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Full text of "Archaeologia, or, Miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity"

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TABLE OF CONTENTS, 



PAGE 

I. Memoir on a Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci, being the earliest 
Map hitherto known containing the name of America ; now in the 
Royal Collections at Windsor. In a Letter addressed to Augustus 
Wollaston Franks, Esq., Director, by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, 
Esq., F.S.A. 140 

II. Observations on the Primitive Site, Extent, and Circumvallation 

of Roman London. By WILLIAM HENRY BLACK, Esq., F.S.A. 41 49 

III. Further Observations on the Primitive Site, Extent, and Circum- 
vallation of Roman London. By WILLIAM HENRY BLACK, Esq., 
F.S.A. .... 5058 

IV. Sketch of British and Roman London. By THOMAS LEWIN, Esq., 

M.A., F.S.A. 5970 

V. Remarks upon Holbein's Portraits of the RoyalFamily of England, 
and more particidarly upon the several Portraits of the Queens of 
Henry the Eighth. By JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, Esq., F.S.A. 71 80 

VI. Notes on several of the Portraits described m the preceding 
Memoir, and on some others of the like character. By GEORGE 
SCHARF, Esq., F.S.A. 8188 

VII. Original Documents illustrative of the Administration of the 
Criminal Law in the time of Edward I. ; with Observations by 
FRANCIS MORGAN NICHOLS, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. - 89105 

VIII. Remarks on a Portrait of the Duchess of Milan, recently dis- 
covered at Windsor Castle, probably painted by Holbein at 
Brussels in the year 1538. By GEORGE SCHARF, Esq., F.S.A., 
in a Letter addressed to the Earl Stanhope, President 106 112 

b 



vi CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

IX. An Account of Remarkable Subterranean Chambers at Trelo- 
warren, the seat of Sir R. R. Fyvyan, Bart., in the county of 
Cornwall. By J. T. BLIGHT, Esq. 113118 

X. Royston Court House and its Appurtenances. By JOSEPH 

BELDAM, Esq., F.S.A. - 119137 

XI. On the Annulus Piscatoris, or Ring of the Fisherman. By 

EDMUND WATER-TON, Esq., F.S.A. 138142 

XII. On the unpublished work entitled " Antiquarius " by Hieronymus 
Bononius, of Treviso, and his Poetical Remains; including a 
Poem on the Revivors of Literature in the Fifteenth Century who 
were personally known to that Author. By WILLIAM HENRY 
BLACK, Esq., F.S.A. 143156 

XIII. On the Churches at Rome earlier than the year 1150. By ALEX- 
ANDER NESBITT, Esq., F.S.A. 157 224 

XIV. History of Winterton, in the county of Lincoln, by Abraham de 
la Pryme ; with an Introduction by EDWARD PEACOCK, Esq., 
F.S.A., the owner of the original Manuscript - 225 241 

XV. Notes on Human Sacrifices among the Romans. By the Very Rev. 
HENRY GEORGE LIDDELL, D.D. Dean of Christchurch : communi- 
cated in a Letter to the Earl Stanhope, President - 242 249 

XVI. Memoranda on the question of the Use of Human Sacrifices among 
the Romans. By WILLIAM BODHAM DONNE, Esq. : in a Letter 
to the Earl Stanhope, President - - 250 256 

XVII. Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 
Communicated by C. KNIGHT WATSON, Esq., M.A., Secretary, 
in a Letter to A. W. Franks, Esq., Director 257 284 

XVIII. Notes on some Roman Architectural Remains discovered in the 
city of Chester, in the summer of the year 1863. By WILLIAM 
TITE, Esq., M.P., F.R.S., V.P.S.A.: in a Letter to Augustus 
W. Franks, Esq., Director 285294 

XIX. On discoveries of Remains of the Roman Wall of London, by 
WILLIAM TITE, Esq., M.P., F.R.S., F.S.A. In a letter to 
Frederic Ouvry, Esq., Treasurer 295 306 



CONTENTS. vii 

PAGE 

XX. On the Mantle and the Ring of Widowhood. By HENRY 

HAREOD, Esq., F.S.A. - - 307310 

XXI. On an Inventory of the Household Goods of Sir Thomas Ramsey, 
Lord Mayor of London, 1577. By F. W. FAIRHOLT, Esq., 
F.S.A. 311342 

XXII. Description of a Pocket-Dial made in~L593for Robert Devereux, 
Earl of Essex. By JOHN BRUCE, Esq., F.S.A. : in a Letter 
addressed to the possessor of the Dial, Edward Dalton, Esq., 
LL.D., F.S.A. - 343360 

XXIII. On the Position of the Portus Lemanis of the Romans. By 

THOMAS LEWIN, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. 361374 

XXIV. On the Identification of the Roman Portus Lemanis. By 

WILLIAM HENRY BLACK, Esq., F.S.A. - 375 380 

XXV. On the worked Flints of Pressigny-le-Grand. By JOHN EVANS, 

Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.G.S. 381388 

XXVI. Observations on some Documents relating to Magic in the Reign 

of Queen Elizabeth. By W. H. HART, Esq., F.S.A. 389397 

XXVII. Notice sur une ancienne Statue de Guillaume-le-Conque'rant,con- 
serve'e dans VEglise de Saint- Victor-V Abbaye (canton de Totes, 
arrondissement de Dieppe.) Par M. L'ABBE COCHET, Hon. 
F.S.A. - - 398402 

XXVIII. On the Excavations at Silchester. By the Rev. JAMES GERALD 
JOYCE, B.A., F.S.A., Rector of Stratfieldsaye, and Rural 
Dean 403416 

XXIX. Remarks on some Early Charters and Documents relating to the 
Priory of Austin Canons and Abbey of Austin Canonesses at 
Canonsleigh, in the County of Devon. In a Letter from CHARLES 
SPENCER PERCEVAL, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A., to Augustus Wollaston 
Franks, Esq., M.A., Director 417 450 

XXX. Instructions given by King Henry VI. to Edward Grimston and 
others, his Ambassadors to the Duchess of Burgundy, 1449 ; and 
Notice of a Portrait of Edward Grimston, painted by Peter 
Christum in 1446. Communicated in a Letter from WILLIAM 

c 



viii CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

J. THOMS, Esq., F.S.A., to C. Knight Watson, Esq., Secretary ; 
with additional Observations by A. W. Franks, Esq., Director, 
and George Scharf, Esq., F.S.A. 451454 

Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq., Ambassador to the Duchess 
of Burgundy. By A. W. FRANKS, Esq., Director 455 470 

Observations on the Portrait of Edward Grimston, and other 
Portraits of the same period. By GEORGE SCHARF, Esq., F.S.A. : 
in a Letter to W. J. Thorns, Esq., F.S.A. 471482 

XXXI. Description of Ancient Rock-Tombs at Ghain Tiffiha and Tal 

Horr, Malta. By Captain JOHN S. SWANN, F.G.S. 483487 

XXXII. On the Human Remains, and especially the Skulls, from the 
Bock-Tombs at Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr, and from other 
places in Malta. By JOHN TUURNAM, Esq , M.D. F.S.A. 488500 

XXXIII. On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 

By C. SPENCE BATE, Esq., F.R.S. - - - 501510 



LIST OF PLATES. 



PLATE PAGE 

I. Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci, Northern part 
II. Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci, Southern part 
III. Site of Roman London, and the Roman Ways leading to it 49 

IV. Portrait of Christina Duchess of Milan, from a painting in 

Windsor Castle 106 

V. Portrait of Christina Duchess of Milan, from a painting in 

Arundel Castle 110 

VI. Subterranean Chambers at Trelowarren, in the county of Cornwall 11 1 
VII. Royston Court House and its appurtenances 
VIII. Architectural details from Churches in Rome 

IX. Doorway of Chapel of S. John Baptist, Lateran - 100 

X. Door in Chapel of S. Zeno at S. Prassede 191 

XI. Windows, &c. in Churches in Rome 
XII. Windows in Churches in Rome - 

XIII. Bronze Railings in Cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle - 

XIV. Ornamented Slabs from Churches in Rome 206 
XV. Plan of Roman Remains at Chester 

XVI. Suggested Plan of probable state of Roman Temple and Baths at 

Chester 29 

XVII. Remains of Wall of London discovered near Cooper's Row 
XVIII. Dial of Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex 
XIX. Plan of Romney Marsh as it was in the time of the Saxons 3G9 

XX. Flint Cores from Prcssigny-le-Grand, Indre et Loire 

XXI. Flint Implements from Pressigny and the Seine 387 

XXII. Statue of William the Conqueror, Saint-Victor-l'Abbaye- 400 

XXIII. Plan of Silchester within the Walls 404 

XXIIP.Ground Plan of Block I., Silchester - - 405 



x LIST OF PLATES. 

PAGE 

XXIV. Ground Plan of Block III., Silchester - KHi 

XXV. Hypocaust and Floor in Block III., Silchester - 408 

XXVI. Portrait of Edward Grimston, Esq., 1446 458 

XXVII. Arms and Inscription on Portrait of Edward Grimston - 459 

XXVIII. Plans and Sections of Tombs at Chain Tiffiha, Malta 483 

XXIX. Plan and Sections of Tomb at Tal Horr, Malta 486 

XXX. Bronze Mirror and Handles and Iron Shears found near 

Plymouth 502 

XXXI. Antiquities found near Plymouth 503 

XXXII. Pottery found near Plymouth - 504 



XVII. Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. Commu- 
nicated by C. KNIGHT WATSON, Esq. M.A. Secretary, in a Letter to 
A. W. Franks, Esq. Director. 



Communicated January 30, 18C2, and April 30, 1863. 



MY DEAR FRANKS, 

THE following Letters need but little introduction on my part. They may be 
left to tell their own story, and may be useful to illustrate or to correct the 
history of the period to which they belong. I am indebted to one who is most 
conversant with that history * for the headings prefixed, within brackets, to such 
of the letters as seemed to him to require some such elucidation. For the letters 
themselves, and for permission to transcribe them, the Society is under obligations 
to Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and in particular to the courtesy of the Rev. 
Frederick Chalker, who filled the office of Librarian at that college in the year 1861, 
when I was allowed access to the valuable collection under his charge. The 
volume containing them is thus designated in Coxe's Catalogus Codicum MSS. 
qui in Collegiis Aulisque Oxoniensibus hodie adservantur. Pars. ii. 160, " cccxviij. 
Codex Chartaceus, in folio, if. 229, sec. xvij. Ricardi Davis de Sandford Collccta- 
neorum volumen secundum." The series of Wotton Letters is immediately 
preceded by one from Henry VIII. to Secretary Knight b . So far as I can 
ascertain, the letters here published are unedited. Their number might easily 
have been increased from other quarters, and especially from the Collection of 
State Papers in the Record Office. The present specimens, however, go far to 
cover the ground occupied by the writer in his diplomatic capacity at Venice and 
the Hague, while the last of them gives us a glimpse into his private life. 

Sir Henry Wotton was ambassador at the Hague, it will be remembered, for a 
few months of the year 1615, and was thrice appointed ambassador to Venice, viz., 

Samuel Rawson Gardiner, Esq. author of the "History of England, 1603-1616." 
b Printed in Proceedings, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 262. 
VOL. XL. 2 L 



258 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

in 160-1, 1615, and 1G21. Though historical compositions would themselves be 
cramped for space, and otherwise unseasonable in the pages of the Archoeologia, 
the materials of history come distinctly within the scope of the operations for 
which the Society of Antiquaries was founded. On this ground I abstain from 
attempting to give any general view of the condition of Europe and the policy of 
England, at the time when Sir Henry Wotton was so disheartened with the one 
and so discomfited in his endeavours to carry out the other. Such a view must 
be looked for elsewhere, and will certainly be seen with greater distinctness by 
one who has the assistance of these letters in pursuing the inquiry. 

Believe me, My dear Franks, yours very truly, 

C. KNIGHT WATSON. 



I. JAMES I. TO SIR HENRY WOTTON. 

[A transcript.] 

[July 16, 1606.] 
JAMES REX. 

Trustic and wclbclovcd wee greete yo w well Suche and soe manic are yo r dispatches 
w th w ch our Sccretarie dothe acquainte us beinge directed to him w th other in particuler to our 
ownc Person that wee thinke it not sufficient onely to acquainte yo w by his Relation w th owre 
extraordinarie approbation of yo r zeale faithe and discretion w th out the confirmation thereof under 
owre ownc hande assuringe yo* that they are not onely acceptable to us for the watchful eye yo* 
have towardes cure saftie and the good of our state but are so interlaced w th variety off occurents 
remarkeablc and proper for Princes whose state is subject to the envy of equalls, and whose con- 
stancie in Religion is more then a moate in the eyes of the comon adversarie As wee doc 
acknowledge that wee rcade not anie forraigne Dispatches from any our Ministers w th better con- 
tentation. Procedc therefore as yo" have bcgunnc, and knowc yo w serve a prince that can both 
judge of meritt and make demonstration when time shall serve. Given under oure signe at oure 
Manor of Greenwiche, the 16 th day of Julie, 1606, in the fourthe yeare of oure raignc of Great 
Brittan France and Irclande. 
Superscription, 

To oure trustie and welbeloved S r Henry Wotton, 

Knight, oure Amb r Resident w Ul the state of 

Venice. 
[7/i dono] K. Jam. 1C Jul. 1COC. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 259 



II. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO JAMES I. 

[The following letter was written apparently in the summer or autumn of 1606. It contains speculations 
on the part which would be taken by Henry IV. of France in the quarrel between Pope Paul V. and the 
Venetians on the subject of the claim made by the Republic over criminal priests. In February, 1607, 
Henry offered his mediation, and finally gave a decision, which was, in all important points, in the Pope's 
favour.] 

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MOST ECCELLENT MAJESTY 

Your Majesty and the Kinge of Spayne having already declared y r resolutions in the 
present cause, It now remayneth to see what the French Kinge will doe. 
Of the French Kinge there are foure different opinions. 

1. That he will assist the Pope. 

2. That he will assist the Venetians. 

3. That he will assist both the Pope and the Venetians. 

4. That he will assist neither the Pope nor the Venetians. 

Which have all foure through his ambiguous proceeding had tyme to growe, and to bee con- 
firmed also w th some arguments more or lesse in theire gcnerall fancies that have conceived them. 

Whereof though I have formerly rendered unto y r Majesty such a poore account as I had then 
understoode touchinge only the first yet I will now (w lh your gratious leave) resume the psumption 
to lay downe before y r high wisedome in one view the reasons againe (w th some increase both of 
that and of the rest) as I have heerc taken them uppon the place. 

For the first that hee will assist the Pope. It is grounded heere upon these considerations. 

That the sayd kinge is olde, and his heire a child, and the legitimation questionable. 

That he will seeke to leave his estates quiet and rich. 

That he cannot fall from the Pope w"'out breaking w th Spaine. 

That of the two the partakinge w"' the Venetian is the more chargeable ingagement. 

That the Jesuites have much hold of him. 

That the Venetians were over secure or rather supine in the begininge suffring him to bee 
poccupatcd by the Pope's instruments. 

That Mon s s de Villeroy continueth in his ambition of a cardinalship, and doth governe the 
dispatches w th much advauntage, having his sonn resident in Rome. 

That the French Ambassador heere is (though a gentleman otherwise of a good conscience) yet 
the converted of a Jesuite. 

That the French Queene is of a name dignified by Popes, and herself a devotious Romanist. 

That the sayd king hath taken advise to increase his party in the consistory and thereby to 
ballance the Spanish grcatnes. 

As for the conceit that came before of his affectingc the Empire by the way of Rome It is now 
growne hcerc not only cold but (under y r Ma'* 6 " pardon of my playncs) almost ridiculous, as if the 
Germans could bee wrought to suffer a revolution of the Empire to the Francks or that it were fitt 
to choose a Kinge of the Romans to succeed the Emperor as old as the Emperor himself. 

2L2 



260 Letters from Sir Henry Wot Ion to King James I. and others. 

For the second opinion that he will assist the Venetians, the Venetians seem to stand in hope of 
his assistance three wayes, by benefitt, by promise, and by reason of state. 

The first hereof they urge somewhat tenderly in there discourses as conteyning a sylent ob- 
trusion of ingratitude and of his former, need of there frendship even when the King of Spayne 
that is now but obliquely theirs was directly his enemy, 

His promise of succouringe them in their necessityes they ptend not only to bee included at large 
in the generality of confederation, but to have been confirmed unto them after his troubles w th his 
corselett w ch he sent them as a pledge thereof accompanied w tu these words, that he would on 
occasion of there service passe the mountaynes and re-arme himself heere, in w cl ' respect they have 
preserved it w th inscription much to that purpose amonge the rare and memorable monuments of 
there citty. 

The reasons of State or considerations of his owne conveniency w ch they conceive to bee more 
obligatory than other benefitts or promises are these : 

That their controversy w th the Pope is the roote of all sovcraignty and the common cause of 
Princes. 

That it hath a particular conformity w th the liberties and exemptions of the church of Fraunce. 

That otherwise he shall preiudge his ownc ptence and right to the kingdome of Navarra, 
w ch his great-grandfather lost by an excommunication. 

That without the subsistaunce of this state the Kinge of Spaynes grcatnes will want a counter- 
poise in Italy. 

That the cause is favoreable both to the Papists and Protestaunt of his kingdome and no feare of 
division. 

That hee hath a faire occasion to open againc the passage of the Vale Tolina by conjunction w 01 
the Venetians and Grisons and Protestant Cantons. 

That hee can never make any sound foundation upon the friendship of any Pope whose nephewes 
draw out soe smale benefitt from that crowne. 

That lastly he may keepe Rome alwayes in sufficient awe of him for the working of his owne 
designes even w th the feare of loosing the temporalities of Avinion, w lh the w ch reasons they have 
(in ernest or sport or cunninge) beene contented to cherish themselves so farr as to say that if the 
Dolphin should come hither w tu any contrary affirmation they would crave pardon not to belecve 
him. 

The third opinion is that he will assist both the parties, the one w th Papists, the other w th 
Hugonots, cither connivency as he feedeth the troubles of Flaunders or otherwise: an opinion 
grounded partly upon his ownc speeches unto the ministers on both sydes w ch have beene ambigu- 
ous, and such as hee seemed willinge they should each of them coaster [tic] to there advantage, 
and nartly upon the cariage of his owne instruments both heere and at Rome who have beene noted 
amonge there propositions of reconcilement to intermingle (as it were casually) certayne aggrava- 
tiations [sic] of the case both on the one syde and on the other to make the parties more sensible. 
And I must humbly protest indeed unto y r Majesty that to all whome I have hetherto heard speake 
herein it hath seemed a strange position that a French King should seeke the disincombringe of 
Italy, having so oportune a meanes to embarque the King of Spayne in more busines, and besyds to 
spend and vent the unquiet humors of both religions out of his owne estate. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James L and others. 261 

The last opinion is that he will assist neither the one nor the other, but conserve himselfe neutrall 
and expect accidents. Upon w ch they discourse thus 

That so hee shall save both his honor and charges. 

That it shalbee alwayes seasonable enough to enter when either of the parties arc in extremity. 

That hee hath fitt excuses for both : As to the Pope his former obligations and confederacy with 
this State; to the Venetians that hee is II primo figliuolo delta chiesa, for so the Pope styleth him. 

That hee hath likewise just expostulations w lh both, as there, the oppositions against him from 
Sextus Quintus to the latter end of Clement the eight, and heere, that partly by the auncient leagues 
of this State against Fraunce and partly by there late irresolution in suffering the fort to be built 
in the Vale Tolina, the French have not only lost all there possession in Italy but almost all possi- 
bility of reentrance. 

That for the French King's interest in the conservation of this state it shall not need much 
to trouble him, the Venetians having never beene so potent as at the present ; and the Kinge of 
Spaine (upon whom the Pope maketh principall foundation) being so entangled in his owne neces- 
sities ; besydes the likelyhoode that some the smaler princes (the Dukes of Mantua and Modena) 
will at the least stand neutrall. 

Finally, that if the French Kinge can by his instruments foment these differences and keepe him 
self free, it will in all probability prove a subject of warr betweene the Kings of Great Brittanny 
[sic] and Spaine (beinge both declared) to the notable advauntage of France. 

Thus have I out of y r Majestys so gratious acceptance of my former psumptions taken also now 
the liberty of a playne servaunt to entertayne your Eccelent minde w t!l the discourses of this place 
upon a kinge who hath hetherto (as one them [sic] sayd) beene liker an oracle then a frend : most 
humbly leaving unto your great wisedome (as doth become the weakenes of myne owne capacity) 
the judgment of the event. Only I cannot forbeare ("w th your Majcstyes pardon) to note herein 
that amonge the severall reasons and inducements of this or that Prince into the cause, I have yeat 
heard nothinge so litle considered as the goodnes of the cause itself: religion having surely in this 
part of the world (as far as I can see) no more estimation as a point of conscience, but yett keeping 
still some credite as a point of state. 

And so w lh the continuall harty prayers of this poore family unto the God of Heaven for the 
longe preservation of your Majcstyes most deare and sacred person and estates wee humbly pros- 
trate our selves at your royall feete. 

Your Majestyes most faythfull poorc servant. 

POSTE. Your Maj'' e receaveth the present by a confident Messenger whome I have directed to 
my Lo. of Salisbury upon other occasion of y r very important and secret service. 

[In dorso.~\ 1606. 

From Venice. 

To his Ma tic from S r Hen. Wotton. 



262 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and otliers. 



III. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO JAMES I. 

[September [?] 1614.] 

[This and the three following letters were written during AVotton's short embassy at the Hague, and 
form a part of the same series of letters as those preserved among the State Papers at the Record Office. 

The two pretenders to Cleves and Juliers, the Elector of Brandenburg and the Palatine of Neuburg, 
quarrelled with one another. The former, with the aid of a Dutch garrison, established himself in Juliers; 
the other took possession of Diisseldorf, and having declared himself a Catholic, called for the aid of Spain. 
Spinola, at the head of an army of 21,000, made himself master of Wesel, but he was prevented from over- 
running the whole territory by Count Maurice and the Dutch, who held against him Rees and Emmerich 
with the neighbouring towns. Prolonged negotiations followed, with no satisfactory result ; in which Wotton 
represented England, and urged in vain that both armies should mutually agree to withdraw from the 
Duchies.J 

MATE IT PLEASE YOUR SACRED MAJESTIE. 

Among the papers that we lostc in the fatall passadgc of my Sccrctaryc, there was a 
letter unto your Majestic which if I doe not revive, my harte will brcake. as vessells that are stopped 
from vent when some thinge boyleth in them. The person whom it concerned was my self. 
The subject was the Towne of Wesell. The essential question is, by whose default it was lost. 
Wherein if I doe not satisfie your Majestic I desire never more to behold the face of so juste a 
Kinge nor of any honest man. But before the rest it shall be fitt to repeate these wordes, which 
I rcceaved in a letter from Mr. Sccretarie by your gratious commandement. 

Now (sayeth he) from his Majestic I am to acquaint you with a reporte which your laste 
letters en passant doe touche, but which to him hath bin confidently delivered, that is, the 
States had with as much vigilancic and expedition prevented the surprise of Wesell, as 
after they did of Ecez and Emerick, had not you, with much assurance, often engaged 
yourself that the Marquis Spinola would not attempt uppon that Towne, which bruyte, 
though his Ma" c cannot easily beleeve, etc. 

First, I was bounde unto your Ma tie for this particuler advertisement, For though I hadd heard 
before of some suche voice bestowed uppon me, yet I could gather it to noe head. Next, I yeeld 
your Ma' ic most humble thankes for the asservation of your belecfe, which I rcceavc as an argument 
of your favour towards me, though it be a peece of your ownc usuall and naturall cquitie. As 
for the matter itself, I conceave one special comforto in it. That they who told your Ma" c 
how Wescll was lost be my securinge of the States would perchaunce likewise have sayed that 
I sould the Towne to the Archecluckes, if my honestic had been as questionable as my discretion. 
But these and the like aspersions are the propper badges of publicq servants especially in 
Democraticall regiments. Whereof both reason and examples might easily be given, if it did not 
more concerne me at the present to rectifie my poore estimation with your Ma tic then to searchc 
the nature of the place Therefore, for myne owne dischardge, I doe hcere humbly protest unto 
yo r Ma tie , before the author of all trueth, that I never engaged myselfe either to the States in 
generall or to anie single man dead or alive, either by probabilitie or conjecture, or in the least 



Letters from Sir Henri/ Wotton to King James I. and others. 263 

imaginable tearmes, that the Marquis Spinola would not attempt uppon the Towne of Wesell. 
Soe farre was I from often assuringe them thereof as some Vorstian Spirit hath traduced me. 
For I beseache your Ma tie to give me leave to aske a few questions in myne owne case. Howe 
could I give them any such assurance or whence should I take it? Did I bring any suche com- 
mission from your Ma tie ? Did I finde any at the Haghe? Did Spinola make me his secretarie ? 
or the Archduke his confessor? Had I practised the world with such simplicitie to trust Italians 
or Spaniards in a poynt of theyre advantage? Have I purchased before so little credit in the 
cause of the Religion? Have I been bounde to your Maj tie soe longe for your confidence (where in 
I joye more then in youre benefitts) and should I nowe betraie it ? Did I sende any letter? Did 
I receave any message that might concernc the mayne service where with they were not heere 
particularly acquaynted? And is this a state to be stayed or stirred soe lightly by private 
conceytes ? God let me not live if I be not confounded more with wonder then with other 
passion at the monstruous birthe of this senselesse rcporte. 

True it is indeede that, at my second audience, I wished them by way of discourse ten daies 
before there was any doubt of Wesel, and twentic before it was taken, not to collect their troupes 
till more evident necessitic pressing them rather to a resolution about Juliers (which was focus 
febris), and doubting that if the Marquis should beseege that place or sceke to blocke it upp and 
they oppose him with a formed armie, it might hazard rupture, which was against the gencrall 
scope of myne errand : and Mons r Barnevcld himself (who tendreth the present quiet) did advise 
me, the evening before my said audience, to use some such speeche (as I did) unto them. Some 
weeke after this or thereaboutes (for I do not precisely remember the day, nor thought I should 
ever neede to recorde it) Mons r Barneveld, S r Joachim of Zcland, and one Licklama of Friseland, 
were deputed to conferr at our howses with Mons r du Maurier and myself. At which they asked 
owre opinions more respectively then necessarily whether we thought it fit for them to marche, the 
rumors being then much encreased, by a biedge [sic, qu. bridge] of boates that was buylte at Bergh, 
wherby it was concluded that the Marquis intended to pass the Rhone. Did we resist it? I remitt 
that to them selves. Did they ask us perhaps too late? We are not soldiers by profession, but thus 
much wilbe bold to pronounce, that Wesel might alwaies have ben saved in one dale i'rom anie 
of the neerer garrisons of Arnhem, Zutphen, Ncwmegen, or Skincksconce, as well with an 
handfull of the States' men as with an armie (if the question had ben onely to save Towncs and not 
to take Townes), or otherwise the Marquis might have broken the Truce, to which poynt they 
putt him in diverse other places. Was there then no collour of raysinge this voice? I have 
searched my papers and myself and I finde onely a letter from M r Trumbal y r Ma'" 1 ' agent unto 
me in answere of one which I wrote with knowledge and approbation of the States. Wherein he 
spcaketh of suspense or intermission of some fowre or five dayes which he had with much a doc 
obteyned of the Archduke Albertus in a privat audience which whether it were performed or noe 
(as the Counte Maurice by precise computation denieth) is now a needelesse inquiry. M r Dicken- 
son can informe your Ma tic how farre I pressed the Marquis and Mons r Pechius the Archdukes 
rcpresentant therein. And sure I am that howsoever M r Trumball did relate hether what he had 
donne with suche caution as did not staie them in their proceedings heere the running of an houre 
glasse. There remaineth therefore only the question how the Towne was losst? which might 



264 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

easily have ben saved as appereth by the premisses. Wherein not to kepe your Ma tie longe from 
the solution of this mistery (for soe I might call it the matter being indeed wrapped in a few 
cloudcs of State) what is there more to be saied then peccatum tuum in te Israel. The Towne of 
Wesell, notwithstanding their long engagement to the Dutchie of Cleves, seekinge under pretence 
of impartialitie betweene the twoe Princes to maintaine it self in the nature of a free and Imperiall 
Towne, or as neere as it might bee 1 , much animated with therre new fortifications and little 
considering the difference between the Burghers and Soldiers, not distrusting their enemyes and 
perhaps jealous of their freindes. Lastly, willinge enough to be helped without but not within, 
. did not only seeke no helpc from whence they might best have hadd it, but likewise refused the 
assistance of the Colonell Schombergh, who offered very nobly and timely to levie and to mayn- 
tayne a Regiment one moneth uppon his ownc chardge, for their defence, in noe other qualitie 
then as a gentleman of theire owne intertainement. 

Theise were the circomstances and this was the trueth of that action on my conscience to God 
and my fayth to your Majestic. Wherewith I did chardge both the Towne it selfe at my being 
there and the states of the Provinces when they came unto us aboute theire immunities at Zanten. 
Where I acquainted them with your Ma tic * Eoyall declaration of your self on theire behalf though 
a little too late by the fatality of theire owne folly which I likewise have made knowne in all 
Towncs and to all persons where I have passed and though I am ashamed to seeke withness [sic] for 
the dischardgc of so vile an imputation and to borrow credit with your Ma tlc extra me ipsum, yet for 
the better proofe of my sinceritye (which was all the inheritance that my good father left me) 
I most humbly bcseeche your Ma tie to informe your selfc of the Ambassador of Brandenbourg, 
nowe comming to your Cowrt, whoe hath understood from Mons r Barnevelds one mouthe the 
trueth of this affaire. 

I am now confident, notwithstanding my disasters, to have performed all my duties to your 
Ma tie , and I was infinitly comforted that M r Secretairy, when by your commaundement he 
acquainted me with this reporte, did with the same penne assure me that your Ma lic had under- 
taken my cause at home in that poor expectative which I held by your former goodnesse. It was 
a duble favor in your Ma tie both to doe it and to doe it towards one that stood in such obloquie by 
which you have boundc eternally unto you besides my other naturall and longe devoted duties 

Your most humble 

And loyall servant. 
[7n dona.'} 1615-14. 

To his Ma" King James from S r Ilenrie Wotton, 
about the losse of Wesell, 

Surr. 5 Sept. 1614. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 265 

IV. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO NICHOLAS PEY. 

[Signed only; Postscript in Holograph.] 

[March fg; 1615.] 

S', 

I am so tyred w th the publique dispatchc y* I must take the libertie to ease both yo u 
and my self w h a better hand. This is only indeed to thancke yo u for suche letters as I have here- 
tofore receaved from you, w ch were full of love and good advertisement. I was tender to answere 
them while I stoodc under blacke reportes, but you male now receave my letters w th out anie feare 
of contagion. For I am purged of my leprosie, havinge receaved my assoilement from the Kinge 
him self. Soe you sec howe the world is chaunged w th me, that whereas hearetofore in some mans 
favorable voyce I was perchaunce allowed the pretence of a little merit, I anie nowe faine to bragge 
of innocencye. Well, S r , I will neither trouble yo u nor myself anie more w th these discourses. 
The substanciall pointe is to have money. For without that bladder we cannot swymme. I praie 
sollicite my Lorde Treasorer for me according to those notes that you shall receave from this 
gentleman. And soe, S r , reckonninge myself for many kindenesses muche beholden unto yo u , I rest 

Youres to serve you 

HENRY WOTTON. 
Haghe this 20th of Marche 1614. 

I take it unkindely that you who were wont to make many startes over into thease Provinces 
have stayed that humor since my beeing heare. Well, God send us any where chearefully together. 

You will easily pardon me that I now write no more unto you, for I heare you officers of the 
Grcenclothc arc angric and troubled. 

[In (torso.] To my very worthie 

frcnd M r Nicolas Pey, 

at Court. 
20 Martij, 1614, 

S r Henry Wotton, from the Haighe. 



V. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO [NICHOLAS PEY?] 

[A Transcript.] 

[June? 1615.] 
SIR, 

Having not long written unto you whose frendship towards me hath given you a great 
interest in my proceedings I will now make you a summarie accoumpt of what I have donn 
abroade. 

VOL. XL. 2 M 



266 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

The King hath employed me sence my last comming foorthe in fowre sevcrall Treaties differring 
in the subjects, in the instruments, and I thincke more in the affections and ends. The first was 
unto the States for the sequestration of the Castle of Juliers wherein I was joyned with the 
Frcnche ; the second (which we call the Treatie of Xantcn springing from the first) was for the 
settling of the Prince of Brandenbourg and Counte Palatin of Newbourg in a kinde of provisionall 
compossession of the litigious provinces with some forme of regiment both in matters ecclesiastical 
and civil, wherein we were troubled to finde a measure betwcene theire consciences, especially the 
Palatin, being a new convertite to the Roman churche, and the more eager to shew the synceritie 
of his devotion. In this Treatie we were no lesse then thirtie Ambassadors and Commissioners ; so 
as contrary to the complaynte of the Gospel the labourers were more then the Harvest. The third 
was for a defensive league betwcene the united Princes and the united Provinces wherein I was 
joyned hcare with two Representants of the Union. And this was concluded with unimaginable 
celcritie, partly through his Ma lies mediation, who was the sole moover, and partly by the qualitie 
of the tymc, wich being a little turbulent did require at least some good noysc of frends. The last 
was for the composing of certain differences betwecne his Maj 1 ' 13 subjects and this people in matter 
of Commerce, which Treatie did exceed all the other three both in length and difiicultie, for two 
reasons as I conceave it : First, through the sensiblenesse of the subject which was privat utilitie ; 
next, because it had likewise some commixture of publique respects and those of no slight conse- 
quence, for surely it importcth more to let the King of Spaync dispense alone the whole commodi- 
ties of the East then cache of us to wante them. Of the issue of owre dcbatements therein my 
worthic coinpagnons M r Clement Edmondes and the other two have rendrcd his Ma tle an 
accoumpt. For my part me thought we did some what resemble in our labours those weomcn of 
Nombrc dc Dios, who as they saye arc never brought to bed in the place where they conceave but 
produce their childern in a better airc. And so perchaunce it may fall oute with owre conceptions 
to be perfected in his Mu tius Kingdome, which will be a greater honor to theire birthe. Theare 
now reniaineth before my returne the prosecutinge of the treatie of Xantcn to an execution wherein 
the Archcdukes onely demaundc from the states a promisse of not re-entringe into those Towncs. 
You would thincke S r uppon the first sounde that they were holy personages and extreamly pro- 
vident of the future tranquillitie, but though they demauiide the promise, they meane, for ought I 
see yet, not to aggrcc uppou the fashion which hath made us now spendc seaven monthes abowte 
the reformation of phrases mid syllables. 

The first of July will be owre criticall daye when the States have appoynted a general asscmblie 
wherein they will determine of theire last resolution. And so having dischardged this accoumpt of 
myself which I owed you in all true love I committ you S r to Gods blessed favorc resting. 

[In dorso.~] Paralell with one to His M'- v . 

Gives an account of himself in 4 employm'" 1 *. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 267 



VI. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO JAMES I. 

ugiut3, 

MATE IT PLEASE YOUEE MAJESTIE 

I have thought mcete to direct the present dispatche immediatly unto your owne 
Royal handes intending therein to.dischardge twoe duties. The first is an accoumpt of the states 
answere touching your Ma tie " proposition. The other is a new project upon the whole affaire; 
which though it were borne at first in myne owne fancie, and therefore being so well acquaynted 
as I am with the father's weaknesses, coulde not merite much approbation even from mysclfe, yet 
having since conferred with some judgments of more value and balanced those reasons of state on 
each side that fall into it, I am now fulle persuaded (with humble reservation alwayes of youre 
Ma tire higher wisdome) that it will prove the only easie waye of determining this great businesse for 
the present and the only secure for the future. Xow first for the states answere. Yesterday towards 
evening, Mons. Barneveld, S r Joachim of Zeeland, and Liklama of Friseland (respondents for 
the three principall provinces) came unto my house as from the rest of the bodie, where Barneveld, 
in very sober and solemne fashion, spake at much length to this substance ; that, since my late 
proposition the states heere resident had been in great payne how to satisfie your Ma tic on whose 
affection, power, and judgment, they more depended in all theire perplexities then upon any other 
assistance under Heaven. That they had debated the matter at theire owne table, and with the 
Councell of State and with the Prince Maurice in particular, and with as much studie and anxietic 
as any thing that ever befell them. 

That in conclusion, they founde themselves unable by the power of theire commissions to deter- 
mine of it without a precedent full digestion thereof in theire severall provinces, intimating that 
this last was but a generall Assemblie of Holland, which though it beare the greatest chardge in 
onerouse tymes yet had not authentic to dispose of more then their owne voyces, especially in a 
point which was heretofore by the universall consent of all the rest esteemed the most cssentiall of 
all other in the promise, namely the interposing of the regal names which only could give authority 
to it and secure them from deception. 

That the omitting on the other syde of the Emperor's name, whoe had nothing to doe in the 
treatic, could houlde no proportion of equivalence with this of the Kings who were the principal 
mediators and mayntayners thereof, and therefore the Archeduckes in that should cxchaunge but a 
penn knife for a swordc. Besides that even themselves did never in any of theire formularies 
presume to inserte the Emperor's name in the bodie of the Promise among the dispositive woordes 
(as they call them) but only in the preface like a compliment or peece of ceremonie. 

That if the Deputies of the Provinces who sitt hccre and are to give an accoumpt of theire 
actions should without special and deliberate assent of theire superiors suffer themselves in a 
poynte of such wayghte to be over-reached by the Spaniards (of whose artifices sayd he we are 
more afrayd then of thcire power). Howe should they answere it to the people whoe were allready 
full of clamor? 

2M 2 



268 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

That the constitution of their state wheare theare was such diversitie of interests required in 
them that had the presidence of the aflfayres a more cautelose proceeding then in other formes of 
Gouverment. 

That therefore if the Kings names were taken oute of the Promise (which he often called the 
mayne poyntc of theire securitie) they must needes (for as much authentic as they yet had) adde 
in place thereof some special reference to the Treatie of Xanton, which perchaunce the archedukes 
would lesse permitt. For the whole Provinces had aggrccd upon this Disjunctive that either the 
Kings must be named by whome the Treatie did stand or at least the Treatie itself. 

Finally, he seemed in the name of the State humbly to desire cither your Ma 1 ' gratious 
patience till the matter could be better digested in a gcncrall consultation or that you would be 
pleased to presse the Archedukes (whoe after the Treatie of Xanton had been signed and sealed 
were the devisers of this promise for the preventing of the execution) to be contented with some 
relative specification of the sayd Treatie in the promise. 

This was the substance of his speachc besides some matter of intelligence touching the Emperor's 
intents to sequester the litigiouse landes, and the Spaniards to masque theire owne purposes under 
his name, with the like apprehensions which abounde in private discourse. I shall not necde to 
repcate to your Ma Ue rnyne owne replye which consisted principally in the remembrance of youre 
royall meritcs towardcs these provinces and the commone cause, youre three particular engagements 
of yourselfe in theire defence since my being hecre, youre continuall sollicitude and imployment 
of all means for their tranquillitie, youre mediation of a league before between [the States] and the 
Protestant Union, and now with East Friesland for theyre better strength, which things and the 
like I did not touche with any cxprobration as I professed (for ther was nothing soe contrarie to your 
Ma" nature as to remember your bencfitts), but only to lett them see that theare were very just motives 
of that assurance which your Ma tlc had given bothc others and yourself that your intercessions and 
counsayles should be well accepted by them, especially in a tyme when the distractions of the 
kingdomc of Fraunce the minoritie of the King and the Queencs private eudes did cast upon your 
Maj" 1 ' almost the whole care of the common cause. But Mons r Barneveld did cutt me of and 
ended owre conference with a seriouse acknowledgment howe much they were bound unto your 
royall person and crownes, desiring me to represent unto your Ma" c the answer which I had 
receaved was not a negative but dilative unto which they were forced for the present. I pressed 
him to tell me with what terme they could resolve, wherewith he seemed somewhat surprised, but 
consulting a little with his fellowcs they agreed it would be aboute the middle or towards the end 
of September. It is therefore nowe my dutie to deliver unto your Ma"' the reasons that I conceave 
of this dclayc : First it had been most unthankfull to disavowe youre Ma'"' in that wherein you had 
engaged them, and it was on the other side in trueth impossible to graunte it. For your Ma"" 1 
proposition is that the Kings names might be left owte of the Promise, wherein the French King 
doeth not yet concurr, soe as betweene a tendernesse to pffende your Ma" e and impossiblcnesse to 
dispose of both names withoute the suite of bothe, the middle way was dilation ; secondly, they 
shall in this meanc while by the benefit of a few weekes come to clearer knowledge of the Emperors 
and Kingc of Spaines intention , the dismasquing whereof importeth much in the cause. For if 
their ends be pacificall then the states shall have noe reason to houldc the places taken, but if there 



Letters from, Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 269 

be a rupture intended then they will assuredly keepe the townes [sic] an make Juliers one sommers 
worke at the leaste. 

Thirdly, theare have been in this buisinesse contrary flatus, for I finde the Instruments of the 
House of Brandcnbourg extreamly desirouse (though not openly) to retayne the names of the 
Kings as (no doubt) imagining the French King tyed onely thereby (whoe is tyed by nothing 
else) to theire assistance. For of your Ma tie they have better houlde. Lastly, though they seeme 
truely in theire confessions to yeelde your Ma tic a great deele of power over them, yet pretend to 
conceale from youre knowledge that some of them at the late debatement did towche your Ma til ' 5 
engaging of them before theire consent as a daungerous precedent in respect of the French King, 
whoe perchaunce hereafter upon the example may assume the like which pcradventure was some 
cause to breede a little demurring. But this secret matter. For Mons r Barneveld in his speache 
to me saycd not one syllable of the French King. This is as much as doeth occurre touching the 
accoumpt of theire answere. Theare nowe remayneth the new project (which not to trouble youre 
Ma tie with more then necessarife woordes) is briefly this : That the Prince of Brandenbourg be 
contented for his part in the compossession with the Dukedom of Cloves, Cowntic of Marck, 
Kavensbergh, Kavensteyn, Sfc.; and yeelde unto Newbourg the Dukedomes of Juliers and Bergh 
for his share, according as the partage was determined in the Trcatie, withowtc putting the matter 
to the hazardc of fortune by lottc. In this I conceave a great probabilitic to satisfie all parties. 
The first Brandebourg, whom your Ma tie hath most cause to favor, hath noe reason to refuse it ; 
because though Juliers and Bergh be (noe doubt) the fatter possessions, yet that poynt is counter- 
peased, by being neerer of his friends and master, of that part which is lesse infected witli Popcrie, 
besides the hazarde otherwise of getting neither of bothe, if things either remaync as they are now 
or be worse shuffled. 

As for the states, they have more cause to wishe it, for they shall have a trustie and oblidgcd 
Nayhbour to couver theire frontiers ; and I am come by curious meanes to thus much light that 
Mons r Barneveld long agone, even while we were at Xanton in the heatc of owrc Trcatie, did advise 
the Prince of Brandenbourg to make choice of that part. Now for the Archeduckes they have the 
same and more reason then the States to desire it. For they shall have Xewbrough by them, of 
whose fortunes they may dispose as well as they have donne of his faithc ; and they shall see him 
placed amongst his Catholicks, to which part he had ever himself so greate a fancie, that it cost us 
three weekes discourse at Xanton before he would yeelde to putt the division to lottc. I will 
adde heereunto that the Archeduckes shall thereby have a pcece of theyrc willc (though it be but a 
feminine satisfaction) in chaunging one part of the Treatie ; and if they be ones satisfied, they will 
quickly quiet the Emperor, who mooveth only by the nerves of Spaync. And sue the decision 
of the right may perchaunce be layed of till the comming of Elias, and the provisional possession 
be converted into a perpetual. Or, if the Duke of Saxony (who is soe Austriacal) slial drawc the 
Empcrour to a decision of the cause, yet at least the Landes shall lie quiet in the mcane while, and 
Christcndomc bee freed from these impendent feares of combustion. Only there is one person 
nominated in owre Treatie which will distaste the project, namely, Mons r Kcttlcr. For his 
donative of the Baronic of Monjoy must passe in the division of Juliers, and therefore he had 



270 Letters from Sir Henry Wolton to King James I. and others. 

rather that part should fall to his Master, that he might gather his rents at the more ease ; but in 
all event theare hath ben likewise a provision for him in the Treatie. 

Thus have I ben bolde to presente unto y r Ma Ue with humble freedome my poorc conceptions, 
which by the gayning of time I have by an expresse currier communicated with MODS' Trumbal, 
that if youre Ma tie shall allowe of it he may bee the better prepared to sounde the inclination of 
that Courte, which I think he will finde easie enough. If youre Ma tll! shall in youre wisdome (which 
is the guide of your vassalls) not thincke it practicable, then, though it be myn owne childe, I wishe 
it strangled in the cradle. But, because if anything shall ben donnc in this kinde or any other, 
it seemeth much important to prevent the Emperor's motions, I humbly begge with all con- 
venient speede the knowledge of your Ma" ra will by the re-dispatche of this messenger, William 
Murray, of whose diligence I have made good proofe. And soe wishing youre Ma Ue with a faith- 
ful hart many and many blessed yeares, I rest 

Y r Majesties loyal and long devoted servant, 

H. W. 

POSTS. I understand that yowre Ma tic shall be sollicited by the Howse of Brandenbourg to 
expresse youre resolution and counsayle whether the Emperor's sequestration shall be resisted in 
case he proceede so farre, wherein I likewise most humbly crave some notice of youre Royall 
wille. 

From the Haghe, this 3 of August, 1615 st: n: 
[7n dorso.1 1G15, Aug. 3. 

My dispatche touching the 

Buisnesse of Juliers. 

q. if not tedyous. 



VII. PRIVY SEAL FOE SIR HENRY WOTTON'S ALLOWANCES. 

[October 17, 1615.] 

James by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland Defender of the 
Faith etc. To the Trer and under Trer of our Exchequer greeting Whereas we have appointed 
our servant S r Henry Wotton Knight to be o r Ambassado r resydent w th the Duke and State of 
Venice, and have allotted to him for his diet and entertaynement for the tyme of his imploymcnt 
there the somme of fyve markes by the day of currant money of England, Wherefore wee will 
and require you out of o r Treasure in the receipt of our Exchequer from tymc to tyme rcmayning 
to pay or cawse to bee paid unto the said S r Henry Wotton or his assignes the said somme of five 
markes by jhe day for his diet and entertaynement, the same to begin from the first day of 
September last past before the date heereof, and so to contynue till the day of his returne to our 
presence ; and wee are further pleased that for his better furnishing towards this service you 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 271 

advance unto him by way of imprest so much money as his said entertaynement of fyve markes by 
the day doth amount unto for the space of fower monthes, the same to be defalked afterwards upon 
his said entertaynement. And o r pleasure is that you continue to make like advancement unto 
him by way of Imprest from three monthes to three monthes during the tyme of his abode there, 
the same to be defalked upon his entertaynement from tyme to tyme. And further our pleasure is 
that you pay unto him for his charges of postage, transportation outwards and homewards, sending 
of Ires speciall and such like charges, such sommes of money as shall appear by bills under his 
owne hand to be laid out by him, the same bills being rated and allowed by o r principall Secretary 
for the tyme being, and these o r Ires shalbee yo r sufficient warrant and discharge in this bchalfe. 
Given under our privy scale at o r Pallace of Westminster the 17 th day of October in the 13th yeare 
of o r Kaigne of England France and Ireland, and of Scotland the 49 th . 

(Copie) JO. BIKGLEY. 

[In dorso."} Copie of S r Henry Wotton his Privie scale. 

17 th Octob r Anno xiij tio R. Jacob. (1615.) 



VIII. SIE HENRY WOTTON TO JAMES I. 

[May 20, 1616.] 

[Written in passing through Turin on his way to Venice. The details of the negotiation will be found in 
the despatches of Sir Isaac Wake amongst the State Papers. From his letter of the 21st of May the date 
of the present despatch may be inferred.] 

MOST GRACIOUS SOUVERAYGNE, 

Your Majesty hath heere M r Isaac Wake, who serveth you uppon my syght and 
knowcledge and by the coinon voyce with such diligence and judgment and reputation in his 
whole caryage as doth much ease me in the present dispatch, who am otherwise in respect of this 
place but a passenger. Havinge therefore given your Ma tic an account by letters that come here- 
with to S r Ealphe Winwoode of a painfull and dangerous journey, made longer by at least six 
hundred myles then it might otherwise have bin for the avoydinge of contagious townes and 
provinces, which inforced us to seek as hard wayes into Italyc as I thinke Hannibal did pcarce 
with fyre and vineger. I will nowc tell your Ma tie what hath binn donn in this Court whcare I 
arryved cyght dayes since with all my companye but one (whom 1 left behinde in desperate case) 
through God's blcssinge in goode health, and in such a poynt of tyme as nothinge could have bin 
wished more opportune, for I mctt some twoe hourcs journey from the Alpes Signer Octaviano 
Bonni, one of the gravest senators of Venice, of my olde acquaintance, imploycd extraordinarilyc 
into France, from whom I tookc some light of the present affaires in transltit, and hcther I am 
come three days before Mons r de Bcthun, imploycd likewise extraordinarye into Italye both with 
the same endes, though perchance not with the same affections, for though theyre scope be peace 
in prima intentione,* yet I doubt they will vary about the media, and for my part I doe not well 

" Capite " was first written and then struck out. 



272 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

see hitherto howe theare may be found a waye to wrap up the several feares and complaintes of 
this Prince and the Venetians in one pack without puttinge more feare uppon those that trouble 
them then them selves can doe eyther jointlye or singlye though we have heerc courage enough and 
moneye enough theare. The mainc doubt is the faintness of France for Albert out of that king- 
dome, which doth cover this estate with five Provinces, it might perchance be some case to the 
Kinge and Queene to vent into Italyc the relictes of their owne disquietcst humours, and even to 
spend that waye some of the principalls, yet I doubt their conjunction with Spaine will hardly 
beare this pcece of wisedome. These thinges I doe from hence represent unto your Ma Ue as a 
vacant discourser uppon which at Venice I shalbe able to make more solid judgement. In the 
meane while it may please your Ma 1 "-' to understand that myself and your Resident have had heere 
(post solennia) sundry serious conferences with this Prince of twoe and three houres at a time, and 
twice likewise with the intervention of the Venetian Ambassador, who is the nephew of that 
famous Duke Donate, and himself a gentleman of eager spivitts. This Duke did yesterday make 
also an attempt to bringe us altogeyther to a cofnon consultation before himself and some of his 
counsell, with Mons r dc Bethun and the French agent, which though I did not refuse for my part 
(because your Ma 1 "* endcs are cleare and necde not ieare the lyght) yet the French did directly 

with 

resyst it, denyinge to treate before him eyther in the presence of his owne counsellors or 
other ambassadors. The cause of the refusall we cannot easily tell, whether it weare fcare of beinge 
discovered or a loathness of being ingaged to farr in publique, oradesyre toappropriat the business 
of Milan as much as may be to themselves alone, or lastly some doubt that the noyse of such 
generall meetingos might offend Spaine and the Pope. Likewise in respect of our profession, 
howesoever sure I am that it hath moved in this Prince some displeasure and more jealousyc, and 
so I leave it. Tout-hinge our owne precedent conferences they wearc spent about foure maine 
points 

1. The league of the Duke with the Protestant union. 

2. The league of the Venetians with the sayde union. 

3. The strict conjunction betweene the Duke himself and the Venetians. 

4. And lastly, the pass of the Grisons. 

For the first I have disposed the Duke unto it by your Ma' ic * counsell and desyre (which are 
with him inducements of greate auctoritye) by the qualitye of his own person beinge a member 
and Prince of the Empire, as the Count Palatin styled him in his answer to me, and besydcs viccar 
of the Empire in Italye whiles the scale is vacant, by his owne connection in descent and bloudc 
with the principal! houses, and lastlye by the argument of arguments his owne necessitye as fair as 
it might be manncrlyc touched. Uppon this he made twoe doubles, the one in substance and the 
other in forme. The substantiall, whether he might enter into it, the ende of the union beinge 
(as he conceived it) for the maintenance of the reformed religion ; wherin I cleared him that it was 
grounded uppon the tranquillity, a meere civill point, which did well appeare in this that betweene 
the princes themselves and states united ther was some difference in pointe of conscience, besydes 
some Imperiall townes that wer of that union, that notwithstanding gave libertye to the roomaine 
religion; in which point he was contented to helpe me himself, alleaginge the example of his 
neighbours the Swissers, who are both leagued togeyther, and with other Princes of contrarye 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 273 

confession. The formall doubt was howe it might be donn handsomly and safelye, whereon after 
some debatement we fell uppon this that the fittest waye both for least noyse and most expedition 
was to treate it in your Ma 1 "* Court wheare both himself and the Venetian had resydent Ambas- 
sadors, for at this conference the Venetian Ambassador heere was present who declared a goode 
inclination in that state unto it, wheare uppon the Duke tolde him in a goode plaine and resolute 
fashion that nothinge could be dearer unto him than to enter with them togeyther into the same 
union, but howesoever he would interteine it alone provided he might first knowe what particular 
conditions would be demanded on his part, wheareof the Conte Scarnafigi had advertised him that 
I should bring him some light from the Palatin Court. To this I answer that indeede so was your 
Ma'' commandement unto me to sound it as farr as I coulde in my passage, for which you had 
expresslye addressed me that waye, but the Count Palatin (though otherwise of great authoritye) 
could come to no particulars w th out the deliberation of the whole bodye. To be short, he resolved 
after these discourses to make two dispatches, the one to the Embassador resident in your Ma hes 
Court with instructions to treate, for he had power (as he saythe) sent him before, the other a 
preparatorye express messenger to the Count Palatin and the other princes to intimate his desyre, 
and to move them to appoint some with sufficient authoritye for that purpose in your Ma tlea Court, 
wheare the Alleman Princes cannott well refuse to handle it. First, because your Ma tle is the 
heade of the union ; next, because for that in the answer which I had at Heydelberg the Count 
Palatin did remitt himself to that which had bin formerly signified unto your Ma tie as to the 
fountaine of this bussiness. These dispatches the Duke promiseth to make within twoe or three 
dayes, which I leave to the solicitation of your Ma ties resident heere. And for the other three 
points above mentioned, whereof the openinge of the passage through the Orisons seemeth the 
most important and the most difficult, I will make as much hast as maye be to give your Ma tle an 
account from Venice, which state being nowe styrred with theyr owne necessityes should methinkes 
by a mechanicall maxim be the more capable of perswasion, for quod est in motu facilius movetur. 
I have bin heere received with the accustomed countenance and favour of this Prince toward all 
those that are your Ma tie ", and I have saluted with all due kindeness from your Ma tie the whole 
house, amonge whom I found nowe more then before the Dowager of Mantoua, one of the 
principall subjects of the present incumbrances. I must end with humbly beseeching your Ma tie 
both to pardon and to pitie the wcakeness of us your servants that are so farr removed because we 
are tyed uppon this varyable theater to serve your Ma tie by discourse which others doe by direction. 
But our guide and measure is the honour of your name and the safetye of your sacred person and 
estates, which humblye comendinge to the highest protection, I rest 

Your Ma tiM most faythfull and longe devoted servant. 

[7n dorso.~\ From Savoy. 

To his Ma Ue from S r Henry Wotton in his passage 
out of Germanic into Italic. 



VOL. XL. 2 N 



274 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

IX. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO SIR WALTER ASTON. 

[Holograph.] 

[This and the following six letters contain the news of the time for the information of Aston, who was 
ambassador at Madrid.] 

Venice, this ,| of June, 1621. 
MY LORD AND EVER HONORED FRIEND, 

Not long before my coming from Vienna (where I stayed till it was fitt to leave the 
Emperour to the Counsayles of his owne fortune), I gave y r Lord? knowledg by the waye of 
Bruxelles of my tending to this place, the center of all my motions, and withall I sent you a 
cypher. 

Heere I have been almost foure moneths hoping still for some commaundement fro you, which I 
will now begg agayne. Besides owre owne privat frendship we arc now consociates in the publique 
service. And betweene the places of owre residence theare is as much relation as jcalousie can 
breede : for that is a relative as well as love. This I bring as an argument [of JJ]tCfCOlir3C erased"] 
to grownde a frequent intercourse of letters betweene us ; youre Lord 1 ' shall have from me news 
enough : the verie disease of this citie. At the present (to beginn w th a pertinent poynt) we stande 
in some hazard about the confines of an aifront or a rupture. Certayne Spanish Troupes would 
passe armed fro Crema towardes the Milanese over part of this dominion, w ch the Duke of Fcria 
seemes to pretend they may doe by olde agreements betweene this state and the sayed Dukedome, 
but heere the Senat hath strongly resolved the contrarie, and accordingly a campe is collected of 
English, French, Fleamish horse and foote aboute Martenengo as the fittest place to impeach theire 
passage, necre which the sayed Spaniardes stande hovering what they shall doe. In the meane 
while frequent carriers are sent hither with lies in theire mouth and the truthe in theire pacqucts 
as the fashion is, whereof the last hath filled all this Towne w" 1 a voice of an incountcr and some 
slawghtcr on bothc sides. But a fresh letter fro S r Henry Peyten, Colonel of the English (who is 
himselfe theare) doth correct this vaync noise. 

I thincke it will begett more passion then action betweene theasc umbragious neighbours, and, 
according to the Gospel's phrase, " Threasure up anger till a fitter tyme." 

I would I had paper enough left to tell you how little we believe the execution of y r u Treatie 
about the Vale Tolina. It is playne that arts arc sought to linger the effect till the Pope's end, 
for the next perchaunce may be of an other complexion. This is Frenche or at least a pure Italian. 
And so (my good Lord) I commit you to God's blessed love, remayning, 

Youre ever faythfull poore frend to serve you, 

HENRY WOTTON. 

Alia Medesima. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 275 

X. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO SIR WALTER ASTON. 

Venice the ^ of September, 1621. 
MY GOOD LORD AND EVEB HONORED FREND, 

I send youre Lord p heerew" 1 a large cypher for all occurrents, that I may heereafter 
without any tender or scrupulous reservation communicat w Ul you some of my fresh thoughts. 
The former, w ch I sent from Vienna, seemeth to have been swallowed between that place and 
Bruxelles. 

In the conveyance of the present I use the Spanish secretarie, who seemeth a well natured man. 
Your Lord p hath likewise not a better waye of youre commaundes to me then by the Venetian 
Ambassadour theare till I shall fitt us bothe with some Marchant that hath dealings in Spayne, of 
w ch this Towne can not be voyed. 

Youre letters to S r John A*re I reserve till his returne this waye homewardes. For his Ma lic 
hath removed him, and to make the place emptie for S r Thomas Howe (who is already on the 
waye w th his ladie by sea) Mr. John Chapman hath been sent before -over land as Secrettirie of 
the Ambassage, at whose coming thether S r John Aires commission doeth immediatly determin ; 
with him I have had little tyme to settle any good intercourse. In his successour I have more 
interest of privat acquayntance, betweene whome and youre LordP I will intermediat a due 
intelligence. 

If Christendome were fitt to thincke of a common cnimie what a tyme were this when the Gran 
Signor hath almost desolated Asia with carying six hundred thousand Turkes and one hundred 
and threescore thousand Tarters (for so S r John Aire doeth calculat his armie) [ite Efepe Some count 
erased] towards Polonia ; Constantinople in the meane tyme lying open to any that Avould invade ;t at a f"U 
it; for the Captayne Bassha is in the Blacke Sea. Touching neerer things : yesternight the Marquis l m - "' V 
de Cocure (late Ledger at Rome), by the way of Loreto (that zeale may countenance his errand), within my 
arrived heere w th expresse character of Ambassado r extraordinarie, and this day he shall by compasse, 
senatours be publiquely receavcd and conducted to a house w ch the state hath fitted lor him at great *" 
ease. For by a frugal decree of senat the charge and care of all such extraordinarie receptions is 
laycd on the Jues. Long it hath been noysed before him that his message was to joyne here w th 
the Nuntio for the restoring of the Jcsuites. But of late some have begunn to whisper that those 
Fathers were not his scope, but his veile to cover deeper instructions aboute sounding this Kepublique, 
the inclination of this Republiquc, if the King his Master after the selling of his owne Rcalme 
should passe the Alpes in person, or send over a fayre armie in favour of the suppressed Grisons his 
confederates, so ingenious is this cuntrie that they ever thinke the professed part of all negotia- 
tion nothing but the vizard of the concealed. But the Frcnche Ambassadour resident here, having 
within thcase two dayes visited me, did of himself, as it were to obviat all other impressions, assure 
me that his coming is merely for the aforcsayed Jcsuites. How likely he is to spcede may be 
partly conjectured by this, that yesterday the Duke exhorting such senatours as arc deputed to 
receave the Marquis to be theare in full number, he fortified hia exhortation with this argument, 

2N 2 



276 Letters from Sir Henry Wot ton to King James I. and others. 

that sithcncc lie was likely not to be satisfied in his errand it should be fitt to be the more compleate 
in all respectes that did concerne his person. Of the issue I shall give y r Lord!" a better accoumpt 
in my next. 

The controversie in terra ferma about passage of soldiers drawes towardes an appoyntment treated 
betweene the Pope's Nuntio at Milan and this heare. The fonnalitic of the accorde wilbc this t 
the Spanish compagnie that was repulsed shall [passe-, erased], marche over the Venetian territorie 

leave 

in armes by publique [pcrir.isgioB-, erased], with the ordinarie protestation sine prejudicio, w ch 
protestation the Duke of Feria would a great while not swallowe, but now he seemeth wonn unto it : 
provided that likewise on the other side the verie same be protested that the foresayed compagnie 
was putt back sine prejudino. After this, all passion shall cease, the cause be civilly considered, 
and a regular determination sett downe for the future. 

O 

In the lowc Provinces we have yet no actual rupture. For the seidge of Juliers (a neutral piece 
though garisoned by the states) implyeth no breache. 

Bavaria thev saye is now entred into the upper Palatinat, and my L. Digbie, notwithstanding 
y r hclpc out of Spaync and his owne singular dextcritic, can obtcync no truce in the lower. For 
the impediments (I meane Mansfeld and Jeagcrndorff) seeme stronger than the adjuvants. 

I have from his Lord' 1 this weeke no letters wherewith he doctli commonly favour me. And 
therefore am loathe to beleive a voice growen hecrc among the publique Ministers that he hath 
taken his leave in Vienna. True it is that strong reason did incline him towardes Madrid. For 
where shall we hope to finish this businesse but at that the fountaync of all the Empcrour's strength 
and counsayles ? I will now give my cipher leave to kisse y r handcs before I intertayne you 
farther. In the meane tyme, and ever remayning, 

Y r Lord?" verie faythfull poore frcnd and servant, 

HENRY WOTTON. 

[/n dorso.] Alia Modesima. 

3 
S r Homy Wotton, 

24 of September, 1621. 



XI. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO SIR WALTER ASTON. 

[Holograph.] 

Venice, the * 9 of December, 1621. 

MY LORD, 

Non sum ambitiosus in malts. But it is no ordinarie case which I must describe unto 
youre Lord"" for the excuse of too many silent weekes. 

I laye myself in Padoua more then a moneth thorough an ague which tooke me beeing abroade. 
And at the same tyme all my familie (except 4 persons), Italians, Germans, and English, were 
eather theare or heere in like manner decumbent. A Venetian Gentleman also who lyeth in a 
eeavered partition of my howse is at the present himself, wyfe, children, maydcs, and gondoliers all 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 277 

under Physique, so as we beginn to suspect owre habitation, beeing the most exposed to all weather 
of any in Venice, and by violence of the flashing windes the waves have pierced thorough and 
pondered owre wales and even taynted owre cesterns. Thus we are contented to rest owre 
curiositie uppon thease seconde causes. But God's indisputable will must be donn, which is the 
last philosophic both of Heaven and Earthe. Two I have lost. The one with the more griefe 
because beyonde all expectation even of his Physitions he was caried awaye in the strength of his 
youthe by a weake disease which some fancies did exasperat. The other was a Venetian who had 
long served under S r Dudley Carleton and mee heare as secretarie of the language or complements, 
a place more easily supplied then when substance is vacant. 

This is the accoumpt of owre infirmities w dl have made me so worthie of y r Lord 1 " pardon that I 
may chalenge some part of y r compassion. 

Now to proceede in owre correspondence as I will doe wcekely. For while God shall spare us 
uppon this Theater how can we lack subject of noise and discourse ? You know the agreement 
betweene the Polonians and Turcks, and it is a glorie indeede that a single piece hath beene able to 
resist the common enimie. But to my conceyte the greater feare remaynes. For I doubt, the 
external daunger which kept us in some awe beeing taken awaye, Christendome will growe too 
wanton at home. We now saye that the Emperour shall have good store of Polonians to liealpe 
him, and Bethelem Gabor as many Tartars. Before taease can arrive with you, you will knowe 
that, uppon my L. Digbies noble relation how he founde the buisiuesse and affections to stande, his 
M lie hath resolved to Ictt the Emperour concocte his owne humours, and it hath been thought fitt 
to redceme some of the tyme w ch hath been lost by Treaties by resummoning the Parlament on 
the 20 th of the last w ch had been adjorned to February. Satis peccatum est mollibus consultis. 
Whether my L. Digbies jornie to you theare holde or no youre Lord 1 ' will be pleased to tell me 
in y r next. The dispensation of owre matche at Rome is eagerly handled, and no English man of 
any fashion (if he be one of theire Catholiques) can come thether but they call him an 
ambassadour. 

Heere we beginn to talke of some new levies by lande, and that likewise we shall ari'nc the 
Gulph. For the Spanish fleete intending to winter as they saye in the Port of Brendisi hath 
given us scandal enough to frame a complaynt agaynst it to the Pope as beeing likely to prejudice 
the trafique of the Adriatique wherein his sanctitie is intercssed. 

You have heard that the Grisons have renounced the league of Fraunce, a foulc blowe to y e 
Treatie of Madrid and almost enough to make the French sober at home. Owre casie Pope 
chideth at the Spanish progressions in the Vale tolina, and they goe forward beeing now able to 
walke (while they kepe a foote in the Lower Palatinat) from Milan to Dunkercke uppon theire 
owne inheritances and purchases: a connexion of terrible moment in my opinion. Yo r Lord 1 " 
letters to S r John Aires I reserve. The King and the Marchants have dislodged him, and S r 
Thomas Roe w lh his ladle are well on their way thetherwards. Betweene whom and y r Lord 1 ' I 
will medeat a continual intelligence. Yesterday was heere in the open Court of the Palace one 
Aluigi Querini, a principal gentleman, apprenended and muffled in a cloake by order of the In- 
quisiters of State (one of owre blackest Magistrates) for a secret jornie to Ferrara and conference 
theare w th the Cardinal Governour. On Thursday night they chose Aluigi Valeresso to succeede 



278 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and otliers. 

Sig r Girolamo Lando in England. Theire late ambassador Pesaro sent into Fraunce about Poictiers 
was assayled by certayn stragling horsemen, despoyled, two of his trayne killed, and himself had a 
pistol twice putt to his brest which bothe tymes tooke no fire. But lett me entertayne you no 
longer with thease menudencias. In my next I shall have occasion to awake owre cypher w ch I 
have yet suffered to sleepe. God bless us and love us. In whose deare protection I leave you, 
ever remayning 

Youre Lord** vcrie faythfull poore frend to serve you, 

HENRT WOTTON. 



XII. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO SIR WALTER ASTON. 

[Holograph.] 

[December 29, 1 , 
Mr LORD, January 8, 2 

On Saterday last (w ch was hecre new year's day) the French Ambassadour having 
audience bnught the Duke pour les estrenes this resolution. 

That the King his Master having considered the present perplexities of the Orisons and the 
inconveniences that may growe thearcby uppo this Kepublique was determined to shewe unto the 
world that lie had power bothe to reduce his subjectes and to hcalpe his frcndcs. But had first in 
all congruitie thought mcctc to propounde to the King of Spayne this disjunctive, that the thinges 
donn in the Val Tolina were rather by the will of the saycd King or by the meere practise of the 
D. of Feria. The first he could not imagin : in the later case he would not be satisfied with lesse 
then the head of the saycd Duke. For otherwise he should alwaycs have some cause to suspect 
that theare had been betweene the K. of Spayne and his Minister some connivent intelligence. In 
the mgan while de les Diguieres (whose goverment of Dauphine had necrcst aspect uppon Italic) 
was commanded to putt things in preparation. With this the foresayd Ambassador begann the 
new yeare, w' 1 ' I shall not neede to tell y r Lord? how welcome it was to this senat, nor how much 
welcomcr it would have been if the French king's [presort; erased] inward distractions (which 
[woul.l, erased] wilbe easily fomented by theire ownc nobilitic, besides forein arts) would suffer 
us to beleevc thease brave promises. 

Y r Lordf hath heard of a certayne negotiating fryar, by name Hyacintho (who, if I mistake not 
the man, was long since spued out of this Towne for a mutinous Sermon), lately intercepted by the 
Mansfeldians, and with all diverse letters wherewith' he was laden fro the Empcrour towardes the 
Spanish Court, theare to make good by his dcxteritie the investing of the Duke of Bavaria in the 
Electorship, w cl ' that Empcrour had already resolved uppon him and already actually bestowed 
without the knowledge of Spayne, as we are yet left to bclecve. This discoverie hath beene verie 
opportune for the information of cure Parlament at the present. And they saye that all the papers 
taken aboute the sayed Fryar shalbe printed at the Haghe, conteyning many fierce and desperat 
poyntes w ch tend to a warr of religion by those incancared counsayles w ch the Emperour receaveth 
after dinner fro the Jesuites. For that is theire tyme of intromission to him. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 279 

I beleeve y r Lord p will have great payne in that Court, so susteyne y r owne good impressions. 
God make this new yeare wherein we shall enter before the next currier prosperous unto his 
M lie and all his hono. So I rest 

Y r Lordp" verie faythfull poore frend and servant, 

HE NET WOTTON. 
From Venice the 29th of December 1621. 

Stile of England. 
[In dorso.'] S r H? Wotton, 29 Dec. 1621. 



XIII. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO SIR WALTER ASTON. 

[Holograph.] , 

Venice, the -~g- of Januarie, 1622. 
MY LORD, 

I shall not neede agayne to tell y r Lord 1 " of a certayne Fryar, by name Hiacintho, 
intercepted in Germanie by the Mansfeldians in his jornic towardes you as he was laden with 
diverse instructions from the Emperor and letters to the Principals of y r Court. By w ch many 
thinges are opportunely discovered, and among other that the sayed Emperor hath actually conferred 
the Investiture of the Electorship on the D. of Bavaria even without knowledge of the King of 
Spayne as we are yet left to beleeve. All the papers wilbe printed at the Haghe, and copies thereof 
are already sent to his Majestic, which will breede you buisncsse. For my part uppon it I am 
readdie to turne Eremite and to abandon all rules of civil art. For surely (my Lord) the Elccto- 
rating of that Duke is agaynst the verie Alphabet and Elements of State. 

I conceave the King of Spayne uppo it in a great dilemma. If he doe not mayntayne the 
Emperour's resolution he will perchaunce want strength himself to mayntayn it. If he shall abett 
him or abone him (as y r phrase is theare) it wilbe harde to make this age beleeve or any since the 
tyme that men did eate akornes that the sayd king [of Spayn, erased] was not of his counsayle. 

Heere they have this weeke solcmnely acquaynted me with a summe of theirc intelligence 
touching the Khetian affayres, desiring me to represent the same to his Ma tio . 

My answer was that I would doe so, and had donn so already by sunclrie pieces, but rather out of 
dutie then necessitie, since an ambassage fro the said Grisons beeing [ai erased} arrived at the Ilaghe 
with porpose perhaps of passing over into England, or at least having theare conferred all theirc 
complaynts w th S r Dudley Carleton, his Ma tlc could not lackc due information nor a just feeling of 
their case, whose authentic and name was as much imploycd in the trcatic of Madrid as the French 
King's, as I had been well taught by y r Lord p , though now owre necrer cares did somewhat distract 
us. There are two great remarquable circumstances in the proceeding of the Duke of Feria. The 
one that he imposeth the oath of obedience as he goeth on fro piece to piece. The other that after 
gBisoning of them he now beginneth by little and little to disarme them, w ch is in truthe to cutt 
the last stringes of libertie. 



280 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

To ende my letter, and to beginn the new yeare (into w* we are entred since the last sumer) 
w* pretie stuff: let me tell y r LordP that at Rome are newly arrived a levie of English gentle- 
woemen. Al corpo del mondo questa e galante. They are brueing a new order of feminine 
Josuites. Theire particular names I yet knowe not, but I imagin the Ladie Lovel of my cuntrie 
and olde acquayntance to be the leader. For she hath had some such thing in her high fancies a 
good while. This I will lay up for a subject of more discourse betweene us as I shall heare farther. 
And now I leave y r Lord p in God's deere love, w th the wishing of many happie years unto you. 

Your servant, 

HENRY WOTTON. 
[7/i dorsoJ] Alia Medesima. 



XIV. SIR HENRY WOTTOX TO SIR WALTER ASTON. 

[Holograph.] 

Venice, the -J-| of January, 1622. 

MY LORD, . 

How like you this ? In the copie of the Emperour's letter to y r Don Baltasar de 
Zuniga (intercepted in the wallet of the wandring Fryar Hiacintho) is cxpresly affirmed that 

[Electoral t ] lc gaye( j Emperour had conferred fthc -^ I b 55 F5 ST 7* c uppon . 
uppon the L H 43 12 33 59 21 55 6 53 

Duke of t j le Du ]. c of Bavaria .1 c o n d c b ,, o g n 

-SO" ' by C UnSaylC f the 33 ' 21 ' 49 ' 3"5 ' H 3 ' d 2T ' 39 ' 49 ' 

counsayle of 

the Conde at e ~| 
d'Ognate.] 6 " 59 ' 11 'J 

Thus much only I have obteyned leave from my present greefes to tell y r LordP, my steward and 
kinsman^beeing this verie day taken from me by the hand of God after a long infirmitie which had 
spent his strength, and so I commit youre Lord' to the mercie and love of heaven. 

Certissimo seruidore, 

HENEY WOTTON. 

[L.S.] All' 111" 10 et lec mo sig re il sig Cava re Gualtero Ashton, Ambasciadore per la M u della 
Gran Bretagna a Madrid. 



Here is a blunder in the cypher, it should have been 59. 
b 3 is a nullity in this cypher. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 281 



XV. SIB, HENRY WOTTON TO SIR WALTER ASTON. 

[Holograph.] 

[Febmary ~, 1621.] 
Mr LORD, 

I have receavcd two letters of late from you, and in the first of them one to S r Thomas 
Kowe, to w ch I have given due conveyance, being glad that I lie so fitly to intermedia! youre 
correspondence w" 1 the Levant. 

In the other I finde the fruict of y r diligence in procuring, uppon his Ma tie8 last letters to that 
King, so speedie a.commaunde to Bruxelles for the imployment of Pechius in owre behalf to the 
Emperour, of w ch instrument lett me tell y r Lord p , by the waye, that he gave us at Santoun more 
arguments of his discretion then of his sinceritie. 

On the other side the grave of Swarzenburge, destinated into England for the King's satisfaction, 
having wayted on the Emperor in his nuptial jornie beyond Saltzburg for his instructions, was 
thense retourned back to Vienna with order to attend theare till they be sent him. Thease be in 
my opinion not Spanish or Italian but Dutche delayes. Heere I have at last by order of Senat 
receavcd fundamental satisfaction touching their interteinment of the C. Mansfcld, agaynst w ch (as 
I wrote before) I had interceaded. They tell me that the scope of theirc contract w th him is not 
to drawe him from the place where he is, but rather to susteine him the better and to settle his 
fortune in all event, w ch wilbe a good quieting of his thoughts. So they explane themselves, and, 
for aught I see, we must lett princes be theire owne Interpreters. 

From Rome we have great things. A new congregation under tytle de fide Catholica pro- 
paganda, pregnant they say of a Leage contra Haercticos. And yet owre last letters from close men 
tell us that the Pope doeth waver in his inclinations towardes the Bavarian Duke, and that he 
hath dispatched an expresse currier after Verospo to suspende that piece of instruction w ch 
some saye springeth from Spayne, whose Instruments at Rome have lately joyned him. In so 
much as now the Spanish Ambassad r theare and the Cardinal Ludouisio are professed Coach- 
compagnons in the eye of the world. The glue is the Inheritrix of the Princedom of Venosa in 
the Kingdom of Napcls, who, by assent fro Spayne, is promised to the Pope's little nephew: 
having before been denyed to the Duke of Modena for his son Don Aluigi, nay even to Paulus V"' 
for his ill-favoured nephew Prince of Sulmona. Yet this perchaunce may prove breve gaudium, 
for we heare withall that the Pope is at the present decumbent of more then the goute. Owre 
Duke hearc cometh now abroade agaync, whom the people the last weeke seemed willing to beleeve 
to be dead. His tymes indeede have been somewhat penurious. And the common man heere 
knowes no other rules of a good Prince but bigg loaves. 

The Ambassad' of this State, Griti, bccing revoaked (as I have formerly written) from the 
Imperial Court uppon new difference bctwecne him and the Conde d'Ognate, is in his returnc to 
visit the Bavarian Duke : a thing straunge unto me, whereof I shall tell y r Lord p more in my next. 
The French King seemea maynly to embrace the Rhsetian businesse; and the bodie of the Grisons, 

VOL. XL. 2 O 



282 Letters from Sir Henry Wot ton to King James I. and others. 

(if they be still a bodie) have disavowed the late Acte of theire Ambassadors at Milan : nay, as we 
heare, the Ambassad themselves saye that certayne false articles have been inserted into the 
printed copies of theire accorde. In summa, I beleeve the Duke of Feria (though the half of 
him be English) wilbe troubled with mayntayning his new purchases. Of owre owne maters at 
home I am unwilling to speake, seeing such disharmonie when we should be most in tune, but 

Est bene non potttit dicere, dixit, erit. 
I will end in that comfortable verse, And ever be, 

Youre Lord 1 " most faythfull 

poore frend to serve you, 

HENRY WOTTON. 
Venice, this -jj of Februarie, 1G21. 

Alia Medesima. 
J? Henry Wotton, 18 of Feb. sti. vet. 



XVI. SIR HENRY WOTTON TO SIR ALBERTUS MORTON. 

[Holograph.] 

[The mention of Lord Holderness and Lady Fielding places the date of this letter between Jan. 22, 
1621, and Sept. 14, 1622. 

In March, April, and May, 1622, Wotton was negotiating with the Venetians for assistance for the war in 
the Palatinate, and this Letter was therefore in all probability written about that time. Sir Albertus was 
the third son of George Morton, Sir H. Wotton's half-brother. He began public life as his uncle's secretary 
at Venice. He was there appointed Secretary to the Electress Palatine, and Agent with the Princes of the 
Union. In 1G19 he returned home upon his appointment of Clerk of the Council. In 1620-21 he was 
sent upon a special mission to Germany with 30,000 for the Princes of the Union. In 1624 he was 
appointed Ambassador to France, but never went, as in February 1625 he succeeded Calvert as secretary.] 

Mi ALBERTE, 

Youre commendation of this bearer unto me hath made me the willinger in his 
returne to sett uppon him a marke of trust in the cariage of an important dispatche coincident 
with his departure, of w* h one piece doeth neerely concerne you, namely the fayre professions of 
this Republique in the businesse of owre Royal Mistresse: whose concurrence hath been sollicitcd 
bothe by his Ma tics ownc letters (which are the best interpreters of his affection) and by his com- 
maundes to me. Lett me praye you in youre next to the Haghe to doe me the right of informing 
how glad I was of this imployment heere. James hath quenched all my wonder at y r silence. Now, 
because I foresee that heereafter theare will growe more mater of discourse betweene us, I have 
thought fitt to furnish you with a larger cypher, whereof I must entreate you to consigne a fayre 
copie to the Deane of Paules.* 

John Donne was made Dean of St. Paul's in November 1621. 



Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 283 

You receave heerein the copie of my letter to the Earle of Holdernesse uppon occasion of a 
new commaunde fro the King. Let me trouble you with the presentation thereof unto him, and 
likewise of the plant which I send in a little long box inscribed to his LordP. I have adventured 
also to addresse an other box unto you, with inscription to my Ladle Fielding, w ch I praye retayne 
silently [byjOU erased] till the receyte of my letter w ch shall followe this within two dayes by 
the ordinarie ; and therein I shall exercise the present cypher which hath made me now send it 
solitarily. Till then therefore no more. The Lordes love be with us. 

Thine owne poore uncle, 

HENRY WOTTON. 

God's pitie, I had almost forgotten to thancke thee for thy fine tokens. Never was man so 
bragg of any thing. And now I am in payne what I shall retourne for them. Or su qualche 
cosa sara. 

\_Indorso.~] To be considered. 

To S r Albertus. 
Or su qualche cosa sara. 



XVII. Sin HENRY WOTTON TO LADY WOTTON. 

[This letter must have been written in July, 1 639. Albert Morton the younger, the second son of Sir 
Robert Morton, who was the eldest brother of Sir Albertus Morton, to whom the last letter was written, 
was, according to information derived from the Rev. H. R. Luard, Registrar/ of the University of Cam- 
bridge, " matriculated pensioner of King's College on July 2, 1639." He was one of "Wotton's executors, as 
appears from a notice of him in the preface to " The College of Cardinals," edited for the Camden Society 
by the Rev. J. C. Robertson, Canon of Canterbury. The lady to whom the letter is written was the widow 
of Thomas second Lord Wotton. The marriage referred to is that between her daughter, Hester Wotton, 
and Baptist Noel, the son of the second Viscount Camden. It took place (as appears from an extract from 
the Duplicate Register of Boughton Malherbe, in the Diocesan Registry at Canterbury, furnished by 
Mr. Hopper,) on the 31st of December, 1639.] 

MY EVER TRUELY HONORED LADIE AND NfiECE, 

When this my servant returning lately to me from Cambridg (whether I had sent him 
to see the first placing of my nephew Albertus) thorough London, where he could tell me you 
were by a casual meeting with y r coacheman, I was truely sortie bothc to understande it acci- 
dcntaly, and likewise when I was uppon the poynt of resolving (as he can well tell you) to have the 
honour and comfort of wayting on you in mine own genial ayre youre Mansion Howse in Kent. 
But I heare aboute a moneth hense you wilbe thcare agayne, and I will plott in the meane while 

2o 2 



284 Letters from Sir Henry Wotton to King James I. and others. 

how to conveighe my self unto you by a little circuit, for more then a voluntarie and pleasurable 
motion doeth now carie me (since youre Lad p is out of Kent) towardes Suffolck, espetially that I 
may conferr by the waye with an excellent physition inhabitant in St. Edmunds Burie, whom I 
brought myself from Venice, where (as eather I suppose or surmize) I first contracted my infirmitie 
of the splene, to which the verie seate is generally inclined, and therefore theire physitions (who 
commonly studie the inclinations of places) are the likeliest to understande the best remedies. 

For my particular (I thanke my God) I am free of those extremities which first assayled me, 
yet still troubled at tymes with some uncivil remaynder as my sayed servant will tell you, and I 
should be glad to come in all poynts cheerfully unto you, for I have a world of discourse to unlade, 
like those that weede not a garden till it has growen a woode. Yet in the reserved mater I have 
not much to saye more touching that subject whereof I last wrote to y r Lad^ by this verie Bearer. 
For in truth I have given it out with a good confidence that all is well in the intentions on both 
sides and with assurance on my inviolat neece y r dawghter's part. And the reason why I have no 
more stirred in it is an experience that I had long since of being imployed in the like buisinesse (as 
I shall tell y r Lad p when we meete) with miserable infelicitic. I thinke silence and rest doeth 
oftentymes more good then Physique and agitation of Nature. 

