. I. G. ii. 1834.

'' In C. I. L. iii. 2074, are mentioned two decuriones of the Roman Mnnicipinm of Issa.
VOL. XLVIII. D

18 Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum.

century," mentions that the inhabitants of the Dalmatian town of Epitaurum,
who we may inferentially assume to have been then Christian, had handed
down a most marvellous tale of how St. Hilarion had freed their city from a
portentous serpent or " Boa," b that was devouring both men and cattle, and in this
early legend ° we may be allowed to see reflected the final triumph of Christianity
over the local cult. The horrible aspect of this Epitaurian serpent will surprise no
one who understands the peculiar animosity displayed by the early missionaries
against the God of healing, who as the pagan master- worker of miracles did most
to rival their own. At a centre of JEsculapian worship, more than elsewhere, the
counteracting tradition of mighty Christian miracles was necessary, and Hilarion,
we are told, not only compelled the portent to mount his auto da fe, but during a
great earthquake, probably the historical earthquake of Julian's time,d rolled back
the waves that were threatening to engulph the city. The cult of the new
and Christian miracle-worker of Epitaurum still survives on the spot,c and an
unfathomed cavern/ whose precipitous recesses descend into a watery abyss, is
pointed out by local tradition as the former habitat of the portentous Boa. At
the present day the peasants tell you that it is the haunt of the Serbian nymphs
or Vilas, and that at times a terrible " Neman," or portent, somewhat akin to the
Irish Phooka, plunges into its depths. Lying as it does, near the upper or
northern wall of the Roman city, it is reasonable to suppose this mysterious
abyss to have supplied a local habitation for mythic beings in ancient as well as

n S. Hieronymi Opera, lib. iii. cp. 2, Vita Sancti Hilarionis.

b "Draco mira; magnitudinis quas gentili sermone Boas vocant." The word boa = huge serpent,
was known to Pliny (8, 8, 14). It is remarkable that a large species of snake still found in this district
is known to the present Slav-speaking inhabitants as kravosciac, i. e. cow-sucker, as it is supposed to
suck the milk of cows. As Coleti, however, judiciously remarks, it is hardly big enough to swallow a
dove.

c The words of St. Jerome, who must have had opportunities of taking down the tale from the lips of
the Epitauritans themselves, are worth notice : " Hoc Epidaurus et omnis ilia regio usque hodie prsedicat
matresque decent liberos suos ad memoriam in posteros transmittendam."

d This earthquake is placed by the Chronicle of Idatius in the year 385.

e In the sonorous words of Appendini (Storia di Ragusa, vol. i. p. 68): " II culto verso questo Santo
non e punto scemato appresso i Ragusei : anzi una parrochia di cui egli e il Titolare : il concorso nel di
della sua festa ad una piccola capella vicina a Ragusa Vecchia (e cio per voto), e tre altre piccole chiese
innalzate nel sobborgo di Ragusa in sua memoria perpetueranno in tutti secoli avvenire la tenera pieta e
gratitudine dei Ragusei verso un si gran Santo e Protettore."

1 The existing popular tradition given by Appendini and others, that this and another cave on Mt.
Sniesnitza (about five hours distant from Ragusa Vecchia) were sacred to JSsculapius or Cadmus, is of
course of later engrafting, and is akin to the appearance of Dolabella in Ragusa- Vecchian folk-lore.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 19

modern times. It is known to the inhabitants by the name Scipun or &ipun, a
word of no Slavonic origin.

It is certain that another ancient cult connected with rocks and caverns, and
therefore singularly adapted to the limestone ranges of Dalmatia, that of Mithra,
"the rock-born," a nourished at Epitaurum during the Roman Empire. In my
work on Bosnia I have already described the discovery of a rock containing a
rude bas-relief of Mithra, which stands on the Colle S. Giorgio, that overlooks
the site of Epitaurum on the land side. The relief, which is unfortunately much
weather-worn, represents Mithra in the usual attitude, sacrificing the mystic bull
between two ministers, one with a raised, the other with a lowered, torch, and
both with their legs crossed. The representation does not, as is so usually the
case, stand in connexion with a natural cave. The Mithraic spelceum was
necessary to the worshippers as the mystic image of this sublunary world, to
which the spirit of man descended, and from which when duly purged by ritual
it was to ascend once more, according to their creed, to its celestial abode.13 We
are therefore left to suppose that, in this as in some other instances, the " cave "
itself was artificially constructed against the natural rock on which the icon itself
is carved. The rock itself faces east, according to the universal Mithraic practice,
and within the area which would have been included in the artificial speleettin,
now wholly destroyed, are two square blocks hewn out of the solid rock, and with
a small gutter round them, which were evidently altars. In the artificial
spelceum found at Kroisbach, in Hungary,0 two votive altars were found. In
the Mithraic temple at Ostia, attached to the baths of Antoninus Pius,'1 there was
one large square altar before the chief icon at the east end, and seven smaller
ones near what may be described as a side chapel. Representations of these

B Tbv TrerjooyfVij, the epithet applied to Mithra by Johannes Lydus. So St. Jerome (Adv. Jovinianum,
247), " Narrant et gentilium fabulse Mithram et Ericthonium de lapide vel in terra de solo libidinis asstu
esse generates;" and Commodianus (Liber Instructiomtm), " Invictus de petranatus ...... deus." At

Carnuntum, in Pannonia, an, inscription was found — PETRAE GENETRICI. It has been supposed that the
idea took its origin from the fact that fire was produced by means of flint ; but this method of ignition
was apparently, at least among Aryan peoples, a late usage. The real origin of the connexion of Mithra
with rocks and mountains should be sought in cloudland.

b Cf. Porphyrius, de Antro Nympliarum, c. vi. &c.

c Das Mithrseum von Kroisbach. Dr. F. Kenner (in Mittheilungen der k, k. Central Commission,
1867, p. 119 seqq.)

d Del Mitreo annesso alle terme Ostiensi di Antonino Pio. C. Visconti (Annali di Corr. Arch.
1864, p. 147 seqq.)

20 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

smaller altars occur on other Mithraic monuments ; they represent the sevenfold
nature of fire in the Magian religion.

Although in the present instance there was no trace of a cave, artificial or
otherwise, I observed a natural fissure in the rock, below the Mithraic slab, and on
clearing it as far as was feasible from the black earth which choked it up, found
three small brass coins, one of Aurelian, one of Constantius Chlorus, and the
third of Constantius II. Prom this it may be inferred that Mithraic worship
went on at this spot during the third and the first half of the fourth century.
Mithraic worship survived, in fact, to a considerably later date in Western
Illyricum.

Near the village of Mocici, in the district of Canali, and about an hour
distant from the site of Epitaurum, I found a more perfect Mithraic relief carved
over the mouth of a limestone grotto known as " Tomina Jama," or " Tom's Hole "
(fig. 7). The lower part of the grotto forms a natural basin containing a perennial
supply of fresh water, which had been vaulted over to serve as a cistern for the
villagers. Situated on a rugged range of hills, still to a great extent covered with
a woodland growth of sea pines, cypresses, and myrtles, and its rocky brows
overhung when I saw it with the azure festoons of ivy-leaved campanulas, the
cavern seemed singularly appropriate for its religious purpose. In selecting such
a natural temple the local votaries of Mithra were faithfully following the
example of Zoroaster, who, we are told," when founding the worship in its later,
established form, sought out a natural cave in the neighbouring Persian moun-
tains, overgrown with flowers, and containing a fount within, which as the
microcosm of the created world he consecrated to Mithra, the Demiurge or Pather
of all.

The relief itself gives the conventional representation of Mithra sacrificing
the generative Bull of Persian cosmogony, by which, according to this belief, he
was to give a new and spiritual life to all created beings, and the typical sacrifice
of which at the hands of his votaries brought them Regeneration unto Eternal
Life." Prom below, as is usual on these Mithraic groups, the scorpion, snake,

a " Ilpwra fiiv, we epij Ej/3otr\of, Ztapodarpov aiiroijivif OTTT)\mov iv roif irXijffiov upeai rij{ Uepailof avOijpov icai
TTijyde e\ov avtipiitoavroe (tg -i/irjv TOV irdvriav jroojrou (cai Trarpof Mi'dpov tiKova. 0epovraf aiirif TOV oir>)\aiov rai

Koopov o 6 Mt0paf Wij^toupyijffe." Porphyrius, De Antro Nympharum, c. vi.

b In the Mithraic mysteries the initiated died fictitiously in order to be born again by the symbolic
sacrifice of a bull. TAVROBOLIO IN AETERNVM RENATVS' occurs on a monument of a Mithraic votary in
C. I. L. vi. 510. Darraesteter (Ormuzd et Ahriman, p. 329} observes that Mithra has usurped the part

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

and dog, animals supposed to be specially connected with generative power, dart
forward to quaff the life-blood of the victim, while on either side stand the two

Fig. 7. MITHRAIC RELIEF. TOMINA JAMA, CAKALI.

ministering Genii, one with a raised, the other with a lowered, torch, symbolical in
ancient art of Day and Night, Grief and Joy, Life and Death ; but in the present
connexion bearing a direct and undoubted reference to the descent of the soul to
earth and its subsequent re-ascent to the heavenly spheres" through the purifying
grace of Mithra. In the two spandrils of the arch above these figures are seen
the crescent moon, from which the human spirit was believed to descend, and the
rayed sun, the gate of its return. Three of the seven mystic rays of the orb of
light are seen to be prolonged in the present representation, as if to illuminate in
a special way the bird which leans forward over the sacrificing divinity. This is

performed by Qaoshyant in the Mazdean religion, who according to the Bundehesh (75, 6) will give men
an immortal body from the marrow of the immolated bull Hadhayaos.

a The soul was thought to descend from the moon through the "gate" of Cancer, and to ascend again
through the " gate " of Capricorn to the sun. Plato had learned this Magian doctrine (cf. Porphyrius,
op. cit. c. xxx.) On their return to their celestial abode the spirits of men were thought to pass through
the seven planets (answering to the seven Mithraic grades on earth), by which they were purified arid ren-
dered worthy to enter the fixed heaven, the dwelling-place of Ormuzd.

22 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

the Eorosh, the Celestial raven described as " speaking the language of heaven,"
and the symbol of Mithra as interpreter of the divine will. The projecting rays
on the present monument may seem to have a special significance when it is
remembered that one of the distinguishing epithets of the Mithraic raven in the
Zendavesta is " irradiate with light."" Pray to him, we are told in another pas-
sage, and " he will shed much light, both before him and behind him."

The celestial raven, Hierocorax, among the Mithra worshippers of the Roman
Empire, gave its name to an inferior grade of devotees, and to the rites connected
with their initiation called Coracica. The grotto itself, and the rugged ranges
that surround it, was admirably adapted for these Mithraic hermits and fakirs to
be the scene of the successive trials through which they hoped to mortify the flesh
and fit themselves for "the better life."b In some remarkable monuments0
discovered in Transylvania and Tyrol, many of the self-inflicted tortures, — the
scorching by fire, the bed of unrest, the flagellations and fasts, — are still to be seen
depicted as they once were undergone by the predecessors of Simeon Stylites in
these Illyrian wilds that were soon to rival Lerins and lona as the retreat of
Christian ascetics. The basin within the grotto supplied in this instance a
natural font for the Mithraic rite, alluded to by Tertullian," of baptism for the
remission of sins.

lYom the site of Epitaurum itself I have obtained an engraved stone, such as,
apparently, was given to those who, after the due period of fasting and mortifica-
tion of the flesh, were admitted to share the Mithraic Eucharist.0 It is a white

a In Lajarde's translation of the passages in the Zendavesta referring to the Eorosh : " Eclatante de
lumiere " (liecherches sur le culte de Mithra, p. 355.) The elongation of the sun's rays is observable on
another Mithraic monument, found at Rome in the Via di Borgo S. Agata (Annali di Corr. Arch. 1864,
p. 177). In this case a ray is made to shoot through a sacred cypress towards Mithra.

b Slav rbv KpinTova — the words used by Himerius the Sophist (Oral. vii. 9) in describing the state of
the initiated.

c See Hammer (Les Mithriaques, PI. V. VI. VII.), and cf. Greg. Nazianz, Orat. 3, who describes
several of the tortures.

d De Prcescriptionibus adv. hcereticos, c. xl. " (Diabolus) ipsas res sacramentorum divinorum idolorum
mysteriis semulatur. Tingit et ipse quosdam utique credentes et fideles suos. Expiationem delictorum de
lavacro reproinittit."

« Cf. Augustine (in Johannis Evangelium, Tract, vii.) : " Et magnum est hoc spectare per totum
orbem terrarum victum Leonem sanguine Agni . . . ergo nescio quid simile imitatus est quidam Spiritus
ut sanguine simulacrum suum emi vellet quia noverat pretioso sanguine quandocumque redimendum esse
genus humanum." The Spiritus quidam is Mithra, as appears from the succeeding paragraph, in which
the Christian Father alludes to the honey mixed with the sacramental water of the Persian rite: King's

Antiquarian Researches ^n Illyricum.

Fig. 8.

MITHBAIC GEM.

From site of Epitaurum.
(Enlarged two eliams.)

carnelian, streaked appropriately with blood-red, containing a singularly rude
representation of a figure sacrificing the Mithraic bull before a lighted altar, above
which are the crescent moon and rayed sun (fig. 8). The absence of the charac-
teristic Phrygian cap and flowing mantle in the sacrificing figure makes me hesi-
tate to suppose that it is actually Mithra himself who is here depicted. The two
ministering Genii, and the scorpion and other animals representing the generative
principle, are also conspicuous by their absence. It
might have been thought that in any design, however
barbarous, of the Mithraic sacrifice, these characteristic
features would not have been omitted. Or, have we
here, perhaps, simply the representation of the actual
liturgic sacrifice performed by the Mithraic priest ? So
far as the vestment is delineated at all it seems to be
simply a short-sleeved tunic or dalmatic. The style of
the head would indicate a post-Constantinian age.
Another class of gem, discovered on this and other Dalmatian sites, engraved with
the Mithraic lion, characterised by its peculiar radiated mane, may not impro-
bably have been the badge of the high Mithraic grade knoAvn as Leontes or
Lions, and whose special ritual was called from them Leontica.

In this connexion I cannot pass over another engraved stone which appears to
me to be intimately connected with Mithraic symbolism (fig. 9).
It is a red carnelian, acquired by me at Scardona, on this same
coast, presenting a figure of what, judging by other somewhat
conventional designs, is intended for a bee, from whose mouth, in
place of a proboscis, proceeds the twisted end of a caduceus.
Now, from two passages in Porphyry, de Antro Nympharum* it F'g- 9-

,, ,, , ,, - . „ ,,.,, MITHRAIC GEM.

appears that the bee, amongst the worshippers ot Mithra, was From Scartlona
the special emblem of the soul. As bees, according to the (Enlarged two dia
ancient idea, were generated by bulls' carcases,b so bees, representing the vital

inference {Gnostics and their Remains, p. 61), that by the simulacrum given to the initiated is betokened an
engraved Mithraic gem, affords a reasonable explanation of the passage. It would even seem from St.
Augustine's words that he had in view a representation such as the present one of a Mithraic sacrifice, which
result gives special point to his parallel. Even as " the Lamb " slays " the roaring Lion," the Devil, so the
false Spirit, " the Capped One," is represented by his worshippers as slaying the Bull, which, according to
their creed, was to herald the resurrection.

a C. xv. and c. xviii.

* " flc (sc. jjfWffaf) /Sowyevrtc 3.vai av/ji/St/SriKtv." Porph. op. cit. c. xv. Cf. Virgil, Georg. iv. v. 554 :

24 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

principle, sprang from the Cosmic bull of Persian mythology. So, too, no fitter
emblem could be found for the spirits of men that swarmed forth, according to
this creed, from the horned luminary of the heavens, the Moon, their primal
dwelling-place, to migrate awhile for their earthly pilgrimage below. In this
way the Moon itself was sometimes known, in the language of the mysts, as " the
bee," " and it is noteworthy that the bee appears on the coinage of Ephesus, the
special city of the Asiatic Moon-Goddess. The line of Sophocles —

/3o/u/3et 8e veicpStv cr/Mji/o?, epjferai T' aXj?,b

may be taken as evidence that the identification of bees with spirits had early
invaded Greek folk-lore. Everything seems to point to a Persian origin for the
idea, at least in its elaborated form, and had Eubulus's copious history of Mithra
been preserved we should doubtless find that it entered largely into the Magian
philosophy. On the Roman monuments of the sect a bee is sometimes seen in
the mouth of the Mithraic lion,0 as the emblem of the soul — ftovyevijs like to
insect — and, connected with this symbolism, was the practice of mixing honey
in the eucharistic chalice, and the singular rite performed by the Leontes or Lion
priests of Mithra/' of purifying their hands with honey in place of lustral water.
From all this it will be seen that the present conjunction of the bee and
the well-known symbol of Mercury, the shepherd of departed souls, has a deep
mystic significance. In the hands of one of the ministering Genii, symbol-
ising the ascending soul, on a Mithraic monument, Von Hammer6 detected

" Hie vcro subitum ac dicta mirabile monstrum
Aspiciunt liquefacta bourn per viscera toto
Stridere apes utero ct ruptis effcrvere costis."

It is to be observed that this portent is obtained by sacrifices offered to the shades of Orpheus and Eury-
dice; an indication that Virgil was conscious of a mystic connexion between bees, the Magian bull, and the
spirit-world.

1 af\T\vt\v 7£ ovaav ycveattaf TrooaraTiSa niXiiTffav tKaXovv, aXXtae re iirei ravpov fiiv atXr/vy, Kal v^iufia <reX^v>;f o

raSpoj, QovTfivfts Si al piXtaoai." Porph. op. cit. c. xviii. An allusion to the same idea will be found on a
very interesting engraving on a gold ring from Kertch (in the Siemens Collection) representing a bee
above a full-faced bust of Dens Lunvs.

b Fragments (Dindorf. 693). Quoted by Porphyrius, op. cit. in this connexion. Bergk emends the
«px«ra( T aXXij of Porphyrius, as above.

c As for instance on one engraved by Hyde, Historia Religionis veterwn Persarum eommque Magorum,
Oxonii. 1700, tab. I.

d Porph. op. cit. c. xv.

" Les Mithriaques, p. 252.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 25

a wand, described by him as resembling that of Mercury ; from which it
may be inferred that the caduceus was by no means alien to the later Mithraic
iconography.

It is impossible to close this account of the traces of Mithra worship existing
on the site and in the immediate neighbourhood of Epitaurum without recalling
a sepulchral inscription described as existing here by Aldus Man.uti.us and tin-
early Ragusan antiquaries," the spiritualism of which bears striking witness to
the triumph of Oriental religious ideas in the Roman city :

CONVBII ' DECVS ' EGREGIVM ' LVX ' ALMA ' PARENTVM

EXIMIVMQ ' BONVM ' CORPORIS ' ATQ ' ANIMI
INVIDIA ' FATI ' RAPITVR ' VINCENTIA ' FLORENS

ET • NVNC ' ANTE ' PATREM - CONDITVR ' IIELIONEM
QVIN ' POTIVS ' CORPVS ' NAM ' MENS - AETERNA ' PROFECTO

PRO ' MERITIS ' POTITVR SEDIBVS ' ELYSIIS.

The belief in the immortality of the soul, in the reward of the righteous and
the incorporeal resurrection, set forth in this epitaph, are among the character-
istic features of the Mithraic creed, and its language suggests comparisons with
such formulae as "MENTIS DIVINAE DVCTV " and "INAETERNVM RENATVS," of
known Mithraic monuments. The imagery of Elysium, as portrayed by Virgil
(not untouched himself by Persian influences), b had certainly much in common
with the starry paradise of these children of " the Unconquered Sun : "

Largior hie campos aether et lumine vestit
Purpureo, solemque suum, sua sidera norunt.0

Among the smaller relics found amongst the ruins of Epitaurum, the engraved
gems, of which this and the other Roman sites of the Dalmatian littoral are
astonishingly prolific, are by far the most interesting. At least a hundred of
these from this spot have come under my personal observation, and in such
abundance are they discovered in a field near the point of the Epitaurian penin-
sula that we are perhaps justified in inferring that a jewellers' qiiarter of the
city lay on that side. As I propose to take a more collective view of the gems

• Given in C. I. L. iii. 1759. I have been unable to find any trace of its present existence.
" See p. 23, note ».
« jEn. vi. 640.
VOL. XLVIII. E

26 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

discovered on the Dalmatian sites, I shall here content myself with calling attention
to one which, like the ^Esculapian and Mithraic stones already mentioned, seems
to have a special local interest. In the Reliquiario of the Cathedral at Ragusa
I noticed a ring, a peasant offering to the Madonna, set with a carnelian intaglio,
which, from the character of the subject and the workmanship, must be assigned
to the fourth or fifth century of our era (fig. 10). It represents an Emperor on
horseback, robed in the paludamentum or military mantle, facing
the spectator, and with both hands raised in the attitude of
adoration common in figures of saints and martyrs in the
catacombs, and in Byzantine representations of the Theotokos.
Above, on either side of the riding figure, are two crosses, and
in the exergue below are the crescent moon and star, the emblems
of Byzantium. There can be little doubt that it is intended to
Fi<r ]0 represent the Vision of Constantine, on the eve of his crowning

BOMAJJ CHRISTIAN victory over Maxentius :

GEM— EPITAURUM.

(Enlarged two dianis.)

Hoc signo invictus transmissis Alpibus ultor
Servitium solvit misorabile Constantinus.*

The appearance of two crosses in the design suggests some variation from the
recorded versions of the Vision, but the moon and star below sufficiently connect
the adoring figure with the founder of New Rome. The only existing contem-
porary monuments directly referring to the alleged miracle hitherto known are
the coins of Constantius II. and the Moesian usurper Vetranio, both from Illyrian
mints, and dating from the year 350,'" on which these Emperors are severally
depicted holding the Labarum standard and surrounded with the legend HOC
SIGNO VICTOR ERIS. The present gem supplies an actual representation of the
celestial Vision, hitherto, so far as I am aware, entirely unknown on early Christian
monuments.

11 Prudentius, Contra Symm. i. 4G7.

b In the case of Constantius possibly also of 351. As Vetranio was deposed in January of that year
the design can have nothing to do with the appearance of a cross in the heavens recorded four months
later in the Chronicon Alexandrinum and in a letter of Cyril, both which authorities fix the date of the
meteor, or whatever it was, on May 7, 351. Still less can it have any reference to the Vision of
Constantius, which, according to Philostorgius, took place on the eve of the battle of Mursa, in September
or October 351.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 27

A silver ring obtained by me from the same Epitaurian site (fig. 11) proved to be
a Roman-Christian relic of probably still later date than the gem in the Reliquiario.
Its bezel contains an incised monogram, which, like many similar monograms of
the fifth and sixth centuries, is difficult to decipher, and has besides been cut
about by a later hand. On the exterior of the ring, in late letters inlaid in
darker metal or niello in the silver, is the inscription, curiously
inverted, VIVA ix VIVA, apparently standing for VIVAS IN VITA.

These two Roman Christian relics, with some Byzantine
Fi j coins — including an aureus of Phokas — are the latest Epitaurian

ROMAN CHBISTIAN antiquities that I have been able to discover. The statement,
repeated by the latest writer on Dalmatian history," that Epitau-
rum was destroyed by the Goths in 265 A.D. and its successor, Ragusa, founded
shortly afterwards by the surviving citizens, rests on no authority whatever,
and is wholly at variance with recorded facts. St. Hilarion, as we have seen,
wrought his miracles at Epitaurum in Julian's reign, about a century later,
and St. Jerome — Illyrian-born — took down the local tradition of the Saint's
mighty works, apparently from the lips of the Epitauritans themselves, in the first
quarter of the fifth century.

Equally impossible is it to accept the statement (probably due to an error of
transcription) made by Constantino Porphyrogenitus,b who observes of the year
949 — in which he wrote his account of the Dalmatian Theme — that it is the fifth
centenary of the founding of Ragusa, built, as he tells us, by refugee citizens from
the overthrow of Salona? and Epitaurum. There is no evidence that Attila
destroyed, or even approached, these cities. The Dinaric Alps seem, in fact, to
have been as useful in shielding the Dalmatian coast-cities from the Hunnish
cavalry as they were nearly a thousand years later in breaking the fury of the
Tartar invasion ; and at a time when Siscia and Sirmium lay in ruins Salonse and

* H. Cons. La Province Romaine de .Dalmatic (Paris 1882, p. 285): "Les Goths avaient encore
fait irruption au-dela du Danube, pcnetre dc nouveau jusqu'a I'Adriatique et detruit la Colonie d'Epidaure
(Ragusa Vecchia, 265). Les habitants de cette malheurense ville se reTugierent au fond de la baie cachee
ou bientot s'e'leva Raguse." Now, although the Eastern provinces of Illyricum, including Macedonia and
Greece, suffered fearfully at this time, there is no mention of Dalmatia being invaded, much less of
Epitaurum having been destroyed.

b De Adm. Imp, C. 29 : "Ot Si avroi 'Paovoalot TO iraXatov ixparovv TO tdaTpov TO twi\iyofiivov HtTavpa'
rai lnWij TJviica TO. Xoiira UpaTii9i)aav Kaarpa irapa rulv S«:Xd/3(Dv riav ovruv ev Tip fle/jan, iicpaTr)6>) cat TO TOIOVTOV
fdffTpov, Kal ot }ifv totpayijvav ol fit yxfia\wTiff9rjaaVi 01 til ftwr)9tVTf£ iKipvytlv Kai £taffio9fjvat ci'ff rov'f viroKprjfivovs

TOTTOVQ KartpKTjaav a<p ov Si airo SaXoJva ptTijKTjtrav f/f 'Paovatov ttffiv tTij <p' /**XP* r*K vijfttpov, i'jTtf;

trout; ffTw£."

E 2

28 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Epitaurum were still flourishing. In 536, during Justinian's Gothic war," we
find the Byzantine commander making Epitaurum— still, as is to he gathered
from Procopius's words, a city of some importance — a preliminary hase for his
descent on Salonae. Six years previous to this, in the provincial council of Salonae
of 530,b Fahricianus, hishop of Epitaurum, was the fourth in order to attach his
signature.

Still later, in 591, the bishop of Salonse appears exercising his metropolitan
authority to deprive and exile Elorentius, bishop of Epitaurum, in a fashion so
uncanonical as to provoke a remonstrance from Gregory the Great.0 Seven
years later Elorentius is still in exile, and Gregory, stirred by a renewed appeal
from " the inhabitants of the city of Epitaurum," again urges on his brother of
Salonae the necessity of bringing the matter to a canonical issue.

Whether he attained his object we are not told, but this letter of 598 d is the
last mention of Epitaurum as a city. The " Sancta Epitauritana Ecclesia," e to
whose spiritual head, Pope Zacharias/ in 743, concedes an extended charge over
the southernmost Dalmatian cities, and the, by that time, Serbian and Zachulmian
lands of the interior, can hardly be more than an ecclesiastical anachronism, and
must refer to the church of Ragusa which claimed Epitaurum as its ancient self.
In the first year of the seventh century, Gregory sends the bishop of Salonse the
expression of his vehement affliction for what Dalmatia and its border lands were
already suffering from the; Slavonic hordes.' Erom another of his letters, written

* Procopius, de bello Gothico, lib. 1.

b Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. ii. p. 1 63. The bishop of Epitaurum signs next to the bishop of
Siscia, what Attila had left of that once great city being now in ecclesiastical subjection to Salonse.

c Farlati, op. cit. t. vi. p. 4 seqij.

11 Gregorius Sabiniano Episcopo Jadcrtino (in Farlati, op. cit. t. ii. p. 269) ad fin. : — Prceterea habitatores
Epidaurensiz Civitatis Florentium quern suum dicunt esse Episcopum sibi a nobis restituendum studiosissime
popoKcerunt."

e In the same way after the destruction of Salonas, the church of Spalato was still known as " Sancta
Salonitana Ecclesia."

{ This important letter, formerly in the Ragusan archives, begins " Dilecto in Christo filio Andree
archiepiscopo Sancte Epitauritane ecclesie. Constituimus te omnibus diebus vite tue esse pastorem te et
successores tuos super istam provinciam. Imprimis Zachulmie regno et regno Servulie, Tribunieque regno.
— Civitati namque Catarensi seu Rosa atque Buduanensi, Avarorum (Antivarorum ?), Liciniatensi
(Ulciniatensi),atque Scodrinensi.nec non Drivastinensi atque Polatensi cum ecclesiis atque parochiis eorum."
Owing to the insertion of the Archiepiscopal title doubts have been thrown on the genuineness of this letter.
It is, however, accepted by Kukuljevic, who gives it in the Codex diplomaticus regni Croatia, &c. p. 35.

* Gregorius Maximo episcopo Salonitano . . . " Et quidem de Sclavorum gente quse vobis valde

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 29

about the same time, we learn that Lissus — in the language of the times the
Civitas Lissitana — the present Alessio, on the Dalmatian coast south of Epitau-
rum, was already in Slavonic hands, and its bishop an exile.* Salonse, itself, seems
to have been overwhelmed in the great Avar-Slave invasion of 639. Epitaurum,
at the most, could not long have survived the fall of the greater city. It is,
perhaps, something more than a coincidence that 649, the year in which Pope
Martin dispatched his legate to Dahnatia for the redeeming of captives and the
rescuing of the sacred relics from the hands of the heathen Slaves,b attained its
tercentary in the year 949, mentioned by Constantine as the five hundredth
anniversary of the founding of Ragusa by the refugee citizens of Epitaurum and
Salonae. If we may suppose that the <&, representing 500 in the original MS. of
Constantine, or in some MS. notes from which the Emperor copied, has been acci-
dentally substituted for a T = 300, his notice may conceal a genuine historical
date.

The mainland behind the peninsular site of Epitaurum, and, in a certain
sense, the whole region between it and the next sea-gulf to the South-East, the
Bocche di Cattaro, derives its name, Canali, from the artificial canal of the
Roman Aqueduct already described which traversed a great part of its extent. It
is, indeed, remarkable that Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in whose valuable
account of tenth century Dalmatian geography the name Canali first occurs,
should have assigned to it a different derivation0 from the sufficiently obvious
one of Canalis in its sense of a watercourse, and his remarks on the origin of
the name have been hitherto placed in the same category with his suggested
derivation for the Dalmatian city of Jadera, "jam erat." But the etymology of
the Byzantine Emperor is by no means always of this fantastic kind,'1 and in the

imminet affligor vehementer et conturbor. Affligor in his qua; jam in vobis patior; contnvbor quia per
Istrise aditum jam Italiam intrare cceperunt."

*• Mansi, Collectio Condi, t. ix. Gregory appoints the refugee bishop to the bishopric of Squillacc.
Should, however, his own city be liberated at any time from the enemy he is to return to it.

b Farlati, op. cit. t. iii. p. 22.

c Safarik for example (Slawische Alterthumer, ii. 271) imagines Constantino's derivation of Canali to
have been founded on some blundering reminiscence of " Kolnich" which appears as the Slavonic equiva-
lent of Via, Carri in a document of the year 1194 referred to by Lucius (De regno Dalmalice et Croatia,
lib. vi.)

d His explanation for instance of the name of the neighbouring old Serbian district of Zachulmia,
" orn'o-u) TOV POWOV " is a perfectly correct piece of Slavonic etymology. Equally exact is his rendering of
the Croatian Primorje by " n Ilapa9a\aaoia." His derivation for the river-name Bonn contrasts favourably
with Safarik's.

30 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

present instance he had more warrant for his suggested explanation than may at
first sight appear. Constantine, whose Dalmatian topography is singularly
accurate, after mentioning the Serbian district of Terbunia, observes that
beyond this is another district called Canali. " Now Canali," he continues,
" in the Slavonic dialect means a wagon-road, since from the level nature of
the spot all transport service is accomplished by means of wagons. "a If we now
turn to the Theodosian Code we find that the word canalis is used there in the
sense of a highway or post-road. In the law on the public posts promulgated
by Constantius II. a special provision is made against the abuse of wealthy or
powerful citizens requisitioning the pack animals'5 (post-horses), reserved for the
public service of the province, to convey the marble required for their palaces
along the canalis or highway. In the law regulating the functions of the Curiosi,
or imperial post-inspectors, the canales are spoken of in the sense of the post-
roads along which wheeled traffic of all kinds was conducted.0 In the Acts of
the Council of Sardica (A.D. 347) the word occurs in the same sense, and in this
case has special reference to the great postal and military highway across
Illyricum from the borders of Italy to Constantinople. Gaudentius,d bishop of
Naissus, in Dacia Mediterranea, a city which derived its importance from its
position on what was then the main line of communication between the Eastern and
Western halves of the Empire, proposes a canon specially affecting bishops, who,
like himself, are on the canalis (in its Greek form KavaXiov) or highway ; and
Athaiiasius in his Apologia alludes in a similar manner to the bishops on the
kanalion of Italy.6

u To fit Kay aX?/ tf)p.ijvtvfrai ry Tutv 2,K\dj3ii>v Sia\tKTtp <//i«4'«/, tTTttO??, 5ia TO tlvai TOV TOTTOV iTriirtdov, 7ra<rac
'Ji'rwv r(ic £ou\aa£ $ta a^a^wv itriXovatv." J_)e Adm. Imp. C. 34.

b Ue Cwsu Publico, XT. " Mancipium, cursus public! dispositio Proconsulis forma teneatnr. Neque
tanien sit cnjusquam tarn insignis audacia qui parangarias aut paraveredos ad canalem audeat commovere
quominus mannora privatornm vehiculis provincialium transferantur." Du Cange (s. v. Canalis} interprets
this to mean that puck-horses, &c. destined for lanes and bye-ways are not to block the highway, but agrees
in the important point that canalis = via publica.

c De Curiosis, ii. " Quippe sufficit duos (sc. agentes in rebus) tantummodo curas gerere et cursum
publicum gubernare ut licet in canalibus publicis hsec necessitas explicetur." (Law of Constantius and
Julian, 347 A.D.) Gothofred (ad loc.) observes, " Elud satis constat hie non pertinere ad aquarum sen
fluminum canales, quandoquidem in his rhedse, birotum, veredi, clabulse, mover! dicuntur."

d Gaudentius (Cone. Bardic, can. 20) speaks of " iKuarof t'lft&v TUIV iv rolf trapoSott jjroi icavaXiy
Ka9i<rr<aruv." In the Latin translation (Mansi, t. iii. p. 22) : " Qui sumus prope vias publicas seu canales."
Ducange supposes that the word canalis in a charter of A.D. 1000, published by Ughellus (Episcopi Berga-
menses), has the same meaning of " via publica."

e Apol. i. 340. oi iv Tif KavaXiiji r^f

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 31

Whatever associations, however, the word canalis had in the mouth of a
Byzantine, the natives of Canali itself seem to have derived this name for their
district from the Eoman Aqueduct.* The word, indeed, as used in this sense,
passed from the Illyro-Eoman inhabitants to the Slav-speaking occupants of a
later date, and, when the new aqueduct connecting Eagusa with a mountain
source in another direction was built in the fifteenth century, it, too, was known
by a Slavonized form of the Eoman Canalis. b The district of Canali itself had
by Constantine's time become the Serbian Zupa Konavalska, otherwise Konavli,
but the parallel preservation of the word in its Eoman form, which his record
attests, is of interest as corroborating what we know from other sources as to the
considerable survival of the Illyro- Eoman element throughout this whole region.

Politically the country outside the limits of the still Eoman coast-towns was
by Constantine's time in the hands of Slavonic Zupans, but side by side with the
dominant race the older inhabitants of the land continued to inhabit the Dinaric
glens and Alpine pastures. The relics of the Eoman provincials who survived
the Slavonic conquest of Illyricum were divided, in Dalmatia at all events, into
two distinct classes, the citizens of the coast-towns, who retained their municipal
and ecclesiastical institutions and something of Eoman civilization under the
aegis of Byzantium, and the Alpine population of the interior, the descendants
for the most part of Eomanized Illyrian clansmen recruited by the expropriated
coloni of the municipia, or at least that part of them who had been forced to give
up fixed agricultural pursuits for a semi-nomad pastoral life. Both classes spoke
the Latin language, approaching, in various stages of degradation, the Eomance
variety still spoken by the Eouman population of parts of Macedonia and the
Danubian provinces ; and both were indiscriminately spoken of by their Slavonic
neighbours as Vlachs, or Mavrovlachs : Eomans, or Black Eomans.0

a In Serbian it often appears in the plural form, konavle = the channels, showing that the name took
in the lateral system of irrigation which ramified across the plain from the main Aqueduct. The plain of
Cauali is still (as has already been noticed) one of the best irrigated regions in Dalmatia — the inhabitants
having in this respect inherited their Kornan traditions.

* Kono (t. e. konol).

c The earliest Dalmatian chronicler, the Presbyter of Dioclea, who wrote about the year 1 150, expressly
identifies this Rouman population with the descendants of the Roman provincials of Illyricum. After
mentioning the conquest of Macedonia by the Bulgarians under their Khagan he continues : " post ha;c
ceperunt totam provinciam Latinorum qui illo tempore Romani vocabantur modo vero Morovlachi, hoc est
nigri Latini, vocantur." Regnum Slavorum, 4.

32 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Ragusa" — the new Epitaurum— was in the time of Constantine Porphyrogenitus
still a Roman city, and though in the course of the succeeding centuries Ragusa
became a Slav-speaking community there are still interesting traces of her older
Illyro- Roman speech to he found in the later dialect,b while the names of many
of the surrounding villages clearly indicate a Neo-Latin origin. The name Cavtat
(in its earlier form Capetate") still applied by the present Slav-speaking population
of the neighbourhood to the town that occupies the Epitaurian site is, as we have
seen, simply a Rouman Civitate, to be compared with the Wallachian Cetate or
Gitat, and the Albanian Giutet or Kiutet. Molonta, Vital] ina, and other Canalese
villages, still present us with non-Slavonic name-forms,0 and there is documentary
cvidence that as late as the fifteenth century the shepherds who pastured their
herds on the mountains of Upper Caiiali were still Rouman or Wallachian. d

a The materials relating to the Rouman population of Dalmatia, Herzegovina, &c. existing in the
archives of Ragusa have been collected by Dr Const. Jirecek in his paper entitled Die Wlachen vnd
Maurowlachen in den Denkmalern von Ragusa. < Sitzungsberichte der k. bohm. Gesellschaft der Wissen-
fchaften, 1879).

b e. g. Dokes = decessus (of the tide), rekesa = recessus, plaker — placere, lukjernar — lucernarius.
(Prof. Luko Zore, Naf jezik tijtkom nafe knjizevnosti u Dulrornikv. (Our language in the course of our
literature in Ragusa.) (Dubrovmk, iii. 1871.) The preservation of the k sound of the Latin c is also a
characteristic of the Latin forms contained in Albanian. The discovery of a Roman-Christian glass bowl
of sixth-century date among the ruins of Doklea (Dukle in Montenegro), presenting inscriptions in the
local dialect, shows that this guttural survival was an early peculiarity of the Romance dialect of this part
uf Illyrk'um. On the Docloan vase under the figure of Jonah and the whale occurs the line '• Diunan de
rentre queti liberatus est," where the •' queti " for " ceti" is, as the Comm. di Rossi (Bull, di Arch. Crist.
1877, p. 77) points out, not a mere barbarism but an archaistic survival carrying us back to the
•• oqunltod '' for '• occultv," " qitom " for '•cum," &c. of the S. C. de BacchanalibuB. On a Dalmatian
inscription (C. I. L. iii. 204G) ^VELIE occurs for COELIAE. In the matter of the survival of the k sound of
the c Dalmatia showed itself more conservative than the West. The epigrammatic address of Ausonius to
Venus,

" Orta salo, suscepta solo, patre edita coalo "

loses its alliterative point unless the ccclo btj pronounced as beginning with a sibilant : and the natural
inference is that in fifth-century Gaul the guttural sound of the Roman c had been already softened down.

c E.g. Vergatto (81. Brgat), mediaeval Vergatum, from Latin Virgetum ; Zonchetto, Latin Junchetum;
llogiatto (SI. Rozat) =liosetum; Delubie, on the bank of the Ombla, = Diluvies. (Cf. Jiredek, Dit
Handelstrassen, &c. p. 8.) Montebirt, the name of a pine-clad height near Ragusa, seems to me to be a
iWons Viridis (cf. Brgat for Virgetum), though the derivation from a combination of the Latin and Slavonic
name for mountain — brdo — has been suggested by Professor Zore. In the latter case it would find a
parallel in " Mungibel." The rocky promontory of Lave or Lavve on which the earliest city of Ragusa
was built derives its name from a low Latin form labes = land-slip. Constantine Porph. (De Mm.
Imp. c. 29) gives it under the form XaC and makes it == tptiftvog.

d Cf. JireCek, Die Wlachen -and Maurowlachen, &c. p. 6.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 33

Excavations made by Dr. Felix von Luschan and myself in the mediaeval
cemeteries of Canali have supplied craniological proofs of the existence here in
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries of a non-Slavonic race presenting
apparently Illyrian and Albanian affinities. What is especially pertinent in this
regard, a large number of the skulls on which this generalisation is based were
obtained from a mediaeval graveyard above the present village of Mrcine, known
from old Ragusan records a to have been a Vlach or Rouman centre as late as the
fifteenth century. The name Mrcine itself, written Marzine according to the
Ragusan orthography, appears to me to be of the highest interest. It is a
characteristically Rouman word, and is found with its derivatives in the present
Rouman lands north of the Danube under the form Mracina or Maracinti, meaning
the prickly thorn of Eastern Europe," Cratcegus Oxyacantha, the Slav Drtic;
with which indeed the rocks of Mrcine are covered. The Roumanian antiquary
Hajdeu,0 who notices its appearance as a Vlach surname in a chrysobull of the
Serbian Emperor Dusan, which contains many references to the still existing
Rouman population in the old Serbian regions, after pronouncing the word, justly
enough, to be neither of Latin nor of Slavonic origin, expresses his opinion that it is
probably derived from the old Dacian tongue. It would seem to be rather of
Illyrian origin, for the modern word for blackthorn among the Albanians, the
existing representatives of the Illyrian stock, is Muris-zi, in the plural Muriza-te.'1
The name Mrzine or Mrcine appears in this case to have been a Rouman equiva-
lent for the old Slavonic name of the hilly district on whose borders it lies: -
Dracevica, or the " Thorny Country," from drac, draca, the Serb equivalent of the
Wallachian M&racina.

The colossal stone blocks with their curious devices and ornamentation that
cover the graves at Mrcine show that those who built them had considerable
resources at their disposal.0 In the Middle Ages indeed these descendants of the

a Libri Rogatorum, 1427-32. The older name for Mrcine in the Eagusan records is Ycrsignc.
Cf. Jirefiek, Die Wlachen, &c. p. 6.

b E.g. Mdrdcinisu, = a place overgrown with thorns; Mdrdcinosu, == thorny.

c Archiva istorica a Romaniei, t. iii. Bucuresci, 18G7. Resturile unei carti de donatmne de pe la
annul, 1348, emanata de la Imperatul Serbesc DuSan, &c.

d This etymology, if admitted, would be a strong argument against the exclusively Thracian origin
of the \V allachians, which at present finds so much favour.

e Similar mediaeval megalithic cemeteries, of which I hope to say something on another occasion, are

scattered over a large part of what is now Herzegovina, Bosnia, Northern Montenegro, and certain districts

of Dalmatia, and are common to both old Serbian and old Eouman districts. They are therefore not by

themselves of ethnographical value. The inscriptions when found are always Serbian, and in Cyrilliau

VOL. XLVIII. F

34< Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Illyro-Roman provincials were the carriers and drovers of the peninsula. In the
Balkan interior they were the pilots of Ragusan commerce. Their wandering
enterprise reopened ancient trade routes, and they seem not unfrequently to have
availed themselves of old Roman road-lines known only to themselves. On the
mediaeval caravan route, leading from this Vlach station to the Trebinje Valley,
is another station of the same kind, at present conspicuous only by its ancient
sepulchres and monuments, but Avhich still bears the distinctively Rouman name
of Turmente. Turma was the name given by these mountaineers to their
caravans, and I found that the word in this sense has not been wholly forgotten
by their Slavonized successors.

The disappearance of the Roman-speaking element at Ragusa itself a and in
the regions around, was, as a variety of still-existing records shows, of a most
gradual character. The Illyro-Roman inhabitants seem to have early discovered
the necessity of acquiring the speech of the new settlers and conquerors by whom
they were surrounded, and to whom in most cases they were politically subject.
The result of this was that they passed through a bilingual stage, continuing to
speak their own language among themselves, while able to converse in Slav with
their neighbours, a condition of things almost universal on the borderlands of
conflicting nationalities, and finding its parallel still in the Dalmatian coast-
cities, though there the case is at present reversed, the citizens for the most part
speaking Slav among themselves, while holding converse with outsiders in
Italian. One result of this habit has been that throughout a large part of Dal-
matia, and notably in the neighbourhood of Ragusa, we find a number of Neo-
Latin or Illyro-Roman village names with an alternative Slavonic form b exactly
translating their meaning ; and finally, in many cases, as the inhabitants forgot
even the domestic use of their native Rouman, the original Latin form has
altogether passed away, leaving no trace of its existence beyond its Slavonic

characters ; the " Vlachs " do not seem to have had a written language. A rich " Vlach," however, being
bilingual, might put up an inscription in Serbian, which was to him the language of Church and State.

"• The Ragusans early found a more convenient Romance language in Italian. Nor is it necessary to
suppose that they ever spoke a Rouman dialect in the sense that the Dalmatian highlanders spoke it.
The correspondence between Ragusa and the other Dalmatian coast-cities, Cattaro, Budua, Antivari, &c.
was conducted in Latin.

b This fact had already struck Lucius (De regno Dalmatice et Croatia, lib. vi. Francofurti, 1666,
p. 277), who instances "Petra" = SI. "Brus"; "ViaCatTi"=S\.«Cotnich"; "Circuitus," = S\."Zavod";
" Calamet" = SI. " Tarstemch" Cf. " Cannosa," near Ragusa, SI. " Trstenik." In the same way Vlach
personal names were early translated into Slavonic equivalents, so that in Ragusan records we hear again
and again of " Vlachi " with Serbian names.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 35

translation. This process has been, in all probability, of far more frequent
occurrence in this part of Illyricum than can at present be known. It is only,
for instance, by the chance that Constantino " refers to the earlier name of the
place that we know that the name of the Herzegovinian stronghold of Blagaj is
simply a translation of the Bona of formerly Romance-speaking mountaineers.
Another curious revelation of the survival of ancient nomenclature in a Slavonic
guise is due to the quite modern discovery of a Roman monument. In 1866 an
inscription,6 apparently of second or third-century date, was discovered in the Kerka
Valley, revealing the ancient name of the rocky crest that there overhangs the
stream, Petra longa. To the present inhabitants, who for centuries have spoken
a Slavonic dialect, the crag is still known by its Roman name in a translated
form, Duga Stina, " the long rock."

Physical types, distinctively un-Slavonic and presenting marked Albanian
affinities (an Illyrian symptom), are still to be detected among the modern
Canalese, Brenese, and Herzegovinian peasants, mingled with types as character-
istically Slav. Their language, however, is at the present day a very pure Serbian
dialect, and, taken by itself, affords us no clue to the fact, illustrated in this case
by historical record, by craniological observations, and by the stray survival of
local names, that their forefathers were as much or more Illyro-Roman than
Slavonic. This interesting phenomenon, repeated in the case of many districts of
Herzegovina, Serbia, and Montenegro,0 may throw a valuable light on similar

a De Adm Imp. C. 33 : " iv T<£ roioury XWP"C fl°vvu<; tart n'lyati ixiav ui'uBiv ttl'TOu Svo Kaarpa, TO Bova Kai TO
XXoi'i/j" oinaOev Si TOU TOIOVTOV fiovvou Sisp^eTai iroTa^oc KaXoi'/upo; Bora, o ip/ojvEuerai KO\6v." At present tllC CflStlo

on the peak is called Blagaj, the river which wells in full volume from its foot is still called Buna. This
passage of Constantino affords valuable evidence of the existence in the tenth century cf an Illyro-Roman
population among the interior ranges of what is now Herzegovina. Bona is a characteristic Rouman
name for good, clear, streams (cf. SI. Dobravoda, &c.), and re-appears in this sense in the North Albanian
Alps, where the Val Bona indicates the former presence of Romance-speaking highlanders in a glen which
so far as language is concerned is at present Albanian. In the same way we find forms like Alp'bona in
the Ladine or Romance districts of Tyrol.

" C. I. L. iii. G418.

c The Ragusan records and old Serbian chrysobulls reveal a great extension of Rouman tribes in this
part of Western Illyricum in the early Middle Ages. Amongst those in the present Herzegovina and
Montenegro were the Vlachi Banjani, Niksic'i, Mirilovici, Pilatovci, and the Rigiani in the mountains that
overlook the ruins of Risinium. Their Alpine villages were called Cantons, in Slav. Katun, from whence
the Katunska Nahia of Montenegro has its name. Like the Dokleates, the Illyrian tribe that once occu-
pied a considerable part of the same mountain region, and of whom they were in part the Romanized
descendants, they were great cheese-makers. The foundation charter of the church of St. Michael and St.
Gabriel at Prizrend (1348) presents us with a number of Wallachian personal names with the Rouman
suffix -ul, showing the Illyro-Roman survival in the ancient Dardauiau province and its border-lands.

F 2

36 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

researches regarding Britain, the conquest of which by the English presents some
striking analogies with the Slavonic conquest of Illyricum. It cuts, at all events,
the ground from the feet of those who, because the people of England speak a
language containing few Welsh or Romano-British elements, and can trace most

O o O

of their institutions to a Teutonic origin, would have us therefore believe that the
earlier inhabitants of a large part of Britain were either expatriated or exter-
minated wholesale. The inhabitants of Southern Dalmatia, of Herzegovina, and
Montenegro, are at present Serbian, not only in language but in customs, in
popular traditions, in village and domestic government, and yet we have in this
case irrefragable proofs that, down to a late period of the Middle Ages, a con-
siderable proportion of them were still speaking an Illyrian variety of Romance.

Althoiigh enough has been said to explain Constantino Porphyrogenitus's
derivation of the word Canali, it seems, as Ave have seen, to be tolerably certain
that the local term owed its origin solely to the course of the Epitaurian Aqueduct.
The general accuracy, however, of Constantino's information as to Dalmatian
matters, and the acquaintance which he shows with the prevailing physical
characteristic of Canali itself, may embolden us to believe that when he seeks the
etymology of the plain in the late Roman signification of canalis as a highway on
which wheel-traffic was conducted, he may not have been without some apparent
foundation for his statement. In Roman times, at all events, the district of
Canali was a canalis in the sense in which the word is used in the Theodosian
Code, and by the fourth-century Illyrian bishop. There can be no question but
that the Roman road from Epitaurum to the next great Illyrian city to the south,
Risiniuni, ran through the present Vale of Canali, emerging on the Bocche, the
ancient Sinus Rhizonicus, through the Suttorina gorge, in the neighbourhood of
Castelnuovo.

The Tabula Peutingcriana, so fertile in difficulties for this part of Dalmatia,
makes the distance from Epitaurum to " Resinum " only twenty miles, about
half the real distance. The idea that Epitaurum itself was ever situate on the
Sinus Rhizonicus, and therefore nearer Risinium, I have already scouted. It
only remains, therefore, to imagine either that a numerical error here occurs in
the Tabula or that an intermediate station has been left out. Professor Tomas-
chek a accepts this latter theory, and imagines Castelnuovo to have been the site
of the omitted station.

Local researches had long convinced me that a Roman station of some
importance existed between Epitaurum and Risinium. Its site, however, was

a Die vorslawische Topographic, &c. p. 37.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

not Castelnuovo, where, so far as I am aware, no Roman remains have been
discovered. Near the village of Gruda, ahout the centre of the plain of Canali,
have been found Roman coins, intagli, fragments of pottery, and other relics ;
and it is a common saying among the Canalese peasants that there once existed
a city at this spot. The locality where these remains are found is known to the
natives as Djare, from djara, a jar, owing to the amphora; and other vessels
discovered here. A little to the east of Djare rises an isolated height capped
by the small church of Sveti Ivan (St. John), a sanctuary, as the early mediaeval
monuments round it show, of considerable antiquity. Visiting this spot, in
company with my friend Dr. von Luschan, I had the good fortune to discover,
walled into the church porch and partially concealed by plaster, a Roman
inscription, which, when cleared of mortar and cement, read as follows (fig. 12) :

Fig 12. SVETI IVAN, CANALI, from probable site of lloman Mnnicipium between Epitaurnm and Risininm.

38 Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum.

r> M

Q FVL, VIO I Filio

II VIR lure Dicundo
ET TAVRAE MAXI
MAE VXSOUI EIVS
TAVRVS MAXIMUS
ET TfRATHES Tihilwm Posuere

Taken by itself the mention of a Duumvir Jure Dicundo, the chief municipal
magistrate, on this monument raises a fair presumption that the Roman station at
this spot was itself a Mnnicipium, and not a mere Vicus of the Ager Epitauri-
tanus. On the other hand, the course of the Epitaurian Aqueduct, across the
whole extent of the plain of Canali, in the midst of which Djare and Sveti Ivan
lie, certainly tends to show, as was pointed out long ago by the Ragusan historian
Cervarius Tubero, that, originally at least, Canali was comprised in the territory
of Epitaurum. It is to be observed that the name of a Q. Eulvius Clemens occurs
among the tituli found at Ragusa Vecchia.'1

Be this as it may, it is certain that there was a considerable Roman station in
this vicinity ; and the position is itself admirably adapted for a half-way post
between Epitaurum and the Rhizonic gulf. Opposite the isolated height of
Sveti Ivan, on which the inscription stands, opens a pass in the mountains
dividing the huge mass of Mount Sniesnica on one side from the offshoots of
Mount Orien on the other. It is at the opening of this pass that the village of
Mrcinc is situate, already mentioned as an important Rournan centre in the Middle
Ages, and above which was the ancient cemetery, also, in all probability, belonging
to these descendants of the Illyro-Roman provincials. It is certain that the pass
itself, which served these later representatives of Rome for their caravan traffic
with the inland countries between the Adriatic and the Drina, would not have
been neglected by the Romans themselves as an avenue of communication. The
remains of a paved mediaeval way may still be traced threading the gorge, and
we have here, perhaps, the direct successor of a Roman branch line of road con-
necting the station, which appears to have existed at Sve"ti Ivan, with another
Roman station, of which I hope to say more, in the valley of Trebinje.

