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ARCHAEOLOGIA: 


on 


MISCELLANEOUS    TEACTS 


RELATING  TO 


ANTIQUITY. 


ARCHAEOLOGIA: 


on. 


MISCELLANEOUS    TRACTS 


ISELATISCi   TO 


ANTIQUITY. 


PUBLISHED  BY  THK 


SOCIETY    OF    ANTIQUARIES    OF    LONDON. 


VOLUME  XLVII. 


LONDON  : 

PRINTED  BY  NICHOLS  AND  SONS,  25,  PARLIAMENT  STREET. 
SOLD  AT  THE  SOCIETY'S  APARTMENTS  IN  BURLINGTON  HOUSE. 


M.DCCC.LXXXIII. 


DA 

20 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

I. —  The  "Ritual  Ordinance  "  of  Neophytus.  By  the  Rev.  FREDERICK 
EDWARD  WARREN,  B.D.,  Fellow  of  St.  Johns  College,  Oxford; 
and  an  Account  of  the  "Misfortunes  of  Cyprus"  by  Neophytus,  and 
the  Condition  of  the  Island  in  his  time.  By  EDWIN  FRESHFIELD, 
Esq.,  F.S.A.  -  1-40 

II. — Architectural  History  of  St.  Hugh's  Choir  in  Lincoln  Cathedral. 

By  JOHN  HENRY  PARKER,  C.B.,  Hon.  M.A.  Oxon.,  F.S.A.  41 — 48 

III. — Injunctions  of  John  Longland,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  to  certain 
Monasteries  in  his  Diocese.  By  EDWARD  PEACOCK,  Esq.,  F.S.A., 
in  a  Letter  to  C.  Knight  Watson,  Esq  ,  M.A.,  Secretary  49—04 

IV. —  On  the  Constitutional  History  of  the  Bermudas,  the  oldest  remain- 
ing British  Plantation.  By  Lieut. -Gen.  Sir  JOHN  HENRY  LEFROY, 
C.B.,  K.C.M.G.,  F.E.S.  -  65-82 

V. —  The  First  Charter  of  Liberties  given  by  Penn  to  Pennsylvania, 
described  in  a  Letter  from  RICHARD  ALMACK,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  to 
Augustus  Wollaston  Franks,  Esq.,  M. A.,  formerly  Director  S.A., 
with  Remarks  by  HENRY  SALUSBURY  MILMAN,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Director 
S.A.  ...  .  83-88 

VI. — The  Custumary  of  the  Manor  and  Soke  of  Rothley,  in  the  County 

of  Leicester.     By  GEORGE  THOMAS  CLARK,  Esq.,  F.S.A.  89—130 

VII. —  The  Grave-Mounds  of  Lunkhofen,  in  the  Canton  of  Aargau, 
Switzerland.  By  Dr.  EERDINAND  KELLER,  Hon.  F.S.A  ,  with  a 
Translation  by  WILLIAM  MICHAEL  WYLIE,  Esq.,  F.S.A.  -  131 — 136 
VIII. — On  a  Hoard  of  Gold  Nobles  found  at  Bremeridge  Farm,  Westbury, 
Wilts.  By  the  Rev.  JOHN  BARON,  D.D.,  F.S.A.,  Rector  of  Upton 
Scudamore,  Wilts  ....  137—156 

IX. — The    Fret   or   Key  Ornamentation    in   Mexico    and   Peru.      By 

ROBERT  PHILIPS  GREG,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  F. G  S.,  Sfc.  -  -        157—160 


Vi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

X. —  On  the  Sculptured  Tympanum  of  a  former  Doorway  in  the 
Church  of  South  Ferriby,  Lincolnshire.  By  CHAELES  EDWARD 
KEYSER,  Esq.,  M.A.,  F.S.A.  161—178 

XI. — Notes  on  a  Selection   of  ancient   Charters,  Letters,  and  other 
Documents  from  the  Muniment  Room  of  Sir  John  Lawson,  of 
Brough  Sail,  near   Catterick,  in  Richmond  shire,  Baronet.     By 
CHARLES  SPENCER  PERCEVAL,  Esq.,  LL.D.,  Treasurer    -        179 — 204 
XII. —  On  the  Mithraeum  of  Spoleto.    By  HENRY  CHARLES  COOTE,  Esq., 

F.S.A.       -  205—208 

XIII. — "  Thinges  Nedefull  for  this  Present  State,"  by  John  Mount- 
gomery,  1562.  Communicated  by  AUCHER  CORNWALL  TAYLOR, 
Esq.  With  a  Preface  and  notes  by  EDWARD  MAUNDE  THOMP- 
SON, Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Keeper  of  Manuscripts  and  Egerton  Librarian 
in  the  British  Museum  -  -  209 — 241 

XIV.—  Copy  of  a  Letter   to   Mary   Queen  of  Scots,  and  a  Bond   of 
Secretary  Maitland.     Communicated  in  a  Letter  from  RICHARD 
ALT&A.CK,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  to  Augustus  Wollaston  Franks, Esq.,  M.A., 
formerly   Director.       With    Remarks    by    HENRY    SALUSBTJRY 
MILMAN,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Director     -  242 — 248 

XV. —  The  "Remonstrance"  of  Anne   of  Cleves.     Communicated  by 

the  REV.  WILLIAM  DUNN  MACRAY,  M.A.,  F.S.A.  -        249 — 264 

XVI. — On  certain  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts  of  the  early 
years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.     Communicated  by 
CHARLES  SPENCER  PERCEVAL,  Esq.,  LL.D.,  Treasurer    -        265 — 294 
XVII. — Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the  Treasurer 
of  the  King's   Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.     Communicated  by 

CHARLES  TRICE  MARTIN,  Esq.,  F.S.A.     -  -  -        295 336 

XVIII. — On  a  German  Astronomico- Astrological  Manuscript,  and  on  the 
Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  By  ROBERT  BROWN,  Jun., 
Esq.,  F.S.A.  337—360 

XIX.— Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's   Chapel,  West- 
minster.      [See   also    XXVIII.    below.]       By    JOHN    THOMAS 

MlCKLETHWAITE,  Esq.,  F.S.A.       -  ...  35^ 339 

XX.— On  the  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  Saint  Paul's 
Cathedral.  By  FRANCIS  CRANMER  PENROSE,  Esq.,  F.R.I.B  A.. 
Surveyor  to  the  Fabric  of  St.  Paul's  -  -  .  381—392 


TABLE  OF  CONTEXTS,  Vll 

PAGE 

XXI. —  The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

By  CHARLES  DRURY  EDWARD  PORTNUM,  Esq.,  F.S.A.  •         393 — 408 

XXII. — Some  Historical  Aspects  of  the  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 
Forfeiture  for  High  Treason.  Communicated  by  ALFRED 
BAILEY,  Esq.  -  409—428 

XXIII. — Excavations  at    Ccesar's    Camp  near  Folkestone,  conducted  in 

June  and  July,  ISIS,  by  Major- General  AUGUSTUS  H.   L.  P. 

PITT- RIVERS,  F.H.S.,  F.S.A. — Notes  on  the  two  sets  of  Bones 

from  Ccesar's  Camp,  Folkestone,  and  from  Mount  Caburn,  near 

Lewes.     By  Professor  ROLLESTON,  F.R.S.,  8fc.  -  429 — 465 

XXIV. —  On   the   Antiquity  of  the  Egyptian   Calendar.     By  FRANCIS 

ROUBILIAC  CONDER,  Esq.,  C.E.      -  466 — 470 

XXV. — On  a  Wall-Painting  discovered  at  Westminster  Abbey  in 
1882.  [See  also  Appendix.]  In  a  Letter  from  JOHX  HENRY 
MIDDLETON,  Esq.,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  to  Christopher  Knight  Watson, 
Esq..  M.A.,  Secretary  -  471 — 472 

XXVI. —  On  Two  Bronze  Fragments  of  an  unknown  object,  portions  of 
the  Petrie  Collection,  in  the  Museum  of  the  Royal  Irish 
Academy,  Dublin.  By  Miss  MARGARET  STOKES  473 — 480 

XXVII. —  On  a  Latin  Note  to  the  Bodleian  MS.  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle  concerning  the  Origin  of  the  ^Era  Dionysiana.  [See 
Vol.  XLIV.  Art.  xx.]  In  a  Letter  from  ROBERT  CRADOCK 
XICHOLS,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  to  Augustus  Wollaston  Franks,  Esq., 
Director  -  -  481—482 

XXVIII. —  On  an  unexplained  Figure  in  Henry  the  Seventh" s  Chapel.  In 
a  Letter  from  JOHN  THOMAS  MICKLETHWAITE,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  to 
Henry  Salusbury  Milman,  Esq.,  Director  483 — 485 


APPENDIX. 


Further  Note  on  the  Wall- Paintings  discovered  in  the  Cellarer's 
buildings  at  Westminster  Abbey  in  February,  1882.  [See  XXV. 
above.~\  In  a  Letter  from  JOHN  HENRY  MIDDLETON,  Esq.,  M.A., 
F.S.A.,  to  Henry  Salusbury  Milman,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Director  489 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PLATE 

I.  MS.  of  Neophytus  *    - 

St.  Hugh's  Choir,  Lincoln,  viz. : — 
II.         Plan         ) 
III.         Sections   ) 

Penn's  Signature  and  Seal     - 
Lunkhofen  Grave-Mounds,  viz.  :— 
Forms  of  Mounds 
Plan  of  Lunkhofen  Mounds 
V.         Objects  found 
IV.  Gold  Nobles    - 
VI.  Fret  Ornamentation    - 

South  Ferriby  Tympanum 
Little  Paxton  Tympanum 
Mithraeum — Altar  and  Columns 
VII.  „  Plan 

Secretary  Mainland's  Signature 
Sir  John  Daunce's  Arms  and  Crest    - 
Astronomical  Signs— MS.  XVth  Cent. 
VIII.   Astronomical  Figures — Babylonian  Stone,  viz.  :- 
Two  Altars 
Scorpio 
Capricornus  , 

and 

his  Horns 
IX.  Signs  of  the  Zodiac — St.  Margaret's,  York 


PAGE 
facing1  9 

between     44-5 

on         85 


on 

131 

on 

132 

facing 

133 

facing 

154 

facing 

158 

on 

161 

on 

166 

on 

206 

facing 

206 

on 

247 

on 

297 

between     338-9 


on 
on 

on 


facing 


350 
351 

353 
360 


Presented  by  Edwin  Freshfield,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 


X  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

Henry  VII. 's  Chapel,  Westminster,  viz.:— 

X.  Synopsis  of  Images  inside  facing  362 

XI.  St.  Martin,  St.  Wilgefort,  St.  Nicholas  facing  373 
XII.         St.  Thomas  of  Cant.,  Allhallows  ?,  a  Philosopher  facing  375 

Old  St.  Paul's,  viz.:— 

XIII.  Axis  and  Site  of  old  Cathedral  facing       386 
View  of  Paul's  Cross  -      on       387 

XIV.  Foundations  of  Old  Cathedral  j 

v,r  _     ,,    ~  between    390-1 

XV.  „  Paul  s  Cross 

Seal  of  Queen  Henrietta  Maria  -      on  400 

„      Charles  I.  on  401 

„      Charles  (I.)  Prince  of  Wales  -      on  403 

,,      Queen  Mary  of  Modena  -      on  404 
Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone,  viz.  :— 
XVI.         Plan          ) 

XVII.         Sections    I  between  46°-1 

XVIII.         Objects- Iron    - 

VTV  a*  o-i  facing       462 

A1A.  „         otone,  Copper,  Silver,  .Lead  ) 

XX.  ,,         Bone,  Earthenware  lacing  464 

XXI.  Bronze  Fragments  in  II.  1.  A.  Mus.  Dublin  facing  474 

XXII.  Restoration  of  Radiated  Crown  facing  475 

XXIII.  The  Crown  of  Thorns  facing  477 

XXIV.  Bone  Carvings  from  Slieve  na  Calliaghe    i 

WIT    o   •    i  -TV    •  m      i     •     T    i  lacing       478 

XXV.  Spiral  Design  on  Tombs  in  Ireland  \ 

V  "V  ~\T  T    ' 

I  Paintings  in  Tempera  at  Westminster  Abbey  facing       490 


ADDITIONS  AND  CORRECTIONS. 


Page  2,  line  9  i'rom  foot,  ufttr  "  translation."  add  "  It  is  reprinted  in  '  Memorials  of  Richard  I.' 

[M.R.  Ser.],  vol.  i.  1864,  with  an  English  translation," 
,,       2,  line  8  from  foot,  after  "  volume  "  add  "  of  Cotelerius." 
,,     36,  line  5  of  text,  for  tepew?  read  tepe'eo?. 
„     37,      Title 

"     **8'      Headino-  <  t0>'  "  Description  "  read  "  Misfortunes." 
„     40,  3  ) 

,,  37,  line  4  of  text,  after  "2,"  «rfd  "and  in  'Memorials  of  Richard  I.'  [M.R.  Ser.", 
vol  i." 

,,      128,  line  14  from  foot,  for  "  Flightwyte"  read  "  Plightwyte." 

„     163,  note  a,  for  "  J.  B."  read  "  Sir  J." 

.,  30!?,  line  1  of  text,  del*"  to  Cromwell."  The  letter  is  among  Cromwell's  correspon- 
dence, but  was  not  written  to  him,  as  it  commences  "  Master  Doctor."  The  person 
addressed  is  probably  Henry  Goderike,  who  writes  on  the  same  subject. 

„  376,  line  2  from  foot  of  text,  add  to  "  Plate  XII."  afoot-note,  "  b  See  Art,  XXVIII. 
p.  483." 

,,     437,  line  7  from  foot  of  text,  and  note  A,for  "  Suedois  "  read  "  Suudoises.'' 

.,     451,  line  8  of  text,  after  "  here  "  change  ,  to  ;  and  after  "  suffice  "  add  "  it." 

,,     464,  line  7  of  text,  for  "  benitoire  "  read  "  benitier." 

,,  472,  add  [Note.  The  Wall-Painting  mentioned  in  this  Letter,  and  another  discovered 
in  the  same  room  since  its  date,  are  fully  described  and  figured  in  the  Appendix, 
p.  489.] 


"  Thinycs  Nedefullfor  this  Present  State"  241 

Here  by  the  waye  wee  maye  take  occasion  to  remember  Callis,  and  not  to 
forgeat  Roane,  whiche,  yf  they  hadcle  beene  well  guarded,  hadde  not  tasted  of  the 
bitter  sorrowes  that  of  late  they  didde,  as  all  men  knowes. 

Lett  vs  nowe  thearfore  preavent  the  olde  saiinge  of  the  Frenche  nacion  vpoii 
vs :  that  and  yf  ower  forewitte  weare  as  good  as  ower  after  wittc,  theare  weare 
none  to  be  compared  to  vs.  Lett  vs  not  spare  the  lesse  and  leese  the  more,  but  give 
whithe  a  goode  cowradge,  accordinge  to  the  olde  saiinge :  they  must  liberalise 
spend  that  will  pleantifullie  gaine ;  ande  after  busie  laboure  cometh  quiet  rest. 
Thus,  as  feawe  woordes  to  the  wise  doeth  suffice,  so  doe  I  thincke  this  at  this 
preasent  to  be  sufficient.  Thus  ffinishinge  an  ende,  I  conclude  wth  homble 
peticion  firste  to  Allmightie  Godde,  that  he  wouldc  voutsaulfe  to  inspire  the 
godlie  governoures  whithe  his  spirite  of  wisdome,  that  theye  maye  in  tyme  forscc, 
and  by  theire  prudent  pollicie  preavent,  the  pearrill  whiche  for  want  of  diewe 
consideracon  mighte  per  happes  ensue.  Yt  is  bothe  godlie  and  proffitable  to  pro- 
vide by  good  order  a  wayc  whearby  of  the  idell  servitor  to  make  an  expert 
souldior,  and  for  realiefe  of  the  succourlcs,  hurtc  in  the  deafence  of  his  contrie,  a 
place  of  hospitallitie  apoincted  ;  whiche  provizo  beinge  executed  in  this  realme, 
doubtles  yt  shoulde  bee  to  the  glorie  of  Godde,  the  increase  of  experte  men,  a 
terroure  to  thenimye,  a  deafence  of  ower  contrie,  an  encowradge  to  the  servitour, 
and,  finallie,  muche  quietnes  to  ower  selves.  As  I  hertelye  praye  and  wishe  for 
the  same  to  bee  hadd  amoncrest  vs,  eaven  so  I  shall  beseache  the  <?entell  reader 

O  *  O 

hearof  not  to  take  this  my  poore  travaile  and  goode  meaninge  yn  anie  yll  parte, 
and  for  my  true  and  faithefull  zealc  towardes  my  contrie  to  be  rcaputed  a  busie 
boddie,  a  corrector,  a  learner,  or  a  teacher,  but  rather  except  my  goode  hert  and 
obedience  to  my  Prince  ande  contrie;  some  parte  whearof  I  have,  accordinge  to  my 
poore  skill,  vttered,  and  ^n  homelye  order  declared,  the  practizes  whearof  in  other 
contries  I  have  sene  experienced,  and  good  seaquell  therof  allwaies  hathe  ensued. 
The  like  to  my  contrie  I  wishe  and  shall  praye  for  to  allmightie  God,  whoe  sende 
the  Queues  Maiestie  longe  ande  prosperous  rainge  yn  trancquillitie  and  peace,  hirr 
raoste  honorable  councilloures  muche  wisdome  and  prudence,  that  they,  firste 
seakinge  the  glorie  of  Gode  ancle  suppressinge  all  wickednes,  may  provide  for  the 
seacuritye  ande  deafence  of  this  realme.  And  thus,  thinckinge  yt  sufficient  that 
hathe  beene  written  hearin,  I  ende. 

Pro  :  21. 

The  horse  ys  prepared  againste  the 
daye  of  battayll,  but  the  Lorde 

gyueth  the  victorie. 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  L 


XIV.—  Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  and  a  Bond  of  Secretary 
Maitland.  Communicated  in  a  Letter  from  RICHARD  ALMACK,  Esq.,  F.S.A., 
to  Augustus  Wollaston  Franks,  Esq.,  3I.A.,  formerly  Director.  With 
Remarks  by  HENRY  SALUSBURY  MILMAX,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Director. 


Read  June  15,  18C5. 


MY  DEAR  SIR, 

It  may  be  considered  improbable  that  any  new  light  can  be  thrown  on 
the  history  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots ;  but  the  interest  in  her  romantic  story  never 
ceases.  I  have  in  my  possession  a  document  which  relates  to  an  important  event 
in  her  life.  I  am  inclined  to  make  it  known  to  the  public  in  consequence  of 
the  recent  publication  by  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  of  the  interesting  com- 
munication by  the  Rev.  R.  S.  Ellis,  respecting  the  imprisonment,  death,  and  burial 
in  Denmark  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  (see  Archaeologia,  vol.  xxxvin). 

The  paper  which  I  produce  purports  to  be  the  draft  or  copy  of  a  letter,  dated 
27th  April,  1567,  sent  to  the  Queen  by  some  of  her  nobility  and  subjects  three 
days  after  Bothwell  had  forcibly  taken  her  to  the  castle  of  Dunbar. 

On  the  24th  April,  Bothwell  seized  her  on  her  way  from  Stirling  to  Edinburgh, 
and  also  the  Earl  of  Huntley,  Secretary  Maitland,  and  James  Melvile.  On  tbe 
morrow  these  three  were  set  at  liberty. 

It  appears  from  this  letter  that  some  of  the  Queen's  friends  assembled  at 
Aberdour  House,  the  Earl  of  Morton's,  and  sent  to  her  an  offer  of  rescue,  or 
whatever  this  letter  may  mean. 

On  the  3rd  May,  Bothwell  took  Mary  to  Edinburgh  Castle,  "  all  the  outlets 
being  guarded,  and  no  one  permitted  to  approach  except  in  the  presence  of 
Bothwell."  a 

On  the  7th  May,  sentence  was  pronounced,  divorcing  Bothwell  from  his  wife, 
Jane  Gordon. 

12th  May.  The  Queen  declared  before  the  Lords  of  Session  that  she  forgave 
Bothwell  for  the  violence  which  he  had  used  towards  her  person,  and  on  the  15th 
she  was  married  to  him,  according  to  the  Protestant  rites,  in  one  of  the  rooms  of 
Holyrood  Palace. 

a  Letters  of  Mary  Stuart,  &c.  by  Prince  Alexander  Labanoff,  translated  by  Turnbull.     1845. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  243 

A  strange  succession  of  events,  and  more  strange  and  significant  if  she  received 
the  letter  in  question  and  did  not  send  any  answer.  It  is  general  history  that 
some  such  proposal  to  the  Queen  was  made,  but  I  cannot  find  any  evidence  of  the 
exact  nature  of  it,  or  how  it  was  conveyed  to  her. 

Hume  says  that  some  of  the  nohility  sent  her  a  private  message,  in  which 
they  told  her  that  if  in  reality  she  lay  under  force  they  would  use  all  their  efforts 
to  rescue  her ;  and  that  her  answer  was,  that  she  had  indeed  been,  carried  to 
Dunbar  by  violence,  but  ever  since  her  arrival  had  been  so  well  treated  that  she 
willingly  remained  with  Bothwell.  What  evidence  there  is  of  any  such  private 
message  or  answer  I  cannot  find. 

My  impression  has  been  for  several  years  that  the  document  I  produce  Avas  in 
the  handwriting  of  Secretary  Maitland.  It  has  been  closely  tested,  and  I  am 
told  that  it  is  not  his  writing,  and  that  he  could  not  have  been  at  Aberdour  on 
that  day.  Two  at  least  of  the  most  eminent  authorities  of  the  present  period  have 
seen  the  document,  and  their  views  are,  I  believe,  directly  opposed,  but  I  venture 
to  say  that  they  have  no  doubt  it  is  a  record  of  the  exact  message  to  the  Queen, 
whoever  wrote  it,  or  of  a  message  pretended,  by  Maitland,  to  have  been  sent, 
which  is  the  construction  put  upon  it  by  her  popular  defender. 

This  document  came  to  my  hands  some  years  since  in  the  same  cover  with 
another  which  I  now  produce. 

The  latter  is,  I  submit,  an  important  confirmation  of  the  authenticity  of  the 
former,  as  preserved  by  Secretary  Maitland  with  his  most  private  family  papers. 

The  provision  which,  by  this  other  document,  he  makes  for  his  wife,  Mary 
Fleming,  one  of  the  Queen's  four  Maries,  is  indisputably  genuine.  The  signature, 
seal,  and  the  whole  legal  formality,  and  recitals,  may  be  tested  in  every  possible 
way.  On  the  fragile  seal  the  word  "  secretaire  "  is  still  legible. 

I  may  add  that  Lithington  is  near  Haddington,  and  now  called  Lenoxlove,  a 
seat  of  Lord  Blantyre's.  The  lands  of  Baikbic  (Bagby)  were  granted  to  William 
Maitland  the  younger,  15  December,  1564,  with  remainder  to  his  brothers  John 
and  Thomas,  as  stated  in  Douglas's  Scottish  Peerage. 

I  have  several  other  Maitland  letters  and  papers,  but  not  of  importance  as  to 
the  authenticity  of  the  documents  which  I  now  produce,  although  connected  with 
the  history  of  the  Queen  or  the  Maitlands: — letters  from  "Marie  Seton,"  at 
Rheims,  where  she  became  a  nun,  and  Margaret,  daughter  of  Kircaldy  of  Grange, 
abbess  of  Rheims ;  several  from  Jane  Fleming,  only  daughter  and  heiress  of 
James,  fourth  Lord  Fleming,  and  wife  of  Sir  John  Maitland,  to  her  husband's 
nephew,  James,  son  of  Secretary  Maitland ;  also  from  Isabel,  sister  to  the 

2L2 


244  Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 

Secretary,  and  wife  of  James  Heriot,  of  Trabroun  and  Elvingston,  addressed  to 
her  nephew,  the  same  James  Maitland,  when  in  Flanders,  &c.a 

I  cannot  deduce  proof  of  the  descent  of  the  two  documents  from  Secretary 
Maitland,  but  that  they  were  preserved  by  the  Duke  of  Lauderdale  with  the 
Secretary's  papers  I  have  almost  a  certainty.  I  beg  to  add  my  opinion  that  the 
Duke  of  Lauderdale,  who  was  born  at  Lithington,  was  a  great  gatherer  of  his- 
torical documents  and  the  preserver  of  the  papers  of  his  family,  which  have  got 
dispersed  during  the  present  century,  and  have  at  times  come  before  the  public. 
I  suspect  that  he  had  the  command  of  the  secret  history  of  Queen  Mary  more 
than  any  man.  Much  of  what  he  knew  he  probably  took  care  should  never  be 
known  to  the  world,  at  least  so  far  as  his  own  family  was  concerned. 

It  may  have  some  bearing  on  the  degree  of  interest  which  may  be  taken  in 
my  communication  that  Secretary  Maitland  certainly  became  for  a  time  Mary's 
enemy.  He  accused  her  of  being  a  willing  captive  to  Bothwell,  and  produced 
the  supposed  letters  of  Bothwell,  although  he  at  last  became  her  champion  and 
died  in  her  cause. 

I  shall  be  gratified  if  my  papers  are  considered  to  deserve  attention  with 
reference  to  a  point  in  history  of  never-failing  interest. 

Believe  me  to  be,  sincerely  yours, 

RICHD.  ALMACK. 

Aug.  W.  Franks,  Esq., 

Director,  Soc.  of  Antiq. 

The  first  document  described  by  Mr.  Almack  is  thus  entitled  and  worded  : — 

The  copic  of  y°  queues  maics  Lrc. 

Pleis  yor  matie  It  is  bruted  &  spokin  in  the  countrey  that  yor 
matle  suld  be  ravissit  be  the  Erie  bothwell  against  yor  will. 
Quherin  we  yor  maiesteis  nobilitie  &  subiectis  thinkes  or  selves 
maist  heichlie  offendit  gif  swa  be.  And  therfore  desyres  to  know 
yov  hienes  plesyr  &  will  Quhat  we  sail  do  toward  the 
reparatioun  of  that  mat1'  and  in  quhat  man1"  we  sail  use  or 
selfes  qlk  being  knowing  ther  sail  na  thing  be  left  undone 
that  becomes  faythfull  &  loving  subiectis  to  do  to  the  [avansing  b] 
&  [fulfilling '']  avancement  &  furthsetting  of  ther  princes  honor  & 
effaris.  We  will  lowk  to  be  certefeit  of  yor  graces  mynd  be  the 
bearer  hereof  And  swa  efter  or  humble  commendatiouns  we  commit 
yor  matie  to  god  frome  Aberdor  the  xxvii  of  Aprill  15(57. 


•>•  See  List  of  Mr.  Almack's  MSS.  in  Hist.  MSS.  Comm.  1st  Rep.  1870,  App.  p.  55.— H.  S.  M 
b  The  two  words  within  brackets  are  crossed  out. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  245 

This  document  appears,  from  the  correction  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  lines,  to 
have  been  originally  the  draft  of  the  letter,  afterwards  retained  as  the  copy  and 
so  entitled. 

The  place  of  the  letter  in  history  is  shown  in  Archbishop  Spottiswoode's 
History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland.  This  book  was  first  published  in  1655,  and 
was,  no  doubt,  Hume's  authority  for  his  statement  cited  by  Mr.  Almack.  It  was 
again  published  by  the  Spottiswoode  and  Bannatyne  Clubs  in  1847-1851,  after  a 
collation  with  better  manuscripts,  which  collation,  however,  did  not  affect  the 
passage  concerning  this  matter.  The  preface  to  the  later  edition  testifies  that 
the  author  certainly  had  access  to  good  information  and  probably  used  it  faith- 
fully. Here  are  the  words  of  the  passage  in  question,  taken  from  the  Jater 
edition  of  the  book,  vol.  ii.  p.  51 : — 

"  A  few  days  after,  feigning  an  expedition  into  Liddisdale,  he  [Bothwell] 
gathered  some  forces,  and,  meeting  the  Queen  on  the  way  as  she  returned  from 
Stirling,  whither  she  had  gone  to  visit  her  son,  he  took  her  by  way  of  rape  and 
led  her  to  the  castle  of  Dunbar.  No  men  doubted  but  this  was  done  by  her  own 
liking  and  consent ;  yet  a  number  of  noblemen  convening  at  Stirling,  lest  they 
should  seem  deficient  in  any  sort  of  their  duties,  sent  to  ask  whether  or  not  she 
was  there  willingly  detained ;  for,  if  she  was  kept  against  her  will,  they  would 
come  with  an  army  and  set  her  at  liberty.  She  answered,  '  That  it  was  against 
her  will  that  she  was  brought  thither,  but  that  since  her  coming  she  had  been 
used  so  courteously  as  she  would  not  remember  any  more  that  injury.' ' 

The  document  corrects  and  supplements  this  passage,  placing  the  convention 
of  noblemen  at  Aberdour  (which  lies  about  half  way  between  Stirling  and 
Dunbar),  making  most  probable  the  presence,  and  perhaps  chief  influence  among 
them,  of  the  Earl  of  Morton  (for  Aberdour  was  his  seat),  and  shows  that  their 
communication  was  not  merely  a  verbal  message  but  a  letter,  and  gives  the 
date  of  dispatch.  It  is  cited  in  Froude's  History  of  England,  vol.  ix.  (Reign  of 
Elizabeth,  vol.  iii.),  ch.  xiii.  p.  65,  which  history  shows  that  Secretary  Maitland 
was  not  set  at  liberty  on  the  morrow  of  his  capture  with  the  Queen,  but  detained 
a  prisoner,  and  therefore  could  not  have  had  any  hand  in  the  letter.  The  same 
history  shows  that  certain  noblemen,  among  whom  was  the  Earl  of  Morton, 
having  in  view  the  same  object  as  is  expressed  in  the  letter,  did  assemble  at 
Stirling  a  few  days  later,  a  fact  which  accounts  for  the  error  in  Spottiswoode  as 
to  the  place  whence  the  letter  was  sent. 


246  Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 

The  writing  and  language  of  the  document  appear  to  be  of  the  date  expressed 
therein,  but  there  is  no  reason  why  it  should  ever  have  been  possessed  by  a 
Maitland  otherwise  than  as  a  collector. 


William  Maitland  the  younger,  of  Lithington,  the  "  Secretary  Maitland  "  of 
Scottish  history,  married,  on  the  6th  of  January,  1567  (he  being  then  a 
widower  and  childless),  Mary  Fleming,  daughter  of  Malcolm,  third  Lord 
Fleming.11  They  were  usually  knoAvn  to  their  own  time,  he  as  "Lithington"  or 
"  Secretar,"  she  as  "  Marie  Fleming,"  with  the  description  of  his  "  spouse  "  or 
"  relict,"  or  of  "  Lady  Lithington." 

In  the  same  year  he  obtained  from  the  prioress  and  convent  of  Haddington 
Abbey  a  disposition  of  the  greatest  part  of  their  lands1'  in  the  Haddington 
district,  which  was  then  a  "  constabularic  "  under  the  Sheriff  of  Edinburgh,  not 
yet  a  county. 

William  Maitland  and  Mary  Fleming  had  children,  at  least  two,  probably 
more. 

In  these  circumstances  the  second  document  described  by  Mr.  Almack  was 
drawn  up  and  executed  thus  : — 

Be  It  Kcnd  till  all  men  be  yir  prescntis  Me  William  Maitlancl  youngar  of  lethingtoun  Secretar  &c. 
Forsamekle  as  I  liaif  infeft  my  sone  James  Maitland  gottin  betuix  me  and  Marie  fleming  my 
spouse  in  fee  of  all  and  sindry  my  lands  of  ye  steidds  ye  lands  and  mains  of  the  abbay  of 
liadingtoun  and  utliers  quhilks  ar  ye  maist  part  of  my  lands  &  heritages  without  ony  infeftment 
of  liferent  nor  yit  of  ye  just  tercc  reservit  yairof  to  ye  said  Marie  my  spouse  bot  done  be  me  in 
liir  manifest  defraude  and  prejudice  of  ye  samyn  And  now  movit  of  very  conscience  for  yc  trow 
affectioun  and  gud  will  I  beir  towards  ye  said  Marie  my  spouse  &  for  contentatiouu  of  hir  terce 
of  ye  lands  foirsaids  Me  thairfoir  to  be  bundin  and  obleist  and  be  ye  tenour  heirof  binds  and 
oblissis  me  my  airs  and  assignis  To  infeft  ye  said  Marie  my  spouse  be  charter  &  saising  iu 
competent  and  dew  forme  in  liferent  for  all  ye  dayis  of  hir  lifetyme  in  all  and  sindry  my  lands 
of  baikbie  with  ye  houssis  maneir  places  mansioun  yairds  yairof  and  ye  pertinentis  Hand  within 
ye  shrefdomc  of  edinburgh  within  ye  constabularie  of  liadingtoun  To  be  haldin  be  ye  said  Marie 
my  spouse  in  liferent  as  said  is  of  me  my  airs  and  assignis  in  frc  blanche  ferme  for  payment  of 
ane  penny  gif  it  be  askit  alanerly  And  to  ye  prioress  of  ye  abbay  of  hadingtoun  and  convent  of 
ye  samyn  and  yair  successors  superiors  of  ye  saids  lands  of  baikbie  formes  dewties  and  uthers 
deuoris  and  seruices  audit  and  wont  of  ye  saids  lands  with  yair  pertinentis  conteint  in  ye  charter 

»  Douglas  and  Wood's  Peerage  of  Scotland  (1813),  vol.  ii.  "  Lauderdale,"  p.  68. 
b  Archceol.  Scot.  vol.  i.  Edinb.  1792,  p.  64. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mart/  Queen  of  Scots.  247 

of  few  ferme  maid  bo  ye  said  prioress  &  convent  to  me  yairof  And  with  warrandice  as  offers 
and  specialie  fra  all  utlier  infeftments  priuie  saisings  coniunictf'ees  liferents  ladyis  tcrces 
alienationis  foirfaltoure  purprestoure  evictioun  and  uthers  daingcr  or  perell  bigane  or  to  cum 
And  for  sufficient  infeftment  to  be  haid  of  ye  saids  lands  to  ye  said  Marie  my  spous  in  lifcrent  for 
all  ye  dayis  of  hir  lifetyme  as  said  is  I  bind  and  obliss  me  my  airs  and  assignis  to  mak  feu 
subscryve  &  deliuer  ane  charter  of  ye  saids  lands  with  yair  pertinentis  in  clew  and  competent 
forme  to  be  haldin  in  maner  foirsaid  with  sufficient  infeftment  to  follow  yairupone  Togiddcr 
with  ye  charter  of  confirmation!!  of  ye  said  prioress  and  convent  of  ye  abbay  of  hadingtoun 
superiors  of  ye  saids  lands  of  baikbie  or  uthers  superiors  yairof  quhatsumeuir  with  all  and  sinclry 
uther  evidents  and  ryts  quhilks  belangs  to  ye  said  Marie  to  haif  for  hir  full  securitie  of  ye  saids  lands 
And  yat  to  be  maid  upone  myne  my  airs  and  assignis  foirsaids  expensis  all  fraudc  gyle  or 
cxceptioun  of  law  secludit  and  away  put  quhilk  for  me  my  airs  and  assignis  I  aluterly  rcnunce 
And  yis  present  obligatioun  to  be  renewit  be  me  my  airs  and  assignis  to  ye  said  Marie  sa  ofte  as 
scho  pleissis  andextendit  in  ye  maist  ample  and  securest  form  for  hir  securitio  of  ye  saids  lands  of 
baikbie  with  ye  pertinentis  as  scho  sail  pleis  to  clevis  In  witnes  heirof  To  yis  present  obligatioun 
subscryvit  with  my  hand  my  seill  is  affixit  At  Ledingtoun  the  saxt  day  of  Aprill  the  yeir  of 
god  IM  vc  thre  scoir  and  ten  yeirs  Befoir  yir  witnes  Maister  thomas  Maitland  my  brother 
germane  Richard  Knovvis  &  Robert  Kempt  my  servitors  with  uthers  diverss. 


(L.s.r 


The  document  is  a  bond  and  obligation  of  the  husband  to  infeft  his  wife  with 
a  liferent  in  certain  of  his  lands, — a  voluntary  post-nuptial  settlement.  Being 
in  her  favour  without  interposition  of  a  trustee,  it  was  doubtless  delivered  to  her 
at  once  and  retained  by  her  to  her  death. 

Her  enjoyment  of  the  liferent  was  soon  rudely  interrupted.  The  Earl  of 
Lennox,  elected  Regent  in  July  1570,  soon  afterwards  proclaimed  Maitlaud  a 
traitor,  deprived  him  of  the  office  of  Secretary,  and  seized  his  lands.  The  Regent's 
Parliament  held  in  the  Canongate  on  the  14th  of  May,  1571,  attainted  him,  and 
his  lands  were  granted  out,  in  spite  of  his  previous  dispositions  thereof  to  his  wife 
and  children.  In  1572  the  Earl  of  Mar,  then  Regent,  negotiated  with  him  and 
the  party  with  which  he  was  connected,  but  no  treaty  was  concluded.  On  the 
surrender  of  Edinburgh  Castle  by  his  party  on  the  29th  of  May,  1573,  he  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Earl  of  Morton,  then  Regent,  and  died  suddenly  on  the  9th 
of  June  following ; — whether  by  poison  or  otherwise,  whether  by  his  own  or  another 
hand,  are  matters  of  historical  controversy. 

a  The  "  scill "  is  too  imperfect  for  representation  in  figure. 


248  Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 

Mary  Fleming,  in  a  letter  written  on  the  21st  of  June,  1573,  from  Edinburgh 
to  Lord  Burleigh,"  requests  "that  the  Queen's  Majestic,  your  sovereign,  may  by 
your  means  be  moved  to  write  to  my  Lord  Regent  of  Scotland,  that  the  body  of 
my  husband,  which,  when  alive,  has  not  been  spared  in  her  hieness  service,  may 
now  after  his  death  receive  no  shame  or  ignominy,  and  that  his  heritage  taken 
from  him  during  bis  lifetime,  now  belonging  to  me  and  his  children,  that  have  not 
offended,  by  a  disposition  made  a  long  time  ago,  may  be  restored." 

The  bond  under  consideration,  and  the  irifeftment  to  the  infant,  James  Mait- 
land,  which  is  "  narrated "  therein,  were  doubtless  parts  of  the  "  disposition " 
referred  to  in  Mary  Fleming's  letter. 

Her  attempts  to  influence  the  government  of  Scotland  in  favour  of  herself  and 
her  children  were  for  a  long  time  fruitless.  The  "  escheit  of  umquhile  Williame 
Maitland,  sumtyme  of  Lethingtoun,  efter  his  foirfaltour,"  was  dealt  with  by 
Parliament  in  1578;  the  "disheresing  of  the  postcritie"  of  Darnley's  murderers, 
among  whom,  he  is  reckoned  by  name,  was  ordained  by  Parliament  in  1579.  But 
in  1584  came  from  the  same  authority  a  "  Pacificatioun  to  Marie  Flemyng  and 
hir  bairnis,"  and  a  "  Eeuocatioun  of  the  landis  pertening  to  umquhile  William 
Maitland.  of  Lethingtoun,  youngar,"  and  then  an  order  of  Privy  Council,  and  an 
instrument  under  the  Great  Seal,1'  restoring  citizenship  and  lands  to  the  widow 
and  children. 

I  have  not  met  with  the  date  of  Mary  Fleming's  death.  On  that  event  the 
bond  ceased  to  be  a  muniment  of  title,  but  deservedly  obtained  a  place  among 
documents  illustrative  of  Maitland  history. 


The  two  documents  represented  and  illustrated  in  the  foregoing  communi- 
cation may  be  taken,  apart  from  their  historical  interest,  as  authentic  and  fair 
specimens  of  the  language,  epistolary  and  legal,  of  the  Scottish  Lowlands  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

a  Brit.  Mus.  Cott.  MS.  Calig.  c.  iv.  102,  printed  in  Chalmers's  Life  of  Secretary  Maitland,  which  is 
annexed  to  his  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  1818,  vol.  ii.  2nd  ed.  1822,  vol.  iii. 

b  Acts  of  Parl.  of  Scotland  (1814),  iii.  Ill,  137,  313,  321 ;  Reg.  of  Privy  Council  of  Scotland 
(1880),  iii.  632  ;  Douglas  and  Wood's  Peerage  of  Scotland,  uli  supra. 


XV. — The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves.     Communicated  by  the 
REV.  WILLIAM  DUNN  MACRAY,  M.A.  P.S.A. 


Ecad  Jan.  29,  1880. 


When,  in  words  which  were  prompted  by  others,  Queen  Anne  of  Cleves  had 
declared,  upon  receiving  the  report  of  Convocation  against  the  validity  of  her 
marriage  with  Henry  VIII.  that  she  at  once  accepted  and  approved  their  sentence, 
although  she  also  declared  that  her  case  was  a  very  hard  and  sorrowful  one  from  the 
great  love  which  she  bore  to  the  king;  and  when,  further,  she  had  written  (under 
similar  dictation)  to  her  brother  to  announce  this  her  acquiescence,  and  to  assure 
him  that  the  divorce  need  not  cause  any  cessation  of  friendship  between  him  and 
the  sovereign  who  now  called  her  "  sister  "  instead  of  "  wife  ;"  it  was  no  wonder 
that  the  separation  appeared  to  excite  little  attention  or  sympathy  cither  at 
home  or  abroad.  The  happy  temper  of  equanimity  which  enabled  Anne  to  bear 
her  lot  so  calmly,  with  such  fortunate  results  of  peace  and  comfort  for  herself  to 
the  end  of  her  days,  prevented  the  arousing  of  any  such  interest  as  might  have 
been  wakened  had  she  made  some  passionate  appeal  to  her  countrymen  and 
friends,  or  refused  to  lay  down  at  the  king's  bidding  the  rank  to  which  he  had 
called  her.  Only  once  (as  it  was  supposed)  when,  in  a  short  year  and  a  half  after 
the  divorce,  her  successor  was  in  the  Tower  awaiting  her  own  condemnation,  was 
there  any  step  taken  to  urge  the  claims  of  Anne ;  and  we  may  well  believe  that 
the  then  abortive  negotiation  of  her  brother's  ambassador,  who  in  December  1541 
sought  to  enlist  the  sympathies  of  Cranmer  and  of  the  Earl  of  Southampton  in 
her  behalf,  was  one  which  had  hardly  been  undertaken  with  her  knowledge  and 
approval  at  a  time  when  the  perils  of  royal  wifehood  were  being  so  evidently 
demonstrated. 

it  Iff  VOL.  XL VII.  2  M 


250  The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

But  in  the  Minutes  of  the  Privy  Council,  under  the  date  of  29  January,  in  the 
following  year,  1542,  there  is  an  entry  which  seems  to  have  been  hitherto  entirely 
overlooked,  and  which  points  to  some  public  appeal  then  newly  made  on  her  be- 
half : — "  Letters  were  receyvede  from  Mr.  William  Pagett,  the  King's  Highnes 
embassadour  in  Fraunce,  with  the  copie  off  a  declamation  made  in  Fraunce  in 
the  name  of  the  Lady  Anne  of  Cleves."  No  more  is  added,  but  it  appears  that 
this  excited  some  alarm  and  uneasiness,  and  that  the  ambassador  was  at  once 
directed  to  apply  to  the  French  King  for  the  suppression  of  the  obnoxious  book. 
For,  on  26  February,  Paget  writes  to  his  royal  master  from  Paris  a  that,  in  pur- 
suance of  the  letter  from  the  Council  in  respect  to  his  proceedings  with  the 
French  King  touching  the  book  whereof  he  had  lately  sent  a  copy,  he  had  had 
an  interview  with  Francis,  wherein,  in  reply  to  an  enquiry,  "  What  news  out  of 
England?"  he  had  said  that  he  had  none  but  what  he  had  learned  in  France 
itself,  having  there  heard  tell  of  a  book  made  in  French,  in  the  Lady  Anne  of 
Cleves'  name,  wherein  the  author  very  slanderously  and  unjustly  seemed  to  touch 
the  King's  honour,  and  therefore  he  desired  that  some  order  might  be  taken  for 
the  stay  and  calling  in  of  the  same.  "  What  booke  is  it?  (quod  the  Kyng).  Who 
made  it  ?  Is  it  printed  ?"  "A  very  folishe  booke,  Sir  (quod  I)  made  by  Monsr 
Dyvry,  Conte  Bryan's  brother ;  I  am  in  doubte  whether  it  be  printed  or  no." 
"  Mary  (quod  the  Kyng)  I  will  set  staye  for  the  printyng  of  it  incontinent,  and 
also  take  ordre  for  the  recoverey  of  so  many  copies  as  be  out  of  them."  "  Sir, 
(quod  I)  thenne  shal  your  Highnes  doo  according  to  thamitie  betwene  the  Kinges 
Majestic  my  maister  and  you."  "  Jesus !  (quod  the  Kyng)  what  ment  he  to 
make  it  ?  I  thinke  veryly  the  Duke  of  Cleves  knoweth  not  of  it."  "  If  he  did 
(quod  I)  il  a  tort,  considering  the  goodnes  the  Kinges  Majestic  my  maister  hath 
shewed  to  him  and  his."  "  No,  surely  (quod  he),  he  knoweth  not  of  it,  for  it 
wer  a  folie  of  him,  and  specially  now  at  this  tyme  ;  for  men's  affections  do  alter, 
and  the  Lady  Anne  is  yet  of  age  to  bear  childern ;  and  albeit  the  winde  hath 
bene  contrarie,  it  may  fortune  to  turne."  "  Sir  (quod  I)  of  thinges  to  cum 
touching  that  parte  I  knowe  not,  but  of  thinges  that  be  passed  therin  I  am 
assured  my  maister  hath  done  nothing  that  hath  bene  dissonant  eyther  from 
God's  lawe,  man's  lawe,  reason  or  honestie  ;  and  I  thinke  your  Highnes  thinketh 
the  same."  "  Who,  I  ?  (quod  he)  in  faith  I  never  thought  otherwise,  sythens  I 
was  furst  enformed  of  the  matier,  and  so  I  thinke  still,  and  spake  it  not  for  no 
such  purpose,  for  I  knowe  my  good  brother  is  a  Prince  of  great  wisedome  and 

a  State  Papers,  Hen.  VIII.  part  v.  p.  660. 


The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves.  251 

experience,  and  knovveth  what  he  hath  to  do  well  ynough  in  these  thinges,  and 
no  man  lyving  wissheth  him  better  thenne  I,  and  fayne  woold  I  that  our  amitie, 
albeit  it  be  great,  were  yett  greater." 

The  book,  of  which  Paget  thus  seems  to  have  forwarded  to  England  only  a 
manuscript  copy,  as  one  out  of  many  which  he  believed  were  in  circulation,  was, 
however,  actually  printed ;  but  whether  before  or  after  his  application  for  its 
suppression  does  not  appear.  And  printed  not  only  once,  but  twice ;  and  not 
surreptitiously  and  in  secret,  but  with  the  names  of  the  printers,  although  with- 
out a  date.  And  from  France  it  passed  into  Italy,  and  there,  after  Henry's  death, 
in  1558,  appeared  at  Bologna  clothed  in  an  Italian  version  by  one  "  Cap.  Gio. 
Battista  dei  Grillandari,"  a  Florentine,  who  dedicated  his  translation  to  Lucretia 
of  Este.  But,  strange  to  say,  no  mention  has  ever  been  made  by  any  English 
writer  who  has  treated  of  the  history  of  the  time,  of  this  attempt  to  enlist  the 
sympathy  of  Europe  in  Anne's  favour,  and  the  passages  in  the  records  of  the 
Privy  Council  and  in  the  State  Papers  have  either  altogether  escaped  notice,  or 
have  been  passed  over  as  referring  to  some  ephemeral  and  lost  production, 
respecting  which  inquiry  would  be  vain.  But  whatever  was  the  "  order  "  taken 
by  Francis  I.  for  its  suppression,  the  book  still  exists,  and  well  deserves  notice. 
In  its  very  title,  however,  there  is  a  strange  error,  which  may  partly  account  for 
the  general  ignorance  of  it.  The  Title  runs  as  follows :  Loraison  ct  llcmon- 

o  o 

strance  de  haulte  et  puissante  Dame  ma  dame  Marie  de  Cleves,  sceur  de  treshuult 
et  puissant  Seigneur,  le  Due  de  Jnillicrs,  de  Cleves,  et  de  Gueldrcs  :  Faictc  au 
Roy  d' Anyleterre  et  a  ceulx  de  son  Conseil.  Joannes  a  Luxemburgo  Ill.facicbat. 
That  Anne  is  here  called  by  the  name  of  her  mother,  Mary,  may  possibly  be  one 
of  the  causes  why  inquirers  into  the  history  of  Anne  have  missed  meeting  Avith 
the  book.  The  error  shows  evidently  that  the  author  was  not  inspired  by  the 
supposed  appellant,  and  must  of  itself,  if  found  in  the  copy  sent  to  England, 
have  cleared  her  from  all  suspicion  of  complicity,  which  would  otherwise  have 
certainly  led  to  unpleasant  "  interpellations."  And  the  contrast  between  the 
tone  of  her  supposed  plea  and  the  real  feelings  which  she  personally  exhibited  is 
one  of  complete  and  welcome  inconsistency.  Her  advocate  represents  her  as 
dissolved  in  tears,  overwhelmed  with  sorrow,  contemplating  even  the  possibility 
of  suicide,  resisting  to  the  utmost  the  wrong,  the  dishonour,  the  causeless  injus- 
tice, done  to  her.  But  the  real  fact  was,  as  an  eye-witness,  none  other  than  the 
French  ambassador,  Marillac,  informs  us,  that  "  the  Lady  of  Cleves,  so  far  from 
being  troubled  at  what  has  befallen  her,  appears  as  happy  as  ever  she  was  in  her 

2  M  2 


252  The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

life.  *  *  *  The  Lady  of  Cleves  shows  herself  perfectly  happy.  Her  brother's 
ambassador  tells  me  she  is  in  the  best  spirits  in  the  world." " 

But  what  is  known  of  "Joannes  a  Luxemburg©  III.?"  Who  was  this 
author?  The  very  name  and  description  are  at  first  sight  somewhat  of  a 
puzzle. 