Glad I am to heare that y r LadP hath brought with you my most deere Neece Hester, to 
whom My Lord her gran father did as great an injurie as he could possibly doe even while he 
meant to doe a greater ; owre blessed God disposeth of all thinges sweetely in his good tyme. And 
so end with my continual prayers for his decrest favours uppon you and all yours. 

Remayning ever youre Lad p ' s most faythfull servant, 

HENRY WOTTON. 

[/ dorso.'] Leettcr of S r Hen. Wotton touching a visit or Journey to 
meete his neece in Kent, but by a circuit to goe to 
Phisition, w* he brought from Venice w lh him. Venice 
subject to splene, w" 1 which he is a little troubled now 
and then. Soe glad to heare she has brought his neece 
Esther w th her, to whome her grandfather did as great 
an injury as possible, while he sought to doe a greater. 
He rests. 



XVIII. Notes on some Roman Architectural Remains discovered m the city of 
Chester, in the summer of the year 1863 : by WILLIAM TITE, Esq. M.P., 
F.R.S., V.P.S.A., in a letter to Augustus W. Franks, Esq., Director. 



Read January 14th, 1864. 



MY DEAH SlR, 

In the autumn of the last year, on my way back from Newcastle, after the 
meeting of the British Association, I passed through Chester ; a city which, for 
the antiquary, the archaeologist, and the architect, possesses peculiar charms; 
and which I never visit without renewed interest. On this occasion however I 
found Chester to be gradually changing its former character, in consequence of 
the overpowering influence of the railroad system, which makes it the great 
centre of the lines of communication in that district. At the station a very large 
hotel had been erected ; and that undertaking having proved successful has 
probably led to similar speculations in the city itself. The principal hotel in the 
main street has been taken down, and is now being rebuilt ; and in the adjoining 
street, Bridge Street, another large old inn, known as "The Feathers" (the 
site of the remains I am about to describe), has been destroyed. Many new and 
magnificent houses and shops are now occupying the places of the picturesque old 
wooden buildings of earlier times ; but I am glad to perceive that the peculiar 
feature of Chester domestic architecture, the " Rows," is still retained ; though 
the ambulatories now constructed are much higher and lighter than the old 
passages. 

At the cathedral the structure itself still remains in a very sad state of 
dilapidation ; but this is not because a great deal of repair has not been already 
effected, for the exquisite restoration of " the Lady Chapel," at an expense of 
9,000/., is beyond all praise. 

As I wandered along the Rows I observed a photograph in one of the shop 
windows, representing the foundation of a large Roman bath or chamber, in 
general character precisely similar to the remains recently discovered at Wroxeter 
and so constantly occurring elsewhere in Britain, but much more frequently 
under tessellated pavements in Italy. In a paper in the thirty-sixth volume of 



286 Notes on Roman Architectural Remains 

the Archaeologia, on the pavement discovered at the Excise Office, I have described 
this kind of foundation ; and I have also in another place explained the nature of 
these supports for such weighty floors. Here, therefore, I need only repeat, 
that sometimes the floors were laid upon the solid earth, as in the case of the 
pavement at Broad Street, and sometimes, as at Wroxeter and in this instance at 
Chester, on the tops of small pillars called piles. In this example, as in many 
others, the low columns supporting the floor were supposed to have belonged 
to a hypocaust, understanding that word in the sense of a heated chamber; 
but I believe they were often really nothing more than a most efficacious 
means of securing the floor from the damps of the earth beneath, a difficulty 
which is constantly occurring in the basements of our own houses. 

The interesting photographic view which I referred to led me to inquire 
further, and I learned that the remains had been discovered on the site of the late 
Feathers Hotel, in digging the foundations for a new edifice. The architect 
under whose care these works are proceeding was not then in Chester ; but, 
having obtained a sufficient introduction, I visited the spot; and, though the 
tessellated pavement and its low columns were nearly all destroyed, I was 
agreeably surprised and pleased to find the remains of a Roman portico, or even 
of a small temple, still standing in situ. Long as I have been an inquirer into 
the works of the Romans in Britain, I had never before seen any reliques so in- 
teresting as these; for it is a singular fact that very few vestiges have been 
found of Iloman columnar decorated architecture. Pavements, walls, remains 
of baths and villas, sculptures, inscriptions, and smaller antiquities are frequently 
discovered, and in sufficient numbers to fill museums ; but I am not aware 
of any Roman works of this class, excepting perhaps the remarkable conical 
building Avliich once stood on the banks of the Carron, near Alloa, in Scotland,* 
and the magnificent remains of the Temple of the Sun or of Apollo at Bath. b 
London, as I have frequently stated, has never to my knowledge produced any 
such architectural reliques. 



This edifice was familiarly known by the name of " Arthur's (Don," or oven, or hoffen, as Stukelcy 
expresses the word. It was of a circular form, very much resembling a common bee-hive, and it measured 
about thirty-nine yards in circumference at the base. It was destroyed in the summer of the year 1743, 
by the proprietor, Sir Michael Bruce, in order that the stones might be employed in constructing a dam on 
the Carron, which was soon after carried away by the river. The best and most intelligent account of this 
structure is contained in Mr. Robert Stuart's " Caledonia Eomana," published in 18-45, plate v. and 
pages 180-182. 

" The earliest account of the temple found at Bath was printed by Governor Thomas Pownall, F.S.A. 



discovered in Chester. 287 

Bridge Street in Chester, the locality where these remains were discovered, 
almost precisely corresponds in its direction and importance as a great and ancient 
highway with the old Eish Street Hill and lower end of Gracechurch Street in 
the city of London, since it leads from the <Bridge Gate, like a main artery, 
northward through the city. On the eastern side of the street, something 
more than a quarter of a mile from the river, stood the old hostel or inn called 
" The Feathers," under a part of How's Row and opposite to Pierpoint Lane. 
Beneath these premises, and exactly parallel with the present street, the Roman 
ruins were discovered, in the afternoon of Monday, June 22nd, 1863, in 
removing the foundations of the old hotel ; and they evidently constituted two 
distinct portions of the same edifice. 

On the eastern side was a space about twenty-three feet square, containing 
between sixty and seventy pillars, thirty-two inches high, of a quadrangular form, 
with caps of twelve inches : the columns being set at the respective distances of 
thirteen inches, and six and a half inches, apart from each other. It was supposed 
in Chester that this chamber must have been the hypocaust of a bath ; but 
the character and number of the small columns, and the absence of flue 
tiles, which are especially proper to a hypocaust, appear to me to prove that it 
really was a space artificially contrived below the floor of an apartment or division 
of a building, the intention of which I have already explained. I am inclined 
also to think it very likely that, although the existence of these remains seems to 
have been forgotten, they are none other than those described and figured by 
Messrs. Daniel and Samuel Lysons in 1810," and likewise noticed by Horsley, 
Pennant, and Gough many years before. 

About a fortnight after the first discovery, on excavating to the north of the 
hypocaust, so called, the workmen came upon the base of a circular Roman pillar, 

and entitled " Descriptions and Explanations of some Roman Antiquities found at Bath in the year 
M.DCC.XC. Bath, 1795." 4to. It contains a good engraving of the sculptures and inscription ; but in 
Carter's " Ancient Architecture of England," 1795, fol. plates vii.-x. are entirely composed of large 
effective etchings of all the remains. The most complete account, however, as well as the best representa- 
tions of them will be found in Mr. Samuel Lysons's " Reliquite Britannico-Romanas," vol. i. part ii. 
1813, Imperial folio. It comprises twelve coloured engravings by W. Daniell, from drawings made about 
1802, by the eminent architect, Sir Robert Smirke. 

tt These remains have now been represented with accuracy and artistic excellence in the local photo- 
graph referred to abore. The hypocaust chambers at Uriconium (Wroxeter) are unquestionably much 
finer than those at Chester, but they do not comprise auy such architectural reliques as those which 
are subsequently described in this paper. 



Notes on Roman Architectural Remains 

twenty-seven and a quarter inches in diameter across the top, and four feet eight 
inches high, resting on a square hlock of red sandstone, standing on the native 
rock. At the distance of five feet nine inches the hase of a second column was 
found of similar mouldings and proportions; and subsequently a third and a 
fourth ; hetween the last of which are the remains of a Roman well, fourteen feet 
deep, cut in the solid rock. In front of these bases, at a distance of thirty-nine 
and a half feet, there have been discovered those of six other columns, with the 
vacancy once occupied by the seventh : an arrangement which gives the 
appearance of a small temple, as will be perceived by a reference to the plan 
of the remains. The space inclosed by the two lines of columns is a parallelogram, 
which under ordinary circumstances would have been the cella of the temple, but 
it would be an exceedingly small one, and probably was only a covered portico 
containing a statue. The whole of this part of the building might, therefore, have 
constituted a four-columned Corinthian portico, about the size of the Maison 
Carre at Nismes. On July the 16th a specimen of the capitals of these columns 
was found in the debris, which exhibits a good arrangement of acanthus leaves ; 
but their bases consist mainly of plain bands like the mouldings found on those 
of the Temple of Apollo, discovered at Bath in the summer of 1790. Both of 
these examples shew the rudeness and late age of the edifices in which they 
appear; or, possibly, the inferiority of the artificers by whom they were con- 
structed, since it is not at all probable that the best workmen in any art were 
ever transported from Rome to Britain. 

Since it may be considered that the subject of this paper belongs to a pro- 
fessional local antiquary rather than to a stranger, I ought, in self-defence, to 
mention, that my motive for thus producing it is that no such accurate local 
survey appears to have been made. The Chester Journals repeatedly suggested 
and recommended that the remains should have an existence on paper, and be 
carefully measured, as the new structure then gradually rising would efface the 
Roman work in the course of a few weeks. All traces of this ancient edifice 
would thus be entirely lost, until similar circumstances of excavation might 
lead to another discovery of that which was really already matter of antiquarian 
history. 

That such a result is not at all improbable may be proved by the description 
and survey of the remains of the supposed Roman bath existing under " The 
Feathers " Hotel, published by Messrs. D. and S. Lysons in 1810, which are very 
likely to be those forming the first portion of the present discovery. " Some of 



Vol.XL.Pl.XV.p. 



PLAN &COFTME ROMAN REMAINS 

DISCOVERED IN BRIDGE STREET CHESTER (JUNE 1863) 
ON THE SITE OF THE FEATHERS TAVERN. 



SECTION 6HEW,MC CONSTRUCTION *T A 
TO TMC SAKE 8CLE COLUMN 



BRIDGE STREET 




FRAGMENTS OF CAPITAL. 
SHAFT AND BA8E6 OF COLUMNS. 



o _ u) _ y> 



to mo _ 70 to o too 



R BRABB.DEL FROM A SURVEY. AND ADDITIONAL MEMORANDA SUPPLIED 
BY EDWARD HODKINBON E8O ARCHITECT. CHESTER. 



discovered in Chester. 289 

those remains (says this accoiint), which were noticed a century ago, are still in 
existence, consisting of a hypocaust, fifteen feet long and eight feet wide, with an 
adjoining chamber, or preefumiim, of the same dimensions : they are situated 
at the back of a smith's shop, under The Feathers Inn in Bridge Street. This 
hypocaust is supported by twenty-eight pillars of stone, two feet eight inches high, 
and one foot square at the top and bottom. Over these pillars are placed bricks, 
eighteen inches square and three inches thick, which support others two feet square, 
perforated with small holes, set about six inches asunder. Immediately over this 
upper layer of bricks is a terrace floor composed of several layers of lime, pounded 
bricks, &c. in different degrees of fineness.* " 

These works are also described by Pennant and Gough ; but the old reference 
noticed by Messrs. Lysons appears to be to the passage inserted in Horsley's 
" Britannia Romana," published in 1732. " In Bridge Street on the south side, 
under ' The Feathers ' stairs, adjoining to a cellar on the east, is a low room, the 
figure of which is a regular oblong. The roof is flat, and supported by several 
small pillars of stone about two feet high. Over each pillar is a Roman tile, 
nearly two feet square, and about three inches thick. Each of these tiles has a 
small hole or holes through it, about six inches distant from one another. The 
outer side of the tiles and holes is black, as if smoked. The floor is of rough 
stone and cement." 

This room or furnace is still existing in the city, and is exhibited to visitors at 
sixpence each, under the title of " that ancient relique of the Romans the Bath 
and Hypocaust, pronounced by all antiquarians to be the greatest curiosity in 
Chester." It is now under a house adjoining to " The Feathers ;" and my own 
impression is that it was part of the furnaces of the baths adjoining ; but at pre- 
sent, as it is half filled with water from natural infiltration, it has very much the 
look of a small cold bath. 

I trust that the plans, section drawings, and this short description, will make 
the nature of these remains quite intelligible. With respect to the period at 
which they were erected my own opinion is that they were built about a century 
before the Romans left Britain. The Chester journals mention coins of Claudius 
Gothicus, Constantmus II., and Constans, having been found in the excavations ; 
but I could not discover in whose possession they now remain. 

In a former part of this letter I have referred to a very elaborate account of 

Magna Britannia, vol. ii. part i:.; County Palatine of Chester, pp. 428, 431; Horsley, Britannia 
Romana, p. 318. 

VOL. XL. 2 P 



290 Notes on Roman Architectural Remains 

the remains found at Bath in the very splendid work originally produced by Mr. 
Samuel Lysons in 1802, which subsequently formed the second part of his " Reli- 
quiae Britannico-Romana}." The drawings for this beautiful publication were 
made by my excellent old friend Sir Robert Smirke ; and, like everything which 
he executed, are models of taste and accuracy. The reliques themselves are pre- 
served with great care in the museum at Bath, where I have often admired them ; 
and therefore I could not but be struck with the very remarkable similarity and 
general agreement between them and some of the remains recently discovered at 
Chester ; I have no doubt that they are all of the same age. As Mr. Lysons has 
given a restoration of the fagade of the temple at Bath, and of the order and 
entablature used in the architecture : in plate XVI. I have attempted to effect a 
similar composition out of the imperfect remains found at Chester. But he had 
an authority for the entablature upon the columns, which I had not ; though 
I had a much larger quantity of the buildings themselves. 

The columns in the Bath temple were two feet four inches in diameter, and 
were fluted ; and the capitals and entablature were also highly decorated. At 
Chester the columns differ but little in diameter or height; but they are not 
fluted, nor are the capitals so much ornamented. From those columns which 
still remain in situ in the example at Chester, there is not the least difficulty in 
restoring the plan of the temple. It had, no doubt, a statue in the middle of it, 
as in the edifice at Bath, where also a beautiful fragment was found of part of a 
bronze head of Apollo with thin gold plating ; and I hope that even yet some 
similar reliques may be discovered at Chester. 

I ought to state in defence of the plan which I have now laid before this 
Society, that, in the restoration proposed, there is but very little which can be 
attributed to fancy. The screen of columns fronting the street, as shown in the 
plan, is imaginary, but the foundation wall of it is really there. The appropriation of 
the apartments is also conjectural, but it is, nevertheless, reasonable, and consistent 
with ancient authorities. My opinion is, that fronting the great highway leading 
to the bridge, the temple and baths stood as they are here arranged ; but whether 
I am right or wrong in respect of this restoration, it is indisputable that the 
remains at Chester are some of the most remarkable monuments of Roman art 
now to be found in Britain ; though it is feared that, from the exigencies of the 
case, they have been by this time all taken away. 

By the considerate favour of the Marquis of Westminster, to whom the ground 
belongs on which this building stood, and also by the meritorious exertions of Mr. 
Hodgkinson, his architect, the best of the remains have been carefully removed 




SUGGESTED PLAN 

OF THE PROBABLE STATE OF THE ROMAN TEMPLE AND BATH 8 

CHESTER. 



WITH A COMPARISON OFTHE COLUMNS AND ENTABLATURE FOUND IN A SIMILAR STRUCTURE AT BATH. 



8UOOEBTED ELEVATION OFTEMPLE. 

C H. S T R 




RC9TOREDOOLUUN AND ENTABLATURE 

CHESTER 




O Y !- O 








FRIOIDARIUM 



TEPIDARIUM 



APODYTEHIUHI 




BRIDGE STREET 



aoioooiQj>goBOBO 190 FtET 




SUGGESTED ELEVATION OFTEMPLE. 
BATH. 






I I 



RESTORED COLUMN AND ENTABLATURE 
BATH 



W.TITS.OIftEXIT. 






R BRASS. DEL 



discovered in Cheater. 291 

to the museum at Chester. To that gentleman, and also to the editors of the 
Chester journals, I am glad to record my thanks for the information which they 
so readily afforded me. Mr. Hodgkinson likewise most obligingly re-surveyed 
the whole site, and gave me many important particulars, sections, &c. by which 
I perfected the survey made by my able assistant Mr. H. Brass. I am further 
indebted for some curious photographs to Mr. Peacock, a local antiquary of the 
city, and to Mr. Hodgkinson. 

It is a constant tradition in the ancient history of Chester, that it contained 
below the surface many vast works of a very early period, which had become 
subterranean only because mediaeval buildings and causeways had been from 
time to time constructed over them. The same observation is of course true in 
some degree of the other cities and towns of Britain which were ever occupied 
by the llomans; but the very names of Chester, in the form in which that 
nation expressed and understood them, implied a camp, a legionary station in- 
valuable as it regarded the reduction of Ireland and a city and a castle united" 
" Cestria de Castris nomen quasi Castria sumpsit." 

As if that Chester took a name, 

Which Town and Castle made the same. 



' Dr. Stukeley in his Itinerary, vol. i. p. 59, ii. p. 30, indicates Chester by the name of Deva, placed in 
the margin of his text, which is a Romanised form of the British Dy/yr-Dwy, or the Water of Dee. As 
this river rises from two springs in Wales, the last word has beeu understood to signify two ; " but,'' says 
Camden, as translated by Philemon Holland, "others, also observing the signification of the word, interpret 
it as Black-water : others againe as the Water of God, and Divine Water. But, although Ausonius noteth 
that a spring hallowed to the gods was called Diuvona in the ancient Gaules tongue, which was all one 
with the British ; and in old time all rivers were reputed Aion-ereis, that is, descending from Heaven ; yea, 
and our Britons also yielded divine honour unto rivers, as Gildas writeth ; yet I see not why they should 
attribute divine honour to this river Dwy above all others. Unlesse, peradventure, because it now and 
then changed the channel, and thereby foreshowed a sure token of victory to the inhabitants upon it, when 
they were in hostility one with another, according as it inclined more to this side or that after it had lefr. 
the channel : for thus hath Giraldus Cambrensis recorded, who in some sort believed it." 

Selden, however, in one of his notes to the Eleventh Song of Drayton's Polyolbion, observes that 
Chester is " at this day in British called Caer Lhean ar Dour Divy, i. e. the City of Legions on the river 
Dee. Some vulgar antiquaries," he continues, " have referred the name of Leon to a giant, builder of it; 
I nor they know who he was, or when he lived ; but indeed they ridiculously took Lton Dour for King 
Leon the great." The sanctity of the Dee is repeatedly referred to by Drayton ; Spenser makes it the 
haunt of magicians ; and Milton laments that when Lycidas was lost the water-nymphs were not " where 
Deva spreads her wisard-stream." As Deva is intended to be the name of a female river-divinity, the 
prefix wisurd must be carefully understood in the sense of a diviner, as Wharton explains it from Comus. 

2r2 



292 Notes on Roman Architectural Remains 

All the other designations by which this place is known in remote history, 
Leon Gaur, Caer Leon, Lhean ar Dour Dwy, or Leye Castria, indicate that it was 
the permanent residence of a great military force " for the Romans," as Daniel 
King expresses himself, " to keep the keys, as I may say, of Ireland, and preserve 
the limits of their empire." As this policy required the maintenance of a large 
standing army in Chester," which never could be always employed in hostile or 
military operations, the strength of it must often have been directed to the con- 
struction of those great works of architecture and civil-engineering, large remains 
of which appear to have been visible in the city down to the fourteenth century, 
if not to a much later period. The curious mediaeval chronicles by which the 
history of Chester has been so remarkably perpetuated contain many notices of 
these buildings, which the authors seem to have seen and known, even though 
they frequently took their thoughts and words from each other. One of them, 
called Roger of Chester, says, "When I behold the ground-work of buildings 
in the streets laid with strong huge stones, it seemeth that it has been founded 
by the painful labours of the Romans, or of giants, rather than by the industry 
of Britons." In this very natural observation seems to be contained the germ 
of the tradition that Chester was really founded by 

Leon Gauer, a mighty strong Giaunte, 

Which builded caves and dungeons many an one. 

But when Dr. Ormerod produced his excellent History of the County Palatine 
(upwards of forty years since), he says, " There are now no vaults known to be iii 
existence of the kind described in the Polychronicon. Under some of the rows is 
a series of vaults, probably once used as storehouses for mercantile purposes ; 
but none of these appear to be older than the fifteenth century." 

It is quite possible that in many unknown places, and at unknown depths, in 
such cities and towns of England as were once occupied by the Romans, there 
may yet exist some great remains of large edifices, over which mediaeval struc- 
tures have been erected. Of their existence, however, and of the time when they 
were covered over, we know nothing ; but perhaps a plausible conjecture may be 
offered concerning the date when the Roman remains discovered at Chester first 
disappeared. 

1 The Legion stationed at Deva, or Chester, was the twentieth, known by the name of Valeria Victrix ; 
and from the very great importance of the post, and the constant service required, it could not have con- 
tained less than the largest number of soldiers ; ten cohorts, or perhaps 5,000 men. It was one of the 
nineteen legions which Dion Cassius mentions to have been raised by Augustus. 



discovered in Chester. 293 

In A.D. 1335, Edward of Woodstock, Prince of "Wales, the famous Black 
Prince, was created the first permanent royal Earl of Chester ; and, after the 
battle of Crescy in 1346, he assumed the well-known device so frequently re- 
peated on the sides of his monument at Canterbury, of an escutcheon sable, 
charged with three ostrich feathers argent, quilled and set in sockets or ; each 
enfiled with a scroll inscribed tri) triftie. Some such device was in all probability 
the sign of the ancient hostel erected over the Roman- work at Chester ; and 
it shows both the reason why the house was known as "The Feathers," and 
the particular period when the more ancient remains were built upon. Prince 
Edward had already merited the gratitude of the citizens of Chester by having 
confirmed to them their former charters and liberties in another grant, dated 
March 9th 1341, the 15th year of Edward III., in which the boundaries of the 
city are all expressed by name. 

I am, my dear Sir, 

Tours very sincerely, 

WILLIAM TITE. 



NOTE. In the course of the winter of the year in which this letter was read 
at the Society of Antiquaries, I received an intimation from Chester that Dr. 
Brushfield, a local antiquary, would read a paper on these remains ; he did so 
in two lectures given at meetings of the Chester Archaeological Society in 1864. 
He has also published in the Journal of the Archaeological Association for 
December 1866 an elaborate plan of the ruins, and some particulars of anti- 
quities found in Chester, and also in connection with these remains. 

This plan is incorrect in one particular ; but, if I had known that Dr. Brush- 
field and the local antiquaries were taking so much pains, I might have been 
spared much of the labour referred to in this communication ; but all I could 
learn locally is explained in my letter. So far as I can make out, Dr. Brushfield 
thinks these remains were those of the Praetorium of Roman Chester. In the last 
paper referred to, and which I now take the liberty of quoting, he however 
speaks of a very curious fragment of an inscription or " inscribed slab," of which 
I was not informed, in Chester. Dr. Brushfield refers to it as follows : 

" Inscribed slab. The last archaeological specimen from Chester is, perhaps, 
the most interesting one. It is a portion of a large incised slab, and was found 
lying adjacent to the external wall of the Roman apartments uncovered in Bridge 
Street. It was being carted away amongst some rubbish, but was fortunately 



294 Notes on Hainan Architectural Remains in Chester. 

recognised by Mr. John Peacock, who at once obtained possession of it. It is of 
a square oblong form, measuring 18 inches long, 8 inches in its widest breadth, 
and 2 inches thick ; and is in two portions, which fit each other accurately. Its 
posterior surface is rough, and portions of concrete still adhere to it ; whilst its 
anterior is highly polished, and, when wetted, reveals the characteristic structure 
of Purbeck marble. It contains the remnants of two lines of an inscription, the 
upper consisting of portions of the letters o G and perhaps A ; whilst the lower 
contains the letters DOM, with a point before the D. All of these are well cut, 
are remarkably sharp, and bear full evidence of having been painted red. 
Between the lines on the left side is the mark of a blunt weapon, with a crack 
proceeding from it. 

" The few remaining characters of the inscription afford us no clue either to 
their meaning or to the probable contents of the rest of the slab. The DOM. of 
the lower row may possibly have been a proper name ; but, as inscriptions fre- 
quently contain the words domus and dominus, it would be idle to attempt any 
explanation. Taking, however, all circumstances into consideration, viz. the 
large size of the Roman building on the site of which it was found ; the evident 
care displayed in selecting a durable material, and in subsequently giving its 
surface such a high polish ; the unusual size of the letters, and their colouring ; 
and the large size of the original slab ; we have sufficient data for offering the 
conjecture that it formed a portion of a dedicatory inscription on the erection or 
restoration of the building." 



XIX. On discoveries of Remains of the Roman Wall of London, by WILLIAM 
TITE, Esq., M.P., F.R.S., F.S.A. : in a letter to Frederic Ouvry, Esq., 
Treasurer. 



Read Nov. 17th, 1864. 



42, Lowndes Square, 5th November, 1864. 

MY DEAB, SIR, 

In April of the year 1854 I had the honour of addressing to you a letter on 
the subject of a tessellated pavement of considerable beauty which was disco- 
vered in Bishopsgate Street in digging for the foundation of Gresham House. 

That paper was subsequently printed in the thirty-sixth volume of the Archseo- 
logia, and at page 209 the following passage occurs : 

" In the summer of 1853 the excavations on the north side of the Tower on 
Tower Hill showed in situ distinct remains of Roman work in part of the 
inclosure wall of Roman London on that side. Here the wall was composed of 
square tiles, with that very thick joint and accurate bond for which Roman builders 
were remarkable, and this piece of work might have been executed within the 
compass of ' The Seven Hills ;' but, excepting this brickwork, the Roman 
hypocaust in Thames Street, and the pavements uncovered in various places, I 
have never seen any Roman work which I felt sure of. It may be answered, 
that London was often sacked and burnt ; but still Roman edifices of stone are 
not so easily disposed of. In all ages such fragments have been made use of as 
building materials, and have in the course of tune been gradually brought to 
light. Bath, Gloucester, Cirencester, and other places can witness ; yet their 
entire absence in London convinces me that Roman London was a brick city, 
and, in the words of Tacitus, ' a place not dignified with the name of colony, 
but the chief residence of merchants.' ' 

The annexed woodcut is a small portion of the Plan of London copied from that 
published by the Society of Antiquaries, showing London as it existed in the time 
of Elizabeth. 



290 



On discoveries of the Remains of the 



The cut shows the eastern side 
of the City, and this first frag- 
ment of Roman walling was dis- 
covered at the point marked A. 
At B a piece above ground still 
exists in a stable-yard. 

Fifteen years ago the construc- 
tion of the Blackwall Railway 
showed it again at D ; though, as 
no memorandum was kept by the 
engineers, and I was not in Eng- 
land, I cannot indicate the exact 
situation ; but I know it was 
about the place where I have 
marked it, at D. a 

It has happened in my profes- 
sional career that I have had 
much to do in building in this 
immediate neighbourhood, and 
traces of this wall have frequently 
occurred, but until the summer 
of this year nothing appeared of 




,3*. Tower 
of London 



a Since writing this letter my attention has been drawn to an account in a small literary publication of 
the day, in which the following description occurs: 

" Mr. Crack recorded the appearance of the Wall as he saw it in 1841 laid bare for the works of the 
Blackwall Railway. 

" Beneath a range of houses which have been in part demolished, in a court entering from the east side 
of Coopers Row, nearly opposite to Milbourne's Almshouses, and behind the south-west corner of America 
Square, the workmen, having penetrated to the natural earth a hard, dry, sandy, gravel came upon a 
wall seven feet six inches thick, running a very little to the west of the north, or parallel to the line of the 
Minories, which, by the resistance it offered, was at once conjectured to be of Roman masonry. When we 
saw it, it had been laid bare on both sides to the height of about six or seven feet, and there was an oppor- 
tunity of examining its construction, both on the surface and in the interior. 

" The principal part of it consisted of five courses of squared stones, regularly laid, with two layers of 
flat bricks below them, and two similar layers above the latter at least carried all through the wall as 
represented in the drawing. 

" The mortar, which appeared to be extremely hard, had a few pebbles mixed up with it ; and here and 



Roman Wall of London. 297 

any very distinct character, when the growing necessities of the trade of London 
led my friends Messrs. Joseph Barber, Turnbull, and Co., to project the con- 
struction of some extensive warehouses on the site of some old houses and yards 
in Cooper's Row. In August of this year their present architect, Mr. Clifton, 
called my attention to the very extensive remains of the London "Wall that he 
had uncovered, and brought me a photograph which I now exhibit. 

I immediately visited the place with him, and we found that for a length of 
one hundred and ten feet from north to south, and for a height of twenty-five 
feet from the ancient surface of the ground, the London Wall had formed the 
boundary, as it still does, of these premises. 

All the upper part was medieval, of an early date, faced principally with 
Kentish rag-stone, and the arches turned in the same material. 

These arches were two in number, with the trace of a third. They were 
apparently intended for arrow-slits ; for, though the internal arch and recess is 
no less than five feet wide by six feet nine inches high, the external opening is 
only two feet high by nine inches in width. In the arches there are two steps, 
the lower one eleven inches high, with a tread of thirteen inches, and the upper 
one one foot seven inches high, with a tread of two feet. These steps appear to 
be for the standing or kneeling of the long-bow or cross-bow men. 

All that part of the wall was no doubt further defended by a deep and broad 
ditch, and the bottom of the arrow-slits would probably be about fifteen feet 
above the natural level of the land or of the water in the ditch at high water, 
for, no doubt, it communicated with the Tower ditch and finally with the 
Thames. 

In descending into the basement of the warehouses, I was pleased to find 
that the base of this wall was of regular Roman work, exactly as I had seen it 
further southward in 1853. It was built in the following manner : first, six 
courses of tolerably regular masonry three feet four inches high, then two 
courses of Roman bricks, then five more courses of masonry three feet four 

there were interstices or air-cells, as if it had not been spread, but poured in among the stones. The 
stones were a granulated limestone, such as might have been obtained from the chalk quarries at Green- 
hithe or Northfleet. The bricks, which were evidently Roman, and, as far as the eye could judge, corre- 
sponded in size as well as in shape with those described by Woodward, had as fine a grain as common 
pottery, and varied in colour from a bright red to a palish yellow. A slight circular or oval mark in some 
cases forming a double ring appeared on one side of each of them, which had been impressed when the 
clay was in a soft state. 

VOL. XL. 2 Q 



298 On discoveries of Remain* of the 

inches high, then, two more courses of Roman bricks, and then more masonry in 
courses until it meets the somewhat irregular medieval work. The bricks are 
of excellent make, and the mortar so hard that, though I much desired to 
present you with a whole brick, I have only succeeded in obtaining one in two 
pieces. 

I now exhibit an elevation and section of this wall, which are represented in 
the accompanying engraving. 

You will ask me to say what I think of this Roman wall, and when and 
why it was constructed, but I can tell you but little about it. It has led me 
however to look carefully into what is known of the walls of London, and it is 
somewhat singular that this Roman wall at the extreme east of London has 
turned up almost simultaneously with the undoubted discoveries of Roman walls 
almost at the extreme west, so graphically and ably described by our excellent 
colleague Mr. Black. 

You will therefore obligingly take the remarks which follow as a tolerably 
complete sketch of the little that is known of the history, the construction, the 
direction, and the disappearance of the walls of London. In such a survey it is 
evident that I cannot attempt to produce any new matter ; nor can I hope to 
invest the record of our circumvallation with the antiquarian importance and 
picturesque interest which my friend Dr. Collingwood Bruce has given to the 
Roman wall of Northumberland. But the latter is considerably more than 
seventy-three miles in extent, and our metropolitan walls are not four miles in 
all. The northern wall is also still rich in inscriptions and sculptures, but there 
are few such noble records now remaining for Londinium, though it is quite 
possible that many such monuments might once have existed here also, which 
the imperative urgency of rebuilding a ruined city utterly disregarded and swept 
away. 

Our first inquiry of course must be as to the Roman walls of London, and 
unluckily here our information is of the most meagre kind. It appears to me 
there cannot be any doubt that they had no existence in A.D. 61, when 
Suetonius left the place to destruction, as a post which he had not forces enough 
to defend, and which possessed no military strength in itself. Simeon of Durham, 
a credible English historian of the twelfth century, attributes the first walls of 
stone built around the City to the Empress Helena, about A.D. 306 ; but it is not 
improbable that they had been commenced long before, and that her works were 
really in completion of the older substructures. There do not appear to be any 



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Roman Wall of London. 299 

notices extant of a Roman legion stationed at Londinium : but some tiles have 
been found stamped " P. PR. BRI. LON :" an inscription supposed by Mr. Roach 
Smith to indicate the work of the first cohort of the Britons at London, and 
thus showing what soldiers were actually engaged on the works there. 

As to the extent of the Roman walls and what they inclosed, history and tradition 
alike fail us, for, though Fitz-Stephen in the reign of Henry the Second speaks of 
high walls and towers on the north of the City, yet he says the southern wall had 
been washed away ; and the walls and towers on the north, as well as the gates, 
were no doubt Norman. 

The only facts bearing on our present inquiry are those stated by Dr. 
Woodward as to the finding Roman foundations in the line of wall in Camomile 
Street in May 1707. His description, which is as follows, might well serve for an 
account of the works in Cooper's Row just described. He says 

" The foundation of the wall at this place was eight feet below the existing 
surface, and for nearly ten feet upwards the work appeared to be a Roman 
construction. It was composed," he says, " alternately of layers of broad flat 
bricks and of rag-stone. The bricks lay in double ranges ; and, each brick being 
one inch and three-tenths in thickness, the whole layer, with the mortar inter- 
posed, did not exceed three inches. The layers of stone were not quite two feet 
thick of our measure ; it is probable they were intended for two of the Roman, 
their rule being somewhat shorter than ours. In this part of the wall it is very 
observable that the mortar was (as usually in the Roman work) so very firm and 
hard, that the stone itself as easily broke and gave way as that." He further 
describes the superstructure of the wall as follows : " The outside, or that towards 
the suburbs, was faced with a coarse sort of stone, not compiled with any Teat 
care or skill, nor disposed into a regular method, but on the inside there appeared 
more marks of workmanship and art." 

Woodward also mentions a range of the wall in a street called The Vineyard 
behind the Minories. "This," he says, "is the most considerable remains of 
Roman workmanship yet extant in any part of England that I know of." 

J. T. Smith in his Ancient Topography of London, in referring to the line of 
London Wall from Winchester Street to Moorgate, which I well recollect, and 
which remained almost complete until April 1817, speaks of the foundation being 
under a layer of Roman bricks ; and a so-called Roman arch, just at the end of 
Winchester Street, shown by an imperfect sketch in Mr. Roach Smith's book, 
gives indications of Roman work existing there or thereabouts. Again, the 

2Q2 



300 On discoveries of Remains of the 

remains followed up by Mr. Black at Paul's Chain, and the Roman foundations 
spoken of by me in 1854 as having been rooted up in Upper Thames Street, are 
all the real indications of the Roman walls of Roman London, for I consider the 
remains at Cripplegate churchyard, Ludgate, and Cripplegate, so elaborately 
shown by Mr. Archer, in his " Vestiges of London," not to be Roman at all. 

I now return to the remains in Cooper's ROAV and its neighbourhood. 

Above ground at C are the remains I have described in this paper ; further south- 
wards a long piece remains in a stable-yard or mews, and further southward 
still, abutting on Postern Row, were the foundations I saw in 1854. Mr. Archer 
speaks of the whole length as having been about seven hundred feet, and he 
gives a picturesque but not very accurate print of the arches I now show you, 
for he speaks of them as obtuse arches with a key-stone, whereas they are com- 
plete semicircles without key-stones, the latter a characteristic feature of Norman 
work. Among the few historical notices of this spot which I can find, is one 
from Strype, who says that after the Great Fire of 1666 an arched passage was 
broken through the wall for wheeled carriages which could not pass along the 
Postern Row. " And here," says Strype, " looking northwards, one may take a 
view of the inside and breadth of London Wall, which appears like a natural 
rock, with the stones so cemented into the work that nothing but the greatest 
violence can separate them. On the west side, from fourteen to fifteen feet high, 
are seen several old Roman bricks put into the work between the stones." 

Of the piece above ground in Trinity Square there is a somewhat fanciful 
view in Mr. Archer's book, and a very correct one in the first volume of Wilkin- 
son's " Londina Illustrata." 

I now return to the history of the fragment under discussion, according to 
my view of the age and character of the remains. 

It appears, then, that when Archbishop Laugton and William Marshall, Earl 
of Pembroke, had failed in their first endeavours to prevail on King John to 
restore the ancient laws contained in the Great Charter, the associated Barons 
assumed their arms, and with their forces marched first to Northampton and 
thence to Bedford. They were favourably received there by William de Beau- 
champ, and there also came to them messengers from London, who privately 
advised them immediately to go thither. On this they advanced to Ware, and 
arrived at Aldgate, after a night-march, on May 24th, 1215, the Sunday before 
Ascension-day. "Finding the gates open," says Roger de Wcndover, "they 
entered the city without any tumult whilst the inhabitants were performing 



Roman Wall of London. 301 

divine service, for the rich citizens were favourable to the Barons, and the poor 
ones were afraid to complain of them." Having thus entered, they placed their 
own guards at each of the gates, and then disposed of all matters within the 
City to their own advantage, but especially despoiling and destroying the houses 
of the Jews. Two of their most powerful leaders, Robert FitzWalter and Geoffrey 
Mandeville, Earl of Essex, then actively set their forces to the repair of the gates, 
walls, and defences of London, in which were employed the stones taken from 
the Jews' dwellings. " Aldgate," says Randulphus de Coggeshalle, " being then 
most ruinous, which had given them such an easy entrance, they repaired, or 
rather new builded after the manner of the Normans, strongly arched with 
bulwarks of stone brought from Caen in Normandy, and small brick called 
Flanders tile was brought from thence, such as hath been here used since the 
Conquest, and not before." 

This account, I have no doubt, explains all that I show you, and it re- 
markably corroborates the expression of the historian that these bulwarks were 
repaired with the stones pulled down from the Jews' houses. Those dwellings, it 
will be remembered, stood in a long road immediately adjoining this wall, then 
called " Poor Jewry Lane " and now Jewry Street. Above this rude masonry, to 
the height of about twenty-two feet, is a strong, well-built, compact wall of 
rubble work, like the outer wall of a Norman castle, containing the arched 
openings, whether for archers or ventilation to chambers built against the wall, 
and also agreeing with the statement of the historian, that the works were 
completed after the improved Norman manner of building, and with better 
materials. The closing up of the embrasures and the casing of other parts with 
brickwork of course belong chiefly to the time of the rebuilding of London after 
the Great Fire, the Act of Parliament for which is dated 1677 ; when the ancient 
wall was made use of for receiving the edifices to be again erected against it. 

But, after all, the walls of London are historically medieval, and I perhaps 
cannot do better in concluding this paper than to describe what they really were 
as they were seen in the fifteenth century, after the restoration began in the 
year 1477, by Hugh Joscelyne, Lord Mayor. 

The City Wall commenced near the point on the west where the river Flete 
discharged itself into the Thames, and thence passed up the present Bridge 
Street with a short oblique line along the Broadway to the south of Ludgate 
Hill, which is entered at the gate by St. Martin's Church. It then stretched 
up the Old Bailey and turned obliquely northward from Newgate Street 



302 On discoveries of Remains of the 

to Aldersgate Street, and afterwards continued in a long bending line, forming the 
way still known as London "Wall, to Aldgate. From this entrance the wall was 
continued in a line nearly parallel with the Minories, by Cooper's Row, to the 
Tower; through which Lord Coke declares that it is to be regarded as 
extending to the Thames. All that locality therefore which is on the western 
side of the wall is within the City of London, in the Tower ward and the parish of 
All Hallows Barking, and all the remainder is in the county of Middlesex. The 
entire extent of this line of wall is estimated at ten thousand and sixty-five feet. 
The superficial contents of the space within the walls is only about three hundred 
and eighty acres, in consequence of the irregularity of the lines of the circuit. 
Against the wall, and also upon it, there were erected fifteen small bulwarks and 
watch-towers; and the City was entered by seven principal gates on the land 
side, and many small posterns and water-gates next the river. The wall and 
towers, however, once standing on the south side, had disappeared even in the 
time of Fitz-Stephen ; who says " that the fish-abounding river of Thames, with 
his continual ebbing and flowing, hath long since subverted them." 

The uniform evidence of the contemporaneous plans of London by Aggas 
about 1561, by Faithorne in 1657, and by Ogilby and Morgan in 1675, shows 
that the original western wall of the City was then considered to extend in a 
right line along the eastern side of the present Bridge Street, Blackfriars. But 
Mr. Roach Smith, in his Illustrations of Roman London published in 1859 (p. 18), 
denies this direction; and says "from Ludgate the Roman wall did not take a 
direct line towards the Thames. It traversed the ground now occupied by 
Printing-house Square and the office of the Times newspaper ; and about that 
spot diverged towards St. Andrew's Hill, passing to the south of Saint 
Andrew's church ; where, although not a stone of it is visible, its course is clearly 
indicated by the abrupt ascent ; at Rutland Place, in particular, a flight of no less 
than twenty steps is to be explained by no other cause than that of the sub- 
terranean masonry upon which the houses have been partly built." The 
description which is contained in this extract is probably quite accurate, but the 
statement with which it commences is incorrect, for the wall referred to was no 
part of the most ancient circumvallation of London. It was really a substitutory 
barrier erected by the authority of King Edward I. in A.D. 1282, to replace such 
parts of the original wall as might have been taken down by Robert Kilwarby, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, for the extension of the church of the Blackfriars. It 
was to be erected from Ludgate westward to Flete Bridge, behind the houses, 



Roman Wall of London. 303 

and thence along the course of the stream down to the Thames. For the execution 
of the work of the City walls in general the same sovereign had in A.D. 1276 
granted a considerable charter or murage tax, but in the year 1310 Edward II. 
required the citizens to complete the wall already commenced, with a certain new 
tower standing at the head of it, near to the dwelling of the Eriars Preachers ; in 
aid of which, in 1316, he issued a further grant of customs on certain articles sold 
in the City. The massive remains of this tower were discovered in consequence 
of a fire behind the south side of Ludgate Hill, May 1st, 1792, and the ruins of 
the turret are represented in Mr. J. T. Smith's Ancient Topography of London. 

It projected fourteen feet north from the wall on which it stood in the City 
ditch, and it measured twenty-two feet above the height of the wall. The 
masonry is represented to have been very strong, but exceedingly rude, consist- 
ing of fragments of stone, chalk, and flint, consolidated by fluid lime, which 
required the insertion of wedges to divide it into separate parts. The murage- 
grants appear to have been both insufficient for their intended purpose and mis- 
chievous in their results ; since the duties levied lessened the supply of provisions 
brought to London, and the walls were not duly repaired. Edward II., there- 
fore, issued several other royal letters, commanding that the works should be 
executed ; and at length, about 1319, the duties were altogether taken off. But 
it should be also observed, that the sovereigns themselves sometimes appro- 
priated these funds to other persons and purposes. 

In the year 1477, however, Ralph Joscelyne, an energetic Lord Mayor, com- 
menced the greatest and most effectual restoration of the City walls which was 
ever attempted. The course he took is thus described : 

" He first caused Moorfields to be carefully searched for clay, and bricks to be 
made there ; and likewise lime to be burned for mortar, from chalk brought out 
of Kent. The line which was rebuilt at this time extended from Aldgate to 
Cripplegate. The eastern extremity of it, from Bevice or Bevis Marks at 
Aldgate to Bishopsgate, was erected by the Skinners' Company. Bishopsgate 
was now built by the German merchants of the Stiliard from Bishopsgate to the 
church of All Hallows on the Wall : the work was executed by Joscelyne the 
Mayor and the Company of Drapers. A great part of the wall westward to 
Moorgate was supplied by the executors and property of Alderman Crosby; 
other Companies carried it on to the postern at Cripplegate, and the Goldsmiths 
rebuilt it to Aldersgate, where the work ceased." 

Very large masses of this medieval wall, with trees of considerable size grow- 



304 On discoveries of Remains oftlie 

ing upon them, were long to be seen in several parts of the vicinity of Moor- 
fields. 

One of the finest portions of the work, however, remained entire until ahout 
April 1817, standing on the north side of the street called London Wall, inclo- 
sing the whole of the back of Bethlem Hospital, and, in particular, the great 
chimney-shaft of the furnace. Two very interesting etchings of these remains 
were published by Mr. John Thomas Smith, in 1814, in his " Ancient Topo- 
graphy of London," with a careful account of their structure. He states that the 
whole line extended seven hundred and fourteen feet from opposite the end of 
Winchester Street, almost to the site of Moorgate. It appears to have risen 
nearly sixteen feet above the pavement. In some places the wall was about eight 
feet in thickness, and it consisted, first, of an interior concretion of chalk and 
flint, eight feet high, strongly cemented together, and cased on each side with 
rubble work of rag-stone. On the width of two feet three inches on the north 
side of this base was erected an embattled brick wall eight feet high, with stone 
copings, ornamented with lozenge compartments inserted in glazed bricks ; the 
spaces between the battlements measured two feet and a half. The lower cased 
wall was covered with two layers of brick or tile, of unusual dimensions, being 
thirteen and a half inches by five and a quarter inches, and two and a half inches 
in thickness. They were of a rich deep red, extremely close and hard, and Mr. 
J. T. Smith conjectured that they might possibly be some of those already 
noticed as having been made in Moorfields. The same artist has also published 
a representation of a similar fine piece of the embattled London Wall, as it 
appeared in April 1793, as the boundary of the churchyard of Saint Giles Crip- 
plegate. Chiefly from the depredations committed on it by the inhabitants of 
the adjoining premises, the wall became so mutilated that the parish authorities 
applied to the Corporation of London for repairs, and it was at length arranged 
that, as the City had no further occasion to keep up the walls, the parish should 
be entitled to so much thereof as bounded their property to forty feet wide and 
about ten feet deep, which appeared greatly to increase the strength and height 
of the bulwark. 

The fosse which surrounded London was .of a very much later date than the 
original walls, since it was commenced only in the end of the twelfth century, 
and was executed principally about the year 1213, being, apparently, suggested 
by the formation of the moat round the Tower. In its best condition and situ- 
ation it is stated to have been two hundred feet broad, and of the character of a 



Roman Wall of London. 305 

clear river, containing good fish; and Ralph Joscelyne, the Lord Mayor who 
restored the City walls, caused the whole dyke to be cleared out in the year 1477. 
The particular local interests of residents in the vicinity, the erection of buildings 
on the banks, and especially the ceaseless expense and difficulty of clearing the 
channels and watercourses, at length gradually and effectually closed up the City 
ditches, which are now represented by the sewers of the City. For, if the plans 
published by the Commissioners of Sewers are consulted, it will be seen that the 
line of the walls of the City is always to be traced by the large sewers. 

Against the eastern wall, as it is delineated in Aggas's plan, between Aldgate 
and Postern Row, there were shown four semicircular towers ; and on the north 
wall, between Aldgate and Moorgate, there appear to have been as many tall 
square towers. The only remains of such turrets now existing are some parts 
of the round cases, containing ancient linings, in the churchyard of Saint Giles 
Cripplegate, as previously referred to. 

I append a list (so far as I can ascertain it) of views representing various 
portions of the ancient walls of London, and with this list I shall conclude this 
letter. 

I am, my dear Sir, 

Yours very truly, 

WILLIAM TITE. 



APPENDIX. 

List oj Books and Prints illustrative of the Remains of the Walls of London. 

ANTIQUITIES OF LONDON AND ITS ENVIRONS, by JOHN THOMAS SMITH. London, 1791, 4to. 

Part of London Wall in the Churchyard of Saint Giles' Cripplegate; published May 10th, 
1792. 

London Wall: Remains of the Tower discovered after the fire on Ludgate Hill, May 1st, 
1792. 

A Front View of the Watch-tower discovered near Ludgatc Hill, with a small plan show- 
ing the site of it. 

Venerable Remains of London Wall in the Churchyard of Saint Giles, Crippelgate; 
published September 29th, 1800. (Exterior casing of a semi-circular tower.) 

Barber-Surgeons Hall, from the church of Saint Giles' Cripplegate. (Exterior modern 

casing of a semi-circular tower.) 
VOL. XL. 2 R 



306 Appendix. 

A VIEW of part of the antient REMAINS of LONDON WALL now standing near POSTERN Row, 
TOWER HILL, in the parish of All Hallows Barking, September 1818. Schnebbelie del. Dale 
sculp.; published January 1819 by R. WILKINSON, 125, Fenchurch Street. 

ANCIENT TOPOGRAPHY OF LONDON, by J. T. SMITH. London, 1815, 4to. 

Inside View of the Watch-tower discovered near Ludgate Hill, May the 1st, 1792; drawn 
in June 1792; published November 21st, 1813. 

Parts of London Wall and Bethlem Hospital; drawn in June 1812; published Sep- 
tember 15th, 1814. 

South-west View of Bethlem Hospital and London Wall; drawn in August 1814; pub- 
lished September 15th, 1814. 

A venerable Fragment of London Wall as it stood in the Churchyard of Saint Giles' Crip- 
plegate in 1793, since which period the battlements have been taken down, and in 
1803 a brick wall was erected in their stead, at the expense of the parish; drawn in 
April 1793; published January 14th, 1812. 

VESTIGES OF OLD LONDON : a series of etchings, from original drawings, illustrative of the 
monuments and architecture of London in the first, fourth, twelfth, and six succeeding centuries; 
with descriptions and historical notices by JOHN WYKEHAM ARCHER. London, 1851, 4to. 

London Wall : Tower Postern. 

London Wall: Saint Martin's Court, Ludgate Hill. 

London Wall : Base of a Tower in the Churchyard of Saint Giles' Cripplegate. 

London Wall: Cripplegate Postern. 

London Wall: South Wall of Cripplegate Postern. 

London Wall : Remains near Trinity Square. 

Interior of a Tower belonging to the Wall of London, Old Bailey. 

Road uniting Roman London. 

ILLUSTRATIONS OF ROMAN LONDON, by CHARLES ROACH SMITH. London, 1859. 

The Wall at Tower Hill. 
Roman Arch, London Wall. 



307 



XX. On the Mantle and the Ring of Widowhood. By HENRY HARROD, Esq. 

F.S.A. 



Bead February 16th, 1865. 



SIR HARRIS NICOLAS printed in the Testamenta Vetusta an Abstract of the 
Will of the Lady Alice West of Hinton Marcel, widow of Sir Thomas West, 
dated in 1395, and proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury." 

In this will occurs a remarkable bequest which the learned editor found him- 
self quite at a loss to explain. She bequeathed to her son Thomas, amongst 
other things, " a ring with which I was yspoused to God." 

Sir Harris rightly says, this could not have been her marriage ring, and it was 
clear she had not entered a convent. This is still more clearly made out by a 
reference to the transcript of the will in the registers of the Prerogative Court. 
It will there be seen she exercised complete control over her property, real and 
personal, and she makes this will at " the Lord's Inn of Cherlton without New- 
gate, in the parish of Saint Sepulchre, in the suburb of London. 

Gough, in his Sepulchral Monuments, 1 " quotes a story from Matthew Paris, of 
one Cecily Sandford, a lady of condition, who on her deathbed, having passed 
through the usual forms with her confessor, and he ordering her attendants to 
take off a gold ring he observed on her finger, she, although just expiring, 
recovered herself enough to tell them she would never part with it, as she 
intended to carry it to heaven with her into the presence of her celestial spouse 
in testimony of her constant observance of her vow, and to receive the promised 
reward. She had it appears made a vow of perpetual widowhood, and with her 
wedding ring assumed the russet habit, the usual sign of such a resolution. It is 

Register Rous, 29. b Vol. i. p. cxix. 

2R2 



308 On the Mantle and Ring of Widowhood. 

added that she was honorably interred in St. Alban's Abbey Church, in a stone 
coffin, before the altar of St Andrew, on account of her vow and her rank. 

In the " Colchester Chronicle," portions of which are printed in Cromwell's 
History of Colchester, one entry appears to confirm the conjecture that the 
whole was composed in the fourteenth or fifteenth century, " Anno Dm ccciij 
Helena mortuo Constancio perpetuam vovit viduitatcm." 

From a careful inspection of the registers at Doctors' Commons it is abund- 
antly clear that the custom extensively prevailed in the middle ages of widows 
taking a vow of chastity and receiving a peculiar robe and ring. It was this 
latter, no doubt, that Lady Alice West gave her son ; it could hardly have boen 
her wedding ring, as will, I think, be established by some of the following 
extracts. 

By the testament of Katharine Rippelingharn," dated 8th February 1473, 
who calls herself " advowes," she desires to be buried in the church of Baynardes 
Castell of London, where she was a parishioner, and by her will, in which she 
gives herself the title of " widow advowes," she shows herself in the full exercise 
of her rights of property, devising estates, carrying out awards, and adjusting 
family differences, and in an undated codicil she bequeaths to her daughter's 
daughter, Alice Saint John, " lieryold ring with a diamante sette therein wherewith 
she was ' sacrid.' ' 

Sir Gilbert Denys, knight, of Syston, b 1422 :- 

" If Margaret my wife will after my death vow a vow of chastity, I give her all 
my moveable goods, she paying my debts and providing for my children; and, if 
she will not vow a vow of chastity, I desire my goods may be distributed or 
divided into three equal parts, &c." 

John Brakenbury l in 1187 leaves his mother certain real estate " with that con- 
dicion that she never mary, the which she promised afore the parson and the 
parish of Thymmyllc ; and, if she kcpc not that promise, I will she be content 
with that which was my fader's will, which she had every peny." 

William Herbert, knight, Lord Pembroke, 11 in his will, dated 27th July 14G9, 
thus appeals to his wife, " And, wife, that ye remember your promise to take the 
order of widowhood, as ye may be the bettor maistres of your owen, to perform 
my will, and to help my ehildern, as I love and trust you." 

William Edlington, esquire, of Castle Carlton, on the llth June 1406, says in 
his will, " I make Christian my wife my executor upon this condicion, that she 

Register Watts, 114. b Register March, fo. 424. 

<' Register Milles, 43. " Register Godyn, 228. 



On the Mantle and Ring of Widowhood. 309 

take the mantle and the ring soon after my decease ; and, if case be that she will 
not take the mantle and the ring, I will that William my son (and other persons 
therein named) be my executors, and she to have her third part of all my goods 
moveable." 

Lady Joan Danvers," in 1453, gives the ring of her profession of widowhood to 
the image of the crucifix near the north door of St. Paul's. 

And Lady Margaret Davy," widow, in 1489, leaves her profession ring to our 
Lady of Walsingham. 

Many more extracts might be added, but there is sufficient here to establish 
the fact of the extensive prevalence of the custom, and to satisfy every one that 
the mysterious bequest of Lady Alice "West indicates that she too had taken the 
vow of chastity, and that the ring she left her son was not her wedding-ring, but 
the ring of her profession of widowhood, the ring with which she was " espoused 
to God." 

Gough prints the Act of Court from the Ely Registers, on the taking the vow 
by Isabella Countess of Suffolk in 1382. This took place at the priory of Camp- 
sey, in the presence of the Earl of "Warwick, the Lords Willoughby, Scales, and 
others. The vow was as follows : " Jeo Isabella, jadys la femme William do 
Ufford, Count do Suffolk, vowe a Dieu, &c. en presence de tres reverentz piers en 
Dicu evesques de Ely et de Norwiz, qe jeo doi estre chaste d'ors eu. avant ma vie 
durante." And the Bishop of Ely, with authority of the Bishop of Norwich, (in 
whose diocese Campsey was,) received and admitted the same " et mantellum 
sive clamidem ac annulum dicte voventis solempniter benedixit et imposuit super 
eam." c 

Dugdale, in his history of Warwickshire and in his Baronage, prints a licence 
from John Bishop of Lichfield to one N. N., to administer the vow of chastity to 
Margery, widow of Richard Middlemore, who died 15th Henry VII., which 
contains this passage : " In signum hujusmodi continentioc ct castitatis promisso 
perpctuo servando eandem Margeriam vclandam seu pcplandam habituinque 
viduitatis hujusmodi viduis, ut prsefcrtur, ad castitatis professioncm dari et uti 
consuetum cum unico annulo assignandum." d 

Dugdale also prints an Act of Court on the vow being taken by Philippa, 
sometime the wife of Sir Guy of Warwick, on the 9th of August, 1300, in 

11 Register Stockton, 85. " Register Milles, 1G8. 

c Gough, vol. I. p. cxix. who quotes Register Fordham, Bishop of Ely. fo. 39 b. 

11 Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 895. 



310 On the Mantle and Ring of Widowhood. 

the collegiate church of the Blessed Mary of Warwick, which vow ran thus : 
" En le nom de la Seint Trinite, Piere et Fitz et Seint Esprit, jeo Philippe, que 
fu la feme Sire Guy de Warwick, face purement et dez queor et volontee entire- 
ment avow a Dieu et Seint Eglise et a la henure Virgin Marie et a tout la bele 
compaigne celestine et a vous reverend piere en Dieu Sire Reynaud, per la grace 
Dieu Evesque de Wyrcestre, que jeo ameneray ma vie en chastitee desore en 
avant, et chaste sera de mon corps a tout le temps de ma vie."* 

A good specimen of the form of the mantle of the professed widow may be 
seen in the brass of Lady Joan Braham, Prenze, Norfolk, dated 1519 ; she is de- 
scribed in the inscription as " vidua ac Deo dicata." It is engraved in Cotman's 
Brasses, vol. i. 53. Among the drawings collected by the late Mr. Dawson 
Turner, illustrative of Blomeficld's History of Norfolk, (now in the British 
Museum,) is one of a brass in Witton Church, Norfolk, representing an elderly 
female in wimple and mantle, with the following inscription : 

rate p' a'i'a to'ne 3fultanr Sngell 
Votrtcts cuj' a'i'e p'ptctet' 29e'. 

Dugdale's Warwickshire, p. 399. 



311 



XXI. On an Inventory of the Household Goods of Sir Thomas Ramsey, Lord 
Mayor of London 1577. By F. W. FAIRHOLT, Esq. F.S.A. 



Read May 25, 1865. 



THE value of Wills and Inventories as exponents of the domestic lives of our 
ancestors cannot be too highly estimated. To them we must look as to the most 
fertile sources from whence a knowledge is to be obtained of that curious un- 
written history, the history of the people. The glimpses they afford of domestic 
manners are all the more precious, because of their rarity elsewhere. 

The document to which I now solicit attention is remarkable for the complete 
and minute picture it presents of the establishment of a rich merchant, and Lord 
Mayor of London, in the days of Queen Elizabeth. Sir Thomas Ramsey, of 
whose goods this is an inventory, was a member of the Grocers' Company, served 
the office of Mayor in 1577, and died 1590, a benefactor to his Company ; leaving 
them gratuities to be mentioned hereafter. 

Sir Thomas appears to have made his residence at his place of business, for we 
have here the detailed account of the " spice howse," with its scales, weights, and 
other appurtenances ; the "compting howse in the yard " is also duly noted. The 
establishment was situated in Lombard Street ; a brief note appended to the list 
of Mayors in Strype's edition of Stowe informs us that it was " over against 
Abchurch Lane end, where Sir Martin Bowes before lived." Sir Thomas, in his 
will, speaks of it as " my mansion house ; " and it was evidently a large and 
important building, standing conspicuously in a leading thoroughfare, with a 
garden in the rear ; thus bearing resemblance to that of Sir Paul Pinder in 
Bishopsgate Street, which still stands facing the highway, and had " a garden- 
house " behind, only demolished at the early part of the present century. The 
inventory mentions rooms "next to the streete." There appears to have been a 
lodge at the entry of a court-yard ; the hall was well furnished with long tables 
and " joyned stooles," and had the unusual luxury of a "longe greene carpett." 
It was decorated with shields of arms, and supplied with halberds, lances, and 
horseman's staves. There was a large reserve of warlike implements, kept in an 



312 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

armoury-house attached to the mansion. The parlour was furnished with a table 
capable of elongation on festive occasions, with eighteen " joyned stooles," as 
well as chairs covered with velvet and kersey, and "stooles of needlework " for 
the chief guests. A Turkey carpet, five yards long, is also enumerated, so that 
the hall must have had a stately effect. A " painted chamber," and a " matted 
chamber," are named among the rooms in the house ; which appears to have been 
large, and connected by a gallery with a " garden chamber." In the yard was a 
well, for the necessary supply of the house in days when water could only be 
obtained from public fountains, sometimes at a considerable distance, or purchased 
from water-carriers. The " garden chamber " seems to have been originally used 
as a bed-chamber. The servants' offices appear to have been most convenient and 
well-furnished. 

There are many items in this inventory that illustrate, or are illustrated by, 
the works of Shakespeare ; the trundle beds, the joined stools, the andirons, the 
buck-basket, the " playing tables," the parcel-gilt goblets, as well as the eight 
gold rings of the wealthy alderman, recall passages in the plays of our great 
dramatist. The bedstead and its furniture, allowed to the widow, also illustrate 
one remarkable bequest in the poet's will. 

The large amount of personal display indicated by the quantity and variety of 
plate enumerated, as well as the valuable nature of Sir Thomas's wardrobe, tells 
of an age when it was considered essential for a gentleman, or a rich merchant, 
to clearly indicate his position by his dress and his home. 

Although the incidents of Sir Thomas Ramsey's career have not descended to 
our time, he must have been well known in his own era, as both himself and his 
wife figure among the chief characters in the second part of Heywood's play, 
founded on the chief events in the life of Queen Elizabeth, and entitled, " If you 
know not me, you know no bodie." The first edition was printed in 1609. The 
impression there given of Ramsey, is that of a rich litigious man, while his wife 
appears as a persistent peacemaker. She comes first upon the scene in company 
with Dr. Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's, requesting him to mediate between her 
husband and the more celebrated Sir Thomas Gresham, who have been opponents 
in a lawsuit for seven years. The lady argues : 

such as they, 

Men of the chiefest note within this city, 

To be at such a jar doth make me blush, 

Whom it doth scarce concern : you are a good man ; 

Take you the cause in hand, and make them friends: 

'Twill be a good day's work, if it so ends. 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 313 

Dr. Nowell. My Lady Ramsey, I have heard, ere this, 

Of their contentions, their long suit in law ; 
How by good friends they have been persuaded both, 
Tet both but deaf to fair persuasion. 
What good will my word do with headstrong men ? 
Breath, blown against the wind, returns again. 
Lady K. Although to gentlemen and citizens 

They have been so rash, yet to so grave a man, 
Of whom none speak, but speak with reverence, 
Whose words are gather'd in by every ear, 
As flowers receive the dew that comforts them, 
They will be more attentive. Pray, take it in hand: 
'Tis a good deed ; 'twill with your virtue stand. 

Sir Thomas now enters, and soon afterward Gresham, accompanied by a friend, 
" old Hobson," a roughly-honest haberdasher, who at once proposes to act as 
umpire with the Dean. The scene thus continues : 

Gresham. I'll have you both know, though you are my friends, 

I acorn my cause should stoop or yield to him, 

Although he be reputed Ramsey the rich. 
Ramsey. And Gresham shall perceive that Ramsey's purse 

Shall make him spend the wealth of Osterley, 

But he shall know 

Gresham. Know ! What shall I know ? 
Ramsey. That Ramsey is as good a man as Gresham. 
Gresham. And Gresham is as good a man as Ramsey. 
Ramsey. Tut, tut, tut ! 

Gresham. Tut in thy teeth, although thou art a knight. 
Hobson. Bones o' me, you are both to blame. 

We two, like friends, come to conclude your strife, 

And you, like fish-wives, fall a-scolding here. 

Dr. Nowell. How stands the difference 'twixt you, my good friends ? 
Lady R. The impatience both of the one and other 

Will not permit to hear each other speak. 

I'll tell the cause for both ; and thus it is. 

There is a lordship, called Osterley, 

That master Gresham hath bought and built upon ; 

Which Osterley, before he dealt therin, 

Sir Thomas, my husband here, did think to buy, 
. And had given earnest for it. 

Ramsey. Then, Gresham, here, deals with the land-seller, 

And buys my bargain most dishonestly. 

This imputation lashes Gresham to fresh fury, and the quarrel rages higher, but is 
VOL. XL. 2 s 



On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

ultimately argued down, and compromised by the Dean as umpire. This long 
scene takes place in Lombard Street, the rendezvous of merchants, and is con- 
cluded in a storm of rain, which induces Gresham to determine on building his 
Exchange ; 

That merchants and their wives, friend and their friends, 
Shall walk underneath it, as now in Paul's. 

They adjourn to a reconciliatory banquet at the Dean's house ; who afterwards 
takes them into a picture gallery filled with portraits of charitable citizens. 
Among them are two ladies, whose deeds being rehearsed to Lady Ramsey, she 
exclaims : 

Why should I not live so, that being dead, 
My name might have a register with theirs. 

Sir Thomas is afterwards introduced, as Lord Mayor, at the opening of the 
Exchange ; but he has little to say or do, but that little is made to indicate a 
parsimonious character. We next hear of his mortal sickness and his charitable 
intentions. Lady Ramsey afterwards appears as a widow ; and a long scene 
ensues, in which the young spendthrift nephew of Gresham endeavours to induce 
the rich old lady to marry him. True to the respect with wlu'ch Heywood seems 
to have desired to invest her character, she aids him with her cash, but most 
sensibly declines his suit. 

I am unable to substantiate these incidents of Heywood's drama by docu- 
mentary evidence. It is probable that they were well known at the time of its 
production, for an ordinary London audience would be critical in such matters. 
At all events it shadows forth the popular character of Sir Thomas. As regards 
the quarrel with Gresham, a reference to Burgon's valuable life of that great 
merchantman, though no mention is made thereof, establishes its probability ; as 
he tells us that he had "much difficulty" in properly establishing himself at 
Osterley Park, and securing the Manor of Heston (Middlesex) in which it was 
situated." 

Sir Thomas was the son of John Ramsey of Edenbridge, near Westerham, in 
Kent; and he remembered its " poore inhabitants" by gratuities in his will. 

Osterley seems to have been a favourite residence of Gresham's. It was here Queen Elizabeth visited 
him 1576, and the characteristic incident occurred as narrated by Fuller, which showed the rich' citizen's 
perfect courtiership. The Queen found fault with his court-yard as too large, and said it would be better if 
divided by a wall; Gresham sent for workmen who put up a wall in the night, that Her Majesty on waking 
might find her idea carried out. 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 315 

His charitable thoughtfulness toward the poor is abundantly shewn therein. This 
document has other claims on our attention for the picture it affords of the 
manners of his era. He particularly desires to have a stately funeral ; and leaves 
a sum of money for a dinner on that day in Grocers' Hall ; and also directs that 
another be prepared in his own mansion, to which the Lord Mayor and Aldermen 
are to be invited, as well as all his neighbours, and such others as his executors 
think good. 

The tendency of the courtiers to borrow of the richer citizens is shewn in 
another item, where he names the loan of 587 to Queen Elizabeth's favourite, 
Robert Earl of Leicester. 

The following are copies of the two wills ; one disposing of personal, the other 
of landed property : 

TESTAMENTUM DOMINI THOME RAMSEY, MILITIS, ET ALDERMANNI CIVITATIS LONDINI. 

IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN. The twentith daye of September in the seaven and twentithe 
yere of the raigne of our soveraigne Ladle Quene Elizabeth I Syr THOMAS RAMSEY Knighte 
and Alderman of y e cittie of London beinge of good and perfect remembrance laude and prayse 
be unto Allmightie God do make and ordeyne this my present tcstamcnte and laste will concerninge 
the disposicion of all my goodes moveable and unmoveablc whatsoever in manner and forme 
following That is to saye first and principallye I commend my soule unto Allmightie God my 
Creator and maker and do trust that thorough the deathe and passion of Jesu Christe his only 
begotten sonne my Redeemer and by his merittes to be saved And my bodie I will to be burycd 
in the parishe churche in London where I nowe dwell And my will and my rnyride ys that all 
my goodes moveable and unmoveable whatsoever after my decease shalbe by twoe or fower 
indifferent persons to be appoynted and sworne by the Alderman of that warde where I dwell 
trulye and indifferentlye appraysed by theire juste values And the same goodes so apprayscd (after 
my debtes and funeralls payed) I will accordinge to the laudable custome of the citie of London 
shalbe devided into twoe equall partes whereof the one equall parte shalbe and rcmayne to my 
welbcloved wife Dame Mary Ramsey for her reasonable parte and porcion of all my saied goodes to 
her belonginge according to the custome of the saied cittie And the other moitie orhalfe I reserve 
to my selfe therwithe to perforine my legaceys in this my present testamente and last will contcyned 
Of which moitie or one halfe First I give and bequeathe to the poore children in Christes Ilospitall 
twentie poundes To the poore in Saincte Bartholomewes Hospitall twentie poundes To the poore in 
Saincte Thomas Hospitall in Sowthwarkc twentie powndes To the poore prysoners of Newgate and 
Ludgate to cither of them fyve poundes To bothc the compt" in London to either of them fower 
poundes To the poore inhabitauntes dwellinge within y e warde of Cheapc to be distributed by 
the discretion of the aldermen of the same warde seaven poundes To the poore prisoners in the 
Quenes Benche and the White Lyon to either of them fortie shillinges To the poore prisoners in 
the Marshalsea^fiftie three shillinges fower pence To the poore inhabitauntes in Croydon tenne 
poundes To the poore inhabitauntes of Eaton Bridge in the countie of Kente tenne poundes 

2s2 



316 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

To the poore inhabitauntcs in the parishe where I now dwell to be delyvered within tenne dayes 
after my Buryall tenne poundes To threeskore and twelve poore men to attende uppon my corpes 
to my buriall to every of them a gowne price sixe shillinges eighte pence the yarde to be ready made 
for them And to every of the said poore men I give in ready money eight pence Which I esteeme 
in the whole will amounte to one hundrethe poundes Item I give and bequeathc to William 
Ramsey my eldest brothers sonne in money fyve hundred poundes and a blackc gowne To 
Frauncys Tyrrell my sisters sonne twoe hundred poundes and a blacke gowne To Thomas Tyrrell 
grocer my sisters sonne twoe hundred poundes and a blacke gowne And I give to his daughters 
that shalbe ly vinge at my decease two hundred poundes equally amongest them to be devided Item 
I give to Thomas Taylor my sisters sonne one hundred poundes and to him and his wife to either 
of them a blacke gowne And I give to his daughters that shalbe living at my decease equally 
amongeste them one hundred poundes To William Taylor his brother my sisters sonne two 
hundred poundes To my cosen Alice Farrington one hundred poundes To Edith Parseloe her 
sister twcntie poundes To my sister Hebbarde tenne poundes To my sister Tirrel of Croydon 
twentie poundes and to her daughter Joane fyve poundes To John Tirrell my sister Tirrells 
sonne tenne poundes To my cosen Richard Dane servaunte with Thomas Marten grocer twentie 
poundes To George Dane his brother fyve poundes To Anne Joan and Emme Dane his sisters to 
every of them fyve poundes Item my will and mynde ys and I give and bequeath to Mary 
Wanton wife of John Wanton twoe hundred poundes To Richard Wcyver my sisters sonne one 
hundred poundes and a black coatc To my sister Weyvcr his mother fyve poundes To my cozen 
Emme Theare one hundred poundes and to her husbande and her to either of them a blacke gowne 
and to theire children that shalbe living at my decease equally amongest them one hundred pounds 
Item I give and bequeathe to Edward Holmeden and Elizabeth his wife to cither of them a blacke 
gowne And to her son Thomas Holmeden my godson one hundred poundes Item I give and be- 
queathe to Anne Whiteheadc my servaunte fyve poundes To John Reynoldes my servauute fyve 
poundes and to all the restc of my servauntes that dwell with me at my decease to everie of them 
fiftie shillinges over and above theire wages and blackc at the discretion of my executors Item I 
give to my sister Elizabeth Glascockes twoe children to cither of them tenne poundes. To Mistres 
Kelk my wyves sister tenne poundes and a blacke gowne Item I give to y e warden and lyverye 
of the companye of the Grocers for a dynner to be made at theire haule the day of my 
buriall twentie poundes Item I do give and bequeath to the wardens and comynaltic of the 
mystcrye or companye of the Grocers of the cittie of London for a stocke to remayne with 
them for ever the somme of twoe hundred poundes And my will and minde ys that the same 
stocke shalbe delyvered by the wardens of the same companye for the tyme beingc to fower younge 
men of the same companye beinge retaylors to everie of them fiftie poundes a peecc freelie without 
payinge any thinge for the same savinge twelve pence-for makinge of an obligacion they and every 
of them puttinge in good and sufficiente sewerties for repayment thcrof at the ende of twoe yeres 
and then to delyver the same to fower other younge men of the same companye for twoe yeres more 
with like sewerties And so to contynewe from twoe yeres to twoe yercs in the occupying of fower 
younge men of the saied companye in forme aforesaid for ever Item I will that my executors 
shall cause twentie sermons to be made within twoe yercs after my decease in the parishe churche 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 317 

where I nowe dwell called Saincte Mary Wolnothes by some good and godlie preacher by them to 
be provided And they to have for everie sermon sixe shillinges eighte pence for theire paines 
Item I give and bequeathe to my welbeloved wife a blacke gowne And I do give and bequeathe 
to my Lord Mayor for the tyme beinge so that he will come to my buryall a blacke gowne and to 
the sworde bearer a blacke gowne I give and bequeathe to the Lady Ryvers a blacke gowne To 
my deputie of my warde that shalbe at the tyme of my decease and to his wife to either of 
them a blacke gowne To Mr. Sergaunt Fleetwood Recorder of London a black gowne To 
Mr. Seabrighte towne clarke a blacke gowne To Mr. Dalbye one of the Lorde Mayors 
clerks a blacke gowne To Mr. Buckmaster a black gowne And further my will and minde 
ys that my wife shall have yf she will a reasonable parte or some convenientc portion by the 
discretion of my executors of my plate and householde stufie she payinge to my executors for the 
same as yt shalbe praysed And my will and minde ys that ray executors shall make a dynner the 
day of my buryall in my nowe dwellinge house wherunto shalbe desired the Lorde Mayor and all 
my bretheren the Aldermen and theire wyves my deputie and his wife and all my neighboures and 
such other as my executor shall thinke good And of this my laste will and testamente I make and 
appoint my trustie and lovinge frendes Edward Holmeden grocer Thomas Tirrell grocer and 
Thomas Farrington vintner my full and sole executors chardginge them as they will answere before 
God to see my debtes and legacies paied justlye and trewlye And that my legacies be all (savinge 
the money by me bequeathed for the sermons) payed within one yere at the farthest after my 
decease And I desire my good freindes John Wanton William Ramsey Thomas Taylor and 
Frauncys Tirrell to be my overseers And I will and my minde is that after all my legaceys given 
by me in this my last will and testamente be paied and discharged and my funerall cxpcnces borne 
The residue of all my goodes (my debtes legaceys and funeralls discharged as aforcsayed) I give and 
bequeathe to Edward Ilolraeden grocer Thomas Tirrell grocer Thomas Farrington vintner John 
Wanton grocer Thomas Taylor grocer William Taylor his brother Giles Taylor grocer William 
Ramsey Fraunces Tirrell grocer and Richard Weyver to be equallye dcvyded amongest them parte 
and partc like In witnesse wherof to this my present testamente and last will I have setto my 
hande and scale the day and yere abovesaied By me THOMAS RAMSEY alderman. Sealed and 
delivered in the presence of us whose names hereafter followc per me Willm Dalbye Richard Fordc 
servaunte to Syr Thomas Ramsey knighte 

Item I give and bequeath to my servaunte Mary Forster twenty poundcs Item I will to 
foure skore poore men gownes a peece every man and twelve pence in money every man at my 
buriall Item I give and bequeathe to Mary Holmeden my cozen's daughter one hundred 
poundes and I give and bequeath to Susan Holmeden her sister one hundred poundes To 
Edward Holmeden and George Holmeden to either of them one hundred poundes And I give to 
Henry Dale a blacke gowne And to Mr. Mathewe Dale a blacke gowne And to Robert Coxe 
grocer a blacke gowne And to Nicholas Barnesley a blacke gowne And to William Bagnall a 
blacke gowne Item I give unto Elizabeth Tirrell daughter of Thomas Tyrrell over and above 
her legacey aforesayed fiftie poundes To my welbeloved freind Elizabeth Holmden one 
hundred poundcs And whereas the right honorable Robert Earle of Leicester is indebted unto 
me in the somme of fyvc hundred fiftie poundes payable in Januarye one thousand fyvc hundred 



318 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

fourscore and seaven In defaulte of which paymente I shalbe interessed in the twoe and thirtethe 
parte of the mannor or Baronye of Denbighe I do therefore devise will and bequeathe the same in 
manner and forme folowinge videlicet that yf the saied money be paied and redely vered at the 
daye wherein the same is due or before then I will the one halfe therof to my saied lovingc wife 
and the other halfe thereof to be devyded amongest the saied Edward Holmeden Thomas Tirrell 
Thomas Farrington Thomas Taylor William Taylor Gyles Taylor William Ramseye Frauncis 
Tyrrell and Richard Weyver to be equallye devyded amongest them But yf the same be not 
payed accordinglye but that in defaulte therof there doth discende or come unto me and my heires 
and assignes a twoc and thirtithe parte of the saied Barronye or Mannor of Denbighe Then I will 
and devise the same twoe and thirtithe part therof to the saied Edwarde Holmeden Thomas Tirrell 
Thomas Farrington Thomas Taylor Gyles Taylor William Ramsey Fraunceys Tyrrell and Richard 
Weyver and theire severall heires videlicet to every of them and theire severall heyres an eighte 
parte therof By me Thomas Ramsey alderman Sealed and delivered in the presence of R. Wrighte 
notarye publique and of me Richard Forde Witness I William Horner grocer. 

[Proved the 29th day of May 1590 by the proctor for the executors in the will above nominated. 

On the 27th day of June the last will of the said deceased was propounded as follows:*] 

ULTIMA VOLUNTAS DOMINI THOME RAMSEY MILITIS. 

In the name of God Amen the nynthe daye of July in the yere of oure Lordc God a thousand 
fyve hundred cightic sixe and in the eighte and twentithe yere of the rayne of our soveraigne 
Ladie Elizabeth by the grace of God Queue of Englande Fraunce and Ireland defender of the 
faith &c I Sir Thomas Ramsey Knighte Citizen and Alderman of London beyng of good and 
perfect remembrance thankes be to Almightie God therfor do make my laste will concernynge the 
disposicion of all my manners landes tenementes and hereditamentes whatsoever scituat lyinge and 
bcynge within the eitty of London the counties of Surrey and Kente and els where within the 
rcalme of England in manner and forme followinge viz. First my will and meaninge ys and I do 
by these presentes will devise and bequeathe and allso reserve unto my executors named in my will 
of my moveable goodes 1'rcc ingresse and regresse into my mansion house wherein I nowe dwell 
scituate in Lumbert streate London and into all the roomcs of the same to be used and taken from 
y e time of my decease for and duringe the space of one whole yeare then next followinge at all 
tymc and tymes whatsoever at theire discretion to searche viewe and peruse all my writinges 
deedes cvydences bookcs of accompte and all other mynimentes whatsoever and to exequutc and 
peribrme any other matter or thinge for the execucion and performauncc whereof they shall or 
may have cause to rcsorte into the saied mansion house or into any the roome or roomes therof 
and in that tyme to carry out or bringc in suche thingcs as they shalbe occasioned or thincke good 
for the execution of this my presente tcstamente and last will or other my last will and testament of 
my moveable goodes and chattells with like libertie of ingresse and regress to suche theire servauntes 
or other persons whose travell they shalbe occasyoned to use in the premisses together with all 
suche cartes carriage portage and all other helpes and circumstaunces thereunto belonginge lor and 
duringe y e space of one whole yere And allso I will and devise unto Dame Mary my welbeloved 
* These paragraphs are in Latin, at some length, with the customary verbiage. 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 319 

wife my saied mansion house with th' appurtcnaunces with the garden therunto belonginge 
together with the twoe tenementes and shoppes therunto adjoyninge and allso my stable with the 
appurtenaunces All which ar scituate lyinge and beynge in Lumbertstreat London aforesaid in y* 
parishe of Saincte Mary Woolnothe in the warde of Langborne London and allso all those my three 
tenementes in Cornehill in the parishe of Saincte Michaclls in Cornehill London aforesaied which 
saied three tenementes now ar or late were in the severall tenures or occupacions of John Okes 
upholster Lawrence Yeomans cooke and Kobert Stephens grocer To have and to houlde all and 
singuler the premises with the appurtenaunces unto my saied wife duringe her naturall life for and 
in full recompence and satisfaction of her dower and third parte of all my manners landes tene- 
mentes and hereditamentes whatsoever And uppon condition that she shall and do accepte of the 
same as a full recompence and satisfaction of her. saied dower accordinglie And I chardge my 
saied wife that she shall kepe all the premises to her devised for tearme of her saied life in good 
necessarye and convenyente reparacions duringe the saied tyme And my will and meaninge ys 
that yf my saied wife shall accepte of the saied mansion house and other the premisses by this my 
saied will to her devised for her full thirde parte that she shall have the use of all suche cesterns 
of leade and other the leades as shalbe remayninge in my saied dwellinge house in Lumbert streate 
London at the tymc of my decease Item I will and devise that all and singuler the said mansion 
house and all and singuler the premisses before by theise presentes devised to the saied Dame Marye 
my wife after the decease of the sayed Dame Marye shall remayne and be to Thomas Taylor my 
sisters sonne his heires and assignes for ever To have and to houlde the same after the decease of 
my saied wife to hym the saied Thomas Taylor his heires and assignes for ever together witli all 
suchc cesternes of Leade and other Leades as shalbe remayninge in my saied mansion house in 
Lumbert streate at the time of my decease Item I will and devise my greate house with the 
appurtenaunces in the poultrey in the parishe of Saincte Mary woolchurche Hawe London in the 
occupacion of Edward Holmeden grocer and also my garden in Cowleman strete in Swanne alley 
London with the appurtenaunces unto my cozen Elizabeth Holmeden my sister's daughter duringe 
her naturall life willinge and chardginge the saied Elizabethe to kepe the same to her devised 
duringe all the saied tyme in good necessarye and convenient reparacions And after the decease of 
the saied Elizabethe I will that the saied greate house in the poultrey with the appurtenaunces and 
the saied garden with the appurtenaunces shalbe and remayne to William Taylor and Giles Taylor 
brothers to the saied Elizabeth and theire heires and assignes for ever Item I will and devise unto 
Thomas Tirrcll my godsonne sonne of Thomas Tyrrell citizen and grocer of London my tenementes 
and landes thereunto belonginge scituate lyinge and beinge in the parishe of Nudgate in the countie 
of Surrey in the tenure and occupation of one Nicholas llickman whiche I late purchased of Richard 
Culpepper gentleman and all other my landes and tenementes in the saied parishe of Nudgate to 
have and to houlde to the saied Thomas Tyrrell my godsonne his heires and assignes for ever 
And the residue of al! my manners landes tenementes and hereditamentes by me not devised 
amountinge to the full thirde parte of all the manners landes tenementes and hercditamcates 
whereof I am seised of any estate of enheritauncc I leave undevysed to descende by the course of 
the lawcs of this Eealme to or uppon my heire or heires at the common lawe And lastlye I will 
that yraediatlyc after my decease or within convenient tymc after my saied executors shall by the 
hclpe and direction of some learned advise searche and peruse all my evidences decdes myniinentcs 



320 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

and wrytinges whatsoever and shall devide and deliver them to the devisees of th' enheritauncc or 
fee simple of the severall premises accordinge to th' intente of this my present will and devise viz. 
To every of the saied devisees or theire heires and to my saied heire or heires at the common lawe 
suche and so many of the saied deedes evydences mynimentes and wrytinges as shall severally 
concerne the landes or tenementes severally to them devised or which ar to discende accordinge to 
the course of the lawes or statutes of this realme and allso that this my present laste will and devise 
concerninge my saied manners landes and tenementes be by my saied executors caused to be enrolled 
in the courte of Hoystinges of London accordinge to the custome of the same cittie within fower 
monethes next after my decease In witnesse whereof I have to this my present laste will and devise 
of my saied manners landes and tenementes and hereditamentes set my hande and scale the day and 
yere first above written By me Thomas Ramsey alderman Sealed and delyvered by S r Thomas 
Ramsey as his laste will for the devise of his landes in y e presence of us whose names ar subscribed 
Thomas Graye the elder grocer William Home grocer Nicholas Barnesley grocer Richard Forde 
servaunte to Syr Thomas Ramsey alderman Richard wrighte Notary publique. 
[Proved as before.] 