On the other hand, there are distinct indications that Sve"ti Ivan lay on the
direct Roman road between Epitaurum and Risinium. The old Ragusan road

a C. I. L. iii. 1739.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 39

through Canali to the Bocchc di Cattaro ran past this position, and the old bridge
over the Ljuta lies just below it. What, too, is extremely significant, a long
line of hedges and ancient boundary lines, that originally bisected the plain, runs
from the direction of llagusa Vecchia towards this point. Any one who has
endeavoured to trace Roman roads in Britain must be aware how often, when
other traces fail, the contimious hedge lines preserve the course of the ancient Way.

The distance from Djare and Sveti Ivan to Risinium is as nearly as possible
twenty miles. It is, therefore, not impossible that at this point was the station
ex hypothesi omitted in the Tabula. It is probable, as I hope to show in a
succeeding paper, that this was also a point of junction between the road
Epitaurum-Risinium and a line communicating with the interior of the Province.

From this point the way to the Bocche runs down the Suttorina Valley,
reaching the Adriatic inlet near Castelnuovo. After following the coast for
some miles, the road would again strike inland, over the Bunovic Pass, which
forms the shortest line of communication with the inner gulf on which Risinium
stood. From this point the course of the Roman road is no longer a matter for
theory. Between Morinje and the western suburb of the little town of Risano
that preserves the name of the Roman city its course can be distinctly traced along
the limestone steep that here overhangs the sea.

The site and early history of Rhizon, or Risinium, form a marked contrast
to that of Epitaurum, as, indeed, to most of the Grseco-Roman sites on the
Dalmatian shore. Here there is neither peninsula nor island : no natural bridge
nor moat to secure the civilized colonist from the barbarism of the mainland. The
peak which formed the Acropolis of Rhizon is but a lower offshoot of the greater
ranges beyond. An Alpine pass, communicating with highland fastnesses as
rugged and inaccessible as any to be found within the limits of Illyricum, zigzags
directly into the lower town. Thus the early history of Rhizon is neither Greek
nor Roman, but pre-eminently Illyrian.

In 229 B.C. Teuta, the Illyrian Pirate Queen, defeated by the Romans, took
refuge at Rhizon, as her securest stronghold. From the expression of Polybios "
that Rhizon was " a small city, strongly fortified, removed from the sea, but
lying directly on the River Rhizon," some writers, including Sir Gardiner Wil-
kinson," have endeavoured to discover its site somewhere in the mountains of

" UoXurftanov ej jrpop oxvpoTtira KarnaKevaa/tlvor, avaKfxiapijKbs /.liv avit T!J<; 0«X«TTi)f, lit' aur<f Si xd/tevov Tip
vi Trorafiif." Polybios, ii. 11.
b Dalmatia, vol. ii. p. 234.

40 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

the interior. As, however, I have elsewhere shown," there can be no doubt that
the Rhizon of Queen Teuta is identical in site as well as in name with the later
Roman colony, which gave its name to the Rhizonic gulf, the present Bocche cli
Cattaro, and which still prolongs its continuity in the little town of Risano. The
Rhizon Potamos of Polybios is used, in fact, as a general term for the winding,
river-like fiord itself, otherwise known to ancient poets as the " Illyrian river,"
the chosen lurking-place of piratic craft. In its narrower local application it
may be taken to signify the small torrent, the Fiumara, which bursts from a cave
in the mountains, about half-a-mile from the head of the fiord. The name Risano,
applied to two similar torrents on the East Adriatic coast, one in Istria, near
Trieste, the other near Durazzo, leads us to infer that Rhizon or Risinium was an
aboriginal Illyrian river-name, which, in the present case, attached itself to the
town past which the torrent ran.

The remains of the old street terraces are distinctly traceable on the flanks of
the peak that dominates the right bank of the torrent. It is evident that this
was the ancient Acropolis, the chosen stronghold of Queen Teuta, but I have been
unable to discover any remains of primeval walls, such as are to be seen on the
more southern Illyrian peak stronghold of Acrolissos (Alessio). The lower town
lay unquestionably on the level space between the Acropolis and the shore, to
the right of the torrent. Here I have at different times excavated the foundations
of houses and narrow streets lying at a depth of about ten feet beneath the present
surface. I Avas not so fortunate, however, as to hit on the remains of any remark-
able building. Foundations may also be seen, as at Ragusa Vecchia, beneath
the sea, proving a slight submergence of the land within the historic period.
The most important architectural relic is the remains of the eastern city- wall, to
be seen in places overhanging the right bank of the torrent, which must have
washed this wall of the city almost throughout its length.

The remaining fragments of this wall, built of huge oblong blocks, recall the
long walls connecting Salonge with its Pirseus, a work dating in all probability
from the period preceding the actual conquest, though executed under Grseco-
Roman influences. It is remarkable that epigraphic evidence exists, showing
that, in the time of Marcus Aurelius, the inhabitants of Risinium traced back the
antiquity of their walls to heroic times. At Lambaese, in Numidia, in a shrine of
the temple of JSsculapius, was discovered a votive inscription raised by a native

a See " On some recent discoveries of Illyrian Coins," Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. vol. xx. pp.
269-302.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 41

of Risinium, who had risen to the position of Legate of Numidia and Consul
Designate (afterwards elect), in honour of the patron divinity and "public Lar"
of his native Dalmatian city. In this poetic dedication the walls of Risinium are
referred to as " JUacia Mcenia," and the expression has created some difficulty. It
seems to me, however, to he susceptible of a perfectly natural and probable
explanation. The Epirote Princes, in right of their Thessalian connexion, had
always insisted on their descent from Achilles the son of jEacus ; and one at least
of them appears in history as ^Eacides pure and simple. The connexion between
the reigning families of Epirus and Southern Illyricum was intimate, and we are
expressly told of King Glaucias, the Taulantian, that his wife was of the JEacid
race.a The South Illyrian princes who succeeded him, and who, like their
Epirote kinsmen, affected Greek manners, and adopted a Greek style on their
coinage, would certainly not neglect this claim to Achaean descent. The vEacia
Mcenia of the inscription would, therefore, indicate the local tradition that the
walls of Risinium, this ancient stronghold of the native kings, were reared by
one of these Illyrian J^acidse.

As any account of the antiquities of Risinium would be incomplete without
some reference to this remarkable inscription, I here reproduce it.b

" Moenia qui Eisinni JEacia qui colis arcem

Delmatiaa, nostri publicc Lar populi,
Sanote Medaure domi e(t) sancte hie: nam templa quoq(ue) ista

Vise precor parva magnus in effigia.
Succussus laeva sonipes (c)ui surgit in auras

Altera dum letum librat ab uure manus.
Talem te Consul jam designates in ista

Sede locat venerans ille tuns </ </ —
Notus Gradivo belli vetus ac tibi Caesar

Marce, in primore clarus ubique acie."

" Adepto Consulatu 7 y 7 V 7
Tibi respirantem faciem patrii numinis
Hastam eminus quaj jaculat refreno ex equo
Tuus, Medaure. dedicat Medaurius "

The continuance of the cult of Medaurus, the Illyrian Lar of Risinium, in

a Justinus, lib. xvii. 3 : " (Pyrrhus) defertur in Illyrios et traditus est Berose uxori regis Glaucise
quae et ipsa erat generis ^Eacidarum."

b As edited by Mommsen in C. I. L. iii. p. 285.
VOL. XLVIII. G

42 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Roman Imperial times, is itself a proof of the strength of the indigenous element
at this spot. The excavations and researches made by me on the site of the
ancient city have brought to light abundant evidence of the importance of Risi-
nium as an Illyrian staple and royal residence before the days of the Roman
conquest. This evidence, which is almost exclusively derived from Illyrian
coins, discovered in abundance on this site, has formed the subject of a commu-
nication by me to the Numismatic Society, so that I may here content myself
with summarising the results at which I was enabled to arrive.*

In the numismatic history of the Illyrian city two periods are to be noticed ;
the first during which the Rhizonian mint was under Greek influence, and the
later period, during which Roman influence predominated. The coins are of
three main varieties : —

1. Autonomous coins, struck in the name of the -city, with the legend

PIZO, or PIZONITAN, showing that here, as at Lissos (Alessio) and
Scodra (Scutari d' Albania), there was a Republican period in the
history of the city : in all probability the period immediately suc-
ceeding the break-up of the Illyrian kingdom of Genthios by the
Romans in 167 B.C.

2. Coins of an Illyrian Prince Ballaeos, unknown to history, but who pos-

sessed another prolific mint in the Isle of Pharos (Lesina). It is
probable that this prince reigned in the second half of the second
century B.C. and that his dominion represents a revival of the old
Ardiajan dynasty. These coins have Greek legends, like those of
Genthios.

3. Coins of one or more successors of Ballaeos, some with the legend MYN.

In the figure of Artemis, on the reverse, these coins resemble those of
Balla3os, but the obverse presents us with heads imitated from the
Pallas, Libertas, and Virtus on Roman consular denarii.

The general conclusion which we are enabled to draw from these coins is, that
Rhizon, or Risinium, remained in a position of independence or quasi-indepen-
dence of Rome, at least under the government of native princes, at a period when
large tracts of the Illyrian coast both north and south of this point had been
placed under direct Roman government. We are, in fact, informed by Livyb
that, as a reward for their timely defection from King Genthios, the inhabitants

1 See Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. vol. xx. p. 269 seqq. " Lib. xlr. c. 26.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 43

of Rhizon and Olcinium, with the Pirustae and others, were not only left free to
govern themselves but were exempted from all tribute.

Among the coins of prse-Roman date found at Risano silver pieces of Corinth,
Dyrrhachium, and Apollonia, are of comparatively frequent occurrence, and I
have obtained one of the Paeonian King Lykkeios. But the extraordinary
feature of this site is its inexhaustible fertility in the small brass pieces of the
native King Ballseos and his successors. Considering that these coins themselves
occasionally attain to a fair art level, that the inscriptions are in Greek, and that
they are universally associated with fragments and remains that are undoubted
products of Greek and Roman civilization, we are justified in inferring that
already in Illyrian days Rhizon was beginning to present many of the external
features of a civilized city. The historians of Greece and Rome, from whom all
our written knowledge of the Illyrian coast-lands in their yet unconquered days
is due, naturally lay stress on the piratic and barbarous side of Illyrian life. But
the indigenous coinage existing at Rhizon, Scodra, Lissos, and the Isle of Pharos,
and even among the mainland tribe of the Daorsi, is itself a proof that more
commercial instincts were developing among the aborigines of the Adriatic coast.
The ancient trade route between Greece and the lands at the head of the Adriatic
could not have been without its civilising influence on the inhabitants of the littoral,
and there is strong presumptive evidence that Phrenician, Pontic, and Etruscan
merchants frequented the Illyrian havens in still earlier days. This Pho3nician
contact has left its trace in the persistent repetition by Greek writers of legends
connecting Cadmus and his consort with the Illyrian towns, and in a special way
with Rhizon itself. That coins of the Illyrian king Genthios have been found
in Sicily tends to prove that his dominion had a mercantile as well as a piratic-
side, and this drunken barbarian, as he is described by Polybios and Livy, has
deserved well of medical science by bringing into use the herb Gentian, that still
preserves his name." Nor are there wanting ancient writers who have passed a
more favourable verdict on the inhabitants of the Illyrian coast. We read of
their cities, of their regular government, now under chieftains, now under kings,
now autonomous in its constitution, and Scymnos adds, that " they are very
pious, just, and given to hospitality, that they respect the ties of social life, and

" Pliny, H. N. lib. xxv. 34: " Gentianam invenit Gentius rex Illyriornm, ubique nascentem, in
Illyrico tamen prajstantissimam."

44 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

live in an orderly manner."* The splendid booty collected by Anicius on the
capture of King Genthios in his royal city of Scodra renders it tolerably certain
that King Balla3os and his successors at Rhizon knew how to surround their court
with the luxuries of civilisation, and a silver coin of this prince in the British
Museum, in all probability coined in his Rhizonian mint, proves that on occasion
he could employ Hellenic workmen.

The history of the Illyrian mint at Rhizon, as illustrated by the coins, un-
doubtedly reflects the general course of civilisation in the Illyrian city. During
the period marked by the autonomous coins and the coins of King Ballaeos, the
external culture introduced was Greek so far as it went, and the numerous coins
of Greek cities found on this site evidence considerable mercantile intercourse
with Hellas. The semi- Roman character of the coins of Ballaeos's successor, taken
in connexion with the presence of numerous consular denarii, tends to show that
towards the end of the second century B.C. Homan commercial enterprise, follow-
ing in the wake of political supremacy, was supplanting the old Greek connexion
with this part of the Adriatic coast.

Greek inscriptions have been found at Risano,b one or two of pra3-Roman date,
but the greater part of the remains found at Risano belong rather to the later
period, when Roman influences preponderated. Among the pottery however
obtained from this site I have one good example of Greek fictile art. It is an askos
of reddish brown and yellow ware, of that peculiar form that seems to be character-
istic of Magna Grsecia, and which certainly bears a greater resemblance to a small
china teapot than a " bladder." (Sec PI. II.) On its upper surface is stamped a
medallion containing a highly artistic Eaun's head, with pointed ears pricked, and
flowing locks. The funnel-shaped opening of the spout is unfortunately broken
off. It is difficult to understand for what use this kind of vessel may have served.

» V. 420 seqq.

u Kat Tiva \jikv avrStv (3ov\tKat^ i%ovaiat(;
VTrrjKQ eZvai, nva 5t icai //ovap^i'ai£,

0fO(re/3f7f 5* aurouf ayav
^atri, KUL tj>t\Q%evov£,
KoivwviKrjv StdOf.fftv j)ya7rpKora£
cZvat, jSiov ZqXovv Tt KOff/xiwrarov."

His words have a special reference to the south Dalmatian coast, as he places opposite the region of these
civilized niainlanders the Greek island colonies of Pharos (Lesina) and Corey ra Nigra (Curzola).

b Cf. G. Gelchich, Memorie storiche suite Bocche di Cattaro, pp. 10. 11, and Ljubic, Viestnik hrvatskoga
Arkeologickoga Druttva, an. iii. p. 52. Most of these have been transported to Perasto.

ri a.

O
_J
<

:•
O
cr
t
z:

ANTIQUARIAN RESEARCHES IN ILLYRICUM, BY A.J.EVANS F.S.A

Published, fy the Society ofAntufu^n&s oflsondan,, 1883.

Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum. 45

The expanding mouth of the spout seems to preclude the idea that it was used
for filling lamps, and the fact that it has no other orifice hut the spout must have
prevented free flow from it for any purpose. Possihly it served for letting the oil
drip in the process of anointing. This vase was found at Carine, on the western
part of the ancient site, hy a peasant digging in his vineyard. In the same grave,
for so he described to me the place in which it lay, were a patera and another vase
which has lost its handles, hut which also bears a Magna Grsecian character.

It is noteworthy that at the present day the East Adriatic ports obtain their
pottery almost exclusively from the Apulian coast, and the modern potters of the
Terra d'Otranto are thus only keeping up a connexion begun, as these Risinian
relics prove, in days before the Roman conquest of Illyricum. Compared with
the handiwork of the ancient artists of Uria and Lupise the modern crockery is
rude, but in some of the forms a distinct Hellenic tradition is perceptible, and
anaphoras, especially, of singularly old Greek aspect are still to be seen exposed for
sale on the quay of modern Risano.

The askos and vase described belong to the latest prse-Roman period of Greek
art. There is, however, evidence that Greek mercantile enterprise was supplying
the Illyrian aborigines with earthenware, and that from a more remote quarter,
at a considerably earlier period. Theopompos a of Chios, who wrote in the fourth
century B.C. and who ought certainly to be an authority on matters that relate to
the wares of his own island, informs us that Thasian and Chian pottery was found in
the Naron, the next river-inlet on the Illyrian coast beyond the " Rhizome gulf."
This notice is supplemented by a passage in the pseudo- Aristotelian Avork," On
Wondrous Reports," b in which the author of that work states that between
Mentorice and Istria is a mountain called Delphion, "from the peak of which
the Mentores who inhabit the Adriatic coast are said to see ships sailing on the
Pontic Sea," and that "in the intervening space is a common market where
merchants coming from Pontus sell the wares of Lesbos, Chios, and Thasos, and
others coming from the Adriatic coast sell Corcyrsean amphoras." Apart from

a Fr. 140. Theopompos imagines that the vases must have reached the Naron by some underground
river course forming a connexion between the Adriatic and the uEgean. Strabo, to whom the preservation
of this notice is due, is justly sceptical as to the geological deduction of Theopompos : " Kai ii\Xa 3' oil jrumi

\tyei' TO re avvrerpijaBai ra m\ayi) airb TOV ivp'iUKeaSai Kipapov ri Bdatov Kal Xiov iv Tip Ndpovi." (vii. p. 488.)

b Ilepi Qavfiaaiuiv aKOua/MO.Tiai>, C. civ.

c " eZvat ft Kai Tiva TOTTOV iv rote ova fiiaor ciaaTlifiaaiv els ov dyopaf KOivljf ytvofiivt}^ 7rwXet<T0at irapa pin TUIV IK
TOV HOVTOV iftTTtipuiv avafiaivoi'Toiv TO. \iafiia icai Xia, rii Qaaia, vapa Si TUV tK TOV 'Adpiou Toi'g K«pcvpa'l'ico{'£

46 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

the geographical absurdity of Pontus being visible from a mountain near the
Adriatic coast, there can be little doubt that this notice, containing as it does an
allusion to the old Danubian trade-route between the Euxine and the head of the
Adriatic, is true so far as it relates to the importation of Greek wares and pottery
to some native market on the Illyrian coast, in all probability either Rhizon
itself or the old Illyrian staple of the Narenta. In the Greek insular settlements
in these waters at Issa, Black Corcyra, Pharos, and elsewhere, there was naturally
a demand for such wares, and fine Greek vases and olvo-^oai have been found at
Lissa a and elsewhere. It is reasonable to suppose that a part of these imported
wares found its way to the native markets of the mainland, and it would even
appear that the fictile works of the native potters were, at an early period,
rudely imitated from Greek models, though without their colouring and ornament.
On a fragment of a cup discovered by me in a pre-historic stone-barrow in Canali,
an account of the excavation of which I hope on some future occasion to com-
municate to this Society, and which dated apparently from the later period of the
Illyrian bronze age, Hellenic influence appears to be distinctly traceable.

That in Roman times the suburbs of the city embraced a considerable area is
shown by the fact that the foundations of bouses, including a mosaic pavement,
are to be seen about half-an-hour up the mountainous steep on the East and near a
delicious fountain. The sepulchral remains lie for the most part either at Carine or
in a campagna to the left of the Risano Fiumara. I copied the following,6 (v. figs.
13 — 17) not contained in the Corpus Inscriptionum or Ephemeris Epigraphica.

The name Plsetoria or Plaetorius, as it appears to occur on another Risinian
inscription,0 with its variant forms Plsetor, Plator, and Pletor, is a Latinization of
one of the most characteristic Illyrian names,d and derives special interest from

* Of. Glavinich, Mittheilungen der k. k. Central Commission, 1878, xcii. In the museum at Ragusa
is a Greek paintod vase said to have been found on the site of Epitaurum.

b Since I took down these inscriptions copies of figs. 13, 14, 15, and 17 have been sent to the
Croatian Archaeological Society, and are given by Dr. Ljubid in Viestnik (an. i. p. 127; an. ii. p. 101),
where ray excavations are referred to. The examples in the Viestnik will be found to differ in some small
details from mine, and do not represent the original lettering. Figs. 14 and 1C are at present in the
Casa Misetic. Fig. 13 was found in the campagna of Paprenica. Fig. 15 is from the left bank of the
Fiumara; I have since deposited this stone in the museum at Ragusa.

0 C. I. L. iii. 1730, as completed by Mommsen.

d Cf. C. I. L. iii. 2751, 2752, 2773, 2788, among inscriptions found at Verlikka and S. Danillo in
Dalmatia; 3144 in the Isle of Cherso; 3804, 3825, at Igg near Laibach, herein a Celtic connexion: —
" VOLTREX PLAETORIS"; in a Privilegium (C. I. L. iii. D. vii.) granted by Vespasian — PLATORI . VENKTI .
P . CENTVRIONI . MAEZEIO; at Apulum and Alburnus Major (vicvs PIRVSTARVM) in Dacia where was a
large Illyrian mining colony (1192, 1271.)

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Fig. 13.

MAXIMA
AM XX V

Kig. 14.

cyvwmro

Fig. 16.

!
u-

PLABTOR1A

M'P-poSlITA
AN'lU'U-S'l

Fig. 17.

INSCRIPTIONS FBOM HISINIUM

48 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

its reappearance among the Messapians a of the opposite Italian coast, the Illyrian
affinities of whom are undoubted. The occurrence of this and other indigenous
names on Risinian monuments, taken in connexion with the abiding cult of the
native Lar, show that the Illyrian element continued to hold its own in the
Roman city ; and I may observe that the modern Risanotes, though at present
entirely of Slavonic speech, must ethnologically be classed with the Albanian
descendants of these same Illyrians. The finely -modelled head, the aquiline nose,
such as King Ballseos displays on his Rhizonian coins, the " stricti artus, minax
vultus," recall at once the Illyrian aborigines of ancient writers and the modern
Skipetar. Meanwhile the Risanote tales about Queen Teuta or Czaritza Tiuda,
as they call her, may be safely placed in the same category with the Ragusa-
Vecchian traditions of Dolabella and Cadmus.

The Roman city appears to have drawn its water supply direct from the
cavern from which the Risano Fiumara issues. On the right bank of the
stream I found the channel of an aqueduct, resembling that of Epitaurum, hewn
out of the solid rock. This channel leads into the vast atrium of the cavern,
the floors and walls of which have been hewn out apparently to form a large
reservoir. There can be no doubt that in ancient times this was filled with
water, and that the supply of water was considerably greater than it is now.
At present in summer the bed of the Fiumara is almost dried up, and the
aqueduct would be useless even in the rainy season. That the character of the
source should have altered will surprise no one who has observed the vagaries of
streams and sources in a limestone country ; and its diminished volume may be
connected with the continued deforesting of the Dalmatian coasts during the
last two thousand years, which here, as in Greece, has contributed to decrease
the rainfall. The cavern is still, however, a considerable reservoir. Following
it by an easy descent of about one hundred yards into the mountain you arrive
at the brink of a subterranean pool of unknown dimensions. In Roman days
the summer level of this pool must have reached the excavated chamber in the
mouth of the cavern, from which the channel of the aqueduct issues. The
Slavonic-speaking natives, having wholly forgotten its former application and
origin, regard the rock-hewn channel as of supernatural creation, and call it
" Vilin Put," " the Fairies' Way."

a Cf. inscriptions found at Capo di Lcuca, HXaropac UaXeraof laapen, and at Ceglie beginning TAATOPAZ,
given in Mommsen, Die unteritalienischen Dialekte, p. 51. The plebeian family name Plaetoria at Rome
was derived from this source.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 49

Engraved gems are not so abundant on this site, as on that of Epitaurum,
where Grseco-lloman culture was less alloyed with indigenous barbarism. I have,
however, procured four or five; and a fine gold ring set with an onyx engraved
with a lion, recently discovered here, was presented by the Commune of Bisano as
a baptismal gift to the second son of Prince Nikola of Montenegro." One intaglio,
a pale sard from this site, in my own possession, is remarkable as presenting an
unique Boman- Christian composition (fig. 18). On it
is seen the Good Shepherd, not in the usual attitude,
but holding forth what appears to be intended for the
typical lamb, which he has lowered from his shoul-
ders.13 Before him stands a ram, while to the left is a
tall amphora-like jar, probably meant to represent one
of the water-pots of Cana of Galilee. Above is seen
the Christian monogram, and another symbol con-
sisting of three upright strokes crossed by one
transverse.

As late as the end of the sixth century the Christian Church of Bisinium
seems to have been still flourishing and important. Two letters are extant
addressed by Pope Gregory the Great to Sebastian, Bishop of Bisinium, one of
591 and the other of 595 A.D.C In the latter of these Gregory speaks of " dnlcis-
sima et suavissima fraternitatis tuce verba," but laments at the same time the
evil which he suffers from Sebastian's friend, Bomanus, Exarch of Bavenna, to
whose government Bisinium with the other Dalmatian coast-cities then belonged,
and whose malice towards the representative of St. Peter cut sharper in Gregory's
opinion than the swords of the Lombards .d The next mention of a Bishop of
Bisinium occurs after an interval of seven hundred years.

Of a date still later than the Christian intaglio, and by far the most beautiful
object, to my knowledge, discovered at Bisano, is a gold pendant, inlaid on either
side with cloisonne enamel, dug up in a campagna at Carina in 1878 by a man whom

• Amongst other objects of Roman jewelry obtained by myself from this site may be mentioned a
part of a gold earring terminating in a lion's head, and two spiral snake bracelets of silver, much resembling
a kind of bangle which has lately again become fashionable.

b On another Christian gem, obtained by me at Salona, the Good Shepherd stands at the side of a
group of sheep and goats beneath a palm tree. The material is green jasper.

c Given in Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. vi. pp. 411, 412. The letters are headed " Grcgorius
Sebastiano Episcopo Rhiziniensi."

d " Quia ejus in nos malitia gladios Longobardorum vicit."
VOL. XLVIII. H

50 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

I had employed to make excavations (fig. 19). It presents on one side a crested
beast of grotesque and mythical aspect, with a projecting tongue, the colours of

Fig. 19. GOLD ENAMELLED PENDANT, CAHINA, 1878.

the animal being green, yellow, red, and bluish white on a dark blue ground. On
the other side is a conventional rose, with dark blue and yellow petals, and red
centre on a green ground. This rose, which has much in common with the
familiar rose of heraldry, is of a form frequent on Roman mosaics, and not least
upon those that adorn the walls of Roman-Christian basilicas. The four round
excrescences attached to the broader petals may be regarded as singular, other-
wise there is nothing in the design on this side alien to the Roman art of the
Western Empire to which Risinium in Justinian's time belonged. So far as
the colours go they recall with singular fidelity the predominant tints in the
mosaics of the mausoleum of Galla Placidia, of the church S. Apollinare Nuovo
and other Ravennate monuments of the fifth and sixth centuries. The sombre
blue and green ground in mosaic work, at least, is more distinctive of Western
than of pure Byzantine traditions.

The quasi-heraldic animal on the other side of the pendant is suggestive at
once of Oriental influences. It bears a strong family likeness to the griffins,
winged lions, and other fabulous monsters, on some remarkable vessels found
at Szent Miklos, in the district of Torontal, in Hungary, in 1799, and which
are now among the treasures of the Antiken Cabinet at Vienna." Among the
points in which the animal on the Risano pendant bears a special resem-
blance to some of those of the Torontal hoard may be signalised the character of
the head and eye, the drop-shaped spots or stripes on the body, and the attitude
of the legs and tail. On the other hand, the crest or mane is of a more cocks-comb-
like form ; the wings with which most of the Torontal monsters are equipped, as

» See Von Arneth, Monuments des !c. k. Mum und Antiken Cabinettes, Wien, 1850, PI. o. iv., o. \.,
a. xiv. &c.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 51

well as their arabesque appendages, are wanting, and the general elegance and
spirit of the design is considerably diminished.

The Torontal objects are unquestionably of Persian origin ; a the mythic repre-
sentations that occur on them are thoroughly Oriental, and the monsters repre-
sented are the true forerunners of the Mahometan JBorrak, of which fabulous
animal we learn that it had a mane of pearls and jacinths, that its ears were as
emeralds, and its eyes as rubies. The form of the Torontal gold vessels is also
characteristically Persian, much resembling the cups which every Persian hangs
at his saddle-bow when he goes out riding. Von Arneth considers them to be of
fifth-century workmanship, though they bear inscriptions of later date. One of
these, in Greek characters, seems to be a line of a Byzantine missionary hymn.
Another gives the names of two chiefs, apparently of Bela, Zupan of the Theiss,
and Butaul, Zupan of the Jazyges, a people, be it observed, of Medo-Sarmatian
stock."

The Kisano pendant may therefore be taken as illustrating the influence of
these fifth-century Persian models on late Roman and Byzantine art, an influence
which, from this time onwards, becomes more and more perceptible. No example
of any perfectly analogous jewel has come under my observation ; there is, bow-
ever, one feature besides the general character of the enamel and goldwork, which
it shares with some other ornaments of Byzantine date. The outer rim is pro-
vided with a groove and five loops — three below and two above. The use to
which these were applied is shown by an earring in the British Museum, with
similar groove and loops, to which a circlet of pearls — strung on a golden wire-
is still attached. Two other Byzantine earrings, in the Burges Collection, enriched
on one side with that well-known Christian emblem, a pair of doves, enamelled, in
one case, on a gold field, and dating probably from the seventh century, sliOAV an
arrangement of the same kind.

Taking into consideration on the one hand this Byzantine feature in the form,
and, on the other hand, the distinct reflection in the design of Persian models,
the introduction of which into the Illyrian provinces was probably not uncon-
nected with the great Hunnish irruption of the fifth century, we cannot greatly

11 An account of the Torontal treasure will be found in Von Arneth, op. cit. p. 20 seqq.

" This inscription reads : BOYHAA • ZOAIFAN • TE2H • AYFETOirH • BOYTAOYA • ZUADAN • TAI'POrH •

HTZIFH • TA12H. Von Hammer (Osmanische Geschichte., iii. 726) compares TAFPorH • nTZU'H with Anrpiyoi
lafuyef, a tribe of Jazyges mentioned by Dion (Ixxi. 12). The Tagri are mentioned by Ptolemy (iii. c. 5).
The inscription is cited by Safarik (Sloivische Alterthumer, i. 345) as a monument of the early connexion of
Slavs and Sarmatians. ZOATIAN cannot be other than the Slav Zupan, the governor of the Zupa or Mark.

52 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

err in assigning the present work to the period of comparative peace and pros-
perity that dawned on Dalmatia in the first half of the sixth century. Of later
date than the sixth century it cannot well be, as Roman Risinium itself Avas
utterly wiped out some time in the first half of the next century by a barbarous
horde of Slavs and Avars. The early part of the century that preceded this
awful overthrow — which Risinium shared with its sister cities, Epitaurum and
Salonae — was marked in Dalmatia, as in Italy, by the beneficent Ostrogothic
dominion. The Dalmatian cities gained a new lease of life, and the relative
abundance of Ostrogothic coins on these Trans- Adriatic sites is itself a tangible
proof of their prosperity. On the recovery of Dalmatia by Justinian's generals,
the Roman cities of its coast ranked among the most valuable possessions of his
Exarchs at Ravenna, and the Province was then reckoned " the stronghold of
the West." There can be no good reason for doubting that the Risano jewel was
of Dalmatian, perhaps of local Risinian, manufacture ; indeed, its somewhat
heavy Occidental aspect, coupled with the purely Roman form of the rose, asso-
ciated as they yet are with undoubtedly Oriental features, render the work
peculiarly appropriate to the character of a Province1 which formed the border-
land between the Eastern and Western Worlds.

IL-NOTES ON THE ROMAN ROAD-LINES,-SISCIA, SALONS.

EPITAURUM, SCODRA.

SYNOPSIS.

PAGE

54. Alternative routes from Salonae to Siscia.

55. Route through the Lika.

55. Inscription fixing site of Ausancalio.

56. Inscription referring to IIVIRI at Lapac.

57. Explorations in the Upper Kraina.

57. Surviving traditions of the great Tatar invasion.

58. Legend of King Bela's flight: his road and milestones identified with Roman Way from Siscia

to Salonae.

60. Bas-relief of Mercury, remains of Roman building and other monuments in Unnac Valley.
62. Roman remains near Knin, and monument of early Croat prince.
64. Antiquities at Verlika, traditions of Gothic occupation in Dalmatia.
66 Memorials of Hunnish and Tatar invasions existing at Salonae and Spalato.
68. The Roman road Salonae — Narona.

68. Bridge-station of Tilurium.

69. Observations on the site of Delminium, the original capital of Dalmatia.
72. Sites of Ad Novas and Bigcste : new inscription.

75. Narona: monuments, glass like Anglo-Saxon, her Iris Illyrica; crystal unyuentariimt from
Salonae.

77. Roman sacrificial knife, and turquoise ring.

78. Trappano, an ancient site.

80. The road Narona — Scodra, inland, and not along the coast.

83. From Scodra to Niksic.

84. The birthplace of Diocletian.

86. Roman outline of Niksic'.

87. Site of Andarva.

88. Traces and traditions of ancient Way from Rhizonic Gulf to Drina Valley.
90. Roman remains and inscription referring to ANDAUVANI at Gorazda.

92. Course of Roman road from Narona to Niksi6 via Stolac (Diluntum).

93. Junction-line from Epitaurum: discovery of road and milestone in Mokro Polje.
98. Site of Asamo, near Trebinje.

101. Milliary column of Claudius.

104. Proofs of existence of ancient Way from Epitaurum to the River Drina.

105. Its course followed later by Ragusan caravans.

II.— NOTES ON THE ROMAN ROAD-LINES,— SISCIA, SALONS,

EPITAURUM, SCODRA.

Two lines of communication between the Dalmatian capital, Salonse and the
great Pannonian city, Siscia, are indicated by the Tabula and Itinerarium Antonini.
One ran through JSquum, near Sinj, and thence by an obscure route across what
is now North-West Bosnia, to Servitium, identified with Gradiska, on the Save,
where it met the important valley line connecting Siscia and Sirmium. The
other, followed the Via Gabiniana to Promona, marked by the abiding name of the
mountain, Promina. Thence it proceeded to Burnum, identified by the extensive
ruins near Kistanje, known, from the still-standing portion of a Roman triumphal
arch, as Archi Romani, — to the Morlach natives as the " Hollow Church " or
" Trajan's Castle," — an account of which was communicated to this Society," in
1775, by John Strange, Esq. from information supplied by the Abbe Fortis.
Prom Burnum the road crossed the steeps of the Velebic range into the ancient
lapygia, at present the Lika district of Croatia. At a point called Bivium it
divided into two branches, one running to the port of Senia, the modern Zengg,
the other, traversing what is now the Kraina, to Siscia, past the station of Ad
Fines, which has been recently identified with the hot springs of Topusko b in
the valley of the Glina.

Taking Burnum as a fixed point, Professor Mommsen has identified the next
station, thirteen miles distant on the route, Hadre, with the village of Medvidje,
where Roman inscriptions have been discovered, and to which the traces of a
Roman road from Burnum certainly conduct. Were this identification to be
accepted, it would follow that the Roman route from the Liburnian district of
Dalmatia into the Japygian interior approximately coincides with the course of
the present highway which winds up the steeps of Velebich from the Dalmatian
town of Obbrovazzo, and descends into what has been not inaptly called the
Croatian Siberia at the little village of St. Roch. Near here, at St. Michael, and

a Archaeologia, vol. iii. p. 346.

* Prof. Ljubic in Viestnik hrvatskoga Arkeologickoga Dnutva, 1880, No. 1.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

again at Plo6a, Roman inscriptions* have been discovered, and it is in this
district accordingly that Professor Mommsen places the site of Ausancalio,
marked on the Tabula as 29 miles distant from Hadre.

On the other hand, it may be urged that the natural pass into the Lika
district from Kistanje, the site of Burnum, lies rather up the Zermanja valley
and past Mala Popina to Gracac. A good road runs through its whole extent,
and this is the route which a native would undoubtedly take at the present day.
In this case the site of Hadre would have to be sought in the Zermanja valley,
somewhere near the mediaeval ruins of Zvonigrad. The next station, " Clambetis,"
13 miles distant, would lie in the neighbourhood of Gracac, where, at Omsica, a
fragment of a Roman inscription has been discovered, and the succeeding station,
Ausancalio, 16 miles further, should be sought at Udbina, to which place a
natural route, of about the requisite length, conducts us from the plain of
Gracac."

Two Roman inscriptions from Udbina are already known. I am now enabled
to describe another, which remarkably corroborates the view that here, rather
than at St. Michael, is to be sought the ancient Ausancalio (fig. la). The inscrip-
tion itself had been transported from Udbina to the neighbouring town of Lapac.

Fig. l». INSCRIPTION REFERRING TO THE MUNICIPIUM OP AUSANCALIO.
Found at Udbina.

» C. I. L. iii. 2992, 2995.

b This is far from denying that there was an alternative road from Liburnia into Japygia by way of
the Municipium that apparently occupied the site of the present Obbrovazzo. It stands to reason indeed
that this line of communication was known to and used by the Romans. All that I have been maintaining
is, that the natural route from Burnum towards Siscia and Senia would run through the easier pass of
the Zermanja. I am, personally, well acquainted with both routes.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

where I saw it in the out-house of a local eccentric called Omeikus, who had
collected a variety of antiquities and other miscellaneous objects under his roof,
amongst which he lived, in what he was pleased to call a state of nature.
The two penultimate lines may, perhaps, he completed :—

A7SANCVLION

vivos SIBI POST/?-

The preceding word must be regarded as uncertain, but the reference to the
name? Ausancalio, here Amanculio, is clear."

The long plain of Corbavia (Krbava), extending from Udbina to the north-
west, would afford an admirable avenue for the continuation of the Roman road.
The position of Bimic, 15 miles distant, at the other extremity of this plain, would
answer to the succeeding station Ancus, which, as we may infer from its con-
taining an element common to Ausancalio or Ausanculio, must have stood in some
obvious geographical opposition to the latter. So in Southern Dalmatia we find
a Derva and an Anderva.

From Udbina a road leads eastward, over the wild
and romantic forest-mountain known as the Kuk
Planina, to the fertile plain of Lapac. Here, in the
lower village of that name, and in the same locality
as the last, I copied the following Iloman inscription,
found on the spot (fig. 2") . The inscription was, un-
fortunately, in a fragmentary condition, the lower
portion being detached from the rest.

The mention of the nvim IVRE DICVNDO is an
indication that a Roman Municipium existed on the
site, or in the immediate neighbourhood, of Lapac.
Roman coins are of frequent occurrence, those I saw
being mostly of fourth -century date, and from the
Siscian and Aquilejan mints. From the same site I

obtained a Gnostic gem of green jasper, and of remarkably good workmanship,
presenting the legend IAO ADONIS ABRAXAS.

Fig. 2". FRAGMENTS OF INSCBIPTION.
Lower Lapac.

" A copy of this inscription was sent by its present possessor to Dr. Kukuljevic, and has been com-
municated by him to the Ephemeris Epigraphica (vol. iii. u. 570). The version given there, however, is

misleading.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 57

Beyond Lapac, to the East and South-East, on the other side of what till lately
was the Turkish frontier, stretches the rugged Alpine district of the Upper Kraina,
watered by the Unna and its tributary the Unnac, which is one of the wildest
and least-explored districts in the whole of Bosnia. During the recent troubled
years its inaccessible glens formed the strongholds of rayah insurgency against
the Ottoman ; and the wholesale exodus of the Christian population from the
Turkish districts filled the limestone caverns and rock shelters, which abound
throughout the region, with a new race of cave-dwellers. In the heart of this
region, archseologically speaking a terra incognita, but which I had occasion to
traverse throughout the greater part of its extent, I discovered interesting traces
of mediaeval and Roman civilization. At Preodac, Vissuca and elsewhere are con-
siderable remains of feudal castles, dating from the days of the Bosnian kingdom.
At Upper Unnac are the remains of an ancient church, surrounded by the huge
sepulchral blocks usually found in mediaeval Bosnian graveyards ; while lower-
down the valley are interesting ruins of a tower and an ancient minster, whose
name, Ermanja, would lead us to connect them with Hermann of Cilli. But the
most remarkable feature of the district is the trace of an ancient paved way. The
whole country-side abounds in legends connected with this ancient way, which
perpetuate in an extraordinary manner the memory of an historical event which
occurred in this part of the world in the thirteenth century. A contemporary
writer, Thomas the Archdeacon of Spalato," informs us with the vividness of an
eye-witness, how 011 the occasion of the great Tatar invasion of Hungary of 1241
King Bela fled from Agram with his queen, Maria Lascaris, the shattered relics
of his chivalry, and his royal treasures, across the Dinaric ranges to his mari-
time Dalmatian stronghold of Spalato, the mediaeval successor of Salonse. The
Tatar Khagan, we are told, Utegai, the son of the terrible Genghis Khan, or
rather the Khagan's general, pursued King Bela, to quote the Archdeacon's words,
" with a furious host across the mountains, flying rather than marching, scaling
the most inaccessible heights," b till he finally swept down on the Dalmatian
littoral, there to dash his forces in vain against the walls of the coast-cities, and
to see his horse-flesh waste away on the Dalmatian rocks. It is said that the

a Histona Salonitana, c. xxxix. : " Rex relictis stationibus Zagrabiensium partium cum omni
comitatu suo ad mare descendit . . . Rex vero et totus flos reliquorum Ungarorum ad Spalati paries
devenit." 'Later he retreats to Trail, " cum uxore sua et cum omnibus gazis suis."

b " Venit autem non quasi iter faciens sed quasi per aerem volans loca invia et monies asperrimos
supergrediens undo numquam exercitus ambulavit." Op. cit. c. xl.
VOL. XLVIII. I

58 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

names of Monte Tartaro, near Sebenico, and of Kraljazza, or the King's island,
whither King Bela transported his treasures, still perpetuate the memory of the
great Tatar invasion and the royal flight on the Adriatic coast. In the Unnac
district the record of the Tatar invasion and of King Bela's escape has heen even
more distinctly preserved, although in some cases partly confounded with the
later flight of the last King of Bosnia from the Turks, which found its tragic
termination in the field of Bilaj, on the borders of the same district. So deeply
had this earlier episode of the terrible Mongol inroad impressed itself on the
imagination of the inhabitants, that not even the Turkish conquest has been able
to efface its record among the Kraina peasants. Without entering into details on
the present occasion, I may here briefly relate the legend as it was told to me by
the inhabitants.

" When the Tatars invaded Bosnia, the King, Bela, took refuge in his strong-
hold, the Starigrad of Bravsko, that lies on the forest-mountain of Germec."
There he sate with his family, and his nobles, and his treasures ; but when the
Tatars came nearer he resolved to fly once more, leaving only his daughter behind
him, who for her tarrying was transformed into a dragon, to guard his hoards.
And there, above Bravsko, is a walled enclosure, still known as Kraljevo Torine,
or the King's Yard ; and there is a fountain called the King's fountain. But the
King fled with the Queen and the rest of his family, and part of his treasure, to
the South, into Dalmatia, and as he went he laid down a road wherever he
passed, and placed milestones along it, round in shape and five feet above ground,
and five feet under the earth. And these milestones are to be seen to this day
along the King's road from Bravsko onwards to Resanovce."

Such is the legend in its main outline. The road itself runs from Bravsko to
Crljevica and crosses the Unnac near the village of Drvar, from which point I
have myself traced it to Resanovce and thence in the direction of the Tiskovac
Valley. At Resanovce I was pointed out a square pillar about eight feet high
now in the churchyard, but which was said to have been transported from the
"King's Wray." A spring further along the road is still known as "Mramor,"
from the " Marble Stone " that is said to have existed there. Although I was
not fortunate enough to find any of these milliary columns in situ, it is certain

a The name Gemiec covers a greater area to the South-East than that assigned to it in the Austrian
General-Stalls Karte.

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 59

that more than one was to he seen within the memory of man. The description
of their deftly-rounded form, of their deep socketing in the earth, which I had
from more than one native, leaves no douht in my mind that they were of Roman
origin, and that this now forgotten route by which King Bela fled represents a
section of an important line of Roman road bringing the Dalmatian coast-cities
into communication with the Save Valley and the great cities of Siscia and
Sirmium. In all probability it forms part of the line already mentioned at the
beginning of this paper leading from Salonse via JEquum to Servitium, the
course of which on the Dalmatian side has never yet been satisfactorily traced.
From Bravsko, a road, which is in fact the continuation of the " King's Way,"
leads down to Kliuc, the ancient " Key -fortress " of the Upper Sana. We are
thus brought within a stage of Dobrinja, the village to which Dr. Blau " traced a
Roman way leading from Gradiska, the site of Servitium, on the Save, past
Banjaluka, where the hot springs still well up, as at Novipazar, under a late
Roman cupola, and thence across the ranges which form the water-shed between
the Verbas and the Sana. The line followed by Dr. Blau was identified by him
with every appearance of probability with the northern end of the Roman road
connecting Salonse with Servitium and the great Pannonian cities. He, himself,
looked for its continuation from Dobrinja in a more southerly direction, on the
strength of a hearsay account of an old Kalderym, or paved way, running from
Han Podraznica (where he seeks the ancient Letisabci), in that direction. Dr. Blau,
however, himself acknowledges the absence of ancient remains about Podraznica,1'
while on the other hand he mentions the existence of two marble sarcophagi,

*• Monatsbericht der k. prenss. Akad. der WissenscLaften, 1867, p. 741 seqq. Of. La Via romana
da Sirmio a Salona (in Bullettino di archeologia e storia Dalmata, 1882, p. 69). Hoernes, Alterthumer
der Hercegovina, ii. 131 seqq., accepts Dr. Bl.au's conjectxire as to the course of the way from Dobrinja
across trie Crnagora, and sees in the Eoman remains found at Glavice, Glamoc, and Livno, an indica-
tion of its subsequent course. Tomaschek advocates the same general line (Die vorslawische Topo-
graphic der Bosna, &c. p. 16 seqq.), but his views on Dalmatian topography are not corrected by
personal observation. A comparison of the Tabula and the Itinerary seems to show that between
Leusaba and ./Equum there were two alternative routes. In the Tabula we have ^Equo, viii. in Alperio,

xiiii. Bariduo, lonnaria, xiii. Sarute, vii. Indenea, v. Baloie, xii. Leusaba. In Antonine : ^Equo,

xvii. Pelva, xviii. Salvia, or Silviae, xxiiii. Sarnacle (or Sarnade), xviii. Leusaba.

b " in Ermangelung antiker Reste kann Leusaba nur im allgemeinem in der Hochebene Podraznica
wgegeben werden."

i-:

00 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

supposed to be Roman, at Radkovo," in other words, on the road from Dobrinja to
Kliuc, and only separated by a small range from the Sana Valley."

It is indeed difficult to imagine that a main line of communication, which in
its early aspect was before all things a coupling- chain of fortified posts wherewith
to bridle the fierce highlanders of the Dalmatian Alps, should not have afforded
access to such an. important strategic point as Kliuc has shown itself down to the
very latest days of Illyrian warfare.

In the Vale of Unnac itself,0 I lighted on some important remains which
greatly serve to corroborate the hypothesis that King Bela's road owed its original
construction to Roman engineers. A little below the point where the old road
crossed the Unnac by a bridge, now destroyed, at a spot called Vrtoca, is a large
and apparently artificial mound, partly imbedded in which are a confused medley
of accurately squared limestone blocks. Some of these had been used in later
times as Christian tombstones, as was evidenced by the crosses carved on themd
but the whole gave me the impression that I was on the site of some considerable
Roman structure, and although the circumstances of my visit did not permit of a
long investigation I found upon one of the blocks a bas-relief of really fine Roman
workmanship, representing Mercury holding the caduceus (see fig. 3"). The
block itself was about five feet square, its depth three feet, the height of the
face of the relief itself about two feet and a-half .c

In front of the mound on which these ancient remains occur, a vallwm about a
hundred yards in length traverses the level part of the valley from the river -

a Cf. Blau, Reisen in Bosnien, &c. p. 110.

b Near Varcar, to the North of Banjaluka and Eastward of KliuC, have been recently discovered
Roman remains, including a large hoard of denarii, mostly of the Emperors Alexander Severus, Gordian,
Philip, Trajan Decius, Gallus, and Volusian, some sixty of which have passed through my hands. The
discovery of Roman remains at this site establishes a link ol connexion bet-ween the Sana Valley and the
succession of Roman sites at Podlipci, Runic, Mosunj, Putacevo and Vitez,in the Valley of the LaSva, find
points to an old line of communication between the Upper Bosna and the Sana, which opens the most
natural route towards Sistia.

0 Interesting remains have been lately discovered by Capt. Von. Handel in the Valley of the Unna
about an hour to the south-east of Bihac. They consist of several inscriptions, one presenting the female
Illyrian name-form DJTVEI-O and the Mazeian name Andes, a Mithraic relief, a figure of a Faun or
Sylvanus, and other fragments. Prof. Tomaschek, who has published an account of the discovery
(Sitzungsberichte der k. k. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1881, h. 2, p. 466 seqq.), is inclined to identify
the site with the ancient Rsetinium. There is a height answering well enough to the description of the
Acropolis of Raetinium, besieged by Germanicus.

d In one case a monogram appeared, /£

c I have alluded to this discovery in my Illyrian Letters, London, 1878, p. 37.

Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum.

bank. This is known as Sanac? or " the dyke," and on the neighbouring height
of Mount Obljaj, are two more, known as Gradine.

More recently I learn that a schoolmaster from Srb on the triple frontier has
discovered another Roman monument in the Unnac Valley, described in the

Fig. 3a. ROMAN BAS-RELIEF or MERCURY.
Vrtocn, in the Uunac Valley, Bosnia.

Croatian Archaeological Journal as a fragment of a sepulchral slab showing a
human figure in bas-relief with crossed arms, and beneath it an inscription too
weather-worn to be deciphered, but in Boman characters. b

After crossing the water-shed the ancient road descends into the vale of the
TiSkovac stream a little above the village of Strmica. Here, again, Roman
remains are abundant. I have procured many good specimens of imperial and
consular denarii from this site, and a sepulchral inscription was found here in

« Cf. Germ. Schanze.

b Viestnik hrvatskoga arkeologickoga Druitva, 1880, p. 63: "jedan koinad nadgrobno ploce na kojoj
je u basirilifu ljucka slika skrstenima rukama izpod koje nadpis koj je zub vremena veoma iztrosio, no
vidi se ipak da je rimski." In the same communication is mentioned the discovery of Roman coins of
Constantino's time, together with other antiquities, at Kumicgrad, an hour's distance from Srb.

Antiquarian Researches in illyricum.

honour of a soldier of the llth Legion." Erom Strmica the River Butisnica
opens a natural avenue to the Vale of Knin, in the immediate neighbourhood of
which and atTopolje, near the beautiful upper falls of the Kerka, Roman remains
are of frequent occurrence.

At Knin itself, apparently the ancient Varvaria — wit-
ness an inscription b found on the neighbouring banks
of the Kerka, the ancient Titus or Titius — I observed,
walled into a gateway on a public walk, a little below the
old castle, or "Starigrad," a monument dating probably
from the period when the interior part of Dalmatia was
in the possession of Croat princes, the coast-cities being
still lioman under the more or less shadowy suzerainty
of Byzantium. I paid, indeed, the by no means unex-
ampled penalty of being arrested by the Austrian Com-
mandant for my temerity in copying a stone which was
within his "rayon," but I was able to preserve at least
the front view of this interesting memorial (fig. 4a).
It has since, I am informed, been mysteriously removed
from its ancient site ; for there are still, it would ap-
pear, European countries in which archeology savours
of sedition.

Its face, so far as it is preserved,

TEFKTGt:

Fig. 4a. MONUMENT, PERHAPS

OF AN EARLY CKOAT PRINCE.

Knin, Dalmatia.

The monument is of a remarkable kind,
presents two compartments, in the upper of which stands a full-length figure
holding a spear, and some unknown object ; in the lower is the full-face bust of
a larger figure, which suggests a direct tradition from Constantinian times, to the
left of which is a sceptre. The acanthus leaf and chevron bordering — the latter of
which is frequent on the Roman monuments of Dalmatia — also show the in-
fluence of Imperial models. The elaborate palmetto ornament (fig. 5a), which
forms the border of the exposed side of the slab,c also occurs on the Roman

» C. I. L. iii. 6417.

b The monument (C. I. L. iii. 6418) is erected to a veteran of the llth legion killed here, " FINIBVS

VARVARINORVM IN AGELI.O SECVS TITVM FLYMEN AD PETRAM LONGAM." It W3S found near the village of

Puljane, at a spot still known as Duga Stina, " the long rock " (cf. p. 35).

c The other face of the monument when I saw it was built into the wall. Its height was about 2£ feet.
The segment of this ornament (fig. 5a) is taken from a sketch which the susceptibility of the Austrian
authorities prevented me from completing and which is therefore imperfect.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 63

monuments of the province, and as an ornamental tradition was preserved by the

Eoman coast-cities of Dalmatia in the early Middle Ages. It is seen, for instance,

on the repousse silver area of St. Demetrius at Arbe, au indigenous Dalmatian

work of the eleventh or twelfth century," as Avell as on the panels

of the wooden door of the Duomo at Spalato, executed by that

admirable Spalatine artist, Andrea Guvina, in the year 1214.

In lapidary sculpture it seems to have been not unfrequent in

Adriatic regions in the eighth century, occurring in a rather

degraded form on the altar of the Lombard Duke Pemmo, of

Friuli, who was deposed by Liutprand in 738. Fie- 5°- SPECIMEN OK

ORNAMENTATION ON

The legend between the two panels on the face of the slab THE SIDE OP THE
appears to be STEFATON|| (TE in ligature). It is possible, how-
ever, that the final letter may be part of an M. The sceptre to the left of
the bust would certainly seem to indicate a princely personage, and I observe
that a sceptre of similar form is repeated at intervals round the font of the
Serbian Great Zupan Voislav, or Viseslav, of Zachulmia, formerly in the
church of S. Salvatore, at Venice, at present existing in the Museo Correr.
The Great Zupan, Avhose name it bears, and whom Dr. Kukuljevic Sakcinski b
first identified with the historical personage referred to by Constantine Por-
phyrogenitus, ruled over Zachulmia, the old Serbian region inland from
Ragusa, embracing a good deal of what is at present the Herzegovina, be-
tween about the years 870 — 900. The son of this Zachulmian prince, Michael
Visevic, is twice brought into connexion with the Croatian King Tomislav.
About the year 925, Pope John X. addressed to both a letter exhorting them to
bring up their children in the knowledge of Latin letters ; c and shortly after this
exhortation, both princes are found presiding at a synod at Spalato,'' in which the
use of the Slav vernacular is again denounced. Could it be shown that Tomislav,
like so many later Slavonic princes, attached the Christian name Stephaiius, or

a Engraved in Eitelberger, Die mittctalterlichen Kunstdenkmale Dalmaziens, p. 150.

b Arkiv za poviestnicu jugoslavenskn, vol. iv. p. 390 seqq. The frontispiece to this volume contains a
representation of the font.

c Codex diplomaticus Regni Croatia Dalmatiae et Slavonics, xc. (t. i. p. 7G). The Pope continues, " Quis
enirn specialis filius sancta; Romanae ecclesise, sicut vos estis, in barbara seu Sclavinica lingua Deo sacrificium
offerre delectatur ?"

d Codex diplomatics, xcii. (t. i. p. 78).