"  John  of  Luxembourg  "  was  the  third  son  of  Charles  of  Luxembourg,  Count 
of  Brienne,  Ligny,  and  Roussy.  In  1525,  at  the  age  of  ten  years,  he  was  elected 
Abbot  of  Ivry,  in  the  diocese  of  Evreux  (whence  it  is  that  he  is  called  "  Mons. 
Dyvry  "  by  Paget),  because,  the  monastery  being  poor  and  ruinous,  the  monks 
were  desirous  to  secure  as  their  head  a  member  of  such  a  wealthy  and  powerful 
house  as  that  of  Brienne ;  and  Pope  Clement  VII.  confirmed  the  election,  on 
condition  that  a  third  part  of  the  revenues  of  the  monastery  should  be  employed 
upon  repairs,  upon  the  purchase  of  sacred  ornaments,  and  upon  the  support  of 
the  poor,  and  that  the  Prior  should  have  the  management  of  the  house  until  the 
boy-Abbot  should  reach  the  mature  age  of  eighteen.  At  the  time  of  the  publica- 
tion of  our  book  he  had  become  Bishop  of  Pamiers,  and  it  is  to  this  that  the 
numeral  "  III."  on  his  title-page  makes  reference ;  amongst  the  possessors  of 
that  see  he  was  "  John  the  Third."  He  had  been  appointed  administrator  of  the 
diocese  in  1540,  when  only  twenty-five  years  of  age ;  but  it  would  seem  by  his 
style  that  he  must  have  been  consecrated  previously  to  the  printing  of  the  book, 
in  which  case,  if  it  were  printed  before  1545,  his  minority  in  age  must  again 
have  been  dispensed  with.  He  died  in  1548  at  Avignon,  and  was  there  buried. 
His  appeal  on  behalf  of  the  divorced  queen  may  possibly  have  been  first  written 
in  1540,  when  the  separation  was  under  discussion,  but  not  put  to  the  press 
at  any  rate  until  the  close  of  1541,  when  her  brother  was  entertaining 
the  hope  of  her  possible  restoration,  but  probably  some  years  later.  It  was 
printed,  as  its  colophon  tells,  "  a  la  Rivou  par  Maistre  Nicole  Paris,  maistre 
cs  arts,  tres  humble  et  obeissant  Serviteur  &  Imprimeur  de  hault  et  puissant 
Seigneur,  Messire  Jean  de  Luxembourg.""  For  the  young  and  lordly  Bishop 
of  Pamiers  was  a  man  of  learning  and  literature,  as  well  as  of  taste  and 
eloquence ;  and,  in  his  zeal  for  the  advancement  of  the  studies  which 
he  loved,  he  brought  from  Troyes  and  employed  within  cloistered  walls 

a  Notes  to  Fronde's  edition  of  Thomas'  Pilgrim,  8vo.  Lond.  18G1,  pp.  154,  155. 

b  Brunet  (Manuel  du  Libraire),  who  speaks  of  the  book  as  being  very  rare,  supposes  that  it  was 
printed  about  1545,  because  a  Troyes  book  bears  the  name  of  Nicolas  Paris  as  its  printer  in  that  city  in 
1544.  But  the  monastery  of  "  la  Rivou "  and  the  city  were  near  enough  to  have  admitted  of  his 
superintending  presses  at  the  two  places  simultaneously. 


The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves.  253 

Master  Nicolas  Paris,  a  scholar  of  academic  degree,  as  his  own  private  printer. 
To  his  abhacy  of  Ivry  Bishop  John  III.  added  that  of  the  Cistercian  house  of 
La  Rivour,  or  1'Arrivour,  situated  in  the  village  of  Lusigny,  some  nine  or  ten 
miles  from  Troyes  ;  and  hence  it  is  that  the  imprint  of  his  book  bears  the 
name  of  a  place  almost  unknown  in  typographical  geography,  "La  Hivou."  a  In 
1547,  the  year  before  his  patron's  death,  Master  Nicolas  printed  here  an  edition 
of  Bude's  treatise,  Institution  du  Prince,  with  notes  and  other  matter  added  by 
the  Abbot,  in  which  the  book  is  described  as  "  imprime  a  1'Arrivour,  abbaye  du 
diet  Seigneur."  The  original  edition  of  the  book  with  which  we  are  now  con- 
cerned is  a  small  quarto  of  fifty-three  pages  ;  and  it  was  reprinted  at  Paris  itself, 
with  the  same  title,  renewing  the  same  mistake  in  the  name  of  "  Marie,"  by  one 
Arnoul  1'Angelier,  in  a  small  16mo  volume,  also  without  date. 

"What  the  motive  can  have  been  which  induced  a  Roman  Catholic  Bishop 
thus  to  enter  the  lists  as  the  sole  champion  of  a  Lutheran  princess,  at  whose 
downfall  all  those  of  his  own  faith  in  England  had  rejoiced,  can  only  be  con- 
jectured. There  is  no  apparent  evidence  of  any  family  friendship  or  alliance 
between  the  houses  of  the  Counts  of  Brienne  and  the  Dukes  of  Cleves  ;  and  the 
fact  of  the  mistake  as  to  Anne's  Christian  name  seems  to  show  that  the  writer  had 
no  personal  acquaintance  with  the  lady  whose  cause  he  advocated.  Is  it  not  possible 
that  the  tract  was  really  written  with  the  subtle  idea  of  provoking  a  quarrel 
between  the  English  "  Defender  of  the  Faith,"  and  the  prince  who  was  one  of  th^ 
leaders  of  the  German  heretics,  of  irritating  the  former,  as  it  indeed  succeeded 
in  doing,  and  of  rousing  in  the  breasts  of  the  Lutherans  a  strong  sense  of  the 
wrong  that  had  been  done,  not  merely  to  an  individual  but  to  them  and  to  their 
cause  as  well,  in  the  expulsion  from  the  English  throne  of  one  who  would  have 
favoured  their  movements,  and  in  the  substitution  of  a  devoted  adherent  of  the 
older  form  of  faith  ?  If  written,  as  its  whole  construction  and  argument  imply, 
when  the  proposed  separation  was  yet  under  discussion,  and  if  written  then  with 
the  hope  of  so  exasperating  Henry  at  the  appearance  of  foreign  interference  as  tr 
preclude  the-  chance  of  a  reconciliation,  it  may  have  been  laid  aside  when  the 

0  The  name  is  found  indeed  in  the  second  volume,  or  supplement,  of  Dr.  Cotton's  Typographical 
Gazetteer,  but  the  learned  archdeacon  was  ignorant  of  the  real  locality.  In  two,  at  least,  of  the  great 
English  monasteries.  St.  Alban's  and  Tavistock,  the  art  of  printing  was  early  practised  ;  but  such  instances 
were  rare,  and  to  find  it  established  in  so  obscure  a  house  as  was  La  Rivour  is  no  small  proof  of  the 
Abbot's  love  for  learning  and  the  arts.  It  is  duly  entered  in  P[ierre]  D[eschamps']  Dictionnaire  de 
Geographie  a  Fusage  du  libraire;  supplement  au  Manuel  du  Libraire,  1870,  under  its  Latin  form  of  " Ripa- 
torium,"  but  the  title  of  our  book  is  incorrectly  given  as  Oraison  fttnebre  de  Marie  de  Cleves. 


254  The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

rapid  progress  of  events  plainly  made  its  publication  unnecessary,  and  may  have 
been  at  last  brought  to  light  only  when  the  embassy  of  the  Duke  of  Cleves  in 
December  1541,  renewed  the  fears  of  his  sister's  possible  restoration,  and  made 
this  display  of  zealous  championship  from  an  unexpected  quarter  come  in  at  a 
very  opportune  season  for  thwarting  what  it  professed  to  advocate.  Such  a  con- 
jecture appears  sufficiently  to  account  for  the  phenomena  of  the  authorship  of  the 
tract,  of  its  open  publication  not  merely  in  a  province  bxit  in  Paris  itself,  despite 
the  French  King's  professed  intention  to  prohibit  and  suppress  it,  and  for  the  fact 
that  those  who  noticed  it  did  not  regard  it  as  in  any  way  proceeding  from,  or 
being  authorised  by,  the  Lady  Anne  herself.  If  this  conjecture  as  to  the  date  of 
publication  be  erroneous,  it  may  then  be  that,  while  written  with  the  same  sup- 
posed motive  and  intended  for  publication  at  that  time,  the  interference  of  the 
English  ambassador  and  the  consequent  action  of  Francis  I.  may  have  hindered 
its  publication  until  both  the  English  and  French  kings  had  been  removed  by  death 
in  1547,  and  that  its  appearance  then  was  due  simply  to  its  literary  merit,  or  to  its 
author's  idea  of  its  merit,  and  not  to  any  deep  theologico-political  design. 

But  it  is  time  to  proceed  to  give  some  account,  in  an  abridged  abstract,  of  the 
contents  of  the  tract.  It  is  written  under  the  form  of  a  personal  appeal  from 
Anne  herself,  and  this  character  is  sustained  throughout  with  all  appearance  of 
naturalness,  with  great  spirit  and  with  occasional  touches  of  real  eloquence.  The 
tone  is  tender  and  feminine ;  the  learning  which  it  occasionally  parades  such  as 
might  have  been  affected  in  compliment  to  Henry  himself,  although,  certainly, 
there  is  no  evidence  that  in  this  respect  any  more  than  in  others  Anne  was  suited 
to  his  taste;  the  flattery  as  gross  as  was  customary,  although  beneath  it  all  there 
are  sharp  insinuations  and  reproaches  which  must  have  nettled  the  touchy 
monarch  not  a  little. 

The  appeal,  directly  addressed  to  the  King,  begins  by  the  Queen's  declaring 
to  him  that  '  if  tears  and  grief  could  remedy  her  misfortunes,  she  would  not  fail  to 
employ  them  for  the  recovery  of  the  goodwill  which  he  ought  to  bear  to  her,  see- 
ing that  she  is  a  helpless  stranger,  who  has  left  her  native  land,  and  the  parents 
who  so  delicately  nourished  her,  and  the  servants  who  loved  and  honoured  her 
and  who  still  regret  her  departure.  But  since  she  knows  that  great  kings  have 
always  those  beside  them  who  represent  their  every  wish  as  lawful,  she  has  no 
hope  except  in  his  own  goodness  and  equity ;  his  own  knowledge  and  sound 
judgment  are  her  best  defence,  and  if  these  fail,  the  eloquence  of  the  greatest 
orator  in  the  world  would  only  render  her  very  blameable  in  pretending  to  speak 
against  what  he  might  please  to  do.  If  those  who  trust  in  virtue  can  never  be 


The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves.  255 

deceived  of  their  hope,  she  then,  in  betaking  herself  to  his  virtues,  which  are  so 
numerous,  cannot  possibly  despair  of  safety ;  but,  nevertheless,  as  all  her  love  is 
for  him  alone  (not  for  his  riches  or  possessions),  she  only  desires  that  his  pleasure 
may  be  done.  As  for  the  questions  whether,  having  espoused  her  first  by 
ambassadors  whom  he  had  commissioned,  and  then,  after  contracts  duly  ratified, 
having  espoused  her  himself  with  the  solemnities  of  the  Church,  he  can  now 
repudiate  and  leave  her,  she  will  not  make  her  rights  an  occasion  of  quarrel  with 
one  whom  she  only  desires  to  honour  and  serve.  If  love  makes  her  too  passionate 
in  the  course  of  her  speech,  he  must  only  blame  himself  who  has  made  so  lively 
an  impression  upon  her.  If  she  were  to  tell  all  the  reasons  for  the  affection 
which  she  bears  to  him,  whom  she  chose  in  preference  to  many  great  princes  and 
lords  who  courted  her,  then  all  the  great  ladies  in  Europe  would  be  glad  at  her 
trouble,  in  the  hope  of  arriving  themselves  at  that  happiness  which  she  thought 
would  have  been  her  for  life,  and  for  which,  if  regained,  they  will  envy  her. 

'  The  honour  with  which  she  was  at  first  received,  the  rich  apparel  with  which 
he  desired  her  to  be  arrayed,  the  letters  written  by  his  own  hand  Avhich  his 
ambassadors  delivered,  all  these  she  recals  to  his  remembrance.  But  she  would 
rather  never  have  lived  than  that  on  her  account  it  should  hereafter  be  said  that 
his  faith  (so  holy  and  inviolable),  his  constancy  (honoured  by  all  the  kings  in 
Europe)  and  his  good  judgment  (which  can  direct  others  so  well  and  worthily) 
had  all  been  contaminated  and  defiled  by  the  bad  treatment,  the  wrong  and  the 
injury,  exhibited  by  him  to  her.'  She  then  turns  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council, 
and  appeals  to  them  to  speak  the  truth  to  their  Prince  without  fear  or  favour  of 
either  side,  or  regard  to  any  inconvenient  results ;  and  undertakes  to  prove  to 
them  very  easily  that  alike  by  the  old  Law,  by  their  Christian  profession,  and  even 
by  the  rights  recognised  amongst  Pagans,  the  King  cannot  justly  leave  her. 
Hereupon  she  goes  back  to  the  first  institution  of  marriage  at  the  Creation  and  to 
its  divine  sanctions.  '  Its  validity  depends  upon  the  mutual  consent  of  the  parties, 
stamped  with  the  approval  of  the  Church ;  and  this  consent  the  King  cannot 
deny  that  he  gave.  Is  she  now,  in  return  for  her  plighted  troth,  to  be  robbed  of 
honour  and  covered  with  shame  ?  Will  it  be  any  credit  to  him  that  people 
should  say  that  after  he  had  sent  for  the  sister  of  the  Duke  of  Juliers  as  his  wife, 
he  now  makes  it  a  matter  of  discussion  whether  he  can  leave  her  and  send  her 
back  again  ?  Who  in  the  whole  world  will  be  found  so  shameless  and  devoid  of 
sense,  who  so  deficient  in  reason  and  the  knowledge  of  justice,  as  to  maintain 
that  by  divine,  or  human,  or  natural  law,  the  King  can  do  it  lawfully  ?  True, 
among  those  ancients  who  had  no  knowledge  of  God,  repudiation  was  allowed ; 


256  The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

but  that  law  has  no  force  now.  He  has  no  just  occasion  of  complaint  against 
her,  unless  it  be  that  she  is  entirely  devoted  to  him  and  bears  him  the  greatest 
goodwill,  and  therefore  will  not  permit  a  separation.  If  this  be  an  inexpiable 
offence,  then  let  her  life  pay  for  it. 

'  But  some  one  may  say,  "  Wives  are  given  to  men  to  obey  them  and  to  do 
what  they  choose  to  order, ;  if  then  the  King  chooses  to  leave  you  and  take 
another,  ought  you  to  go  contrary  to  his  will  ?"  There  is  some  force  in  this ;  but 
then  unjust  orders  have  no  validity,  and  they  who  obey  another's  vices  them- 
selves commit  an  offence,  being  the  rather  bound  to  remonstrate.  If  the  King 
were  to  order  her  not  to  love  him,  obedience  would  be  simply  impossible.'  Here- 
upon, the  writer  breaks  out  into  an  apostrophe  to  Love,  in  which  Love  is  im- 
plored to  answer  on  her  behalf  to  whatever  may  be  said  against  her.  '  If  it  be 
said  that  she  is  not  so  personally  attractive  in  the  King's  eyes  as  he  desired  to 
find  her,  let  it  be  replied  that  she  did  not  seek  the  King  but  he  sought  her ;  it 
was  at  his  earnest  solicitation  that  she  obeyed  the  commands  of  her  relatives. 
And  if  she  does  not  possess  so  much  of  that  external  beauty  which  consists  in  a 
certain  proportion  and  harmony  of  the  body  as  many  other  women  (while  yet 
there  are  very  many  who  in  that  respect  have  not  so  much  reason  to  be  contented 
as  she  has),  let  it  be  represented  that  such  changeable  beauty  of  the  body  is  the 
least  of  the  perfections  which  one  can  have ;  that  the  true,  divine,  and  permanent 
beauty  is  that  of  the  soul ;  and  that  it  should  be  enough  if  a  wife  bring  to  her 
husband's  house  well-regulated  temperance  in  all  things,  and  a  sure  and  perpetual 
chastity,  together  with  the  goodwill  and  affection  which  she  ought  to  bear  him.' 

Now  follows  a  sharp  sketch  of  the  opinions  expressed  abroad  about  Henry, 
which  with  its  pungent  plainness  of  speech,  none  the  less  plain  for  being  exhi- 
bited under  the  form  of  profuse  flattery,  must  have  touched  him  to  the  quick. 

'  She  must  own  that  many  of  her  relations  and  friends  had  tried  to  prove  her 
constancy  before  her  marriage  by  speaking  evil  of  him,  and  so  to  divert  her  from 
her  purpose.  But  she  took  their  interference  in  ill  part.  When,  for  instance,  some 
asked  her  if  she  thought  she  could  endure  the  tempers  of,  and  live  comfortably 
with,  a  King  who  was  suspected  of  having  already  treated  three  wives  very  badly, 
she  answered  them  as  best  she  could,  according  to  what  she  understood  the 
actual  truth  to  be ;  saying,  that  one  of  them  had  been  abandoned  with  very  great 
regret,  as  everybody  knew,  only  to  satisfy  his  conscience  because  he  preferred  the 
depriving  himself  of  his  greatest  delights  to  the  offending  God ;  that  the  second 
had  been  punished  for  her  gross  misconduct,  as  justice,  reason,  and  equity  allowed, 
and  that  as  for  the  third,  the  saying  that  she  had  been  ill  treated  by  him  was 


The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves.  257 

indeed  an  ill  saying,  for  never  had  wife  had  greater  reason  to  felicitate  herself 
with  her  husband,  and  that  her  death  had  happened  only  after  giving  birth  (to 
the  great  joy  of  the  whole  English  nation)  to  a  very  fine  son  who,  it  was  thought, 
would  succeed  not  only  to  his  father's  inheritance  but  to  his  great  virtues.  Then 
another  had  asked  her  (in  order  to  put  her  in  a  passion,  or  try  her  patience)  how 
sbe  would  bear  the  King's  humours,  which,  as  the  questioner  said,  were  too 
difficult  for  her  or  anybody  else  to  understand,  and  what  remedy  she  would 
employ  if  he  were  to  love  some  other  lady,  or  how  she  would  hear  it  if  he  were  to 
prove  jealous.  But  she  quickly  satisfied  the  querist  with  the  assurance,  that  she 
would  be  so  entirely  obedient  to  the  King's  humour  as  that  everything  which  he 
wished  should  please  her,  and  that  her  only  happiness  in  the  world  would  be  to 
esteem  everything  that  he  liked  ;  that  to  gain  his  love  she  would  become  like  the 
fabled  Proteus,  and  change  herself  into  all  forms,  so  that  by  becoming  entirely 
conformed  to  his  desires  it  could  not  fail  hut  that  she  should  he  far  more  agree- 
able to  him  than  any  of  those  whose  company  he  might  (with  scandal  and  sin) 
desire  to  use.  She  knows  indeed  that  men  are  given  to  women  to  he  their  lords 
and  masters,  and  that  a  greater  license  in  pleasure  is  allowed  to  them,  and  that 
human  laws  do  not  enjoin  upon  them  like  continence  and  equal  chastity  with 
women.  Men  have  the  management  of  great  and  difficult  affairs,  they  have  to 
provide  for  all  the  political  necessities  of  nations  and  for  the  welfare  of  subjects ; 
but  women  have  but  to  observe  the  one  law  of  honour,  and  to  make  their  hus- 
bands' wish  their  good.  They  ought  never  to  give  any  one  the  opportunity 
of  speaking  ill  of  them ;  lest  it  should  happen  to  them  as  it  did  to  Ilcrmione, 
the  wife  of  the  King  of  Thebes,"  of  whom  Euripides  speaks  in  his  tragedies,  Avhere 
she  laments  that  she  had  ever  been  so  foolish  as  to  believe  those  who  detracted 
from  the  praises  of  her  husband,  her  jealousy  and  easy  credulity  involving  her  in 
no  little  calamity.  But,  seeing  that  it  was  very  difficult  to  satisfy  those  who 
persisted  in  their  endeavours  to  test  her,  she  told  them,  in  order  to  give  them  the 
fullest  assurance  of  her  own  intentions,  that  she  would  be  like  the  prudent 
Emilia,  the  wife  of  Scipio  Africanus,  who  during  his  life  never  evinced  any 
jealousy  or  caused  any  scandal  about  a  slave  whom  he  loved,  and  after  his  death 
honourably  treated  and  provided  for  her,  because  she  thought  it  would  give  plea- 
sure to  his  spirit  in  the  other  world ;  and  who  was  wont  to  say  that  when  men 
exhibited  affection  for  others  than  their  own  wives,  it  was  but  from  some  fleet- 
ing feeling  which  vanished  like  smoke,  and  that,  for  all  that,  love  would  not  at 

a  The  writer  here  appears  to  confound  Hermione,  or  Harmonia,  wife  of  Cadmus,  with  her  later 
namesake. 

VOL.  XL VII.  2  N 


258  The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

all  dimmish,  because  it  can  only  extend  to  things  good  and  praiseworthy,  and  is 
an  enemy  of  all  vice  and  iniquity. 

'  And  when  she  was  asked  how  she  would  bear  it,  supposing,  on  the  other 
hand,  he  were  jealous  of  her,  she  replied  that  she  would  always  show  him  such 
signs  of  affection,  would  be  always  so  near  him  and  make  so  little  count  of  all 
the  world  beside,  that  she  would  reckon  the  time,  the  day,  the  hour,  lost,  in 
which  he  did  not  command  her  willing  service ;  so  that  she  assured  herself  there 
would  be  no  need  for  them  in  England  of  the  temple  dedicated  at  Rome  to  the 
Goddess  Viriplaca,  whither  husbands  and  wives  resorted  when  they  had  fallen 
out  in  order  to  tell  their  several  stories,  and  then  to  be  reconciled  ;  for  she  would 
so  fashion  her  manners  and  life  to  suit  his  nature  that  he  would  hardly  know 
that  she  was  not  his  very  self. 

'  Thus  no  arguments  of  others  prevailed  with  her,  and  those  who  had  been 
careful  to  dispute  with  her  on  the  matter  greatly  applauded  her  reasoning ;  for 
the  affection  which  she  bore  him  made  her  speak  more  ably  than  any  skill  or 
teaching  could  have  enabled  her  to  do.  And  they  said  that  all  that  they  had 
done  had  only  been  with  the  view  of  guarding  against  future  inconveniences, 
and  that  in  thus  doing  they  acted  the  part  of  good  kindred  and  true  friends  and 
wise  advisers.  But  she,  poor  woman  that  she  is,  could  never  have  supposed  for 
an  instant  that  she  could  have  fallen  into  the  sad  condition  in  which  she  is  now, 
a  result  so  unexpected  and  so  contrary  to  the  anticipations  she  had  indulged. 
For  since  the  first  entering  upon  the  treaty  of  marriage,  as  Avell  as  since  the 
time  when  he  first  received  her  kindly  at  his  court,  she  is  not  conscious  of 
having  committed  any  offence  for  which  he  could  justly  say  that  she  deserves 
that  this  question  should  be  brought  forward,  as  it  is  now,  without  any  other 
reason  except  that  he  has  the  power  to  leave  her  and  take  a  new  wife.  No  one 
could  have  foreseen  such  a  misfortune,  for  those  things  which  proceed  from  mere 
arbitrary  whim  and  not  from  reason  must  be  referred  to  what  we  call  chance ; 
and  no  advice  or  forethought  can  provide  against  them.  It  will  be  much  harder 
for  her  now  to  give  him  up,  after  having  had  the  privilege  of  knowing  him  in 
some  small  degree,  than  if  that  privilege  had  never  been  hers.  For  she  has  seen 
that  in  him  there  are  such  perfections  that  were  she  to  reckon  them  up,  she 
would  think  that  she  knew  every  good  thing  and  every  virtue  that  there  is  in  the 
world ;  and  did  she  but  know  them  perfectly  she  would  need  no  other  medicine 
to  remedy  all  her  ills  and  to  minister  entire  comfort.  And  let  him  not  think  that 
in  thus  saying  she  exposes  herself  to  blame  for  flattery.  For  the  love  which  she 
bears  him  cannot  but  be  good  and  true,  whether  it  come  from  the  heavenly  in- 


The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves.  259 

fluences  of  the  planets  under  which  they  were  born,  or  from  the  temperament 
in  which  she  most  nearly  approaches  him,  [!]  or  from  familiarity  with  him,  which 
has  nevertheless  been  too  short  for  forming  a  perfect  judgment  of  his  endowments. 
If  it  be  from  heaven,  then  the  Author  of  all  things  preserves  its  vitality,  and 
disposes  her  to  love  him ;  if  it  be  from  the  close  affinity  of  their  temperaments, 
then  it  is  impossible  that  he,  who  is  the  thing  she  most  desires  in  the  world, 
should  hate  her ;  if  from  the  knowledge  which  she  has  of  his  virtues  and  praise- 
worthy qualities,  these  are  so  great  that  they  cannot  permit  anyone  to  do  her 
injury.  But  should  she  be  deceived  in  her  hope  and  lose  her  rightful  cause  (in 
which,  however,  she  can  never  fail  if  truth  and  justice  remain  in  the  world,  or 
change  not  in  their  name  and  in  their  effect  altogether)  she  will  not  be  the  first 
woman  Avho  has  been  deceived  by  men.  For  it  is  common  with  women  to 
receive  ill  in  return  for  good.  And  so  she  will  have  at  any  rate  that  consolation 
of  the  unfortunate  Avhich  consists  in  thinking  how  many  have  suffered  like  her- 
self, whose  examples  will  teach  her  to  follow  them  in  fortitude  and  constancy. 
She  will  lay  to  heart  the  example  of  those  women  of  India  who,  when  their 
husband  is  dead,  come  weeping  before  the  judges  and  princes  of  their  country, 
declaring  what  cause  they  have  for  grief;  and  she  who  can  prove  that  she  was 
the  most  loved,  and  is  pronounced  so  to  have  been,  then  humbly  thanks  the 
judges,  aud  goes  joyfully,  clad  in  her  best  array,  to  share  her  husband's  funeral 
pile ;  while  the  other  wives  spend  all  the  rest  of  their  days  in  tears,  and  judge 
themselves  unfit  to  be  seen  But  alas !  her  case  is  altogether  different !  She, 
loving  him  too  well  but  not  being  at  all  esteemed  by  him,  can  only  have  her  place 
amongst  the  unhappy  ones  who  have  lost  all  the  fruit  of  their  regard.  But  in 
proving  the  truth  of  woman's  love,  the  only  difficulty  lies  in  choosing-  instances 
out  of  the  multitude  that  occur ;  one  can  find  abundance  of  women  ("  although 
you  men  pretend  that  we  are  faint-hearted  and  fearful  ")  who  have  been  willing  to 
die  for  their  husbands.  For  instance,  Alcestis  the  wife  of  Admetus,  King  of 
The^saly,  suffered  death  in  his  place.  To  this  purpose  also  there  is  an  ancient 
story  of  one  of  Henry's  own  predecessors,  a  King  of  England  named  Robert,  who  in 
a  battle  with  the  Syrians  had  received  a  great  wound  from  a  poisoned  sword. 
After  his  return  to  his  own  country  it  was  judged  by  well-informed  and  ex- 
perienced surgeons  that  the  wound  was  incurable,  unless  perchance  the  poison 
could  be  sucked  out  by  some  one  to  whom  in* that  case  it  would  speedily  prove 
fatal  instead  ;  and  when  the  king  conscientiously  refused  to  allow  anyone  to  be 
put  in  such  danger  he  was  succoured  in  his  necessity  by  his  own  wife,  who 
secretly  in  the  night,  having  removed  the  bandages  from  the  wound  without  his 

2N  2 


260  The"  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

being  aware  of  it,  did  that  which  the  doctors  had  ordered  ;  and,  having  sucked 
out  the  poison,  she  was  found  herself  the  next  day  choked  and  dead. a 

'  This  story  has  given  her  great  comfort,  for  she  believes  that  when  he  knows 
that  her  good-will  is  not  less  than  that  of  which  she  has  thus  made  recital,  he 
will  feel  some  inclination  to  treat  her  well,  and  not  cut  her  off  from  his  society. 
But  if  it  should  be  otherwise,  to  what  an  extremity  will  she  be  reduced  ;  for  what 
can  she  then  do  ?  The  law  forbids  her  doing  violence  to  herself,  to  send  her  soul 
back  to  heaven  whence  it  came ;  yet  she  cannot  live  in  the  world  without  dying 
daily  in  deaths  far  more  cruel  than  words  can  describe.  The  death  of  the  body, 
in  proportion  to  its  violence,  is  the  sooner  over ;  but,  Avhen  the  soul  is  agitated 
with  passion  and  torment,  it,  because  it  is  immortal,  is  the  more  grievously 
afflicted.  Could  it  but  perish  like  the  body,  the  vehemence  of  her  affection 
would,  she  verily  believes,  many  times  already  have  delivered  her  out  of  all  her 
sufferings.  Or,  if  the  Athenian  custom  still  prevailed  of  allowing  persons  to  take 
poison  who  could  show  that  there  was  no  just  cause  for  their  continuing  to  live, 
she  assures  him  and  his  Council  that  she  would  so  order  her  speech  that  he  and 
every  one  who  heard  her  would  say  that  no  person  had  ever  more  reason  to  wish 
to  die  than  she  has.  Tor  what  of  pleasantness  remains  for  her  in  the  world  if 
that  which  formed  the  stay  of  her  life  is  parted  from  her  for  ever  ?  What  hope 
can  she  ever  have  of  comfort,  if  of  that  happy  offspring  which  she  thought  to 
have  had  of  him,  and  which  she  trusted  to  see  stretch,  like  a  beautiful  tree,  its 
branches  even  to  heaven,  the  very  roots  are  torn  up  from  the  earth  by  violence  ? 
if  a  sudden  tempest,  a  sudden  change  of  will,  lay  waste  the  fruits  which  were 

"  This  version  of  the  apocryphal  story  of  Prince  Edward  and  Eleanor  is  interesting,  as  removing  it 
still  further  into  the  region  of  mythical  tradition.  I  have  not  heen  able  to  trace  the  source  from  which 
the  writer  derived  the  name  of  Robert ;  the  story  does  not  appear  among  the  legends  told  of  Robert  le 
Diable  of  Normandy,  neither  was  he  the  sort  of  personage  likely  to  have  inspired  such  tender  affection. 
It  seems  probable,  however,  that,  in  some  form  or  other,  the  narration  (based  upon  some  real  occurrence) 
may  have  obtained  currency  through  the  medium  of  romance,  and  have  been  told  of  different  heroines. 
As  connected  with  Edward  it  first  appears  (as  is  well  known)  in  the  History  of  Spain  by  Rodericus 
Santius,  Bishop  of  Palencia  in  the  latter  half  of  the  fifteenth  century,  who  relates  it  ("  ut  vera  perhibent 
annalia  ")  in  the  fourth  chapter  of  his  first  book,  where  he  is  speaking  of  the  virtues  of  Spanish  women. 
It  was  from  this  source  that  Camden  first  introduced  it  into  English  history.  Sanuto,  the  Venetian 
historian  of  the  Crusades,  who  returned  from  a  fifth  visit  to  the  Holy  Land  in  1306,  only  thirty-five  years 
ufter  Edward's  attempted  assassination,  merely  remarks  about  it  that  he  was  cured  "  with  difficulty;"  and 
the  French  chronicle  ascribed  to  Baudoin  d'Avesnes,  who  died  in  1289,  says  that  he  was  cured  by  the  help 
of  God  and  by  a  certain  stone,  efficacious  against  poison,  which  was  given  him  by  the  Hospitallers  ( Rec. 
des  Hist,  fh  France,  xxi.  178). 


The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves.  261 

already  ripe  and  ready  for  gathering  ? a  What  can  she  do  if  that  beautiful  vessel 
filled  with  choice  flowers  and  carefully  guarded  all  through  the  winter  until  the 
spring  be  broken  up  and  scattered  ?  Would  to  God  she  had  never  known  him, 
and  that  his  virtues  had  consequently  not  become  so  dear  to  her,  or  that  the  day 
of  her  birth  had  been  the  day  of  her  death.  If  grief  ought  to  be  proportioned  to 
the  loss  which  causes  it,  then  her  grief  should  be  infinite,  for  infinite  in  value  is 
her  loss.  The  more  Reason  tells  her  that  what  cannot  be  cured  must  be  endured, 
the  more  her  pent-up  grief  gains  force  from  the  knowledge  that  her  \vound 
cannot  be  healed,  and  becomes  hydra-headed  in  its  many  forms  and  occasions. 
It  is  no  pleasure  to  her  thus  to  indulge  in  complaints  and  tears ;  would  that  she 
could  diminish  them.  Undeserved  grief  is  indeed  incurable,  and  especially  when 
its  cause  is  contrary  to  the  claims  of  nature,  to  reason,  and  to  equity.  And  it 
may  easily  be  believed  that  she  has  not  committed  the  whole  goodness  of  her 
cause  to  her  words,  which  are  all  too  weak  and  too  badly  arranged  to  have  suffi- 
cient power  of  persuasion  in  opposition  to  the  violence  with  which  she  is  threat- 
ened. Even  if  she  had  tho  power,  she  would  not  wish  in  anywise  to  use  it  in 
relation  to  a  thing  forbidden  by  all  the  laws  of  that  equity  which  ought  most 
chiefly  to  reign  amongst  princes,  who,  more  than  others,  are  bound  to  main- 
tain it. 

'To  conclude  as  she  began  (that  she  may  not  weary  him  with  further  speech), 
she  will  place  the  whole  strength  of  her  Remonstrance  in  his  mercy  and  pity, 
which  she  holds  in  so  great  reverence  and  esteem  that  she  believes  they  will 
serve  her  far  more  than  all  the  laws  and  rights  which  she  could  allege.     Tor  the 
longest  argument  which  she  could  employ  will  be  of  no  avail,  except  to  bring  to 
his  recollection  that  which  he  already  knows  and  perfectly  understands.     He  is 
his  own  best  adviser.     As  he  is  always  reckoned  the  first  in  royal  dignity,  so  may 
he  cause  himself  to  be  reckoned  by  the  wise  and  virtuous  the  first  in  knowledge 
and  prudence  and  good  judgment.     And  the  more  wisely  he  manages  this  affair, 
which  is  of  such  consequence  to  him,  the  more  will  he  make  it  evident  to  every 
one,  and  especially  to  foreigners,  that  reason  has  exercised  more  authority  with 
him  than  the  false  persuasion  of  those  who  wish  to  diminish  his  goodwill  towards 
her ;  and  he  would  thus  manifest  the  exact  contrary  of  that  which  many  suspect, 
viz.  that  no  new  affection  (by  which  wise  men  ought  never  to  be  carried  away, 

a  There  would  seem  to  be  reference  here  to  a  condition  which  may  have  given  rise  to  the  subsequent 
report  of  the  Queen's  having  been  delivered  of  a  son  after  the  divorce,  by  which  report  the  King  was  greatly 
troubled.  See  State  Papers,  vol.  i.  pp.  097,  706.  Can  it  have  been  the  case  that  there  was  really  a 
miscarriage  ? 


262  The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

if  it  be  not  good  and  reasonable)  has  had  power  to  divert  him  from  the  way  of 
truth.  If  he  suffer  anyone  to  do  her  wrong  or  injustice,  she  assures  him  that 
the  blame  will  be  imputed  to  himself  alone,  in  whose  power  her  life,  her  death, 
and  all  her  hope  are  placed ;  and  even  if  these  were  not  in  his  power  she  has 
such  confidence  in  him  that  she  would  put  them  all  in  his  hands,  to  do  with 
them  as  might  seem  to  him  good.  And  she,  on  her  part,  would  render  to  him  all 
such  obedience  as  it  might  please  him  to  enjoin.  Let  him  then  take  pity  of  her 
scalding  tears  and  show  compassion  for  her  sorrow.  Let  him  give  place  to  her 
great  and  perfect  love,  and  grant  that  by  his  kindness  she  may  live  content. 
Let  him  retain  this  his  most  humble  servant,  this  his  creature,  who  was  only 
born  for  him  ;  and  let  him  not  use  such  cruelty  as  that  she,  without  having  clone 
him  any  ill  or  offence,  should  be  repudiated  and  divorced,  and  so  rendered  the 
most  miserable  and  unfortunate  wife  in  the  whole  world.' 

"  And  you,  my  Lords  the  Judges,"  exclaims  the  supposed  authoress,  turning 
herself  in  conclusion  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council  who  were  to  decide  her  fate, 
"  take  you  care  so  to  advise  your  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  as  that  the  increase  of 
his  reputation,  the  preservation  of  his  honour,  and  the  augmentation  of  his  esteem, 
as  well  as  the  duty  of  your  own  consciences,  may  be  alike  held  in  safety.  For, 
as  far  as  in  me  rests,  I  remit  all  my  defence  only  to  his  own  purpose  and  good- 
will." 


So  ends  the  professed  Remonstrance  of  the  Lady  Anne  of  Cleves.  If  it  be  not 
really  an  historical  document,  it  is  at  any  rate  a  curiosity  of  literature,  and  may 
probably  be  taken  as  representing  the  general  feeling  with  which  the  divorce  was 
regarded  abroad.  Although  styled  "  a  very  folish  booke  "  by  the  ambassador, 
who  was  diplomatically  wise  enough  to  make  light  of  it  to  the  French  King  even 
when  requesting  its  suppression,  there  are  sufficient  sharp  sayings  and  sound 
arguments  to  have  made  Henry  feel  very  uncomfortable  at  being  thus  opposed 
before  the  face  of  the  world,  especially  when  the  disputant  was  beyond  his  reach. 
As  to  its  real  object,  one  can  only  repeat  at  the  close  of  this  abstract  the  theory 
before  suggested.  The  marriage  was  a  device  of  Cromwell's  for  strengthening  the 
interest  of  the  Reforming  party ;  to  overthrow  Cromwell  and  undo  his  work  was 
the  desire  of  the  favourers  of  the  old  religion.  Hardly,  then,  would  a  foreign 
bishop  enter  into  a  question  with  which  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had  any  per 
sonal  concern,  and  assume,  on  abstract  grounds  of  equity,  the  character  of  spokes- 
man for  her  whose  cause  he  espoused,  if  he  would  thereby  run  counter  to  the 


The  "  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Clevcs.  263 

projects  and  wishes  of  his  own  friends.  But,  reckoning  on  the  passionate  and 
impulsive  character  of  Henry,  on  his  impatience  of  all  interference  and  specially 
of  all  foreign  dictation,  and  on  the  stubbornness  of  his  will,  the  author  may  well 
have  judged  that  the  subtle  device  of  apparent  interference  from  abroad  and  the 
exposure  of  Henry's  unfaithfulness  to  the  world  would  raise  such  a  storm  of 
anger  and  resentment  in  the  breast  of  the  King  as  would  be  fatal  to  all  chance  of 
a  reconciliation,  and  would  help  to  complete  the  discomfiture  of  Cromwell.  It  is 
not  a  pleasant  thought,  nor  one  readily  entertained,  to  imagine  that  the  pas- 
sionate and  earnest  appeals  made  in  the  name  of  the  injured  Queen  could  be 
written  in  a  spirit  really  adverse  to  her  supposed  interests  ;  nevertheless,  such  a 
thought  appears  to  suggest  the  simplest  solution  of  what  is,  in  any  point  of  view, 
somewhat  of  a  puzzle.  It  would  be  strange  if  the  book  were  merely  written 
as  a  rhetorical  exercise.  But  it  is  very  satisfactory  to  know  that  she  who  was  the 
object  of  this  advocacy,  whether  real  or  pretended,  was,  after  all,  happier  in  its 
failure  than  she  ever  would  have  been  in  its  success  ;  that  she,  whom  the  French 
ambassador  declared  to  be  esteemed  and  loved  by  the  English  people  "  as  the 
most  gentle  and  gracious  princess  they  had  ever  known,"  so  far  from  being  made 
miserable  by  the  treatment  she  met  with  from  her  consort,  amused  herself  there- 
after "  in  all  possible  ways "  (ways  which  would  commend  themselves  to  her 
French  critic),  "  with  dresses  and  entertainments,"  and  showed  herself  "  per- 
fectly happy." 


[Since  this  paper  was  read  to  the  Society  the  writer  has  been  favoured  by 
Robert  S.  Turner,  Esq.  of  the  Albany,  with  the  description  of  a  manuscript 
volume  in  his  valuable  library  which  contains  this  Remonstrance,  together  with 
other  treatises  by  John  of  Luxemburg.  The  volume  is  a  small  quarto,  on  fine 
vellum,  of  eighty-eight  leaves,  beautifully  written,  with  illuminated  initials,  and 
contains : — 

1.  "  Remonstrance  faite  par  la  scur  du  due  de  iulliers  an  Roy  dangleterre  et  a  son  conseil." 
The  name  of  "  Jehan  de  Luxembourg  "  is  subscribed  at  the  end. 

2.  Address,  "A  la  royne  de  Naverre,"  fol.  43.     Signed  as  before. 

3.  "  Remonstrance  faicte  par  les  confederez  de  Icmpereur  aux  estate  tenus  a  Valdolic  sur  la 
reddition  de  Mylan,"  fol.  59. 

4.  "  Responce  aux  remonstrances  faictes  a  lempereur  par  aucun  de  ses  confederez  et  subjectz 
sur  la  restoration  du  duche  de  Mylan,"  fol.  66.     Signed  as  before. 


264  The  "Remonstrance"  of  Anne  of  Cleves. 

On  the  first  page  of  the  volume  are  the  arms  of  the  family  of  Croy,  dated 
1618,  with  the  insignia  of  the  order  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  and  the  mottoes,  "Je 
sous  tiendray  Croy,  J'ayme  qui  m'ayme."  The  book-plate  of  "Mademoiselle 
Tercse  d'Yves"  is  inserted,  and  the  hook  hears  the  number  "382"  as  the  reference 
to  (probably)  some  sale  catalogue  in  which  it  appeared. 

The  State  Papers  of  the  year  1556  contain  references  to  a  somewhat  curious 
passage  in  the  subsequent  life  of  Anne,  of  which  however  no  definite  particulars 
are  given.  Her  brother  William,  Duke  of  Cleves,  complains  to  Queen  Mary,  in 
a  letter  dated  5  Aug.,  that  his  sister  entertains  in  her  family  two  persons,  Jasper 
Broickhusen  with  his  wife,  together  with  a  third,  one  Bastard  of  "Wylich,  who  by 
their  pernicious  doctrines  and  marvellous  impostures  appear  to  have  driven  her 
mad ;  all  means  have  been  used  to  procure  their  removal,  but  in  vain ;  he  there- 
fore begs  the  exercise  of  the  Queen's  authority  for  their  expulsion  from  England. 
On  10  Sept.  following  the  Council  write  to  King  Philip,  "  Touching  the  request 
of  the  noble  prince,  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  for  the  putting  of  one  called  Brockhusen, 
with  his  wief,  and  one  other,  from  the  service  of  the  Lady  Anne  of  Cleves,  and 
from  this  realme,  the  Queenes  Majestic  willing  us  to  have  speciall  care  of  this 
mater,  we  have  alredy  endeavred  to  informe  ourselfs  of  such  particulcr  causes  and 
maters  as  wherby  with  your  and  the  Queenes  Majesties  honour,  and  as  litle 
offense  to  the  said  Lady  Anne  as  may  be,  this  thinge  may  take  the  same  ende 
that  the  said  Duke  requirethe,  whereof  we  trust  within  fewe  dayes  to  make  suche 
final  ende  as  shall  be  to  your  Majesties  good  satisfaction."  (Domestic  State 
Papers,  Mary  ix.  No.  28.  See  also  C.  P.  Cooper's  Appendices  to  Report  on 
Fcedera,  Appendix  E,  p.  356.)  Nothing  further  appears  on  record  with  reference 
to  the  matter,  nor  has  the  name  of  this  Brockhusen  been  met  with  elsewhere.] 


XVI. —  On  certain  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts  of  the  early  years 
of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IF.  Communicated  by  CHARLES  SPENCER 
PERCEVAL,  Esq.  LL.D.  Treasurer. 


Read  February  17,  1881. 


HAVING  lately  had  occasion  to  examine  "with  some  particularity  the  sequence 
of  domestic  events  during  the  first  four  years  of  King  Edward  the  Fourth, 
especially  in  connection  with  the  movements,  during  part  of  that  time,  of  the 
deposed  King  Henry  and  his  consort,  Margaret  of  Anjou,  it  has  surprised  me  to 
find  how  confusedly  the  period  in  question  has  heen  treated.11 

I  found  it  difficult,  at  first,  to  believe  that  by  several  of  the  chroniclers, 
historians,  and  peerage-writers,  an  event  of  primary  importance,  the  battle  of 
Hexham,  which  for  practical  purposes  gave  the  coup  de  yrdce  to  the  Lancastrian 
dynasty,  has  been  antedated  by  a  whole  year. 

This  glaring  chronological  error,  and  certain  mistakes  or  misapprehensions 
dependent  on  it,  have  never,  so  far  as  I  can  ascertain,  been  completely  pointed 
out  and  corrected  by  any  modern  historian,  however  correct  his  own  chronology 
may  have  been. 

Yet,  considering  that  the  chronicles  of  Halle,  Grafton,  and  Holinshed,  the 
principal  authors  of  the  confusion  which  I  notice,  are  still  frequently  referred  to, 
and  that  their  errors  have  been  followed  in  more  than  one  popular  English 

a  The  expressions  used  by  Sir  Henry  Ellis  (Original  Letters,  2nd  S.  i.  94)  writing  57  years  ago 
are  nearly  as  applicable  now  as  then.  "  This  eventful  period,"  says  lie,  "  though  removed  from  us  scarcely 
more  than  three  centuries,  is  still  among  the  darkest  on  our  annals.  Its  records  are  confused,  mutilated, 
and  disjointed.  They  who  wrote  history  in  it  had  no  talents  for  the  task  ;  and  there  was  a  ferocity  abroad 
among  the  partizans  of  both  the  rival  houses,  which  prevented  many  from  even  assembling  the  materials 
of  history." 

It  is  from  Mr.  Halliwcll  Phillipps's  introduction  to  Warkivorttis  Chronicle,  edited  by  him  for  the 
Camden  Society  in  1839,  that  I  borrow  this  quotation.  This  was,  perhaps,  the  most  valuable  contribution 
to  the  knowledge  of  the  period  which  had  appeared  since  Ellis  wrote,  and  was  calculated  to  raise  great 
hopes,  since  well  justified,  of  the  utility  of  the  labours  to  be  performed  by  the  Society  then  in  its 
infancy. 

VOL.  XL VII.  2  O 


266 


Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 


history,  it  certainly  seems  worth  while  to  point  out  and  correct  their  mistakes ; 
and  it  is  this  task  which  I  have  endeavoured  to  accomplish  in  the  present  paper. 