Sir Thomas was buried, according to his wish, in his parish church. It was 
burnt in the Great Fire, then restored, and his tomb reinstated; but it was 
destroyed with other old monuments in 1716, when the present church was built 
by Hawksmoor. 

The tomb of Sir Thomas is mentioned in Strype's edition of Stowe as " a very 
good monument in the east end of the chancel," with the following epitaph : 

" Here lyeth interred the body of SIR THOMAS RAMSEY, Knt. a most worthy 
Citizen, and lately Lord Maior of London, being free of the Grocers' Company. 
"With whom (by Will) he hath lefte a perpetual reliefe for poore yong men, 
retaylours of the said Company, which he saw performed in his lifetime. He was 
a most careful Magistrate, walked in the feare of God, and loved peace. He 
lived 79 yoares, and dyed (without issue) in the faith of Jesus Christ, the 19. day 
of May, Anno Dom. 1590. Whose godly end was a true testimony of his vertuous 
life. 

" Here lyeth buried also DAME ALICE, the first wife of the said Sir Thomas 
Ramsey, she being eldest daughter to Bevis Lea, of Enfield, in the county of 
Stafford, Gent. Unto whom he was married 37 yeeres ; and having lived 85 yeeres, 
she departed this life the 18 day of January, Anno Dom. 1577. 

"Dame Mary, the second wife to the said -Sir Thomas Ramsey, was oldest 
daughter to William Dale, of Bristol, Merchant, unto whom he was married 12 
yeeres. In regard therefore of so worthy a knight, and his two vertuous Ladeis, 
this Monument is heere placed by the Executors of the said Sir Thomas Ramsey, 
the 18 day of November, Anno Dom. 1596." 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 321 

Dame Mary was equally remarkable with her husband for charity and benevo- 
lence. Strype records " the Christian and bountiful charity of the Lady Ramsey, 
who being seized of lands in fee simple of her own inheritance, amounting to the 
yearly value of 243, by consent of her said husband gave the same to Christ's 
Hospital in London, towards the relief of the poor children there, and other 
charitable uses, as shall be declared. 

" To the Master and Usher of the school belonging to Christ's Church, she gave 
yearly 20. 

" To the Schoolmaster of Hawsted, by the year for ever, she gave 20. 

" To ten poor widows, beside apparel and houses, yearly 20. 

" To two poor people (a man and a woman) by her appointed, during their lives, 
she gave unto each of them, yearly 2 13*. 4d. 

" To two Fellows of Peterhouse, in the University of Cambridge, and towards 
the relief of four scholars, yearly 40. 

" To St. Bartholomew's Hospital, 10. 

" To Newgate, Ludgate, and both the Comptors, each of them 10. 

" After the expiration of certain leases, there is to come unto Christ's Hospital, 
yearly, the sum of 120. 

" To three several parishes in London, namely, St. Andrew Undershaft, St. 
Peter's the Poor, and St. Mary Wolnoth, in Lombard Street, 10 to each. 

" Towards the maintenance of six poor scholars in Cambridge, 20. 

" Towards the relief of ten poor maimed soldiers, beside cassocks, caps, hose, 
and shoes, yearly, the sum of 20. 

" For two sermons, yearly, 40. 

" She gave to the poor of Christ's Church parish, yearly, for ever, the sum of 50s. 

" To the poor of the Company of Drapers in London, she gave 10 yearly. 

" All these gifts already rehearsed are to continue for ever, yearly. 

" Moreover to each of these five Companies : of Grocers, Drapers, Goldsmiths, 
Haberdashers, and Merchant Taylors, she gave the sum of 1,200, to be lent to 
young tradesmen for four years. 

" She gave to the Maior and Commonalty of Bristol 1,000, to be employed 
toward the new hospital there, and other charitable uses, by the consent of her 
executors. 

" To certain parishes in the country, as Berden, Newport, Clavering, Langley, 
Rickling, Quenden, Stocking Pelham, and Walden, she gave the sum of 100, to 
buy forty gowns of frize for women, and sixty coats for men, the remainder and 
overplus to go to the poor. 

VOL. XL. 2 T 



322 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

" She gave to poor maids' marriages 40. 

" Moreover she gave the sum of 500 towards the releasing of such prisoners 
as lye for the debt of 40s. in any of the prisons in London and Southwark. 

" She gave beside the sum of 3,000 to other good and godly uses." 

There were formerly two tablets detailing her gifts to Christ Church more fully, 
and thus inscribed : 

" Behold the works of God, done by his servant Dame Mary Ramsey. 

" She hath given a yearly maintenance for two Fellows and four Scholars in 
Cambridge. 

" More, two livings of good value, when they shall become fit to supply them. 

" More, towards certain sermons to be preached in this church, yearly. 

" More, in Christ's Hospital, a free writing-school for poor men's children. 

" More, in the country, a free grammar-school for the poorer sort. 

" All which several gifts, before remembered, are to continue yearly for ever. 

Forma, Decus, Mores, 
Sapientia, Res, et Honores, 
Morte ruunt subita; 
Vivit post funera Fama. 

" The rest of the godly works done by this good lady. 

" She hath given a worthy maintenance to the poor of Christ's Hospital. 

" More, a bountiful gift for the healing of poor wounded soldiers. 

" More, a liberal maintenance for ten poor maimed soldiers. 

" More, a liberal maintenance for ten poor aged widows. 

" More, a bountiful gift to release poor men out of prison. 

" More, a bountiful gift to relieve poor men in prison. 

" More, a yearly stipend to poor maids' marriages. 

" More, to the relief of the poor of four several parishes. 

" All which several gifts are for ever. 

" Her faith hath wrought, her tree was not barren. And yet an unprofitable 
servant. 1596." 

Such is all I have been able to glean concerning these worthy citizens. Their 
lives of industry, their pursuit of wealth, have left no traces behind. Through 
their charities have they solely been remembered, as if to point more forcibly the 
moral of the poet's lines : 

" only the actions of the just 
Smell sweet, and blossom in the dust." 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 323 

A TREWE INVENTORYE of all the moveable goodes, househould stuffe and plate, w ch were latelie the 
goodes and chattells of S r THOMAS RAMSEY, Knight, late Alderman of the Citie of London ; 
as the same was viewed and appraised by Thomas Corbet, skynner ; John Alderson, vintener ; 
Pattricke Brewe, gouldesmithe ; and John Okes, clothworker ; praysers sworne and appoynted 
the xvii th daie of June 1590, as hereafter followeth : 

In the newe Parlour. li. s. d. 

Imprimis : a chaire of greene velvett at . . xij vj 

Itm. two chaires of greene kersey, fringed . . . xj 

Itm. two olde chaire stooles, of crimson velvett . . vj viij 

Itm. two stooles of needleworke ... nij 
Itm. one drawing joyned table (1) w th a frame and xviij joyned stooles . xxxiij iiij 
Itm. a long pillowe of tissewe and a windowe cloth of chaungeable silke 

damaske ....... x 

Itm. an olde cupboard cloth of greene and red ... ij 

Itm. iiij litle footestooles . . . xviij 

Itm. one Turkye carpett of v yards longe .... xxvj viij 

Itm. ix olde greene cushions ..... ij 

Itm. viij knobbes of tynne for the cupboard . ij 

Itm. a cupboard and a desk of wainskett .... iij iiij 

Itm. a long forme covered w th greene serge .... iij iiij 

Itm. iiij olde greene stooles at . v 

Itm. an iron to keepe in the fire (2) .... xviij 

Summa t. v xix 



In the Garden Chamber. 

Itm. a greate longe wainskete presse .... xxxiij iiij 

Itm. a longe tapestrie carpett . . . . . vij 

Itm. two grene carpets of greene cloth, frenged . . . iiij x 

Itm. vij skreene clothes and windowe clothes of grene clothe, garded w" 1 

grene velvet, and fringed ..... xxxv 

Itm. a cupboarde clothe of redd dornixe . ij 

Itm. a longe pillowe and iiij cushions of grene velvet . . xl 

Itm. iiij needleworke cushions of the grocers armes . . . Iiij iiij 

Ittn. viij needleworke cushions of the honysuckle . . . Iiij iiij 

Itm. iiij olde needleworke cushions .... xiij iiij 

Itm. an olde longe pillowe of tissewe .... xv 

Itm. xij greene kersey cushions .... 

Itm. a chaire of greene velvett ..... xvj 

Itm. iiij lyned coverletts of tapestrie . . . .vij 

Itm. one coarse coverlett, unlyned ..... xij 

2 T 2 



324 



On an Inventory of Household Goods 



Itm. one redde rugge, a black mantell, and a white blanket! 

Itm. one peece of coarse kersey, a remnaunt of frise, and a remnaunt of black 

cotton ....... 

Itm. two downe pillowes covered w th white fustian 

Itm. v. curtaines of redde and yellowe taffetay, and the vallencc of the same, 

fringed w"' redde and yellowe .... 

Itm. a tester of Bridges satten ..... 
Itm. the velvet for a bedds hed, and vallence to the same of greene velvett, 

fringed, and lyned w" 1 buckram .... 

Itm. a curtaine, sky blewe and yellow .... 

Itm. a paire of brasen andirons w' h brasen feete 

Itm. a shovell, a slice, a paire of croppers, and two payre of iron tounges 

Itm. v wainskote tressells ..... 

Itm. a paire of olde playing tables ..... 

Itm. ix olde pictures ...... 

Itm. a paire of bellowes and an old tent frame 

Itm. a wainskete chest, ij blewe tilletes (3), viijd. and vij wainsket boords 

Itm. two fine tapestrie coverlets, unlyned, at . 

Itm. iij peeces of old wainsket, ij wainsket pillars, and a wainsket forme 

Summa t. 



li. 



s. 

X 
XV 

viij 



iiij 



iij 



viij 



In t/ie Chamber betwene the Great Chamber and the Garden Chamber. 



Itm. a longe olde Turkic carpett . 
Itm. a greate wainskote cheste . 
Itm. a plate baskett, and a wainskote forme 



Summa t. 



In t/ie Gallerie. 



Itm. iij longe tables 

Itm. two square carving boorde tables 

Itm. three stooles 



Summa t. 



XXV 

xvj 

X 

viij 
v 

XJ 

XV 

ix 



x 



xvj 

v 

iiij 



xxv 



xix 



XX1J 

viij 



In the Chamber over the neice Parloure. 

Imprimis: a carved bedsted and a trundell (4) bedde, and two waiusket 
settles ....... 

Itm. a strawe bedde, a fether bedde, and a boulster 



XXVJ 
X 



VIIJ 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 325 

li. s. d. 

Itm. a court cupborde (5) ..... xvj 

Itm. a leade pott for the privie, and an iron curtaine rodd . . xvj 



Summa t, . iiij xix iiij 

In the Ilall. 

Itm. a longe greene carpett ..... xx 

Itm. two long tables w" 1 the frames .... xxxiij iiij 

Itm. viij joyned stooles and two wainskete formes . . . xxj 

Itm. xij plaine holberds ...... xx 

Itm. two lanses, horsemens staves, and iiij light horsemans staves . . viij 

Itm. vij shildes of armes ..... iij vj 

Itm. a beame and an aungell gilt, and v candlestickes of brasse, and a 

cristall glasse ...... xxv 

Itm. an iron harth w' h an iron frame .... xx 

Itm. two foote stooles ...... iiij 

Summa t. . vij xj ij 



In the olde Parlour. 

I tin. a longe drawing table, and a frame of wainskote ... xx 

Itm. iiij wainskote formes . . . . . ix 

Itm. vj stooles . ... . . . vj 

Itm. a great iron back for the chimnye .... viij 



Summa t. . xliij 



In the Chamber next to the Ilall. 

Itm. two small fether beddes and a boulster .... iiij 

Itm. a blanket, and three small grene say curtaines ... xij 

Itm. a mattres, a fether bedd, and a boulster .... Iiij iiij 

Itm. two blancketts, an olde tapestrie coverlet, and an olde pillowe . xxxv 

Itm. a settle, and a chaire of wainskote .... v 

Itm. a cheste of walnut tree ..... xl 

Itm. a wainskote settle ...... ij 

Itm. a shovell, and a payrc of tonges, and a slice of iron . . xvj 

Itm. a paire of bellowes ...... xvj 

Itm. iij windowe say curtaines, and the curtaine roddes ... xij 

Itm. two greene cushions ..... xij 

Itm. two olde greene stooles ..... ij 

Itm. a small looking glasse, and a lead pott for the privie . . xxij 

Summa t. . xij vj x 



320 



On an Inventory of the Household Goods 



In the Closet next to Hie same Cliamber. 

Itm. a settle of wainskote ..... 

Itm. a wainskote cheste ...... 

Itm. a greate oken wainskote cheste .... 

Itm. a hanger, and one knife ..... 

Itm. a combe boxe ...... 

Itm. a trundell bedsted and a boulster .... 

Itm. a blancket, and an olde coverlett .... 

Itm. an olde browne bill, iij iron curtaine roddes, a white brushe, and a 
litle olde cheste ...... 

Sutnma t. 



li. 



s. 

V 

XJ 

V 

V J 



VIIJ 

ii 

viij 



xxxvij 



In Wilson's Chamber. 

Itm. a bedsted, and a strawe bed, and a trundell bedsted 

Itm. an olde wainskot presse ..... 

Itm. a standing joyncd bedsted, a strawe bedd, a fether bedd, and two 
boulsters ...... 

Itm. a payrc of blanketts, and an olde coverlett 

Itm. two olde chayres ...... 

Itm. an old table, and a paire of tressells, and a cheste olde 

Itm. a joyned stoole ..... 



v 

V 



XXX11J 

i'j 
U 



" 



xij 



Itm. v boulsters and a pillowe 



Itm an olde boarded bedsted 



In the Presse there. 



In the Garret there. 



Summa t. 



In the Garret next to the streete. 

Itm. an olde table, two tressells, and an olde presse 

Itm. two wicker hampers and a little racke 

Itm. a skreene w' 1 ' a frame and a suffering fatt (6) 

Itm. an olde settle and some olde wainskote, and a hayer lyne (7) 

Itm. three tressells ..... 

Summa t. 



vnj 



viij 



V1J 



of Sir Thomas Ramsay. 327 

In the Chamber next to the Garrett. li. s. d. 

Itm. an olde standing bedsted w th a settle unto it (8), and two iron curtaine 

rodds ....... T 

Itm. a strawe bedd, two fether bedds, and a boulster . . v 

Itm. a payre of olde andirons ..... xviij 

Summa t. . v vj viij 

In the Matted Chamber. 

Imprimis, a standing bedsted, w th iij wainskote settles and iij iron rodds . xiij iiij 

Itm. a strawe bedd, a fether bedd and a boulster . . .iij 

Itm. two olde coverletts, one lyned and one unlyned, and a blanket . iij iiij 

Itm. one olde carpett of tapestrie ..... v 

Summa t. . iiij j viij 

In the Brushing Chamber. 

Itm. vj curtaine rodds, a pott of lead for the privie, a spynninge wheele, a 

deske and a tressell . v 

Itm. a brushing table and two tressells .... xvj 

Itm. a waynskote presse ..... xxv 

Itm. one longe dowble cheste ..... xiij iiij 

Itm. a little chest and a buck baskett .... ij ij 

Itm. a great wainskete chest ..... xiij iiij 

Itm. a turned chayer ...... vj 

Summa t. . iij viij 

Apparell in the presse in the Srutihiny Chamber. 

Itm. a skarlet gowne fased w th black velvet . . . vj xiij iiij 

Itm. a scarlet cloke lyned throughout w"' chaungeable taffatye . . xlvj viij 

Itm. a scarlet cloke faced w"' gray, w"' the tillet . . . xlvj viij 

Itm. one scarlet gowne furred, and fased w" 1 martens . . . x 

Itm. two violet gownes fased w"' martens, furred; the better gowne at viij li. 

and the old gowne at 46s. 8d. x vj viij 

Itm. a violet gowne fased w"' satten .... xl 

Itm. two black gownes fased w" 1 martin powtes the newe gowne at 7 li. 

the worser at 3 li. . . . . . x 

Itm. a night gowne of kersey, laste w th billament (9) lase, and fased w" 1 

martens ....... Ij 

Itm. three black gownes fased w" 1 velvet, the worser at 20s. the second at 

iij li. and the best gowne at vj li. . . . xl 



On an Inventory of the Household Goods 



li. 



Itm. three black velvet coats, viz. the worst 6s. 8d. the second i li. and the 

best iij li. x s. . 

Itm. a blacke clothe coate ..... 

Itm. a black clothe cloke fased w" 1 velvet .... 
Itm. two newe dubletts, one of fustian and the other of buffin (10) w" 1 satten 

sleeves ....... 

Itm. an olde dublet of purple satten .... 

Itm. iiij olde dublets w" 1 satten sieves .... 

Itm. two paire of kersey hose ..... 

Itm. a felt hatt, fased w" 1 velvet, w" 1 a fustian bagge 

Itm. one newe tawny cloke ..... 

Itm. two brushes and a rubber ..... 

Itm. an old furred gowne ..... 

Itm. a violet cloke, furred w lh gray .... 

Itm. an olde scarlet gowne, furred, fased w th martens 4 li. 10 s. a paire 

black velvet sleeves 6s. 8d. ..... 

Summa t. 



In the Painted Chamber. 

Imprimis: a standing bcdsted, gilt .... 

Itm. a flock bedcle, a fether bedd, a boulster, and a paire of blanketts 
Itm. a coverlett, vnlyned ..... 

Itm. the vallence, and v curtaines for a bedd of yellowe and redde olde 

taftataye ...... 

Itm. a settle of wainskote ..... 

Itm. a trundell bed of wainskote, a fether bedd and a boulster, and an olde 

boulster, and an olde coverlet under the bedd 
Itm. a paire of blanketts, and an olde coverlet 
Itm. two downe pillowes of fustian .... 

Itm. a wainskot settle w"' two locks .... 

Itm. a court cupboard ...... 

Itm. an old danske (11) clieste . 

Itm. a joyned stoole, and a foulding table .... 

Itm. iiij curtaines, and a greene say curtaine 

In the Garret above the Painted Chamber. 
Itm. iiij tresselles and iiij olde bourdes .... 

Summa t. 



Isxv 



"J 



s. 

xvj 
xiij 

XX 



XX 

V J 
V J 

V 
XXX 

ij 

X 

XXXV 

iiij xvj 



V J 
"'J 

xiiij 
xx 

XXXV 

viij 

X 
V 



d. 
viij 



vnj 



VIIJ 

U 



VIIJ 



'"J 



VIIJ 



J 



VJ 



xvj 



jqj 
o 






of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 329 

. In the Buttry. li. s. d. 

Itm. an olde bredd bynne . . . . . . xvj 

Itm. a rackc to dry plate, and a square plate baskett . . . viij 

Itm. iiij joyned stooles . . . . . ij vj 

Itm. two cases w th 16 knives ..... iiij 

In the Larder. 

Itm. a great chest, and two flasketts .... v vj 

Itm. a joyned stoole, and other lumber, as potts and footestooles . xij 

In the Entrye. 

Itm. an oister table, and a forme, and a stoole ... iij iiij 

Summa t. . xviij rtj 

In Richard Ford's Chamber. 

Itm. an olde bcdsted, a strawe bedd, a mattres, a fetherbedd, a boulster, two 

blancketts, an olde rugge, and an old cheste . . . xxxv 

In the next Chamber. 

Itm. a joyned bedstedd, a strawe bedd, a mattres, a flock bedd, two olde 
boulsters, a pillowe, and two olde blancketts, and a coverlet, and two old 
chests ....... xvj viij 

Summa t. . li viij 

In the Compting House in the Yard. 

Itm. a drawing comptor of oke ..... vi viij 

Itm. a counter beame w th basons ..... vi viij 

Itm. a pay re of gold ballance ..... xij 

Itm. x statute bookes ...... xviij 

Itm. an olde small chest ...... iiij 

Itm. two small scales, and a rack of wood .... xij 

Itm. a great fyrre cheste ..... vi viij 

Itm. iij saddles ...... xl 

Itm. two lether bridles ...... v 

Itm. the lether trappinge for the furniture of two horses . . xij 

Itm. two velvet bridles, w"' the two furnitures of blacke velvett trappinge, 

studded, for S r Thomas his wearinge . . . .iij 

Itm. two footeclothes garded w th black velvet . . . xxx 

Itm. two payre of spurre ..... viij 

Itm. 14 olde boxes ...... ij vj 

VOL. XL. 2 U 



330 On an Inventory of the Homehold Goods 

11. s. d. 

Itm. 12 black staves . . . . . . . viij 

Itm. an olde cupbord ...... vj 

Itm. an oldc wagon ...... ij vj 

Itm. a bedsted with old lumber ..... x 

Itm. brick ....... xij 

Summa i. . viij xvij viij 



Candlesticks. 

Itm. 20 pewter candlesticks ..... xx 

Itm. vj great brasse bell candlesticks . xx 

Itm. vj other myddle brasse candlesticks .... iiij 

Itm. iiij brode brasse candlesticks ..... iiij 

Itm. 10 other small brasse candlesticks .... iij iiij 

Itm. two drawing (12) brasse candlesticks .... ij 

Summa t. . Iiij iiij 



In Pewter, of divers sorts, weying asfolloweth, viz. : 

Itm. pewter, weying one w th the other, in the wholle, two thousand two 
hundrethe and one pownd at v d. the pownd, one w th the other, amounts 
but in money to . . . . . xlv xvij 



Summa t. . xlv xvij 



In Brasse, Copper, and Latten, as hereafter follow ethe : 

Itm. iij great brasse potts, iiij lesser brasse potts, ij brasse water chafers, two 
chafers or skillett of brasse, and a litle brasse morter, weying in the 
wholl mcxxx 1 ' at v d. p. Ib. . . . . vj iij iiij 

In Brasse and Latten, vis. : 

Itm. a ewre panne of latten, a brasse panne, a latten collcnder, iij latten 
panns, one perfuming panne of latten, two great brasse panns, a skommer 
and a ladle of brasse, and a small brasse kittle, weying, one w th the other, 
cxxxv Ib. at v d. per Ib. one w th another .... Ivj iij 

Itm. a copper kittle poiz' xxx Ib. at 8d. per pownde . . xx 

Itm. iij brasen chaffing dishes w th two feete . xij 

Itm. a warminge panne . J j 

Summa t. . x xiij vij 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 331 

In the Armory e Howse. 

li. a. d. 

Itm. a pistoll and a dagge ..... iij 

Itm. iij dimilaunces, ij of them at 40s. a pece, and j at 10s. som' . . iiij x 

Itm. xv corselets, vij at 20s. a pece, and viij at 10s. a peece . . xj 

Itm. iij Alman rivetts (13) at iij a iiij d per pece ... x 

Itm. xvij Spanishe morrians at 2s. 6d. per pece (14) . . . xlij vj 

Itm. x combe morrians(15) at 16d. .... xiij iiij 

Itm. vj muskets w th flasks and rests . . . .iiij 

Itm. viij Englishe calivers (16) and 20 flasks and towch boxes . . x 

Itm. 12 Flemishe calivers and 13 flasks and towch boxes . . xxiiij 

Itm. two newe holberds ...... v 

Itm. 6 bowes and iij shefFs of arrowes .... vj viij 

Itm. iij white skulls (17) . . . . . xviij 

Itm. xix swords and rapiers ..... xlvij vj 

Itm. xvj daggers and girdles ..... xxij viij 

Itm. iij bandilyeres (18) ...... iij 

Itm. iiij gorgets and ij gussetts of maile (19) . ... ij viij 

Itm. v spades and shovells and two pickaxes .... vj viij 

Itm. a buckler and two male pillions (20) .... x 

Itm. iij olde formes ...... ij vj 

Itm. 19 pikes, one w th another ..... xxviij vj 

Itm. two light-horsemens staves, iij olde formes and a table w th a frame, an 

olde holberd, and a ladder ..... vij x 

Itm. girdles and hangers, a souldyers coate, certaine matche, bow strings, 

shooting gloves, and brasers (21) .... vj viij 

Summa t. . xxxiij iiij x 



In the Candle Roome. 

Itm. a candle cheste w lh certaine candles in it, certaine tubbs and cheests, w* 

other olde lumber . .... x 

In the Great Warehouse. 

Itm. a greate beamc and skales ..... xl 

Itm. a wainsket bedsted ...... x 

Itm. two pullies ...... vj viij 

Itm. two olde stooles ...... xij 

Summa t. . iij vj viij 

2u2 



332 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

In the Lower Kitchen. li. s. d. 

Itm. two sesternes of leade ..... xl 

Itm. a skowring troughe . . . . viij 

Itm. a flaskett and other olde tubbs and lumber, and a coope . . ij 

Summa t. . xlij viij 

In the Well Yard. 

Itm. a sesterne of leade ...... xxx 

Itm. a small leaden troughe ..... xviij 

In the Back Yard. 

Itm. iij sesternes of leade . . . . . v 

Itm. vj tubbs and two deskes of olde wainskotc, a blocke, w th olde lumber 

and paving stone in the yard ..... vj viij 

Itm. billets, by estimacion x thowsand, at x s. . . v 

Summa t. . xj xviij ij 

In the Stable. 

Itm. a ladder and a pitchforke ..... ij 

Itm. a white geldinge . . . . . iij vj viij 

Itm. small coles ...... xx 

In the Stable Chamber. 

Itm. iij saddles, and iij olde bridles, an olde bedsted, iiij old stirrupps, and 

certaine hoopes, and a snaffle ..... iij iiij 

Itm. an olde saddle and bridle, and other lumber . . . xviij 

Summa t. . iiij xiij vj 

In the Garden. 

Itm. 34 oken boards, at . . . . . . xxx 

Itm. 4 plancks, at ...... vj 

Itm. billets by estimacion ix thowsand, at . . . iiij x 

Itm. a greate deale of old lumber ..... x 

Itm. an olde ladder, xviij d. iij olde spades, xij d. . . . ij vj 

Itm. a little ladder ...... iiij 

Itm. iij pewter stills ...... xx 

Suinma t. . vij xviij x 



In the Spice Howse. 

Itm. an iron beame and skales ..... x 

Itm. leaden waights xxxiij c. di. at viij s. . . . xiij viij 

Itm. two brasse morters wayinge clxiiij Ib. net, at 4d. ob' . . iij i vj 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 333 

11. s. d. 

Itm. two olde presses . . "~ ' : * . . xxxv 

Itm. au olde counter . . .. . . .. . ' iij iiij 

Itm. two small palre of ballance, at .... ij vj 

Itm. two boxes, iij barrells, and a cake of p'masitie (22) ... xx 

Itra, iij spice treyes, xvj d. ; and iij links vj d. . . . xxij 

Itm. two coats of plate ...... x 

Itm. two piles of brasen waights, poize xxxj Ib. at iiij d. ob. . . xij 

Itm. more coarse sparmacetye, poize xxx Ib. at ... xij iiij 

Itm. browne paper and white in the cupboard ... iij 

Itm. leade, poize iij 1. qr. ij Ib. at 7 s. . . . . vj vj 

Itm. wainsket and lumber ..... ij 

Itm. for gonne powder, x.q. xliij Ib. iiij ounces, at viij d. p. Ib. . . xxx vj 

Summa t. . xxiij xix vj 



, In the Fishe Howse. 

Itm. ij barrells of bay salt ..... vij 

Itm. one barrell of white sault ..... iij 

Itm. xiij cople of linge ...... x 

Itm. tables and other lumber ..... ij 

In the BouU'mg Howse. 
Itm. an olde chest, a washing block, and other lumber ... ij vj 

In the Howse in the Middle Yard. 

Itm. tubbs and other things there ..... ij 

Itm. halfe a firken of sope, and other lumber there ... x 

In the Celler. 
Itm. greate coales ...... v 

In the Bere Cellar. 
Itm. scantling for bearc (23) .... vj viij 

In the Vawt Larder. 

Itm. two brine tubbs, a flasket, and other lumber . . . iiij 

Itm. by estimacion billets 8 thowsand at x s. . . . . iiij 

In the Wine Cellar. 

Itm. a tierse of wyne, pryce ..... l.ss 

Itm. vij cheses at vij s. ; litle runlets and other lumber xij d. . . viij 

In the Garden Woodteller. 
Itm. one thowsand of billets ..... x 

Summa t. . viij ij 



334 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

li. s. d. 
In the Lodge. 

Itm. a lantorne of glasse, w" 1 an iron frame, and a shovell . v ij 

In the Yard. 

Itm. xlj lether buckets, one w th another at . . . iij 

Itm. a blocke of woode there ..... xviij 

In the Lodge next to the Gate. 
Itm. an olde settle, certaine bricks, and a forme ... ij vj 

In the Upper Kitchen. 

Itm. a cesterne of leade ...... liij iiij 

Itm. v treyes of woode, and a paire of bellowes ... ij yj 

Itm. iij stone morters, a choppinge boorde, and others ... iij iiij 

In the Upper Compting-house. 

Itm. a presse of wainskote ..... viij 

Itm. a square table w th a frame ..... vj 

Itm. a great plate cheste ..... xv 

Itm. a testament, a stoole, and vj boxes .... iiij 

Summa t. . viij iiij viij 

In Iron Worke, as followethe. 
Itm. in spitts, racks, trevetts, barrs of iron, and other such necessaries for the 

kitchen, wcying in the whollc iiij c. xlj Ib. at j d. ob. per pownd . Iv 

Itm. iiij dripping panns of iron, and two frying panns, weying Ixxvj Ib. one 

w th another, at ij d. ob. per Ib. .... xv x 

Itm. v chopping knives, ij fire shovells, and a peele . . . v 

Itm. iij olde iron and iiij plate dripping panns ... ij vj 

Summa t. . iij xviij iiij 



Taken owt of the Wainskot Cheste. 

Itm. a guilt Scots dagger w th two knives .... v 

Itm. iij yards of satten at xj s. per yard .... xxxviij vj 

Itm. halfe a yarde of course satten . . . . iiij 

Itm. one yarde and halfe of buffine .... xv 

Itm. a booke of the abridgment of statuts .... ij vj 

Itm. a paire of knives graven and guilt .... x 

Summa t. . iij xx 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 335 

June tie 19 daie, 1590. 
The waight and prices of all the Plate, asfollmceth, viz. Gilte Plate. 

Imprimis : one nestc of gilt bowles (24) w th a cover, poize Ixxxxviij ounces at li. s. d. 

v s ij d per ounce, amounts unto .... xxv x ij 
Itm. one nest of gilt bowles w th a cover, poize Ixxviij oz. di. and halfe a quarter 

at v s ij d per oz. amounts . . . . xx vj ij 

Itm. one nest gilt bowles w th a cover, poize Ixxx oz. at v s ij d. . . xx xiiij vij 
Itm. one nest of gilt bowles w th St. Martin, poiz Ix oz. iij qtr. at v s ij d per 

ounce, amounts unto . . . . xv xiij x 

Itm. one nest of gilt gobletts w th a cover, poiz. Ixv oz. iij qrs. at v s ij d . xvj xix viij 

Itm. ix gilt potts w th covers, poiz clix oz. di. at v s ii d . . . xli iij j 

Itm. xij ale potts, all gilt, poiz clxxx oz. at v s iiij d per oz. . . xlviij 

Itm. two great lyverie potts w 01 covers, cvj oz. di. at v s j d . . xxvij j iiij 

Itm. two gilt crewetts w th covers, poiz xxvij oz. qr. at v s iiij d .vij xiiij v 

Itm. two great gilt saults w th j cover (25) Ixxxix oz. iij at v s vj d . . xxvij viij vij 

Itm. two gilt saults, w th j cover, poiz Ixv oz. qr. at v s iiij d . . xvij viij 

Itm. one gilt standing cupp, w th j cover, poiz Iiij oz. iij at v s iiij d . xiiij i iiij 
Itm. two gilt pownsed saults w th j cover, poiz. liiij oz. di at vsiiijd per 

ounce, amounts unto ..... xiv x viij 
Itm. a gilt standing cupp w th a cover, poiz xiiij oz. di. qr. at vj s iiij d per ounce, 

amounts unto . . . . . . xj x 

Itm. two litle gilt bowles w th out cover, poiz xiiij oz. di. at v s vj d per ounce, 

amounts unto . . . . . .iij xix ix 

Itm. one nest of gilt bowles w th out a cover, poiz Ixiij oz. di at vj s ij d per 

ounce, amounts ...... xvj viij 

Itm. one nest of gilt bowles w"'out cover, poize xlvij oz. di at v s ij d per ounce xlj v v 
Itm. one nest of gilt bowles w th out cover, poize xlv oz. iij q' at v s j d per ounce, 

amounts . . . . . . . xj xvj iiij 

Itm. one nest of gilt goblets w th j cover, poiz Ixxij oz. at v s j d per ounce, 

amounts unto ...... xviij vj 

Itm. one nest of gilt goblets w th j cover poiz Iv oz. di at vsj d . . xiiij ij 

Itm. two gilt saultes w th one cover, poiz lix oz. at v s ij d. . . xv iiij x 

Itm. a gilt sault w"'out a cover, poiz xxvj oz. at v s ij d . . . vj xiiij iiij 
Itm. a gilt standinge cuppe w th a cover, poiz xxvij oz. qr. at v s ij d per ounce, 

amounts unto . . . . . vij o x 

Itm. a gilt nutt w th a cover, poize xxiiij oz. di at v s ij d . . vj iiij vj 

Itm. xij gilt potts, w th out covers, clxxxj oz. at v s iiij d . . xlvij v iiij 
Itm. iij gilt ale potts w th dolphin eares, w tu a cover, poize xxxiij oz. qr. at v s 

j d per ounce, amounts unto ..... viij ix 
Itm. a broken trencher sault, and a cover of a trencher sault, poiz v ounces 

quarter at iiij s x d . . . . . . xxv iiij 



On an Inventory of the Household Goods 



li. s. d. 

Itm. v gilt spoones, poize x oz. iij and di. at v s ij d . . 

Itm. a small trencher sault, poiz ij oz. at vs per ounce, amounts . 
Itm. a gilt pece of the olde towche (26) poiz xxiiij oz. iij qr. at v s j d 
Itm. iij dossen of gilt spoones, poiz Ixxxx oz. iij qr. at v s ij d 
Itm. two square gilt saults, w th one cover poiz xxix oz. at vs vj d per ounce, 
amounts unto ..... 

Summa t. 



Parcell gilt plate, weying asfolloweth, viz. : 

Itm. vj hanse potts (27), parccll gilt, poiz Ixxxv oz. at iiij s ix d . 

Itm. iij dossen of postle spoones parcell gilt, poiz Ixvj oz. iij qr. and half 

quarter at iiij s xj d per ounce 
Itm. a bason and a ewer, parcell gilt w" 1 the grocers' armes, poiz cvij oz. at v s 

per ounce amounts unto .... 

Itm. one bason and ewer w th S r Thomas Ramsey's armes, poiz ciij oz. qr. at v s 

per ounce, amounts .... 

Itm. one bason and ewer w 11 ' S r Thomas Ramsey's armes, poize cj oz. qr. at 

v s per ounce, amounts unto .... 
Itm. iij dossen of plate trenchers, poiz cclxx oz. qr. at iiij s xj d per ounce 

amounts unto ..... 

Itm. two dozen of olde plat trenchers parcell gilt poiz clxxix oz. iij dwts. at 

iij s xj d per ounce, amounts unto 

Itm. two litle white bowles, poiz xj oz. iij dwt. at iiij s x d 
Itm. one basin and ewer, parcell gilt, w th a cover, poize Ixxxoz. at iiij s viij d 

per ounce amounts unto .... 

Itm. one great nest of parcell gilt goblets, poiz cxliiij oz. w" 1 one cover, at iiij s 

viij d per ounce amo ts .... 

Itm. one nest of gobletts parccll gilt, w" 1 one cover, Ixxxxix oz. one quarter, 

at iiij s ix d per oz. amounts to ... 

Itm. one nest of goblets parcell gilt, w" 1 a cover, poiz Ixviij oz. iij dwts. at iiij s 

ix d per ounce, amounts to 
Itm. one nest of parcell gilt gobletts, w th a cover, poize Ix oz. i dwt. at iiij s 

viij d per ounce ... 

Itm. viij parcell gilt potts, w"' covers, poize cxiiij oz. iiij s ix d 
Itm. iij hanse potts, parcell gilt, poize xlix oz. di at iiij s viij d 
Itm. two lesser hanse potts, parccll gilt, w th covers, xxix oz. at iiij s viij d per 

ounce, amounts to 

Itm. one lyverie pott, w th a cover, poiz 1 oz. iij dwts. at 4s. 8d. 
Itm. one nest of gobletts, parcell gilt, poiz Ixiiij oz. at iiij s viij d, . 



V J 

. xxiij 

2f 

vi J 


Ivi 
x 

V 

viij 
xix 


ix 

X 

XJ 


. vC.xix 


iiij 


V 


XX 

If 


V J 


j 


. xviij 

s 


xvij 


xj 


xxvj 

s 


XV 




XXV 

.t 


xvj 


iij 


XXV 


vj 


iij 


. 

Ixvj 

t 


viij 


viij 


ib 

xliij 
xlvj 
1 


viij 
ix 


ix 


xviij 

g 


xiij 


iiij 


. xxxiij 


xii 




. xxiij 

g 


xj 


v 


xvj 

- 


vj 


vj 




j 


ij 


. xxvij 


iij 


x 


X J 
r 


xj 




V J 


XV 


iiij 


xj 


xvj 


x 



xv 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 337 

li. s. d. 
Itm. one round sault w th the biasing starre; poiz xviij ounces, quarter, and 

the halfe quarter at iiij s x d. . . . . . iiij viij ix"J 

Itm. one parcell gilt sault w th out a cover, poiz xvj oz. iij qtrs. at iij s viij d 

per ounce, amounts . . . . . iiij ij x 

Itm. two dossen and fower postle spoones, parcell gilt poiz, lix ounces at iiij s 

xj d per ounce, amounts unto ..... xiiij x j 

Itm. xviij olde spoones parcell gilt, poiz xxvij oz. at iiij s ix d per ounce, 

amounts unto . . . . . vj ix v 

Itm. one bason and one ewer parcell gilt w th a cover, w th the grocers armes, 

poiz, cvj oz. at v s. . . . . . xxvj xvj iiij 

Itm. one white pownsed bowle w th out cover, poize ix oz. halfe and halfe 

quarter, at iiij s viij d per oz. . . . . . xliiij xj 

Itm. one little white pott, w th one eare, poize iij oz. and the halfe, at iiij s viij d 

per ounce, amounts ...... xx v 



Summa t. . Clxix xiiij 



Golde chaines, rings, and Jewells, as followetk, viz. 

Itm. one greate chaine of golde, poiz xxxix oz. iij dwts. and halfe an aungell 

weight, at Ivj s per ounce, amounts unto . . . Cx xiiij iiij 

Itm. a girdell of golde, poiz xxviij oz. at Ivij s vj d per oz. . . Ixxxj iiij vj 

Itm. a booke of golde (28), poiz iij oz. at xlviij s per ounce . . vij iiij 

Itm. vij golde rings weyingc ij oz. di. and di. qr. at xlviij s per oz. . vj vj 

Itm. j golde ring of S r Thomas Ramsey's armes, poiz one ounce, at . Ij 

Itm. j paire of silver spectacles, poiz iiij oz. at iiij s vj d. . . xviij 



Summa t. . ijCviij xv xj 



Lynnen praised the 26 daie of June 1590. 

Itm. xv damaske table clothes conteyninge Ixxxvj yardes at v s per yarde, 

amounteth unto one w lh another .... xxiiij 

Itm. xv damaske towclls conteyning Ixxxxv yardes at ij s vj d . . xij 

Itm. xxvj dossen of damaske napkins conteyninge, every dossen, xiiij yards 

and a halfe, at 20d. per yarde, amounts unto . . . xxx j viij 

Itm. xij coverpanes of damaske w 1 ' 1 knobbs, at iiij s a pece, one w" 1 another, 

amo' ....... xlviij 

Itm. a short table cloth of damask, wrought w th flowers, conteyning iiij yards 

and a halfe at ii s iiij d per yard .... xiiij vj 

Damaske. 
Itm. xvj damaske ewrie towells conteyning xlvj yards or thereabouts, at 

20d. per yard, amounts unto . . . . .iij vxj viij 

VOL. XL. 2 X 



On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

li. s. d. 
Itm. vj brode damaske cupboard clothes and skreene clothes, conteyning one 

yard and a halfe of damaske a piece, at ij s vj d per yard . . xxij vj 
Itm. two damaske windowe clothes, conteyning bothe two yardes and a halfe 

of the whole bredthe, at iij a iiij d. . . . viij iiij 

Itm. vj skrene clothes, conteyning x yards and a halfe at 20 d per yarde . xvj vj 
Itm. v damaske windowe clothes of napkin bredthe conteyning vij yards iij 

qrs. at xx d per yard, amounts .... xiiij vij 

Diaper, vi:. : 

Itm. one fine diaper table cloth conteyning vj yardes at v s per yarde . xxx 

Itm. one fine diaper towell co. vj yards at ij s vj d . . . xv 

Itm. ij dossen of fine diaper napkins co. xiij yards at xx d . . xlij viij 
Itm. xiiij diaper table clothes co. 6 yardes a pece, Ixxxiiij yards, at iiij 8 vj d 

one with another, amounts unto .... xviij xviij 

Itm. vj diaper long towells, conteyning vj yardes a peece, xxxvj yards at ij s 

iij d, one w th another . . . . .iiij j 
Itm. xv dossen and iij diaper napkins at xviij s per dossen . . xiij xvj 

Itm. iiij narrowe diaper towells co. 22 yards at 18 d per yard xxxiij 
Itm. xv diaper ewrie towells conteyninge xlij yards, or thearabouts, at xij 

per yarde, amounts unto ..... xlij 

Itm. iiij carving boord clothes of diaper at xvj d a peecc . v iiij 

Itm. ij diaper skreene clothes, one at xij d, the other at vj d . xviij 

Itm. one diaper carving boord clothe, of diaper . . ij vj 

Itm. one olcle diaper table clothe, conteyning 5 yard. qtr. at . . ij vj 

Itm. iiij diaper cowchers (29) conteyning 24 yards at 10 d per yard . xx 

Itm. one coarse diaper towell, conteyning v yards, at 12 d per yard . v 

Itm. v dossen coarse olde diaper napkins at iiij s per dozen, one w tu thother . xx 

Plaine Lynnen, viz. : 

Itm. one plaine table clothe co. 4 ells quarter at ij s viij d per ell . . xij iiij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe co. v ells, at ij s per ell . x 

Itm. one plaine table clothe conteyninge iiij ells, quarter, at xvj d per ell . v viij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe cont' iiij ells iij quarters, at xviij d per ell vij j 

Itm. one plaine table clothe cont' iiij ells iij quarters^ at xvj d . . vj iiij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe conteyninge iiij ells iij quarters, at xviij d per ell vij j 

Itm. one plaine table clothe conteyning iiij ells iij quarters, at xvj d per ell . vj iiij 

Itm. one plaine table cloth, scant v ells, at 16 d per ell, amounts . . vj viij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of iij ells iij quarters, at xx d per ell . vj iij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of iiij ells iij quarters, at xij d per ell . iiij ix 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of iij ells iij quarters, at xvj d per ell . . v 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 339 

li. s. d. 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of iiij ells, scant, at 19 d per ell tef,:' ->V, iiij viy 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of iij ells iij quarters, at xvid per ell . '-..- v 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of iiij ells qtr. at xviij d per ell . . vj ix 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of v ells, at xvj d per ell . . . vj viij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of v ells, at xx d per ell . . viij iiij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of 4 ells and a halfe, at xx d per ell . . vij vj 

Itm. one plaine table clothe of iiij ells and halfe, at ii s per ell . ix 

Plaine Towells and Ewry Towells, fyc. 

Imprimis, one holland towell of iij ells quarter, at xviij d per ell . . vj 

Itm. one towell conteyning iiij ells quarter, at xviij d per ell . . vj iiij 

Itm. one towell of iiij ells quarter, at 18 d per ell . . . vij iiij 
Itm. xij ewer towells of 27 ells viz, two ells, quarter, the pcce of halfe holland 

bredthe, at ix d per ell . . . . . xxj 

Itm. two ewer towells, wrought the white worke, at iij s vj d per pece . vij 

Itm. iij coverpanes, wrought w' h black worke, at vj s vij d per pece . xx 

Itm. one cupbord clothe, wrought w tk white worke . . . xiij iiij 

Itm. one plaine cupbord clothe conteyning one ell qtr. and a halfe, at xxij d . iij iiij 
Itm. two cupbord clothes, wrought w th black worke, one at iij s, the other at 

ij s, amounts to ...... v 

Itm. two long skrene clothes ..... iiij 

Itm. two lesser skrene clothes . . ij vj 

Itm. iij small dore clothes ...... xij 

Itm. two neck towells conteyning iiij ells and halfe, at viij d iij 

Itm. 10 jack towells at vj d per pece, one w" 1 the other . . v 

Itm. vj carving boord clothes at xij d per pece . . vj 

Itm. ij dossen and nyne plaine napkins, one w th another . v 

Lynnen used about the hoivse, 

Itm. one diaper table clothe conteyning v yards iij quarters, at iiij s per yarde xxiij 

Itm. one diaper towell conteyning v yards and halfe, at ij s per yard . xj 

Itm. xij diaper napkins at .... XTJ 

Itm. iij dossen of olde diaper napkins, one w th another at . . iij 

Itm. one olde diaper table clothe and a corse towull of diaper . ij yj 

Plaine holland. 

Itm. one plaine table clothe co. v elles, at xviij d per ell . . vij vj 

Itm. one plaine table clothe co. v ells, at xvj d per ell . . . vj viij 

Itm. one plaine table clothe co. iiij ells iij quarters, at . . . . v 

2x2 



340 On an Inventory of the Household Goods 

li. s. d. 

Itm. one olde plaine table clothe at .... ij vj 

Itm. two long towells, viij ells and a halfe, at yj d per ell . . iiij iij 

Itm. v olde table clothes ..... xij 

Itm. iiij olde tome cupbord clothes .... iiij 

Itm. iiij olde jack towells ..... iiij 

Itm. ix ewry towells at . . . . . . ij 

Itm. one buttery dore clothe ..... ij 

Itm. iiij old table clothes ..... vj 

Itm. xxij newe napkins ...... x 

Itm. vij dosscn of plaine napkins, one w th another at ij s vj d per dossen . xvij vj 

Lynnen taken out of the Chest in the Garden Chamber. 

Itm. iiij payre of newe canves sheets at vij s vj d, one w th another, amounts 

unto ....... xxx 

Itm. xij payrc of olde corse sheetes at ij s payre, one w th other . . xxiiij 

Itm. one fine holland sheete ..... vij 

Itm. ix payre of fine sheetes at vj s vij d per paire . . iij 

Itm. v payre of olde sheets at iiij s per paire . . xx 

Itm. v sheets at iiij s per paire ... . x 

Itm. two diaper towells, conteyning vij yards, halfe, at x d . . vj iij 

Itm. iij holland towells, conteyning ix ells, at 12 d, one w th another ix 

Itm. one ewry towell of callico w lh blacke worke . . viij 

Itm. two drinking clothes wrought w th black worke xij 

Itm. two mylded (30) napkins . vj 

Itm. one pcce of olde canves . . ij 

Itm. iiij paire of sheets at vj s viij d per payre xxvj viij 

Itm. one payre of old sheets .... ij vj 

Itm. x corse hand towells at 3 d . . ij vj 

Itm. ix old sheets, payre . iij 

Som't'. . Clj xvj vj 

Memorand' these parcells of goodes hereafter named were valued by the praisers 
above named, and yet are to be allowed unto Dame Marie for her 
chamber, viz. 

Itm. a bedsted vallence of velvet, curteines to the same of crimson taffetie, 
a fetherbedd, boulster, and two pillowcs, two blanckets, two paire of 
sheetes, two pillowbers, a quilt of crimesen satten, and vij peeces of 
tapestrie hangings, valued, as by everie particular male appere, at the 
bomme of ...... xxxviij viij 



of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 341 

li. s. d. 

Memorand' these parcells hereafter following are to remaine unto the said 
Dame Marie, w ch she doth challenge as her owne, the propertie not 
being altered as she was Executrix unto Mr. Thomas Averie, esquire, 
deceased. 

Itm. two corselets, two dymilaunces, armor for a man of armes w th his mace, 
certaine ymbrowdered pillowes, and certaine other ymplements of hous- 
hold stuffe, as by everie particuler may appeare, valued by the praisers 
abovenamed and doth ain unto the some t' xxxij xv vj 



NOTES, 



1. [one drawing joyned table] a table made with a leaf to draw out and increase its size when needed ; 
"joyned tables" and "joyned stools" indicated superior articles of furniture in contradistinction to common 
carpentry. The London civic companies of joiners and carpenters were distinct, and very jealous of each 
other's privileges, which were most minutely regulated. A curious account of their disputes, and the solemn 
trifling over trade-distinctions which occupied City magnates at this time, may be seen in Jupp's "Account 
of the Worshipful Company of Carpenters," by which it appears the carpenters might only make such 
rough furniture as might hold in sockets or by nailing " without glue ;" the joiners having the monopoly 
of making " all tables of wainscote, walnutt, or other stuffe, glued, with frames, mortesses, or tennants, or 
any other articles of furniture that require to be dovetailed, pinned, or glued." 

2. [an iron to keepe in the fire] a lump of metal similar to the heater of an italian-iron, which was placed 
among the coals to economize heat. 

3. [tilletes] coarse wrappers, "tyllet to wrap cloth in." Palsgrave, 1530. 

4. [trundle ledde~\ a bed that fitted beneath another, and was pulled forward, or " trundled," on wheels. 
It was used for servants, or attendants on the sick. There is a very curious representation of one in an 
illumination to the romance of the Comte d'Artois (15th cent.) published by M. Barrois, of Paris, in which 
the Count is represented in the canopied bed, while his valet occupies the truckle or trundle. It has been 
copied in HalliwelPs folio Shakespeare, vol. 2, p. 437. 

5. [a court cupborde] a buffet for the display of plate. It may have obtained its name from originally 
denoting the rank of its owner. On its summit was a series of receding shelves, upon which the plate was 
arranged. Persons of royal blood, only, were allowed the use of five shelves ; those with four were appro- 
priated to nobles of the highest rank ; those with three to nobles under the rank of dukes ; those with two 
to knight-bannerets ; and those of one step to persons of gentle descent. 

6. [a suffering fatt] a vat used for salting meat, having a vent at bottom to drain off the brine when 
necessary. 

7. [a hayer line] lines or ropes to dry clothes upon were usually made, at this time, of horsehair. 
This gives point to Stephano's jest in Shakespeare's Tempest, Act 4. Among the representations of itinerant 
traders forming a series of " Cries of London," temp. Jas. I. in the British Museum, is one crying, " buy a 
hair-line." 



342 On an Inventory of Sir Thomas Ramsey. 

8. [an old standing bedstead with a settle] This item is very correctly described ; such bedsteads were 
peculiar to the two preceding centuries. The settle was attached to the foot of the bed, and used for 
undressing. In the romance of Meliadus, (Brit. Mus. addit. MS. 12,228, fol. 312,) is a very correct repre- 
sentation of one. (14th cent.) 

9. [billament lose] ordinary ornamental lace. See Proceedings, 2nd S. III. 108. 

10. [btiffin] a coarse common cloth, much used for the gowns of humbler citizens, as appears from 
allusions in the comedy of "Eastward Hoe," 1605, and Massinger's " City Madam." 

11. [danske] Danish. 

12. [drawing candlesticks] candlesticks made to draw upward in a socket as the candles burnt down. 

13. [Alman rivets'] i.e. German rivets. A great improvement on the old fixed rivet, in use till the time 
of Henry VIII. They were formed like a double button, connected by a metal band, which passed through 
a slot in each piece of armour, holding both firmly, but allowing freedom of motion. 

14. [Spanish morrians] light metal head-pieces, with a rim only round the head, having neither visor nor 
cheek-pieces. 

15. [combe woman.*] morions with a raised ridge in the crown like the comb of a cock. 

16. [calivers] A light kind of musket. It was invented in France, and derived the name from the barrel 
being always of one calibre. See Meyrick and Hewitt. 

17. [skulls'] close-fitting metal head-pieces for foot-soldiers. 

18. [bandilyeres] small wooden cases, each containing a charge of powder, hung to a leather baldrick, 
and slung across the shoulder of a soldier. 

19. [gussets ofmaile] small pieces of chain-armour worn at the junction of plate armour. 

20. [male pillions'] large saddles for travelling, having a seat behind for a lady, and being provided with 
leather bags for light luggage. 

21. [brasei-a] coverings of leather for the left arm of the bowman, reaching from wrist to elbow, to 
prevent injury by percussion of the bowstring. 

22. [p'masitie] spermaceti. 

23. [fcantling for beare] wooden frames for beer barrels to stand on. 

24. [nette ofguilte bou-le?] small drinking cups made to fit into each other. 

25. These salts probably fitted one over the other so as to require only one cover. 

26. [the olde towche] the touch was the assay formerly made by the Goldsmiths' Company, of the purity 
of gold by testing it with the touchstone. Hence the term was applied to the stamps placed by them on 
gold or silver articles that had been submitted to their assay. 

27. [hanse pott."] pots of Flemish manufacture. 

28. [a booke of golde] probably, judging from its small value, this was a small pouncet box shaped like 
a book. 

29. [diaper coivchers] diaper coverings for couches ? 

30. [mylde'l] mildewed. 



XXII. Description of a Pocket-Dial made in 1593 for Robert Devereux, Earl 
of Essex. Ey JOHN BRUCE, Esq. F.S.A. : in a Letter addressed to the 
possessor* of the Dial, EDWARD DALTON, Esq. LL.D. F.S.A. 



Read May 4th, 1865. 

5, Upper Gloucester Street, Dorset Square, N.W. 
20th April, 1865. 

MY DEAR SIR, 

The curious article which you have entrusted to me for exhibition to the Society 
of Antiquaries has at least three claims to the attention of that body ; 1st, as an 
authentic memorial of a celebrated person ; 2nd, as an excellent specimen of a 
curious description of mathematical and nautical instrument, long superseded in 
actual practice, but full of interest in the history of the sciences to which it 
relates ; and, 3rd, as a production of a skilful artist in this kind of work whose 
name has fallen out of remembrance. 

The instrument in question consists of a circular case or box, 2% inches in 
diameter, and 1 inch in depth, made of brass, gilded, like ordinary watch-maker's 
work. It has two lids, wings or leaves, which fasten down, one on each side of the 
centre compartment. When closed, the whole has the appearance of a round 
box, covered within and without with letters and figures elaborately engraved. 

Round the outer edge of the box we read the following motto or inscription, 
engraved in capital letters : 

HE THAT TO ' HIS ' NOBLE LINKAGE ' ADDETH " VERTV " AND " GOOD ' CONDISIONS ' 

IS ' TO ' BE PRAYSED " 

and then, reversing the position of the box : 

THET ' THAT BE * PERFECTLI WISE DESPISE WORLDLI ' HONOR ' WHER ' RICHES ' ARE 
HONORED ' GOOD MEN ARE ' DESPISED ' 

Replacing the box in that position in which the first of these inscriptions may 
be read with the letters upright, we find on the upper surface or lid what 
has been a Nocturnlabe, or Nocturnal, that is, an instrument by which time 
may be approximately discovered at night by the observation of certain stars. 

Since this paper was written Dr. Dalton has very liberally presented the Essex Dial as an addition to 
the national collection of similar instruments preserved in the British Museum. J.B. 



344 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

Nocturnals will be found described and delineated in Bees's Cyclopaedia, in the 
Encyclopaedia Britannica, and more particularly in " The Art of Navigation, first 
written in the Spanish tongue by that excellent mariner and mathematician of 
these times, Martine Curtis [Cortes], and translated into English by Richard 
Eden," (Lond. 4to. 1561) ; in Blundevill's " New and Necessary Treatise of Navi- 
gation," (Lond. 4to. 1594) ; in Sir Jonas Moore's " New System of Mathematics," 
(Lond. 2 vols. 4to. 1681) ; in SeUer's " Practical Navigation," (Lond. 4to. 1694) ; 
and in many similar books. 

From the descriptions given in these works it appears that there was considerable 
variety in the construction of these instruments, every one being framed with a 
view to the observation of the position of some particular star or stars in relation 
to the North or Pole Star. The stars ordinarily selected for observation were 
those termed the pointers or guards of the Little Bear, or the others which are 
similarly termed in relation to the Great Bear ; but many other stars would 
answer the purpose equally well. Subject to differences dependent upon the 
selected star or stars, or upon the taste of the maker of the instrument, the 
Nocturnal may be stated to have been composed of three concentric circular 
plates or roundles, placed on the top of one another and riveted together in the 
centre. The first or undermost and largest of these plates had the outer portion 
of its surface divided into twelve parts, to which were assigned the names of 
the several months, with an inner graduated circle divided by lines and figures 
according to the days in each month. At the point of the edge of this first 
plate, which was opposite to that part of the outer circle which indicated the 
month and day on which the star or stars to which the instrument had relation 
came to the meridian at midnight, there was fastened a handle, by which the 
instrument was held upright at the time of observation. In the instrument 
before us we find the months enumerated in due order on the outer circle of the 
first or undermost plate, and perceive that the handle has been fixed at about the 
21st October, the point opposite to which, the 21st April, would consequently be 
the top of the instrument when it was held before the face at the time of observa- 
tion. The 21st April was the day on which the guards of the Little Bear came 
to the meridian at midnight ; we may therefore infer that this particular instru- 
ment was constructed with a view to the observation of those stars. The months 
are enumerated, on the outer circle, from right to left ; and it will be observed 
that " Maie " has only thirty days assigned to it. 

The second plate of this Nocturnal is marked off into twenty-four equal divisions, 






^^ 



GOOD- CO3TDIS1OXS IS -To RK PftAYSf> 








DIAL OF 
ROBERT DEVEREUX,EARL OF ESSEX 




Kell Bro' Iith Castle S'Kolborn 



Published by the Society of" Antiquaries, 18G8 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 345 

indicative of the hours of the natural day. They are numbered in two continuous 
series from one to twelve ; and, for the purpose of the instrument being used at 
night, the outer edge of this second plate is serrated or divided into points like 
those of a saw, one for each hour, the point indicative of one of the numbers, twelve, 
being distinguished by a much longer point than the others, so that by feeling and 
counting these points any particular hour might be ascertained even in the dark. 

The third and uppermost part of this instrument consisted of a long pointer, 
ordinarily extending from the centre to (and in some cases considerably beyond) 
the outer edge. All the three pieces, viz. the two circles and the long pointer, 
were joined together by a rivet, which was pierced or perforated in the centre 
with a small hole, through which the person using the instrument was to direct 
his observation towards the Pole-star. At the time of observation, the instrument, 
having been first properly set, was held upright by its handle, and when the 
Pole-star was observed through the perforation in the centre of the rivet, the 
long pointer was to be moved round until its outer edge indicated the position of 
the particular stars in special relation to which the instrument was constructed. 
The time was then found by observing or feeling the particular hour over or 
nearest to which the long pointer stood.* 

It is obvious that there were two portions of such an instrument which were 
particularly liable to meet with damage the handle and the long projecting 
pointer. The instrument before us has been unfortunate in both these particulars. 
The place whence the handle has been broken oif remains clearly discernible, 
and the long pointer is also gone. The latter was no doubt ornamented and 

1 The description of this operation in Curtis or Cortes's Art of Navigation is so quaint that it is worth 
quoting, although some of it has special reference to the form of his particular instrument : 

" When you desire to know the liowre, you shall turne the Index of the lesse rundell, in the which is 
written Time [this refers to his own plate'], to that part of the great rundell where is marked the day in 
which you desire to know the howre, and directing your face toward the north, you shal make the head 
toward the height of heaven at the 25 of April [that being the day on which the foremost guard is upon 
the meridian at 12 at night]. And, seeing in heaven by the hole in the middest the Starre of the Xorth, 
holding the instrument in such compasse of the face that by the circumference of the greater rundell may 
be seen the Guard-starre in heaven, you shall turn the home [the long pointer made in the shape of a horn 
with the mouth doionivards'] round about until it fall upon the guards, so that by the two holes of the mouth 
of the horn [this was a peculiarity in the particular instrument here described] the two Guard-starres may 
be seene, and by the hole in the middest the North-starrc, and all three with one eye; then the right line that 
goeth from the North to the first guard shall shew in the less rundell the howre that shal be." (pp. 105, IOC.) 
It is stated in Barlow's Navigator's Supply, that the well-known pilot and navigator Stephen Burrowes pro- 
cured Curtis's Art of Navigation to be translated into English. 
VOL. XL. 2 Y 



346 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

ornamental, like every other part of the original work, but the instrument has 
been repaired by some unskilful workman, ignorant of its nature and uses. The 
results have been that, in place of the long pointer, we see a plain, short, ugly 
spike, and that the original perforated rivet has been succeeded by one which is 
unperforated and therefore useless. Erom the time of these alterations this 
Nocturnal has of course ceased to be of any practical utility. The observation of 
the pole star, which was the foundation of its astronomical or practical usefulness, 
was no longer possible. 

Proceeding with our examination of the instrument, if we now turn it upside 
down we find on the side opposite to the Nocturnal another instrument, the name 
of which I have not been able to ascertain, nor perhaps to comprehend the 
many purposes to which it was applicable. It is clear that by the combina- 
tion of figures and letters upon its surface an. observer who knew the moon's 
position in the heavens might determine her age, or contrariwise if he knew her 
age might ascertain her position. The instrument might also be made serviceable 
in ascertaining the sun's decimation, altitude, and place in the ecliptic, and 
consequently in answering a great variety of geographical and astronomical 
problems. Whatever may have been its manifold uses, it is staisfactory to know 
that, like all the rest of the box which remains to be described, it is still in its 
original condition, uninjured by the repairer of the Nocturnal. 

Like the Nocturnal, the instrument now under consideration consists of three 
circular plates placed one upon another, and all fastened together by a central 
rivet. On the first or undermost plate we find engraved in concentric circles : 

1. The names and emblems of the signs of the Zodiac, arranged from right 
to left, and placed round the instrument as follows : 
Scorpio. Taurus. 

Sagitarius. Gemini. 

Capricornus. Canecer. 

Aquarius. Leo. 

Pisses. Virgo. 

Aries. Libra. 

2. A scale consisting of twelve divisions of 30 days each, one of the twelve 

placed under each of the zodiacal signs, and marked off in a decimal 
division of 10, 20, 30. 

3. The months of the year arranged as in the Nocturnal, the names being 

occasionally spelt somewhat differently. 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 347 

4. A scale of the days of the months, 31 being in this instance assigned to 

the month of May. 

5. The points of the compass, arranged according to the course of the sun ; 

N. being placed immediately under the 12th December, when the sun 
enters Capricorn ; and 

6. The 24 hours of the day arranged in two series of 12 each, as in the 

Nocturnal. 

On the second plate there is engraved one circle, on which are marked off 29^ 
divisions, being the number of days in one complete lunation. Attached to this 
plate is a pointer which extends to the second circle of the first plate. 

The third plate has also attached to it a pointer which reaches to the same 
circle, and by means of this last-mentioned pointer the third plate may be turned 
round over the second plate. As it is gradually turned round, at a particular 
part of its course it reveals, through a circular aperture, a full face engraved on 
the second plate, clearly indicating the point at which the third plate should 
be fixed in order to its being made use of to discover the place and time of the 
full moon. From a point immediately under this face there are drawn seven 
straight lines. The one in the centre is unmarked ; but the other six, which 
branch off, three on each side, from the full face or moon to the circumference 
of the plate, are marked by the astrological signs for trine, quartile, and sextile. 
This is the only indication of an astrological use that I have observed throughout 
the multitudinous inscriptions on this little instrument or combination of 
instruments. 

On the same third plate we find inscribed the name of the maker, " James 
Kynuyn fecit, 1593." For a long time I was unable to trace any other men- 
tion of this name. Our excellent Director Mr. Franks opened to my inspection 
the very curious articles of this class which are preserved in the British Museum ; 
but no dial or other instrument by Kynwyn could be discovered amongst them. 
As the name smacks of Cornwall or of the Principality, I fully expected that 
our Vice-President Mr. Octavius Morgan, who possesses a large collection 
of such objects, and has made them a study, would have been able to satisfy my 
inquiries, but I found that neither the artist nor his work had fallen under the 
observation of either Mr. Morgan or Mr. Franks. The same result attended my 
inquiries at the Kensington Museum, at her Majesty's Library at Windsor Castle, 
at Greenwich Hospital, and at the Horological Institute. Wherever I went I 
found abundance of German work in articles of this kind, and at the British 

2 Y2 



348 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

Museum, and at Greenwich Hospital, extremely beautiful productions of Hum- 
phrey Cole," who, from the reign of Edward VI. to a late period in that of Eliza- 
beth, was the leading English maker of instruments of this class ; but I was 
unable to discover any trace of the name of Kynwyn, or any other example of 
his work. Turning my inquiries in another direction from instruments to books 
I was a little more successful. 

After long search among books relating to navigation and the mathematics, I 
came upon a copy, in the British Museum, of Blagrave's Mathematical Jewel 
(fol. Lond. 1585), which formerly belonged to the well-known anti-Marprelatc 
controversialist and poet, Gabriel Harvey. This volume contains various margin- 
alia (as Coleridge used to term them) in Harvey's handwriting. High up on the 
title-page he has written his autograph in his bold clear hand " Gabriel Haruey, 
1585," and at the bottom of the page, under the engraved representation of 
Blagrave's Jewel, he has added this memorandum : 

" M r . Kynvin selleth y e Instrument in brasse." 

Further, about the middle of the same title-page, Harvey, five years afterwards, 
inserted the following additional memorandum : 

" His Familiar Staff b newly published this 1590. 
The instrument itself, made & solde by M. 
Kynuin, of London, neere Powles. A fine work- 
man & mie kinde frend : first commended 
vnto me bie M. Digges & M. Blagrave him- 
self. Meaner artificers much praised bic 
Cardan, Gauricus & other, then He & old 

a Humphrey Cole has not met with such attention from our biographical writers as a man of so much 
taste and ingenuity deserved. It appears from a letter of his in the Lansdowne Collection (No. 26, art. 22) 
that, about 1558, he was appointed by Sir William Cecil to an office in the Mint: " I was placed in the 
Tower," he says, " to serve the Queen in the Mint, to do the services pertaining to the mill, that when Eloy 
the Frenchman should be taken therefrom by death or otherwise I should enjoy the same." From the con- 
tents of this letter, which is dated 4th December, 1578, it seems probable that he never succeeded to the 
Frenchman's office. There are several notices of Cole among the State Papers. In 1565 he was one of a 
proposed body of Commissioners for working mines (Dom. Eliz. vol. xxxvii. No. 30), and in 1578, when 
Martin Frobisher brought home specimens of ore from America. Humphrey Cole was one of the persons 
appointed to test their value. (Sainsbury's Colonial Calendar, 1513 1C16, pp. 33, 34, 57.) 

b That is, another instrument invented by Blagrave, and by him so called. It is an improvement upon 
the cross-staff, and is described by the inventor in a little volume entitled " Baculum Familiare," published 
in 1590, 4to. 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 349 

Humfrie Cole, mie mathematical mechani- 
cians. As M. Lucar newly commendes 
Jon. Reynolds, Jon. Read, Christopher Paine, 
Londoners, for making Geometrical Tables, 
with their feet, frames, rulers, compasses 
& squires. M. Blagrave also in his Fami- 
liar staff commendes Jon. Read, for a 
verie artificial workman." " 

In Harvey's extremely communicative note we ohtain such information re- 
specting Kynwin and several others of these ingenious mechanics as will suffice to 
place their names in the list of benefactors to nautical and mathematical science. 
By the good taste of their artistic workmanship they not only made this branch 
of science attractive as a study and in some degree fashionable, but they led the 
way to improvements which, shortly after the date of this instrument, threw into 
the shade all their ingenious but somewhat cumbrous contrivances for arriving 
at simple results. 

Proceeding with our description, and lifting up the lid,' the inscriptions 011 
which have been the subject of our last remarks, we find on the back of it a 
calendar of all the fixed festivals of the Church of England, with the addition of 
the time when the sun entered into the several zodiacal signs, expressed in the 
customary astronomical symbols. The whole of this plate or roundle is divided 
into eight circles, of which the three outer are sub-divided into equal sections, 
each containing one-fourth of the whole. One of each of these twelve sections is 
devoted to every month of the year, and in them we read as follows : 

I. 1 Circum. 6 Epiphani. 11 Sun in Aquarius. 25 Con. paul. 

F. 2 purifi. 9 Sun in Pisces. 14 Valentin. 2-1 Mathi. 

M. 11 Sun in Aries. 2 Anunsiatio. 

A. 11 sun in Taurus. 23 George. 25 Marck euangl. 

M. 1 Philip and lacob. 12 sun in Gemini. 

I. 11 bara. 12 sun in Cancer. 24 lo. bap. 29 pet. pa. 

I. 6 dog be. 13 sun in Leo. 22 Mari mag. 25 lames ap. 

A. 14 sun in Virgo. 17 dog ed. 21 barth. 29 Ion be. 

11 Blagrave's words are : " I shall easily bee heard of about maister Treasurer's lodging in the Court, or 
at Swallowfield by Reading, where I dwell. There dwelleth a verie artificial workeman in Hosier Lane, 
called Jon. Reade, who can further you, whose helpe I have used about one or two of these staues." (Bacu- 
lurn Famiiiare, p. 69.) 



350 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

S. 14 sun in Libra. 21 Matew. 29 micaell. 
O. 14 sun in Scorpio. 18 Luck euan. 28 Simon and lud. 
N. 1 all saints. 13 sun in Sagittarius. 30 Andrew apo. 
D. 12 sun in Capricorn. 21 tho. 25 natiui. 26 Ste. 

On the remaining five of the circles here engraved, we have tables for " Easter 
da," the Prime, the Epact, the " Dominic " letter for ordinary years, and finally 
the additional Dominical letter for leap years, with the following inscription : 
" This Tabell beginneth at 1593 and so for euer." This inscription must not be 
understood to mean that the calendar here given is a perpetual one. At the most 
it is one for 35 years only, that is, from 1593 to 1627. The Easter days given 
are (with some few mistakes) those which would occur within those 35 years ; 
now 35 is the exact number of the possible days on which Easter may fall, but 
Easter does not recur in the cycle which is here laid down, in fact there are 
many days on which Easter falls which are not here mentioned. Thus, in 1631, 
Easter day fell on April 10, in 1G34 on April 6, in 1G35 on March 29, in 1639 
on April 14, none of which days are mentioned in this table, and so with many 
others. The Prime or Golden Xumber and the Epact run on in continually recur- 
ring cycles of 19 years in the order in which they are here laid down ; therefore, 
so far as they are concerned, this calendar may be termed perpetual, but not in 
respect of the Dominical letters, leap years, or Easter days ; and even with re- 
spect to the Prime and the Epact, although the cycles of their recurrence are 
properly laid clown, they are not at all rightly applied to the Easter days with 
which they are here brought into connection. They start correctly. The 
Calendar is quite right for 1593. But immediately afterwards all the parts fall 
out of relation to one another. This can be seen by any one at a glance. There 
are, as I have stated, 35 Easter days enumerated. There should be the same 
number of Primes, Epacts, and Dominical letters (counting the double letters of 
the leap years for this purpose as one), but there are Primes for only 19 years, 
Epacts for the same number, and Dominical letters for only 28 years. The 
Calendar is therefore really only complete for 1593. I mention these circum- 
stances because they seem to show that, wi'th considerable pretence to scientific 
accuracy, these instruments were in some respects little better than mere play- 
things. 

The following list will exhibit the amount of inaccuracy in these tables even 
for the Easter days : 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 351 

The fourth Easter Day is stated to be 11 m. which is an impossible day, 

Easter never happening before the 22nd March. This should have been 

11 only, omitting the M. The year was 1596, when Easter Day fell on 

the llth April. 

The eighteenth Easter Day is marked 1, for 1 A. This was in 1610, and 

should have been 8 A. 
The twenty-second Easter is marked 17, which from its position means 

17 A ; it was in 1614, and should have been 24 April. 
The twenty-fifth Easter is marked 13 A; it was 1617, and should have 

been 20 April. 
The thirty-fourth Easter is marked 25, which means 25 A; it was 1627, 

and should have been 25 March. 

On the next plate, which lies opposite to the one containing the calendar, we 
have a tide-table giving the names of a number of places, principally on the 
coasts of England and on the opposite shores of the Narrow Seas, arranged under 
their nautical bearings in such manner as to show in what places at the new and 
full moons high water occurred at the same time. 

Opening the box itself, we find on the lower side a mariner's compass, con- 
sisting of the magnetic needle suspended over the customary fly or circular card, 
on which are painted the 32 points. The needle, although a little rusty, still 
turns on its pivot, and its movements seem still true. The rim of the box in 
which the compass is contained is marked off with 360 divisions or degrees. 

On the upper side of the box, opposite the compass, we find a list of the prin- 
cipal places in the world with their latitudes, jotted down apparently without 
arrangement, and of course with occasional inaccuracy. They run as follows : 

Constantinople, 43. Florence, 45. 40. 

Alexandria, 31. Napels, 40. 36. 

Jerusalem, 36. 40. Orleance, 47. 

Edenburge, 57. Viena, 48. 20. 

Venice, 45. 18. Perusia, 42. 30. 

London, 51. 33. Brasilia, 47. 41. 

Briscils, 44. 5. Burgis, 42. 48. 

Patavia, 44. 28. Antioch, 37. 20. 

Burdensi, 45. 30. Corinth, 35. 55. 

Norinbarg, 40. 24. Paris, 48. 30. 

Cesaria, 31. 40. Lions, 45. 10. 



352 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

Ments, 50. 8. Tours, 47. 30. 

Braga, 43. Antwerp, 51. 28. 

Granata, 37. Quinsey, 37. 40. 

Daascus, 33. Cuba, 23. 

Lisbon, 39. 38. Malta, 34. 

Athens, 37. 15. Compostella, 42. 15. 

Niniui, 41. 40. Carthage, 38. 

Babilou, 35. Heercules pillers, 36. 15. 

Roome, 44. 40. 

These latitudes are disposed in four circular lines, and in the centre, surmounted 
by a coronet and surrounded by the garter, with its customary motto, is the 
achievement of arms of Robert Devereux the 2nd Earl of Essex of that family, 
consisting of sixteen quarterings, with his motto engraved thus : IN VEDIA VIR- 
TTJTIS COMES The coronet has more the appearance of that of a duke than of 
an earl, but in those days the forms of coronets had not attained their present 
certainty. 

The arms themselves are quite unquestionable, although there are some varia- 
tions, or rather there is one variation, between them and the arms of this family 
found elsewhere. In the garter-plate of Walter Devereux the 1st Earl of Essex 
of that family, as I am informed by my friend Thomas William King, Esq. York 
Herald, the arms are arranged thus : 

1. Devereux. 2. Bourchier. 3. Woodstock. 4. Bohun. 

5. Milo. 6. Mandeville. 7. Louvain. 8. Woodville. 

9. Crophull. 10. Verdon. 11. Bigod. 12. Gules, a bend lozengy, 

or, for Mareschal. 
13. Ferrers. 14. Chester. 15. Quincey. 16. Bellamont. 

In the arms of the same family, as given in the Lives of the Devereux Earls 
of Essex by Admiral Devereux, the 12th quarter is filled with six lions rampant, 
assigned by the Admiral to Mareschal, but really the arms of Strongbow, to which 
the Devereux family was entitled through Mareschal. In the engraving on the 
article now exhibited the same 12th quarter represents Quarterly, a lion passant, 
for Say. The Earls of Essex were entitled, as Mr. King informs me, to quarter 
all these several arms of Mareschal, Strongbow, and Say, and probably these and 
several other quarterings to which they were entitled were occasionally brought 
in according to the fancy of the bearer or the engraver. In reference to this 
part of our subject, Mr. King has kindly given me the following memorandum 
on the quarterings of Devereux and their proper arrangement : 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 353 

" ARRANGEMENT OF THE QUARTERINGS OF DEVEREUX. 

" The Roman numerals over the names, in the following arrangement, indicate 
the order in which the quarterings should be placed. 

" The Arabic numerals show the way in which the quarterings stand on the 
Dial exhibited by Dr. Dalton. 

" The names over which there are no numbers refer to quarterings omitted, 
but which the Earl was entitled to bear." 

II. III. 10 IT. 11 

Crophull. Verdon. Lacy. Bigod. Mareschal. a Strongbow. b 

(vi. 14 
Chester. 
* errors. / 

I <II. 15 Tin. 10 

, Quincey. FitsParnell.^^Bellamont. 



i.i 
Devereux.- 



ix. i 
Bourchier.- 



i. r ii. 3 

Lovaine. Woodstock. Bohun. 



ITI. 8 

Widvile. 



/ xm. 5 

I Milo. 

XII. t 



X1T. 12 XT. 



Fitzspiers. Say. Mandevillc. 



We have thus endeavoured to describe this comprehensive instrument and some 
of its various uses. We have also traced it to its original owner, the ambitious 
and popular Earl of Essex. I cannot in any way connect it with his personal 
history. The year in which it bears date was one of the quietest in his life. He 
had served in Holland under Leicester, he had joined the Portugal expedition 
under Norris and Drake, he had commanded the forces sent into Normandy as 
auxiliary to Henry IV. and had returned home, at the age of 26, to plunge into 
those party politics which were his ruin. It was at this time that he became a 
suitor for the Attorney-Generalship to be conferred upon Bacon. The year 1596 
was that of the Cadiz expedition, and, as this instrument bears evident tokens of 
having been used, it is not improbable that it was worn by the Earl in his pocket 
on that occasion. 

Of its subsequent history I am not informed. A modern inscription, written 
on a piece of paper pasted within the cover, informs us that it " formerly belonged 
to the Prince of Waldeck," to which of them is not stated. 

Mareschal (bend lozengy) occurs on the garter-plate. It is brought in by Bigod. 
b Strongbow (six lions) occurs in Devereux 's " Lives and Letters." Strongbow is brought in by Mareschal. 
VOL. XL. 2 Z 



354 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

The cover itself demands a passing notice. It is extremely well made, of 
stamped leather with gilt ornaments, contrived exactly to fit the article to be 
inclosed, and constructed with room for that handle of the Nocturnal which, as 
we have before suggested, has been broken off. 

The consideration of instruments such as this tends greatly to heighten our 
admiration of the courage of those daring men who, with ships of insignificant 
size, and at a time when science could do so little for them, ventured on such 
arduous voyages as were accomplished by the early navigators. Their want of 
acquaintance with many of the helps which are open to the modern sailor is very 
striking. At Greenwich Hospital is a beautiful instrument of this class made by 
Humfrey Cole in 1509. Although differently arranged to the one now before 
us, it contains many things which are exactly of the same kind. It is said to 
have been used by Sir Francis Drake, which is not improbable. But how per- 
plexed Drake occasionally was, and dependent on the skill of the practical 
mariner, rather than on the knowledge derived from imperfect science, is curiously 
evidenced by a statement which I find in a very trustworthy book called the 
Navigator's Supply, 4to. Lond. 1597, written by a clergyman named William 
Barlow, a son of Bishop Barlow, the deprived Bishop of Bath and "Wells under 
Mary, and Bishop of Chichester under Elizabeth. Barlow, treating, in his Epistle 
Dedicatorie to the Earl of Essex, of the mistakes into which navigators had fallen 
from unacquaintance with the variations of the compass, writes as follows : 

" A memorable example hereof fell out anno 1586, when Sir Francis Drake, 
a gentleman of famous memorie, in his West Indian victorious voyage, departing 
from the harbour of Cartagena, arriued some small time after at the westermost 
point of Cuba, called Cape S. Antony, and, hauing stayed three some fewe dayes, 
put to sea for Virginia for the reliefe of our countreymen that were there in great 
danger and distresse. Having continued at the sea sixteene dayes tossed with 
variable windes, they came at last within sight of land, but by no means could 
they discerne, or give any probable ghesse, what land it should be. So it was, 
that one of Southhampton, being an expert and skilfull nauigator, (though of other 
conditions not so good but better might have been wished,) for his frowarduesse 
having receaved disgrace before, was notwithstanding vpon this necessitie called 
unto conference ; where, after Sir Francis had bestowed on him some part of his 
eloquent perswasions and faire promises, at length he vndertaketh to doe his best. 
And, hauing made^his obseruations according vnto arte, he pronounced in laugliing 
and disdainefull maner (because his advice was not taken in the setting of their 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 355 

course) that looke what land they had hin at sixteene dayes before, the very 
same precisely was the land that now they were at againe. Which assertion of 
his heing reiected as a thing impossible by all those of skill in the company, and 
especially by Sir Francis himselfe, not without reproachfull wordes, he still per- 
seuered therein, and assured them that vpon his life they should finde it so ; like 
as in the ende they did. This coulde he neuer haue done without his knowledge 
of the variation of the compass ; as the partie himselfe more then once with 
great earnestnesse hath protested unto me in conference that I have had with 
him concerning those matters." 

I have said that these instruments were valuable in their own day as having 
had a tendency to make scientific studies fashionable. My meaning was, that 
articles like that now exhibited, like that attributed to Sir Francis Drake, and 
like many others in the British Museum and elsewhere, at once ornamental and 
costly, could have found their way only into the wealthiest ranks of society, and 
that they had thus a tendency to excite and diffuse a taste for such truths of science 
as these instruments could disclose among persons in the highest walks of life. 
As an evidence of this kind of influence, it may not be uninteresting to know that 
this was one among the many elegant tastes of Charles I. A book was expressly 
written to teach him geometry, and was ornamented by a rare portrait of himself 
as a youth. James I. employed Gunter (the inventor of several instruments of 
great use which have come down to our times) to set up a variety of dials in the 
royal garden at Whitehall. Prince Charles took a lively interest in the work, 
and for his own instruction procured Gunter to write an account of the uses of 
these dials, which was subsequently published, and is a very curious book. 
Throughout his reign Charles exhibited an inclination to patronise the cultivators 
of such ingenious arts, although his good intentions were probably not always 
exerted in behalf of the worthiest objects. Richard Delamain, a teacher of 
mathematics, who lived in " the upper part of Chancery Lane," and was an 
acquaintance of Attorney-General Noy, was one of these persons who stood high 
in the King's favour. Delamain put forth several mathematical instruments as 
his own inventions. Some of his contemporaries decried them as mere appro- 
priations of other men's labours, but the King was attracted by them, purchased 
his instruments, and granted him a pension. Among Delamain's inventions was 
one which he termed a Mathematical Ring " extracted from the logarithms." 
This was a dial or instrument by the movement of several parts of which various 

2z2 



356 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

arithmetical and mathematical questions could be answered.* This instrument 
took the King's fancy. He had one made in silver, and always carried it about 
with him. On the morning of the last scene of his sad history, when he came to 
divide among his children and attendants the few books and trinkets which re- 
mained to him, this Mathematical Ring was an article which he thought worthy 
to be his dying gift to his second son. Herbert records the incident thus : " He 
likewise commanded Mr. Herbert to give his son the Duke of York his large 
ring sun-dial of silver, a jewel his Majesty much valued ; it was invented by Mr. 
Delamain, an able mathematician who projected it, and in a little book showed 
its excellent use in resolving many questions in arithmetic, and other rare opera- 
tions to be wrought by it in the mathematics." (Herbert's Memoirs, ed. 1711, 
p. 130.) Herbert was no doubt mistaken in terming the article a 0tm-dial, but 
from the similarity of the uses it cannot be doubted that Delamain's dial, which 
he called the Mathematical Ring, was the jewel here alluded to. It would afford 
an apt illustration of Herbert's touching Memoir if any gentleman could exhibit 
an example of Delamain's invention to the Society of Antiquaries. 