64 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Stefanus, to his Croatian name, the inscription on the present stone —the final
letter of which is uncertain — might be taken for the commencement of the words
STEFAN TOMISLAV. It is certain that Knin was highly favoured by the early
Croatian princes ; its bishops received from them the title of Episcopi regii, or
palatini* and the Latin style of the present inscription fits in well with King
Tomislav's acquiescence in the Pope's injunction to abjure the barbarian letters,
in other words, the Glagolitic alphabet.

It is probable that the course of the Roman road, with which we are at pre-
sent specially concerned, passed rather to the east of Knin, skirting its plain, to
the Roman site at Topolje.

From Topolje the present road leads by an easy pass to the town of Verlika,
in the neighbourhood of which, and especially near the source of the Cettina,
several Roman inscriptions have been found, presenting some Illyrian name-
forms. While examining one of these in the medieval graveyard that surrounds
the ruined church of S. Salvatore (Sveti Spas) — itself, as some interlaced Byzan-
tine ornament built into its walls shows, the successor of a still earlier founda-
tion— I had the curiosity to ask my Verlika guide to whom he thought the
ancient monuments OAved their origin. lie replied that they were made by the
old inhabitants of the land, the Goti-Romani, or Roman Goths, who lived there
before his own (Slavonic) forefathers took possession of it. The reply was curious,
as this local tradition of the Goths was certainly, in his case, not derived from
book-learning. The Ostro-Gothic dominion in Dalmatia, as has already been
remarked, was a prosperous episode in the history of the province. The number
of coins of Theodoric, Athalaric, and even the later kings, Witiges, and the
Totila b of history, that are discovered on Dalmatian soil is remarkable, and we
have the distinct statement of Procopius that there existed, side by side with
the Roman provincials, a settled Gothic population in Dalmatia. That the name
of the Goths should still survive in the local folk-lore is the less to be wondered
at when we remember how large a part they play in the early Slavonic sagas
collected by the first Dalmatian historian, the Presbyter of Dioclea.

From Verlika the road runs past Citluk, near Sinj, the site of the ancient
.Equum, to Salona and Spalato. Thus from the upper Sana to the Adriatic, on a
line of ancient communication between the valley of the Save and the local

* Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. iv. p. 280.

b On his coins, Baduila or Baduela. In this connexion I may mention that I have obtained from
Bosnia a jacinth intaglio on which is engraved a monogram bearing the closest resemblance to that of
Theodoric on his coins.

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum, 65

successors of Siscia and Sirrnium on the one hand and the Dalmatian littoral
and the local successor of Salonze on the other, I have traced a succession of
sites marked by the occurrence of Roman monuments and remains. It is diffi-
cult not to believe that this ancient line of communication and the paved road
across the ranges of the Upper Kraina represent the Roman road by which,
according to the Itinerary of Antonine and the Tabula Peutingerlana, the port
of Salonae was brought into connexion with the Pannonian cities Siscia and
Sirmium. It was by no other road that, when Attila overwhelmed these two
imperial cities, the fugitive remnants of their citizens made their way across the
Dinaric ranges to what was then the great Dalmatian city of asylum. It does
not appear that the ravages of Attila actually extended to the Dalmatian littoral,
but in 591 A.D. we find the Avar Khagan making use of this avenue of com-
munication to penetrate into the Adriatic coast-lands from the valley of the
Save. According to the Byzantine chroniclers a the Avar Khagan, compelled
to evacuate Singidunum, the present Belgrade, hurried to Dalmatia and the
Ionian, we may translate the Adriatic, Sea, capturing on the way, with the aid
of siege material, a city variously named Bankeis, Balkes, Balbes, and Balea,
and destroying forty other strongholds. That his chief advance was made along
the Roman high-road appears from the succeeding notice of Theophylact, that
the Roman officer who was despatched with a small body of not more than
two thousand men to observe the Khagan's motions kept to the byways and
avoided the main roads b lest he should encounter the enemy in overwhelming
forces. In this city, which from the context we may infer to have been the key
stronghold of the Roman main line of communication across the Dinaric Alps,
some have traced the Baloie which appears in the Tabula Peutingeriana as the
midmost station between Servitium and Salonae, and Safarik ° has discerned in it
the peak-stronghold of Bilaj, about ten miles distant from the confluence of the
Unnac and the Unna, famous in later history as the scene of the execution of
the last King of Bosnia by his Turkish captors. Dr. Racki d prefers to see in it
Baljke, near Dernis, within the modern Dalmatian border.0 Personally, I would

a Theophylact Simocatta, Hist. vii. 11, 12 (Ed. Bonn, p. 291.) Theophanes, Chronoyraphia ,
p. 428.

*> T<is X€w06pouc.

c Slav. Alt. vol. ii. p. 238.

'' Mon. Spec. hist. Slavorum Meridionalium, vol. vii. p. 254.

e I can see no reasonable grounds for accepting Pr 'f. Tomaschek's conjecture (in the teeth of all the
MSS.), that the word is a corruption of Salviis (Vorslaivische Topographie, &c. p. 19), or the suggestion of
VOL. XLVIII. K

66 Antiquarian Researches in Illyncum.

venture to suggest that the alternative forms " Bayy/ceis " and " BaX/ojs " simply
represent a late Latin " Balneis " or " Bagneis" the Italian Bagni. The
Eoman word in its singular form Balnea has supplied the present Slavonic-
speaking inhabitants of Illyricum with the word " Banja" universally applied
to places where hot springs exist, and the thermal source and remains of the
lloman bath-building at Banjaluka give the word a peculiar significance in con-
nexion with the great highway from Pannonia to the Dalmatian coast, which,
as has been already pointed out, passed by that position. In the Tabula Banjaluka
appears as Castra* but by the sixth century the town may have already begun
to bear the vulgar Latin name that it has preserved to this day. Geographically,
this identification squares well with the course of this Avar invasion, and,
indeed, from a military point of view, 'the position holds the key to the northern
end of the line of passes through which the lloman road ran after leaving the
lowlands of the Save.

This Eoman highroad was thus already in the fifth and sixth centuries an
avenue at once of barbarian invasion and of civilised exodus towards the sunny
shores of the Adriatic. Eight centuries after the time of Attila the descendants
of the very hordes that had driven forth the Romans from the Pannonian cities
were forced to flee from Mongols more savage than themselves, and the abiding
traces and traditions that I have been able to point out serve to show that it was
by this same Eoman road-line that King Bela and the remnants of the Hungarian
chivalry sought their Dalmatian City of Eefuge. It is interesting to notice that
on the site of Salonae, and in its local successor Spalato, monumental records
both of the later and of the earlier catastrophes have been preserved to us. At
Salonse, beneath the floor of the Eoman-Christian basilica, there was recently
discovered, above a violated tomb, a marble slab erected to the memory of the
infant daughter of some high-born Eoman, " who was brought," the inscription
tells us, " from Sirmium to Salonse " (fig. 6a):b —

DEPOSETIO INFANTIS
DOMNICAE XII KAI>ED
OCTOBRIS QVAE A SIRMI
0 SALONAS ADVCTA EST

Dr. Hoernes (Alterthiimer der Hercegovma, &c. vol. ii. p. 134), that " Salvice" (in mostMSS. " Silvia: ")
and "Balbeis" are alternative names for the same place.

a Perhaps the AD LADIOS of Antoninus.

b This monument is at present in the Museum at Spalato, and has been described by Dr. Glavinic.

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 67

Written in a style and letters that proclaim the age of Attila, the simple record,
"Qua a Sirmio Salonas aducta est," speaks for itself. Side by side with this

Fig. Ca. ROMAN CHRISTIAN SEPULCHRAL SLAB.
From the Christian Basilica, Salona.

Salonitan memorial to this tender victim of the Huns and their associates may
be set a monument formerly existing outside the Cathedral Church at Spalato,
reared to the memory of the two young princesses, daughters of King Bela, who
succumbed at Clissa to the hardships and terrors of the flight from the Tatars,
and whose bodies were carried to Spalato :a —

CATHARINA INCLYTA ET FVLGENS MARGARITA
IN HOC ARCTO TVMVLO IACENT ABSQVE VITA
BELLE IIII FILIE REGIS HUNGARORVM
ET MARIE LASCARI REGINE GRECORVM
AB IMPIIS TARTARIS FVERVNT FVGATE
MORTVE IN CLISSIO HVC SPALETVM TRANSLATE.

a Of. Thomas Arehidiaconus, op. cit. c. xl. " Mortuse sunt duse puellse virgines, scilicet nlise regis
Belse et in ecclesia B. Domnis honorifice tumulatae."

Lucius, who gives this inscription in his notes to Thomas Archid. (in De Regno Dalmatice et Croatia,
Frankfort, 1666, p. 478), adds, " Gulielmus quoque, Belee ex filia nepos, in hac eadem fuga mortuus,
Tragurii sepultus fuit." The epitaph of this prince formerly existing at Traii is given by the same author
in his Memorials of that city. It contained the lines,

" Arcente denique barbaro perverse
Infinitis Tartaris marte sub adverse,
Quartum Belam proseqnens ejus consobrinum
Ad mare pervenerat usque Dalmatinum."
K 2

68 Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum.

The roads, the course of which I have heen hitherto attempting to investigate,
were of considerable importance as the highways of communication between the
Dalmatian capital and the great Adriatic emporium of Aquileja, the key of Italy,
on the one side and on the other between it and the imperial Pannonian cities,
Siscia and Sirmium. Prom Salonse onwards another main line of thoroughfare
was opened out along the lateral valleys of the Dinaric ranges to Scodra and
Dyrrhachium, where it joined the famed Egnatian Way and the Greek and Mace-
donian road system.

The course of this road — which forms, in fact, a continuation of the land
route connecting the Italian cities with Athens and Thessalonica — has been
ascertained with tolerable precision as far as the next important Dalmatian
centre, Narona.

Prom Salonse the road ran inland, past the key-fortress of Klissa, the KXeura
of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, that closes the mountain-pass conducting towards
the Vale of the Cettina. That river, the ancient Tilurus, it reached at a bridge-
station called from it Pons Tiluri, or Tilurium, the name of which still survives
in that of the modern village of Trilj, near which, at a spot called Gardun, the
ancient site is still distinctly visible.

Here, on the right bank of the Cettina, was discovered an important inscrip-
tion referring to the restoration of the Eoman bridge over the river by the
citizens of Novse, Delminium, and Eider, in the name of the Emperor Commodus."
The site of two of these cities has been fixed with certainty. Rider,b the Muni-
cipium Eiditarum, was an important Illyrian staple near the present coast-town
of Sebenico, the mediaeval commercial relations of which with the interior it
seems to have anticipated. The site of Novse we shall pass at Eunovic, on the
high road to Narona. The position of Delminium, the historic stronghold which

a IMP'CAES || M. AVEELIVS || COMMODVS || AKTONINVS || AVG ' PIV8 ' SARM || GERM ' MAXIMVS || BRITTAN-
NICUS |] PONT ' MAX ' TRIB || POT • VIIII ' IMP • VI || COS • IllI ' P ' P || PONTEM ' HIPPI FLVMl[|NIS ' VETVSTATE
COR||RVPTUM RESTITVIT || SVMPTVM ET OPERAS || SVBMINISTRANTIBVS || NOVENSIBVS DELMI||NENBIBVS
RIDITIS • CV||RANTE • ET • DEDICANTE || L • IVNIO • RVFINO • PROCV||LIANO • LEG • PR • PR • (C. I. L. iii. 3202.)
This inscription was discovered by Dr. Carrara and first published in the Bulletino dell' Inst. di Corr.
Arch. 1815. The name of Commodus had been defaced in accordance with the orders of the Senate recorded
by Lampridius.

b The form in which it appears in Ravennas, the only geographer who mentions it. He gives it
(5, 14) as the last station before reaching Scardona, on the road from Tragurion (Triiu). Its actual
site was at St. Danilo near Sebenico. (Of. C. I. L. iii. 2767, &c.)

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 69

gave its name to the dominant Dalmatian race,a is more difficult to determine.
Earlier writers had no hesitation in looking for it beyond the Prolog range that
overhangs the Cettina Valley to the north, in the plain of Duvno, the mediaeval
name of which, Dulmno, is derived unquestionably from an Illyro-Roman form
Dalmino ;b and where, on the heights of Zupanjac, Roman remains have been
discovered. On the other hand, the occurrence of the name on the inscription
relating to the Cettina bridge, coupled with the existence of considerable Roman
remains on the height of Gardun, has led the most recent authorities to fix here
the site of Delminium.c Mommsen argues with some force that the bridge must
have been comprised in the territory of one of the three cities that bore the
expense of its restoration ; that we know that neither the Novenses nor the
Riditae embraced the Cettina valley in their district, and that, hence, it follows
that the bridge lay in the territory of Delminium,11 which he fixes at the site of
Gardun. Professor Tomaschek, judging by the general range of the campaign
that preceded the capture of this famous Dalmatian stronghold by Figulus, in
156 B.C. had been already led to seek its site in the Cettina valley ; ° and Pro-
fessor Glavinic, of Spalato, who shares this view, has traced to his own satis-
faction both the line of the walls of the original Illyrian city and the more
restricted circumvallation of the Roman town, as rebuilt after the capture by
Figulus and Scipio Nasica/

Still, it must be observed that the simple fact that Figulus took Narona
as his base in his campaign against Delminium does not by any means exclude
its having been situated on the Duvno plain. The actual distance from
Narona to Duvno is considerably less than that from Narona to Gardun, and
a route might be chosen presenting few serious .obstacles.8 The evidence

" " noXiK AeXjuveov oOiv apa nai TO ovo/ta avro'tg if AeX/^areaf Eira AaX/jdraj trpaTnj." Appian, Illyr. ii.
Of. Strabo. vii. 5.

b The variant forms of the name occur: Delminum, Dalmis, Dalmion, Delmion.

0 Cf. Prof. W. Tomaschek, Die vorslawische Topographie der Bosna, Herzegowina, Crnagora. und der
angrenzenden Gebiete (Wien, 1880). (Separat-abdruck aus den Mittheilungen der k. k: geographischen
Gesellschaft), p. 9. The Catholic bishopric that existed here in the fourteenth century was still known as
Ep. Delmensis or Dulmcnsis.

d C. I. L. iii. p. 358, s. v. DELMINIUM.

c Die vorslawische Topographic der Bosna, Herzegowina, Crnagora und der angrenzenden Gebiete.
(Separat-abdruck aus den Mittheilungen der k. k. geographischen Gesellschaft), p. 10.

* Bullettino di Archeologia e Storia Dalmata, 1878, p. 23.

* What is extremely pertinent in this regard, Constantino Porphyrogenitus mentions that the "Zupa of
Dalen," the form given by him to the old Slavonic Duhnno (Duvno), belonged to the Pagani or Narentans:
a fact which shows a certain facility of inter-communication between the inland plain of Duvno and the

70 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

again of the Itineraries is against Delminium having stood at Gardun, which
answers to the station Tilurium or Pons Tiluri, a name as we have seen still
perpetuated by the neighbouring village of Trilj. It is further noteworthy that,
admitting that the ancient Delminium stood in the district which still pre-
serves its name, the routes from Delminium and Novae towards the port of the
Riditse would converge just at the point where the bridge was constructed. The
name Delminium is absent in the Tabula and Itineraries, yet we know that it
continued to survive from the fact that in the Second Provincial Council of
Salonae, A.D. 532, we find mention of an Episcopus Delminensis Mbntanorum* a
bishop, that is, whose district embraced what was then a mountain- girt territory,
taking its name from the ancient city which itself, probably, was already in ruins.
This sixth century " Delminian Weald" reappears in Constantine Porphyro-
geuitus b four centuries later as the 2upa of Dalen, the Dulmno or Duvno of later
Slavonic records ; and the Presbyter of Dioclea, who composed his Regnmi
Slavorum (woven for the most part out of earlier Sagas) at Antivari in the
tAvelfth century, places the fabled Synod of King Svatopluk on "the Plain of
Dalma." ° In the other version of this earliest Serbian Chronicle, that, namely,
discovered in the Kraina and translated into Latin from the original Slav by
Marcus Marulus in 1510, the King's name appears as Budimir, and the place of
the great Moot is expressly mentioned as on the site of the ruins of Delminium.
These traditions are at least valuable as showing the continued living on of the
old Illyrian city-name on the Duvno plain in an ecclesiastical connexion ; and
this is further brought out by Thomas, the Archdeacon of Spalato, who, writing
in the thirteenth century, speaks of Duvno as Delmina, and as containing the
site of the ancient city Delmis. He further tells us that in his day there was
still to be seen here a church with an inscription recording its dedication by
St. Germanus, Bishop of Capua,6 who, as we learn from other sources, was sent

Narenta Valley. (De Adm. Imp. c. 30.) Dr. Kukuljevic", Codex diplomaticus regni Croatia, Dalmatice et
Slavonic, pt. I. p. 86, note, agrees in identifying the Zupa of " Dalen " with Duvno.

a Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. ii. p. 173.

b Loc. cit. The geographical details of Constantine regarding Dalmatia and its borderlands are
peculiarly valuable, and seem to have been supplied by trustworthy native informants; not improbably
Ragusan patricians, amongst whom was a Byzantine Protospafharius. Constantino's words are : " >'i M rav

AaXtvov (£oujrai>i'a) firixoBtv tori Tijg Oa\daat]£ KOI IK T/if ipyaaiaf ?<5<ri T>")f yijc-"

: " In planitie Dalmse," Diocleas, Regnum Slavorum (in Lucius de Segno Dalmatice, &c. Frankfort,
1666, p. 289.)

d Marci Maruli, Region Dalmatice et Croatice gesta (in Lucius, op. cit. p. 306).

e Historia Salonitana, cap. xiii. " Istaque fuerunt Regni eorum (sc. regum Dalmatise et Croatia)

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 71

by Pope Hormisdas to Constantinople in 509 A.D." This is certainly an indica-
tion that the bishopric of Delminium, mentioned in the Council- Acts of Salona
of A.D. 532, should be sought on the plain of Duvno, where in Thomas's days this
ancient basilica was still standing. From the early part of the fourteenth cen-
tury (1337) onwards we again hear of a regular series of bishops of Duvno,
Episcopi Delmenses.b

The Roman monuments themselves discovered on the Gardun site supply
strong negative evidence that the city that existed there was rather a Roman
foundation than a great native centre. They are almost purely of a legionary
character. On the other hand, if we examine the monuments discovered on the
site of the Municipium of the Riditae, which appears from the inscription relating
to the bridge to have been the maritime outlet of the old Dalmatian capital, we
find a very large proportion of pure Illyrian names, such as Panto, Madocus,
Tritano, Aplo, Baezo, Vendo, Pladomenus, and if we turn to another inland
example of an important native site, the old Illyrian hill-stronghold of St. Ilija,
near Plevlje, we are again struck with the great preponderance of native names,
the bulk of which are absolutely identical with those that occur on the monu-

ments of the Riditae. So remarkable, indeed, are the coincidences that we are
reduced to infer that a strong commercial bond of some kind linked these two
sufficiently remote Illyrian centres. How much the more must this community
of names have existed between the Ridita3 and the comparatively neighbouring
Delminenses, whose cities, moreover, we know from the Gardun inscription to
have been connected by commerce as well as by the affinities of race. And yet we
are asked to believe that a site characterised rather by an absence of Dalmatian
names was that of the city which gave its name to the Dalmatian race.

From all these considerations I am led, the high authority of Mommsen not-
withstanding, to seek the site of Delminium on the more inland plain that still
preserves a corruption of its name. Von Hahn's derivation of the name Del-
minium, as suggested by Albanian parallels, from an Illyrian word signifying a
sheep-pasture,0 fits in well with the character of the Duvno Poije, and this

confinia, ab Oriente Delmina ubi fuit civitas Delmis in qua est quondam Ecclesia quam B. Germanus
Capuanus Episcopus consecravit sicut scriptum reperitur in ea."

a Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. iv. p. 1G9.

b Farlati, op. cit. t. iv. p. 168 seqq. From 1685 onwards the diocese was placed under Vicars Apostolic.

c Albanesische Studien, p. 232. Hahn is of opinion that Delminium answers to a Gheg Albanian
form 3t\piv-f.u = sheep-fold, or sheep-pasture. He further compares the name of the Dalmatian city with
that of the two Epirote towns Delvino and Delvinaki.

72 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

pastoral origin would explain the statement of Straboa that Scipio Nasica
made the plain a sheep pasture at the same time that he reduced the size of the
town.

Whether or not, however, the Boman city that stood on the site of Gardun
bore any earlier name than that of Tilurium, under which it appears in the
Itineraries, it is certain that the remains of an aqueduct and of an amphitheatre
attest the former existence at this spot of a station of considerable importance.
Gems and other minor antiquities are discovered here in great abundance, and a
carnelian intaglio representing the head of the Emperor Antoninus Pius procured
by me from this site is one of the most exquisite examples of Roman portraiture
with which I am acquainted.

Beyond the bridge station of the Tilurus traces of the road have been
detected,1' running from Vedrine, on the left bank of the river, past the village of
Budimir, and along the vale of Cista to Lovrec,0 and thence to Bunovic, on the
skirts of the plain of Imoski. Here was the site of an important Municipium,
the identification of which with the AD NOVAS of the Tabula is established by the
discovery at this spot of inscriptions referring to the Novenses.'1 Here were
found two altars dedicated to Jove and the Genius of the Municipium, and other
inscriptions referring to the local IIVIRI and Decurions. The remains of baths
and of tasteful mosaic pavements attest the prosperity of the Boman town ; and
the Christian Basilica of the Municipium Novense is mentioned as late as 532 A.D.
The bridge over the Cettina, in the construction of which, as we have seen, the
inhabitants of this city participated,0 must have been of the highest importance to
the Novenses, as improving their communication with the North Dalmatian
ports.

Beyond Bunovic the Boman road crosses the watershed into the upper

a Ghog, vii. 5: " AdA/jiov It /HyaXij jroXif >}c iirwrv/iov TO tdvo<; /ii/cpdx £' iiroiijat Nnmiraf *«< TO iriSiov fir]\6/3oTov
diii T>]V Tr\iove£iav THiv avOpiaTruiv."

b Cf. Glavinic, Bullettino di Archeologia e Storia Dalmata, 1878, p. 54. A. K. Matas, Prinos za
iztrazivanje tragova rimskih puteva u Dalmaciji ( "A contribution towards investigating the traces of the
Roman roads in Dalmatia"), in the Viestnik hrvatskoga arkeologickoga Druztva, 1880, p. 32, mentions an
alternative route along the right bank of the Cettina, but omits to specif)' the evidence on which his state-
ments rest.

0 According to Prof. Glavinic. loc. cit. traces of a Roman road are to be seen running from Lovred to
the Western part of the plain of Duvno.

11 C. I. L. iii. 1892, 1908, 1909, 1910.

e Ada Concilii ii. Salonitani, in Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, t. ii. p. 173.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricwm. 73

valley of the Tihaljina or Trebiicat, where remains of it are still to be traced near
the village of Nezdravica and elsewhere, running along the left bank of the
river."

The next station along the road that can be determined with certainty is
Bigeste, the last station before reaching Narona. The ruins of this city are
visible at Gradcine and Humac, near the Herzegovinian town of LjubuSki, still
in the valley of the river tTrebiaat, and the foundations of a Roman bridge that
spanned the river at this point are still preserved.1" Several inscriptions have
been discovered on this site, two of them recording the restoration of a temple
and portico of Liber Pater by officers of the 1st and llth Legions ; c and a mile-
stone, now, unfortunately, no longer to be seen, is said to have been found near
the village of Humac.

To the inscriptions from this site I am able to add the following, a copy of
which I obtained from the Pravoslav Kalugjer of Ljubuski, Kristofor Milutin-
ovic. It was found near Ljubuski, in January last, and exists at present near
the Serbian church. (See fig. 7n.)

The auxiliary cohort of the Lucernes to which this JEques belonged was from
Lucus Augusti, the present Lugo, in Gallsecia. There is epigraphic evidence of
the presence of the 1st cohort of the Lucenses in Pannonia,'1 in the year 80 A.U. ;
and there are references to the second and fifth Lucensian cohorts in other
Illyrian military diplomas of the first and second century.6 The name Andami-
onius has, as might be expected, a Celtic ring, recalling the Andoco(mins) and
Amminus of British coins. Andes occurs as an indigenous Dalmatian name.

Between the site of Bigeste f and Narona the Roman road is distinctly trace-

a Dr. Glavinic traced its course in 185G from Runovic past the villages of Ploce and Drinovce to the
Upper Tihaljina. Bullettino, loc. cit. Cf. Dr. Blau, Reisen in Bosnien u. der Hertzeyoviiia, Berlin, 1K77,
c. 42.

b Cf. Hoernes, Eomische Alterthumer in Bosnien u. der Hercegovina in Archaologisch-epigrapliische
Mittheilungen, vol. iv. p. 37 seqq.

c C. I. L. iii. 6362, 6363, one of A.D. 173.

d Cf. the Diploma of Vespasian, C. I. L. iii. D. xi.

c ii LVCENSIVM, C. I. L. iii. D. xxi. in Mresia A. 105: v. LVCIENSIVM ET CALLAECORVM. A. 60 in
Illyricum. D. ii.: A. 85 in Pannonia D. xii.: in Pannonia Superior D. xxxix. In the Notitia Utriusque
Imperil (Occ. xlii. 29) is mentioned the Tribunus Cohortis Lucensis, Luco.

1 From the occurrence of Roman remains at a succession of localities (Vitina, Kreindvor, Stiulenci,
Gradnic", Cerin, KruSka), between Ljubuski and the Vale of Mostar, Dr. Hoernes conjectures that on this
side a road branched off from Bigeste to the valley of the Narenta. (Cf. Blau, Reisen in Bosnien, &c. p. 42).
VOL. XLVIII. L

74 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

able, being, indeed, in parts so well preserved that, if cleared of bushes, it might
still be useful for traffic." The natives, without taking in the meaning of their words,

Figure of a man
/litrst' l>ack.

ANDAMIONIVS'AN

DAMI-F'EQ-CoH-J

STOCV' H * S • E

POSIT

Fig. 7". FBOM LJUBUsKI, HERZEGOVINA, THE ANCIENT BICESTE.

still repeat a tradition, that it leads from " Solin to Norin," in other words, from
Salona to Narona. They call it Sekulan or " Janko's Road," from a supposed con-
nexion with the feats of the latter-day Illyrian hero, John Hunniades, the Deli
Janko of South-Slavonic epic. At distances respectively of one and two miles from
Viddo, the site of Narona, the bases of two Roman milestones are still in position.
The site of the important Dalmatian city of Narona has been better explored
than most. One hundred and twenty-six inscriptions from this spot have been

a Glavinic, Mittheihmgen der k. k. Commission, &c. 1880, p. xciii.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 75

published in the Corpus Inscriptionum* and others have been added more recently
by Professor Glavinie, being the result of excavations conducted at this spot on
behalf of the Central Commission at Vienna.11 The early existence of an Illyrian
staple on the lower Narenta may be gathered from the passage of Theopompos
of Chios, already cited ;° and the fact signalized by Prof. Mommsen, that here
alone among Dalmatian sites have been discovered Roman inscriptions of the age
of the Republic, indicates that a Roman mercantile plantation had been established
here at a period considerably anterior to the " deduction " hither, about the time
of Augustus, of a colony of Veterans.

The chief remains are situate on a conical hill,d the existing village on which
owes its name, Viddo, to a divinity of the Narentine Slavs, — the Pagani of Coii-
stantine Porphyrogenitus. Here, probably, was the Castra or citadel of Narona,
of which Vatinius speaks in his letter, addressed to Cicero from this city ;e the rest
of the town lying in terraces on the mountain theatre behind.

A number of beautiful objects found on this site, besides the inscriptions
recording the erection of temples and public baths by local benefactors, attest the
former opulence of this Illyrian city. In the course of his recent excavations
Professor Glavinie discovered here an amethystine glass bowl of exquisite fabric,
and from the occurrence of glass tumblers of that late thorn-bossed kind/ which
in the West we are apt to associate with Prankish and Saxon sepulture, we may
infer that here, as at Doclea further to the South, glass manufacture continued
till a very late date ; at least, it is difficult to imagine that such fragile wares as
I have seen excavated at Narona were transported from any great distance. It
is possible that the Ostro-gothic chiefs in Dalmatia, like their Teutonic kinsmen
of the West, patronised this curious excrescence of late-Roman luxury.

The smaller glass bottles and so-called lachrymatories, so common on this site,
have a special interest in their connexion with a local product. Pliny tells us
that only two unguents of the royal Persian kind are produced in Europe, the

a C. I. L. iii. p. 291 seqq. and p. 1029.

b Cf. Glavinie, Bullettino di Archeologia e Storia Dalmata, &c. Ephemeris Epigraphica, vol.iv.p. 86 seqq.

c See p. 45.

d Cf. Glavinid, Mittheilungen, &c. 1880, p. xciv.

c "Vatinius Imp. Ciceroni .... ex castris Narona." (Ad. Fam. v. ep. 9.) Vatinius complains of
the Dalmatian winter.

* A specimen seen by me at Metcovich, and found at Viddo on the site of Narona, was precisely
similar in form to tumblers found in Kent, in the Sax.m cemetery at Fairford, in the Prankish graves at
Selzen in Rhenish Hesse, in Normandy, and elsewhere. Cf. Roach Smith, Collectanea Anttqua, vol. ii.
pi. li. Lindenschmidt, Die Alterthumer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit, vol. i. Heft si. t. 7, &c.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Illyrian Iris- and the Gallic spikenard." The best quality of Iris grew, he tells,
in the wooded interior ahout the Drill and the city of Narona. The mouths of
the Naron or Narenta,11 on which this city lay, and the Drin, had already heen
celebrated for this herb by Nikander in his Theriacaf and the naturalist Theo-
phrastos rt yields the palm to the Illyrian Iris. The flower from whose root the
spikenard was prepared is abundant throughout all this region, and its rain-
bow petals may still be seen lighting up the ruins of Narona. To the natives it is
known as Mcicic, a translation of the Latin word Gladiolus,0 but also as Perunika]
suggestive of the name of the old Slavonic Thunder-god Perun, and thus attesting
the abiding veneration in which the herb was held. We may perhaps reasonably
infer that many of these Naronitan unguentaria contained the precious balm

for which the neighbouring Illyrian wilds were so early
famous, and which was exported, as may be gathered from
Pliny's reference, to the other provinces of the Empire.
In this connexion I may mention an unguentarium, re-
cently obtained by me on the site of the ancient Salonse,
which seems to show that that luxurious Dalmatian citv
was not content with perfumes of native origin. It is a
small crystal bottle of a form suggestive of Oriental in-
fluences, and was no doubt one of those precious crystalla,
or crystal vessels imported, as Martial s tells us, by the Nile
fleet (fig. 7*) : — Alexandria, being then the channel by
which the products of India and the furthest East reached
Italy and the West. I obtained the unguentarium on the
spot from a peasant who had dug it up with other Roman
remains in his campagna within the circuit of the ancient
walls. It is not improbable that it formed part of the
contents of a late- Roman grave ; a variety of crystal
vessels were found in the sarcophagus of Maria, the child-bride of Honorius,

Fig. 7*.
CRYSTALLUM PROM SALONS.

1 '' Ergo regale unguentum appellatur quoniam regibus Parthorum ita temperatur Nihilque

ejus rei causa in Italia victrice omnium, in Europa vero tota, prseter irim Illyricam et nardum Gallicum
gignitur." (//. N. lib. xiii. c. 2.)

' " Iris laudatissiina iu Illyrico et ibi quoque non in maritimis sed in silvestribus Drilonis et

Narona." (//. N. lib. xxi. c. 19.) Pliny here names the city Narona and not the river Naron.

° "Ifiv ff ijv 'i9pe\l/e ApeXuv KOI Nopovof ox9ij.

A Hist. Plant, lib. ix. c. 9.

c Cf. the French word for Iris, GMeul.

1 Also as Bogisa, from Bog = God.

* xii. 74, " Cum tibi Niliacus portet crystalla cataplus."

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 77

brought to light during some excavations at St. Peter's in 1544," and, in the fifth
century, Salonse, the last refuge of Empire in the West, rivalled Rome and
Ravenna themselves in the dignity of her interments.

Among the objects obtained by myself from Narona are two marble heads,
one of a Roman lady, the style of whose coiffure appears best to tally with that
of the daughter of Diocletian and wife of Galerius, the Empress Galeria Valeria,
though the workmanship would seem to belong to a better age ; the other head is
of Mercury, and is executed in a fine Grseco-Roman style. The cult of Mercury
was specially popular at Narona, as is witnessed by an altar and another
dedicatory inscription,11 both raised by the Seviri Augustales, who add to their
titles on several more of the local inscriptions the letters M.M. interpreted to mean
Mayistri Mercuriales."

On the same occasion I procured the handle and part of the blade of a sacrificial
knife (see PI. II.), the use of which was possibly not unconnected with the sacral
functions of these Naronese Seviri. The blade of this knife is of iron, the hilt of
bronze, circled with an interlaced palmetto ornament, and terminating in a griffin's
head of considerable spirit. The Roman sacrificial knife seems to have been of
various forms and materials, and Festus d tells us of the gold and ivory handle of the
" secespita" used by the flamens and pontifices at Rome. The present example
answers exactly to a common form of the sacrificial knife as seen associated with
other sacrificial utensils on ancient monuments. This monumental form, like the
Naronese knife, is of great breadth in proportion to its length, and the handles, as
in the present instance, terminate in the heads of animals such as
lions and eagles.

Engraved gems are plentiful among the ruins of Narona, and
I acquired a ring of peculiar form and material (fig. 7t). It is
carved out of a single pale Turquoise, the highly valued Sap-
phirus of the Ancients, and has engraved upon it in high relief
a two- winged insect resembling a moth with folded wings.
Fig. 7f. The coins that have passed through my hands from this site

TURQUOISE EINR range from Dyrrhachian silver pieces of the third century B.C. to
FROM NARONA.

a Luc. Faunus, de Antiquitatibus Urbis Roma, c. x. Cf. King, National History of Gems or semi-
precious Stones, p. 105.

" C. I. L. Hi. 1792, 1793. c Cf. Mommsen, op. tit. p. 29J.

a Ad. Virg. JEn.vv. 262. Festus' words are: " Secespitam esse Antistius Labeo ait cultrum ferreum
oblongum, manubrio rotundo, eburneo, solido, vincto aJ capulum auro argentoque, fixum clavis ameis, »re
Cyprio : quo Flamines, Flaminicce Virgines, Pontificesque ad sacrificia utuntur." On Consular coins the
instrument of sacrifice generally appears as an axe.

78 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

the fifth century of our era. Consular denarii and coins of the early Empire
are abundant; the latest piece that I have noticed is of the Emperor Anas-
tasius.

With reference to the early Greek mercantile connexion with the Narcnta
valley, the name of Trappano, a little town on the peninsula of Sabbioncello,
opposite the Narenta mouth, suggests a Hellenic origin. Its peninsular position
was precisely such as the old Greek colonists on the Illyrian coast were prone to
choose for their plantations, and it would stand to the Illyrian staple of Narona
in the same relation as the Greek settlement on the isle of Issa stood to the
staple of Salonse. The name of Drepanon, or "the sickle," seems to have been
commonly applied by Greek settlers to similar promontories, and the horn of
rock which here runs into the sea presents analogies with the Cretan Dhrepano
and the Sicilian Trapani. At Trappano itself the stranger hears of antiquities at
every turn. Below the town is a tower known to the inhabitants as Caesar's
Palace, but a very slight examination convinced me of its mediaeval origin. The
same is probably true of the remains of the castle on the hill, but I observed a
cistern and a wall with narrow bricks and tiles alternating with masonry, that
certainly seemed to be of Roman construction. Roman coins are of frequent
occurrence, and I was informed that, two and a-half years since, in making the
IICAV road, some beautifully-wi'ought marbles, including several inscriptions, were
brought to light and at once broken up for road material. It is to be observed,
as explaining the apparently Hellenic origin of Trappano, that it lies on the
natural transit route across the peninsula of Sabbioncello, between the ancient
emporium of the Narenta and the port of Curzola, the Kejo/cu/m yueXcuva, or Black
Corcyra, of the ancients, one of the earliest Greek island colonies on the
Illyrian shore, and which must have stood to the mainland staple of Narona in
the same economic relation as that in which Issa and Pharia stood to Salonae. At
the present day the communications between Curzola and Metcovich, the modern
local representative of Narona, follows this line.

Up to Narona the general direction, at times even the exact course, of the
great Dalmatian-Macedonian highway is well ascertained. The distances from
Salonae and Narona of the three identified stations, Pons Tiluri, Ad Novas, and
Bigeste fit in well with the numbers of the Itinerary and Tabula ; a and the total
distance given — 83 or 84 Roman miles — squares equally well with the actual

a Adding on in the case of the Tabula the omitted distance of xiii. m. p.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 79

distance from Viddo, the site of Narona, via LjubuSki, Runovic, and Trilj, to
the site of Salonse, and at the same time approximates within a mile to Pliny's
calculation."

From Narona onwards to the neighbourhood of Scodra all is as dark and
uncertain as it was clear before ; and the last writer who has attempted to
elucidate the problem, Dr. Hoernes,b in despair of reconciling the distances given
with the probable localities of the stations, throws over the numbers supplied by
the Tabula and the Itinerary altogether.

It must be observed, however, that, with the exception of a single omission in
the Tabula, which Antonine enables us to supply, we have up to this point had
every reason to rely on the mileage given by our two authorities ; and that the
sum of the mileage given between Narona and Scodra, 172 m.p. is very much
what we should expect to find it. Admitting that we have lost our compass, that
is no reason for throwing away our measuring-rod as well.

Hitherto, for the whole distance, Narona — Scodra, there has been no inter-
mediate fixed point to guide us in our inquiry. In the course of my explo-
rations of the Herzegovinian ranges that lie inland to the north-east of the site of
Epitaurum, I have come upon some Roman remains which may help to supply
this desideratum. In order, however, to show what I believe to be the full
bearing of these new materials on the question at issue, I may be allowed to
examine the whole subject from a point of view which appears to me to have been
hitherto too little regarded.

Before proceeding further with this investigation, it may be well to give a
comparative table of the route Narona— Scodra, as given by the Tabula and the
Itinerary of Antonine.

Itinerary. Tabula.

NARONA . . . NARONA

XII c

XXV AD TVRRES

XIII

DALLVNTO DILVNTO

XIIII

a Ixxxv. m. p.

b Alterthumer der Hercegovina und der s&dlichen Theile Bosniens, vol. ii. p. 14C.
c Accepting the correction of the xxii. given, in order to square with the xxv. m.p. given by
Antonine as the distance, Narona — Dallunto.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Itinerary.
XL

LEVSINIO .

XXVIII
ANDERBA .

XVIII

SALLVNTO .

XVII
ALATA

X
BIRZIMINIO

XVIII
CINNA

XII
SCODRA

Tabula.
PARDVA

XVI

VIII
LEVSINIO

XII
SALLVNTO

XVII
ANDERVA

VI
VARIS

XI
SALLVNTO

XVII
HALATA

X
BERSVMNO

XVI
SINNA

XX
SCODRA

AD ZIZIO

XXVIII

ASAMO

XX
EPITAVRO

It will be seen that the Roman road from Narona to Scodra (the modern
Scutari tf Albania], as given in the Tabula, forks at a point called Ad Zizio into
two branches, one of which leads through the interior of the country to Scodra,
the other runs to Epitaurum (Ragusa Vecchia), and follows thence the coast-line
to Butua and Lissus (Alessio).

Hitherto, owing mainly to an expression of the Geographer of Ravenna, it has
been assumed that the earlier part of this route, the route common to the two
lines of communication, followed the coast-line from Narona. This conclusion I
am altogether unable to accept.

Ravennas, in a confused list of Dalmatian cities, all of which, according to
his statement, are on the sea-coast,a adds after Epitaurum, " id est : Ragusium,"

" Lib, iv. c. 16: "Attamen Dalmatiee plurimas fuisse civitates legimus ex quibus aliquas designare
volumus qu» ponuntur per litus maris, id est: Burzumi, Aleta, Saluntum, Butua, Decadoron, Buccinum,
Rucinium, Epitaurum id est Ragusium, Asamon, Zidion, Pardua id est Stamnes, Turres, Narrona," &c.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 81

— "Asamon, Zidion, Pardua, id e&t Stamnes, Turres, Narrona." The order of the
names between Epitaurum and Narona shows an agreement with the Tabula,
" Dilunto " alone being omitted, and the identification of Epitaurum with the
site of Ragusa, by Ravennas' time already a famous city, being correct within a
few miles, it is inferred that Ravennas is an equally good authority for the
approximate identification of Pardua with " Stamnes," or Stagno, a town situate
on the neck of the peninsula of Sabbioncello.

On the other hand it is equally probable that the Geographer of Ravenna,
knowing the order of some of the most famous towns on the other side of the
Adriatic, as they existed in his day, and knowing the connexion between Ragusa
and Epitaurum (a fact which, as Ragusa Vecchia preserved the name of Pitaur to
a much later date, must have been tolerably notorious), proceeded further to
identify Stagno, the next modern seaport known to him, midway between Ragusa
and the mouth of the Narenta, with what on the ancient chart from which he
drew was the middle station between Epitaurum and Narona. Considering the
grotesque blunders with which his list begins, placing " in ipso lit ore mar is " three
cities which lie, beyond all contestation, in the central glens of what is now Monte-
negro, the fact that Ravennas places Pardua, Asamon and Zidion (the AD zizio
of the Tabula), on the coast, can prove nothing as to their real position, and the
situation of Stagno lying on a peninsula, off the line of any possible coast road,
makes its identification with any station on the line Narona — Scodra highly im-
probable. Stagno derives its name from the Stagnnm or shallow lagune of sea,
whence from time immemorial salt has been obtained by evaporation. In Con-
stantine Porphyrogenitus it appears already as Stagnum* but there are no remains
either on this site, or anywhere within miles of it, of Roman habitation.

To prove that the earlier stages of the great line Narona — Scodra lay along the
Adriatic coast requires something more than a random statement of a writer
like Ravennas. The Tabula, which from its distorted form can rarely be appealed
to with confidence as to the exact direction of a road, observes in this case a
judicious neutrality. The line of stations between Narona and the point of
junction at Ad Zizio are represented as filling a narrow strip between the Narenta

. It is difficult to understand why Professor Tomnschek, op. cit. p. 36, should go out of his
way to suggest a derivation for the word " Entweder aus einem vorauszusetzendem illyr. ^Vorte Stamen,-
Maul, Raclien, Hah, oder aus Gr. arevov, — Enge." The mediseval Latin form Stamnum, like the Stamnes
of Ravennas, is simply a corruption of Stagnum, and it is to be observed that these forms illustrate a
Rouman characteristic, cf. Latin Signum, Wallachia-.i Semnu, &c. The Slavonic abbreviation of the
name is Ston.

VOL. XLVIII. M

82 Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum.

(which is made to run parallel to the sea from East to West)a and the Adriatic.
The road itself is not indicated till we reach Ad Zizio. In this chart Narona
itself is placed on the sea, from which in reality it was distant ahout fifteen miles,
and it is to be observed that the name of the next station, Ad Turres, has an
inland tendency.

All a priori considerations should make vis look for the course of the great
highway between Narona and Scodra inland from the beginning. The road itself
ought not to be regarded as if it was a merely local line, or series of local lines
constructed for the convenience of the citizens of Narona, Epitaurum, or other
individual cities. The only right way of regarding it is as a section of the highly
important through route connecting the great city of Salon® with Dyrrhachium,
in a still wider sense connecting Italy with Greece. The main object of the
highway Narona — Scodra was to open out the shortest land route between Dalmatia
and Epirus, and we may be sure that all local considerations were subordinated to
this aim.

We may assume, then, that the military engineer who superintended the con-
struction of the section Narona — Scodra endeavoured to follow as direct a line
between these two cities as the physical configuration of the country admitted.
A straight line from Scodra to Narona would pass through Eisinium on the
inmost inlet of what is now the Bocche di Cattaro, but the intervening mass of
the Black Mountain, in a less degree the Lake of Scutari itself, would prevent the
route from taking anything like a direct course.

The mountain mass of what is now South -Western Montenegro has, in fact,
in all historical times, operated to deflect the traffic between Albania and Dalmatia
(to use the geographical language of more modern times) from its direct course,
and the valley of the Zeta, that leads from the lacustrine basin of Scutari to
the plain of Niksic, must in all ages have been the avenue of communication
between the North-West and South-East. From Scodra, therefore, to what is now
the plain of Nik§ic, the course of the Roman road was dictated by physical condi-
tions, as cogent in ancient days as they are now. So far, indeed, all who have
endeavoured to trace the course of this Roman highway are agreed. Whatever
its subsequent direction, it must have run from Scutari, along the eastern shores

a A. little to the west of the Narenta mouth the Drina is made to run into the Adriatic, coalescing in
some strange way with the Cettina. The promontory of Sabbioncello is not so much as indicated. On the
other hand the outline of the const and islands in the neighbourhood of Salonse has much greater preten-
sions to exactness.

Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum. 83

of the lake between lake and mountains, it must have followed the Zeta Valley,
and it must have debouched on the spacious plain of Niksic.

As on this side we are, by all accounts, on certain ground, it may be well to
take Scodra as our starting point and work backwards awhile along the shores of
the lake and up the Zeta Valley to the plain of NikSic. The position of Scodra
itself lying between the river outlet of the lake and a branch of the Drin has
been of considerable strategic and commercial importance in all times of which
we have any record. Its rocky Acropolis, which forms the key of the whole
lacustrine basin, was the royal stronghold of the most important of the Illyrian
dynasties, and after its capture, together with the Illyrian king Genthios, by
L. Anicius in 167 B.C., it became a Roman administrative centre and the
appointed place for the Conventus of the native chieftains of the Labeate district.
Of its intercourse with the Hellenic communities in early times a curious monu-
ment has been discovered in the neighbouring village of Gurizi, in the shape of
a bronze statuette representing a female figure of archaic Greek workmanship,
not unlike some of those discovered at Dodona," and I have elsewhere described a
new series of Illyrian coins discovered at Selci in the North Albanian Alps,
which introduce us for the first time to Scodra as a free city under Macedonian
hegemone.b On the other hand, after careful researches on the spot I have
been unable to discover any such architectural or epigraphic traces as are to be
found on other historic sites in Southern Illyria, at Alessio, for example, and
Durazzo. On the South-western edge of the citadel peak, now known as Rosafa,
there are indeed some traces of a rude wall built of huge uncementcd blocks, the
existing remains of which bear some resemblance to the so-called Cyclopean
fragments in the foundation of the citadel walls at Alessio.0 Excepting this,
however, I was unable to obtain other relics of Scodra, Illyrian, or Roman,
beyond coins and a few intagli. Among the coins, silver pieces of Dyrrhachium
and Apollonia are still so abundant that they occasionally pass current along
with old Ragusan and Venetian pieces in the bazaars of the modern Albanian
town. An onyx gem in my possession from this site bears the legend AVSONI.

The disappearance of larger monuments on this site is no doubt due to the
extraordinary deposits of alluvial matter resulting from the yearly inundations of
the lake and river. So rapid is the growth of the soil owing to this cause that on
the plain near Scutari I have myself seen the columns of the Turkish canopied

a Revue Arche'ologique, N.S. t. xxiv. p. 1, engraved pi. xv.

b See Numismatic Chronicle, N.S. vol. xx. " On some recent discoveries of Illyrian Coins."
c A fragment of the Alessio wall is engraved in Hahn, Albanesische Studien, p. 122.

M 2

84 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Tebes built during the last three centuries buried up to the spring of the arches
that support their cupolas.

After leaving Scodra, the Roman road, the better probably to avoid the
marshy tract near the borders of the lake, appears to have run for a few miles
almost due north. On the spacious plain or common that opens to the north of
the modern town of Scutari, which is studded with pre-historic barrows (here, un-
like the stone mounds of the rockier Dalmatian region, mainly composed of
earth), I have observed the remains of an ancient embanked way, now overgrown
with heath and bracken, running to the West of the Kiri river and the " Venetian
bridge " leading to Drivasto, almost midway between lake and mountains. In
the neighbourhood of the village of Boksi the Roman road appears to have taken
a westerly bend, and the distance of Cinna,a the first station beyond Scodra, given
in the Tabula as twenty miles, must lead us to seek its site in the district of Hotti,
where a marshy inlet of the lake juts into the mountains. I am informed by the
Padre Superiore of the Franciscans that in their church at Hotti are two Roman
inscriptions, and that on the neighbouring site of Helmi are the remains of a con-
siderable ancient building which he believed to be a temple, as well as another
inscription built into the house. On these remains I hope on a future occasion
to be able to give a more satisfactory report.

Cinna, to be identified with the modern Helmi (an Albanian form of the Old
Serbian hulm, a hill), bears the name of an Illyrian queen. In the mountains
beyond it lay Medeon, where Anicius captured the consort and two sons of the
last Scodran dynast, King Genthios. The name of this old Illyrian stronghold
appears to survive in that of the hill-fortress of Medun, to the North-east of
Podgorica, the mediaeval Mcdon, so long the bone of contention between Monte-
negrin and Albanian Turk. Near Medeon, and below the heights on which its
modern representative, Medun, lies, is the village of Dukle, which still preserves
the name of the ancient Doklea, later Dioclea, the birth-place and name-giver of
Diocletian. This site is rich in monuments of antiquity, amongst which was dis-
covered an honorary dedication to the Emperor Gallienus by the Commonwealth of
the Docleates.b It was here that the famous glass vessel, generally known as the

a According to the Itinerary of Antonine this station is only xii. miles from Scodra — probably an
error for xxii. In the same way the Itinerary increases the distance between Cinna and Berziminiuru by
two miles = m. p. xviii., as against xvi. in the Tabula. With regard to the name of the place I adopt the
reading of Antonine, as being generally more correct than those of the Tabula, and as giving the name of
an Illyrian queen. In Ptolemy it appears as Xivva.

6 IMP • CAES • P • LICINIO ' GALLIENO || PIO • FELICI • AVO • PONT • MAX || TRIE • POT • P • P * CONS ' III ' RES||

PVBL • DOCLEATIVM • (C. I. L. iii. 1705). The best account of the ruins on the site of Dukle is in Koralevski,

Antiquarian Researches in Iltyricum. 85

Vase of Podgorica, was found, engraved with typical scenes from the Old
Testament hy a Roman-Christian hand, explained hy inscriptions which afford
a most valuable indication of the provincial dialect of this part of Roman
Dalmatia.a As a further proof of the indigenous character of this manufacture,
I may mention that I have recently seen some additional fragments of late-
Roman glass from this site, resembling in the style of their engraving the
celebrated Vase, but without inscriptions.

Neither Doklea " nor Medeon appear in the Tabula, or Antonine, from which
Ave may infer that they lay slightly off the main route between Scodra and
Naroiia. In these authorities the next station is Birzinio, or Bersumno, accord-
ing to Antoninus eighteen miles distant from Cinna ; according to the Tabula,
sixteen. This fits in well with the neighbourhood of Podgorica," the cradle of
the Nemanjas, the princely race which placed for awhile on Serbian brows the
falling diadem of Diocletian and Constantine. The Roman station of Birzimi-

Cetyre mesjftca v Cernogorii, (Four months in Montenegro.) St. Petersburg, 1841, pp. 81-85, cited by
Jirecek, op. cit.. There are massive remains of an aqueduct, town walls in the form of a parallelogram,
columns and ruins of a temple or large building known as " Carski Dvor=the Emperor's palace," sar-
cophagi with bas-reliefs and Latin inscriptions. Some new inscriptions from this site have been recently
communicated by Dr. Bogigid to the Ephemeris Epigraphica. Doklea gave its name to the Slavonic
region of Dioklia, from which in the early Middle Ages the Serbs extended the name More Dioklitijsko,
" the Dioclitian sea," to the Adriatic itself. The additional " i " of the later form of the name, Dioclea,
is said to have been due to an endeavour to justify its etymological connexion with the name of Diocletian.
But the alternative name Dioclea appears too early to justify such an artificial origin. The authority for
Diocletian's birth at Dioclea is the almost contemporary Aurclius Victor, whose statement on this head
is clear: " Diocletianus Dalmata, Anulini Senatoris libertinus, matre pariter atque oppido nomine Dioclea,
quorum vocabulis donee imperium sumeret Diocles appellatus, ubi orbis Romani potentiam cepit Grajum
nomen in Romanum rnorem convertit." (Epit. c. xxxix.) It is to be observed that Constantine Porphyro-
genitus, while placing Diocletian's birth-place at Snlona, makes Diocletian found Diocloa : "To xaarpov

Aio/cAau TO vvv irapa riav &ioK\r]Tiav<ur Kari\l>nevov 6 ayrof j3aeriXe?><; AioK\tiTiav!>f ipKoS6/i>ia(v." (De Adm. Imp. C.

29, and cf. c. 35, where he speaks of it as being then ipimoKaarpov, as we should say, " a waste chester.")
Ptolemy mentions a AioicXeia (al. AoieeXa) in Phrygia ; not unknown to ecclesiastical history,

a This vase is now in the Musee Basilewsky in Paris. It is described and illustrated by the Cav. di
Rossi in the Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana (Rome, 1877, p. 77). The linguistic peculiarities of the
inscriptions on it suggest interesting comparisons with the Romance survivals in the dialect of Ragusa.
See p. 82, Note.

b It appears to me probable that the obscure " Diode," placed between " Lissum " and " Codras," or
Scodra, in Guidonis GeograpMa (114), stands for "Dioclea" a hint that the name appeared under this
form in some copy of the Tabula.

c The older Serbian name of Podgorica was Ribnica, still preserved by the small stream that flows
beside its walls. (Cf. Jirecek, op. cit. p. 20.) This place derived its importance as lying in the centre of
the district of Zenta.

86 Antiquarian Researches in Ulyricum.

nium would have been the point of bifurcation for the road leading to Doclea and
Medeon, and its identification with the site of Podgorica fits in very well with a
hint of Ravennas, that " Medione " lay in its vicinity.