Here  I  may  observe  that,  of  all  the  English  historians  whose  works  I  have 
consulted,  Sharon  Turner  appears  (in  respect  of  the  period  in  question)  to  be  by 
far  the  most  accurate.  Lingard,  usually  so  careful,  has  made  a  curious  slip  in 
his  dates  which,  though  very  easily  corrected,  cannot  fail  to  mislead  a  student 
seeking  in  his  pages  for  exact  information.  The  only  book  to  which  I  have 
turned,  and  which  I  find  unimpeachably  correct,  though  the  matter  is  necessarily 
much  condensed,  is  Mr.  James  Gairdner's  little  work,  entitled  The  Houses  of 
Lancaster  and  York,  London,  1875. 

In  order  to  render  my  purposed  criticism  more  readily  intelligible,  I  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  compile,  from  what  appear  to  be  the  best,  and  as  far  as 
possible  contemporary,  sources,  the  following  summary  of  the  events  of  the  years 
1461  to  1465. a  This  I  have  endeavoured  to  do  as  succinctly  as  possible,  stating 
the  mere  leading  facts  wherever  I  have  found  no  dispute  or  discrepancy  to  exist, 
but  expanding  the  narrative  where  contradictions  occur,  and  examining  into  their 
origin.  The  wish  to  increase  the  interest  of  a  dry  historical  resume  must  be  my 
excuse  for  certain  slight  digressions,  not  strictly  necessary  to  my  immediate 
purpose,  but  introducing  a  little  new  matter  (chiefly  from  two  very  recent 
publications  of  the  Camden  Society),  which  has  not  yet  found  its  way  into  our 
general  histories. 


Proclamation 
of  K.  Eihv.  IV. 
March  4,1401. 


Battles  of 
Ferrybridge 
and  Towton, 
March,  1461. 


On  March  4,  1461,  Edward  Earl  of  March  was  proclaimed  king  by  the  style 
of  King  Edward  IV.  His  regnal  year  therefore  begins,  be  it  remembered,  on 
March  4  in  every  subsequent  year. 

On  the  27th  and  28th  of  the  same  month  were  fought  the  battles  of  Perry- 
bridge  and  Towton,  villages  a  few  miles  south  of  York.  In  the  latter  of  these 

a  Subjoined  are  the  titles  and  editions  of  the  works  to  which  I  shall  chiefly  refer,  with  the  abbrevia- 
tions used  in  citing  them. 

William  Wyrcestre  or  Worcester,  cited  as  "  Wyrc,"  from  Hearne's  edition  at  the  end  of  the  second 
volume  of  Liber  Niger  Scaccarii,  2nd  ed.  London,  1771.  Warkworth's  Chronicle  of  the  First  Thirteen 
Years  of  Kino  Edward  IV.,  ed.  Halliwell  (Camdcn  Society)  1839.  William  Gregory's  Chronicle  of 
London,  ed.  Gairdner  (Camden  Society),  1877,  cited  as  "  Gregory."  A  Brief  Latin  Chronicle,  ed. 
Gairdner,  in  Three  Fifteenth  Century  Chronicles,  (Camden  Society)  1880;  and  Brief  Notes,  an  historical 
compilation  in  the  same  volume.  The  last  three  chronicles  give  several  new  facts  and  are  otherwise  very 
valuable.  Fabyan's  Chronicle,  ed.  1533,  cited  as  "  Fabyan."  A  Fragment  of  a  Chronicle  relating  to 
King  Edward  I V.  printed  by  Hearne  at  the  end  of  Sprott's  Chronicle.  1719,  cited  as  "  Hearne's  Frag- 
ment." Halle's  Union  of  York  and  Lancaster,  1548.  Grafton's  Chronicle,  1568. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  267 

engagements  King  Henry  VI.'s  troops  were  entirely  worsted,  and  he,  with  his 
consort  and  Prince  Edward,  their  son,  fled  into  Scotland,  where  they  were  hos- 
pitably received  by  the  Court. 

It  is  not  clear  what  strong  places  north  of  York  there  were  at  this  time 
armed  and  manned  by  Henry's  partisans.  The  important  border  fortress  of 
Berwick-on-Tweed,  we  know,  held  out  for  him,  for,  as  the  price  of  assistance  from 
the  Scots,  he  surrendered  this  place  to  them." 

He  himself  seems  to  have  collected  about  the  same  time  a  force  of  some  sort,  Berwick  sur- 
rendered to  the 

Scots  perhaps  and  Borderers,  and  to  have  got  as  far  south  again  as  Ryton  and  Scots,  April. 
Brancepath,  in  Durham,1'  and  indeed  to  have  penetrated  into  Yorkshire,  for,  if  we 
can  trust  Thomas  Playter  writing  to  John  Paston  on  April  18,  1461,  Henry  was 
then  besieged  at  a  place  in  that  county  which  he  calls  "Coroumbr,  such  a  name  it 
hath  or  muche  lyke,"  the  Queen  and  Prince  Edward  being  reported  to  be  with  him.0 

The  Scots,  in  consideration  it  appears  of  the  surrender  of  Berwick,  made  an 
expedition  against  Carlisle,  but,  in  June,  1461,  the  siege  was  raised  by  John  Lord 
Montagu,  brother  to  the  "  King-maker,"  the  Scots  losing  on  this  occasion, 
according  to  contemporary  rumour,  6000  men.d 

Henry  in  his  abortive  expedition  appears  to  have  incurred  great  risk  of 
capture,  but  to  have  got  away,  probably  back  to  Scotland,  to  which  country 
Margaret  certainly  retired. 

She  appears  to  have  remained  there  until  April,  3462.     In  that  month  she  Q.  Margaret's 

first  voyage, 

sailed  from  Kirkcudbright,  passed  down  St.  George's  Channel,  and  landed  in  April,  uc2. 
Brittany,  on  or  about  Good  Friday,  April  16.     According  to  William  Wyrcestre, 
whose  contemporaneous  notes  are  most  valuable  for  the  elucidation  of  the  events 
of  this  period,  she  first  went  to  her  father  in  Anjou.0     The  object  of  her  journey 
was  to  obtain  assistance  in  her  project  of  an  invasion  of  England. 

Louis  XL,  first  cousin  to  herself  and  to  Henry,  had  very  lately  succeeded  to 
the  crown  of  France,  and  to  his  court  she  bent  her  steps. 

On  June  23,  1462,  she  was  at  Chinon,  in  Touraine,  where  she  executed  a 
bond  engaging  to  surrender  Calais,  if  ever  her  lord  recovered  it,  or  to  pay  40,000 

a  The  surrender  according  to  the  recitals  in  the  Act  of  attainder  and  resumption,  1  Edward  IV.,  took 
place  on  St.  Mark's  Day,  April  25.  Rot.  Parl.  v.  178,  col.  1 . 

b  Rot.  Parl.  ibid.  c  Paston  Letters,  ed.  Gairdner,  386. 

11  Rot.  Parl.  ibid.     Paston  Letters,  391. 

e  "  Mense  Aprilis  Regina  Margareta  per  navem  de  Scocia  adivit  Franciam  pro  auxilio  Regis  Francie 
habendo." — "  Die  Parasceves  Regina  Margareta  cum  qnntuor  navibns  de  Kyrkhowbhryth  in  Scocia  per 
mare  inter  Walliam  et  Hiberniam  adivit  Britnnniam  .  .  .  ac  postea  Andegavis  ad  patrem  suum  Regem 
Sicilian  et  consequenter  ad  regem  Francie  pro  auxilio  habendo."  Wyrc.  492,  403,  events  of  1461 — 2. 

2o2 


268 


Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 


First  sur- 
render of 
Almvick  to 
Lancastrians, 
and  re-capture 
by  Yorkists  in 
summer  of 
1462. 


Q.  Margaret 
lands  in 
Scotland, 
October,  1402. 


livres.a  In  consideration  of  this  undertaking  Louis  advanced  her  20,000  livres, 
and,  with  a  force  recruited  in  France,  under  command  of  Pierre  de  Brez6,  Seigneur 
de  Varennes,  and  Seneschal  of  Normandy,  she  set  sail  for  Scotland. 

This,  it  will  be  observed,  was  Margaret's  First  Voyage  to  the  Continent. 

During  the  Queen's  absence  her  friends  in  Scotland  would  appear  not  to 
have  been  absolutely  inactive,  for  we  read  in  Hearne's  Fragment  that  Piers  de 
Braze" b  in  the  second  year  of  Edward  IV.  came  out  of  Scotland  and  stole  by 
treason  the  castle  of  Alnwick,  whither  were  sent  against  him  Sir  William  Lord 
Hastings,  Sir  J.  Howard,  and  others,  who  besieged  the  castle,  and  de  Breze  fell  to 
agreement.  "Whereupon  he,  with  his  Frenchmen,  departed  the  30th  day  of  July. 

Wyrcestre  confirms  this  to  some  extent.  After  mentioning  Margaret's  first 
voyage  in  April,  1462,  and  an  embassy  undertaken  by  Warwick  to  cajole  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  which  we  know  was  in  June,0  he  says  that  in  July  Lord  Hastings 
and  others  besieged  Alnwick,  where  William  Taylboys,  a  notorious  Lancastrian 
leader,  was  captured,  who  yielded  on  conditions,  and  Sir  Ralph  Grey  (of  Warke, 
ancestor  of  the  present  Earl  Grey  (l)  was  put  in  as  governor  for  Edward. 

Wyrcestre  does  not  tell  us  how  long  Taylboys  had  been  in  possession  of  the 
castle,  and  says  nothing  about  any  Frenchmen.  He  informs  us,  however,  of  the 
capture  of  Naworth  Castle  about  the  same  time  by  Lord  Montagu,  and  adds  thai 
Lord  Dacre  surrendered  to  Lord  Montagu  on  certain  conditions.  This  castle 
had  belonged  to  Ralph  Lord  Dacre,  slain  at  Towton  and  attainted  in  the  first 
parliament  of  Edward,  and  it  may  be  concluded  from  Wyrcestre's  note  that,  up 
to  this  time,  Humphry,  his  brother  and  heir,  had  held  it  for  King  Henry. 
Upon  the  capture,  however,  he  probably  went  over  to  King  Edward,  as  we  find 
him  among  other  noblemen  who  in  the  winter  of  this  year  served  in  the  expedi- 
tion which  resulted,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  in  the  re-capture  by  the  Yorkists 
of  the  Northumbrian  castles  after  their  surrender  to  Queen  Margaret. 

Late  in  October,0  or  early  in  November/  1462,  the  Queen  landed  in  Scotland 

a  The  original  bond  is  still  in  the  French  archives.  See  Douet  d'Arcq,  Inventaire  des  Sceaux  de 
France,  num.  10,044.  The  tenor  of  the  instrument  is  given  by  Miss  Strickland,  Lives  of  the  Queens  of 
England,  iii.  269. 

b  There  must,  however,  be  a  mistake  in  the  leader's  name,  for  it  is  sufficiently  clear  that  de  Breze 
did  not  appear  on  the  scene  until  November  following,  when  he  accompanied  Margaret  on  her  return  from 
her  first  voyage,  as  we  shall  presently  see. 

c  See  Archaeological  Journal,  xvii.  53,  for  a  notice  of  a  safe-conduct,  dated  June  17,  1462,  from 
James  III.  of  Scotland,  for  Warwick  and  the  other  ambassadors  proceeding  into  Scotland. 

d  See  sheet  Pedigree,  Kaine's  North  Durham,  facing  p.  326. 

e  Wyrc.  p.  494.  Gregory,  p.  218,  says  she  lauded  in  Northumberland  seven  days  before  All 
Hallow  Tide,  that  is,  about  Oct.  25,  This  seems  the  most  correct. 

f  Fabyan,  fo.  ccxv. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  269 

with  her  fleet,  consisting  it  is  said  of  52  ships,  carrying  2000  French  and  a  few 
English." 

On  piecing  together  the  fragmentary  statements  of  the  available  authorities, 
we  may,  I  think,  come  to  the  conclusion  that  her  plan  of  campaign,  partly  carried 
out,  was  to  land  her  troops  and,  hy  conjoint  operations  by  land  and  sea,  to  make 
herself  mistress  of  the  strongholds  of  the  Northumbrian  coast  from  Berwick  to 
Newcastle. 

I  gather  from  Halle  and  Grafton,  whose  chronicles  here  run  for  the  most  part 
word  for  word  together,  that  her  sea  force  after  landing  the  main  body  of  troops 
(which  was  reinforced  by  a  Scottish  army)  consisted  of  about  500  men. 

These  writers  state  that  she  sailed  towards  Newcastle  and  landed  at  Tyne-  c,  jilir,,iirct 
mouth.     On  her  way  she  or  her  land  force  took  Bamborough  Castle,  the  most  l'^"'^  ''"jjj 
northern  of  the  coast  defences.    The  capture  of  this  place  was  known  in  Denbigh- 
shire  by  November  l.b     It  was  committed  to  the  keeping  of  Henry,  Duke  of 
Somerset,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and  Sir  Ralph  Percy,"  a  younger  brother  of  the 
Earl   of  Northumberland  who  fell  at   Towton   and  was  attainted  in  the  first 
Parliament  of  Edward  IV. 

Either  then  or,  less  probably,  after  her  retreat  from  Tynemouth  not  long 
after,  she  attacked  Alnwick  Castle,  the  garrison  of  which,  being  short  of  supplies, 
yielded  the  place,  and  de  Breze's  son,  Lord  Hungerford,  llobert  Whyttingham, 
and  others  were  placed  in  it  as  a  garrison."  Dunstanborough,  situated  between 
Bamborough  and  Alnwick,  also  fell  to  the  Queen's  arms  about  this  time. 

Fabyan  (ccxv  verso]  says  that  King  Edward  on  having  tidings  of  this 
invasion  sped  him  into  the  north  with  a  strong  host ;  and  John  Paston,  junior, 
writing  to  his  father  from  Holt  Castle  in  Denbighshire  on  November  1,  informs 
him  that  my  Lord  of  Warwick  went  forward  into  Scotland  on  Saturday 
(30  October)  with  20,000  men.0 

a  The  number  of  ships  is  from  Gregory — of  men  from  W.  Wyrcestre. 

b  Paston  Letters,  463. 

c  Wyrc.  p.  494. 

d  Wyrc.  p.  494.  "  And  there  she  took  the  Castle  of  Alnwick,  and  put  it  full  of  Frenchmen,"  sayn 
Gregory,  p.  218. 

e  Paston  Letters,  463.  "  Eodem  anno,  circa  fostum  Omnium  Sanctorum  percurrente  rumore  de  adventu 
Reginai  Margaret*  cum  copiosa  multitudine  Francigenorum,  Scottorum,  et  Anglorum  sibi  adhrorentium 
processit  festine  nobilis  ille  belliger  comes  de  Warwik  cum  suis  et  subsecutus  est  rex  Edwardus  ut'eam  cum 
complicibus  suis  effugarent.  Qua;,  fuga  inita,  tuciora  qusesivit  priesidii  loca."  Brief  Latin  Chronicle, 
p.  175. 


270  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

This  news  seems  to  have  alarmed  the  Queen,  and,  according  to  Halle  and 
Grafton,  the  invading  force  which  had  landed  at  Tynemouth  re-emharked. 

Wyrcestre   says,   that,   in   company  with   de   Breze,    the    Queen   fixed   her 

camp  at  some  place  for  which  he  leaves  a  blank,  thinking  that  the  whole  country 

was  ready  to  rise  in  her  favour.     No  rising,  however,  took  place,  as  her  limited 

force  inspired  no  confidence. 

Q.  Margaret  Margaret  appears  then  to  have  determined  to  make  off  with  her  fleet  to 

abandons  her  . 

expedition.  Berwick,  where  she  seems  to  have  left  her  son  and  (but  this  is  not  clear)  her 
husband  also,  but,  on  the  voyage  from  Tynemouth  or  whatever  the  turning  point 
was,  a  storm  arose,  the  result  of  which  was  very  disastrous. 

Gregory's  account  (I  have  here  and  elsewhere  modernized  the  spelling) 
is  as  follows,  "And  then  she  returned  (after  taking  Alnwick)  into  Scotland  by 
water.  And  there  rose  such  a  tempest  upon  her  that  she  forsook  her  ship  and 
escaped  in  the  ship's  boat."  And  the  ship  was  drowned  with  much  of  her 
stuff  and  three  great  ships  more,  and  four  hundred  and  six  Frenchmen  were 
taken  in  the  church  of  Holy  Island." 

Eabyan  tells  nearly  the  same  story.  He  says  that  the  Queen,  hearing  of 
Edward's  preparations,  "  brake  her  array  and  fled,*  '"  and  took  a  carvyle,  and 
therein  intended  to  have  sailed  into  Prance.  But  such  tempest  fell  upon  the 
sea  that  she  was  constrained  to  take  a  fisher's  boat,  and  by  meane  thereof  landed 
at  Berwick,*  and  so  drew  her  to  the  Scottish  king.  And  shortly  after  her  land- 
ing tidings  came  to  her  that  *  her  said  carvyle  was  drowned,  within  the  which 
she  had  great  treasure  and  other  riches.*  And  the  same  day,"  Eabyan  con- 
tinues, "  upon  four  hundred  of  the  Frenchmen  were  driven  upon  land  near  unto 
Bamborough,0  where  they  for  so  much  as  they  might  not  have  away  their  ships 
they  fired  them,  and  after  for  their  safeguard  took  an  island  within  Northumber- 
land, where  they  were  assailed  by  one  called  Manners  with  others  in  his  com- 
pany, and  of  them  slain  and  taken  prisoners  as  many  as  there  were."11 

Halle  and  Grafton  corroborate  this,  naming  Holy  Island  as  the  seat  of  the 

a  "  A  small  carvel,"  Halle  and  Grafton. 

b  The  passages  between  the  asterisks  are  nearly  word  for  word  with  the  narrative  given  in  Hoarne's 
Fragment,  p.  291. 

c  At  Bamborough.     Hearne's  Fragment. 

a  The  Fragment,  says,  "seeing  no  remedy  to  scape  they  brent  their  ships  and  fled  to  an  island 
thereby,  where  they  were  slayne  and  takin  everychone,"  by  certain  gentlemen  there.  Fabyan  seems  to  have 
had  before  him  the  Chronicle  of  which  Hearne  preserves  a  "  Fragment,"  or  the  work  on  which  it  was 
founded,  so  near  is  their  language.  Fabyan,  however,  adds  a  few  facts. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  271 

adventure,  mentioning  "the  Bastard  Ogle  and  John  Manners"  as  the  assailants, 
and  stating  that  many  of  the  Frenchmen  were  slain,  and  nearly  400  taken  and 
put  to  ransom.  It  is  hard  to  understand  why  these  French  troops  did  not  avail 
themselves  of  the  shelter  of  Bamhorough  Castle,  then  in  Henry's  hands,  if  their 
wreck  really  took  place  off  that  fortress."1 

I  am  not  clear  as  to  Henry's  movements  all  this  time ;  he  no  doubt  remained 
in  Scotland,  whilst  his  Queen  was  on  her  French  progress,  "  to  see  and  espie," 
as  Halle  and  Grafton  say,  "what  way  his  friends  in  England  would  studye;  "  hut 
whether,  on  her  return  with  a  land  and  sea  force  and  with  money,  he  ventured 
to  cross  the  border  at  the  head  of  the  expedition  thus  undertaken,  I  cannot 
certainly  find  out.     Worcester,  after  narrating  the  capture  of  the  three  castles, 
says,  "  Rex  Henricus  vero  cum  Regina,  Brasse  et  aliis,   metu  Regis  Edwardi 
superveniente,  adiverunt  Scotiam,"  as  if  he  was  then  in  England,  hut  the  writer 
may  only  mean  that  he  was  in  Berwick,  and  retired  thence  into  Scotland. 

Edward  had  left  London  on  November  the  3rd,  and  had  marched  up  to  the  sieges  of 
North,  raising  the  country  as  he  went.     The  three  castles  were  besieged  under  ea"ties,"]')ee.'m 
his  orders  in  December.1" 

We  have  an  account  of  the  disposition  of  the  forces,  with  some  other  details, 
in  a  letter  from  John  Paston  the  youngest,  who  was  serving  with  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk.  He  writes  from  Newcastle  on  Dec.  11,  1462,  stating  that  the  castles 
were  besieged  "as  on  yesterday." 

A  fragment  of  a  similar  letter,  written  probably  from  the  seat  of  war  about 
the  same  day,  is  preserved  among  the  Cotton  Charters,  xvii.  10.d 

A  third  account  in  Latin,  but  headed  in  English,  "  The  Wednesday  before 
Cristmasse,  Anno  Domini  M.cccc.lxij","  is  among  the  Brief  Notes  of  these  years, 
printed  (pp.  158-9)  in  Mr.  Gairdner's  Three  Fifteenth-century  Chronicles' 

Putting  together  the  information  derived  from  these  three  sources,  we  learn 
that  the  King  was  at  Durham,  and  kept  his  Christmas  there ;  that  the  Duke  of 

a  A  new,  but  I  doubt  if  a  very  certain,  light  is  cast  on  this  passage  by  an  assertion  in  Brief  Notes, 
p.  150,  that  Margaret  after  taking  Almvick  was  besieged  in  Bamborough.  The  writer  adds  a  curious 
variation  of  the  Holy  Island  story  partly  unintelligible  to  me,  owing  to  the  false  Latin.  I  give  it  verbatim. 
"  Regina  Margareta  cepit  castrum  de  Amvyk  et  obsessa  erat  in  castro  de  Banburw.  Et  cum  cc  Anglici 
intrassent  quandam  parvani  insulam  in  illis  partibus  ad  succurendum  se  si  necesse  fuisset,  ipsis  nesci- 
entibus,  advenerunt  cccc  de  Francigenis  ad  eos  includendos  et  capiendos,  et  subito  in  Anglicos  irruernnt; 
sed  capti  et  interfecti  erant  ex  Francigenis  cc  et  plures,  et  alii  fugierunt  ut  dicitur." 

b  Wyrc.;  Gregory,  p.  219-     Warkworth,  p.  2.  c  Paston  Letters,  p.  464. 

II  Printed  in  Excerpta  Historica,  Bentley,  p.  365.  e  Stow  has  used  this  p.  417. 


272  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

Norfolk  was  at  Newcastle,  apparently  commanding  the  supports ;  and  that 
Warwick  lay  at  Warkworth  Castle  "  but  three  myle  owt  of  Alnewyk"  (Paston), 
and  that  with  him  were  "  the  Lord  Crumwell,  the  Lord  Grey  of  Codnor,  and 
my  Lord  Wenlok."  (Cotton  Ch.) 

The  Yorkist  army  is  estimated  at  from  twenty  to  forty  thousand  men  by  the 
Cotton  Fragment,  besides  "  the  King's  Host,"  and  the  Brief  Notes  account  for 
30,000  men  equally  divided  among  the  beleaguering  forces.  These  numbers 
appear  very  excessive  as  compared  with  the  small  garrisons  mentioned. 

For  curiosity's  sake  I  have  collated  the  three  reports,  and  give  the  result  in 
a  footnote." 

d"  c™  tic's0*  On  Christmas  Eve  Bamborough  and  on  St.  John's  Day  (Stow),  Dunstanborough 

Christmas,  surrendered  on  conditions  ;  life  and  limb  were  to  be  spared,  Somerset,  Percy,  and 
some  others,  upon  swearing  allegiance  to  Edward  at  Durham,  were  to  have  restitu- 
tion of  their  forfeited  lands.  This  agreement  was  carried  out,  and  Somerset  was 
received  into  high  favour  by  the  King.b  The  custody  of  these  two  castles  was  given 
to  Sir  Ralph  Percy,  in  accordance  with  another  article  in  the  terms  of  surrender. 

"  BAMBOROUGH. 

Garrison.  Duke  of  Somerset,  Lord  Roos,  Sir  Ralph  Percy  with  200  or  300  men  (Cotton)  [and  the 
Earl  of  Pembroke.  Brief  Notes.'] 

Besiegers.  Earl  of  Worcester  (Cotton.)  [He  was  at  Dunstanborough  according  to  Paston.]  Lords 
Montagu  and  Ogle.  Lords  Strange,  Say,  Grey  de  Wilton  and  Lumley  ( Cotton.)  [Also  the  Earl  of 
Arundcl  and  10,000  men.  Brief  Notes.'] 

ALNWICK. 

Garrison.  Lord  Hungerford,  Sir  Robert  Whittingham  (these  two  were  old  companions,  an  inter- 
cepted letter  from  them  to  Queen  Margaret  in  Scotland  written  from  Dieppe  in  August  30,  1461, 
acquainting  her  with  the  death  of  Charles  VII.  and  cautioning  her  not  to  venture  for  the  present  to  the 
Continent,  will  be  found  in  Paston  Letters,  413,)  and  Sir  Thomas  Fyndern  and  five  or  six  hundred  French- 
men. [Brief  Notes  give  the  garrison  at  300  men,  and  places  Fyndern  in  Dunstanborough.] 

Besiegers.  Earl  of  Kent,  Lord  Scales  and  others  (Cotton)  [Earls  of  Warwick  and  Kent,  and  the 
Lords  Powys,  Greystock,  and  Cromwell  with  10,000  men.  Brief  Notes.] 

DUNSTANBOROUGH. 

Garrison.  Sir  Richard  Tunstall,  Doctor  Morton  (afterwards  Bishop  of  Ely  and  Lord  Chancellor) 
and  Sir  Philip  Wentworth,  600  or  700  men  (Cotton.)  {Brief  Notes  add  Sir  T.  Fyndern,  "  Ballivus  de 
Kam"  with  six  score  men,  but  this  must  be  a  slip  for  six  hundred.] 

Besiegers.  Lords  Fitzhugh,  Scrope,  Baron  of  Greystock,  Lord  Powys  (Cotton).  Earl  of  Worcester 
and  Sir  Ralph  Grey  (Paston),  but  the  Earl  of  Worcester  was  at  Bamborongh  according  to  Cotton.  [Brief 
Notes  name  Lords  Wenlock  and  Hastings  "  with  other  Lords  "  as  besieging  this  Castle,  placing  Greystock 
and  Powys  at  Alnwick.] 

b  Wyrc.  ubi  supra.  Gregory,  pp.  219,  220.  This  latter  writer  gives  some  curious  particulars  as  to  the 
good  treatment  Somerset  met  with  at  Edward's  hands. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edioard  IV.  273 

The  third  castle,  Alnwick,  held  out  until  Twelfth  Day  (Jan.  6,  1463).  On 
the  eve  of  that  day  news  suddenly  arrived  of  the  approach  of  a  hocly  of  Scots " 
under  Pierre  de  Breze,  whose  son,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  left  with  Lord 
Hungerford  in  garrison  there. 

Early  next  morning  they  drew7  up  before  the  castle.  "Warwick  and  all  his 
forces  advanced  to  meet  them,  but,  finding  themselves  outnumbered,  declined 
action.b  The  besieged  made  a  sortie,  and  young  de  Breze,  Hungerford,  Sir 
Richard  Tunstall,  Robert  de  Whittingham,  and  others,  joined  the  Scots,  who 
withdrew  unmolested.  Wyrcestre  says  that  if  the  Scots  had  only  been  bold  and 
wise,  they  might  have  destroyed  the  English  nobles.0  The  Frenchmen  who 
remained  in  the  castle  were  given  quarter  and,  surrendering,  were  suffered  to  depart. 

Thus  the  northern  strongholds  were  all  for  a  short  time  in  Edward's  hands. 

Sir  Ralph  Grey  had  expected  to  have  been  made  captain  or  governor  of  Aln- 
wick, but  Edward,  to  the  great  disgust  of  Grey,  gave  the  chief  command  to  Sir 
John  Ashley,  Grey  being  made  constable  under  him.'1 

Edward,  as  I  understand  Eabyan,  had  originally  intended,  when  he  found 
that  Margaret  had  retired,  to  have  pushed  on  and  attacked  the  Scots ;°  however,  K.  Edward 

"he  was  then  visited  with  sickness ,  so  that  he  was  forced  to  leave  that  iciwotiiT" 

journay."     And  after  Alnwick  was  taken  he  went  south,  apparently  to  London/    "4^' UiV 

•  And  Frenchmen,  Brief  Latin  Chronicle,  p.  170',  followed  by  Stow,  p.  417.  Halle  and  Grafton 
inform  us  that  the  Scots  were  13,000  strong,  and  were  under  the  command  of  Sir  George  Douglas.  The 
information  may  be  correct;  but,  owing  to  these  chroniclers  having  (as  we  shall  see  in  the  sequel) 
antedated  the  battle  of  Hoxham  by  two  years,  it  seems  at  first  sight  to  refer  to  the  second  and  final 
capture  of  Alnwick  by  the  Yorkists  after  that  battle,  in  1464. 

b  "  Nostris  non  audentibus  eis  resistere,"  Brief  Latin  Chronicle.  "  The  English  looking  on," 
Halle  and  Grafton.  "  Videntes  se  inferiores  numero,"  Wyrc.  p.  495. 

c  Wnrkworth,  p.  2,  narrates  this  event  in  much  the  same  way.  He  says  de  Breze  had  20,000  Scots 
with  him,  and  that  either  party  was  afraid  of  the  other.  "  Had  the  Scots  come  on  boldly,  they  inighte 
have  taken  and  distressed  all  the  Lords  and  Commoners,  for  they  had  laid  so  long  in  the  field,  and  were 
grieved  with  colde  and  rain,  that  they  had  no  courage  to  fight."  But  these  events  are  placed  erroneously 
in  1  Edward  IV.  1461. 

i  Wyrc.  p.  496.     Gregory,  p.  220. 

c  See  Brief  Notes,  p.  157,  for  the  names  of  dukes,  carls,  &c.  including  Lord  Dacrc  of  the  North,  with 
the  King  Edward  "in  hys  jorny  into  Scottlong  at  the  fest  of  S'  Andrew  in  J>e  month  of  Decembyr.  Anno 
Domini  M°.CCCC.LXIJ°."  Stow  (p.  415,  ed.  1631)  has  copied  this  list  down  to  the  first  six  knights, 
adding  "  to  the  number  of  fifty-nine  knights,"  which  number  agrees  exactly  with  the  list  in  Brief  Notes. 

'  Gregory,  Brief  Latin  Chronicle.     The   Latin  Chronicle  here  makes  the  following  reflexion  :  "  Et 
in  hac  tarn  longa  rnora  tocius  pene  milicie  Anglicane  illic  adversus  adversaries  nostros  congregate,  quid, 
queso,  memorabile,  quid  laude  dignum  actum  est  nisi  quod  predicta  tria  castra  capta  sunt  ?" 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  P 


274 


Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 


Recapture  of 
the  castles  by 
French  and 
Scots,  Spring, 
1463. 


Q.  Margaret's 
second  voyage, 
April,  1463. 


Warwick,  according  to  the  Brief  Latin  Chronicler,  remained  a  short  time 
longer,  maintaining  the  field  with  a  few  troops  and  keeping  back  the  Scots.a 

He  then  marched  south  and  rejoined  the  King  in  London ;  but,  "  while  they 
were  merrymaking  and  I  wot  not  what  else,""  the  Scots  made  a  fresh  incursion  into 
Northumberland,  and  retook  Bamborough  and  two  other  castles.  Fabyan  says 
this  was  about  the  time  of  Lent  (Ash  Wednesday  in  1463  fell  on  February  23rd, 
and  Easter  on  April  10th). 

Sir  Ralph  Percy,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  left  in  command  of 
Bamborough  and  Dunstanborough,  It  was  through  his  "collusion  and  treason," 
says  Gregory,  that  the  Frenchmen,  (he  does  not  mention  the  Scots  expressly) 
were  allowed  to  take  Bamborough  from  him  "  nolens  volo."( 

Sir  Ralph  Grey  also,  "  that  false  knight  and  traitor,  by  false  treason,"  says 
the  same  chronicler,  took  Sir  John  Ashley,  the  governor  of  Alnwick.  prisoner, 
delivered  him  to  Queen  Margaret,  and  surrendered  that  castle  "  to  the  Lord 
Hungerford  and  unto  the  Frenchmen  accompanied  with  them." 

Dunstauborough,  I  suppose,  was  the  third  castle  referred  to  by  Fabyan  as 
being  retaken  at  this  time,  for  it  was  still  in  Lancastrian  hands  in  1464,  and  was 
retaken  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick  after  Hexham. 

After  the  surrender  of  Alnwick  to  Lord  Hungerford,  and  about  Midsummer, 
King  Henry,  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and  Sir  Pierre  de  Breze,  if  we  are  to  believe 
Gregory  and  Stow,  who  alone  mention  it,  advanced  with  4,000  Scots  and  laid  siege 
to  Norham  Castle  and  lay  there  eighteen  days.  Warwick  and  Montagu,  however, 
raised  the  siege,  and  Henry  and  the  King  (?  Queen)  of  Scots  were  put  to  flight. 

Margaret  now  disappears  from  the  theatre  of  war.  Whether,  as  Gregory  e 
would  have  us  believe,  in  consequence  of  the  hard  pressure  put  upon  her 
by  Warwick  and  Montagu  after  the  relief  of  Norham  Castle,  or  from  the  loss 
of  her  treasure  in  the  shipwreck  and  general  despair  of  further  success, 
coupled  with  a  desire  to  place  her  infant  son  in  safety,  she  undertook  her  Second 
Voyage. 

Sailing  from  Bamborough  in  April  of  this  year  in  company  with  the  Duke  of 
Exeter,  Sir  John  Fortescue,  the  famous  Chief  Justice,  and  others  to  the  number 

a  So  I  translate  "  Scottos  cum  suis  excuciens,"  Br.  Lat.  Chron.  p.  170. 
b  "  Epulantibusque  illis  Londini  et  nescio  quid  agentibus."     Ibid. 
=  Gregory,  and  see  Rot.  Par  I.  v.  511. 

d  Wyrcester  puts  the  betrayal  of  Alnwick  in  May,  1463,  which  was  after  Queen  Margaret's  departure 
on  her  second  voyage.     He  says  that  Grey  expelled  Ashley,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  Sir  Ralph  Percy. 
e  Pasre  220. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edtcard  IT.  275 

of  two  hundred,"  she  landed  at  Sluys  iu  Flanders,  and  was  conducted  to  Bruges 
hy  the  Count  of  Charolois  (son  of  Philip  the  Good  of  Burgundy,  and  afterwards 
married  to  Edward's  sister,  the  well-known  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  so  troublesome 
to  Henry  VII.),  who  most  abundantly  provided  for  her.  Afterwards  the  Queen 
was  brought  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  at  Lisle,  where  most  piteously  she 
declared  her  case  of  the  loss  of  the  Realm  of  England  and  begged  for  aid. 
The  Duke  comforted  her  and  gave  her  [blank]  thousand  ecus  for  her  expenses, 
and  sent  her  with  her  English  attendants  "  in  propriam  patriam  patris  sui  in 
Lotharingiam,  ubi  pater  suus  dedit  sibi  quoddam  castrum  valoris  [blank]  ut  ibi 
expectaret  eventus  mundi :  "  ''  that  is,  that  she  might  abide  the  course  of  events. 
1  find  no  good  reason  for  thinking  that  she  ever  returned  to  England  until 
1470,  when  the  remarkable  event  occurred  of  King  Henry's  restoration  for  a  few 

sliOl't  months.  Q.  Marparet's 

supposed 

That  this  is  not  the  current    opinion   I  am  well  aware.     As  we  shall  see  return  t» 
further  on,  Margaret  is  commonly  stated  to  have  been  present  at  the  battle  of  dissed. 
Hexham,  which  was  fought  in  1464. 

Now  the  Queen's  return  to  England  after  this  second  voyage  is  nowhere 
distinctly  stated  by  any  contemporary  chronicler,0  and  there  is  direct  evidence 
that  she  remained  in  Erance,  as  I  have  just  said,  until  the  year  1470. 

Richard   de   Wassebourg,   whose  chronicle    called  Antiquites   dc   la    Gaule 

"  Wyrc.  p.  496.  Easter  fell  on  April  10  in  1463,  and,  as  wo  have  seen,  it  was  in  Lent  that  tho  Scots, 
or  Lancastrian  party,  retook  Bamborough.  .She  fled  away,  says  Gregory,  p.  220,  with  all  her  council,  and 
Sir  Pierre  de  Breze  and  his  Frenchmen  (?'.  e.  all  who  survived)  by  water  with  four  balynggarys  (vessels  of 
some  sort,  ballengers,  Froiss.  See  Ducange  s.  v.  Balingaria)  :  and  they  landed  at  the  Scluse  in  Flanders, 
and  left  King  Henry  that  was  behind  them,  &c. 

b  Wyrc.  ubi  supra.  The  particulars  of  the  reception  of  the  Queen  in  Flanders  are  given  in  J)u 
Clercq  and  the  continuator  of  Monstrclet,  as  referred  to  later  on.  According  to  Du  Clercq  (Buchon, 
Monstrelet,  xiv.  297)  Charolois  was  at  Lille,  the  Duke  at  Hesdin.  He  says,  the  Duke  gave  her  2,000 
"•old  crowns,  de  la  Varende — as  he  calls  Breze — 1,000,  and  each  of  her  ladies  100  crowns,  "  et  sy  les  feit 
conveyer  hors  de  ses  pays,  et  tant  qu'elle  fust  es  pays  do  Barois,  on  estoit  son  frere,  le  due  dc  Calabre,  qui 
en  estoit  seigneur." 

c  The  statement  in  Hcame's  Fragment,  p.  294,  that  in  the  same  year  (1463)  King  Harry  was  taken 
in  the  north,  and  Edmond  Duke  of  Somerset  with  his  brother  John  were  yet  in  Scotland  with  Queen 
Margaret,  &c.  is  of  no  value.  Henry  was  not  taken  prisoner  until  14G5,  and  Edmond  Duke  of  Somerset 
did  not  succeed  to  the  title  until  1464,  when  his  brother  Henry  was  beheaded  after  Hexham  field.  Indeed 
the  passage  is  marked  in  the  margin  by  a  more  recent  hand:  "False — for  he  (that  is  Edmond)  was  gon 
to  the  Bnrgon  (i.e.  to  the  low  countries)  the  yere  before."  See  Letter  of  Sir  John  Fortescue  in  Ld. 
Clermout's  Hist,  of  The  Family  of  Fortescue.  2nd  edit.  1880,  pp.  71-2. 


276  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

Belgique  was  finished  about  1540,  and  printed  at  Paris  in  1549,  was  a  canon 
and  archdeacon  in  the  cathedral  church  of  Verdun  in  Lorraine.  His  father,  in 
reward  of  services  rendered  to  King  Rene,  had  been  ennobled  by  that  prince,  and 
he  himself  shows  such  evident  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  the  House  of  Anjou. 
that  any  particulars  relating  to  that  family  which  he  records,  may,  I  think, 
although  he  was  not  a  contemporary  writer,  be  accepted  as  most  likely  to  be 
accurate. 

At  folio  vcix  b  of  his  work,  in  connection  with  Margaret's  second  voyage, 
that  is,  to  the  Court  of  Burgundy,  and  thence  into  France,  he  says,  using,  it 
should  be  remarked,  almost  the  very  phrase  of  William  Wyrcestre,  that  she 
remained  there  "  attendant  meilleur  fortune."  But  this  is  not  all,  for,  at  folio 
vcxiii  a,  he  mentions  a  summons  by  Louis  XI.  to  King  Rene,  issued  about  June 
1470,  to  meet  him  at  Angers,  accompanied  by  his  daughter  Queen  Margaret  and 
her  son,  who,  says  Wassebourg,  "  since  their  last  return  into  Prance,  which  was 
in  the  year  1463,  chiefly  resided  in  the  Duchy  of  Bar,  which  was  part  of  the  true 
patrimony  of  the  King  Rene,  in  the  Chateau  called  Kneure  (the  margin  calls  it 
Keure),  near  the  town  of  St.  Michel  (St.  Mihiel  in  the  modern  maps),  in  our 
diocese  of  Verdun. " 

I  may  add  to  this  testimony  that  of  the  anonymous  continuator  of  the 
Croyland  History,  which  I  extract  in  the  footnote.  He  has  however  overlooked, 
or  omitted  as  unimportant,  Margaret's  first  voyage  and  return  to  England. a 

But  to  proceed  with  our  account  of  the  events  of  1463. 

The  Brief  Latin  Chronicle  seems  to  me  to  throw  a  little  new  light  on  the 
military  proceedings  of  the  next  few  months  ;  yet  this  is  but  darkness  visible,  as 
I  must  confess.  The  writer,  who  gives  stronger  hints  of  dissatisfaction  with 
Edward's  strategy  than  we  are  apt  to  find  in  the  colourless  memoranda  which  for 
the  most  part  compose  our  materials  for  the  history  of  this  time,  starts  with  the 
meeting  of  Parliament  on  April  29,b  and  the  prorogation  on  June  18,  "  et  qua3 

a  Hist.  Croyl.  Contin.  Gale  Script,  i.  533.  After  a  description  of  Towton  field,  he  says,  "  Fugit 
i;tiam  cum  paucis  eodem  temporis  articulo  Rex  Henricns  in  Scotiam,  ubi  continue  et  in  castris  eidem 
conterrainis,  per  quatuor  postmodum  annos  in  magnfi  delituit  confusione.  Kegina  verb  Margareta  cum  filio 
suo  Edwardo,  quern  do  prsefato  susceperat  Heurico,  etiara  fugaj  consulens,  non  cito  denub  reversura,  in 
partes  interim  secesserat  transmarinas." 

b  This  date  is  correct,  Rot.  Parl.  v.  498.  The  prorogation  was  not  on  June  18th  but  on  the  preced- 
ing day,  and  the  reason  assigned  was  the  king's  enforced  absence  to  oppose  his  enemies  of  Scotland  and  his 
traitors  and  rebels.  The  prorogation  was  until  November  4th. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  277 

mala  ibi  repressa  aut  reformata,  vel  quid  boni  ibi  adauctum  nescio."  Then  he 
states,  that  after  Whitsuntide  (Whitsunday  fell  on  May  28  in  1463)  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  went  north,"  collected  an  army,  and  set  himself  to  harass  the  party  of 
Henry  and  his  Scots,  Frenchmen,  &c.,  who  fled  on  his  approach.  Possibly  this 
sentence  refers  to  the  relief  of  Norham  already  mentioned,  but  of  which  \ve  have 
not  the  exact  date,  and  that  it  was  during  this  expedition  that  occurred  the  re- 
capture of  Berwick-on-Tweed  by  the  stout  Earl  which  Stow  records. 

It  was  apparently  early  in  September,  "  post  festum  Nativitatis  Beatissimc  K.  Kdwani's 
Marie  Semper  Virginis  "  (September  8),  that  Edward  himself  raised  a  great  army,  the  north" 
and  addressed  himself  to  the  task  of  subduing  his  adversaries  by  land  and  sea. 
"  Nescio  tamen  quid  in  illo  viagio  profecerit." 

The  Earl  of  Worcester  had  the  command  of  a  fleet,  but  achieved  no  success. 
The  chronicler's  words  are  worth  quoting,  "  Et  comes  de  Worcester  cum  suo 
navigio  (navy)  et  marinariis,  litoribus  niaris  et  portubus  quasi  latitantes,  annonas- 
que  suas  consumentes  infecto  negocio  vacui  cum  dedecore  remearunt.  O  infelix 
successus,  opprobrium  et  confusio." 

Gregory  is  to  the  same  effect  (p.  221),  "  Then  the  King  Edward  the  Fourth 
purposed  to  make  an  army  into  Scotland  by  land  and  by  water,  that  the  great 
rebellious  Harry  and  the  Queen  Margaret  should  not  pass  away  by  water."  Here 
is  a  distinct  hint  of  an  attempted  invasion  of  Scotland,  but  as  to  Margaret, 
Gregory  forgets  that  a  few  lines  previously  he  has  plainly  told  us  how  that  she,  de 
Breze,  and  the  rest,  had  already  left  and  got  them  to  Elanders.  He  proceeds, 
"  And  the  King  made  the  Earl  of  Worcester  captain  by  water.  And  then  there 
was  ordained  a  great  navy  and  a  great  army,  both  by  water  and  by  land.  And 
all  was  lost  and  in  vain,  and  came  to  no  purpose,  neither  by  water  nor  by  land." 

It  is  disappointing  not  to  find  what  the  "  great  navy  and  army  "  attempted 
to  do.  One  thing  is  clear,  that  the  North  remained  very  unquiet.  The  three 
Northumbrian  castles  of  which  we  have  heard  so  much,  and  probably  other 
fortified  places  of  less  importance,  were  still  in  Lancastrian  hands.  Danger  from 
Scotland  seems  still  to  have  been  apprehended,  and  it  was  not  until  October  27th 
that  a  truce  with  France  was  proclaimed,  to  date  (for  the  French)  from  October 
20, 1463,  and  for  England,  Ireland,  and  the  Isles,  from  November  15,  to  last  until 

a  Commissions  of  array  were  issued  on  June  2,  3  Edward  IV.  (1463)  under  the  Great  Seal, 
because  the  French  and  others  intended  to  invade  the  realm ;  Warwick  was  constituted  warden  of  tho 
West,  and  Montagu  of  the  East  March.  Rymer,  xi.  501. 


278  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

October  1,  1464,  Louis  undertaking  to  show  no  favour  either  to  Henry  or  to 
Margaret.  A  truce  with  Scotland  was  also  arranged  in  December.'1 

We  come  at  length  to  the  year  1464.  The  Parliament,  no  doubt  on  account 
of  the  unsettled  state  of  affairs,  had  been  further  prorogued  before  the  appointed 
day  of  meeting  to  February  20,  at  York. 

Early  in  this  year,  as  I  gather  from  the  Brief  Latin  Chronicle,  and  from 
other  sources,  Henry  began  to  move  again. 

This  chronicler  is,  I  think,  the  only  one  who  informs  us  that,  while  Edward 
was  feasting  with  his  lords  in  London,  the  partizans  of  the  deposed  monarch 
seized  the  castles  of  Norham  and  Skipton  in  Craven,  wherupon  Edward  again 
made  for  the  North  to  recover  what  was  lost  and  defend  what  remained  to  him, 
"  Quid  tamen  utile  ibi  gesserit  nescio."  b  Somerset,  who  had  hitherto  continued 
with  Edward,  about  this  time  again  changed  sides,  and  made  off  to  join  King 
Henry.0 

The  Parliament  was  again  adjourned,  to  meet  at  York  on  May  5th.'1     But 

Hnttiesof        before  this  day  came,  the  Lancastrians  were  encountered  by  Lord  Montagu0  (who 

Moor  an'a        had  shortly  before  taken  the  field)  at  Hedgeley  Moor  on  St.  Mark's  Day  (April  25), 

Aprii'amiMay,  and  at  Hexliam  on  May  8,  1464,  and  were  completely  routed.     Henry  himself 

was  present  at  the  second  battle,  and  was  all  but  taken  prisoner/     He  escaped, 


a  ttymer,  xi.  509,  510. 

b  Brie/  Latin  Chronicle,  ]>.  178,  sec  Mr.  Gairdncr's  preface,  p.  xxiv. 

c  Gregory,  p.  223.     This  is  also  mentioned  in  most  of  the  books. 

"  Rot.  Part.  v.  499. 

c  Fabyan,  sul  annis  1463-4.  "  In  this  yere  and  moneth  of  May,  whyche  was  in  the  begynnyng  of  the 
iiij  yere  of  King  Edwarde,  Lord  John  of  Montagu,  havinge  then  the  rule  in  the  northe  partes,  beynge 
warned  of  the  comyng  of  Henry  late  kynge  wyth  greate  power  out  of  Scotland,  assembled  the  northyn 
men,  and  mett  with  hym  about  Exam,  &c."  Not  a  word,  be  it  observed,  about  the  presence  of  Queen 
Margaret.  The  movements  of  Montagu  immediately  before  the  battles  are  given  with  some  little  detail 
by  Gregory. 

f  An  episode  of  the  battle  of  Hexham  is  not  without  interest.  The  author  of  the  Brief  Latin 
Chronicle,  after  noticing  the  battle,  says — "  Deliberata  sunt  in  breve  domino  de  Mowntagu  castra  de 
Langeley  the  Tawno,  Turris  de  Exham  ;  castrum  etiam  de  Bywell.  In  quo  quidem  castro  inventum  est 
lr  helmet  regis  Henrici  cum  corona  et  gladio  et  faleris  dicti  Henrici.  Et  quo  modo  aut  quo  ipse  evasit, 
novit  deus,  in  cnjus  manii  corda  sunt  Regum.  Camd.  Soc.  p.  179." 