In conclusion I beg to express my very sincere thanks to Mr. King and Mr. 
John Williams for valuable help on this occasion. Every one knows that these 
gentlemen arc at all times ready to give assistance to inquirers. 

Believe me, my dear Sir, 

Yours very sincerely, 

JOHN BRUCE. 

EDWARD DALTOX, Esq. LL.D. F.S.A. 

Dunkirk Manor House, Nailsworth, Stroud. 

" Delamain published a description of it, entitled " Grammelogia, or the Mathematical Ring, extracted 
from the Logarithms," 12mo. Lend. [1C32], and an account of another instrument invented by him, entitled 
" The making, description, and use of a small portable instrument for y c Pocket (or according to any mag- 
nitude) in forme of a mixt Trapezia, thus !, called a Horizontall Quadrant. Composed and produced 

soly for the benefit and use of such which are studious of mathematicall Practice. Written and delivered 
by Delamain, student and Teacher of the Matheraatickes." 12mo. Lond. 1632. There are papers relating to 
Delamain in several volumes of the State Papers. 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 357 

Note on the Use of the Nocturnal. By JOHN WILLIAMS, Esq. F.S.A. 



Read May llth, 1865. 

I can add but little to the very interesting account given by Mr. Bruce of the 
curious little instrument formerly belonging to the Earl of Essex. As however 
he has called upon me to offer some explanations as to the mode of using certain 
parts of that instrument, I have brought together such information as I could 
collect as likely to be serviceable for that purpose. 

The instrument consists of various parts, as described by Mr. Bruce. Some of 
these are devoted to chronological or geographical purposes, the latter being referred 
to the mariner's compass, which also forms a part of the article exhibited. The 
upper part presents us with an instrument formerly much employed by nautical 
men and others to ascertain the hour of the night by means of the positions of the 
stars called the guards of the Great or Little Bear, in reference to the pole-star. 
This instrument is called a Nocturnal. The earliest notice of an instrument of 
this kind I have hitherto been able to find is in the " Cosmographia" of Peter 
Apian, printed at Antwerp in 1564. The appendix to this work is entitled in 
the index, " De Horarum Noctis Observatione," and here we find the description 
of an instrument essentially the same as the Nocturnal, and also of another, to 
which I shall have occasion shortly to allude, as affording some explanation of 
the use of the combination on the opposite side of the Essex instrument. In the 
description above referred to, a figure is given of a man finding the hour of the 
night by means of the guards or pointers of the Great Bear. The instrument he 
employs, however, is simply the toothed or moveable circle of our nocturnal, the 
hour being indicated by means of an index, also moveable ; and a paragraph fol- 
lows, entitled " Usus hujus Instrument!," which is too obscure to be readily under- 
stood without an example, and none is given. I must however observe that the 
outer or fixed circle of the later instruments does not occur in this. 

In Pale's " Art of Dialling," 4to. Lond. 1593, the year of the construction of 
the Essex instrument, we have a section, " How to make an instrument whereby 
you may know the just hour of the night by the starres." A tolerably clear de- 
scription of every part follows, first separately, and then as put together for use ; 
followed by a diagram. The instrument described by Fale has a handle that can 



358 Description of a Pocket-Dial made 

be shifted in order to adapt it either for the Great or Little Bear as occasion 
might require ; the moveable circle is also toothed. In both these instances no 
name is given to the instrument. 

Sir Jonas Moore, in his " New System of Mathematics," 2 vols. 4to. 1681, 
figures and describes, under the name of " The Nocturnal," an instrument which 
may be considered as identical with a wooden one now exhibited, and, as his 
description is the most intelligible I have met with, .'[ shall quote his words in 
explanation of the use of this early, but now entirely disused, instrument. In 
vol. i. p. 253, we have " The Description and Use of the Nocturnal," as follows : 
' There are many kinds of Nocturnals, some for one star, some for another, of 
which we shall take notice only of two, one made for the constellation of the 
Great Bear, and the other for the Little Bear ; and, they both consisting of like 
parts, one description shall serve both. This instrument is composed of three 
pieces or parts ; the first and biggest, on which is the handle by which to hold it in 
time of observation, hath on the fore side two circles, in the outermost of which 
are the days of the months, and upon the innermost the 24 hours of a day natural ; 
upon the back side are the 32 points of the compass ; and sometimes, especially 
if it be for the Little Bear, the distance of the Pole star above or beneath the 
pole. 

" If the Nocturnal be for the pointers (or as some call them the guards) of the 
Great Bear, then you will see in the circle of months February 17 at the top, 
because the star that night comes to the meridian at midnight ; but if it be for 
the fore guard of the Little Bear you will see April 25 at the top, right under the 
middle of the tip, for the like reason. 

" The second or middle piece or part contains two circles and a small tooth or 
index ; the outermost circle is divided into 29 J days, for the moon's age ; the 
innermost into 21 hours. The index is a little short peg, standing out from the 
edge, and is to be set to the day of the month as occasion requires. 

" The third and upper or innermost part or piece is a long index, the edge of 
which that comes from the centre must be brought over the guards in observing. 
Sometimes one instrument is made to serve both Bears. 

" To find the hour of the night and upon what point of the compass the guards 
are : First set the tooth of the middle part to the day of the month ; then lift up 
the instrument and hold it as upright as you can, with the fore-side towards you, 
and afterwards bow the upper end or tip on to the top of the nocturnal, so much 
towards you, that, looking through the hole in the middle of the nocturnal, you 



for Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. 359 

may see the Pole-star. Now, when you see the Pole-star through the hole, turn 
the long index or ruler about, till, by the edge coming from the centre, you can 
see the first of the guards of the Little Bear, or to the pointers of the Great Bear ; 
if for the Great Bear, then shall the edge of that index or ruler show upon the 
innermost circle of the middle part or piece the hour of the night ; and at the 
same time on the back-side of the nocturnal the point of the compass on which 
the guards are." 

In explanation there is a moveable diagram which renders this description per- 
fectly clear. 

The wooden instrument now before you is clearly one of those referred to in 
the sentence, " Sometimes one instrument is made to serve both Bears ;" there 
being on the moveable circle two teeth or pegs, as Sir J. Moore calls them, the 
one marked G. for Great Bear, and the other L. for Little Bear. On the back 
are the bearings, with the distance of the Pole-star above or beneath the true 
pole for both Bears ; with these exceptions the instrument is precisely the same 
as that described by Moore. To use this instrument we must proceed in the fol- 
lowing manner. I wish to ascertain the hour by means of the pointers of the 
Great Bear. I bring the tooth marked G. to the day of the month on the outer 
graduated circle, Now, holding the instrument as nearly as possible in the meri- 
dian, and inclining it so as to be able to see the Pole-star through the hole in the 
centre, the index is to be moved until it intersects the pointers of the Great Bear, 
when it will also be found to cut with its inner edge the hour of the night on the 
moveable circle. It will also show the bearings of the guards and the distance of 
the Pole-star from the true pole at the hour in question. For the guard of the 
Little Bear the tooth marked L. is to be used in like manner. I may also observe 
that as April is on the top, this is nominally arranged for the guard of the Little 
Bear, but answers equally well for both. 

The Nocturnal forming so conspicuous a part of the Essex instrument next 
requires our attention. Like the examples just referred to, it consists of a fixed 
plate, a moveable circle, and a brass rod serving as an index, which is also move- 
able. Applying the principles just laid down to it, it will be found that, as April 
occurs on the upper part of the fixed plate, this instrument is adapted to finding 
the hour by means of the guard or bright star of the Little Bear. The fixed plate 
is graduated in the usual manner, having the circle of months and the 24 hours 
of the day upon it. The moveable plate has two circles upon it, the one with the 
days of the moon (29), the other showing the 24 hours of the day. This plate is 



SCO Description of a Pocket-Dial. 

also toothed ; and one of the teeth, that against the 12th hour, being longer than 
the others, is employed as an index for rectifying the instrument. The moveahle 
index is at present a short rod of brass. This, however, does not appear to have 
been the original index ; that doubtless having been much longer, reaching to 
nearly the edge of the outer circle on the fixed plate. The present rod barely 
touches the base of the teeth, and was possibly substituted for the original one 
when the instrument underwent some repairs, evidently by a workman who 
understood nothing of its use, as not only is the index too short, but the hole 
through which the Pole-star should be seen does not exist, having been stopped 
up by a rivet. This Nocturnal was used as before described, excepting that the 
index is merely pointed to the star instead of intersecting it. The teeth were 
employed to ascertain the hour, by means of the touch, when it was too dark to 
read the engraved figures. Thus the finger was passed from the long tooth 
always 12 counting the number of teeth between that and the index, which 
number gave the hour required. 

In addition to the above there is a compass within, with the whole of the points 
marked. There are also three inner plates, or rather surfaces, which, as described 
by Mr. Bruce, consist of one relating to the calendar ; another indicating the 
time of high water at a variety of places ; and a third having the Essex arms and 
the latitudes of some of the principal places in the world upon it. 

Such is the use and application of the nocturnal ; but we have another curious 
piece of apparatus at the other end of the Essex instrument, which may require 
explanation. Here again we are indebted to Peter Apian, and to him alone, for 
some account of this instrument. In folio 49 he gives a moveable diagram of an 
instrument substantially the same as that before us, and describes it as intended 
to show the hour when the moon is shining. His instructions for using it are 
however so obscure, being without any examples, that I have been unable to 
apply it to its intended use. It does not occur in any of the later works to which 
I have had access, so that they have afforded no assistance in its elucidation. 
All that can be said is, that it is intended to show the hour of the night by means 
of the moon, but how applied to that purpose I have not ascertained. 



XXIII. On the Position of the Portus Lemanis of the Romans. By THOMAS 

LEWIN, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A. 



Read November 23rd, 1865. 



THE Portus Lemanis must clearly have been one of the great thoroughfares 
between Britain and the Continent, and it is not a little singular that the position 
of a port once so famous should never have been satisfactorily settled. The 
common impression is that it lay at the foot of Lymne Hill. For the benefit of 
those who are not familiar with this neighbourhood, I should mention, in 
limine, that the village of Lymne or Lympuc stands about 2 miles to the west 
of Hythe, on the highest part of the cliff which girds in the eastern portion of 
Romney Marsh. On the declivity of the hill, about half-way down, is seen 
the old Roman castrum, called Stuttfall, occupying 10 or 12 acres. There are 
walls on the north, east, and west, and the east and west walls run down to the 
marsh itself ; but, what is remarkable, the south side towards the marsh had never 
any wall," and hence the erroneous notion so generally prevalent that at the 
foot of the castrum was once the Portus Lemanis, and that in the course of ages 
the sea retired from Lymne, when the port shifted to West Hythe, and that the 
sea again retired, when the port was transferred to Hythe. I shall endeavour 
to show that these changes, if they ever occurred, must have preceded the 
historic period, and that in the tune of the Romans, as for many centuries 
afterwards, the only port was Hythe. In fact Portus and Hythe are the same 
thing, Portus in Latin being Htj'S in Saxon. 

The expression " Portus Lemanis " is found in the Antonine Itinerary, where 
Stone Street is made to run from Canterbury " ad Portum Lemanis," a distance 
of 16 miles. As this is the solitary instance of the phrase we must pause for a 
moment to consider its import. Had the author meant to say that Lymne 
itself (in Latin Lemanse) was the port, he would have written ad portum 
Lemanas, or ad portum Lcmanarum ; instead of that he uses the words ad portum 
Lemanis (ablative), the port at or or near Lymne, as distinguished from the port 

This fact was ascertained some years since by cutting a cross trench. 
VOL. XL. 3 A 



362 The Porlus Lemanis of the Romans. 

at Dover (Dubris) or Pevensey (Anderida). The only other occasions on which 
reference is made in ancient authors to Lemanae or Leinanus, or any cognate 
word, are the following : In the Peutinger tables a road is drawn from Canterbury 
or Dover to Lemavio, (a clerical error no doubt for Lemano,) and, as a castle is 
depicted at the termination of the road, the Roman castrum at Lymne must be 
meant and not the port. Lemano by itself would rather indicate the river 
Lemanus, the old name of the Rother. In the Notitia the garrison of the 
Turnacenses, or men of Tournay, is quartered Lemanis, which of course must be 
interpreted at Lymne, that is, in the Roman castrum. In Ravennas the rivers of 
Britain occur in the following order Durbis (the Dour or Dover), Lemana, Rovia 
(the Rother) so that here we have mention made, not of the town of Lymne, but 
of the river Lemanus. 

As to the etymology of the word under its various forms of Lemanse, Lemanus, 
&c., some would derive it from the Greek \ifirjv, and if so it signifies a port, 
which the river always was, wherever its embouchure ; but if we have recourse 
to the Greek the word should rather be traced to Xi>i^, a marsh. As Celtic and 
Greek both flow i'roni the same original language, there was probably some old 
Celtic word resembling the Greek \ifiprj, and with the same signification. It is a 
curious coincidence that the Celtic Lake of Geneva is also called Leman. The 
etymology given by Stukeley is more ingenious than trustworthy, viz., that 
Lemana), now the towne of Lymne, is derived from the Celtic words Ihe, a road 
(but which is rather a place), and maen, a stone, as being the termination of Stone 
Street, the Roman way from Canterbury. 

Let me now examine the grounds upon which the theory rests that Portus 
Lemanis is to be placed at the foot of Lymne Hill. 

1. It may be argued that the term Portus Lemanis or the Port at Lymne 
can only mean what it literally expresses, viz., a port at Lymne itself. But to 
this it may be answered that the Port of Rome was not at Rome but at Ostia, 
and the port of Athens was not at Athens but at the Piraeus ; and when a port at 
Lymne is spoken of we must first examine the locality itself before we can 
pronounce upon the interpretation. Now when we inspect the locus in quo we 
find that the port could not possibly have bee"n at Lymne itself, for Lymne stands 
on the summit of a long ascent, and is a quarter of a mile from the nearest point 
accessible to the sea. As therefore the port was certainly not at Lymne itself, 
it is merely a question of degree at what distance the port lay from it. 

2. It may be urged that the castrum called Stuttfall can only have been built 
for the purpose of protecting the port, which must therefore have been at the 



The Portua Lemanis of the Romans. 363 

foot of the castrum. But was this so ? Stuttfall was one of the series of forts, 
or castra prcesidiaria, erected in the reign of Valentinian, by his general 
Theodosius (A.D. 368 369), along the eastern and southern coasts of England 
called the Saxonicum littus, to guard it from the piratical invasion of the Saxons, 
who then for the first time began to be troublesome ; and the position of these 
castra had reference not so much to the defence of any particular town as to the 
defence of the most exposed parts. Thus the castrum of Burgh Castle, seated 
on the cliff on the east bank of the Waveney, guarded the marshes of the Yare 
estuary, which flowed up to Norwich, but there was no port at or near Burgh 
Castle. The castrum of Eelixstowe watched the flats at the mouth of the Orwell, 
but there was no port there. The castrunt at Othona, now Bradwell, was to 
overlook the levels on the south of the Blackwater, but it has never been 
suggested that Othona was a port. The castrum of Stuttfall therefore was erected 
not to command the port but to be ready in case of a descent upon the adjoining 
marsh, and Lymne Hill was fixed upon as being the highest of the cliffs at the 
north of the marsh," and so affording the best look-out for a hostile approach. 
The castrum itself was half-way down the hill, but there was no doubt anciently 
a watchtower, as there is now a castle, at the summit, and tradition reports that 
there was once a subterranean communication between the site of the present 
castle and the castrum. 

3. It is argued that, as the Roman castrum on Lymne Hill, which has no wall 
on the south, must have been sufficiently defended on that side, there must on 
the south, where now is the marsh, have at that time been the sea ; and, if so, what 
more likely than that the Portus Lemanis was there ? I answer, in the first place, 
that Stuttfall is situate on a very steep slope, and that the southern side would be 
sufficiently secure if it were shut in by a deep and broad wet ditch ; and the stream 
of Slabrook, which descends into the marsh by the side of the London Road, and 
is now diverted artificially to Hythe, runs naturally to Lymne. And this rivulet 
would have abundantly sufficed to keep the ditch full. But, say that in Roman 
times the sea did lave the foot of the castrum, how does it follow that the estuary 
there was navigable ? When the site of the castrum was selected the object was 
security, and if the south side were left open it would be much more vulnerable 
if it could be approached by a naval force, than if in the front of it lay an 
extensive marsh with a few feet of water, and a depth of slime or ooze. We may 
also suppose that, although there was no regular wall on the south, the castrum 

' It is upwards of 350 feet high. 

3x2 



364 The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 

had some sort of rampart there, hut which, being less solid than the other parts, 
has since disappeared. Mr. Elliott, the eminent engineer of the marsh, has also 
just communicated to me an important piece of information. He tells me that 
in front of Lymne Hill, at the distance of about a quarter of a mile, may be traced 
from east to west, through Botolph's Bridge and parallel to the hills, an old 
embankment, which after a course of more than a mile throws out two arms up to 
the hills, so as to inclose a rectangular space at the foot of the castrum. This he 
conceives to have been anciently a lake of water, supplied by at least four strong 
springs, which now chiefly feed the canal. He adds, that, from the incessant rains 
which prevailed in the autumn of this year (A.D. ] 865), the old bed of the lake was 
again flooded, while on the other side of the walls or banks referred to it was dry 
land. This watery barrier was, in his opinion, the defence of the castrum on the south. 

4. It may be urged that Stone Street runs from Canterbury to Lymne, and, as 
the same road in the Antonine Itinerary is made to terminate at Portus Lemanis, 
therefore the Portus Lemanis must have been at Lymne. But, in the first place, 
Stone Street was a military road, and the principal object of it therefore would be 
not the port of embarkation, but the garrison or castrum. Besides, when we 
examine this old Roman way, we find that it was carried in a straight line, and 
can still be traced from Canterbury to New Inn Green near "Western Hanger } 
where we lose sight of it, but that if the straight line were extended from New 
Inn Green it would point " to the Shipway Cross, and continue down the present 
roadway which descends the hill to West Hythe. Now this is the only place 
along the hill where a roadway could possibly descend it in a straight line, and 
was actually selected as the road to the ships in port, and therefore called the 
Shipway." " The road therefore did not lead directly to Lymne, but only near to 
it, and ran to the only opening by which access could conveniently be had to the 
sea-shore. There were also two branches from the main road, one to the castrum 
of Stuttfall and the other to the town of Hytlie. 1 " Stone Street, therefore, with 
this explanation does not at all tend to show that Portus Lemanis was at Lymne, 
but rather in the direction of Hythe. 

Consider now how far it is probable in itself that Portus Lemanis was at the 
foot of Lymne Hill. Had such been the case, we should expect to find at least 
some vestiges, however faint, of the port itself. The ground there has been long 
under cultivation, but I have never heard or read (though I have often inquired) 
that any remnant of a pier or sunken vessel, or even any anchor or other part of 

Mr. Thurston's Communication to C. R. Smith, Richborough and Reculver, p. 254. 
b Harris's History of Kent, p. 367. 



The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 365 

a ship's tackle, \vas ever discovered in this part. Again, had the port existed here, 
the adjacent parts on the hill side must have heen covered with wharves and ware- 
houses and the dwellings of the seafaring population ; but, with the exception of 
Stuttfall itself, no signs of population here show themselves. At the summit of the 
hill stands the village of Lymne, hut there are no indications of its ever having 
been a place of importance. Some Roman remains have been found near at 
hand, but there is nothing to show that Lymne itself was the centre and nucleus of 
a great commercial mart. How unreasonable too is it to suppose that the town 
connected with the port should have been separated from it by such an interval 
as the long and steep slope between Lymne and the Marsh. 

But there is another and weightier objection to the theory that Portus Lemanis 
was at the foot of Lymne Hill. It is certain that, if the port icas at the foot of 
Lymne Sill, the whole marsh must have been under water. The port and the 
reclaimed marsh could not have co-existed. If, therefore, it can be shown that 
the marsh was inclosed at the time when Portus Lemanis was known, the port 
could not have been at the foot of Lymne Hill. First, then, what is the date of 
the Antonine Itinerary, in which alone the Portus Lemanis is spoken of; and, 
secondly, when was the marsh reclaimed? The Itinerary makes mention of 
Diocletianopolis, named after Diocletian, who began to reign A.D. 284 ; and of 
Maximianopolis, after Maximian, the colleague of Diocletian ; and of Candidiana, 
after Candidianus, the son of Galerius ; and of Constantinople, which was dedicated 
A.D. 330 ; and contains other allusions to places which cany us far into the 4th 
century. We should therefore place the date of the Antonine Itinerary somewhere 
about A.D. 350. Rome was taken by Alaric A.D. 409, and the final departure of 
the Romans from Britain may be placed in that year. Now is it likely that so 
vast an undertaking as the inclosure of Romney Marsh could have been carried 
out by the Romans during the interval from A.D. 350 to A.D. 409, during which 
period the empire was fast tottering to its fall? But, besides this, a coin of 
Carausius, who ruled in Britain from A.D. 287 to A.D. 293, was, I am informed by 
Mr. Elliott, found near Dymchurch," and another coin of Allectus,' 1 who ruled in 
Britain from A.D. 293 to A.D. 296, and which I have in my own possession, was 
turned up at Eastbridge in the marsh ; and a cart-load of Roman pottery was also 
some years since disinterred in the neighbourhood of Dymchurch, and submitted 



" It was lent to some one and never returned. 

b A friend considers it a coin of Gordian. It has a hole in it, and apparently has been worn for 
ornament. Possibly, therefore, it may have been dropped in the marsh by a Saxon. 



366 The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 

to the British Archaeological Association at Canterbury.' Indeed Roman 
remains are scattered over the whole of Romney Marsh, and may be found in 
every field that is ploughed. How, then, can it be maintained that the marsh 
was under water in A.D. 350, when the Portus Lemanis is spoken of ? and if it was 
not under water the Portus Lemanis could not have been at the foot of Lymne Hill. 

If the Portus Lemanis, then, was not at Lymne, could it have been at West 
Hythe, which lies between Lymne and Hythe ? This, again, is impossible, for, 
if the sea flowed there, the whole of West Hythe, including the church, would 
have been deluged. West Hythe could only have come into existence when the 
marsh was drained. Indeed I cannot find from any authentic record that West 
Hythe was ever anything more than a suburb of Hythe. The very name of 
West Hythe shows that Hythe was the principal town, and West Hythe an 
accretion to it. Had it been otherwise, West Hythe would have been called 
Hythe, and Hythe East Hythe. According to Leland, Hythe had once within it 
four parishes and their churches, one of which was West Hythe, so that the 
West Hythe evidently did not take the lead, but was a dependency upon Hythe. b 

The Portus Lernanis, then, could only have been the port afterwards so well 
known amongst the Saxons as the Port or Hythe ; and that Hythe was not a 
Saxon creation, but had been occupied by the Romans, is clear from the Roman 
remains so abundantly found in and about Hythe. Very recently, in excavating 
for a dram at the east end of Hythe, on the margin of the old port, the foundations 
of a Roman building were dug up in the main road, about two feet under the sur- 
face, and at the same time was turned up a great quantity of Roman pottery. 
We are led to the same conclusion by the fact that the great Roman way of Stone 
Street which ran from Canterbury to the sea bifurcated as it approached the coast, 
one branch loading to the military garrison at Stuttfall, the other to Hythe. A 
Roman road may also be traced from Hythe to Stamford, and another to Charing 
and Lyminge, so that Hythe was evidently a place of as much importance in the 
Roman as in the Saxon times. 

We derive some further light from Richard of Cirencester, who lived in the 
14th century, whose testimony is the more valuable as, to use the words of Gibbon, 
" he showed a genuine knowledge of antiquity, very extraordinary for a monk of 
the 14th century." d I know that some have questioned the genuineness of the 

1 Report for September, 1844, p. 115. 

b Hasted's Hist, of Kent, vol. iii. p. 412. 

c See Casar's Invasion of Britain, by T. Lewin, 2nd Edition, p. cxxi. 

d Decline and Fall, cb. 31, note. See State of Britain, AJ>. 409 449. 



The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 367 

book, but, from the many undesigned coincidences contained, I am satisfied myself 
that there is no ground for the suspicion. One of his itinera is as follows : 

" Anderida Portu M.P. 

Ad Lemanum M.P. xxv, 

Lemaniano Portu M.P. x. 

Dubris a M.P. x. 

Richard is here giving the road from London to Southampton, and thence along 
the coast from Anderida, or Pevensey, to Dubrae, or Dover, and thence back again 
to London, and he tells us that from Pevensey to the river Leman, viz., the mouth 
of it at Romney, was 25 miles, and from the river Leman, or llomney, to the port 
of Leman was 10 miles, the present distance from Romney to Hythe. It is im- 
possible that by the port of Leman he could have meant either Lymne or West 
Hythe, for it is unquestionable that in the 14th century, when Richard wrote, 
Romney Marsh had been under cultivation for many centuries. We have grants 
of manors upon the Marsh as early as in the time of the Saxons, those for instance 
by OfFa, and Edward, and Phlegmund. 1 ' We have therefore the authority of 
Richard of Cirencester for saying that the Portus Lemanis was Hythe, and that 
the latter was, in his day, still called the Portus Lemanianus. 

We have alluded to the inclosure of Romney Marsh as intimately connected 
with the question of the Portus Lemanis, and our investigation would be in- 
complete if we did not enter more largely upon this subject. The details 
themselves also possess so much interest from the singular changes that have 
taken place, that no apology will, it is hoped, be needed for a brief outline. It is 
clear, in the first place, that the whole of Romney Marsh from Hythe to Rye is 
a sea deposit. The soil of the marsh is a black mould, the product of slime or 
ooze, and, wherever you dig, you come upon marine shells identical with those now 
found in this part of the Channel. The sea all along the coast, and more 
particularly in the spring, is charged with a quantity of earthy matter, and so 
soon as the current slackens the silting process begins. The tendency of the 
silt is of course to sink, but the rate of deposit is affected by the current, and is 
regulated by a variety of other cicrumstances. A single tide has been known to 
deposit ] of an inch, and in the basins at the mouths of the sluices, where the 
water is comparatively quiet, the accumulation in twenty years has risen from 3 to 

n As Dubris is evidently the ablative, the nominative case must have been Dubrse. The more correct 
form of the word was probably Durbw, as the name is derived from the stream on which it stands, the 
Dour, or in Celtic Dwr, the water. 

b See Kemble's Codex. 



36 The Porlm Lemanls of the Romans. 

5 feet. Under ordinary circumstances, however, one-eighth of an inch per 
annum is thought by Mr. Elliott, the well-known engineer of the marsh, to be 
a fair average ; and if so, an enormous space of time must have been consumed 
in the formation of the marsh, the mould of which has been found, by boring, 
to be some 90 feet deep. 

Contemporaneously with this gradual deposit, another operation of nature 
was in progress. The shingle which lines the shore in this part is composed 
of flints and stones washed out of the cliffs at Fairlight and Beachy Head, 
and the Downs more to the south.* The flood-tide is up-channel, and the 
prevailing winds blow in the same direction, and consequently the run of the 
shingle is northwestward. It is to prevent this constant flux of the shingle 
and the waste of the shore, that so many wooden barriers or little jetties, 
called knocks or groynes, have been run out from the shore to low-water 
mark. Some of the features which attend this shifting of the shingle are 
remarkable. The wash of the sea carries the flints and stones forward as they 
fall from the cliffs, the largest pebbles being thrown uppermost, so that, as you 
walk down the shingle bank to the sea, you find the weightiest shingle on the top, 
and mere sand at the water's edge. On looking at the piles which support the 
knock, you will observe the upper posts much worn, while those lower down, and 
therefore in the greater depth of water, are comparatively intact. The explanation 
is. that the larger pebbles in the upper part of this moving mass produce greater 
abrasion than do the softer materials further down. Mr. Elliott informs me, that 
at a depth of 20 feet water, as the agitation from the winds does not reach so far, 
the shingle remains stationary. Until, therefore, the bed of the sea has been 
raised to that height, either by the deposit of ooze or of the shingle itself, there 
is no movement of the shingle. 

The action of the sea, then, upon the flints and stones as they fell from the cliffs 
was this. In the first place they were forced by the wind and tide along the foot 
of the cliffs until they came to a point where the cliffs trended suddenly inland. 
This was at the point to the east of Fairlight, called Cliff's End. Here the 
shingle was projected forward into the sea itself, in the direction of a straight line 
running from Fairlight to Hythe. Age after age succeeded, and this spit of 
shingle advanced until it reached Lydd. Here it was partially checked by the 
small island on which Lydd stood. However, in time the shingle again advanced 
until it reached another island, on which Romney was afterwards built ; when 

There can be no doubt that the chalk cliffs furnish a great part of the flints, as the chalk is often 
observed adhering to the flints. 



VoLH 




as it ws certajnlv in the 

TIMK OF THE SAXOXS. 

and j.i.il.. il.lv in 
TIME OF THE ROMANS 
and jierhaps in tin- 

TIMK OF THE BRITONS. 



A B. Thf fltfittief dfnntc the rmmbrr of J-'eet 
>,,l.-~ I/,,,/, Wain- Mark. 



Scalr. 



'Z-j. 



The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 369 

leaving Romney, on the east, it again advanced to Dymchurch, and now began to 
near the hills which shut in the marsh on the north. Let it not he supposed that 
this is an imaginary picture. It was on this shingle spit, between Fairlight 
and Lydd, that Old "Winchelsea was situate, and from Romney to Dymchurch 
the shingle spit may, to this day, be traced all the way under the present Dym- 
church wall." 

Pause we here for a moment to consider the effects of the changes thus far in- 
troduced. The form of Eomney Marsh is curvilinear, or like a bow, the shingle spit 
of which we have spoken being the string (see the accompanying plan, Plate XIX.) 
On the north-west side of the marsh, which was then an estuary, the river Limen or 
Rother, the drain of the great Andred forest, poured its waters ; the mouth of the 
river being near Appledore, at the part now called the Dowles. b Here, at the Dowles, 
is the greatest depression of the whole marsh, caused, no doubt, by the projection 
of the torrent from the river, which drove the deposit before it, and prevented the 
silt from settling. Not only so, but for the circuit of a mile to the S.E. of 
Appledore are found trunks of oak, alder, birch, and hazel, which must have been 
drifted there, as none of these trees can, from the peculiarity of the soil, be made to 
grow in the marsh itself. In travelling by the railway across this part of the marsh 
you may see specimens of these trunks in the ditches at the side of the railway. 
So long as the mouth of the estuary was open at the eastern end, the inset and 
outset of the tides twice a day left its impress on the shingle spit, which every 
here and there, as a storm occurred, was wrenched aside and swept inwards in a 
curve toward the marsh. In the Geological Map, published by order of 
Government, to accompany the Ordnance Map, these deflections of the shingle, 
with a bend inwards, are distinctly and accurately represented. During this period 
the inclination of the surface of the deposit in the marsh must have been /row ivest 
to east, for on the west the waters were comparatively quiescent and the silt had 
time to settle ; while on the east was a tremendous current from the inset and 
outset of the tides. As regards the direction north and south, the slope was 
from the sea, towards the hills, inasmuch as the waters of the Limen or Rother, 
and the other streams which descended from the high ground on the north, kept 
up a current at the foot of the cliffs, while the water next the shingle spit was 

Elliott's paper on Romncy Marsh, Transact, of Civ. Eng. vol. vi. Caesar's Invasion of Britain, by T. 
Lewin, p. civ. 

b Is not the word Dowles to be derived from the Celtic word " Dol, a meadow or dale in the bend of a 
river," a description which so exactly represented the Dowles when the river Limen was diverted along the 
Ehee wall to Romney ? If a part of Romney marsh was named by the Ancient Britons, the marsh itself 
must have been reclaimed by them, as Mr. Smiles supposes. 
VOL. XL. 3 B 



370 The Portm Lemanis of the Romans. 

comparatively tranquil. Lymne at this remote time must have enjoyed all the 
advantages of a port, and perhaps was a port. At low-water the river Limen 
or Rother must have flowed along the foot of the hills, and have discharged 
itself at Lymne. Indeed, the channel in this direction can be traced all along 
as far as Lymne by the abrasion of the cliffs from the action of the current." 

Meanwhile the shingle spit was pushing itself forward, and the channel between 
it and the hills was more and more narrowed, until eventually by the violence of 
some tremendous storm (such as those in the reigns of Henry III. and Edward I.), 
the bank or bed of shingle which had been long accumulating was thrown up 
against the hills, and thus for the first time was closed the mouth of the marsh. 
The point of contact of the shingle with the hills was at a point called Hythe 
Oaks, being about half-way between Lymne and Hythe. This bar to the exit of 
the waters from the marsh could not long continue, for, though the sea was 
excluded, the Lirnen or Rother and twenty smaller streams were continually 
increasing the volume of water within the marsh, and the only question was, 
what part of the barrier was weakest, *. e. where would the rising flood force for 
itself a passage. The shingle spit was burst asunder between Romney and Lydd. 
Here the pent-up waters, sweeping everything before them, dug for themselves a 
deep channel to the sea, and thenceforth the outlet of the Limen or Rother, and 
the inset and outset of the tides, was at Romney. The slope of the marsh which 
had hitherto been from west to east now began to be reversed. The waters to the 
cast were comparatively tranquil, while to the west, from the course of the river 
and the action of the tides, there was a constant scour. On the east, therefore, 
the silt had time to settle, while on the west it was kept in suspense, and thus 
it came to pass, that the slope of the marsh was eventually from east to west. 
At the inclosure of the marsh (of which we shall speak presently) the difference 
of level was, and still is, about five feet, that is, the eastern end of the marsh 
was and is five feet liigher than the western. This is visible to the eye, for as you 
walk along the bank of the military canal you see the marsh at the west end 
many feet below the level of the water, but as you approach Hythe the marsh 
rises to a level with it. So great a change in the level, considering the slow rate 
of deposit, must have been the work of many centuries. From this time, the 
shingle, which before it touched the hills was all bent inward by the rush of 
the tide into the estuary, was henceforth laid from time to time in ridges or 
arcs curving outward towards the sea, as may be seen in the geological map to 
which we have already referred. 1 * 

a Ilasted's Kent, voLiii. pp. 435, 441. b And see Casar's Invasion of Britain, by T. Lewin, 2nd ed. p. Iv. 



The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 371 

The projection of the shingle spit against the hills at Hythe Oaks was caused 
by the violence of an extraordinary tempest, but for a long period after this the 
shingle from the west continued still to advance regularly to the east, and for a time 
without again touching the hills; and during this period West Hythe may have been 
a port as Lymne had been before. In the course of ages, however, the shingle 
spit was again wrested aside and dashed against the hills at Hythe, between the 
present barracks and the more eastern of the two Hythe bridges over the canal. 
The part between Hythe Oaks and Hythe (now Duck Marsh) was thus barred from 
the sea, and became a lake into which flowed the rivulet called Slabrook and other 
springs, and these waters accumulating forced their way back at Hythe Oaks, and 
there opened a way for themselves at the foot of the hill into the estuary in the 
west, but as the flood was not considerable the outlet was of no great breadth. 

The shingle spit, after having thus touched the hills, first at Hythe Oaks, 
and then at Hythe, was again carried along eastward until it reached its natural 
and final termination at Shorncliff, by Sandgate. Between Hythe and Shorncliff 
however, was left behind (i.e. north of) the spit, a triangular space, into which 
flowed two streams from the hills, one from Saltwood and the other called 
Seabrook, and the waters within this spit were gradually swollen, until they 
forced a passage through the shingle, at a point near the end of the Elm avenue 
at Hythe. By this outlet, kept open by these two streams, the tides for many 
centuries passed in and out, and formed the tidal harbour called by the Romans 
Portus Lemanis, and by the Saxons Hythe. To such a depth had the soil been 
excavated by the inset and outset of the tides before the shingle spit had touched 
the hills at any point, that from the departure of the Romans from Britain in the 
6th century (by which time certainly the shingle spit had reached the hills and 
blocked up the passage), eleven centuries elapsed before the channel which had 
thus been formed was finally choked up. 

As to the time when the marsh was reclaimed we are quite in the dark. As 
to the part between Hythe Oaks and Hythe, now called Duck Marsh, the 
means of excluding the sea were so simple and obvious that probably the inclosure 
was made at a very early period by the Britons themselves before the arrival 
of the Romans. On the south-east the shingle bank was continuous up to 
the hills, and formed a substantial barrier; and on the west the sea entered 
only from the marsh at the foot of the hills by a narrow channel; and 
all that was required was a short dam at this point between the shingle bed 
and the hills. That this was the course actually adopted may be seen from the 
remnant of the dam still distinguishable for some distance at Hythe Oaks, but the 

3 B 2 



372 The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 

part next the hills has been swept away by the military canal. This partial 
inclosure, prior to the inclosure of Romney Marsh, generally accounts for a fact 
otherwise inexplicable, viz. that Duck Marsh is not within the jurisdiction of 
Romney Marsh, which ends precisely at Hythe Oaks. 

As to Romney Marsh proper, viz. from Hythe Oaks to the wall running from 
Appledore to Romney, called the Rhee Wall, Mr. Smiles, in his " Lives of the 
Engineers," is of opinion that it was innedby the ancient Britons, who had brought 
the art of embanking from the Low Countries. This is certainly possible, and the 
only argument against the theory is, that, so far as I am aware, no ancient 
British remains have been ever discovered in any part of Romney Marsh proper. 
The general belief is that this great work was accomplished by the Romans, and it 
is particularly mentioned by Tacitus in his " Agricola " that the native population 
was employed by the Romans in embanking marshes. The name of Romney Marsh, 
or the Marsh of the Romans, may be derived either from the Romans having 
first lauded upon it under Caesar, or from the Romans having inclosed it. " Rhee 
"Wall," the great Western dam, seems to be a corruption of Rivi Vallum, or 
River Wall, and if so, it points to the Romans as the authors of the enterprise. 
It is clear that Romney Marsh proper was under cultivation in Roman tunes, for, 
as already observed, Roman remains are found scattered all over it, and more par- 
ticularly at Dymchurch, Ivechurch, Newchurch, and Eastridge. Near Dymchurch, 
in the direction of Romney, was anciently an extensive Roman pottery, which to 
this day can be traced all along by the fragments of ware which are turned up in 
great abundance. No doubt along this part was the shingle spit, to which we 
have alluded, and which was all above high-water-mark ; and the natural terra 
firnui of the island of Romney may also have extended far in this quarter ; but 
the pottery is also scattered northward to a distance over what was originally 
marsh, and cannot be accounted for except on the assumption that the marsh had 
been already inclosed. 

The mode in which the marsh was reclaimed admits of no doubt. On the 
south there already existed a sufficient barrier in the great sliingle spit. The 
only exposed side was the western, and for the purpose of shutting out the sea on 
this quarter a high wall was erected from Romney to the hills, and at the same 
time a deep trench was cut from Romney to the Dowles, near Appledore, with a 
parallel wall on the west, to receive in the trench between the two walls the 
waters of the river Limcn or Rother. The eastern wall of the trench reached all 
the way from the terra firma of Romney to Appledore, and from the increasing 
depression of the marsh was higher and higher as it advanced northward. The 



The Portus Lemania of the Romans. 373 

western wall reached only to Snargate, where the river was to enter the cut. In 
the construction of these works there were various objects in view. In the first 
place, Romney Marsh proper was to be drained, and the deep trench served as the 
general sewer. But unless the trench were scoured it would soon be silted up, 
and to obviate this difficulty the river Limen or Bother was forced by embank- 
ments into the trench. But besides this, the river, by emptying itself at the 
end of the trench into the mouth of the estuary at E/omney, would serve to 
dislodge the ever-recurring silt, and so keep open a port. The trench itself also 
was navigable, and vessels might pass along it by a short cut up to Appledore. a 

In acquainting myself with the subject of Romney Marsh I have met with 
two statements, which appeared at first sight to negative the hypothesis that the 
marsh was under cultivation in the time of the Romans. First, Harris writes, 
in his " History of Kent," that a grant was made in A.D. 755 of salt pans at 
Lymne ; b and, if so, the sea at that time must have flowed up to Lymne. 
Secondly, a Royal Commission, dated 20 Edw. I. (A.D. 1291, 1292), states that "the 
King was informed that Richard Ferynge, parson of the church of Lymene, 
had, by reason of his lands and tenements belonging to his said church, at his 
own expense repaired (and was still ready to do so) a certain bank at West 
Ilythe, situate near the sea coast, as often as need required, and that therefore 
he ought not to contribute to the repair of any other banks, for as much as 
neither he nor his predecessors, parsons of the church, had ever been accustomed 
so to do ; and that nevertheless John de Chert, Bailiff of Romenhall Marsh, and 
the twenty-four jurats, had newly distrained him for the repair of the banks and 
ditches near the sea coast at Appledore, and Stephen de Pencestre and "William 
de Echingham were made Commissioners to see into it ;" and from this reference 
to a sea wall at West Hythe, the suggestion arose to my mind that the sea might 
still at that time have flowed into the marsh at the foot of Lymne Hill. 

I consulted Mr. Elliott, the engineer of the marsh, to explain, if he could, 
these two apparent anomalies, and his answer was most satisfactory. As to the 
salt-pans, I must first of all observe, that the grant to which Harris alludes, was 
one by King Ethelbert, in the following terms: "There is a small piece of land, i.e. 
the fourth part of a ploughland near the Limenea, adapted for drying salt, &c. 
I have also granted 100 acres of the same track in the place which is called 
Sandtun, but the boundaries of that land are these on the east is the King's 

See the finding of the jury in 11 Edw. III. (A.D. 1337), Holloway's Hist, of Romney Marsh, p. 105. 
b Harris's Hist, of Kent, p. 183. Holloway's Hist, of the Marsh, p. 99. 



374 The Portus Lemanis of the Romans. 

land on the south is the river which is called the Limenea on the west and 
north Hudanfleot :" with reference to this, Mr. Elliott writes, " The grant refers 
to Romiiey and not to Lymne. The boundaries will do for E/omncy hut not 
for Lymne. If at Lymne, the salt-pans must have been in the marsh, and then 
on the east, south, and west would have been sea, and on the north Lymne Hill. 
At Romney, on the contrary, the description agrees. Sandtun would be the 
Sandhills, called the Warren, to the east of Romney, and the boundaries of this 
tract would be as stated, viz. the King's land on the east would be the territory 
to the east, about 100 acres, which was vested in the Crown until the reign of 
Elizabeth, when it was granted to Romney Corporation ; the river on the south 
would be the Limen or Rother, which then flowed there; and Hudanfleot, referred 
to as on the north and west, would be the fleet which may still be traced there, 
though it has lost its name, and would still be a fleet were it not for the improved 
drainage." With respect to the bank repaired by the parson of Lymne, Mr. Elliott 
writes, " There is an outlying piece of wall now known by the name of West 
Hythe wall, standing across one of the valleys dividing two of the shingle piles 
between the grand tower and Hythe, on land situate in the parish of West Hythe, 
and yet belonging to the rectory of JJymne." There can be no doubt, therefore, 
that this is the outlying sea-wall to which the parson of Lymne is referring. So 
clear a solution of these two difficulties amounts to an argument for the truth of 
our own hypothesis. 

It does not concern the matter in hand to speak of the marshes to the west of 
Rhee Wall, as Denge Marsh and Walland Marsh. I shall only add, therefore, 
that they were reclaimed at a much later period by Archbishop Becket and 
other ecclesiastics, as is shewn by the names attached to the different innings; as 
St. Thomas's innings, named after Becket, Baldwin's innings after Archbishop 
Baldwin, &c. Neither is it to the purpose in hand to trace further the changes in 
the course of the Limen or Rother. It originally flowed as we have seen along 
the foot of the hills, and found an outlet at Lymne. Then it was shifted to 
Romney ; and from the effect of the great inundations which occurred in the 
reigns of Henry III. and Edward I. it was eventually diverted to Rye, where 
its embouchure still is. 

Kemble's Codex, chart. 77. 



XXIV. On the Identification of the Roman Portus Lemanfe, by WILLIAM HENRY 

BLACK, Esq. F.S.A. 



Read January llth, 1866. 



ON the 23rd of November last, I took occasion, in the course of some remarks 
oil Dr. Thurnam's paper on the Wiltshire Long Barrows, to mention the titles 
of some papers which I had in my mind to communicate to this Society in the 
course of the present session ; one of them was, " On the Roman Ports in Kent 
and Sussex." Immediately afterward I was surprised by a discourse, pronounced 
in your hearing, by Mr. Lewin, who undertook to identify Hythe with the 
" Portus Lemanis." My own views of the subject being quite at variance with 
the theory of that learned gentleman, I would have delivered myself, on the spot, 
of the sentiments which I entertained respecting his communication, while it 
was fresh before us ; but the time was then too far advanced to permit a discus- 
sion, and the present date was therefore assigned to me as a peremptory term for 
answering the case set up by the learned advocate of Hythe. 

So far as I can recollect his arguments, they amounted to this : That 
sufficient indications did not exist, to fix the locality of the Roman port at a 
distance from the present sea-coast ; that the Romney Marshes had long been 
filled up with deep and solid deposits of alluvial or marine matter, precluding the 
possibility of a port at Lymne ; and that at Hythe are found a town and port, 
answering the conditions required for the identification of the Roman port in 
question. In short, Mr. Lewin's former identification of Hythe, as the place 
where Julius Caesar is supposed by him to have landed in his expeditions into 
Britain, having been generally accepted (though with considerable reservation 
on my part), he seems to have encouraged himself into the opinion that the 
same place was afterward used by the Romans as a permanent marine station. 
This is, I believe, quite true, so far as regards the neighbourhood of Hythe ; but 
I cannot admit Hythe to be either the precise spot of the first landing, or a 
subsequent marine station of the Romans, at least until the fourth century. 



376 On the Identification of the Roman Portus Lemanis. 

For, in the very outset of this inquiry, it is needful to ask, what " Portus 
Lemanis" is intended, that of the Antonine Itinerary, or that of the later 
Roman records and authors ? The authorities upon which our knowledge of the 
name is founded are four only ; that is to say : 

1. The Antonine Itinerary, which devotes a separate journey, the fourth out 
of fifteen, to show the way and distance from London to the " Portus Lemanis," 
and which treats it as one of the three Kentish ports reached from the metropolis 
by land, from the intermediate city of Canterbury. This I assign to the second 
century. 

2. The " Notitia Utriusque Imperil," which is commonly assigned to the fifth, 
but which (from internal evidence) cannot be later than the fourth century. 
Here the Antonine word " port " is omitted ; and the name " Lemanis " or 
" Lemannis " occurs alone, as the place where an officer of a detachment of the 
Turnacenses held a garrison, under the command of the Comes Litoris Saxonici. 

3. The Peutinger Table, ascribed with good reason to the time of the Emperor 
Theodosius, before the fifth century. Here the denomination is nearly the same as 
in the foregoing authority, if we allow for error of transcription ; for " Lemauio " 
is clearly a depravation of "Lemanis;" and it is attended with the symbol of a 
gateway between towers," signifying a fortified city or port, equivalent to the 
denomination " civitas " in the Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem, written in 
or shortly before the same age. The other places so distinguished in the fragment 
of Britain preserved in that record are Ritupis, Dubris, Durovernum, Camulo- 
dunum, and the Devonian Isca. 

4. The anonymous Geographer of Ravenna, attributed to the sixth or seventh 
century; in whose work "Lemanis" occurs, as in the "first part of Britain," 
between " Mutuantonis " (which I consider to be a corrupt reading for either 
Flu. Trisantonis, or else Porlu Adurni} and "Dubris." 

To these are added, by our learned and able Fellow Mr. Charles Roach Smith, 
in his Antiquities of llichborough, Reculver, and Lymne (London, 1850, 4to.), 
the Geography of Ptolemy, and the work which passes under the name of Richard 
of Cirencester ; but I reject them both as inapplicable to the present case, for 
these reasons : the former mentions Kaivos \ifiijv, h which seems to indicate a port 

a Compare the gateway, with small conical towers, on the reverse of a Roman coin, figured in Mr. C. R. 
Smith's work on Lymne, p. 249. 

h Netv Port, or New Haven, described as distant 1 W. in longitude, and 30' S. in latitude, from Kavrtov 
nKfiov, the South Foreland ; while Hythe and Lymne are distant very few minutes of a degree from that 
promontory. 



On the Identification of the Roman Portus Lemanis. 377 

in Sussex, not in Kent ; and the latter is utterly spurious, one of the most 
impudent and glaring forgeries ever imposed on the antiquarian world. 

Now to deal with Mr. Lewin's arguments in favour of Hythe, I might 
content myself by briefly drawing your attention to what has been already 
written by Mr. C. R. Smith, and also by our oldest antiquaries. Leland, who saw 
Lymne in a less ruined state, more than three centuries ago, had no idea of 
Hythe as representing the Portus Lemanis, but saw in the massive walls, and all 
the circumstances of Lymne, indubitable evidence of its antiquity. Somner, 
who preferred Old Romney, seems to have had a preference for an old cinque- 
port, now blocked up ; and, though his opinion has not been followed in later 
times, yet the very place which he preferred yields an argument, by analogy, in 
favour of Lymne and against Hythe. 

With respect to Mr. Lewin's arguments that I have enumerated, I reply to 
the first, that Lymne has sufficient indications of its identity at the present time ; 
first in respect of its name, which is unquestionably derived from and is almost 
identical with the Roman name ; secondly, from its distance, being, as I mea- 
sure and compute, exactly the required distance of sixteen Roman miles from Can- 
terbury, while Hythe is by the road about two miles further, though equally distant 
with Lymne from Canterbury in a right line as the crow flies ; thirdly, in that it 
has a direct and most remarkable Roman road, called " Stone Street," leading 
from the south-western suburb of Canterbury, not toward Hythe, but by a little 
inclination westward away from Hythe to the brow of the hill on which is the 
town of Lymne, and on the slope of which is the ruined Roman fortress of Stut- 
fall Castle ; fourthly, in the fortress itself, of which we know more now, since the 
laborious and careful excavations made by Mr. C. R. Smith about fifteen years ago ; 
fifthly, in the Roman altar, erected by the Prcefectus Classis Britannica, and 
found among the ruins of the fortress during those excavations ; and lastly, in 
its noble situation, surveying and commanding the whole level of Romncy 
Marshes at first a quiet bay ; now, and for ages past, a fertile pasture land. 

To the second argument, drawn from the present aspect of the Romney Marshes, 
I answer, that, however old their present state may appear to be, with proofs of 
Roman occupation, we might as well argue against the insular condition of 
Thanet in the time of the Romans, and even in Beda's time, from the existence 
and appearance of similar marshes between Sandwich Haven and Reculver, and 
deny that the Rutupian port was ever there. The Roman measures in the An- 
tonine Itinerary reach precisely to Sandwich town for the Portw Ritupis, though 
now as far from the sea as Lymne is. The state of the ground at the foot of 

VOL. xx. 3 c 



378 On the Identification of the Roman Portus Lemanis. 

Lymne Hill is much altered by the continuous effect of springs breaking out in 
a loose soil, and consequent landslips, which in some instances have transported 
the Roman ruins to a distance, and buried them to a depth of many feet. 

This fact is enough to account for the choking up of the mouth of the river, 
which seems formerly to have flowed along the foot of the cliff, probably that which 
is now a branch of the Rother, which now has two outfalls in Rye Haven, besido 
the dikes cut in the marshes. These numerous dikes have diverted the course 
of the upland waters, and given to some of them an outfall at Romney. But I 
need not insist on the former existence of such a river as a mere theory, when, 
the Ravenna Geographer names the " Lemana " among British rivers, and the 
Saxon Chronicle tells us of the arrival of a vast fleet of invading Danes at 
" Limene mouth " in the time of King Alfred. It is impossible to deny the 
identity of Lymne with that name. 

If it be urged that " Hythe " means port, so also does " West Hythe," closely 
adjoining to Lymne, but now no longer a landing-place, except perhaps from the 
military canal constructed within the present century. Why should this western 
place have been called " Hythe " at all, unless a port could have existed there 
in former times, as at the modern " Hythe," which is merely East Hythe, distin- 
guished from the other ? It is actually called so in Ogilby's Britannia, pub- 
lished in 1698. 

But there is also at Lymne the celebrated " Shipway," the very way leading 
down to the shore (now the marshes) from the village of Lymne, and through 
that of West Hythe, on the eastern side of the E-oman fortress, but far from Mr. 
Lewin's Hythe. From this ancient and secluded spot is derived the name of the 
Supreme Court of the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, formerly holden (as 
Leland says) at or near this place, and still retaining the name of " the Court 
of Shipway." What greater proof of dignity and antiquity can there be than 
this ? What better identification of the antient place can be desired ? For 
although it stands now, from various causes, at some distance from the sea, 
it retains the Roman name of the Portus Lemanis, shortened down to Lymne 
or Lympne ; and it contains the original place of maritime judgment, on the 
public way, which in old time led to the ships, but does not lead to " Hythe." 

Mr. C. R. Smith thus mentions the "Shipway," in his description of the 
locality, at pp. 212, 243 of his " Antiquities" : " The situation of the castrwm" 
says he, " is one of singular interest. It is on the lower part of a large tract of 
ground, of considerable acclivity, which separates the Romney Marshes from the 
mainland, and forms a strong contrast, in its irregular and wild character, with 



On the Identification of the Roman Portus Lemanis. 379 

the flat and monotonous district intervening between it and the sea. Looking 

upward from the level land in front of the castrum, portions of the walls 

are seen, irregular and disconnected, bounded on the right by a hanging wood, 
and a winding road called the Shipway, leading by the little village of West 
Mythe ; on the left, by a long range of broken sloping pasture ground ; and in 
front by an inland cliff, crowned by the church of Lymne, and a castellated 
mansion situated upon the very verge of the cliff." Indeed the whole passage 
deserves the most attentive consideration, expressed as it is in a lively and in- 
teresting manner, by the hand of a master, whose conclusions I seek to justify 
against Mr. Lewin's new theory. 

Here too I must add the clear, convincing, and striking testimony of Leland, 
contained in his Itinerary, vol. vii. p. 132 : "Lymne Hille, or Lyme, was sum- 
tyme a famose haven, and good for shyppes that myght cum to the foote of the 
hille. The place is yet cawled Shypwey and Old Haven. Farther, at this day 
the Lord of the V. Fortes kepeth his principal Cowrt a lytle by est fro Lymmchil. 
Ther remayneth at this day the ruines of a stronge fortresse of the Britons, hang- 
ging on the hil, and cummyng down to the very fote. The cumpase of the 
fortresse semcth to be a x. (ten) acres, and be lykelyhod yt had sum walle beside 
that strecchid up to the very top of the hille, wher now ys the paroch chirche, and 
the Archidiacous howse of Canterbury. The old walles of a the (it are ?) made 
of Britons brikes, veiy large, and great flynt, set togyther almost inclissolubely 
with mortars made of smaule pybble. The walles be very thikke, and yn the 
west end of the castel appereth the base of an old towre. Abowt this castel, yn 

tyme of mind, were fownd antiquities of mony of the Romaynes Ther 

went fro Lymme to Canterbury a streate fayr paved, therof at this daye yt is 
cawled Stony Streat. Yt is the straytest that ever I sawe, and toward Cantor- 
bury ward the pavement continually appereth a iiij. or v. mylcs. Ther cunimeth 
at this day through Lymme castel a little ryllc, and other prety waters resort to 
the places about Lymmc-hil ; but where the ryver Limene should be I cannot tcl, 

except yt should be that that cummeth above Applcdor .... iii (eight 

or ten ?} myles of, and that of cowrs ys now chaunged, and renneth a nerer way 
ynto the se, by the encresing of Romney Marsch that was sumtyme al se." 

What, then, if we do find at Hythe a town and a port ? What if I should 
inform Mr. Lewin, from my own measurements, that Hythe is in part Roman ? It 
is yet to be proved to have been the Portus Lemanis, or any part or parcel of it, 
at least in the earlier Roman period. Old Romney is Roman, so is New llomney. 

Ldand, as quoted by Mr. C. K. Smith, except the explanations within parentheses. 

3c2 



380 On the Identification of the Roman Portus Lemanis. 

The inclosure of the marshes ruined the oldest port, and the traffic was at 
length driven out toward the sea, both by the silent operations of nature, and 
yet more by the same agency which has removed the traffic of the old Roman 
city and port of Deva (Chester) to Liverpool, and will soon remove that of Lon- 
dinium, the Augusta of Julian's time, and our great emporium, to Gravesend, 
Tilbury, and the Hope, viz. greediness of land, shutting out tidal waters by 
obstinate and senseless promoters of embankments. For I apprehend that, in the 
time of Julius Caesar, the site of the Romney Marshes was an ample bay, con- 
taining some muddy islands ; that the inclosure of these by banks, the decay of 
the cliffs, the diversion of the current, and the natural accumulation of silt and 
shingle (which Mr. Lewin has aptly described), in process of time choked up 
the vast anchorage in which the invading Roman Fleet of 800 ships had ridden ; 
that the proper name of the port clung to the township and fortress of Lymne, 
after it had ceased to be a mai'itime station ; and that at length the appellative 
' Hythe," (which is rather a landing-place than a port or haven,) attached itself 
to the little village of West Hythe, and afterwards to East Hythe, now called 
" the town and port of Hythe." If this succession of facts be admitted, it neces- 
sarily follows that Lymne represents, by situation, the original and proper 
Portus Lemanis ; while its neighbour Hythe has obtained a transfer of the mari- 
time and commercial denomination of " port," as a kind of successor in business, 
but is by no means to be regarded as its local and historical representative. 

Postscript. The altar, which was found in 1850 among the ruins at Lymne, is damaged at the 
top and on one side ; hence its inscription is mutilated. As represented in Mr. C. K. Smith's 
Keport on his Excavations (which was printed for the Subscribers in 1852, 4to.), plate vii. and 
page 25, the inscription is as follows : 



iv 

ARAM 

. AVFIDIV 

PANTEKA 

PRAEFECT 

CLAS ' BRIT 



which I read and fill up thus : 

[DEO NEP]TV[NO]ARAM p. AVFIDIV[S] PANTERA[NVS] PRAEFECT[VS] 

CLAS. BRIT[AN. EX VOTO P.] 
Deo Neptitno aram P. Aufidius Panteranus Prcefectus Classic Britannica ex voto posuit. 



XXV. On the worked Flints of Pressigny le Grand : by JOHN EVANS, Esq., 

F.E.S., F.S.A., F.G.S. 



Read November 16th, 1865. 



AT a time when the worked flints discovered in such profusion near Pressigny 
le Grand are attracting so much attention among French archaeologists, it seems 
probahle that a few remarks upon them, and upon the controversy to which they 
have given rise, may be of interest to this Society. 

Public attention appears to have been first called to the discoveries at Pressigny 
by a letter from the Abbe" Chevalier to M. Elie de Beaumont," but it is, I believe, 
to Dr. Leveille" of Pressigny, or to Comte Alexis de Chasteigner, that the merit 
is due of first observing the real character of the worked flints. MM. Brouillet 
and Meillet, the authors of the "Epoques Antediluvienne et Celtique du Poitou," 
first published representations of some of the specimens, and M. Gabriel de 
Mortillet, the accomplished editor of the " Materiaux pour 1'Histoire positive et 
philosophique de THornine," Dr. Eugene Robert, the Abbe" Bourgeois, M. Pen- 
guilly 1'Haridon, the Marquis de Vibraye, and others as well as myself, have taken 
part in the discussion which has been carried on in France as to the antiquity to 
be assigned to these objects. 1 " 

It was in January of the present year that I visited Pressigny in company with 
my valued friend the late Mr. Henry Christy and MM. Brouillet and Louis 
Lartet; and the specimens now exhibited, including those belonging to the 
Society, are a small portion of those which we then collected upon the spot. 

Pressigny le Grand is a small town situated on the river Claise, an affluent of 
the Creuse, in the department of Indre et Loire. It lies about 30 miles to the 

Comptes rendus des Stances de 1'Academie des Sciences, vol. Ivii. p. 427. 

b See Mate'riaux pour 1'Hist. de 1'Homme, vols. i. and ii. passim ; and Comptes rendus des Stances de 
1' Academic des Sciences, 1864 and 1865, passim. See also a Paper on this subject by Sir John Lubbock 
and Professor Steenstrup in the Transactions of the Ethnological Society, N.S. vol. v. p. 221. 

c Since this Paper was read, I have revisited Pressigny accompanied by Mr. J. \V. Flower, F.G.S., and I 
have incorporated some of the results of our further investigations in the text. 



382 On the worked Flints of Pressigny le Grand. 

south of Tours, and is most readily accessible from the station of Port-des- Piles 
on the Orleans Railroad, from whence it is distant about 24 kilometres (say 15 
miles). We, however, drove to it from Chatellerault a rather longer journey. 

The peculiar worked flints of which principally I wish to speak, are but rarely 
found at Pressigny itself, and, though occurring elsewhere, are most abundant at 
two farms called La Claisiere and La Doucetterie, rather more than two miles 
from Pressigny, and on the opposite side of the Claise. The soil is a red loam, 
overlying the cretaceous rock of the district, and during wet weather becomes 
extremely soft and sticky, so much so as to have acquired the local name of 
melasse. In some places whole fields of this loam were replete with worked 
flints, and the large specimens, which from their resemblance to pounds of 
butter have received from the peasants the name of livres-de-beurre, were very 
abundant, notwithstanding that whole cartloads of them had been collected 
at the farm-house of La Claisiere and some neighbouring cottages; and the 
soil teemed with flakes, mostly broken, and with splinters of flint. Near the 
farm, in a road section, a bed of flakes was to be seen at a depth of about 
two feet from the present surface, and, so far as could be judged, worked flints 
abounded in the soil in every direction, even to a small distance below the depth 
of the present cultivation. 

The most remarkable of the worked flints are the livres-de-beurre already 
mentioned, of some of which representations are given in Plate XX. These are 
large blocks of flint, usually 10 to 12 inches long and 3 to 4 inches wide in the 
broadest part, the thickness being in most cases less than the width. In 
general outline they may be described as boat-shaped, being square at one 
end and brought to a point more or less finished at the other. The outline 
has been given by striking a succession of flakes from the sides of a mass of flint, 
until the boat-like contour has been obtained, with the sides slightly converging 
towards the keel, and then the wpper surface corresponding to the deck of the 
boat has been chipped into form by a succession of blows administered at right 
angles to the first, and in such a manner that the deck, as originally formed, was 
convex instead of flat. After this convex surface was formed, one, two, or even 
more long flakes were dislodged along its whole length, or nearly so, by blows 
administered at the stern of the boat, thus leaving one or more channels along 
what corresponds to the deck. In rare instances these long flakes have not been 
removed (Plate XX. fig. 2) ; in others of more frequent occurrence one of the 
flakes has broken off short before attaining its full length. 

Looking at a number of these livres-de-beurre arranged together, the eye is 



Vol. XL. Plate XX. p. 382. 




HATCHET (?) PRKSSIONY. 



5. 




SCRAPER. PRESSIUNY. 
f,. 



4. 




FLAKE, PRESSIUNT. 



1. 




FLAKE. I'KESSIOSY. 

Scale. V\ff I to 5. 1 ; Kig. 6, ]. 



R, RIVER SF.TNE. 




FI.AKK, PKHWIOXY 



On the icorked Flints of Pressigny le Grand. 383 

struck by the great similarity of form prevailing among them ; and their uniformity 
of shape and the regular neat manner in which their edges are chipped would 
at first sight lead to a presumption that they were intended for use as implements 
of some sort or other. They have accordingly been regarded by some of the local 
authorities as having been intended for ploughshares, and by others as some 
kind of large and heavy axes. There is however one very strong argument 
against this view of the case, as it seems utterly impossible that such an enormous 
number of them could have been lost or thrown away in a single spot, and 
there is no evidence whatever of there having been any ancient cemetery at La 
Claisiere where implements or arms such as these might by some possibility have 
accumulated as offerings to the dead. 

It is true that in certain instances, such as the bone caves of the Dordogne and 
Belgium, the Swiss, and even some Irish, lakes, we have vast accumulations of 
worked flints, but in these cases the size is usually much smaller than at Pressigny, 
and there is reason for supposing them to have been lost, or thrown away as worn 
out, like the obsidian razors of Mexico, of which it is on record that several were 
used up in shaving one person.* At Pressigny, so far as I could see, the large 
livres-de-beurre show no sign of use or wear. Those persons, moreover, who have 
paid most attention to the flints have come to the conclusion that they are not, 
strictly speaking, implements at all, but rather the refuse or waste resulting from 
the manufacture of implements. They regard them, in fact, as the nuclei, ma- 
trices, or cores, from which long flakes or knives have been removed, and which 
have then been thrown away as having served their purpose. 

On this point indeed nearly, if not quite, all those who have written upon the 
subject are agreed ; but M. Eugene Robert, M. Decaisne, and M. Elie de Beaumont 
are of opinion that these blocks of flint, instead of belonging to any remote period, 
when stone knives or lance-heads were in use, are to be assigned to a much more 
modern period, even to the days since the invention of gunpowder. They say, in 
fact, that they are the refuse arising from the manufacture upon the spot of flints 
for fire-arms, and M. Robert, with a happy fertility of imagination, has determined 
that the long flakes struck off lengthways of the matrices were intended for gun- 
flints, while the short flakes struck off transversely from the blocks furnished the 
flints for pistols. 

Assuming this suggestion to be true, we might indulge in some interesting 
speculations founded upon the comparative quantities of the long and the short 

Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, quoted in Tyler's Anahuac, p. 331. 



384 On the worked Flints of Prcssigny le Grand. 

flakes, as to the proportionate numbers of guns and pistols in use in France at tho 
time when these nuclei were formed, and, as there are at least ten short flakes 
to one long one, the excess of pistols over guns at the period would prove to have 
been somewhat surprising. In corroboration of the gun-flint theory, some local 
traditions have been cited of the manufacture of gun-flints upon the spot ; but 
though in a country abounding in flints there would appear to be no reason why 
such a manufacture should not have been carried on, yet 'on examination there 
appears to be no foundation for any such traditions with respect to Pressigny, and 
M. Penguilly has moreover shown that the kind of flint found there is not fit for 
gun-flints. It is moreover fatal to the gun-flint theory that the ground is full of 
flakes of various lengths, all adapted, so far as form is concerned, to be made into 
gun-flints, but yet thrown away, and that the nuclei themselves are of a different 
form, and far larger in size than those resulting from the ordinary gun-flint 
manufacture, in which the blocks of flint are usually utilised, until no more flakes 
fit for chipping up into gun-flints can be struck off them. 

These blocks must, therefore, be regarded as the waste or refuse resulting from 
some other manufacture, and there can be no doubt that this was the production 
of long flint knives or lance-heads. In the first place we find evidence of such 
long blades of flint having been produced, in the long furrows remaining upon 
the nuclei ; and in the next place it appears, from an examination of these nuclei, 
that, as a rule, they were not thrown away until, either from, their reduced size, 
or from some defect in the flint, they were no longer adapted for the production 
of long blades. It will perhaps appear singular to most persons that so much 
care should have been bestowed in chipping these Iwres-dc-beurre into shape, 
if they were not themselves to be made use of as implements, but were merely 
the blocks from which flakes of flint were to be split. 

It will, however, on a little consideration become apparent that this chipping 
into a regular form is in fact one of the necessities of the case for the production 
of long blades of flint. "Where flakes of only three or four inches long ai*e required, 
such as are used for the manufacture of ordinary gun-flints, the operator may 
readily, with his hammer, strike off from the outside of his block of flint a suc- 
cession of chips, so as to give it a polygonal outline, the angles of which will serve 
for the central ridges or back-bones of the first series of regular flakes that he 
strikes off. The removal of this first series of flakes leaves a number of projecting 
ridges, which serve as guides for the formation of a second series of flakes, and so 
on until the block is used up. 

But in a case where a flake ten or twelve inches in length is required a different 



On the worked Flints of Pressigny le Grand. 385 

process becomes necessary. For it is nearly impossible with a rough mass of flint 
to produce by single blows plane surfaces 10 or 12 inches in length, and arranged 
at such an angle as to produce a straight ridge such as would serve to form 
the back -bone, as it were, of a long flake ; and without such a back -bone the pro- 
duction of a long flake is impossible. It is indeed this ridge (which need not, of 
course, be angular, but may be more or less rounded or polygonal) that regulates 
the course of the fissure by which the flake is dislodged from the matrix or parent 
flint, there being a slight degree of elasticity in the stone which enables a fissure 
once properly commenced in a homogeneous flint to proceed at right angles to 
the line of least resistance in the dislodged flake, while at the same time exerting 
a nearly uniform strain, so that the inner surface of the flake becomes nearly 
parallel to the outer ridge. It was to obtain this outer ridge that the Pressigny 
flints were chipped into the form in which we find them, and it appears as if 
the workmen who formed them adopted the readiest means of obtaining the 
desired result of producing along the block of flint a central ridge whenever it 
became necessary, until the block was so much reduced in size as to be no longer 
serviceable. I have already described the manner in which this was effected, viz., 
by first chipping the block into a sort of boat-like form, and then by blows from 
the sides producing a rounded ridge along the upper surface. This process could 
be repeated from time to time after each set of long flakes had been dislodged, 
until the block was used up. The specimens exhibited show these nuclei in 
various stages, one of them having the central ridge left upon it, and others 
having had one or two long flakes dislodged from them. A specimen of each 
of these three varieties is engraved in Plate XX. and a section of each with 
the ridged side upwards is placed below them. 8 The causes why they were 
rejected as useless are still susceptible of being traced. In some cases the 
nucleus had become so thin that it would not bear re-shaping ; in others a want of 
uniformity in the texture of the flint, probably caused by some included organism, 
has made its appearance, and caused the flakes to break off short of their proper 
length, or has even made it useless to attempt to strike them off. In some 
rare instances, when the striking off long flakes has proved unsuccessful on the 
one face, the attempt has been made to procure them from, the other. The 
abundance of large masses of flint in the country some as much as two or three 
feet over has, however, rendered the workmen rather prodigal of their materials. 
As a proof of the necessity which exists for chipping the nuclei from which 

' It should be stated that the specimens in Plate XX. figs. 1 and 3, and Plate XXI. figs. 2, 4, and 6, are 
in the Christy Collection; the rest are in my own collection. 

VOL. XL. 3 D 



386 Onthe worked Flints of Pressigny le Grand. 

long flakes are to be dislodged into this boat-like form, I may mention that 
several of the longest nuclei found upon what appears to have been the site of an 
ancient manufactory of flint implements at Spiennes, near Mons, in Belgium, are 
shaped in a precisely similar manner to those from Pressigny. A very few nuclei 
of the same form have also been found in Denmark. 

Some of the blocks which have been used for the production of shorter flakes 
are of the same character as the nuclei of ordinary occurrence, and in the neighbour- 
hood of Leugny, about 8 or 10 miles from Pressigny, where livres-de-beurre also 
ocsur, large flat nuclei are found, from which wide thin flakes have been struck. 
The flakes themselves, which are found associated with the nuclei at Pressigny, 
are evidently derived from them ; but, so far as I could learn, the long ones are 
never found perfect, but only in a broken condition, or as " wasters." Three of 
these fragments are engraved in Plate XXI. figs. 1, 2, and 4. Figs. 1 and 2 are 
portions of the first flakes struck from the nuclei after a central ridge had been 
produced by cross-chipping, as may be seen by the character of the external face. 
Fig. 4 exhibits the cross-chipping on one only of its external facets ; the other, 
which is much straighter and flatter, being the result of another flake having 
been previously struck longitudinally from off the parent block. Altogether 
there is evidence of a manufacture of flint implements having been carried on 
on a large scale at Pressigny ; but these implements seem to have been princi- 
pally though not exclusively the long knife-like blades, though the Marquis de 
Vibraye* and Sir John Lubbock record having found round-ended scrapers and 
some other forms of implements upon the spot. I have also found a few of these 
scrapers, one of which, from la Claisiere, is engraved in Plate XXI. fig. 5. It is, 
as will be perceived, of considerably larger size than is usual with instruments of 
similar form. Others from the same spot are smaller and proportionally broader. 
Many of the flakes are minutely chipped along some part of their edges, not 
improbably by having been used for scraping bone or some other hard substance. 
I observed this more particularly in the flakes which abound at L'Epargne, a 
farm on the opposite side of Pressigny to La Claisiere, and about the same 
distance from it. At this spot also the livres-de-beurre occur, but not in so great 
profusion as at La Claisiere. There are some flakes and portions of flakes which 
present small well-defined semicircular notches, either in the ends or sides, but 
whether these have been intentionally made or produced by wear, or whether they 
are not rather the results of accidental blows of the pick, given during the culti- 
vation of the soil, has yet to be determined. 

1 Mat. pour 1'Histoire de 1'Homrae, vol. i. p. 520. 



Vol. XL. Plt, \\l.p. 387. 



2. 






SKCTION. 
TIIRKE FLINT CORES. 

v I.F. nRANn, INDRE ET LOIRE. 



3. 





Scale J. 



On the worked Flints of Pressigny le Grand. 387 

I also found at L'Epargne three or four implements of a roughly triangular 
outline, and approaching very closely in character to the so-called hatchets of the 
Danish kjokken-moddings. The most symmetrical and carefully chipped of these 
is engraved in Plate XXI. fig. 3. Others, from their rudeness, come nearer still to 
the kjokken-modding type. I may mention that in the collection of the Abbe" 
Bourgeois, of Pontlevoy, are numerous specimens of identically the same form as 
those from the Danish refuse-heaps, but which have been found upon the surface 
in the neighbourhood of Pontlevoy, and that I have myself found an implement of 
the same form in company with numerous scrapers, flakes, &c., and a few arrow- 
heads, both barbed and leaf-shaped, in the ancient camp of Maiden Bower, near 
Dunstable. It would appear, therefore, that the use of this form of implement 
was not, as has been supposed by some antiquaries, confined to the inhabitants of 
the sea-coast. 

A few fragments of flakes have been found at Pressigny, carefully worked along 
both edges so as to form a sort of knife or dagger; but they would appear, like the 
numerous other " wasters," to have been broken or spoilt in the process of manu- 
facture. Their evidence, however, taken in conjunction with that of other similar 
but more perfect specimens found in different parts of France, is of great value as 
affording an at-all-events approximate solution of the question as to the period to 
which this manufacture is to be assigned, for these long flakes or knives occur 
in the interments in the dolmens or cromlechs of central France, which are 
referred to the Stone period of that country. In the museum at Poitiers is one of 
these flakes, carefully re-chipped on one face and 8 inches in length, and in the 
Mus6e d'Artillerie at Paris are two beautiful flakes 8 inches long, the edges 
neatly finished by chipping, which were found in the Seine in constructing the 
foundations of Pont Napoldon III. Another, 7 inches long, found at Thenay, 
near Pontlevoy, is in the collection of the Abb6 Bourgeois. Another, no less than 
13 inches in length, was lately discovered at Pauilhac near Fleurance, in the depart- 
ment of Gers, and is engraved in the Revue de Gascogne, vol. vi. Mr. Franks 
has lately procured another specimen found in the Seine, and beautifully chipped. 
It is nearly 7 inches long, and represented in Plate XXI. fig. 6; unfortunately 
it is broken across, and a small portion is wanting. And what is remark- 
able, in four of these instances at least, the material of which the flakes are 
formed is precisely the same flint as the nuclei of Pressigny. I may mention, 
that this is a peculiar ochreous-coloured flint, rather coarse-grained and opaque, 
and that the beds from whence it is derived are micaceous chalk, by French 
geologists considered to belong to the zone of ammonites peramplu-s or the 



388 On the worked Flints of Pressigny le Grand. 

Turonien of d'Orbigny. Besides the flakes and nuclei which I have described, 
polished stone axes occur occasionally near Pressigny, and several of the polishing 
or grinding stones used in their manufacture have been found in that district, 
among which a specimen in the possession of Dr. L6veilld stands pre-eminent. 
Some of these ground axes, however, are not made of the flint of the district. 

I may add, that in the gravel deposits at Pressigny, and other places in the 
neighbourhood, and on the surface at la Pinauderie near Leugny, flint implements 
have been found closely resembling those from the valley deposits of the Somme 
and of some of our English rivers ; but the circumstances under which they have 
been discovered require further examination. On the present occasion I confine 
myself principally to calling attention to these remarkable nuclei and flakes, which 
seem to prove the existence of a regular manufactory of stone weapons so long ago 
as the Stone period of central France, for there is a similarity in the workmanship 
of the different nuclei so striking that many of them seem to have been formed by 
the same hand, and it seems more probable that there should have been a settle- 
ment upon the spot of men who manufactured these long knives and afterwards 
bartered them away, than that the flints were worked by various tribes who 
visited the spot as oiie abounding in the raw material for their cutlery. What 
was the current value of an eight-inch blade in hides, meat, corn, or other ne- 
cessaries of life must remain an unsolved problem. If the manufacturers were 
paid anything like the present price for such objects they were certainly not 
badly remunerated. 

But under any circumstances we cannot but regard with interest these almost 
the only relics of a manufactory on a large scale of cutlery of the Stone period 
in France with which we are acquainted. 



XXVI. Observations on some Documents relating to Magic in the Reign of Queen 
Elizabeth. By W. H. HART, ESQ. F.S.A. 



Read May llth, 1865, 



A good deal of attention has been bestowed on the crystal balls supposed to 
possess magical powers, and in which visions of the unseen world might be 
revealed to those who had sufficient faith in the powers of these wonderful 
mirrors. I do not propose entering into any discussion on the merits of these 
crystals ; but I will with your permission lay before you, from among the State 
Papers of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, some curious documents bearing upon 
alchemy, magical glasses, and magic in general. 

From authentic sources we learn that alchemy, or the art of transmuting the 
baser metals into gold or silver, was in the middle ages not only extensively 
followed by private adventurers, but also received favour at the hands of the King ; 
who on several occasions granted his royal licence to certain persons to exercise 
this art, thus constituting what we now-a-days call a patent. 

By letters patent dated the 9th of May, 3 Edward III. [1329], the King, after 
stating that he had understood that John le Rous and Master William de Dalby 
knew, by the art of alchemy, how to make silver, and had made, and still did 
make, the same, and that by their art they could greatly benefit the kingdom, 
appointed Thomas Gary to bring these alchemists to him under a safe conduct, 
with their instruments, and all other things pertaining to their art." 

By letters patent dated July 6, 22 Henry VI. [1444], after stating that John 
Cobbe had by petition shown that he was desirous of making experiments "by 
the art of philosophy " in transmuting imperfect metals into the perfect metals of 
gold and silver, to endure like any gold or silver growing in any mine, " as he 
says," but that he was hindered in his work by certain malicious persons, who 
supposed that he worked by an unlawful art, the King granted him licence to 
follow his art without any molestation whatever. 11 

By letters patent dated June 18, 16 Edward IV. [1476], the King granted to 

Patcut Roll, 3 Edw. III. part 1, in. 21. k Patent Roll, 22 Henry VI. part 2. m. 9. 



390 Observations on some Documents relating to Magic 

David Beaupe and John Marchaunt liberty to exercise the art of converting 
mercury into gold and silver for the term of four years.' 

Again, in the reign of Elizabeth, one John Peterson of Lubeck made certain 
offers to her Majesty respecting experiments in alchemy, and also for delivering 
glasses to her Majesty. These were most probably crystal glasses, of which we 
have had in our own time a notable instance ; when the proprietor of Zadkiel's 
Almanack brought himself into unenviable notoriety as the possessor and the 
champion of the mystic globe, which could disclose secrets so awful that one of 
the witnesses who vouched for the truth of its revelations refused to look on the 
crystal in court, because she considered it too solemn a thing to be laughed at. I 
allude to the trial of " Morrison v. Belcher," which took place in the year 1863. 

Peterson's offer to the Queen is as follows : 

The tennour of this letter to her Majestic as followeth : 

A mostc humble preamble excusinge his boldnes in wrytinge to her highnes. 
An Apollogie to the noble science of Alcumey. 

A declaracion of the longe studye and practize of Mr. Ofeilde in his howse in this arte by the 
pace of viii ycres, and many commendacions of the man's virtues. 

The straight and high charge he gave bynding him by sacrament to deliver theis glasses so son e 
as he coulde to her Majesty. 

A confydente affirmacion of the wonderfull riches (excedynge all comparison) to be by them 
attayned. 

The firste is of Sol prepared and dispersed. 
The seconde is of Luna devided and dispersed. 
The thirde is of Mercury made homogeniall. 

Theis this letter presenteth to her Majestic by me, so pleaseth her to appoyntc order for the 
conveyaunce which I have sene, and under my scale so assured, as noe deceyte can be used therin; 
besides, I have delyvered them into the handes of the Senate of Lubick, to be safely kepte to her 
Majesties use, and made a publicke instrumente in wrytinge thcrof by a Notary to avoyde all fraude. 
For theis glasses yf her Majestic lyke not to have them, I will on the perill of my heade bringe. 
fortye thowsande dollars into her coffers without one penny of her charges, so yt may stande with 
her gracious pleasure to use my further service herin. per ROBERT SMYTHE. 

[/ dorsoJ] 

A note of the contentcs of the lettre to 
her Majesty writen from Jo: Peterson 
borne in Lubeck. 

Rob: Smythe undertakes on the perill of 
his head to bring 40 thousand Dollers for 
the 3 materiales. 1 ' 

1 Pati-nt Roll, 16 Edward IV. part 1, m. 20. b State Papers, Dom. EUz. vol. 75, No. 66. 



in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 391 

Again, in the year 1570 a crystal stone was in request in order to discover 
certain money which was stated to he hidden in a house in Kent, and a spirit, by 
name " Oryence," was summoned to appear in this crystal to answer questions ; hut, 
as might be expected, he failed in his appearance. 

The matter was referred by the Lords of the Council to Justice Southcote and 
Mr. Stanley of the Mint, who caused certain examinations to be made, as the 
following documents will show. 

The first is a letter from Southcote and Stanley to the Lords of the Council, 
dated July 29, 1570, thus :- 

Our duties most humblie remembred unto your Honors, signifyinge the same that accordinge to 
the tenor of your most honorable Letters wee have severally examined John Buckley student of 
Oxford and William Bedoe prisoners in the Towre, lately sent thither by your Honors, whose ex- 
aminacions wee sende unto your good Lordshippes herewith, and wee did likewise send for William 
Seres stacioner of London at the tyme of our examinacion to give us informacion of such matter as 
he could against the said prisoners, and upon their severall examinacions echo of them shewed him 
self humble and obedient, sayinge that they made plaine and true confession accordinge to their 
knowleges of those thinges whereupon they were examined, which their sayinges in that behalt 
semed unto us not to be true, for that they agree not upon the principall offence : as by their 
severall examinacions to be considered by your honors may appeare/ And thus prayinge to thal- 
mightie for the prosperous preservacion of your most honorable L. wee humblie take our leave. 
From London this xxix' h of Julie a" 1570. 