It is certain that from, this point the Roman road must have followed the
upward ascent of the Zeta valley. The next station, Alata or Halata, the Aleta
of Ptolemy and Ravennas, ten miles distant from Birziminium, would thus take
us to the neighbourhood of Danilovgrad,b and the seventeen or eighteen miles
given as the distance from this to the next station, Salluntum, brings us over the
pass of Ostrog to the plain of Niksic. It is interesting in connexion with the
proved affinities between the Illyrians and the Messapians of the opposite Italian
coast to note the curious parallel between the juxta-position of Aleta and Sallun-
tum in the Dalmatian Itineraries, and the appearance of an Apulian Aletium in
the district of the Sallentlni.

The aspect of the town of Niksic, better known as the Onogost of Old Serbian
history, is singularly Roman (PI. III.); indeed its ground-plan (fig. 8") presents
the familiar outline of a Roman castrum, with square and polygonal towers at
the four corners and in the centre of the side walls. This quadrilateral arrange-
ment, however, occurs in some other Herzegovinian towns, Ljubinje, for instance,
and is rather, perhaps, due to some later wave of Byzantine influence. The walls,
in their present construction, are unquestionably mediaeval, though it is always
possible that the Old Serbian architects followed pre-existing lines.

Excepting this ground-plan, I have been unable to light upon any direct
indications of the existence of a Roman Municipium on the site. Roman gems
and coins, however, occur from time to time in this neighbourhood, and the impor-
tance of this central plain of Niksic, whether as one of the most fertile spots in
this part of the Dinaric Alps, or as the natural crossing-point of routes leading
from East to West, and from the Bocche di Cattaro, or Rhizonic gulf, into the
interior, renders it certain that it fulfilled in the Roman economy of this Illyrian
tract a function at least as important as that performed by it in mediaeval
times. The archaeological explorer in the plain of Niksic' is struck by the number
of mediaeval cemeteries to be met with on every side, and by the grandeur of the

a Geog. Ravennas, p. 211 (ed. Finder et Parthey): "Item juxta Burzumon est Civitas qua; dicitur
Medione" &c.

b Prof. Tomaschek neglects the abiding conditions of intercourse as fixed by the physical configuration
of the country in seeking the site of Aleta out of the Zeta Valley : " Vielleicht ostlich von Cettinje, lei
Gradac oder Uljici," op. cit. p. 42. The name Aleta itself he compares with the Albanian hel [pi. heljete
(hejete)'] = a point, as of a lauce, &c.

Archaeologia.

Vol. XL VI I I. TV face page 86. I'l. III.

— vV^l' /-,. ^Ste^g~Vw^." - = -^c=ij*/f t> '/y.. y

^-> ASI

§ _i -; >.s~W»'.V'*K' '' 1W'". ' ;-r«IM »"fl •••

13
O

o
I

ANTIQUARIAN RESEARCHES IN ILLYRICUM, By A. J. EVANS, F.S.A.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

tombs, the sculptures of which are in this district wrought in a better style than
elsewhere. These Old Serbian monuments derive both their general outline and

CITADEL.

PLAN OF OLD CITY

NIKSMC'
Sept. 1877.

Fig. 8". PLAN OP OLD CITY, NIKSIC.

their special ornamentation, notably the vine spiral, the most frequent of all,
from Roman prototypes, and the excellence of the Niksic tomb-sculptures is itself
sufficient proof that those who wrought them had Roman models at liand. On a
mediaeval gravestone found near Nevesinje the Old Serbian sculptor has actually
executed a rude copy of the symbolic Genius with reversed torch, so often seen
on lloman sepulchral monuments.

Assuming that the site of the first Salluntum (another is subsequently mentioned
on the same route) is to be sought on the extreme east of the Niksic plain,
perhaps even in the Gracanica valley, there would be room for the two next
stations, Varis eleven miles distant, and Andarva, or Anderva, six miles further

88 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

in the middle of the plain itself, and on its Western margin, respectively.11 On the
ground of a Montenegrin saga, Dr. Jireoek and others have considered them-
selves justified in assuming that the Roman road in its onward course, from the
Upper Zeta valley and the margin of the Niksic plain, took the direction of
Grahovo. According to this saga, as related by Vuk Karadzic,1 three brothers
fell to contending which should take with him their only sister, whereupon they
set themselves three tasks. One said that he would wall in the mountains, another
that he would build a church in Dioclea, the third that he would join the Cijevna
and the Moraca. The third brother finished his work first, but "foolish Vuk,"
the first, had time to build a boundary wall from the Bijela Gora (which forms
the triple frontier of Dalmatia, Montenegro, and Herzegovina), four days'
journey to the great mountain of Kom, which lies in the Montenegrin canton of
Kuci, near the Albanian border. On the strength of an assertion of the French
traveller, Vialla de Sommieres, this semi-mythical boundary-dyke, of which it is
especially said that (unlike a Roman road) it follows the contour of the hills,c has
been converted into a Roman road, although its whole course, as described in the
Saga, is wholly irreconcilable with, the exigencies of road engineering. In the
neighbourhood of the plain of Grahovo, by which it is said to run, I have sought
for it in vain, but, on the other hand, I have come upon an existing trace and a
popular tradition connected with it which preserves the distinct record of a road
running inland from the site of the ancient Risinium to the plain of Niksic, and
far into the interior. In dry weather a straight line, the trace of an ancient Way,
is seen running straight across the Crivoscian plain of Dvrsno, from the opening
of the pass which leads to Risano, the ancient Risinium, to that leading to the

a The attempt to identify Sallunto (ii.) with the Slansko Polje (Hoerncs, Alterthiimer der Herce-
rjovina, vol. ii. p. 149), on the ground of similarity of name, is too hazardous ; and the same applies to its
comparison with either of the two Slanos. The Serbian form of the Illyro-Roman word, if directly
adopted and preserved, would be Solunat: Tomaschek's suggested comparison with the name of the
village of Zaljut (inadmissible on other grounds) must therefore be discarded. I would suggest the
identification of this " Sallunto " with the " Lontododa " in the region of Dioclia, mentioned by Constan-
tine Porphyrogenitus (op. at. c. 25). It might be a " Sallunto-Docleatium'' to distinguish it from the
other " Sallunto " on the same route further to the West.

b Lexicon, s.v. VUKOVA MEGJA.

" Od jednoga kraja do drugoga ove megje prijekijem puteni ima oko Cetiri dana hoda ; a kad bi se
islo preko gudura i litica pored nje bilo bi mnogo vise." (" From one end to the other of this boundary-
wall, as you go forward, is about four days' journey ; but were one to go along it through glen and over
ridge it would be much further.") Vuk, loc. cit. This description recalls rather the up and down progress
of a Roman frontier-wall, such as that from Tyne to Solway, than any Roman road.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 89

Montenegrin plain of Grahovo. The trace is known to the Crivoscian peasants
as " St. Sava's path," and they have a tradition that it was along this route that
the founder of the Serbian Church was carried to his Minster tomb at Mileseva,
which lies in the Novipazar district beyond the Lim." The trace itself, as well
as the tradition, points to the existence of an ancient line of communication
between the Rhizonic gulf, the Drina Valley, where it would join the Danubian
road-system, and the route which traversed the ore-producing ranges of Dardania.
The same line was stillfollowed by the Cattarese merchants in the Middle Ages, Avho
passed from Eisano through this Crivoscian plain, then peopled by a Rouman
tribe, the Vlachi Rigiani (who seem to have perpetuated the Illyro-Roman
race of the ancient Risinium), thence through Grahovo to Niksic, and thence
again across the Drina to Plevlje, itself the site of the most important Roman
settlement in that part of Illyricum. The natives declare that " St. Sava's path "
can be traced right away to Mileseva itself. My own observations have led me
to the conclusion that the " kalderym," or paved mule-track, over the mountains
between Grahovo and the plain of Niksic', runs in places along the trace of a
Roman Way.

The point where this cross-line of communication between Risinium and the
Drina Valley intersects the highway Scodra — Narona, which we have been pur-
suing, lay unquestionably in the Western angle of Niksic plain, where, as has
been shown from a measurement of distances, we must seek the city of Anderva.
I have now to adduce some remarkable evidence bringing the name of this
city into relation with a Roman Municipium on the Drina, and thus affording a
new indication that a cross-line of Roman road, connecting Risinium with that
river, cut the Dalmatian-Epirote highway at this spot.

The ancient track already mentioned, running from Risano and the Bocche di
Cattaro to the plain of Niksic", and which for practical purposes may be identified
with the Roman road-line, is continued across the plain and through the long Duga
Pass, so often the scene of combat between Turk and Montenegrin, to the plain
of Gacko, where it meets another ancient route, running from the site of Epi-
taurum and the later Ragusa, of which more will be said. From this point both
routes unite and are prolonged across the wild Cemerno ranges to Foca, in the Drina
Valley, and the important bridge-town of Gorazda, where this Adriatic line meets

• This, of course, is historically impossible, as St. Sava died at Tirnovo, in Bulgaria, and must
therefore have been carried to MileSevo from the East.

b Jirec'ek, Die Handelsstrassen, sect. 11. Von Cattaro nach Plevlje (p. 72).
VOL. XLVIII. N

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

the cross-line of communication between the upper valley of the Bosna, the Lim,
and the ore-bearing ranges of Old Serbia, — in other words, the ancient route con-
necting Salona? with the Metalla Dalmatian and Argentaria.

At Gorazda Dr. Hoernes a had already observed a sarcophagus with an
obliterated inscription. During a recent visit to this place I found, near the old
bridge over the Drina, several more ancient fragments, and amongst them a bas-
relief of an eagle, in a rude style but of Roman origin, carved on a porphyritic
marble, which was much used by the Roman masons and sculptors of Plevlje, the
next important Roman site to the south-east of Gorazda. Walled into the apse
of the Orthodox church, a foundation of Duke Stephen, from whom Herzegovina
derives its name, and which lies on the banks of the Drina a little below the
present town, I was so fortunate as to discover two Roman inscriptions. When

Fig. 9". ROMAN MONUMENT.
Gorazda, Bosnia.

I first saw them they were almost wholly covered with a coating of plaster, which
however, with the aid of the priest, I succeeded to a great extent in removing.

» Riimische Alterthumer IN Bosnien und der Hercegovina, vol. ii. (in Arch. Epigr. Mitth. vol. iv. p. 47).

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

The first was apparently a part of an altar with the inscription TERM, perhaps
originally a boundary altar, marking the limits of the municipal Ager (fig. 9a).

The other monument formed a portion of a larger slah, containing a dedication,
probably of a temple, to Jupiter Optimus Maximus Cohortalis (fig. 10a), to whom a
dedicatory inscription has also been found at Narona."

ANDARWGfig

SATVRNINV;
CONS

Fig. 10". ROMAN MONUMENT REFERRING TO THE ANDARVANI.
Gorazda, Bosnia.

The part preserved of the second line probably records the share taken in
the dedication by a Decurio of the MVNICIPIVM ANDARVANORVM, about
which latter name there is no room for doubt. Andarva, or Anderva itself,
lying as it did on the main-line of road between Scodra and Narona, cannot by
any possibility be sought so far inland as Gorazda ; but the occurrence of the
name of the Andarvani on a monument at Gorazda is of value, as indicating a
direct road-connexion between it and the plain of Niksie, where we have to seek
the ancient site of Andarva."

The plain of Niksic, then, in Roman times was in all probability the point of
intersection of two important thoroughfares, one leading from Scodra and the

a C. I. L. iii. 1782, I • o • M || CHOII || TALI. In the present inscription the H of CHOR(TALI) is
obliterated, but doubtless was originally contained within the c.

b It seems to me probable that this line Niksic — Gacko — Gorazda is indicated by the Geographer of
Ravenna, who refers to a line of stations, " Sapua — Bersdlitm—Ibisua — Derva — Citva — Anderbu."

92 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

Epirote cities to the great Dalmatian emporia of Narona and Salona: ; the
other connecting the coast- city, which gave its name to the Rhizonic gulf, with
the mining centres of the old Dalmatian interior, and the Danubian provinces.
From this central plain, pursuing the route towards Narona, we find the physical
obstacles by no means so great as those that then deflected the route from Scodra
to Niksic. Hence, it follows that a straight line drawn from the centre of the
plain of Niksid to the site of Narona may give some idea of the general direction
of the Roman Way in this part of its course. A glance at the map discloses the
fact that, if we now start from Narona, a line so drawn, so far from approaching
the sea at any point, inclines further and further inland from that city to the
plain of Niksid. On the other hand, it will be observed that this ideal line passes
either through or in close proximity to sites which in mediaeval and modern
times have been at once the chief centres of habitation, and the principal
strategic points in this part of the Dinaric interior.

It passes Avithin a few miles of the very important position of Stolac, where
Roman remains and inscriptions indicating the former existence of a Municipixim
have recently been discovered. The distance of Stolac from the site of Narona
answers almost exactly to the xx m.p. given by the Itinerary of Antonine
as the distance from Narona to the next station on this side, important enough
to be mentioned by that authority — Dallunto, the Dilunto of the Tabula. The
continued importance of Diluntum is attested by the appearance of the Munici-
pium Diluntinum — or, as it appears there, " Delontino " —in the Acts of the
Council held at Salonae in 532 A.D. It is there mentioned along with the Munici-
piuru Novense (the site of which, as we have seen, lay at Runovic, near Imoski),
and an obscure Municipium Stantinum, as having a Christian Basilica, placed
under the charge of the bishop of the inland Dalmatian town of Sarsenterum."

At the village of Tassovcic,b lying in the Narenta valley, between Stolac and
Narona, are ancient columns and other remains, and the position answers well to
that of Ad Turres, the intermediate station between Narona and Diluntum.

Assuming the identification of Stolac with Diluntum to be correct, the course
of the natural route towards Niksic leads us to seek for the next station, Pardua,

1 Acta Concilii II. Salonitani, in Farlati, Illyricum Sacrvm, t. ii. p. 173. The identification of
Stantinwn with Stagno, urged by Dr. Hoernes on the strength of the existence of the later Zupa Stantania from
Ston, the Slavonic form of Stagno, is hardly admissible, since the Acts of this Council of Salona show as
yet no trace of Slavonic settlement or nomenclature in that part of Dalmatia which they concern.

b I have referred to these in my work on Bosnia (2nd ed. p. 361), where, however, Taesovfiid is
wrongly printed Tassorid.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

fourteen miles distant, in the plain of Dabar, a district— as its Old Serbian monu-
ments show — the scene of some commercial prosperity in the Middle Ages.a The
next station, " Ad Zizio " (sixteen miles), where, according to the Tabula, the
junction line to Epitaurum branched off, would thus lie in the neighbourhood of
Bilek. The two stations, "Leusinio,"m.p. viii. and "Sallunto," m.p. xii. that occur
between this and Andarva, which all authorities agree in placing on the plain of
Niksic", should be sought, according to this calculation, in the passes of Banjani.

We have only now to deal with the objection already alluded to, that,
according to the Geographer of Ravenna, the earlier stages of the route Narona —
Scodra ran along the Adriatic coast. Something has been said already on
Ravenna's identification of Pardua with " Stamnes," or Stagno ; it may, how-
ever, be well to point out how absolutely his statement on this head is at variance
with the more trustworthy data supplied by the Tabula and the Itinerary of
Antonine. If the distances given in those two authorities are to be even
approximately observed, it is impossible that the five stations between Narona
and Epitaurum, or even four out of the five, lay along the sea-coast. The distance
to be traversed by road between Epitaurum and Narona is, according to the
Tabula, 112 miles ; the actual distance along the coast is about 55. It is impos-
sible, as Dr. Hoernes admits, to make up this disparity of two to one from the
bends of the road, and he draws the conclusion, that it is better to set aside the
distances in the Tabula altogether.

But the distances given in the Tabula are the best guides we have. As a
whole, they square well with the distances given in the Itinerary, and with the
general statement of Pliny, that Epitaurum was 100 miles distant from Narona.
Moreover, the general correctness of our two authorities in what regarded the
section Salonae — Narona gives us just grounds for believing that they are still
to be relied on in the section Narona— Scodra.

When we find the distance, Epitaurum — Narona, via the junction to Ad Zizio,
is over twice the length of the coast line between the two, the natural inference
is that the junction station of Ad Zizio is to be sought considerably in the
interior, and that the angle formed by the two lines Narona — Ad Zizio and
Epitaurum — Ad Zizio must approach a right angle.

a The name Dabar suggests a connexion with the important tribe of the Daversi or Daorsi, who
inhabited the ranges East of the Narenta at the time of the Roman Conquest. In the Romance dialect of
Dalmatia (as exemplified by its surviving remnants in that of Ragusa), v is changed to I.

5 Though the Itinerary of Antonine seems to give us authority for striking off 10 m. between
Dilunto and Narona, see p. 79.

94 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

What has been said already here specially applies. The road Karona — Scodra
was not made to suit the convenience of the inhabitants of Epitaurum. That
the road Narona — Scodra made a detour to the coast of at least 35 miles
to suit the convenience of any more obscure coast-city is a still less admissible
hypothesis. As a matter of fact, the communications between Epitaurum and
the great emporium of the Narenta must have been almost exclusively maritime,
the land journey being restricted to the single mile across the peninsula of
Stagno. The traffic between Ragusa, the modern representative of Epitaurum,
and Metcovich, the modern representative of Narona, runs at the present day
almost entirely by sea and river, and, in ancient days, when the whole coasting
traffic of the Adriatic ran along the Dalmatian shore, the communication
between the two cities would have been as exclusively maritime.

To Epitaurum, as to Ragusa, the value of a road must have depended on
the extent to which it opened out its communications with the centres of
habitation, in the Alpine interior, with what are now the upland plains of
Trebinje, Gacko, Niksie, and Nevesinje, in a still higher degree with the valley
of the Drina beyond. The great caravan route, by which in mediaeval times
the merchandise of the West left the Adriatic coast for the furthest East, ran
from Ragusa, the local successor of Epitaurum, straight inland over the interior
ranges, past Trebinje and Gacko, to the valley of the Drina. It is highly
probable that, as in the case of Cattaro already cited, this mediaeval caravan
route represents a very ancient line of communication between the Drina valley
and its Adriatic outlet. In the course of many journeys among the Dalmatian
and Herzegovinian ranges a phenomenon has been repeatedly observed by me,
nowhere more than in the neighbourhood of llagusa, which seems to prove that
the mule tracks leading from the coast into the interior are often of high
antiquity. The course of these hoof -worn mountain tracks is very often literally
mapped out by a succession of prehistoric barrows belonging to the Illyrian
Bronze Age, which persistently follow the course of the route. That the Roman
road should have taken the same general direction as this ancient line of traffic
between the Adriatic port and the Drina may be reasonably inferred, though, no
doubt, its course was straighter than the actual route followed by the indigenes.

We will now turn to the evidence afforded by existing Roman remains. At Klek
and Ranjevo Selo, near the southern mouth of the Narenta, have been found three
Roman sepulchral inscriptions relating to private individuals.* Along the whole

a C. I. L. iii. 1763, 1764, 1765.

Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum. 95

coast of the Raguseo, however, from Stagno to the site of Epitaurum, with the
exception of a single sepulchral inscription found near Slanoa of the same unim-
portant character as the last, ahsolutely no relics of Roman habitation have heen
brought to light. Carefully as I have myself examined this coast line I have neither
been able to discover any new inscriptions nor to find any traces of a Roman road.
It must be remembered, moreover, that this maritime strip, unlike the wilder tracks
of the Herzegovinian interior, has been for centuries under antiquarian observa-
tion. It has formed a part of what, to the beginning of the present century, was
the highly civilised Republic of Ragusa, the birthplace of Banduri, and the
Roman remains of which had already been made a subject of research by Aldus
Manutius in the early days of the Renascence. And yet, despite this prolonged
antiquarian scrutiny, the remains of the Roman towns and stations that we are
told to look for in the neighbourhood of Stagno, in the bay of Main, the valley
of Ombla, or on the site of Ragusa itself, are absolutely non-apparent.

The absence of such remains along the coast, and the general considerations
already enumerated, had long forced me to the conclusion that the Roman road
communication between Epitaurum and Narona ran inland and not along the
coast. In this conclusion I was strengthened by observing on the flank of
the mountain above the village of Plat, about three miles from the site of
Epitaurum, the distinct trace of an ancient road running from the direction of
Ragusa Vecchia towards a rocky col leading into the interior in the direction of
Trebinje. Owing to the accumulation of talus 011 the platform of the road in the
lapse of ages, the surface is concealed from view, and indeed it is best traced by
looking at it from a hill a mile distant ; but the arrow-like directness of its course
at once proclaims its Roman originb. In general appearance this talus-hidden
track much resembles the track of the Roman road already described by me as
running along the limestone steeps above the sea in the direction of the ancient
city of Risinium.

" C. I. L. iii. 1761.

b The traces of the Roman road above Plat are doubtless the same as those observed by Dr.
Constantin Jirecek in the neighbourhood of llagusa Vecchia. (Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von
Serbien und Bosnien wcihrend des Mittelalters, p. 8.) Dr. Jirecek observes that the " via vetus quie
vocatur via regis " is mentioned in the Ragusan Catasters of the fourteenth century, and supposes, with
great probability, that its Slavonic name was " Carski Put," " Ctesar's Way," a name by which Roman
roads were generally known to Serbs and Bulgars in the Middle Ages, and answering to the Byzantine
Woe /3a<riX((c»i. In 1880 I took Dr. Hoernes to visit the traces, and his impression of their appearance as
recorded by him (Romische Aiterthicmer in Bosnien und dcr Hercegovina, vol. i. p. 2) agrees entirely with
my own.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

The wild limestone ranges amongst which the trace of the Roman way above
Epitaurum is seen to lose itself, pursuing when last discernible a North-Easterly
direction, are known by the general name of Drinji Planina. Inland to the
north of this mountain mass opens the well- watered valley of the Trebinjcica, on
which stands the old Herzegovinian city of Trebinje. It was whilst exploring
this district that I came upon a more important clue. About two miles and a-half
south of Trebinje, a tributary inlet of the main valley opens into the mountains
that lie between that city and Ragusa Vecchia. This plain, known from its
liability to inundation as the Mokro Polje, or "wet plain," presents an elongated
form, and its major axis, if produced, would exactly connect the present site of
Trebinje with the former site of Epitaurum.

Whilst examining a curious earthen mound in the centre of the spacious Mokro
Polje, about one hour from Trebinje, I observed a rounded block of stone (fig. lla),
about two and a-half feet in length, lying in some bushes at its base. Its form

Fig. I la. ROMAN MILESTONE.
Mokro Polje.

leading me to suspect that it might be a Roman milestone, I turned it over and
discovered on the formerly buried side distinct traces of a Roman inscription,

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricuni. 97

which proved that my conjecture had been correct. The letters were unfortu-
nately much weather-worn, and the copy which I am able to give, though the
result of six separate visits to the spot, and careful collations of the inscription in
all lights, is still far from satisfactory.

The titles " Vic(toriosissimi) Semp(er) Aug(usti)," Avhich form the most
legible part of the inscription, at once enable us to assign to it a fourth-century
date. The latter part may, perhaps, be restored : —

v MAX
N (A)C vie SEMP
(A)AVVGG B.B.P.N

i.e. (Prin(cip(es) max(imi) p(eren)n(es) a)c Vic(toriosissimi) semp(er) Aug(usti)
B(ono) r(ei)p(ublicse) n(ati). The style thus elucidated agrees very well with
the age of Valens and Valentinian, and it is possible that the work of road resto-
ration begun in Dalmatia under Julian (as may be learnt from milliary inscrip-
tions found at Narona, Zara, and elsewhere)11 was continued under his successors.
The imperfect preservation of the earlier part of the inscription prevents us from
determining the names of the Emperors under whom this monument was raised,
but the (A)AWGG implies, according to the usage of the time, that two Augusti
were then reigning.

Examining now the spot with a view to lighting on the traces of the road
itself, the propinquity of which the milestone indicated, I was gratified with the
sight of a slightly raised causeway running with arrow-like straightness across the
plain, almost from north to south. On further inspection this proved to be the
remains of an ancient road about seven paces wide, flanked by two small lateral
ditches ; and, as was to be expected from the nature of the soil, constructed of
small fragments of grey limestone. In places it was extremely perfect, and pre-
sented a characteristic Roman section. Towards the middle it was slightly
raised, and its sides were contained and supported by two low walls of massive
Avell-cut masonry, with a slight inward slope (figs. 12°, 13 a).

Southwards the track ran from the neighbourhood of the mound by which the
fourth-century milestone lay straight and clear across the plain to an angle of
mountain which concealed Trebinje from view. In places a modern path runs along
the top of the embankment. Elsewhere it is accompanied by a mediaeval paved

a C. I. L. iii. 3207, 3208, 3209, 3211. The title given to Julian on these is "Victor ac trhimfator
totiusque orbis Augustus, bono reipublica: natus."

VOL. XLVIII. O

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum,

way, or Turkish kalderym, quite distinct from the Roman work in character ;
and, finally, the roadline is prolonged, as so frequently in Britain, by a continuous
line of hedgerow, reminding me of a "long hedge " on the Akeman Street.

tit'ti of Roman IVay

across Alokro Folje.

ig.lft ) Fragment of side-wall
supporting roa.d-T.vdy'

A little way beyond the small church of St. Pantaleon, which belongs to the
village of (5i<3evo, and nearing the mountain promontory already mentioned, the
traces of the road become still more distinct. An old bed of the Trebinje river,
along which its current must have flowed in Roman times, is here perceptible,
taking a considerable bend southwards. Along this bend, in the narrow strip
between the former channel of the river and the mountain steep, and just below
the modern road, the old road-line forms a clear-cut terrace, banked tip on the
side of the former river-bed by a wall of well-cut stone blocks, of undoubtedly
Roman construction. From fragments of this stone embankment a later dam,
which also serves as a footway, has been built in a rough fashion across a marshy
part of the old channel, and at this point may be seen the remains of a pier of
older masonry, which seems to have been the land abutment of a Roman bridge
across the former course of the Trebinj6ica (fig. 14").

A little below this appear other distinct traces of Roman work. On the steep
above the track of the Roman road, and leading out of it, a flight of steps seven
paces in width has been hewn, like so many street steps on the site of Epitaurum,
out of the solid rock. These steps, of which only the first two or three are at
present traceable, seem to show that at this point a considerable street mounted
what is at present the bare limestone steep ; and, taken in connexion with the
traces of a Roman wall, here visible above the ancient road, as well as the stone
embankment and bridge-pier below, lead us to seek for the Roman station which
was the local predecessor of Trebinje rather in this vicinity than at Trebinje
itself, where, so far as my observation goes, no Roman remains are to be found.

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

The neighbouring village of Ci6evo occupies the pleasantest and most fertile
angle of the Mokro Polje, and Roman coins are not unfrequently discovered in

Ktnnan remains ttear
TreHnje River.

the neighbouring fields.1 It is, in fact, inherently probable that the Roman
station should have been built terrace-fashion on the rocky steeps that flank the
plain rather than on the " wet plain " itself. The fact that the Roman road
across the Mokro Polje runs throughout on a low embankment shows that in
ancient times, as at present, it Avas liable to floods ; and though the periodical
inundation, due mainly to the welling-up of the water, from rock reservoirs below
the surface, is at present mostly confined to the southern part of the plain, it is
probable that, in Roman times, when the mountains were more wooded, and the
rainfall consequently greater, it was subject to floods throughout its length.

Beyond the old bed of the Trebinjcica the traces of the road disappear,
destroyed in all probability by its alluvial deposits, and still more by the constant
tendency that it shows in this part of its course to shift its channel, a tendency
illustrated only a short distance beyond the last traces of the Roman road by
the disappearance in its waters of a kalderym, or paved way, that apparently at no
remote date followed its bank.

Having traced the Roman road northwards to the banks of the Trebinje
river, and the apparent site of a Roman station, I will return to the mound by
which the milestone lay, as a starting-point for exploring its southward course.

Near this point there are apparent traces of the beginning of a branch line
of road leading towards the modern hamlet of Bugovina, whence it probably
ascended an intervening range into the plain of Zubci, and reached, by a pass

a I have a denarius of the Empress Lncilla from this site, with the reverse legend IVNONI LVCINAE.

o 2

100 Antiquarian Researches in lllyricum.

already alluded to, the site of the Roman station that appears to have existed in
the plain of Canali midway between Epitaurum and the Rhizonic gulf.

From Zubci I obtained a Roman fibula
or safety-pin of very remarkable form (see
fig. 14*). It will be observed that the
groove in which the pin itself catches is
provided with a hinged lid, so as to keep
the pin doubly secure, and the appearance
of another groove above the hinged lid
shows that this in turn was made fast by
a small bolt or catch. As an example of
an improved Roman safety-pin tins fibula,
so far as I am aware, is altogether unique,
and the invention may be reasonably set
to the credit of local, probably Epitaurian
Fig, H*. FIBULA FROM z«-«ci. or Risinianj manufacture.

To return to the main road. The course of the Roman Way to the south con-
tinues so far as the plain extends with the same arrow-like directness as before
(see sketch map PL III.), leaving on the right, less than a mile distant from the
milestone mound, the mediaeval ruins of an Old Serbian Minster dedicated to St.
Peter — Petrov Manastir— the foundation of which I found ascribed by local saga,
amongst others, to " Czar Duklijan " —the Emperor Diocletian ! From this spot the
trace of the Roman Way makes straight for a defile in the range already referred
to, that separates the Mokro Polje from the Adriatic haven where Epitaurum
formerly stood. Observing the point in the mountains to which the ancient
roadway tended, I inquired of a party of peasants whom I found working in
the fields near to where the milestone lay whether there was not another stone
like it in that direction. All shook their heads, but at last an old Mahometan
answered that there certainly was a rock known as " the round stone" (Obli
Kameri) in the direction I had indicated, and, finally, for a consideration, con-
sented to guide me to the spot. Three-quarters of an hour's walk brought us
to a rocky eminence at the entrance of the defile (which is known as Lucin Do),
commanding a full view of the long Mokro Polje, and here, after a prolonged
hunt among the brushwood, my guide hit upon a large cylindrical fragment,
partly imbedded in the soil, which turned out to be the "round stone" we were
seeking. It lay not far from the present mule-path between Trebinje and Ragusa
Vecchia, which here follows more or less accurately the course of the Roman Way.

Archaeolo#ia

Vbl.XLVHIPl IV.

RUINED MONASTERY
OF OUZI i.

ROM/MteWALLS

SITE OIF ASAMO

ROMiN MILESTONE

CkoVoda,

Vcdovaiicu ^a.

/turned Churches and'
Monasteries

r # N

DJARE. \

TfaiLces ofRcrn&tv roctcLi

Prehistoric Stcncbttrrows eg

&T £taman ^lyt
Jtiithrcua Monuments

SKETCH MAP.

SHOWING COURSE OF ROMAN ROAD
INLAND FROM THE SITE OF EPITAVRUM
AND THE ROMAN AND OTHER REMAINS
OF THIS DISTRICT.

Prepared by the- Author from, persorunj/
observations.

C F.Kell Lith 8 Castle Si HoJboni. London £ C

ANTIQUARIAN RESEARCHES IN ILLYRICUM, BY A. J.EVANS, F.S. A.

Published by && Society crfjtntbqiMiries fffJ^OTbolffn', 1&<?3

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

101

The " round stone " proved to be part of a larger monument, other portions
of which I presently discovered in the bushes near. The first discovered frag-
ment was 81 inches in length, exhibiting at what was its upper end a circular
section 25^ inches in diameter, but which took the shape at its lower end of an
ellipse 28^ inches by 25^ inches, thus presenting a slightly-tapering outline,
showing it to have formed part of a somewhat obelisk-like column. At its
larger elliptical end lay a huge fragment of its square base.

A few feet off lay a smaller fragment, which appeared to be the top of the
column. Upon this was an inscription giving the name and titles of the Emperor
Claudius, engraved in letters nearly three inches high, so as to be legible from a
considerable distance (fig. 15a). The central portion of the inscription was broken
away, but from a calculation of the letter space at our disposal it can be
restored with sufficient certainty.

VSDR
AVGCER

rMAXTRPVfllMFW"

PPCEN

Fig. 15". MILLIARY COLUMN OP CLAUDIUS.
Lucin Do.

Tiberius CLAVDIVS, DRVSI VTLius, CAESAR AVGustus, GBKMANIC«*,
PONTJ/J?# MAximtis, iRibunicia voiestate viu IMPERATOR xv,
consul nil, vater Dairies, CENSOR.

The date of the inscription would thus be 47-48 A.D. The column itself is
unquestionably of the milliary kind, and, though the continuation of the inscrip-
tion recording the mileage from Epitaurum or elsewhere has unfortunately perished,

102

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

the mention of the name and titles of Claudius shows that, in all probability, this
road connecting Epitaurum with the interior was completed under his auspices.
It would thus appear that this Emperor, by the hands of his legates, continued
the work of road-making through the Dalmatian Alps, so worthily begun by
Dolabella under his predecessor Tiberius. The date of this Claudian column,
which must certainly have recorded no mean achievement of Roman engineering,
almost synchronises (if the numbers supplied be correct) with the opening of the
Via Claudia Augusta, leading from the mouth of the Po, over the Brenner Pass,

to the banks of the Upper Danube, the construction
of which had been directed by Drusus, but which was
finally completed by his son in 47 A.D.a It would
appear that in Upper as well as in Lower Illyricum
Claudius cemented the conquests of his father and
predecessor by completing another great line of Roman
road, this time leading from the Adriatic to the Drina
and the Middle-Danubian system. The still-existing
tribute of the cities of Upper Illyricum to Dolabella
would lead us to believe that this, like so many other
Dalmatian roads, owed its first beginnings to the
energetic provincial Governor of Tiberius.

The diameter of the summit of this inscribed frag-
ment, the section of which was circular, was just
twelve inches ; the lower part of it was too much
broken to enable an exact measurement to be taken.
Assuming that the column or obelisk, after taking its
circular form, continued to diminish in the ratio
of about six inches to every 80, indicated by the
first discovered fragment, the whole must have stood
originally about 20 feet high, excluding the base,
which may have added another three feet above the ground level. When perfect
the monument would have presented an imposing appearance, and from its con-
spicuous site must have been visible for miles (fig. 16").

a The construction of this road is recorded on a milliary column found at Feltria (C. I. L. v. 8002):

TI • CLAVDIVS • HRVSI • P || CAESAR • AVG ' GERMA||uiCVS • PONTIFEX ' MAXv||MVS " TRIBVNICIA '

POTESTA||TE • vi. cos. iv. IMP x7 p. p. || CENSOR • VIAM • CLAVDIAM || AVGVSTAM • QVAM • PRVSVS |

PATER ' ALPIBVS HELLO PATE || FACTIS ' DEREXERAT • MVNIT • AB || ALTINO ' VSQVE • AD • FLYMEN |[

DANVVIVM • M. p. CCCL. Another similar was found at Meran (C. I. L. v. 8003).

Fig. 16*. COLUMN OF CLAUDIUS.
(Restored.)

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 103

Near the remains of this larger column were fragments apparently of two
lesser monuments of the same kind, the hasis or part of the shaft of one being
still fixed in the soil. In all I counted seven cylindrical fragments, hut, although
I excavated the half-huried fragments and repeatedly explored the spot, I did not
succeed in bringing to light any fresh inscription.

Following the later mule-track which leads from the Mokro Polje past " the
round stone," and across the mountains to the Gulf of Breno and the peninsular
site of the ancient Epitaurum, now Ragusa Vecchia, I came here and there on
distinct terraces along the mountain side, which evidently mark the continued
course of the Roman road-line. These traces were most apparent below the
Turkish Kula or watch-tower of Smerdeca, on the flanks of the Lug Planina, and
again at Glavski Do, where a considerable kalderym follows apparently the old
trace. Beyond this point the remains may be traced uninterruptedly till they
join the trace of the Roman road, which myself and others had already observed
running along the mountain side above the village of Plat and the Gulf of Breno.
Thence it descended to Obod and the spot where the memorial monument was
discovered dedicated to Dolabella, the Road -Maker, by the grateful cities of Upper
Illyricum, and past the cliffs which served as Roman gravestones, to Epitaurum
itself.

Erom the column of Claudius to Ragusa Vecchia may be reckoned four hours
of difficult progress by the present mule-paths, and, considering the ruggedness
of the country, the Roman road must have made still greater bends in traversing
these Planinas. The distance as the crow flies is barely eight miles, but the
distance by the Roman road could hardly have been under 15 miles. If we now
add to this an additional five miles as the distance between the " round stone " of
Claudius and the remains on the Trebinjcica, which apparently indicate the
former existence of a Roman station, we arrive within a mile of the xx m.p. given
in the Tabula Peutingeriana as the distance between Epitaurum and Asamo, the
intermediate station on the junction-line Ad Zizium — Epitaurum. Asamus
appears elsewhere in Illyricum as a river-name, being the ancient form of the
Bulgarian river Osma. Judging therefore from the name alone, we should
naturally look for the site of Asamo on a river.

The discovery of an important line of Roman road (as its monuments show),
running inland from Epitaurum, and the identification of the Roman remains on
the Trebinjcica with the ancient " Asamo," give us at once a new starting-point
for our investigation. The conclusion which I had already arrived at on other
grounds, that the junction-line connecting Epitaurum with the main line of com-

104 Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum.

munication Narona — Scodra, ran through the interior of the country, and not
along the coast, as hitherto believed, is placed on something more than a theoretic
basis.

Assuming that the course of the Roman road across the Mokro Polje gives at
least an approximate indication of its subsequent route over the ranges beyond
the Trebinje river, the station of " Ad Zizio," marked as the point of junction
between the Epitaurum road and the main line from Narona, and placed 28 miles
distant from " Asamo," should be sought in the district of Rudine, beyond the
Herzegovinian town of Eilek, in the district that is, in which, from independent
considerations, I had been already led to seek it. I am informed by an engineer
who had to do with a modern road in that district (although circumstances have
prevented my verifying his statement) that traces of an ancient embanked way,
distinct in structure from the Turkish kalderyms, and believed by him from the
directness of its course to be Roman, are to be seen leading from near Bilek, past
Korita and Crnica and across the plain of Gacko, in a Northerly direction. The
existence of this ancient trace greatly supports the view already advanced that
the junction-line from Epitaurum continues to pursue the same general direction
after leaving "Asamo"; and corroborates the opinion that the real usefulness of
the line from Epitaurum to "Ad Zizio " was not so much as affording a practicable
avenue of land communication with Narona, but rather as forming a section
of an independent road-line, the further course of which is clearly marked by the
ancient embanked way across the plain of Gacko, connecting the Adriatic haven
with the Drina Valley ana the Danubian system, and which, further inland,
coalesced with the line already indicated, that brought Risinium into the same
connexion.

In the valley of the Drina this Adriatic route would intersect another main-
line of thoroughfare between West and East, that, namely, which brought
Salonse into communication with the ore-bearing ranges of what in the Middle
Ages formed the cradle of the Rascian kingdom, and, ultimately, with the Mace-
donian valleys. Of the Roman remains along this route I hope to speak in a
succeeding paper ; meanwhile, it is interesting to reflect in connexion with the
Roman road from Epitaurum with the interior that, when centuries later its local
successor, the Republic of Ragusa, took the lead in opening up anew the re-
barbarized midlands of Illyria to commerce and civilization, her caravans passed
along a line identical throughout the greater part of its extent with that of the
Roman Way. So close, indeed, is the parallel, that the Itinerary of the Venetian
Ramberti, who in 1533 passed along this Ragusan overland route to Con-

Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum. 105

stantinople, may serve to indicate the probable position of some of the Roman
stations.11 His first night station after leaving Ragusa by a rough mountain track
was Trebinje, sixteen miles distant, near which, as we have seen, was the ancient
Asamo, 20 m.p. according to the Tabula from Epitaurum. His next station,
twenty miles, is Rudine, the very district in which we have been enabled to place
the site of Ad Zizio. "Curita" (Korito) and "Cervice" (Crnica),b the next two
stations mentioned, are still on the trace of the Roman road. In all, from Ragusa
to the Drina was then five days' journey.

Thus it was that in days when Ragusa stood forth as the successful rival of
Venice in the Balkan lands, her caravans that transported the products of Italian
industry overland to the shores of the Black Sea and to the furthest East, and
bore in return the silk of Tartary, the spices of India and Arabia, together with
the silver ore of the Serbian mountains, to be transhipped to Venice and Ancoiia
and transported to the markets of Florence and the West, passed along a route
which had been opened out by Roman engineers over a thousand years before to
their forefathers of Epitaurum, under the auspices, as we now know, of the son of
Drusus.

a Kamberti, Delle cose de J'urchi, Libri tre, Nd primo, il viaggio da Venetia a Costantiiwpolt, &c. p. 5,
(In Vinezia, nelF anno M.D. xxxxi. In casa di Maestro I?emardin Milanese.)

b Mentioned already in 1380 as the site of a Ragusan customs station and small commercial colony.
(Liber Reformationum Mcijoris, Minvris, et llogatorum Consiliornm, Civitatis Kagusii. Cf. JircCek, op. ctt.
p. 75.)

VOL. XLVIII.

II. — On a Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen, near Ely.
By JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., F.E.S.

Head April 20, 1882.

BY the kind permission of Mr. Oliver Claude Pell, of Wilburton Manor, near
Ely, I am enabled to exhibit to the Society an exceedingly interesting and
extensive hoard of ancient bronze objects recently found in Wilburton Een. I am
indebted to Mr. Fell for the following particulars as to the manner and the place
in which the discovery was made. The hoard was found in the month of January
of the present year (1882), in Wilburton Rush Fen, in the county of Cambridge;
the exact spot being about 800 yards due south of Mingay Earm, on the catch-
water drain, and just six miles south-west of Ely Cathedral. The objects were
resting on the clay, at a depth of from 2 feet to 2 feet G inches below the surface
of the black peat earth, and were found by a man while " gripping " or cutting
a deep narrow grip across the ground, in order to let off superfluous water. The
whole of the articles lay within a space of about 6 feet by 3 feet, and they were
for the most part dug out under the immediate supervision of Mr. Pell. A second
careful examination of the spot brought to light a few small spear-heads and
some minor articles, which arc included in the list which follows.

Wilburton Rush Een, in which the " find " was made, forms part of the large
circle of fen or marsh-land surrounding the "highlands" of the parishes of
Wilburton, Haddenham, Sutton, Witcham, Mepal, Coveney, Witchford, Ely,
Thetford, and Stretham, composing the original and true Isle of Ely. In a map
in Dugdale's History of Embanking this district is shown as under water, and at
the time of the Conquest it proved an impassable barrier to the Normans. It
was at Alclreth, about two miles west of the spot where this hoard was discovered,
that the Normans were so often foiled in making a floating causeway in order to
effect an entrance into the isle. The old bed of the river Ouse is about three-
quarters of a mile from the scene of the discovery, and an old watercourse

Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen. 107

running into it passes within 200 yards of the spot, which is in fact at almost the
lowest part of the fen.

In old times these fens were constantly flooded by the inland waters on their
way to the sea ; but in the time of the Commonwealth a new channel, 100 feet
wide, from Earith to Littleport, was cut and embanked, and sluices were con-
structed. In later times the water has been pumped by engines into embanked
drains leading to the sea, and the area of the fens, which was at one time covered
with soft black peat to a depth of 10 or 12 feet, and frequently some feet below
the level of the water, has now been effectually drained. The peaty mass in
drying shrank to not more than a quarter of its original thickness, and so dry did
it become that a practice arose of burning or setting fire to the reclaimed land
with the view of increasing its productive power ; and in a hot summer the peaty
soil when once on fire would continue to smoulder for months. Although pro-
hibited by Act of Parliament, the practice continued, and there are persons still
alive who remember the particular field of seventeen acres in which these bronze
objects lay, having been in a blaze from one end to the other. It is to this
burning of the soil that the injured and partially fused condition of many of the
instruments in the deposit is probably to be attributed.

Before proceeding to examine in detail the various forms present in the hoard,
and the peculiarities which they exhibit, it will be well to give a general list of
the objects, classified to a certain extent under the prevailing types.

BRONZE OBJECTS FOUND IN WILBURTON FEN.

Looped palstave - - - 1

Socketed celts - - - 2

Tanged chisel (broken) ..... 1

Small knife or dagger - ... 1

Swords (broken) - - - 11

Scabbard-ends ...... '4

Spear-heads of various forms —

For the most part whole - - 87 i

Much broken - .... 28 /

Ferrules, long ......

do. with spheroidal ends 3

Carried forward - 144

p 2

108 Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilbiirton Fen.

Brought forward -

Annular buttons - - 3

Hollow rings ... ... 4

Solid rings - ..... 4,

Various objects 7

Melted metal 1

163

I now proceed to describe more minutely the various articles comprised
in this hoard, and in doing so shall refer for illustration where practicable to my
Ancient Bronze Implements.

Looped Palstave. — The only specimen of this tool or weapon is 6 inches long,
and closely resembles my fig. 83 ; it expands, however, more at the edge, which
is If inch wide.

Socketed Celts. — Of these there were two. One is 3f inches long, with a slight
double moulding round the expanding square mouth, not so broad as that on
fig. 116. There are narrow vertical ribs running down inside the socket, two or
three on each of the four sides. The other celt is of a rare form, 4 inches long,
and like fig. 157, but with a better defined beaded moulding round the mouth,
which is nearly square. The loop is broad and stout. It is shown on the scale
of ^ linear measure in PI. V. fig. 8.

Tanged Chisel. — The blade only of a small example, If inch long, was
found in the subsequent examination of the spot. It is like that of fig. 192* in
character, but wider in proportion.

Knife or Dagger. — This solitary example is much the same in character as
fig. 263, but instead of a rivet-hole it exhibits a semicircular notch in the centre
of the base. It is 4| inches long.

Swords. — The whole of these have been broken into pieces, probably in old
times, and some of the fragments have suffered from the action of fire. Seven of
the weapons have been reconstituted from the fragments in a more or less
complete manner, and their length appears to have been from 23 to 24 inches.
They are of the leaf-shaped form, and in general character resemble fig. 342.
They all seem to have been provided with a central slot in the hilt-plate, and
seven have had holes or slots for a single rivet in each wing at the base of the
blade. In the remaining four, provision is made for two rivets in each wing.

Archaeologia

Vol. XLV1II. PI \

Section through A.B

Scale

Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen. 109

Several of the rivets have remained in place, but there are no traces of the horn
or wood of which, probably, the hilts were made.

Scabbard-ends. — Of these only one is in good condition. Indeed but for a
slight injury at the mouth this fine specimen is perfect. It is identical in
character with that shown in fig. 364, and is 13^ inches long. There is a small
cylindrical projection at the tip, but I can see no traces of the usual diminutive
hole for a rivet to secure the non-metallic part of the scabbard. The other three
scabbard-ends are represented by fragments, but are of the same character. In
two, the small rivet-hole is visible.

Spear-heads. — Of these there were about 115 in all, but owing to the broken
condition of some of them their number cannot accurately be ascertained. The
great majority of them, some 92 in number, are of the ordinary leaf-shaped
form, showing the conical socket for the shaft running down the middle of the
blade, and with a rivet-hole running through the socket in the same plane as the
blade. In one instance of a lance-head, 3f inches long, there is a hole only on
one side of the socket. The general type is that of figs. 384-386, and the length
of different specimens of the ordinary form ranges from 3^ to 11 inches. The
edges of some of the blades are slightly fluted.

In one spear-head, 7| inches long, the base of the blade is slightly truncated,
so that it projects at right angles from the socket nearly % inch on either side.

On five of the spear-heads there are small ribs running down each side of the
conical projection on the blade, as in fig. 383. On one remarkably fine specimen,
13^ inches long, the blade is worked in steps like that from Eulbourn, Cam-
bridge." It is represented in PI. V. fig. 1.

In ten others there is a peculiarity which has not, I think, been previously
noticed. It is that, instead of the socket for the shaft appearing as a conical
projection along the blade, the surface of the blade is evenly rounded so as to
show a pointed oval in section (PI. V. figs. 2a, 2b). In five the section is more
lozenge-shaped, there being an angular ridge running along the blade.. The spear-
heads of this class are from 6^ to 12 inches long, and as a rule their edges are
fluted. In a ridged specimen of this kind there are two round holes like those in
fig. 416, but rather nearer the base of the blade, which is somewhat truncated
where it joins the socket.

In one remarkable example, 9£ inches long (PI. V. fig. 3), the central ridge
is made more pronounced by the four facets of the blade being hollowed so that

a Archaeologia, vol. xix. pi. iv. 5.

110 Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen.

the section is a lozenge with the sides curved inwards. The mouth of the socket

is ornamented by five parallel headings.

The spear-heads, with crescent-shaped openings in the blade, are five in
number, varying in length from 6i inches to 12f inches. The longest much
resembles fig. 418, but the socket is not ornamented, and is moreover hexagonal.
The next in size (10f inches) has smaller openings in the blade, and a sharp,
well-defined median ridge running along it, making the receptacle for the shaft
almost like that of fig. 396 (PL V. fig. 4). The third and fourth, both of which are
imperfect, have the blade with two facets only on each face, thus giving a lozenge-
shaped section like that of some of the leaf-shaped spear-heads already described.
One of these has a triple beading round the mouth. The smallest has the usual
conical projection running along the blade. In some of the broken spear-heads
there are remains of carbonized wood, but whether they were lost or buried with
their shafts attached, or whether, in some instances, a part of the broken shaft
was left within them, cannot well be determined. No traces of the shafts
appear, however, to have been observed in the peaty soil, from which they were
exhumed. Although the whole of these weapons are provided with a rivet-hole
through the socket, for the purpose of securing it to the shaft, there is no trace
in any of them of a metallic rivet, and we may therefore infer that the pin in
general use for securing these spear-heads to their shafts was, as usual, made of
some perishable material such as wood or horn.

Ferrules. — With one exception, those of the ordinary elongated form are
more or less broken. The longest fragment is, however, 9^ inches long, and
seems to have lost only a small part of the base. It is about f inch in diameter
at the mouth, and about midway along it is a small rivet-hole. The type is that
of fig. 423. The perfect specimen is only 4f inches long, more tapering in
form, and with the rivet-hole about an inch from the mouth. The ferrules, with
spheroidal ends, differ in character from any that I have figured. The longest
(PI. V. fig. 7) is about 2^, inches in length, with a cylindrical portion about f inch
in diameter, on which are two bands, each of four parallel grooves, the one near
the mouth, and the other a little way below the rivet-hole. There is a projecting
bead round the base of the spheroidal end, which is otherwise smooth and
unornamented. The other ferrule (PL V. fig. 6) is shorter, being 2 inches long.
Two parallel grooves run round the cylindrical part at the mouth, and there
are three round the upper part of the bulb. The bottom, which is a segment
of a sphere, has at the margin two concentric bands, about £ inch wide, hatched
with lines, in the outer ring to the right, and in the inner to the left. Of the

Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen.

Ill

third of these ferrules but little more than the bulb remains. This is orna-
mented with a series of concentric grooves round its centre.

Miscellaneous Objects. — Of those present in the hoard the largest is not unlike
the lid of a jar, consisting of a convex circular plate about 3^ inches in diameter,
with a shallow groove round the margin, and having attached to it, on the con-
cave side, a short tube of metal about 1 inch long and about If inch in
diameter. Through this runs a hole for a rivet, by Avhich it was probably
attached to a piece of wood. It is hard to assign a purpose to it, but it may have
formed a covering for the end of an axle-tree, or possibly may have been let
into the centre of a buckler. A. drawing of it is given in PI. V. fig. 5.

Equally mysterious are several objects provided Avith various holes and
recesses, some of which may possibly be classed under the heading which forms
the usual last resource of an antiquary, " horse trappings." Others, however, are
more probably fittings connected with the belts or straps by which the scabbards
of the swords were suspended. One
of these articles is a flat C -shaped
object expanding at the two ends,
in Avhich are deep recesses Avith
rivet-holes through them. Through
the middle of the curved part is
an oblong hole Avhich communicates
with a narrow slit in the thickness
of the metal that opens out at the
back of the C. One face is orna-
mented Avith marginal grooves round
the curved part and double trans-
verse lines behind the rivet-holes. They seem to have been punched in by means
of a blunt chisel-ended punch.

Another object formed of whiter metal than usual is much like a modern
scabbard end, but appears to be hardly thick enough for
that purpose. Its tAvo faces are not solid, but have tAvo
openings through them on each side of a central bar, like
an elongated Lombardic 3. One face of this object is
ornamented in nearly the same way as that last described.
Not only is there a recess through the broad straight end,
but there is an oval hole nearly £ inch long through the
rounded end.

Perforated tag ?
Full size.

Semicircular object.
Full size.

112

Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen.

Perforated hollowed plate
Full size.

nearly circular

A third object looks like the mounting for the end of a
broad strap of thick leather, but with openings to allow
of thin strips in continuation of the main strap to come
through. It is like a piece of a tube 2f inches long and f in
diameter, closed at the ends, but with a longitudinal opening
5 inch wide all along it on one side, and three small openings
about § inch by ^ inch arranged at equal distances along the
opposite side.

Another curious object is a flat, short-limbed, broad
cross, Avith the inner angles rounded, and with each limb
hollow so that a strap could run tlmmgh it, and having its
centre voided by a large circular hole, round which runs
a beaded moulding. The whole would fit into a square hole,
but little more than 1 inch across, and the breadth of each
limb is about {; inch ; the total thickness is rather more than
5 inch. Allied to this are some remarkable hollow rings of
section, but slightly flattened on one face. Through the
periphery are three; broad openings almost touching each
other, so that the supports from one face of the ring
to the other are at three of the corners of a square.
Opposite the centre of the fourth side of the square is a
smaller opening. The triangular supports from one face
of the ring to the other do not extend the whole way
across the ring, so that on the inner side there is a
groove all round. Two of these rings were found
nearly perfect, and there are portions of two others. They are different in

character from the jet rings with perforations at the sides,
like fig. 372 in my Ancient Stone Implements, &c.

Of solid rings of circular section there are four : two
1 inch, one f inch, and one -^ inch in external diameter.
Of annular buttons, with two loops at the back, like
fig. 500, there are two, one perfect and the other broken.
They are If inch in diameter, the annular part being about
•f inch wide. There is a fragment of a similar ring of less
diameter, but it may be part of one of the perforated
rings already described. It will be remembered that the
Edinburgh specimen which I have engraved as my fig. 500

Perforated Cross.
Full size.

Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilbur ton Fen. 113

was, like these, found in company with leaf-shaped swords, and that such
weapons have on several occasions been found in company with rings of bronze.