"  John,  Lord  Montagu,"  says  Fabyan,  (ccxv.  v°.)  "  after  the  battle  of  Hexham,  chased  Henry  so  nere, 
that  he  wan  from  him  certayne  of  his  Mowers  trapped  with  blewe  velvet,  and  hys  bycocket  garnysshed 
with  two  crownes  of  golde,  and  fret  wyth  perle  and  riche  stone." 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  279 

however,  possibly  into  Scotland5  but,  as  is  well  known,  was  captured  iu  Lancashire 
not  many  months  afterwards,  and  was  conveyed  to  the  Tower  of  London,  and 
kept  there  until  1470. 

These  two  notes  of  trophies  taken  from  Henry  on  the  occasion  of  his  flight  differ  in  describing  the 
head-piece  as  a  "helmet"  and  as  a  "bycocket."  They  may  or  may  not  both  mean  the  same  thing. 
What  a  "  bycocket"  was  we  shall  see  presently,  but  first  I  wish  to  call  attention  to  the  wonderful  trans- 
formations which  the  word  itself  has  undergone  at  the  hands  of  the  later  chroniclers. 

Halle  (followed  by  Grafton),  with  a  sneer  at  this  unfortunate  prince,  says  "  King  Henry  was  the  best 
horseman  of  his  company,  for  he  fled  so  fast  that  no  man  could  overtake  him,  and  yet  he  was  so  near 
pursued  that  certain  of  his  henchmen  and  followers  were  taken,  their  horses  trapped  in  blew  velvet  : 
whereof  one  of  them  had  on  his  hed  the  said  King  Henry's  healmet.  Some  say  his  high  cap  of  estate 
called  abococfutf  (Halle,  fol.  ii.  v°.),  Hbococfect  (Grafton,  ii.  661),  garnished  with  two  riche  crowns,  which 
was  presented  to  King  Edward  at  Yorke,  the  fourth  day  of  May." 

The  word  seems  to  have  puzzled  the  printers.  Halle  first  misprints  aborocfutl  for  a  bneoclut,  and 
then  Grafton  restores  the  t,  but  throws  the  indefinite  article  into  the  word  with  a  capital  21.  Holinshed  has 
further  improved  on  Grafton  and  turned  the  head-piece  into  2lbacot. 

Spelman  in  his  glossary  has  got  hold  of  this  monstrous  corruption,  "  Abacot,"  from  Holinshed,  whom 
he  quotes,  giving  the  definition  "  Pileus  augustalis  Regum  Anglorum  duobus  coronis  insignitus."  And 
from  Spelman  (or  from  Holinshed),  Bailey,  Ash,  and,  I  believe,  other  English  dictionary  makers  have 
inserted  the  ridiculous  word. 

The  first  article  in  the  late  Mr.  Blanche's  Ci/dopwdia  of  Costume  is  on  "  Abacot,  Abocked,  Abocket, 
Bycocket."  This  very  agreeable  and  learned  writer  has  failed,  probably  from  quoting  at  second  hand,  to 
see  that  the  true  word  is  Bycocket,  and  that  Abacot,  &c.  &c.  are  mere  corruptions.  But  I  think  he  has 
shown  clearly  and  for  the  first  time  -what  a  Bycocket  is. 

Willement  in  his  Regal  Heraldry  quotes  a  passage  from  Iceland's  Collectanea,  iv.  225,  giving  an 
account  of  the  Coronation  of  Queen  Elizabeth  of  York,  on  which  occasion  the  Earl  of  Derby  as 
Constable  of  England  entered  Westminster  Hall,  "  mounted  on  a  courser  richely  trapped,  and  enarmed 
(that  is  to  say)  Quarterly,  Golde,  in  the  first  quarter  a  lion  gowles,  having  a  man's  head  in  a  Bycockett 
of  silver,  and  in  the  second  a  lyon  of  sable.  This  trapper  was  right  curiously  wrought  with  the  nedell,  for 
the  mannes  visage  in  the  Bycockett  shewde  veryle  (Pfayrle)  well  favorde. 

Willement  is  inclined,  but  no  doubt  wrongly,  to  connect  this  curious  bearing  with  another  device  borne 
in  a  banner  at  Elizabeth  of  York's  funeral.  Mr.  Planche,  however,  more  judiciously  observes  that  the 
device  of  a  lion  with  a  man's  head  in  a  "  bycocket"  did  not  belong  to  the  Stanleys.  But,  says  he,  it  is  to 
be  seen  in  a  standard  of  John  Ratcliff,  Baron  Fitzwalter  (Book  of  Standards,  Coll.  Arms,)  and  he  finds 
that  Fitzwalter  and  others  were  associated  in  3rd  Henry  VII.  for  exercising  the  office  of  High  Steward 
of  England  at  Queen  Elizabeth's  Coronation."  It  is  therefore  clear  that  it  was  Lord  Fitzwalter  as  High 
Steward,  and  not  the  Earl  of  Derby  as  constable,  who  rode  the  courser  so  "  trapped  and  enarmed." 

Mr.  Planche"  in  his  Plate  I.  lettered,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  "  Abacot,"  instead  of  "  Bycocket,"  figures  the 
man-lion  from  Fitzwalter's  standard,  temp.  Henry  VII.  where  the  Bycocket  on  his  head  is  evidently 
identical  with  the  so-called  cap  of  estate  or  cap  of  maintenance,  of  which  his  drawings  on  the  same  plate 
show  examples  from  the  seals  of  Edward  the  Black  Prince  and  Richard  Duke  of  York,  and  from  the  grant 
to  John  do  Kingston  by  Richard  II.  Hurl.  MS.  5804,  with  other  specimens.  After  remarking  "  that 


280  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

Lord  Montagu,  the  victorious  general,  was  created  Earl  of  Northumberland 
by  King  Edward  at  York,  on  Trinity  Sunday  (May  27),  1464."  Accompanied  by 
his  brother,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  he  laid  siege  on  June  25th  to  Bamborough 
Castle,  which  fell  to  their  assault  after  a  short  bombardment.11  Alnwick  and 
Dunstanborou<?h  had  already  surrendered. 


*OJ 


the  (Abacot  or)  Bycockct  was  not  peculiarly  a  royal  cap  of  state  appears  from  an  entry  in  a  fifteenth 
century  MS.  (L  8,  fol.  54  b.  Coll.  Arms)  entitled  '  The  apparel  for  the  field  of  a  baron  in  his  Sovereign's 
company,'  Item,  another  pe.  (?  paire)  of  liostyng  harness  [to]  ryde  daily  with  all,  with  a  bycocket,  and 
alle  other  apparel  longyngc  thereto,"  he  goes  on  to  say,  "  It  is,  I  think,  evident,  that  the  (abocock  or) 
bycocket  was  the  cap  so  frequently  seen  in  illuminations  of  the  fifteenth  century  turned  up  behind,  coming 
to  a  peak  in  front,  varying  and  gradually  decreasing  in  height,  encircled  with  a  crown  when  worn  by  regal 
personages,  and  similar  to  if  not  identical  with  what  is  now  called  the  knight's  chapeau,  first  appearing  in 
the  reign  of  Edward  III.  and  on  which  (when  used  upon  a  helmet)  the  crest  is  placed." 

The  word  is  French,  but  of  uncertain  derivation.  Under  the  word  Bigacia,  Ducange  says  "  Bicoquet 
vero,  et  liquoyuet,  ornamentum  est  capitis,  capitii  species,  in  Addit.  ad  Monstrel.  anno  14C5,  fol.  10  v°. 

Un  Breton,  archier  de  corps  du  due  de  Berry,  accoustre  d'une  briyandines et  vn  Bicoquet  sur  son 

chief,  garni  de  boutons  d'argent  dore."  Ho  cites  also  a  will  dated  1473  containing  a  bequest  of  a  "  Biquoquet 
fotirni  d'arr/ent."  Roquefort  gives  the  word  with  the  same  meaning.  I  cannot  find  it  in  any  of  the  other 
old  French  glossaries  which  I  have  been  able  to  consult,  and  M.  Littre  has  not  included  it  in  his  great 
French  Dictionary. 

There  is  some  authority,  at  least  so  M.  Viollet  le  Dnc  seems  to  think,  for  a  bicoquei  Laving  at  one 
time  been  a  particular  kind  of  helmet.  See  Planche's  Cyclopccdia,  i.  v.  Bycocket,  a  distinct  article,  in 
which  he  discusses  this  opinion. 

a  Patent  4  Edward  IV.  la  pars.  m.  10,  Carte  rightly  gives  the  date  of  this  creation  as  May  27, 
and  Wyrcestre,  p.  499,  agrees  with  this :  "  Dominus  Rex  postea  (i.  e.  post  praclium  apud  Hexham)  in 
festo  Trinitatis  pro  honore  captionis  dicti  ducis  Somersetia;  creavit  prsedictum  Dominnm  Mountagu  in 
Comitem  Northumbrian  deditque  eideni  Comiti  onmia  dominia  et  terras  qua;  quondam  fuerunt  Henrici  Percy 
infra  Comitatum  Northumbria?."  Yet  in  a  patent  passed  May  26,  4  Edward  IV.  John  "  Eaii  of 
Northumberland  and  Lord  of  Montague,"  has  commission  to  treat  for  peace  with  Scotland.  (Rot.  Scot. 
4  E.  IV.  m.  14.) 

And  the  narrative  of  the  siege  of  Bamborough  (MS.  Coll.  Armor.')  printed  in  Warkworth,  Note. 
p.  36,  and  in  Bonn's  Chronicles  of  the  White  Rose,  a  useful  little  book,  begins  "  May  27,  Anno  Domini 
1464.  The  King  lay  in  the  palace  of  York  and  kept  his  estate  there  solemnly,  and  there  created  he  Sir 
John  Neville  Lord  Montague  Earl  of  Northumberland." 

Dugdale,  Bar.  i.  307  refers  to  the  same  patent  roll,  but  to  the  wrong  membrane,  6  instead  of  10,  and 
elates  the  patent  May  23. 

The  creation  is  dated  by  subsequent  writers  (all  incorrectly)  as  follows: — 

Burke  Extinct  and  Dormant  Peerages         .         .         .      1461 

Banks  Extinct  and  Dormant  Peeragee 

H.  Drumniond,  Noble  British  Families  (Neville) 

Nicolas'  Historic  Peerage,  by  Courthope     .         .         .      1465,  May  27 
0  Radulfus  Gray  fugit  de  Hexham  ante  bellum  inceptum  ad  castrum  Bamburghe,  et  post  helium  dc 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV,  281 

The  North  was  now  finally  subdued  for  the  dominant  party.     The  only  place,  ^ 
indeed,  in  the  realm  which  held  out  after  this  for  Henry  was  the  strong  castle  of  ti.c  situation, 
Harlech,  which  had  once  afforded  a  shelter  to  his  fugitive  Queen,  and  continued, 
under  its  gallant  defenders,  David  ap  Jevan  ap  Einion,  and  Reynold  ap  Griffith 
ap  Pletheu,  to  hold  out  until  taken  by  William  Herbert,  Earl  of  Pembroke, 
in  1468.a 

The  Parliament,  which  had  been  again  prorogued  to  meet  at  York  on 
November  26th,  was  further  adjourned  to  Westminster,  where  it  met  for  the 
despatch  of  business  on  January  21,  1464-5,  4th  Edward  IV.b 

One  of  the  first  things  done  was  to  pass  a  bill  of  attainder  against  the 
Lancastrian  leaders,  including  the  late  Duke  of  Somerset,  Sir  Ralph  Percy,  and 
others.0 

The  Duke  had  been  taken  at  Hexham,  and  was  then  and  there  beheaded. 
This  nobleman,  nearly  related  to  King  Henry,  had  been  placed  by  him  in  posi- 
tions of  high  trust,  and,  after  Towton  Field,  in  the  Parliament  of  the  first  year 
of  Edward  IV.  was  attainted  as  a  principal  adherent  of  the  deposed  King.  After- 
wards, as  already  observed,  he  changed  sides  arid  was  restored  in  blood,  but, 
having  returned  to  his  old  allegiance,  he  commanded  the  Lancastrian  forces  at 
Hexham. 

The  recitals  to  the  subsequent  Act  of  Attainder  of  Somerset  and  others  are 
conclusive  as  to  the  dates  of  both  battles.'1  They  narrate  how  that  Henry  late 
Duke  of  Somerset,  now  dead,  was  attainted  anno  primo,  and  in  this  present 
Parliament  restored  to  his  honours  and  dignities,  and  nevertheless  "  took  his  viage 
prively  oute  of  the  parties  of  North  Wales c  unto  he  came  into  the  shire  of 
Northumberlond,  where  Henry  late  called  King  ....  kept  traitorously  and 
rebelliously  the  King's  castles  of  Bamborough,  Dunstanborough,  and  Alnwyke 
....  and  with  hym  confedered  to  the  distinction  of  our  said  Sovereign  Lord  by 
battaill  and  to  the  same  entent  and  effect  at  Exham  in  the  said  shire  the  eighth 
day  of  May,  in  the  said  fourth  year,  rered  werre  ayenst  our  said  Soveraygne  Lord." 

Hexham  multi  ex  parte  Eegis  Henrici  fugerunt  in  eodem  castro.  Et  non  longb  postea  comes  Warwick 
cum  maximis  bumbardis  obsedit  idem  castrum.  Wyrc.  p.  499.  Fabyan,  p.  ccxvi.  mentions  also  the 
capture  of  Sir  R.  Grey,  and  the  fall  of  the  castle.  Grey  was  beheaded  at  Doncaster  as  soon  as  his  wound* 
were  cured. 

a  Mr.  Halliwell's  Notes  on  Warkworth,  p.  34.     See  Rot.  Parl.  v.  512. 

"  Rot.  Parl.  v.  500,  508.  °  Ibid.  v.  511. 

"  Rot.  Parl.  ibid.  c  See  Gregory,  pp.  220,  223 

VOL.  XLVII.  2  Q 


282  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

And,  again,  how  that  "  Rauf  Percy  knyght  after  long  abode  in  rebellion  was 
also  received  into  grace  and  groat  trust,  but  against  his  duty  delivered  Bam- 
borough  and  Dunstanborough  traitorously  to  "  Henry  the  Kynges  enemye  ;  and 
after  that,  on  the  feast  of  St.  Marc  Evangelist,  in  the  said  fourth  year,  at  Heg- 
gelay  More  in  the  said  shire  of  Northumberland,  ayeinst  our  said  Soverayne 
Lord  rered  war." 

Here  I  conclude  my  summary,  a  reference  to  which  will,  I  hope,  make  what 
follows  easier  to  be  understood. 

As  we  have  left  off  with  the. defeat  and  execution  of  Henry,  Duke  of  Somerset, 
it  will  be  convenient  if  we  commence  by  examining  Sir  W.  Dugdale' s  account  of 
that  matter,  as  given  in  the  Beaufort  genealogy,  Baronage,  ii.  124. 

This  is  far  from  accurate.  First  he  says  that  the  Duke,  to  ingratiate  himself 
with  Edward,  surrendered  Bamborough  Castle  to  him.  This,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  at  Christmas  1462.  He  proceeds  thus  :  "  Also  that  the  year  next  following 
(scilicet  An.  1463,  3  E.  4),  hearing  that  Queen  Margaret  was  returned  out  of 
Erance  into  Scotland,  with  considerable  forces,  and  that  she  had  entered 
Northumberland,  taken  the  castle  of  Bamburgh,  and  was  marching  on  towards 
the  Bishoprick,  he  revolted  again  and  fled  to  the  Lancastrian  party." 

Cause  and  effect  are  here  inverted  in  order.  Somerset's  surrender  of  the  castle 
at  Christmas  1462  was  the  result  of  his  having  been  already  placed  in  it  by 
Margaret  or  under  her  orders  in  the  previous  November.  It  was  not  until  1464 
or,  at  all  events,  very  late  in  the  previous  year,  that  he  returned  to  his  old  alle- 
giance. 

"  But  this  shifting  (Dugdale  continues)  proved  fatal  to  him,  for  John  Nevill, 
then  Lord  Montacute,  upon  the  news  thereof  [really  upon  the  news  that  Henry 
was  stirring  in  the  north],  being  sent  into  Northumberland  with  a  great  power, 
gave  them  battel  near  Hexham,  where,  the  Lancastrians  being  routed,  this  Duke 
Henry  was,  amongst  other  of  the  chief  in  that  encounter,  taken  prisoner  and 
then  beheaded,  3  Apr.  3  E.  4." 

The  historical  facts  are  vouched  by  reference  to  Holinshed,  and  the  date  3 
Apr.  3  E.  4  by  reference  to  Esch.  8  E.  4,  n.  54. 

The  inquisition  thus  referred  to  returns  that  "predictus  nuper  dux  (Henry, 
Duke  of  Somerset)  obiit  tertio  die  Aprilis  anno  Regni  dicti  domini  Regis  nunc 
tertio."  This  finding,  however,  though  rightly  quoted  by  Dugdale,  is  plainly 
mistaken,  the  death  being  a  full  year  too  soon.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  the 
inquisition  was  not  taken  until  four  years  after  Somerset's  death,  and  the  exact 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  283 

date  of  that  event  may  have  been,  by  that  time,  and  for  the  immediate  purpose 
of  the  inquisition,  a  matter  of  minor  importance. 

It  is  worth  remarking  that  the  inquisition  of  8  Edward  IV.  had  already  misled 
the  usually  accurate  Vincent.  In  his  Discovery  of  Errors,  8fc.,  p.  480,  he  takes 
"  Master  Brooke  "  to  task  for  asserting  that  Somerset  was  beheaded  immediately 
after  the  battle  of  Hexham  in  1462 ;  and  would  set  him  right  by  quoting  this 
inquisition,  and  so  placing  the  battle  and  the  execution  in  1463,  the  true  date 
being  1464. 

Dugdale  concludes  by  stating  that  afterwards,  scilicet  in  5  Edward  IV.,  the 
Duke  was  attainted  in  the  Parliament  held  in  that  year. 

Sandford  (  Genealogical  History,  ed.  Stebbing,  p.  385)  cites  the  same  record 
and  dates  the  duke's  death  3  April,  1463,  and  as  taking  place  after  his  capture 
at  Hexham.a 

Collins  in  his  Peerage  repeats  Dugdale' s  mistake,  and  his  editor  Sir  Egerton 
Brydges  has  not  corrected  it. 

Neither  has  Mr.  Courthope  in  his  edition  of  Sir  N.  H.  Nicolas's  Historic  Peer- 
age; for  he  says  that  the  duke  "  being  taken  in  arms  against  King  Edward  IV.  at 
the  battle  of  Hexham  was  beheaded  3  April,  1463.'"'  He  makes  a  further  mis- 
take in  adding  that  in  the  Parliament  which  met  29  April,  immediately  after  his 
death,  the  Act  of  Restitution  in  liis  favour  was  declared  null  and  void,  so  that  his 
honours  fell  under  the  former  attainder  (of  1  Edward  IV.)  and  were  again  forfeited. 
We  have  here  the  month  and  day  of  the  original  meeting  of  the  Parliament  in 
1463  which  then  restored  him,  instead  of  January  21, 1465,  when,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  second  attainder  or  reversal  of  restitution,  was  really  passed. 

Dugdale,  as  already  mentioned,  quotes  Holinshed  for  the  wrongly  dated 
events  of  the  Hexham  campaign  ;  but  Holinshed  has  done  no  more  than  abridge 
Halle  (or  Grafton),  for,  excepting  a  few  flourishes  of  Halle's  which  Grafton  has 
omitted,  the  two  books  in  this  part  agree  (as  already  mentioned)  almost  exactly. 

Holinshed,  it  may  be  sufficient  to  notice,  gives  the  year  date  1463  in  his 
margin  p.  666,  opposite  to  the  account  of  Hexham,  places  the  Queen's  first 
voyage  as  it  would  seem  in  this  year,  and,  indeed,  does  not  change  the  year  date 

n  I  have  to  thank  Mr.  C.  T.  Martin,  F.S.A.  for  his  kindness  in  verifying  Dugdale's  citation  of  the 
inquisition  mentioned  above.  He  informs  me  that  a  second  inquisition  also  referred  to  by  Dugdale 
(Esch.  5  Edward  IV.  No.  38)  a  few  lines  lower  down,  gives  no  date  of  the  Duke's  execution. 

b  It  may  here  be  noticed,  that  Banks  Extinct  and  Dormant  Baronages,  ii.  2G2,  Courthope's  Nicolas's 
Historic  Peerage,  and  Burke's  Extinct  and  Dormant  Peerages,  all  agree  in  beheading  Robert  Lord  Hunger- 
ford,  another  important  Lancastrian  commander,  at  Hexham  in  14G3,  instead  of  1464. 

2Q2 


284  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

until  after  the  battles,  the  King's  flight,  Somerset's  execution,  and  the  final 
retaking  of  the  castles  and  the  creation  of  Montagu  as  Earl  of  Northumber- 
land. 

Halle  himself,  it  must  be  observed,  states  the  sequence  of  events  pretty  accu- 
rately, but  the  blunder  of  two  years  underlies  all  his  story. 

Thus,  in  his  account  of  the  second  year  of  Edward  IV.  1462,  he  anti- 
cipates the  events  of  the  fourth  year  by  placing  in  the  former  year  the  battles  of 
Hedgeley  Moor  and  Hexham,  the  capture  and  execution  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
and  the  final  recapture  of  the  castles.  Indeed,  he  has  either  overlooked  their 
previous  capture  or  has  confounded  the  two  events,11  for  he  mentions  but  one 
military  operation  of  the  kind. 

Still  treating  of  the  second  year,  Halle  makes  Edward  return  to  York  and 
create  Lord  Montagu  Earl  of  Northumberland.  He  then  introduces  the  events 
of  1463  by  a  statement  which  he  got  from  Polydore  Virgil  or  a  common 
source. 

Polydore  (p.  513,  ed.  1546),  after  giving,  with  great  brevity  and  without  exact 
date,  a  notice  of  the  battle  of  Hexham  and  the  execution  of  Somerset  and  others, 
proceeds  thus : — 

At  rex  Edouardu?,  etsi  ea  nova  victoria,  res  demum  suas  satis  confirmatas  esse  pro  tempore 
arbitrabatur,  tamen  magnopere  curabat,  ut  ne  Margarita  Henrici  uxor  ad  solicitandos  hominum 
animos  in  Angliam  rediret,  quocirca  toto  littoie  prasidia  disponebat,  maritimos  aditus  claudendi 
causa,  scribebatque  ad  singulos  meridionalis  orce  populos,  ne  mulierem  venientem  reciperent,  neve 

ulla  re  juvarent, ad  earn  item  partem,  quas  ad  Scoticum  agrum  pertinet,  custodias  habe- 

bat,  ne  quispiam  ad  Henricum  ex  regno  adiret. 

All  this  clearly  belongs  to  1464,  and  agrees  with  the  presence  of  Henry  as  a 
fugitive  in  Scotland  and  with  the  residence  of  Margaret  on  the  continent. 

But,  in  translating  or  adapting  the  passage,  Halle  has  altered  the  sense  to 
suit  his  false  chronology ;  for  he  says  that  Edward  provided  against  King  Henry 

a  This  is  the  most  probable,  forHalle  makes  Queen  Margaret  give  the  custody  of  Bamborough  to  Sir 
Ralph  Grey,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  was  in  1462  on  the  Yorkist  side,  but,  having  changed  party,  defended 
the  same  castle  in  1464,  after  Hexham  was  taken,  when  the  place  fell,  and  he  was  beheaded  as  above  stated. 
And  again,  before  mentioning  the  taking  of  Bamborough  (1462)  he  tells  how  Margaret  took  Alnwick, 
and  says  she  made  de  Breze  captain  there,  and  that  he  held  it  with  his  Frenchmen  till  rescued.  It  was 
de  Breze's  son  who  was  really  left  in  Alnwick  and  rescued  by  his  father  in  the  first  week  of  1463. —  Vide 
ante.  Halle  afterwards  gives  (as  above)  the  story  of  the  rescue,  but  puts  it  after  Hexham— thus  con- 
fusing it  with  the  final  reduction  in  1464. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  285 

or  Queen  Margaret  remaining  in  England,  to  which  end  he  edified  bulwarks,  &c., 
wrote  to  the  south  parts  in  no  wise  to  receive  the  Queen  or  aid  her,  and  set 
watches  for  her  on  the  Scottish  border,  as  Henry  and  his  company  lay  then 
sojourning  in  Scotland. 

He  then  relates  Henry's  entrance  into  England  in  disguised  apparel  and  his 
subsequent  capture  as  in  1463,  twelve  months  and  more  too  soon,  and  then  says 
that  the  Queen,  hearing  of  the  captivity  of  her  husband,  departed  out  of  Scotland 
and  sailed  into  Prance,  where  she  remained  with  her  father  until  her  unfortunate 
journey  into  England  again,  where  she  lost  both  husband  and  son. 

This  departure  is  of  course  rightly  dated  in  1463,  but  the  error  in  date  of  the 
Hexham  campaign  has  produced  all  this  confusion  and  the  impression  that  Mar- 
garet was  still  in  Scotland  after  the  battle. 

These  mistakes  in  the  date  of  the  battle  so  often   named  are   old  enough. 

o 

For  example,  The  Chronicle  of  the  Grey  Friars  of  London  (Camden  Society), 
which  has  the  air  of  a  contemporary  authority,  has  at  p.  21  the  following 
entry : — 

Edwardus  Quartus  Eex  ....  iij'A0. 
....  And  this  year  was  the  battellc  of  Hexham  felde. 

The  Short  English  Chronicle,  again,  p.  79,  confuses  the  first  with  the  second 
taking  of  the  castles  by  the  Yorkists,  noting  the  siege  of  Bamborough,  the 
bombardment  and  the  beheading  of  the  captain  Sir  R.  Grey  at  York  (it  should 
have  been  Doncaster)  in  "  Anno  ii."  instead  of  Anno  iv.  This  chronicle  also 
places  the  battle  of  Hexham  in  Anno  iii.  1463. 

Hearne's  Fragment  also  antedates  the  action,  referring  it  to  "  the  same  year 
as  that  in  which  Queen  Margaret  returned  from  Erance,"  id  est,  in  1462,  after 
her  first  voyage. 

Again,  EastelVs  Chronicle,  printed  in  1529,  places  the  battle  in  the  second 
year  of  King  Edward ; a  while  Habington's  History  of  Edward  IV.  written  about 
1640,  and  printed  by  Bishop  Kennett,  in  vol.  2  of  his  History  of  England,  says  it 
was  fought  in  1463 ; b  and,  in  a  footnote,  quotes  Holinshed  for  the  statement 
which  he  thus  amplifies  : — 

"  The  miserable  queen,  seeing  the  desolation  of  her  greatness,  her  husband 
imprisoned,  all  her  great  friends  fled  or  slaughtered,  made  again  her  retreat  into 
Erance." 

•  Page  279.  reprint  of  1811.  b  Page  435. 


286  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

To  conclude  the  list,  I  will  only  add,  that  Speed  also  dates  the  battle  as 
taking  place  in  1463,  and  that  Yorke,  in  his  List  of  "  Battels,"  at  the  end  of  his 
Union  of  Honour,  p.  36,  thrusts  the  taking  of  Bamborough  (in  1462)  into  the 
same  year,  right  this  time,  as  the  battle  of  Hexham,  1464.a 

Coming  to  more  modern  writers  it  is  perhaps  no  matter  for  surprise  that, 
with  such  an  array  of  respectable  authorities  in  her  favour,  Miss  Strickland,  in 
her  Life  of  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou,  should  have  fallen  into  the  common  mis- 
take as  to  the  date  of  the  battle.  She  has  also  been  led  into  giving  a  very 
romantic  but  curiously  inaccurate  version  of  the  famous  story  of  "  The  Queen 
and  the  Robber,"  and  it  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  make  some  little  investiga- 
tion into  the  anecdote,  and  the  authority  on  which  it  rests. 

Our  popular  authoress's  tale b  may  thus  be  abstracted :  In  the  spring  of 
1463,  she  says,  Sir  Ralph  Percy  was  defeated  and  slain  at  Hedgeley  Moor 
by  Neville  Lord  Montagu,  and  that  a  few  days  later,  "  England  was  again 
set  on  a  field"  at  the  fatal  battle  of  Hexham;  and  so  she  proceeds  to  notice 
King  Henry's  escape  from  the  fight,  continuing  her  narrative  thus  :  "  When 
the  victorious  Yorkists  broke  into  the  camp  at  Levels  (Hexham  Levels)  Mar- 
garet .  .  .  fled  with  her  son  on  foot  into  an  adjacent  forest,  where  .  .  .  she 
unfortunately  fell  in  with  a  gang  of  robbers,  who  .  .  .  surrounded  and  despoiled 
her  and  her  son  of  their  jewels  and  costly  robes  of  estate.  While  they  were 
quarrelling  about  the  division  of  the  plunder,  Margaret  .  .  .  snatched  up  her 
son  in  her  arms,  and  fled  to  a  distant  thicket,  unobserved  by  the  pitiless  ruffians, 
who  were  deciding  their  dispute  at  the  sword's  point.  When  the  shades  of  even- 
ing closed  round,  the  fugitive  Queen  and  her  son  .  .  .  began  to  thread  the  tangled 
mazes  of  the  forest,  dreading  above  any  other  peril  the  misfortune  of  falling 
into  the  hands  of  King  Edward's  partisans.  .  .  .  While  Margaret  .  .  .  was  con- 
sidering what  course  to  pursue,  she  perceived,  by  the  light  of  the  moon,  another 
robber  of  gigantic  stature  advancing  towards  her  with  a  drawn  sword.  Gathering 
courage  .  .  .  she  took  her  son  by  the  hand,  and  presenting  him  to  the  free- 
booter .  .  .  said,  '  Here,  my  friend,  save  the  son  of  your  king.'  Struck  with 
astonishment  at  the  majestic  beauty  of  the  mother  .  .  .  the  robber  dropped  his 
weapon  .  .  .  and  offered  to  conduct  them  to  a  place  of  safety.  A  few  words 
explained  to  the  Queen  that  the  outlaw  was  a  Lancashire  gentleman,  who  had 

a  Warkworth  gives  the  date  correctly,  so  does  Stowe,  whose  account  of  the  three  years  1462 — 4  is 
very  accurate.  He  notices  the  first  and  second  captures  of  the  castles  by  the  Lancastrians  in  the  right 
places. 

b  Lives  of  the  Queens,  2nd  edition,  iii.  271. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  287 

been  ruined  in  King  Henry's  service.  .  .  .  He  led  the  Queen  to  his  own  retreat, 
a  cave  in  Hexham  Forest,  where  the  royal  fugitives  were  refreshed,"  &c.  &c. 

The  Queen,  after  her  rencontre  with  the  robber,  meets  de  Breze  and  others 
of  her  friends,  who  inform  her  of  her  husband's  flight  and  the  execution  of  Hun- 
gerford  and  others.  They  take  leave  of  the  outlaw  and  his  wife,  who  by  refusing 
payment  for  her  hospitality  gives  occasion  for  a  fine  speech  on  the  part  of  the 
Queen.  She  resolves  to  proceed  to  Scotland,  and  crossing  the  Solway  lands  at 
Kirkcudbright,  in  company  with  de  Breze  and  his  squire.  There  she  is  recog- 
nised by  a  certain  Englishman  called  Cork,  who  determines  to  betray  her.  He 
contrives  to  hurry  the  whole  party  on  board  a  vessel,  and  puts  to  sea.  The 
French  knight  and  squire  overpower  and  slay  the  crew,  and  the  boat  is  driven  on 
to  a  sandbank  off  Cantyre,  where  de  Breze  lands  the  Queen  on  his  shoulders, 
the  squire  performing  the  same  office  for  Prince  Edward. 

The  party  then  contrive  to  reach  Edinburgh ;  thence,  after  a  while,  they 
proceed  to  Bamborough,  and  from  that  place  accompanied  by  Sir  John  Fortescue 
and  others  the  Queen  and  Prince  sail  to  Sluys,  as  we  have  seen  they  really  did, 
only  it  was  a  year  before  the  battle  of  Hexham.  The  tale  concludes  by  the 
historical  fact  of  the  Queen's  reception,  at  Bruges  and  passage  to  her  father's 
country. 

Miss  Strickland's  authorites  for  all  this  arc  Monstrelet,  "Wassabourg,"  Carte, 
Barante,  and  Prevost,  all  referred  to  without  either  chapter  or  verse. 

Wassebourg,  Barante,  and  Carte  are  soon  disposed  of. 

The  first,  so  far  as  I  can  make  ont,  from  a  careful  examination  of  his  book, 
does  not  even  allude  to  the  adventure.  Miss  Strickland  calls  him  a  contem- 
porary well  acquainted  with  Margaret.  This  he  certainly  was  not,  for  he  wrote 
in  the  days  of  Francis  I. 

Barante  is  a  modern  author  of  a  history  of  Burgundy.  He  mentions  the 
Queen's  landing  at  Sluys  and  reception  at  Bruges,  and  tells  the  adventure  as  if 
it  happened  in  1463,  but  after  Hexham. 

Carte,  a  writer  of  the  last  century,  dates  the  battle  correctly,  but  imagines 
that  Margaret  was  present  at  it.  He  merely  says  the  woods  about  Hexham  are 
the  likeliest  scene  for  Monstrelet's  tale,  which  he  proceeds  to  give." 

As  to  Monstrelet,  he  died  in  1453,  some  years  before  the  incident  could 
possibly  have  happened,  and  assuredly  he  did  not,  as  Miss  Strickland  asserts  b 
was  the  case,  have  the  story  from  the  Queen's  lips. 

n  History  of  England,  ii.  767. 

b  Pago  273,  note.     I  can  find  in  the  pseudo- Monstrelet  no  suggestion  of  the  kind. 


288  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

The  tale  is  indeed  to  be  found  in  the  third  hook  of  the  collection  called 
Monstrelefs  Chronicles  ;  hut,  as  M.  Buchon a  has  shown,  cannot  have  been 
written  by  Monstrelet.  He  adds  that,  in  the  portion  which  extends  to  1467,  the 
text  of  Du  Clercq  is  followed,  but  mutilated  and  confused  in  the  order  of  chapters 
and  dates. 

Now  Du  Clercq  records,  as  in  1462,  King  Louis'  assistance  given  to  Margaret, 
in  the  shape  of  2,000  fighting  men,  under  de  Breze,  and  the  want  of  success  of 
the  expedition,  which  is  set  down  to  Somerset's  defection."  Here  he  stops  to 
narrate  several  events  of  Flemish  history  in  1463,  and  so  concludes  his  fourth 
book.  Of  these  events,  one  only,  the  death  of  Robert  le  Jeune,  governor  of 
Arras,  April  12, 1463,  is  copied  by  the  pseudo-^lonstrelet,  p.  95  verso.  Du  Clercq's 
fifth  book  begins  thus  : 

Environ  ce  temps  la  royne  d'Anglcterre comme  ellc  passoit  par  une  forest  en  Angle- 

terre,  elle  et  son  fils,  pour  garandir  son  fils,  elle  fut  prinsc  des  pillards,  lesquels  1'euissent  mis  a 
mort,  si  dissention  no  fut  meue  entre  eux,  pour  le  butin  des  joyaux  d'icelle  dame;  et  ainsi  qu'ils  se 
combattoient  icelle  dame  print  son  enfant  et  s'enfuia  en  la  forest,  auquel  elle  fust  contrainte  dc 
lassete  de  bailler  a  un  brigand  de  bois  son  enfant,  en  lui  disant,  "  Saulve  le  fils  de  ton  roy  ; " 
et  ainsi  echappa  des  mains  des  pillars,  et  depuis  alia  en  Tranche  devers  le  roy  Lois  qui  estoit 
germain  a  elle  et  a  son  mary  .  .  .  .;  lequel  roy  Loys  lui  baillia  le  seigneur  de  la  Varende,  chevalier, 
avec  certain  nombre  de  gens  d'armes  pour  aller  avecq.  Laquelle  le  mena  pour  cuider  entrer  en 
Anglcterre,  par  le  moyen  d'aucuns  ses  amis  et  ses  allies  qu'elle  avoit  oudit  (en  le  dit)  pays.  Mais 


a  See  the  Introduction  to  vol.  x.  of  his  Edition  of  Monstrelet,  published  in  the  Collection  des  Chroniques 
de  France. 

b  Buchon,  Monstrelet  (Supplement),  vol.  xiv.  ch.  xliii.  p.  213.  The  whole  passage,  which  contains  some 
curious  details  omitted  in  the/>s«/c7o-Monstrelet.  may  be  worth  transcribing,  as  the  chronicle  is  not  very  fami- 
liarly known.  '  •  En  ce  temps  Loys,  roy  de  Franche.  pour  fair  secours  a  la  royne  d'Angleterre,  envoya  deux  mille 
couibattans  en  Angleterre,  dont  estoit  capitaine  messire  Henry  de  Bresil  [Pierre  de  Breze]  chevallier,  seigneur 
de  la  Barende  [Yarennes],  lequel  avoit,  du  temps  du  roy  Charles,  totalement  gouvern^  tout  le  royaume; 
et,  disoit-on,  quo  le  roy  1'y  envoyoit  pour  tant  qu'il  ne  1'aimoit  point,  adfin  par  adventure  qu'il  demourast 
la.  Toutesfois,  il  sy  porta  si  sagement  au  commenchement,  qu'il  y  conquesta  plusieurs  places,  ^squelles  ils 
se  tindrent  certaine  espace,  attendant  le  secours  du  due  de  Sombreset,  lequel  leur  avoit  promis  d'amener 
secours  de  gens,  et  avecq  ce  d'amener  grosse  arm£e  d'Escoche ;  lequel  due  le  trahit,  car  ce  temps  pendant, 
il  fit  tant  qu'il  olt  sa  paix  au  rcy  Edouard  d'Angleterre,  et  se  lui  rendit  ledit  roy  sa  duche  et  ses  autres 
terres ;  et  par  ainsi  faillit  aux  Franchois  de  sa  promesse,  et  si  n'eurent,  par  ce  moyen,  nuls  secours 
d'Escoche ;  et  furent,  par  le  comte  de  Warwicq  adsieges  esplaces  qu'ils  tenoient,  ou  ils  ne  se  fuissent 
point  tant  tenus  s'ils  n'  euissent  attendu  secours.  Enfin  il  leur  fust  de  necessite,  apres  qu'ils  olrent 
mangle,  par  famine,  plusieurs  de  leurs  chevaux,  d'eux  rendre,  leurs  vies  saulv&s  ;  et  s'en  retournerent 
plusieurs  ung  petit  baston  en  lenrs  mains  qui  estoit  blanc ;  mais  ains  qu'ils  partissent,  estoient  alles  en 
Escoche  pour  avoir  secours,  ou  ils  faillirent  de  1'avoir.  Durant  lequel  temps  y  olt  plusieurs  escarmouches 
et  rencontres,  ou  il  y  olt  plusieurs  mort  d'ung  costel  et  d'autres,  et  aussi  plusieurs  Franchois  prisonniers.' 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  289 

ils  n'y  feirent  rien,  et  n'y  entrorent  point.  Quant  elle  veil  qu'elle  avoit  failly,  elle  trait  a  garand  a 
1'Escluse  (Sluys),  qui  est  ung  port  de  iner  au  pays  de  Flandres,  avecq  sondit  fils  et  le  seigneur  de 
la  Varende,  et  (Jaissant?)  le  roy  Henri,  au  pays  de  Galles,  en  Angleterre,  en  une  moult  forte  place; 
de  1'Escluse  elle  vint  avecq  sondit  fils  et  le  seigneur  de  la  Varende  a  Bruges  auquel  lieu  elle  fut 
recue  honorablement,  &c. 

This,  I  suppose,  is  the  earliest  extant  version  of  the  French  story.  The  con- 
clusion of  it  induces  some  perplexity,  for,  on  the  one  hand,  it  is  somewhat  difficult 
to  see  why  the  same  chronicler  who  in  his  preceding  book  had  stated  at  some 
length  and  with  accuracy,  "as  one  having  knowledge,"  the  fact  of  Margaret's 
visit  to  Louis,  and  subsequent  expedition  with  de  Breze,  should  revert  to  these 
incidents  and  give  them  again  less  completely  and  less  correctly ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  I  can  hardly  believe  that,  between  her  leaving  England  in  1463  and 
her  landing  at  Sluys,  Margaret  could  have  visited  Louis  a  second  time,  and 
could  have  made,  under  his  auspices,  an  abortive  attempt  at  a  new  landing  in 
England. 

Be  this  as  it  may  be,  it  leaves  unattacked  my  position  that  Queen  Margaret 
did  not  return  to  England  after  April  1463. 

Du  Clercq,  moreover,  has  no  notion  of  the  adventure  happening  after  Hexham. 
He  knew  of  that  battle,  and  mentions  it  with  the  exact  date  at  the  beginning  of 
his  tenth  chapter  of  this  book ;  besides,  he  distinctly  says  that  afterwards,  depuis, 
the  Queen  went  off  to  France,  and,  if  we  reject  the  idea  of  a  second  and  elsewhere 
unrecorded  visit  to  Louis  XL,  the  adventure  of  the  robber  should  have  taken 
place  before  April  1462,  the  date  of  her  first,  and  as  it  would  seem  her  only,  visit 
to  him. 

The  third  volume  or  book  of  Monstrelet  follows  Du  Clercq  in  relating  the 
incident  in  juxtaposition  with  events  of  1463,  unconnected  with  England,  and 
begins  thus." 

"  Icy  convient  bien  dire  1'adventure  que  la  Royne  d' Angleterre  eust  a  celle 
fois  avec  le  seigneur  de  Varenne." 

The  scene  is  laid  in  a  forest  in  England,  and  the  story  is  told  down  to  "  Sauve 
le  fils  de  ton  Roy."  It  proceeds,  "  Le  brigant  le  print  tout  voulontiers  et  s'en 
allerent,  tellement  que  tost  apres  ils  vindrent  par  mer  a  1'Escluse  et  de  1'Escluse 
s'en  alia  a  Bruges,"  where  she  is  honourably  received  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
referring,  as  Du  Clercq  does,  to  the  known  events  of  the  Queen's  second  voyage  in 
1463. 

a  Monstrelet,  ed.  1595,  iii.  90. 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  R 


290  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

The  tale  thus  given  by  the  jjsewcfo-Monstrelet  then  concludes  by  repeating 
the  statement  of  Du  Clercq,  that  meanwhile  her  husband,  the  King  Henry,  was  in 
Wales  in  one  of  the  strongest  places  in  England.  The  continuator  of  Moustrelet, 
it  will  be  observed,  leaves  out  the  puzzling  reference  to  the  visit  to  King  Louis. 
But  he  follows  Du  Clercq  in  his  mention  of  Hexham  field  in  May  1464. 

The  account  in  the  third  volume  of  Monstrelet  in  Johnes's  translation"  follows 
the  French  version  lastly  abstracted,  with  the  remarkable  divergence  that  the 
forest  is  placed  in  Hainault,''  and  the  Queen's  address  to  the  brigand  is  altered 
to  suit  the  locality,  for  she  says,  "  Save  the  son  of  a  King,"  not  of  your  King, 
which  would  be  nonsense  unless  the  robber  was  an  Englishman. 

The  statement  in  the  two  French  chronicles  that  Henry  was  at  the  time  of 
the  adventure  in  his  castle  in  Wales,  cannot,  I  think,  be  true,  if  it  took  place 
immediately  before  either  voyage,  in  April  1462,  that  is,  or  in  April  1463 :  for 
on  the  former  occasion  Henry  seems  almost  certainly  to  have  been  in  Scotland, 
and  in  1463  the  Queen,  as  before  noticed,  really  sailed  to  Sluys  from  Barn- 
borough,  quite  openly  and  with  a  large  retinue,  and  her  royal  spouse  was  most 
likely  in  that  fortress  at  the  time. 

He  was  certainly  there  in  December  1463,  when  letters  of  protection  for 
William  Burgh  were  issued  under  his  signet,  and  dated  at  Bamborough  on  the 
eighth  of  that  month,  in  the  forty-second  year  of  his  reign,0  and  I  see  no  good 
reason  for  his  having  meanwhile  withdrawn  himself  into  Wales. 

The  fact  is,  that  the  greater  part  of  Miss  Strickland's  amplifications  of  the 
story — for  brevity's  sake  I  have  omitted  a  good  many  of  them — come  from  a  life 
of  Queen  Margaret,  written  in  the  last  century  by  the  Abbe  Prevost,  best  known 
as  the  author  of  Jlanon  VEscaut. 

This  biography  is  indeed  a  mere  historical  romance,  in  which  an  imaginary 
"  Miladi  Nevill"  plays  a  great  part.  She  is  supposed  to  be  a  sister  of  the  king- 
maker, but  certainly  was  no  credit  to  the  family,  her  manners  being  of  the  most 
free,  and  her  virtue  of  the  most  easy  sort.  In  her  company  another  character 
appears,  equally  unknown  to  history,  except,  indeed,  to  that  branch  of  it  which 


a  Johnes's  Monstrelet,  cd.  1840,  ii.  288. 

b  Miss  Strickland  seems  to  have  used  Johnes's  translation,  for  she  observes,  no  doubt  correctly,  tha 
Hainault  must  be  a  blunder  of  a  copyist  for  England.  It  is,  I  think,  quite  impossible  that  the  Queen 
either  on  her  first  or  her  second  voyage,  could  have  got  into  Hainault  at  all. 

c  The  original  letters  are  in  the  possession  of  Sir  John  Lawson  of  Burgh,  Bart,  and  will  be  foun 
printed  in  the  Archceologia,  XLVII.  p.  190. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Eeign  of  King  Edward  IV.  291 

is  valued  only  in  the  nursery.  "  La  Dame  Trott  "  is  certainly  a  singular  appa- 
rition among  the  nobles  and  gentles  of  the  English  court. 

The  Abbe's  account  of  the  adventure,  intercalated  with  a  brief  and  fairly 
accurate  narration  of  Henry  VI. 's  capture  and  carrying  off  to  London,  occupies 
no  less  than  26  octavo  pages.  It  is  amusing  enough,  but  I  have  no  intention  of 
transcribing  it.a  He  has  borrowed  the  false  date  from  Rapin,  the  skeleton  of  the 
adventure  from  "  Monstrelet,"  and  for  all  the  detail  he  has  drawn  upon  a  most 
fertile  imagination. 

To  his  book,  however,  Miss  Strickland  is  indebted  for  the  antecedents  of  the 
robber  (his  gigantic  stature  seems  to  be  her  own  invention),  the  charity  of  his 
wife,  the  passage  to  Kirkcudbright,  the  romantic  escape  from  Mr.  Cork  (a  most 
impossible  Englishman),  the  undignified  landing  "pick-a-back"  at  Cantyre,  the 
name  Barville  assigned  to  the  squire,  and  for  everything  else  which  is  not  in 
Monstrelet's  or  Du  Clercq's  brief  narrative. 

I  have  been  unable  to  find  the  authority  for  Miss  Strickland's  "  cave  "  near 
Hexham,  where  the  robber  dwelt.  Provost  mentions  the  bandit's  dwelling,  but 
does  not  call  it  a  cave. 

Miss  Strickland  says  that  there  is  a  local  legend  which  assigns  a  cave  in  that 
neighbourhood  as  the  scene  of  the  adventure,  and  that  no  one  who  has  minutely 
studied  the  antiquities  of  the  town  can  doubt  the  fact,  i.e.  the  truth  of  the 
legend,  and  gives  a  description  of  the  so-called  Queen  Margaret's  Cave. 

The  editors  of  the  first  part  of  vol.  i.  of  Mr.  Hodgson's  History  of  North- 
umberland briefly  notice  (p.  328),  in  a  very  good  resume  of  the  events  so  far  as 
they  relate  to  Northumberland,  the  existence  of  such  a  legend,  but  give  no 
reference  to  any  book  for  it,  nor  do  I  happen  to  have  found  any  Avork  giving  the 
particulars.  However  circumstantial,  it  can  have  little  historical  value. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  William  of  "Wyrcestre  (p.  481)  says,  that  after  the  battle 
of  Northampton,  so  far  back  as  1460,  Queen  Margaret  with  her  son  fled  from 
Eccleshall  towards  Chester,  and  was  nearly  taken  by  one  John  Cleyer,  a  retainer 
of  Lord  Stanley,  and  was  robbed  of  all  her  goods  and  jewels  by  her  own  servants  ; 
that  she  nevertheless  got  off  in  safety  with  her  son  to  her  castle,  no  doubt 
Harlech  Castle.  Gregory  also  (p.  208)  narrates  that,  upon  the  Duke  of  York's 
entry  into  London  (not  long  after  the  battle  of  Northampton),  and  laying  claim 
to  her  Crown,  Margaret  "  voydyde  unto  Walys,  but  she  was  met  with  be  syde  the 
Castelle  of  Malepas  (in  Cheshire,  some  thirty  miles  W.N.W.  of  Eccleshall),  and  a 
servand  of  hyr  owne  that  she  hadde  made  bothe  yeman  and  gentylman,  and  aftyr 

a  (Euvres  choisies  de  VAble  Prevost.     Amsterdam,  1784,  tome  xiv.  pp.  207 — 233. 