Your L. most bounden ever to commaunde 

JOHN SOUTHCOT. 

THOMAS STANLEY." 

The examinations are as follow : 

The examynacion of John Bowckeley Scoller of the Universitye of Oxforde taken the xxviii of July 
a" 1570 & a xii Elizabethe Regine &c. before John Southcot on of the Quencs Ma"*" Justices 
and Thomas Standley esquier Treasurer of her graces Mynt. 

First the sayd John Bowckeley sayeth that the first acquentance that he hadde w' William Bedo 
was about Crigmas last &yt was in the Universytye of Oxford; which Bcdo came to this examynates 
chambre in New Inne in Oxford and desyred this examynate to cast a fygure for certen monny 
that was hydden in a mans house in Kent; to whom this examynate then awnnsweryd that he hadd 
no skyll in that scyence to geve hym tunderstond of any suche monny there ; and therupon the 
sayd Bedo was very earnest w* this examynate & requeryd hym to sett the fygure & to do his best 
thcrin; and upon his itnportunat sute this examynate sett a fygure & went w' hym into Kent to 
the house where the sayd monny was supposed to be to vewe the place, which was over M r Baryngtons 

State Papers, Dom. Eliz. 1570, vol. 71, No. 63. 



392 Observations on some Documents relating to Magic 

house at Brencheley in Kent; and at his beyng there which was by the space of xiiii. or xv. dayes 
dyd nothinge but make merry and after retorned from thens to Oxford ageyn, and sayeth that about 
Whitsontyde last the sayd Bedo came to Oxford to this examynate & requestyd hym to go ageyn 
into Kent to the sayd Barryngtons house to make merry ; at whose request this examynate went 
w* hym thether & beyng there and earnestly requested by the sayd Bedo to geve hym some certen 
knowlege whether ther were any monny hydden in the sayd house or not, this examynate then sayd 
to hym that he hadd don his uttermost and could prove nothing, and therupon this examynate for 
ferder assaye havyng a certen cristall stone about hym dyd call the spryte Oryence to see whether 
he wold appere in the sayd cristall to geve hym tunderstond whether ther were any monny hydd 
in the sayd house or not, which callyng was in the fyldes nere the sayd house of the sayd Barryngton 
in Kent, and ther apperyd no such sprete nor any other thing, wherupon this examynate dyd then 
ons ageyne declare to the sayd Bedo that he could doo no good in that matter ; and after thend of 
the Whitson holydaycs this examynate departed from thens to Oxford, where he remayned till suche 
tyme as M r Doctor Cooper Comyssary of Oxford dyd send for hym and dyd apprehend hym and 
sarched his chambrc and studye what thinges he hadd there and toke such monny as he hadd, and 
dyd sarche whether the same or any part thereof were dyminysed or inbased, which he could not fynd; 
and ferder sayetli such bookcs as this examynate hadde towelling the art of estromancy gematry and 
alcamistrye the sayd M r Cooper toke and sent w' this examynate unto the court to the privye 
counsayell from whence after he hadde byn examyned he was sent to the Towre of London to be 
kept as a prisoner/ And this examynate ferder sayeth that the sayd Bedo at his last beyng w' hym at 
his chambre in Oxford which was a little after Whitsontyde last saw this examynate lowkyng upon 
a booke made by John Baptista Porta Neappolitanus who wretyth of naturall magyge wherin there 
were soundry experymentes as well of metalles as of other thinges, emonges the which ther was on 
that treatyd of the demynishing of sylver and also of gevyng of weight unto sylver, which when this 
examynate hadd redde some part therof to the sayd Bedo the same Bedo desyred to geve hym the 
copye of that that wold geve weight unto sylver and that that wold make hit white & colored ageyn ; 
to whom this examynate sayd that if he wold be sworen upon a booke that he wold never use the 
same w l in the realme, and also upon condicion that he wold geve unto this examynate a tablett of 
gold he wold coppye the same for hym in Englishe ; and the sayd Bedo then sayd unto this 
examynate that he wold not only geve hym a tablett of gold for hys paynes, but also wold be 
sworren never to use hit in Englond sayeing that he wold goo by younde see & practyce the same 
upon Spanys ryalles And therupon this examynate dyd swere hym upon a booke that he shuld not 
practys the same wi"'n any of the Quenes domynyons ; and after the said Bedo departed to London 
and shortely after sent a tablett of gold and a letter to this examynate and a still of glasse by a pore 
man which this examynate receyved & by the sayd pore man sent the coppye of the sayd water to 
geve wight to the sayd Bedo And the sayd examynate being ferder demaunded whether he dyd 
lerne or teche the sayd Bedo or any other to make a powder to demynnes or inbasse sylver or to 
take any part from sylver coygne and not to impayre the prent therof sayeth that he never taught or 
lernyd hym or any other any suche art or connyng more then by reading of the aforsayd booke 
and declaryng the same in Englisse as ys wretyn in the same booke nor dyd ever trye any suche 
thyng upon any coigne nor canne make any powder or other thyng to demynys any sylver coigne or 
other coigne nor hadd ever any conference or talke w any person towching the sayd booke or any 



in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 393 

thing thcrin but only w' the sayd Bedo, nor hadd any other talke or comynycacion w l the sayd 
Bedo towching the demynyssyng or gevyng wyght to sylver orther then he hath before declared 
And this examynat being ferder demaunded whether he dyd ever practys or exercyse any invocacions 
or conjuracions to any wycked sprete for any intent or purpose sayethe that he never used or 
practyzed any suche thinge more then he hath before declared which was the first and last tyme 
that he ever made any suche invocacion and whiche he wold not have don but by the earnest 
request and desyre of the sayd Bedo And being ferder demaunded whether he ever practyzed the 
art of multyplicacion or alcamestrye sayeth that he about Mydsomer last dyd trye whether quyck- 
sylver wold hold together as ledde or not, but he could not bring it to any perfeccion & more 
he never practyzed or dyd. 

By me JOHN BULKELEY. 

JOHN SOUTHCOT. 

THOMAS STANLEY." 

Thexamynacion of William Bedo Stacyner taken the xxviii. of July A 1570 & in the xii. yere of 
the raigne of our most drad soveraigne Lady Quene Elizabeth before John Southcot on of the 
Quenes Ma tiM Justices and Thomas Standley esquier Treasuror of her Highnes Mynt. 

First this examynat sayeth that he was boren in Glocestre Sheirc w'in the Cytye of Glocestre 
and when he was about xii. yers of age he came to London and was bounde apprentyce to one 
Phillipc Skapulis Stacyoner then dwellyng in St. Clcmentes parysshe w'out Temple barr and who now 
dwellyth at Brystow and served hym as apprentyse the space of vii. yers and kept a shoppe for hym 
duryng the same tyme by the space of iiij. yers at Bristow afforsayd and after this examynat 
hadde the parsonage of Wraxall in Somerset Sheire in ferine iij. yers & duryng the same tyme gat a 
lytle stocke of.monny and then came to London and bought bookes & wares & went to Fayres and 
hyrcd a shoppe in the cytye of Lyncoln and there sold bookes about iij. or iiij. yers and after he 
come into Sussex to vysyte a brother of his dwellyng at Arrundell and from thens went into Kent 
to one M r Barrynton dwellyng at Brencheley who hadd stollen from hym out of his house viii. or 
x. 11 in monny and bcyng desyrous to know who hadde the same moved this examynate whether he 
dyd know any that could tell hym who stale his said monny from him to whom this examynate 
awnsweryd that he knew of nonne but sayed that he wold inquyre as he travelyd yf there were 
any suche wherupon betwyn Crismas & Candalmas last yt fortned this examynate to travell to 
Oxford and beynge thcyre inqueryd of dyvers whether ther were any there that could tell where 
monny stollen or lost might be founde and he sayeth that dyuers of the Skolers ther whose names 
he knowcth not told hym that one master John Bowkcley a studyant in New Inne could tell hym 
best thcrof and hereupon he went unto the sayd M r Bowckeley & dcsyred hym to tell hym who 
hadde stollen the sayd monny who awnnsweryd hym that he could not well tell but sayd that he 
wold cast a fugar for hyt and so dyd in very dedc and saycd that he dyd lowkc in a cristall stone 
for hit but for all that he colde fynde nothyng and then & there this examynate fell into famylycr 
acquentans and talke w' the sayd Bowckeley & then the sayd Bowckeley sayd unto this examynate 
that if he wold gcve hym a Tablett of gold that he wold teche hym the nrtc how to demynysshe 

State Papers, Dom. Eliz. 1570, vol. 71, No. 63, i. 
VOL. XL. 3 E 



394 Observations on some Documents relating to Magic 

any sylver coigne in the wayght not hurtyng the prcnt therof and also teche hym to make a water to 
geve the wight therof ageyn and thereupone this examynate agreed to send hym a Tablett of gold 
but the sayd Bowckeley wold not lerne hym the art to geve wight till suche tyme he hadd the 
Tablett and so this examynate departed from Oxford to London and lay at one M r Wryttes house 
dwellyng by Seynt Georges Churche in South warke and about vj. or vij. wekes last past bought a 
Tablett of gold in goldsmythes Eow in Chepsyde which cost hym iiij. li & ode monny and after 
inqueryng of the sayd M r Wryght where he might have a trustye man to carry a token and a 
letter to Oxford the sayd Wright provided hym a bromc man dwellyng in Kentys strcte in South- 
warke whose name this examynat knoweth not by whom upon the credyte of the sayd M r Wright 
he dyd send the sayd Tablett and his letter unto the sayd M r Bowckeley to Oxforde who delyveryd 
the sayd Tablett and letter to the sayd Bowckeley accordingly And thereupon the sayd 
Bowckeley sent a letter unto this examynate wherin he wrote how he shuld make the sayd water 
to give wight to the sylver coigne that shuld be lyghtened which letter this examynate showed unto 
M r Sccreatorye And this examynate ferder sayeth that the sayd Bowckeley before his departure from 
hym at Oxford dyd in his presence lerne hym how he shuld lighten any sylver coigne which was with 
a certen powder and other thinges the receyttes wherof he hath declared hertoforo to the sayd 
M r Secreatory and to the sayd M r Standley And this examynate beyng demaunded how manny 
peces of sylver coigne he hath demynysshcd & lightened w' the sayd poudcr & other thinges sythens 
he lernyd the same and where he dyd practyce & exercyse the sayd art and what sylver peces of 
coigne hit was that was so lightened to the first interragotory he sayeth that he hath lightened 
sythence lie lernyd the sayd art about an viij. or x. ii in monny and hath taken off as moche sylver 
from the same Icvyng the prcnt therof hole as amounteth to ij. onces of sylver And he hath don hit 
at Arrundell at his brother's house in Sussex and in dyvers other places as he hath rydden by the 
wayc where he logged w l a little fyre in a fyrc shovell and he sayeth that the most part of the coigne 
that he dyd demynysshe & lessen was xii. d & vi. d of the Quenes Ma tics coigne & some Spanyshc 
sylver and he ferder sayeth that the sayd Bowckeley told hym when he first taught hym the sayd 
art that hit was nonne offence in law to demynyshe the Spanys sylver/ And he sayeth ferder that 
the sylver which he toke of from suche peces of sylver coigne as he dyd demynyshe he dyd melt at 
Arrundell in his chambre in an iron ladcll and after brought the same to London and caused hit to 
be fyned by a gold fyner dwellyng in Aldergat Strete whose name he knoweth not but he sup- 
poseth that his name ys John Wheler And this examynate ferder sayeth that sythens his beyng 
at Oxford he never spake or sawe the sayd Buckeley but when they were together at the Court 
before the Councell/ and he ferder sayeth that he hath utteryd all the sayd peces of x\i. A & vi. d 
that he dyd so demynysshe as well in Sussex as in other Countryes as he travelled and also utteryd 
some of the same in the Cytye of London And this examynate ferder sayeth that he made non 
but one Fraunces Godely Stacyoner dwellyng in St. Gregoryes parysshe in London privey to his sayd 
art and promysed to lerne hym the same art so that he wold geve hym xl." in monny who promysed 
him to geve hym the sayd xl.' but be hath not reccyved hit as yet and more he cannot saye. 

JOHN SOUTHCOT. WYLLYAM BEDO. 

THOMAS STANLEY. 8 

a State Papers, Dom. Eliz. 1570, vol. 71, No. C3, ii. 



in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

The two following documents are curious illustrations of the belief that if a 
person wishes to bring about the death of any one with whom he is at enmity he 
has only to draw a picture or make a waxen image of such person, and then stick 
pins round about the heart, which process will, by the help of magic art, effect its 
purpose. The second document also mentions a crystal. 

One Atkinson beinge prisoner in Newgate & beinge acquainted w th one Robert Birche who as 
hee heard was knowen & well thoughte of by Sir Edward Hobby did sende for the said Birche to 
come to him to have his advise in his affaires ; & at his comynge Frauncis Norton beinge allso 
prisoner there said that the said Birche was a conjurer and coulde doe many thinges w ch beinge 
heard of M Dewse she desired Atkinson to bee a meane that shee mighte speake w" 1 Birche. 

At his cominge to her she told him that slice had heard of him & longe soughte for him & that 
the cause why she desired to speake w th him was that by his counsell & aide shee mighte bee 
revenged of her enemies, wherein she said he should greatly please God, for one of them was 
that thiefe Younge who lived by robbinge papistes thother was S r Rowland Heyward, Gunston, & 
Sye, whose pictures she said she would have made & then pricke them to the harte, or els that by 
his arte they mighte all dye an they did at the assises at Oxford. 

Birche aunswcred her that her practise was perilous & daungerous but he would thinke on the 
matter & tell her his opynion, & ymediately he imparted the matter to M r Younge who wished 
him to see what she had done but to beware that he did nothing himselfe, & cominge to her after- 
wardes she had prepared waxe rcquestinge him to make the pictures w ch hee said hee could not 
doe for that hee was lame & that hee was lothe to geve his consente w th out the consente of her 
husbande and shee said that her husband was afrayed to come in daunger, but hee would allowe her 
to geve asmuch as hee would, but yet hee should come to him. 

The nexte day Dewse came to Birche & said that he knewe the cause of his comynge by his 
wife & did saye that he would performe what shee had promised & would geve him xl h more & Birch 
said that hee had forgotten their names & Dewse wrote them w tu his owne hande & then he said 
he would thinke of the matter, & Dewse willed him to come home as soone as he coulde. 

Within two daics after Birche came to M rs Dewse & slice said that she was fully resolved to make 
the pictures of those villaynes & praied him because he could not doe them yet to stande by 
her & to tell her if slice did amisse, then she made three pictures, one for M r Younge & put a 
pynne into his harte, another for S r Rowland Heyward & putt a pynnc to his harte & another 
under his ribbes, & the third picture for Sye & put two pynnes in his eyes, & shortly after Dewse 
came to Birche & told him that hee feared Norton would betray them. 

M Dewse hath sent for Birche divers tymes since & sent him a sugar loafe & lemans & told him 
that shee thanked God some of her pictures did worke well and so she hoped would all the 
reste & desired him to come often to see them. 

Upon scarchc rnadc in Newgate two pictures were founde in her cubord by the Sheriffe in a 
secrete place w" 1 pynnes slicked in them as is aforesaid, and she told Birche that the third was 
broken & that shoe would make more & the said two pictures rcmaine in the custodie of 
M r Sebrighte towne clerke of London by commandment of the Lord Mayor & the Benche. 

[In dorso,"} Januarie 1589. Information against Dewses wief.* 

11 State Papers, Dora. Eliz. vol. 230, No. 30. 

3E2 



396 Observations on some Documents relating to Magic 

A true reporte of Mrs. Dewse her wordes conccrnlnge her meaninge and dealinge towardes the 
Lord Chancellor the Lord Chamberleyne Mr. Recorder & others whereof I remember no more 
of their names but the ShcrifFes. 

Firste she said, sir you are hartely wellcome, I sente for you yesterdaye to thende to praye you 
that if all my Frcndes deceyve me, & that if neither my pictures nor any thinge I can doe els will 
destroye rnyne enemies, that then you will stande so muche my goode Frendc to doe somcthinge 
by arte to destroye all those that are my husbandes enemies in a dampe as I heard some were at 
Oxford assises which are allmost all the benche by that villeyne Rowland Heyward & Younges 
meanes, who have since you were w th me sent the knaves Sheriffes to searchc my house who have 
geven me such abhominable wordes & sent my maide to the Coumpter & so uphelde Gunstone that 
murtherer in all his doinges, that noe woman is able to endure the same, For they had not onely 
done her these injuries & soughte to make her husband lose his office, w ch wouldc bee both her 
and her childrens undoingcs, but they had allso made the lord Chamberleyne that hee would not 
reade her husbandes peticions, and the Lord Chauncelor who was ever her husbandes frend woulde 
doe nothinge for her, & M r Recorder whom she thought would not have bcne her enemie, he 
likewise did now (as slice heard) take his parte that should have her husbandes office, & all was 
through the knaves Rowland Heywarde & Justice Younge & the Sheriffes meanes, and therefore 
as slice was myndod she would make all their pictures & pricke them w th pynnes, that they mighte 
thinke it was Gods doingc because they would suffer theeves to overthrows her husband w ll 'out any 
cause And tliat if I wouldc come to her againe w"'in two daycs after I should see howe shee had 
done them & in what order, for she mente to pricke them all at the hartc, & if they died all excepte 
the Lord Chauncelor, it was no matter, sayeing how say you is it not a good meanes to workc 
against my enemies, they tell me & I have often heard it is. Birclic aunswercd that it was a daun- 
gerous meanes & that slice were bcste to take good heede how she dealtc and whom she trusted in 
such matters ; and that the best meanes was to pray to God that hee would turne her enemies hartcs, 
& that for his parte he would bee glad hereafter if he could by any good meanes doe her pleasure. 
She aunswercd, I thank you, good Sir, & if I doe not prevaile by makingc my pictures, if then you will 
doe that for nice w rh was done at Oxford assises, my husband will geve you xl li. for your payncs ; 
Birch aunswercd he woulde doe any thinge hee could w th his owne & her safetie to doe her good, 
but hee woulde doc it for curtcsie and not for money Then said shee I pray you of all curtesie as 
ever you will doe any thinge for me take v s. of me to buy a great christall for me & when you come 
againe you shall sec what I will doe w th all & I will crave your opynion howe you like my Frendes 
counsell aboute the same. Birche said, I will buy it for you w th a good will & 1 pray God sende 
you good counsell ; & thereupon she gave him v s. sayeng she would fayne have him stay longer, 
but that she was afraycd to have him or any straunger sene w 11 ' her, by one Norton w ch was a 
prisoner, who would b^wraye all that hee coulde mistruste of her, And so she gcving him thankes 
for his paynes & hee gevinge her thankes for her giftes w ch were two lemons a sugar lofe & a 
capon they parted at that time. 

These speeches she uttered the same day she was apprehended. 

ROBT. BIRCHE. 

[7n dorso."] Birche his last conference w th M" Dewsc." 

State Paper?, Dom. Eliz. vol. 230, No. 31. 



in the reign of Qveen Elizabeth, 397 

Very soon afterwards we find another document among the State Papers which 
gives an account of various articles of witchcraft found in a field near London, 
including a crystal stone, on which was written Satan. 

May it please your wurshipp to understand That we John Gilbert and John Holmeade servauntes 
to Humfrey Weld citizen and grocer of London beinge at our masters house at Southstrete in the 
parishe of Edmonton the xxi th dale of this instant monith of September We are comaunded by the 
constable with others moe to make serche for certen men w ch weare about the arte of witchcraftc or 
conjuringe w ch men we founde in the feilde or closes of one Robert Hewes otherwise called Eobert 
Carpenter w ch ij conjurers when they espied us one of them fled awaye but the other of them we 
tooke w th certen lattyn bookes about him w ch are to be sene and he beinge carried, to the constables 
house and there kept we with diverse others retorned to their cabbyn w ch they had made under a 
great tree in the said closse of the said Eobert Hewes w th certen cirkells on the ground within the 
said cabbyn and one of the said cirkells was laid about with parchment written uppon w th crosses 
and by the said cabbyn we found a stoole with divers pottos by the same stoole, and a redd cock 
beinge dead by it and againste the said stoole a fayre cristall stone with this word (Sathan) written 
on yt Also a parchment writinge w lh three or foure scales of yellowe waxe at the same we found 
also in the same cabbyn a cope a sirpler a crowne a scepter gilte and a fayre broad sword ready 
drawen beinge sett upp againste the tree and diverse other bookes and writinges and a pece of brasse 
gilded with diverse lettres graven uppon it, and powders and rattes bane w cb the partie that Hed strawed 
in the waye disapointinge thereby our bloudd hounde And the partie w cb we tooke had about him 
the picture of Christe on the Crossc hanginge behinde his back under his doublet & on the same 
stringe before him the picture of serpentes or suche like And the said partie was brought by the 
constable before M r Justice Clark to be examined and we understand that the said conjurer is let 
goe uppon suerties to answere the same at the next sessions." 

To the best of my knowledge these documents have never before been noticed, 
and therefore I beg leave to submit them to the consideration of this Society as 
curious illustrations of the belief which formerly prevailed with regard to the 



magical art. 



State Papers, Dom. Eliz A.D. 1590, vol. 233, No. 72. 



398 



XXVII. Notice sur une ancienne Statue de Guillaume-le-Conquerant, conservfe 
dans VEglise de Saint- Victor-V Abbaye (canton de Tdtes, arrondissement de 
Dieppe.) Par M. L'ABBE COCHET, Hon. F.S.A. 



Read Jan. 18th, 1866. 



L'image des grands hommes est toujours pre"cieuse pour la posterity ; mais cette 
image le devient encore davantage si elle se rapproche du temps ou ont v6cu les 
he*ros, et si la representation offre les plus grandes chances de ressemblance avec 
les modeles. A defaut des traits du visage, les anciennes statues, lorsqu'elles 
sont contemporaines, ont au moins le m6rite de la fide'lite du costume, chose 
toujours importante dans la reproduction d'un personnage historique. Aussi 
est-ce avec un soin extreme et presque avec un culte que nous devons traiter les 
portraits que le passe* nous a laissds de ceux qui furent son honneur et la gloire 
de la patrie. 

Ces reflexions nous sont inspirees par une statue de Guillaume-le-Conquerant, 
due de Normandie et roi d'Angleterre, qui se conserve depuis des siecles h 
1'Abbaye de Saint- Victor-en-Caux, supprime'e depuis cent vingt ans, et dont 
1'eglise n'est plus qu'une simple paroisse rurale. 

Cette eglise cependant, quoique entierement reformde et refondue de 1750 a 
1755, conserve encore quelques traces de son origine ancienne et de sa destination 
premiere. Nous citerons spe'cialement des arcades de pierre du treizieme siecle, 
une jolie salle capitulairc du meme temps, et par dessus tout une curieuse statue 
de pierre, a, present placee au chevet exte"rieur de 1'eglise dans une niche faite 
expres pour elle, mais qui ressemble cependant a une fenfitre rebouch6e. 

Hatons-nous de le dire tout d'abord, cette statue n'est point & la place qui lui 
fut primitivement destinee. Elle e*tait autrefois placee & la porte du monastere 
qu'elle semblait avoir pour mission de garder. Une inscription du dernier siecle 
nous re" vele ce detail : 

Anglia victorem, dominum quern Neustria sensit 

Limina Victoria servat arnica sui; 
Sit procul hinc inimica manus, vigil excubat heros, 

Est Deus ipse intus; crede, pavesce, cole. 



Notice sur une ancienne Statue de Guillaume-le- Conquer ant. 399 

La raison pour laquellc le duc-roi est ainsi constitue gardien et protecteur de 
1'abbaye vient eVidemment de ce qu'il en dtait conside're' comme le fondateur. 
C'e"tait du moins 1'opinion des derniers moines b6nedictins, et probablement aussi 
celle de l'Abb6 Terrisse, auquel nous attribuons 1'inscription suivante, a present 
placde a c6te" de 1'image et en face de celle que nous venons de dormer : 

Guillelmus Conquestor 

Anglorum rex, Normannorum dux, 

Abbatiae sancti Victoris fundationera confirmavit 

Anno salutis 1074. 

Le prieure" de Saint- Victor, primitivement fond6 en 1051 par le pretre Tormord 
et par Roger de Mortemer, fut clove 1 , en 1074. a la dignit6 d'abbaye par Jean 
d'Avranches, arckeveque de Rouen, et par le duc-roi de la Normandie." 

Guillaume, heureux dans ses guerres, cut toujours une deVotion particuliere 
pour le glorieux soldat de Marseille. Une vieille tradition, connue dans le pays, 
et presque aussi ancienne que la statue, pretend que le Conqu6rant obligeait les 
moines a allumer, chaque nuit, des feux sur leur cloclier pour e"clairer a travers 
le pays la marcbe de son arm6e. b 

C'est eVidemment a ces divers titres de bienfaiteur, de restaurateur, et de 
second fondateur, que Guillaume fut Iionor6 dans 1' Abbaye de Saint- Victor, et que 
son image y fut reve'ree. II est probable que les religieux, dirig6s peut-etre par 
rAbbe" Barthelemy (1268-1277), auront fait dresser 1'image de leur patron 
terrestre c et 1'auront placdc a I'entre'e du monastere splendidement r6gene're', d car 

a Neustria pia, p. 545. Gallia Christiana, t. xi. p. 26 1. Instrumenta, p. 13. Pommeraye, Histoire de 
Fabbaye royals de Saint Oven de Rouen, pp. 348-353. Duplessis, Description Geographic/lie et Historique de la 
Haute-Normandie, t. i. p. 119. Guilmeth, Descr. Giogr. Hist. Stat. et Man. des Arrondissements de Dieppe, 
t. i. pp. 230-31. 

b Cette tradition n'a rien d'invraisemblable. Un fait de guerre, rapporte par Orde'ric Vital, semble lui 
donner raison. Notre grand historien Normand raconte que Hugues de Gournay, s'dtant soulevd en 1118 
centre le duc-roi de la Normandie, s'avanya dans le Talon et le pays de Caux. II y fit quelquo temps une 
guerre acharnde " qui crudelissimam in Talou et in Calentensi pago gucrram faciebat." Guillaume du 
Tancarville charge de protdger les Cauchois vint dire a Henri II. " Ecce Caletcnses mittunt me ad te." LP 
roi ne tarda pas Ji venir, et un combat eut lieu pres d'Ouvillc-l'Abbaye. Le fils du seigneur de St. Laurent 
en-Caux y perdit la vie, et son corps fut inhume dans 1'abbaye de Saint- Victor. Ord. Vital. Hist. Eccl. 
lib. xii. 

c II parait bien que les anciens moines, du moins ceux de la Normandie, se plaisaient i\ conserver au 
milieu d'eux les images de leurs bienfaiteurs, car les historiens de Jumieges nous assurent que dans ce grand 
monastere on a vu perseverer jusqu'a la revolution les statues de Clovis, de Bathilde, de Dagobert, de Kollon, 
de Guillaume Longue-Epe'e, ct de Charles VII. Deshayes, Histoire de V Abbaye royale de Jumieges, p. 183. 

d Dans le choeur de Saint- Victor est une dalle du treiziime siecle, presque eflhcee, et sur laquelle on lit, 



400 Notice sur une ancicnne Statue de G-uillaume-le- Conque'rant. 

la salle capitulaire, les batiments claustraux, et 1'dglise tout entiere furent 
renouvelds au treizieme siecle. Les pierres qui restent proclament fortetnent 
cette reconstruction. 

Si 1'dglise a dtd en grande partie ddmolie au dernier siecle, si le monastere a 
presque completement disparu, du moins il nous est restd deux belles choses de 
cette grande et curieuse dpoque : la salle capitulaire et la statue de Guillaume. 

Deja nous avons ddcrit cet dldgant Chapitre dont M. Andrd Durand prepare une 
belle reproduction." Aujourd'hui nous ne parlerons quo de 1'image royalc, la 
plus ancienne qui nous soit restde d'un prince qui remplit son siecle de sa 
renommde, qui fut 1'honneur de la nation Normande, et qui est demeurd 1'une 
des plus grandes figures du Moyen-Age. 

Nous croyons que 1'Angleterre, la France, et la Normandie seront heureuses de 
connaitre les traits du grand homme par la reproduction qui se rapproche le plus 
de 1'original. (Planche XXII.) 

Cette statue, haute de deux metres, et en pierre de taille, doit appartenir a la 
fin du treizieme si&cle ou au commencement du quatorzieme. Par sa forme elle 
rappelle les images funebres des Enervds de Jumieges, des dues Rollon et Guil- 
laume Longue-Epde, qui se voient h la cathddrale de Rouen, et des rois Anglo- 
Normands de la famille des Plantagcnet. Je cite surtout parmi ces derniers la 
statue de Richard Coeur-de-Lion, que Ton voit a Rouen, et celles de Henry II, et 
de Jean-sans-Terre, qui existent encore a Fontevrault. Je pourrais en dire 
autant de la plupart des images sdpulcrales des rois de France, refaites au 
treizi6me siecle par les abbes de Saint-Denis. Comme ses contemporaines, la 
statue de Guillaume a dtd pcinte et dorde, suivant un usage gdndral & cette 
dpoque. " Malheureusement," dit M. Deville, " elle a re9u plusieurs couches suc- 
cessives, ce qui 1'a un peu clefiguree : la premiere couche dtait un bleu d'outremer, 
a laquelle on a superpose" de 1'or, puis a celle-ci du rouge. Le fond du manteau 
etait egalement blanc, forrnant damier avec Tor ; plus tard on 1'a peint en blanc 
mouchete' en or. Le pommeau de I'epde est dord, le reste en vert-pommc ; la tete 
egalement a 6te peinte, et les cheveux ont dte" dords." 

Le duc-roi est vetu d'une longue robe, qui ferme par devant. Un manteau 
royal, ndgligemmcnt jete sur les dpaules, est soutenu a 1'aide de deux cordons, 
dont la main droite tient les glands sur la poitrine. Les dtoffcs paraissent 

non sans peine, quelques mots, reste de vers leonins. C'est precis^ment le nom de 1'Abbe Barthelemy, 

" . . . . JACET ABBAS : BARTHOLOMA(EVS) . . . ." 

a Excursion Pittoresque et ArcMol. dam les Environs de Dieppe, 3 partie, No. 21. 



Vol. XL. Plat,- \.\lf. t >. 4m. 




STATUE DB OUILLAUMR-LK-CONQUfiKANT. 
EOLISE DK RAINT-VIOTOR-I/ABBAYE. 



Notice sur une ancienne Statue de Guillaume-le-Conqurant. 401 

ramage'es et frangdes avec une certaine elegance. Un ceinturon, disons mieux 
un baudrier de cuir, passe au-dessous de 1'aiselle et serre le corps du prince, 
suivant la coutume civile et militaire de ce temps-la. Le ceinturon est de'core' de 
fleurs qui font saillie, et il ferme & 1'aide d'une boucle carre"e, qui sent bien le 
Moyen-Age. La tenninaison flotte devant la robe a la bauteur des jambes. Du 
milieu du baudrier part une laniere, qui soutient, au cdte" gauche, une longue et 
large e'pe'e. 

Cette e'pe'e, qui a pres d'un metre de longueur, semble reposer dans un fourreau 
de me'tal. Dans sa partie haute, ce fourreau est orne* d'une croix de Malte, sem- 
blable a nos croix d'absolution des onzieme et douzieme siecles. La garde, fort 
simple, se compose d'une traverse qui fait la croix. Le pommeau est triangulaire, 
et la poigne*e est cercle"e. C'est parfaitement 1' e'pe'e du treizieme siecle, telle 
qu'on la trouve dans les musses et sur les tombeaux de cette riche et curieuse 
e"poque. 

Les cheveux du roi sont courts et Idgerement boucMs, comme au temps de 
Saint Louis. Sur sa tete est un simple bandeau royal, qui fut pare* de cabochons. 
La couronne qui 1'a surmonte'e longtemps est en platre, et parait une addition 
poste"rieure. 

Sa main droite ne pose pas sur la garde de son dpde ; mais ainsi que nous 
1'avons deja dit, elle est releve*e sur la poitrine, ou elle serre les cordons qui 
soutiennent le manteau. Cette attitude est celle que Ton remarque a Saint Denis 
sur plusieurs images royales du treizieme siecle. 

De la main gauche il tient un sceptre brise", dont le sommet restitue" par 1'artiste 
dut 6tre autrefois fleurdelyse". 

Les deux pieds sont 6peronn6s, et les deux c"perons sont a pointc, selon 1'usage 
de ce temps. 

C'est a regret que nous ajouterons en terminant que cette royale image, digne 
de figurer au Palais de Versailles ou au Musee des Souverains, a 6t6 depuis long- 
temps d^robde aux regards et cach<5e dans un lieu bien peu digne d'elle. Get e"tat 
de choses, peu honorable pour notre pays, a souvent prdoccupe" 1' Administration 
D6partementalc et la Commission des Antiquite"s. a 

M. le Maire de Saint Victor, dont le patriotisme 6gale les lumieres ct le gout, 
a cherche" aussi le moyen de faire cesser une situation anormalc qui pesait & son 
cceur de Normand et de Fra^ais. 

Enfin, en Ddcembre 1864, il a die" possible de tirer de sa place obscure 1'antique 

Proces-verbaux de la Commission des Antiquite's de la Seine-Inf. t. i. pp. 34, 78, 244, t. ii. p. 85. 
VOL. XL. 3 p 



402 Notice stir une ancienne Statue de Guillaume-le-Conguerant. 

et ve'ne'rable image du Conque'rant, et de la placer dans une niche nouvelle plus 
convenable que la pre'ce'dente. Cette niche, pratiqu6e au c6t6 m6ridional du 
choeur, met la statue a proximit6 de la grande route, et en vue de la place 
publique. Ainsi, ddsormais, habitants et Strangers pourront contempler a 1'aise 
les traits d'un prince qui fut le bienfaiteur de la contre"e, la gloire de la Normandie, 
et le fondateur d'un empire qui dure encore au dela des mers. Nous ne devons 
pas laisser ignorer au pays qu'il doit cette heureuse transformation de 1'image a la 
bienveillance de M. le S6nateur PreTet de la Seine-Infe'rieure et a la ge'ne'rosite' de 
M. le Maire de Saint- Victor, qui auront ainsi contribu6 a populariser Timage du 
plus grand des Normands, laquelle est aussi le plus curieux monument des 
alentours. 






403 



XXVIII. On the Excavations at Silchester. By the Rev. JAMES GERALD JOYCE, 
B.A., F.S.A., Rector of Stratfieldsaye, and Rural Dean. 



Read May 24th, 1865. 

THE Roman city known to us under the name of Silchester forms part of a 
large farm upon the Hampshire estates of his Grace the Duke of "Wellington. 
The land was occupied till very lately by Mr. Barton, whose name is familiar to 
archaeologists in connection with the place as having formed a small hut inte- 
resting collection of coins and antiquities found within or around the walls. At 
Mr. Barton's death, in 1864, this collection was purchased hy his Grace. 

At the date when this purchase was made, the Duke conceived a wish to carry 
out some investigation of the ground within the walls. A preliminary inspection 
of the land was consequently made by me in August 1864, with a view to report 
upon the most advisable plan. Three courses were submitted for his Grace's 
decision; viz. 

First : To excavate the site of the villa which had been partially exposed in 
February 1833. This offered certainty without delay. 

Second : To open at the intersection of the two main roads which traversed the 
entire space at right angles. The point where they cross each other could be 
fixed with perfect accuracy. This promised to lead to public buildings of 
importance. 

Third : To ascertain where the plough had most recently struck foundations of 
any size, and lay them bare, so as to trace from them as a starting point. Such 
spots would be of all the most easy to reach, and demanded examination more 
than others, because obviously more exposed to inevitable damage in agriculture. 

A further recommendation was added, for obvious reasons, that, in whatever 
plan was followed, careful inquiry should be kept in view for any traces of the 
place of sepulture. This would no doubt be outside the walls. 

His Grace, upon this Report, decided that the third course had most in its 
favour ; and an excavation was ordered to be commenced at a spot pointed out 
by Mr. Cooper, the present tenant, as one where the plough had recently grazed 
a buried pavement. 

Such is a brief preliminary statement of the circumstances under which this 

8i9 



404 Excavations at Silchester. 

most important archaeological work has hecn begun. I shall now proceed to give 
an outline of the result up to the present date.* 

It is necessary first to fix the point at which operations commenced. A modern 
highway passes completely across the area inside the walls (see Plate XXIII.), bear- 
ing about west-north-west. This divides the whole into two unequal parts, there 
being about two-thirds on the south, and the remaining third on the north, of the 
modern road. The villa opened in 1833 lay on the further skirt of the south portion, 
close by the city wall. The spot pointed out by Mr. Cooper as that where the 
plough had recently glinted several feet along the face of a pavement was in the 
position lying to the north of the highway, and as nearly as possible at its centre. 
It was near the heart of the city, and might be described as virgin ground to the 
archaeologist, no excavation of any kind having ever been made near it. 

Here an opening was tried on November 1st, 1864, and after a search, of only 
half-an-hour the pavement we were in quest of was reached by the spade, at a 
depth of nine inches perpendicular below the surface. It proved ultimately to 
be the central gallery or corridor of a small Roman house, which stood at a corner 
where two minor streets crossed each other. Of this house (as subsequently 
developed) I will now give a description. 

A traveller in Roman times, on his way from London to Bath, would reach 
Silchester by one day's march from Staines, that is to say, from the Roman station 
Bibrax, or Poutes. He would enter Silchester by the eastern gate, close to the 
amphitheatre. If on entering the city, instead of keeping the main road, he were 
to turn to his right, and take the first narrow street he met leading westward, he 
would in a few minutes arrive at this corner house. It faced the north. Its 
front measures on the outside along the street 64 feet, and the street entrance 
was in the corner of this front furthest from our traveller, i.e. the north-west. 
The entry from the street was a passage 5 feet wide by nearly 20 feet long ; its 
floor apparently yellow clay over rammed gravel, except at the inner end, where 
about 6 feet of it is paved with the ordinary red tesserae of chipped tile, about an 
inch cubic each. Lying in this entry nearest the street were rib-bones of oxen, 
several bits of the " round bones " chopped by a butcher (all in the same way), 
and oyster-shells. The presence of several large iron spike-nails here indicated a 
wooden frame and door. 

Passing into the house through this entry we find ourselves standing at the 
extreme west end of the corridor first struck. This runs, so far as could be 
ascertained, the whole length of the house through its centre, being itself 60 feet 

24th May 1865. 



Vol Al 1 : 



PLAN OF 

SIL CHESTER 

WITHIN THE WALLS, 



slirwinj* tlie EsoWWliMU up to 
October. 18I.C, 



Scalp 100 Feet to i In. ii 



TTujf flan if latd rfo. itit n r 
vnfy. and ru>t sufiftheti <*a 








Minor Street from East to West 



-/, ;-.// .-.!, n, 

probably reef trf* a, sHecL, ousro&s 
frvnv -wail' to w 




SILCHESTER EXCAVATIONS. 

GROUND PLAN 
of 

BLOCK I . 



Scale B* Inch to Foot 






KellBro'Laho Ctle S^HoIbern. 



Excavations at Silchester. . 405 

long by 9 feet wide. This corridor was paved with white stone tesserae. If we 
look along it from where we stand at its western extremity with our faces due 
east, we have on the left five rooms, on the right two. To assign the purpose 
of each room from the fragment of its floor, or from its shape, would be extremely 
hazardous, but one of the number was a kitchen. It is that furthest from where 
we stand, on the left. The others had floors of tesserae, this of yellow clay only ; 
and here were found a portion of a Roman mill-stone, a variety of broken pottery, 
including part of the side of an amphora which had once been carefully mended 
and retained a leaden rivet within a drilled hole, several small bits of glass, of 
which one small fragment belonged to a very delicate glass vessel which had 
pillars or ornaments applied upon its surface, and a lump of lead molten into a 
mass upon the clay floor under the action of great heat. Many bones were also 
found here. The floor of this room is 19 feet by 9 feet 6 inches. 

The other rooms on the same side of the corridor measure respectively, the 
first, 13 feet 10 inches by 19 feet, with a floor of red tesserae nearly perfect ; the 
second, 8 feet 6 inches by 10 feet, with a floor of white tesserae somewhat 
damaged ; the third, 8 feet 6 inches by 6 feet, with a floor of white tesserae ; the 
fourth, 15 feet by 19 feet, with a floor of white tesserae, only a few of which 
remained. 

In the last floor there was a deep circular cavity, apparently lined with 
square 8-inch tiles. It was the result of some alteration. At one time a well 
lined with flints was beneath this spot. It had been filled, covered in, and 
floored over ; but the floor was not laid, as the remainder of this room, with white 
tesserae, but with red tiles, covering a space of 8 feet square. After the house 
had been deserted, and when a mass of material accumulated above, the filling 
of the well subsided very gradually, not displacing the tiles. The whole square 
of newer flooring then sunk till its centre was as much as 4 feet 6 inches lower 
than the level at which it had been laid, leaving a great basin 6 feet in diameter, 
which still retained the tiles in rows ; and in this state it was when exposed. It 
lay open during the past winter, when the snow which drifted into it changed its 
appearance by causing the rows of tiles to detach themselves and slide down into 
the middle of the bottom." 

8 Extract from Journal of Excavation, subsequent: " 7th May 1866. Previous to filling back the mould 
to cover in the house No. 1 , again, the circular basin was dug through at the centre. From below the tiles 
were raised fragments of wall plaster, with colour, the colours being quite strong at first, a small bronze coin 
of Claudius Gothicus, a little piece of jet black wood, not rotten, but exceedingly hard, and a few bones of 
oxen." 



406 Excavations at Silchester. 

Upon the right of the corridor, as already stated, are two rooms. One directly 
faces the entry from the street, measuring 24 feet 3 inches by 8 feet. It had 
been paved with red tesserae, a portion of which, 11 feet in length, was found 
perfect at the end next the corridor. 

Midway down this gallery, on the same side, is a recess or small room, 
rectangular in shape, open to the corridor along its front, which measures 
12 feet 6 inches, and is recessed to a depth of 7 feet. The floor here was 
of a superior quality; within a margin at each end of it, 12 inches wide, 
was a mosaic of fine work. The small portion left was the central point of a 
geometrical pattern in tesserae of half-inch cubes. They had been laid in pink 
mortar over concrete, and the colours were pure white, drab white, yellow, red, 
and black. It had, unfortunately, perished under successive ploughings, the 
very imperfect fragment which was left measuring about 2 feet by 1 foot 6 inches. 
A careful drawing of this was obtained at once, for it was in a very frail state, 
and during the extreme severity of the winter which so rapidly followed, although 
every care was taken to protect it beneath a wooden shutter, the alternations of 
frost, snow, and thaw entirely disintegrated the pattern, so that by spring nothing 
definite could be traced. Here, perhaps, was the little lararitim of the house. 

This completes internal details. On the outside two narrow streets crossing at 
right angles at the north-west corner ran, one along the northern, the other along 
the western wall. Upon the south were a small yard and a long narrow shed, 
separated from each other by the projection of the last-described room. In the 
yard was a quantity of oyster shells, many bones, and fragments of pottery. 
That the space cast of the recessed room on the outside of the house was shedded 
over is conjectured because the eastern end wall of the dwelling is prolonged to 
match the projection of the above room, including thus a space 19 feet 3 inches 
in length. Within this space lay a number of heavy stone roofing slabs, 
apparently different from the material used to cover the rest of the house. These 
slabs appeared to be lying where they had slidden down when their supports 
gave way. 

The walls are throughout of flint. The outside walls vary from 24 to 27 inches 
in width ; the inside walls from 19 to 23 inches ; they have perished to within 
two inches of the floors, and in some places are level with them. 

The coins found in excavating this house were all of bronze and of a late 
period. They commence with the reign of Victorinus and extend to that of 
Valens ; no rare type was among them. A considerable number were entirely 
illegible ; these apparently belong to the age of the Constantines. 



fK 




' 




GROUND PLAN 



Tfn.s fH'rhi'tij cnty 
//r//'M tin- 
r*? ly th** 



OF 



'R 1 

> -L. 



SILCHESTER EXCAVATIONS, 



S<-:ilc, id 1 . Iiich-to a foot. 




LIST OF COINS AS FOUND 



Hotiliis. 



Doiuiliaii 

Trajaii 

S:iliin:i (Iladi-iail) 

Antoninus Pius 



. N? 2* 

24:. 

13. 

2-t. 

. 1. UJ. 

Claudius II 1.7. 

Postuiuus 1. 20. 

Ti-li-icus Ser 3. 

Victorinus 

AIiLxiiiiiHiius I. 7. 

Coiistantius ( 'I. i.ii-u s 7. 

Carausuis 1. *. 5. 6. 7. 

Allectu* 7. 

Coiiitnntine G& 1. 18. 

Const aitiiu>j>oli 1H. 

I'l-llS Kol I I.I 5. 

Crispua ......... . .1. 

Const mis 1 . 

Vnlons 1. 7. 

Valentiiiiiiii I 7. 

7. 



Excavations at Silchester. 407 

A second house was opened at a short distance from the first whilst the latter 
was in progress. To this, for the sake of distinctness, the name of Block n. was 
given. In extent of area this second excavation far exceeds the first, and, as it is 
still far from completed, the details are passed over until the entire site has been 
examined. 

As I am about to pass from this second to a third excavation close to it, which 
I propose to describe, it is necessary to point out the position they both occupy 
in relation to the Block or House No. I., and to each other. 

There was no doubt that in the first excavation we had been working among 
the smaller streets. It appeared important that the next essay should be made 
in preference upon one of the principal lines. Now the great road traversing the 
city due north and south could readily be followed by a line drawn directly from 
the centre of the north gate to the centre of the south gate ; and it was quite 
obvious that the smaller street already spoken of, as passing from east to west 
along the front of the first excavation, crossed this great north road at right 
angles. The distance from the westernmost quoin of House I. to the centre of 
the intersection of the small with the great street was a little over 400 feet. 
This intersection was accordingly taken as a clue, and search was made at a 
distance of 15 to 20 feet from it upon its north and south sides, for the two 
corner houses likely to have stood there with their faces to the west. Both 
were found without difficulty ; that on the south was discovered earliest, and 
hence is described as Block u. ; that on the north (now entirely cleared) being 
Block in. 

Block in. resembles in plan the Roman dwellings found in various parts of 
England, but in internal arrangements would seem to have been less luxurious 
than a villa. The area circumscribed by its extreme dimensions is 98 feet 
6 inches by 126 feet. Its plan is that of a large quadrangle or peristylium 
53 feet 6 inches by 41 feet 7 inches, round three sides of which ran a gallery, 
whilst on its fourth side were the entrance and three principal living rooms. The 
remaining apartments were disposed so as to be accessible from two sides of the 
gallery. (See Plate XXIV.) 

The living rooms were on the west, and ranged along the line of the great road. 
Two of these rooms (Nos. 1 and 8) were warmed by hypocausts from the heat of 
a single furnace : their floors measured about 20 feet by 16 feet. The hypo- 
causts offer no novel features ; the rooms were side by side, and one hypocaust 
communicated beneath the floor with the other. In that which contained the 
furnace (No. 8) the floor had been supported upon the usual pilse composed of 



408 Excavations at Silchester. 

8-inch tiles, in columns alternately square and octagonal ; a block of somewhat 
irregular but substantial masonry sustained that part which was nearest the fire. 
The other hypocaust (No. 1) was constructed in a somewhat different way (see 
Plate XXV.) ; the floor rested on a solid bank all round to a distance of four feet 
from the walls, through which bank ducts or cuts were made from the centre radia- 
ting to the walls, one at each angle, and one midway at each side, showing to the 
eye a sort of union-jack pattern ; the centre itself was dug out to form a rect- 
angular well or sunken area 8 feet by 10 feet, filled with pilse of tiles (one tile 
only, but that one enough to tell its tale, was left in position) ; the faces of these 
ducts or radiating channels were masoned up in flint, and flues rose perpendicularly 
in the walls of this room, where the ducts terminated. Nearly similar hypocausts 
are figured in plates viii., xvi., and xxn. of Mr. Artis's Delineations of Roman 
Buildings at Castor. Portions of the margins of the pavement of this room 
remained in the floor ; these consisted of tesserse of the most ordinary description in 
stripes of red and white. There is every indication, however, to suggest that this 
is the fragment of some floor of later date than the hypocaust itself, the masonry 
of which appears to have been laid in mortar and executed with some care ; 
these tesserae are laid merely upon a bed of rubbish, and not in concrete, and 
in all probability they belong to the later ages of Roman occupation. 

In both these living-rooms there has been most likely a central pavement of a 
better and finer kind ; and with respect to this an interesting enigma remains 
for archaeologists, viz., Avhen were these pavements removed? They did not 
perish by violent outrage, for there are no traces left, the removal being complete 
and entire ; nor by the decay of age, fdr tesserae of hard stone do not vanish or 
waste by lapse of time. There is a circumstance connected with the room nearest 
the furnace which is both curious and suggestive. Along two of its sides (one of 
them the side upon the great road), the house-wall has been anciently dug clean 
away from below the foundations, without leaving a vestige behind. This has not 
been done elsewhere, and it appears as if the object was by doing this to gain 
access from underneath to the lower side of this floor. So completely is a removal 
of material evidenced, that in an area where eighty (at least) of the little support- 
ing pillars of tiles stood, all had disappeared entirely except eight along the inner 
side, furthest from where the hypocaust was broached ; each pillar had been com- 
posed of about fifteen tiles, and consequently above one thousand have been 
removed. Amongst the rubbish which was dug through in excavating, many 
tiles of large size, both flanged and flat, were found, but they were those on which 
the concrete of the floor had been supported, and which formed the suspensura, 



Vol. XL PlXX7p.408. 



SILCHESTER EXCAVATIONS. 



.jSififc2s 




RADIATING HYPOCAUST IN BLOCK III. 



, 

: 



cc 

o 

z 



I- 
< 









Small Street. 18 feet wide 




FLOOR OF MIXED TILES & TESSER/E, 

IN AN APARTMENT SUPPOSED TO HAVE BEEN A SHOP. 






Excavations at Silchester. 409 

not the pillars. At one point a row of four cap tiles was found, lying side by side, 
exactly as the hand of the mason had first placed them ; they still touched each 
other, and had not parted in any way, hut they were not in their original plane, 
nor did they lie square to any wall, but, as a consequence of their supports having 
been removed from beneath, they had slidden forward as if tilted toward the 
centre, and that in a diagonal direction to the line of wall ; below were no pilse ; 
above no concrete ; it follows almost beyond doubt that in these we have 
evidence of the removal of the tesselated floor, by disengaging it piecemeal from 
underneath. Who carried away the mosaics, the Roman masters of Silchester, 
or their barbarian successors ? 

The third living-room lies at the south-west angle of the building. Its floor is a 
rare example of Roman tiled work. (See Plate XXV.) It measures 16 feet square; 
in the middle is a rectangular figure, bounded by a single line of square 8-inch tiles, 
fourteen in the row. The inside of this figure is filled by red hexagons, which leave 
a diamond-shaped interstice wherever four of the hexagons meet, and these spaces 
are filled by nine small drab tesserae of stone. The outside of the figure, between 
the rectangle and the walls, was filled by octagons, leaving small square interstices 
between every four, also filled by nine small drab tesserae. It is not quite 
regular, octagons occuring sometimes where hexagons ought to be, and some of 
the spaces having been filled with black, not white, tesserse, and some with small 
tiles ; but the effect where the pattern is adhered to is remarkably pleasing, from 
the variety of form and colour, though entirely simple. The floor has been badly 
patched in mending by the last occupants ; and at the south-east corner it is 
broken quite away, heavy flints in considerable number lying upon it just here." 

About the middle of the northern side of the house, in a space which can just 
be discerned to mark the floor of a room 20 feet square, was the remains of a 
mosaic. A very insignificent fragment of the border was left to indicate its 
presence ; the pattern was apparently a diamond-shaped lozenge between bands of 
a similar tint, the only colours perceived being black, white, and red. The mosaic 
had been 12 feet square, but lying only a very few inches under the surface had 
been almost entirely ploughed up. 

One particular of a very suggestive nature attaches to one of the rooms upon 
the northern side. In that which is numbered 17 on the ground plan, the walls 

a There is little doubt that this is a floor of very late date, and formed by using the tiles (squares 
octagons, and hexagons) which had in its first construction been employed as the pilse of a hypocaust. In 
its latest occupation the room was very probably a shop, being at a corner, and in an excellent position. 
The streets of Pompeii supply many examples of such shops along the fronts of great mansions. 

VOL. XL. 3 G 



410 Excavations at Silchester. 

appeared badly built, as if executed in baste. They were not laid in mortar but 
in dark mould or mud; they consisted, however, of flints in courses, with frag 
ments of broken tiles. On closely examining the portion of wall along the 
northern side of this apartment, it was found to have been raised above the 
undisturbed remains of a burnt house ; there was at bottom a bed of d6bris, con- 
sisting chiefly of mortar and wall plaster, with pieces of tile ; above this was a 
layer of charred wood from two to three inches thick, and on the top of it a seam 
of wall plaster again, over which two courses of flints (the bottom of the new wall) 
remained as they had been laid. A careful drawing was made at once of this 
singular evidence of a rebuilding, and as the later work was so badly done as to 
be particularly perishable, such a drawing must soon be the only record left of 
this curious fact. 







Wall built over a seam of charred wood. 



The quadrangle (7) bears no trace of having been roofed over, yet no indication 
has been found of a provision to carry off the rainfall. At its centre a hole was 
dug to a depth of 5 feet in searching for the remains of an impluvium, but none 
was found. The following entry from the rough note of the excavation of this 
quadrangle may be interesting. " Feb. 4, 1865. Oyster shells, a great quantity 
in north-east corner ; wall plaster painted red in same place ; a small pan of dark 
grey ware, broken ; a heavy iron door-catch ; yellow clay at bottom ; many small 
red and black tesserae loose among the rubbish, such as would have been in 
mosaic work." The galleries running quite round three of its sides were 8 feet to 
9 feet wide, that on the north paved with very hard coarse white tesserae, and in 
good condition ; on the east with red, and in a bad state ; and on the south lines 
of red, white, and black, somewhat irregular and a good deal mended at different 
dates of occupation. At the centre of each gallery was an exit into the quadrangle. 

The other rooms are in some instances so small as to leave no doubt that they 
were intended, according to Roman habits, for sleeping chambers. Two however 
are of considerable size and do not appear to have been meant for that use ; one of 
these is about 20 feet square, and the other still larger ; the end wall of the latter 
has perished, but the floor appears to have measured 20 feet by 30 feet. A 



Excavations at Silchester. 411 

discovery of some interest attaches to this floor, which is numbered 19 on the 
plan. When the excavation had reached the level of the tesserae of its pavement 
(of which a few square feet only remained) it was noticed that a portion of the 
tesselation, not quite at the centre, suddenly broke off in a straight line, its last 
few courses sinking downward toward the middle. This was suggestive of a 
hollow in the floor ; search was therefore ordered to be carefully made, the mould 
there proving peculiarly soft and yielding. When the superincumbent layer was 
removed the shape of the hollow was clearly discerned. It was an oblong cavity 
6 feet in length, 3 feet 6 inches in width, and about 2 feet deep, and had been 
roughly faced with flints on three sides. It contained indubitable evidences of 
its use. It had been the place of the strong box of the mansion, which had been 
sunk in the floor for safety, instead of being built into a wall as we place them. 
A wooden framing or collar had been let into the pavement, and a wooden box 
constructed within it, having some pieces of flanged tiles beneath the bottom to 
raise it above the damp. Three formidable iron hinges turning in loops, whose 
ends were spiked through the collar and clenched behind it, supported the lid. 
These hinges stood one in the centre and one at each end, and had oak plank 
about \\ inch thick bolted down upon them ; the bolts remain projecting from 
them still, with portions of wood fibre adhering ; the lid when shut was flush with 
the pavement of the floor. The superincumbent pressure in lapse of ages has 
caused the hinges to curve downward at their centres. To complete the fittings 
there were found within the lock-plate, the key, and the iron handle to lift the 
lid; but beyond a little jet black humus above the flanged tiles (the relic of the 
planks out of which the box had been constructed) nothing else was discovered." 




Remains of the Strong Box. Block III. 



11 It will readily be remembered that a somewhat similar incident occurred in the excavations at Pompeii, 
which gave its name to the " House of the Quaestor " there. In that instance two chests bound with iron 
had been fastened against the wall. 

3o2 



412 Excavations at Silchester. 

The articles found during the excavation of this large area are few compared 
with its extent, and consist chiefly of coins. These range over a wide period of 
Roman history, commencing with the year A.D. 87 (Domitian, Cos. xiii.) and 
reaching to A.D. 375 (Valentinian I.) ; a large proportion of them belong to the 
family of the Constantines. Only a few are of uncommon type. The most 
noticeable are two of Carausius. In one Carausius is helmeted on the ob- 
verse in an imbricated cuirass, holding a javelin, with the inscription " VIRTUS 
CARATJSII ;"' in the other there is the peculiarity of the reverse bearing above the 
usual " Pax" figure, the legend " PAX ATTGGG," this formula being commemorative 
of the recognition of Carausius as Emperor by the two other Augusti Diocletian 
and Maximianus. b A similar coin was found some years back at Reculver, but 
they are of rare occurrence. 

The articles of iron in addition to those already mentioned (the hinges, lock- 
plate, key, and handle,) are the pieces of an iron strigil found in the prcefurnium 
of the hypocaust ; a light hammer-shaped implement having instead of a hammer 
a head with two cutting edges, supposed to be the trimming instrument of a 
worker in mosaic ; a swivel ring having a pendant and snap attached, perhaps for 
carrying a lanthorn ; two chisels, wall hooks, a heavy door-catch, and numbers of 
nails of all sizes. Scarcely a fragment of bronze was met with. 

A great quantity of broken pottery was discovered everywhere, but no entire 
vessel. The fragments belong to every description of ware which we know to 
have been in use with the Romans. The coarsest are bits of broken amphorae, or 
of large flat dishes of dark grey ware with a sort of diamond crossbar scored 
slightly on the surface as ornament. Among the finer fragments are portions of 
Castor pottery with a white flowing leaf or tendril applied upon a glazed black 
ground : there is also an unglazed straw-coloured ware in various thicknesses and 
of different qualities. A considerable number of fragments of fine red pottery 
have come up on the spade, but no complete bowl or vessel has been exposed ; the 
embossed figures and heads on these fragments are without difficulty recognised 
as formed with the same stamp or mould that appears on similar earthenware 
found in London and in the north of England. It is a circumstance not unworthy 
of mention that there is a perpetual recurrence of parts of vessels in a variety of 
material lined in the bottom and up the sides with minute bits of quartz or 
pounded flint, to assist the process of rubbing up food in them. Some of these 
belong to the class which has been described under the name of " mortaria," con- 
sisting of a very dense pale drab clay, extremely heavy, and burnt hard ; but 

Found in room 6. b Found in room 1. 



Excavations at Silchester. 413 

others arc of the finest texture of red pottery, and can scarcely be described by 
the same name, although in use they must have been very similar. 

I shall now invite attention to the general plan of this city. (See Plate XXIII.) 

During our present excavation every attention has been given to ascertain with 
as much exactitude as the exposed walls permit the general plan of the laying out 
of the streets. The delineations presented as yet must be considered incomplete 
as surveys, but the information they will supply is interesting, and it is accurate 
as far as it goes. It will be worth while to refer for a moment to the surveys 
of Silchester which already exist. 

In the Bodleian Library at Oxford, among the papers of the Gough Collection, 
is Stukeley's original pen-and-ink plan of the walls and amphitheatre, inscribed 
" Silchester in 1722." This plan was engraved the same year, and bears upon it, 
" Vindoma, 4 Aug*. Peritura moenia stylo renovavit Gul. Van der Gucht." In 
the King's Library, British Museum, London, there are two plans of Mr. John 
Stair's, both being manuscript drawings, and dated respectively 1741 and 1742 : 
the former shows the ancient streets, the latter the modern fields. There is also 
in the same place a manuscript survey by Mr. John Wright, dated 1745. 

Stukeley's plan of 1722 is entirely imaginary as regards outline. He considered 
apparently that Roman camps must be rectangles, and therefore he figures 
Silchester as a rectangle of 2,000 feet by 2,600, with corners rounded off. 
But he is more correct than either Stair or "Wright as respects the continuity of 
the city walls. He shows an opening at the north-east corner close to the amphi- 
theatre, where they lay down unbroken wall. This opening exists, and is not a 
dilapidation. It will be found of importance in settling an interesting question. 

An engraved plan was published with the Proceedings of the Royal Society in 
the Philosophical Transactions of 1748, to accompany Professor Ward's second 
paper on Silchester. This appears to have been prepared from Wright's survey. 
The outline of the city is delineated, with some approach to exactness, as a 
polygon with nine sides. 

In such of these plans as give them, the streets of Silchester are laid down as 
six in number running from north to south, intersected by six others running 
from east to west. The site of the Forum is marked to the south-east of the 
point where the two principal streets cross each other. The course of the prin- 
cipal via from the north gate to the south gate is quite correctly rendered, and 
that of the parallel streets ; but the direction of the great road or via from east to 
west, cutting the other at the centre, is not so true. This last, being the highway 
from London, which traversed the city through its heart, entering it by the 



Excavations at Silchester. 

eastern gate, is perhaps the most important of all, and on it depends the course 
of the five other streets which have the same bearing. There is every ground to 
suppose that its line crossed the other main road at right angles, that the plan 
of the Forum inscribed within the intersection at the south-east was a rectangle, 
and that all the insulat, or blocks of buildings, were equally so. As laid down, 
they are unavoidably askew. They describe no right angles, and this necessarily 
results from the position in which the east gate is placed. 

In 1821 Lackington and Co. published a slight survey of the walls, with the 
fosse, the surrounding country, and the external roads. In 1838 an engraved 
plan appeared in the Archacologia ; it purports to be a copy of Wright's, but is 
composed by a junction of Wright's and Stair's. This plan has rectified the shape 
of the Forum by describing its angles as right angles. To effect this, the courses 
of all the streets are thrown out ; and it will be seen on reference to it that, 
although they aro numerically as they were on former plans, they no longer 
correspond with the city gates. 

There is also an admirable survey prepared by Mr. M'Laughlan in 1850 for the 
Archaeological Institute. In this the country surrounding Silchester is mapped 
with the greatest accuracy, particularly the earthworks and lines of road. He 
accepted the delineation of the circuit of the walls and the position of the gates 
as they stand in the maps of Stair and Wright. 

He was, however, too accurate a surveyor not to detect the difficulty inseparable 
from the plans of the city as hitherto laid down. He endeavoured to reconcile it 
with the facts before him at the expense of one of the principal vine. Mr. 
M'Laughlan, therefore, gives up a straight unbroken line for the course of the 
London Road, and makes it deflect at the Forum. " The observation," says he, 
" that two of the streets wider than the others lead to the four gates of the city, 
one from north to south, the other from east to west, is not correct. For, though 
the one from north runs directly from one gate to the other, as drawn in the plan, 
the other does not run directly from east to west, as stated ; and, if it did, the 
streets could not be at right angles to each other, which, in fact, they are" His 
theory is that the great line from London to Bath entered Silchester at the 
present farmyard-gate, reached the east face of the Forum in a straight course, 
turned abruptly there to the right, and passed along that face of the building 
to its north-east angle, thence starting afresh by a new line for the western 
gateway. 

Now, as the entire city bears on its face the strongest evidence of having been 
laid out upon a rectangular plan of construction, all its streets crossing each 



Excavations at Silchester. 415 

other in straight lines, at nearly regular intervals, and at right angles, it is, to say 
the least, a very unlikely circumstance that the persons who so laid out its plan 
made one marked exception to all the rest of the general arrangements in the 
instance of the main road from London to Bath, and that they designedly inter- 
rupted that one great line by employing the Forum as an obstruction to its direct 
course in the very heart of the city. 

We are now in possession of unequivocal proof that such was not the case. 
The great line from east to west ran as directly in an unbroken course from gate 
to gate through the city as that from north to south ; but the eastern gateway 
was not situated where it has been hitherto marked (that is, at the entrance to 
the farmyard), and it will be found that by placing it in its true position the road 
passes clear of the Forum, all the angles of the streets remain right angles, and 
the " imulai" or blocks of edifices, will be rectangles. 

The mistake has arisen from assuming (as was very probable, indeed,) that the 
modern highway coincided in some measure at its entering from the east, through 
the ancient wall, with the line of Roman road passing through the original 
eastern gate. It has not hitherto, as far as I am aware, been observed by any 
one, that the opening at the north-east (which Stukeley's plan marks as a gap, but 
Wright and others omit,) is a gateway in reality. 

In order to verify the actual position of this gate it was necessary first to trace 
the line of road across the city internally from the westward. 

Starting from the west gate to the crossing of the two great lines, no difficulty 
arises up to the point of intersection ; the space is about 800 feet in length, and 
an unbroken course of road is evident, the eye being able to detect a rising along 
the surface the whole way, and the colour of the crop showing a difference in the 
ground. By projecting this right line eastward it was found to cut the modern 
highway diagonally at a point where an elevation at the same angle crosses the 
surface of this modern way. Carrying the same straight line still further east, it 
was found to be running directly parallel to the small street, whose course was 
ascertained by the direction of the walls of Blocks i., n., and in. ; and the 
further continuation of this right line advanced directly without a bend to the 
opening already mentioned, and, issuing through the wall eastward by that 
opening, it passed close by the outer edge of the amphitheatre, touching its 
"vomitorium" or exit, and having its own transit marked there also by an 
elevation of surface which crosses another modern highway by the side of the 
fosse at that part. 

It still remained however to make the matter beyond doubt by actually ascer- 



416 Excavations at Silchester. 

taining that the opening in the walls in question was a gateway. The following 
extract from the Journal of Excavation gives the result. 

" May 13th, 1865. A careful examination of this gap made. The opening was 
filled merely with thorns to the height of the stakes represented here (4 feet 
6 inches). In order to ascertain beyond any doubt the nature of the gap in the 
wall at this place, a workman was ordered to clear out the base of each apparent 
quoin, so as to test whether it was a true quoin or an accidental fracture. 
There is an undoubted quoin on each side. He was directed also to search 
whether the wall is continued across at bottom. He made three openings to test 
this accurately, one at each side, and one in the centre ; there is not any wall 
carried across here. At eighteen inches deep he met a bed of hard and deep 
gravel, similar to that which has been found to form the surface of every street 
within the walls which we have tried. He states that when working for the 
farmer he and another of our men have opened this line of road inside the walls 
at this point, and have found it to be of very bard gravel about 12 inches thick." 

The distance from quoin to quoin is 11 feet 6 inches ; two large flat slabs, 
which bad been squared at the edges, were found here, at a subsequent examina- 
tion, which only served to confirm the above position. 

In closing my present remarks, I may venture to claim for the statement now 
laid before you as to Silchester one title to your consideration, which some others 
on the same subject are wanting in. I have abstained entirely from speculation, 
and confined myself to ascertained facts. You will perceive from what has been 
said, that the excavation has not advanced beyond its earliest stage ; no inscrip- 
tions have been at present discovered ; what is known may be spoken of as nothing 
in comparison with what we may yet learn, if the work continues to be carried on. 
We are aware of at least thus much to lead us onward. It is now certain that 
hidden within the dark bosom of this strange city, guarded still by the almost 
unbroken circle of those weird walls which defy time and tempest alike, there 
sleeps many a lloruan home, with its waifs of common things undisturbed by 
hand of man for thirteen centuries. Among these silent and buried streets are 
the temples of their gods, whose traces remain to this day ; whilst in the very 
heart of all lies the yet unawakened Forum, a place of great magnitude, and 
which crowned the most commanding site within the walls. 



XXIX. Remarks on some Early Charters and Documents relating to the Priory 
of Austin Canons and Abbey of Austin Canonesses at Canonsleigh, in the 
County of Devon, In a letter from CHARLES SPENCER PERCEVAL, Esq. 
LL.D. F.S.A. to AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON FRANKS, Esq. M.A. Director. 



Read May 10th, 1866. 

MY DEAR SIR, 

It has been to me an agreeable task to comply with your request that I 
should examine and give you some account of the parcel of early documents, the 
exhibition of which before the Society of Antiquaries Miss Portman has been 
good enough to procure. 

I find that these documents refer exclusively to the religious house of 
Canonsleigh, or, as it was sometimes called after the second foundation there of 
canonesses, Mynchenlegh, situate in the county of Devon, and diocese of Exeter. 

Dr. George Oliver, in his learned Monasticon Diocesis Exoniensis, has given an 
account at some length of this foundation," mainly derived from a cartulary of 
the house now preserved in the British Museum. k 

From Dr. Oliver's memoir we learn that Walter de Clavile, who held Burles- 
combe (near Tiverton, on the borders of Devon and Somersetshii'e,) of the honour 
of Gloucester, founded a priory of Augustinian Canons at Legh in that parish, in 
or near the year 1162. 

Dr. Oliver notices that, in some way, Canonsleigh had become connected with 
the great priory of Plympton. With reference to this it may be observed that in 
William Earl of Gloucester's charter of confirmation of the original foundation 
the canons are called " Canonici secundum ordinem Plymptone Christo famu- 

Mon. Dioc. Exon. p. 224. b MS. Harl. 3CCO. 

The Clavile family were once of considerable importance in Devon and Dorset. At the time of the 
Survey Walter <le Clavile held in chief not only Burlescombe, but also several other manors in Devonshire 
(Domesday, i. 1 12), and Morden near Blandford, and other manors in Dorsetshire. His descendant, pro- 
bably his grandson, the founder of Canonsleigh, held two knight's fees ill Devonshire of the honour of 
Gloucester, and was so returned by William Earl of Gloucester in 12 Hen. II. (See Lib. Nig. Scacc. apud 
Hearne, p. 1G1, and Polwhele's Devon, p. 203.) No complete genealogy of the family appears to exist. The 
VOL. XL. 3 H 



418 Charters and Documents relating to the 

lantes " : and that part of Walter de Clavile's gift (the churches of Burlescomhe 
and Morden) had already been given by him to the priory of Plympton, as appears 

following pedigree is taken in part from Pole's Devon Collections, p. 212, enlarged by a careful exa- 
mination of the Harleian Cartulary : 

Walter de Clavile, Lord of Burlescombe, &c. co. Devon, and of 
Morden, &c. co. Dorset, temp. Will. I. 

William de Clavile 1 ^ 

Joheta 2 ^Sir Walter de Clavile, founded Canonsleigh, c. 1162. Ralph. 2 Gilbert. 2 

i . | 1 | 

Juliana 4 =j=William de Clavile, confirmed his father's Adeliza. 2 Agnes. 2 3 

gifts. 2 3 Mabilia. 2 Hadewis. 2 



Walter de Clavile, son and heir 4 5 Sir Roger de Clavile, 7 alive 33, 8 45, 9 47, 10 and=Johanna. B 
(ob. s p.?) 48 Hen. III. 11 (heir to his brother?) 

Sir John de Clavile, first of that name, Lord of Burlescombe 1282, 12 confirmed to the 
new foundation in 1311 his ancestor's gifts of tithe of his demesne here, and of 
certain tithes at Mordeu. 

Here the connection of the Claviles with Canonsleigh ceases. Sir W. Pole makes Sir John I. to be 
brother and not son to Sir Roger. His pedigree is without vouchers, but is probably derived as to this 
portion from the pleadings in the suit between Beare and Percehay presently to be mentioned. 

He proceeds as follows : 

tiir William (as before).^ ..... 

Sir Roger, ob. s.p. John de Clavile (I), brother and heir.=p ..... 
John (H.- .... 



I -- --- 1 
Robert Beare of Huntshum, 3 E. 2 =j=Agnes de Clavile. John de Clavile (111.)^=. . . . 

I r~ 

John Ik-are.=pAlice, dau. of Thomas Clavile of Lifton. William.^. . . . 

Thomas Beare, claimed Lomen Clavile as next heir of William=p ..... William, ob. s.p. circa 
ajrainst Sir Henry Percehay, the judge, whose title would | temp. Ric. II. 

appear to have been derived from a purchase. .-(-. 

In Hutchins's History of Dorset 13 it is stated that John Clavyle held Morden cum membris in the 6th of 
Edward II. for two fees, of the Earl of Gloucester. This is no doubt our John de Clavile I. He was 



1 Sir W. Pole inserts a William, Walter, and William between the Walter of Domesday and the founder. 
- See Walter's charter of foundation printed in Oliver, JJioc. Exon. p 22C. 
:1 Charter of confirmation. MS. Harl. 3C60, Legh, Clavile, No. vii. 

4 Ibid. Clavile charters, No. x. Ibid. No. xi. G Ibid. No. xiii. 

7 Rogerus de Clavile fil. et hair. Will, de C. dedit terras Prioratui S. Nicholai Exon. Coll. Topogr. 
et Gen. i. 385. s Cartul. Clavile, No. xv. " Ibid. fo. 42. 

10 Ibid. fo. 686. n Ibid. fo. 69. '* Infra, App. No. V. 

1:1 Under East Morden, iii. 130. 



Priory and Abbey td Canonsleigh. 419 

from Henry the Second's confirmation charter to that house. 8 Plympton was 
the earliest foundation of Austin Canons in this part of England, and Canonsleigh 
was probably an offshoot from it. This would go some way to explain the claims 
of the priory of Plympton to interfere in elections to the headship of Canonsleigh, 
the settlement of which claims in 1219 Dr. Oliver has recorded. 

This foundation, after continuing for more than a hundred years, during which 
time, as appears from the cartulary, it was augmented by many gifts of lands from 
neighbouring families, ceased to exist in 1284, when the monastery, with its estates, 
was made over to a community of regular canonesses, also of the Augustinian 
order, under the government of an abbess. The foundress of the new establish- 
ment was Matilda, widow of Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, 
and daughter of John de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln. 

dead it would seem, leaving a son under age, in the 1st year of Edward III., as a writ then issued to the 
escheator on this side Trent to seize, among other estates in a similar plight, the lands of which John Cla- 
vyle deceased had died seised. 1 This was in consequence of the attainder of Hugh Despencer the younger, 
who had married one of the coheirs of the honour of Gloucester ; and two years after, Geoffrey de Royston 
had a grant of the custody of two-thirds of the manor of Bridelescumbe (Burlescombe), which was of John 
de Clavile, deceased, to hold until the majority of the heir. 2 What relationship this heir of John I. bore to 
him does not appear. If, as Sir W. Pole has it, it was his son of the same name (John II.), he must, I 
think, have died before the 23rd Edward III. leaving a third John his heir. For in that year Andrew 
Luterell had a grant of the custody of the manor of Burlescombe, together with Lomene (Lowman) Clavile, 
to hold during the minority of the heir of John de Clavile, who held of Hugh Despencer, deceased, &c. 
Now this heir of John de Clavile can hardly be the same as " the heir of John de Clavile" before mentioned 
(that is of John de Clavile I.), as John I. was dead in the 1st year of the reign, and his heir, even if a 
posthumous son (the extreme case) must have been out of ward in the 23rd year. Pole's statement is 
probably correct as to three successive fathers and sons all of the same name, though, in spite of the 
identity of Christian name, John II. may possibly have been a brother of John I. In the 25th year of 
Edward III. this Andrew Luterell had a grant of the marriage of the son of John de Clavill." This 
son was probably John, the third John of Pole's pedigree, as in 47 Edw. III. John Clavel of Morden 
(according to Hutchins 4 ) held lands in Little Kimmeridge. Hutching next mentions a William Clavile 
(who died 20 Ric. II.) who held East and West Morden of Edmund, Earl of March, by knight's service. He 
adds that these Claviles seem to have been the principal branch of the family, and to have become extinct 
at Morden about 1374. A younger branch continued to Hutchins's day at Smedmore in Dorsetshire.'' 1 
These facts, so f;ir as they go, substantiate Sir W. Pole's pedigree. 
Oliver, p. 135. 



1 Abb. Rot. Orig. ii. 5, col. i. ro. 8. Ibid p 28, col. i. ro. 7, Cant. 

3 Ibiil. p 216, col. i. ro. 4. 4 Ubi supra, 

8 See his vol. i. 3 1C, where a pedigree of this branch is given, but the connection with the 1 modern family 
is not made out. 

3 ii 2 



420 Charters and Documents relating to the 

Lord Portman's deeds and other instruments relate, I find, to both foundations. 
From their nature, all of these are not entered in the Harleian Cartulary," which, 
as usual, comprises merely the charters of feoflinent and other muniments of title 
respecting the various estates possessed by the community. From these original 
documents, unknown to Dr. Oliver, some additional information as to the history 
of the two houses may be gleaned ; and some of the mere title-deeds in the parcel 
may possess sufficient independent interest to warrant their publication by the 
Society of Antiquaries. 

To begin with the documents relating to the original foundation. The earliest 
instrument, printed in Appendix No. I. relates to the appropriation to the priory 
of the church of Sampford (anciently Sandford) Arundel, a parish which lies in 
the diocese of Wells, just over the Somersetshire border, within a few miles of 
Leigh. Roger Arundel, as appears from the cartulary , b had given the church 
to the monastery before 1205, and Savaricus, Bishop of Bath and Glastonbury c 
(1192-1205), had appropriated it to the use of the prior and canons. d Some dispute, 
however, would seem to have arisen as to this transaction, for in the instrument 
of appropriation AVC find it stated that the canons, by the ordination of Josce- 
line, Bishop of Bath and Wells (1205-1242) had an annuity of twenty shillings 
out of the church, a fact which at first sight at least appears inconsistent with 
their having the entire appropriation. Be this as it may, their right to the 

* Each of the deeds transcribed into the cartulary has a mark of reference thereto endorsed on it. 

'' Harl. 3, GOO, fo. 01. The following genealogical notes from the cartulary may be worth preserving: 

Roger Arundel.=j= 

Nicholas Arundel, his charter (fo. Cl), witnessed by Robert Archdeacon of Guildford 1 s=:Joan. 

John Arundel, party to a fine of Sampford church, 27 H. 3 (fo. 61 b.) 

John Arundel (fo. 65 ft).=plsabel. 

r 

John Arundel (fo. C5 b).-^- 



John Puz=Joan, probably sister and coheiress Arundela, dau. of John Arundel (fo. 68)^Richard Crispin, 
(fo. 68,). with Arundela (fo. 6). fee Colliuson, Somertets. iii. 26. (fo. 68). 

William Crispin, son and heir presumptive, alive 48 H. 3.=y=Joan (Collinson, iii. 26). 

Roger Crispin de Sandford Arundel, alive 4 Ed. II.'(fo. G'J), Bradston(CW-=T=Joan (Col- 
ob. s.p. 7 Ed. II. (Collinson). linson). liiison). 

Elizabeth ((7o//wwoii).^=Sir John Streche, died seized of Sampford 2'J Ed. III. 

4- 

' See Dugd. Mtmusticim as to this title. d MS. Harl. 3,660, p. 61 b. 



1 One of the name Hobert was Archdeacon of Surrey, according to Le Neve, in 1130 and 1171. 



Priory and Abbey at Canonsleigh. 421 

advowson and to the annuity was disputed by Sir John Arundel, descendant 
of Roger the benefactor, who, after some legal proceedings in the King's Court, 
probably in the nature of a quare impedit, presented (shortly before the year 1243) 
Master Walter de Saint Quintin, canon of "Wells and archdeacon of Taunton, to 
the church of Sampford Arundel. This ecclesiastic, as appears from the recital of 
the next instrument, was a good friend to the canons, and it was probably through 
his means that some arrangement was effected between the rival patrons of the 
church, which resulted in the levying a fine before the Justices Itinerant at 
Ilchester on the octaves of Candlemas 1243 (27 Hen. III.), which confirmed the 
convent in their right to the advowson. 

The canons, being thus the admitted patrons, were in a position to receive an 
appropriation of the benefice. 

At the moment, the see of Wells was void by the death of Josceline of Wells,' 
and the archdeacon, who claimed to have, in consequence of the vacancy, the 
necessary spiritual jurisdiction in that behalf," proceeded, by the instrument now 
under notice, to appropriate the church to the monastery, under the usual pretext 
of the poverty of the canons, and their consequent inability to maintain due 
hospitality. 

The archdeacon, however, was careful of the interests of himself and successors. 
For not only did he, following as he says the rule of Bishop Josceline as to new 
appropriations, double the synodals payable out of the rectory of Sampford to the 
archdeacons of Taunton on the occasion of their visitations, but also procured for 
the archdeaconry a benefaction (it would seem as the consideration for the quiet 
acquisition by the canons of Leigh of the church of Sampford,) of a substantial 
character. 

This brings us to the next of Lord Portman's documents, that printed in 
Appendix No. II. 

" Josceline died Nov. 19, 1242, and his successor was not elected for two years afterwards. Dugd. 
Mm. ii. 277. 

ti Some attempt at examining the validity of this claim will be found in a footnote to the Appendix 
No. I. Whether the convent was not satisfied as to the validity of the appropriation made by the arch- 
deacon, sede vacante, or what the reason may have been, we cannot tell ; but it appears from the cartulary 
that William de Bitton, who succeeded to the see of Bath and Wells in 1248, after the short incumbency 
of Bishop Roger of 8arum (1244-1247), in the first year of his pontificate again appropriated Sampford to 
the monastery by an instrument, which, though in other respects very nearly following the tenor of the 
archdnacon's appropriation, omits all reference to it, except what may be implied from the following clause, 
" HKC autem sic duximus ordiuanda salvis nobis et successoribus nostris per omuia dignitate, auctoritate et 
jurisdictione et episcopalibus consuetudinibus el archidiacono loci jure orchid iaconali" &c. 



422 Charters and Documents relating to the 

The advowson of the church of Thorne St. Margaret, which is situated in the 
rural deanery of Taunton, close to Sampford Arundel, and within a few miles of 
Leigh, had been given to the canons by Baldwin de Thorne* some years after the 
foundation of the priory. 6 

This advowson, on St. George's Day 1243, was made over by the canons to the 
archdeacon. The deed recites, as a consideration for the conveyance, his good 
offices, benevolence, and generosity to the house, and other good causes (probably 
including the appropriation of Sampford), and proceeds to state that, with the 
consent of Baldwin, and the prior and convent of Leigh, the former and the actual 
patrons of the church, the archdeacon annexed the advowson to the church of 
Milverton, then, as now, a prebend of the cathedral church of Wells, perpetually 
annexed to the archdeaconry of Taunton. d 

The conditions of the annexation were as follows : the incumbent of Thorne 
was to provide annually for ever in the church of Wells, on the eve of the obit of 
Master Walter, twenty shillings to be distributed by the hands of the communiarii 
of the cathedral 1 among the canons and clerks of the church who should be present 
in the choir on his anniversary, and the eve thereof, throughout the celebration 
of divine service. Besides, the incumbent was to find every quarter forty shillings 
for the support of a chaplain who should daily in the church of Wells perform 
the entire office of the dead, with Commendation, Placebo and Dirige, for the soul 

a The following descents of this family are deduced from the Harleian Cartulary (fo. 44 b. et seqq.): 

Gerold 

Baldwin, Lord of Thorne.^Sibilla. 
Gerold, son of Baldwin. Gilbert de Thorne.^Joan. 



Baldwin de Thorne, son and heir, alive 1243. 



William de Thorne, alive 1273. 

'' Sir Juhele de Valk-torte, sheriff of Somerset, was a witness to Baldwin's charter, which is without 
date. His name, however, does not occur in the list of sheriffs either in Fuller's ^Yorthies or in Collin- 
son's History of Somersetshire. 

c This instrument and the former, it will be oberved, are of even date (St. George's Day 1243), and the 
same persons are named as attesting witnesses. The two" transactions recorded by the two deeds are pre- 
sumably therefore " of the same piece," though neither instrument expressly recites the tenor or purport of 
the other. 