The only other objects that require description are by no means easy to
describe. In form they more nearly resemble the terminations of the hilts of
some daggers belonging to the Early Iron Period
than anything else with which I am acquainted,
though they are much smaller. They are, however,
not altogether unlike our common drawer-handles.
The straight central part, about l£ inch long, curved object.

expands in the middle, and has a long pointed oval

opening through it in the same plane as the two ends of the object, which are
turned back from the central part, and then turned slightly outwards and end in
small knobs. The extreme length of these ends from the face of the central
part is about f inch. One of these objects is complete; of the other one half only
was found. I am at a loss to assign a purpose to them.

Of English hoards, that which approaches most closely in character to this
from Wilburton Fen is that of Blackmoor, near Selborne, described by Lord
Selborne in Bell's edition of Gilbert White's well-known History, vol. ii. p. 381.
It consisted of twenty- seven fragments of sword-blades, some of which when put
together made complete swords ; two fragments of sword-sheaths, one " grooved
socket," perhaps a ferrule, eighteen large and six small spear-heads, tAvo " spear-
points," three rings, and two fragments of uncertain use. The sword-blades as
in the present instance had been broken before they were buried, and the edges
of some of the spear-heads had been hacked and notched in a manner which
could hardly have resulted from use. Neither palstaves nor socketed celts seem
however to have been present in the Blackmoor hoard.

A Welsh hoard, that of Guilsfield," in Montgomeryshire, also presents various
points of analogy with that of Wilburton Fen. In it there were several looped
palstaves and socketed celts, two gouges, broken swords, scabbard-ends, spear-
heads, and ferrules. One spear-head had the lunate openings. The Glancych or
Pant-y-maen hoard may also he compared with this, as may also that of Nettle-
ham, in which were socketed celts of the same peculiar character as one of those
from Wilburton Fen — spear-heads and a ferrule, but no swords.

Whether the Wilburton hoard is to be regarded as personal, or as that of a
merchant or bronze-founder, is a difficult question. There is an entire absence of

a Proc. Soc. Ant. 2d S. vol. ii. p. 251 ; Arch. Camb. 3rd 8. vol. x. p. 214 ; Montgom. Coll. vol. iii.
p. 437.

VOL. XLVIII. Q

114 Hoard of Bronze Objects found in Wilburton Fen.

moulds, jets from castings, and portions of cakes of metal, and the only fragments
of fused metal which are present are such as might have originated in the
burning of the peat in which the hoard was buried. On the other hand, the
broken condition of the swords, which from the bending of the metal appears to
have been brought about before their burial in the peat, affords an argument
against the hoard being merely that of a merchant intended for sale or barter, or
of the whole being weapons in personal use. The varied character of the spear-
heads, both in size and form, is against their being the weapons belonging to
some detachment of a native army, and on the whole I am rather in favour of
regarding the hoard as the property of some early merchant of bronze, whose
stock was in part old metal destined for the crucible, and in part tools and
weapons possibly intended to be bartered away for a greater weight of metal in
the form of broken or worn-out instruments. If, as seems probable, the site
where the hoard was discovered was in the Bronze Age of Britain a waste of waters,
we must assume that the deposit of these instruments in the peaty bottom of
the mere was unintentional, and was probably caused by the upsetting of a canoe.
There is one other possibility, viz., that they may have been thrown into the
water as precious offerings to the gods, as has been suggested by Mr. Worsaae ;
but where votive offerings of such a kind were made it seems to have been the
practice, as with the gold coins offered to the divinity of the Seine, to deface and
injure the offerings, so that they could not again be restored to their pristine
worldly uses. In the present hoard, though the swords and some other articles
seem to have been broken in ancient times, many of the spear-heads, and several
other objects, are absolutely uninjured. The spot where they were deposited
must also before the drainage of the fens have been in all probability inaccessible,
except by a boat or canoe. Whatever the origin of its deposit, and whoever its
last owner, the hoard is of great value and interest from the number and variety
of the forms which it comprises, and from the novelty of some of the types it
exhibits, and the Society is much indebted to Mr. Pell for bringing it before
them.

III. — On a, Hoard of Bronze, Iron, and other Objects found in Belbiiry Camp,
Dorset. Communicated by EDWAIID CTJNXINGTON, Esq., of Dorchester.

Read March 3d, 1882.

I HAVE the honour of exhibiting to the Society of Antiquaries, through Mr.
Joshua James Foster, of Dorchester, some objects of bronze, iron, glass, and
earthenware lately found together in Belbury Camp, near Higher Lychett, Poole,
Dorset.

This camp (see Plan on next page) is nearly circular, with a south aspect, the
ground gradually sloping for about 700 feet to a small stream. Its rampart
on the north side is the best preserved, showing a height of 10 feet above the
external ditch ; that on the east is in process of destruction by the plough. Its
length and breadth are each about 11 or 12 chains, making an inside area of rather
more than 10 acres. The entrances east and west are guarded by the vallum
being brought inside about 82 feet. The centres of north and south are open to
the north for a road and to the south for the water supply. The breadth of the
vallum Avas 41 feet in its present condition. The objects and a large quantity of
wrought iron were all found together in the western side from 2 feet to 3 feet
underground whilst draining the camp.

The antiquities discovered were as follows : —

Two bronze cast figures about 4 inches long with bull's head and horns.

Two small bronze ornaments pierced with holes for fastening on wood,
and ornamented on the sides and tops.

Two large bronze rings, 3 inches in diameter, with small rings encircling them
for attachment.

116

On a Hoard of Bronze, Iron, and other Objects.

Three smaller bronze rings.

Handle of an iron dagger with bronze fittings.

Piece of bronze with iron ribs for strengthening it.

Belbury Camp.

An anchor (see fig. opposite) 4 feet 6 inches long, 27-J inches from point to
point of the fluke, the main stem varying from 2 to 3 inches in breadth, the links
of the chain close to anchor 5 inches in diameter, the rest of the links about
2 inches.

Two glass beads 1 inch in diameter, and six of the same kind £ inch in
diameter.

Several fragments of bronze.

A bar of iron 3 feet long, and 1 inch by f in thickness.

Large nails, 6 to 7 inches long, "as thick as a thumb" (see the passage of
Caesar below).

Archaeoio^ia.

Vol. XLV1II. P1.V1.

C F £ell Jth CastJe SI Hoiliom E C

OBJECTS FROM BELBURY CAMP, NEAR POOLE, DORSET.

by tJie> Soci-tify ofAriM*}uaJ'i&> <jf London,

On a Hoard of Bronse, Iron, and other Objects.

A large sledge hammer, 6 inches long, 2^ inches square, weight 7^ Ibs.

A smaller hammer.

An iron hatchet.

A long iron Avith two feet, exactly similar to an andiron.

117

Anchor from Belbury Gamp.

A piece of fine bronze chain or armilla.

Two or three rounded flat pieces of iron, which may be timber-clamps.

Half of a good quern of a very hard sandstone.

Fragments of black well-burnt pottery.

This hoard was found in the autumn of 1881. Having heard of the discovery,
I paid a visit to the old woman who was reported to possess several of the objects.
On inquiring of her for them, she told me that she " hadn't a' got 'em." On my
asking what had become of them, she said " "Well, there ! I was obliged to send
'em to my poor boy, for he was ter'ble bad, and did sort o' pine for 'em ; and a'
thought if a' could have thic there little dog, and nail un up over the door, a'
would be better." I then went to the son's house, where 1 duly found the animal
nailed over the door. Afterwards I learned that a quantity of beads, a duplicate
of the animal, and some pieces of rusty iron, had been discovered at the same time
and place, but had been dispersed. My search for these was successful, and its
result appears in this communication.

My idea is, that the bull was used as an ornament to the helmet, as illus-
trated in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 2nd edition,

118 On a Hoard of Bronze, Iron, and other Objects.

p. 566. On one of the helmets there engraved " from antique gems " is affixed a
lion in a somewhat similar position. The writer says, " In the Roman army of later
times the crest served not only for ornament, but also to distinguish the different
centurions, each of whom wore a casque of a peculiar form and appearance."

The anchor and its chain are remarkable in respect of their discovery on a
spot at a considerable distance from, and height above, any place where they
could have been used, even in the earliest historic times. They are also singularly
illustrative of the following passages in the third book of Caesar's Commentaries,
" De Hello Gallico," describing the Veneti, and their ships and naval power:--

" Hujus civitatis [Venetoruni] est longe amplissima auctoritas omnis
ora3 maritime regionum earum, quod et naves habent Veneti plurimas, quibus in
Britanniani navigare consuevernnt, et scientia atque usu nauticarum rerum
reliquos antecedunt. * Ipsorum naves ad hunc modum

factte armataeque erant. Carime aliquanto planiores, quam nostrarum navium,
quo facilius vada ac decessum a3stus excipere possent ;

transtra pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus confixa clams ferrets digit! pollicis
crctssltudine ; anchor '(e, pro fvmibus,fo)'reis catenis revinctce."

" This state [of the Veneti] has far the most ample authority in all
the sea-coast of those regions, because the Veneti have very many ships with ichicJi
they have been used to sail to Brita'ui, and also exceed the other nations in know-
ledge and use of navigation. Their ships were built and
equipped in this manner: the keels somewhat flatter than those of our ships, so
as the more easily to deal with the shallows and the ebb tide ;
the benches of planks a foot wide, fixed together with iron nails as thick as a
thumb ; the anchors fastened to iron chains, instead of ropes."

On the question of appropriating the camp or the objects found therein to
any age or people, I may mention that there are several Celtic barrows at
Bloxworth Down, about a mile from the camp, and that there are large numbers
of stone implements on the same down now ploughed up.

I do not know the height of the camp above the sea-level, but should think
that it is about 150 feet above the small stream that runs down the valley some

On a Hoard of Bronze, Iron, and other Objects. 119

200 yards off. Lychett Bay is two miles off. If there ever has been any road
between the camp and the bay, it is now entirely obliterated by the plough.

Plate VI. represents some of the most remarkable objects, and is accompanied
by a description kindly supplied by one of the Vice- Presidents of the Society,
A. W. Pranks, Esq., of the British Museum.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE VI.*

Figs. 1, 2. Two views of a bronze object, evidently intended to be fastened to a rounded
surface by four rivets. It consists of a rude representation of a bull, through the rudimentary
legs of which the rivets passed. The tail-end is curved round and terminates in an eight-petalled
flower, forming a kind of hook. The figure of the bull is coarsely executed, but the hooked
portion is good in outline. The flower somewhat resembles Etruscan ornaments. The probability
is that this ornament is Late Celtic ; but it does not resemble English examples, in which animal
forms are rare and further removed from nature ; it may therefore have been brought from the
Continent. Two of these bronze objects were discovered, exactly alike.

Figs 3, 4. Two views of a hollow bronze object which has also been fixed to a rounded
surface. The arched portion has no rivet-hole, but the means of attachment seems to have been
by a large rivet-hole at each end. There are bands of engraved ornaments not unlike those on the
legs of the bull. Two of these objects were also discovered.

It has been suggested that the four objects in question may have formed the crest of one or
more helmets, but the discovery of two of each seems to be against this, especially when it is
remembered how great was the love of variety during the Late Celtic period, so that it would not
be likely that two helmets should be exactly alike. The hook forming the termination of the bull
would seem to have been made for use, as though for a cord or thong, or perhaps a bar — the inner
surface of the hook being flat, not convex — to pass through it. It appears therefore more likely
that they formed parts of a war-chariot. That the British essedum, or at any rate the yoke of it,
was ornamented, appears from a passage in Propertius, (El. lib. ii. 1, 76.)

" Esseda cselatis siste Britanna jugis,"
and, as there were two horses, the ornaments would be in pairs.

Fig. 5. Part of a curved bronze ornament decorated with openwork, showing resemblance in
style to some of the horse-trappings discovered at Stan wick, Yorkshire; see for instance, the York
volume of the Archaeological Institute (1847) PI. ii. fig. 6.

Fig. 6. Fragment of a similar bronze ornament, or possibly another portion of the same.

* The objects are figured full size.

120 On a Hoard of Bronze, Iron, and other Objects.

Fig. 7. Part of the hilt of a. sword, Late Celtic in character. It is of iron with a pierced plate
of bronze towards the upper part. The tang extended probably for as much more in length before
it terminated in the pommel. The lower part resembles in its outline the corresponding portions
of other Late Celtic swords. See for an account of such swords, Archaeologia, XLV. 251.

Fig. 8. Fragment of the bronze edging of a sword-sheath.

Fig. 9. Bronze object, perhaps part of a mirror handle; a thin plate of bronze seems to have
been fixed into it to form a mirror; the lower part of the handle is broken ofF. Such mirrors have-
several times been found in England. For instance, at St. Keverne, Cornwall, (Archival. Joum.
xxx. 267, woodcut); at Stamford Hill, near Plymouth (Archaeologia, XL. 500, pi. xxx.); near
Bedford (Arc/ieeol. Journ. xxvi. 71); and a very fine example has been recently found near
Gloucester. Another, from the Isle of Portland, has been lately presented to the Duchess of
Edinburgh.

Fig. 10. A ring or bead of transparent amber glass. Glass beads were found with the mirror
from St. Keverne, Cornwall, mentioned above; they have also been found in barrows of the Late
Celtic period at Arras and Cowlam in the East Eiding of Yorkshire, the material being fine in
colour, as here, and very transparent. See Archaeologia, XLIII. 496.

IV. — Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax, Knights,
of Walton, and of Gilling Castle, Yorkshire, in the Sixteenth and Seven-
teenth Centimes. Communicated by EDWARD PEACOCK, Esq., F.S.A.

Bead Feb. 9, 1882.

Bottesford Manor, Brigg,

December 31, 1881.

THE Inventories of Household Goods and Farming Stock which I have the
honour of laying before the Society of Antiquaries have been copied by me
from the original manuscript which is preserved in the library of Nostell Priory.
They occupy some of the latter pages of a large folio volume, the earlier leaves of
which contain lists of Yorkshire musters taken in the latter years of the reign
of Queen Elizabeth. The volume had probably been purchased by Sir William
Fairfax, as it has his initials W. F. on both the covers.

Of the great historical family of Fairfax it is not needful that I should say
much. It has been, as the biographer of the most illustrious of the race has well
said, alike famous in war, literature, and scholarship.11 There are few races in
the North of England which have given so many of their members to the service
of their fellow creatures, and none, it may be confidently affirmed, which has
left a purer fame.

Sir William Fairfax was the representative of the parent stem. His grand-
father, Sir Thomas, married Agnes, daughter of Sir William Gascoigne, of
Gawthorpe, by his wife Lady Margaret Percy, daughter of the third Earl of
Northumberland. Sir Nicholas, son and heir of Sir Thomas, was an active and
important person of much social influence. He was one of those who took part
in the Pilgrimage of Grace, but does not seem to have suffered in person or
estate for his devotion to an unsuccessful cause. By his first wife Jane, daughter
of Guy Palmes, he became the father of Sir William. The life of Sir William

" Clements Robert Markham, C.B., F S.A., Life of the Great Lord Fairfax, p. 2.
VOL. XLVIII. R

122 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

seems to have been spent in the public service in his native county. Erom
documents which I have seen, both in private and public custody, I have come
to the conclusion that he was an accurate and far-seeing man of business. He
was sheriff of Yorkshire in 1578. I have not been able to ascertain the date of
his death ; it is not given in the Pedigree compiled by llalph Thoresby,a nor
in Mr. Markham's Genealogy of the Fairfaxes as revised and reprinted in the
Herald and Genealogist, vol. vii. (1873). His son and successor was Sir Thomas,
who served as sheriff for Yorkshire in 1628.

It is perhaps needless to point out that inventories of the sort here printed
are much rarer and far more interesting than those compiled for purposes of
probate. In papers of the latter kind no more information is commonly given
than was needed to satisfy the authorities. Those before us were made for a
purely domestic purpose, that the owner might know what household goods he
was possessed of, and what cattle he had on his farms. There are, as a conse-
quence, many little touches which would never be found in a public document ;
for example, in one of the trunks there was a single sheet of fine holland ; the
fact that there was not a pair is accounted for by the remark that " my lady was
wound in its fellow." (The " my lady " here spoken of was almost certainly the
first wife of Sir William, Agnes, daughter of George Lord Darcy.) The amount
of plate, it will be noticed, was very great ; much of it must have been more for
ornament than use. The linen is so carefully described that we can well nigh see
it before us with its ornaments of roses, gilliflowers. and spread-eagles. Those
last we may assume were the product of the looms of Flanders.

My thanks are due to the present owner of the manuscript, Rowland "VVinn,
Esq., M.P., for lending it to me for the purposes of transcription.

" Ducatus Leodiensis, \>. 66.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 123

The Inventories are printed in the order in which they occur in the MS.
volume, and are entitled thus : —

1. Inventory of Plate and Household Stuff at Gilling, belonging to Sir

William Fairfax, Knight, 16th March, 1594-5.

2. Inventory of Household Stuff and other things at Walton, 3rd April,

1624.

3. Inventory of Household Stuff at Gilling, 22nd June, 1624.

4. Sheep and Cattle at Gilling and Walton, 28th July, 1596.

5. " My " Books at Gilling (no date).

6. Plate at Gilling, 25th March, 1590.

7. Linen at Gilling, 10th September, 1590.

Nos. 2 and 3 are probably of the time of Sir Thomas, son of Sir William.

1. The Inventorie of all the plaite and Houshoukle stuffe at Gillingc, and
belouginge to the right wor Sr Wittm ffairfax, knight, had and taken
the xvj"1 daie of march Anno Domini 1594.

GILTE PLATE.

Imprimis ij gilte saltes with a couer contayning xxxiij ounces di.

Item one gilte goblett contayninge xv ounces.

Item one square salte with a cover cont. xxiij ounces.

Item one trencher salte gilte cont. iiij ounces di.

Item one giUe salte with a cover con. xvij ounces.

Item iiij gilte sponnes con. viij ounces qter.

Item one gilte cupp cont. x ounces qter.

Item one castinge bottell gilte con. iiij ounces."

Item ij gilte liverie pottes con. Ixiij ounces.1'

Item v gilte bowles with a couer con. xxxiij ounces iij qlcrs.

Item one gilte basin and Eure con. Ixiiij ounces.

Item one great gilte bowle with a cover con. xxx ounces di.

Item one gilte bowle with a cover con. xxvj ounces di.

Item one gilte standinge cupp with a cover con. x ounces.

a A bottle for casting or sprinkling perfumes, N ares, Glossary, sub voc. Cf. Arcltaeoiogia, vol. xxxvi.
p. 293, vol. XLII. p. 353.

b Livery was applied, according to John Gough Nichols, Esq., F.S. A., to " articles made in a quantity,
according to a fixed pattern, for distribution in the several apartments." The Union Inventories, p. 44.

124 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

WHITE PLATE.

Imprimis ij liverie pottes cont. iiijxx vj ounces.

Item ij liverie pottes con. Iviij ounces di.

Item one spowte pott cont. xxix ounces di.

Item one nest of bowles with a cover con. xlv ounces di.a

Item iij other bowles with a cover cont. xlj ounces.

Item iij French bowles with a cover con. xxvj ounces iij qtcrs.

Item iij other ffrench bowles with a cover con. xxviij ounces di.

Item ij dossen of silver sponnes cont. xlix ounces di.

Item one dosscn of silver plaites cont. v" xj ounces.

Item one doble salte con. ix ounces iij qters.

Item one spice boxe with a sponne con. xv ounces.

Item one silver chafindisshe con. xxix ounces di.

Item a Lavre for water con. xxij ounces.

Item one Basin and Ewre cont. Ixxij ounces.

Item one hollowe Basin con. xxij ounces.

Item ij silver Cannes con. xxx ounces di.

Item iiij Candlestickes con. xxxvij ounces.

Item ij litle Cuppes con. xj ounces.

Item one bottell cont. vj ounces qter.

Item one Siluer standishe cont. xviij ounces.

Item one shipp Basin and cure cont. Ixj ouncss iij qtcrs.

Item iiij beare pottes for the hall cont. iiijxx x ounces.

Item one siluer cullander con. v ounces qtcr.

Summa total of all the plate ccciiijxlt xiij li. vij s. vij d.

GREAT CHAMBER.

Imprimis one drawingc table of walnuttre cutt and carued of three leaves longe and xij stooles

cutt and carued xv li.

Item a greene clothe with a greene silke frindge for the same table Iiij s. iiij d.
Item xij stooles couered with greene clothe and frindged with greene silke iiij li.
Item one long carpitt of tapistree for the same table vj li.

Item one chaire couered with grene clothe and frindged with grene silke xxvj s. viij d.
Item iiij litle stooles couered with grene clothe and frindged with greene silke xiij s. iiij d.
Item one square table, and a grene clothe to the same frindged with greene silke xxiiij s.
Item one silke carpit square for the saide square table frindged with greene silke xli.

a A number of tilings of the same sort fitting into each other, the smaller within the larger, was called
a nest. We hear of nests of bowls, goblets, weights, and counters. £f. Mem. of Ambrose Barnes, p. 210.
Marston, Dutch Courtesan, act i. sc. 1. Archaeologia, vol. xxx. p. 26, vol. xxxvi. p. 293.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 125

Item ij cubbourdes cutt and earned with two grecne clothes to the same and frindged with greene

silke iiij li.

Item v quishions of Nedleworke xxv s.
Item ix quishions of Scottishe worke xxxs.
Item one paire of brascn awnde irons, a paire of tonges, and a fire panne, iij li.

Item two longe quishions of blacke and reade sattan figured iiij li.

Summa liiij li. xij s. iiij d.

THE DYNINGE PARLOR.

Imprimis one drawing table of three leaves xl s.

Item viij bufiitt stooles viij s.a

Item one greene table clothe x s.

Item one Cubborde and a greene clothe vj s. viij d.

Item two firmes iiij s.

Item vj quishions xiij s. iiij d.

Item one paire of awnde irons xiij s. iiij d.

Summa iiij li. xv s. iiij d.

XEWE LODGINGE.

Imprimis a bedsteade of cutwirke iiij li.
Item a teaster and vallens of black and cremysine vcluet ymbrodered with cuttcs of clothe of golde

and frindged with cremysine silke and golde xvj li.
Item iiij curtaines of rcade and yallowe chaungeable taffitie vj li.
Item one downe bed, a bowlstcr, ij pillowes, and ij wollen blanckettes, vj li.
Item one Read rugge xxx s.
Item one quilte of cremysine sarcenet vli.

Item one cubborde and a cubborde clothe of Turkic worke xx s. b
Item one chaire and a long quishwine couered with clothe of gold xli.
Item one little stoole couered with sattan figured vj s. viij d.
Item one fetherbed, one boulster, one couerlett and a coveringe of verdere, vj li.
Item two awnde irons x s.

Item a chamber pott xx d.

Summa Ivj li. viij s. iiij d.

IN THE GUTTER NEWE LODGINGE.

Imprimis a read bedsteade xiij s. iiij d.

Item a teaster and vallens of blacke tufte Taflitie and yeallowe sattan and blacke and yeallowe
silke frindge vj li.

* See Promptorium Parvulorum, vol. i. p. 41. •

b In the Sacrist's Roll of Lichfield Cathedral A.D. 1345 occurs "unus pannus de Turky de dono
regis." Journal of Derbyshire Archceological Society, vol. iv. p. 112; and in the Inventory of Goods of
Churches of Surrey in the reign of Edward VI. p. 34, we find "j vestment of Turkey worcke with a green
crosse."

126 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

Item iij curtaines of blacke and yeallowe sarsenett x s.

Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, and two pillowes, 1 s.

Item two wollen blancketes and a coveringe of verdere xls.a

Item a cubborde and one greene clothe vj s.

Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, a couerlet and a coveringe, iij li.

Item iiij pieces of Hanginges viij li.

Item one chamber pott xx d.

Item one chaire and a quishione vj s.

Sum ma xxiij li. vij s.

IN THE NEXT CHAMBER CALLED THE SCHOOLEHOUSE.

Imprimis one standinge bedsteade, a toaster of blacke braunched veluet, and white clothe of

Tynsell, xx s.
Item iij curtaines x s.

Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, one couerlett, and a coveringe of verdere, iij li.
Item one cubborde and a cubborde clothe vj s.
Item one chaire and a quishione iiij s.
Item vj hangings of Tapistree xvj li.
Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, ij wollen blankettes, and a large coueringc of verders, vj li.

Item one chamber pott xx d.

Summa xxvij li. xx d.

IN THE PliESSE IN THAT CHAMBER.

Imprimis one teaster and vallens of white damaske and v white taffitie curtaines xvj li.

Item two large pieces of hanginges ixli.

Summa xxv li.

NEW TURRITT.

Imprimis a bedsteade cutt iiij li.

Item a teaster high roved of blacke and cremysine sattin figured with gilte knoppcs xvli.

Item v curtaines of blacke and cremysine chaungeable taffitie vij li.

Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, ij pillowes. and ij wollen blanckettes, iij li.

Item one read ru£f£re xxxs.

Item one chaire of sattan figured and a longe quishione of sattan figured of the same stuffe iij li.

Item a cubborde and a greene clothe v s.

Item a litle stoole couered with wrought veluett v s.

Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, one coulctt, and a coveringe of verders, Is.

Item one chamber pott, xx d.

Summa xxxvj li. xj s. viij d.

a In the Arcliaeologia, vol. xxxvin. p. 364, verder is explained as meaning " a kind of tapestry
representing foliage." This word occurs several times in the Inventory of the Priory of St. Martin's,
Dover, taken 27 Henry VIII. Sec Mon. Anglic, vol. iv. pp. 542, 543.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 127

PLEASAUNCE.

Imprimis a bedstead with a teaster of purple and read clothe of bodkyne xl s.

Item iij curtaines of blewe and yeallowe sarcenett xxs.

Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, two pillowes, and two wollen blanckettes, iij li. xs.

Item one read rugge xxiiij s.

Item one chaire and one quishione v s.

Item one cubborde and a greene clothe vj s.

Item one Buffitt stoole xij d.

Item one longe quishione of cloth of golde and cremysine velvett xij s.

Item one fetherbed, one boulster, one couerlett, and a covcringe of verders, 1 s.

Item one counterpointe hanginge on the wall xiij s. iiij d.

Item one chamber pott xx d.

Summa xij li. iij s.

THE OLDE STUDYE.

Imprimis a bedsteade,a teaster of cremysine sattan and veluett ymbroodered with armes anil letters

of N and ff,a iij li.

Item ij yeallowe and Tawny curtaines of sercenet xv s.
Item one downe bed of ffustion, one bowlster and pillowe, iiij li.
Item one Spanish blanckett and a wollen blanket & a coveringe of verders xx s.
Item one ffetherbcd, one bowlster, one coverlet and one coveringe of verders, iij li.
Item one chaire and one quishione and one buffitt stoole v s.

Item one chamber pott xxd.

Summa xij li. x d.

PAKRADISE.

Imprimis one bedsteade, one yeallowe cannopie imbrodered with cutes of blacke veluett with a

Trayne of blacke and yeallowe sarcenet, viij li.

Item one ffetherbed, one bowlster, ij pillowes, one wollen blanket, and a chicker rugge, Iiij s. iiij d.
Item one cubborde, one greene clothe to the same, one chaire, and one quishione and one Buffitt

stoole, x s.

Item two awnde irons ij s.
Item one bedstead with a teaster, a fetherbed, a Bowlster, two wollen blanckettes, and one coveringe

of verdere, iij li.

Item one chamber pott xx d.

Summa xiiij li. vij s.

" The initials of Sir Nicholas Fairfax, the former owner (see p. 121).

128 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax,

GALLORYE AND LODGINGE.

Imprimis one bedstead cutt liij s. iiij d.

Item one Teaster of blacke and white tufte Taffitic and blacke veluett withvallens of the same and

frindged with blacke and white silke frindge xli.
Item iij curtaines of blaeke and white sarcenett xls.

Item one ffetherbed, one bowlster, ij pillowcs, ij wollen blanckettes, iij li. xs.
Item one white Rugg xx s.
Item one cubborde with a grecne clothe x s.
Item one chaire of blacke wrought veluett, one longe quishione of blacke veluett and blacke and

white tufte Taffitie, iij li. x s.

Item one litle stoole couered with blacke wrought veluett vj s. viij d.
Item ij aund irons, a fire pann and a paire of tonges, ij s.
Item a chamber pott xxd.

Item a Trunlebed,a a fetherbed, a bowlster, a couerlett, and a coueringe of Tapistrie, xls.
Item one presse for clothes vj s. viij d.

Summa xxvj li. iiij d.

GREENE CHAMBER.

Imprimis one bedstead, one cannopie of greene veluett laide with golde lace and frindged with

silke and golde frindge with a traine of Taffitie sarcenett, xiij li. vj s. viij d.
Item one ffetherbed, one bowlster, ij pillowes, and one wollen blanckett, iij li.
Item one greene Ruggc xxx s.
Item one greene quilte of Tynsell scrsenett iij li.

Item one chaire couered with grene silke and a quishione to the same xx s.
Item ij litle stooles couered with the same stuffe iiij s.
Item one cubborde with a grene clothe iij s. iiij d.

Item one ffetherbed, one bowlster, one couerlett, and a coveringe of Tapistrie, iij li. xs.
Item one chamber pott xx d.

Summa xxv li. xv s. viij d,

MY MR. HIS CHAMBER.

Imprimis one bedstcade cutt iiij li.

Item one Teaster and vallens of blacke veluett wrought with armcs and imbrodered with golde v li.
Item v curtaines of blacke and ycallowe sarcenett iij li.

Item one downe bed, one Bowlster, two pillowes, one Spanishe blanckett and one wollen
blanckett, x li.

a A trundle signifies a small wheel or castor ; a trundle-bed was a low bed which ran on castors and
which could be pushed beneath the larger bed when not in use, commonly used by servants who slept
in their masters or mistresses' rooms. Cf. Archaeoloyia, vol. XL. pp. 324, 341. Mon. Anglic, vol. iv,
p. 542.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax*

Item one Read Rugge xx s.

Item one longe counterpointe of verders iij li.

Item one longe quishione of read silke wrought and two stooles xxs.

Item one faire counterpointe a shadowed with silke xiij li. vj s. viij d.

Item one paire of awndirons, one fire panne, and one paire of tonges, iij s.

Item one chamber pott xx d.

Item one cubborde with a greene cloth iiij s.

Item one close cubborde with a grene clothe xij s.

Item one Trundlebed, one fetherbed, a bowlster, a couerlett, and a coveringe, 1 s.

Item iij presses, iij chistes,b and one Trouncke, iij li. x s.

Summa xlvij li. vij s. iiij d.

BYSHOPPES CHAMBER.

Imprimis one bedsteade cutt xli.

Item one teaster of blewe and golde wrought veluett and vallens of the same fringed with blewe

and yeallowe silk frindge v li.

Item v curtaines of blewe and yeallowe sarcenett iiij li.

Item one downe bed, one bowlster, ii pillowes, a fustion blanckett, and a Spanishe blankett, vij li.
Item one greene rugge xxx s.
Item one quilte of blewc sarcenett v li.
Item one cubborde with a clothe of Turkic worke xxvj s.
Item one chaire couered with veluett and pincked with golde, frindged, and a longe quishion to the

same, xxvj s.

Item one bigge stoole and one lesser stoole couered with the same stuffe v s.
Item iiij pieces of hanginges of Tapistrie xxx li.
Item two aunde irons, a fire pann, and one paire of tonges, xvj s.
Item one chamber pott xx d.

Item one fetherbed, one bowlster, one couerlett reade and white, and a coueringe of verders, iiij li.

Summa l.xxli. vj s.

IN THE LOWE VAWTE.
One fTetherbed, one bowlster, and two coueringes, xx s.

KITCHINE CHAMBER.

Two mattresses ij coddes,0 and iiijor coucrlettes, xxvj s.

a " Contrepointe .... converture tie lit piqued point centre point, a counterpoint or couuterpain for a
bed." Boycr, Diet. Royal Franqois-Anglois, 1727. " Contre-pointeur .... Ouvricr en contre-pointes,
a quilter or counterpoint maker." Miege, New Dictionary French and English, 1G79. Cf. Taming of tin-
Shrew, act ii. sc. 1.

b Chist is the North-country form of chest. It occurs in Havelok, p. 222. The Editor possesses a
linen chest inscribed "This is Esther Hobson chist 1637."
'<= Pillows.
VOL. XLVTII. S

130 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

OVER THE MlDLEGATES.

One bedstead, one fetherbed, one bowlster, two pillowes, one wollen blanckett, two couerlettes,
one cubborde, and a chaire, iij li.

PORTEU LODGE.
One bedsteade, one mattresse, one bowlster, and two couerlettes, xiij s. iiij d.

OVER THE FARRE GATES.

One ffetherbed, one bowlster, two wollen blanckettes, one couerlett, and one rugge checkerd, xl s.
Item one bedsteade, one ffetherbed, one bowlster, one blanckett, and two couerletes, xxvj s.
Item one bedsteade, one mattresse, a bowlster, a wollen blanckett, and ij couerlettes, xiij s. iiij d.

STABLE.

One cubborde bedsteade, a mattresse, a bowlster, a wollen blankett, and ij couerlettes, xiij s. iiij d.

OUER THE STABLE.
One flockebed, one bowlster, and two couerlettes, xiijs. iiij d.

KTLNE.

One mattresse, one bowlster, and two couerlettes, x s.
Item one Seasterne of leade for barley and a kilne haire."

Summa xvli. ij s. viij d.
DARYE.

Imprimis two mattresses, ij bowlsters, v couerlettes, whereof one read and white, xxvj s.
Item one cheese prespe, two kettles, one chafer pott, one reck one,1' and onebrandred,0 vij leades for
mylke, xxiiij bowles, two chimes, one sooe,'1 cheese fattes,c and Bowkinge' Tubbes, iiij li.

OXHOUSE.

Two mattresses, two coddes, and iiijor couerlettes, xiij s. iiij d.

Summa iiij li. xix s. iiij d.

a The hair cloth on which malt was laid when put upon the kiln. See E. Chambers' Cyclopedia, 1738,
sub roc. Malt.

b Eeckin-hook, that is the hook which hangs in the reek. The hook by which a pot is suspended
over a fire.

c A tripod for supporting a pot on a fire. "One brassc pott, iij pannes, brandryt, cressyt, iiijs."
Invent, of Thomas Rolynson ofAppleby, Lincolnshire, 1542. " Grander" seems to he the Scottish form of
the word. See Dunbar, Social Life in Former Days, p. 212. Of. Catholicon Anglicum (E.E.T.S.), p. 40.

rt Soa, soe, signifies a large tub. It is now commonly used to indicate a brewing-tub only, but it is
sometimes employed for the large tub in which clothes are steeped before they arc washed. Danish saa,
a pail; Icelandic sdr, a cask. It occurs in Havelok —

" He kam to the welle, water updrow,
And filde there a michel so." — Line 932.

c The moulds in which cheeses are made.

f Washing-tubs.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 131

WINE SELLER.
Imprimis one square counter v s.

Item one great chiste for plate xl s.

Item one quarte pewter pott, xij hogsheades, and one pipe, xxvj s. viij d.

Summa iij li. xj s. viij d.
PANTRYE.
Imprimis one great dinge:l for breadc iiij s.

Item one chiste for mancheat '' ij s. vj d.
Item one chiste for lynone v s.
Item one litle Trounke for plate ij s.
Item v dozin Trenchers x s.
Item one dozin rounde Trenchers ij s.
Item xij lattin c candlestickes xviij s.
Item ij Basins and Ewers of Pewter xiij s. iiij d.
Item ij pewter voyders ll x s.

Item one chippinge knife, one table, iij shelues, and a tostinge sticke tipt with siluer, vj s. viij d.

Summa iij li. xiij s. vj d.

HETHER BUTTRYE AND MIDLE BUTTERYE.
Imprimis vj paire of Gauntres ° xij s.
Item vj pipes for beare xij s.

Item xxviij hogsheades xxx s.

Summa liiij s.

PEWTER IN THE KYTCHINE.
Imprimis xij Sawcers
Item xij dishes
Item xij great dishes

Item xij great platters

T. ... , , vili. xiij s. iiij d.

Item xij lesser platters

Item iiijor chargers
Item sawcers xij
Item dishes xij

a Probably an ark or chest in which to keep bread. The word is new to me. It occurs again p. 00.

b The best wheaten bread.

c Latten, the mixed metal of which monumental brasses were made. See Parker, Glossary of Gothic
Architecture, sub voc.

d A tray. " A voyder vpon the table then hauo

The trenchers and napkyns therein to receanc."
Seager's Schoole of Vertue, in Manners and Meals in Olden Time (E.E.T.S.), p. 342, 1. 37G.

c A gantree or gantry signifies a wooden frame used to support a barrel or a low shelf of wood or
masonry in a dairy on which the milk-vessels stand. It is sometimes, though rarely, used to denote the
shelves on which coffins stand in a burial-vault.

132 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

NEW VESSELL.
Imprimis xij sawcers
Item xij sallite dishes

Item ii dozin great dishes

... . . vn Ii. xnj s. mi d.

Item xviij great platters

Item xviij lesser platters

Item one charger of ye greatest sorte

Summa xiiij Ii. vj s. viij d.

KYTCHINE.

Imprimis one ffurnace pann for beefe xs.

Item two great kettles bounde xxvj s. viij d.

Item two lesser ketles bounde xij s.

Item iij pannes bounde xiij s. iiij d.

Item ij litle bowed :l pannes ij s. vj d.

Item ij copper lugde '' pannes xvj d.

Item ij great brasse pottes xl s.

Item iij lesser brasse pottes xvs.

Item one tynn pott and iij paire of pothookes iiij s.

Item one gallic c bawke, iij berers, vij crookes, and one iron range, xl s.

item ij paire of rackes of iron xvj s.

Item two great square spittes, iiij lesser square spittes, iij rounde spittes, and ij small spittes, xxvj s.

viij d.

Item two dripping pannes x s.
Item one iron peele '' xviij d.
Item one brasen morter and a pestle xx s.
Item ij gircle c irons and one frying pann vj s.
Item iij iron ladles xviij d.
Item one lattin skimmer and one grater ij s.
Item one pepper mylne and one paire of mustarde quearnes1 vjs. viij d.

Item iij bourdes and a salte B pie iij s. iiij d.

Summa xiij 11. xiij s. ij d.

il Pans having "kilps," that is semi-circular iron handles affixed to them. Many curved or semi-
circular objects are called bows, as the bow of a fishing net, the cap wire used to make the borders of
women's caps stand off, the handle of a key, the arch of a bridge, or the arcades of a church.

'• Pans having ears.

c The strong iron bar in an open chimney from which cooking vessels were suspended.

11 A baker's shovel. Cf. Jackson, Shropshire Word Book, p. 318. Catholicon Anglicum, p. 273.

c Gridirons.

1 Handmills, it is confidently stated, have been in use until a very recent period. ArchaeoJogia,
vol. XLIV. p. 285. Quern-stones, small and large, are mentioned in the Excise Act of 1656. Scobell, Acts
and Ordinances, vol. ii. p. 475.

s A box for salt.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 133

DEYE LARDER, WETT LARDER, PAISTRIE.

Item two mouldinge a bourdes and a bowlting b tubb for meale x s.

Item one litle table, one spice cubborde, one chlste for otemeale, one trough, iij hanginge shelues,

and vj other shelues, xl s.
Item iij tubbes for beefe, vj barrelles for salte, and vj shelues, xl s.

Summa iiij 11. x s.

BACKHOUSE, BOUTINGE HOUSE, AND BREWHOUSE.

Imprimis one great kilmynge0 for meale, one boutinge tubb, one Levanne Trough, two sives, one

boutclothe, one temse,'1 one doghsheete, and one leape,e xs.
Item iij mouldynge bourdes, one kettle, and one brandred, x s.
Item one great Copper to brewe in xl li.
Item one rnashefatt,f one quilefatt,8 one sweete worte tubb, one worte trough, and one long

worte trough, iij sooes and ij scopes,'1 xij li.

Summa liiij li. x s.

DAMASKE, DIAPER, CANVASSES AND LYNONE OF SEUERAL SORTES.

Imprimis one damaske table clothe of vij yardcs longe, wrought with a spread Eagle, iij li. xs.

Item one damaske table clothe of vj yardes dim. longe, wrought with pictures, iij li.

Item one damaske table clothe of v yardes iij qtcls longe, wrought with the spread eagle, 1 s.

Item one damaske table clothe of iiij yardes iij q1"3 longe, wrought with ye marigold and the

Rose, xl s.

Item one newe Damaske table clothe of vij yardes longe xlvj s. viij d.
Item one damaske square clothe, laced about, xiij s. iiij d.

Item one damaske towell of iiij yardes longe, wrought with the marigolde, xxvj s. viij d.
Item one damaske towell of viij yardes dim. longe, wrought with the marigolde and rose,

Iiij s iiij d.
Item one damaske towell iij yardes iij qters longe, wrought with the spreadc eagle, xx s.

" A board on which bread or pastry is made.

b To bolt is to sift meal. At Mereval Abbey, Warwickshire, there were at the time of its suppression
"iij troves to boult and to knede in." Mon. Anglic, vol. v. p. 485.

c A kimling is a large tub made of upright staves hooped together in the manner of a cask. "A kirn-
ling in Lincolnshire, or a kimnel as they term it in Worcestershire, vas coquendae cerevisiae." Littleton,
Lot. Diet. 1735. Cf. Ripon Act Book (Surtees Soc.), pp. 182, 371.

a A brewer's sieve.

c A basket.

1 A brewing tub.

g A brewing vessel, a tub into which the sweet liquor is drawn off. '' A lead, a mashefatte, a gylfatt
with a sooe, xvs." Invent, of Roland StaveUy of Cainsburyh, 1551.

h A large hollow wooden shovel.

134 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

Item one damaske v yardes longe, wrought with the marigolde and ye rose, xxvj s. viij d.
Item one newe damaske towell of v yardes longe x s.
Item ij newe damaske cubberde clothes iij yardes x s.
Item iij dozin newe damaske napkins iij li. xij s.
Item ij dozin damaske napkins iij li.

Summa of the damaske xxvij li. xviij s. viij d.
Damaske table clothes v.
Square clothes j.
Cubberd clothes ij.
Damaske towelles v.
Damaske napkins v dozin.

DlOPEK.

Imprimis one dioper table clothe of viij yardes dim. longe 1 s.
Item one dioper table clothe of vj yardes longe, xlvj s. viij d.
Item one dioper table clothe of iiij yardes dim. longe, xxx s.
Item one dioper table clothe of iiij yardes dim. longe xxx s.
Item iij dioper cubborde clothes xxx s.
Item one dozin dioper napkins xxiiij s.

Summa of the dioper xj s. viij d.
Dioper Table Clothes iiijor.
Cubborde Clothes iij.
Napkins j dozin.

HOLLAND CLOTHE.

Imprimis three fine large sheetes of hollande for a womans chamber in child bed, whereof one

shcete x yardes dim. one shcete vij yardes dim. and one sheete v yardes dim. xij li.
Item one paire of Hollande sheetes of xviij yardes ix li. iiij d.
Item one paire of sheetes of xv yardes xl s.
Item xx holland pillowberes " iij li. vj s. viij d.

Summa of the Holland xxvj li. x s. viij d.
Sheetes paire iij. od sheete.
Pillowberes xx lie.

CANVASSE SHEETES.

Imprimis one paire of doble canvasse sheetes of xj yardes
Item one paire of canvasse sheetes of xiij yardes

Item ij paire of canvasse sheetes of xx elles

Item v paire of canvasse sheetes of xlix elles

Item v paire of canvase sheetes x yards in euery paire

xx li.

" Pillow eases. Cf. Man. Anglic, vol. iv. p. 542. Duubar, Social Life in Former Days, p. 209.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 135

LYNONE SHEETES.

Imprimis ij paire of Doble Shectes of xx yardes )

T ' ...,,, , , . . ixh. xs.

Item xvy paire or lynne sheetes x yardes in euerye paire )

Item xx lynne pillowberes 1 s.
Item xxx paire course sheetes x li.

Summa of the canvasse & lynone sheetes xlij li.
In toto canvasse sheetes, paire xiiij.
Lynne sheetes xix.
Lynne pillowberes, xx decaied iij.
Course sheetes xxx.

CANVASSES.

Imprimis one Canvase table clothe vij yards dim. longe xxij s.
Item ij canvasse table clothes vj yardes longe xlij s.
Item iij table clothes made of x elles of canvasse xxiiij s.
Item one canvasse drawinge clothe vj yardes longe xviij s.
Item one canvasse drawinge clothe iiij yardes longe x s.
Item one canvasse Towel iij yardes iij qtera longe vj s viij d.

Remayninge dnilie in the pantrye.

Item one canvasse table Clothe iiij yardes dim. longe xvj s.
Item vj canvasse table clothes ij yardes iij qtcrs longe le pece Ivj s.
Item v canvasse square clothes 1 s.

Item ij canvasse Towellcs iiij yardes longe le pece xx s.
Item ij canvasse Towelles ix qtcrs longe le pece x s.

Item iiij dossen napkins iij li. xij s.

Summa xvij li. vj s. viij d.

Table clothes xiij.
Drawinge clothes ij.
Square clothes v.
Towelles v.
Napkins dozin iiij.

LYNONE IN THE CHAMBER.
Imprimis v lynne table clothes

•yl 0

Item vj cubborde clothes cont. xxxviij yardes
Item one cubborde clothe iij yardes longe v s.
Item vj Towelles maide of xxiiij yardes xxiiij s.
Item xij dozin napkins vij li. iiij s.

Lynone rem. dailic in the Pantrie.

Imprimis iiij lynne table clothes iiij yardes dim. longe le pece xviij s.
Item iij cubborde clothes vj s. viij d.
Item iiij lynne table clothes ij yardes dim. long le pece xiij s. iiij d.

136 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

Item vj cubbourde clothes xij s.

Item ij lynne square clothes xij s.

Item iij lynne Towelles ij yardes longe le pece viij d.

Item one lynne Towell iij yardes longe ij s. vj d.

Item xij dozin Xapkins vj li.

Item v hemplynne square clothes xiij s. iiij d.

Item v hall clothes xx s.

Summa xxj li. xviij s. x d.

WALTON.

2. An Inventorye taken of all the houshold stuffe in the house, and all
other thinges in the out houses the third of April 1 1624.

IN THE BEST CHAMBER.

A bedsteed, a matt, a matterice, a fetherbed, a boulster, 2 pillowes, 3 blancketes, a greene rugg, 4
changable taffaty curtins, imbrodered vallence and teaster of black & red velvet & 4 knops>
& silk & gold frindg, 4 peeccs of hanginges, & matted vnder foote,

A pallet bedsteed, a matt, a feather bed, a boulster, two pillowes, 2 blanketes, a counterpoint, a
greene velvet canopye laced & fringed with two taffatye sarcenet curtains & knops, a couch
setwork chaire, a livery cubberd & turkey carpet on it, 4 window shuttes," an iron chim-
ney,'1 & a paire of tongs, a set-work chaire, & a plaine stoole for a cushion cloth.

IN THE BLACK CHAMBER WHICH IS SEALED.

A bedsteed, a matt, a matterice, a feather bed, a boulster, 2 pillowes, 3 blanketes, a blew Rugg, 5
taffaty curtaines, tester & vallance of black velvet with black silk frindg, a chare of
tuftaffatye, a pallet bedsteed, a matt, a feather bed, a boulster, 2 pillowes, 2 blanckettes &
a white Kugg.

A livery cubberd, a rawed-work cover on it, a dornix'' window curtaine & an iron rod for it, an
iron chimney & a paire of tongs.

IN THE WEST GREAT CHAMBER.

A faire waynscott table with draw leaves, five high buffett stooles covered with leather, a litle firr

table with feet to fould up.
A setwork chare.

a Shutters. Window shutters arc called " shutts " in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire at the present time.
b A fire-grate. Cf. Catholicon Anylicmn, vol. XXXT. p. 63. Eaine, Hist. North Durham, pp. 101, 243.
c A fabric manufactured at Tournai. Cf. Mon. Anglic, vol. v. p. 485. Archaeoloffia, vol. xxv.p. 444,
vol. xxx. p. 4, vol. XL. p. 323, vol. XLIII. pp. 207, 215.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 137

IN THE PASSAGE.
A bedsteed, a matt, a feather bed, a paire of blanketes & a greene Rugg, trunkes.

IN THE GALLERYE.

Two standing & a trunnell bedsteed, 2 mattes, 3 featherbedes, 3 boulsters, 3 pillowes, 3 paire of
blanketes, a rugg, a blew Quilt, & 2 couerletes, a wainescott square table & a chare, 3
window shuttes, an iron rod crosse the chamber, 3 peeces of new mattes, a tent, 2 frames
for bed testers, and a broken bedsteed.

IN MY LADY LAITON'S n CHAMBER.

A waynscott bedsteed, a matt, a matterice, a quilt, a feather bed, a boulster, two pillowes, 3
blancketes, a red rug, a red toaster imbrodered with blacke veluet with indented vallance
of the same, & 3 red curtaines, a chare sutable to the teaster, a livery cubberd & cubberd
cloth of turkey worke, an iron chimney, tongs, a fier shovell, six wyndow shutes, 2 low
covered stooles, a plaine buffet stoole for the cushion cloth, & a long cushion.

IN THE INNER CHAMBER.

A bedsteed, a greene canopye, a matt, a featherbed, a boulster, 2 pillowes, a paire of blanketes, &
a greene rugg.

IN THE LITLE CHAMBER AT THE GREAT CHAMBER END.

A bedsteed with tester & vallance of silke stuffe frindged, a matt, a featherbed, a boulster, a paire
vncutt and an other single blanket, a blew Rugg, & two curtins of dornix stuff, a foulding
livery cubberd, a low waynscott chare, and another litle clutch greene chaire, an iron
chymeney, tonges and bellowes, a presse, & other litle cubberdes.

In that p[r]esse 12 dozen of mapple trenchers never yet vsed, 2 dozen of trencher plaites, two
dozen of scales of all sortes, 3 paire of butter caps, 4 pitched cans all of a peece.

A trundle bedsteed, a feather bed, a boulster, a paire of vncutt blanckets, & a green Kugg.

IN THE WARDROBE.

A standing bedsteed, a matt, a feather bed, a boulster, a blancket, a counter pointe, a dornix
curtine, & an iron curtin rod.

In the presse in Peters charg, 3 peeces of hanginges & an old turkey carpet, 7 bed knops, the fine
counter point belonging the best chamber, the fine carpet cloth for the West chamber, the
irish stitched cloth for the round table, the covering for the winged couch chaire in the
west chamber, half a dozen sutable cushions for it fringed ready to cover stooles with all,
half a dozen cushions in like manner sutable to the couch chare in the best chamber, half

a Mary, eldest daughter of Sir Thomas Fairfax, wife of Sir Thomas Layton.
VOL. XLVIII. T

138 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

a dozen greene cushions vnmade upp for which ther wantes some fringe, a white damask
bed tester laced with vailance sutable & fringed, & five white sarcnet curtaines belonging
them, the tester & cutt taffaty vailance with the head of the bed for it of taffety which
stood in the new turret at Gilling, a flat bed tester of velvet & murrey sattin imbrodered,
the head peece belonging defaced, a old vailance fringed which went with it, a pad saddle,
with bridle, bittes, stirrups, & all the furniture to it, the sumpter cloth, a white fustian
blancket, and old broken peeces of stuffs & bed testers, a flat bed tester & head with vai-
lance all imbrodered with yellow & greene & fringed with curtines sutable of taffetye
sarcnet & a counter pointe.
A chest which Barbara keeps, two trunckes, in the open presse a base violin & the singing bookes.

IN THE VTTER NURSERY.

A standing bedsteed with greene cloth curtins, tester, & vailance, laced & fringed, a mat, a
featherbed, a boulster, a pillow, a paire of new vncutt & another blanket & a green Rugg.
A litle table for the children & six low wainscott buffet stooles belongeing to it.

A cubberd with lockes on it, a great leather chest, 2 trunckes, & a wainscott panneld chest.

IN THE INNER NURSERY ROOMES.

In the midle nursery two standing bedsteedes, two feather bedes, two mattes, two boulsters, 2

pillowes, 2 paire of blanketes, a counter pointe & a couerlet, a presse wherein hanges my

ladys clothes & 3 trunckes.
In Mrs Xutters chamber a trundle bedsteed, a mat, a featherbed, a boulster, a paire of blanketes

and a coverlet, a great chest, a candle chest, & a trunck.
In the childrens chamber, a standing and a trundle bedsteed. two feather bedes, 2 boulsters, a

paire of blanketes, a counter point ct a coverlet, two trunkes with damask, diaper, & fine

linnen.

IN YOUR OWNE CHAMBER.

A standing bedsteed with tester and head peece wrought with black velvet & yellow silk & five
curtins of red cloth, a matt, a feather bed, a fine quilt, 2 paire of blanketes, a boulster, 2
pillowes & a counter pointe, a trundle bedsteed, a matt, a feather bed, a boulster, a pillow,
a paire of blanketes, a couerlet, & a Red Rugg.

The white damask chare, a little red chare, an orpharion," five pictures, a standing cubberd, a
great chest, a cabinet, 2 long cushions, the flat box & Cyprus coffer, two window curtins &
an iron rod for them. In your closet a litle chare, the marble morter, the stove, your
owne cabinet & bookes, a target, your guilt sword & two litle greene carpetes.

a A musical instrument. " The orpharion was shaped like a lute, but differed in being strung with
wire." Nares, Glossary, sub voc.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

IN BAXTERS PAELER.

Two bedsteedes, 2 mattes, 2 feather bedes, 2 boulsters, 2 pillowes, 4 blanketes & 2 greene Rugges,
a table, a trunck, & 3 wyndow shuttes.

IN THE GUTTER PARLER.

Three bed steedes, three featherbedes, three mattes, 3 boulsters, a matteresse, 3 blankets, 3
couerletes & a peece of an old quilt.

IN PRESTOWS PARLER.

3 bedstockes, a feather bed, 2 matresses, 2 paire of blanketes, 2 happinges a & a couerlet, a peece of
an old counterpoint.

IN THE BREWHOUSE CHAMBER.

A bedsteed, a feather bed, 2 boulsters, a blanket, a happin & a counterpoint, a standing table to
tailers to work on.

IN THE STABLE.
A bed stockes, a matteresse, a boulster, a blanket, & 2 happins & a couerlet.

IN THE MlLKHOUSE.

A bed sfockes, a paire of sheetes stopt with new feathers, a boulster, a paire of blanketes, 2
couerletes & a matteresse.