2n2 


292  Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts 

apoyntecl  for  to  be  in  office  with  hyr  sone  the  prynce,  spoylyde  hyr  and  robbyde 
hyr,  and  put  hyr  soo  in  dowt  of  hyr  lyffe  and  sonys  lyffe  also.  And  thenn  she 
com  to  the  Castelle  of  Hardelowe  in  Walys,"  &c. 

Now  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  Queen  may  have  "  fallen  among  thieves  " 
more  than  once  in  her  eventful  career,  but  I  am  not  indisposed  to  believe  that 
there  was  but  one  such  adventure,  and  that,  in  the  incident  recorded  by 
Wyrcestre  and  Gregory,  we  have  the  origin  of  the  French,  or  rather  Flemish, 
story,  the  details  of  which  may  however  be  quite  true.a 

I  see  no  proof  that  Henry  ever  took  shelter  at  Harlech,  but  the  assertion  in 
the  two  Flemish  books  that  at  the  time  of  the  adventure  Henry  was  in  a  strong 
Welsh  castle  may  well  be  a  mistake  grounded  on  the  fact  that  the  Queen  after 
the  robbery  escaped  thither. 

Before  leaving  the  robber  story  and  concluding  this  paper,  I  will  briefly 
examine  the  narratives  of  Rapin,  Hume,  Lingard,  and  Sharon  Turner,  as  to  these 
transactions. 

Rapin's  account  is  inexact.  After  mentioning  Queen  Margaret's  descents 
on  the  northern  coast  in  1462,  he  comes  immediately  to  the  advance  of  Lord 
Montagu  and  the  battles  of  Hedgeley  Moor  and  Hexham,  which  he  treats  but  very 
briefly  as  the  end  of  the  same  campaign.  Having  erroneously  made  Margaret 
advance  into  Northumberland  after  the  storm  at  sea  and  retreat  to  Berwick, 
he  supposes  her  to  have  been  at  Hexham  and  to  have  shared  with  her  son  the 
flight  of  Henry  into  Scotland.1'  Having  entirely  omitted  any  mention  of  the  first 
recapture  of  the  castles,  he  rightly  states  that  Warwick  recovered  them  after 
Hexham,  but  wrongly  notices  the  partial  relief  of  Alnwick  by  the  Scots  as  an 
incident  of  the  final  recapture. 

Coming  presently  to  Henry's  being  taken  prisoner  and  confined  in  the 
Tower  of  London,0  he  tells  the  adventure  of  the  robber.  He  infers  from  it  that 

a  Yet  again,  in  the  contemporary  chronicle  of  Adricn  de  But  (Belgian  Doc.  Inedits.  1870,  p.  454), 
there  is  this  brief  notice  of  a  robbery  in  connection  with  Margaret's  second  voyage  in  1463: — 

"  Margarita  regina  Anglia:  cum  Edwardo  parvulo  filio,  venit  at  curiam  Ducis  Philippi,  qui  fecit  earn 
deduci  ad  Lotharingiam,  sed  in  via  deprsedata  fuit." 

This  seems  rather  to  mean  that  it  was  on  the  journey  to  Lorraine  that  she  was  waylaid,  and  not 
befove  arrival  at  the  ducal  court.  Can  the  adventure,  after  all,  have  happened  in  Hainault,  as  Mr.  Johnes 
so  unaccountably  states  ?  That  province  is  not  exactly  out  of  the  road  from  Bruges  to  Verdun. 

b  Eapin  has  been  followed  without  suspicion  by  the  compilers  of  L' 'Art  de  verifier  les  Dates,  vii.  149: 
ed.  1818. 

c  It  is  by  no  means  clear  whether  he  intends  to  place  this  event  in  1463  or  1464;  the  real  dat( 
being  1465. 


of  the  early  years  of  the  Reign  of  King  Edward  IV.  293 

Margaret  had  separated  from  her  husband  (whom  rightly  or  wrongly  he  brings 
from  Edinburgh  into  England  immediately  before  his  capture)  and  resolved  also  to 
hide  in  England  until  she  could  escape,  observing  that,  if  the  adventure  be  true, 
it  must  have  occurred  about  this  time. 

It  need  hardly  be  repeated  that,  although  Margaret  may  possibly  have  been  in 
Scotland  at  some  time  in  1463,  she  had  departed  for  the  Continent  long  before 
Hexham  field. 

As  for  Hume,  he  makes  Louis  XI.  send  de  Breze  on  an  independent  expedi- 
tion resulting  merely  in  the  capture  of  Alnwick  in  1462,  prior  to  Margaret's  visit 
to  him.  As  the  result  of  that  visit  and  the  promise  to  surrender  Calais,  he  says 
that  Louis  was  induced,  as  in  1464,  "  to  send  along  with  her  a  body  of  2,000 
men-at-arms,  which  enabled  her  to  take  the  field  and  to  make  an  inroad  into 
England.  Though  reinforced  by  a  numerous  train  of  adventurers  from  Scotland 
and  by  many  partisans  of  the  family  of  Lancaster,  she  received  a  check  at 
Hedgley  Moor  from  Lord  Montague,  &c."  and  then  naturally  Hexliam  follows. 

The  utter  incorrectness  of  all  this,  except  that  Hume  has  the  right  date  for 
the  two  battles,  needs,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  no  further  exposure. 

The  robber  adventure  is  told  as  occurring  to  the  Queen  after  her  supposed 
defeat  at  Hexham.  while  the  pseudo  Monstrelet  is  followed  in  his  account  of  her 
subsequent  concealment  and  escape  to  her  father's  court. 

Lingard a  states  the  sequence  of  events  accurately,  though  somewhat  imper- 
fectly, but  his  dates  of  years  in  which  the  events  occurred  are  wrong. 

He  passes  over  the  whole  1462  as  if  there  was  nothing  to  record,  and  conies 
to  1463.  He  refers  to  this  year  the  whole  of  the  events  of  1462,  month  by  month, 
beginning  with  Margaret's  first  voyage  in  April  down  to  the  retaking  of  Alnwick, 
dated  in  the  margin  Jan.  5,  that  is  to  say,  January  5,  1464.''  But  he  is  not 
consistent  with  himself,  for  at  the  top  of  the  page,  immediately  over  "  Jan.  5," 
he  has  retained  the  running  date  1463,  giving  at  first  sight  an  appearance  of 
accuracy. 

11  Page  145,  seqq.  5th  ed.  1849. 

b  The  date  of  the  Queen's  landing  in  Bretagne  is  given  in  the  margin  as  "1463  April  8,"  and  as 
the  first  event  of  that  year.  This  is  no  misprint  for  1462,  as  is  shown  by  the  day  of  the  month.  This 
corresponds  with  Good  Friday,  1463,  and  Lingard  was  evidently  following  William  Wyrcestre,  who  says 
the  landing  in  Brittany  was  on  that  fast-day,  "l)ies  Parasceves,"  hut  somehow  he  has  gone  one  year 
forward.  Good  Friday,  1462  (the  real  date)  fell  on  April  16.  Miss  Strickland,  p.  267,  quotes  Lingard  for 
the  landing  in  Brittany  as  on  April  8,  1462.  She  has  set  right  the  year,  but,  failing  to  observe  that  the 
day  of  the  month  depended  on  Easter,  has  not  altered  8  to  16. 


294     Inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary  Accounts  of  the  early  years  of  Edward  IV. 

He  then  tells  the  tale  of  the  robber,  as  happening  probably  "  in  this  winter 
campaign,"  and  as  the  termination  of  it  he  gives  Margaret's  second  voyage  to 
Sluys.  The  marginal  date  of  the  month  for  this  is  "  April,"  which,  if  governed 
by  the  running  date  1463,  would  be  right,  but  the  text  unmistakably  brings  it  to 
April  1464.  On  the  next  page  the  marginal  date  1464  first  occurs,  and  cor- 
rectly, in  conjunction  with  April  25,  as  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Hedgeley  Moor. 

Mr.  Sharon  Turner's  account  of  this  passage  of  history  is  very  clear  and 
painstaking.  Having  adopted  the  public  records  and  the  contemporary  chronicles 
as  his  chief  authorities,  he  has  avoided  many  of  the  mistakes  or  confused  state- 
ments of  other  writers.  He  has  however  missed  the  second  capture  of  the 
three  castles  by  the  Lancastrians. 

At  p.  259  of  his  third  volume,  second  edition,  he  has  the  following  footnote  as 
to  the  robber-story : 

The  incidents  mentioned  but  not  dated  by  Monstrclet,  of  the  Queen's  being  plundered  by 
robbers  in  her  flight  in  a  forest  (&c.  &c.),  are  usually  connected  with  the  battle  of  Hexham. 
But  they  rather  suit  the  period  mentioned  before  p.  256  (that  is,  the  period  before  the  Queen's 
second  voyage).  Monstrelet  adds,  that  Henry  at  this  time  entered  into  Wales.  Johnes  has  inserted 
"  the  forest  of  Hainault"  in  his  translation,  but  the  French  of  my  edition  of  Monstrelet  is  "  tine 
forest  en  Angleterre." 

Mr.  Turner,  whose  work  I  did  not  look  at  until  this  paper  was  nearly  com- 
plete, has  here  anticipated  some  of  my  remarks. 

He  agrees  with  me  in  adopting  William  of  "Worcester's  (and  Wassebourg's) 
statement  that  Margaret,  after  finding  her  way  to  Lorraine,  "  waited  the  issue  of 
the  course  of  things,"  and  gives  no  hint  of  her  return  in  the  following  year. 


XVII. — Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the  Treasurer  of 
the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  Communicated  by  CHARLES  TRICE 
MARTIN,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 


Read  April  3,  1879,  and  February  12,  1880. 


The  Roll  of  Accounts,  which  is  here  printed  in  full,  is  the  property  of  Colonel 
Smyth  of  "Welwyn,  and  was  sent  to  the  Society  for  exhibition  by  the  Eight  Rev. 
the  Bishop  Suffragan  of  Nottingham,  D.D.,  E.S.A.  There  arc,  in  fact,  two 
separate  rolls,  measuring  in  length,  the  first  six  feet  six  inches,  the  second 
twelve  feet.  Each,  roll  is  composed  of  sheets  of  paper  sewn  together,  and  the 
reason  for  the  two  being  now  joined  is,  that  they  were  presented  for  audit  as  one 
account;  and  the  receipt  for  the  balance  due  to  the  king  is  still  appended  to  them. 

Both  rolls  are  in  fairly  good  condition  and  quite  legible.  The  beginning  of 
the  longer  one  is  slightly  mutilated,  as  it  is  on  the  outside  when  rolled  up,  and 
it  has  been  repaired  in  recent  times. 

The  name  of  Sir  John  Daunce,  the  person  who  renders  the  account,  constantly 
occurs  among  the  papers  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  almost  invariably  in  con- 
nection with  money  matters.  In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  he  held  the  office  of 
Receiver-General  of  the  Lands  of  Minors,  which  he  surrendered  to  Wolsey  in 
1518.  In  1511  he  was  Collector  of  the  Petty  Customs  in  the  Port  of  London.  A 
short  time  after  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  General  Surveyors  of  Crown  Lands 
— an  important  place,  for  all  leases  were  granted  by  advice  of  him  and  his 
colleagues.  He  was  also  Steward  of  the  two  crown  manors  of  Kennington, 
Surrey,  and  Donington,  Berks,  Collector  of  the  Subsidy  for  Middlesex,  and  Chief 
Butler  of  England. 

Large  sums  of  money  must  have  passed  through  his  hands  in  connection  with 
these  offices,  but  this  roll  does  not  refer  to  his  official  receipts,  but  to  money 
paid  to  him  by  the  treasurer  of  the  king's  chamber  expressly  to  be  expended  on 


296  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

the  king's  behalf.  There  are  extant  several  warrants  to  him  from  the  king, 
Cardinal  Wolsey,  and  others,  authorising  the  payment  of  sums  of  money  for 
specified  objects. 

There  is  not  much  to  be  said  about  his  personal  history.  He  accompanied 
the  king  on  his  campaign  in  Prance  in  1513,  and  was  knighted  by  him  in  the 
church  at  Tournay,  after  the  singing  of  Te  Deum,  on  the  day  that  town  was 
surrendered.  At  various  times  he  sat  on  the  commission  of  the  peace  for  the 
counties  of  Middlesex,  Berks  and  Oxford,  and  Buckingham.  In  1515  he  was 
sheriff  of  Oxfordshire  and  Berkshire,  and  knight  of  the  shire  for  Oxfordshire  in 
the  Parliament  of  1529. 

He  was  also  present  at  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold,  and  at  the  subsequent 
interview  between  Henry  VIII.  and  Charles  V.  he  undertook  the  task  of  assigning 
the  lodgings  for  the  Emperor's  suite  when  he  visited  the  English  king  at  Calais. 

In  the  following  year  (1521)  he  sat  upon  the  trial  of  the  Duke  of  Bucking- 
ham for  treason,  and,  after  the  duke's  execution,  was  one  of  the  commissioners 
for  viewing  his  property.  He  performed  a  similar  duty  after  the  fall  of  the 
cardinal. 

In  1526  he,  with  other  aldermen  and  citizens  of  London,  drew  up  a  report a 
upon  the  value  of  the  coins  then  current,  proposing  the  issue  of  a  new  coin 
called  a  George  noble,  of  the  value  of  6s.  8d. 

Sir  John  possessed  a  house  in  Mark  Lane,  but  I  think  resided  principally 
either  at  the  Court  or  in  Buckinghamshire.  In  1528,  Hurnfrey  Monmouth,  the 
friend  and  patron  of  the  martyr  William  Tyndale,  was  examined  at  his  house  by 
Sir  Thomas  More.  The  same  year  the  Bishop  of  Bayorne,  the  French  ambas- 
sador, desired  to  have  the  house  to  reside  in,  saying  that  it  had  not  been 
inhabited  for  three  years,  and  that  it  was  spoilt  by  pigeons  having  built  their 
nests  in  it. 

His  property  in  Buckinghamshire,  including  the  lands  of  the  Benedictine 
nunnery  of  Meuresley,  or  St.  Margaret's  Ivinghoe,  granted  to  him  after  its 
dissolution,  in  1538,"  will  be  found  described  in  the  inquisition  taken  after  his 
death,  which  happened  on  December  7,  1545.c 

In  a  MS.d  by  Robert  Glover,  Somerset  Herald,  Daunce's  arms  and  crest 
are  figured  as  here  shown,  and  may  be  blazoned  thus: — Arms,  Per  pale 
argent  and  or,  a  fesse  wavy  gules  between  three  lions'  heads  erased,  two 

a  Letters  and  Papers  Hen.  VIII.  iv.  2595.  b  Pat.  29  Hen.  VIII.  p.  5,  m.  26. 

0  Inq.  p.  m.  38  Hen.  VIII.  No.  4.  a  Claudius  C.  in.  f.  92. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII. 


297 


and  one,  of  the  last,  each  with  a  spear-head  issuing  from  the  mouth  azure  :— 
Crest,  On  a  wreath  argent  and  vert,  a  horse's  head  per  fesse  gules  and  azure 
both  bezantee,  bridled  argent. 


For  the  following  account  of  his  tomb  I  am  indebted  to  my  friend 
Mr.  W.  H.  Richardson,  F.S.A. 

"  In  the  south  (chancel)  aisle  of  the  parish  church  of  St.  Michael,  Blewbury, 
Berks,  placed  longitudinally  against  the  wall,  is  a  large  moulded  slab  of  Purbeck 
marble,  raised  some  few  inches  above  the  floor,  bearing  the  full-length  figures,  in 
brass,  of  Sir  John  Daunce,  in  armour,  and  wearing  thereupon  a  surcoat  of  his 
arms ;  and  of  his  wife,  Dame  Alice  Daunce,  habited  in  a  long  mantle,  the 
dexter  side  displaying  the  arms  of  Daunce,  and  the  sinister  the  quartered 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  s 


298  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

coats  of  Latton,   Percy,   Estbury,   and    Sycheville.     Beneath   is   the   following 
inscription  : — 

Of  your  charity  pray  for  the  soil  of  Dame  Alice  Daunce,  dowghter  of  Thomas  Latton, 
gentl.  late  the  wife  of  Sr  John  Daunce,  Knight,  Councellor  and  Surveyour-Generall  unto  our 
Soveraigne  Lord  King  Henry  the  Eight,  whyche  departed  the  27  day  of  August  in  the  yere  of 
our  Lord  God  1523,  on  whos  soil  Ihu  have  mercy. 

"  Under  this  epitaph  are  the  figures  of  five  sons  and  two  daughters,  and 
around  are  the  shields  of  Daunce,  Latton,  Percy,  and  Sycheville. 

"  This  tomb,  when  Ashmole  made  his  notes  on  this  church  (Bibl.  Bodl.  850, 
ff.  185,  186),  stood  'at  the  south  side  of  the  midle  isle,'  and  is  simply  described 
as  '  a  raised  monument.'  It  has  every  appearance  of  having,  at  some  time  or 
other,  formed  the  top  of  an  altar- tomb. 

"  Dame  Alice  Daunce  was  apparently  the  eldest  daughter  of  Thomas  Lattou, 
of  Chilton  and  Upton,  Berks,  and  of  Johanna  his  wife,  daughter  of  John  Fox. 
He  died  8th  April,  1503." " 

In  the  sixteenth  century  the  king  held  the  revenues  of  the  state  as  his  per- 
sonal property,  just  as  a  nobleman  did  his  rents  ;  so  that,  in  the  accounts  of  that 
period,  the  expense  of  national  objects  is  mixed  up  with  the  private  expen- 
diture of  the  sovereign  in  a  way  which  appears  very  strange  to  modern  ideas. 

The  earlier  of  the  two  rolls  commences  with  a  statement  that  Daunce  has 
received  from  Sir  John  Heron,  treasurer  of  the  king's  chamber,  between  21  July, 
1515,  and  6  March,  1517,  the  sum  of  7,700Z. 

Then  follows  the  expenditure,  of  which  the  first  heading  is,  "  Provision  and 
Stuff  for  the  Wars."  The  items  include  cables  and  anchors,  a  gun  called  "  the 
Columbine,"  purchased  at  Fontarabia  by  one  Thomas  Badcock,  who  resided  for 
many  years  in  Spain,  and  corresponded  with  Cardinal  Wolsey  and  his  successor 
Cromwell ;  iron  gunshot ;  making  bows  and  scouring  and  making  up  armour. 
The  total  is  3,111Z.  11s.  9d. 

There  is  in  the  Public  Record  Office ''  an  account  sent  by  Badcock  for  the 
casting  of  a  culverin  at  Eontarabia  in  1518.  Badcock's  account  includes  house- 
rent  ;  bread  and  wine  and  fruit  for  the  workmen,  and  also  for  women  who  dug  the 
ground  where  the  gun  was  cast,  carried  fuel,  &c. ;  wax  to  make  the  king's  arms 

a  Cf.  Harl.  1139,  f.  124,  et  alia.    The  Daunce  or  Dauntsey  family  are  described  as  of  Lavington,  Wilts. 
b  Letters  and  Papers  Hen.  VIII.  ii.  4108. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  Till.  299 

and  other  conceits  upon  the  gun ;  freight  to  London  and  other  expenses ; 
amounting  in  all  to  228  ducats — about  51£.  The  mere  cost  of  casting  the  gun 
appears  from  the  receipt  of  the  founder  to  have  been  90  ducats  for  18  quintals  of 
copper,  and  60  ducats  for  the  making.  The  founder  adds  to  the  receipt  a  pas- 
sage in  Spanish,  of  which  this  is  the  translation  :  "  I  declare  that  I  would  not 
have  made  the  said  culverin  for  any  one  else  for  200  ducats  of  gold,  but  I  am 
content  to  have  made  it  for  you  (i.e.  Badcock)  for  the  said  60  ducats,  for  the 
friendship  I  have  for  you,  and  for  the  great  honour  and  benefit  I  daily  receive 
from  your  worship,  and  in  order  that  the  Most  Serene  King  of  England  may  see 
the  work  of  my  hand." 

There  was  no  open  war  during  the  time  this  account  covers,  that  is,  from 
July  1515  to  October  1517,  but  the  king  was  keeping  a  fleet  at  sea,  and  had  to 
provide  for  the  garrisons  at  Calais  and  Tournay,  besides  those  on  the  Scotch 
border,  where  a  good  deal  of  fighting  was  always  going  on. 

The  next  heading  is  "  Charges  of  officers  at  arms  sent  into  divers  places,  and 
rewards  to  divers  persons."  The  travelling  allowance  to  a  king  at  arms  at  this 
period  was  6s.  or  6*.  Sd.  a  day,  and  to  a  herald  4s. 

Thomas  Benolte  was  a  foreigner  who  had  belonged  to  the  College  of  Arms  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  as  Hougecroix  Pursuivant  and  Windsor  Herald,  and 
was  promoted  in  1515  to  be  Clarencieux  King  at  Arms.  Several  of  his  visitations 
of  the  southern  counties  are  now  among  the  Haiieian  MSS. 

He  was  very  frequently  employed  in  foreign  countries,  and  is  here  stated  to 
have  been  sent  to  France  in  August,  1515,  where  Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of 
Suffolk,  Dr.  Nicholas  "West,  Dean  of  Windsor,  and  Sir  Richard  Wingfield  were 
acting  as  ambassadors,  though  there  does  not  happen  to  be  any  reference  to  this 
journey  of  his  in  their  despatches. 

The  death  of  Louis  XII.  King  of  France,  on  New  Year's  Day,  1515,  a  few 
months  after  his  marriage  with  the  Princess  Mary,  had  destroyed  the  hopes  of 
the  party  in  England  who  desired  to  influence  continental  affairs  for  their  own 
ends  by  means  of  the  French  alliance.  The  new  King  Francis  I.,  although  he 
formally  renewed  the  previous  treaties  with  England,  had  just  started,  in  July, 
1515,  on  his  expedition  to  conquer  the  duchy  of  Milan,  and  it  was  believed  had 
an  eye  to  the  subjugation  of  the  whole  Italian  peninsula.  This  the  King  of 
England  was  endeavouring  to  prevent,  without  coming  to  an  open  rupture. 

The  English  ambassadors  had  been  sent,  first  to  congratulate  Francis  on  his 
accession,  and  then  to  an-ange  for  the  return  to  England  of  Mary,  the  Dowager 

2s2 


300  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

French  Queen,  and  settle  her  money  matters,  which  King  Henry  her  brother 
apparently  considered  the  most  important  part  of  the  negotiations.  Suffolk,  in 
sending  Wolsey  the  account,  says  it  is  past  his  learning,  and  he  cannot  tell 
whether  she  has  her  right  or  no.  The  English  ambassadors  succeeded  however 
in  carrying  off  the  "  Mirror  of  Naples,"  a  valuable  diamond,  worth  30,000 
crowns,  which  the  French  asserted  was  an  heirloom  of  the  Queens  of  France, 
and  other  jewels,  worth  10,000  more. 

The  story  of  the  secret  marriage  of  the  duke  and  the  French  Queen  is  too  well 
known  to  need  repeating  here,  but  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  state  the 
arrangements  made  by  Henry  VIII.  with  the  newly  married  couple.  They  were 
bound  to  pay  to  the  king  4000Z.  a  year  of  her  dower ;  to  give  up  all  the  plate 
and  jewels  which  the  late  French  King  had ;  and  also  200,000  crowns  which 
Francis  was  bound  to  pay  her  "  in  full  contcntation  of  her  dote  "  ;  and  there  is  no 
doubt  that  these  sums  were  rigorously  exacted. 

The  next  entry  is  for  posts  sent  to  St.  Malo  to  view  the  French  and  Scotch 
ships  there.  These  were  the  ships  prepared  by  the  Duke  of  Albany  to  convey 
him  into  Scotland. 

Since  the  death  of  James  IV.  on  Flodden  Field,  his  widow.  Margaret,  sister 
of  the  English  king,  had  married  Archibald  Douglas,  Earl  of  Angus,  a  man  who 
does  not  seem  to  have  had  much  to  recommend  him  except  his  personal  appear- 
ance. This  match,  and  the  favour  shown  by  the  queen  to  her  husband's  family, 
contributed  to  destroy  what  little  influence  she  possessed  in  the  kingdom.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1515  she  was  besieged  in  Stirling  Castle  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Glasgow  and  the  Prior  of  St.  Andrews.  Meanwhile,  the  Duke  of 
Albany,  the  only  man  who  had  much  authority  in  Scotland,  was  in  France,  but 
was  expected  to  appear  shortly  in  Scotland  to  act  as  mediator.  Margaret  feared 
that  he  would  take  away  the  young  king  her  son  and  govern  in  his  name,  or 
perhaps  even  make  himself  king.  On  this  account  the  King  of  England  was 
anxious  to  keep  the  duke  in  France,  or,  better  still,  to  intercept  him.  Suffolk 
and  his  colleagues  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  French  to  stop  him.  Francis 
personally  refused  to  do  so,  having,  as  he  said,  promised  to  permit  him  to  go. 
His  ministers,  more  cautious  than  their  master,  offered  to  detain  him  for  three 
months  if  Henry  would  refrain  from  assisting  the  queen.  The  English  ambas- 
sadors refused  this  overture  on  the  ground  of  want  of  powers,  and  threatened 
that,  if  Francis  sent  Albany,  the  king  would  send  another  as  big  as  he  to  help 
the  queen. 

Meanwhile  ships  were  kept  at  sea  to  try  and  intercept  the  French  and  Scotch 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  301 

fleet,  under  the  command  of  Christopher  Coo,  a  well-known  sea  captain,  but  not 
a  great  favourite  with  the  king,  who  thought  that  "  he  was  more  in  boasting  than 
any  good  feat."  While  he  was  cruising  on  the  north  coast,  Coo  writes  that  all 
the  Scotch  ships  are  gone  to  fetch  the  Lord  Protector,  "  and,  if  he  be  so  stronge 
as  they  saye  he  his,  he  wyll  come,  mawgre  all  the  shippes  now  beynge  in  the  see, 
ye  and  ther  war  iij.  tymez  so  many  more,  for  hymself  corny th  in  the  Grctt  Michell, 
a  shippe  as  moche  as  the  Soveraign  and  the  Margarett,  and  another  shippe  callyd 
the  Jamys,  shippes  of  ij.c.  the  least.""  Whether  Albany  evaded  Coo,  or  whether 
Coo  was  afraid  to  stop  him,  I  do  not  know,  but  the  duke  arrived  in  Scotland 
some  time  in  May,  1515.  At  the  Parliament  in  July  a  sword  was  borne  before 
the  duke  by  the  Earl  of  Arran,  and  he  was  crowned  Protector  till  the  young  king 
attained  the  age  of  eighteen.  Certain  lords  were  named  by  the  Parliament  to 
have  charge  of  the  young  king,  and  they  were  sent  to  the  queen  at  Stirling  for 
her  to  select  three  of  them.  The  interview  is  thus  narrated  by  Lord  Dacre, 
Warden  of  the  English  Marches,  in  a  letter  to  the  Council :  — 

The  same  duke  be  thadvice  of  his  counsaile  commonecl  in  the  Parliament  house  who  shulcl 
haif  the  reull  and  keping  of  the  younge  king  and  his  broder,  and  therupon  appointed  viij  lordes 
and  send  iiij  of  them  to  the  Quene  bidding  liir  chose  wliilk  thro  of  the  same  lordes  she  pleased  to 
haif  the  keping  of  them.  And  whan  as  she  herd  tell  of  ther  commyng,  she  toke  the  younge 
king  in  hir  haunde,  and  the  nurs  haifing  the  prince  his  broder  in  hir  arme  within  the  irne  yates 
thenne  beyng  open.  And  with  the  queue  beyng  therle  of  Angusse  hir  husbande,  and  there 
servauntes,  but  a  few  nombre.  And  whan  as  she  sawe  the  lordes  within  thre  yerdes  of  the  yates, 
she  bad  them  staunde  and  demanded  the  cause  of  ther  commyng,  and  what  was  ther  message. 
And  then  they  shewed  they  comme  fro  the  duke  and  governour,  and  that  it  was  decreed  by  the 
parliament  that  they  shuld  come  to  aske  delyverance  of  the  king  and  his  broder.  And  then  she 
caused  the  portcoles  be  lattyn  down,  and  made  aunsuer  sayng  that  the  castell  was  hir  owne 
feoffament  yeven  to  hir  by  the  king  hir  late  husbande  with  other  parcelles,  and  that  hir  said  late 
husbande  had  made  hir  protectruc  and  yeven  hir  auctorite  to  haif  the  keping  and  govcrnaunce  of 
hir  saide  children.  Wherfor  she  couthe  in  noo  wise  deliver  them  to  any  personne.  Nothelcss 
she  desired  respit  of  vj.  dayes  to  gif  hir  furthir  annsucr.  And  thenne  therle  of  Anguysshe  saide 
and  shewed  oppinly  it  was  his  woll  and  mynde  that  the  king  and  his  broder  shulde  be  delyvered 
according  to  the  decre  of  parliament,  and  therupon  desired  to  have  oon  instrument  raised  for  fere 
of  losing  his  lyfe  and  laundes.b 

"Five  days  after  the  queen  offered  to  give  up  the  children  to  the  charge  of  her 
husband  and  three  lords  appointed  by  herself;  but  Albany  was  not  contented  with 
this.  Dacre  says,  in  the  same  letter  from  which  the  above  passage  is  taken, 

a  Calig.  B.  vi.  77.  b  Calig.  B.  it.  341. 


302  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  (he 

"  For  undoubted  yf  the  younge  king  and  his  broder  come  in  the  duke's  haundes, 

I  am  credably  enformed  they  wolbe  distroyed  and  murdred,  whiche  were  great 

pitie  and  losse ;  "  n  and  this,  though  only  a  report,  explains  the  queen's  refusal. 

Attempts  were  made,  unsuccessfully,  to  starve  her  out  of  Stirling.     If  the  castle 

were  attacked,  she  expressed  her  determination  "  that  in  caace  the  duke  or  any 

other  lordes  wol  make  garriable  werr  ayeinst  the  castell,  that  the  quene  shal  sett 

the  younge  king  upon  the  walles  in  the  sight  of  all  personnes,  crowned  and  the 

ceptur  in  his  haunde.     Soo  that  it  shalbe  manifestly  knowen  to  every  personne 

that  the  werr  shalbe  made  ageinst  the  kinges  ovvne  personne."  b     Even  this  was 

in  vain,  for  the  Duke  of  Albany  "  accompayned  with  the  mooste  parte  of  all  the 

temporall  lordes  and  ther  servauntes  to  the  nombre  of  vij.m.  personnes,  rode  and 

come  to  Striveling  on  Setterday  the  iiijth  daie  (of  Aug.),  where  as  George  Dowglas, 

therle  Anguysshe  broder,  and  all  the  other  men  that  were  in  the  said  castell,  fledd 

furthe  of  it  for  fere  of  the  proclamacions  made  be  the  duke  and  for  fere  of  losing 

ther  lyves,  when  as  they  herd  tell  of  Mons  and  other  great  gonnys  that  Avere 

carted  and  commen  nighe  the  castell,  and  soo  the  quene  was  left  desolate  without 

comforte.     Wherupon  she  caused  the  king  her  sonne  deliver  the  keys  to  the 

duke,  desiring  hyrn  of  favourc  to  the  king  and  his  broder  with  therle  Anguysshe 

hir  housebancle,  whereunto  he  aunsuered  that  he  wold  doo  for  the  king,  his  broder 

and  hir,  but  he  wolcle  not  daye  with  noo  traytours."  c     The  next  few  weeks  are 

occupied  by  complaints  from  Margaret  of  the  treatment  she  suffers,  viz. :  that 

her  property  is  withheld  and  her  friends  oppressed.     Some  of  her  letters  express 

satisfaction  with  Albany's  behaviour,  and  were  evidently  written  to  order.     They 

did  not,  however,  deceive  any  one  in  England,  for  previously  Margaret  had  taken 

the  precaution  of  writing  to  her  brother  in  the  following  words  : — 

Andgiff  my  party  adversare  countcrfettcs  ony  Ictteris  in  my  name,  or  giff  thai  compell  me 
to  write  to  you  for  concord,  the  subscripcion  salbe  bott  thus  : 

MARGARET  E.  and  na  mare.d 

Meanwhile  Dacre,  on  behalf  of  the  King  of  England,  was  urging  her  to  cross 
the  border,  as  it  was  impossible  to  send  troops  to  assist  her  as  she  wished. 
Finally  it  was  arranged  that  she  should  pretend  to  be  sick — she  was  indeed  near 
her  confinement — and  go  with  her  husband  to  Linlithgow.  After  being  there  a 
day  or  two  she  should  leave,  with  only  her  husband  and  two  or  three  servants, 

"  Calig.  B.  a.  342  b.  i>  Dacre  to  Wolsey,  4  Aug.  1515.     P.  E.  O. 

c  Calig.  B.  ii.  369.  u  Calls?.  B.  i.  164. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  303 

while  Lord  Home,  who  had  been  for  some  time  in  communication  with  Dacre, 
would  meet  her  a  few  miles  from  the  town.  If  the  appointment  fail,  he  is  to  burn 
some  town  of  Albany's,  to  hide  the  real  motive  of  his  expedition,  and  wait  for 
another  night.  In  the  beginning  of  October  the  escape  was  satisfactorily 
effected.  Margaret  arrived  safely  at  Harbottle,  and  on  October  10  writes  as 
follows  to  the  Duke  of  Albany  : — 

Cousin,  I  hertely  commende  me  unto  youe.  And  where  I  have  bene  enforced  for  fere  and 
dangler  of  my  life,  many  thinges  considrcd,  to  departe  furth  of  the  Realmc  of  Scotland  into  this 
the  Realme  of  England,  so  it  is  that  by  the  grace  of  Almighty  God  I  am  nowe  delivered  and 
have  a  cristen  sowle,  beyng  a  yong  lady,  desiryng  youe  in  Goddes  name,  and  for  your  honour 
as  right  and  good  justice  requireth,  that  ye  suffre  me  as  tutrix  of  the  yong  king  and  prince  my 
tendre  childre,  to  have  the  hole  rule  and  govcrnaunce,  as  well  of  them  as  of  the  said  reahnc  of 
Scotlande,  accordyng  to  the  lasto  will  and  testament  of  my  late  spouse  and  husbande,  the  late 
King  of  Scotlande,  whome  Criste  for  his  passion  pardon,  approved  and  conformed  by  the  Popes 
holynes  according  as  his  said  holynes  signified!  unto  youe  and  exorteth  youe  to  do  as  nowe  1 
move  and  require  youe.  And  that  it  may  like  youe  to  ascertcync  me  how  ye  be  myndcd  to  do  in 
that  behalve." 

As  the  council  of  Scotland  refused  this  request,  she  determined  not  to  return. 
Lord  Dacre  found  her  presence  at  Harbottle  Castle  "  uneasfull  and  costelye 
by  occasion  of  farre  cariage  of  everything,"  and  decided  to  move  her  to  Morpeth 
"  after  her  grace  have  sought  the  churcho  and  be  purified," "  where  she  remained 
till  she  was  strong  enough  to  travel  southwards. 

The  cost  of  her  conveyance  is  given  in  full  in  the  roll,  including  some  clothes 
sent  by  her  brother,  for  her  and  her  husband,  by  Sir  Christopher  Garneys,  who 
gives  an  account,  in  a  letter  to  his  master,  of  the  pleasure  they  afforded  to  the 
lady.  He  says  that  the  queen  left  Harbottle  on  16th  November,  and  came  to 
Morpeth.  She  was  carried  by  Dacre's  servants  in  a  litter,  not  being  strong  enough 
to  bear  the  jolting  of  horses.  Here  Garneys  had  audience  of  her,  and  presented 
her  with  the  stuff  sent  by  the  king,  and  his  credence.  "  Her  grace  was  borne  in  a 
chayer  out  of  her  bedchambre  into  the  greate  chambre  to  thentent  that  her 
grace  wolde  se  all  syche  stuff  as  your  highnes  had  sent  her  by  me,  to  be  layed 
abrode,  and  whan  hyr  grace  had  sene  every  thynge  layed  aparte,  hir  grace  com- 
maunded  the  Lorde  Chamberleyn  of  Scotland  for  to  come  into  the  said  chambre, 
and  all  the  gentylmen  of  Scotland  that  wer  ther  with  hym  to  se  the  great  present 

*  From  a  contemporary  copy  in  Calig.  B.  vi.  119.  b  Calig.  B.  vi.  112. 


301  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

that  your  hyghnes  had  sent  unto  her  grace,  sayngc  thes  wordes,  '  Lo,  my  Lorde, 
here  ye  may  se  that  the  kyng,  my  brother,  haith  not  forgoten  nie,  and  that  he 
wold  not  I  shuld  dye  for  lak  of  clothys.' ' 

Sir  Christopher  goes  on  to  describe  Dacre's  castle  of  Morpeth,  and  the  com- 
pany who  were  keeping  Christmas  there.  He  never  saw  a  baron's  house  better 
trimmed  in  his  life,  "  the  hangynges  of  the  hall  and  chambyrs  with  the  newest 
devyse  of  tappestry,  with  all  other  maner  thynges  therunto  belongying,  his 
cupborde  all  of  gylt  plate,  with  a  great  cup  of  fyne  gold  with  the  cup  of 
assay,  and  all  the  lordes  horde  with  the  hordes  end  served  all  with  sylver  vessel 
lackyng  no  maner  of  gode  vytell  and  wylde  foule  to  put  in  them,  that  can  be 
gotyn  for  mony."  Of  the  queen  he  says  :  "  I  thynk  her  oon  of  the  lowest  brought 
ladyes  with  hir  great  payn  of  syknes,  that  I  have  sene,  and  scape.  Her  grace 
haith  suche  a  payn  in  her  right  legge  that  this  iij.  wykes  she  may  not  endure  to 
syt  up  whyle  hir  bed  is  a  making,  and  whan  her  grace  is  removed  it  wold  petye 
ony  mannys  hert  to  here  the  shrykes  and  crycs  that  her  grace  geveth."  She  is, 
however,  very  fond  of  her  clothes.  She  has  caused  the  gown  cloth  of  cloth  of 
gold,  and  the  gown  cloth  of  '  tynsen,'  sent  by  the  king,  to  be  made  up,  and  likes 
the  fashion  so  well  that  she  will  send  for  them  and  have  them  held  before  her  once 
or  twice  a  day  to  look  at.  She  has  within  the  castle  twenty-two  gowns  of  cloth  of 
gold  and  silks,  and  yet  has  sent  to  Edinburgh  for  more,  which  have  come  this 
day.  She  is  going  to  have  in  all  haste  a  gown  of  purple  velvet  lined  with  cloth 
of  gold,  a  gown  of  right  crimson  velvet  furred  with  ermine,  three  more  gowns, 
and  three  satin  kirtles.  In  five  or  six  days  she  has  had  no  other  mind  than  to 
look  at  her  apparel  .a 

She  remained  in  the  north  till  the  following  year,  1516,  and  in  May  came  to 
London.  As  Grafton's  Chronicle  says  : 

The  king,  like  a  naturall  brother,  sent  for  her  and  her  husband  to  come  to  his  court  for  their 
solace.  For  the  which  kindnesse  the  erle  humbly  thanked  the  king,  and  promysed  to  geve  his 
attendaunce  on  the  queene  his  wife  to  the  court ;  whereupon  the  king  sent  Wm.  Blacknal,  esquier, 
clerks  of  the  spicery,  with  silver  vessel,  plate,  and  other  thinges  necessary  for  the  conveyaunce  of 
her,  and  sent  to  her  all  maner  of  officers  for  her  estate  convenient.  And  when  she  was  redy  to 
depart,  she  asked  for  her  husband,  but  he  was  departed  into  Scotland  and  left  her  alone,  nothing 
remembring  his  promise,  which  sodain  departing  much  made  her  to  muse.  Howbeit  the  Lords  of 
England  greatly  encouraged  her  to  kepe  her  promise  with  the  king  her  brother.  And  so  after 
sne  was  somewhat  appeased,  she  set  forward,  and  in  every  towne  she  was  well  received,  and  so  on 
the  third  day  of  May  she  made  her  entry  into  London,  ridyng  on  a  whyle  palfray  (which  the 

n  Letters  and  Papers  Hen.  VIII.  ii.  1350. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  305 

Queene  of  England  had  sent  to  her),  beliynd  Sir  Thos.  Par,  richely  beseene,  and  with  great  com- 
panie  of  lordes  and  ladies.  Shee  rode  through  the  citie  to  Baynardes  Castell,  and  from  thence  she 
was  conveyed  to  Grcnewicli,  and  there  receyved  joyously  of  the  king,  the  queene,  the  French 
queene,  her  sister,  and  highly  was  she  feasted.  And  when  the  king  heard  that  the  Erie  of  Angus 
her  husband  was  departed,  he  sayd  it  was  done  like  a  Scot.  This  queene  somctyme  was  at  the 
court,  and  sometime  at  Baynardes  Castell,  and  so  she  continued  in  England  all  this  yere. a 

The  name  of  William  Blacknall,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  above  extract, 
occurs  further  on  in  the  roll  as  receiving  100/.  for  the  queen's  household. 

She  stayed  in  England  about  a  year,  and  on  the  18th  May,  1517,  "the 
Queene  of  Scottes,  which  had  bene  at  the  Court  and  at  Baynard's  Castell  a  whole 
yere  at  the  kinges  charge,  and  was  richly  appoynted  of  all  thinges  mete  to  her 
estate,  both  of  jewels,  plate,  tapistry,  arras,  coyne,  horses,  and  all  other  thinges, 
of  the  kinges  gift  and  liberalitie,  departed  out  of  London  towarde  Scotlande  wyth 
great  riches,  albeit  she  came  into  England  with  much  povertie  ;  and  she  entred 
into  Scotland  the  xiij  day  of  June,  whom  her  husband  receyved  at  Barwick.  But 
the  Englishmen  smally  him  regarded.  All  her  charges  within  the  realme, 
commyng  to  the  Court  and  returnyng,  were  of  the  kinges  pursse."  b 

Among  the  payments  to  officers  of  arms  there  is  one  to  Thomas  Tonge,  other- 
wise called  York  Herald,  for  conveyance  of  Baltazar,  the  pope's  orator,  from 
York  to  London. 

This  Baltazar  was  a  Scotchman,  his  surname  being  Stewart,  Latinized  as 
Stuardus  or  Tuerdus.  In  fact,  he  was  related  to  the  royal  family,  for  the  Duke 
of  Albany  speaks  of  him  as  a  kinsman.  He  had  been  secretary  to  Pope  Julius  II., 
and  had  been  sent  about  a  twelvemonth  before  this,  by  Leo  X.,  to  negotiate  a 
peace  between  England  and  Scotland,  for  the  sake  of  the  projected  expedition 
against  the  Turks.  On  4th  May,  1515,  he  writes  to  Wolsey,  then  Archbishop 
of  York,  asking  that  a  herald  may  be  sent  to  meet  him  at  Berwick  ;  and  it  was 
in  answer  to  this  letter  that  Tonge  was  sent.  They  had  arrived  in  London  by 
August,  and  Henry  made  him  a  present  of  40/.,  which  did  not  prevent  him 
from  writing  to  the  pope  in  very  disrespectful  terms  of  the  king,  saying  that  he 
was  a  young  fellow  who  cared  for  nothing  but  women  and  hunting,  and  for 
spending  his  father's  savings. 

There  are  also  payments  to  Windsor  herald,  sent  to  receive  the  oath  of 
Ferdinand,  King  of  Arragon,  to  a  treaty  between  him  and  Henry  VIII.  for 

n  Grafton,  ii.  288.  b  Grafton,  ii.  294. 

VOL.  XLVII.  2  T 


306  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

commerce  and  mutual  defence,  which  is  printed  in  Rymer."  The  oath  was  taken 
by  Ferdinand  on  December  11,  1515.  Also  to  John  Pounde,  Somerset  Herald, 
for  conveying  the  ambassadors  of  the  Prince  of  Castile,  afterwards  Charles  V.,  to 
Calais.  These  were  William  de  Croy,  Lord  Chievres,  and  others,  who  came  to 
conclude  a  mercantile  treaty  with  England  in  March,  1516.  There  is  also  a 
reward  of  131.  6*.  8d.  to  the  king-of-arms  of  the  Prince  of  Castile.  This  is 
Toison  d'Or.  I  can  find  nothing  about  his  being  in  England  at  this  time,  but 
he  perhaps  accompanied  the  ambassadors,  or  came  to  receive  Henry's  oath  to 
the  same  treaty. 

One  other  entry  in  this  portion  of  the  account  is  rather  puzzling,  unless  there 
is  some  mistake  in  the  way  it  is  expressed — "  To  a  messenger  that  came  to  the 
king's  grace  from  Eic.  de  la  Pole,  26s.  8d." 

De  la  Pole,  or  Blanche  Rose,  as  he  was  called,  was  the  brother  of  the  last 
Earl  of  Suffolk,  who  had  been  beheaded  in  1513,  and  was  living  chiefly  at  Metz, 
trying  to  induce  foreign  powers  to  lend  him  troops  to  invade  England.  Both 
the  kings  of  France  and  Denmark  promised  to  help  him,  and  Henry,  though  not 
really  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  crown,  was  very  anxious  to  get  him  out  of  the 
way.  Plots  were  on  foot  for  his  assassination,  and  some  of  his  servants  were 
betraying  him.  There  are  several  letters  from  one  of  these  spies,  named  Alamire, 
signed  for  secresy  with  the  musical  notes  la  mi  re.  This  reward  may  have  been 
to  him ;  but  it  is  almost  impossible  that  he  could  have  been  sent  by  De  la  Pole, 
as  the  sentence  seems  to  imply. 

Some  curious  particulars  as  to  Blanche  Rose's  residence  in  Metz — how  he 
lost  two  horse-races,  and  got  into  trouble  about  a  goldsmith's  wife,  will  be  found 
in  the  journal  of  Philip  von  Vigneulles,  a  burgher  of  Metz,  printed  in  vol.  xxiv. 
of  the  Proceedings  of  the  "  Literiirisches  Vereins  "  of  Stuttgart.  There  is  some 
account  of  this  volume  in  the  preface  to  the  Calendar  of  Henry  VIII. 's  Papers, 
vol.  iii. 

The  "  Cardynall  of  Sedumensis,"  whose  journey  to  Brabant  was  paid  for  by 
the  king,  is  generally  known  in  English  history  as  Cardinal  Sion.  His  personal 
name  was  Matthew  Scheiner,  and  he  was  the  son  of  poor  parents  living  al 
Miilhebach  in  Valais,  and  was  educated  at  Sion  and  Zurich.  Like  other  poo) 
scholars,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  singing  hymns  in  public  for  money,  and,  whili 
thus  engaged,  an  old  man  among  the  audience  called  him  and  asked  him  hi 
name  and  place  of  birth.  After  hearing  the  lad's  answer,  he  said  to  those  nea 

"  Fcvdera,  xiii.  520. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  307 

him,  "  This  boy  will  one  day  be  our  bishop  and  our  prince,"  which  saying,  the 
narrator  adds,  entered  deep  into  the  mind  of  the  boy  and  caused  him  to  apply 
himself  with  greater  diligence  to  his  studies. 

He  was  successively  cure"  of  a  small  village  in  Valais,  canon,  and  bishop  of 
Sion,  and  in  1511  was  created  cardinal  by  Pope  Julius  II.  in  gratitude  for  his 
opposition  to  Lewis  XII.  He  was  a  man  of  great  energy,"  and  considerable 
authority  among  the  Swiss,  which  he  always  exerted  against  the  French.  It  was 
a  sermon  preached  by  him  at  Milan  that  excited  the  Swiss  to  attack  the  army  of 
Francis  I.  at  Marignano,  where  they  learnt  to  their  surprise,  after  two  days' 
fighting,  that  French  chivalry  was  too  strong  even  for  the  hardy  mountaineers, 
who  called  themselves  the  "  tamers  of  princes." 