11 The perpetual curacy of Thorne St. Margaret still is or very lately was in the gift of the Archdeacon of 
Taunton. 

' Commnniariits or commttnicarius was an officer in a religious foundation whose duty it was to distribute 
the commons of money or provision to the members of the body. See Ducange sub vocibus. 



Priory and Abbey of Canonslcigh. 423 

of the archdeacon, of Bishop Josceline, who gave him his archdeaconry, and of 
John, 8 priest and treasurer of Salisbury, uncle of Master Walter, who educated 
him, and also for the souls of Walter's father and mother, of all benefactors to the 
churches of Wells, Milverton, and Thorne, and for the souls of all the faithful 
departed. 

The next document (Appendix No. III.) is an example of the way in which, 
down to the twelfth century, lay proprietors disposed of the tithe of their land to 
such churches as they pleased, being a gift to the Church of Morden (East Mor- 
den, hundred of Loosebarrow, co. Dorset), afterwards appropriated to Canons 
Leigh, of the whole tithe of the demesnes of the grantor, one Geoffrey de Fortune, 
" quarum (decimarum) unam partem antiquitus antecessores mei prescripts 
ecclesioc debito reddiderunt, reliquas vero duas partes aliis ecclesiis contulerunt, 
et in alios sumptus quandoque pro libito suo libere transtulcrunt." This deed 
is without date, but is in the form of a letter to the bishop of the diocese, Joscelin, 
who governed the see of Salisbury from 1142 to 1184. Hutchins mentions an 
Adam de Porton as holding land in Morden, apparently in 27 Edward I., but 
notices no other person of the family. 

A hundred years after this gift, disputes arose between the monastery, claiming 
to be appropriators by prescription of 100 years and upwards, the longissima pre- 
scriptio of the canon law, and one William de Purstone, who asserted that he was 
entitled to the rectory by provision of Giles formerly bishop of Sarum. The 
dispute was referred 1 " to arbitrators, who on the Wednesday next after the 
feast of St. Vincent, 1272, awarded that the appropriation was good, but that 
as William had, through ignorance of the facts, been induced to procure for him- 
self (possibly by paying the bishop a round sum for it) the provision, bad as 
made during plenarty, the convent should give him an annual pension of forty 
shillings, until by their means he should be provided with a better living. 

The next year the canons took care to obtain from the bishop of Salisbury 
(Walter de la Wyle) the formal instrument of appropriation of the church of 
Morden, which is among Lord Portman's documents, and will be found in 
Appendix No. IV. 

Appendix No. V. contains a rather curious composition (taken from the Car- 
tulary) between Henry prior of Leigh and the convent there with John 
de Clavile, the lineal descendant of the founder and lord of Burlescombe, as 
to the guardianship of the temporalities of the priory during a vacancy of the 

John is not among the Treasurers of Salisbury in Hardy's Le Neve. Jordanus is there named as 
Treasurer in the years 1142 and 1184. b MS. Ilarl. 36CO, fo. 70. 



424 Charters and Documents relating to the 

headship of the house, which John claimed to have as patron. It was agreed 
that in future, on the occurrence of a vacancy, John and his heirs should merely 
appoint a porter, either the existing officer or another of the servants of the 
house, who should swear on the Gospels to permit no extern* to enter the 
priory, nor interns to carry away any of the goods of the community, " ad 
dampnum domus, quominus elemosina dicti Johannis et progenitorum suorum 
bene et fideliter custodiatur." This arrangement hears date on the feast of 
St. Simon and St. Jude, 1282, two years hefore the transfer of the establishment 
to the canonesses. 

Before we proceed to the consideration of the instruments relating to the 
second foundation, I may call your attention to letters apostolic of Pope Innocent 
IV., addressed to the bishop of Bath and "Wells, desiring him, as diocesan, to give 
licence to Robert Burnel (Robertus dictus Burnel) to have a private chaplain on 
his own estate, on account of the distance of the parish church and badness of 
the roads, if the bishop thought proper. This instrument (in Lord Portraan's pos- 
session) is dated at Lyons, 3 non. Dec. Anno Pontificatus septimo (Dec. 3, 1250), 
under the bnlla in lead appended by hempen threads. Robert Burnel, bishop of 
Bath and Wells, gave the manor of Rockbcave, in the county of Devon, and the 
advowson of the church there, to the canonesses shortly after their establishment 
at Leigh, lie died in 1292. This bull was probably obtained by an ancestor of 
the bishop, and may have come into the possession of the canonesses among the 
title deeds of the bishop's gift. 

It was in 1284, two years after the confirmation of the election of Prior William 
de llonneton or Roneton," that the second foundation by Matilda de Lacy (widow 
of Richard de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford) took place. Among Lord 
Portinan's documents now under notice is a letter dated xvii. kal. Nov. 1284, from 
Alice, abbess of the Avell-known monastery of Lacock in Wilts, and the convent 
there, addressed to Peter Lionel', bishop of Exeter. By this letter the abbess and 
her convent, at the request of the bishop of Exeter and of the countess, whom 
they style patroness of the church of Leigh, " where the order of St. Austin for 
females had by Apostolic authority been instituted," signify their consent to the 
translation to Leigh of three ladies of their convent, namely, Dame Matilda 
Tablere (who was almost immediately appointed the first abbess 1 '), Juliana de 
Bristoll, and dementia de Ovile, (the consent of these ladies and of Walter 

a Oliver, Mon. Dioc. Kxon. 224. 

' Oliver, 225. He calls her, from the Exeter Register, de Tablere. She received the benediction of 
the bishop as abbess on Oct. 28, 1284. 



Priory and Abbey at Canonsleigh. 425 

Scammel, bishop elect of Salisbury, having been obtained), and they absolve these 
sisters from their obedience to Lacock." 

The countess made several additions to the landed property of the house, the 
particulars of which will be found in Dr. Oliver's work. Besides these estates 
the authorities at Rome appear to have insisted on the gift of 600. and upwards, 
a very large sum of money at that time, for the endowment of the new foundation. 
It was not, however, for many a year that the canonesses reaped the benefit of this 
handsome benefaction. 

Prom a law report b we learn that King Edward the First, being in want of funds, 
probably for his Scottish wars, had borrowed the money, and in 1301 had not 
paid it back. The letters patent (to be noticed presently) further inform us that 
the royal borrower, who had received the money " pro urgentissimis negociis suis, 
et pro utilitate et defensione regni sui," had given what we may call an exchequer 
bond payable on demand for the amount. The short law report speaks for itself, 
and I give it here in English, as the law French even of those times, corrupted 
as it has since been by frequent transcripts by English scribes, is not always 
quite intelligible to ' lay men.' 

" The abbess and convent of Canon Leigh petitioned the King, in the 
parliament at Lincoln, stating that the King had taken out of the treasury of the 
cathedral church at Exeter 672/., which money Maud de Glocester, mother of 
the Earl Gilbert, had ordained for lands to be bought for the sustenance of ladies 
of the said house, to which thing the said countess was bound by oath by 
the Pope before she could have favour to found the said house, and they 
prayed that restitution should be made to them (or else they must depart from 
the house), or that the King should assign to them the manors of Bradewick and 
Kenton, which had escheated to the King by the death of the Earl of Cornwall. 
Whereupon it was ordained in parliament that all those of whom the King had 
taken moneys should apply to the treasurer, and barons, and that they should 
allow them their debts or (assign them) debts of others, or assign lands in 
satisfaction, &c. But because the said manors had come de novo to the King, 
the barons, not knowing the King's pleasure, would not commit these said manors 
until, &c." 

a The seals to this instrument have perished, and it has not been thought necessary to print it in ertenso. 

b Memorand. in Scacc. 29 Edw. I. de term. Trin. 43. Dr. Oliver has given the reference, not quite accu- 
rately, to the Year Book. 

" I have been disappointed at finding no papal instrument relative to this transaction in the Vatican 
Transcripts, now in the British Museum. 

VOL. XL. 3 I 



426 Charters and Documents relating to the 

Dr. Oliver, or rather his learned correspondent Mr. E. Smirke, after quoting 
this report, says, "whether the ladies ever got the money after all is not 
very clear." The letters patent, however, of King Edward III., printed in 
Appendix No. VI. from the original in Lord Portman's possession, show that at 
all events an arrangement between the convent and the Crown was made in the 
fifth year of that king's reign. The letters patent, dated October 9th, 5th Ed. III. 
(1331), recite that King Edward II. in the fourth year of his reign (1311) had 
granted to the abbess and convent that out of the wardships to come to his hands 
there should be delivered to them lands, or rents, to the annual value of 
100/., to have and to hold until they should have received the whole amount 
of the debt, the exact sum of which (672J. 5s. 10$d.) is given. Nothing seems 
to have come of this, for the canonesses again had petitioned the King in council 
for payment which they had not hitherto received. A fresh arrangement is then 
made by the patent, which empowers the convent to receive by the hands of the 
collectors of the customs of the port of Southampton one moiety of the old and 
new customs of that port (except the customs on wine) yearly, as from the 
1st of June then last past (June 1st, 1331), after 1,0007. had been levied thereout 
for the King's use, until the whole debt should be satisfied. 

A petition in parliament of the eighth year of King Edward II. throws a further 
light on his father's borrowings. It is from the hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, 
and recites that King Edward I. had caused to be taken out of their treasury 
at Clerkenwell, by Sir Philip de Wylughby, chancellor of the exchequer, 
2.690Z. 11*. 4rf., and afterwards by his writ commanded the barons of the ex- 
chequer that all those of his realm, both religious and clerks and laymen, from 
whom money had been taken for his use, in consequence of the search made in 
abbeys, houses of religion, hospitals, churches, and elsewhere in his realm, should 
be agreed with in respect of the moneys taken, by sufficient payment or by certain 
assignment to be made them by way of allowance of debts due from them to the 
King, or of fines which they might make in the King's court for favours to be 
procured. The prior and his brethren had exhibited their patents in the ex- 
chequer, but their debt was still unsatisfied. They therefore prayed payment, 
which was ordered to be made, by allowance" of debts due to the King. 

The dedication of the monastery was slightly altered by the second founder, 
the name of Saint Etheldred being added to the patrons. This change is first 
observed in a charter of confirmation of all his ancestor's gifts made by John 
de Clavile (May 4, 1 Edw. II. 1308), in which he calls the abbey the Church of 
Saint Mary, Saint John Evangelist, and Saint Etheldred. In the beautiful seal 



Priory and Abbey at Canonsleigh. 427 

of the new foundation ( figured at the foot of Appendix No. VIII.), probably 
the gift of the foundress, and engraved under her direction, the sainted queen 
appears kneeling on one side of the Blessed Virgin, who holds the Divine Infant 
on her knee, while on the other side is a male kneeling figure representing St. 
John, who, as in the retable preserved in Westminster Abbey, holds the celestial 
palm branch which, according to the legend, he bore before the body of Our Lady 
at her exequies." 

The Lord of Burlescombe was not content with giving the ladies the confir- 
mation charter just mentioned. Ten years afterwards we find him moved, on 
careful consideration of his ancestor's pious gifts of tithe to the old priory, to make 
restitution of an annual sum of ten shillings and eight pence of tithe of rents in 
Morden and elsewhere, which had not been paid for six-and-twenty years. He 
did not indeed, so far as appears from the charter (Appendix No. VII.), make 
arrangements for the discharge of the arrears, but he solemnly admitted his 
obligation to pay for the future, and added a somewhat curious form of distress- 
namely, that if any quarterly payment of this tithe should be in arrear, it should 
be lawful for the bailiffs (not of the abbey but) of the Earl of Gloucester, who, as 
we have seen, was chief lord of the fee, to enter and distrain, &c. at the costs of 
the covenantor, his heirs and assigns. 

Appendix No. VIII. is the formal notarial instrument, recording the pro- 
cessus electionis of Alice Parker, to be abbess, in the room of Joan Arundel, who 
died on the 17th of February, 147f . 

Although more than one complete form of canonical election is already in 
print, b the present document would appear to be of sufficient interest for publi- 
cation, as it gives the names of all the ladies of the convent at the date of 
the election, and is besides accompanied by a fine impression of the seal just 
mentioned, which is not noticed by Dr. Oliver. It would be needless to go 
into any detail as to the forms and ceremonies belonging to an election of this 
nature, especially as a very excellent explanation of most of the particularities 
will be found in the Preface to the Monasticon Dioc. Bxon. p. viii. I have, 
however, subjoined to the transcript in the Appendix a few short notes on points 
which seemed to require comment. 

By this and the documents next following we are enabled to augment, if not 

See Scott's Gleanings from Westminster Abbey, p. 105; article on the Retable, by Mr. Burges. 
b See particularly, a long form of such a proceeding, on the election of an abbat of lilastonbury, in the 
MoiwsticoH. article Glastonbury. 

3i2 



428 Charters and Documents relating to the 

to complete, Dr. Oliver's series of abbesses. He was unacquainted with the date 
of the death of Dame Joan Arundel, which, as just stated, occurred in 147y. 
The petition of the convent to the founder for licence to proceed to an election 
in her room is entered, as Dr. Oliver observes, without date at the end of the 
Harleian Cartulary. From the public instrument which is now under notice, it 
appears that the founder's licence was dated March 4th, 147 T , and that the 
election took place on the 21st of that month. 

Besides recovering in this manner the name of Alice Parker, as that of the 
immediate successor of Abbess Arundel, we find that Alice Parker herself had 
ceased to be abbess in 1488, for Lord Portman has the original cong6 d'dlire under 
the great seal of Henry VII., who then was patron and founder, dated Nov. 27th 
in the fourth year of his reign, for the election of an abbess in her room.* 

It does not appear who was elected on this occasion ; but Lord Portman has 
another original conge d'ttire, also under the great seal, dated Feb. 12, 
14 Hen. VII. (1499), giving permission to the prioress and convent to elect, in 
the room of Joan Stubbe, the last abbess then deceased. She was probably the 
immediate successor of Alice Parker, and may very well have lived till the time 
of Elizabeth Fouliill, who had a long incumbency, as she was already abbess in 
1517, and lived to receive a pension of 40/. at the surrender of the house in 
1538-9." 

The rest of the parcel of deeds which you have submitted to me relate to 
lands formerly belonging to Canonsleigh, and have but little general interest. 
They are for the most part, transcribed into the cartulary, an abstract of the 
principal contents of which Dr. Oliver has given. 

Among these documents is a charter of William, son of Gerard de Cliste 
(Appendix No. IX.) ; it is not in the cartulary, and I have not found that 
the convent had land in any one of the parishes which take their name from 
the river Clist, in the valley of which they are situated. 

The form of attestation to the charter (undated, but of the latter half of the 
thirteenth century) of Hugh Peverel, son of Sir Hugh Peverel, of Sanford 
(Sampford Peverel), granting to the canons lands in Gollimore, near Winesford, 
is curious. It runs thus : " Hiis testibus : Ex parte mea, Willelmo de Rotho- 

The great seal, as appended to the conge (Te'lire, is figured in Sandford, Genealogical History, p. 456, 
but it is to be noted that the words of the legend are separated on both sides by colons and roses, not by 
colons on the obverse and roses on the reverse, as Sandford has represented it. 

b Oliver, p. 226. 

c The charter will be found at fo. 43 b, MS. Harl. 3660. 






Priory and Abbey at Canonsleiyh. 429 

mago, Simone filio Rogeri, Ricardo Flaundr', Roberto de Campell et Hundredo 
meo de Sandford et multis aliis : Ex parte Canonicorum, teste Domino Deo et 
veritate conventual!." 

Among the title-deeds of property in Exeter are several of the thirteenth century, 
executed before the Mayor of that city, in the Guildhall there. The locality is 
indicated as being " within the four benches of the hall." The form in the 
charter (1267) of Roger de Hemery (Appendix No. X.) is as follows : " Et quia 
volo quod haec venditio mea firmitatem obtineat perpetuam, inter quatuor scanna 
Gialde Civitatis Exoniensis prsesenti scripto sigillum meum apposui." Several 
varieties of the same form will be found in the cartulary (fo. 926, 96, 97, &c.) 
My acquaintance with English charters, passed in ancient municipalities such 
as that of Exeter, is too limited to induce me to say that this form is unusual, 
much less unique. It was, however, previously unknown to me, and it may be 
interesting to note that it is identical with a form which occurs in Germany, 
especially in the trading towns of the west, with which Exeter when it was a 
great port had probably much commercial intercourse." 

I may lastly notice the seal of office of the onicial principal of the Bishop of 
Exeter, under Bishop George Nevile, 1463. It may be described thus : 

Pointed oval, 2 T V by If inches in size. Subject : under a tabernacle of per- 
pendicular work, the effigy of a bishop, holding his pastoral staff in his left hand, 
and seated behind a table or desk. Below in a niche, an ecclesiastic, with a 
small desk at his side, whereon his exterior hand rests. Legend 

officialis prtnctpalis episropt 



Hafltaus in his Glossarium Germanicum Medii Aevi has the following passage (Article Biincke, p. 92): 
Zlir birr I3nrnrl;r. Quatuor scamna, in quibus judici assidebant Scabini in judicio solenni. Per metony- 
men, judicium plenum duodecim fere scabinorum, cujus figuram ita describit Gryphiander in Tractatu de 
Weichbild Saxonico, c. Ixv. n. 3, " Collocatum erat tribunal in loco editiore pro judice, cui in quatuor 
scamnis sive bancis quadrato ordine circutnsedebant Scabini.'' .... Vocabantur autem Dir birr ISarnrftr 
non solum Judicia Provincialia sed etiam majorura civitatum. Haltaus then gives several references to 
documents where the expression in question in the Latin form is used in reference to local courts at 
Mechlin, Cologne, and elsewhere. Of these the following is most to our purpose. A Charter (A.D. 1256) 
of Henry III. Count of Misnia, and Landgrave of Thuringia, to the town of Ahenberg contains this passage: 
" Quicunque fecerit emendam extra figuram judicii, ita quod digitum non levat [i.e. juramento se astringat] 
infra quatuor scampna, de emenda pollicita convinci non potest, sed juramento, si voluerit, so purgabit." 
I am indebted for this reference to Grimm, Deutsche Rechts-Alterthiimer, pp. 212, 810. At the latter 
page will be found, among much other learning as to the material form of ancient Teutonic Courts, addi- 
tional instances where the expression ' die vier Banke " is used, as in the statutes of the Hanse town of 
Bremen, and in Magdeburg records. 



430 Charters and Documents relating to the 

This interesting seal is appended to letters of admission and institution of 
John Arundell, clerk to the parish church of Northleigh, co. Devon, (the ad- 
vowson of which was among the gifts of Maud de Clare to Canonsleigh,) vacant 
by the death of Robert Udy, Rector, by Henry Webber, Dean of Exeter, and 
Vicar-General of the bishop in remotis agentis, on the presentation of the 
abbess and convent. Given at Exeter, Nov. 4, 1463, in the eighth year of the 
confirmation, and fifth of the consecration, of George Bishop of Exeter : under 
the seal of office of the official principal of the bishop, " quod (sigillum, viz.) ad 
manus habemus in hujusmodi officio constitutus." 

To these observations, which I fear have extended to a tedious length, I need 
only add an expression of the thanks to which Miss Portman is entitled, for 
having been the means of bringing to light a collection of documents well cal- 
culated to illustrate mediaeval life and manners, and to add some particulars to 
the history of a monastic foundation of more than ordinary interest. 

I am, my dear Sir, 

Very faithfully yours, 

CHARLES SPENCER PERCEVAL. 



Priory and Abbey of Canonsleigh. 431 



APPENDIX. 



Num. I. 

Consensus Decani et Capituli Wellensis pro ecclesia de Saunforde Amndelle 
approprianda Priori et Canonicis de Leghe. 

[Ex autogApho penes Dominum Portman. Reperies apographon in Cod. Harl. 3660, fo. 63 ] 

Omnibus ad quos literae praesentes pervenerint, Johannes Decanus et Capitulum Wellense, 
salutem in domino. Noveritis nos inspexisse cartam et ordinationem dilecti fratris et canonic! nostri 
magistri Walter! de Sancto Quintino archidiaconi Tanthon super ecclesia de Saunforde, sub hac 
forma Universis has literas Jnspccturis vel audituris, magister Walterus de Sancto Quintino 
archidiaconus Tanthon salutem in domiuo. Xoverit universitas vestra quod cum Prior et Canonici 
de Leghe ordinis sancti Augustini ex ordinatione domini nostri Joscelini bonae memoriae quondam 
Bathoniensis episcopi viginti solidos annuatim perceperint in Ecclesia de Saunforde, et ipsos 
dictorum viginti solidorum Dominus Johannes de Arundelle dominus dicta; villce per magnum tcmpus 
non sustinuerit ausu proprio [non Cartul.] gaudere, asserens se ipsius ecclesiae patronum, optinuitper 
curiam domini Regis Walterus (sic) prsenominato domino episcopo praesentari cui custodiaejusdem 
ad ipsius ut asseritur praesentationem priore predicto et canonicis reclamantibus et contradicentibus 
fuit commissa. Tandem post inultas altercationes inter ipsos super dicta advocatione tarn in curia 
domini Regis quam alias habitas, per finalem concordiam dictum placitum per cyrographum factutn 
coram Rogero de Turkbur," Gileberto de Prestone, Willelmo de Sancto Edraundo, Alano de Sorn, 1 ' 
apud Ivelcastre in octabis Purificationia beatae Marias, anno regni Regis Henrici filii Regis Johannis 
vicesimo septimo, Justiciariis Itinerantibus Domini Regis, sic inter eos conquicvit, videlicet quod 
dictus Johannes recognovit advocationem dicta: ecclesiae de Saunforde cum suis pertinentiis esse jus 
Prioris et ecclesiae de Leghe, Habendam et tenendam eidem Priori et successoribus suis et ecclesia: 
de Leghe dictam advocationem cum suis pertinentiis in puram et perpetuam liberam et quietam 
elemosinam' ab omni secular! exactione et demanda in perpetuum.- Et quia totalis jurisdictio 

Turkeby, Cartvl. Forn, Cartel. 

c The phrase should run " in puram perpetuam et liberam elemosinam quietam," &c. The Cartulary 
follows the present text. The document seems carelessly drawn. The construction of the second sentence 
presents more than one difficulty. 



432 Charters and Documents relating to the 

episcopalis, vacante sede episcopal!, de antiqua consuetudinc, ad quemcumque archidiaconum in 
suo spectabat archidiaconatu, 11 nos auctoritate dicta: jurisdictionis episcopalis, sede tune vacante, ad 
nos devolutae, considerantes quod dicti prior et canonici tot laboribus et expensis angustiati erant, 
quod more solito hospitalitatem prout decuit exhibere transeuntibus non valebant, vestigiis dicti 

1 This claim of the Archdeacon of Taunton to have the entire episcopal jurisdiction within his arch- 
deaconry vacante sede Cor in more modern language to have the guardianship of the spiritualities on such 
occasions) is too remarkable to be passed over in silence. 

I have not been in a position to ascertain, as might be done by examination of the Wells registers, 
whether the jurisdiction really ever belonged " de antiqua consuetudine" to the archdeacon of Taunton or 
any other archdeacon of that diocese, but I have not found an instance of a similar claim elsewhere. As 
advanced however in the text the claim must fail from its generality, being for every archdeacon in his own 
archdeaconry. For, as the following short review of the authorities will show, although the right to the 
guardianship of the spiritualities in England is involved in some obscurity, yet it lies generally between the 
dean and chapter and the archbishop only. 

" By the Canon Law," says Burn, 1 " the Dean and Chapter are the guardians of the spiritualities during 
the vacancy ; and it hath been allowed, that of common right they are so at this day in England, and that 
the Archbishop hatli this privilege only by prescription or composition ; and divers Deans do challenge this 
by ancient charters from the Kings of this realm." Lord Coke, whom Burn cites, 2 supports the first of 
these propositions, and on examining the works of the canonists it is quite clear that the general rule of their 
law is in favour of the chapter having and exercising the spiritual jurisdiction during the vacancy of the 
see, although to this there may have been some exceptions in some places. 

Lyndwode says, 3 " Custodia Spiritualium et Temporalium de Jure Communi pertinet ad Capitulum." 
(Jus Commune in Lyndwode's sense of course means the general Canon Law.) In support of his proposition 
he quotes " ])e Major, et Obed. c. quum olim" (Decretal. Greg. ix. lib. i. tit. 33. c. 14) where Gregory IX. 
(1227 1241 ) directs the confirmation of a conventual election to be made sede vacante by the chapter of the 
cathedral of the diocese ; and " De Maj. et Ob. c. unico, lib. 6," (Sexto Decretal, lib. i. tit. 17) where Boniface 
VIII. (1294 1303) says " Episcopali sede vacante, potest capitulum, seu is ad quern episcopalis jurisdictio 
tune temporis noscitur pertinere, iis quibus posset episcopus si viveret ab excommunicationis sententia. . . . 
absolutionis beneficium impertiri, &c." " De consuetudine tamen," continues Lyndwode, " potest pertinere 
ad alium, sicut notatur et legitur De Offic. Ordi. c. prasenti, lib. 6, (Sexto Decretal, lib. i. tit. 16, c. 9)," which 
passage however, relates merely to guardianship of temporalities, " et De Elect, c. Statutum, in Clem. 
(Constit. Clementina) i. 3, 7,)" where Clement V. in the Council of Vienne, (1311) after providing for the 
preservation to the successor of the profits of spiritual or secular courts during a vacancy, says " Ceterum 
ad singulares personas, ad quas ratione dignitatis jurisdictio cum ejus emolumento devolvitur sede vacante, 
de consuetudine, privilegio, vel jure alio special!, volumus praesentetn constitutionem extendi." See 
Decretal, vi. tit. 8. De supplenda neyliyentia prcelatorum, c. iii. And see all the foreign authorities collected 
in the Tractatus Universi Juris, torn. xiii. pars 2a, p. 414 verso. 

The law on this point seems to have been in an unsettled state in the province of Canterbury in the thirteenth 



1 Eccl. Law, Bishops, 225. 2 2 Inst. 15. 

* De Immunitate Ecclesice, lib. iii. tit. 28, ' contigit aliquando,' ad verb, custodiain. 



Priory and Abbey of Canonsleigh. 433 

domini episcopi inhaerere volentes, et eorundem paupertati et utilitati in quantum secundum Deum 
possimus providere cupientes, ut hospites melius et copiosius possint admittere et exbibere, ad 

century, the archbishop and the several chapters each claiming the right. After considerable disputes, 
the question was settled by Archbishop Boniface so far as regarded certain of his suffragan sees. The 
agreements made by him with the chapters of those dioceses appear to be the compositions alluded to by 
Coke. Lyudwood mentions several of these compositions in his Provinciale, lib. v. tit. 15, ' De pcenis " 
constit. " Tantum incaluit " ad verbum " custodi spiritualitatis" where he says, " Loquitur (Johannes 
Peckhatn, Archiep. Cant.) secundum consuetudinem Prov incise, secundum quam Archiepiscopus vacante sede 
deputat custodem spiritualitatis ; vel loquitur secundum compositionem inter Archiepiscopum et Ecclesias 
Cathedrales initain, prout inter Bonefacium et diversas Ecclesias Cathedrales suss Provinciee varise composi- 
tiones in ea parte factse sunt, viz., inter Londini, Sarisbur', Lincoln', Norwich', Wigorn', &c., et alias suse Pro- 
vincise Ecclesias Cathedrales ;" and in lib. ii. tit. 1 , Dejudiciis, const. " In causis" ad verbum " committatur," 
speaking of the jurisdiction in causes matrimonial of Officials principal and others, he notices, " Officialem 
quern dat capitulum, vel alius ad quern spectat, sede vacante." The words vel alius, &c., it may be noted 
in passing, seem to imply that even when Lyndwode wrote the jurisdiction was not quite clear, or at least 
that the law or practice was not uniform as to the authority by whom the official was to be appointed. 

The composition between Archbishop Boniface and the Chapter of London dated August 21, 12C2, is 
printed in Wharton, De Episcopis Londinensilvs, page 255, * and seems to be much of the same character as 
the rest. From the recitals it appears that the dispute had run very high, and had been carried to Rome. 
The agreement (which Newcourt says is still adhered to) was, that on the occurrence of a vacancy in the 
see of London, the chapter should present to the archbishop two or three of their canons, or one minor 
canon with one or two major canons, of whom the archbishop was to choose one to be the official, and to have 
institutions and collations and exercise other jurisdiction, by the authority of the archbishop, who however 
was not to interfere with him in the execution of his office. 

The composition between Archbishop Boniface and the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln, between whom 
there had been long litigation on the subject in the Roman Court, is printed in Wilkins's Concilia, i. 75C. 
It is dated 1261. The Chapter are to present three or four of the canons, of whom the Archbishop is to 
appoint one as Official to exercise the episcopal jurisdiction, except in the city of Lincoln and the cathedral, 
where the Dean himself is to have it. 

The see of Salisbury was vacant in 1272, and it appears from an instrument relating to the appropriation 
of the church of Morden to Canonsieigh, that at that time the jurisdiction was exercised by an Official 
constituted by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The passage proving this runs " provision! . . . Magistri 
Constantini de Mildenhall officialis Saresbur' sede vacante ii Domino Cantuar' Archiepiscopo tocius Anglie 
primate constituti. 2 " 

Battely (App to Suppl. Hist. Cant. No. iv. b. c.), quoting a MS. treatise in the Archives of Christ Church, 
Canterbury, consisting mainly of extracts from the registers, says, " in omnibus aliis diocesibtis (which, 
from the context looks as if Rochester alone was excepted) totius Provinciaj Cantuarise, sede vacante, omnis 
jurisdictio et potestas ordinaria ad Archiepiscopum Cant, totaliter est devoluta et translata, et ipse archie- 
piscopus de officiis et miuistris aliis ordinabit ibidem pro exercitio jurisdictiouis, et durante vacations 
archicpiscopus omnes proventus habubit." 

1 A summary of it is given by Newcourt, Itepertorivm, i. 35. It will also be found at full length in 
Wilkins's Concilia, i. 758. a Harl. MS. 3660, fo. 70. 

VOL. XL. 3 K 



434 Charters and Documents relating to the 

augmentandum eorundem elemosinam et ampliandum domus caritatem, statuimus et ordinamus 
quod in praedictorum Prioris et Canonicorum proprios usus praedicta ecclesia convertatur ; Salvo 
hoc, quod omnia ipsius ecclesioe onera ordinaria debita et consueta sustinoant et pcrsolvant, et quod 
dicta: ecclesise per capellanum et clericum ydoneum faciant deservire. Et quia juri archidiaconali 

But the case of Rochester is peculiar : for there the Archbishop of Canterbury, as is well known, was 
patron ; and, on a vacancy, had the custody of the temporalities, and gave restitution of them, receiving 
the homage of the newly appointed bishop. 1 

I am informed that at the present day, in some cases (apparently those above-mentioned where Boniface's 
compositions exist), the dean and chapter nominate three persons, of whom the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
through his vicar-general, appoints one as commissary, while in other cases the vicar-general assumes the 
guardianship which he exercises through surrogates appointed by himself. In the case of the see of London, 
I learn that the canon who happens to be in residence at the time of the occurrence of the vacancy is always 
selected to exercise the jurisdiction. 

The common lawyers from an early date appear to have been in doubt as to the rights of the matter. 

The Lincoln composition was pleaded before the Court of Common Pleas in Easter Term 17 Edward III. 
(1344)- in a quart non admisit brought by the King against the Archbishop of Canterbury as guardian 
of the spiritualities of the bishopric of Lincoln vacante stde, for not admitting the King's presentee. The 
archbishop's counsel Pult[on?] pleaded in abatement to the writ, that by composition between the dean 
and chapter and the predecessor of the archbishop, it was ordained that in time of voidance, &c., the dean 
and chapter should choose three of the chapter and present them to the archbishop as metropolitan and 
superior, and the archbishop should choose one of the three, who during the vacancy should do what 
appertains to an ordinary, and should have institution and induction (i.e. the right to institute, &c., as 
ordinary): that, in the present case the dean and chapter chose A. B. and C. and presented them to the 
archbishop, who selected one, B, wiio entered on and exercised the office ; and so the archbishop was not 
guardian, but merely superior as metropolitan, so that the writ did not lie against him. 

For the Crown, Thorpe replied that by common right the archbishop was guardian during a vacancy, 
and besides that the person selected to exercise the jurisdiction acted in fact as the official of the archbishop 
by whom he was chosen, and by his commission; and that he answered to the archbishop for the issues 
and profits of his office, so that indeed the archbishop was chief guardian and the minister of the King 
for the King; and that no composition between the archbishop and the chapter could discharge the 
former as against the King. Upon this, Pole for the defendant rejoined by a traverse of the archbishop's 
right at common law, for, said he, " by common right and law the dean and chapter are the guardians 
unless this be modified by prescription or composition." Moreover, that it did not fall within the province 
of the King's Court to inquire who was guardian, but that the writ should be addressed to the guardian in 
general terms, and not to the holder of the office by name. 

Thorpe explained himself to mean by "common right" that it was usual, and in fact universal, 
in the realm that the archbishop should be guardian. 

After some further argument, Stouford gave judgment. He said that the jurisdiction was one which 
had always existed, and that in his opinion it had its commencement by licence of the King : winding up with 
the rather questionable dictum, that in the time of Ilichard I. (the time of legal memory) and ever before, 



1 See Battely, pt. ii. 62. * Year Book, 17 Edw. III. Pasch. No. 9, fo. 23. 



Priory and Abbey of Canonsleiylc. 435 

per dictam appropriationem ratione sequestri et aliis ex causis posset derogari in posterum in 
aliquem eventum ; volumus et statuiinus in recompensationem dictae lesionis quod in perpetuum 

the archbishops were guardians, until in King Henry the Third's time, for default of good guardianship, 
&c., the composition was made ut supra : " and we do not consider that a composition made between the 
parties since the time of memory can discharge the archbishop as against the King." The matter ended 
here, as the see of Lincoln was shortly afterwards filled up, and the King sued the new bishop. 

This case was cited by Coke in the argument in Grange v. Denny, Bulstrode, part 3, 174, and indeed it is 
this case which was in his mind when stating the law in 2 Institute 15, already cited. Coke, however, rather 
stretches the case to prove, what it does not, that of common right the dean and chapter are guardians of 
the spiritualties ; but he adds, " but now the archbishops have used to have this by way of composition, as 
great lords will incroaoh all into their own hands." Dodderidge, J., continuing the discussion in Grange v. 
Denny, remarked, as to an archbishop, that vacante sede of a bishop within his province he himself is 
guardian of the spiritualties ; sed sede vacante of his own diocese, the dean and chapter of this is guardian 
of the spiritualties. Lord Coke answers to this " This did commence by way of composition, but originally 
it was not so, but the dean and chapter was guardian of the spiritualties." Dodderidge : " It doth not 
appear to be so by our books, no mention being made of any such composition, but the guardian of the 
spiritualties to be according to the difference before put between a province and a diocese." 

In Broke's Abridgment is the following memorandum (Administrators et Administration, ca. 4C): 
" Nota per omnes legis peritos, et per ceux del arches (the advocates of the Arches Court), quod tempore 
vacationis d'un Archevesque ou d'un Evesque, le Deane et le Chapter committra 1'administration ;" that is 
to say, that the right of the ordinary to grant administration of the goods of defunct persons within his 
jurisdiction is to be exercised sede vacante by the dean and chapter. 

Cowell (Law Dictionary, sub voce Gustos) says : " The appointment of custos spiritualitatis or spirit it- 
alium by the canon law appertains to the dean and chapter; but at present with us in England to the 
archbishop of the province by prescription. Howbeit divers deans and chapters (if Glover says truly in tin- 
preface to his Readings,) do challenge this by ancient charters from the kings of this land." 

Ayliffe, Parergon, 125, puts the matter rather differently. He says " Of common right the dean and 
chapter are guardians of the spiritualties during the vacancy of a bishopric (citing Decretal, lib. v. 7, 9, or 
rather the gloss on that text): but the usage of England is, that the archbishop is the guardian of the 
spiritualties during such vacancy as to matters of jurisdiction, &c." And he refers to the case of the Dean 
and Chapter of Durham v. Archbishop of York, 1 Ventr. 225, the report of which case is shortly as 
follows. 

In a prohibition the archbishop pleaded a prescription that he and his predecessors have time out of mind 
been guardians of the spiritualties of the bishopric of Durham sede vacante; and issue was joined thereupon, 
and tried at the bar this term. (Michs. 24 Chas. II.) Hall said: "de jure communi, the dean and chapter 
were guardians of the spiritualties during the vacancy as to matters of jurisdiction, &c. but the usage here 
in England is that the archbishop is guardian of the spiritualties in the suffragan diocese." There was much 
evidence given that anciently during the vacancy of Durham the archbishop had exercised jurisdiction, both 
contentious and other, as guardian of the spiritualties; but since Henry VIII. 's time it had been for the most 
part administered by the dean and chapter: and the verdict -was here for the dean and chapter. 

The curiosity of the question, and the absence of clear information in the text books, may, it is hoped, bt- 
pleaded as an excuse for the great length of this note. In countries where the decrees of the Council of Trent 

3 K2 



436 Charters and Documents relating to the 

archidiacono Tanthon et successoribus suis de dicta ecclesia synodalia dupplicentur, et dupplicata 
una cum procuratione nobis et successoribus nostris debita eisdem in perpetuum reddantur. Imitan- 
tes in hoc factum dicti domini Joscelini quondam Bathoniensis episcopi qui in ccclcsiis quas de 
novo viris religiosis appropriavit predicta fieri statuit et ordinavit. In cujus rei testimonium 
praesentem cartam sigilli nostri impressione roboravimus. Hiis testibus, Magistro Roberto de 
Sancto Quintino canonico beatae Mariae Beluacensis, Domino Henrico de Ivelcestre vicario de 
Chywtone, Petro vicario de Milvertone, Roberto capellano de Langeforde, Willelrao de Russham, 
Ricardo de Sancto Albano clerico, Baldewino domino de Thome, et multis aliis. Datum apud 
Leghe anno Incarnationis Domini millesimo ducentesimo quadragesimo tercio, mense Aprili, die 
sancti Georgii martyris. Nos autem praedictam ordinationem praedictl magistri Walter! de Sancto 
Quintino archidiaconi Tanthon ratam habentes et gratam, eidem nostrum adhibemus assensum, et 
hoc prassenti scripto nostro protcstamur. In cujus rei testimonium eidem sigilla nostra apponi 
fecimus. Datum Wett decimo sexto Kt. Julii, anno Domini millesimo ducentesimo quadragesimo 
tercio. 

Two labels for seals. First seal lost. Second seal pointed oval ; 3 by 2 inches in size. Subject ; 
a full length (archi)episcopal effigy, holding in his left hand a cross-staff with vexilluvn appendant. 
Right hand in benediction. On either side a small object (a dragon or perhaps a flower). Feet 
resting on a (prostrate figure?) Legend, in Lombardic character, SIGILLUM : ECCLESIE : BEATI : 
AXDREE : DE : WE[LLES]. Counterseal, pointed oval ; 2-J- u - by If. Subject : between three 
countersunk quaterfoils, St. Andrew on his cross. Above, on dexter the sun, sinister the moon. 
In base, between lower limbs of the saltire, a demi-figure in adoration. Legend, in Lombardic 
character, VIKTUTEM SANCTE CRUCIS AGNOUI. 



Num. II. 

Carta de annexalione advocationis ecclesice de Thome Sanctce Margarets ecclesia 
de Milcerton, una cum fundatione cantaria in ecclesia Wellensi. 

[Ex autographo penes eundem. Vide Cod. Harl. 3C60, fo. 48.] 

Omnibus Christ! fidelibus ad quos praescns scriptum pervenerit, frater Henricus prior de Leghe 
et ejusdem loci canonici, salutem in domino. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum simus vicini 
viri venerabilis magistri Walteri de Sancto Quintino archidiaconi Tanthon, et ipse a nobis gratiam 

are accepted, the matter is definitively settled. See Cone. 'Trident. Sess. xxiv. " de Reformatione," cap. 16. 
" Capitulum sede vacante .... officialem seu vicarium infra octo dies post mortem episcopi con- 
stituere tenetur." 

It should be observed that in the appropriation of Sampford the dean and chapter were consenting parties 
(as, indeed, by the canon law they must have been, see Decretal, lib. iii. 10, 8, de hits qui fivnt a prcelato 
sint assensu capituli), and so may not have been interested in disputing Archdeacon Walter's law in that 
case; yet the general claim was adverse to them. 



Priory and Abbey of Canonsleigh. 437 

specialem el magnam optinere meruit, cum in multis urgentissimis arduis et necessariis negotiis 
nobis et ecclesiae nostrae profuerit habundanter, et domus nostrse paupertatem in pluribus sui gratia 
valde liberaliter et gratanter relevaverit : nolentes vicium ingratitudinis incurrere, set pocius grata 
vicissitudine eidem respondere pro posse nostro, licet non a pari hoc facere possimus; habito pru- 
dentiura virorum consilio, de communi et unanimi assensu omnium nostrorum maxima et diutina 
super hoc praehabita deliberatione, praedicto magistro Waltero archidiacono duas acras terrae de la 
Wudehulle cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, quae jacent inter terram quae fuit Symonis de Lukcumbe 
et terram qua; fuit Sampsonis de Raddune, una cum advocatione ecclesise beatae Margaretae de 
Thorne, et suis assignatis seu attornatis religiosis et aliis, prsedictis rationibus et aliis quampluribus 
moti, concedimus et donamus, pure, sponte et absolute, absque aliquo retinemento in perpetuum, 
cum eadem libertate et collatione et pociori si possimus quam habemus a Baldewino de Thorne 
quondam ejusdem ecclesiae advocate. Et omnia praedicta cum omnibus suis pertinenciis eidem 
archidiacono et successoribus siue assignatis suis in perpetuum contra omnes homines plene wa- 
rentizabimus. Cartam vero dicti patroni per quam nobis dictam terram cum advocatione ecclesiae 
contulit dictus Baldewinus in haec verba inseri fecimus: Omnibus Christifidelibusad quos prasens 
scriptum pervenerit, Baldewinus dominus de Thorne, salutem in Domino. Noverit universita? 
vestra me divinae pietatis intuitu, necnon et pro salute animas meae et omnium antecessorum et suc- 
cessorum meorurn, pro me et heredibus meis dedisse, concessissc, et hac praesenti carta mea con- 
firmasse in puram et perpetuam elemosinam, et omnino liberam et quietam in perpetuum, Deo et 
ecclesiae beatae Mariae et Sancti Johannis evangelistae de Leghe in Devonia et canonicis ibidem deo 
servientibus duas acras terras de la Wudehulle cum omnibus pertinentiis suis que jacent inter terrain 
quae fuit Symonis de Lukcumbe, et terram quae fuit Sampsonis de Raddune, una cum advocatione 
ecclesiae beatae Margaretae de Thorne; Habendas et tenendas pratdictis ecclesiae et canonicis tie 
Leghe praedictas duas acras terrae et praedictae ecclesiaa advocationem, cum omnibus pertinentiis 
suis, libere, quiete, integre et pacifice in perpetuum, ut praedictum est, absque omni contradictione 
et calumpnia mei vel heredum meorum in perpetuum. Ita quod nee ego nee aliquis heredum 
meorum, nee aliquis pro me, nee aliquis pro illis, poterimus in praedictis duabus acris et advocatione 
dicta; ecclesiae vel pertinentiis suis aliquid juris vel clamii vendicare. Licebit etiam eisdein priori 
et canonicis prsedictas duas acras cum prsodicta; ecclesiae advocatione et suis pertinentiis quan- 
documque et cuicunque voluerint sine omni contradictione vel molestia a me vel heredibus mei? 
assignare. Et ego Baldewinus et heredes mei tenemur warentizare in perpetuum praedictis ecclesiae 
et canonicis de Leghe, vel eorum attornatis vel assignatis, dictas duas acras cum advocatione dicta; 
ecclesiae cum omnibus pertinentiis suis contra omnes homines. Et ut hsec mea donatio, concessio, 
et praesentis cartae meae confirmatio ratae sint et stabiles in perpetuum, praesentem cartum sigilli mei 
inpressione roboravi. Hiis testibus: Domino Johele de Valletorte tune vicecomite Sumersete, 
Henrico de Chaunflur, Magistro Ilenrico persona ecclesiae de Stauntone, Domino Thoma de Tetce- 
burne, Symone de Lukcumbe, Johanne de Arundelle, Roberto de Wilecestre, Willelmo de Ore- 
weye, Nicholao de Hallehey, et multis aliis." Quam quidem terram cum advocatione dictae ecclesia? 

* In the Cartulary, the word " clerico " is inserted after the name of Henry de Champflour. A person 
of these names was sheriff of Somerset 1286. 



438 Charters and Documents relating to the 

et omnibus pertinentiis suis tarn de consensu dicti Baldewini quondam advocati cjusdem ecclesiae 
quam nostro communi et unanimi asscnsu omnium nostrorum dedit et concessit dictus archidiaconus 
ecclesiae de Milvertone in perpetuum, quae est praebenda ecclesiae Wellensis dicto archidiaconatui 
Tanthon in perpetuum annexa. Ita quod quicumque qui pro tempore in posterum tenuerit sive 
habuerit dictam ecclesiam de Milvertone cum praedicta terra et ecclesia de Thome inveniat an- 
nuatim in perpetuum apud Welt in vigilia obitus dicti magistri Walter! de Sancto Quintino archi- 
diaconi Tanthon viginti solidos, distribuendos per manus communariorum inter canonicos et 
clericos ecclesiae Wellensis qui die anniversarii sui et in vigilia in choro interfuerint sollempni 
celebration! dicti anniversarii ejusdem usque ad plenam dicti servicii consummationem. Item et 
quod pncter haec inveniat annuatim in perpetuum in quatuor anni terminis, videlicet in festo Sancti 
Michaelis, Natalis Domini, Paschae, Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae, aequis portionibus, 
quadraginta solidos ad sustentationem unius capellani qui singulis diebus per annum faciet in 
ccclcsia Wellensi plena? servitium defunctorum, cum Commendatione, Placebo et Dirige, pro 
anima dicti Walter! de Sancto Quintino et Joscelini bonac memoriae quondam Bathoniensis episcopi, 
qui dicto Waltero dictum archidiaconatum contulit, et Johannis presbiteri et thesaurarii Sares- 
biriensis avunculi dicti Walteri qui ipsum educavit, et patris et matris ejusdem Walteri specialiter, 
et pro animabus omnium benefiictorum ecclesiae Wellensis de Milvertone et Thome, et pro anima- 
bus omnium iidelium defunctorum, liberandos capellano et ejusdem ecclesiae vicario qui dictum 
servitium fecerit, per manum communiarii Wellensis qui pro tempore fuerit. Qui capellanus in 
festo Sancti Michaelis ammovebitur per archidiaconum Tanthon qui pro tempore fuerit, et per 
cundcm alms de anno in annum loco ejusdem substituetur in perpetuum. Quod si in ammovitione 
('c) vel in substitutione praedicta negligens fuerit, vel remissus, vel minus ydoneum substituerit ar- 
chidiaconus memoratus per negligentiam suam, eo anno ipsius ammotio ct substitutio ad capitulum 
Wellense pertineat. Et si forte capellanus ad dictum servitium assignatus impedimento quoeumque 
detentus, dictum servitium aliquo die vel tempore facere non poterit, vel voluerit, vel non fecerit, 
alius loco suo ydoneus illud faciat, et emolumentum tanti temporis per quod illud facerit plene 
pcrcipiat. Ita quod alterius impedimento cessante, ille ut prius usque terminum suuin illud per- 
ficiat. Quod si forte episcopus vel archidiaconus Tanthon, vel alius qui dictam ecclesiam de Mil- 
vertone habuerit vel tenuerit, collationem praedictam, modum et formam ratum habere vel stare 
nolucrit, vel ipsam non observaverint, vel ipsius observationem perturbaverint, quominus in forma 
praedicta stare nequierit, vel non steterit, extunc irrita sit et nulla penitus per omnia collatio et 
assignatio pracdictae, et sub pracdictis modo et forma et tenore in omnibus devolvatur ad capitulum 
Wellense. Ita quod capitulum Wellense habeat et teneat omnia prsedicta in usus communae suae 
in perpetuum, et fieri faciat dicta servitia sub eisdem modo et forma in omnibus et per omnia, ut 
praBdictum est. Quod si forte capitulum Wellense praedicta per omnia lacere noluerit, vel non 
fecerit, extunc irrita et penitus nulla habeatur collatio et assignatio praedicta facta capitulo 
Wellensi, et devolvatur absolute ad Prioratum de Leghe; Ita quod in ecclesia sua de Leghe 
fieri faciant dicta servitia annuatim in perpetuum sub modo et forma praedicta, non per canoni- 
cum set per capellanum secularem, quern in domo sua ad hoc tencant de anno in annum per 
visum archi[diaconi] Tanthon qui pro tempore fuerit, et ad hoc faciendum per subtractionem 
bcneficiorum quae habet Prioratus de Leghe in archidiaconatu Tanthon compellat archidiaconus 






Priory and Abbey of Canonsleigh. 



439 



Tanthon saepedictus. In cujus rei robur, approbationem , confirmationcm et tcstimonium, praesenti 
cartse tarn ego fratcr Henricus Prior de Leghe, et ejusdem loci canonici, quam dictus Baldewinus 
et Walterus archidiaconus memoratus sigilla nostra apposuimus. Hiis testibus, Magistro Roberto 
de Sancto Quintino canonico ecclesise beatae Mariae Beluacensis, Domino Henrico vicario de Chiwe- 
tone, Petro vicario de Milvertone, Roberto de Langeforde capellano, Willelmo de Russham, Ri- 
cardo de Sancto Albano clerico, Baldewino de Thome, et aliis. Datum apud Leghe anno Incar- 
nationis Domini millessimo ducentesimo quadragesimo tercio, mense Aprili, die Sancti Georgii. 






The first seal is that of the Prior of Legh, with the eagle of St. John for the device. 
The second seal is that of the priory, as described in Mon. Dioc. Ex. p. 224. 
The third seal is that of the Archdeacon: The legend NOTioiA DIGNO WALTERI CREDITK 
SIGNO. The counterseal is a small antique gem representing a female head in profile. 



Num. III. 
Carta Galfridi de Pourtuna super dccimas de Mordone. 

[Ex autographo penes eundem.] 

Venerabili Domino et patri suo, Gocit Salesbericnsi episcopo," Gaufr de Pourtuna salutem. No- 
vcrit illustrissima sanctitas vestra me concessisse et donasse ccclcsiae Sancte Marise de Morduna 



11 Probably Josceline, Bishop of Salisbury, 114-2-1184. 



140 Charters and Documents relating to the 

omnes decimas dominii mei de Mordun, quarum unam partem antiquitus antccessores mei prse- 
scriptae ecclcsiae debito reddiderunt, reliquas vero duas partes aliis ecclcsiis contulcrunt, et in alios 
sumptus quandoque pro libito suo libere transtulerunt. Et ut eas deinceps totas plenarie possideat 
pnenominata ecclcsia, et ut munis calumpnia annicbiletur, omnis controversia frustrctur, propria 
in manu in conspcctu ecclesiae praefatas decimas super altare praescriptae ecclesiae reddidi et hanc 
donationcm carte mese astipulatione confirmavi, ct sigilli impressione roboravi. Hiis testibus, 
Osberto capellano, Willelmo clerico, Waltero militis filio, Alvieto, Falcone, Seleuro, Tramudo pres- 
bytero, et Ailmaro filio ejus, Norinan, et aliis quampluribus parrochianis qui huic donatione inter- 
fuerunt. 

Endorsed. Mordon de dono decimarum. (This instrument is not in the Harleian Cartulary.) 
Seal. Circular. Nearly 2 inches in diameter. Device : an equestrian effigy to the sinister in 
long hauberk of chain mail, high peaked cap of mail, sword in right, and club-like object, probably 
a shield much in profile, in right hand. Legend : + SIGILL[VM GAVFK]IDI DE POVRTV[NE]. 



Num. IV. 

Appropriatio ecclesia de Mordone facto, canonicis de Leghe per Waltcrum de la 

Wyle Episcopum Salisburiensem. 

[Ex autographo penes eundem. Vide Cod. Harl. 3660, fo. 70]. 

Universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis presentes literas visuris et audituris, Walterus dei gratia 
cpiscopus Sarr, salutem in domino sempiternam. Quia nobis legitime constitit quod religiosi viri 
Prior ct Conventus de Leghe Canonicorum Exoniensis diocesis ecclesiam de Mordone in Dorsettia 
nostrae diocesis multo tempore transacto canonice adepti sunt in suos proprios usus perpetuo possi- 
ilendam, ac ipsam eeclesiam salva vicaria ejusdem legitime praescripserunt per pacificam longi 
tcmporis possessionern Xos pracdictorum religiosorum securitati super eadem ecclesia providere 
volentes, dei intuitu et ad instantiam venerabilis patris domini Johannis dei gratia Wintoniensis 
episcopi, pncdictam ecclesiam de Mordone cum omnibus juribus et pertinenciis suis, salva compe- 
tent! porcione vicariae ejusdem ecclesiae, praedictis priori et conventui ac eorum successoribus 
perpetuis temporibus in usus proprios canonicorum loci praedicti de Leghe possidendam de venera- 
biliuin virorum decani et capituli ecclesiae nostrae Salesbir consensu concedimus et confirmamus. 
In quorum tc?timonium sigillum nostrum et sigillum praedictorum decani et capituli prcsentibus 
literis patentibus sunt appensa. Dat Sarr in crastino Cinerum, Anno ab Incarnatione Domini 
Mducentesimo sexagesimo tercio. 

Seals. 1. Pointed oval. 3 by 1 finches in size. Subject: full length episcopal effigy in bene- 
diction, standing on a corbel, maniple to the pastoral staff. Legend, in Lombardic character, 
[WAL]TERUS n'i GKA. SALESBIRIENSIS Eri8cop[vs]. 

2. Pointed oval. 3 by 2 inches. Subject : seated on a throne under a trefoiled early-English 



Priory and Abbey of Canonslciyh. 441 

arch, the Blessed Virgin wearing a low crown: in her right hand a sceptre held bend wise: sitting 
on her knee the Divine Infant. Legend, in Lombardic character, + SIGILL [SANC]TE MARIE 
[SAu]E8[Bii:iEN8]lS ECCL'lE. Engraved in Hoare, Modern Wilts, vol. i. Salisbury Seals, 
PL i. No. 1. 



Num. V. 

Compositio inter Henricum Priorem de Leghe et Johannem de Cktvilla de custodia, 

Domm de Leghe vacante Prioratu. 

[Cod. Harl. 36GO, fo. 25 b.] 

Notum sit omnibus quod cum inter Henricum Priorem et canonicos de Leghe Exoniensis 
diocesis ex parte una et Johannem de Clavilla Dominum de Burlescumbc ex altera parte super 
custodia prioratus de Leghe tcmpore vacationis ipsius, quam custodiam idem Johannes clamat ad se 
pertinere tanquam ad patronum ejusdem prioratus, orta esset materia contencionis ; tandem commu- 
nibus arnicis intervenientibus sopita est finaliter dicta contentio in hunc modum: videlicet quod 
quotienscunque vacabit Prioratus predictus, idem Johannes et heredes sui eligent janitorem qui 
prius fuerat in eodem prioratu vel quemcunque alium servientem dicti prioratus pro voluntate 
dicti Johannis et heredum suorum, et personam per eos sic electam jurare faciant super sancta 
Evangelia quod durante dicta vacatione portam domus predictoe fideliter custodiat; Ita quod non 
permittet aliquos exteriores Prioratum pracdictum intrare, vel intcriores aliquid de bonis domus 
asportare ad dampnum domus, quominus elemosina dicti Johannis heredum et progenitorum 
suorum bene et fideliter custodiatur. Conccssit insuper dictus Johannes pro se et heredibus suis 
quod ratione vacationis predictae domus quandocumquc vacaverit, nihil sive de bonis dictae domus 
appropriare vel quicquam aliud ratione patronatus in ea vendicare possint imperpetuum quam id 
quod superius est expressum. In cujus rei testimonium presenti scripto duplicato supradictaa partes 
hinc inde sigilla sua apposuerunt. Da? in festo Apostolorum Simonis ct Judae Anno Domini 
MCClxxx secundo Anno R. R. Edwardi decimo; Presentibus, Magistro Waltero de Lecche- 
lade Precentore Exoniensi et Domini Petri Exoniensis Episcopi tune Vicario, Nicholao Silvayn, 
Simone Rectore Ecclesiaj de Bagewrthc, Henrico de Berneville, Willelmo fratre suo, Willelmo 
Lampreic, Waltero de Claville et aliis. 



Num. VI. 

Littercc Patentee Regis Edwardi Tertii, de pecunia Canonicarum de Leghe 

mutuata. 

[Ex autographo penes Dominum Portmaii ] 

Edwardus Dei gratia rex Angliaj, dominus Hiberniae et Dux Aquitania;, omnibus ad quos 
presentes litters; pervenerint salutem. Sciatis quod cum dominus E. quondam rex Angliae, avus 
VOL. XL. 3 L 



442 Charters and Documents relating to the 

noster, pro urgentissimis ncgociis suis, et pro utilitato et defcnsione tocius rcgni sui, recepisset dc 
abbatissa et monialibus de Canounlcglie per manus tune thesaurarii et camerariornm ejusdem 
avi nostri dc scaccario suo sexcentas scxaginta et duodecim libras quinque solidos decem denarios 
et unuiH obolum, per visum et testimonium David de Seryngtone clerici ejusdem abbatissse, 
idemque avus noster sextodecimo die Septembris anno regni sui vicesimo secundo per litteras suas 
patentes sigillo scaccarii sui signatas promisisset praefatis abbatissae et monialibu's de predicta 
pecunue summa satisfieri facere cum ab ipsis super hoc esset requisitus, ac dominus E. nuper 
rex Angliae, pater noster, vicesimo die Marcii anno regni sui quarto, per litteras suas patentes, 
magno sigillo suo signatas, concessisset cisdem abbatissae et monialibus quod de custodiis quas ad 
manus suas contingeret devenirc liberarentur pncfatis abbatissae et monialibus centum libratae 
terra; seu redditus per annum per rationabilem extentam inde faciendam, tenend et habend 
quousque indc ad plenum levassent et habuissent sexcentas sexaginta et duodecim libras quinque 
solidos decem denarios et unum obolum supradictos, prout in litteris dictorum avi et patris 
nostrorum pncdictis per pnedictas abbatissam et moniales nobis in cancellariam nostram restitutis 
plenius continetur, De qua quidem pecuniae summa predicts; abbatissa et moniales solucionem 
seu alias satisfactionem hactenus ut asscrnnt assequi non potuerunt, per quod nobis per petitionem 
suam coram nobis et consilio nostro exhibitam, supplicarunt ut eis inde solutionem seu alias 
satisfactionem fieri jubere velimus competentem Xos volentes prtefatis abbatissae et monialibus 
dc praedicta pecunix summa satisfieri, ut cst justum, concessimus eisdem abbatissae et monialibus, 
quod ipsi (sic) singulis annis a primo die Junii proximo prajterito computandis postquam millc librae 
tam de antiqtia quam nova custumis in portu villa} nostrae Sutbamptone ad opus nostrum levatse 
fuerint, medietatem tocius residui earundem custumarum, custuma vinorum dumtaxat excepta, 
percipiant et habeant per manus collectorum nostrorum custumarum earundem qui pro tempore 
fuerint, quousque pradietae abbatissa et moniales dictos sexcentas scxaginta et duodecim libras 
quinque solidos decem denarios et unum obolum receperint de medietate supradicta. In cujus rei 
testimonium lias litteras nostras fieri fccimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium, 
xv. die Octobris, anno regni nostri quinto. Per ipsum Kegem. 

[A fragment of the great seal (B of Professor Willis) remains in white wax.] 



Num. VII. 

i 

Carta Johannis de Clamle super decimas de Mordene et Breicere. 

[Ex autographo penes eundern. Vide Cod. Harl. 3660, fo. 26.] 

Pateat universis per prcscntcs quod cum ego Johannes de Clavilla diversas cartas Walteri de 
Clavilla antecessoris mci et aliorum antecessorum meorum inspexerim continentes quod ipsi ante- 
cessores pro salute sua et salute antecessorum suorum ct successorum suorum dederint et conces- 
serint Ecclesiae Dei et Sanctae ilariac Sanctique Johannis Ewangelistae de Leghe totam decimam 



Priory and Abbey of Canonsle/i///. 443 

reddituum diversarum terraruin suarum ab ipsis ct heredibus suis prefatse ecclesia; reddendam; ego 
dictus Johannes successor dicti Walter! et hereditario jure tenens predictarum terraruin, decem 
solidos et octo denarios de decimis quorurndam reddituum predictorum per viginti et sex annos in 
festo Sancti Michaclis proximo ante diem confectionis presenciurn annuatim a retro existere fateor 
per presentcs. Et ad animse meac ct antecessorum meorum et successorum meorum periculum 
magis evitandum volo et concede quod ego dictus Johannes heredes et assignati mei dictos decem 
solidos et octo denarios per tempus predictum subtractos ecclesia? predicts; et Religiosis Dominabus 
Abbatisse et Conventui ibidem Deo serventibus et successoribus suis in puram et perpetuam 
elemosinam de cetero annuatim ad quatuor anni terminos principales equis porcionibus persolvere 
teneamur impcrpetuum; videlicet, de decinia quorumdam reddituum de Mordone octo solidos; et 
de decima Brewer ibidem duos solidos et octo denarios. Insuper volo et concede pro me et heredi- 
bus et assignatis meis quod si in solucione decem solidorum et octo denariorum predictorum in toto 
vel in parte suis terminis defecerimus(quod absit) quod ballivi domini Comitis Glouccstriae qui pro 
tempore f'uerint sumptibus nostris nos per nostras dictas terras distringant et districtioncs teneant 
quousquc predictis Dominabus Abbatissae et Conventui ut de jure Ecclcsiaj predictae plenaric fuerit 
satisfactum. In cujus rei testimonium prescntibus sigillum meum npposui. Dat apud I-egh 
Canonicarum undecimo die Mail anno Domini Mcccxj et regni R. Edward! fil. R. Edwardi iiij". 

Seal. Circular ^ inch in diameter. Device, a key in pale. Legend, in Lombardic character, 
SI. IOHISDECLAVILLE. 



Num. VIII. 
Processus clectlonis Domino; Alicia; Parker in Abbatissam Monasterii de Ley a. 

f_Ex autogr. penes eundem.] 

Revcrendo in Christo patri ct domino Domino Johanni Dei gratia Exoniensi episcopo, ipsiusve 
vicario in spiritualibus general!, coinmissario ejusve locum in hac parte tenenti cuicumque, suaj 
humiles et devotie in Ghristo filioe Cristina Edwyke pi-iorissa claustralis" inonasterii hcatae Mario; 
Virginia Sanctique Johannis Evangelists dc Canonleghe ordinis sancti Augustini Exoniensis 
dioceseos et cjusdcm loci conventus, obcdientiam et reverenciam tanto patri debitiis cum honore. 
Reverend* vostraj paternitati ac omnibus quorum interest vcl intcrerit in hac partc quomodolibet 
in futurum notum facimus per prsesentes quod praefato monasterio nostro nuper vacante atque 
abbatissaj et pastricis solacio dcstituto, per mortem bouse inemoria; Johanna! 

,11. ... .. . ... Death of the last 

Arundelle ultima! abbatissaj dicti monasterii, qua; (prout placuit Deo) die dominion, abi>u, Keb. 17. 

videlicet decimo septimo die niensis Februarii anno Domini millesimo quadringcn- 

tesimo septuagcsimo diem suum clausit extremum, ac die Jovis proximo extunc sequent!, videlicet 

A conventual prior is one who is himself the head of the house; a claustral prior, one who hus an 
abbat over him; v. Lyndw. ad Coustit. De scrutinio in online, &c. c. cumquaiittt, v. prior. 

3L 2 



444 Charters and Documents relating to the 

vicesimo primo die cjusdem mensis Februarii ipsius corpore prout decuit ecclesiasticse tradito 

sepulturae ; Petita insuper, ut moris est, ex parte nostra liccncia pariter et obtenta a 
obtained from prsenobili et praepotenti viro domino Kicardo comite War? et Sar ipsius monasterii 

'patrono et fundatore,* procedendi ad novam electionem abbatissa; ibidem faciendam, 
ne ipsum monasterium nostrum incommoda diucius deploraret, ego Cristina Edwyk priorissa 
antedicta ac prassidens capituli ipso monasterio sic vacante, die Sabbati post festum Sancti Gregorii 
Papse, videlicet decimo-septimo die mensis Marcii, b una cum consororibus infrascriptis tune ibidem 
praesentibus, intravimus domum capitularem ejusdem monasterii, ac licentia dicti patroni ostensa 
lecta et declarata primitus per me coram eisdem, videlicet coram domina Johanna Brydham 
celeraria, Domina Alicia Ayshforde suppriorissa, Domina Johanna Cave, Domina Agnete Yerde 
sacrista, Domina Agnete William firmaria, Domina Alicia Parker tercia priorissa, Domina 
Florencia Carewe secunda cantrice, Domina Johanna Seynt Tabyn, Domina Johanna Stappe" 
expresse, Sorore Radegunda Stapulhille, Amea Clyftone, et Agnete Stone canonicis et consororibus 
in dicto monasterio regulam et ordinem Sancti Augustini tacite d professis simul et capitularite r 
congregatis, do special! mandato et expresso consensu ipsarum omnium et singularum consororum, 

Pro me dicta Cristina et dictis meis consororibus diem Jovis proximum extunc 
Eufction! 1 ' sequentem, videlicet vicesimum primum diem mensis Marcii, ad electionem futurae 

abbatissse monasterii nostri prasdicti in dicto domo capitulari faciendam seu cele- 
brandam cum continuatione et prorogatione dierum tune immediate sequentium quousque electio 
hujusmodi fuerit cclebrata, Nobismet ipsis et nostrum singulis ac cuilibet de dicto conventu sen 
aliunde vocein in hujusmodi electione habentibus, necnon ad omnia alia et singula exercenda et 
expedienda quaa ipsius electionis negocium et nos concernere in ea parte poterant vel debuerant, 

a The coinji! <l\'lire, or licence of the patron to elect a head, was required just as much in the case of a 
small abbey like Cauonsleigh, as it is at the present day before the chapter of Canterbury or London can 
elect an arclibi.shop or bishop. 

In the present instance, Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick and Salisbury (the "king-maker"), appears to 
have been founder and patron in right of his wife Anne Beauchamp, ultimately heir of her brother, Henry, 
Duke of Warwick, himself heir of Isabel Despencer, by her second husband, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of 
Warwick: this Isabel being sister and heir of Richard Despencer, Earl of Gloucester, great-grandson of 
Edward, second son of Hugh le Despencer the younger, and heir of his mother Eleanor, eldest sister and coheir 
of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hereford, son and heir of Gilbert, son and heir of Matilda 
de Clare, the foundress of the abbey. On the attainder of the king-maker, who only survived Alice 
Parker's election by one year, having been slain at the battle of Barnet in 1471, his possessions coming to 
the crown, King Henry VII. became founder, and as such gave conge d'elire on the next election of an 
abbess in 1488, when Alice Parker died, and again in 1499, after the death of Joan Stubbe. 

b The day of the mouth seems mistaken. The 17th of March in 157$, with which year all the rest cf 
the dates agree, fell on Sunday not on Saturday. 

f Probably the same person as Joan Stubbe, afterwards abbess. 

d A religious person might be held " tacitly professed " who, being of full age, remained in the monastery 
upwards of a year, wearing the habit of the order, although he or she had not solemnly taken the vows. 
See as to this, Lyndwode, Tit. De Regularibus c. Sanctimoniales. 



Priory and Abbey of Canonsleigh. 446 

assignavimus, limitavimus, assumpsimus, statuimus et praefiximus tune ibidem. Decrevimus eciam 

tune ibidem de consensu omnium ct singularum consororum tune prsesencium 

Dominam Aliciam Ayshbury, ejusdem domus praeeentricem, ordinem et regulam |^t 

Sancti Augustini expresse professam, sed tune absentem, et quadam gravi aegritudine 

in firmitorio detentam, fore citandam, ad interessendum die et loco prefixis una cum aliis, et 

consenciendum in negocio eleccionis hujusmodi, si voluerit et valuerit commode 

interesse. Quo die Jovis veniente, videlicet vicesimo primo die mensis Marcii 

antedicti, missaque de Spiritu Sancto ad summum altare ejusdem monasterii solemp- 

niter celebrata, ac demum convenientibus insimul ad sonum campanae Mary vulgariter nuncupate, 

et capitulariter congregatis in domo nostra capitulari praedieta pro hujusmodi electione celebranda, 

Xobis Cristina priorissa, Johanna Brydham, Alicia Ayshforde, Agnete Yerde, Agnete Wylyham, 

Alicia Parker, Florencia Carew, Johanna Seynt Tabyn, Johanna Stappe, Radegunda Stapulhille, 

Amea Clyftone, et Agnete Stone, pcrsonaliter, Johanna Cave et Alicia Ayshbury in firmitorio 

gravi 33<mtudinc detentis. per me dictam priorissam earum procuratricem rite et 

Sermon, Pet. 1, 

sufficienter ordmatam, ac proposito verbo Dei per venerabilem virum magis- m. 8 " Be ye all 

trum Nicholaum Gosse in sacra theologia bacallarium, cujus thema Unanimes estate, 

prima Petri tercio, et Spiritus Sancti gracia invocata per decantacionem ympni Angelici " Veni 

Creatus (sic) Spiritw" solempniter decantati, ac constitutionibus Quia propter* et Vt,d Creator 

Indempnitatibvs b per discretum virum magistrum Owynum Lloid, legum doctorem, 

summarie declaratis in vulgari, Post licenciam ejusdem domini Ricardi comitis Warf r ^ M 

et Sar patroni publice et aperte perlectam declaratam et repetitam nobis elegendi 

ibidem futuram abbatissam per eundem concessam, cujus Iicentio3 tenor patet in haec verba: 

Ricardus comes Warret Sar religiosae domus atque ecclesiac de Canonleghe ordinis Sancti Augus- 
tini Exoniensis diocesis fundator, priorissae domus praedictae et ejusdem domus con- 
ventui, salutem in domino sempiternam. Cum domusatque ecclesia praedictae per mortem t ^ e ' 
religiosac mulieris Johannas Arundelle, nuper abbatissae domus praedictae, qurc dudum 
obiit, cujusque corpus sacra sepulturae traditum extitit, solatio abbatissae destituta existit, prout 
per litteras vestras sub sigillo communi domus praedictae inde confectas nobis plenius constat, Nos 
igitur considerantes plurima incommoda quae ecclesia viduata in ejus viduitatis et vacationis 
tempore multociens dinoscitur sustinere, volentes contra talia cicius quo poterimus de rcmedio 

" The Constitution Quia propter " is the 24th canon of the fourth Council of Lateran, held under 
Innocent III. A.D. 1215. which requires the election to be made by scrutiny of votes ; by compromise 
(when the chapter agreed to delegate their powers for this occasion to certain individual members of their 
body) ; or lastly, by inspiration, i.e. by unanimous concurrence and acclamation." Dr. Oliver, from whoso 
Preface (page ix) I quote, gives the text of the Constitution from Concilia, xxviii. 183, ed. Paris, 1(>44. 
He might have added the reference from the Corpus Juris Canonici, namely, Extra de Electione, c. Quia 
propter. (Decretal. Greg. IX lib. i. tit. vi cap. xlii.) 

b This is a Constitution of Boniface VIII., and will be found in Sexto Decretalium, lib. i. tit. vi. De 
Electione, &c., c. xliii. It refers to elections in houses of females alone. The only passage which illustrates 
the subject is extracted in the next footnote. 



446 Ckarfart and Documents relating to the 

providcre oportuno, vestris supplication! et petition! annuentcs ad clectionem canonicam in hac 
parte procedendi et de salubri abbatissa in dorao praedicta canonice providcndi, vobis licenciam 
damns et per praesentes concedimus specialem. In cujus rei testimonium pnesentibus sigillum 
nostrum apposuimus. Datae quarto die mensis Marcii, anno domini millesimo quadringentisimo 
septuagesimo. Ego Cristina priorissa antedicta vice mea et omnium mearum consororum 
ac dc earum mandate ct cxpresso consensu in vulgari, juxta juris peritorum consilium quasdam 
monitiones et protestationes foci in scriptis in baec verba, In Dei nomine amen. 

Monition for _ . f , . . . 

those not enti- kgo Uomina (_ nstma hdwyk priorissa monasteru Beat33 Mariae Virginia Sanctique 
to'dcpart. 1 "* 1 ' Johannis Evangclistae ordinis Sancti Augustini de Canonleghe Exoniensis diocesis 

vice mea ac aliarum concanonicarum et consororum mearum omnium et singularum 
hie praesentium, ac de mandato speciali michi facto eciam ab eisdem, universos et singulos 
excommunicates et suspenses vel interdictos necnon alios quoscumque hie prssentes qui de jure aut 
consuetudine in prajscnti electionis negocio non deberent interesse, moneo quatinus ab hac domo 
nostra capitulari recedcnt, Xosque ad quas jus pertinct eligendi, ad electionem libere procedere 
paciantur, Protestaus in hiis scriptis vice mea et aliarum omnium praedictarum consororum 
mearum, quod non est intencionis nostrae aut alicujus nostrum cum ipsis aut ipsorum aliqua in hoc 
electionis negocio procedere seu quanquam eligere cum eisdem, scd quod voces et vota eorundem 

nulli prastent tmfFragium nee alicui aflerant nocumentum, quinimmo pro non 

Lay folk and . . 

seculars exi-iu- uatis ct receptis habeantur. Qua quidcm protestatione prasmissa, exclusisque laicis 
quibuscumque ac secularibus, exceptis notario ct testibus inl'rascriptis, qui pro 
regimino, directione et testimonio negocii electionis nostraj liujusmodi iuerant evocati, Ac demum 
Address of the nobis super forma proeedendi aliqualiter tractantibus, Ego statim Priorissa protuli haec 
niendlT/Dame ver ' ja : " Sorores meae, michi videtur quod Domina Alicia Parker esset nobis et 
Alice Parker. monastcrio nostro valde utilis et necessaria." Cui omnes et singulae consorores 
Election per illicio (sic) et repcntc et quasi per inspirationem (Alicia Parker concanonica et 

intpiralionem,' 

consorore nostra predicta dumtaxat cxccpta,) idem unanimitcr dixerunt ; undo 
incontinunter ego pramominata Cristina priorissa prxdicta vice mea et omnium consororum 
mearum ac de earum speciali mandato et expresso consensu eandem Aliciam Parker 
elego in communi mulierem itaque providam et discretam, cx])erientia regularis disciplinse 
praeditarn, vita, moribus ct conversacionc merito commendendam (sic), in aetate legittima 
constitutam et dc Icgittimo matrrmonio procrcatam, atque in ordine, religionc, et regula Sancti 
Augustini in dicto monasterio expresse professam, b necnon in spiritual ibus et temporalibus 
plurimum circumspectam, Cui nichil obstare speratur de canonicis iiistitutis quominus ipsius 

* Canonical election may V>e in one of three ways Per vlam Sjririttiit Sancti, sice per inx/iirationem, 
where as in the present case (lie choice is immediate and unanimous: per viam scnillnif, by majority of 
votes of all the electors separately taken: or, per viam compromissi, where the electors nominate one person 
or more to whom the choice of the person to be elected is left. 

b "Nee in abbatissam aut priorissam, ubi per priorissam monasterium gubernatur, de ceteroeligatur aliqua 
nisi tricesimum annum compleverit, et exprtsse professa fuerit ordinem regulareui." Const. Indempnitatilus, 
ubi 



Priori/ and Abbey of Canonsleigh. 447 

monasterii regimen canonice valeat obtinere, et ipsam electionem ibidem publicavi. Qua electione 
sic celebrata, praefata clecta sic praesens, seorsum ad quendam angulum ejusdem domus capitularis so 
ammovit et divertit. Et statim et consequenter per me dictam Cristinam priorissam antedictam ac 
procuratorem et nunciam specialem, a toto conventu in hac parte sufficienter deputatam, idem (sic) 
conventus praefatam electionem dicta: consorori nostrae Aliciae Parker sic electae fecerunt praesentari, 
Necnon ipsam ad consenciendum hujusmodi electionem de se factae suppliciter requiri. Ipsa vero 
consoror Alicia Parker electa nostra prhno resistens, tandem grates reddens Deo suisque electricibus 
multiformes, post modicam deliberationcm habitam, divinae nolens ut asseruit resistere voluntati, 
nee suarum concanonicarum communi et concordi electioni contradicere, annuit votis earum [et] 
electioni hujusmodi consenciit in liec verba: In Dei nomine amen. Ego Alicia Parker canonica 
monasterii sive abbathiaVBeatae Maria: Virginia Sanctiquc Johannis Evangelistae de 
Canonleghe ordinis Sancti Augustini Exoniensis diocesis, ordinem et regulam Sancti AMesa'ciect " 
Augustini in eadem abbathia expresse professa, et in aetate legittima constituta, 
electa in abbatissam abbathia! antedictae nunc vacantem, sajpius et instanter ex parte consororum 
mearum multipliciter cum non modica instancia requisita quatinus electioni de me jactae consensum 
preberern pariter et assensum, Nolens ulterius divinae resistere voluntati, illis qui me clegerunt 
grates quas possum refero ; et quamvis hujusmodi negociura magnum sit et arduum, ac ego non 
sim ita potcns ad sustinendum et supportandum illud, Tamen Dei auxilio ct consororum mearum 
consilio, ac ad honorem Sanctai et Individual Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti, ct 
Beatac Mario: Virginis Sanctique Johannis Evangelistas, in quorum honore ecclesia conventualis 
praalibate (sic) honorificc extitit dedicata, electioni hujusmodi de me facta; expresse consentio et 
cam accepto in hiis scriptis Quo habito, psalmo Te ])eum laudumus solempniter decantato, 
cum solempni campanarum puliacione. dictam clectam nostram inter duas sorores 

. Tr Drum sung, 

ante summum altare ecclesia; nostrae conventualis memoratae nobis omnibus and the Bolls 
processionaliter ordinatae, in sequentibus introduximus; qua: prostrata in orutione, 
et psalmo totaliter decantato, ac quadam oratione congruente super eandem electam dicta, statim 
ipsa electio, per dictum venerabilem virum magistrum Nicholaum Gosse de spcciali mandate 
ymmo verius devota supplicatione mei priorissaj et tocius conventus, (dicta electa dumtaxat 
excepta,) mnltis convicinis ac extraneis in multitudine copiosa praesentibus infra ccclesiam 
conventualcm dicti monasterii alta et intelligibili voce electionem hujusmodi aperte 
publicari fccimus ct coram omnibus declarari. Qua: publicatio nb omnibus tune ^"^'f^ctTo" 
precsentibus crat pacifice audita et gratanter accepta. 

Reverendos igitur paternitati vestrae antedictae, vestrisve commissariis quibuscumquc in hac parte 
legittime constitutis vel constituendis, humiliter et devote voto unanimi supplicamus, 
quatinus eandem electionem nostram vi et Spiritus Sancti gracia, tarn solempniter confirmation, 
quam concorditer celebrata in, per vos aut vestros commissaries conlirmare, ac eidein 
electae nostrae munus bcnedictionis impendcrc, caetera in hac parte neccssaria ac eciam oportuna qua? 
vestro in hac parte incumbunt ofTicio pastorali favorabiliter impartiri facere graciose dignemini; ut 
Deo auctore cadem electa nobis et ecclesia; nostroe piaedictac sub patcrnitatis vestra; praesidio abbatissa 
et pastrix ydonea pracssc valeat utiliter ct prodcsse, Xosque sub ipsius felici regiminc possimus coram 



Charters and Documents relating to the 



Deo salubritcr militare. Caeterum ut vestra reverenda paternitas noscat evidencius praemissa rei gestae 
veritatcm habere, votaque omnium nostrorum ut praefertur in praam issis omnibus et singulis concor- 
dasse, ac in hujusmodi supplicatione et requisitione nos unanimiter convenisse, vobis vestrisque com- 
missariis quibuscunque in hac parte dcputatis sive deputandis praesens nostrae electionis dccretum trans- 
misiraus. Quod per Nicholaum Crese clericum Exoniensis diocesios notarium auctoritate apostolica 
publicum, dictaeque electionis et in eadem actorum scribam, exinde fieri subscribique et publicari ac 
in hanc publicam formam redigi, ejusque signi appositione et nostri sigilli communis appencione 
mandavimus et fccimus fideliter communiri, in testimonium et (idem omnium praemissorum. 
Datum quoad praesens decreti nostri consignationem apud Canonleghe in domo nostra capitulari 
pnedicta, vicesimo sccundo die mensis Marcii praelibati, anno domini supradicto. 

Acta sunt haec prout suprascribuntur et recitantur mensibus, diebus, loco et anno domini supra- 
dictis, Indictione quarta, Pontificatus sanctissimi in Christo patris et domini nostri Domini Pauli 
divina providentia Papa; Secundi anno septimo, praescntibus yi singulis actis atque gestis dicto 
die vicesimo primo mensis Marcii praelibati, anno domini supradicto, venerabilibus et 
discretis viris magistris Johanne Pascawyn 9 sacra theologiae professore, Jolianne Perys 
rectorc ecclesia: parochialis de Uffeculme, Domino Thoma Harry vicario de Burlyscombe, et Nicholao 
Notarial attes- Prous litterato testibus ad praemissa vocatis specialiter et rogatis. 

Lt ego Xicholaus Crese clericus Exoniensis diocesis publicus auc- 
toritate Apostolica notarius praefatis missae de Spiritu Sancto supradicto vicesimo 
primo die mensis Marcii ad majus altare monastcrii de Canonleghe praedicti cele- 
brationi, verbique Dei proposition! et ympni Veni Creator Spiritus in domo capitulari 
dicti monasterii decantationi, dictarumque constitutionum declarationi, monitionibus 
et protestationibus per pncfatam Cristinam Edwyk priorissam pncdictam factis, 



Witu 



The 
Notarial 

Mark 

of 
Nicholas 

Crese. 




dictaeque Alicia? Parker sororis solcmpni et in communi electioni, 
necnon ejusdem electionis pnedictae electse in domo capitulari dicti 
monastcrii per priorissam praedictam pi-assentation! et consensus 
requisitioni, ac postmodum preelibatse elector huic electioni de ipsa 
celebrate consensus pracstationi, Psalmi Te Deum laudamus de- 
cantationi, ipsiupque electaj ad sum mum altare ecclesiae conventualis 
dicti monasterii inter duas sorores introduction!, ac przefatse electionis 
clero et populo publicationi, caeterisque omnjbus et singulis dum sic 
ut pra?mittitur prx-fato vicesimo primo die Marcii agerentur et fiercnt 
una cum testibus supcrius dcsignatis sub anno Domini, indictione, 
pontificatu et mense, quibus supra personaliter interfui, eaque omnia 
et singula sic fieri, vidi ct audivi, variis aliunde occupatus negociis, 
per alium scribi feci, et in hanc publicam formam rcdegi, ac praescnti 
publico instrumento signum meum apposui consuetum, et hie me 
subscripsi de mandate tain ipsius electae quam eligencium requisitus 
et rogatus in testimonium prjemissorum. 



Priory and Abbey of Canonsleigli. 449 

Num. IX. 
Carta Willelmifilii Gyrardi de Cltete. 

[Ex autogr. penes eundem.] 