IN THE LAUNDRY.
A matteresse, a boulster, a blanket, & 2 old happins.

IN THE STILL HOUSE.

Fower stills, a seller for glasses, two shelves, & thre in the wall all full of glasses with distilled
waters.

IN THE HALL.

A long standing table, with a long forme and bench fastened in the ground, a round table, a bench
of waynscott, six high buffet stooles vncovered but bottomed with wood & wrought feet,
seaven plaine high stooles of the newest making by Bar. Dickinson, six high stooles with
wrought feet, elcaven older stooles; all these stooles have wooden covers, one of the old
green cushion stooles & 2 of ther frames without covers, a paire of tables.

IN THE GREAT CHAMBER.

A drawing table, a rownd table, a livery cubberd, and a litle table, all having carpetcs of greene
cloth, a couch chare & 2 other high chares covered with greene cloth, a frame on which

a A covering of any kind, frequently used in the northern dialects fov the clotlies of a bed.

T 2

140

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

stands a paire of virgenalls, a chare with other chares and stooles in it, a paire of white &
black checkered tables, six high buffet stooles of set work, other six high stooles covered
with leather seates & covers of greene cloth & fring on them, which may be taken of at
pleasure, one other greene stoole, a childs chare, two dornix window curtins & an iron rod
for them, two formes, 3 irish stitched low stooles, two set work low stooles, an iron
chimney, a clock, cushions.

IN MY L. CLOSET.

A low bed steed, a matt, a feather bed, a boulster, a Red rugg, a high green buffet stoole. a litle
cabinet, a dozen of pictures, litle basketes & boxes, bookes, glasse plates, drinking glasses &
glasse bottles, a cheney voider & knife in its couer, a table & a carpet wrought with silk
& fringed.

IN THE PRESSE IN THE OUTER NURSERY.

Cheney dishes, a box to serve sweet meates in of cheney stuff, gaily potes, glasses and boxes fur-
nished with sweet meates.

OTHER THINGES NOT SET IN ANY PARTICULAR PLACE AS BELONGING TO IT, BUT SOME IN

ONE & SOME IN ANOTHER.

An old greene carpet in the outer presse, two low square waynscot buffet stooles in the Nursery,
two chares of set worke both of one worke, the one greater the other lesse, a paire of
andirons, a litle iron chimney, the high skreen & teeth to heckle a out lynseed on the
stare head at the outer closet doore, a warmeing pan.

THE NOTE OF LYNNEN.
In Mrs Tomazins charge.

in length 7 yardes 1 qtr.
each in length 7 yardes.
in length 5 yardes 3 q.
in length 5 yardes 1 q.

in length 9 yardes.

longe 6 yardes 3 q.

longe 6 yardes & a halfe.

longe 4 yardes 1 q.

longe 4 yardes.

longe 3 yardes & a hulfe.

longe 2 yardes.

long each 2 yards 1 q.

a A heckle is an instrument made of steel pins fixed in blocks of wood, by means of which the fibres
of flax and hemp were worked. "Wooden heckles are yet in use in Switzerland.

five fine damaske

i
2

table clothes

Nyne damask

towells

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

141

Six damask
cuberd clothes

1
2
2

longe 2 yardes 3 q.

longe 2 yardes & a halfe.

longe 2 yardes.

one made since her last note.

She had 2 square damask table clothes each square 2 yardes 1 qr, and 4 dozen & a half of Napkins
to these, wheof one was lost last summer which my lady did know of, and the rest she
hath.

FFYNE DIAPER.

Xyne table
clothes

1
1
I
1

2
•2

of 8 yardes 1 qr

of 6 yardes 1 qr

of 6 yardes

of 5 yardes 1 qr

of 5 yardes

of 4 yardes & a halfe

each of 4 yardes 1 qr

in length.

Two cupberd clothes in length each 2 yards 1 q1', ffive dozen and 9 Napkins, to these she had
wherof 2 was lost when the damask napkin was lost, and knowne then to my lady, all the
rest of these she hath still.

COURSE DIAPER.

Two table clothes, each 3 yardes qr longe.

All the damask & diaper aboue writt is in the trunk next the door in the childrens chamber.

IN THE OTHER TRUNCK WHICH STANCES THER LIKAVISE & IN Mrs TOMAZINS

CHARGE THERE IS

Mra Katherina Stapletons" cushion pillow.

One pallet sheet of holland 2 bredthes, 3 yardes 2 q1' longe.

A black wrought cushion cloth.

4 paire of black wrought pillowes, one paire wherof is made since the last note, they are all done

with silk.

A plaine lawne sheet of 4 bredths & 4 yards longe.
A lawne head sheet of 4 yards.
A plaine lawne cushion cloth of 3 yards.

A cutwork cushion cloth spangled & edged with silver 2 yards & 3 q. long.
A cutwork cushion cloth 2 yards and a halfe.
4 paire of fine holland pillowe beares.
A paire of fine houswife cloth sheetes of 3 bredths and 4 yards longe, these are now edged.

a Second daughter of Sir Thomas Fairfax, wife of Robert Stapleton of Wighill.

142 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

2 paire and oon odd sheet of fine Holland, the fellow to which my lady was wound in, one paire of
these is of 3 bredths & 4 yards & a q. long, the other paire of 3 hredthes 3 yards 3 q. long,
the odd sheet is of 2 bredths & a halfe & 2 yards 3 q. longe.

One paire of old fyne holland sheetes 2 bredths & half.

THE LYNNEN IN BARBARA'S CHARGE.

2 dozen of course diaper napkins, wrought in the house.

9 diaper towells.

9 course diaper table clothes, wherof 7 each 4 yards long & 2 3 yards one q.

9 lynn table clothes.

9 lynn cupboord clothes.

4 square clothes for the hall table.

One dozen and a halfe of towells.

8 paire of pillow beares & one odd pillow.

8 paire of canvas sheetes.

16 paire of lyn sheetes.

22 paire of hemp lynn sheetes & one odd one.

12 harden paire of sheetes.

1 paire Mrs Nutter hath.

THE NOTE OF THE PLATE.
In Thomas Slagges charg.

White plait.
Two silver basons with ewers.

Eight silver bowles & a silver bowle for the buttery.

f'oure silver livery pottes.

Three silver hall pottes.

Two & twenty silver spownes.

Two silver saltes, wherof one wanteth a cover.

Three silver candle stickes.

Guilt plaite.
A bason & ewer gilted.
Two great gilt bowles with covers.
Two lesse gilt boules with covers.
Three litle gilt bowles without covers.
Two livery gilt potes.
Three gilt saltes with covers.
A gilt bowle with a couer woone at Bellman lawne.a

a This seems to have been a piece of plate won at a race. I have not identified Bellman Lawnc.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 143

Bought by my lord 1627.

One silver possnet which weighs 37 : 8d.
A silver morter and pestell 43 : 22d.a

Bought 1629 by my lord.

A perfumeing candlestick with a couer 27. |.
One paire of lesser candlestickes 42. f .

One paire of bigger candlestickes 43. ^. £.

A paire of wyer siluer candlestickes 30 f f .

PEWTER AND BRASSE IN THOMAS SLAGGES CHARGE.

One pewter bason & 2 ewers.

Two pewter saltes without covers.

foure pewter Hagons wherof 2 great & 2 lesse.

ffyve pewter candlestickes.

two pewter voyders.

A great pewter Sestrene.

fowreteene brasse candlestickes.

A NOTE OP THE PLATE WHICH STOOD VPON THE CUPBOOHD IN YOUR OWN CHAMBER.

A silver bason & ewer, 2 litle silver cruetes, 2 silver cans parcell gilt, a silver cliaffin dish, a plaine
litle silver bowle, a dozin silver plaites, a plaine silver can, a plaine silver bottle, '2 gilt
casting bottles, a silver pott with 2 eares, a silver candlestick, six silver sawcers, one groat
spown & two lesse spownes, for preserving with, five spownes which were keept for the
children, 2 large porringers of silver. Two lesse silver porringers, a litle silver boat, a
suger box of silver, a litle childes possnet b of silver with three feet.

IN A TRUNK IN KATHERINE HICKES KEEPING IN THE OUTER NURSERY.

Two paire of vncutt fine new blanketes.
Two peeces of fyne white Jeanes fustion.

a In 1629 Lord William Howard gave xx s. for "one litle silver morter." Household Books (Sur-
tees' Society), p. 266. A lady tells me that she has seen a silver mortar about two and a half inches
high, which she thinks was intended for pounding scents.

b Nares explains "posnet" to he " a small pot or skillet," and adds that the word but seldom occurs.
In 1590 John Nevil of Faldingworth, Lincolnshire, had ij posnets valued at six shillings. Midi. Comities
Hist. col. 11, p. 31.

144 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

IN A LITLE TRUNK IN THE INNER NURSERYE.

ffower yards of Callico, a swans skinn. & a paire of pillow beares begunn to be wrought.
Nothing els but peeces of old lyning.

IN THE TWO LITLE CUPBOORDES IN THE GREAT CUPBOORD IN YOUR CHAMBER.

Conserves of Barbaryes Roses, &c. with boxes of the best oyles.

IN THE CYPRESSE CHEST IN THE WARDROBE.

A pair of webster gears for ell wyde cloth, Two dozen of cushions, one long cushion, and 2 armes
for a couch chare all of set work to make vpp, cushions & a long cushion of Irish stitch to
make vpp.

Three whole webs vncutt to make Napkins on two fine the other courser, rawed with blew and
one of the fine so rawed/1

A peece of fyne damask of thirty one yardes and a half 3 quarteres broad.

A peece of damask 3 yardes & a halte 3 qr broad.

A peece of very fyne damask of 9 qr broad in length very nigh fifteene yardes.

In two peeces pynned together for napkins to it of very fyne damask 3 q. broad 27 yardes.

A whole peece of 15 yardes & a halfe of stamin '' Carsey for a bed.

A whole peece of Red carsey which was intended for coates for the children of 13 yardes 3 qr.

An vnbleached web of fyne lynn of 32 yardes/'

Another vnbleached web of hemp lyn of 20 yardes. c

A peece of new cloth of gold aboute a yard.

Aboute a yarde of Ash coloured wrought Sattin.

One Nedle work Cushion, not all sewed.

A peece of course canvas to work in.

A peece of mingled stuflfe for chyldrcn coates 26 yardes.

A paire of plades and part of another.

Crewle fringes & a bagg of other crewles of divers sortes of coloures.

Certaine odd peeces of old silk stuff and of cloth of gold & an old peticoat.

LAYDE VP IN THE SAME CYPRESSE CHEST THE 14th OF AUGUST 1624 WHICH WAS TAKEN

FORTH FOR BLEACHING.

one web of fyne lynn, 31 yerdes, worth 20 d. a yeard.

six webs of huswife lynn, six score yardes, worth 14 d. a yerd.

a In the margin there is a note, " One of these webbs cutt."
b Probably a fabric of an inferior red colour.

0 These are run through with a pen and the following note attached, " These 2 webs rased out ware
taken forth for bleaching, and put in againe the 14 of August."

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 145

one web of hemp lynn, 20 yardes, worth 11 d. a yard.

one web of midle hecklinges," 22 yardes, worth 10 d. a yard.

two webs of harden, 40 yerdes, worth 9d. a yard.

one web of course napkins, for 3 dozen of napkins, worth 6d. a yard.

TAKEN OUT OF THE CYPKESSE CHEST FOR VSE.

for Mr William b sheetes, a pillow beare, eleaven yardes & a halfe of course lyn, & for lyning the

children coates 2 yardes & halfe, for Mr Henry ° 3 yerdes.
taken out & cut into napkins, a web which made one dozen & 1 1 napkins,
the course web was cut into 3 dozen & 4 napkins.

PEWTEK, BKASSE, AND OTHER THINGES BELONGING TO THE KITCHEN.

There should be of Nyne severall sises of pewther dishes which came from Newcastle, and have

not your name on them, six dishes of each size, which in all is 54 dishes.
Wherof ther wanteth of the 7th size 2 dishes.

of the 8th size 2
& of the 9th size 5

ther came with the dishes above said two longe dishes for Eabbittes which are both in place,
ther came with them likewise twelve sawcers wher of there is now wanting 8.
ther came also the same tyme two chargers, two long pye plaites, and a voyder which are all in

place. All these above came togeather and are of the silver dishes fashion.
Other silver fashioned dishes changed at Beverley, at severall tymes by Ralph Hickes wherof now

in place which are marked with your own & my Lady's name.
There are of them of seaven severall sizes 12.
wherof of the greatest 2
of the second 2

of the third 1

of the 4 3

of the fifth 2

of the six 1

of the seaventh 1

one longe Rabbitt dish.

There wantes of these in all, as appearcth by the last note of them, six dishes.
There are also in the chest with those vessell aboue of the same fashion, six sawcers bought longe

since at London.

a Inferior linen. b Third son of Sir Thomas. c Second son of Sir Thomas.

VOL. XL VIII. TJ

146 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

Other vessell in the kitchin chest which are now in place

of the greatest size 5

of the second 1 1

of the third 4

of the fourth 1

of the 5th size 5

of the sixt 1

there is one charger

Pye plaites 4

ther are sawcers 5

One Cullander

One pewther baking pan.

BRASS.

Eight pottes & a possnet.

3 kettles which will hold betwixt 16 & 20 gallons a peece.

2 lesse kettles each holding betwixt 4 & 6 gallons wherof one of them is of copper.

3 kettles of less quantitye.

2 kettles which M™ Nutter hath.

2 of a lesse size.

6 litle pans of severall greatness.

1 skellet."

There wantes that pan which had a brandred for it, which is still in place.

2 Morters & one pestle.

2 fryeing pans which are good ones & 1 old one.

4 dripinges & 2 brandredes for them,
the beef kettle, The Iron pott.

2 grydirons. wherof one is for cockles.

11 spittes, 2 paire of Kackes.

2 spittes & two paire of Rackes for the chamber.

2 reckon balkes.

9 Eeckon crookes, whereof 3 single & 3 in paires.

4 paire of pott kilps, 2 paire of handcrookes.

1 Scummer, 6 ladles, 2 cleavers.

a Skellet, skillet = a saucepan. " Denying her tlie liberty so much as to boyl a skillet of milk for her
crying and hunger-bitten children." Walker, Sufferings of the Clergy, vol. ii. p. 399.

" Like skillets mix'd with sauss-pans ty'd
Round Tinker Tom on e'ery side."

Edward Ward, Don Quixote, vol. i. p. 365.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 147

1 Shreding knife, 2 chopping knifes.

1 litle brasse skellet.

2 beef axes & knives & 2 slaughter ropes and 2 beef stanges."
4 covers for dishes of white plait.

1 collander of plait. An apple cradle.
1 little brandred 1 great brandred.
I brasse pott lydd. 2 beife piickes.
4 loose crookes belonging the Rackes.

1 litle crook. A pepper milne.

3 or 4 other thinges of plait.

A paire of irons 10 make wafers with.

2 fier shelves & a pair of litle tonges, a baking pan of copper.

A paire of briggesb to set a pan on ouer the fier & a great boll which belonged to the M.ilnc

15 chamber pottes.

2 old chamber pottes in the larder.

In the Beefhouse ther are tubbes kymlynes gyrthes & and some hogsheads, an iron Range.

IN THE MlLKHOUSE.

Bowells 16. Chesfattes 8. Synkersc2. Trayes 4, besides 3 which Mre Nutter hath, und 2 in

the kitchin.
Skeelesll4. Kynec 1. Butterkittes 4. Creames pottes 2. Scummner 1. Cheestrough 1. Tubbs 2.

Tables 2.

a paire of weagh scales,
a chafer & a syle.f

IN THE WASHHOUSE.
Tubbs 3. Swills- 3. Soaes 3. 2 cloth baskettes.

a Stang is a stake or pole. Anglo-Saxon stenye. Here it means cither the polo from which the
slaughtered oxen were suspended or the piece of wood used to distend the bodies after they were dis-
embowelled.

b " Brigs " is a term used to indicate a wooden frame used by brewers to set the terns upon. This
seems to have been an iron frame of a like kind.

c A sinker is a circular board which fits into the cheese vat and is used in pressing the cheese.

d Pails.

e Ky[r]ne, i.e. churn.

* A wooden bowl with a linen bottom used for straining milk.

* Tubs in which refuse food is put. Swill is the common name for hog-wash, and the vessel used to
hold it is called a swill-tub.

148 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

IN THE LANDRY.

2 tables, one screene, one trunck.

IN THE STORECHAMBER.

Trayes 9. Butterkittes" 5. Lyne wheeles 4. Barrells 3. A wheele kyme. A lymbeck.1'
2 Jackes. A paire of wooll combes. Heckles 3. Kymlyn 1 . A strowbasket. A wicker
basket and a tubb for oatmeale. A frame of shelves and a table.

IN THE BREWHOUSE.

A lead, a massfatt, a cooler, a sweet woort tubb. A gilefatt. Soaes 3. Scowpes 2. Hopleapc 1.

Troughs 2. two bread basketes. Sackes 7. Temses 2. A meale sive. A dough trough.

A temsing tubb. A tubb for kneading of manchet in. An iron peele. 2 hand skeeles.

a scrapple. d A couerlet for treading of paste.0 Two peckes. A paire of weagh scales

& a pound stone.
November 8 1625.

One paire of sheetes made of 16 yards of fyne lyn, 2 pare of pillow beares, a cubbert cloth made
of 7 yardes and a halfe, 2 dozen of coarse napkins made of fine lyn & eight fyner napkins.

1624.

3. An Inventorye taken the 22th of June of all the houshold stuff at
Gillinge.

Imprimis in the great chamber one long drawing table, one square table and two cubbert tables
with greene covers or carpetes edged with silk fringe for them all, twelve carved stooles
vncouerd, twelve high stooles covered with greene cloth and fringed with silk, five low

a Kit usually signifies a vessel into which cows are milked, formed of staves hooped together, with
one of the staves longer than the rest, which forms a handle. These butter-kits were probably vessels of
this sort used for the purpose of containing the butter when removed from the churn before it was made
up into pounds.

6 An alembic, a vessel used for making distillations.

c A hop-basket.

d Probably a scraper.

e When a large quantity of bread was made at once it was formerly the custom in farmhouses
for the kneading to be done by the feet instead of the hands. It was therefore necessary to cover the
dongh with a sheet.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 149

stooles covered with greene cloth fringed, six high stooles covered with loome work fringed,
one chare sutable to the greene stooles, and another chare, an iron range & a paire of land-
irons."

In the walke, one low table with a greene cloth, two chares, two deskes. one litle chest, a bill, a
halbert, & a paire of Kigalles.1'

In the dyning parler, a high drawing table & a low drawing table, one cubbert table, one forme,
one chare covered \vil,h greene cloth & fringed with greene crewls, a low chaire coverd with
sett worke, & another chare covered with set worke & the back of wood without armors,6
foure set worke stooles, foure set-work cushions, two neellwork ll cushions, & one lome-work
cushion, an iron range, a paire of landirons, a paire of tongs, a fier sholve,0 a violl chest, a
wanded f skreene, a chesse boord & chesse men.

In the bishopp parler, one standing bedsteed, with teaster and vallance of velvet belonging the
standing bed, a feather bed, one bolster, one pillow, a paire of blanketes, a counter pointe, a
pallet & belonging to it one fether bed, a bolster, a blanket & a counterpointe, a cubbert
table with a set work covering, a black chare, a high black stoole coverd with velvet, two
lowe stooles covered with black velvet, a low stoole covered with browne velvet, another
stoole covered with flowred velvet, an iron range, a paire of landirons, a wanded skreene
and fower peece of hanginges with which the chamber is hung aboute.

In the Inner new lodging one standing bedsteed with teaster & vallance of white velvet, one feather
bed, two bolsters, a white rugg, one chaire coverd with white flowerd velvet sutable to the
bedteaster, one cubert table, a lowe stoole covered with settwork, a paire of landirons &
three curtin roddes.

Jn the outer new lodginge, one standing bedsteed with black & yellow teaster & vallance, a
cubbert table, fouer peece of hanginges about the chamber & 3 curtinrodes.

In the wardropp, two standing bedsteedes, one presse, a violl chest, a table for tailers to work on,
and Mattes belonging to the inner new lodging.

In the pleasance chamber, one standing bedsteed with a teaster, one chare, two cubbert tables &
two curtinrodes.

In the tirret chamber, one cubbert table, two stooles vncoverd & a paire of landirons.

In the Paradise, one square table, two standing bedsteedes, one featherbed, one bolster, one low
stoole covered with greene cloth, one high stool vncovercd, a frame of a stoole, & a iron
chimney.

In the gallery end chamber, one standing bed with teaster & vallance of black & white velvet, 3
curtin rodes, one feather bed, one bolster, two pillowes, one cubbert table, with a covering
cloth, one long cushion of black & white velvet, a chare covered with black velvet, a chare

» Andirons, fire-dogs.

b A regal, a musical instrument. See Nares, Glossary.

e Arms. d Needlework.

c Shovel. ' Wickerwork.

150 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

vncovered with a falling back for a table, two low stooles, covered with black velvet, two
high stooles vncovered.

In the Inner chamber, one low bed, one feather bed, two bolsters, two blancketes, a counterpoint,
& a closstoole.

In the outer Xurserye, two standing bedsteedes, one canopy e & taffaty curtins, one feather bed, a
bolster, one pillow, a blanket, a red rugg, a cradle, a barn a chare, a high stoole covered, a
trunck & a long chest.

In my maisters chamber, one standing bed steed with teaster and vallance of black velvet, 3 curtin
rotles, 5 taffaty curtins, one feather bed, one bolster, one pillow, two blanketes, a green rugg,
a trunell bed, one feather bed, one bolster, one pillow, one blanket, one whit rugg, one strow1'
chare, one throwne0 chare, one barn chare, one square table, 3 low stools covered with red
velvet, one low stoole, covered with black velvet, one high stoole vncovered, one iron
range, one cubbert, and one chest.

In my maisters closet, one high stoole vncovered & a low stoole vncovered, a low stoole covered
with set work, a low stoole covered with black, a greene table cloth and a long cushion.

In the inner Nursery, two standing bedsteedes, two presses, three trunckes, a pannelld chest, & five-
boxes.

In the closet at stare heades, 3 peeces of hanginges, one high stoole vncovered, an iron rang and a
long curtin rodd.

In Kalph Reedes vault, one standing bedsteed, one feather bed, one bolster, one pillowe, two
blanketes, three couerletes, two trunkes, one table, one stoole and a great arke.'1

In the wyneceller, an iron Chest, three hogshcades and three tearses, one stand, one horselitter, a
brazen pully and iron bolt belonging the gyn'! for glasers.

In the midle vault, 2 bedsteedes, an old feather bed & one wanded chare.

In Barnardes paiier, two standing bedsteedes, one matterice, one bolster, one blancket, & two
couerletes, one high stoole, one low stoole, both uncouered, six peeces of old quilted hang-
inges.

In the maidens parler, two bed steedes, one feather bed, one bolster, one blanket, one red rugg, &
one cubberd.

In the oxe house, two bed steedes, two mattresses, three bolsters, five couerletes.

In the stable, one bed steed, one feather bed, one bolster, one couerlet, one rugg, one matteriee.

In the pantrye, one table, one forme, one high stoole, uncouered, one chest, one trunck, one ding,
one flagon, two Jackes, a basin & cure, one brasse candle stick, two lyning table clothes,
one diberf table cloth, twelve diber napkins, 20 course napkins, one guilt salt, two silver

n A child's chair.
b A chair made of straw.

0 A chair made of turner's work. A turning-lathe is still called a throw.
d A chest.

0 Some piece of mechanism of which a pulley formed a part. " Gin " formerly had a wider meaning
than it now has, and could be used for any uncommon piece of mechanism.
f Diaper.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 151

spownes, two course hand towells, one glasse vineger crewett, seaven glasses without feet,

2 dozen of trenchers, a hanging plat candlestick and an old hogshead for bread, three paire

of lyn sheetes, foure paire of hemp sheetes, foure paire of harden sheetes.
In the Buttery, five pipes, eleaven hogsheades, besides 2 lent vnto Mr Rose & three old ones that

will not hold liquors, Soaes three, fioyls five.
In the brewhouse, one copper, a maskfatt, a quilefatt, a cooler, a woorttrough, a long trough and

a woort tubb.

In the bouting house, a kneading trough with a couer, one litle tubb, and an old bouting tubb.
In the backhouse, two tables for working past on.
In the beef house, one table & 4 salting tubbs.
In the still house chamber, one standing bedsteed, one feather bed, three blanketes, one red rugg,

an old counterpoint, one chare, one high stoole vncovered, one cubbert table, one bolster,

and two pillowes.
In the chamber next the milk house, two bedsteedes, a matterice, a bolster, a blancket, a greene

rug and a redd rugg.
In the milk house, butter kittes 5, milkbowles 20, foure Inch bourdes layd vppon tressles, shelvs 18,

two formes, one table, one high stoole uncouered, 3 cream pottes, one trunck, & a litle stand.
In the landry, one table, a cheestrough, one stand, 3 kyrnes,:i one frame for a kyrne to runn in, iV

2 iron crookes to turne it about with, & an old chest.
In the wash house, one table, two formes, 4 stooles, 6 chesfattes, one sinker, 2 kettles, 2 pans, one

brass pott, 5 skeeles,1' one swiM, 2 kans, 3 chees presses, one buckinc tub, ar> old brasso

morter & iron pestle, one brandreth, one copper pan with 2 lugges.'1
In the kitchin, 3 dozen & 8 puder dishes, 3 sawcers, one cullinder, one puder plate, a striking

knife, a minching knife, a pasty dish, one paire of rackes, 3 spittes, one dripping pan, one

brass pott, an iron range, a frying pan, and a paire of pott hookes.

In the larder, one cubberd, one strow chare, one chest, one table, & a safe for hanging meat in.
In the pastry, one old counter, an old chest, and one high stoole vncouered.
In the hall, one long table & 3 lesser tables, one long forme, one short forme, & a paire of tables.

4. SHEPE AND CATTLE RBMAYNINGE ATT GILLINGE THE xxviu"1 DATE OF JULIE 15(J6.

Item holdeing Ewesc vxx xiij

Item hogges ' & sheringes & vijxx viij

Item weather h lambes and gyinbr1 lambes vxx xvj / xixxx viij.

Item Tupp lambes iiij

Item Eigald k lambes vij

a Churns. b Tails. c A wash-tub. d Ears.

e Ewes of more than one year old. f A lamb weaned from its mother but still unshorn.

g A sheep ouce shorn. b A castrated male sheep.

1 Gimmer, girnber = a female sheep that has not been shorn. Cf. Arthur Young, Lincolnshire Agricul-
ture, p. 320.

k An imperfect ram, one that is half castrated, commonly called a rig. See Halliwell, Diet, sub voc.
riggot. Jackson, Shropshire Word Book, sub voc. riggil.

152 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

Draughte oxen xvj.
Kynne xvij.
Bulls j.

SHEPP AND CATTLE REMAYNINGE ATT WALTON YE DAY AFORESAID.

Item holdinge Ewes vjxx viij.

Item Eames xij.

Item weather mugges" xxviij.

Item mugge lambes vjM ix.

Draughte oxen xiiij.

Horses ij.

Mares xij.

Kynne iiij.

Bulles j.

In toto holdinge Ewes xijxx j

Item shorne shepe viij™ xvj

Item lambes xij" xvj

Kames xij

v. after vxx unto the hundrede.

A NOTE OP ALL MY BOOKES REMAYNING AT GlLLING.1'

Biblia magna Jeronomi.
Cronica cronicarum.
Proinptuarium Jeronomi.
Novum Testamcntum.
Praedium llusticum.
Meditationes Sancti Augustini.

Latten.

ffrench.

Titus Livius.

Le tierce part de Afrique.

La description de tous les Pais-bas.

Le Institution de principe.

Les discours de Lestat le Machiavelli.

Le Philocophe de Messire Jean Boccace.

Le guidon des parens en instruccon de leurs E.c

a "Mug sheep, the white-faced breed from which the improved Leicester breed originated."
Dickenson, Cumberland Glossary (E.D.S.), p. 65.

" There is no heading in the original. The above is taken from a table of contents near the end

the volume.

c Probably contraction for " Enfants."

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 153

Svetone Tranquille de la vie des xij Caesars.

Cornelius Tacitus.

Du Recuel contenant les clioses memorabil.

Comentaries de Jvles Caesar de la Gverre.

Le Peregrin.

Le Thresor des livres Damades de Gaull.

Le dis lmc Livre Damadis de Gavle.

Inglish.
Plutarche.
ffroisarte.
Chaucer.

Scledaile commentaries.
Hollensides Cronickle in ij volumes.
Appian.
Alexander.

Sir Roger Williams booke.
A perfet plote of a hope garden.
The Frenche Academic.
Bilson.

A summons for slepcrs.
The contrye Guyse.
The book of L. de la Xowe ' jr E. A.
Fulks answere to Rhems testament.
Pathway to Martiall disciplyne.
John Xichols pilgrimage.
A booke of hawkyn.
A Regester of all the gentlemens armes in ye great chamber.

(i. PLAIT REMAYMNG AT GILLING THE 25 OF MARCH 1590.

Two Liverye Pottes weighing fburescore & vj ounces.

Two other Leverey pottes weighing eight & fiftye ounces dim.

A spowte pott weighing xxix ounces & a half.

A nest of Bowelles with a cover weighing xlv ounces dim.

Three other Bowelles weighing xlj ounces.

A dooble Bell salt weighing ix ounces & three quarters.

Two dosen spones weighing xlix ounces dim.

ffower Candlestickes weighing xxxvij ounces.

xij Plaites weighing vxx xj ounces.

VOL. XLVIII. X

154 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

A Spice Boxe with a sponne weighing xv ounces.

A chafindishe weighing xxix ounces dim.

A Basin & an ewer weighing Ixxij ounces.

An other hollow basin weighing xxij ounces.

Two kannes weighing xxx ounces & a halfe.

Three fvench bowelles with a cover conteyning xxvj ounces iij qrs.

Item iij frenche Bolles with a cover, weyinge xxviij unzes a qr. di.

Item a laer of silver for water cont. xxij unzes.

Item ij silver candlestickes.

Two basens and Eweres of silver.

Two silver sponnes.

Two flaggons of silver.

A dozen silver plaites.

A bottle of silver weyinge vj ounzes j quarteren.

Item ij little cupes of silver wcying xj ounces.

Item one silver Standishe :l weighinge xviij ounces.

Item a shippe bason and ewere cont. iijxl one ounce iij qters.

Item iiij silver drinkinge pottes for ye hall cont. iiijxx x ounzes.

Item a silver Cullander for orrenges cont.

GILT PLATE.

Two gilt saltes with a cover weighing xxxij ounces & a halfe.

A square gilt salt with a cover weighing xxiij ounces.

A trencher salt gilt weighing iiij ounces & a half and half a quarterne.

A gilt salt weighing with a cover xvij ounces & a halfe.

A gilt goblet weighing xiiij ounces & thre quarterns.

tfower gilt spones weighing viij ounces & a quarterne.

Item j gilte cuppe weighing x ounces j qr.

Item j gilte castinge bottle weighing iiij ounces.

Item twoo leverye pottes gilte cont. iij" iij ounces.

Item v gilte bowles and a cover cont. xxxiij ounces iij qrs.

Item one gilte basinge and ewere cont. iijxx iiij ounces.

Item one great gilt Bowie with a cover cont. xxx ounces dim.

Icem one gilt bowle with a cover conteyning xxvj ounces dim.

Item one gilte standinge cupp with a cover cont. x ounces.

7. LYNNONE REMAININGE AT GILLINGE THE x"' OF SEPTEMBRE 590.

imprimis one dammaske table clothe wrought with ye Sprecd Egle of vij yerdes long.
Item one dammaske table clothe wrought with Picturs of vj yerdes dim. longe.

a An inkstand.

Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax. 155

Item one dammaske table clothe wrought with ye spreed Egle of v yerdes iij qtcrs longe.

Item one dammaske table clothe wrought with ye marygold & ye rose iiij yards iij qtcra.

Item one dammaske square clothe wrought with Picturs.

Item one dammaske square clothe wrought with mulberyes.

Item another dammaske square clothe.

Item one dammaske Towell iiij yeardes longe wrought with ye marrygolde.

Item one dammask Towell of viij yerdes longe wrought with ye marygold & ye rose.

Item one dammaske Towell of iij yeardes iij q'evs longe wrought with ye sprcd egle.

Item one dammaske Towell of v yerdes longe wrought with the marygold and the Rose.

GOOD DIOPKK.

Item one Dioper table clothe of viij yerdes dim. longe.

Item one Dioper table clothe of vj yerdes longe.

Item one Dioper table cloth of iiij yerdes dim. longe.

Item one Dioper table cloth of iiij yerdes dim. long.

Item iij Dioper cubbert clothes.

Item iij large lynnone shetes of holline for a womans chamber in child bed.

Item a paire of holline shetes.

Item a paire of duble canvas shetes of a xj yerdes.

Item one Canvas drawing clothe.

GOOD CANVKSSES.

Item one Canvesse table clothe of vij yeredes dim. longe.

Item one Canvesse table clothe vj yerdes longe.

Item ij Canvesse table clothes of v yerdes longe.

Item iiij square clothes.

Item iiij cubbert clothes.

Item one Canvesse towell ij yerdes dim. longe.

Item one Cauvesse table clothe iij yerdes longe.

Item one Canvesse table clothe iij yerdes dim. longe.

Item ij Canvesse table clothes iij yerdes longe.

Item one table clothe of Canvesse v yerdes long.

Item j Canvesse towell iij yerdes j qr long.

Item j Towell more.

NAPKINS.

Item napkins vj dozen.
Item new napkins vj dozen.

x 2

156 Inventories made for Sir William and Sir Thomas Fairfax.

SHEETES.

Item j paire of Canvesse shetes of v ells.
Item v paire of Canvesse shetes.
Item iiij paire of Lynne sheetes.

HEMPLINE.

Item iij paire of hemp line sheetes new maid.
Item j square clothe of hemp line.
Item ij hemp line towells.

HARDEN SHEETES.

Item v paire of harden sheetes new maid.
Item one hold clothe new maid for ye long table.
Item ij square clothes of harden, new maide.
Item iiij plaite Clothes of harden newe maid.

V. — Some Account of the Courtenay Tomb in Cotyton Church, Devon. Com-
municated by WILLIAM HENRY HAMILTON ROGERS, Esq., F.S.A. With
Remarks by HENRY SALUSBTJRY MILMAN, Esq., M.A., Director.

Read Feb. 6, 1879.

IN Colyton church stands a small high tomb, on which is the recumbent
effigy of a young lady with a coronet on her head and a dog at her feet. Over
the effigy is a shrine-like canopy ; in the sides supporting the canopy are angels
with thuribula ; and on the outside of the west end in a niche are the Virgin
and Holy Child.

The tomb now finds a place under the first arch of the north aisle of the
chancel, whither it was removed by a former vicar from the east wall of the
north transept ; but it is probable that its original situation was beneath the end
window close by, where there is a recess unoccupied.

This effigy has been uniformly assigned by the county historians to represent
Margaret Courtenay, daughter of William Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, by
the Princess Katherine his wife, daughter of King Edward IV. and sister to
Henry Marquis of Exeter, beheaded by King Henry VIII. Tradition declares
that she was choked by a fish-bone,a dying in 1512. All these particulars are
engraved on a brass plate, of recent date, affixed to the wall over the effigy, which
is still well known as the little choke-a-bone. It has, however, long been satis-
factorily proved that this Lady Margaret Courtenay lived to woman's estate,
married Henry Lord Herbert, and was mentioned in her mother's will, dated
1527, as then living.

a Clcavelaud's Family of Courtenay, 1735, p. 247.

158 The Courtenay Tomb in Colyton Church, Devon.

The reason of this mis-assignation is not far to seek. At the back of the
tomb immediately over the effigy are three shields, which have hitherto been
described thus : — 1. Courtenay ; 2. Courtenay impaling France and England
quarterly ; 3. JFrance and England quarterly, alone ; — through an unfortunately
cursory examination of the arms. The mistake which has thus arisen warns us
how careful the scrutiny of the herald should be in such cases.

Thus the matter remained until our esteemed Pellow, Mr. Weston Styleman
Walford, requested me to examine the shields with great care, and ascertain if
the royal coat was not within a bordure. This was immediately discovered to be
the case, and leads up at once to the unravelling of the secret which has so
long remained in abeyance — to the identification of the lady's place in the
pedigree, if not of her name.

Thomas Courtenay, fifth Earl of Devonshire of that race, married Margaret,
daughter of John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset, eldest son of John of Gaunt by
his third wife. They had three sons, who perished successively in the Wars of
the Hoses, and five daughters — Joan, married to Roger Clifford, Elizabeth,
married to Hugh Conway, and three others — Anne, Matilda, and Eleanor — who
died unmarried/

Joan, sister of Margaret Beaufort, married James I. King of Scotland, from
whom our present Queen is descended. Mr. Walford writes me, — "The gold
signet of Queen Joan was found in 1829 at Kinross, and when it was exhibited
at a meeting of the Archaeological Institute at Edinburgh, in 1856, it Avas in
the possession of — and, I believe, belonged to — Mr. John W. Williamson, a
banker at Kinross. There is a cut of it in the Archceol. Journ. 1857, vol. xiv.
p. 54, and another in Seton's Scottish Heraldry, 1863, p. 209." " On this seal,"
continues Mr. Walford, " the bordure of the Beaufort arms, which were impaled
with those of Scotland, was overlooked until an experienced eye discovered it." ''
As on the ring, so on the tomb, the bordure appears to have completely escaped
notice for a time. The Beaufort bordure would be couipomj. Unfortunately all

•' Millcs's Catalogue of Honor, 1610.

:l This signet was described in Laing's Scottish Seals, 185o, Xo. 44. The cut of its impression in the
ArchcKol. Journ. appeared later in Catal. Archaol. Mus. Edinlr. '1856, 1859, p. 89; and that in Seton appeared
earlier in Archa-ol. Scot. 1857, vol. iv. p. 420. James I. was murdered in February, 143G-7. A seal of
the Queen, showing the same impaled coat on a lozenge, remains appended to a document of September,
1439, among the Public Eecords of Scotland. (Scton, p. 208, PL IX. fig. 1. Laing's Scottish Seals,
Supplement, 1SGG.)

The Courtenay Tomb in Colyton Church, Devon. 159

the original colouring (except a mere trace of the ochreous base of the gilding)
on the charges of the shields, which are sculptured in relief, is gone, having been
scraped and washed off, the bordure being perfectly clean to the surface of the
stone.

It still remains to be discovered which of these three unmarried daughters
the tomb commemorates.

Colcombe Castle," which may be described as the cradle of the noble family
of Courtenay, and where this young lady presumably died, is situate about half
a mile distant from Colyton. This Earl Thomas Courtenay, as the head of the
house, held Colcombe, where the family appear to have dwelled alternately with
their other residence of Tiverton Castle, and which probably was apportioned to
the eldest son for the time being.

Among the old muniments of the Chamber of Feoffees of Colyton, belonging
to the borough of Colyford, anciently part of the possessions of the Courtenays,
and now held by the Chamber, is the following deed, to which Thomas Courtenay
was a party before he succeeded to the earldom : —

Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Willelmus Uphome de Coliford in comitatu Devonie dedi
concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Thome Courteney filio et heredi domini Hugonis
Courteney Comitis Devonie Philippo Courteney filio et heredi domini Johannis Courteney militis
ac Johanni Loterell filio et heredi domini Hugonis Loterell militis omnia mea terras et tenementa
cum omnibus suis pertinentiis in burgo de Coliford predicto &c. Hiis testibus Johanne Stowford
Thoma Pyper ao multis aliis. Data apud Coliford predictum undecimo die mensis Novembris anno
regni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum Anglie octavo.'1

With the deed is a letter of attorney, appointing John Paule to give seisin of
the granted lands, dated 20th November in the same year.1'

I enclose a drawing of the three shields, and refer to the engravings of the
effigy and tomb which will be found in my volume on The Antient Sepulchral
Effigies and Monumental and Memorial Sculpture of Devon.

a See an engraving of the castle in Pohvhele's Devonshire, 1790, vol. ii. p. 310. '* Nov. 1420.

160 The Courtenay Tomb in Colyton Church, Devon.

REMARKS.

Mr. W. H. H. Rogers justly appropriates the merit of this rehabilitation of
heraldic evidence to our late most learned and highly esteemed Fellow and friend
Mr. Weston Styleman Walford, who, when the above communication reached the
hands of the Secretary, was still among us, but, by a singularly sad coincidence,
died on the very day of its reading.

So long ago as 1853, Mr. Walford was able, through his accurate heraldic
knowledge, to propose the true solution of the problem. In that and the two
following years he corresponded with Dr. Oliver, and our Fellow Mr. Charles
Tucker, both residents in Devonshire and careful students of its antiquities, and
obtained through the latter all the information which the Rev. John Comins — then
and for some years previously curate of Colyton — could give from his knowledge or
from that of other old inhabitants.

From 1855 to 1878 there was no further step taken in the inquiry, although
our late distinguished Fellow, Mr. Albert Way, used to express a wish that Mr.
Walford would proceed with it. In the latter year our late Fellow Mr. Blore
occasioned its revival by showing to Mr. Walford a drawing of the monument
which he had made about 1870. Mr. Walford thereupon began an interesting
correspondence with Mr. Rogers, and the result was the above communication to
the Society, accompanied by new drawings of the three shields. Mr. Walford
about the same time handed to the Society his correspondence and references on
the subject.

From Farmer's Colyton Church, 1842, and from some further notes by Mr.
Eogers, the modern history of the monument more fully appears. The book
states that it was removed from the north transept and repaired in 1818," describes
the brass plate as recently engraven, and gives the inscription in full. Its original
site was certainly under the northern and only window of the transept, a window in
a recess somewhat wider than the length of the monument, and ornamented with
mouldings running down the splays. The monument was placed as far eastward
as possible, so that its head stood cleax-, and its foot rested against the flat surface
of the eastern splay, the mouldings being cut away to allow of this arrangement.
There is evidence of an intermediate site under the east wall of the transept,

a The remains were removed at. the same time (Letter of Eev. J. Comins, Nov. 17th, 1854), but no
record of the particulars or dimensions of them is known to exist.

The Courtenay Tomb In Colyton Church, Devon. 161

occupied from 1818. when a north aisle was added to the nave, to 1830, the
date of the brass plate as engraved on its corner, and also probably of the
"restoration," that is, of the cornice which overhangs the canopy, and, alas! of
the new face of the effigy, both supplied by the zeal and liberality of the then
vicar, the Rev. Dr. Barnes, sometime Sub-Dean of Christ Church, Oxford.

As the heraldic question turns on features of the shields which have been
much affected by time and neglect, the Society, ex abundanti cauteld, and showing
respect to long-received opinion and tradition, decided to call, in aid of the engrav-
ings," the impartial evidence of photography ; and Mr. Rogers greatly enhanced
the value of his communication by subsequently obtaining and sending to the
Society photographs of the tomb and the three shields. That of the tomb supplies
the following description ; those of the shields are figured on the next page.

The case made by photography is as follows.

The central shield bears Courtenay impaling Beaufort, the dexter and sinister
shields showing and verifying the constituent parts of this coat.

The effigy is dressed thus : On the head is a veil surmounted by a coronet,
the edges of the veil on either brow being uneven, as if scolloped or embroidered ;b
on the body a plain sleeved kirtle or cote, with an ornament on the bosom, and
a plain sleeveless surcote reaching to the feet ; and round the waist a girdle
buckled, with a long end hanging down on the right side.

11 The following arc references to Mr. Rogers's volume, as compiled in 1877 from his communi-
cations to the Exeter Diocesan Architectural Society, which arc printed in their Transactions.

Mr. It's. Volume. Transactions, 2nd Ser.

Page ti. Tomb — description ...... Vol. ii. p. 40

'27 . Tomb and effigy — description . . . . „ p. (Jl

84. Coat-armour and coronet — woodcut . . Vol. iii. p. 234

147. Tomb — woodcut ........ p. 207

169. Colyton church— woodcut ' ,, p. 310

PL XV11I. Effigy— woodcut . ... Vol. ii. PI. XVIII.

PI. XXIV. Coat-armour and coronet — woodcut . . ., PI. XXIV.

PI. L. Colyton church — woodcut ..... Vol. iii. p. :!lt)

PI. LIII. Tomb— woodcut „ p. 207

Correction of tradition ......,, p. 548

Colyton church — lithograph ..... PI. 3

b The objects described above as a veil and its edges appear to some observers as hair and ears. We
lament the loss of the original face as of good evidence on this question.
VOL. XLVIII. Y

162

The Courtenay Tomb in Col y ton Church, Devon.

The angels in the sides of the canopy are two, standing, one over the head,
the other over the feet, of the effigy ; and the Virgin and Holy Child outside it
rest upon the capital of a slender column.

Courtcnan.

THE THREE SHIELDS OVER THE COUBTEXAY EFFIGY IX COLYTOX CHURCH. DEVOX.
Originals 11 by 9 inches.

The style of heraldry, the dress, and the architecture, belonging to the middle
of the fifteenth century, raise a presumption that Margaret Beaufort, Countess
of Devonshire, is the lady commemorated. Whether the size of the effigy affects
this presumption or not will he considered further on.

The shield of the Countess, the chief shield at Colyton, appears suhordinately
on. the tomb of her kinsman, Thomas Chaucer, at Evvelme, in Oxfordshire ; and
the tomb at Colyton resembles in style the more famous and sumptuous one of
her kinswoman, Alice Duchess of Suffolk, also at Ewelme." The kinship is
shown thus :

Sir Payne Iloet.

Katharine Iloct, third wife of John of Gaunt.
John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset.

Philippa Roet, wife of Geoffrey Chaucer.

I n

Thomas Chaucer.

)

Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Devonshire.

Alice Chaucer, Duchess of Suffolk.

a Napier's Swynctmibe and Ewelme, 1858, pp. 45, 68, 102. Planches Cyclopaedia of Costume, 1876,
Dictionary, " Coronet." Gough's Sepulchral Monuments, 1796, vol. ii. PI. XCIV. p. 248.

The Court enay Tomb In Colt/ton Church, Devon. 163

John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset, father of the Countess, died on Palm Sunday,
the 16th March, 1409-10.11 His widow, Margaret, survived him, and after-
wards married Thomas Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, whom she also survived ;
and she died on Thursday, the 1st January, 1438-9," having named in her will five
executors (Margaret Countess of Devonshire being one), who joined in a petition
respecting the administration of the Duchess's estate to the Parliament which
began at Westminster on the 12th November, 1439. b

Thomas Courtenay, the fifth Earl of Devonshire, husband of the Countess,
was born on the Feast of the Invention of the Cross, 3rd May, 1414, became, at
the age of six, a co-trustee of lands at Colyton (as appears from the deed cited by
Mr. Rogers), and at the age of eight succeeded to the earldom.0 Thomas, their
eldest son, was born before May 1432 ; ll there were seven more children of their
marriage.

From these dates and events it appears that Margaret Beaufort was
married to Thomas, the fifth Earl, about the middle of the year 1431, her
age being not less than 21, his but 17 years ; and that she was living late in the
year 1439.

From the size of the effigy (it is but 3 feet 6 inches long) arose a
presumption, which ripened into a tradition, that a very young girl is repre-
sented.

Such presumptions were long ago refuted by Mr. Walford himself. " An
effigy," he wrote, " is primd facie to be considered as representing that to
which, having regard to the costume and general appearance, it bears most
resemblance, irrespectively of its size ; for it is unreasonable from size alone to
infer that it was not intended for a full grown person."0

Several small female effigies have been noticed and recorded both before and
since he wrote as above: — that at Coberley, Gloucestershire, by our Fellow, Mr. J.
Henry Middleton ; ' the two at Abergavenny, Monmouthshire, with figures in
photograph, by our Fellow, Mr. Octavius Morgan ; K that at Sheinton, Shropshire,'1

;c Milles's Catalogue of Honor, 1610. " Hot. Part.

c ll Inqs. p. m. of Hugh, 4th Earl, and Thomas, 5th Earl.
•; Archaiol. Journ. 1846, vol. iii. p. 234; 1862, vol. xix. p. 26.
' Brist. and Glouc. Archceol. Trans. 1879, vol. iv. p. 44.

8 Abergavenny Monuments, 1872. h Archa'ol. Journ. 1854, vol. xi. pp. 417-418.

164 The Courtenay Tomb in Colyton Church, Devon.

with a figure ; and that at Gayton, Northamptonshire, by Mr. G. Baker,a and by
our Fellow, Mr. Albert Hartshorne."

Most of the above instances leave the question — whether the original was
full-grown or not — at least open, but two of them carry the argument further,
for each is accompanied by evidence that a woman and not a girl is repre-
sented.

The effigy at Sheinton, although sculptured on a slab in length 2 ft. 4 in.
only, wears on the head a kerchief falling in flowing folds on the shoulders, and
a long robe close at the neck but not girded, and bears a clasped book in the
bend of the left arm — presenting the appearance of a full-grown woman of some
religious order. One of the effigies at Abergavenny is especially in point for our
present inquiry, inasmuch as the evidence is chiefly heraldic, and points to a lady
who became a wife and a mother of several children. It is 4ft. 3 in. in length,
and not only is its dress apparently that of a woman, but it is under the cover-
ture of a shield charged with the arms of Cantelupe, and is hence regarded with
great probability as representing Eva de Cantelupe, who, as a coheiress of William
de Braose, obtained on petition the barony of Abergavenny, survived her husband
William de Cantelupe — who had enjoyed the barony in her right — and died
bearing his name, and in sole tenure of the barony, and leaving three children

surviving.

With such support of the safe rule laid down by Mr. Walford, one should
hesitate to displace the Countess of Devonshire in favour of one of her

daughters.

Those who have read the chapter on " Effigies and Funerals," written long
since by our Fellow Mr. Octavius Morgan in Abergavenny Monuments, but as
yet far too little known, will be prepared for an opinion that a tomb of this
kind is a permanent reproduction of the herse as it stood immediately after the
funeral.0 The herse of that day was a stage and canopy of wood, set up for the

a Northamptonshire, 1841, vol. ii. p. 283.
b Monumental Effigies ofNort/utmpto7ishirc, 1X76, p. 112.

c See also Vet. Man. vol. iv. Plate xvm. ; Peacock's English Church Furniture, 1806, p. 127;
note on " Herse," Part iv.; Pugin's Glossary of Ecclesiastical Ornament, 3rd eel. 18fi8. " Herse."

The Courtenay Tomb in Colyton Church, Devon. 165

occasion on the floor of the church and hung with sable drapery. On the arrival
of the procession the uncoffined corpse, or, if circumstances would not so permit,
the coffin with a wooden and waxen fac-simile of the corpse lying thereon, was
placed upon the stage under the canopy, and the solemn rites proceeded. When
the corpse had been lowered into its grave in the chancel or chapel, the herse was
placed over it, and the wooden or canvas achievements which had been carried in
the procession were hung about the herse under heraldic direction, and any sacred
figure which had also been carried (as here the Holy Virgin and Child) was set
up in a place of honour. So the herse remained for many months ; during which
it was visited by mourners, and might receive a more formal tribute in writing,—
a scroll which commemorated, often in verse, the virtues and honours of the
deceased. Such a scroll was the epitaph.

After a time the herse of wood gave place to the tomb of stone ; but the
principal achievement from the herse might be preserved and set up on the
family mansion, — a practice surviving in the modern hatchment, — and the
epitaph might pass into literature.

Shakespeare has embalmed the custom of the epitaph, and also left an
epitaph of great beauty, in Much Ado about Nothing, Act iv. Sc. 1, and Act v.
Scs. 1 and 3. Claudio seeks in the church the spot where Hero is believed to lie
recently buried, and hangs over it his scroll.

The whole funeral practice as above explained underlies an exquisite poem of
the Jacobean age, an epitaph which was laid on the herse of Mary Sidney,
Countess Dowager of Pembroke, in Salisbury Cathedral in 1621. This poem
has, ever since the middle of the seventeenth century, been cruelly mis-written,
mis-stopped, and mutilated, and subsequently ascribed to Ben Jonson, and
loaded with ignorant criticism; but, fortunately, it survives incorrupt in a
volume written and signed by the real author, William Browne, with the date
1650, — eight years before the first appearance in print of' its supposed text,
and more than a century before its first ascription to Ben Jonson by his editor,
Peter Whalley. The author's MS. volume a was privately printed in 1815 by Sir
Egerton Brydges, but fancifully re- arranged and incorrectly noted. The poem is
not only worth preservation for its own merit, but, as presenting a vivid con-
temporary picture of the herse, the epitaph, and the tomb, in mutual relation.

" In Brit. Mus. Lansd. MS. 777.

166 The Courtenay Tomb in Colyton Church, Devon.

deserves authentic repetition here, quaintly spelt and without stops, as in the
original MS. : —

ON THE COUNTESSB DOWAGER OF PEMBROKE.

Underneath this sable Herse
Lyes the subject of all verse
Sydneyes sister Pembrokes mother
Death ere thou hast slaine another
Faire & learn'd & good as she
Tyme shall throw a Dart at thee.

Marble Pyles let no man raise
To her name for after dayes
Some kind woman borne as she
Reading this like Niobe
Shall turne Marble & become
Both her Mourner & her Tombe.

As a historical fact, the poet was obeyed. The herses at Colyton and at
Salisbury alike passed away. That at Colyton revived in the tomb which still
excites our interest. That at Salisbury revived, not in a tomb, the custom of
the Herberts apparently not sanctioning such a revival, but in a famous epitaph
raising the Countess of Pembroke above the crowd of those who lie forgotten,
carent quia vate sacro.

It is to be hoped that hereafter the Courtenay tomb at Colyton, with its
obscured heraldry brought to light, may be allowed to tell its own story ; the
Pembroke epitaph, with its mistaken allusion understood, may regain its true
place in poetry; and the forgotten pomp and circumstance of the medieval
funeral, which the tomb and the epitaph illustrate, each from its own point of
view, may be borne in mind for like antiquarian researches.

VI. — On a List of the Royal Navy in 1660. Communicated by CHARLES
SPENCER PERCEVAL, Esq., LL.D., Treasurer.

Read Feb. 1C, 1882.