The  visit  to  England  referred  to  here  was  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  a 
treaty  between  England,  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  and  Charles  of  Castile,  for 
the  defence  of  the  Church.  The  treaty  was  concluded  on  29  October,  1516,  and 
will  be  found  printed  in  Rymer.1'  Sion  was  specially  interested  in  the  article, 
settled  a  few  days  later,  by  which  the  contracting  parties  bound  themselves  to  pay 
a  pension  of  30,000  florins  to  the  Swiss.  Sion  also  negotiated  a  secret  agreement 
between  Maximilian  and  Henry  for  the  defence  of  Verona,  in  danger  of  being 
taken  by  the  French  and  Venetians.  The  Cardinal  had  endeavoured  to  persuade 
Henry  to  invade  France,  offering  20,000  Swiss  for  that  object,  but  he  and 
Wolsey  had  fallen  out  over  this  project,  and  it  had  come  to  nothing. 

The  account  shows  that  the  ships  that  conveyed  him  back  to  Brabant  were 
armed.  His  enemies  the  French  were  trying  to  capture  him  on  his  journey,  and 
had  offered  40,000  crowns  for  his  delivery.  They  tried  also  to  bribe  the  Imperial 
Governor  of  Gravelines  to  give  him  up.  At  his  departure  the  king  gave  him  a 
present  of  3,000  ducats,  and  Wolsey  one  of  1,000  ducats,  but  his  petition  to  the 
king  for  a  pension  and  the  next  vacant  bishopric  in  England  was  disregarded. 

The  voyage  to  Brabant  was  safely  accomplished,  and  the  Cardinal  wrote  from 
Berghen  on  the  10th  of  November  to  Wolsey  to  recommend  the  officer  who  had 
had  charge  of  his  passage  for  his  skill  and  courtesy. 

One  incident  of  his  sojourn  here  is  noticed  in  a  letter  written  about  twenty 
years  later,  when  cardinals  were  no  more  in  England,  and  Thomas  Cromwell  had 
just  issued  his  injunctions  for  the  destruction  of  superstitious  images  in  churches. 

a  "  Homo  ingeniosus,  impiger,  acer,  facundus,  strenuus  et  admodum  theologus." — Andrew  Ainmonius 
Erasmus,  1  Nov.  1514. 
b  Fcedera,  xiii.  556. 

2  T  2 


308  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

The  letter  is  from  William  Goldwell  to  Cromwell,  concerning  the  writing  on  a 
table  placed  near  the  crucifix  at  Esshetisford  (Ashford)  Church,  and  con- 
tinues as  follows : — 

Also  I  perceve  that  ther  is  in  many  churches  the  image,  as  they  call  it,  of  Our  Lady  of 
Pitie,  havyng  her  sonne  in  her  armes,  after  he  was  takyn  downe  from  the  crosse.  Whiche  I  do 
not  perceve  to  be  a  true  story  be  the  Scripture.  Yet  to  this  images  the  people  have  muclie 
mynde.  And  though  of  late  ther  ar  no  offerynges  to  suche  images,  I  have  knowen  to  many  of 
them  offerynges  to  be  done,  and  to  one  suche  imace  in  one  particular  churche  pardon  grauntid 
be  the  Cardynall  of  the  Suches  when  he  was  in  Englond  in  Cardynall  Vulcys  tyme,  and  then  a 
chapell  of  tymber  made  for  tlie  scid  image,  and  ther  the  pardon  sett  up.  And  after  be  the  pro- 
curers of  the  same  the  pardon  takyn  away.a 

In  1707  a  book  was  published  by  John  Toland,  the  Deistical  writer,  with  the 
title,  "  Oratio  Philippica,  ad  excitandos  contra  Galliam  Britannos  ;  maxime  vero 
ne  de  Pace  cum  victis  premature  agatur  :  Sanction  Anglorum  Concilio  exhibita, 
anno  a  Christo  nato  1514.  Authore  Matthseo  Cardinale  Sedunensi.  Qui  Gallorum 
ungues  non  resecandos  sed  penitus  evellendos  esse  voluit.  Publica  luce,  diatriba 
preliniinari  et  annotationibus  donavit  Johannes  Tolandus.  Accedit  ejusdem 
Gallus  Aretalogus,  odium  orbis  et  ludibrium."  Toland  states  in  the  preface  that 
the  MS.  was  given  to  him  by  a  friend,  who  found  it  in  his  library.  By  the  friend 
he  presumably  means  Robert  Harley,  first  earl  of  Oxford.  I  have  not  been  able 
to  find  such  a  MS.  in  the  Harleian  Library,  or  elsewhere  in  the  British  Museum, 
and  I  am  inclined  to  think,  though  I  am  not  prepared  to  express  a  positive 
opinion,  that  the  speech  is  entirely  Toland's  composition,  and  was  published 
merely  as  a  political  pamphlet  in  the  shape  of  a  historical  curiosity. 

Among  the  "  Divers  and  Sundre  Costes "  (p.  18),  occurs  the  following 
entry : — 

For  the  costes  of  a  dinner  made  for  the  kyngs  jugges  and  other  at  the  sessions  holden  in 
Southwark,  when  Cowley,  a  traitor,  was  reigned  and  condempned,  100s. 

This  Cowley  was  an  inhabitant  of  Tournay,  which  had  been  English  property 
since  its  surrender  to  Henry  VIII.  in  1513. 

In  August,  1515,  there  had  been  a  rebellion  of  the  inhabitants,  for  which,  on 
December  3rd.,  five  men  were  executed.  On  the  7th  one  other  man  was  hanged 
and  racked,  three  others  condemned  to  go  in  their  shirts  with  halters  about  their 

Public  Record  Office. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  309 

necks  and  be  banished,  and  four  more  to  be  merely  banished.  Cowley  and 
another,  John  Pakeman,  the  ringleaders  of  the  mutiny,  escaped  to  Flanders,  but 
Pakeman  was  captured  there,  and  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered  at  Tournay, 
while  Cowley,  being  tried  at  Southwark,  had  probably  come  over  to  England, 
hoping  to  be  safe  there. 


Here  ensueth  a  declaracion  of  accompt,  made  by  Sir  John  Dauncc,  knyglit,  oone  of  our 
soveraigne  lorde  the  kynges  councelours,  taken  and  determyned  by  Thomas  Tamworth  and 
Gruthlake  Overton,  auditours  therunto  appoynted.  Aswell  of  all  and  almaner  sommes  of  money 
by  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunee  receyved  of  Sir  John  Heron,  knyglit,  by  the  name  of  John  Heron, 
esquicr,  tresorer  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  the  kynges  chamber,  for  and  towardes  the  expences 
and  charges  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lorde  the  kynges  warrcs,  and  other  necessarie  affaires  and 
causes  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lorde.  As  also  of  the  imploymcnt,  paying,  expendyng,  and  laying 
owt  of  the  same  money  by  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  the  kynges  high  and  drade  commaundement 
and  the  commaundement  of  his  high  and  trusty  conncelour,  my  lorde  Cardynall  and  Legate  de 
Latere,  at  dyverse  tymes,  aswell  concernyng  the  warres  as  for  dyversc  and  soundre  other 
necessarie  causes  hereafter  specially  declared.  That  is  to  sey,  from  the  xxj.  day  of  July,  the 
vijth  yere  of  our  said  soveraigne  lorde  unto  the  vij.  day  of  October,  the  ix"'  yere  of  the  same  our 
soveraiene  lord. 


"ft* 


That  is  to  sey — 

Money  receyved  of  Syr  John  Heron,  knyglit,  by  the  name  of  John  Heron,  tresorer  of  our 
soveraigne  lord  the  kynges  chamber,  at  dyverse  and  soundrie  tymos,  by  vcrtue  of  scverall 
warrauntes  to  the  same  Sir  John  in  that  behallf  directed  for  and  towardes  the  premisses.  That  is 
to  sey,  the  xxj.  day  of  July,  the  vijth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord — m'.li.  The  first  day  of 
August  the  same  year — vm'.li.  The  xxix.  day  of  December,  the  viij"'  yere  of  our  soveraigne 
lord — cc.  li.  The  xvijth  day  of  January  the  same  yere — d.  li.  And  the  vj"1  day  of  Marchc 
the  same  yere — m'.li.  In  all  as  by  the  boke  of  parcelles  of  the  foreseid  Sir  John  Daunee,  apon 
the  declaracion  examyned,  it  may  appere — vij.  m1  dec.  li. 

Somme  of  all  the  receipt  aforeseid — vijm'dcc.li.  (Probalur.) 

Wherof 

The  seid  Sir  John  Daunee  requireth  allowaunce  for  — 

Money  by  hym  avaunced  and  payed  by  the  comaundement  of  our  seide  soveraigne  lorde  and 
his  most  honorable  councell  for  dyverse  soundre  and  manyfohl  causes  concernyng  the  kynges 
affaires.  That  is  to  sey  :  For 

Provisions  with  makyng  and  am'endyng  of  stuff  for  the  kynge  our  soveraigne  lordes  warres. 

Fyrst.     Payed  by  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunee,  knyglit,  to  Richard  Gressham,  of  London, 
merchaunt,    for   cccclxm'cciiijxjxvj.  Ib.  weight    of    cabulles  and    hawsers   of   hym  bought  and 
delyvered  to  John  Hopton  to  our  soveraigne  lorde  the  kynges  use  at  dyverse    and  soundrie  '*•  IIoPton> 
prices — m'm'dcclxj.  li.  xiij.  s.  ij.  d.       To  William  Lambert,  merchaunt,  for  certeyn  cabulles  of 


310  Sir  John  Daunce' s  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

w.  Sain-u  hym  koug]lt  ancj  covered  to  the  seid  John  Hopton— xxj.  li.  x.  s.  To  William  Sabyn,  for  an 
cable  and  an  anker  delyvered  to  the  kynges  shippe,  called  the  Soveraigne— xiij.  li.  vj.  s.  viij.  d. 
To  Thomas  Badcock,  of  Fountraby,  in  Spayne,  for  a  gonne  called  the  Columbyn,  delivered  into 

W.  Ski-vyujf.     the  Toure  to  Sir  William  Skevyngton,  knyght,  maister  of  the  kynges  ordynaunce — Iviij.  li.  x.  s. 

ton, 

To  Humfrey  Walker,  for  sex  tonne  di.  of  gonne-shotte  of  iron,  delyvered  into  the  Towre  to 
K.  ("lioimcloy.  George  Brown,  servaunt  to  Sir  Richard  Cholmeley,  at  c.  s.  a  tonne — xxxij.  li.  x.  s.  To  Olyver 
Hilton,  and  other  bowyers  of  London,  for  makyng  of  m'm'm'lxxiiij.  bowes,  delyvered  to  the 
foreseid  George  Browne,  at  viij.  d.  a  peco  makyng — cij.  li.  ix.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  William  Gurre, 
armorer,  for  skoryng,  dressyng,  naylyng,  letheryng,  bokelyng,  and  garbelyng  of  m'm'xlvij. 
complete  harnes,  m'xxxvj.  brestes,  dcccxlv.  backes,  dcxl.  splyntes,  and  dcccviij.  salettes — 
cxxj.  li.  xij.s.  vij.  d.  In  all,  as  by  the  boke  of  parcelles  of  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  apon  the 
(leclaracion  examyned  it  m&y  appere, 

m'm'm'cxj.li.  xj.s.  ixd.  (Probatnr.) 

Charges  of  officers  at  armes  sent  into  dy verse  places  with  rewardes  yeven  to  dyverse  persons. 

Also  payed  to  Thomas  Benolt,  otherwise  called  Clarcnceux  Kynge  at  Armes,  for  his  diettes 
sent  into  Fraunce  in  August  in  the  vij.  yore  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lorde  by  the  space  of  cclxviij. 
dayes  at  vj.  s.  a  day,  over  xxx.  li.  receyved  of  the  foreseid  Sir  John  Daunce  aforehand — 1.  li.  viij.s. 
To  the  same  Thomas  for  the  charges  of  xiiij.  postes  sent  by  my  lorde  of  Suffolk  and  other  tho 
Kynges  ambassadours  in  Fraunce  from  Pares  to  Seynt  Malowes  to  view  the  shippes  of  Fraunce 
and  Scotland,  which  then  were  rcdy  to  departe  into  Scotland — cxvj.  s.  viij.d.  To  Wyndesorc 
Harald  at  Armes  for  his  diettes  sent  into  Spayn  in  November  the  seid  yere  by  space  of  c.  dayes 
at  iiij.  s.  a  daye — xx.li.  To  Thomas  Tongc,  otherwise  called  York,  for  conveyaunce  of  Baltazar, 
the  Popes  oratour,  from  York  to  London — Ixvj.  s.  viij.  d.  To  Somersett  for  conveyaunce  of  tham- 
bassadours  of  the  Prince  of  Castell  to  ('ales — Iiij.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  the  aboveseid  (Jlarenceux,  sent  into 
Scotland  in  July  the  viij"'  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigno  lorde  by  the  space  of  ccxiij.  dayes  at 
vj.  s  viij.  d.  a  day — Ixxj.  li.  To  a  messenger  that  came  from  my  lorde  Dacres  of  the  North  with 
lettres  to  the  kynges  grace — xx.  s.  To  a  messenger  that  came  to  the  kynges  grace  from  Richard 
de  la  Pole — xxvj.  s.  viij.  d.  In  reward  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Duke  of  Millayn — xx.li.  In 
reward  to  the  Kynge  of  Armes  with  the  Prince  of  Castell — xiij.  li.  vj.  s.  viij.  d.  To  Avcry  Woode- 
shawe  in  reward  for  his  enterteynement  to  serve  the  kynges  grace  in  certeyne  causes — vij.  li.  In 
all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  of  parcelles  afore  the  declaracion  examyned  and  also  by  billes,  bokes,  and 
other  pampelottes  signed  with  the  handes  of  the  parties  aforeseid  testifiying  the  recept  and  dely  verey 
of  the  premisses  it  may  appere, 

ciiij*xxv.  li.  xviij.  s.  (Probatnr.} 

Wages  of  Shippekepers  in  the  Tliemys — 

Also  paied  by  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce,  knyght,  to  John  Hopton,  John  Clerk,  and  Join 
Rogers  for  the  wages  of  dyverse  and  soundre  maisters  and  maryners  appoyntted  to  kepe  th< 
kynges  shippes  in  the  Themys  and  in  their  dockes  by  the  space  of  xxix.  monethes  begon  the  xxvij 
day  of  July  the  vijth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lorde,  and  endyng  the  vijth  day  of  October  th 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  311 

ixlh  yere  of  his  aeid  reigne,  as  by  the  scid  boke  of  parcelles  with  the  particular  names  of  the  scid 
.shippes  and  nombre  of  the  seid  maiyners  upon  the  declaracion  exainyned  it  ma}'  appere. 

m'cxxxix.  li.  xiij.  s.  viij.  d.  (Prolatur.) 

Charges  of  conveying  the  Queue  of  Scottes  from  Berwyk  to  London. 

Also  payed  to  John  Stockyng  for  the  preparyng  trymmyng  and  amendyng  of  a  close  carre 
appoyntted  to  convey  stuff  for  the  Queue  of  the  Scottes  to  Berwyk,  with  reparacions  of  the  same 
carre  by  the  wey — iiij.  li.  vij.s.  To  Sir  Christofer  Gernysshe,  knyght,  appoyntted  to  attende 
apon  the  seid  Queue  of  Scottes  for  the  costes,  charges,  and  expeuces  of  hymselrY,  viij.  servauntes, 
and  ix.  horses  by  the  space  of  ciiijx"xix  dayes,  begon  the  xxvj.  day  of  September  the  vijlh  yere  of 
our  seid  soveraigne  lord  and  endyng  the  xiij.  day  of  Marche  then  next  folowyng,  at  x.  s.  a  day 
with  xx.  marcs  yeven  to  hym  in  reward  for  his  diligence — cxij.  li.  xvj.  s.  viij.d.  To  Edward 
Payton,  gentilmen  ussher  of  the  kynges  chambre  for  his  diettes  attendyng  a])on  the  seid  queue 
by  the  space  of  xx.  dayes  towardes  London,  at  x.  s.  a  daye — c.  s.  Costes  of  atailour  and  askynner 
sent  to  Berwik  to  make  the  apparrelle  of  the  seid  queue  and  her  husbond  the  Erie  of  Angweys— 
vij.  li.  To  dyverse  shepstcrs  for  makyng  of  iij.  smockes  for  the  seid  queue  and  twoo  shirtes  for  her 
husbond — xix.  s.  iiij.  d.  In  all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  of  parcelles  upon  this  declaracion  exainyned  it 
in  ay  appere, 

cxxx.  li.  iij.  s.  (Prolatur.) 

Charges  of  conveying  of  the  Cardynall  of  Sedumensis  from  Englond  into  Braband. 

Also  payed  to  John  Hopton,  captcyn  in  the  George  of  Fowey,  appoyntted  for  the  conveyaunce 
of  the  Cardynall  of  Sedumensis  from  England  into  Braband  in  October  the  viij"1  yere  of  our  seid 
soveraigne  lord.  That  is  to  sey :  For  his  ownc  wages  at  xviij.  d.  a  day  by  the  space  of  amoneth,  a 
weke  and  v.  dayes — Ix.  s.  For  the  wages  and  vitailles  of  Ij.  maryners  by  the  seid  tyme  at  x.  .s. 
a  man  a  moneth— xxxvj.  li.  ij.  s.  vj.  d.  For  wages  of  ix.  gonners — nil,  for  thei  hadd  fees  in  the 
Towrc.  For  vitellyng  of  the  seid  ix.  gonners  by  the  seid  tymc,  after  v.  s.  a  man  a  moneth — 
Ixiij.  s.  ix.  d.  For  wages  and  vitelles  of  xx.  maryners  by  the  seid  tyme — nil,  bycausc  they  hadd 
wages  and  vitayles  for  kepyng  the  shippes  in  the  Themys.  For  xviij.  dedshares  a  by  the  seid 
tyme  at  v.  s.  a  moneth — vj.li,  vj.  s.  In  reward  to  ij.  gonners — xiiij.  s.  iiij.  d.  For  a  hoggeshcd 
of  wyne  and  other  fresshe  acates  provided  for  the  seid  cardynall — xl.  s.  For  tonage  of  the  seid 
shippe  of  the  portage  of  cxxx.  tonne  at  xij.  d.  a  tonne  by  the  moneth — viij.  li.  ij.  s.  vj.  d.  In  all, 
as  by  the  foreseid  boke  of  parcelles  apon  the  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

lix.  li.  viij.  s.  j.  d.  (Prolatui:) 

Hire  of  a  place  for  the  Kynges  Armory. 

Also  paied  io  Nicholas  Jenyns  of  London,  skynner,  for  the  rent  of  a  grett  place  in  Toure- 

a  Dedshares  I  believe  to  be  wages  of  non-existent  soldiers  allowed  to  a  captain  to  defray  his  sundry 
expenses.  Dead  pays,  on  the  other  hand,  is  generally  used  to  mean  the  wages  of  deceased  soldiers  fraud- 
ulently appropriated  by  the  captain.  The  French  equivalent,  marie  paye,  is  translated  by  Cotgrave  as 
dcadpays,  and  explained  "  Soldiers  in  ordinary  pay  for  tl>e  guard  of  a  fortress  or  frontier  town  during 
their  lives  " ;  but  I  doubt  whether  the  English  word  bears  this  meaning. 


312  Sir  John  Daunce' s  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

strete,  called  the  Kynges  Armory,  from  the  Fest  of  Seynt  Micliell  the  Archaungell  the  vjth  yere 
of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  unto  the  same  fest  the  ix"1  yere  of  his  most  noble  reigne  by  the  space 
of  three  yeres,  at  vj.  li.  a  yere — xviij.  li.  To  Maister  William  Patenson  vicare  of  Barkyng  for 
his  privey  tithes  of  the  seid  grett  place  for  ij.  yeres  ended  at  Ester  the  viiijth  yere  of  our  seid 
soveraigne  lorcle,  after  the  rate  of  xiiij.  d.  of  the  noble — xlij.s.  In  all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  of 
parcelles  apon  the  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

xx.  li.  ij.  s.  (Probatur.) 

Dyverse   and  soundre  costes,  charges,   and   expences  had  abouzt  the  kynges  affaires   and 
causes. 

Also  payed  by  the  commaundement  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lordc  to  dyverse  and  soundre 
persones  for  severall  causes  concernyng  the  kynges  warres  and  other  his  affaires  within  the  tyme 
abovescid.  That  is  to  soy  :  To  Christofer  Coo,  capteyn  of  the  Lezard,  for  certeyii  provision 
and  other  necessaries  spent  in  the  seid  shippe  in  the  tyme  of  her  beying  in  the  North  Sees — 
xiiij.  li.xvj.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  William  Sabyn  aswcll  in  recompense  of  dyverse  prises  (ciiij.  li.)  by 
hym  taken  in  tyme  of  warre  as  in  recompense  for  vitellynge  of  c.  men  (x.  li.)  beyng  in  his 
shippe  ij.  monethes  at  xij.  d.  a  man  a  moneth,  over  v.  s.  a  man  payed  to  hym  by  the  Tresorer  of  the 
Warres — cxiiij.  li.  To  William  Ellerkcr,  capteyn  of  the  Mary  James,  in  the  North  Sees  in  July 
the  vjth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lorde,  for  the  vitaylyng  of  ciiijxxxij.  souldiours  by  the  space  of 
vj.  wekes  and  v.  dayes  at  xviij.  d.  a  man  a  weke,  over  xx.li.  received  aforehand  of  the  foreseid 
Sir  John  Daunce  by  way  of  prest — Ixxvj.  li.  viij.  s.  To  John  Tlmrston,  maister  of  the  kynges 
barge,  for  the  wages  of  clx.  watermen  to  serve  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  in  his  Greatt  Galy  oone 
day  in  October  the  vij"' yere  of  his  reigne  at  viij.  d.  a  man — cvj.s.  viij.cl.  To  the  same  John 
Tlmrston  for  the  wages  of  hymselff  and  dyverse  watermen  assigned  to  waite  apon  the  ambassa- 
dours  of  Flaunders  apon  the  Tliemys  in  July  the  ixth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lorde — 
x.li.  xij.  s.  To  Sir  John  Sharpe,  knyght,  in  recompense  of  j.  d.  of  a  kersey,  for  dyverse  kerseys 
shipped  by  Sir  Westan  Brownes  licence,  by  reason  the  kynges  grace  bought  the  seid  licence  and 
was  answered  of  all  customes  and  subsidies  of  the  same  by  obligation  of  Martyn  de  Pere  and 
Peter  Corse — xiij.  li.  xvj.  s.  vj.  d.  To  John  Hilmare,  fremason,  for  copyng  of  a  brekewall  with 
harcle  stone  of  Kent  betwene  the  gate  ayenst  the  Lion  Towre  of  the  Towre  of  London  and  the 
wacche  house,  and  for  makyng  of  an  upright  steyer  of  assheler  from  the  Themys  as  highe  as  the 
grounde  afore  the  wacchehouse,  with  other  amendementes,  and  fynysshyng  of  the  Toure  Wharff — 
Ixvj.li.  To  John  Stockyng,  aswell  for  fynysshyng  of  the  Queues  Brigge  at  Cradyll  Toure,  as  for 
gravelyng  of  the  ground  of  the  seid  wharff,  and  for  settyng  up  of  piles  of  elme  tymber  for 
defence  of  the  steyers  and  buttrasses  of  the  Toure  Wharff1 — xj.  li.ix.  s.  iij.  d.  To  Thomas  Erie 
of  Surrey  for  the  charges  of  certen  espialles  sent  into  dyverse  parties  of  Fraunce — 
xvij.  li.v.  s.  viij.d.  To  Eobert  Amadas,  aswell  for  amendyng  and  gildyng  of  certeyn  peces  of 
olde  stuff  for  the  kynges  horses  as  for  xxv.  unces  di.  quaiier  of  new  gilt  stuff  delyvered  to  the 
kynges  grace — viij.  li.  xj.s.j.d.  ob.  For  the  wages  of  Edwarde  Smyth,  clerk  unto  the  seid  Sir 
John  Daunce,  makyng  all  the  foreseid  paymentes  from  the  xx.  day  of  July  the  vijth  yere  of  our 
seid  soveraigne  lord  iinto  the  xxu  day  of  July  the  ixth  yere  of  his  most  noble  reigne,  by  the  space 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  Till.  313 

of  twoo  yeres  at  xij.  d.  a  clay —  xxxvj.  li.  x.  s.  And  for  the  costes  of  a  dyner  made  for  the  Kynges 
jugges  and  other  at  the  Sessions  holden  in  Southwark  when  Cowley  a  ti'aitour  was  reigned  and 
eondempned — f .  s.  In  all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  of  pareelles  upon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may 

appere, 

ccclxxviij.  li.  xv.  s.  vj.  d.  ob.  (Probatur.) 

Money  prested  to  dyverse  and  soundre  persons. 

Also  paied  and  delyvered  to  dyverse  and  soundre  persons  by  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  the 
kynges  commaundement  by  wey  of  prest  for  dyverse  soundre  and  manyfolde  causes  concernyng 
the  kynges  affaires.     That  is  to  sey  :  To  John  Hopton  apon  riggyng  certeyn  of  the  kynges  shippes  J.  Hopton. 
— dexvij.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.d.     To  John  Guyllott  apon  makyng  of  a  wharfffor  defence  of  the  kynges  J.  Guyllott. 
storehouse   at   Depford  and  other  causes — diiijxx  xiij.  li.  x.  s.  iiij.  d.     To  Mr.  Thomas  Larke  to  be  Mr.  1'.  Larkc. 
delyvered  to  Henry  Smyth,  clerk  of  the  kynges  warkes  apon  the  new  buyldynges  at  Bridewell 
— ccc.  li.     To  Walter  Foster  apon  reparacions  to  be  doon  within  the  Toure  of  London — c.  li.  W.  Foster. 
To  .Robert  Brigandyn,  apon  fynysshyng  the  kynges  grett  galey — cl.  li.     To  William  Bonde,  for  R-  iJriKnndvn 
and  apon  the  reparyng  of  the  Henry  Grace  Dieu — ccc.  li.     To  William  Gonson  apon   stockyng  w  (;011<101) 
ofgonnes — c.  li.     To  Leonardo   Friscobakle  to  be  delyvered  to  Hichard   Pace,  ambassadour  in  L  i.-,.;.,,.,,],.,!,!. 
Italy,  apon  his   diettes — c.  li.     To  John  Barton,  of  Plumpsted,  in  Kent,  apon  dyverse  charges  j.  Bu 
by  hym  to  be  doon  at  the  storehouses  at  Ereth  and  at   Depford — ccxl.  li.     To  William  Blacknall,   -\\- 
apon  the  expences  of  the  honseholdo  of  the  Queue   of  Scottes — c.  li.     To  George  Lovekyn,  apon  G.  I 
conveiaunce  of  certeyn  horses  to  the  cmpcrour — xl.  li.     To   Rouland  de   Fremys,  oone   of  the  Konlnnd  <lr 
kynges  mynstrelles,  in  prest  to  be  repaied  of  the  first  and  next  money  that  shalbe  ycven  unto 
hym  of  reward,  forfoitour,  or  otherwise — xx.  li.     In  all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  of  pareelles  apon  this 
declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere. 

m'm'dclxj.  li.  iij.  s.  viij.d.  (Probutur.) 

Somme  of  all  the  paymentes,  costes,  charges,  expences,  and  prestes  aforeseid. 

vijm'dciiij^xvj.  li.  xv.  s.  viij.  d.  ob.  (Probatur.) 

And  so  remayneth  in  the  handes  of  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  apon  the  ende  of  this   declara- 
cion— Ixiiij.  s.  iij.  d.  ob. 

Examinatur  et  probatur  per  nos  THOMAM  TAMWORTH. 

GUTHLACUM  OVKHTOK. 


PART  II. 

The  second  portion  of  the  roll  belongs  to  a  period  a  few  years  later,  and  gives 
an  account  of  the  money  spent  by  Sir  John  Daunce  for  the  king  from  "  the  14"' 
day  of  March  the  13th  year  of  our  said  sovereign  lord  unto  the  20th  day  of 
November,  in  the  19th  year  of  his  most  noble  reign  " — that  is,  from  14  March, 
1522,  to  20  November,  1527. 

Before  the  earlier  of  these  dates  the  kings  of  England  and  France  had  met 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  u 


314  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

on  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold,  but  the  eternal  friendship  which  was  intended 
to  result  from  their  mutual  hospitality  had  already  vanished.  The  first  bone  of 
contention  was  the  fortification  of  Ardre  by  the  French,  which  Henry  professed 
to  regard  as  a  menace  to  Calais.  This  might  have  been  satisfactorily  settled,  but 
while  the  Emperor  was  in  the  Low  Countries  his  Spanish  subjects  took  the 
opportunity  afforded  by  his  absence  to  rebel  against  him,  and  Francis,  believing 
that  his  foe  would  thus  have  work  enough  on  his  hands  at  home,  revived  his 
designs  against  the  duchy  of  Milan.  Just  at  this  time  Cardinal  Wolsey  was 
endeavouring  to  make  an  offensive  and  defensive  league  between  the  Emperor, 
the  Pope,  and  his  own  sovereign,  and  saw  the  necessity  of  at  once  interfering  with 
this  French  project.  "With  this  object  in  view,  he  offered  to  mediate  between 
Charles  and  Francis,  and  visited  Calais  for  that  purpose  in  the  autumn  of  1521. 
The  mediation,  however,  was  a  mere  pretence.  The  real  object  of  the  meeting 
was  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  Charles  for  war  against  France,  and  to  arrange  for 
his  visiting  England  in  the  following  year. 

Many  of  the  expenses  connected  with  the  Imperial  visit  occur  on  this  roll. 
The  first  step  in  welcoming  the  distinguished  visitor  was  to  send  the  Marquis  of 
Dorset  to  Calais  with  1,523  men,  whose  coats  cost  3s.  id.  a  piece,  "  over  and 
besydes  vj.  chapleyns,  which  hadd  noo  cotes  " — or  wages  either,  as  far  as  this 
account  tells.  The  wages  of  the  "  crew  "  were,  fourteen  captains  at  4*.  a  day, 
fourteen  petty  captains  at  2s.,  mounted  archers  at  8d.,  demilances  9d.,  and 
soldiers  Qd.  a  day.  The  whole  cost  of  sending  them,  including  a  month's  wages, 
was  1,842/.  16s.  3d.  When  Charles  arrived  at  Calais,  he  was  received  by  the 
deputy  and  garrison,  the  streets  being  lined  on  one  side  by  the  Marquis'  men  in 
their  new  coats,  as  well  as  by  the  Mayor  and  Corporation  in  their  gowns,  and  on 
the  other  side  by  the  clergy,  "  furnishing  their  number  with  all  the  parsons, 
curates,  priests,  copes,  crosses,  and  relics  as  may  be  gotten  within  the  Pale.""  Xor 
was  this  the  only  expense  attendant  upon  his  journey,  for  eighteen  ships  were 
hired  from  the  Bailiff  of  Hastings  to  convoy  him  to  Dover,  at  a  cost  of  601. 

While  at  Dover  he  was  met,  first  by  Cardinal  Wolsey,  and  a  day  or  two  after 
wards  by  the  king  himself,  who  took  the  opportunity  of  showing  his  visitor  the 
Henry  Grace  Dieu  and   other  ships,  in  which  the  king  took  an  almost  profes- 
sional interest,  and  of  which  he  was  deservedly  proud.     The  two  sovereigns 
journeyed  to  London  by  Canterbury,  Sittingbourne,  Rochester,  and  Gravesend 
and  thence  by  barge  to  Greenwich.     On  Wednesday  and  Thursday,  June  4  and  5 

a  Letters  and  Papers  Hen.  VIII.  iii.  2288. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  315 

a  tournament  and  pageant  were  held,  which  must  have  been  gorgeous  in  the 
extreme,  to  judge  from  the  description  of  the  dresses  preserved  in  an  account  of 
Richard  Gihson,  the  master  of  the  revels.  Two  hards,  perhaps  those  worn  by 
the  chargers  of  the  king  and  the  emperor,  were  made  of  russet  velvet,  "  with 
knyghtes  un  hors  bake  rydyng  up  un  mowntens  of  golld,  with  brokyn  speres  in 
ther  handes,  and  ladyes  cummyng  oute  of  clooudes  castyng  dartes  at  the  knyghtes, 
and  all  the  upper  parte  of  the  saam  bardes  powdyrd  with  clowdes  purfylled  and 
wroght  with  venys  golld  and  venys  sy liver." a 

The  masquerade  in  the  evening  was  equally  elaborate.  Blue  and  black  velvet 
buskins,  Milan  bonnets,  and  crimson  satin  mantles  were  supplied  to  the  guests, 
some  of  whom  appeared  as  foresters  and  others  as  "  woodwos "  or  savage  men, 
a  favourite  character  at  revels.  The  expense  was  considerable,  for  not  only  did 
the  host  find  the  dresses  for  his  visitors  to  wear,  but  each  man  kept  his  costume. 

It  was  while  Henry  was  arming  for  this  tournament,  that  a  post  came 
with  news  of  the  defiance  of  King  Francis,  by  Clarencieux  Herald  at  Lyons,  on 
May  29th.  Without  waiting  to  finish  the  tedious  process  of  putting  on  all  his 
pieces,  the  king  immediately  sent  for  the  emperor  to  tell  him  the  news,  while  the 
crowd  in  the  tilt-yard,  English  and  Spaniards,  guessing  that  a  messenger  who 
was  admitted  to  see  the  king  at  such  a  time  must  bear  news  of  importance, 
shouted  out  that  the  French  King  had  defied  their  masters. 

The  following  day  the  two  sovereigns  visited  London,  where  they  were  received 
by  the  citizens  with  great  rejoicings,  the  clergy  being  drawn  up  on  the  right  side 
of  the  streets,  as  at  Calais. 

The  pageant  which  was  exhibited  at  London  Bridge  was  so  characteristic  of 
the  delight  in  symbolism  which  marked  the  middle  ages,  and  of  the  classical 
feeling  which  was  so  strong  in  Tudor  times,  that  the  account  of  it  from  Grafton's 
Chronicle  is  well  worth  reprinting  here. 

When  they  were  come  to  the  draw  bridge,  there  were  set  targets,  of  the  armcs  of  the  empcrour 
and  his  dominions,  richely  painted,  and  on  the  other  syde  stoodc  one  great  giaunt,  representyng 
Hercules,  with  a  mighty  club  in  his  hande,  and  on  the  other  syde  stoode  another  giaunt,  repre- 
sentyng Sampson,  with  the  jawe  bone  of  an  asse  in  his  hande.  These  two  giauntes  held  a  great 
table,  in  the  which  was  written  in  golden  letters  all  the  emperour's  stile.  From  the  draw  bridge 
these  two  princes  passed  to  the  middes  of  the  bridge,  where  was  raysed  a  fayre  edefice,  with 
towers  embattayled  and  gates,  all  like  mansonry,  of  white  and  blacke,  like  touch  and  white 
marble ;  aboue  this  buildyng  was  a  fayre  pagiant,  in  the  which  stoode  Jason  all  in  harnesse, 

a  Letters  and  Papers  Henry  VIII.  iii.  2305. 

2  u  2 


316  Sir  John  Dcmnce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

harrying  before  him  a  golden  fleece,  and  on  the  one  syde  of  hym  stoode  a  fiery  dragon,  and  on  the 
other  syde  stoode  two  bulles,  which  beastes  cast  out  fire  continuallye,  and  in  a  tower  on  the  one 
.syde  stoode  a  fay-re  mayde  representyng  the  ladie  Medea,  which  was  very  straungely  and  richely 
apparayled.8 

So  much  for  the  ornamental  side  of  the  meeting.  The  practical  result  was  the 
Treaty  of  Windsor,  in  which  the  necessity  of  repressing  the  French  king's  ambi- 
tion, for  the  purpose  of  an  expedition  against  the  Turk,  was  put  forth  as  the 
flimsy  pretence  for  a  league,  in  which  both  parties  bound  themselves  not  to  desist 
from  war  until  the  provinces  unjustly  detained  by  the  French  king  were  re- 
covered ;  and  not  to  make  separate  treaties  with  the  common  enemy. 

The  very  day  the  treaty  was  signed,  the  Earl  of  Surrey  was  busily  employed 
at  Southampton  in  embarking  an  army,  giving  out  that  he  intended  only  to  scour 
the  seas  for  the  emperor's  safety  on  his  return  journey  to  Spain,  where  he  arrived 
on  July  6th. 

The  Earl  of  Surrey,  who  embarked  on  the  19th  of  June,  was  kept  for  some 
time  in  the  Channel  by  contrary  winds  and  the  delay  of  the  victuallers.  His  ship 
was  the  Mary  Rose,  which  years  afterwards  met  a  similar  fate  to  that  of  the 
TLoyal  Gcorye  in  modern  times.  A  gun  which  was  sunk  in  her  is  now  at  the 
United  Service  Museum.  His  first  exploit  on  landing  on  the  French  coast  was 
the  taking  of  Morlaix,  but  unfortunately  his  despatch  giving  an  account  of  the 
assault  is  lost.  From  other  sources  we  learn  that  Surrey  landed  with  7,000  men 
and  ld<  falcons  on  the  1st  of  July,  and  meeting  with  no  resistance  in  the  fields 
marched  up  to  the  town.  When  the  admiral  commanded  the  assault  to  be  made, 
Lord  Fitzwater  and  Baron  Carson  quartered  the  town  on  all  sides.  "The 
Englishmen  shot  with  long  bowes,  and  the  Britons  with  crosbowes,  which 
defended  themselves  manfully.  Before  the  Porte  Morvet  there  is  a  meason  de 
Dieit.  At  this  gate  gave  the  assaut  Sir  Richard  Wingfielde,  Nicholas  Carew, 
Fraunces  Bryan,  Sir  John  Wallop,  and  al  their  bends,  having  with  them  thre 
peces  of  ordinaunce  called  faucons,  which  the  maister  gunner  oft  times  shot,  but 
the  Britones  had  set  the  gate  full  of  arcubushes.  Then  the  gunner  sayd,  '  Have 
at  the  wicket,  and  in  the  smoke  of  the  gunnes  let  us  enter  the  gate.'  The  gentel- 
men  assented.  Then  the  sayde  Sir  Christopher  Gunner  strake  the  locke  of  the 
wicket  so  that  it  flew  open.  Then  in  the  smoke  ranne  to  the  gate  the  said 
Christopher  and  the  other  forenamed  gentelmen,  and  when  Christopher  came  to  the 
gate  he  found  the  wicket  open  and  entred,  and  the  gentelmen  Mowed.  The  Britons 
defended  themselves,  but  they  were  put  backe  and  slayne.  Then  was  the  greate 

a  Grafton,  ii.  322. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIIL  317 

gate  opened,  and  then  entred  the  souldiers  that  were  on  the  other  side  of  the 
towne.  When  the  Britons  on  the  walles  saw  the  tovvne  gotten,  some  fled  at  the 
posterne,  and  some  by  another  way,  the  hest  way  that  they  could. 

"  The  Erie  of  Survey,  with  banner  displayed,  tooke  the  market  place.  Then 
the  souldiors  fell  to  pillage,  and  rifled  the  chestes  and  warehouses  of  marchauntes, 
for  the  towne  of  Morles  was  very  riche,  and  specyally  of  linnen  cloth.  The 
gentelmen  suffered  the  souldiers  to  doe  what  they  woulde.  When  the  souldiours 
had  taken  their  pleasure  of  the  town,  as  much  for  a  truth,  or  more  then  they 
coulde  beare  away,  the  lord  admyrall  commaunded  the  trumpettes  to  blow,  and 
commaunded  all  men  to  sette  fyer  in  all  places  of  tho  towne.  The  fayre  market 
place  was  set  on  fyer,  and  the  suburbs  brent  ardantly."  l  The  next  day  the  army 
returned  to  their  ships. 

The  campaign  lasted  till  the  middle  of  October,  and  great  damage  was  done 
to  the  country,  but  no  battles  fought.  In  the  following  winter  and  spring  the 
treason  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  had  materially  strengthened  the  hands  of  the 
enemies  of  the  French  king,  and,  after  lengthy  negotiations  between  the 
emperor  and  Henry,  it  was  determined  to  repeat  the  invasion  of  "France  in  the 
summer  of  1523.  The  Duke  of  Suffolk  was  appointed  to  command  the  English 
army ;  and  the  expenses  of  collecting  the  men,  supplying  them  with  coats,  and 
sending  them  to  Calais,  together  with  the  first  month's  wages,  are  entered  on 
this  roll,  and  will  be  found  printed  on  subsequent  pages,  where  will  be  found  a  list  of 
the  officers  and  artificers  necessary  for  the  conduct  of  a  campaign.  King  Henry 
was  in  high  hopes  of  recovering  " his  rightful  inheritance"  in  Prance,  and  of 
being  crowned  in  Paris  as  two  of  his  namesakes  had  been.  The  chances  cer- 
tainly were  in  his  favour,  for  the  duke's  army  numbered  more  than  12,000 
men,  and  the  emperor  was  bound  to  provide  10,000  Germans,  while  Francis's 
best  troops  had  already  been  sent  on  their  march  towards  Milan.  However, 
partly  for  lack  of  the  emperor's  promised  co-operation,  and  partly,  no  doubt, 
from  the  inefficiency  of  Suffolk  himself,  who,  though  a  brave  man-at-arms,  does 
not  appear  to  have  had  much  talent  as  a  general,  the  campaign  ended  dis- 
gracefully by  the  return  of  the  army  to  this  country  without  orders.  What 
the  army  did  while  they  were  in  France  will  be  learned  from  the  following 
journal  of  their  exploits  : — 

In  the  xv.  yere  of  the  reigne  of  our  soverayne  lorde  Kynge  Henry  the  eight,  the  acties  clone 
in  Fraunce  under  the  honorable  lord  the  duke  of  Soulfolke. 

a  Grafton,  ii.  325. 


318  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

The  xixth  clave  of  the  monyth  of  Septembre,  my  lordes  grace  the  duke  of  Soulfolke  toke  his 
jornay  out  of  Callyce  with  his  army  ryall  to  Calkwell  Churche,  and  that  nyght  was  alarome, 
and  ij.  Flemynges  were  slayne  and  a  boy  maymed  that  lay  without  the  leger,  and  therefore  my 
lordes  grace  made  a  proclamacion  that  none  should  lye  without  the  leger,  nor  borne  nor  robbc, 
nether  broke  his  ray,  upon  payne  of  deth,  but  kepe  good  order  and  peace. 

Item,  the  xxj"1  daye  of  September  to  Saynt  Blase,  and  campid  ther  that  nyght. 

Item,  the  xxij"  dayc,  my  lordes  grace  rode  to  Arde  and  mete  with  the  Emperoures  levetenaunt 
my  Lord  Istyllstayne,  Mownsr.  Lyke,  Mownsr.  Lynne,  Mownsr.  Clere,  and  Mownsr.  Mottcs 
with  a  great  nombrc  of  horsmen  and  fotmen,  and  they  campyd  at  Lawnderton  by  tliem  selff,  and 
that  is  callyd  the  Allmcns  Leger,  and  my  lordes  grace  retornyd  liome  agayne  to  his  owne  campe 
that  nyght. 

Item,  the  xxvij"1  dayc  of  September,  my  lord  Sendcs  and  my  lorde  Ferrys  whent  to  Bell 
(Jastell,  which  was  a  stronge  holde  and  well  watrcd.  And  there  Master  Skevyngton  was  smytten 
thorow  the  sieve  with  a  gonne  and  had  no  harme,  by  grace  of  God. 

Item,  the  xxviij1'1  daye  at  vj.  of  the  clocke  in  the  mornyng,  whee  wanne  Bell  Castell  and  toko 
Ix.  prisoners,  the  captayne,  his  wiffo  and  his  chelde,  and  a  great  botio  of  bease  and  stoffe. 

Item,  the  xxix.  daye  to  Dendcron,  thccampe  wher  the  ij.  kynges  mctte. 

Item,  the  xxx.  daye  of  September  to  Domain. 

Item,  the  furst  daye  of  October  to  Cordes. 

Item,  the  vij"1  dayc  to  Rookyd  Hay. 

Item,  the  viij"1  daye  of  October  to  Forste. 

Item,  the  ixth  daye  to  Marckc. 

Item,  the  xth  daye  to  Eokeland. 

Item,  the  xj"1  dayc  of  October,  to  Ryall  Cowrte,  and  that  daye  our  horsmen  toke  a  captayne 
of  Stradiotes,  and  xx.  of  his  company  horsmen,  both  horse  and  man. 

Item,  the  xijth  dayo  to  Losshaw. 

Item,  the  xvth  daye  to  Fordylow,  bysycle  Dorlance. 

Item,  the  xvij"1  daye  to  Kyrckwurte. 

Item,  the  xviij"1  daye  to  Ducker,  and  ther  the  people  flede  and  ther  lay  garyson  thre  dayes. 

Item,  the  xixth  daye  to  Quede  on  this  lialfe  Braye. 

Item,  the  xx"'  daye  at  iiij.  of  the  clocke  in  the  mornyng  owr  gonners  bo  ghonne  to  shote  at 
the  walles  of  Braye,  and  by  vj.  of  the  clocke  they  beate  dovvne  great  gape  in  the  walles  the  bred 
of  a  carte,  besyde  a  towre  at  the  corner  of  the  towne.  And  ther  were  xvc.  men  of  armes 
besydcs  men  of  the  towne,  and  of  the  contray,  which  was  a  great  nombre,  advawnsyng  them- 
sclfFe  ther  with  there  standartes  lyke  gallantes.  Then  our  men  callyd  "  asawte,  asawte,"  and 
toke  a  dyck  that  was  xxxv.  foote  dype  downe  ryght,  and  gate  the  walles  without  laddres,  which 
was  a  marvellous  great  enterprice.  And  they  beate  the  Frenchmen  out  of  towne  over  the  water 
of  Some,  and  there  rane  away  Mownsr.  Pondormy  the  great  captayne  with  many  other,  and  whold 
a  hewyne  downe  the  brygges,  but  our  men  chaced  them  so  fast  that  they  drove  them  into  the 
maryes  and  drowned  many  a  Frenchman.  And  ther  our  men  chaced  them  to  a  great  bolwerke, 
and  beate  them  frome  hit,  and  wane  all  ther  ordynauncc,  and  toke  a  captayne  with  many  other 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  Till.  319 

prisoneres.  And  that  dayo  my  lordo  Lenard "  gate  a  passege  at  Capye  with  xx.  men,  and  thcr 
was  ijc  men  of  armes  to  kepe  the  passege,  but  it  whold  not  serve  them  that  daye,  God  and  Saynt 
George  gave  us  the  victory.  And  the  same  daye  at  afternone  my  lorde  Saundes ''  came  over  the 
water  of  Some  into  the  bulwerke,  and  ther  lay  in  the  campe. 

Item,  the  xxj'1  day  of  October  my  lordes  grace  removed  from  Quede  to  Capye,  and  ther 
orderyd  tlic  garyson  for  the  kepyng  of  Bray. 

Item,  the  xxij'1  daye  Roye  was  gevyne  up  and  the  men  flede  a  way,  which  was  a  good  walled 
towne,  well  wateryd  one  the  one  syed. 

Item,  the  xxiij1'  daye,  my  lordes  grace  devysed  all  the  bolwerkes  agaynst  the  water  of  Some 
for  the  deffence  of  Bray,  which  was  the  kay  of  all  Fraunce  and  was  never  wone  before. 

Item,  the  xxv"  daye  my  lordes  grace  removyd  from  Capye  to  Lyon  Sawmpere. 

Item,  the  xxvj'1  daye  to  Dawbencye  Cowrte.  And  that  was  a  stronge  towne,  and  a  fayer 
castell,  but  the  people  flede  away,  and  ther  was  great  plentie  of  wyne. 