Sciant praesentes et futuri quod ego Willelmus filius Gyrardi de Cliste, consensu et assensu here- 
dum meorum, concessi et hac present! carta mea confirmavi Willelmo Hastement pro homagio et 
servitio suo donationem et quietam clamantiam unius forlingi terrae in Kyldringthone cum omnibus 
pertinentiis suis in australi parte de Hesyle, quam Walterus filius et heres Pagani Janitoris praefato 
Willelmo Hastement concessit et carta sua confirmavit; Tenend et habend eidem Willelmo et 
heredibus suis de me et de heredibus meis jure hereditario in perpetuum, libere et quiete, integre et 
pacifice, in boscho et piano, in pratis et paschuis, in viis et semitis, in aquis et mariscys, et cum 
omnibus aliis libertatibus cidem forlingo pertinentibus ; Reddendo inde annuatim michi vel 
heredibus meis unam libram cymini ad Natale Domini, pro omni servitio, salvo regali servitio, 
quantum pertinet ad unum forlingum terrae. Pro hac autem concessione et confirmatione mea 
dedit michi prsedictus Willelmus unum annulum aureum cum una gerneta in recognitione. Quod 
ut ratum et inconcussum inperpetuum permaneat, praesenti scripto et sigilli mei muniminc confir- 
mavi. Hiis testibus, Eudone de Bellocampo tune vicecomite Devonian per Robertum de veteri 
ponte, Ricardo Flandrensi, Martino de Fisacre, Waltero de Colom, Johanne Cola, Reginaldo 
Wauthortti, Waltero Thurbcrt, Nicholas Gervasii, Waltero La Chawe, et multis aliis. 8 

Seal, circular, V f inch in diameter; subject, a long tailed bird, neck thrown up, wings elevated. 
Legend, in Lombardic characters, SIG'. [WILLELMJI. DE CLIST FIL' GIRARDI. 



Num. X. 

Carta Rogeri Hemerici. 
[Ex autogr. penes eundem. Vide Cod. Harl. 3660, fo. 914.] 

Sciant presentes ct futuri quod Ego Rogerus Hemerici b vcndidi domino Danieli de Longocampo 
octo solidatas redditus extra portam australem Exonie pro sex marcis argenti quas mihi prc- 
manibus plenarie persolvit; scilicet quatuor solidatas redditus quos mihi debuit Rogerus le Bruton 

Sir W. Pole (Dev. Coll. 92) says that Robert de Veteri Ponte was sheriff of Devon and Eudo de Bello- 
campo in his place from 12 John to the end of the reign. The deed would seem to show that Vipont 
was the deputy. In the lists of Exeter mayors and provosts, Walter la Chawe (Le Caws) figures from 1232- 
1267 ; and Walter Thurbert from 1219 to 1236. The date of the deed is, therefore, most likely very late 
in the reign of King John. Alibi, Rogerus Emeray. 

VOL. XL. 3 M 



450 Charters, Sfc., relating to the Abbey at Canonslcigh. 

de domo cum pertinentiis quam de me temrit ; Et quatuor solidatas redditus quos mihi debuit 
Agnes Thatmayde de domo cum pertinentiis quam de me tenuit. Et volo et concedo pro me et 
heredibus meis quod dictus Daniel vel quicunque alius vel alii cui vel quibus idem Daniel dictum 
redditum octo solidorum dare vendere vel assignare voluerit, habeant et teneant eundem redditum 
imperpetuum quietum et solutum, nullo iure mihi vel heredibus meis inde retento. Et sciendum 
quod de residue tenement! mei ibidem, scilicet domo quadam cum pertinentiis qua; est intra 
predicta duo tenementa, ego et heredes mei debeinus aquietare predictas octo solidatas redditus 
de releviis et omnibus aliis serviciis, et ideo eandem domum cum pertinentiis non poterimus 
vendere invadiare vel quoquo modo alicnarc. Et quia volo quod hsec vendicio mea firmitatcm 
optineat perpetuam inter quatuor scanna Gialde Civitatis Exoniensis present! scripto sigillum 
meum apposui. Hiis tcstibus: Waltero la Chawe tune Majore Exonie," Hugone de Langed% et 
Philippe le Palmer 9 tune prepositis, Illario Blondo, K. filio Henrici, Johanne Thurberti, Eicardo 
Walrand, Rogero Liden?, Ricardo Busse, Waltero de Molton, Johne Palmere et multis aliis. 
Seal, A fleur de lis. Legend, S. RO[GER1] EMERL 

a Walter la Chaw or Chaw succeeded Nicholas Ilchester (who died in office), in 1267, Philip Palmer and 
Hugh de Langdon being his Provosts. (Jenkins, Hist, of Exeter, p. 45.) Hilary Blondy occurs in the 
same list as Mayor in 1255, and again in 1258, when Roger FitzHenry was his Provost. Oliver, Hist, of 
Exeter, 228, omits Hilary Blondy in these years, but makes an individual of that name Mayor in 1227. 
Walter de Molton occurs as Provost in 1240, 1241, 1243. 



XXX. Instructions given by King Henry VI. to Edward Grimston and others, 
his Ambassadors to the Duchess of Burgundy, 1449 ; and Notice of a 
Portrait of Edward Grimston, painted by Peter Christus in 1446. Com- 
municated in a Letter from WILLIAM J. THOMS, Esq., F.S.A., to C. KNIGHT 
WATSON, Esq., Secretary; with additional Observations by A. W. FEANKS, 
Esq., Director, and GEORGE SCHAEF, Esq., F.S.A. 



Kead June 18th, 1863. 

40, St. George's Square, S.W., 

17th June, 1863. 
MY DEAE SlE, 

I AM enabled by the kindness of the Earl of Verulam to exhibit to the Society 
the original of a Document of some interest in the commercial history of this 
country. 

It is the Instructions given by Henry the Sixth, on the 28th May, in the 27th 
year of his reign, that is in 1449, to Edward Grimston (the ancestor of the 
noble Earl to whom the document now belongs,) and others, whom he sends as 
Ambassadors to treat with the Ambassadors of the Duchess of Burgundy, respect- 
ing certain infringements of the Treaty lately concluded between the King and 
the Duchess, and on matters connected with the trade and commerce of the 
two countries. 

The commission to the ambassadors will be found in Hymer, vol. xi. p. 229 ; 
but the instructions have, I believe, never been printed, and appear to me 
deserving the attention of the Society. 

But the Society will probably consider of yet higher interest the contemporary 
Portrait of Edward Grimston, which Lord Verulam has kindly brought up from 
Gorhambury for the purpose of its being exhibited before the Society. 

It was painted in 144G, and is therefore one of our earliest dated English 
portraits, and is by an artist (Petrus Christus) whose name is preserved on the 
back of the pannel, but of whom little seems to be known. I hope, however, 
that Mr. Scharf, whose acquaintance with works of art is far more extensive 
than mine, may be able to furnish some particulars respecting him. 

Believe me, my dear Sir, 

Yours very truly, 

WILLIAM J. THOMS. 

C. Knight Watson, Esq., M.A. 

3M2 



452 Instructions given by King Henry VI. to Edward Grimston, 

Instructions yeven by the Kyng cure soucerajn lorde to his trusty and welbeloved Johan 
Marney knyghte, Maistre Thomas Kent doctoure of lawe, William Pyrton, Edward 
Grymeston and John Wodehous squyers, iiij, iij or twaine of thaim, whom he sendeth 
his Ambassatours at this tyme to his Totcne of Calais for to commune trete appoints 
and conclude with the Commissaries of the Duchesses of Bourgoigne in the maters that 
folowetfi. 

Furst at suchc tyme as the saide Ambassatours shall assemble with the saide Duchesse Arabas- 
satours at Calais, the whiche is accorded shall be the xij day of Juyng next commyng, thei shall 
mowe saye that they be there by the Kynges commaundement havyng full power to commune pro- 
cede and appointe diverse matters concernyng the wele of bothe parties And that the Kinges will 
is that thei shall entende effectuelly to alle suche thinges as may be thoughte good and behovefulle 
And forthirmore proceding thai shall abide and awaite what maters the saide Duchesse Ambassa- 
tours woll desire to commune of, and do thaire parte asrauch as thay may that askinges and 
peticions growe of that other partie. 

Item the saide Ambassatours shall sai thai bene redy to entende and procede in frendly wyse 
as lawe and reason woll to the reformacion of attemptats, and thereupon be redy to receyve and 
here the complaintes of bothe sides and aunsweres to thaym, and do thaire parte to understonde the 
trouthe of the saide complaintes by due and lawfullc examinacion, that is to say, thai shall see who it 
is that complayneth and whethir he be there in his owne persone or by what auctorite he apperith 
and admittc no complainte without the complaigner have sufficient power. 

Item thei shall in examynyng the maters receyve and admitte suche proves as lawe wolle, not 
yeving feith to thafTcrmacion of the partie nor to lettres testimoniall of citees townes or officers 
neither to private writynges, but to witnesses duely examined, confession of the parties, open instru- 
mentes, open knowlache of the dedc or other proves such as the lawe woll admitte or suche as it 
shall be thought to theire discrecions sufficient. 

Item for asmuche as it is supposed that the Kinges subgittes upon whom the complaintes been 
and shall be made woll not be present, the saide Ambassatours shall mowe saye thai ben redy not- 
withstanding thabsence of the partie to lucre theire complaintes, to selc and receyve the proves in 
that partie, and so shall mowe do and commune and debate the mater as shall be thought to thaire 
discrecions, absteinyng thaym in all that thei may to condcscende and yeve any Jugement or sen- 
tence ayenst the partie so absent though it be thought mater clerely proved but if it so be that for 
the better proccdyng in other maters or to eschewe rupture or other inconveniences it shall be 
thought to the saide Ambassatours necessarie and behovefulle to procede and yeve suche sentence, 
and in that cas thay shall say thai woll report it to the Kyng to that entent that execucon be made 
as the cas shall require. 

Item as touching the matier of Crotoye, sith it was accorded and concluded by the trewes 
taken by my lorde of York and the saide Duchesse the which have divers tymes be proroged that 
thappatisementes woued to be paied to Crotoye in tyme of werre shuld ceesse, yit notwithstanding 
as it is saide thai of Crotoie have receyved continuelly and yit don the saide appatisementes And 
thereuppon that other partie desire to be restored of that thai have paied, the saide Commissaires 






and Notice of a Portrait of Edtcard Grimston. 453 

shall mowe saye that at such tyme as the lorde Haburdyn was in Englande the Kyng ordeined to 
be paied a greet somme of money for the saide cause of his owne fredom withoute that any 
sufficient informacion was had in that behalve And over this commaunded straitely that thai of 
Crotoie shulde absteigne thaym from thens forth fro the receyvyng of suche appatisementes, the 
which commaundement the King undirstandith thai have obeied and cannot thinke that thai have 
do any thing to the contrary, but and it be afiermed that it be otherwise the saide Commissaires 
shal be redy to hiere thexaminacion and receyve proves therof and where thai fele difficulte therin 
thay shall say thai woll report it to the Kyng. 

Item the saide Gommissaires shall mow remembre that now late the saide Due hath ayenst 
the tenure of the trewe ordeigned that noone Englisshe clothe wollen cloth shuld be brought into 
the Contrees of Holland Zeland and Brabant to the grete hurt and damage of the King and his 
subgittes ayenst the trewes and olde frendeship of the saide Contrees, and aske in the Kinges name 
for the saide hurtes and damages xx.M 1 ii. withoute particuler hurtes and dammages of his sub- 
gittes, or suche a somme as it shall be thoughte to thaire discrecion. 

And in this matier thay shall mowe calle to mynde that the Kyng divers tymes hathe sent to the 
saide Duchesse for revocacion of the saide ordenaunces, wherein she hath certified by writyng, 
and peraventure hir Ambassatoure woll say the same that the saide ordenaunce was made by 
thadvis wille or aggrement of the Marchauntes of thestaple at Calais The Kinges saide 
Ambassatours shall mowe say that it cannot so be conceyved but that fully the Marchauntes 
of the saide estaple had never knowlache therof and so the Maire and Marchauntes of thestaple 
called before the Kinges Counsaill answered that thai yave never counsail ne consented to the 
saide ordenaunces And thoughe it had be so that summe of the saide Marchauntes for thcire 
plesure and singuler proufit wolde have desired suche a thing ayenst the commune wele the 
King wold not have supposed that the saide Duchesse wolde have be moved therewith without the 
certificacion of the King And sithen that she nowe knoweth the King is not nor may be 
content with so prejudiciall a thing as this is aswcle to him self his subgittes as others he doubtcth 
not the saide Duchesse nor hir Ambassatours woll not estraunge theym to the revocacion therof 
And remembre that the Duchesse certified the King by hir lettres that hir Ambassatours sluild 
come fully instruit at this tyme to Calais in the saide matier And make request that it be so doo. 

Item thai shall mow calle to mynde that aswele in thappointemcntes made afore this tyme 
betwix the King and thaym of Holand Zeland &c. as in the trewes taken by my lord of York in 
the Kinges name with the saide Duchesse Commissaries at Roen divers tymes sithen prorogcd 
It is conteined expressely that alle marchaundise shul frely have his cors betwix bothe parties with- 
outen eny lette or distourbaunce. 

Item the same is also conteigned in the Trewes taken and yit enduring betwix the Kyng and 
his Oncle of Fraunce in the which the King understandeth the saide Duchesse is comprised And 
therefore not withouten cause the King mervailleth of the saide ordenaunce so ayenst the saide 
frendships appointementes and also divers trewes. 

Item the saide ordenaunce is ayenst the olde frendships and custume long tyme observed, for it 
cannot be remembred but at all tymes it hathe bene sene and used Englissh clothe to rcsorte and 
have his uttcraunce in Holland Zetland and Braband where it is now forboden, like as mar- 
chaundiees of thos contrees ben frely uttred here upon thees groundes and such others as shal be 



454 Instructions given by King Henry VI. to Edward Grimston. 

thought to the saidc Ambassatours may serve therto thai shall gader as many reasons as thai canne 
and God woll yeve thaym grace to sture and moeve the Duchesse Ambassatours to the revocacion 
of the saide ordenaunce and prohibicion. 

Item thai shall mowe say that the nature of trewes woll and is thentente therof that alle 
Marchaundise shulde have his course and Marchauntes to have thcire communicacion eche with 
other, and if so were that an ordenaunce myghte be made for the stopping of oo maner of 
marchaundise In like wise it myghte be extended to another and so to all, and by that meene 
alle marchaundise ceese and the trewe remayne of noon effect nor ease to the subgittes. 

Item if it be saide that this mater myghte be eased at suche tyme as it shulde be spoke of the 
reformacion of Attcmptates It may be saide that it is thought that the saide ordenaunce may not 
be called attemptates nor conprised in the nature therof but is directely enervacion of the Trewe 
and contrary therto and in no wise reformable lesse thanne it be revoked. 

Item the saide Commissaries shall remembre that the yerc of oure lorde a M'.cccc.xi/v the ix day 
of April in the Townc of Bruges were made and appointed betwix the Kingis Commissaries and the 
Commissaries of the Contrees of Holland Zelland and Friseland certaine articles the which the saide 
Due hath approved ratified and confermed And amonges other thinges it was ordeigned and 
appointed that Englissh Marchauntes shuld have had in recompense of theire hurtcs and wronges 
doone to thaym by men of Holland Zelland and Friseland a certaine somme of money to have be paied 
at certain daycs and if any defaute happed or were in paiement therof or any parte therof, thanne it 
shulde be la\vfull to the saide Englissh marchantes to arrest the said Hollanders Zellanders and 
Frises theire goodis and shippcs and kepe thaym and alienc the saide goodes til the ful contentement 
of the saidc sommcs with costes and damages after the discrecions of the Kinges Commissaries, and 
over that rcsorte to theire hole acciones that the saide Englissh marchantes had before ayenst the 
saide Hollanders Zellanders and Frises the which thinges more at large appere in thappointementes 
made thereupon And sith it is soo that the saide daies of paiement bene not kept but that thai bene 
past and also diverse and many delayes desired by the saide Duchesse, the Commissaries abovcsaide 
shall aske and require redy contentement of the saide sommes due with dammagcs and costes 
made in that behalve, to the which if that other parte woll condescende the King is content that 
the saidc appointcmcntes remaigne and be observed as they were accorded. 

And if it be so that other partie wol not entende therto nor appointe the contentement of the 
saide sommc, the saide Commissaries shal lat thaim wite in the Kinges behalf his wille is that 
his subgittes have and rejoyce the benefet of the saide appointementes that was made and 
accorded if the money were not paied at the dayes accorded And also that thai be admitted to 
have hool restitucion of the goodes take fro thaim after theffect of the saide appointementes. 

Item the saide Commissaries shall use tharticlcs_ abovcsaide with suche dircccion and circum- 
stances as God and thaire discrecions woll yeve thaym. 

Item thai shall use thordre abovesaide if it shal be thoughte to thaym so expedient, or elles oon 
Article before another as it shal be thoughte to thaire discrccion moost neccssarie and behovefull. 
In witnesse whereof to this present Instruccion the King oure saide souvcrain lorde hath do be 
put his greet and prive scales. Yeven at Westmenster the xxviij day of May the yere of the regne 

of the same oure souverain lorde xxvij. 

FRANCIS 

MOND. 



Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. Ambassador to the Duchess of Burgundy. 
By A. "W. FRANKS, Esq., Director. 



IT may be of interest to the Society to collect together such notices as occur of 
Edward Grimston, the ambassador to the Duchess of Burgundy, and the person 
represented in the interesting portrait by Peter Christus. 

By the kindness of the Earl of Verulam, I have been able to make use of 
variqus documents, apparently unpublished, which assist in throwing some light 
on the ambassador's history. 

The family of Grimston, of Grimston in Holderness, was of great antiquity, 
and claims descent from Sylvester de Grimston, standard-bearer to William the 
Conqueror at the Battle of Hastings. The name does not however appear in 
the Roll of Battle Abbey. Edward Grimston, as shown by a document printed 
below, claimed to bear the arms which had been borne by his ancestors for 400 
years, which would carry them back even before the Conquest. 

The Grimstons of Grimston, or Grimston Garth, in Holderness, it may be 
stated, bore the arms, Arg. on a fesse sa. three mullets pierced or. The subject 
of our notice and his descendants, being a junior branch, differenced the coat by 
the addition of an ermine spot sa., and in this form the arms appear both on the 
front and back of the portrait. The coat in its undifferenced state is given in 
the Roll of Arms temp. Richard II. as borne by Gerard de Grymston, probably 
the person called in the pedigrees Sir Gervaise Grimston of Grimston, who 
died without issue. He was succeeded by his brother Walter, whose son Wil- 
liam Grimston of Grimston, had three sons : from the eldest of them, Thomas, 
descend the Grimstons of Grimston. 

The second son, Robert, seems to have settled in Suffolk during the reign of 
Henry V. ; he married a daughter of Sir Anthony Spilman, of Suffolk, which 
match is said to have been the cause of his removing to that county." There was, 
however, an early connection with the De la Poles, who, starting from Hull, had 
acquired lands in Norfolk and Suffolk. The Grimstons living in Holderness may 
have had transactions with the wealthy merchants of Hull, and in the 16th of 
Richard II. we find that Gerard de Grimston had given a bond for 50 to Sir 
Michael de la Pole. b 

The son of Robert Grimston was Edward Grimston, the subject of this notice. 
Either he or his father may have adopted the difference of an ermine spot in 

* Reyce, in a manuscript pedigree, gives 1421 as the date of the settling in Suffolk. 
b Kal. and Inv. Exch. ii. p. 45. 



456 Notes on Edicard Grimston, Esq. 

their coat of arms ; and, as we find two coats ascribed to the name of Spilman or 
Spelman in which ermine charges occur, it is not impossible that the ermine 
spot may have been derived from that source. 

Edward Grimston is described as of Rishangles in Suffolk, in which parish it 
may be mentioned that the De la Poles held a knight's fee, and from a document 
which will be hereafter noticed it would appear that he had been in the service 
of the Earl of Suffolk during the minority of Henry VI. that is before 1442. 

The first notice of him that I have found in the public documents is in 1441. 
On the 25th November, 20 Henry VI. (1441), a warrant was issued to the 
treasurer and chamberlains to pay to Stephen Wilton, Doctor of Laws, " which 
goeth in the King's service to the Duchess of Burgundy and others," c. marcs. 
A similar warrant was issued to pay Edward Grymston and William Port, to 
cither of them 20, as a reward to go " in the said message with the said Master 
Stephen." Three days afterwards however it appears that William Port was 
indisposed to go, and the sum to be paid to him was ordered to be divided 
between AVilton and Grimston, 20 marcs to the former, and 10 marcs to the 
latter." 

The mission to the Duchess of Burgundy was no doubt connected with the 
commercial treaties between England and Flanders. The great importance of an 
unrestricted trade between the two countries had led to a number of truces and 
treaties, infringed from time to time by the misconduct of the merchants of one 
or other country, or temporarily suspended by wars between the rulers of the two 
countries. So important however was the commerce to both parties that we 
occasionally find that a provision was made for the continuance of commercial 
intercourse, even though the rulers of the countries should be at war. 

The Duke of Burgundy had been on the side o England; but, in 1435, annoyed 
with the second marriage of his brother-in-law the Duke of Bedford, and other 
causes, he concluded the treaty of Arras with France. This greatly exasperated 
the English, who, as a reprisal, went so far as to put to death some of the 
merchants from the Low Countries then in London. b The English took Ardres 
and the Burgundians Crotoy. The injury however which ensued to the commerce 
of Flanders induced the Duchess of Burgundy to write to her cousin, the King of 
England, to ask that commercial intercouse might be renewed. Commissioners 
were appointed on each side/ and a treaty for commercial intercourse was con- 
cluded for three years at Calais in 1439, to terminate November 1, 1442. d 

a Nicolas, Proc. Privy Council, v. 169, 176. b Paradin, Annales de Bourgogne, p. 768. 

_ c Rytner, x. 713. d Rymer, x. 736. 



Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 457 

In 1440, Wilton and Chyrch went to Bruges to settle the claims of damages 
made on either side since the treaty of Arras ; this they completed on the 17th 
June, 1440, and their award was confirmed by the King, 12th July following.* 

In January 1444, the Earl of Suffolk and other Commissioners met at Tours to 
negotiate a truce with Trance as a preliminary to a peace, in consequence of the 
proposed marriage of Henry VI. with Margaret of Anjou. The truce was signed 
May 28, 1444, and the Earl of Suffolk, having been created a Marquess, was 
authorised to espouse the Princess of Anjou as proxy for the King. The espousals 
were celebrated at Nancy, and the Queen arrived April 9, 1445. Edward Grimston 
seems to have been connected with this business, as on the 17th of the previous 
August a payment of 146Z. 13s. M. was made from the Exchequer to the Marquess 
of Suffolk, who, by the King's command, proceeded abroad to bring over and safely 
conduct the Queen to the King's presence, " in money paid to him by the hands 
of Edward Grymeston in part payment of his wages of 4. 10s. a day for two months 
for going upon the business aforesaid."" Grimston was likewise employed to pay 
sums to two minstrels of the Duke of Milan, and to John de Surenceurt, an 
esquire of Rene* of Anjou, who had come to the Queen's coronation. 

It is probable that in recompense of his various services, and also perhaps by 
the favour of the Earl of Suffolk, Grimston obtained on the 8th September, 1445, 
from the King, in conjunction with John Lampet, Lieutenant of Avranches, the 
reversion of the "Ward and Captaincy of the castle of Valoignes in Normandy. 
The original grant is in the possession of the Earl of Verulam, and runs as 
follows : 

Henry par la grace de dieu Eoy de franco et dangleterre a tons ceulx qui ces presentes lettres 
verront salut. Comme des se tiers jour du mois davril derniers passe pour consideracion des bons et 
aggreables seruices que nous a fais de long temps ov fait de nos gueures nostre ame et feal escuier 
Jehan Lampet lieutenant a Avranches et confians de ses sens loyalte diligence et bonne experience 
nous lui eussions done et ottroye a terme de sa vie la garde et capitainnerie de nostre chastel de 
Valoingnes vacans lors comme len disoit par la mort de Jehan de Robessarf 1 lainsne chevalier et 
depuis avons eu congnoissance quil estoit encore en vie par quoy le don que en avions fait au dit 
Jehan Lampet na aucunement sorti son effect Et pur ce nous ayans en memoire icelui don du 
quel ne voulons estre frustre icelui escuier mais icelui valoir en temps et en lieu Savoir faisons 
que pour les causes devant dictes et consideracions des bons et loyaulx services que Edward 
Grymeston escuier nous a faij depieca des nostre jeune aage en la compaignie de nostre treschier et 



Rymer, x. 791. b D evon) i ssues , p . 443. c /$,#. p. 452. 

d In 1432 Thierry de Robessart was captain of garrison at Saint- Sauveur-le-Vicomte. Joursanvault 
Papers, p. 227. 

In 1433 Jehan de Robessart was captain of garrison at Caudebec. Ibid. p. 228. 
VOL. XL. 3 N 



458 Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 

tresame cousin le marquis conte de Suffolk grant maistre de nostre hostel si comme encore fait un 
chascun jour A iceulx Jehan Lampet et Edward ensemble et au seurvivant deulx deux avons donne 
et ottroye donnons et ottroyons de grace especial par ces presentes icelui office de garde et capitain- 
nerie de nostre chastel de Valoingnes que a tenu et tient de present le dit Jehan de Roberssart pour 
en joir par les dessusdis et survivant diceulx a terme de la vie deulx deux et dun chascun deulx 
comme dit est tantost apres le trespas du dit Jehan de Roberssart aux gaiges droiz franchises 
prouffiz et emolumens acoustumej Et ainsi et par la forme et maniere que en a joy et joist encore 
icelui de Robessart Et avec ce a telle charge et retenue de lances et darchiers qui par nous ou 
no} lieuxtenants ou commis leur sera selon les temps ordonnee Pourveu que les dessusdits Jehan 
Lampet et Edward ne prendront ne auront de nous tous deux autres gaiges pour raison dudit 
office de garde et capitainnerie quil est acoustume Et donnons en mandement au bailli de 
Cotentin on a son lieutenant que prins et receu des dis Jehan Lampet et Edward et dun chascun 
deulx le serment en tel cas acoustume il les mette et institue ou face mettre et instituer de par nous 
en possession et saisine du dit office et dicelui ensemble des droiz gaiges franchises prouffiz et 
emolumens dessus dits et au dit office appartenants les facent seuffrent et laissent joir et user 
plainnement et paisiblement par la maniere dessusdit et a eulx deux a chacun deulx obeir et 
entendre par tous ceulx quil appartendra es choses touchans et regardans icelui office en leur 
faisant iceulx gaiges paier baillicr et delivrer par ceulx quil appartendra et qui les ont acoustume 
de paier aux termes et en la forme et maniere acoustumez Lesquelj ainsi paiez nous voulons par 
rapportant avec ces presentes ou le vidimus dicelles fait soubz seel royal ensemble quietances des 
dessusdit Jehan Lampet et Edward ou de lun deulx pour lautre estre allouez es comptes et 
rabatuz de la recepte de celui ou ceulx qui paiez les aura ou auront par noz amez et feaulx les gens 
de nos comptes a Rouen Aux quelx nous mandons et commandons que ainsi le facent sans 
contredit ou difficulte aucune En tesmoing de ce nous avons fait mettre nostre seel a ces presentes. 
Donne en nostre chastel de Wyndesore le viij me jour de Septembre Ian de grace mil cccc quarante 
cinq et dc nostre regne le xxiij mc . 

Par le Roy. monsieur le marquis Conte de Sulffolk, messire Emond Hunguerfford, et autres 
presens. JE. RIVEL. 

Attached to a wide parchment label a fragment of a seal of white wax, apparently the counter- 
seal of the French great seal of Henry VI. representing an angel holding two sceptres and the 
shield with the arms of France and England. 8 

We next find Grimston once more employed in a mission to Burgundy, and at 
a time that is of some interest, as being that of the date on the portrait by Peter 
Christus. (PI. XXVI.) 

The treaty for commercial intercourse with Flanders had been made for three 
years in 1439 ; b and December 24, 1439, ambassadors were appointed (including 
Stephen Wilton) to meet the envoys of Flanders for the prolongation of the treaty, 

" Engraved in Trcsor de Numismatique et de Glyptique, Sceaux des Rois de France, pi. xi. fig. 3. 

b Eymer, x. 736. 



. 




EDWARD G R IMSTO N, 144-6 . 
from thf origin >/ Pvrtr-uit n I Go 



,PlXXVn p 459. 





ARMS OF EDWARD GRIMSTON AND SIGNATURE OF ARTIST. 



Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 459 

which was done for five years," so as to expire 1st November, 1447. In 1446 a 
meeting was held at Calais, and on the 4th August the treaty was renewed for 
twelve years, so as to expire 1st November, 1459." 

This however controlled more especially the commercial intercourse between 
the two countries. In 1443, the Duchess of Burgundy, having received full 
powers from her husband, concluded with the Duke of York, Lieutenant and 
Governor-general for the King of England beyond the seas, a truce, from which 
either party could only recede by giving three months' notice. The letters patent 
of the Duchess are dated 23rd April, 1443. On the 1st of February, 1446, letters 
of safe-conduct" were given by Henry VI. to John de Luxembourg, Bastard of 
St. Pol and lord of Halburdyn, and his company, who had probably come on the 
business of the treaty. The truce was accordingly renewed, as appears by the 
Duchess of Burgundy's declaration, dated at Brussels 12th July, 1446, and by the 
renewal, each party was to give one year's notice before abandoning the truce. 
On the 14th July the King issued his letters patent, reciting the fact of the new 
treaty recently concluded, and appointing Master Thomas Kent, doctor of laws 
and clerk of the Council, and Edward Grymeston " ad tradendum et deliberandum 
dictas literas nostras una cum aliis ejusdem datse facta dictarum abstinentiarum 
tangentibus praefatoe consanguinese nostrse vel potestatem sufficientem in ea parte 
habentibus vel habenti Recipiendo literas super ipsis abstinentiis confectas sub 
sigillo ejusdem nostrse consanguine continentes tenorem de verbo ad verbum 
ejusdem sedulse signatze per Dominum Johannem Luxembourg Militena Bas- 
tardum Sancti Pauli et dominum de Habourdyn."" 

It is therefore probable that Kent and Grimston went to Brussels, where the 
Duchess then was, and it is possible that it was in that city that the portrait was 
painted by Peter Christus. 

On the 14th May, 1447, the Duchess of Burgundy issued her letters patent/ in 
which, after reciting the treaty of the Duke of York, and stating that she has 
lately had speech with some servants and subjects of the King of England, " lors 
estans pardevers nous," she appointed the Bastard of St. Pol and Master Holland 
Pippe to communicate with the King of England or his officers. The truce was 
then prolonged for four years. 

In December 1447, we find on the Issue Roll notice of a payment to Francis 
1'Arragonois, lately made knight of the garter, made to him by the hands of 
Hennage, servant of Edward Grimston, as a gift from the King to discharge the 

Rymer, x. 750. i> Ibid. xi. 140. Ibid. xi. 24. 

" Ibid. xi. 110. o Ibid. xi. 138. ' Ibid. xi. 171. 

3N2 



4GO Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 

fee due by him as K.G. to St. George's Chapel." This was Sir Francis de Surienne, 
commonly called the Arragonese, who was elected K.G. on the 27th November, 
1447, and installed 8th December following. 

In consequence of infractions of the truce between France and England and 
between England and the Duchess of Burgundy, the King of England appointed 
on the 25th October, 1448, as ambassadors Sir Humphrey Stafford, Sir John 
Mareney knight, Master Robert Stillington and Master Richard Wetton doctors 
of law, together with "William Pirton and John Wodehous esquires, to meet at 
Calais, or any other convenient spot, in order to see to the correction, punish- 
ment, reparation, and reformation of these infractions, and to require and obtain 
the same from the other sides ; this was to be done " sine strep itu et figura judicii," 
by consent of both parties." 

The meeting was held at Calais in November 1448, and prorogued to the 
4th May, 1449 ; the ambassadors of the Duchess were the Bastard of St. Pol, 
Henry Uttenhove, and John Postel/ 

This brings us to the year 1449, the date of the instructions printed above. 
From the proceedings of the Privy Council" 1 it would appear that on the 17th 
March, 27 Henry VI. (1449), William Pirton, lieutenant of Guines, and Edward 
Grymeston received instructions to go to the Duchess of Burgundy and with due 
reverence remonstrate at the prohibition of the introduction of English cloth ; 
and, after reminding her of the King's negociations with " they of Holland and 
Zealand," and the truce for free intercourse concluded at Rouen by the Duke of 
York, and the truce between England and France, in which the Duchess is com- 
prised, they are to state that the ordinance cannot be considered a restitution of 
attemptates. The instructions then go on as follows : 

" As the King has now called the third estates of his land and they be 
assembled at the city of London for his Parliament," the said third estates have 
piteously complained upon the said ordinance, and besought the King that he 
would ordain, if the said ordinance were not put aside without delay, that no 
merchandise of the said countries should be received or attempted in this land, 
but be forfeited in case it be brought hither, and so they beseech the King to 
require the said Duchess to put aside the ordinance. 

" Inasmuch as there is a report of arms at St. Omer and concourse of people, 
and as divers habiliments of war have been ordained and made in divers places 
of that obeissance, the said ambassadors shall move of their own selfe, speak and 

11 Devon, Issues, p. 4CO. b Rymer, xi. 218. c Ibid. xi. 220. 

d Nicolas, Trocedings of the Privy Council, vi. 69. e Rot. Parl. v. 150, 151. 



Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 461 

commune upon this matter, and feel by all means they can to what intent the 
said things he ordained, for the noise and renown is that under the said colour 
divers enterprizes be imagined and taken in hand." 

There are some further instructions which terminate with the statement that 
if the Duchess "will ordain and depute her people, as well for the quatre 
membres as other, to have communication upon the said matters, the King will 
be ready also to ordain his commissaries." 

Pirton and Grymeston are not here called ambassadors, but were rather 
accredited messengers. 

In consequence probably of the Duchess having agreed to treat, Sir John 
Marney, Kent, Pirton, Grimston, and Wodehouse, were appointed ambassadors, 
commissioners, procurators, and special messengers, to arrange the quarrels " sine 
strepitu et flgura judicii."" The instructions they received are printed above. 

On the 28th July the King appointed no less than fifteen persons, the chief of 
whom were Lord Dudley, Thomas Kent, and Thomas Thirland, as ambassadors to 
treat for commercial intercourse, and especially concerning the sale of wools and 
fleeces, and at the same time Lord Dudley and Thomas Kent were appointed 
ambassadors to treat concerning the reparation of infractions of the truce. 

In these appointments the name of Edward Grimston is not mentioned, and 
it is probable that he was otherwise engaged, having been sent from the King of 
England to the King of France. The relations between the two monarchs had 
become very unsettled in consequence of the taking of Fougeres by the English 
under Sir Francis de Surienne. That Grimston was sent to the King of 

o 

France about this time appears from the answer made by the Duke of Burgundy 
on the 24th July, 1449, to Charles VII. who had sent ambassadors to the Duke 
to ask his advice as to how the King should act towards the English, they having 
broken the truce. b 

The Duke says that the ambassadors have told him " quo puis nagaires le roy 
avoit recues lettres de son nepveu dangleterre contenant creancc sur Edouart 
Grimeston et aussi plusieurs lettres de due de Sombreset," &c. 

The subject of Grimston's mission is not given, but it seems to have been 
unfortunate as affecting his subsequent career, for we do not find him again 
employed in diplomatic affairs. He was about also to lose his patron the Duke 
of Suffolk, who, after being impeached by Parliament, committed to the Tower, 

Rymer, xi. 229. 

b Reply of the Duke of Burgundy to the Ambassadors of Charles the Seventh, King of France. Stevenson, 
Wars of the English in France, i. 2C4. 



462 Notes on Edward Grim$ton, Esq. 



and released, was miserably put to death in a boat in Dover Roads, May 2nd, 
1450. After the Duke's death, the Commons assembled in Parliament presented 
a petition for the removal of certain persons from the King's presence ; among 
them are the Duke of Somerset, the widowed Duchess of Suffolk, the Bishop of 
Chester, Lord Dudley, and various other persons including " Edwarde Grymston, 
late of London, squier," and begging that they may not receive any of their 
salaries from 1st December, 1450." It is probably to this time that may be re- 
ferred a curious petition in Grimston's own hand, of which the original is 
preserved among the records of the Earl of Verulam, and which may therefore 
never have been presented. It is in the following words : 

To the Kinge our sovereign lorde. 

Moste Cristien prince and oure aller moste dradde sovereign lord, I your humble true liegeman 
Edward Grymeston, constrcigncd of necessite at this tyme to withdrawe my pouere pereone for 
drede of pcrsones that bene hasty and hote and list not to knowe nor undirstande the trouthe of my 
desertes, and not for none offence that ever I dydd seid laboured or was knowynge of yn wille 
thought or ymaginacion ayenst the weelez of youre moste noble persone or of your Realme yn any 
wise, Beseche humbly your Roialle mageste that for my true acquitell unto youre highenes ye like 
to foryiffe me, Allethougli I enhardie me by wey of meke supplicacion to write for my trouthe and 
declaracion unto youre gretc rightwosnes, By the whiche as lowly as ever didd true liegeman I 
beseche youre grace that my mcrittes may truely be undirstande knowen and so pupblisshed & 
shewed unto the gcncrallte of this your highe court of parlement, To the whiche I crye and 
beseche our mercyfull lord that alle knoweth that aftir my true menynge rightewosly undirstande 
I may have that I have deserved and none othirwise. And for as muche as I am enformed that 
by my goinge divcrsez tymes over the see by the highe commaundement and ordenaunce of you 
sovereign lorde and of youre fulle noble counceille, and specially yn this my laste viaigc unto 
youre uncle and adversaire of Fraunce, in the conceites of murmureux and misunderstandinge 
persone} I am noyssed and disclaundred with gretc blame and charge that I shulde receive on that 
partie grete and excessive somme} of goode, And ys supposed that I shulde labour knowe and be 
assentinge to thinges that shulde be hurt and preiudice to you sovereign lord and youre Realme} 
as yt ys scid, that godd dcfcnde, In the whiche viage} moste dradde sovereign lord and yn everich 
of theme by the fcithe and liegeaunce I owe to you and ever shalle I have allewey done my true 
parte laboure and devoire aftir myn instruccions yeffen me by thadvise of your noble and true 
counceille to execute and fullefille the charge} and commaundmcnt that I have haddc, And therof 
allwcy made my feithefulle and true Reportes to my lordes of your counceille, And yn esspecialle 
of this last right costagcux and aventreux vlage that I went unto youre seid uncle and adversarie by 
their allers ordeignnaunce and commaundement sore nyenst my wille saving for youre highe dis- 
plesaunce and their allers so as of recorde I profved grete part of my pouer goode to have bene 
discharged thereof at tyme and couthe not, The whiche seid viage I toke upon me and fullfilled 
my charga to my grete coste and laboure. And yn grete aventure and daunger of my lyffe as yt 

Camden Society, Trevelyan Papers, i. 60. 



Notes on JZdtcard Grimston, Esq. 463 

ys welle knowen, And alle the convey of my seid viage as welle the reporte and declaracion alle 
alange in what time3 I spake unto youre seid uncle and what answers he yaffe me as of alle the 
demaundes answers and comunicacions that I hadde yn any wise with him or his counceille word 
for word as ferforthe as I couthe thinke or ymagine dayly and yn continent I wrote theme forth- 
with of myn own hande to that ende that so myn othir charge} that by the ordenaunces and 
commaundementes before seid I hadde to the Duchesse of Bourg ne I myght the rather and more 
spedely sende yt over to my lordes of youre counceille withouten delaye than to have abyden 
the lengthe of my comynge, So that by their highe wisdome thei might the more hastely 
provide for the remedies of that thereby mighte be undirstande was amys, And also that for 
my true acquitille the seid Reporte so writen of myn own hande might remaigne of recorde, 
the whiche by grete parte of my seid lordes was redde over alle alange and welle noted 
and examyned as I trowe thei bene yitt remembred, Of the which services at my commyng 
home my lordes alle yaffe me a grete laudc and thanke etc. And yn as muche, moste 
gracieux sovereigne lord, as I wote not whedir ye be remembred and have true knowlege 
of my seid declaracion I therefore presume and eraboldisshe me upon your grace and benignite 
herewith to sende the same propre declaracion so writen of my pouere hande unto your highencs, 
Besiching humbly youre moste royalle persone that of youre grace and pitee ye like to undir- 
stande the trouthe of my true service and menynge, And that ye like of your grate rightewosncs to 
commaunde and ordeigne yt to be showdc and redde with this humble request unto the lordes and 
communs beinge now assembled yn this youre highe court of parlement, And yiff there be any 
erthely man what so ever he be that particulerly wille say or charge me with the receit of any 
manere of goode on that partie othir than I have certified un to my lordes of your seid counceille 
that your seid uncle and my lord of Somersett yaffe me at my departingc Or ferthermore wille 
sey that I laboured spake procured or by any mene was prive or hadde communicacion of any otliir 
matere on the Franche partie other then by the seid declaracion I have truely writen as I couthe 
and at all tyme} as welle hereof as of myn othir charge} for you sovereign lord yn alle wise made 
my true reporte unto my lordes of your counceille Or that sithens I was borne ynto this worlde yn 
that viage or any othir I ever was willinge knowinge and assentingc to any thinge that might 
rightwosly soune or be taken to any manere hurt or preiudice of you moste gracieux sovereigne 
lord or of youre lande yn any wise to myn understanddinge. Whensoever I may here or have 
knowlege of any suche particulere persone and that yt like your highencs that I may be herde and 
standc yn suerte of my pouer persone from the rigcure of persones withoute cause or reson evillc 
disposed and advysed undir the proteccion of cure mercyfulle lord and of your grete rightewosnes 
I shalle not faille with youre noble leve as welle for my true liegeaunce as for the pouere worshippe 
of the blodc that I am common of beringe the same name and armes that I doo more than cccc 
yeres as y t may be proved, to comme and offre my body as youre true liegeman openly to prove and 
make goode the contrarie upon any suche persone that so wille or darrc charge me yn suche wise as 
ye wille yiff me leve and as the case shalle require. Besechinge therefore you of youre most ample 
and spcciall grace and semblably the goode wille of all that shalle here this humble request to accept 
my true feithc and liegeaunce to you wardes that with the grete mercy of oure lordc shall never 
faille, And that by the socourc and rclecffe of your grete pitee and rightewosnes and your peoples 



464 



Notes on Echcard Grimston, Esq. 



true undirstandinge I your true humble subgette that wyllingly never trespassed to man on lyve 
but entended allewey my true service be not thus unrightwosly blamed nor withoute desert putt 
yn drede disclaundre and noyse to myne uttermoste reprooffe and undoinge. And that this myn 
humble and meke supplicacion and desire of iustice conceived and writcn of myn owne hande 
withouten advise or counceille save of godd and of my true menynge for my true acquitaille may be 
taken aftir my playne and uncolured writing at alle tymes. And so to be understande pubblys- 
shed and yiff yt like your grace enacted yn this present parlement at the reverence of godd and yn 
the wey of charite. 

And for as much as for the causes beforeseyd and othir of goddes visitacion I nethir darre nor 
may comme to your highenes at this tyme yn my persone And that to the peoples undcrstandinge 
this shulde not be thoughte no feyned supplicacion the more largely to verefie and to bynde me to 
that ys before writen I therfore feirfully have taken upon me undir the proteccion of youre highe 
magnificence to signe this with myn hande and with the pouere scale of myn armes for the more 
credence and recorde. 




"We next hear of Grimston as indicted with others at Rochester before the 
Cardinal of York, the Archhishop of Canterbury, and the Duke of Buckingham/ 
in August 1451, in connection with Cade's rebellion. 

In the former petition Grimston states that he has withdrawn himself, and he 
may very likely have been out of the kingdom. Another and probably later petition 
is preserved among Lord Verulam's archives from which it would appear that he 
had been for twenty-two months in prison, and it may therefore very fitly find 
a place here. 

To the Kinge oure sovereign lorde. 

Please it you oure moste dred souereign lord of your moste specialle grace piteuxly to considre 
the lange endured and undeserved sorows dredes & trouble} with the inportables losse} of goode 
that causeles your humble true liegeman Edward Grymeston hathe suffred & borne to his utter- 
most undoinge & distruccion withouten the hasty relieffe of oure mercyfulle lord & of youre 
grete pitee & rightwosnes that by sum mene youre highenes like to ordeign and commaunde that 
he may be herd & accepte to iustices to answere to any thinge that hathe bene or can be seyd or 
leyde unto him, the whiche he hathe sued & offred him selffe to by the space of xxij monethes 
yn as large wise as ever did poure liegeman, but he ys so aloigned & delayed therfro that 

Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Ser. i. 113. 



Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 465 

nethir by your specialle writinges nor messages to your juge} nor othire wise he can atteign therto 
by what menej nor for what cause it ya not undirstande Besechinge therfore humbly youre 
benigne grace that of your grete rightwosnes & yn tendir consideracion of the sorowfulle 
premisse} with many other adversite3 that your seid suppliant hathe lamentably suffired onely for 
lak of Justices that yt may like your highenes to commaunde your juge} of your benche straitly by 
your mouthe or by your specialle writinges to attende and hastely to procede to his deliverance 
So as aftir his arreignement by your specialle grace & commandes he may go at large under 
bailie upon sufHciaunt suerte to suche tyme & place as by your seid iugez or any of them shalle 
be lymyted & graunted for his deliverance And that for the sone expedicion thereof ye like 
hereupon to graunte and commaunde suche specialle lettres fro your highenes un to your seid 
juge} as shall be thoughte necessarie for the diligent spede therof So as of your grete pite and 
rightwosnes your humble true liegeman be not finally distroyed by no lenge delayes fro iustices at 
the Reverenc' of oure lord whome he shalle evermore pray for your moste noble astate. 

This petition is neither dated, signed, or sealed, and may have been only a 
draft of one actually sent. It is in the same hand as the other. 

We must now turn to the domestic relations of Edward Grimston. Among the 
papers in the Earl of Verulam's possession are some memoranda which appear to 
have been communicated to Mr. Warner of Lincoln's Inn, 12th February, 1599, 
by Williamson, a mercer dwelling by St. Magnus in London, on the authority of 
an old kalendar which would appear to have been in a manuscript which had 
belonged to the parish church of Eye in Suffolk. One of the entries seems to 
relate to the first wife of Edward Grimston, and at any rate has been considered 
to do so by the compiler of the notes ; it is somewhat obscure and is as follows : 

" Obitus venerabilis femine Alicie quondam uxoris E. Grimeston ab infanti 
excellente ducissa postea generose magnifice Margarete Reginse que etiam et 
virtutibus fuit induta et obiit 145G." 

From a description of the tomb of Edward Grimston, which will be given 
hereafter, it is not improbable that the coat of this lady was Gu. three bars 
gemelles arg. This was a form of the coat of Bensted, and was also borne 
with additional charges by the names of Walshe, Inglos, and Thornhill. It was 
also a foreign coat, being ascribed to the families of Averton, Fosseux, Noyelle, 
S'. Cheron, S'. Julien, Toulonion, and Wyon. 

Among the papers at Gorhambury is a copy of a deed dated 2Gth September, 
38 Henry VI. (1459), which appears to be the marriage settlement of Edward 
Grimston with his second wife Mary, daughter of Sir William Drury by Katherine 
Swynford ; the latter was at the time of the settlement the wife of Thomas 
Cursun, Esq. This document is as follows : 

Hoc Indentura facta xxyj 10 die Scptcmbris Anno Kegni Regis Henrici vi" post conquestum 

VOL. XL. 3 O 



466 Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 

xxxviij inter Edwardum Gryraeston Ar. ex parte una et Thomam Cursun Ar. dominam Catherinam 
nxorem eius nuper uxorem Willielmi Drury Militia et Thomam Drury armigerum {ilium et 
heredem eiusdem Willielmi ex parte altera testatur Quod cum idem Thomas Drury se agreavit et 
concessit solvere eidem Edwardo et assignatis suis centum marcas legalis monetae Angliaa et iidem 
Thomas Cursun domina Catherina uxor eius et Thomas Drury ultra illas centum marcas se 
agreaverunt et concesserunt solvere eidem Edwardo et assignatis sive executoribus suis Quinquaginta 
libras legalis monetae Anglia3 ad maritagium Marie sororis eiusdem Thome Drury unius filiarum 
predict! Willielmi et domine Catherine Quam idem Edwardus (gracia divina mediante) ducet in 
uxorem. Quibusquidem centum marcis per predictum Thomam Drury eidem Edwardo impostea 
solvendis modo et forma quibus sequitur videlicet viginta marcas nunc die et tempore solemnisacionis 
maritagii predict! idem Thomas Drury eidem Edwardo solvet Et ad festum Sancti Michaelis 
Archangeli quod erit Anno domini millessimo quadringentessimo sexagesimo decem libras Et ad 
festum Sancti Michaelis Archangel! extunc proximo sequentem decem libras Et ad festum Sancti 
Michaelis Archangeli extunc proximo sequentem decem libras Et ad festum Sancti Michaelis 
Archangeli extunc proximo sequentem decem libras Et ad festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli 
extunc proximo sequentem tresdecem libras sex solidos et octo denarios Pro qua quidem summa 
centum marcarum idem Thomas Drury inveniet sufficientem securitatem per separalia scripta ob- 
ligatoria pro qualibet solucione eidem Edwardo et executoribus suis annuatim ad festa predicta 
solvenda predictasque quinquaginta libras eidem Edwardo et executoribus suis modo et forma quibus 
sequitur solvend' videlicet quod cum idem Thomas Drury annuatim solverit eisdem Thome Cursun 
et domino Catherine uxori sue ad terminum vite ejusdem Catherine decem libras pro manerio de 
Lawnes in comitatu Suffolk Quod quidem manerium do hereditate ejusdem Thome Drury 
extitit Ita concordatum est quod iidem Thomas Cursun et domina Catherina uxor ejus et Thomas 
Drury solvent ad festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli proximo futurum eidem Edwardo sive assig- 
natis suis quinquc marcas legatis monete partem de predicta annuali redditu decem librarum eidem 
domino Catherine pro prcdicto manerio de Lawnes solvenda et ad festum Sancti Michaelis 
Archangeli ad tune proximo sequentem quinque marcas Et sic de anno in annum ad idem 
festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli quinque marcas quousque predicta summa quinquaginta 
librarum plcnarie fuerit persoluta Pro qua quidem summa quinquaginta librarum eidem 
Edwardo et executoribus suis solvenda modo et forma superius recitatis inter partes predictas 
concordatum est Quod Johannes Clopton Armiger et omnes alii si qui fuerint ad usum predicte 
domine Catherine sive Thome Drury de et in dicto manerio de Lawnes cum suis pertinenciis feoffati 
per suum sufficiens scriptum sigillatum dabunt et concedent eidem Edwardo et assignatis suis 
quondam annualem redditum quinque marcarum annuatim exeuntem de predicto manerio cum 
suis pertinenciis habendum et percipiendum eidem Edwardo et assignatis suis quousque quinquaginta 
librae plenarie persolvantur Quod quidem scriptum facient et eidem Edwardo deliberabunt ante 
festum Nativitatis Domini proximo futurum Ulterius concordatum est quod predictus Johannes 
Clopton nee aliquis sive aliqui corum qui de dicto manerio cum suis pertinenciis sunt feoffati 
permittent seu permittet aliquod recuperari per breve de forma donacionis indiscender sive per aliquod 
nliud breve ad sectam predict! Thome Drury sive alicujus alia? persona? versus ipsos sive aliquem 
eorum sive aliquo alio modo extra eorum possessionem manerium predictum recuperare sive de- 
\olvere quousque predict quinquaginta librae modo et forma antea recitatis intcgre persolvantur Et 



Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 467 

ad omnes istas convencioncs ex parte predictorum Thome Cursun et Domine Catherine et Thome 
Drury bene et fideliter perimplendum iidem Thomas Cursun et Thomas Drury per separalia sua 
scripta obligatoria de dato presencium separatim teneantur eidem Edwardo in centum libras 
sterlingorum Qui quidem Edwardus pro se et executorib'us suis concedit quod si omnes 
convenciones et soluciones ex parte predictorum Thome Cursun et Domine Catherine et Thome 
Drury sint integre solutae et perimplete; quod tune predicts separalia scripta obligatoria centum 
librarum vacua sint et quodlibet eorum sit vacuum et nullius valoris. In cuius rei testimonium 
partes predictse sigilla sua alternatim apposuerunt. Data die et anno supradictis. 

By this marriage Grimston not only became in some measure connected with 
the house of Lancaster, hut also with the Duke of Suffolk, if there he any truth 
in the surmise that Philippa Chaucer, wife of the poet, was sister to Katherine 
Swinforcl, Duchess of Lancaster, William De le Pole being grandson of Philippa 
Chaucer, and Mary Grimston great-grandaughter of the Duchess of Lancaster. 

By his marriage with Mary Drury Edward Grimston had a numerous progeny, 
five sons and three daughters, who are thus noticed in the memoranda above 
alluded to. 

John, the first gotten sonne of Edwarde Grimeston, Esquier, had of Mary his wief that was 
daughter to Wittm Drury, Knight, and of his wief dame Katheryn Swynforde, daughter of 
S r Thomas Swynford that was sonne to S r Norman Swynford, that was husband to Dame 
Katheryn Swynford that was Duchesse of Lancaster, was borne the xxi st daye of Aprill aboute 
viij of the clocke in the mornyng, the yeare of our Lorde 1461, the dominicall letter D. 

Edward, the second sonne of Edward Grimeston, Esquire, and of the said Marie, was borne the 
xxiiij th daie of Marche our Ladyes even the annunciation quarter of the hower before ix of the 
clock at night, the year of o r Lorde 1461, the dominicall letter C. 

Thomas, the thirde sonne of Edwarde Grymeston and Mary beforesaide, was borne the fyfth 
daye of Julie before ij of the clocke in the mornyng, the yeare of our Lorde 1463, the dominicall 
letter B. 

John, the iiij th sonne of the saide Edward and Mary, was borne the vi th daie of August at fower 
of the clocke in the mornyng, the yeare of our Lorde 1464, the dominicall lettre G. 

Christopher, the v th sonne of the said Edward and Marie, was borne litell before v of the clock 
at nyght, the thirde day of Jule, the yeare of our Lorde 1466, the dominicall lettre F. 

Anne, the first daughter of the said Edward and Marie, was borne the xxvi lh daie of Jule, 
S l Ann daye, midhower betwixt viij and ix of the clocke in the mornyng, the yeare of o r 
Lorde 1467, y e dominicall letter G. 

Elizabeth, the second daughter of the saide Edward and Marie, was borne the xvij tu daye of 
November at vij of the clock in the mornyng, the yeare of our Lorde 1468, y e dominicall letter B. 

Alice, the thirde of the said Edwarde and Marie, was borne the xv th daie of February betwixt 
two and three after none, the yeare of o r Lorde 1469, the dominicall letter G. 

And the said Marie, mother to all thes children before written, in her yonge and beavtevous 

3o2 



468 Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 

yeares of xxvij passed christienly and devoutly to our Lordes mercy the vij daye of Marche 
then next following, in the yeare of our Lorde after the olde counte of England 1469, on Ashe 
Wedensdaye. 

In a manuscript volume of the seventeenth century, preserved in the library 
of Lord Dacre, at the Hoo, lettered Reyce's account of Suffolk, no doubt by 
Robert Reyce, of Preston, in Suffolk, are some notes on the church at Thorndon, 
among which is the following description of the tomb of Mary Grimston (p. 218). 

" These be the armes of Dame Katherine Sewynforde sometymes Dutches of 
Lancaster that by S r Norman Sewynforde had a sonne and heire S r Thomas 
Sewynforde knighte father to dame Katherine wyfe to S r Wylliam Drury 
Knighte the which S r Wylliam Drury and dame Katherine amonge others had 
Marye the wyfe of Edward Grimeston Esq re whom God had endewed with 
greate vertue and bewtye and is heere interred the 6 daye of Marche An" 1469 
on whose sowle God have mercy. Amen. 

" Beneathe this Epitaphe lieth, in Brasse, the forme of a humane bodye in a 
wyndynge sheete, neere the which are eight children kneelinge, whereof 5 are 
bareheaded as sonnes and 3 in mourninge whooddes, all in brasse. Upon the 
very hiest parte of all was a greate escocheon quarterly of John of Gawnte as 
France and Englaude, over all a lambeaux of 3 poynts ermyn empaled Sewyn- 
forde, arg 1 upon a chevron sable 3 bores heds coupped or. Somewhat lower 
was a single escocheon of Grimeston, argent upon a fesse sable 3 rowells or, in 
the canton poynte one ermyn. Upon the seconde corner Sewynforde as 
before. Upon the thirde corner beneathe Grymeston as before empaled 
Drurye arg' upon a cheefe verte 2 moollets or, pierced gules. Upon the 4 th 
corner beneathe Druery as before empaled Sewynford as before. Underneathe 
this corpes and eight children kneelinge was this wrytten, c Orate pro anima 
Marie Grimeston.' ' 

The memoranda copied by Mr. Warner and already alluded to continue as 
follows : 

And the saide Edwarde Grymeston thelder was afterwarde wedded in the Abby Church of Eye 
(in the presens of my lorde the Duke of Suffolk and of my lady his wief syster to our soueraigne 
lorde King Edwarde the iiij" 1 ), to dame Phillip the lady and barrones Koos, daughter to the lord 
Tiptot and syster to the Earle of Worcester, the xxvj" 1 daye of August yn the yeare of our lorde 
1471. 

The Lord Roos was attainted 4th November, 1461, and died the same year, and 
his widow afterwards married Sir Thomas Wingfield, and thirdly Edward Grim- 
ston ; by the latter she does not appear to have had any issue. 



Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 

The following curious petition was addressed to the King after the marriage by 
Edward Grimston and his wife ; the original, which is undated, is preserved 
among the deeds in Lord Verulam's collection : 

To the Kyng cure alle most dradde liege lorde, 

Mekely besechethe and piteously compleynethe unto youre highenesse Edward Grymestone, 
Squier, and Philipe his wyfe, late the wyfe to Thomas late lord Roos, that by Reason of atteyndre 
of the same Thomas alle maners, londes, tenementes, Rentes, and possessions whiche were of the 
saide Thomas were forfaityd unto youre highenesse, by the whiche the saide Philipe was put from 
her dower and joyntoure that tyme to her due, amountynge to the yerely value of M 1 marc' and 
more And youre saide highnesse, most graciously considering the nyghnesse of blode that the saide 
Philipe is unto your most roialle persone, that is to sey, doughter unto youre grete Aunte the lady 
Powys, that was suster unto the noble lady youre graundame the Countesse of Cambrigge, and 
noothinge that tyme had by Joyntoure or dower wherupone to lyve or to susteyne and fynde her and 
her childrein according to her honoure and worshipe Of youre most noble and habundaunt grace 
graunted by youre lettres patentes bering date the ix day of Decembre in the first yere of youre 
most noble Reigne unto John late Erie of Worcestre and other to the use of the saide Philipe certain 
manors in diverse shires, estemed to the value of vij marcs. Of the whiche somme in a parliament 
holden in the vij th yere of your victorious Reigne there was resumed into youre handes certeyne of 
thoo maners to the yerely value of iij" marcs. After the whiche resumcione it lyked youre highe- 
nesse of youre most specialle grace to remember and consider the nyghencsse of blode beforeseide, 
with the honoure longinge therto, and that the said Philipe had nother dower, nor joyntoure, nor 
other goode to lyf by. And therupone, by thaduise of youre noble councelle, by youre lettres 
patentes under youre grete scale, bering date the xxx day of Juyft, in the vii th yere of youre seide 
victorious Reigne, gave and graunted unto the saide John late Erie of Worcestre, and to hir for 
terme of her lyfe, for sustentacione of her and her childrein, and in lieu of her ioyntour and dower 
beforesaide, the maners of Uffyngtone, Wragby, & Estringtone, in the Counte of Lincolne, the 
maners of Orstone, Warsope, and Ekeringe, in the Counte of Notyngham, the maner of Setone with 
the Annuite of the priore of Wartre, in the Counte of Yorke, the maner of Adderley with Sponley 
in Shropshire, the maner of Estbourne with the hamelet of Hechingtone, in the Counte of Sussexe, 
that some tyme were longing to Thomas late lord Roos her husbond, the whiche maners with th' 
appurtenaunces be not to the value of cccc marcs. And semblably it lykcd youre highenesse, in 
the viii' h yere of youre Reigne, by youre other leltres patentes, to graunte the same maners unto Sir 
Thomas Wyngfelde and her, that tyme her husbonde, for terme of her lyfe, Soo that in tymes thoo 
maners that youre saide suppliauntes clayme and occupie have passed youre grete scale, of which 
maners noght exceding to the value of cccc marcs the saide Philipe in her pure wydowhode hath 
yeven and graunted to the mariage and sustenaunce of hir ij doughters 11 the somme of Ixxx 1 ' 
during hir lyfe, So that the residue therof will unncthe suffice to her resonable sustenaunce, with 
charges requisite and incedent to the same. Please it youre highnesse, the premisses considered , atte 
reuerence of all myghty god, by the advyce and assent of the lordcs spiritualt and tcmporatt and 

Elenor, who married Sir Robert Manners, and Isabel wife of Sir Thomas Everingham and others. 



470 Notes on Edward Grimston, Esq. 

Comens in this present parliament assembled, and by auctorite of the same, to ordeyne, stablysabe, 
and enacte that the saide Philipe from hensforthe suerly, for terme of her lyve, have, possede, kepe, 
holdc, and enjoye alle the forsaide manors and alle other the premisses with theire appurtenaunces, 
quietly and in pease, withoute interuptione or eny resumyng of them, or eny part of them, by eny 
meane hereaftre into youre handes, according to youre graunte last made to her therof, as is affor- 
seide, to have for her sustentacione aforehersed, In as much as she and her childrein have none 
other thing wherupone to lyve. And youre saide suppliauntes shall ever pray to god for the good 
prospirite of youre most roialle persone. 

Nothing more seems to be known of the life of Edward Grimston, and in the 
manuscript account of Suffolk by Reyce, already noticed, we find the following 
account of his tomb. 

" In a hie tombe enarched in the walle of the chawncell there lieth in armor, 
havinge an escocheon of Grimeston on cache shoulder, with this epitaphe, 

Hie jacet Eduardus Grimeston armiger quondam de Rishangles Lodge qui 
obiit die mercurii viz. vicessimo tertio die mensis Septembris anno domini 1478. 
Cuius anime propitietur Deus. Amen. 

" In the first corner above one single escocheon of Grimeston as before ; in the 
seconde corner above, Grimeston as before, empaled, gules 3 barres gemelles 
arg 1 ; .... in the thirde corner beneathe, Grymeston as before, empaled, Drury 
as before ; iu the 4 th corner beneathe, Grimeston as before, empaled, Typtofte, 
arg 1 a saltier engrailed gules." 

The tomb of Edward Grimston is noticed in Davy's Suffolk Collections (Add. 
MSS. 19,090, f. 156) as being within the communion rails ; the inscription which 
had been on the edge of the slab of the altar-tomb had disappeared, and of the 
figure of Grimston a fragment only " his head and breast with his arms on his 
shoulders still remains in the church chest." Of the four shields at the corners 
of the slab the two upper ones alone remained. 



Observations on the Portrait of Edward Grimston, and other Portraits of the 
same period. By GEORGE SCHARF, Esq. F.S.A. in a Letter to W. J. Thorns, 
Esq. F.S.A. 



National Portrait Gallery, 
18th June, 1863. 

DEAR MR. THOMS, 

I have carefully examined the very interesting portrait of Edward Grimston 
which the Earl of Verulam has been good enough to send to our Society for 
examination. I am glad to hear that his Lordship intends to have the surface, 
both back and front, protected by glass. 

This picture is one among the very few known examples of early English 
portraiture produced by artists of decided eminence. In one respect it stands alone 
in English portraiture, being a solitary instance, for the fifteenth century, of a 
picture having the date, the name of the painter, and the person represented 
equally well defined. The dated signature of Petrus Christus, combined with the 
shield of Grimston at the back, clearly establish this fact. 

Two other examples, nearly approaching this in importance, but without 
affording the combination of date with names of subject and painter, deserve to 
be noticed. They both belong to the school of Van Eyck, and represent English 
characters. 

The first, also attributed to Petrus Christus, is in the Gallery at Berlin (No. 532 
of Dr. Waagen's Catalogue), and represents a young lady of the Talbot family. 
The name of the painter, " Opus Petri Christophori," was originally inscribed on 
the frame, but has been since destroyed." 

Dr. Waagen adds, in a note at page 76 of his Handbook of German and Flemish Painting, 8vo. I860, 
" on the cotemporary but now lost frame was an inscription telling the name of the painter and that of the 
person portrayed." This is a further instance of the disadvantage of merely inscribing signatures on 
picture frames, manifested also in the works of Joannes Corvus, in the portrait, for example, of Fox Bishop 
of Winchester, described in the Archceologia, vol. xxxix. page 47. 



472 On the Portrait of Edward Grimston, 

The Berlin picture, also on wood and measuring 11 by 9 German inches, is so 
similar in size and general treatment as to have almost the appearance of being 
intended as a companion to the Grimston picture. The lady is seen, nearly to 
the waist, with the face turned in f to the left with the eyes fixed on the 
spectator. She wears a tall black cap, and a portion of the veil connected with 
it passes close under her chin, and leaves the neck bare ; her hair is entirely 
concealed; the hands are not seen; she wears a necklace, and her dress is 
trimmed at the upper part with white fur ; the sleeves are of blue velvet, fitted 
very tightly to the shoulders. The background represents the plain wall of a room, 
with panelling round the lower part of it as in the Grimston picture. No coat of 
arms or inscription is now observable. The light falls on the countenance from 
the left-hand side, the reverse of the treatment adopted in Lord Verulam's 
painting. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, in their Flemish Painters, 1857, (p. 121) ob- 
serve, in speaking of this picture, the circumstance of " its soft and clear tones 
differing from the known examples of the painter's manner." ' 

The other example which I would cite is at Chiswick House, and belongs to the 
Duke of Devonshire. In point of art it is by far the best, although wanting both 
the date and signature of the painter. The persons depicted are, however, clearly 
defined by the introduction of shields of arms. The figures are Sir John Donne 
and his wife Elizabeth Hastings, accompanied by their daughter, kneeling in 
adoration before the Virgin holding the Infant Saviour. 

Notwithstanding the prominence of the armorial bearings of a different family, 
the picture was received into the Devonshire collection as a representation of Lord 
Clifford and his lady by Van Eyck. In Dodsley's London and its Environs, 
1701, vol. ii. page 122, it is thus described : " Lord Clifford and his family, painted 
in 1444 by John Van Eyk, called John of Bruges." The same is repeated in the 
English Connoisseur, 1766, vol. i. page 38. Horace Walpole thus perpetuates this 
error in his Anecdotes of Painting, page 32 of the quarto edition, 1798 : " There 
is an old altar-table at Chiswick representing the Lord Clifford and his lady 
kneeling. Van Eyck's name is burnt in on the back of the board." 

Dr. Waagen was the first to form a correct estimate of the artistic merits of the 

" I regret that I did not subsequently inquire from my much-esteemed friend the late director of the 
Berlin Gallery whether the back of the panel had ever been examined to ascertain if there are traces 
of any heraldic device or inscription ou it. 

' This, if actually the case, would be a very unusual method for artists of this school to adopt in signing 
their pictures. I subsequently examined the back of the panel, September 1865, and found the name 
IOHAKES VAN ETCK clumsily written across the centre in black ink. G. S. 



and other Portraits of the same period. 473 

picture, and to assign it to a successor of Van Eyck, possibly Hans Memling.* 
Subsequently, in his Handbook of German and Flemish Painting, 1860, page 
100, he unhesitatingly accepts it as the work of Memling, and pronounces it "in 
every respect one of the finest works of the master." 

The error of nomenclature was still further spread by two engravings of the 
Knight and his Lady from a repetition of this portion of the picture published 
by J. Thane in 1793, under the title, " George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury and 
his Countess Anne, from an ancient painting on board in the possession of John 
Thane." 

It was, however, reserved for our learned colleague, Mr. John Gough Nichols, 
to recover the true significance of the picture, and to point out those to whom 
the portraits could alone refer. This was done in a very interesting communica- 
tion to the Gentleman's Magazine for November, 1840, page 489, under the 
initials J. G. N." 

Walpole, in his Anecdotes, mentions several other early portraits of distinguished 
historical personages, likewise attributable to artists of eminence, but unfortunately 
their authenticity as portraits cannot be maintained. He purchased at Mr. 
Ives's sale, June 4th, 1779, part of an old altar-piece, said to have come from 
the Abbey of St. Edmundsbury ; the separate compartments of which relate to 
the subject of the Nativity, combining full-length figures of patron saints and a 
kneeling one of the donor of the picture. 

A shield of arms clearly indicates a connection with Sir Robert Tate, Lord 
Mayor of London in 1488, who married Margery Wood. In these figures 
the fertile imagination of Walpole perceived Humphrey, the good Duke of 
Gloucester ; Henry Beaufort, Cardinal of Winchester ; and John Kempe, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury ! 

The figures called Beaufort and the Duke of Gloucester are engraved under 
these names by Parker and Gardiner in Harding's Shakespeare, 1791. Wal- 
pole had the panels " split " into two, and entrusted them to Bonus in Oxford 
R-oad " to repair only and not repaint them." They were purchased at the 
Strawberry Hill sale in 1842, and exhibited at the British Institution in 1853 by 
the Duke of Sutherland. The same characters were supposed by Walpole to 

Art and Artists in England, 1838, vol. i. p. 268. 

b For subsequent observations on this picture, which was No. 18 of the 1866 Portrait Exhibition at South 
Kensington, and attributed to Van Eyck, see a valuable paper by Mr. James Weale in Notes and Queries 
for December 3rd, 1864, page 452. 

They were No. 27 of the 1866 Portrait Exhibition at South Kensington, and there described in the 
VOL. XL. 3 P 



474 On the Portrait of Edward Grimston, 

have been repeated in a picture of a royal marriage, also at Strawberry Hill, and 
published by him in his Anecdotes of Painting as the Marriage of Henry Sixth. 
The figure of the Queen, engraved by Sheneker as Margaret of Anjou, appears 
in Harding's Shakespeare. This picture was also exhibited by the Duke of 
Sutherland at the British Institution in 1853," and subsequently at the 1866 
Portrait Exhibition, No. 16 of the Catalogue. See the Gentleman's Magazine 
for 1842, and the Athenaeum for same year, page 318. 

This has proved to Walpole the source of several great historical portraits 
similar in quality to the preceding. Here again he finds Archbishop Kempe, 
the Duke of Gloucester, the Queen of Naples mother of Queen Margaret, 
the Duke and Duchess of Bedford, and the Marquis of Suffolk. None of 
these are supportable by internal evidence. Walpole deliberately says, "The 
portraits of Duke Humphrey and Archbishop Kempe have been authenticated by 
two others of the same persons which formed part of an altar-piece at St. 
Edmundsbury, and are now at Strawberry Hill." 

Another picture, also at Strawberry Hill, which Walpole, in his Anecdotes of 
Painting, page 50, vol. iii. of the 4to. edition, 1798, mentions as a " celebrated 
picture by Mabuse," formerly at Easton Neston, has afforded an additional 
portrait to Harding's Shakespeare. It was engraved by Parker as the " Earl of 
Richmond, afterwards King Henry the Seventh." This title is somewhat difficult 
to reconcile, since the personage therein represented is already King, for he wears 
an arched regal crown. The entire picture was engraved under Walpole's own 
auspices for his Anecdotes of Painting, as " The Marriage of Henry VII. and 
Elizabeth of York, by Mabuse," vol. ii. page 461 of 4to. edition. 

The last instance of false portraiture to which I shall advert is the picture 
obtained by Horace Walpole from Cosway and erroneously denominated the 
children of Henry the Seventh. 1 " This picture certainly belongs to the school of 
Mabuse, and, as I have already shown, represents the three children of the King 
of Denmark. See Archceologia, vol. xxxix. page 260. 

In the foregoing instances, the names of the persons represented occupy the 
first place, and, whether or not correctly, have been very positively asserted. 

following terms : " Altar-piece, in the wings of which the Duke of Gl&ucester is represented kneeling, and 
in character of a pilgrim." " The mitred figure is John Kempe." 

It is a good Flemish picture belonging to the close of the fifteenth century. The bridegroom is not 
royal, has an aged and careworn face, with a glory round the head, as in Raphael's well known Sposalizio 
at Milan. The ceremony, seen through an arch, takes place in an open space in front of a church. 

" Lord Orford's Works, 4to. 1798, vol. ii. p. 512. 



and other Portraits of the same period. 475 

The following case is of an opposite character, and consists of the mere mention 
of a name and no picture ; but it leads to some curious illustration of the pur- 
poses to which art was applied, and also of the opinion then held as to its capa- 
bility and requirements. 

"We have some circumstantial records of an artist having been entrusted in the 
year 1442 with the delicate task of painting the portrait of three young ladies to 
guide our youthful monarch Henry VI. in the choice of a wife. Unfortunately 
the portraits themselves are not known to be in existence; but the instruc- 
tions given by the King to the painter are so quaint and curious that they 
deserve to be transcribed. Even the patronymic name of the artist is unknown. 
He merely appears as Hans, most probably a German or Fleming, and is described 
in a letter to De Batutz, quoted in Thomas Beckington's journal, as a very com- 
petent artist. The instructions given by the King, July 1442, to his agents, run 
thus : 

" At your first commyng thider, in al haste possible, that ye do portraie the iii 
doughters in their kertelles simple, and their visages lyk as ye see, their stature 
and their beaulte and color of skynne and their countenaunces, with al maner of 
features ; and that one be delivered in al haste with the said portratur to bring it 
unto the Kinge, and he t'appointe and signe which hym lyketh ; and therupon 
to sende you word how ye shall be governed." Journal by one of the suite of 
Thomas Beckington, A.D. MCCCCXLII. by Nicholas Harris Nicolas, Lond. 1828, 
page 10. 

Hull, who formed part of the mission, having brought from England an artist 
named Hans or Hansa, to paint the likenesses of the daughters of the Count of 
Armagnac, Sir Robert Roos wrote to the Count on the 3rd of November, stating 
that he had sent Hans to him, and begged that he would cause the business to be 
hastened. 

On the 22nd of November, John de Batutz, Archdeacon of St. Antonin and 
Canon of Rodez, wrote to the Ambassadors, thus describing the progress of the 
picture. 

" As soon as Hansa had arrived, which he did safely, by the grace of God, ho 
diligently applied himself to the object for which he came, namely, the three 
pictures or likenesses ; and such have been his zeal and assiduity in the work, 
that with the help of God we hope quickly to return him to you. Within four 
days, or little more, the first of the three portraits will be upon the canvas 
(linthes impresserit), and the rest he will despatch still more quickly, as he will 
have the whole of the materials ready provided. To the utmost of my power I 



476 On the Portrait of Edward Grimston, 

will urge him to expedition, that we may the sooner arrive at the happy and 
desired consummation of our labours." Ut supra, page 75. 

The artist's progress and difficulties are recorded in a letter dated L'lsle," January 
3rd, 1443, from Archdeacon de Batutz : 

" Hans has finished one of the three likenesses. From the severe coldness of 
the weather, which has prevented his colours from working, he could not finish 
it sooner, though he laboured with constant diligence. He is beginning to pro- 
ceed with the other two, which, with God's help, he will finish in a shorter time, 
especially if the cold should subside, and give him greater facilities. But on this 
subject he has more fully written to you. I am constantly urging his operations, 
and shall continue to do so, as there is nothing on earth I more desire than to see 
them completed ; and as soon as they are, which will be shortly, he shall be sent 
back to you in safety." Ut supra, page 94. 

It is not known that the pictures ever arrived in England ; the marriage was 
broken oif, b and shortly after King Henry received a portrait of Margaret of 
Anjou, his future wife, painted, through the intervention of the Earl of Suffolk, 
by one of the first artists of France. 

King llene, the father of Margaret, was one of the most distinguished painters 
of the time. His works, several of them still extant, are frequently referred to 
on account of their superior technical merit and refinement. His works are all 
more or less in the style of the Van Eycks, a taste which he probably acquired 
during his throe years' captivity at Dijon and Bracon, between the years 1431 
and 143G. d llene dedicated in the church of the Carmelites at Aix, the capital 
of his dominions, a votive picture, which is still to be seen there. It is not 
only a monument of his piety but of his skill.' 

Considering his high artistic proclivities and his skill in portraiture, it is not 
altogether improbable that the first picture which Henry the Sixth saw of his 
intended wife had been painted by her own father. King Rene was a contem- 
porary of Pctrus Christus. His daughter's marriage took place in April 1445, one 
year before the date inscribed on the Grimston picture now before us. Rene" is 
known during his imprisonment at Bracon to have painted on glass portraits of 

11 L'Isle en Jourdain between Auch and Toulouse. 

b Sandford's Genealogical History, ed. 1677, page 290. 

c Miss Strickland's Queens of England, ed. 1852, vol. ii. page 170. 

d Eastlake's Materials, vol. i. page 216. 

e Mrs. Jameson's Legends of the Madonna, ed. 1852, page 114, 



and other Portraits of the same period. 477 

the Dukes of Burgundy, Jean Sans Peur, Philip the Good, and Charles, and 
subsequently his own portrait, for the windows of the ducal chapel at Dijon." 

Eive years after the death of Henry the Sixth, Margaret was ransomed by 
Louis XI. and restored to her father in 1476. They sojourned at Reculee, about 
a league from Angers, on the river Maine or Mayenne, where the titular monarch 
had a castle that commanded a view of the town, with a beautiful garden and a 
gallery of paintings and sculpture, which he took delight in adorning with his 
own paintings, and ornamented the walls of his garden with heraldic designs 
carved in marble. b 

Rene" died at Aix, July 1480, and his daughter, exhausted in body and mind, 
survived him only two years. Both were interred in the cathedral of Angers. 
Their monument was destroyed in 1783. 

The portrait on glass, published by Montfaucon while still existing in one of 
the windows of the cathedral of Angers, and copied in Miss Strickland's Lives of 
the Queens of England, was very probably painted by her father . d 

There can be no doubt about the identity of the painter or the person represented 
in the precious little picture now exhibited to the Society by favour of Lord 
Verulam. The inscription on the back reads, |JettUS Xpt. me fmt & 1446. It is 
preceded by the peculiar device of a heart transfixed by an instrument like 
a windlass. 

A similar inscription with the date 1449, and the transfixed heart at the 
opposite extremity, occurs on a picture representing St. Eloy and other figures, 
in the possession of Mr. Oppenheim, a banker at Cologne. The inscription is en- 
graved somewhat coarsely in Brulliot's Dictionaire des Mbnogrammes, Munich, 
4to. 1832, part iii. page 137, No. 953. 

The Cologne picture belonged previously to M. de Sybel of Elberfeld, and came 
originally from the Guild of the Goldsmiths at Antwerp.' 

The inscription has been carefully copied, and the first two words transposed, 
in Passavant's Kunstreise, Frankfurt, 1833, No. 9 of Monograms. Saint Eloy is 
seated in a shop filled with all kinds of jewelry and precious stones, weighing 

Crowe and Cavalcaselle, Flemish Painters, page 198. Strickland's Queens of England, 1852, vol. ii. 
page 165. 

b Villeneuve de Bargemont, Marseilles, 1819; quoted by Miss Strickland. 
Quatrebarbes, (Euvres du Roi Rene, 4to. Paris, 1849, vol. i. page 152. 
d Engraved in D'Agincourt, plate cxvi. and in Quatrebarbes, Texte, page 148. 
Kunstblatt for the year 1833, No. 12, page 47. 



478 On the Portrait of Edward Grimston, 

some rings, which he appears to have sold to a betrothed couple. This illustrates 
the legend of St. Godeberta." 

A picture, formerly in this country, in the possession of Mr. Aders," and now 
in the Staedel Gallery at Francfort, No. 402 of the collection, is signed ^Jrtrus 
Xpi ntp ffCtt, and bears a contested date of 1417. It represents the Virgin 
playing with the Infant Christ upon her knee, and offering him flowers, with two 
full-length figures of St. Jerome and St. Francis at the sides. 

Dr. Waagen, in his Handbook of German and Flemish Painting, page 75, ob- 
serves, " the broad and beautiful cast of the draperies in this picture, as well as 
the style of colouring, show a feeling borrowed from Hubert Van Eyck." 

Crowe and Cavalcaselle, page 119, say of it that the painter was completely 
Flemish. " His tones, though sombre were powerful ; his outlines somewhat 
hard. His flesh tints, though dark in shadow, were not unpleasant." Passavant 
described it as clear in colour, but with a brownish tone in the shadows, which is 
peculiar to the works of John Van Eyck. 

The following extracts from a letter which I received from Sir Charles Eastlake 
bear directly upon the subject, and afford important evidence with regard to the 
true interpretation of the date : 

" You are, I believe, aware that there is a picture by Petrus Christus in the 
possession of Mr. Oppenheim at Cologne. It represents St. Eloi, the patron of 
Jewellers, and apparently a young betrothed couple, half figures, small life size. 

" The abbreviated inscription ' Petrus Christi me fecit, A. 1449,' is on 
a parapet below. Before the name c is the monogram : .(see cut.) 

" If I remember rightly, this corresponds with the monogram on Lord 
Verulam's picture. I am told it also corresponds with that on the 
small picture in the Frankfurt Gallery by the same painter, in which 
the date (doubtless originally 1447) had been altered before that picture was in 
the gallery to 1-417. d 

" You probably know that Vasari in his account of ' Diversi Artifici Fiamminghi,' 
and also in his Introduzione, mentions the painter under the name of Pietro 
Christa."" 

Compare Crowe and Cavalcaselle, page 119. 

'' Passavant, Kunstreise, Frankfurt, 1833, page 92. 

c In this instance the device is really at the end of the inscription. (G. S.) 

d Compare Eastlake's Materials, page 190; and Waagen's Handbook, page 75. 

See Vasari, Firenze, 15C8, pp. 51, 857. 




and other Portraits of the same period. 479 

He is also mentioned, among the distinguished Flemish artists, by Lodovico 
Guicciardini as " Piero Christa," in his Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi, folio, 
Antwerp, 1588, page 128. 

Two pictures by Petrus Christus are in the Berlin Gallery, Nos. 529A and 529s. 
They represent the Annunciation and the Last Judgment, and are signed partly 
on one panel and partly on the other " Petrus Xpi me fecit, Anno Domini 
MCCCCLII." In all these cases the painter seems to have uniformly adopted the 
usual medieval transcripts of the Greek letters X P in abbreviating his name. 
The only exception to this rule, and that merely on tradition, as the inscription 
disappeared with the frame, was in connection with the portrait of a young lady 
of the Talbot family, noticed above, where the signature is stated to have been 
" Opus Petri Christophori." 

Dr. Waagen observes, Handbook, page 75, that in the archives of the cathedral 
of Cambrai, according to Count de Laborde, Les Dues de Bourgogne, Introduction, 
p. cxxv. f, the painter is designated " Petrus Christus of Bruges." 

A picture representing St. Peter and St. Dorothy, when at the Manchester 
Exhibition in 1857, No. 440 of the catalogue, was attributed to this artist, and 
styled "Meister Cristoph:" but it has no signature. It was formerly in the 
Boisserde and Wallerstein collections, and has recently been presented by the 
Queen to the. National Gallery. The picture certainly belongs to a subsequent 
period, namely, early in the sixteenth century, and is rather German than Flemish. 