I AM enabled, through the kindness of Mr. Henry B. Hull, of Nether
Compton, Dorset, to exhibit to the Society a small manuscript volume, 6i
inches high by 3^ inches broad, bound in red morocco, and lettered on one side
in blind tooling, EDUARDUS BERING, with the words MERCATOR REGIUS, super-
posed upside down in gilt letters. On the other side the process is reversed, the
blind tooling being applied to the words MERCATOR HEGIUS, while the super-
posed and inverted gilt lettering forms the name of EDUARDUS BERING. The
manuscript bears the date 1660, and begins with " A List of His Mate Navie
Royall, with their Dimensions, Number of Men, and Gunns," &c.

It was in the year 1660 that Pepys entered on his duties as Clerk of the Acts
of Navy, and the List may have been drawn upon the occasion of his advent to
office in the Admiralty. It seems probable that it was drawn up before December
1660, because one of the ships named the Assurance Avent to the bottom (as we
learn from Pepys's Diary] on the 9th of that month. It must also have been
transcribed after May in that year, for the altered names of ships recorded by
Pepys as having been settled by the king on May 23rd are here entered.

Edward Dering, the owner of this book, was probably the son of Sir Edward
Dering, the first baronet, by his third wife, Unton Gibbes. According to the
pedigree in Berry's County Genealogies, Kent, 398, he was a merchant, and was
commonly called " Red Ned," to distinguish him, no doubt, from his half-
brother Edward, the second baronet.

In August 1660 he had a grant of " the office of King's Merchant in the
East for buying and providing necessaries for appareling the Navy : fee
331. Qs. Sd." (Docquet Book, p. 37) .a He was knighted at some time before 1686,
and was dead on May 13, 1691.b He is doubtless to be identified with the person
referred to in the following passages of Pepys 's Diary : —

1663, Dec. 12. Mr. Luellin began to tell me that Mr. Deering had been with him to desire
him to speak to me that if I would get him off with these goods c upon his hands, lie would give

a Cal. State. Papers, Dom. Chas. II. 1660—1661.
" See Cal. Treasury Papers, 1557—1696, pp. 18, 175.
c What the goods were does not appear.

168 A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

me 50 pieces; and further, that if I would stand his friend to helpe him to the benefit of his patent
as the King's merchant, he would spare 2001. per annum out of his profits. I was glad to hear
both of these, but answered him no further than as I would not by anything be bribed to be
unjust in my dealings, so I was not so squeamish as not to take people's acknowledgment where I
had the good fortune by my pains to do them good and just offices; and so I would not come to
any agreement with him, but I would labour to do him this service and to expect his consideration
thereof afterwards as he thought fit.

1665, September 30. Hither came Luellin to me, and would force me to take Mr. Deer-
ing's '20 pieces in gold he did offer me a good while since, which I did, yet really and sincerely
against my will and content, being not likely to reap any comfort in having to do with and being
beholden to a man that minds more his pleasure and company than his business.

The principal article contained in Mr. Hull's MS. is the Navy List. A full
notice of the contents and a transcript of the most interesting portions (including
the list) will be found further on. Some notes have been added by me, mainly
extracts from Pepys's Diary, which afford particulars of the fate of many of the
vessels named in the list.

In 1825 the late Mr. Charles Knight printed a Diary of the Reverend Henry
Teonge, as Chaplain on board his Majesty's ships " Assistance," " Bristol," and
" Royal Oak," from 1675 to 1679. At the end of this curious volume are given
two lists of the Royal Navy, one from MS. Harl. 6277, being a copy of a document
delivered to the House of Commons in 1675 by Pepys himself, the other from a
paper in Teonge' s handwriting of about the same date.

Pepys's list gives, in addition to the names of the ships, merely the date of
building, the tonnage, and complement of men and guns.

I have indicated by the letter (s) after the names in Bering's List those ships
which were still on the books of the Navy in 1675.

The entire Navy in 1660 was divided into six rates, and comprised in all 151
sail thus distributed :—

1st rates ........ 3

2nd rates 12

3rd rates ........ 15

1th rates ........ 46

5th rates ........ 36

6th rates .... 39

151 sail

Two 4th rates, the " Princess " and " New Galley," and perhaps one 5th rate,
the " Hound," from their position at the end of the list of their respective rates
instead of in their place according to the alphabet, appear to have been added to

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660. 169

the navy after the list was made out ; and the last two 6th rates, " Giles " and

" Swallow," are expressly stated to have been bought in 1661.

The note (5) shows that the line of demarcation between the rates was not

very certainly denned.

In 1675 the composition of the fleet had altered considerably. It was then

as follows : —

1st rates ........ 8

2nd rates ........ 9

3rd rates 22

4th rates 37

5th rates ........ 15

6th rates ........ 8

The 4th, 5th, and 6th rates had been given up to a great extent, and the 1st and
3rd rates alone show an increase.

Pepys's list of 1675, however, adds 49 vessels, called doggers, fireships,
galleys, hoyes, hulks, yachts, &c., some of which, or boats of a similar description,
were probably included among Bering's 6tli rates.

Some alteration appears to have taken place in the dockyard rules for
estimating the tonnage between the years 1660 and 1675 ; for even where the
measurement of the elements— length, width, and depth — of individual ships agree,
which they do not always exactly do, the tonnage in the later list is always, so
far as I have observed, larger than in the earlier ones.'1

Thus, in the case of the " Rainbow," the elements of calculation are the
same to an inch; but in Bering's List the " tonns " are set down as 782, in
Pepys's as 817. Similarly, in the case of the "Unicorn," with identical data,
the tonnage is given at 723 tons in the list of 1660, at 845 in 3675.

The armament and crews also present some discrepancies. Generally the
same ship in 1675 carried more guns than in 1660. Teonge's own list (p. 311 of
his Diary) has columns showing a different armament and establishment for
war, at home and abroad, and for peace. The curious in such matters can
compare the three lists. I give one example — the " Royal Sovereign," the only
surviving first rate in 1675. In 1660 she carried 600 men and 100 guns. Pepys's
list assigns to her 850 men and 100 guns. Teonge's list states that at " warr "
she carried "at home " 100 guns and 815 men, "abroad " 90 guns and 710 men.
In time of peace her complement was 90 guns and 605 men.

tt Tho dates of construction agreeing, there is no doubt as to the identity of the vessels.
VOL. XL VIII. Z

170

A List of the Moyal Navy in 1660.

The contents of Mr. Hull's MS. are as follows : —

pp. 1,2.]

A LIST of his MATS NAVIE ROYALL, Avith their

SHIPPS NAMES.

Men.

Gunns.

Length by
the Keele.

Breadth at
the Beame.

Depth in
Hold.

Old.

New.*

1 Sovoraigne 3 -

Prince
R. Charles -

600
500
500

280
340
280
300
3CO
280
400
300
300
280
280
280

210

200
220
210
210
200
220
210
220
210
220
210
210
200

100

80
80

56
C4
56
60
64
56
70
60
64
56
56
56

52
48
52
50
50
48
52
52
52
54
52
52
50
48

fee. in.
127 0
125 0
131 0

117 0
123 0
117 0
116 0
123 6
114 0
124 0
116 0
117 0
110 0
112 0
110 0

116 9
115 0
120 0
117 0
116 0
95 0
117 0
116 0
117 6
116 0
116 0
116 8
117 3
112 0

fee. in.
47 0
45 0
42 0

38 9
46 0
38 9
39 0
41 0
36 6
41 0
37 11
38 6
35 0
38 6
35 8

34 7
33 0
35 2
34 10
35 7
35 0
35 2
34 6
35 0
34 8
34 9
34 6
35 2
32 6

fee. in.
19 0
18 0
18 0

15 9
17 2
15 9
16 0
16 6
15 0
18 0
14 10
15 6
17 0
17 0
16 0

14 2
13 8
14 6
14 6
14 4
16 6
14 4
14 2
14 5
14 6
14 6
14 2
14 5
14 0

'•'• Nasebie

pp. 3-4.]
2ND RATE.

1 Dunbar

Henry s - -

u London

------

R. lames -

Vnlcorne s

pp. 5-(i.]
:)RD RATE.
Bridgwater

Anne -

K Langport

Henrietta s

Lyon
:' Lime -
Marston moor
Newbury -
Plyiuouth s

Mountague s-
York s -
Revenge s

10 Speaker
Torrington
1 Tredagh -
2 Worcester
"\Ionck s

Mary s -
Dreadnaught s -
Resolution - -
Dunkirk s -

' Names altered by the King, May 23, 1G60.

(s) The ships thus marked remained on the Books in 1C75.

A List of the Hoyal Navy in 1660.

171

, Number of

and cgjunns, &c.

Draught of

Tons &

Water.

Tonns.

tonage.

When built.

Where. By whome.

fee. in.
21 0

1554

2072

1637

26 Cap. Phin Pett, sen1

20 0

1295

1726

1641

Woolwich

C. Ph. Pett, sen1'

21 0

1229

1638

1655

Chr. Pett

18 6

775

1033

1622

Mr Bun-ell

21 0
18 6

1047
775

1396
1033

1656
1622

Deptford

Mr Callis
Mr Burrell

18 6

792

1056

1633

Pef Pett

18 0

1050

1906

1657

Chatham

Cap. Tayler

17 K

782

1042

1617

Deptford

Mr Bright

20 0

1108

1477

1658

Woolwich Chr Pett

18 0

740

986

1654

Rebuilt at Woolwich Chr P<>tt

18 0

719

1038

1623

Dept. Mr Bin-roll

1 8 6 600

800

1620

Dept.

Mr Baker

18 0

78G

1048

1630

Chath.

Mr Bright

17 6

723

964

1633

Woolwich

Mr Boat

17 0

742

989

1654

Deptford

Mr Chamberlain

17 0

666

888

1653

Dept.

Phin Pett

16 6

745

993

Rebuilt at Chatham

Cap. Tayler

18 0

755

1006

1654

Lymehouse

Mr Graves

17 0

781

1041

1654

Horslydowne

Mr Bright

17 0

550

699

1640

Chath.

Mr Asplin

18 0

769

1025

1654

Portsmouth Mr Tippett

17 o

734

978

1654

Blackwall Mr Johnson

17 0

705

1020

1654

Lymehouse Mr Graves

17 0

741

988

1654

Wapping Cap. Tayler

17 0

690

92*

1649

Woolw. Chr Pett

17 0

73*

984

1654

Blackwall

Mr Johnson

17 0

771

1208

1654

Ractliffe

Phin. Pett

10 0

629

83*

1651

Woolwich

Mr Russell

1659

Portsmo.
1

Mr Tippetts

z 2

172

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

Old.

New.

Men.

Gunns.

Length by
the Keele.

Breadth at
the Beamc.

Depth in
Hold.

pp. 7-8.]

4TH RATE.

13 Assurance s •
Adventure a •
Assistance s •

------

113
120
140
100
140
161
100
150
140
100
140
140
130
130
100
110
140
150
100
130
140
350
1GO
140
110
160
120

140
130
150
140
130
130
100
140
140
130
140
115
130
ICO
160
140
120

30
34
40
30
40
44
36
40
40
38
40
40
38
38
30
36
40
40
30
38
40
40
44
40
32
44
32

40
38
40
40
38
38
30
40
40
38
40
3z
38
44
44
40
36

fee. in.

87 0
94 0
102 0
85 0
100 0
104 0
106 0
104 0

106 0
105 6
100 0
96 0
101 6
90 0
101 0
102 0
100 10
90 0
101 9
102 10
107 0
109 0
99 0

108 6
98 0

86 8
99 0
105 0
101 0
99 6
96 0
90 0
105 6
100 0
100 0
100 6
85 0
99 0
104 0
105 0

fee. in.

27 0
27 9
31 0
28 0
31 2
31 1
26 (i
31 0

28 C
3] 3
31 8
28 6
29 8
26 0
27 C,
31 1
31 10
28 0
29 9^
32 2"
32 6
33 9
31 8

33 1
27 4

26 4
28 4
32 11
30 0
29 0
28 6
26 0
31 6
31 1
28 10
31 8
26 0
29 4
33 2
33 o

fee. in.

11 0
13 10
13 0
14 0
15 7
15 6
14 6
15 0

11 10
15 7
15 10
14 3
14 10
13 0
11 0
13 0
13 0
14 0
14 10
13 2
13 0
15 8
13 0

13 3
14 2

10 4
14 2
12 10
U 10
12 6
14 3
9 9
15 9
15 6
11 9
i3 0

10 <;

14 S
13 0
13 3

"RrUtnll s

Centurion -s

------

Charitie

Dover s

14 Elias

Foresight s

Gainsbrougli -

Swallow s- -

15 Hampshire s -

------

Kent

Maidstone -
Marmnduke

Newcastle s - - - -

Maryrose s

pp. 9-10.]
Nantwich -
Portsmouth s -
Portland K

Broda -

Preston
President -----

Antlielop s
Bonaventure -

Providence - -
Rubie s -

------

Saphire

Taunton - - - -
18 C. Warwick s - - -
Tiger s -
Winsby - - - -
Yarmoth s -

Crowne s -
19HI{eturnes -

-° Mathias - - -

Welcome

'* Princess s

^N"ew Galley - - -

A LM of the Royal Navy in 1660.

173

Draught of

Tons&

Water.

Tonns.

tonage.

When built.

Where.

By whomc.

fee. in.

12 6

341

456

1646

Dept.

P. Pett, senr

13 9

385

510

1646

Woolw.

P. Pett, junr

15 0

521

694

1650

Dept.

Mr Johnson

354

472

Bought

1C 0

516

690

1650

Woolw.

P. Pett. junr

15 6

532

680

1653

Port SHI.

Mr Tippetts

14 6

395

526

1653

Then taken from Dutch

16 0

581

690

1650

Eatcliffe

P. Pett. senr

500

666

Portugal!

Prize

14 0

400

553

1651

Prize taken from Dutch

16 0

547

740

1051

Dept.

P. Pett, seur

511

681

1650

Redriffe

Mr Castle

15 0

414

556

1647

Chath.

Mr Goddard

15 6

474

643

1647

Dept.

P. Pett, senr

323

430

1637

Mr Graves

14 0

400

533

Dutch pr.

14 6

524

698

1650

Deptford

-7 Ion"* Shish

14 0

543

724

1653

Pi tollhouse

Tho. Tayler

375

500

1649

King's man of Warr taken

by the Constant Warwick

14 10

481

594

1053

Dept.

Ph. Pett

14 0

560

746

1654

.Maiden

Mr Starling

15 0

601

801

1652

Dept.

Mr lohnson

17 0

636

847

1G59

Dept.

Mr Shish

15 0

566

754

1654

Woodbridge

400

533

Prize

15 0

631

841

1653

Ractcliffe

Ph. Pett

14 G

389

518

1646

Dept.

Pet. Pett, jun.

12 6

319

425

1654

Bristoll

M' Bailey

15 0

422

600

1649

Portsmo.

Mr Eastwood

15 0

605

«06

1653

Wapping

Cap. Tailor

ir, o

550

642

1654

Woodbridge

15 0

445

593

164!)

Dept.

Pe. Pett, sen.

1 5 0

414

556

1647

Wolw.

Pe. Pett, jun.

323

430

1637

Thames Mr Trankmor a

1 6 0

556

745

1651

Dept.

Pet. Pett, sen.

16 0

513

688

1650

Woodbridge

Pet. Pett, jun.

1 3 0

442

589

1651

Ractliffe

Pet. Pett, sen.

14 6

536

714

1654

Redriffe

Mr Castle

12 0

247

331

Ractliffe

Pet. Pett

14 '.)

442

608

1647

Dept.

Pet. Pett, sen.

607

809

1654

Yarmouth

Mr Edgar

608

810

1653

Yarmo.

Mr Edgar

500

666

400

533

Dutch pr.

1660

Lydney

Mr Furzer

Chath.

Cap. Taylor

The edge of the paper is cut a little.

174

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

Old.

New.

Men.

Gunns.

Length by
the Keele.

Breadth at
the Bcame.

Depth in
Hold.

pp. 11,11'.]
5TH RATE.

Augustine - -
" Baseing
Brycr -
Bradford -
Colchester - - -
Cherriton -

Guernsey •*
Success 8 -
Speedwell s

90
100
80
105
100
90
90

26
22

18
24
24
20
20

fee. in.

100 0
80 0

83 0
76 0

fee. in.

26 0
24 6

25 6
24 0

fee. in.

14 0
10 0

10 0
10 0

ion

Faggons •

Milford

105
100

82 0

24 8

10 0

(Iran th am - - - -
Greyhound - - - -
(lift maior - - - -
Hector

Garland s -

100

85
85
85

20
26
20

80 0
60 0
98 0

25 0
26 6
30 8

10 0
11 6
11 G

Lizard - - -

1 fi

Litchfield -----

HEntrance •

90
inn

Rfi f\

G)K 0

Nightin^all

10(i

QC A

9?; 9

10 0

Norwich s -

1 mi

94.

,s 1 O

OK A

Oxford - - -

79 O

9/4 n

1U D

Pearl s - -

i no

Rfi O

Or A

10 U

Pembrook

100

Ml O

«K A

10 0

Paul

<<^

9 1

o A n

()

liosebush

"24

-SO U

T^ocrlp R

1 Oil

K"» ft

Old riuccc^c

1 Oft

10 0

pp. 13-14.]

JJjR

9ft

~:: Satisfaction

100

9fi

Sortings

100

Wakefield -
AVestorgiitc

Richmond s

100

k*i

9ft

ftft (\

Waxford -
< )ld Warwick

Dolphin •

SO t\

OO Q

Mary yacht

HI in-ii;.]
GTH HATE.

Blackmoor - - - -
15 ramble
Cagway

------

40
60
35

12
14

47 0

19 0

10 (»

A List of the lloyal Navy in 1660.

175

Draught of

Tonsic

Water.

Tonns.

tonage.

When built.

Where.

By whome.

fee. in.

14 0

359

478

1552

Taken then from Dutch

12 0

•255

340

1654

Walderwick

Mr Shish

180

240

Prize

230

306

1657

Chatham

Cap. Tayler

12 0

287

:J82

1654

Yarmouth

Mr Edgar

11 0

194

261

1655

Deptford

Mr Callis

200

266

230

306

1655

Portsnio.

Mr Tippetts

12 0

262

349

1654

Weavenow "

Mr Page

230

306

1657

Lydney

Mr Furzer

prize

11 6

265

323

1654

Southampton

Mr Furzer

150

200

prize

13 6

490

653

1652

Dutch prize

150

200

100

133

prizes

200

266

12 0

289

385

1651

Llmehouse

Mr Graves

12 0

289

385

1651

Horslydowne

Mr Bright

12 0

246

328

1655

Chatham

Ph: Pett

11 0

240

320

1655

Dept.

Mr Callis

12 0

2«5

380

1651

Knetliffe

Pe. Pett

12 0

2G9

358

1655

Woolwich

Mr Eaven

10 6

290

384

1652

prize

300

400

Dutch

pr.

12 0

299

398

1654

Wapping

Cap. Tayler

380

506

Portugall

pr.

300

400

Dutch pr.

220

293

Dutch pr.

250

333

pr.

235

313

1655

Porismo.

Mr Tippetts

13 0

274

365

I Hitch pr.

130

173

pr.

10 6

140

186

Pli-asmv boate sent from

ye States of Holland

110

1656

Chath.

Cap. Tayler

112

160

pr.

i.t- Wivenhoc.

176

A List of the Hoy at Navy in 1660.

Old.

New. Men.

Gnnns.

Length by
the Keele.

Breadth at
the Beanie.

Depth in
Hold.

40
35
24

35
45
60

CO
4(1
4(1
35
30
35
45
35
40
50
60

5(i
35

GO
35
35
85
50
50
50
CO
CO
4(1

. 4
12

S
10
14
12
12
8
(5
G
6
JO
6
Id
12
12

12
8
C
C
12
12
12
lit
1C
8

fee. in.
85 0
72 0

50 0

C4 (i
75 0

27 0
50 (i

42 0

fee. in.
18 0
23 0

14 G

19 4
18 (i

15 C

14 «

1C (i

fee. in.

7 0
18 6

5 C

7 0
7 8

C 0
5 G

8 (i

rVo-r^nf

Diver

(Vacant)

Hinde -

------

TTirt

r ;ii;0

Larke

Minion -

(Vacant)

Nonsuch K.
Pearl brigant -

pp. IT-IS.]

v> Parradox

(Vacant)

Hoc

Itosc

Swallow K.

Truelovc

Vulture

Woymouth

Woolf

------

Hawk - -

Giles

Swallow

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

177

Draught of
Water.

Tonns.

Tonsfc
tonage.

When built.

Where.

By whome.

fee. in.

110

1656

Portemo.

Mr Tippett

1657

Chath.

Cap. Tayler

pr.

9 0

113

153

1653

Dept.

Peter Pett.

1655

Horselydown

Mr Huggins.

110

pr.

10 0

120

160

120

160

120

l'r

7 6

1656

Dublin

1655

Wavneie

Mr Page

5 0

1C57

Woolwich

Chr Pett

120

1657

Dept.

Mr Calles

100

124

1653

Portsmo.

M. Tippette

9 0

105

141

1653

Chath.

Cap1 Tayler

120

180

1653

Bought

120

160

1655

Weaunoe

Ma1' Page

5 0

1657

Woolwich

Chr. Pett

1657

Dept.

Mr Callis

Sold

100

133

100

133

120

160

120

160

" 1655

Woolwich

M1' Cooper

Bought 61

cost 230 »

Bought 61

1 cost 400 "

VOL. XLVIII.

2 A

178

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

The list of ships ends here, and is immediately followed (pp. 19-20) by a table
of the wages of officers and seamen. This is also given at full length, being of
some interest, not only as a contribution to the history of prices two hundred
years ago, but also on account of the insight which it affords into the composition
of the crews of the ships. It will be noticed that one lieutenant only was carried
on board of ships of the 1st to the 4th rates, while on board the 5th and 6th
rates the captain was not seconded by any officer with this designation.

A surgeon and a surgeon's mate formed part of the complement of every
ship. " Groractts " appear as an intermediate rating between ordinary seamen
and boys.

The Wages of Officers and Seamen serving in his Ma's Shipps at Sea.

Officers.

1st Rate.

2nd Rate.

3rd Rate.

4th Rate.

5th Rate.

6th Rate.

Captaine

21 0 0

16 J6 0

14 0 0

lo 0 0

880

700

Lieutenant

•1 4 0

4 4 0

3 10 0

Master

700;

6 6 o

4 13 8

462

3 17 6

Mates

360

300

2 16 2

2 7 10

220

Midshipmen

2 5 0

2 0 0

1 17 6 3

1 13 9

1 10 0

1 10 o

Boatswaine

400

3 10 0

300

2 10 0

250

20o

Gunner

400

3 10 o

300

2 10 0

250

2 0 o

Purser

200

1 16 0

1 10 0

168

1 3 4

1 3 -1

Carpenter

4 0 0

3 10 o

300

2 10 0

250

2 0 0

Quart* Maysters

1 15 0

1 15 o

1 12 0

1 10 0

1 8 0

i fi r,

Boatsn mates

1 15 0

1 12 0

1 10 0

1 8 0

1 6 0

Gunn: mates

1 15 0

1 12 0

1 10 0

180

160

Chyruwgeon

2 10 0

Chyrnw: mates

1 10 0

Qrmaysters ma

1 10 0

180

1 8 0

1 6 0

1 5 0

Yeomen

1 12 0

1 10 0

180

1 8 0

Cockswaine

1 12 0

1 10 0

180

160

Corporal 1

1 15 0

1 12 0

1 10 0

180

15o

Cooke

1 5 0

15o

1 5 0

150

140

Armorer

150

1 5 0

Gunsmith

150

Carp1'9 mates

2 0 0

1 16 0

1 14 0

1 12 0

1 10 0

Mr Tnmiptcr

1 10 0

1 8 0

1 5 0

150

Qr Gunners

160

150

1 5 0

150

Carp™ Crew

160

1 6 0

150

1 5 0

150

Steward

1 5 0

150

1 3 4

1 0 8

0 17 6

Ktew: mates

1 0 8

108

1 0 8

Able seamen

140

Oril: seamen

0 19 0

Grometts

0 14 3

. In

each rate.

Boycs

0 9 6

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

179

The next two pages contain a ready reckoner, showing rate of wages from one
month to one day.

Page 23 contains " The Wages of Officers and Seamen in Rigging time," and
" The number of Officers borne upon each rate in Forraign service " ; on page 24
is a table of "The monthly wages of officers and seamen in harbour"; pages
25 and 26 are occupied by tables showing " The Weight of Cordage, being the
Moderation of severall men's Collections at Chatham and Woolwich."

The following tables, from pages 27 and 28, may be worth transcribing :—

of ORDNANCE on board severall of his Mate Shipps, each rate.

2nd

1st Prince

fRoy1 lames
\Londou, &c. .

3rd Revenge, &c. .
r Breda, &c.

4th •< Phoenix .
I Saphire .
{ Successe, frig' .

5th

\Colchester, &c.

Tonn

141

134

120

His Ma*3 allowance of Sea Victuall, on boord the Shipps in his Navie of all

kindes on our owne Coast.

1 clay.

A week.

A month.

I! inon.

For one niuu 10 mo.
or for 10 nirn one mo.

Bread, Bisket

7li

281!

168"

280"

Beere

1 gall.

7 gall.

28 gall.

1CH gall.

Sitiu gall.

Beefe

16"

961

lo I1' pieces

Porke

8»

48"

4n 2" pieces

Pease

1 pint

1 quart

1 gall.

(i gall.

4d quarts

Fish-

15 sized

liutter

'2 oz.

6 oz.

1" 8 oz.

I :,»

Cheese

4 oz.

12 oz.

18"

;!o"

Not all yc kinds in one Jay.

Pages 29 and 30 give " The allowance for Tideworkes to workmen in. his
Mats yards." " Eor Lodging." " What Quantity of Cordage may Eigge some
of his Mab Shipps of the severall Rates."

2 A2

180 A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

P . 31 contains a Table of " His Ma'5 Allowance of Ereeguift and Imprest to
Chirurgeons serving at sea for six months."

The next seven pages are occupied by an " Estimate of the Ordinary Charge
of yc Navy for a yeare from June, '60 to June '61."

This estimate may be thus abstracted : —

£ s. d.

Threr (Treasurer) . . . . 254 0 0

Principle (sic) Officers of Comptroller 500 0 0

the Ny per Patent . Surveyor 490 0 0

Clerk of ye Acts . . . . 350 0 0

f 2 Cornrn" at 500 li pr annum each . 1000 0 0

Commissioners . . 1 -, „_. r , Qnn n ft

at . . . . ouu (J u

The salaries of the clerks in the Navy office, purveyors, and messengers, &c.,
follow, producing altogether a total of 3830£. 10s.

Then come the salaries of the different officers on the establishments at
Chatham (1610Z. 6s. Wd.), Deptford (970Z. 10s. 6d.), Woolwich (603Z. 9s. 2d.),
Portsmouth (713Z. Os. 4d.), making a total of 7735Z. 14s. Wd. The harbour
wages of 505 men are put at 7849£. 6s. 3d., and their victuals at 5605Z. 15s. 10eLa
The materials and workmanship for ordinary repairs (for which the items are
given), 28,080£. to which is added the gross sum (without items) for cordage for
mooring yearly of 22,700£. 13s. 4sd. (curiously large). The total amounting to
72,051/. 10s. 3d. This is stated to be " the whole ordinary charge of his Matie
for one yeare."

Then follows " the estimate of the charge in building severall shipps.

Tonnes. Li.

A shipp of . . . 900 . . . . 9000

... 650 .... 5525

„ ... 450 .... 3600

... 350 .... 2275

... 140 .... 630

Except mastes and yards."
The last article in the book is " A ready way for judgement of any shipp's

burthen " :

Let her length be multiplied by her breadth,
Her breadth by ye draught of water.
The 2 last figures cutt of
Nearly shows it.

a A leaf of items of this sub-head is lost here.

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660. 181

NOTES TO THE LIST OF SHIPS.

The column headed " New " refers to the alteration in certain ships' names by the King,
May 23, 1660. — See Pepyis Diary, same day.

8 The ships with this letter appended to their names alone survived in April, 1675. — See
Pepys's list, MSS. Harl. 6277, printed in Teonge's Diary, London, 1825.

1 Soveraigne. — Diary, April 9, 1661 : " The ladies and I and Captain Pett and Mr. Castle
took barge and down we went to see the Sovereigne [lying at Chatham], which we did, taking
great pleasure therein, singing all the way; and, among other pleasures, I put my Lady [Batten],
Mrs. Tumor, Mrs. Hempson, and the two Mrs. Aliens into the lanthorn, and I went in and
kissed them, demanding it as a fee due to a principall officer."

3 Resolution, alias Prince. — Diary, April 10, 1661: "Then on board the Prince, now in
the docke [at Chatham] , and indeed it has one and no more rich cabins for carved work, but no
golde in her."

July 11, 1663: " At noon to the Hill House (Chatham), and, after seeing the guard-ships,
to dinner, and after dinner to the docke by coach, it raining hard, to see ' The Prince' launched,
which hath lain in the docke in repairing these three years. I went into her, and was launched
in her."

In the great fight with the Dutch on June 1, 1666, and subsequent days, the Prince went
aground on the Galloper Sand, and there stuck, and was burnt by the Dutch, who could not get
her off. " The Royal Charles and Royal Katherine both come aground twice over at the same
place, but got off." — See Diary, June 7, 1666.

3 Nazeby, alias Royal Charles. — Sir Edward Montagu, afterwards Earl of Sandwich, was
appointed on Friday, March 2nd, 1659-60, jointly with General George Monck to be " Generals
of the Fleet for the next summer expedition,'"1 and immediately went to sea with a fleet, which,
after lying some little time in the Channel off Sandwich and Dover, proceeded to Breda to bring
back the King. Pepys on this occasion sailed with Lord Sandwich as his secretary. The
Nazeby not being ready for sea, they embarked on board the Swiftsure,' and were there on March
30, 1360, as appears from the Diary: " This day, while my lord and I were at dinner, the Nazeby
came in sight towards us, and at last came to anchor close by us. After dinner my lord and
many other went on board of her."b On the second of April they seem to have transferred
themselves to the Nazeby.

The Royal Charles bore the flag of the Duke of York as Admiral on the occasion of his victory
over the Dutch off the Texel, June 3, 1665. On the disastrous occasion of the attack on Chatham

" Mercnrivs Politicals, No. 610.

b Lord Sandwich's Hag was on board the Nazeby when he went to the Sound. (See note 7 on " Swiftsure.")

182 A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

by the Dutch in January, 1667, the Royal Charles was taken and carried off to sea in triumph.
—Diary, June 12 and 13, 1667.

4 Dunbar, alias Henry. — Diary, April 18, 166] : " And hither come Sir John Minnes to
us [at Chatham], who is come to-day to see 'the Henery,' in which he intends to ride as Vice-
Admiral in the narrow seas all this summer."

6 Richard, alias Royal James. — Diary, July 1, 1662: " Captain Cuttance and I to
Deptford, where the ' Royal James ' in which my Lord [Sandwich] went out the last voyage [to
Algiers, &c.], though he came back in the Charles [bringing back from Lisbon Catherine of
Braganza], was paying off by Sir W. Batten and Sir W. Pen. So to dinner, and from thence I
sent to my Lord to know whether she should be a first rate, as the men would have her, or a
second."

This ship would appear to have been burned by the Dutch in their raid on Chatham, June,
1667 (Diary, 13 June); but qncere if this were not the "James," another second rate mentioned
in the list as built in 1633 ; for in the copy of an old map descriptive of this disaster, given in
Bright's edition of Pepys, iv. 363, " the old James " is marked as destroyed. The '' Royal
James," bearing the flag of the gallant Earl of Sandwich, Vice-Admiral of England, was burned
by the Dutch in the action off the Suffolk coast, May 28, 1672, when the Admiral lost his life.

6 London. — Diary, 1660, April 24. In the Straits of Dover Pepys went from the ' Nazeby '
to dino with the Vice-Admiral on board " the London, which hath a state-room much bigger
than the Nazeby, but not so rich."

The London carried Queen Henrietta Maria back to France in January, 1661 (Diary,
Jan. 11 and 27 of that year).

March 8, 1665 : "This morning is brought me to the office the sad newes of the London,
in which Sir J. Lawson's men were all bringing her from Chatham to the ' Hope,' and thence he
was to go to sea in her, but a little on this side the buoy of the Xower she suddenly blew up.
About 24 men and a woman that were in the round-house and coach saved; the rest, being
above 300, drowned; the ship breaking all in pieces with 80 pieces of brass ordnance.5'

The ship, however, cannot have been totally destroyed, for she survived to be burned by the
Dutch in June, 1667, when lying in Chatham harbour. — Diary, June 13, 1667.

7 Swiftsure. — Diary, March 23, 16*;; : " My Lord [Sandwich] and Captain [Ishain] in
one barge and I, &c., in the other to the Long lleach, where the Swiftsure lay at anchor."

March 26 [on board the Swiftsure] : " This morning 1 rose early, and went about making
of an establishment of the whole fleet, and a list of all the ships, with the number of men
and guns."

8 Langport, alias Henrietta. — This may be a mistake for " Lambert," as a ship with this
designation had her name changed (for obvious reasons) by the King on May 23, 1660.

9 Lime, alias Mountague. — Diary, May 2, 1661 : " Then we and our wives are to see the
Montagu [then lying at Portsmouth], which is a fine ship."

10 Speaker, alias Nary.— Diary, April 25, 1660: "Off Deal, dined with Captain Cleslee
on board the Speaker. A very brave ship."

Tredagh, alias Resolution. — It was in this ship that Lord Sandwich, in September 1660,

A List of the Royal Navy in 1660. 183

brought the widowed Princess of Orange, eldest daughter of Charles I. and mother of William III.,
from Holland to England, where she soon after died. On the homeward voyage the ship " did
knock six times upon the Kentish Knock, which put them in great fear for the ship, but got off
well."— Diary, Sept. 25, 1660.

12 Worcester, alias Dunkirk. — Diary, April 15, 1660: Off Dover, "Commission for Captain
Robert Blake to be captain of the Worcester, in the room of Captain Dekings, an Anabaptist,
and one that had witnessed a great deal of discontent with the present proceedings."

13 Assurance. — Diary, Dec. 9, 1660: " 111 news from Woolwich that the Assurance (formerly
Captain Holland's ship and now Captain Stoakes's, destined for Guiny, and manned and victualled)
was by a gush of wind sunk down to the bottom. Twenty men drowned." The ship was weighed
by Dec. 17, and was but little the worse.

14 Elias. — Nov. 14, 1664: "The Elias, coming from New England (Captain Hill, com-
mander), is sunk ; only the captain and a few men saved. She foundered in the sea."

16 Hampshire. — Diary, Feb. 27, 1661 : "This day the Commissioners of Parliament begin
to pay off the fleet, beginning with the Hampshire, and do it at the Guildhall, for fear of going
out of towne into the power of the seamen, who are highly incensed against them."

16 Nonsuch. — Diary, May 1, 1660: Captain Barker had a commission for the Nonsuch, "he
being now in the Cheriton." Captain H. Cuttance had a commission for the Cheriton. The
Nonsuch ran aground, and was lost in the Bay of Gibraltar. — Diary, January 23, 1665.

17 Phoenix. — Diary, Jan. 23, 1665 : News of the Phoenix being lost in the Bay of Gibraltar.
Run aground.

18 "C.Warwick" stands for " Constant Warwick." She was built in 1655, according to
the list of 1675.

19 " HReturne " stands for " Happy Return."

20 Mathias. — Diary, July 21, 1663: Pepys heard an excellent sermon on board the Mathias,
lying at Chatham.

21 The particulars of the Princess, on the stocks in 1660, are given in the list of 1675, as
follows : Men, 240 : Guns, 54 ; Tons, 602.

22 Baseing, alias Guernsey. — Diary, March 27, 1661: "We settled to pay the Guernsey, a
small ship, but came to a great deal of money, it having been unpaid ever since before the King
came in, by which means not only the King pays wages, while the ship has lain still, but the
poor men have most of them been forced to borrow all the money due for their wages before they
received it, and that at a dear rate. God knows," &c.

23 Satisfaction. — Diary, Oct. 4, 1662: "The Satisfaction sank the other day on the Dutch
coast, through the negligence of the pilott."

2* Harp. — Diary, March 17, 16ff : '' In the evening, at the Admiralty. I met my lord
there, and got a commission for Williamson to be captain of the Harp frigate. 18th: Then to
my lord's lodging, where I found Captain Williamson, and gave him his commission to be
captain of the Harp, and he gave me a piece of gold and 20*. in silver."

184 A List of the Royal Navy in 1660.

26 Paradox. — Diary, April 23, 1660: "This afternoon I had 40s. given me by Captain
Cowes of the Paradox."

26 Phineas Pett, the shipbuilder, was a kinsman of Mr. Pett, a Commissioner of the Navy,
frequently mentioned in Pepys. — See Diary, Aug. 23, 1660.

27 Diary, 1664, July 24: Mr. Shish is mentioned as being at Deptford. Evelyn's Diary,
May 13, 1680, gives some particulars of this shipwright on the occasion of his funeral (footnote by
Mr. M. Bright). Elsewhere his death is stated to have occurred in June, not May, 1680.

Diary, July 12, 1663. The neglect of discipline at this time in the British Navy lying
in harbour is strikingly shown in the following passage: — "July 12, 1663. I took Mr. Whit-
field, one of the clerks, and walked to the Docke about eleven at night, and there got a boat
and a crew, and rowed down to the guardships, it being a most pleasant moonshine evening that
ever I saw almost. The guardships were very ready to hail us, being, no doubt, commanded
thereto by their Captain, who remembers how I surprised them the last time I was here. How-
ever, I found him ashore, but the ship in pretty good order, and the arms well fixed, charged,
and primed. Thence to the Soveraigne, where I found no officers aboard, no arms fixed, nor any
powder to prime their few guns, which were charged, without bullet though. So to the London,
where neither officers nor anybody awake. I boarded her, and might have done what I would,
and at last did find but three little boys ; and so spent the whole night in visiting all the ships, in
which I found, for the most part, neither an officer aboard, nor any men so much as awake, which
I was grieved to find," &c.

VII. — The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon, Yorkshire.
Communicated by the late GEORGE EDMTJKD STBEET, Esq., E.A., F.S.A.

Bead June 16, 1870.

IN venturing to lay before the Society of Antiquaries some notes on the archi-
tectural features of the church of Saint Augustine, at Hedon, near Hull, I have
taken it for granted that I should be excused if I did not try at the same time
to go into the archaeological history of the town or churches ; what is here
expected from an architect being, I presume, that he should prepare a simple
architectural description of the various parts of the building, such as might be
given without any knowledge at all of the men who built it, or of any docu-
mentary evidence as to the dates at which they built. The truth is that we
architects have not often the leisure necessary for the investigation of this part of
the subject, and in this case I doubt whether if I had leisure I could have learnt
much beyond what is told by Mr. Poulson in his careful History of Holdernesse.

There seem to have been originally, according to this writer, four churches in
Hedon : St. Nicholas, St. James, St. Mary, and St. Augustine ; and it is to the last
of these, which alone still stands, that I shall confine my attention.

I can find, I regret to say, no references in Poulson's book to the fabric of
St. Augustine which are of any value. We have items for the purchase of lead
and of nails, 6d. for washing " woolen surplices " for a year, .charges for mending
vestments, for the difference in cost of exchanging two " little chalices belonging
to the high altar, for two other chalices bought of Edward Clough, goldsmith, of
Lincoln," and various other similar items of churchwardens' expenditure, but
none which indicate the period at which any of the great works were undertaken
in the building.

This is much to be regretted, for, though I may state to you with tolerable
assurance what I consider the dates of the various parts of the work to be, it is
impossible to say that such statements are absolutely to be depended on, and it
is obviously somewhat difficult to say exactly where one man's work ended and

VOL. XLVIII. 2 B

186 The Church of St. Augitstine, Hedon.

another took up the thread in a building in which (as in this) works of some
kind were almost always in progress for a period of somewhere about three
hundred years.

The four churches of Hedon have but followed the fortunes of the poor old
town. This no doubt had once much trade. It has none now. It still boasts
a Mayor and Corporation, and, until the time of the Reform Bill, I believe it
returned two Members to Parliament. The main duty of its Members was at
each election to contribute something to the repair of the church, — a form of
bribery as to which one may be lenient. Nowadays there are no Members for
Hedon, but had it not been for the zeal and liberality of Mr. Christopher Sykes,
the Member for the East Hiding, who started a subscription for the repair of the
church, I should probably have had no interest in it, and should not have had to
trouble you with a Paper on it to night.

Having now said as much as seems to be necessary on this part of the subject,
I turn to that of which you will naturally expect me to speak rather more at
length, — the architectural character of the building.51

If I were not reading a Paper upon a great Yorkshire church, I should have
to dilate with no little enthusiasm upon the magnificent size and fine architectural
character of the work. Almost anywhere out of Yorkshire such a church would
be the glory of a whole county, but with Beverley and Hull, Howden, Selby,
Bridlington, Patrington, and a number of other churches in its neighbourhood
(each of which is fit in scale and architectural beauty to be used as a cathedral
church), its claims are liable to be overlooked or forgotten. Even in Yorkshire,
however, it may rank among the first of its own order, — that of parish churches, as
distinguished from the minsters, abbeys, and collegiate churches which abound in
its neighbourhood ; and to us at this day, as practical men, the study of ancient
parish churches is of even more value generally than that of any other class of
building, pressed as we are on all sides by the necessity of erecting buildings of
the same description to meet the wants of our ever increasing population.

The ground-plan of the church which I exhibit will show you at a glance the
shape of the building, whilst the shading on the walls will show roughly the
varying ages of the several portions of the structure. It will be seen how
very gradual the construction of the building was, and how much alteration
it has undergone from time to time. The men who began it had no intention

:1 Plan, PI. VII.; which Plate, made for the Yorkshire Archaeological arid Topographical Association,
is here inserted by their permission, courteously given through our Fellow, G. W. Tomlinson, Esq. their
Honorary Secretary. Elevation, PI. VIII.

The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon. 187

whatever of completing the whole church, unless they found themselves able to
do so upon a nohle scale. Fortunately, in the good old days of church building,
when faith and act were both more thorough-going than they usually are now,
there was less impatience, less desire to see rapid results, and less weak pride in
very small successes than are common among ourselves. Had it been otherwise
we should have seen no such church as this occupying this site. You all know
what we should have seen. Nowadays, hardly any one is satisfied to build a
church by degrees. Not only must a perfect plan be made, but it must be one
which, without any very great amount of self-denial, is capable of completion
within a twelvemonth ; it must be one which shall keep out wind and water for
a time, but which must sail as close as possible to the wind for fear its cost
should exceed the calculated cost per head of the people who are to use it ; a
cost which has now been so accurately calculated and tabulated that the
character of the architect to whom the work is entrusted is valued not according
to the knowledge of and feeling for his art which he displays, but according to
the cheapness of the sheds he is willing to erect ! The old Hedon architects
were as reckless of cost in the thickness they gave to their walls as they were
regardless of personal trouble in the delicacy and beauty which they gave to
their detail ; and the consequences were, first, that the work they commenced
was constantly receiving new and stately additions ; and, secondly, that in place
of a mound of rubbish (which, if the world lasts long enough, will be the only
mark of most of our buildings in three or four hundred years' time) we still have
for our study and delight a work of art which, if carefully examined, gives us a
complete epitome of all the changes of our national architecture from the end of
the twelfth to the middle of the fifteenth century ; an open book, so to say, in
which those who run may read the whole history of the greatest of the arts
during one of the most interesting periods of our national history, — of the only
art in which Englishmen have ever been surpassingly successful ; and of that art
in which, among Englishmen, Yorkshiremen have undoubtedly held the highest
place. Let me now point out in detail the order in which this work was executed
so far as the architectural character of the work enables me to do so.

The first architect about the end of the twelfth century seems to have pre-
pared a scheme for a cruciform church of about the scale of that which now exists,
There is (as far as I know) no evidence whatever that an earlier church ever
stood on the same site ; but, as the oldest part of the existing church appears to
me to date from quite the end of the twelfth century, it is probable that an
older building was standing when this was commenced, and that the south

2s 2

188 The Church of St. Augustine ', Hedon.

transept, which is the oldest portion now remaining, was first of all undertaken
in order that the older building might not he removed until there was some
portion of the new church ready for the use of worshippers. The south transept
certainly appears to be earlier in date than the chancel ; and it is usual to find
where there is no church already standing that the chancel and not a transept
was the part first of all commenced. This was natural, indeed necessary, to
men whose worship centred in the altar. And for this reason I assume with
some confidence that an earlier church did exist here before the south transept
was commenced. I believe that the south transept was commenced about A.D.
1190 — 1195 ; and that in the course of the next thirty or thirty-five years the
north transept, the chancel, the south chancel aisle, and the eastern aisles of the
transepts were all completed. So important a church no doubt had its central
steeple either really built or prepared for in the substructure ; and by the middle
of the thirteenth century the people of Hedon were able to boast of a church
whose transepts measured from north to south no less than 150 feet, a choir 57
feet long, and the base at any rate of a great central steeple. The men who
built the work so far had made their scheme with a view to a nave and aisle of
corresponding scale, measuring 51 feet wide in the clear, as is proved by the
planning of the arches in the west walls of the transepts. Here there was a
pause; the work had been so costly that no doubt men required a little breathing-
space, and it was necessary for a time to give up the attempt to complete the
work, the people meanwhile having room, enough to carry on the services, and
very probably having still standing the untouched nave of an earlier church
within the site of the present nave. It was probably about the year 1275 that
the present nave was commenced ; but its progress must have been slow, for
though the four eastern bays are of this period, the western bay, including the
west front, cannot have been completed earlier than A.D. 1325. After this there
was again a long pause ; and the next work, the new east window, was rendered
necessary, probably, by some failure in the older window; at any rate, the
greater part of the east end was taken down and rebuilt about the year 1400.
About the middle of the fifteenth century the magnificent central steeple was
erected ; soon after this a vestry was built in the angle between the choir and
its south aisle ; and, about the end of the fifteenth century, arches were inserted
under the central tower, to counteract some tendency to settlement, which had
no doubt then shown itself. The last act of all, before the Eeformation, was
one which I chronicle without commending, — the destruction of the old windows
in the south transept fa9ade, and the substitution for them of a large traceried

CHURCH OF S. AUGUSTINE,

(NORTH ELEVATIC

Published/ by Lhe Society afAnfiuqua

Vol ALVii! fl. Vlll.

Kouf d & jf t. r o y *• d

George E.dm.md* Strut, R A

HEDON, YORKS.

ries of LondLon/,1884-.

The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon. 189

window of poor character, apparently, and which had again, in its turn, been
nearly destroyed hefore I saw the church.

It needs not to chronicle the fate of the church after the end of the sixteenth
century. It was a fate only too common and too sad. As roofs decayed they were
altered and reduced in pitch, the old timbers being generally made to do service
again in a new shape ; whilst the walls, as they decayed, were either left to fall
down, or deliberately pulled down. Finally, inside the church every single ancient
feature was obscured, either by useless partitions and pews, by raising of floors
and lowering of roofs, or by reiterated coats of paint and whitewash ; and we
have, in truth, to be grateful to our forefathers for the last three centuries for
having shown no more active hostility than is implied in the utter indifference
to the whole building which induced them not more determinedly to alter or
mutilate what did not, by reason of its decay, come to ruin !

You see, therefore, by this short summary of events, that from and after the
year 1200 for 300 years the works in the church were constantly in progress, and
each generation was doing its part — and generally a noble part — towards the
complete work. This is a frequent tale as regards our old churches ; but, as I
think you will see, it is seldom that we find in any one building of moderate
scale so many good examples of work of various ages.

We will now, if you please, examine the various portions of the work more in
detail, taking them in the order of their erection, which I have thus briefly stated.
And first, let us take the Transepts. These are remarkable, not only for their fine
scale but also for the elaborate character of much of their detail. The South Transept
measures 21 feet X 36 feet 6 inch es inside, the north transept 21 feet X 37 feet
6 inches, and the latter is (as will be seen by the drawing of the plan) set some-
what askew ; rather, it would seem, in this case, owing to the carelessness of
workmen than with any mystical or symbolical intention. There was formerly
an aisle on the east side of each transept, giving space for two chapels on eacli
side. This common feature in churches of this scale and date is, however, some-
what unusually treated on the south side, where the aisle appears to have been
returned along the south side of the chancel, forming a chancel aisle. These
aisles are now almost entirely destroyed, and the only evidence of the old design
of any portion of them is to be seen inside the fifteenth -century vestry, the
erection of which against the east wall of the chancel aisle has had the good
result of preserving its east wall. The transepts of course lose much of their
effect owing to the blocking up of their eastern arches. The columns supporting
these arches are very different. In the south transept the column is a fine

190 The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon.

clustered pier of eight," with a base moulding which I commend to your notice
"because it is eminently characteristic of Yorkshire thirteenth-century work.
Observe particularly the way in which the nail-head enrichment is introduced,
and the vigorous effect of light and shade in the mouldings. Unfortunately,
owing to the raising of the floor, a portion of this base was buried, and so the
general effect was damaged, but it is now to be seen in all its old beauty of
proportion. The corresponding column in the north transept is a plain cylinder,
rude-looking by comparison with the rich and varied section of its responds.
The arches opening into the aisles of the nave are equally deserving of admi-
ration : that into the south aisle being planned with nook-shafts set in square
recesses, that into the north aisle with a succession of filleted shafts set on a
splay. It is quite worth notice that of these six arches there are no two which
are alike. The detail is varied in all, and hence the work is infinitely interesting
and worthy of examination. The love of the artist for his work is manifest
everywhere. The artist has not given place to the manufacturer ; and every
detail of the work gave pleasure, no doubt, to the man who designed it.

There are doors to both transepts. The southern door is round arched, rather
narrow in opening, and placed to the west of the centre of the front. It has
a peculiar imitation of the chevron enrichment at intervals on its label, but
the mouldings generally are of decidedly pointed character. The north tran-
sept doorway is much richer, but may best be described with the rest of the
facade — of which it forms an important part. The south transept front had unfor-
tunately been very much altered. A large window was inserted not long before
the Reformation in place of the original window, and this in its turn had been
so much mutilated and damaged as to be uninteresting in the highest degree.
Enough, however, remained of the original south wall to show that the system of
windows and string-courses which remain in the side walls was continued across
it. These side walls are divided by string-courses into three divisions in height.
The first corresponding with the aisle columns is plain walling ; the next is pierced
with simple windows, with round internal arches ; and the third, or upper stage,
has a continuous arcade carried on clustered shafts, and pierced at intervals with
windows. Passages in the thickness of the walls at this level led from the stair-
case in the south-west angle of the transept to the central steeple, and so on
again to the north transept. Here again you must notice the eccentric variations
of detail in the design. Some of the arches are divided into two, with an inter-
mediate shaft. Some are moulded, some chamfered, some enriched with nail-

* PI. IX.

Ar.chaeologia

VolXLVm PL DC.

Plan of Column
in South Transept

Klevatioii of Base

CFEeU,lah.

CHURCH OF S AUGUSTINE, MEDON, YORKS.

Published, "by the- Society of Antiquaries of London/, 188 4-.

The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon. 191

head, and some only with a single dog-tooth enrichment in the very centre of the
point of the arch.

The west wall of this south transept is the only part of it which preserves the
old design of the exterior nearly intact. Here the bays are divided by flat
buttresses, and the lower windows are simply chamfered, whilst the upper
windows are very elegant and have jamb shafts, the broad Yorkshire chamfer
next the glass, and carved capitals. The abaci of the caps throughout this tran-
sept are square and circular, the two forms being used capriciously — save that the
square abacus is oftenest used outside and the circular abacus inside the building
The whole of this transept has now been carefully restored under my direction.
The south front was in a dangerously insecure state. It has, therefore, been
rebuilt from the ground. Every thirteenth-century stone has as far as possible
been marked and restored to its old place ; and, as you will see by the elevation
before you, I have attempted to restore the whole fa9ade as nearly as I could to
its old state. The old roof was of timber, and an open roof has now been erected.
This leads to a notice of the fact that this fine church was never apparently
meant to be groined in stone, the arcading of the walls inside having been so
arranged as to make vaulting impossible.

The north transept has suffered much less than the other ; save its roof and
gable, the exterior is really in very perfect condition, and it is rarely that a more
delicate or graceful work is seen. Here, as on the other side, the wall is divided
by string-courses into a succession of nearly equal stages; but the door is more
important than the other, and placed in the centre ; and the windows in both
stages are equally ornate, and enriched considerably with dog-tooth ornaments as
well as with delicate mouldings and engaged shafts. The buttresses are varied in
design, those in front having recessed arched panels in the upper stages, and
having been finished originally with very acute gables, and one on the west side
having the broad chamfer on the a ngles, — so common a feature in the best York-
shire work. The staircase, instead of being at the angle (as it is in the south
transept), is in the west wall next to the north aisle. The mouldings throughout
this transept are very delicate and good. The common thirteenth-century enrich-
ment, the dog-tooth, is used not only in arch and jamb-mouldings, but also in
capitals and bases. It is very much to be regretted that no indication exists of
the original treatment of the gable. If this had been complete, few fronts of the
period would have been more worthy of admiration than that of this north
transept ; and in a church full of good work it is, no doubt, the part which most
of all challenges and merits our admiration.

192 The Church of St. Augustine, Sedan.

The design of the interior of this transept is not so fine as that of the exterior.
Passages are carried round the wall at two levels, and the detail of the upper
windows is as in the south transept richer than that of the lower. But there is a
poverty ahout the work which is inconsistent with the extremely ornate character
of the exterior.

Of the original tower arches nothing now is visible, though it is probable that
they still remain above the arches which were inserted under them, in order to
strengthen the work, about the time that the steeple was built. The next portion
of the work to be described is therefore —

The Chancel. — This is all of the thirteenth-century, with the exception of the
east window. It had three arches opening into its south aisle, and one arch
opening into the north transept aisle ; these are now all completely blocked. The
columns supporting them are clustered, and the detail generally very similar to
that of the transepts. The north wall is of two stages in height, the lower
stage pierced with single-light windows, the upper stage having windows con-
nected by an arcading very irregularly divided and designed. The original
buttresses are of shallow proportions and finished with gablets. A very fine
two-light window, with double shafts in the jamb and a profusion of dog-tooth
ornament, is preserved in the south wall where the vestry abuts against it ; and an
arcade of five divisions, with a lancet window pierced in the centre, which now
forms the west wall of the vestry, formed originally the east wall of the south
chancel aisle, and gives a high idea of the extreme loveliness of the work which
has been destroyed in this part of the building.