Item,  the  xxvij"  day,  to  Mowndidier.  And  at  vj.  of  the  clocke  in  the  nyght  our  gonners  gave 
them  a  peall  of  gonnes  at  rovers,  and  after  that  they  had  no  more  joy  to  shotc.  And  by  ij.  of 
the  clocke  in  the  mornyng  our  great  ordynaunce  was  layd  within  xl.  foote  of  the  walles,  and  gave 
them  iiij.  goodly  pealles  and  brake  downe  the  walles  a  great  bredith,  hard  by  the  myghtie  stronge 
bolwerke,  the  strongist  that  evyr  I  saw,  and  marvelowsly  mad  with  iiij.  flowers.  And  at  vij.  of 
the  clocke  in  the  mornyng  they  were  so  ferde  of  the  sawte,  ther  trompet  came  to  the  walles  and 
blew  a  peace,  and  so  our  gonners  shott  no  more,  and  so  they  gave  hit  over  and  were  glade  to 
departe  with  ther  lyves.  Ther  was  Mounsr.  Lye  Scenyshall  le  Turwyne,  and  Mounsr.  le  Fown- 
taunce,  besyde  other  great  captaynce,  and  ij.  m1.  vc.  men  of  warr,  which  had  byn  able  in  that 
stronge  holde  to  a  withstond  a  c.  m1.  men  ;  for  they  were  well  wyttelled,  and  the  towne  was 
dowbyll  wallyd,  and  they  had  many  marvelous  conveyaunce  in  gavys  to  go  under  the  grownd  a 
myell  out  of  the  towne,  and  that  many  wayes,  and  therfore  my  lordes  grace  distroycd  hit.  And 
ther  was  in  the  towne  wyne  and  salte,  meall,  wodde,  flax,  and  wax,  and  great  supstaunce  of  all 
marchandyes  without  nombre,  but  all  the  men  of  supstaunce  in  the  towne  were  flede  and  gone 
every  man.  And  upon  Saynt  Symond  Daye  and  Jude  Eve,  before  the  ost  ther  was  takyn  1.  men 
of  arines,  1.  demylawnces  and  1.  pages  comyng  to  the  towne  witli  gonne  powder,  and  ther  was  not 
one  of  them  that  eskaped,  but  the  capta3rne,  and  yet  he  had  ij.  staves  broken  upon  hym,  but  his 
horse  was  so  good  that  he  bare  hym  clere  away. 

Item,  the  xxxj'1  daye  of  October  to  Roye  and  campyd  on  the  sowthe  syed. 

Item,  the  furst  daye  of  the  monyth  of  Novembre.  which  was  Alhallow  daye.  And  my  lordes 
grace  removyd  to  the  north  syed  of  Roy  and  camped  ther,  and  that  daye  my  lordes  grace  made 
xiiij.  knyghtes,  my  Lorde  Powes,  my  Lord  Harberd,  Ser  Arter  Pole,  Ser  Olyver  Manerd,  Ser 
Richard  Saundes,  Ser  Robert  Jernyngham,  Ser  Robert  Sallysbery,  Ser  Edmond  Beddyngfyld, 
Ser  Richard  Corbett,  Ser  Thomas  Wentworth,  of  Soulfolke,  Ser  Willyam  Sturton,  Ser  Water 
Mantell,  Ser  George  Warham,  and  Ser  Edward  Semer.c 

a  Lord  Leonard  Grey,  brother  of  the  Marquis  of  Dorset,  afterwards  Deputy  of  Ireland. 
b  Recently  appointed  captain  of  Guisnes  Castle  on  the  death  of  Sir  Nicholas  Vaux. 
c  Son  of  Sir  John    Seymour  of  Wolf  Hall,   afterwards  successively  Viscount   Beauchamp,  Earl  of 
Hertford,  Duke  of  Somerset,  and  Protector  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI. 


320  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

Item,  the  second  dayc  wee  removycl  to  Nele  and  ther  campid.  And  that  was  a  fayer  towne 
and  a  well  walled,  and  wattred  on  the  one  syed. 

Item,  the  iiijth  daye  from  Nele  to  Bowean  or  Wowean.  And  ther  was  a  marvellous  strayght 
passage  in  the  mydes  of  the  way,  and  one  the  north  syed  of  the  same  Bowean  was  iij.  ryvers  of 
the  Some,  and  the  Frensho  men  brake  up  the  bryges  when  that  they  hard  of  my  lorcles  grace 
commyng.  And  upon  the  brygges  comyng  over  my  lordes  grace  made  ij.  knyghtes,  Ser  Kobert 
Bulser  and  Ser  John  Uudlay." 

Item,  the  v"1  daye  my  lordes  grace  removyd  over  the  water  and  campid  at  Bewford. 

Item,  the  vij"1  daye  of  the  monyth  of  November  my  lordes  grace  removyd  to  a  goodly  abbay 
of  Our  Lady  that  was  namyd  Mounte  Martnj-ne.  The  same  day  Mounsr.  Lync  with  horsemen 
by  a  trayne  gate  Bowgard,  which  is  a  goodly  castell,  and  put  oute  the  Frenche  men  in  ther 
doublettes  and  ther  hose."b 

Just  at  the  time  when  the  army  was  breaking  up,  and  the  men  were  return- 
ing as  best  they  could  from  Antwerp,  Sluys,  Nieuport,  and  other  harbours, 
a  reinforcement  of  6,000  men,  under  Lord  Mountjoy,  was  ready  to  join  them,  and 
6,608  coats  were  bought  for  them,  but  the  men  "  returned  home  from  diverse 
places  as  they  were  coming  up  to  London,  wherefore  the  said  coats  been  to  be 
restored  to  the  king's  use."  Their  '-'conduyte"  money,  however,  before  they 
were  countermanded,  and  to  send  them  home  again,  amounted  to  2,026/.  12s.  4cZ. 

Another  royal  visit  is  also  referred  to,  in  the  payment  of  24<l.  to  Henry 
Courtenay,  Earl  of  Devon,  afterwards  Marquis  of  Exeter,  for  attending  upon  the 
King  of  Denmark.  This  was  Christiern  II.,  King  of  Denmark  and  Sweden,  who 
visited  this  country  in  June,  1523.  In.  1519  he  had  invaded  Sweden,  and  was 
crowned  king  in  November,  1520,  but  from  the  commencement  of  his  reign 
indulged  in  acts  of  the  greatest  cruelty  and  tyranny.  Shortly  after  his  corona- 
tion he  ordered  a  massacre  of  the  principal  inhabitants.  A  rebellion  was  soon 
organised  under  the  leadership  of  Gustavus  Vasa,  and  during  the  war  which 
ensued  Christiern  is  said  to  have  hanged  and  burned  an  archbishop.  In  retalia- 
tion the  people  killed  "  his  governour,  the  woman  of  Hollande,  which  was  modyr 
to  his  dove,  so  theey  calle  the  prynces  sovereeyn  laady  in  that  contre,  wheerby 
aperyth  that  ille  lyffe  and  lyke  governaunce  comyth  offtyn  to  ille  ende." c  This 
"  sovereign  lady  "  was  not  his  queen,  who  was  sister  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V., 
but  "  his  witch  who  ruled  him." 

King  Francis  I.  gave  him  some  aid  against  the  Swedes,  and  in  return 
expected  him  to  help  James  V.  King  of  Scotland,  in  an  attack  on  the  Borders, 
and  thus  prevent  England  from  invading  France. 

a  Afterwards  Lord  Lisle,  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  Duke  of  Northumberland;  executed  22  Aug.,  1553, 
for  his  attempt  to  raise  Jane  Grey,  his  daughter-in-law,  to  the  throne. 
b  Add.  MS.  10,  110,  f.  236,  B.  M. 
c  Sir  Robert  Wingfield  to  Wolsey.     Galba  B.  vn.  325. 


Treasurer  of  the  Kiny's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  321 

However,  all  these  arrangements  came  to  nothing,  for,  in  April,  1523, 
Christiern  was  deposed  by  the  Estates  both  of  Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  forced 
to  flee  from  both  countries,  while  his  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Holstein,  was  elected 
king  in  his  stead.  It  was  at  first  thought  that  he  had  sailed  for  Scotland,  but  he 
suddenly  landed  in  Flanders,  with  his  queen  and  three  children  (whose  portraits, 
by  Mabuse,  are  in.  the  possession  of  Lord  Radnor,  and  were  exhibited  at 
Burlington  House  in  1876),  and  a  fleet  of  eighteen  ships.  Margaret  of  Savoy, 
his  wife's  aunt,  who  was  then  governess  of  the  Low  Countries,  received  him 
hospitably,  and  assigned  him  a  pension,  for  he  had  nothing  but  her  alms  to  live 
upon.  His  feelings  towards  England  were  completely  altered  by  the  change  in 
his  circumstances,  and  he  expressed  a  great  desire  to  visit  the  king,  thinking 
perhaps  that  English  gold  was  easier  got  than  French. 

His  overtures  were  not  received  with  much  cordiality,  and  Cardinal  Wolsey 
tried  to  put  him  off  by  sending  him  a  safe-conduct,  which  he  thought  the  king 
could  hardly  make  use  of.  The  stipulations  in  the  safe-conduct  were  that  he 
should  enter  no  English  port  with  ships,  or  with  more  than  one  hundred  followers, 
or  visit  Scotland.  This  rebuff  was  ineffectual,  and  he  was  content  to  come  by 
land  to  Calais,  with  only  eighty  persons  in  his  retinue,  for  whom  he  asked  the 
king  to  supply  fifty  horses  on  his  landing  in  England,  mentioning  particularly 
that  he  wanted  eight  or  ten  ambling  nags  for  himself,  the  queen,  and  her  ladies.a 
Hall  says  that  his  train  only  consisted  of  his  queen  and  four  ladies,  and  forty 
other  persons,  poor  and  evil  apparelled.  He  landed  at  Dover  on  June  15,  where 
he  was  received  by  the  Earl  of  Devonshire  and  the  Bishops  of  Exeter  and 
Rochester.  On  his  arrival  at  Greenwich  he  was  welcomed  by  the  king  and 
queen,  standing  under  their  cloth  of  estate,  and  dined  with  them.  He  after- 
wards was  lodged  at  Bath  Place,  in  the  Strand,  where  Wolsey  had  an  interview 
with  him,  and  advised  him  to  return  to  the  countries  which  remained  obedient 
to  him,  and  try  to  regain  the  goodwill  of  the  lords  of  Denmark  and  Sweden. 
The  cardinal  thought  it  "  ferre  discrepant  from  good  ordre,  reason,  or  congruence, 
that  a  prince  shal  thus  by  the  wilfulnes  of  his  lordes  and  commons  be  expelled 
and  put  from  his  croun  upon  any  greves  by  them  pretended."  Acting  on  this 
feeling,  he  persuaded  Henry  to  write  in  his  favour  to  the  emperor,  proposing  to 
help  forward  his  restoration  by  pacific  means,  a  proposal  which  Charles  at  once 
accepted,  promising  to  employ  force,  if  necessary.  It  was  reported  that 
Christiern  wished  to  sell  his  title  to  Henry  VIII.,  and  the  English  ambassador  in 
the  Low  Countries,  having  heard  of  the  scheme,  warned  Wolsey  that  the 
kingdom  went  by  election,  not  succession.6 

a  Dr.  Knighte  to  Wolsey.     Galba  B.  vm.  40.  b  State  Papers  Hen.  VIII.  vi.  158. 

c  Galba  B.  vi.  48. 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  X 


322  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  tlie 

This  bargain  was  never  made,  but  Christiern  obtained  from  Henry  a  con- 
firmation of  a  previous  treaty  between  Ms  father  John  and  Henry  VII.  for 
settling  disputes  about  commerce  and  rights  of  fishing,  and  binding  each  party 
to  help  the  other,  and  not  to  harbour  each  other's  rebels.  The  counterpart  of 
this  treaty,  which  was  signed  by  Christiern  at  London,  on  June  30,  1523,  is  now 
in  the  Public  Record  Office."  The  seal  is  of  red  wax,  within  a  saucer  of  coarse 
white  wax.  It  bears  Christiern's  arms,  surmounted  by  a  crown  and  C.  B. 
with  savage  men  with  clubs  as  supporters.  The  legend  is  "  Secretum  Cristierni 
Dacie  Suecie  Nforvegie]  Sclavorum  Gottorum  regis  ducis  Slesvicensis  etHolsacie 
Stormarie  ac  Ditmercie  comit.  in  Oldenb.  et  Delmenhors." 

The  field  is  slightly  sunk,  and  the  latter  half  of  the  legend  is  carried  along 
the  inner  edge.  The  counter-seal  has  the  same  shield,  without  supporters. 
The  legend  is  "  Signetum  Cristierni  Dacie  Suecie  regis,"  the  rest  of  the  style 
appearing  in  interstices  behind  the  shield. 

The  seal  is  suspended  by  silk  ribbons  of  faded  pinkish  purple  and  white. 

The  arms  on  both  seals  are,  the  double  cross  of  Denmark — 

1st  quarter — Semee  of  hearts,  three  lions  passant  guardant.     Denmark. 

2.  Three  crowns.     Sweden. 

3.  A  lion  rampant  holding  a  battle  axe.     Norway. 

4.  A  wy  vern,  the  ancient  flag  of  the  Vandals. 

Over  this  an  escutcheon  of  pretence,  bearing,   Quarterly,  1  and  3,  two  lions 
passant  guardant.     Sleswick. 
2.  A  leaf.     Holstein  (?) 
4.  A  swan  gorged  with  coronet.     Stormerk. 

O          O 

Over  the  whole  an  inescutcheon,  bearing  two  bars,  for  Oldenborgh. 

His  expenses  while  in  England  were  paid  by  King  Henry,  and  342£.  are 
entered  in  this  account  as  paid  to  Nicholas  Hurleton  for  his  diet.  Hurleton's 
receipts  for  this  money  are  still  extant  at  the  Public  Record  Office. 

One  incident  of  his  visit  to  London  is  thus  recorded  by  Hall.  "While  at  Bath 
Place, — "  Hearyng  of  the  watch  in  London  on  St.  Peter's  even  he  desired  to  see 
it,  and  so  was  accompanyed  with  the  duke  of  Suffolke,  the  erles  of  Oxford,  Essex, 
and  Kent,  and  dyvers  other  lordes  and  ladies,  and  brought  into  the  Kings  Head 
in  Chepe,  where  the  Citie  of  London  made  to  him  and  hys  wife  a  costly  banquet. 
And  when  he  had  sene  the  watch,  he  sayd— '  I  would  to  God  I  had  so  many 
archers,  pikes  and  halberders,  as  I  sawe  this  night.  Then  I  trust  I  would  punishe 
suche  as  have  wrongfully  dispossessed  nie  of  my  realme  and  country.'  And  after  he 
had  solaced  himselfe  in  London,  he  resorted  to  the  King,  of  whome  he  had  many 

a  Printed  in  Eymer's  Fcedera,  xiii.  798. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  323 

great  giftes,  and  likewise  liad  hys  wyf  e  of  the  Queene  her  aunt,  and  so  tooke  their 
leave,  and  were  conveyed  to  Dover.  And  when  he  had  bene  in  England  xxij. 
dayes,  he  toke  shipping  and  sayled  agayne  into  Elaunders,  praisyng  muche  the 
King  of  Englande  and  hys  court."* 

His  personal  appearance  is  thus  described  by  an  Italian  who  saw  him  at 
Brussels  when  he  was  on  a  visit  to  his  brother-in-law  the  Emperor  in  1526. 
"He  is  a  man  of  36  or  38  years  of  age  (he  was  really  over  40),  well  formed, 
neither  large  nor  small  in  person,  with  a  black  beard,  and  the  face  of  an  Italian. 
He  is  said  to  be  prudent  and  discreet.'"' 

Several  years  after  this  he  made  a  descent  on  Norway,  but  was  taken  prisoner 
and  confined,  first  at  Sunderbourg,  and  then  at  Callembourg,  where  he  died  in 
January  1559. 

The  "  insurrection  at  Coventry,"  mentioned  later,  was  a  plot  concocted 
in  December  1523  by  Erancis  Phillip,  schoolmaster  to  the  king's  henchmen, 
Christopher  Pykering,  clerk  of  the  larder,  and  Anthony  Maynville,  gentleman,  to 
rob  the  collectors  of  the  subsidy  on  their  road  to  London,  and  with  this  money  to 
raise  men  and  capture  Kenilworth  Castle.  Hall  says  their  object  was  "  to  have 
made  battayle  against  the  king." 

This  Erancis  Phillip  must  not  be  confused  with  a  Spaniard  of  the  same  name 
who  was  sewer  to  Queen  Katharine,  and  who  was  sent  to  Spain  by  her  on 
business  connected  with  the  divorce. 

Immediately  after  the  arrest  of  the  ringleaders,  Wolsey  wrote  to  the  mayor 
to  search  for  their  accomplices,  and  the  letter  was  read  by  the  Corporation  on 
December  16,  as  appears  from  the  records  of  the  Corporation  in  the  Harl.  MSS., 
but  there  is  no  information  about  the  result  of  their  search.0 

The  three  ringleaders  were  executed  with  the  usual  formalities  at  Tyburn  on 
Eeb.  11,  and  the  rest  were  sent  down  to  Coventry  for  the  same  purpose. 

Coventry  was  rather  prone  to  these  disturbances,  for  the  year  before,   two 

»  Grafton,  ii.  340. 

b  "  Hollo  visto,  o  huomo  di  3C  in  38  anni,  ben  formato  di  corpo,  ne  grande  ne  piccolo,  con  barba  negra, 
con  effigie  d'ltaliano.  Se  dice  essere  prudente  e  discrete." — Lettere  di  Principi,  i.  93. 

c  "  At  the  assemble  holdon  the  Wensday  next  ensuynge  (1C  Dec.  1523),  then  present  Mr.  Julyne 
[Nethermyll],  Meyer,  Mr.  Whyte,  master  of  the  gylde,  Mr.  Marler,  Mr.  IJassall,  Mr.  Clarke,  Mr.  Ilumfrey. 
Mr.  Wan-n,  Mr.  Bonde,  Mr.  "Wyoam.  At  thys  assemble  was  rede  and  poblyshed  a  letter  frome  my  lorde 
Cardenall  wyllyng  that  dyllygent  serche  scholde  be  made  to  have  knolege  of  mo  personnes  whyche  were 
assented  and  agreyd  to  the  insurreccion  moveyd  withyn  thys  cytte  by  one  Fraunces  Phyllype  and  other 
takyn  and  sende  upe  to  the  kinges  cownsell."  Harl.  7571.  f,  34 

2x2 


324  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

men,  Pratt  and  South  by  name,  conspired  to  murder  the  mayor  and  aldermen 
and  take  Kenilworth  Castle.  The  plot  was  discovered,  and  they  were  tried  and 
convicted  in  London,  and  sent  hack  to  Coventry  to  he  executed.  Their  heads 
and  limbs  were  distributed  as  ornaments  to  the  four  gates  of  the  city.3 

In  the  year  following  Phillip's  insurrection  (1524)  there  was  another  emeute. 
The   inhabitants  pulled  down  the  gates  and  hedges  on   some   newly   inclosed 
land,  and  shut  the  gates  against  the  chamberlain.     For  this  the  mayor,  Nicholas 
Hemyng,  was  deprived.     The  king's  temper  was  roused  by  this  perpetual  rest- 
lessness, and  he  determined  to  put  a  stop  to  it.     In  August  1525  he  sent  the 
Marquis  of  Dorset,  who  had  a  house  at  Ashley,  about  six  miles  from  Coventry, 
to  demand  the  surrender  of  four  persons,  and,  as  the  Marquis  himself  writes,  to 
ask  the  mayor  and  brethren  "  whether  they  coude  or  wold  undertake  to  rule 
and  ordrc  the  said  citie,  sayeng  that  if  they  wold  not  so  doo,  I  wold  meself  under 
your  graces  auctoritie  and  commaundement  conirne  thyder  and  rule  the  same,  to 
all  their  displeasures,  undoing  of  the  said  citie  and  taking  their  liberties  from 
theym  for  ever."     They  promised  to  return  the  same  day  with  the  said  four 
persons,  and  give  such  an  answer  as  would  content  the  king,  and  the  marquis 
tells  the  king  that  if  they  make  any  further  business,  with  the  help  and  aid  of 
his  servants  and  friends,  he  will  "  doo  execucion  upon  the  misdoers  before  their 
o\vne  gates,  as  the  caas  shall  require."     In  a  postscript  written  the  following  day, 
the  marquis  says  that  the  mayor  and  brethren  have  delivered  the  guilty  persons, 
and  undertake  to  rule  and  order  the  city  and  keep  the  peace.     Their  promise,  how- 
ever, was  not  considered  sufficient,  and  they  were  obliged  to  give  a  bond  of  5000 
marks  for  the  good  order  of  the  city  till  Christmas.     While  the  letter  was  being 
written,  further  orders  came  from  the  king,  which  were  apparently  of  a  still 
severer  nature,  for  the  marquis  says  he  has  ordered  up  more  men  in  addition  to 
the  2000  he  has  with  him,  and  doubts  not  to  be  able  to  execute  the  king's 
commands,  "  whosoever  wyll  say  nay  or  presume  the  contrary.'"' 

Even  this  severity  does  not  seem  to  have  been  quite  effectual,  for  in  the 
next  month  of  November  it  was  found  necessary  to  send  the  following  proclama- 
tion to  the  mayor  and  sheriffs  to  be  published  within  the  city  and  suburbs. 

Whereas  of  late  divers  riotous  and  evell  disposed  persons,  not  dreading  nor  fearing  our 
soveraigne  lord  the  king  nor  his  lawes,  riotously  assembled  themselves  in  great  routes  and 
unlawful!  nombers  within  this  the  kinges  citie  of  Coventry,  against  the  maiour,  aldermen, 
burgesses,  and  other  well  ruled  and  disposed  inhabitantes  thereof,  to  the  great  trouble,  feare,  and 

&  Hist,  of  Coventry,  1810,  p.  34.  b  Titus  B.  i,  76. 


Treasurer  of 'the  King 's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  Till.  325 

inquietacion  of  the  said  inhabitauntes,  if  due  punishment  and  correccion  had  not  byn  done  and 
had  in  that  behalf:  And  albeit  that  divers  and  many  of  the  said  riotous  persons,  as  well  by 
imprisonment  and  banishment,  as  otherwise  within  the  same  citie  and  elsewhere,  have  byn 
punished  and  corrected  for  their  said  misdemeanours,  yet  that  notwithstanding,  as  the  kingcs 
grace  is  credibly  enformed,  divers  evell  disposed  persons  yet  continueing  in  their  perverse  and 
malitious  purpose,  have  not  onlie  of  late  eftsoones  privily  renewed  their  said  combinacions 
and  unlawfull  confederacions,  but  also  they  have  caused  seditious  billcs  and  writinges  to  be  made 
against  certaine  well  disposed  aldermen  and  burgesses  of  this  the  kinges  citie,  to  their  no  litle 
inquietacion  and  trouble,  and  the  emboldening  of  evell  disposed  persons  :  For  remedy,  punish- 
ment, and  reformacion  whereof  the  king  our  soveraigne  lord,  by  the  advice  of  his  counsel!, 
straightlie  chargeth  and  comaundeth  all  and  singular  persons,  of  what  estate,  degree,  or  condicion 
he  or  they  be,  from  henceforth  that  they  not  onlie  desist,  forbeare,  and  leave  their  said  confedera- 
cions and  combynacions,  but  also  that  assoone  as  any  of  them  shall  knowe  or  heare  anie  such 
conspiratours,  combyners,  makers,  devisers,  or  conscntors  of  such  seditious  billcs  or  writinges, 
that  they  forthwith  attache  them  or  cause  them  to  be  attached  and  arrested,  or  ells  to  sliowc  or 
give  knowledge  thereof  to  the  saide  maiour,  aldermen,  and  sheriffes  of  the  said  citie,  to  then  tent 
they  may  be  by  them  attached,  taken,  and  ymprisoned  ;  and  so  there  to  remayne  unto  such 
tyme  as  the  kinges  highues  and  his  counsaile  may  be  asserteyned  thereof,  and  thereupon  to  be 
punished  by  fyne  and  ransomc,  and  furthermore  their  bodyes  to  be  at  the  kinges  high  pleasure." 

There  is  rather  an  amusing  entry  towards  the  end  of  the  roll.     "  To  William 

o  * 

Browne,  theiff,  for  his  costes  retcyned  for  peching  of  other  theiffes,  xviij.  s.  x.  d." 
"William  Browne  is  not  a  sufficiently  uncommon  name  to  he  identified  with  any 
certainty,  and  I  cannot  say  what  robberies  he  had  committed  or  who  it  was  he 
entrapped  into  the  hands  of  justice.  There  were,  however,  two  men  of  the  name, 
to  either  of  whom  it  might  apply.  One  was  a  soldier  of  Calais,  who,  with  others, 
was  pardoned  for  stealing  hemp  on  17  April,  1529.  The  other,  a  sherman  by 
trade,  was  a  prisoner  for  felony,  in  the  Cok  Alley  in  St.  Martin's  Sanctuary,  in 
February,  1525. 

The  name  of  Anne  Boleyn,  though  it.  must  have  been  frequently  in  the 
mouths  of  English  people  at  this  period,  occurs  but  once  on  this  roll,  and  then 
only  as  giving  a  name  to  a  ship  belonging  to  or  commanded  by  her  brother, 
George  Boleyn,  Lord  Rochford.  I  do  not  find  this  name  among  the  lists  of  the 
king's  ships,  but  he  had  one  named  after  her  sister,  "The  Mary  Bullen." 

At  p.  38  there  is  a  notice  of  Lord  Edmund  Howard  being  sent  to  serve 
against  the  Scots.  This  was  a  son  of  Thomas  Howard,  who  was  created  Duke  of 
Norfolk  after  his  victory  at  Elodden,  in  which  battle  Edmund  had  commanded 
the  vanguard.  He  served  the  king  in  his  wars  both  by  land  and  sea,  but  could  not 

»  Harl.  442,  f.  59. 


326  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

manage  to  keep  himself  out  of  debt,  and  was  so  pressed  by  his  creditors  that  at 
one  time  he  begged  Cardinal  "Wolsey  to  employ  him  in  a  projected  expedition  to 
Newfoundland,  to  provide  his  wife  and  children  with  meat  and  drink.  At  a  later 
period  he  held  an  appointment  at  Calais,  where  Arthur  Plantagenet,  Lord  Lisle, 
a  natural  son  of  Edward  IV.,  was  Lord  Deputy.  Lord  Lisle's  wife  was  a  lady 
who  took  a  great  deal  of  interest  in  other  people's  affairs,  and  was  very  fond  of 
amateur  doctoring.  Among  her  papers  is  the  following  letter  from  Lord  Ed- 
mund, which  affords  a  good  example  of  the  plain  speaking  of  our  ancestors  : — 

Madame,  so  yt  is  I  have  this  nyght  aftyr  myclnyght  takyn  your  medysyn,  for  the  whytche  I 
hertcly  thanke  youe.  For  yt  hatlie  done  me  mytche  good,  and  hathe  cawsyd  the  stone  to  breke, 
so  that  now  1  voyd  mytche  gravyll.  But  for  all  that  your  sayd  medysyn  hathe  done  me  lytyll 
honeste,  for  yt  made  me  pys  my  bed  tliys  nyght,  for  the  whytche  my  wyffe  hathe  sore  betyn  me, 
and  saying  '  yt  ys  chyldcryns  partes  to  bepys  ther  bed.'  Ye  have  made  me  suche  a  pysser  that 
I  dare  not  this  daye  go  abrode,  whcrfore  I  beseche  youe  to  make  mync  eskewse  to  my  lorde  and 
master  Tresorer,  for  that  I  shall  not  bo  wytho  youe  thys  daye  at  dyner.  Madame,  it  is  shewyd 
me  that  a  wyng  or  a  leg  of  a  storke,  yff  I  ett  theroff',  wyll  make  me  that  I  shall  nevyr  pysse  more 
in  bed,  and  tliowgli  my  body  be  scmple,  yet  my  tong  shalbe  evyr  good,  and  speceally  when  it 
spckyth  of  women.  And  sethyns  suche  a  medysyn  wyll  do  sutche  a  gret  cure,  God  send  me  a 
pece  theroff. 

All  youres, 

EDMUND  HOWARD. 

To  the  Ryght  Honorable  the  Vyeountcs 
Lysle  thys  be  delyvcred. 

Hast,  post  hast, 
Hast,  for  thy  lyffc. a 

1  do  not  know  whether  this  medicinal  effect  of  stork's  flesh  was  generally 
recognised  in  prcscientific  times,  but  I  have  never  seen  it  mentioned  elsewhere. 

In  the  Public  Record  Office  there  is  a  mutilated  copy  of  the  second  part  of 
this  roll,  with  corrections,  examined,  and  the  amounts  checked  by  Tamworth  and 
Overton,  but  their  signatures  have  been  crossed  out. 

The  roll  here  printed  is  evidently  a  fair  copy,  made  in  consequence  of  the 
mistakes  in  the  other. 


Here  ensueth  a  declaracion  of  accompt  made  by  Syr  John  Daunce,  knyght,  oone  of  our 
soveraigue  lord  the  kynges  councelors,  assigned  and  appoynted  by  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  the 
kynge  to  be  expenditor  and  payour  of  soundre  sommes  of  money  appointed  and  delyvered  untc 
hym,  for  to  be  employcl,  expendid,  laid  out,  and  paied,  as  well  for  wages  of  warre,  as  for  divers! 

a  Lisle  Papers,  xi.,  24,  P.  K.  O. 


Treasurer  of  the  Kings  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  327 

and  other  soundro  the  kynges  affaires,  that  is  to  say,  as  well  of  all  sommes  of  money  by  hym 
received  of  dyverse  and  soundre  persones,  for  and  apon  thexpences  and  charges  of  the  same  our 
soveraigne  lordes  warres  and  other  necessarye  causes  and  affaires  aforeseid ;  as  also  of  the  em- 
ployment, expendyngc,  avauncing,  and  layinge  owt  of  the  same  money  by  the  seid  Sir  John 
Daunce  by  vertue  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  the  kynges  high  and  dradd  commandement,  and  of 
his  most  honorable  councell,  at  diverse  and  soundrie  tymes,  for  manyfold  causes,  concerning  the 
premisses,  from  the  xiiij'11  day  of  March  the  xiijth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  unto  the  xxth 
day  of  November  in  the  xixtk  yere  of  his  most  noble  reigne. 

As  herafter  is  declared : 
Money  received  of 

John  Miklowe,  esquier,  late  tresorer  of  our  soveraigno  lord  the  kynges  chamber,  at 
diverse  and  soundrie  tymes  by  vertue  ot  severall  warraunts  to  the  same  John  Miklowe,  in  that 
behalf  directed ;  that  is  to  say,  the  xiiijth  day  of  March  the  xiij"1  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne 
lord,  ccxvij.  li.,  the  xvij"1  day  of  May  the  xiiij"1  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  d.  li.  the 
xxiiij"1  day  of  the  same  moneth  the  same  yere  mccc.  li.  In  all,  as  by  the  confession  of  the  seid 
Sir  John  Daunce  and  his  boke  of  parcelles  upon  this  declaracion  cxamyned  it  may  appere, 

m'm'xvij.  li. 

Edmond  Pekham. 

By  the  commandment  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  apon  thexpences  and  charges  of  his  warres, 
the  xvth  day  of  June  the  xiiij"1  ycro  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  Ixx.  li.  at  diverse  tymes,  as 
apppreth  by  an  indenture  dated  the  il  day  of  a  the  forseid  xiiij11'  yere  vm'd.  li.  In  all,  as 
by  the  boke  of  parcelles  and  indentures  made  between  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  and  the  seid 
Edmond  Pekham  apon  this  declaracion  examined  it  may  appere,  vm'dlxx.  li. 

Sir  Heny  Wyatt,  knyght, 

Tresorer  of  our  soveraigne  lord  the  kynges  chamber,  for  and  upon  the  charges  of  the  kynges 
warres  and  other  his  affaires  at  diverse  and  soundrie  tymes  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  xijth  day  of  July 
the  xiiij"1  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord,  cc.  li.  At  soundre  tymes,  by  indenture  dated  the  iijr(1 
day  of  January  the  same  yere  iiij"ixm'd.  li.,  and  at  diverse  tymes  by  an  indenture  dated  the 
xvjth  day  of  December,  the  xvijth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraign  lord,  m'm'dccc.  li.  In  all,  as  by  iij. 
severall  indentures  made  betwene  the  said  Sir  John  Daunce  and  the  seid  Sir  Kerry  Wyatt  apon 
this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere,  iiijxxxijin1d.  li. 

William  Seyntpeir, 

In  the  price  of  diverse  empty  foystes  or  vesselles  remaining  at  Gales  in  the  charge  of  William 
Briswood,  and  by  the  seid  William  Seyntpeir  ther  sold,  in  the  moneth  of  September  the  xviij'1' 
yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord,  as  by  the  boke  of  parcelles  of  the  forseid  Sir  John  Daunco  apon 
this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere,  vij.  li.  ij.  s.  iiij.  d. 

Somme  of  the  totall  receipt  aforeseid,  cm'iij^xiiij.li.  ij.  s.  iiij.  d. 

Whereof  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  requyreth  allowaunce  for  money  by  hym  avaunced,  paied, 
and  laid  owt,  as  well  by  warrauntes  as  by  the  commandement  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  the 
kyng  and  his  most  honorable  councell,  for  dyverse  causes  concernyng  his  warres  and  other  his 
affaires.  That  is  to  say : 

a  Blanks  in  MS. 


328 


Sir  John  Daunce' s  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 


Cotes  uncl 
conduyte  for  a 
crewe  sent  to 
Gales  in  May 
the  xiiij"'  yere 
of  our  said 
soveraign  lord. 


Wages  of  the 
forseid  crewe 
for  a  moneth. 


Transporting 

of  the  seid 
crewe. 


Cotes  and 
couduyte  of 
an  army  sent 
into  Fraunce 
under  the 
leadyng  of  my 
lord  of  Nor- 
folk then  Erie 
of  Surrey,  in 
the  xiiij"1  ycre 
of  our  said 
soveraign  lord. 


Furst.  Paied  by  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  to  diverse  and  soundre  noblemen  and  gentilmcn 
captcyns,  for  m'dxxiij.  cottes  for  ther  selfes  and  ther  retynues,  over  and  besydes  vj.  chapleyns 
which  hadd  noo  cotes,  appoynted  to  serve  our  soveraigne  lord  the  kynges  grace  in  a  crewe  sent 
to  Gales  for  the  defence  of  the  same  towne  and  the  marches  ther,  in  the  moneth  of  May  the  xiiij"1 
yere  of  his  most  noble  reigne ;  price  of  every  cote,  iij.  s.  iiij.  d.  as  by  a  boke  of  the  names  of 
the  said  capteyns  with  the  nomber  of  their  retynues  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may 
appere,  ccliij.  li.  xvj.  s.  viij  d. 

Also,  paid  for  the  conduytyng  of  xiiij.  capteyns,  xiiij.  pety  capteyns,  cc.  archers  of  horsebak, 
c.  demi-launccs,  m'ccj.  souldiours  from  ther  dwellyng  places  in  diverse  parties  of  this  realrne  to 
Sandwich  by  soundre  distaunces  :  capteyns  at  iiij.  s.  a  day,  pety  captcyns  at  ij.  s.  a  day,  archers 
of  horsebak  at  viij.  d.  a  clay,  and  demi-launccs  at  ix.  d.  a  day,  and  souldiors  at  vj.  d.  a  day,  as  by 
the  boke  of  parcelles  of  the  particler  names  and  nombers  of  the  said  retynues  with  the  distaunces 
of  the  myles  upon  this  accompt  examyned  it  may  appere,  cclxxij.  li.  xj.  s.  x.  d. 

dxxvj.  li.  viij.  s.  vj  d. 

Also  paied  for  the  wages  of  xiiij.  capteyns,  every  of  them  at  iiij.  s.  a  day,  xiiij.  pety  capteyns 
every  of  them  at  ij.  s.  a  day,  clxxix.  archers  on  horsebak  every  of  them  at  viij.  d.  a  day  c.  demi 
lannces  every  of  them  at  ix.  d.  a  day,  and  mccxxij.  souldiors  every  of  them  at  vj.  d.,  appoynted  to 
serve  the  kynges  grace  in  the  forseid  crewe  for  a  moneth  begon  at  soundre  dayes  in  June  the 
xiiij.  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord,  as  by  the  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this  declaracion  examyned 
it  may  appere,  m'ccxlv.  li.  xvj.  d. 

Also  paied  by  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  for  the  hier  of  dyverse  shippes  for  the  transportyng 
of  the  said  crewe,  with  the  hier  of  grett  botes  to  bryng  them  a  shippcbord,  and  for  portage  of 
them,  with  hire  of  briggcs  to'shippo  their  horses,  as  by  the  boke  of  parcells  apon  this  rleclaracion 
examyned  it  may  appere,  Ixxj.  li.  vj.  s  v.  d. 

Somme  of  the  hoole  charge  of  the  seid  crewe  sent  to  Gales,  m'dcccxlij.  li.  xvj.  s.  iij.cl. 

Also  paied  to  diverse  and  soundre  noblemen  and  gentilmen  capteyns,  for  vjm'dccccxxviij.  cotes 
for  so  many  persons,  over  and  besides  xxvj.  which  hadd  no  cootes,  appoynted  to  serve  our  seid 
soveraign  lord  in  his  warres  in  an  army  by  land  into  Fraunce,  under  the  leadyng  of  Thomas  now 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  then  Erie  of  Surrey,  lord  admiral!,  in  August  the  xiiij"1  yere  of  our  seid 
soveraigne  lord,  price  every  cote  iij.  s.  iiij.  d.,  as  by  the  boke  of  parcelles  of  the  names  of  the  seid 
capteyns  with  particler  nomber  of  their  retynues  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

m'cliiij.  li.  xiiij.  s.  iiij.  d. 

Also  paied  for  the  conduytyng  of  xiiij.  capteyns,  xxxviij.  pety  capteyns,  v.  leaders  of  mynors, 
xiiij.  demi  launces,  ccxvj.  archers  on  horsebak,  and  vjm'dcxxxviij.  souldiors,  from  their  dwellyng 
places  in  diverse  places  of  this  realme  unto  London ;  capteyns  at  iiij.  s  a  day,  pety  capteyns  at 
ij.  s.  a  day,  demi  launces  at  ix.  d.  a  day,  archers  oon  horsebak  at  viij.  d.  a  day,  and  souldiors  at 
vj.d.  a  day,  as  by  the  boke  of  parcelles  of  the  particler  names  and  nombres  of  the  retynues 
with  the  distaunces  of  myles  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

m'cccviij.  li.  vj.  s.  vj.  d. 
m'm'cccclxij.li.  xix  s.  x.  d. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII. 


029 


Wages  of  the 
foreseid  army 
for  souiulrc 
tymes. 


Also  paled  for  the  wages  of  my  lord  Leonard  Grey  at  vj.  s.  vilj.  d.  a  day,  xliij.  capteyns  every 
of  them  at  iiij  s.  a  day,  John  Parker  spere  on  horsebak  at  iij.  s.  iiij.  d.  a  day,  xlij.  pety  capteyns 
every  of  them  at  ij.s.  a  day,  v.  leaders  of  mynors  every  of  them  at  xij.d.  a  day,  xiiij.  demi- 
launces  every  of  them  at  ix.  d.  a  day,  cxiiijxxxvj.  arcliers  on  horsebak  every  of  them  at  viij.  d.  a 
day,  and  vjm'dcxx.  souldiors  every  of  them  at  vj.  d.  a  day,  appoynted  to  serve  the  kynges  grace 
in  the  forseid  army  by  the  space  of  xiiij.  dayes  begon  at  soundre  and  severall  dayes  in  the  moneth 
of  August  the  xiiij"1  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord,  as  by  the  forseid  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this 
declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere,  m'm'dcv.  li.  x.  s.  iiij.  d. 

Also  paied  for  wages  of  xx  arcliers  on  horsebak,  every  of  them  at  viij.  d.  a  day,  and  xij. 
souldiors  every  of  them  at  vj.d.  a  day  appoynted  to  serve  the  kynges  grace  in  his  forseid  army 
by  the  space  of  a  moneth,  begon  the  iiij"'  day  of  August  the  forseid  xiiij"'  yere  and  endyng  the 
last  day  of  the  same  moneth,  both  the  dayes  included,  xxviij.  dayes  accompted  for  the  moneth. 
as  by  the  forseid  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

xxvij.  li.  xvj.  d. 

m'm'dcxxxij.li.  xj.s.  viij.  d. 

Cootes  and  conduyte  of  an  army  sent  into  Fraunce  in  the  moneth  of  August  the  xv"1  yere  of 
our  seid  soveraigne  lord  under  the  leading  of  Charles  Duke  of  Suffolk. 

Also  paied  and  delyverd  to  Charles  Duke  of  Suffolk,  leiftenant  generall  of  an  army  sent  into    Curolns  Suff. 
Fraunce  in  the  moneth  of  Auguste  the  xvth  yere  of  our  soveraigne  lord,  by  wey  of  prest  apon         ' 
provysion  of  m'dcc.  cotes  for  m'dcc.  men  in  his  retynue,  and  apon  conduyting  of  the  said  men 
from  their  dwellyng  places  to  Canturbury,  as  by  the  forseid  boke  of  parcelles  and  an  indenture 
betwen  the  seid  duke  and  forseid  Sir  John  Daunce  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

dcccxl.  li. 

Also  paied  and  delyvered  to  William  Lillegrave,  the  v"'  day  of  September  the  xv"1  yere  of  ,y  T .,, 
our  seid  soveraigne  lord,  in  prest  apon  the  provysion  of  m'dclxvj.  cootes  for  m'dclxvj.  men,  which 
remayned  in  a  crewe  at  Gales  and  appoynted  to  be  of  the  seid  army  under  the  leadyng  of  the 
seid  Charles  Duke  of  Suffolk;  price  every  cote  iij.  s.  iiij.  d.  In  all,  as  by  the  foreseid  boke  of 
parcelles  signed  with  thand  of  the  seid  William  Lillegrave  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may 
appere, 

cclxxvij.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.  d. 


Also  paied  to  diverse  and  soundre  noblemen  and  gentilmen,  capteyns  and  other,  for  vjmldcviij. 
cootes  at  iij. s.  iiij.  d.  a  pece,  m'cccxxxj.  cootes  at  ij.s.  iiij.d.  a  pece,  for  ther  selfes  and  their 
retynues  appoynted  to  serve  our  seid  soveraigne  lord  in  the  forseid  army,  and  went  forth  in  the 
same,  m'cclvj.  li.  xij.  s.  iiij.  d.  And  to  my  lord  Mountjoy  for  ccxiiij.  cootes,  Sir  Edward  Croft  for  cij. 
cootes,  Sir  George  Throgmorton,  knyght,  for  cij.  cotes,  Sir  Thomas  Tyrrell,  knyght,  for  1.  cootes, 
Sir  Thomas  Tey  knyght  for  1.  cootes,  William  Fermor  for  xx.  cootes,  and  John  Pye  of  the 
towne  of  Oxenford  for  xx.  cootes ;  price  every  coote,  iij.  s.  iiij.  d.  For  so  many  men  which 
were  appoynted  to  have  gone  over  the  see  for  the  reenforcing  of  the  seid  army  and  afterward 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  Y 


Dominns 
Mountjoy. 
Edward  us 
Croft. 

G.  Throgmor- 
ton. 
T.  Tyrrell. 

T.  Tey. 
W.  Fermor. 
Johannes  Pye. 


330  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

retorned  liome  from  diverse  places  as  the  were  commyng  up  to  London.  Wherfor  the  seid  cotes 
been  to  be  restored  to  the  kynges  use,  iiijxixiij.  li.  In  all,  as  by  the  particler  boke  of  parcelles 
apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere,  m'cccxlix.  li.  xij.  s.  iiij.  d. 

Also  paied  for  the  conduyte  of  Ix.  capteyns  at  severall  wages,  1.  pety  capteyns  every  of  them 
at  ij.  s.  a  day,  ix.  trumpeters  and  gonners  every  of  them  at  xvj.  d.  a  day,  xxxj.  clerkes  and 
officers  every  of  them  at  xij.  d.  a  day,  vj.  gonners  and  surgeons  every  of  them  at  x.  d.  a  day,  clxix. 
demi  launces  every  of  them.  atix.  d.  a  day,  ccciiijxxj  archers  on  horsebak,  artificers  and  other,  every 
of  them  at  viij.d.  a  day,  and  vjm'dpclviij.  souldiors  every  of  them  at  vj.  d.  a  day,  over  and  besides 
cccxxxviij.  which  hadcl  noo  conduyte,  appoynted  to  serve  the  kynges  grace  in  his  forseid  army 
from  their  dwellyng  places  in  diverse  places  of  this  realme  unto  Canterbury  by  severall 
distaunces — m'dccciiijxxvij.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.  d.  and  for  the  conduyte  of  iij.  capteyns,  ij.  pety 
capteyns,  xliiij.  archers  oon  horsebak,  and  dlxx.  souldiors  which  were  appoynted  to  have  gon 
over  the  sec  for  the  reenforsing  of  the  scid  army  from  ther  dwellyng  places  in  diverse  parties  of 
this  realme  unto  London  and  other  places  coming  to  London  ward,  wher  they  were  counter- 
maunded  home  agen,  Ixix.  li.  ix.  s.  vj.  d.  and  for  ther  like  conduyte  from  London  and  from  such 
places  as  they  were  countermaunded  unto  ther  dwelling  places  home  ayen,  Ixix.  li.  ix.  s.  vj.  d.  In 
all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

mhn'xxvj.  li.  xij.  s.  iiij.  d. 
m'mlm1m1cccciiijxxxiij.  li.  xviij.  s. 

Waives  of  tl]e  Also  paied  for  the  wages  of  Charles  Duke  of  Suffolk,  leiftenaunt  of  the  said  army  c.  s.  a  day  ; 

forseid  army      nly  \ori\  Curson  and  Sir  William  Skevyngton,  ether  of  them  at  x.  s.  a  day ;  my  lord  Mountagew, 
tymes.  my  lord  Ferrers,  my  lord  Leonard  Grey,  my  lord   Herbert,  my  lord  Powes,  Sir   Richard  Wyng- 

feld,  Chauncelor  of  the  Duchie  of  Lancaster,  and  Sir  Andrew  Wyndsorc,  knyght,  Tresorer  of 
the  Warres,  every  of  them  at  vj.  s.  viij.  d.  a  day ;  Ixxij.  capteyns,  i.  tresorer  of  thordynaunce, 
j.  master  gonner,  ij.  harroldes  at  armes,  every  of  them  at  iiij.s.  a  day,  Ixxiij.  pety  capteyns,  j. 
provost  of  ordynaunce,  j.  master  surgeon,  j.  provyder  of  guydes,  and  ij .  purcevaunts,  every  of  them 
at  ij.  s.  a  day;  ix.  trumpeters  and  viij.  gonners  for  grett  peces,  every  of  them  at  xvj.  d.  a  day  ; 
j.  standcrberer,  j.  banerberer,  ij.  hedemen  of  mynors,  iiij.  dromeslades,  ix.  surgeons,  j.  master 
smyth,  j.  master  ferror,  j.  master  wheler,  j.  master  horseharnessmaker,  ix.  hedemen pioners,  j.  master 
fletcher,  j.  master  stringer,  j.  master  bower,  iiij.  master  carpenters,  j.  master  mason,  j.  master 
plommer,  j.  master  gonncpowdermaker,  j.  master  bedemaker,  j.  master  hurdelniaker,  v.  clerkes  of 
thordynaunce,  j.  clerk  to  the  tresorer  of  thordynaunce,  every  of  them  at  xij.  d.  a  day  ;  iiij.  serpentyn 
shoters,  and  ij.  surgeons,  every  of  them  at  x.  d.  a  day  ;  ccciiijxxviij.  demi  launces  every  of  them  at 
ix.  d.  a  day ;  ccciiijxx  archers  on  horsebak,  xli.  smythes  and  ferrors,  xix.  whelers  and  horsehar- 
nesmakers,  Ixxviij.  carpenters,  iiij.  stringers,  iij.  sawers,  iiij.  fletchers,  xiij.bowers,  iiij.  masons,  iiij. 
plommers,  iiij.  gonnepowdermakers,  and  x.  servauntes  to  gonners,  every  of  them  at  viij.  d.  a  dav; 
and  vjm'dcccxxvij.  souldiours,  ciiij*xxix.  mynors,  xvj.  bedemakers,  m'j  pyoners,  xxxiij.  hurdel- 
makers,  Ij.  laborers,  j.  mynstrell,  and  iij.  guydes,  every  of  them  at  vj.d.  a  day;  appoynted  to 
serve  the  kynges  grace  in  the  forseid  army  for  oone  moneth  begon  at  soundre  dayes  in  August 
the  xvth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord — vijm'dciiijxxxvij.  li.  viij.  s.  viij.  d.  and  for  the  wages  of 
abode  of  Ixiij  souldiours  of  them  that  were  appoynted  to  have  gon  over  the  se  for  the  reenforsyng 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII. 


331 


Transportyiif: 
of  the  seid 
army. 