The earliest mention which I find made of the Grimston picture occurs in 
Pennant's Journey from Chester to London, 4to. 1782, page 248. After minutely 
describing the historical portraits preserved at Gorhambury, a series almost 
unequalled in extent, variety, and general excellence, the author proceeds : "I 
shall conclude with a very singular portrait on wood, called Sylvester de Grimston, 
a noble Norman, standard-bearer to the Conqueror at the battle of Hastings, and 
afterwards his chamberlain. The picture is ancient and curious, but wants four 
centuries of the great period in which Sylvester lived ; neither did that age afford 
any artists that could give even a tolerable representation of the human figure, 
much less convey down a likeness of the fierce heroes of their times. I premise 
this, to show the impossibility of this portrait having been a copy of some original 
of this great ancestor. The dress is singular : a large bonnet, with a very long 
silken appendage ; a green jacket, hanging sleeves ; a collar of SS held in one 
hand ; his face beardless. On the back of the picture is Petrus Xoi. me fecit, 
anno 1416 (sic). The artist is unknown to me ; but the habit of the person is of 
the date ; for I find in Monfaucon's Monarchic Francoise several persons of rank 



480 On the Portrait of Edward Grimston, 

in the dress, particularly Philip le Bon, Duke of Burgundy. I do not hesitate to 
imagine that the Gorhambury portrait is no other than one of this illustrious 
prince." 

Gough in his Sepulchral Montiments, page cclx. of the Introduction, published 
1786, repeats the earlier tradition of the picture representing Grimston, the 
standard-bearer and chamberlain to William the Conqueror. He gives a facsimile 
of the inscription on the back of the panel in outline, on a reduced scale, but very 
inaccurately. The engraver has ignorantly followed some hasty transcript which 
had been put into his hands. The letter X, standing for Ch. in the name Christus, 
had been left out by the original copyist, who hurriedly supplied the omission 
by putting it in above, adding the ordinary caret sign below. 

In a second edition of Pennant's Journey from Chester, published thirteen years 
after the author's decease in 1811, the correct name was first made known by the 
editor in a foot-note on page 335, as follows : 

"This portrait is now supposed by the noble owner to represent Edward 
Grimston, who was ambassador to the court of Burgundy in the reign of Henry 
VI. and as the family arms are painted on the back and front of the picture, the 
conjecture does not appear improbable. See Bymer's Fcedera, xi. 230." 

The inscription was carefully facsimilied in a woodcut on the page following. 

The following technical notes, which I have just made from the picture, may 
perhaps possess some interest as recording my impressions of the general ap- 
pearance and the peculiarities of the painting. 

The picture is painted on oak, and measures 12 inches by 9 inches ; it is 
very mellow and brown in general tone, like the works of John van Eyck. The 
brown complexion and entirely bald face recall the characteristics of the husband 
in Van Eyck's well-known picture of two figures, a man and his wife standing in 
a room, now in the National Gallery. The shadows of the face are brown, harsh, 
and deficient in softness of feeling or modelling. The shadows cast on the wall 
from the beams of the room are cleverly marked and doubled as if caused by the 
introduction of a second light. The shadows from the black cross-bars are omitted 
on the curved side of the circular window. 

The gold chain of large rings round his neck is painted solely with a pale 
opaque yellow, shaded with burnt siena and outlined in black. There is no 
actual gold on any part of the picture. The hand that is seen exhibits no ring ; 
it is fairly well modelled, but clumsy at the wrist, brown in colour, with a sepia- 
brown shadow : the finger-nails are carefully marked. His head-dress is one solid 
mass of black paint. There is no shadow on his green dress from the long pendant 



and other Portraits of the same period. 481 

of the cap or bonnet. The SS chain, apparently of silver, is beautifully finished. 
It appears to be double as it passes over his thumb. The coating of green paint 
on the back is much chipped and blistered, some portion of it actually separating 
from the wood. The green ground is dark and mottled with splotches of red. The 
letters are dark red. (Plate XXVII.) The upper row black-lined on the right 
side with black; the lower black-lined with very bright red lead. Query, has 
the red lead of the upper letters since turned black ? The small device pre- 
ceding the inscription is a bright red heart transfixed with a fine rod and cross 
pieces, like wires, of pure white colour. 

There is a small touch of white like a crescent in the centre of the heart. The 
device is very delicately painted. 

Believe me, 

Yours very faithfully, 

GEORGE SCHARP." 



POSTSCRIPT. 

Since writing the above several important particulars respecting the painter 
have come to light. These we owe to the indefatigable researches of Mr. W. H. 
James Weale, resident at Bruges, who published them in the Beffroi, vol. i. page 
236, a periodical of great value in recording discoveries and elucidating matters 
connected with art and literature. A few of the leading points of these discoveries 
will doubtless be found acceptable. 

Peter Christus was born at Baerle, a small village in the commune of Tron- 
chiennes, between that village and Deynze. Of his father nothing more is known 
than that he also was named Peter. Christus probably came to Bruges in 1443, 
since he purchased the right "of citizenship as a painter July 6th, 1444. The 
following extract is taken from the archives of the city in a register of the names 
of those who purchased the right of citizenship between September 2, 1434, and 
September 2, 1449, fol. 72, " Pieter Xps, f. Pieters, gheboren van Baerle, cochte 
zyn poorterscip upten vi sten dach van Hoymaent ; bi Joos van der Done, omme 
scilder te zine." 

The sketch which I made at the time, June 18, 1863, is here reproduced; because since that 
time, owing to the carelessness of a picture-cleaner named Anthony, nearly all traces of the device 
have disappeared. When Miss Hill made her very careful copy of the picture in water-colours 
it was no longer visible. I believe, however, that since the monogram has been partially 
recovered. 

VOL. XL. 3 Q 



482 On the Portrait of Edward Grimston, fyc. 

In 1449, Peter Christus painted the picture which continued a long time in 
the possession of the Goldsmiths Company at Antwerp. One of the last members 
of the Corporation sold it to the late M. de Sybel. The picture, as stated 
above, now belongs to Mr. Oppenheim of Cologne. Mr. Weale has printed in 
the Beffroi, page 241, vol. i. a careful facsimile of the inscription reduced to 
the scale of one-half, which is here faithfully repeated : 





The wings of the altar-piece in the cathedral at Burgos, representing the An- 
nunciation and Nativity, and the Last Judgment, dated 1452, passed to a convent 
at Segovia, were conveyed by M. Frasinelli to Germany, and are now, as already 
mentioned, in the museum at Berlin. 

In 1451 the chapter of the cathedral of Cambrai received from Canon Foursy 
du Bruille, Archdeacon of Valenciennes, a " miraculous picture " of " Notre Dame 
de Grace," brought from the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Rome. Peter 
Christus made three copies of this picture in 145 i for the Count d'Etampes. 
One of them is now in the hospital at Cambrai. 

In 1402 Christus and his wife, of whom no particulars are known, became 
members of the fraternity of " Notre Dame de L'Arbre Sec," established in the 
church of the Minorites at Bruges. 

In 1163 he prepared for the city of Bruges a large representation of the Tree of 
Jesse, to be carried in procession, for which he received 40 livres 8 escalins de 
gros. In 1467 and 1468 he was employed in repairing it. The last mention of 
Christus on record belongs to the year 1472, March 19, when he attended in the 
cloister of St. Donatus to hear pronounced the arbitration of a dispute between 
the corporation of Painters and Peter Coustain, painter to the Duke. 

Mr. R. N. Wornum gives, based on the same authority, a succinct account of 
the painter and his works in the last edition of his valuable text-book " The Epochs 
of Painting," 1864, page 145. 



;XVHI P 



TOMB N I . 




Section, on, C.D. 



C_ ,._ 



Ground, Plan, 



o:. 



Section, on, A.B. 



TOMB N? 2. 




Section, on, C.D. 



Ground.' Plan, 




Section on, A. 



TOM B N? 3 




Ser,Ucn orvC.D. 



..D 



GrouiuL Plan. 




Niche 



Section on, A. B 



uw/i to a, foot 



Kell Bro* lith London 



TOMBS AT CHAIN TIFFIKA, MALTA. 



XXXI. Description of Ancient Rock- Tombs at Ghain Tifflha and Tal Horr, 
Malta : by Captain JOHN S. SWANN, F.G.S. 



Read Jan. 18th, 1866. 



I. TOMBS AT GHAIN TIPFIHA. 

THE tombs at Ghain Tiffiha," which is situated on the west or Gozo side of 
Malta, three or four miles to the south of St. Paul's Bay, are all cut in the rock, 
and, though differing slightly in form and dimensions, have a general resemblance, 
as will be seen by the following descriptions. 

Tomb No. 1. The first tomb examined was nearly square, but with the 
corners slightly rounded (see the ground plan, PI. XXVIII. fig. 1). The dimen- 
sions of this tomb are about 6 feet in length, and about 6 feet 3 inches in width, b 
and the greatest height 4 feet 3 inches, which is probably somewhat in excess 
of the original height,, as a portion of the roof appears to have fallen in. The 
roof is slightly arched, as will be seen by the accompanying sections. 

The entrance to the tomb is by a square opening cut into the rock to a depth 
of 1 foot 3 inches to 1 foot 6 inches ; it appears to have been much more care- 
fully cut than the interior of the tomb, and is certainly the work of people well 
acquainted with the art of stone cutting, and possessed of suitable tools. There 
is not the slightest trace of inscriptions of any kind. The bottom of the entrance 
is very nearly on a level with the bottom of the interior of the tomb, and the 
entrance faces nearly NNW. 

Ok is the aspirate, and the name is often written Ain Tiffiha, Taffiha, or Toffiha. [By an accidental 
error the name is misspelt Tiffi&a in the accompanying plate.] 

b There was room in the chamber for the bodies to have been laid in the extended position, and I believe 
them to have been so deposited, from observing the position of the fragments of skulls at one end of the 
chamber, and of the phalanges and tarsal bones at the other. I was not able to inspect a tomb entirely 
undisturbed, the workman having pulled about the contents immediately they were opened, in search of 
coins or other objects of value, which however do not appear to have been found. 

3Q2 



484 Description of Ancient Rock- Tombs 

In this tomb two skulls and a quantity of bones were found, apparently those 
of two individuals. The latter were very fragile, and required most careful 
handling, and they were unfortunately much broken by the violent treatment 
they received, from which cause also much damage was done to the lower jaws. 

Quantities of fragments of pottery were also found; but in most cases the 
fragments were so small that it is quite impossible to conjecture the shape of the 
vessels of which they formed part. The following articles, however, were found in 
a very good state of preservation, viz. a two-handled vase of pale coarse pottery, 
10 inches high (see woodcut, fig. 2), two jugs, of which one has a trifoliated 
mouth, and two small saucers, 5f inches and 7^ inches in diameter ; the latter 
has a spiral brown line on the outside, and is represented in the woodcut, fig. 9. 
These vessels do not show any trace of pattern, excepting a few stripes round 
them of darker colour than the general colour of the vessels themselves. The 
two small saucers are of a coarser material than the vase and jugs. 

Tomb No. 2 is situated about three-quarters of a mile from Tomb No. 1. The 
entrance, which faces nearly SW., is precisely similar to that of No. 1, but the 
shape of the cutting differs slightly, as will be shown from the accompanying plan 
and sections (PI. XXVIII. fig. 2). This tomb presents the peculiarity of having 
a kind of ledge or shelf, about one foot high and one foot wide, on the side to the 
left of the entrance. Its greatest height is about 4 feet 3 inches, length 6 feet 
3 inches, including the shelf, and width 6 feet 6 inches. 

In this tomb large quantities of bones were found, but in such a state as 
scarcely to permit of being handled or moved. No whole skulls were obtained, 
but many fragments : from the broken state of the bones it is quite impossible to 
guess at the number of individuals who may have been interred here. The state 
of the bones in this tomb, and also in No. 3, is partially accounted for by the fact 
that the tenant of the land has made a terrace field in front of the entrances to 
these tombs, the soil of which rises to between two and three feet above the level 
of the entrance, through which water and the finer portions of the marl of which 
the field is composed have percolated, and rendered the bones, already much 
decayed, quite rotten. 

Quantities of pottery, both whole and in a broken state, were found in this 
tomb, differing slightly in quality from that found in Tomb No. 1. The following 
is a list of articles found in a good state of preservation, viz. a large globular 



at Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr, Malta. 485 

amphora, 2 feet 1 inch high, of red pottery, apparently washed with a lighter 
colour, and with two painted lines across the body (see woodcut, fig. 1) ; a large 
round plate or saucer of finer ware than the others, 1^ inch high, and 9 inches in 
diameter ; a red two-handled bowl of pale red ware, 7 inches in diameter (wood- 
cut, fig. 6) ; two small bowls, 5f inches in diameter ; two small plates, 3 inches 
in diameter ; a one-handled jug, of thin dull red ware, 4 inches high (woodcut, 
fig. 5) ; three bottle-shaped vases with one handle each ; and two open lamps 
with projections for two wicks, and which show marks of burning (woodcut, fig. 7), 
each about 5 inches long. 

Tomb No. 3. This tomb is in the immediate vicinity of No. 2, and the entrance 
also faces the south-west. 

The only peculiarity presented in this tomb is that a portion of it, about one- 
third, differs in width from the remaining portion. The dimensions differ 
slightly from those of Nos. 1 and 2, and the annexed rough ground-plan and 
sections (PI. XXVIII. fig. 3) show the dimensions and the peculiarity above 
mentioned. In the wall at the furthest extremity, on the right-hand side, there 
is a small niche about 3 feet 4 inches from the floor of the tomb. This is the 
only instance in the tombs at Ghain Tiffiha of there being any trace of a niche of 
this kind. 

As in Tomb No. 2, bones were found in great abundance, but in a very rotten 
state, owing to the damp and to being mixed with wet clay indeed it was almost 
impossible to handle or remove them without their falling to pieces. From the 
very large number of small vertebrae it would seem probable that one or more 
young persons had been buried in this tomb. The pottery was here also in a 
very broken state, but some tolerably perfect vessels were obtained, viz. a two- 
handled vase or amphora of pale pottery 12 inches high (woodcut, fig. 3), a small 
bottle of pale terra cotta 6 inches high (woodcut, fig. 8), a small lamp of the same 
form as those found in Tomb No. 2, a small bowl, and a broken cup. 

In this tomb also was found a vase of very coarse material, which could not be 
handled in consequence of its extreme rottenness, with the debris of which were 
found quantities of fragments of calcined bones which appear to have been 
deposited in the vase. The dimensions of this vase appear to have been from 
1 foot 4 inches to 1 foot 6 inches in height, about 1 foot in diameter at the top, 
and 1 foot 3 inches in diameter in its widest part about two-thirds from the top. 



486 



Description of Ancient Bock-Tombs 



Tomb No. 4. This tomb did not differ in character from those already men- 
tioned, and contained fragments of bones and pottery, but no whole skulls or 
complete articles of pottery were obtained. 

None of the above excavations present the smallest trace of any inscriptions, but 
this may arise from the nature of the stone (coralline limestone) in which they 
are cut. 




CiROUP OF POTTERY FBOM TOMBS AT GHAJN TIFFIHA. 



II. TOMB AT TAX HORB. 

Having heard that, during the progress of the works at the new cemetery at 
Tal Horr, an ancient tomb had been discovered, I visited the spot in November 
1865, and examined the tomb, of which the following is a description. 

This tomb consists of a vertical shaft cut in the solid rock, at the bottom and 
on one side of which is a horizontal chamber very nearly circular in shape, and 



Vol XLPI.XXIX p 




' - . 
Section en C.I) 



SecUvn on A..B 




Plan. 



Scale % uuh. la a. feet 



' lith London 



TOMB AT TAL HORR. MALTA. 



at Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr, Malta. 487 

to which admission is gained from the shaft by a small rectangular opening, in 
front of which is a small trench. 

The dimensions of the shaft, chamber, and trench will be seen from the 
annexed plan and section (Plate XXIX.) which is roughly copied from a more 
finished plan kindly lent me by the Hon. G. Vella, Collector of Land Revenues. 

On the sides of the shaft four notches are cut, apparently to facilitate descent 
and ascent. 

The shaft appears to have been carefully cut by a people possessed of good 
tools as well as an aptitude for using them. 

At the bottom of the shaft were found the skull and bones of apparently a 
young person, and in the chamber the bones and skulls of two individuals, 
together with a few articles of pottery. 

Having expressed a wish to submit one or both of these skulls to the inspection 
of my friend Dr. Thurnam, one of them was kindly supplied me by the Hon. 
G. Vella, to whose courtesy I am much indebted for the facilities afforded me in 
inspecting both the tomb and the human remains ; and I am also indebted to 
Dr. Cesare Vassalo, the Librarian of the Public Library, for the facilities afforded 
me for examining the pottery. 

With regard to the articles of pottery found in this tomb, they appear to be of 
the same kind as those obtained by me at Ghain Tiffika, with one exception, 
however, viz. an amphora with two long handles. Its height was about 29 
inches and greatest diameter about 9 inches ; the extremity of the pointed base 
was broken off. 

Besides the articles of pottery a small bright blue nodule was found, about the 
size of a small walnut. Its colour is most beautiful ; but what it is or may have 
been is most difficult to conjecture. 

A notice of the discovery at Tal Horr appeared lately in the Malta Observer, 
the writer of which supposes that the nodule may be a " decomposed sapphire ! " 
but the grounds on which he has arrived at such a conclusion seem to be open 
to considerable doubt. 



XXXII. On the Human Remains, and especially the Skulk, from the Rock- 
Tombs at Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr, and from other places in Malta. 
By JOHN THURNAM, Esq., M.D., F.&.A. 



Read Jan. 18th, 1866. 

THE human remains from Tomb 1 at Ghain Tiffiha comprise the more import- 
ant bones of two skeletons. They are generally well preserved, though very 
light and brittle, as would appear from the almost entire destruction of the animal 
matter. They are uniformly stained of a dark reddish-brown hue, and here and 
there incrusted with a tufaceous or stalagmitic deposit of the same colour. The 
bones from Tombs 2 and 3 are, on the contrary, of a pale or drab clay colour. 
The dark colour of the former is attributed by Captain Swann to the percolation 
through cracks in the limestone rock of water tinged with the highly -coloured 
soil with which many fissures in the upper limestone of Malta are filled. The 
Tombs 2 and 3, on the contrary, had become filled with clay from " Clay-bed 
No. 3," and hence the difference. 

The skeletons from Tomb 1 are those of two persons of less than middle 
stature. One (A) I take to be that of a man with a stature of about 5 feet 
1 inch, the other (B) to have been perhaps one inch less. The difference in the 
length of the bones of the leg and thigh in the two skeletons is very trifling. 
There is a greater difference in the length of the bones of the arm, which are at 
least an inch longer in A than in B. The length of the bones is as follows: 

A. B. 

Eng. Inches. Millimetres. Eng. Inches. Millimetres. 

Femur 16J 413 16J 413 

Tibia . . 14 355 13j 349 

Fibula . 13 J 343 

Humerus . 12 308 

Radius 9J 241 8J 216 

Ulna . 104 260 9J 235 

All the long bones of A are thicker than those of B, and have the processes 
and ridges for the attachment of muscles much stronger. The small size of the 



On Human Remains from Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr. 489 

scapulas of B, and the form and size of the respective ossa innominata, are all in 
favour of the one being the skeleton of a man and the other of a woman. The 
skulls, as received by me, were not lettered to correspond with the other bones of 
the skeleton. I have ventured, however, to assume that the larger and more 
dolichocephalic, which is also distinguished by more marked facial characters, 
really belongs to the larger and doubtless male skeleton A. The lesser and 
sub-brachycephalous skull attributed to skeleton B has not the sexual characters 
so strikingly marked, but that if found alone it might have been taken for that of 
a man. I have ventured to regard it as female. The special description of these 
two skulls follows that of the less perfect human remains from Tombs 2 and 3. 

Tomb 2. The bones from this tomb are much more fragmentary than those 
from Tomb 1. They seem to indicate three skeletons ; there are portions of at 
least five humeri. The principal bones appear to have been those of a man, 
woman, and child. Those which can be measured are a humerus and a radius. 

Eng. Inches. Millimetres. 

Humerus 12J 317 

Radius 9J 237 

There are the entire occipital and a considerable part of both temporal and 
parietal bones of the woman's skull, which was clearly of ovoid or even doli- 
chocephalic form. The fragment of another skull presents some post-coronal 
depression. 

Tomb 3. The fragmentary bones from this tomb, among which are portions of 
five humeri, and three lower jaws, show that in it likewise not less than three 
bodies had been interred. The length of two tibia, and of two radii, seem to 
imply a somewhat higher stature than for the skeletons from Tomb 1. 

Eng. Inches. Millimetres. Eng. Inches. Millimetres. 

Tibia 15 381 Radius . . 9| 247 

Tibia . . 14j 374 Radius . . 9J 241 

Here also it is probable that one of the occupants of the tomb was a man and 
another a woman. The sex and age of the third is doubtful. Among the bones 
was the sacrum of a small ruminant animal, probably a female goat or antelope. 

We will now return to the description of the two tolerably perfect skulls from 
Tomb 1. 

Skull A appears to be that of a man of seventy or seventy-five years of age. 

VOL. XL. 3 R 



490 On Human Remains from Rock-Tombs at 

Almost all the teeth have been lost during life. The coronal, sagittal, and 
lambdoid sutures are almost entirely obliterated. It is a moderately dolicho- 
cephalous, or, more strictly, an ovoid or orthocephalic skull, the breadth being in 
the proportion of '74 to the length taken as TOO. The frontal region is narrow 
and rather flat and receding ; the parietals, broad in proportion to the frontal, 
have the tuberosities moderately well expressed, and slope away gradually to a 
tolerably broad, rounded, and prominent occiput. The mastoids are of moderate 
size and taper in form, the digastric grooves deep. Turning to the face we find a 
full glabella, the prominence of which extends to the inner thirds only of the 
supraeiliaries ; the jugal bones are but slightly prominent. The most remarkable 
feature in this skull is perhaps the great prominence of the nasals, which are 
directed outwards and forwards at an almost right angle with the glabella. The 
superior maxillaries are of medium size and have never been deep, though the 
senile atrophy and posthumous decay of the dental arcade prevent the exact 
determination of the depth of the bone. Tiie same circumstances interfere with 
any conclusions as to the degree of prognathism of which the alveolar portion of 
this bone has been the seat. The lower jaw, which appears to belong to this 
skull, is long and much thrown forward, with the ascending ramus square and 
broad, but not very deep. On placing it in position it becomes obvious that the 
prognathic prominence of the intermaxillaries and their contained incisor teeth 
has been somewhat considerable. The chin is narrow and rather prominent. 
Two only of the teeth remain in the upper jaw ; in the lower the left canine is 
now alone present, and is the seat of much jagged erosion. 

Skull B is of smaller size, and is less massive than the former (A). Its facial 
characters are more feminine in appearance, though the mastoids are large, short, 
and tuniid, and the transverse occipital spine and inion are large enough for those 
of a man. The sex may be doubtful. I take the skull to be that of a person of 
about sixty-five years of age. The obliteration of all the principal sutures is 
much advanced. The proportions are sub-brachycephalous, the breadth being as 
'78 to the length taken as I'OO. The forehead is narrow, but less receding than 
in A. The parietals are broad and somewhat short, and present a considerable 
expansion at the temporo-occipital angles. ' Some degree of parieto-occipital 
flatness is visible, particularly on the right side. The occiput and base of the 
skull are distinguished by much ruggedness. The face presents a slightly promi- 
nent glabella ; the nasals, not at all remarkable for prominence, are implanted 
into the glabella at a very acute angle. The superior maxillaries are short and 
small, with the alveolar margins slightly everted ; when the incisor teeth were in 



Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr. 491 

place, a certain degree of prognathism was no doubt apparent. The teeth remain- 
ing in the lower jaw are very considerably eroded. 

These two crania may be compared with three other ancient Maltese skulls, 
already known to anthropologists. 

The first (No. 3 of our Table) is the celebrated skull sent to the late Dr. 
Morton by the distinguished traveller M. Fresnel, in 1847, with the following 
memorandum : " Cranium from the sepulchral caves of Ben-Djemma, in the island 
of Malta. It appears to have belonged to an individual of the race which, in 
times of the highest antiquity, occupied the northern shores of Africa and the isles 
adjacent." Morton, it is said, even before he knew where it came from, divined 
it to be Phoenician, from its great peculiarities and want of resemblance to any 
skulls known to him. He thus describes it : "In a profile view, the eye quickly 
notices the remarkable length of the occipito-mental diameter. This feature gives 
to the whole head an elongated appearance, which is much heightened by the 
general narrowness of the calvaria, the backward slope of the occipital region, and 

the strong prognathous tendency of the maxilla3 The lower jaw 

is large and much thrown forwards. The slope of the superior maxillae forms an 
angle of about 45 with the horizon. Notwithstanding the inclination of the 
maxillae, the incisor teeth are so curved as to be nearly vertical. Hence the 
prognathism is quite peculiar, differing both from that of the Eskimo and true 
African skulls." 8 

In the winter of 1862-63 the Ben-Djemma b skull was carefully examined by 
Professor Dr. D. Wilson of Toronto, by whom some measurements of it were 

4 Meigs, Catalogue of Crania, 1857, p. 28, No. 1352; Nott and Gliddon, Types of Mankind, p. xl. ; 
Indigenous Races, p. 314. 

b Ben-Djemma, otherwise Bingenna. Mr. Vance mentions a mummy case, " from a tomb in the Bin- 
genna mountains," resembling those found in Egypt, and which is preserved in the Library at Valetta. 
Archceologia, xxix. 235. The sepulchral caves of Ben-Djemma are a series of galleries with lateral chambers 
or catacombs hewn in the face of the cliffs, in the south-west of the island of Malta. There are other traces, 
besides the rock-hewn tombs, of the existence of an ancient town, though no record of its name or history 
survives. In his Malte et le Ooze, p. 21, M Frederick la Croix remarks: " Whoever the inhabitants of this 
city may have been, it is manifest, from what remains of their works, that they were not strangers to the 
processes of art. The sepulchral caves, amounting to a hundred in number, receive light by means of little 
apertures, some of which are decorated like a finished doorway. In others, time and the action of the humid 

atmosphere have obliterated all traces of such ornament and left only the weathered rock The 

chambers set apart for sepulture are excavated at a considerable distance from the entrance in the inmost 
recesses of the galleries and are of admirable design." 

3a 2 



492 On Human Remains from Rock-Tombs at 

taken. Dr. "Wilson says, " The skull is no doubt that of a woman ; m it is narrow 
throughout, with its greatest breadth a little behind the coronal suture, from 
whence it narrows gradually towards front and rear. The lower jaw is large and 
massive, but with less of the prognathous development than in the superior 
maxillary. The nose has been prominent ; but the zygomatic arches are delicate, 
and the whole face is long, narrow, and tapering towards the chin. The parietals 
meet at an angle, with a bulging of the sagittal suture, and a slight but distinctly 
defined pyramidal form running into the frontal bone. The occiput is full, round, 
and projecting a little more on the left side than the right." I have added to the 
Table a few of Dr. Wilson's measurements of this skull. From these we learn 
that its length is 7'4, and its parietal diameter 5'1 inches ; the breadth thus being 
as -69 to the length taken as TOO. 

Another ancient Maltese skull (No. 4), for a photograph of which I am in- 
debted to the kindness of Dr. A. Leith Adams, Surgeon of the 22nd Regiment, is 
preserved in the museum of the Public Library at Valetta. b It was dug up in 
the ruins of the celebrated temple of Hagiar Kim, near Crendi, during the exca- 
vations conducted by Governor Sir Henry Bouverie in the year 1839. c Un- 

I substitute "woman" for "man," as printed in the Canadian Journal for March 1863, on the 
authority of Dr. D. Wilson himself, in a letter with which he has favoured me The description of this skull 
is contained in his interesting and useful memoir On the Significance of Certain Ancient British Skull-forms, 
p. 812. 

b I have to thank my friend R. T. Gore, Esq. of Bath, for copies of drawings showing both the face and 
the profile of a skull said to be derived from " a tomb of very ancient date at Malta in 1838," but which, 
on comparison with Dr. Adams's photograph, I cannot doubt to be, with it, representations of one and the 
same skull. I have briefly referred to both the Ben-Djemma and the Hagiar Kim skull, in Memoirs 
Anthrop. Soc. of London, vol. i. p. 1G4. 

c These excavations are described by Mr. J. G. Vance in the Archccologia, vol. xxix. p. 227. The 
only notice of human remains in Mr. Vance's memoir is that in the following passage: " On examining the 
bones, which during the process of excavation were dug up in great quantities amongst the rubbish, we 
were led to suppose that the victims offered generally consisted of small animals, such as sheep, lambs, or 
even birds : there are, nevertheless, some which belong to a larger species of carnivorous quadruped, as 
also a few human remains ; from which we may infer that the life of man was on peculiar occasions required 
to form a part in a mysterious and barbarous ceremony." (p. 230.) Some additional diggings were made in 
the interior of Hagiar Kim, in 1852, by Charles Newton, Esq. of the British Museum, as briefly referred to 
in the Archaeological Journal, vol. ix. p. 299. The objects seem to have consisted exclusively of fragments 
of ancient pottery, specimens of which are preserved in the British Museum. 

Mr. Khind's observations on Hagiar Kim are given in the Archaeological Journal, vol. xiii. p. 397. In 
the memoir of this lamented antiquary by John Stuart, Esq. (Edin. 18C4,p. 21) there is a brief reference to 



Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr. 493 

fortunately there is no precise statement as to how it was placed when found, 
beyond the fact that it was " imbedded in the detritus within the chief circle " of 
the temple. In the Malta Penny Magazine, No. 34 (May 2nd, 1840, p. 138), we 
are, however, told that " a quantity of quadruped and a few human bones were 
found interred in chamber 12, the most remarkable of which is a human skull, 
found buried two feet above the floor." A figure of the skull is given (fig. 4), 
upon which the writer adds, " it will be seen that it belongs to the Ethiopian 
family." It is thus open to considerable doubt whether the skull is of contem- 
porary date with the structure in which it was found. Though not such, it may 
still be the skull of an ancient Maltese. Several indeed have conjectured that it 
is that of a negro, not differing from existing varieties of that race. It would be 
rash to deny the possibility of the cranium being that of an intertropical African ; 
but a comparison of the photograph with the sketch of that of the skull from the 
Ben-Djemma caves shows, that its marked prognathism is only an exaggeration 
of that seen in the latter. The small horizontal circumference makes it probable 
that it likewise is the skull of a woman. Though so much more prognathic, it is 
of much less elongate proportions than that from Ben-Djemma. 

Since this was written, the skull from Hagiar Kim has been forwarded to 
England for examination by Professor G. Busk, F.R.S., by whom it has been 
figured for his as yet unpublished Crania Typical Through Mr. Busk's kindness 
I have had the opportunity of examining and measuring the skull, which is no 
doubt that of a woman of less than middle age. The frontal is low and narrow, 
the superoccipital full and rounded, the inion not very strongly marked, the 
parietal tubers round and quite prominent, so that the skull is less dolichocepha- 
lous than it would otherwise have been ; the relative breadth being represented 
by '78. This is by many understood as a dolichocephalic proportion, though in a 
more precise technical scale of skull-forms it would be termed sub-brachycepha- 
lous. The skull is thin, light, and porous, and there is nothing beyond its 
prognathism to Avarrant any suspicion of a negro origin. In connection with the 
produced alveoli and maxillae, the great depth of the chin is its most remarkable 
character, measuring, exclusive of the incisor teeth, l - 6 inch. The depth here is 
as great as that of the ascending ramus of the lower jaw, measured to the 

this skull and the circumstances of its discovery. It is difficult to reconcile with the notice in The Malta 
^[arjazine the statement of Mr. Khind, that " it was found with crumbling bones in a species of crypt in the 
megalithic remains at Hagiar Kim ;" unless he intends by the name of crypt the oval chamber No. 12, 
which is "31 feet long by 12 wide." 

Mr. Busk has also figured the skull from Tal Horr described below. 



494 On Human Remains from Mock- Tombs at 

lower edge of the sigmoid notch. The sagittal and coronal sutures are consider- 
ably obliterated, perhaps, as Mr. Busk suggested to me, the effect of carrying 
weights on the head. The usure of the crowns of the teeth is horizontal and 
moderate. 

An ancient Maltese skull (No. 6), in the museum at Lund, is known to me 
from photographs of the profile, face, and vertex, kindly sent to me by the 
venerable Professor Nilsson, by whom I am informed that it was obtained 
from a catacomb in the island of Malta. The skull was found in a niche 
in a side chamber of one of these tombs, by a young physician, a pupil of 
Dr. Nilsson's, during his visit to Malta." It appears to be that of a man, the 
frontal region being broad and well arched. Though, like the other skulls I have 
described, it is slightly prognathic, it differs from them in being of a much more 
round and broad form. According to the measurements of the photograph of 
the vertex, its breadth is as '80 to the length taken as I'OO, a proportion which 
just comes within the brachycephalous categoiy. 

Another ancient Maltese skull (No. 6 of the Table), from the rock-tomb dis- 
covered in the new cemetery at Tal Horr, has also been placed in my hands 
by my friend Captain Swann. This is the very fine cranium of a man of not 
more than fifty years of age, perhaps considerably younger. It is much larger 
than any other of the skulls here described, unless possibly the last, which I only 
know through photographs. It has a horizontal circumference of 21 - 3 inches 
(541 millimetres), and a cubic capacity of 100 cubic inches (1,638 cubic centi- 
metres). The forehead is of medium breadth, but well arched and elevated; the 
parietals are well expanded, and the occipital still more so. The norma verticalis, 
or upper aspect of the skull, is a very regular oval, and the measurements show 
that it has a relative breadth of '75. This is precisely the true oval or ortho- 
cephalic proportion, equally removed from the oblong or dolichocephalic and 
from the round or brachycephalic form of skull. All the great sutures arc very 
much obliterated internally, and the sagittal externally likewise. The glabella 
and supraciliaries are not very prominent. The facial bones are rather narrow 
and of moderate size. There is a slight tendency to prognathism shown in the 
eversion of the short dental arcade of the inte"rmaxillaries. In the lower jaw is 
to be observed the prominent and somewhat pointed chin, and also the oblique 
position of the ascending branches. An unusual number of the teeth, especially 

m The skull is briefly referred to by Professor Nilsson in Die Ureinwohner des Scandinavigchen Nordens. 
1863. p. 20. "Ich selbst babe einen Menschenschadel erhalten, welcher in einer Nische der einen 
(Maltesischen) Seitenkammer gefunden wurde." 



Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr. 495 

those of the lower jaw, appear to have been lost at an early period of life, so that 
the crowns of those which remain have been protected against the attrition to 
which they might otherwise have been subjected. 

The historical ethnology of the islands of Malta and Gozo is by no means free 
from doubt. That they were settled by the ancient Phoenicians at a very early 
period, and long before the time when they fell under the influence of the 
Carthaginians, is an opinion probable in itself and entertained by the best modern 
historians. The only ancient testimony, however, in favour of it is that of 
Diodorus Siculus, by whom Malta is termed " a colony of the Phoenicians." It 
has been supposed that these islands had an earlier population of North African 
or Libyan stock, but of this, though not unlikely, there is no evidence. The late 
Admiral W. H. Smyth, F.R.S. and S.A., referring chiefly to the people of the 
lesser island of Gozo, says : " The present inhabitants are of athletic form, with a 
physiognomy especially marked by the nose and lips approaching to that of the 
Africans." The existing population of Malta is usually regarded as for the most 
part derived from the Arabs or Saracens, who overran the islands of the 
Mediterranean in the ninth and subsequent centuries of our era ; but this is by 
no means certain, and there are those who with Admiral Smyth conclude, that, 
" although Malta was frequently subjugated by other powers, the Phoenicians and 
Carthaginians became so identified with the supposed aborigines of the island 
that the subsequent intercourse with Greeks, Romans, Saracens, Normans, and 
Spaniards appears to have had but little comparative effect on the language, 
habits, or customs of the Maltese." b 

There can be little doubt that the ancient rock-tombs of Malta are in many 
cases those of Phoenicians or their descendants, but that all are such is not 
probable, and, in the absence of inscriptions in the Phoenician character, we must 
proceed with caution in the attribution of any particular tomb to this people/ 
Within a recent period important evidence has been obtained as to the form of 

Lib. v. o. 12. See Kenrick's Phoenicia, p, 108; and articles "Melita" and " Gaulos " in Smith's 
Dictionary of Geography. 

b Archceologia. xxii. 295. 

c Au antiquary as cautious as the late Mr. Rhind attributes to the Phoenicians " some at least of the very 
numerous rock catacombs " of Malta. Archttoloijia, xxxviii. 2G8. He refers to Viissalo's brochure, 
Mnnumenti Antichi net Qruppo di Malta. See Art Journal, N. S. vol. v. Phoenician inscriptions are not 
quite unknown in Malta, though I am not able to refer to any from or connected directly with tombs. In 
the Malta Penny Magazine, vol. i. one is figured, aud a translation is attempted by Prof. Marmora. 



496 On Human Remains from Rock-Tombs at 

the Phoenician or Carthaginian skull from the exploration of tombs near Tharros 
in Sardinia, the identity of which is attested by inscriptions in the Phoenician 
character. For our knowledge of these tombs we are indebted to Dr. G. Nico- 
lucci :" they seem, though on a larger scale, to have much analogy with the rock- 
tombs of Ben Djeinma and Ghain Tiffiha in Malta. They are described as " dug 
in a soft calcareous sandstone, and present a series of sepulchral chambers of 
different sizes of an oblong quadrate or cubic form, which are approached by a 
narrow passage, mostly occupied by stairs cut in the rock. The opening to them 
is not so much as five feet in height, and is closed by a large rough stone, upon 
which at times sculptured figures are seen. The doors of the tombs are always 
turned to the east, and the bodies also look in that direction. The number of 
skeletons they contain are one, two, three, and sometimes four, constantly turned 
to the rising sun, with arms at their sides, or female ornaments and urns of varied 
forms, some of which present inscriptions in Punic or Phoenician." Near the 
entrance of the tomb in which the three skulls which were first obtained were 
found, was a stele or pillar-stone inscribed in Phoenician characters of the form 
used in later times, and perhaps of the second or third century B.C. The inscrip- 
tion has been read by the celebrated orientalist the Abbe Lanci as signifying 
" The place of repose of Jaghtam the son of Jubal." It thus appears probable 
that this tomb belongs to the period of Punic ascendancy in Sardinia if not to the 
time when the Romans had made themselves masters of great part of that island. 
On the other hand, there can be but little doubt that those buried in it, though 
not perhaps properly speaking ancient Phoenicians, were of direct Phoenician 
descent. 

In his last " note " Dr. Nicolucci gives us the measurements of five crania 
from the Tharros tombs, with wood-cuts of three of the number engraved from 
photographs. All the skulls are shown to be of a long oval or dolichocephalous 
form, with a breadth of '70 to '75 to the length taken as I'OO. They are, more- 
over, remarkable for the projection of the nasal bones ; and for the great promi- 
nence of the tuberosity (upper scale) of the occipital. These peculiarities induced 

Mem. delta Reale Accad. di Torino, t. xxi. ser. ii, 18C3.' See the abstract of this memoir by Dr. J. 
Barnard Davis, in the Anthropol. Review, London, 1864, vol. ii. p. 30; also Dr. Nicolucci's later "Note 
sur quelques cranes Pheniciens trouve's dans la necropole de Tharros, ile de Sardaigne." Bull, de la Soc. 
dAnthrop. t. v. 18C4, p. 703; t. vi. p. 103. In the original memoir are three full-sized plates of the skull. 
Our Maltese skulls may likewise be advantageously compared with another series of ancient crania from 
the Mediterranean coasts, viz. with those of the Japyges of Southern Italy, also described by Prof. Nicolucci, 
Sulla Stirpe Japigica, e sopra tre Crani, &c. Atti del' Accad. delle Scienze, &c. vol. ii. No. 20. 1866. 



Ghain Tiffiha and Tal Horr. 497 

Dr. Nicolucci to class these Phoenician skulls in the same series with the skulls 
of the other Semites, especially the Arahs and Jews ; an opinion which he 
supports by a comparison of the measurements of the skulls of Arahs in the 
collection of Professor Van der Hoeven. The Phoenician type of skulls, we are 
told by Dr. Nicolucci, is still very prevalent in Sardinia ; a testimony, he adds, 
the most eloquent to the numerical predominance of the Phoenicians over the 
other populations of this island in ancient times.* 

If we turn to the Table of Measurements of the six ancient Maltese skulls 
described in this paper, we shall find them uniformly less dolichocephalous than 
the Phoenician skulls from Tharros. Of the six skulls, one is decidedly dolichoce- 
phalic (No. 3), two are ovoid or orthocephalic (No. 1, No. 6), two are sub-brachy- 
cephalic (No. 2, No. 4), and one is perhaps brachycephalic (No. 5). Though the 
variety is considerable, it is not greater than is often met with in people whose 
prevailing cranial type is indisputably dolichocephalic. The mean relative 
breadth of the entire series is '74, as is also that of the five Tharros skulls. The 
projection of the nasals, moreover, is even more striking in one of the Maltese 
(Ghain Tiffiha A) than in the Tharros skulls ; and the occipital prominence is a 
marked feature in at least three : viz. Ghain Tiffiha A, Ben Djemma, and Hagiar 
Kim ; though it must be noted that the two last are probably female. One or 
two of the Maltese skulls may be thought to be distinguished from those of the 
Phoenicians of Tharros by their prognathism. Slighter grades of alveolar or 
maxillary prominence are, however, by no means rare in series of skulls which 
are normally orthognathic ; and the presence of prognathism is itself noted by 
Dr. Nicolucci in one of the Tharros skulls (No. 3) : " Les arcs alve'olaires des 
deux uu\choires, projetes en avant, formcnt un leger prognathisme, qui devient 
encore plus Evident par la direction oblique en dehors des alve'olcs et des dents 
incisives et canines." On the whole, the somewhat considerable prognathism 
which exists in the Hagiar Kim and Ben Djemma skulls, especially the former, 
does not seem sufficient to exclude them from all claim to be regarded as Phoeni- 
cian. They may be Phoenician with an exceptional degree of prominence of the 

* I have added to the table of measurements those of a sixth skull, supposed to be Phoenician, derived 
from a cemetery at Pinita in Sicily. The age of the tombs was proved by objects found in them bearing 
inscriptions jn Phoenician characters. The skull was obtained by Signer Italia-Nicastro. The measure- 
ments are those of the distinguished anthropologist Signor Nicolucci, who has minutely described it. Bull, 
de la Soc. cTAnthrop. 1865. t. vi. p. 701707; t. vii. pp. 341, 537. Three other skulls from this 
Phoenician cemetery are named, but are, I believe, too fragmentary for measurement. 
VOL. XL. 3 s 



498 On Human Remains from Rock-Tombs at 

maxillary and dental apparatus, or they may be of a mixed Phoenician and Libyan 
or North African stock. 

It is to be hoped that further researches in the rock-tombs or catacombs of 
Malta may disclose interments which will aid in the more precise determination 
of the question as to the cranial form of the ancient Maltese ; and, by the 
discovery or otherwise of inscriptions in the Phoenician character, may enable us 
to pronounce positively on the claim of that people to a Phoenician origin. Other 
means must not be neglected ; and the comparison of the fictile and other relics 
from the tombs may afford important aid. The fragments of pottery found by 
Mr. Newton in his excavations within the inclosures of Hagiar Kim, and which 
may be seen in the British Museum, are of a different and much ruder character " 
than is that of the vessels obtained by Captain Swann from the tombs of Ghain 
Tiffiha, the type of which is much more classical, and, I believe, Greek. b If of the 
Roman epoch, the portions sent to me with the skulls differ considerably from 
the Roman pottery of this country. Captain Swann inclines to believe the 
tombs he excavated to be Roman. We may perhaps assign them to a later 
date than that of the skull found in the Hagiar Kim ; but the cranial configura- 
tion does not lead to the inference of any mixture of Roman blood. Indeed, the 
skull-form, so far as not presumably Phoenician, is more readily connected witli 
the idea of ancient Greek rather than with that of Roman admixture. 



P.S. (Sept. 13, 1870.) Since the above was written, I have seen the interesting 
account, by Dr. E. Charlton, of the fictile vases from rock and pit tombs in 
Malta, presented by him to the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 
(Archaoloyiu sEliana, N. S. 18G1, v. 131.) Dr. Charlton attributes these vases 
" to a period not later than two or three centuries before the Christian era," and 
thinks it probable they may be " of very early date, coeval with Phoenician rule 
in the Mediterranean." 

Considering their rudeness and barbaric form, they are remarkable for smoothness of surface. Had 
Dr. Birch's suggestion (History of Ancient Pottery, i. 155), that travellers should collect fragments of 
pottery from Phrenician sites and deposit them in European "museums, been complied with, we should be 
better acquainted than we are with the character of the fictile productions of that people. 

b There is a strong resemblance in tlie form of the three-lobed mouths of the jug from the Ghain Tiffiha 
tomb No. 1 and that of the mouths of many of the pitcher-shaped painted Greek vases in the British Mu- 
seum. Mr. Franks assures me that the Ghain Tiffiha pottery is Greek, circa 200 B.C. 



Ghain-Tiffiha and Tal Horr. 



499 





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XXXIII On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 
y C. SPENCE BATE, Esq. F.E.S. 



Read March 9th, 1865. 



EARLY as the Romans were known to have visited the southern and south- 
western shores of England, it is remarkable that so little should be left to 
testify to it. Historians inform us that on the banks of the waters that flow 
into the Plymouth Sound there was once a Roman station, but no record or 
evidence remains that can establish the precise locality of the ancient Tamara. 
Attempts have not been wanting to fix it somewhat near the present village 
of Tamerton, but it appears to me that there is little to support this idea 
beyond advantageous topographical considerations. The remains, however, of 
an old Roman road are still in existence on the property of the Rev. Collins 
TrelaM'ny, which appear to suggest that the line by which those old travellers 
passed from station to station westward to the tin districts of Cornwall lay much 
nearer to Plymouth. 

It is not, however, my object in this paper to endeavour to establish the locality 
of the lost site of the ancient Roman station in the neighbourhood of Plymouth, 
but merely to record the result and describe the objects found in some recent 
explorations that have been made ; first, with the desire to communicate what we 
do know, and second, that it may suggest to others that may be similarly engaged 
the desirability of the preservation of any objects that may be found during the 
extensive excavations that are being made in that neighbourhood. 

In the spring of the present year, in order to remove any impediments that 
might interfere with the range of the guns belonging to the new fort which is 
being erected on Stamford Hill, the engineer found it necessary to cut away the 
slope between it and the sea, thus bringing to light the remains of an ancient 
burial-ground. 

The hill in question consists of slate, and is situated betw r een the broad bay 
of Plymouth Sound on the west, and an arm of the sea that is known as " Cat- 
water," and flows up the estuary of the River Plym, on the east. On the north 
the land projects to some distance, and ends in a bluff hill of limestone known 
as Mount Batten, between which and the hill on which the remains were found 



On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 501 

is a low grass plain with a gravelly soil, that previous to the erection of the 
Plymouth Breakwater was occasionally flooded at high spring-tides. On the east 
of Fort Stamford is another mass of limestone, a portion of the same rather than 
a separate hill ; on the south is the high land of Staddon Heights. 

The remains were discovered in pits, generally about four or four and a half feet 
deep, one foot of which consisted of soil, the remaining three having been exca- 
vated in the partially disintegrated surface of the natural rock. These graves 
were mere hollow excavations, but the sides were sometimes sharply cut, especially 
where the soft slaty rock was firmest. The bottoms of the pits or excavations 
were deepest towards the centre, and they were filled in with the debris of the 
materials removed in making them, together with numerous large, rough, 
weather-worn blocks of limestone, that must have been purposely brought from 
one of the neighbouring limestone-hills. 

The removal of the soil had been proceeded with for some time, and the work- 
men stated that they had occasionally found bones and pieces of earthenware. It 
was only, however, when they found some bronze articles, for which they antici- 
pated receiving a few shillings, that they reported the discovery to Captain Mog- 
gridge the engineer officer in charge of the fortification works. 

As soon as the discoveries were known I was kindly made acquainted with the 
facts. Hastening to the place I watched, as far as practicable, the progress of 
the exploration. The graves were very numerous, and of an irregular form. 
In some instances several graves broke into each other, and in one case the 
extremity a appeared to be associated with others as if it had been made at right 
angles with them. When I first arrived portions of four graves were exposed 
in section, out of which had been previously taken some human bones, two 
bronze armlets, a bronze fibula, and some pottery. After my arrival some more 
human bones were found, evidently portions of at least three skeletons, as well as 
several isolated molars of the pig. Several pebbles from the sea-beach, mostly of 
one size, and fragments of glass, together with a vase of coarse pottery, were lying 
in one grave. 

Upon opening a new grave we found at the bottom a bronze mirror in tolerably 
perfect condition, and traces of decomposed bones There was also discovered in 
this grave a bronze fibula. In other places the workmen found the handles of 
two bronze mirrors. Two bronze bracelets of different forms, a dagger or knife in 
a bronze sheath, portions of a bronze cup, and some fibulye were also brought to 
light. There have also been found fragments of many kinds of earthen vases more 

I say the extremity because tins was all that was nut dug away when I arrived. 



502 On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 

or less perfect, portions of the human skeleton, and a considerable quantity of 
iron in a very decomposed state, apparently parts of implements of some kind. 

It may perhaps be most convenient to notice the various antiquities that were 
discovered according to the classes to which they belong. 

1. Bronze Mirrors. The first of these that we found was lying flat at the 
bottom at the eastern extremity of a grave. It was nearly circular in form, but 
rather wide than deep. (PL XXX. fig. 1.) The front or polished surface of the 
mirror was placed downwards. The back, which was upwards, was ornamented 
with engraved scroll-work, as may be seen in the plate. In order to bring out 
more strongly the design, some portions of the engraving were filled in with 
numerous short striations, somewhat like basket work. The mirror was sur- 
rounded by a naiTow border or rim, which was formed of a separate piece, and 
folded over the margin. This specimen was damaged in many parts, particularly 
upon the under surface, and some of the edge was entirely eaten away; but where 
the rim was preserved the plate was in good condition, and retained the bright 
colour of the metal. With this specimen no handle was found ; but a second 
mirror, of which the very small portion that has been obtained seemed to shew it 
to have been similar, has the handle attached to it. (PL XXX. fig. 3.) This handle 
is cast in one piece in the form of a loop made by folding one half back against 
the other, and securing them in that position by a band, the two free ends being 
spread out to hold the mirror, which is received in a groove, and supported on 
each side by a scroll-work of bronze, much of which is lost, but the impression 
still remains upon the plate. This handle is four inches long. Another handle 
was also found of a more finished character. (PL XXX. fig. 2.) It will be seen 
by the engraving that it terminates in an oval ring, and was attached to the 
mirror by a grooved flange with rivets. No trace of the plate that belonged to 
this handle was found. 

I am informed by Mr. Evans that mirrors of this kind are rare, and that only 
a single specimen with engraved back has previously been found in England.* It 
was discovered near Bedford, and is now preserved in the museum of ihe Bedford- 
shire Archaeological Society. 

2. Armillce. The next objects of interest that were obtained from these explora- 
tions are bronze armilla3. There were four of one form and two of another. The 
first (PL XXXI. figs. 1, 2) were formed of solid bronze flattened upon the 
internal and rounded upon the external surface. They opened by a hinge in 

" Since writing this paper I have seen a drawing by Mr. Blight, of Penzance, of another similar mirror 
tliat was found near the Lizard. 



r,502 







Scale 










Full Size. 



ANTIQUITIES FOUND NEAR PLYMOUTH. 






On the Discoccry of a Romano- British Cemetery near Plymouth. 503 

the middle, which was made by the insertion of a tongue into a deep notch or 
groove, and secured by a rivet on which the two halves swung. It is not quite 
clear what kind of clasp secured them when shut ; two of them had one kind 
whereas the third evidently differed. From the position of the rivets it appears 
that two were fastened by the projection of a central piece of wire that was caught 
with a spring clasp as in the bracelets of the present day. A third has a 
tongue very similar to that of the hinge but smaller, and this probably was 
caught by a spring also. The external surface of these bracelets was ornamented 
by embossed markings, consisting of a running scroll that looked like a series of 
the letter S folded into each other. The rounded portion, formed by the bottom 
of one S inclosing the top of the succeeding, is raised and perforated by two deep 
holes placed side by side. These holes are in some few places still filled by a dull 
red enamel, as were once probably all the rest. 

The second form of bracelet, of which we have but two specimens, is much more 
slender and almost without ornament. Five embossed bands, of which the middle 
one is the largest, ornament the centre, which is the stoutest part of the bracelet. 
There appears to have been no fastening, and the bracelet is evidently formed on 
the principle of a spring that yields to the pressure of the hand as it is forced on 
the wrist. The bronze of some of these was very brittle, breaking with the 
slightest pressure. 

3. Fibula. Four specimens of fibulae were found, two in an injured the rest in 
a tolerably perfect state. These bronze brooches are of an arched form ; front 
and side views of two of them are given in the engraving (PI. XXXI. figs. 5 8). 

From one of the latest opened of these graves we obtained a small bronze 
penannular brooch* (PI. XXXI. fig. 3), made upon a plan that has recently 
come again into use. It forms an incomplete ring, the extremities of whicli 
terminate in small knobs. The pin, which was movable, was made to pass 
between the extremities and impinge with pressure upon the opposite side. 

4. Dirk. A small dirk or knife (PI. XXXI. fig 9) was also dug out by one of 
the workmen. The blade of the dirk is still within the sheath ; although the latter 
is of bronze I am inclined to believe that the blade may be of iron. The form of 
the sheath suggests that one side of the blade possessed a cutting the other a 
blunt edge. The sheath is formed of two pieces of bronze plate fastened by 
the broader plate having its edges folded so as to inclose the smaller. A 
small loop of flattened wire is secured by three rivets to the margin near the 
handle, which thus enabled the implement to be secured to a belt. No evidence 
of solder is apparent in any part of this or any other article. 



504 On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 

5. Bronze Cup. A bronze cup or rather portions were found by the workmen. 
The fragments consisted of the bottom and a part of the rim only. The bottom 
is about one and a quarter inch in diameter, and the arc of the rim shows the 
top of the cup to have been about three inches in diameter. The edge of the rim 
is slightly turned out. 

6. Glass. Some fragments of a glass vase or bowl were thrown out of one 
grave. They are of a beautiful amber colour, the surface being only slightly 
iridescent. The fragments that we recovered are the bottom, a portion of the 
side, and a part of the rim. The bottom is about two and a half inches in 
.diameter, from which the base passes out in nearly a horizontal line, until it has 
reached the approximate diameter of five inches ; it then gradually ascends to the 
probable height of four or five inches, and as gradually increases in size until it 
has reached the diameter of six inches, when it is finished by a shallow rim 
formed by the folding of the edge of the glass outwardly back upon itself. The 
lower portion of the vase is ornamented by a series of raised lines radiating from 
the base ; but, instead of passing directly to the circumference, they flow diagonally 
outwards as if formed during the time that the plastic material revolved upon 
its own axis. Although in many parts the workmanship shows crudeness in 
execution, yet the vessel, as a whole, must have exhibited an elegance in 
appearance that is suggestive of the idea that it must have been the property of 
an individual of some pretension among his fellows of that time, particularly 
when we compare it with the quality of the pottery that has been found in the 
same locality. 

7. Pottery. 'With one exception, all the pottery that has been found in this 
cemetery is in a fragmentary state, nor is this to be wholly attributed to the care- 
lessness of the excavators, although, the excavations having been carried on by 
men working for a contractor under Government, they were compelled to 
pursue their labour assiduously, and were not permitted the time necessary to 
remove such fragile materials with safety from their positions in the graves. 

The remains of a bowl of black pottery (PL XXXII. fig. 1) are of a coarse ware ; 
it rests on a circular foot about three inches in diameter ; from this bottom the 
base of the vase extends on each side until the diameter is about five inches ; at 
about four inches from the base, there is a small round depression on the inside 
near the upper edge, corresponding with a similar depression upon the outside, 
from which latter a groove passes as far as the broken edge. This marking is 
suggestive of a small horizontal handle having been situated in this position ; but, 
if so, there was no corresponding handle at the opposite extremity of the basin, 



Vol X, p.504. 




















On the Discovery of a Romano -British Cemetery near Plymouth. 505 

since the two fragments together complete more than half the diameter of the 
vase. 

A second black vase (PI. XXXII. fig. 2) was found by Captain Moggridge. 
This is of much finer ware than the previous one, and much more thin in texture ; 
it is also of a much more elegant shape, though formed on the same general design. 
The foot-ring is about three inches in diameter, the centre of which is deeply 
excavated, corresponding with a convex elevation on the inside. From the ring at 
the bottom the sides extend on each side until the diameter is about seven inches. 

Of a third black bowl or vase, one small fragment only has been recovered, but 
this is enough to show that the design was the same as the previous ; the sub- 
stance was a little stouter than the last, but less so than the first, and it differed 
from both in having a double embossed line half way up the sides. This, like 
the two previous ones, is very dark, almost black, not only on the surface but 
through the substance, a circumstance that I think must be due to the character 
of the clay of which the vessels were made, and not attributable to the muffling 
of the furnaces during the process of baking. 

A very small vase, of a less darkened surface to the two previously discovered 
specimens, Captain Moggridge was fortunate enough to save from the uplifted 
axe of the excavator in a perfect state (PI. XXXII. fig. 3). The bottom is flat, 
and about an inch and a half in diameter. The mouth is about three inches 
in diameter, and the height is about four inches. 

The form of the next vase is much like the last described, from which it differs 
in having a more sudden curving just below the neck; it also stands higher. It 
is of a red colour and larger, the diameter of the bottom being about four inches, 
the body of the vessel at its greatest width about seven inches, and the mouth 
about three ; the height is about eight inches and a half. 

The next vase to which I have to draw attention differs in form and evidently 
attained a higher degree of external finish than any previously described ; unfor- 
tunately of this specimen but few fragments have been recovered. It consists of 
hard-baked clay of a coarse character ; the general colour is red, but in some 
places the external surface is blackened, probably due to the muffling of the 
furnace during the process of baking. The height is about four inches and a half; 
it stands upon a circular base about three inches in diameter, and which raises 
the vessel from the ground about an inch ; the bottom of the vase within is flat, 
the sides gracefully rounded outwards, then inwards, and again outwards to the 
mouth, the diameter of which is about six inches, being in fact the widest part 
VOL. XL. 3 T 



606 On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 

of the vessel, overhanging the body of the vase quite three quarters of an inch. 
The external surface is ornamented by a rim at the edge, by an embossed ring 
about an inch below, and by a second but less raised ring an inch still lower, 
beneath which point the swelling part of the vessel is covered by a number of 
short engraved notches placed in lines vertical to the base ; this latter work- 
manship resembles the ornamentation of Celtic pottery. 

Two vessels apparently intended for holding water were found. The first was 
a plain earthenware bottle made of very soft friable yellow ware. The body of 
this vessel was nearly circular, having a flat ringed base and a narrow neck. 
It was, when first found, perfect as to form but intersected by numerous 
fractures, so that it was impossible to have removed it except in a very frag- 
mentary condition. It stood in an upright position, and, previous to its removal, 
I inserted iny hand through the broken side but found nothing within. The 
height of the bottle, which had a portion of the neck broken off, was about eight 
inches, and it could not be much less in diameter than six. 

The other vessel is of the same general form as the preceding but somewhat 
larger. It is of a light yellow friable ware. It probably stood about twelve inches 
in height, and its diameter at its greatest circumference was probably about eight 
inches. The neck and mouth of the vessel are represented in PI. XXXII. fig. 5, 
and it will be seen that it had a handle. 

The only piece of pottery of any consequence that I have left undescribed 
appears to have been part of a drinking cup. It is of a yellow ware ; its sides 
were perpendicular to its flat base, and it was ornamented by a double embossed 
line traversing the circumference on a level with the lower extremity of the 
handle, which was probably near the middle. Assuming this to be the case, the 
cup probably stood at about five inches in height, and its circumference, taken 
from a continuation of the measured segment, could not be less than four inches 
and a half; so that it was nearly as broad as high, and probably held about a 
pint of water. 

8. Iron Implements. The iron objects were mostly in too decomposed a con- 
dition for us to arrive at any positive conclusions as to what they really were. 
Some appear to have been the remains of the blades of knives ; some were pro- 
bably the tangs of knives that were driven into the handle, and the remains of 
wood still attached to them deeply stained with ferruginous rust support this 
hypothesis ; some, of which there were a considerable number taken from one 
spot, might have been the round points of arrows, or the armature of a buckler. 



On the Discover of a Romano- British Cemetery near Plymouth. 507 

They consisted generally of irregularly-shaped nodules of iron, from which a point 
or sharp tongue projected. There are many other pieces of irregular form. 

About a hundred feet from these graves, while cutting nearer towards the sea, 
the labourers came upon a solitary grave of similar character to the rest, out of 
which they obtained several fragments of iron, four of which upon being put 
together were found to be the remains of a pair of shears. (PL XXX. fig. 4.) The 
others were part of a knife. The point was curved forwards, one edge of 
the blade being sharp ; the other, forming the back of the knife, was thick and 
blunt. 

9. Bronze Rings. With these last implements parts of three bronze rings were 
found. The largest is faced with three circular discs, the middle one being much 
greater in diameter than the lateral ones, which are of one size. (PL XXXI. fig. 4.) 
The central one is ornamented with designs in relief. The lateral discs are deep, 
and when found were partially occupied with a white material, probably the 
remains of a cement that was used to fix a bead in each. The ring which is now 
flattened somewhat, was evidently intended to have been worn on the finger. 

The second ring is smaller than the previous one. Its face is merely a flattened 
extension of itself, and is ornamented by two rows of short vertical lines inclosed 
within engraved margins. This ring, of which only a portion has been recovered, 
appears to have been too small to have been worn on the finger even of a female ; 
and the circumstance of the face being at right angles with the sides suggests 
that it may have been used for other purposes than as a finger-ring. 

Some portions of a third ring were also found, but not sufficient to enable any 
idea to be formed of its character with certainty. The fragment consists of small 
wire flattened at one extremity, the sides of the whole being closely ribbed. 

On the completion of the work necessary for the fortification, I applied for per- 
mission to pursue further research. In this way I have been enabled to proceed 
more cautiously, and obtain a clearer idea of the positions of the things found in 
relation to each other. Undoubtedly the remains appear to be very hetero- 
geneously mingled together, but still I think the following may be relied upon 
as being an approximation of their relative positions to each other. 

The blocks of weather-worn limestone which appear in the first instance 
to be so irregularly placed I ascertained, by tracing the circuit of the walls 
of the graves, where it was practicable to do so, to have been placed originally 
as a wall, within which the corpse was placed in a sitting posture. It is 

3i2 



508 On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 

probable that some of the stones were also employed for the purpose of covering-in 
the body. 

The reason that ornaments and objects of value were buried with the dead has 
never been clearly established. The small number of things that are found 
interred militates altogether against the idea which Caesar has affirmed to be the 
case with the inhabitants of ancient Briton that all their wealth was buried 
with them even if we suppose that the inhabitants of a Roman colony had so 
far adopted the customs of the people among which they had settled as to have 
copied them in their mode of interment. 

Judging from these explorations, the opinion at which I have arrived is that 
it was customary, arising from sanitary purposes or from feelings of affection, 
to bury with the body all the objects which the individual had in use at the 
time of or during the sickness that preceded death. It is in this way only 
that I can account not only for the existence of ornaments and vessels of value, 
but also for the presence of pebbles from the shore as well as the teeth of the 
pig, all of which I assume to have been objects of amusement belonging to the 
child from whose grave I took them. 

In the solitary grave the discovery of finger-rings, a knife, and scissors indicate 
it as the burial-place of a female, but why it was separated so distantly from the 
rest there are at present no means of ascertaining ; that the separation was 
intentional may be accepted from the circumstance that a cutting in the rock 
was found to exist between it and the other graves, which the engineering officer 
assures me, from its appearance and character, must have originally been intended 
as a drain. 

I offer these suggestions merely as ideas that occurred to my mind as I 
progressed with the research, which at present must be considered in an un- 
finished state, inasmuch as there appears to be a very considerable ground not 
yet explored. 

Since the explorations were made by which the preceding objects were 
obtained, I have received from my friend Captain Moggridge a coin that was 
dug from the soil in a direction nearer to the sea than the place at which the 
graves were found. This coin is much defaced, but appears to be a Second 
Brass of Vespasian. 3 This Roman prince having reigned from A.D. GO to 79 we 
may form some idea of the period at which existed the station on Stamford Hill 
from among the inhabitants of which those who occupied these graves were 
buried. I am aware that the evidence furnished by the coin is very unsatisfactory, 

Since this a worn First Brass coin of Antoninus Pius has been found on the same hill. 



On the Discovery of a Romano-British Cemetery near Plymouth. 509 

but when data by which to arrive at a conclusion are wanting we are thankful 
for every feeble substitute. That the coin may have been buried at any sub- 
sequent period is quite possible, but the circumstance that it should be a Roman 
coin and, though not found in one of the graves, yet buried deeply in the soil, 
does, as I said before, in lieu of better evidence, assist us somewhat to arrive at 
a date which may possibly be the correct one. 

It cannot be doubted that in the neighbourhood of such an extensive burial- 
place there must have been some village or station of the same period. No 
record of such a place is handed down to us either by history or tradition ; 
and, as it is not very probable that there were two stations so very near, 
it is not unlikely that this may have been the site of Tamara. Of course 
the objection that will be raised to this hypothesis is that the river Plym 
and not the Tamar, from which the station derived its name, flows down 
the Catwater. In answer to this objection I would remark that Plymouth Sound 
is the ocean mouth of the Tamar, of which the Hamoaze is but a part, and that it 
is not unlikely but that the entire length of the river from the English Channel 
to the weirhead may formerly have been known as the Tamar, even if the branches 
were not also recognised under the same term. I think that the locality would 
be a favourable one for a station, where vessels might ride at safety and have 
but little difficulty in getting out to sea. 

Hooe Lake, two thousand years ago, was probably not so filled with mud as it 
now is, and would offer to vessels at anchor the safety of a dock harbour. 

By the river Plym the Dartmoor tin, the produce of the stream-works of which 
such abundant evidence remains, could easily be brought down. By the river 
Tamar might come the tin from the great western range of the Duchy Hills. 

The old Pioman road, which I have been informed by Mr. Trelawny is still in 
existence on his estate, would appear to be in a line from the station at Stamford 
Hill to the nearest ferry on the Tamar, where the crossing would not entail the 
passage of other rivers. 

Whether the idea of this having been the old Tamara be correct or not, there 
can, I think, be no doubt but that it must have been the site of a Roman village, 
and, as being the first traces that have been found in the neighbourhood of 
Plymouth, I have thought that it might form a subject worthy of the considera- 
tion of this learned Society. 

I may add that all the specimens are preserved in the Museum at the Athenaeum, 
Plymouth, where have also been deposited such as have been since found at the 
same place. 



510 

Note on the Mirrors, 8fc. discovered in a Cemetery near Plymouth. By AUGUSTUS 
"WOLLASTON FRANKS, Esq. M.A. Director. 

The mirrors which have been discovered in the cemetery near Plymouth, and which are engraved 
in Plate XXX., are objects that have been rarely discovered in the British Islands. Three 
specimens are however known to me, which it may be interesting to compare with those under 
consideration. 1. A bronze mirror slightly elliptical in form, and with a marginal band like fig. 1. 
It has likewise engraved scrolls on the back of the same general character as the mirror from 
Plymouth. Greatest width, seven inches and three-quarters. The handle is attached to the mirror 
by a plate cut out in scrolls somewhat like fig. 3, is composed of two loops with a cross-band at 
their junction, and terminates in a large ring. It was found near Bedford, and has been alluded 
to by Mr. Spence Bate. 2. A smaller mirror of the same description, with engraved scrolls at the 
back and an ornamental handle. It forms part of the collection presented by Joseph Mayer, Esq. 
F.S.A. to the town of Liverpool. Nothing is known as to its history. 3. A mirror of a slightly 
elliptical form (greatest width eight inches and a quarter), with a plain back, a marginal rim, and 
a broad handle. The portion of this handle joining the mirror is ornamented with scrolls in relief; 
the lower end is decorated with pierced work. It was discovered at Balmaclellan, Kirkcudbright- 
shire, and is preserved in the Museum of the Scottish Antiquaries. See Proceedings Soc. Ant. 
Scotland, vol. iv. p. 294, and Sculptured Stones of Scotland, vol. ii. p. x. With it were found a 
number of other bronze objects, including a large crescent-shaped plate engraved with scrolls of 
precisely the same character as fig. 1. Similar scrolls also occur on the shield found in the river 
Withain, engraved in the Archceologia, vol. XXIII. PI. xiii. and in Kemble's Iforce Ferales, 
PI. xiv. 

It is well known that mirrors are not unfrequcntly represented on the early sculptured stones of 
Scotland, accompanied by combs and other symbols. 

The mirrors of unquestionably Roman origin found in England and the Continent may be 
divided into the following classes: 1. Quadrangular mirrors without handles; 2. Circular mirrors 
fitting into cases of the same form ; 3. Circular mirrors with handles, but without marginal bands, 
the edges often pierced. These mirrors are of a whiter metal than those found at Plymouth, more 
like modern speculum metal, and probably contain a larger amount of tin. 

1 should be therefore disposed to attribute the mirrors from Plymouth and the others which I 
have described to a Late Celtic origin. The only other mirrors with ornamented backs are the 
Etruscan ; in their elliptical form the specimens under consideration are not altogether unlike 
Egyptian mirrors. 

To a Late Celtic origin I should also be inclined to refer the armlet engraved in Plate XXXI. 
fig. 1. Some of the pottery, especially Plate XXXII. fig. 5, is purely Roman. 

I may add that in 1832 a considerable number of British coins were found on Mount Batten, 
near this cemetery. See Numismatic Journal, vol. i. ; Evans, Coins of the Ancient Britons, pp. 72, 
106, 128. 



INDEX. 



A. 



Abbess, election of an, 427, 443 

Adder's Beads, 229 

Altar, Roman, found at Lymne, 380 

Altars in Roman Churches, 210 

Ambonet in Roman Churches, 209 

America, earliest mention of, 24 40 

Anne Boleyne, Queen, Portraits of, 74, 81, 87, 88 

Anne of Cleves, Queen, Portraits of, 77, 86 

Anne, Queen of Hungary, Portrait of, 81 

Annulus Piscatoris, memoir on, 129 142 

Antiquarius, The, by Hieronymus Bononius, 143 

156 

Armagnac, Count of, Portraits of his Daughters, 475 
Armilla from Plymouth, 502 

Arundel Castle, Portrait of Duchess of Milan at, 108 
Arundcl Family, Pedigree of, 420 
Aston, Sir Walter, Letters to, 274282 



B. 



BATE, C. SPEJJCE, F.R.S., on a Romano-British 

Cemetery at Plymouth, 500509 
BELDAM, JOSEPH, F.8.A. on Royston Court House, 

119137 

Benches, The Four, 429 
Ben-Djemma, Malta, Skull from, 491 
BLACK, WILLIAM HBNHY, F.S.A. observations on 

the Site of Roman London, 41 49 
. further observa- 



tions, 5058 



by Hieronymus Bononius, 143 156 



on the Antiquarius, 



BLACK, WILLIAM HEKRY, F.S.A. on the Identifica- 
tion of the Roman Portus Lemanis, 375 380 

BLIGHT, J. T on Subterranean Chambers at Trelo- 
warren, Cornwall, 113 118 

Boleyne, Mary, portrait of, 84 

Bononius, Hieronymus, of Treviso, MSS. by, 143 
156 

Bronze Objects from Plymouth, 502, 510 

BRUCE, JOHN, F.S.A. on a PockeWial of Robert 
Devereux, Earl of Essex, 343356 

Burgundy, Duchess of, Embassies from England t<>, 
451461 



C. 



Canonsleigh, co. Devon, Priory and Abbey at, 417 

450 

Carausius, Coins of, 412 
Cassivcllaunus, town of, 51, 64 
Cathedrae in Roman Churches, 215 
Celtic Bronze Mirrors, 510 
Charles I. his Residence at Royston, 133 
Chester, Roman Remains discovered at, 285 294 
Christus, Petrus, Portrait of Edward Grimston t>y. 

451, 459, 471 

other paintings by, 471 482 

Ciboria in Roman Churches, 213 
Clavile Family, Pedigree of, 418 

Seal of John de, 443 

Clist, Seal of William de, 449 

COCHET, L'Abbe, Sur une Statue de Guillaume-le- 

Conquerant, 398 402 
Cole, Humphrey, dial-maker, 348, 354 
" Confessions" of Roman Churches, 199 
Crystals used in magic, 390 



512 



INDEX. 



D. 



Dalton, Edward, F.S A. Pocket-dial belonging to, 

343360 
Darcy Family, 235 
Donne, Sir John, Portrait of, 472 
DONNE, WILUAM BOOIIAM, on Human Sacrifices 

among the Romans, 250 256 
Doorways of Roman Churches, 190 
Dniry, Mary, wife of Edward Grimston, 465 4C7 



E. 



Edward I. Administration of Criminal Law in his 

reign, 89105 

- money borrowed by, 425, 441 
Edward VI. Portraits of, 72 
Elizabeth, Princess, Portraits of, 73, 85 
Elizabeth, Queen, Documents relating to Magic in 

her reign, 39 397 
Emery, Roger, Seal of, 450 
Episcopal .Jurisdiction, sede vacante, 432 
Essex, Robert Deverenx Earl of, his Pocket-dial, 

343360 

arms of, 352 

EVANS, JOHN, F.JS.A. on the worked Flints of Pres- 

signy-Ie-Grand, 3*1388 
Exeter, seal of official principal of Bishop of, 429 



F. 



F.URHOLT, F. W. F.S.A. on an Inventory of the 
Household Goods of Sir T. Ramsey, 311322 

Fibula from Romano- British Cemetery near Ply- 
mouth, 503 

Fisherman's Ring, 129 142 

Flanders, its relations with England, 459 

Flint Implements from Pressigny-le-Grand, 381 
388 

Fonts of Roman Churches, 202 

FKANKS, AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON, Director, Notes on 
Edward Grimston, 455 470 



FRANKS, AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON, Note on Antiquities 
discovered at Plymouth, 510 



G. 



Chain Tiffiha, Malta, Rock-tombs at, 483 486 

Skulls from, 488 490 

Giocondi, Francesco, 20 

Giocondi, Fra Giovanni, 21 

Glass from Romano-British Cemetery near Ply- 
mouth, 504 

Gresham, Sir Thomas, 312 

Grimston, Edward, Ambassador from Henry VI., In- 
structions to, and Portrait of, 451471 
Seal of, 464 



Family, 455 



Guilford, Lady, Portrait of, 85 



H. 



Hagiar Kim, Malta, skull from, 492 

HARROD, HENRY, F.S.A. on the Mantle and the 

Ring of Widowhood, 307310 
HART, W. H. F.S.A. on Documents relating to 

Magic, temp. Elizabeth, 389397 
Helps, Mr., on Human Sacrifices, 250 
Henry VI., his Instructions to his Ambassadors to 

the Duchess of Burgundy, 452 454 
Henry VIII., Portraits of the Queens of, 7188 

Picture of Family of, 79, 83 

Holbein, Hans, his Portraits of the Royal Family 

of England, 7173 
his Portrait of the Duchess of 

Milan, 107 

Human Sacrifices among the Romans, 242 256 
Hythe, Kent, whether site of Portus Lemanis, 361 
380 



I. 



Inventory of Household Goods of Sir Thomas 
Ramsey, 311342 



IXDEX. 



513 



J. 



James I., his Residence at Royston, 120 131 

Letters from and to him by Sir Henry 

Wotton, 257284 

Jane Seymour, Queen, Portraits of, 76, 82 
JOYCE, Rev. JAMES GERALD, F.S.A. on the Exca- 
vations at Silchester, 403 416 



K. 



Katherine of Arragon, Queen, Portraits of, 73, 81 
Katherine Howard, Queen, Portraits of, 78, 84, 87 
Katherine Parr, Queen, Portraits of, 79, 83 
Kynvin, James, dial-maker, 347 349 



Law, Criminal, temp. Edward I., 89 
LEWIN, THOMAS, F.S.A. Sketch of British and 
Roman London, 59 70 

on the Position of the 

Portus Lemanis of the Romans, 361 374 

LIDDELL, Very Rev. HENRY GEORGE, Dean of 
Christchurch, on Human Sacrifices among the 
Romans, 242249 

London, British, 44, 51, 5966 

Roman, Site of, 4158, 6670 

Wall of, 295, 306 

Lord Mayor of, 311 

Lud, Walter, 21, 30 

Lymne, Kent, whether Site of Portus Lemanis, 

361380 
Roman Altar from, 380 



M. 



Magic, Documents relating to, 389 397 

MAJOR, RICBARD HENRY, F.S.A. Memoir on a 

Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci, 1 40 
Malta, Rock-tombs at, 483 
Mantle of Widowhood, 307 310 

VOL. XL. 



Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci, 1 40 

Margaret of Anjou, Portrait of, 476 

Mary, daughter of Henry VIIL, Portraits of, 72 

Milan, Christina, Duchess of, Portraits of, 106 
112 

Milverton, Advowson of, 422, 436 

Mirrors of Bronze found in Cemetery near Ply- 
mouth, 502, 510 

Morden, East, Advowson of, 423, 440 

Morton, Sir Albert, Letter to, 282 



N. 



NESBITT, ALEXANDER, F.S.A. on the Churches at 
Rome earlier than the year 1150, 157224 

NICHOLS, FRANCIS MORGAN, F.S.A. observations on 
Documents illustrative of the Administration of 
Criminal Law, temp. Edward I., 89 105 

NICHOLS, JOHN GOUGH, F.S.A. remarks on Hol- 
bein's Portraits of the Royal Family, and Portraits 
of the Queens of Henry VIIL 7180 

Nocturnal, instrument so called, 344, 357 360 



P. 



Pavement, Roman, at Winterton, co. Lincoln, 241 
at Silchester, 408 

Pavements of Roman Churches, 181 

PEACOCK, EDWARD, F.S.A. on the History of Win- 
terton by Abraham de la Pryme, 225 241 

PERCEVAL, CHARLES SPENCER, F.S.A. on Charters 
and Documents relating to Priory and Abbey of 
Cannonsleigh, co. Devon, 417 430 

Pey, Nicholas, Letters to, 265 

Phoenician Occupation of Malta, 495 

Plymouth, Romano-British Cemetery near, 500 
510 

Pocket-dial of Robert Devereux Earl of Essex, 343 
360 

Popes, use of Fisherman's Ring by, 129 142 

Portman, Lord, Documents belonging to, 417 

Porton, Geoffrey de, Seal of, 440 

U 



514 



INDEX. 



Portus Lemanit, Site of, 361380 

Pottery from Rock-tombs at Malta, 486, 498 

Romano-British Cemetery near Ply- 
mouth, 504 

Presbyteria in Roman Churches, 202 

Pressigny-le- Grand, Flint Implements from, 381 
388 

Pryme, Abraham de la, his History of Winterton, 
225241 

Pedigree of, 230 



R. 



Ramsey, Sir Thomas. Inventory of Household Goods 

of, 311 342 

Rene of Anjou, Paintings by, 476 
Richmond, Henry Fitzroy Duke of, 72 
Ring of the Fisherman, 129 142 

Widowhood, 307310 

Roman Altar found at Lymne, 380 

London, Site of, 4158, 6670 

on remains of the Wall of, 295 306 

Remains at Chester, 285 294 

Silchester, Excavations at, 403 416 

Romans, Human Sacrifices among the, 242 256 
Rome, Churches of, earlier than the year 1150, 157 

224 

Romney Marsh, 367 

Roos, Philippa Lady, wife of Edward Grimston, 468 
Roper, Margaret, Portrait of, 85 
Royston Court House, 119136 
Rudd Family, 239 



S. 



Sacrifices, Human, among the Romans, 242 256 

Saint- Victor-l'Abbaye, Normandy, Statue of Wil- 
liam the Conqueror at, 398 402 

Salisbury, Seals of Walter Bishop of, and of Dean 
and Chapter of, 440 

Sampford Arundel, Advowson of, 420, 431 

Sardinia, Skulls from, 496 



SCHAKF, GEORGE, F.S.A. notes on the Portraits of 

the Queens of Henry VIII. 8088 
on a Portrait of the Duchess 

of Milan, 106112 
on the Portrait of Edward 

Grimston, &c. 471482 
Scorbrough Family, 239 
Seal of the official principal of the Bishop of Exeter, 

429 

Saint Andrew, Wells, 436 

Priory of Leigh, 439 

Walter, Archdeacon of Taunton, 439 

Geoffrey de Porton, 440 

Walter, Bishop of Salisbury, 440 

Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, 440 

John de Clavile, 443 

Abbey of Canonsleigh, 448 

William de Clist, 449 

Roger Emery, 450 

Edward Grimston, 464 

Silchester, Excavations at, 403 416 

Skulls from Rock-tombs at Malta, 481499 

Sleight Family, 237 

Sloane, Sir Hans, Letters to, 228 

Smith, C. Roach, F.S.A. his opinion as to Lymne, 

377 

Soderini, Pietro, 29 

Stanhope, Earl, P.S.A. his views on Human Sacri- 
fices, 242, 252 
Statutes of Winchester and Westminster, temp 

Edward I. 92100 
Stobnicza, John, his Introduction to the Coimo- 

graphia of Ptolemy, 37 
Subterranean Chambers at Trelowarren, co. Cornwall, 

113118 

Suffolk, Earl of, 457 
SWANN, Capt. JOHN S. on Rock-tombs at Ghain 

Tiffiha and Tal Horr, Malta, 483486 



T. 

Tal Horr, Malta, Rock-tomb at, 486 
Skull from, 494 



INDEX. 



515 



Tate, Sir Robert, Portrait of, 473 

Taunton, Archdeacon of, his Claim to Episcopal 

Jurisdiction sede vacante, 432 

his Seal, 439 

Tertullian, his Statement as to Human Sacrifices 

among the Romans, 248 
Tharros, Sardinia, Skulls from, 496 
THOMS, WILLIAM J., F.S.A. on the Instructions given 

by Henry VI. to Edward Grimston, 451 
Thorndon, Suffolk, Monuments at, 468, 470 
Thome Family, Pedigree of, 422 
Thome St. Margaret, Advowson of, 422, 436 
THURNAM, JOHN, M.D., F.S.A. on Human Remains 

from Malta, 488499 
TITB, WILLIAM, M.P., V.P.S.A. on Roman Remains 

at Chester, 285294 
on the Remains of the Roman Wall 

of London, 295305 
Tombs in Roman Churches, 216 
Trailbaston, Justices of, 94 
Trelowarren, co. Cornwall, Subterranean Chambers 

at, 113118 



V. 



Valoignes, Normandy, Castle of, 457 
Verulam, Earl of, Portrait and Documents belong- 
ing to, 451-471 



Vespucci, Amerigo, Voyages of, 12 40 
Vinci, Leonardo da, Mappemonde by, 1 40 



W. 



Wall, Roman, of London, 295306 

WATERTON, EDMUND, F.S.A. on the Annulus Pis- 

catoris, 138 142 
WATSON, C. KNIGHT, Secretary, on letters from Sir 

Henry Wotton to James I. and others, 257 
Wells, Seal of Church of, 436 
Westminster, Statute of, 98 
Widowhood, Mantle and Ring of, 307 310 
Will of Sir Thomas Ramsey, 315 
William the Conqueror, Statue of, 398402 
WILLIAMS, JOHN, F.S.A. Note on the Use of the 

Nocturnal, 357360 
Winchester, Statute of, 92 
Windows of Roman Churches, 193 
Windsor Castle, Mappemonde in Royal Collections 

at, 140 

Portrait of Duchess of Milan at, 106 

Winterton, co. Lincoln, History of, by Abraham de 

la Pryrne, 225241 
Woodward, B. B. F.S.A. discovers a Mappemonde 

in the Royal Library, 1 
Wotton, Sir Henry, Letters to James I. and others, 

257284 



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