No doubt the beautiful detail of the south chancel window and the east wall
of the aisle were designed by the same man who ventured to plan the north wall
of the chancel in the somewhat irregular fashion shown on the elevation which I
exhibit. It is well therefore to notice that the artist who was so accomplished
(as every one will admit) in one part of his work allowed himself some very
decided departures from mere regularity in other portions of it. In truth he saw
no merit in regularity, except where it was convenient ; and so when he had a
long plain wall to deal with he treated it to some extent in a playful spirit—
arcading, piercing, and buttressing it as happened best to please him, and tying
himself down by no rule as to regularity either in plan or in elevation.

In fact, what one cannot help feeling in presence of such a work as this is the
extreme variety of character and interest which marks it, and the evidence thus
afforded of intense zeal and love of his work on the part of its architect or archi-
tects. The work is all far too refined and good to make it possible for us to say

The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon. 193

that it was the Avork of men who did not know the virtue of regularity or repeti-
tion of parts in architecture. I might without risk defy any one at the present
day to draw mouldings more delicately, or designed with greater appreciation of
their proper office and function ; and when we find the man who was ahle to work
so well going out of his way to vary his work everywhere, it is surely worth while
to inquire why he did so. The answer is, I believe, not very far to seek. This
love of variety is in fact only an evidence of the love of his work without which
no artist's work is worthy even of the shortest attention. It is the possession of
this and the want of it which are really the most marked distinctions between
the average architect of the present day and the average architect of the Middle
Ages. I thoroughly believe that this work at Hedon bears internal evidence
everywhere of the devotion of the artist to his art ; and I am certain that the only
way in which we can hope to do work as good as this is by working much more
in the same way and spirit instead of in the unreal and unloving mode which
modern customs have taught us to be satisfied with at the hands of two out of
three of the arts ; — painting alone at the present day being practised generally
with the belief that it is wrong for an artist not to bestow himself on his work
to the utmost of his energy, his knowledge, and his enthusiasm !

Nowhere can we modern men so well receive such lessons as in Yorkshire ;
for nowhere in Europe, in the thirteenth century, were there architects superior
to those who lived here, and, if we are ever to rival them, it can only be by
following their example exactly.

Having thus chronicled the works of the thirteenth century at Hedon, let
me now detain you for some short notice of the works of later schools and
periods.

The church, so far as we have seen its history, may have remained for many
years uncompleted. Its transepts and choir were finished, and no doubt used for
service. It is possible, of course, as I have already hinted, that an older nave
also existed. But towards the end of the. thirteenth century a new endeavour
was made to complete the church by the removal of any such earlier building
and the erection of a nave and aisles worthy of the eastern portion of the fabric.
The old ai-chitect was no doubt dead and forgotten, and his successor proceeded
to build in what was the style of the day, quite disregarding the intentions of
his predecessor, and not even adhering to the dimensions which he had marked
out for the aisles of the nave. He designed his work also upon a different and
much more economical plan than his predecessor. The elder architect had
thought little about waste of stone, about unnecessary thickness in the walls, or

VOL. XLVIII. 2 c

194

The Church of St. Augustine, Hcdon.

about mere economy in the work he was asked to do. But by the end of the
thirteenth century men had become more careful ; they asked their architects,
just as people do now, to build as economically as possible, and their architect
in this case plainly tried to comply with their demand. That his means were
limited seems to be proved by the difference in character between the western
bay and the four other bays of the nave, which seems to show that the latter
were as much as they could first of all contrive to erect, and that then a long
pause occurred before the west front was undertaken. But other evidence of
this is to be seen in the work itself. Ornamental and elaborate as the detail is
you will find that it is also economical just where the older work was lavish ;
e. y. the aisle-walls of the nave are only two feet in thickness, a dimension quite
below what we usually find in such works ; and giving, as it seems to me, too
great an air of weakness to this part of the work. On the other hand, the main
walls, and their columns and arches, are of bold dimensions ; and the scientific
character of the architect is certainly proved by the fact that here, where
strength was most required, it was supplied ; and that in the outer walls, where
no great strength was required, they were reduced to the minimum of thickness.
The detail throughout the nave is extremely interesting. The columns are not
unlike the Early English columns in the choir, but the archivolt is well and richly

moulded, and the whole detail is most
characteristic of the period. The main
arcades used to suffer much in appear-
ance owing to the nave floor being
raised about two feet above its original
level, so as entirely to conceal the fine
old moulded bases of the columns.
This, I am happy to say, is no longer
the case, the whole nave having been
rcpaved at its old level.

The detail of the jamb and arch
mouldings of the aisle windows is rich
and beautiful, and the tracery a capital

example of the Early Decorated style. The doorways, with the small windows
of spherical squares filled with tracery above them, are full of beauty ; and, in
fact, I know few examples which show better the general features of Early
Middle-pointed English work than this. I cannot praise the clerestory so much.
It seems to me to be small and insignificant for the scale of the church, and the

.IAJII5 MOULDINGS OF WINDOWS IX NAVE-AISLES.

The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon, 195

plain chamfered jambs of the windows inside do not satisfy the eye when seen
close above the rich mouldings of the nave arcade ; and I can hardly help
suspecting that before the builders reached the clerestory they had found it
necessary to economise.

If we now look at the western bay of the nave we shall at once see that it is
of later date than the rest. The window traceries are more developed, with
flowing ogee lines, and the mouldings are all later in character. What is
curious also is that this bay is larger from east to west by about 2 feet 6 inches
or 3 feet than any of the others in the nave. There seems to be no reason
whatever for this departure from uniformity, and I cannot pretend to explain it.
Externally the whole of this work is very fine. The buttresses have crocketed
pediments, and the steep roofs and west window tracery are alone wanting to
give the whole its old character.

It is well here to notice the difference in idea between this and the earlier
work. The thirteenth-century architect gives the impression that his church is
one for the use of a conventual body. His work is somewhat austere and
dignified, and too solemn for mere worldly men. The nave, on the contrary, is
the Lean ideal of one for a fine parish church, elegant and well proportioned, but
wanting in the sort of dignified severity that marks the earlier works, and
suggesting something of a worldly desire to exhibit to the greatest effect all its
gaiety, and beauties, and finery. In short, this nave is much more such a work
as might be rivalled by modern architects and builders than are the transepts or
the choir, because it seems to reflect a rather secular spirit akin to that of our
own day.

After tbe completion of the nave the men of Hedon paused again ; they had
a noble church, what need to make it nobler ? So at any rate they thought for
three-quarters of a century ; when some one undertook to put a new window in
the east end, and to buttress the choir, so as to counteract a settlement which is
still visible in the side walls. This window was one of a class which was common
in the fifteenth century in Yorkshire. Examples of it are to be seen at Beverley
and York minsters. The peculiarity consists in the addition of a second system
of monials and traceries set in a line with tbe inside face of the wall. The east
window here was certainly originally designed to be so constructed, though, if
the design was ever completely carried out, the whole of the inner tracery has
disappeared, leaving only the monials which were intended for its support.

It was about this time also that the noble central steeple, which so fitly
crowns the whole work, was undertaken. It is really difficult to speak too well of

2 c 2

196 The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon.

such a work as this. It is rich without being gaudy, stately without being heavy,
and lofty without in the least destroying the effect of size and proportion of the
church out of which it rises. We are too much in the habit of assuming nowadays
that every tower must have a spire, and that every church must be finished with
tower and spire complete before the day of its consecration. The study of such a
work as this is therefore of the greatest value if it serves to convince us that a
nobler effect may be obtained by the simple stateliness of such a scheme, than by
the weak and frivolous character of many of our cheap modern Gothic spires.
Steeples are architectural luxuries, and those who indulge in such luxuries should
do so in such a way as to command the world's admiration. It is just the part
of the building which is built mainly for display, and in which, if the display is
not good, it had better never have been attempted. So at any rate thought the
Hedon architect who reared this steeple, and who taxed the liberality of the
people, no doubt heavily, to pay for his work. I doubt whether he did not build
on the arches which were built to carry the older steeple, but he probably found
the work giving some signs of failure, and so inserted the new arches, — which we
now see, — under the old ones ; for, if these arches were inserted when he began his
wrork, there Avould not have been much reason for leaving any mark of older
work above, which, if I remember right, there is. These arches are rather plain
and bald wrhen compared with the beautiful early work with which they are
associated. Above the roof the tower rises in twx> stages, each side being divided
vertically by buttresses at the angles and in the centre. There is no horizontal
string-course dividing the whole to\ver in height, but the effects of separate stages
is produced by the repetition of the belfry windows as arched and unpierced
panels in the stage below. The parapet, though not very elaborate, is of large
proportions ; and, like the windows just mentioned, is partly pierced, partly solid.
Clusters of pinnacles at the angles and in the centre of each side crown very fitly
a noble work. The construction of this tower is very good, and the walls are
nowhere unnecessarily thick. In the belfry stage they are 2 feot 11 inches thick,
and they are built of stone and brick used together. The bricks are of the old
English dimensions, 11 inches long, 5| inches broad, and 2 inches thick. The old
weather mouldings on this steeple are valuable as marking the exact pitch of the
early roofs of the church.

No doubt, fine as the effect of this steeple is, it has defects which make it
inferior in architectural design to many examples wrhich might be mentioned.
The arrangement, for instance, of the belfry windows, two lights of which are
pierced and one solid, is not very happy. Again, the mouldings are somewhat

The Church of Si. Augustine, Eedon. 197

thin and poor in effect, and no doubt the real value of the work is its outline and
fine mass, which on all sides is seen towering high above the houses of the town,
so as to make the church a conspicuous landmark on all sides.

The steeple completed, there was not much more to be done. The people of
Hedon might well thank God for their noble church, and might fairly ask to be
allowed to rest as well as to be thankful. In truth, they did so ; for the only
work done between the building of the steeple and the Reformation was the
erection of a small sacristy at the east end of the south chancel aisle. This was
a poor room, and its one redeeming feature now is what was at first its great sin.
This is the fact that, owing to its erection against the east wall of the aisle, this
still remains, though all the rest of the aisle is destroyed.

With this work the architectural history of Hedon church may fitly end.
All that remains is to say that in succeeding ages this noble church has been
somewhat mercilessly used, defaced, or allowed to fall to decay. My object in
the works which have been in part executed lately is to do nothing but restore
the church, as far as I can, exactly to its original state. We were obliged to begin
with the restoration of the south transept, including the complete rebuilding
of its south front and the re-erection of the steep-pitched roof. Here there was,
of course, opening for discussion as to what ought to be done. If the late-
fifteenth-century window had been retained it must have been entirely new, and
restored conjecturally in most of its parts. So, though my rule is not to disturb
such additions to the original fabric, I was really obliged to do so in this case ;
and accordingly I have erected a front somewhat after the model of the beautiful
north transept, using up again all old stones in their old place in the most
scrupulous manner. After this there still remains much to be done to bring the
church into tolerable order ; but there can be little to do about which there can
be any difference of opinion. I should not think of touching the east window
except to restore the inner order of tracery, as to the existence and design of
which there need be no doubt ; whilst the restoration of the other roofs to their
old pitch is a work against which no one could cavil.

Fortunately such a church as this requires gentle treatment, and no more, to
put it back into its old state of order and beauty. There is not much room and
less necessity for ingenious additions or alterations. The old colour of the walls,
the old look of the work, must nowhere be disturbed ; and I hope that even the
most conservative of archaBologists will not be able to say when the work lias
been done that I have destroyed or altered any one portion of the work. What
I have said in this Paper will, I hope, prove that I have too much reverence for

198 The Church of St. Augustine, Hedon.

such a masterwork to do so; and I can only express a hope that the great
liberality of those who have commenced this much-needed work of restoration
will he hacked, when necessary, hy the liberality of all those who feel that our
honour is really hound up with the conservation of these great works of art, which
we are bound to hand down to our children in as fair and good a state as is
possible, without any sordid considerations of the cruel neglect with which our
predecessors have visited them.

And here shall I be pardoned if I diverge a little from the particular church
to the general subject of the preservation of architectural antiquities, on which, as
I think, the influence of this old and important Society is not exerted quite so
vigorously as it ought to be. Here, for instance, at Hedon, is a parish of
extremely small acreage, a population of about one thousand, and an endowment,
according to the Clergy List, of 45£. per annum, without any house for the priest.
The town is poor, without trade, and, I dare say, without one wealthy resident.
Now, how is it possible that such a town or parish can do all that is required to
keep such a building as I have been describing in decent repair ? Occasionally by
accident or good luck, or by some grand effort, something may be done to stave
off the evil day when the ruin of a whole fabric seems imminent. This is exactly
what has happened at Hedon. In a year or two the front of the south transept
might have fallen had it not been rebuilt. In a few more years the ruin of the
beautiful nave will be imminent, unless some external help is afforded. Then
what external help has such a building a right to demand ? Has it a claim of
any kind on any one on higher grounds than mere personal or local attachment ?
Surely if in all foreign countries it is found prudent and necessary to inscribe
certain buildings on a list of public monuments to be cared for by the State, there
may at any rate be some exceptional cases — such as this of Hedon — in which
even in this self-governing country the Government might step in to save that
which the people on the spot are unable or unwilling to save. Any one interested
in our national antiquities has only to examine the state of many buildings from
time to time in order to arrive at a very certain conclusion, that many of them
are suffering a steady deterioration. This is especially the case with our ruined
abbeys and castles. By accident, one may almost say, they have fallen into the
hands of their present owners. Their roofs have been stripped of lead, their
windows of glass, their walls of copings and buttresses. Each autumn a
saturated wall paves the way for the disruption of some portion of the walls
during the winter frosts ; and each fragment that falls makes the fall of some-
thing else more certain and more serious in its consequences. Within the life-

The Church of St. Augustine, Sedan. 199

time of men still alive Whitby Abbey has lost its central steeple. What should
we say if we heard that some other grand erection — such, e.g. as the steeple of
Fountains — was likely also to come to ruin solely or mainly for lack of its roof ?
How can we measure the loss to history or to art of any one of these features of
an old architecture? And if there is any risk in regard to these buildings of
which every one is so proud, what shall we say of the prospects of those of which
only a few of us know of the existence or the value ? It is our own age that
has seen the Guesten Hall of Worcester converted into a ruin by the removal of
its exquisite roof. And such a step as this was taken, unless I much mistake,
in spite of a protest from the Society of Antiquaries, by the authority of its
guardians — a corporate body of dean and canons !"

I am sure I speak the feeling of most of the Fellows when I say that we
ought on all occasions to offer the most hearty opposition to any attempt to
deal in this way with any of our ancient buildings. It seems to me, indeed, that
such a Society as ours, with its old and complete organization, its prestige, its
wealth, is one of the natural guardians of all our English antiquities. I, with
many others, wish to see it active not only in such curious archaeological
questions as generally engage its attention, but still more in jealous care for, and
earnest promotion of the study of, those objects of national art which are in
themselves more noble and more interesting, and in their influence on mankind
far more valuable and serious. The success of our school of architectural art in
this country depends mainly upon the conservation of every portion of our
mediaeval antiquities. And it seems to me that the Society of Antiquaries might
well do more than it has latterly done with this view. Where, if not here,
should we expect to find a careful catalogue of every single ancient building in
this country ? Where, if not here, should we find the machinery for forming
such a catalogue? And with such a catalogue in existence do you not think that
one great step would be taken towards instructing the owners of ancient monu-
ments in the best way of preserving them, and in suggesting to them a greater
reverence than they now have for what they possess ? If the Society of Anti-
quaries could and would do some such work as this, I should hope, in course of
time, to see some steps taken to prevent the destruction of any ancient building
without the consent of some really competent constituted authority. At least,
if the Society cannot of its own resources undertake so important a work, could
it not very properly entreat Government to extend the inquiry commenced last

a See Proc. Soc. Ant., 2cl S. vol. i. pp. 178-184.

200 The Church of Si. Awjustine, Hedon.

year, I believe, into the remains of royal monuments— an inquiry in which our
Society took an active part. Some steps, also, I should hope to see taken for the
repair of buildings of vast interest, and wholly beyond the means of those who
are directly responsible for them. Not only should entire buildings be cata-
logued, but equally should their fittings and furniture be included. If this had
been done long ago perhaps we should have lost less than we have. Museums
might have been poorer; but, as the interest of old things is always greatest in
their old places, art would not have suffered. Brasses would not' so often have
been torn from floors to adorn the collection of an antiquary ; old tiles would
still lie where they did of yore ; old stained glass windows would not be seen in
numerous curiosity-shops, and the shops of repairers, but would still adorn our
old windows.

Some of you may think that all this is very unnecessary. My experience
tells me just the reverse. It has been my happiness from time to time to save
many an old building from the destruction with which it has been threatened.
Especially is this destruction likely where incompetent architects are employed
to restore ancient buildings ; and it is good policy, therefore, whenever any one
advises such destruction, at any rate to take a second opinion as to whether such
a course is absolutely unavoidable.

You must pardon the liberty I have taken in straying from Hedon church
into so very wide and general a subject. I have ventured to do so because I
notice that architects like myself, who live, so to speak, among these old build-
ings, do not generally appear to take so active a part in the proceedings of this
Society as they ought. And because the consideration of so glorious a church in
so poor a case led naturally, as it seemed to me, to the question whether the
Society of Antiquaries could not do a great work and enlist our most active
sympathy by influencing popular opinion in favour of more vigorous measures for
the support and preservation of fine examples of English art than have hitherto
been taken, either by Government or, generally speaking, our ecclesiastical
authorities.

VIII, — Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house in the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries, in the possession of Captain HERVBY GEORGE
ST. JOHN-MILDMAY, R.N., of Hazelgrove House, Somerset. Com-
municated by the Rev. JAMES ARTHUR BENNETT, B.A., F.S.A.

Read Feb. 5, 1880.

THE following Papers, relating to the Crown Jewels and Plate in the times
of Elizabeth, James I., and Charles I., are a selection from a number of Jewel-
house Accounts and Papers, which are now in the possession of Captain Hervey
George St. John-Mildmay, B.N., of Hazelgrove House, Somerset. The full
catalogue will be found in the Seventh Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission.

This collection has but lately come to light, and is, I believe, the most com-
plete, if it is not the only, set of documents now known to be in existence, Avhich
relate to the times when the magnificent gold and silver plate, which belonged to
the Crown at the beginning of the reign of Charles I., was dispersed.

Before going further into any account of these papers, I should wish to
acknowledge the obligations that I am under to our Fellows, Mr. John Charles
Robinson and Mr. Charles Trice Martin, for assistance and information,
and to Mr. Samuel Rawson Gardiner for his kindness in adding some historical
notes.

Mr. Carew Hervey Mildmay, of Marks, in the Liberty of Havering, Essex,
was the original owner of the papers. The following Pedigree explains his name,
and their transmission to the present, time.

VOL. XLVIII. 2 D

202 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house

Sir George Hervey of Marks, Knt. Lieutenant of the Tower of London, d. 1605.

Margaret (Hervey), Elizabeth (Hervey), Sir Gawen Hervey, Knt. ; d. 1 Feb. 1026-7, s. p. leaving as

1st" daughter, m. 6th daughter, m. coheirs-at-law Sir T. Mildmay and E. Coote, but devising

William'Mildrnay. Nicholas Coote. his estates to C. Mildmay.

Sir Thomas Mildmay, Knt. Carcw Mildmay, sworn Groom of the King's Jewels and Plate, 5 May, 1625;

his kinsman Sir Henry Mildmay, Knt. being then Master of the Jewel-
house. On acquiring his uncle's estates. 1 Feb. 1626-7, he took the
surname of Hervey before or in place of his own."

Jane Mildmay, 5th in descent and 1st coheir, m. Sir II. P. St. John, Bart,
who thereupon took the surname of Mildmay after his own.

^T^

Paulet St. John-Mildmay.

Hervey George St. John-Mildmay, Captain R.N. owner of the Jewel-house Papers in 1880.

When King Charles left London in 1642, the other officers of the Jewel-house
followed him, hut Carew Hervey Mildmay remained in London, and kept his
charge until he was forcibly turned out of it in 1649. It was in this year that a
Parliamentary Committee called upon Sir Henry Mildmay to render accounts
of his charge. The materials for these accounts were supplied by Mr. Mild-
may, and it would seem that some of these papers now under consideration are
either such materials — namely, rough notes and extracts from the office-books
which were made for the purpose of these returns — or copies of the accounts
rendered. It is quite possible that some of the office-books are still in existence,
for Mr. Mildmay complains in one of his notes that the books which remained
were taken from him in 1649 by the Parliamentary Committee. But these books,
if they ever should be found, would give but a very imperfect account of the
Jewel-house, for Mr. Mildmay complains in another paper that even he found it
difficult to make an accurate return, for that many of the office-books had been
destroyed " when the soldiers first came to London, and the office was made a
suckling-house, common to all sorts."

As to Mr. Mildmay himself, it would appear that he occupied a difficult and
uncertain position. Though nominally a servant of the King, and left in charge
of the Jewel-house by him, and executing orders transmitted to him from the
King, yet he is not without sympathy for the Parliament ; he held a command for

:l He became a Verclcrer of the Forest of Essex, State Papers, Dom. 1639, Mar. 26.

in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 203

a time upon the Parliamentary side in Essex, and also contributed money and
arms. His own explanation, in a memorandum of his services and claims, drawn
up at the Restoration, is, that he only accepted the command for the purpose of
maintaining tranquillity in Essex ; and he says that he never fought, nor ever
would fight, against the King ; and he declares that at a later time he opposed,
at the risk of his life, and opposed with success, " the develish petition " desiring
the execution of the King, which Colonel Pride and others had brought before a
meeting of the gentlemen of Essex.

But whatever may have been his difficulties in striving to reconcile the con-
flicting claims of his absent master, the King, and the powers in possession, it is
at least clear that he is determined to be faithful to his charge of the Jewel-
house. He may be ready to co-operate with the Parliamentary powers for the
recovery of valuables which have been taken away, or not returned, by some
of the King's servants, but he is not at all inclined to admit the claim of the
Parliament itself, when its Commissioners seek to put themselves into the place
of the King. Letters from the Commissioners, and peremptory orders from
them, desiring him "to deliver up the offices," "to appear before them," "to
deliver up his keys," &c. come to Mr. Mildmay one after another in the year
1649, but upon letter after letter appears the endorsement, in Mr. Mildmay's own
hand, " not obeyed," " not obeyed," " Sir Henry Mildmay came himself and
delivered up the keys " ; and then, at last, it is noted, " They break into the office
and commit me to the Fleet."

As a specimen of the correspondence a copy of one of these letters is inserted
here : —

SIR,

Wee were waitinge at the Tower this morning to have delivered over to the contractors the
plate in your custody, where wee received an unsatisfactory answer from you, whereby wee are
put upon such a straite as wee know not what to doe, the publication beeinge past for the sale of
it, the plate beeinge the first resolved upon for sale, before either the Upper Jewel-House or any
other duplicate bee meddled with, and the publication cannot bee now recalled. AVherefore wee,
with the contractors, beeinge sensible of the very great prejudice that is likely to fall out to the
publike by your failinge to meet with us, we concluded to send our messenger on purpose to you
to desire you not to faile to meet us at the Tower on Saturday next, aboute nine of the clock in the
morninge, where wee may doe what should have been done this day. If you come not then, or
send not your keys, which you. have direction from Sir Hen. Mildmay to doe, we must be forced
against our wills to follow the direction of the Act. Wee hope wee so well understood our

2D 2

204 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house

business that wee shall doe what may bee most advantagious to that service wee are imployed in.
Wee remaine this 20 Septemb. 1649, Yours,

N. LEMPRIERE.
Sir, — You must please to HENRY . . .

take notice that there must JOHN FFOCHE.

be a good deale of time in PH. CARTERET.

sortinge the plate before it

can bee fit to shew, and WILL. ALLEN.

after that some days for the HENRY PARRE.

buyers to looke upon it. JOHN HEILES.

Before coming to any remarks upon the several papers which are presented
here, I should wish to point out that, though the originals are many in number,
yet that they do not form any connected general statement of the affairs of the
Jewel-house between 1625 and 1649. They are evidently only a part of a much
larger number of extracts and notes from the office-books. Many of the entries
also occur again and again. Instead, therefore, of copying out all the papers, a
I'ew only of the most complete, or of those which seem to be the most interesting,
are presented here ; but these are copied verbatim from the originals, even though
this may involve some repetition.

The papers are of two kinds or periods ; those which existed before, and those
which were drawn up in consequence of, the Parliamentary inquiry — those which
record objects and transactions in the reigns of Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I.,
and those which record the like during the Commonwealth and at the Restoration.

The only papers in the collection which give any account of plate in the
time of Elizabeth are four in number; being three "certificates" indifferent
hands of certain presents given by her from the 30th to the 44th years of
her reign, and a list of christening gifts from her, the first dated as of her
30th year. 3?or illustration of the names in these papers see Nichols's Progresses
of Queen Elisabeth.

A Ccrtyficatc of Presents given by Queene Elizabeth from the thirtieth until the last year of her
raigne to Ambassadors, Agents and Gent1, sent from fforraine Princes & att Christenings.

Sweden. Given to an Ambassador from Duke Charles of Sweeden, A° 30 Eliz. A chaine Oz.

of gold ....... po}. 16 gold

Fesse. To an Ambassador from the kinge of ffesse, A° 31 Eliz. A chaine of gold po}. 45 gold

in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.

205

oz.

Wcttcmberg. To the Duke of Wettemberg, A° 32 Eliz. in gilt . . .400 plate

France. To Monsr vidnm de Chartoys, Ambassad. from the kinge of France, 36 Eliz. in

gilt plate . . . . . . po}. 650 plate

France. To Monsr d'Beauvois Ledger Ambassad. from the kinge of ffrance, 37 Eliz. in

gilt plate ....... p0}. 2200 plate

Bullon. To the Duke of Bullen, A° 39 Eliz. in gilt plate . . . 3000 plate

[ To the Chancell1' of Denmarke, Ambassad. A° 40 Eliz. in gilt plate . po}. 900 plate

Denmarke. ) To Christian Barracowe, Ambassade ffrom the kinge of Denmarke, A° 40 Eliz.

in gilt plate ...... po}. 850 plate

Italian. To John Virginio, duke of Bracciano, an Italian, A° 43 Eliz. A cupp and

cover of gold . . . . . . .26 gold

France. To Monsr Boysire Ledger Ambassador from the kinge of ffrancc, A° 44 Eliz.

in gilt plate ....... 1500 plate

Germany.
Denmark.

Denmark.
Sweedcn.

Holland.

Denmark.

France.

France.
Denmark.

Wettemberg.

Sweeden.

Holland.

2. — Gent1 and Messengers.

oz.

Given to a Gent1 sent from Duke Cashmere, A° 30 Eliz. A chaine of gold . po}. 22

Given to a Gent1 sent from the kinge of Denmarke, A" 31 Eliz. A chaine of
gold ........ po}. 10

To a gent1 sent from the kinge of Denmark, A° 31 Eliz. A chaine of gold . po}. 14

To Theophilus Homodius, Dr of the law, sent from Duke Charles of Swcedcn, A" 33
Eliz. A chaine of gold ...... po}. 14

To Mr. Burylake, a Gent' sent out of the Lowe Countries, A° 33 Eliz. A chaine of
gold ........ po}. 18

To Geo. Schomaker, Dr of the law, sent from the kinge of Denmark, A" 33 Eliz.
A gold chaine ...... po}. 14

To Monsr Gedenere, a gent1 sent from the kinge of France, A" 36 Eliz. A chaine of
gold ......... 20

To a ffrench gent1, A° 39 Eliz. A chaine of gold . . . .18

To Hanse Keweam, secretary to the Chancellor of Denmark, Ambassad. A° 40 Eliz.
A chaine of gold . . . . . . . .22

To Adam. Vinam, a gent1 sent from the Duke of Wettemberg, 40 Eliz. A chaine of
gold ........ po}. 10

To John Nicholaij a gent1 sent from the Duke of Sweeden, A° 41 Eliz. A chaine of
gold ........ poj. 17

To Monsr Caron, agent for the state of Holland, A° 42 Eliz. A chaine of gold po}. 68

oz.

206 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house

3. — Presents to Gent1 & Ambassadors.

Swede. 30 Eliz. To a Ambassador from Duke Charles brother to kinge of Sweeden, A chaine

of gold . . .... po}. xvi gold

Hesse. 31 Eli/.. A Ambassador from the kinge of ft'esse, A chaine of gold . . . xlv gold

To Count Whittembirge, in gilt plate .... iiiic

To Duke Philip, in gilt plate . . . . cc

To Mons1' Durant, in gilt plate ..... cxiiij

To Monsr Vidam de Chartois, in gilt plate .... viclvij
To Mons. de Beauvois, Ambass. from yc ffrench king, in gilt plate . iii iii cc

To the Duke of Bullion, in gilt plate . . . iij iij iij iiijxx x

To Christian Barracow, sent from yc kinge of Denmark, in gilt plate . viijcl

To Monsr Bloysire, in gilt plate . . . . . iij vc

Christninge.

txt.

•30 Eliz. To the Lord S' John Hallatt his child, in gilt plate . . . xxvij

To Mr Harrington's child, in gilt plate . . . po}. xxx1

To Sir Richard Knightley sonne, in gilt plate .... xxiij

To the Lord Ritches child, in gilt plate . . . . li

To the Lord AVentworth his child .... po}. xxvj

To the Sir Oratio Palavisino his child .... liiij

To Sir Robert Sydney his child ..... xlij

To Mr Henry Mordaunt child .... poj. xl

To Sir Thomas West his child . . . . . Iv

To the Earl of Northumberland his child .... clxviij

To Sir Edward Winter his child ..... Ixiiij

To Mr Barkley his child ..... pO5. Ixx

To the Lord Winsor his child .... poj. liiij

To Mr Henry Colford his child ..... cviij
To Sir Thomas Germaine his child . . . . .1

To the Lord Herbert his child . . . . . Ix

Earl of Ormond, Robert Sewell, Earl of Kildare, Earl of Darby, the Landesgrave von Hest,
Arnold Whitfield, Earl of Northumberland, & Count de Beaumont, all scratched out.

Endorsed — A coppy of little use, for one more perfect of 18 Dec. 1629.

in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 207

The occasion of the issue of plate for the service of Anne of Denmark, Queen
of James I., by the list and letter following, is noticed in Nichols's Progresses
of James I. (1828), vol. ii. p. 460, as follows :—

From London, on the llth of August, 1612, Mr. [John] Chamberlain thus writes to Sir
Dudley Carleton : —

" The Queen begins her Progress to-morrow to Windsor ; and so by Sir Robert Dormer's
Ascot House, in Wing, Bucks, and Sir Richard Blount's, Maplcdereham, Oxfordshire, to [meet
the King at] Woodstock."

It further appears from the present letter, that the Queen was officially
attended on her progress by John Lord Harrington of Extoii. The signature to
the letter is that of Sir Henry Gary, Master of the Jewel-house at the time. His
name, and that of Mr. Pigeon, appear at the foot of a Jewel-house document,
printed in Nichols's Progresses of James I. vol. i. p. 607.

Plat for her grac service this pgrac to Woodstocke:
Basons ij.
Ewers ij.

Flagons for bere ij.
Flagons for wine ij.
Boles iiij.
Salts ij.
Spounes xij.
Candelsticks vj.

Mr Pidgeon — I praye fayle not to [illegible] theise pcells for her Grace's service, and lett
this remayne with you for a warrant, that whensoever my Lord Harrington shall send for any-
thing in the office you make no scruple of my absence or farther privitye but deliver it as if my
Lord Cliamberlayn sent his warrant, and I will undertake to get it allowed afterwards.

Soe I rest

Yr well wishing ITreind,

Maribone p'ke this H. CARYE.

20th of August, 1612.

The first paper of Charles's reign is dated October 26, 1625, and consists
of five pages, containing a minute description of each one of forty pieces of rich
plate, "wonderful masterpieces of goldsmith's work." All this great treasure is
said to be given by the King's " express command to the Duke of Bucking-
ham, and carried into Holland." An enormous value is put upon it, 200,000/.

208 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house

And there is no slip or mistake in these figures, for the same thing is repeated in
several different papers, and once the value is given in words as well as in
figures. Indeed, that the value of the Crown jewels was very great, and that
this transaction was known and not approved of, is well put by Sir John Eliot,
in his great speech in Parliament on the 27th of March, 1626 : —

That we might view [he says] that ancient garden, and those sweet flowers of the crown !
That we might see them even what they are now become ; and how, the enclosure being let down, it
is made a common pasture ! Would that such a commission might be granted, if only that we
then could search for the treasures and jewels that were left by that ever blessed princess of never
dying memory, Queen Elizabeth! Oh, those jewels! The pride and glory of this kingdom!
which have made it so far shining before others ! Would that they were here, within the compass
of these walls, to be viewed and seen by us, to be examined in this place ! Their very name and
memory have transported me. — Forster's Sir John Eliot, 1864, vol. i. p. 523.

There are two patents, dated respectively the 7th and 16th December, 1 Car.
1625, in favour of George Duke of Buckingham and others, each containing
the list of plate and jewels delivered out of the Jewel-house on the 26th October
previous, of which list that among the Mildmay papers is doubtless a draft."
These patents being printed, the first with the list as finally settled, in Rymer's
Fcedera, 1726, vol. xviii. pp. 236 and 216, it seems superfluous to print a draft
list now. The later patent authorised the pledging of the plate and jewels to the
Lords of the United Provinces for 300,000/.b

In Hist. MSS. Commission Report, VIII. App. Pt. i. p. 209, is printed in full
length a royal warrant, dated December 5, 1634, for a commission to Sir W.
Eoswell and Nathaniel Gerrard to redeem certain jewels remaining in Holland
impawned for 13,000/. and yet unsold or undisposed of, to sell them, and with

a The very interesting fact that two of these splendid pieces were at least as early as the time of
Henry VIII. has been pointed out to me by our Fellow, Mr. Martin. He lias informed me that " the
cup of golde called 'the Dreamc of Parris '," and "the Salte of golde called the 'Morris Dance','1
are both described in the "Account of the Jewels delivered by the widow of Rob' Amadas, late Master

of the Jewels, to Thos Cromwell on his appointment in 1532." — Chapter-house book, -5- Since Mr.

•j !• •
Martin gave me this information I have myself examined the Inventory, but have not been able to identify

any other pieces.

b A patent dated 29th August, 5 Car. 1G2(J, authorised the redemption of some of the jewels pledged
in Holland out of the proceeds of the sale of some ordnance to the Lords of the United Provinces. —
Hid. vol. xix. p. 99.

in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Cent/tries. 209

the proceeds of sale to redeem certain other jewels there, worth 64<,000£. All
these jewels are said to he part of those entrusted to the Duke of Buckingham
"in the first year of our reign to dispose of for taking up money in the Low
Countries for our use."

It is certain, as Mr. Gardiner points out in the note below, that the project
of 1625 was never carried out in its entirety.3

The next step in the dispersion of the Crown jewels and plate is a sale
authorised hy patent under the Great Seal to take place at the Tower in 1620.

Two parcels of plate are sold, one of 20,000 ozs. the other of 20,325 ozs. A
list of the latter remains among these papers, dated 25th August, heing a
draft of that printed, as finally settled, hy Nichols in his Manners and Expenses
of Antient Times, 1797.

In consequence of letters patent, dated 13th Sept. 2 Car. 1626, to Sir
Henry Mildmay, for delivery of 20,000 ozs. or thereabouts of plate to John
Acton, the King's goldsmith, indentures were made two days afterwards between
those two persons on such delivery, mentioning the particular pieces and their
weights. The indenture, signed by Mildmay and delivered to Acton, came into
the possession of William Herrick, Esq. of Beaumanor, Leicestershire, who per-
mitted it to be printed as above stated. It is well worth perusal.

There is "An Accompt of the Plate in general, total 22,737 : 3," dated 1626 ;
whether made before or after the sale at the Tower does not appear. It contains
no particulars of interest.

" A note taken out of the Jewel-house Book the last daie of January, 1G32,

a It appears from the despatches of Sir Dudley Carleton (titate Papers, Holland) that it was found
impossible to complete the transaction. Only a certain part of tlie plate was taken. In a paper in the
Harleian MSS. 3796, fol. 27, it is stated that there were, in 1035. 4<>,(i<>0/. worth of jewels in pawn,
'there was a privy seal, dated December 15, 1035, for 47,500Z., for the redemption of jewels, and Job
Harby, a London merchant, was employed to go into Holland to bring them back ; and the following
entry in the Pells Declarations, Mich. 1635-6, shows that the money was actually paid to him :

" .lob Harby, merchant, on his accompt to be by him disbursed for the redempcion of such his Ma'1
Jewells as remaine impawned with divers merchants of Amsterdam and others in the Low Countries per
breve dat. xvth Decembris, 1C35 .... 47,5<i<>f." See also State Papers, Dom. 1<! Dec. 16:35.

As there is no entry of the money being repaid to the Exchequer we may conclude that the jewels
were actually redeemed. It therefore follows that the statement in a letter of .lune 26, 1(!60 — that "there
is a Dutch ambassador coming over with very rich presents : a suit of gold plate, two of silver plate, and
all the jewels of the crown that were pawned there " (Hist. MSS. Report, V. App. p. 154) — refers to a
second pledging of the jewels at the time of the Civil War. — (S.R.G.)
VOL. XLVIII. 2 E

210 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house

of all the plate in the Mr's pn." The weight is 3,410 ozs. Sir Henry Mildmay
still had this plate, or a similar quantity, in his possession in 1649, and then paid
the value of it to the Parliamentary Committee, and retained it as his own. No
portion of it, however, is known to be now in the possession of the family. It
was probably reclaimed by the Crown in 1660.

Plate delivered out of the office of the Jewel-house for the service of the
Princesses, the King's children ; the lists are merely of ordinary pieces for daily
use, without special descriptions, and are headed and dated thus : —

1639, July 27. To Mrs. Susan Fulcher for the service of the Princess Elizabeth.

To Mr. Robert Carr, page to the Princess Elizabeth.
1639. To Mrs. Conant for the Princess Anne, in the hands of the Lady Pioseborrow.

More of it the Countess of Dorset had as governess.
1639. To Mrs. Mary De la Gard for the Princess Mary.

To Alexander Taylor, yeoman of the pantry to the Princess Mary.

To AVilliam Langlcy, yeoman of the Princess's chaundry.

To Jeremiah Gregory, yeoman of the field to the Princess.

1645, Nov. 21. Plate delivered out of the office of Jewel-house for the service of Henry Duke of

Gloucester and the Princess Elizabeth, by order of both Houses of Parliament, llth Sept.
1645.

5 eP ' \ Delivered for the service of Henry Duke of Gloucester.

1645.6, March 18th. j

f Aug. 30th. ^

1646, < Oct. 29th. > For the service o£ the Duke of York.
I Nov. 10th. )

1647, Sept. 29th. Taken out of the Jewel-house in the Tower by order of the Committee of

lievenue for the service of His Majesty at Hampton Court.

1649, June 22nd. An account, signed by the Earl of Northumberland, of plate lost in the
service of the King's children.

Plate delivered out of the Jewel-house of the charge of Sir Henry Mildmay
(whose patent as Master began 1618) : —

Plate to the value of 236,797Z. 10s. ~2d. besides the Duke of Bucks.

oz. dwt. grs.
25 July IfilS. Vicessimo quinto Julii xv Jacobi 1618. Given by his Mati0 to Conde de

Gondemer Ambr Ledger from the king of Spaine in gilt plate of severall sorts
partc of the charge of Sir Henry Mildmay of the Jewel House . . 1998 3 1

21 ffeb. 161«. Given by the Queen's Matie 21st ffebruary xv Jacobi 1618 to be presented

at the Christening of the Prince Palatine's second sonne one cupp and cover of
gold . . . . . . . 305 0 0

in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 211

17° Jacobi IS*1" Given 18° November xvij Jacob! 1618 to Pietro Contarim Ambr from the oz. dwt. grs

State of Venice in gilt plate . . 1500 0 0

18° Dec. 1620. Delivered to Mr. John Aston the king's goldsmith xiij Dec. 1620 by

warrant from Henry Viscount Mandeville Lord High Treasurer of England and
the Vice Chancellor in gold plate . . . 827 0 1

Eodm die et anno. Delivered more then by that order in silver plate set with stones and gar-
nished with mother of pearl . . . . . 2818 3 1

22 Marcii 1622. Delivered xxij Marcii 1622, to Sir Nowell Caron Knt. one of the Com[mis-

sioners] of the States from the Low Countries in faire gilt plate . . 503 0 0

2° Mail 1623. Given the second of May 1623 by the kinge's owne hands to the Ladie

Marquesse of Buckingham a cupp of gold and cover enameled with a cupp of
Assay suitable oz. 7966 : 3 : 1 . . . . . . 14 0 0

2° Mail 1623. Delivered and given by his Malic the ij of May 1623 to Baron Dona Arnbr

from the Kinge of Bohemia in fayer gilt plate .... 1504 0 0

16 Nov. 1624. Given by the King's Matic 16 Nov. 1G24 to one Bonner keeper of the silk-

worms, one gilt cupp and cover . . . . 17 o 0

5 April 1625. Given by his Matio to the Earl of Kelly v" Aprill 1625 severall parcells of

plate used in the Kinge's bedchamber at the time of his death . . 381 3 0

10 Jnnii 1625. Delivered to the Kinge's owne hands x Junii 1625 a standish of silver gilt

curiously wrought . . . . . . 49 0 0-

28 Nov. 1625. Delivered xxviij November 1625 to the Duke of Buckingham by the Kinge's

express comunds divers parcels of gold plate sett with stones by Indenture under
the Duke's owne hand. Valued at least to lee worth the some of 200, 0001.

11 Junii 1626. Delivered to the King's Matie and by him given to the Queen xi Junii 1626

one cupp and cover of christall ovall fashion with two lipps and yeares of gold

and a ringe of christall . . . . . 27 0 0

Eodm die et anno. Delivered then to his MatlC and by him given to the Quccnc one bowlc of

christall with a cover garnished with gold . . . 20 0 (k

Eodmdie et anno. Delivered then to his Majestic and by him given t.o the Qucene a broken cupp

of christall with a cover of gold garnished with fFroggs and wasps and dayzie?

and flowers in the topp of the cover . ... 12 0 <)'

13 September Delivered by vertue of the Kinge's Lrcs Patents dated the xiij dayof'Sep-

1626. tember 1626 to Mr. John Acton goldsmith to the Kinge in silver and gilt plate .20,022 0 1

28 Decem. 1626. Delivered xxviij December 1626 to hisMatics own hande a silver standish with

a drawer, box and dust box . . . 83 3 0

13 Oct. 1026. Delivered by vertue of the Kinge's Letters Patents dated xiij Oct. 1626 to

John Acton goldsmith to the Kinge in silver and gilt plate in divers parcells . 20,003 0 Ob

12 ffebr. 1628. Delivered to William Kirke, given him by a warrant under the Kinge's owne

hand xij ffebruary 1628 in silver plate of severall parcells . 397 19 0

R b The two parcels mentioned two pages back.

2 E 2

212 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house

oz. dwt. grs.
Given by his Matic owne hands to the Queene xxix of September 1629 one

faier silver basket of wyer worke with the Kinge's armes in yc bottome . 414 0 0

Eodm die ct anno. Given then by his Matic owne hand to the Queene one gilt shipp and cover

with a manikin on the topp . . . . . 411 3 1

13 Julii 1630. Given xiij July 1630 to Collonell Daniell Dumany sent from the lunge of

Sweden one chayne and meddall of gold . . . .5880

24 July 1632. Given by his Matie xxiiij July 1632 to the Lady Mary Crofts in faire gilt

plate . . . . . . . . 1750 0 0

24 Nov. ]634. Given by his Malie warrant dated xxiiij Nov. 1634 to Sir Henry Wotton knt.

scverall parcelis of gilt plate ...... 715 1 1

Delivered by his Matics warrant dated xi July 1638 to Henry Lawton Clerke

of the Kinge's Closet two altar candlesticks . . . .5730

30 April 1641. Given by the Kinge to the Princess Mary at her marriage with the Prince of

Orange a castinge bottle of christall garnished with gold rubies and diamonds

and a chayne with letters All. . . . . .800

A list for the Parliamentary Trustees to aid them in recovering such
of the King's plate and jewels as were outstanding in the hands of various
persons : —

23 Nov. 164'.). This Lyst delv'1 in to ye Trustees for Sale of yc K. Goods.

Plate belonging to y° late King, remayning in the hands of the severall persons heeraftci
menconed. Taken out of ye Jewel-house.

lndcnt- Mr. G. Kirke, Gent, of yc Robes. „,. awt. K™.

May 1685.

A collar of gold of yc Order .... poj. 35 0 0

A George of gold garnished wth dyamonds . . . .722

April 1635- Sent back from Sweden.

A collar of gold of yc Order contayninge 23 roses and 23 knotts.
A George of gold set all over with faire dyamonds.
A lesser George of gold sett all over on both sides wth dyamonds.
A garter, richly set with dyamonds.

May 15 1620. The Earl of Annandell.

A silver standish wth drawers .... po}. 78 1 8

A gilt standish ...... po;,. 34 2 0

One standish- of gold presented to yc King by ye Countesse of Oxford po}. 35 0 0

A collar and George of gold, set wth stones . . . 42 2 2

in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 213

oz. ilwt. grs.

One standish of silver . . . . . 78 I 2 )

One gilt standish . . . . . 34 2 0 j Produced-

4 March 1641. ^e IJ°rcl Fawkland, Secretary.

A bason and ewer, 2 pr of flaggons, a pott, a gilt bole, 2 candlesticks, a salt, m. dwt, grs.
12 trencher plates, 12 spoones, 14 dishes .... po}. 992 1 0

6 Auij. 1G41. Sir Peter Wich, Comptroller.

In plate and vessels, by ye hands of Mr R' Squib, his secretary . . 1307 2 0

M) Doc. 1G41. Tlle Lord Sav'ile, Trer.

\Ir W. Rosse and Twenty dishes and one pott . . . . . 1089 3 0

L'h" Grant hands

or it Sir J" Burrowes, K. at Arines.

1<;;3<;. A crowne of gold ..... po3- 22 0 0

A chaine of gold . . . . . . .600

A jewel of gold and garnished . . . . 3 21 17

1C,28. The Earle of Dorset as Ld Chamberlain to yc Q.

Three dozen of trencher plats ..... 482 0 0

1628. The Countesse of Dorset, as governesse to the ye Duke of Yorke.

In plate ....... 267 1 0

The Earle of Holland, Groom ofyc Stoole.
Eighteene silver dishes of severall sorts .... 1004 14 0

1611). Lord Wootton, Ambassador to Venice.

In plate . . . . . . 715 0 0

JU24 Sir Isaac Wake, Ambassador to Venice.

In plate . . . . . . . 711 () 0

The Lord Moreton.
Lent him 6 silver dishes ...... 261 3 0

The Earle of Munmoth.

i o i y.

A rapier hilt chape and handle of gold . . . po}. 17 1 18

To Mr Th° Watkins. for yc service of yc Prince of Orange.
In plate, 7 trencher plates . . . . . 118 0 0

KJ19. To yc Ld Chamberlin Pembroke.

A folding table covered all over with silver plate ingraven. Without weight.

214 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jeioel-house

oz.

A gilt standish, with boxes and counters, wout wg!lt.

A fountain of silver gilt cont. a bason with 3 satyrs ye one a woman wth a
flagg . . . po}. 376 3 0

My lord produceth a full discharge under yc hands of Fr. Layton and Aston
upon yc payment of 1501. to J° Acton.
1645. To yc E. of Northumberland and lost in service .... 212 0 0

Tun 164d ^r' ^d Aston charge an officer in y° Jewel-house.

Suffolk cup and cover . . 25 0 0

A cup of assay of gold . . • 5 3 2 (

ifi 9 2 In gold, po3. 82 2 0

A gold salt . . • 10 ^ -2 i

A gold cupp and cover . . 35 0 0 •

And many others, chiefly members of the Household.
Note at ike end : —

Ye pticulers eld in to yc Trustees, 28 Dec. 1619.

In gold plate . . 314 3 2 ) Valued at 100(W.

In silver plate . 29150 1 0 j in money 7300/.

Two statements concerning the royal plate and jewels drawn up in reference
to the inquiry by the Parliamentary Trustees :—

An Abstract and Collection of Plate taken out of Sir Hen' Mildmay's office of Jewel-house by
several order & command of K. James & ye late K. Charles.

£ s. d.
3d Dec 1(1-2(1. A warrant to deliver scvcrall p'cells of gold & silver plate appoyntcd by yc

king to be sold. To yc valewe of . . . 1731 18 0

This was but a remanet of Two other p'cells formerly delivered out, as
appears by y° sd warrant.

1 C'luiroli 1625. A warrant under the K. hand to S. Hen. Mildmay to deliver to ye Duke of

Buckingham the gold plate set wth rich stones Jewels being yc cheifest parte
of ye Treasr remayning in bis hands. To yc valewe as is conceaved of . 200,000 0 0

\vh was accordingly done. oz-

2° ( boron 1626. A warrant to delivr out of yc plate remayning in his charge, to be sold . 20,000

20 Jan 2 Charoli A warrant to Sir Hen. Mildmay to deliver to ye goldsmith plate in his

charge to be sold ....... 20,323

Which was done.

3 warrants to Sir Hen Mildmay to discharge several persons
yl had plate in th1' hands, viz. :

E. of Kelly 381 0 0
Mr G. Kirke 397 0 0
Hen. Lawton 50 0 0

in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 215

oz.

1 634. Delivered to y° Lords Commission' & to ye K8 Attorney ye names of several

persons yl had plate in their hands taken out of ye Jewel-house to be psecuted in
the Exchequer to ye valewe of ..... 10,304

And in gold plate . . . . , 90 2 0

1644. Taken out of Sir Hen Mild: office by order of Parl* to be sold to pay yc ib.wt.

sould3 at Abbington . . . . . .500

The six Spanish Candlesticks & 5001. w' in gilt plate. oz. ihvt.j;rs.

1650. Delivered in a lyst to yc Trustees of plate to several persons . In gold plate 314 3 0
taken out of ye office . . . . . ( In silver plate 29,150 0 0

1651. An addiconall lyst delivered in to ye Trustees of plate belong- ( In gold plate 82 2 0
ing to yc office . . . . . ( In silver plate 12,923 0 0

Severall other Cecils of gold & silver plate hath been given away by y° King's owne hands to
yc Queene and other ladyes some of w1' there is no discharge for other pcells may be found dis-
charged in yc office rolls w1' requires a long & diligent search.

There was a great ppcon of plate given out for yc service of y° King in his journey towards
Scotland anno 1641. As also at his going away from London to Yorke H>42 w'1'1 is credcbly
beleeved was never all set downe in charge upon any pson. Because two of y'1 officers went away,
one of them in ye lifeguard to ye King, the other stayed a while & then met yc K nt Oxford
& there died. So that it is not possible to know what plate or books of discharge hath been
conveyed away. Thereby utterly to disable Sir Hen. Mild: from making a pticular accompt.

There have been these severall officers in y° Jewel-house since Sr Hen. Mild: was ye Mr of it.
For whose fidelity it is hard to answer.

. . . Robinson

Mr Pigeon Sir Rob' Seymer

Mr Rob' Hazard Mr Cranmore

Mr Fran. Layton Mr E'1 Aston

Mr Car. Mildmay Mr Wright

Mr Chelsham Mr Acton >

ivrr i-iT-iT Goldsmiths.

Mr \\ ilhams i

Many office books and papers are missinge for in these tymes ye office was common to all
sorts, it being made a suckling house for ye souldery at their first coining to London : and had
they knowne of any plate of yc King within y° office noe question but it would have been judged
good plunder.

Sir H. Mildmay after due allowance for waste is charged with 434 4 oz. 1 dwt. Ogr.
Oct. 1649. Ye Trustees took away all yc plate in y" Jewel-house at Whithall, Sir II. Mildmay himself

being thn present.

lopt. 1Q49. Sir H. Mild, letter of command to me to deliver up all yc plate in yc office at yc Tower &

Whithall to ye Trustees or my keyes.

216 Account of Papers relating to the Royal Jewel-house

25 Sept. 1(149. A warrant from yc Trustees to deliv up my keys of ye Tower to them I refusing they com-

mitted me to ye Fleete.

18 & 19 Feb. 1649. 2 orders from yc Trustees to me to deliver up ye office books & records.

19. Ordered that Sir H. Mild, send in y° office books & treasure in his hand to ye Trustees & that

he command his officers & servants to attend them with it.

3 Jan. 1C5J. Orders to Sir H. Mildmay to deliver up ye indent" of yc office.

''° >'i111- An order to Sir H. Mildmay to deliver up ye indent0 of yc office.

10 Oct. 1C51. An order to Sir H. Mildmay to bring all ye books & papers to Trustees.

23 Nov. ]C52. An order for me personally to appeere & bring in allyc Jewel-house books.

Ult. Nov. 1C52. A peremtory order to me to bring in yc books.

lfi-11. 26 indent8 delivered in to Mr Bechamp's clarke of yc committee. By their order.

Plate of the late King in yc office of Jewel-house for ye use of the Counsel of State by

order of Parl'.

By order of Parl' 1649 there was left in yc office of Jewel-house for yc use of oz. dwt.gr.

y° Counsel of State severall parcells of plate to yc value of . . 1023 0 0

And one great Bible covered with silver gilt valued at . . 000

The Bible by (the order) was delivered in by order to ye Counsell of State.
The other parcels of plate of divers sorts, viz. candlesticks & flaggons. Potts

g' to ye valcw of 1023 oz. weare by order of yc Counsell dated 3 Octobr 1653

given & allowed unto me in liewe of a debt of 1047Z. 4s. Od. due unto me from yc

late King at Michael. 1649. By an order of Parl. 1649, yc Trustees . . £6500 0 0

Plate & jewels of yc late K. J. G. Taken out of the Jewel-house by ye Trustees

at Somerset House & by oth. by ord. of Parl1 Goldsmyths' Hall . .£'3000 0 0

. I line 1049. Plate for ye use ofye K. child by order of yc Committee of Kevenue to ye La.

Leicester for yc use of yc late K. children at S' James House & after at Harborrow oz.

Castle ........ 406 0 0

Oct. 1G4M. Plate pawned for 3COO/. to y° Com. at Goldsmiths' Hall worth as much more . £3000 0 0

Plate in yc hands of severall Lords & other great officers of state servants of ye

household to a very great vulew. o/. <lwt. gr.

In yc Goldsmith's hand, W. J° Acton .... 1109 0 2

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