Cootcs  and 
conduytc  of  a 
crewe  sent  to 
Guysncs  in 
July  the  xvj"' 
yere  of  our 
seid  soverai  jrii 
lord. 


of  the  forseid  army,  by  the  space  of  iiij.  clayes  at  London,  afore  they  were  countermannded 
homeward,  every  of  them  at  vj.  d.  a  day — vj.  1.  vj.  s.  In  all,  as  by  a  boke  of  parcelles  therof  apon 
this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere,  vijmldcciij.  li.  xiiij.  s.  viij.  d. 

Also  paied  by  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  for  the  hier  of  hoieis,  and  other  shippes  for  trans- 
portyng  of  the  seid  army,  with  hire  of  botes  to  cary  men  aborde  the  shippes,  portage  of  men  abord, 
and  hire  of  brigges  to  sett  horses  into  shippes,  with  setting  over  the  horses  belongyng  to  the  seid 
army,  as  in  the  seid  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

ccciiijxxvj.  li.  xv.  s.  iij.  d. 

N 

Also  paied  to  diverse  and  soundre  noblemen  and  gentilmen  capteyns,  for  ccxxxij.  cootes  for 
ccxxxij.  men,  over  and  besydes  xx.  men  of  my  lord  Mountjoy  which  hadcl  no  cootes,  appoynted  to 
serve  our  sovereign  lord  in  a  crewe  sent  to  Guysnes  for  the  defence  of  the  marches  ther.  in  the 
moneth  of  July  the  xvj"1  yere  of  his  moste  noble  reigne  ;  price  of  every  coote  iij.  s.  iiij.  d.  as  in 
the  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

xxxviij.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.  d. 

Also  paied  for  the  conduyting  of  a  capteyn  at  iiij.  s.  a  day,  a  pety  capteyne  atij.  s.  a  day,  and 
ccxlviij.  sonldiours,  every  of  them  at  vj.  d.  a  day,  from  diverse  places  in  this  Rcalmc  wher  the 
dwellid  unto  Dovor,  by  soundre  distaunces,  as  in  the  seid  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this  declaraoion 
examyned  it  may  appere,  xx.  li.  vj.  s.  vj.  d. 

Iviij.li.  xix.  s.  x.  d. 

Also,  paied  for  the  wages  of  oone  capteyn  at  iiij.  s.  a  day,  one  pety  captoyn  at  ij.  s.  a  day,  and    Wages  of  the 
ccxlviij.  souldiours  every  of  them  at  vj.d.  a  day,  appoynted  to  serve   our  seid  soveraigne  lord  in 
the   foreseid  crewe  for  one  moneth,  begon  at  soundre  dayes  in  the  moneth  of  July  in  the  xvj"' 
yere  of  his  most  noble  reigne,  as  in  the  seid  boke  of  parcelles  apon  this  declaracion   examyned  it 
may  appere,  ciiij"ij.li. 

Also,  paied   for   bote  hire   of  the   forseid  eel.  men  a  shippebord   at  j.  d.   a  pece,  portage  of  Transporting 
them   to    the    botes    at  ob.    a    pece,    and    transporting  of   them  to   Gales  at    vj.  d.    a   pcce —    crewe. 
vij.li.  xvj.  s.  iij.  d.  and  for  thexpences  of  Robert  Lord  and  his  iij.  servauntes  rydyng  to  Dovor  to 
dispach  the  seid  men  by  the  space  of  x.  dayes  in  rydyng  thether,  tarying  ther,  and  comyng  home, 
xl.  s.  xj.  d.     In  all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  ot  parcelles  apon  this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere, 

ix.  li.  xvij.  s.  ij.  d. 

Soundre  costes,  charges,  and  expences  : — 

Also  paied  by  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  to  diverse  and  soundre  persones  for  many  several! 
causes  concernyng  the  kynges  warres  and  other  his  affaires,  within  the  tyme  of  this  declaracion : 
That  is  to  say :  To  William  Gonson,  Oristofer  Coo,  George  "Whitwan,  Eobert  Applyard,  George 
Awdeley,  Petur  Grysling,  Robert  Kyrk,  Grabriell a  Josselyn,  William  Throgmerton,  Sir  Antony 
Poyntz,  and  Hew  Clerk,  capteyns  apon  the  see,  for  the  wages  and  vitailles  of  themselffes  and 
their  retynues  by  soundre  tymes  within  the  tyme  of  this  declaracion,  dccccxlij.  li.  ix.  s.  iiij.  d. 


"  Sic  in  MS. 

2  Y2 


332  Sir  John  Daunce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

ob.  q.  To  my  lord  of  Rocheford  for  a  shippe  called  the  Anne.  Soleyn,  cxv.  li.  iiij  s.  To  Petur 
Demeana,  for  a  shippe  called  the  Sabra,*  cxv.  li.  iiij.  s. ;  for  wages  of  maryners  kepyng  the  seid 
shippe  by  the  space  of  one  moneth,  and  for  a  bote  for  the  same  shippe,  cv.  s.  ij.  d.  For  vjm1 
bow-staves  delyvered  to  Sir  William  Skevyngton,  master  of  the  kynges  ordynaunce,  ccclx.  li. ; 
xxxiiij.  peces  of  olerons  delyvered  to  Rychard  Gibson  to  the  kynges  use,  xviij.  li.  xiiij.  s.  For 
iiij.  m'ciiijxxix.  dossen  brede,  diiijxxvj.  barrelles  di.  floure,  and  mMxij.  j)ipes  bere  for  vitailling  of 
the  kynges  army  under  my  lord  of  Norfolk  in  the  xiiijlh  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord, 
dcliij.li.  xv.  s.  vj.d.  For  dcccciiijxxv.  pipes  j.  hogshead  j.  barrell  of  bere  delyvert  to  E.  VVeldon, 
for  vitailling  of  the  army  under  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  price  every  pipe  vj.  s. — cciiijxxxv.  li.  xv.  s. 
To  Richard  Gresham,  for  ccclijm'dccclxxvij.  Ibs.  of  cabulles,  hawsers,  and  cabullettes, 
dec.  twyne,  xxxvj.  last  tarre,  x.  barrell  pich,  m'm1  sayle  nedilles,  vj.  dozen  compasses, 
clx.  ronnyng  glasses,  and  Ix.  boltes  canvas — m'ccccxvij.  li.  ix.  s.  x.  d.  To  Richard  Frelock  for 
ij.  roopes,  called  tye  ropes,  for  the  Henry  Grace  Dieu,  weying  m'm'cxxviij.  Ib.  at  xvj.  s.  the  c.- 
xvij.li.  To  William  Huxley  for  preparyng  of  certeyn  of  the  kynges  stuff  and  provysion  of  other 
stuff  for  the  Duke  of  Somerset, b  xxiij.  li.  x.  s.  ix.  d.  To  Richard  Gibson  for  conveyaunce  of  the 
kynges  tentes  to  Gales,  the  xiiij"1  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord,  iiij.  li. ;  conveyaunce  of  the 
kinges  ordynaunce  for  tharmy  under  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  unto  Gales,  Ixv.  li.  xj.  s.  vj.d.  To 
Nycholas  Tyrry,  for  ciiij.  mastes  of  hym  bought,  Ixvij.li.  iij.  s.  iiij.  d.  Freight  of  vj.  hoyes 
laden  with  ordynaunce  from  the  parties  of  Flaunders  into  Englond,  lix.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.d.,  with 
rewardes  yeven  [x.  li.]  to  Christofer  Mores  and  other  gonners  for  their  expences,  havyng  the 
oversight  of  conveyaunce  of  the  same  ordynauncc,  Ixix.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  my  Lord 
Marques  of  Exitor,  by  the  name  of  Erie  of  Devon,  for  his  diettes  attendyng  upon  the 
Kyng  of  Dennemark,  xxiiij.  li.  To  Karlill,  harrold-at-armes,  for  his  diettes  sent  into 
Irlond,  viij.  li.  To  Richard  Cauvendissh  for  his  diettes  sent  into  Scotlond,  xiij.  li.  vj.  s. 
viij.  d.  To  my  lord  of  Rocheford  for  reperacions  by  hym  don  at  Tonnebrigge  and  Pense- 
hurst,  cc.  ii.  ix.  s.  i.  d.  q.  To  Richard  Cauvendisshe  for  the  wages  of  a  garison  of  gonners 
beyng  in  the  Marches  of  Scotlond,  cxxvj.  li.  viij.  s.  viij.  d.  To  Humfrey  Dicher,  and 
other  bowers,  for  makyng  of  dcclviij.  bowes  at  vij.  d.  a  pece,  xxij.  li.  ij.  s.  ij.  d.  To  Robert 
Deryk  for  makyng  clone  of  m'm'cccclxxix  harnesses,  xxiij.  li.  iij.  s.  ij.  d.  To  Robert  Applyard  for 
reperacions  don  apon  the  Mynyon  in  wynter,  the  xv*1'  yere  of  our  soveraigne  lord,  beyng  apon  the 
see,  x.  li.  xix.  s.  iiij.d.  To  John  Martyn  de  Sancta  Modia  and  Martyn  de  Cariaga  for  fbrc  a 
bumbardell,  ij.  portepeces  with  iiij.  chambers  of  one  sorte,  xxxvij.  barrelles  saltpetre,  delyvered 
to  Sir  William  Skevyngton,  master  of  the  kynges  ordynaunce,  c.  li.  To  Fraunces  Archano 
Archan' d  his  son,  Christofer  Florent',  Jacano  Florent',  Jerom  de  Melan,  Antony  de  Napoll, 
Miehaell  de  Manna,  Magnus  de  Monfera,  Buttasago  de  Cezena,  Italyons,  gonners,  reteyned  to  do 
the  kynges  grace  servyce  in  his  warres,  for  their  wages  by  severall  and  soundre  dayes,  tymes, 
and  spaces,  ccvj.Ii.  ix.  s.  x.  d.  Conduyte  of  vj.  gonners  to  Berwik,  Ixxv.  s.  To  my  lord  Edmond 
Haward  for  cootes  and  conduyte  of  hym  self  and  his  servauntes  appoynted  to  go  norward  to 

a  Sabra  or  Zabra,  a  Spanish  word  for  a  ship. 

b  Henry  Fitzroy,  Duke  of  Richmond  and  Somerset,  Admiral  of  England,  natural  son  of  Henry  VTII. 

c  Sic  in  MS.  •'  Master  of  the  Mynes,  Letters  and  Papers  Hen.  VIII.  Hi.  3288. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  333 

serve  the  kynges  grace  in  his  warres  ayenst  the  Scottes,  x.  li.  To  Alexander  Ewer  for  the  wages 
of  hymself  and  dyverse  joynners  makyng  speres  and  demi-launces  for  the  kynges  warres,  Ixv.  li. 
xvij.  s.  iiij.  d.  In  reward  to  Angell  Eccaneto  conductor  of  tharmy  undre  the  leadyng  of  the  duke  ot 
Suffolk  for  his  diligente  service,  xx.  li.  To  John  de  Lucy  leiftenaunt  of  themperor's  ordynaunce,  in 
reward  for  his  servyce  don  to  the  kynges  grace  in  his  warres,  xl.  li.  For  reperacions  doon  apon 
the  kynges  ordynaunce  at  Gales  [xiij.  li.  xix.  s.  ix.  d.]  by  Sir  William  Skevyngton  and  by  Sir 
John  Daunce,  John  Hales  Baron  of  the  Kynges  Eschequyer  [x.  li.  xv.  s.  ix.  d.],  and  Cristofer 
Hales  the  kynges  solicitor,  xxiij.  li.  xv.  s.  vj.  d.  Hire  of  stuff  for  Tayllors  Hall  for  thambassators 
of  Scotland,  with  makyng  clene  of  the  same  hall  and  other  places  for  thambassators,  xxv.li.  ix.  s. 
ix.  d.  To  Rauff  Swyllyngton,  late  the  kynges  attorney,  for  his  expens,  iiij.  li.,  rydyng  to  Coventre 
and  abydyng  their  for  thexamynacion  of  the  protended  Insurreccion  to  be  doon  by  Fraunces 
Philipps  and  other  and  for  dyverse  costes  and  expences,  xiiij.  li.  xvj.d.  made  by  Sir  Richard 
Sacheverell  and  the  Mayre  of  Coventre  concernyng  the  same  Insurreccion,  in  bryngyng  and 
sendyng  up  of  prisoners,  xviij.li.  xvj.  d.  To  William  Umpton  in  reward  for  disclosyng  of  the 
same  Insurreccion,  xiij.  li.  vj.  s.  viij.  d.  To  Robert  Leighton,  porter  of  the  Towre,  for  expences 
of  prisoners  sent  to  Coventre  to  be  reigned,  cj.s.  viij.  d.  To  the  seid  RaufF  Swillington  for  his 
costes  rydyng  in  the  North  parties  to  sytte  in  comyssion  with  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  as  justice  of 
assise  and  gaole  of  delyvery  by  the  space  of  xxv  dayes  at  xij.  s.  a  day,  xv.  li.  To  John  Taillor 
Bailieff  of  Hastynges  for  hire  of  xviij.  shippes,  to  transporte  Themperors  Majeste  and  his  com- 
pany from  Gales  into  Englond,  Ix.  li.  To  John  Alow  of  Dovor  for  transporting  of  Sir  William 
Fitz  William  and  his  company  to  Guysnes  in  October  the  xv"1  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord, 
Ixvj.  s.  viij.  d.  To  John  Tomson  priest  of  Rye  for  conveyaunce  [of]  certen  Frenchmen  from  Rye 
to  London,  Ixvj.  s.  viij.  d.  For  expences  of  the  kynges  messengers  rydyng  throught  Englond 
dyverse  and  soundre  tymes  with  privce  seales  for  the  kynges  dettes,  commyssyoners  bokes  of  the 
loone,  and  for  other  the  kynges  besynes  and  affaires,  lij.  li.  iiij.  d.  Reward  to  iiij.  servauntes  of 
my  late  lord  Marney  for  their  costes  comyng  to  London  gevyng  attendaunce  to  come  to  servyce 
with  my  lady  princez,  xl.  s.  To  William  Browne,  theiff,  for  his  costes  reteyned  for  pechyng  of 
other  theiffes,  xviij.  s.  x.  d.  Expences  of  ij.  men  conveying  ccccl.  li.  to  Bristowefor  payment  of 
wages  of  dyverse  persons  beyng  apon  the  see  in  Aprill  the  xvth  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord, 
xxxix.  s.  iiij.d.  Costes  of  a  dyner  for  rny  lord  of  Suffolk  and  other  at  thexamynacion  of  the 
Bisshopp  of  Chestre,  c.  s.  Costes  of  a  dyner  for  the  Comyssioiiers  of  the  furst  loone  at  West- 
minster in  December  the  XVth  yere,  Ix.  s.  Makyng  of  seates  in  the  kynges  bench  at  the  reignyng 
of  Fraunces  Phillipps  and  other  traitors,  viij.  s.  vj.  d.  To  a  clerk  of  Bryan  Tukes  for  wry  ting 
thact  of  Revenues,  xx.  s.  Costes  of  Robert  Hennege  to  Hundesdon  to  take  possessyon  for  the 
kynges  grace,  xviij.  s.  x.  d.  To  John  Waturhouse  for  wry  ting  a  boke  of  fees  and  annuities  in 
Englond  and  for  stuff  and  byndyng  the  same  boke,  viij.li.  xiij.  s.  xd.  Costes  and  expences  of 
Sir  John  Daunce,  knyght,  John  Hales,  Baron  of  the  kynges  Eshequyer,  and  Christofer  Hales, 
the  kynges  solicitor,  surveyng  of  Cales  in  the  moneth  of  Auguste  and  September  the  xviij"1  yere 
of  our  soveraigne  lord,  xxxvij.  li.  xiij.  s.  xj.  d.  To  James  Flemyng  for  metyng  and  mesuryng  of 
the  kynges  forest  of  Guysnes,  cviij.  s.  iiij.  d.  For  hire  of  a  house  in  Southwark  to  ley  in  the 
kynges  clapholt,  xl.  s.  To  John  Lymsey  oone  of  the  sixe  clerkes  of  the  Chauncery,  husbond  to 


334  Sir  John  Dannce's  Accounts  of  Money  received  from  the 

a  late  the  wif  of  John   Jenyns,  for  the   superplusage  of  a  deelaracion   made  for  the 

same  John,  iiii"Ixvj.  li.  xv.  s.  To  Richard  Cauendisch  for  his  superplusage  of  his  deelaracion 
made  of  diverse  charges  in  the  North  parties,  xxxiij.  li.  xviij.  s.  v.  d.  And  also  for  the  dyettes  of 
the  forseid  Syr  John  Daunce  at  vj.  s.  viij.  d.  by  the  clay,  oone  clerke  at  xij.d.  by  the  day  and 
oone  other  clerke  at  viij.  d.  by  the  day,  occupied  and  bysied  about  the  seid  paymentes  and  other 
the  kynges  affaires  bef'orseid  by  the  space  of  iij.  yeres  duryng  the  tyme  of  the  warres,  cccclvj.li. 
v.  s.  And  for  the  wages  of  oone  clerk  at  xij.  d.  by  the  day,  makyng  payment  of  diverse  and 
soundre  sommes  of  money  aftur  the  said  warres  extincted,  and  for  makyng  of  bokes  of  parcelles 
concernyng  the  same  by  the  space  of  iij.  yeres,  liiij.  li.  xv.  s.  In  all,  as  by  particler  billes  and 
bokes  signed  with  thands  of  the  forseid  parties  testyfying  to  the  receipt  of  the  sommes  aforseid 
apon  this  deelaracion  examynecl  it  may  appere,  vmldcccclxxvj.  li.  x.  s  viiij.  d. 

Money  aclvaunced  by  wey  of  prest  to  dyverse  persons. 

Also  paied  and  delyvered  to  diverse  and  soundre  persons  by  wey  of  prest  for  diverse  and 
.soundre  charges  concernyng  the  kyng  our  soveraigne  lordes  warres,  and  other  his  affaires  within 
the  tyme  of  this  deelaracion.  That  is  to  sey  :  To  John  Jenyns,  apon  payment  of  the  wages  and 
vitailles  of  diverse  shippes  beyng  upon  the  see,  in  February  the  xiiij"'  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne 
lord,  and  apon  other  the  kynges  affaires,  xviijm'ccccxxvij.  li.  ix.  s.  To  William  Lillegrave, 
apon  the  payment  of  garysons  at  Gales  and  Guysnes,  and  other  the  kynges  affaires, 
ixm'dcccclvij.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  William  Gonson,  apon  payment  of  wages  and  vitaylles  of 
shippes  apon  the  see,  in  Marche  the  xiiij"'  yere  of  our  seid  soveraigne  lord,  and  apon  diverse  and 
other  causes,  xiim'dcccclxxij.  li.  xi.  s.  x.  d.  To  John  Hopton,  apon  the  wages  of  a  garyson  of 
ironners,  and  other  charges,  at  Portsmouth,  dcccclxi.  li.  xx.  d.  To  Thomas  Russhe,  apon  the 
provysion  of  whett  for  vitaillyng  the  kynges  army  into  Scotland,  dec.  li.  To  the  same  Thomas 
Russhe  and  Thomas  Hungerford,  for  the  same  cause,  dcxxxiij.  li.  xvij.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  Nyeholas 
Waryng,  apon  vitaillyng  the  kynges  army  by  see,  cclx.  li.  To  Edward  Madeson,  apon  the 
provysion  of  whett  to  be  sent  to  Berwyk  for  vitaillyng  the  kynges  army  into  Scotland,  dccc.  li. 
To  William  Pawne,  Edward  Wcldon,  and  Thomas  Hatclyff,  apon  vytaillyng  the  seid  army, 
viij  m'ccccxxij.li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  Thomas  Strangeways  and  George  Lawson,  for  the  same 
causes,  m'm'ccclvj.  li.  xix.  s.  ix.  d.  To  Sir  William  Skevyngton,  knyght,  apon  the  provysion  and 
rcpayring  of  ordnaunce,  xim'iiij.  li.  xvij.  s.  ij.  d.  To  William  Huxley,  apon  soundrie  provysions 
for  my  lady  princes  and  other  causes,  cxx.  li.  xvij.  s.  xj.d.  To  my  Lord  Sandes,  apon 
fortynyng  of  the  Castell  of  Guysnes,  c.  li.  To  William  Stone,  apon  provysion  of  empty  caske, 
xl.  li.  To  Piobert  Deryk,  to  be  employed  apon  makyng  clene  of  harnez,  cliij.  li.  vj.  s.  viij.  d. 
To  Edward  Ryngeley,  for  conveyauuce  of  ordynaunce  from  the  Toure  of  London  to  Newcastell, 
xxxviij.  li.  xj.  s.  To  William  Pawne,  apon  payment  of  wages  of  wurkemen  at  Portesmouth, 
iiijxxxv.  li.  xj.  s.  vij.  d.  To  Robert  Applyard,  upon  the  wages,  vitaylles,  and  tondage  of  diverse 
shippes,  ccccl.  li.  To  Nycolas  Hurleton,  apon  the  dyettes  and  expences  of  the  Kyng  of 
Denmark,  cccxlij.  li.  To  Richard  Gresham,  apon  provysion  of  cabulles  and  other  roopes,  m1.  li. 
To  Thomas  Spert,  apon  repayring  the  kinges  shippes,  ccclxxviij.  li.  xiij.  s.  iiij.  d.  To  Thomas 

»  Blank  in  MS. 


Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  335 

Jeraiyn,  apon   payment  of  wages  of  shippes  at   Portesmoutli,  m'clxxij.  li.  ix.  s.     To  my  Lord 
Lisle,"  apon  the  buldyng  of  a  stores  house  at  the  Castell  of  Porchestre,  and  other  causes,  cccc.  li. 
To  Sir  Herry  Shirbourne,  apon  conduyte  of  xx.  souldiours  from  London  to  Hull,  vj.  li.     To 
William  Seyntpeir,  apon  provysion  of  empty  caske,  xxxviij.  li.  vj.  s.  viij.  d.     To  James   Sewen, 
apon  makyng  of  ii.  peces  of  ordynaunce,  xxiij.  li.    To  Fernandus,  the  Queues  physicion,  apon  the 
hire  and  necessaries  of  a   Spanyerd  shippe,  belongyng  to  Rodericus   Goundesalvius,  1.  li.     To 
William   Symondes,  apon  the  vytaillyng  of  diverse  shippes,  clx.   li.     To  John   Craford,  apon 
vitaillyng  of  m'm1.    men  apon  the    see,  undre  Sir  William  Fitz  William,  cc.  li.     To    Gregory 
Casalo,  knyght,  apon  the  reteynyng  of  Italyons  gonners,  xl.  li.       To    Richard  Palshide  apon 
vitaillyng    the     kynges    army    by  see,  dccc.  li.      To    Richard    Paxford,    apon    the  wages   and 
vitailles  of  the  kynges  shippe  called  the  Lesse  Barke,  clxxj.  li.  ij.  s.  iiij.  d.      To   David   Miller 
apon   the  wages  and    vitailles    and   tondage  of  the    Vyncent,   of    Eryth,  xxxvij.  li.    ix.  s.  iij.  d 
To    John    Rogers    apon  the  wages   and  conduyte  of  maryners,  xiij.   li.       To     Christofer    Coo 
apon  wages  and  vitailles  and  tonage  of  diverse  shippes,  dclxxix.  li.  vj.  s.  viij.  d.      To  Cornelys 
Johnson,  smyth,  apon  makyng  of  certeyn  stuff  for  the  kynges  grace,  cccxxij.  li.  v.  s  vj.  d.     To 
Robert  Lord  apon  the  conduyte  of  certeyn  souldiours  that  came  from  the  crewes  at  Guysnes  and 
Hammes  from  Dovor  to  tlier  dwellyng  places,  ccciiijxxx.  li.  xiij.  s.  x.  d.     To  AVilliam  Armor,  capteyn 
of  the  Swepestake,  apon  the  wages  and  vitailles  of  hymself  and  his  retynue,  xxxiij.  li.  xv.  s.  ix.  d. 
To    Walter    Jago,    captain    of   the    Mawdelyn,    of    Depford,   apon    lyke    wages    and    vitailles, 
iiij*xv.  li.  ij.  s.  vj.  d.      To  William  Nycolson,  capteyn  of  the  Kateryn  Gal//,  apon  lyke  wages  and 
vitailles,  xxxvj.  li.     To  Henry  Pykman,  Thomas  Bolley,  William  Buksted,  John  Snodr.n,  and 
Robert    Patty,   bowers,  apon    makyng  vjm1.    bowstaves  into  bowes,  ccxx.  li.  xiij.  s.  iij.  d.      To 
Thomas  Vaughan  and  Robert  Stilman,  apon  transportyng  the  kynges  army,  undre  the  leading  ot 
my  Lord  Tresorer,  from  Dovor  to  Gales,  1.  li.     To  John  Assheton,  apon  provysion  of  dyverse 
necessaries  for  thambassators  of  Scotland,  xxv.  li.     To  Sir   Antony  Browne,  knyght,  apon  the 
cootes  and  conduyte  of  1.  men  which  shuld  have  served  the  kynges  grace,  in  his  army  undre  the 
leadyng  of  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  xv.  li.  xvj.  s.  viij.  d.    In  all,  as  by  the  seid  boke  of  parcclles  apon 
this  declaracion  examyned  it  may  appere,  lxxiiijni'ciiijx'tij.  li.  v.  s.  v.d.  ob. 

Somme  of  all  the  paymentes,  costes,  charges,  expences,  and  prestes  aforeseid, 

iiijltxxix'"'dccccxxxij.  li.  viij.  s.  ix  d.  ob. 

And  so  remayneth  in  tha'nds  of  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce  apon  thend  of  this  declaracion, 

clxj.  li.  xiij.  s.  vj.  d.  ob. 
Whereof, 

For  the  reward  of  Thomas  Tamworth  and  Guthlake  Overtoil,  auditours  assigned  by  my  lord 
cardynalles  grace  to  take  thaccompt  of  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce,  as  well  for  castyng,  divyding, 
and  trying  of  the  forseid  boke  of  parcelles,  as  for  makyng,  compylyng,  castyng,  and  clere 
writyng  of  this  declaracion,  xx.  li. 

And  also  for  reward  yeven  to  John  Waturhouse  as  well  for  wryting  the  boke  of  surveyng  of 
Gales  as  for  parchement,  forelles'1  and  byndyng  the  same  boke.  iiij.  li. 

xxiiij.  li. 

a  Arthur  Plantagenet,  natural  son  of  Edward  IV. 

b  Sheep  skins  used  for  binding.  In  the  accounts  for  building  the  king's  palace,  Westminster,  there  is 
an  entry  "  for  iiij  forrell  skynes  occupied  in  covering  of  books,"  bought  of  Wm.  Bayley,  of  London, 
stationer.  The  word  is  still  used  in  the  trade. 


In  jietycion. 


336        Sir  John  Daunce' s  Accounts  of  Money  received  temp.  Henry  VIII. 

And  yet  remuyneth  in  thandes  of  the  seid  Sir  John  Daunce,.  cxxxvij.li.  xiiij.  s.  vj.d.  ob. 

/         GUTHLACUM  OVERTON. 

JOHANNEM  MYNNE, 

Per  nos  -,,-•  •  i  ,  •  ,  -       •  m. 

V  ice,  nomine,  ac  per  mandatum  magistri  mei  Thomae 

Tamworth,  ipso  infirmo  et  manu  impotente. 

De  Johanne  Daunce,  milite,  de  denariis  per  ipsum  debitis  super  dcterminatione  duarum 
scparalium  declarationum  concernentiuin  transportationem  Caroli  Ducis  Suftblcife  in  Galliam  per 
mare,  anno  xiiij0  domini  Regis  nunc,  et  alia  negotia  domini  Regis,  declaratarum  per  eundem 
Johanncm  Daunce  coram  Tlioma  Tamworthe  et  Guthlaco  Overton  auditoribus  dicti  domini  Regis 
per  consilium  Regium  assignatis,  ut  per  easdem  duas  declaraciones  penes  dictum  Johanncm 
Daunce  rcmanentes  plenius  liquet  et.  apparet,  ut  asserit ;  receptis  per  me,  Brianum  Tuke, 
militem,  Thesanrarium  Camera  Regire,  ad  usum  su?c  serenissimas  majestatis,  quinto  decimo  die 
Maii,  anno  regni  regis  Hcnrici  Octavi  xxxijdo,  centum  et  quadraginta  libris,  decem  et  septem  solidis 
et  decem  denariis — cxl.li.  xvij.  s.  x.  d. 

B.  TUKE. 
Thomas  Carmarden. 


XVIII. —  On  a  German  Astronomico- Astrological  Manuscript,  and  on  the  Origin 
of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.     J3y  ROBERT  BROWN,  Jun.,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 


Bead  March  10,  1881. 


PART  I.—  GENERAL  SKETCH  OF  THE  MS. 

The  folio  MS.  which  I  have  the  honour  to  exhibit  to  the  Society,  and  which 
has  been  bound  in  calf  and  vaguely  lettered  Varia  Curiosa,  is  a  fragment  con- 
sisting of  45  leaves,  forming  ff.  197-241  of  the  original  compilation,  and  appears 
to  belong  to  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  to  be  the  production  of 
some  German  artist  of  the  Augsburg  school.  The  treatise  is  of  an  astronomico- 
astrological  character,  and  commences  with  some  general  observations  headed 
"  Concerning  the  whole  of  the  heavens  and  stars,"  which  deal  with  astronomical 
distances,  etc.  The  writer  passes  on  (f.  199)  to  speak  of  the  heaven  of  the  fixed 
stars  :  "  The  firmament  of  heaven  is  a  circle,  in  which  circle  are  the  fixed  stars  or 
the  constellations.  Under  the  same  circle  is  another  circle,  that  of  the  Zodiac." 
He  then  proceeds  (ff.  199A-210A)  to  treat  of  the  Zodiacal  Signs,  and  mentions 
whether  each  is  diurnal  or  nocturnal."  Throughout  the  treatise  he  uses  the 

formula:  " is  a  Sign  of  the  heaven  and  has  many  stars."     He  then  (f.  210A) 

treats  of  the  Extra-zodiacal  Signs,  and  observes  : — 

"  You  perceive  the  Signs  are  36.  The  first  is  Ursa  Minor  under  the  North 
Pole,  which  is  called  by  another  name,  Tramontane  \i.  e.  because  on  one  side  of 
the  Mons  Coelius,  whereon  sits  the  Pole  Star,  styled  in  Assyrian  Dayan-same, 
'  Judge  of  heaven,'  and  '  the  Crown  of  heaven,'  as  having  the  highest  seat  or 
throne  among  the  heavenly  host],  and  which  has  the  appearance  of  being  under 
the  Dragon's  tail  (vide  fig.  f.  212).  The  other  is  called  the  Southern  Tramontane, 
which  by  another  name  is  styled  Ursa  [=Arktos,  the  Sanskrit,  or  rather  Vedic, 
Riksha,  '  Shiner ']  Major,  and  is  stretched  out  behind  the  Dragon's  head." 

The  two  Bears  are  constellations  of  Aryan  origin.    The  writer  then  enumerates 


a  He  gives  figures  of  the  12  Zodiacal  Signs.     That  of  Virgo  (f.  206)  is  represented  here,  PI.  VIII. 
VOL.  XLVII.  2  Z 


338  German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

the  remaining  Extra-zodiacal  Signs,  preserving  the  artificial  number  36,  based 
upon  the  division  of  each  Zodiacal  Sign  into  three  parts  which  form  the  36  Decans, 
the  late  Egyptian  names  of  whose  presiding  genii  are  preserved  by  Julius 
Eirmicus,  but  omitting  the  following  Ptolemaic  Signs,  viz.,  Serpens,  Sagitta, 
Eridanus,  Lupus,  Corvus,  Crater,  and  Corona  Australis,  all  of  which,  however, 
except  the  last,  are  introduced  into  the  pictures.  He  further  states  the  Zodiacal 
Sign  with  which  each  Extra-zodiacal  Sign  is  connected  in  astronomical  astrology, 
and  retains  the  number  36  by  introducing  seven  other  figures,  namely : — 

I.  Eig.  xv.  (f.  217). a     Seven   personages,  four   male  and   three  female,  the 
head  of  each  surmounted  by  a  star.     The  combination  is  stated  to  be  towards 
the  extremity  of  Taurus  (f.  211),  but  the  sexes  of  the  personages  do  not  agree 
with  those  of  the  mythological  Hyades  or  Pleiades.     They  resemble  emblematical 
figures  of  the  days  of  the  Aveek. 

II.  Eig.  xix.  (f.  218).     Vultur  cadens  =  Sagitta,  which  is  represented  in  it. 

III.  Eig.  xxi.  (f.  219). a   This  asterism,  probably  like  Eig.  xxxvi.  a  combination, 
is  unknown  to  me. 

IY.  Eig.  xxvii.  (f.  221).a     Astronochus  (?). 

V.  Eig.  xxviii.  (f.  22L\.).a   Demon  Meridianus  or  Demonius.   A  personification 
(Dairnon  =  Heavenly  power)  of  the  sun's  noonday  position,  and  connected  with 
Cancer  and  Capricorn  (f.  211),  the  sun  being  vertical  at  the  solstices  in  these  two 
Signs.     A  somewhat  similar  figure  in  an  Hyginus  in  my  possession,  edit.  1535, 
represents  a  different  object,  viz.,  the  Circulus  Lacteus,  a  starry  ring  held  by  a 
female,  near  whom  stands  another  female  figure  apparently  asleep,  and  probably 
meant  for  Night.    The  design  in  the  MS.  is  curious,  and  the  (apparently)  gratuitous 
introduction  of  a  male  figure  into  the  combination  is  noticeable.    The  star  outside 
the  circle  is  the  sun,  and  the  other  stars  are  his  reduplications. 

VI.  Eig.  xxxv.  (f.  224) .a     Unknown  object.     This  appears  to  be  an  asterism 
near  or  forming  part  of  Sagittarius  and  Capricornus. 

VII.  Eig.  xxxvi.  (f.  224).a     The  last  of  these  unusual  Signs  represents  a  com- 
bination, viz.,  (1.)  Eegulus  (vide  f.  211),  the  a  Leonis,  the  star  at  the  spear- 
point;  (2.)  Two  other  bright  stars  in  Leo,  one  of  which  is  Deneb  ;  and  (3.)  Eive 
stars  in  Virgo,  one  of  which  is  Spica,  the  a  Virginis.     The  combination  is  stated 
(f.  211)  to  be  partly  in  Leo  and  partly  in  Virgo. 

The  figures  which  I  am  unable  to  recognise  are  probably  put  together  some- 
what similarly  from  the  catalogues  of  Hipparchos  and  Ptolemy. 

The  drawings  show  considerable  force  and  spirit,  and,  in  some  respects,  novelty 

a  Plate  VIII. 


A  rchaeologia 


•21 


VIRGO,         X   D 
FROM  AN  ASTRONOMICO-ASTROLOGICAL  M.S.  OF  T        XV' 

Publis         by 


Vol.  XI.VII.  PI.  VIII. 


.  221a. 


224. 


22J. 


222. 


D    ARA. 
SSESSION  OF  ROBERT  BROWN  JR.  ESQ.  F.S.A 

"     af  London,      1882 . 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  339 

in  treatment.  Piscis  is  accompanied  by  a  second,  rather  larger,  fish,  but  the  pair 
differ  from  the  Zodiacal  Pisces  in  being  unattached.  The  engraving  in  the 
Hyginus  above-mentioned  shows  one  large  fish  with  a  little  one  below  it. 

Ara  is  styled  Puteus  (f.  222),a  the  well  or  pit,  and  beings  no  longer  daimonic  but 
mediaevally  demoniac  (if  I  may  so  express  the  difference)  are  apparently  about  to 
plunge  little  demons  into  the  fiery  abyss.  In  the  Hyginus  Ara  is  represented  as 
an  altar  from  which  flames  ascend,  whilst  a  grotesque  demon  is  placed  on  either 
side.  One  of  the  demons,  ornamented  with  a  formidable  claw  and  curling  tail, 
but  without  legs,  grasps  the  altar  with  his  teeth.  These  monsters  are  the  earth- 
born  giants  who  assailed  the  gods : 

"  Discordes  vultn,  permixtaque  corpora,  partus. 

Tune  luppiter  Arae 
,  Siclera  constituit."  b 

Hydra,  represented  as  trikephalic,  is  combined  as  usual  with  Crater  and  Corvus. 

The  writer  then  proceeds  to  give  an  account  of  the  seven  ancient  planets, 
beginning  with  Saturn  and  ending  with  Luna,  and  illustrated  with  symbolical 
figures.  Each  figure  is  accompanied  by  a  star,  the  key  to  the  design,  except 
Luna,  who  has  her  crescent;  and  each,  except  Venus,  is  attended  by  that  Zodiacal 
Sign  in  which  occurs  the  particular  planetary  exaltation.  Thus  Saturn  is  attended 
by  Libra,  Jupiter  by  Cancer,  Mars  by  Capricornus,  Sol  by  Leo  (the  radiant  leonine 
face),  and  Luna  by  Taurus.  The  wings  of  Virgo  reappear  in  the  talaria  of 
Hermes-Mercury,  and  both  (vide  f.  206)  hold  the  caduceus. 

The  exaltation  of  Venus  is  in  Pisces,  but  I  do  not  observe  any  introduction 
of  this  Sign  in  the  representation  of  the  planet.  The  goddess  holds  in  her  left 
hand  a  plume  or  feather,  coloured  green,  the  tint  appropriated  to  Friday,  Dies 
Venerls ;  and  a  winged  Cupid,  to  whom  she  is  handing  her  rose,  stands  at  her 
right  hand.  To  show  that  the  planetary  Venus,  Quranic  (Urania),  as  distinguished 
from  Aphrodite  Pandemos,  is  intended,  the  lyre  is  introduced,  an  instrument 
which,  according  to  the  myth,  was  originally  formed  by  strings  stretched  across 
the  shell  of  the  tortoise,  a  creature  which,  as  a  symbol  of  domestic  chastity,  is 
sacred  to  Venus  in  her  elevated  phase. 

Saturn  (f.  224A),  the  Greater  Infortune  of  astrologers,  and  from  remote  times 
regarded  by  several  Semitic  nations  as  a  Kakodaimon,0  shows  his  slow  motion  by 
his  crutch  and  wounded  leg,  and  his  malignant  disposition  by  the  cord  and  noose, 

PI.  VIII.  b  Manilius,  A.stronomica,  i.  435-437. 

vide  K.  B.,  Jr.,  The  Great  Dionysiak  Mvih  ii.  328,  et  sea. 

2z2 


340  German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

sad  end  of  those  whose  previous  wild  career  is  typified  by  the  dice.  His  peni 
bears  the  boar,  an  animal  the  slayer  of  the  bright  Adonis,  and  often  connec 
with  nocturnal  gloom.  His  sword,  blue-black,  a  tint  sacred  to  him,  further  sh< 
his  disposition ;  and  its  blade,  curved  at  the  end,  reminds  us  of  the  sickle  of 
Greek  Kronos,  a  personage  long  identified  with  the  Latin  Saturnus.  This  sic! 
one  such  as  appears  in  the  hand  of  Bootes  (vide  f.  214),  is  curiously  like  the  wea; 
armed  with  which  Bel  encounters  the  Babylonian  dragon.* 

Jupiter  (f.  225)   grasps  his   thunderbolt   in   his   right   hand ;    and,    as 
planetary  Jupiter,  the  jovial  star,  presided  over  all  animals  beneficial  to  manki 
he  is  attended  by  man's  special  ally  the  dog,  modelled  on  Canis  Minor  (vid 
223)  and  depicted  white,  the  colour  (if  the  word  may  be  allowed)  sacred  to 
Roman  Jupiter. 

Sol  (f.  226),  king  of  heaven,  with  crown  and  sceptre,  is  on  his  meric 
throne,  and  apparently  stationary  for  the  moment  or  at  the  solstice,  so  that 
red  and  white  horses,  by  pulling  different  ways,  cause  him  to  remain  motion! 
His  left  hand  holds  the  radiant  leonine  head,  the  lion  having  been  always  sa( 
to  him,  as,  astrologically,  Leo,  a  Sign  adjoining  the  summer  solstice,  is  his  ho 
The  wheel  constantly  occurs  as  a  solar  emblem.  The  position  and  car  of 
greatly  resemble  those  of  Auriga  (f.  214A). 

The  silver  (white)  Luna,  her  moon-boat  on  her  head,  the  true  unicorr 
being  whose  horns  are  twisted  into  one,  and  who  opposes  the  solar  lion,  closes 
series  of  representations.  On  her  white  garment  is  portrayed  the  dark  face 
the  orb ;  b  and,  as  the  queen  of  moisture,  she  pours  out  a  stream  of  dark  water 

The  writer  next  enters  upon  a  dissertation  respecting  the  characteristics 
the  twelve  astrological  Houses  (ff.  230-233 A). 

A  short  account  follows  of  the  seven  planets  as  rulers  of  various  portion 
the  world.    The  usual  celestial  Houses  are  assigned  to  each,  viz.,  to  Saturn,  Ca 
cornus   and  Aquarius ;  to  Jupiter,  Sagittarius  and  Pisces ;  to  Mars,  Aries 
Scorpio ;  to  Venus,  Taurus  and  Libra ;  to  Mercury,  Gemini  and  Virgo ;  to 
Leo ;    and  to   Luna,    Cancer.      The  writer  concludes  by   mentioning   in   v 
quarters  the  Signs  are  hot  or  cold.     The  familiar  abbreviations  of  the  planets 
Signs  appear  in  the  margin.     Respecting  these  Mr.  C.  W.  King  observes  : — 

a  Vide  a  Babylonian  cylinder,  apud  Geo.  Smith,  Chaldean  Account  of  Genesis,  p.  95.  "  The  sa 
or  sickle-shaped  sword,  is  always  represented  both  in  the  sculptures  and  inscriptions  as  a  weapon  o 
in  this  war."— (Ibid.) 

b  As  to  this  myth,  vide  Rev.  S.  Baring-Gould,  Curious  Myths  of  the  Middle  Ages,  "  The  Man  i 
Moon";  E.  B.,  Jr.,  The  Archaic  Solar-Cult  of  Egypt,  in  The  Theological  Review,  Jan.  1879,  p.  37. 


Origin  of  the  Sigm  of  the  Zodiac.  341 

"  Although  the  planets  are  often  expressed  by  their  emblems,  yet  neither  they 
nor  the  Signs  are  ever  to  be  seen  represented  on  antique  works  by  those  symbols 
so  familiar  to  the  eye  in  our  almanacs.  Whenever  such  occur  upon  a  stone  it 
may  be  pronounced  without  any  hesitation  a  production  of  the  cinque-cento  or 

the  following  century As  for  the  source  of  these  hieroglyphs,  I  have  never 

been  able  to  trace  it.  They  are  to  be  found  exactly  as  we  use  them  in  very  old 
mediaeval  MSS.,"  and  Mr.  King  is  inclined,  in  default  of  any  other  origin,  "  to 
suspect  they  were  devised  by  Arab  sages," a  an  opinion  which  I  do  not  follow. 
The  subject  is  certainly  shrouded  in  great  obscurity,  and  even  Professor  Sayce 
recently  informed  me  that  he  had  been  unable  "  to  trace  the  history  of  the 
zodiacal  symbols  up  to  their  first  appearance  in  Western  literature." 

A  zodiacal  gem  given  by  Montfaucon1'  shows  clearly  the  connexion  between 
the  abbreviations  and  the  Signs,  the  former  forming  an  inner  circle. 

The  MS.  concludes  with  an  account  (ff.  235A-241)  of  the  effect  upon  man  of 
the  various  planetary  and  zodiacal  aspects  and  combinations. 


PART  II. — ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SIGNS  OP  THE  ZODIAC. 

I. 

The  progress  of  modern  discovery  enables  us  to  approach  the  subject  of  the 
Zodiacal  Signs,  their  meaning  and  origin,  with  advantages  that  were  denied  to 
^Father  Kircher  and  his  followers ;  and  although  there  is  still  much  to  learn 
respecting  detail,  yet  investigation  has  arrived  at  a  very  definite  general  result.  I 
shall  not  refer  to  the  Egyptian  Zodiacs  of  Greek  and  Roman  times,  formerly 
so  much  descanted  upon,  and  supposed  to  be  of  great  antiquity.  The  archaic 
Kamic  (Egyptian)  astronomy  was  entirely,  or  at  all  events  chiefly,  founded  on  an 
original  native  basis.  Thus,  in  a  calendar  of  observations  discovered  in  royal 
tombs  of  the  twentieth  dynasty,  circa  B.C.  1200 — 1100,c  we  find  mention  of  the 
following  constellations  : — 

The  Goose. 

The  Chu  (probably  the  Pleiades). 

Sept  (Sothis  =  Sirius)  "and  its  train." 

The  Two  Stars. 

a  Antique  Gems  and  Rings,  p.  250. 

b  L'Antiquite  Expliquee,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  pi.  clxx.  fig.  4. 

0  Brugsch-Bey. 


342  German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

The  Stars  of  the  Water. 

The  Many  Stars. 

The  Lion,  "with  its  head  and  tail." 

The  Lute-Bearer.     And 

The  Hippopotamus. 

The  Thigh  corresponded  with  the  Aryan  Great  Bear,  and  the  Leg  is  identified 
by  Mr.  P.  Le  Page  Eenouf  with  Cassiopeia.  Sahu,  another  constellation,  is 
(wholly  or  partly)  Orion.11  Nor  are  these  Signs  merely  other  names  for  the  classic 
asterisms.  Mr.  Renouf  identifies  the  Lion  with  a  portion  of  our  Zodiacal  Leo,  but 
it  need  not  be  supposed  that  archaic  Egypt  was  a  borrower  in  the  matter  any 
more  than  that  China  borrowed  her  Zodiacal  Ox  from  our  Taurus.  Macrobius,  in 
a  well-known  passage,1'  states  that  the  Egyptians  of  his  day  called  the  sign  Leo 
the  "  domicilium  solis."  Any  archaic  Sign  of  the  country  called  the  Lion  would 
probably  be  identified  with  Le6n,  on  the  introduction  of  the  latter.  Our  Zodiacal 
Signs,  therefore,  are  not  to  be  referred  to  an  Egyptian  origin. 

II. 

Another  independent  series  of  asterisms  and  a  Zodiac  is  that  of  China  and 
Japan.  The  Chinese  Zodiacal  Signs  are  : — 

The  Tiger.  The  Ape. 

The  Hare  (or  Rabbit).  The  Cock  (or  Hen). 

The  Dragon.  The  Dog. 

The  Serpent.  The  Wild  Boar  (or  Pig). 

The  Horse.  The  Bat  (or  Mouse). 

The  Bam.  The  Ox  (or  Bull). 

This  is  a  zodiac  indeed ;  but,  although  the  latest  research0  points  to  a  Western 
origin  of  Chinese  civilization,  and  even  (most  interesting  fact)  to  the  original 
identity  of  the  Chinese  pictorial  writing  with  the  Akkadian  Cuneiform,  as  both 
springing  from  one  prior  source,  yet  the  Chinese  Zodiac  is  evidently  of  inde- 
pendent origin,  and  none  the  less  so  because  it  happens  to  include  the  Ram  and 
the  Bull,  which,  however,  are  not  Aries  and  Taurus. 

a   Vide  Mr.  Kenouf  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bib.  ArcJueol.  iii.  400,  et  seq. 
b  Saturnalia,  i.  21. 
Vide  M.  Terrien  de  Lacouperie,  Early  History  of  the  Chinese  Civilization,  1880. 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  343 

III. 

But,  excluding  the  very  ancient  civilizations  of  Egypt  in  the  South  and  China 
in  the  far  East,  we  find  ourselves  at  once  within  the  sphere  of  influence  of  our 
Zodiac.  Its  introduction  to  Greece  took  place  in  comparatively  late  times,  and 
has  been  ascribed  to  the  Pythagorean  philosopher,  Oinopides  of  Chios,  probably  a 
contemporary  of  Anaxagoras,  and  who,  according  to  Diodoros,  learnt  in  Egypt 
the  knowledge  of  the  periodical  motion  of  the  sun,  and  "  that  its  course  is  con- 
trary to  that  of  the  stars.""  Eudoxos,  of  Cnidos,  in  the  next  century,  was 
acquainted  with  the  Signs  as  we  have  them,  since  his  Phainomena  versified  forms 
the  familiar  poem  of  Aratos.  Unfortunately  the  Astrological  History  of  Eudemos, 
of  Rhodes,  which  probably  contained  full  particulars  on  the  matter,  has  not  come 
down  to  us.  Sir  G.  C.  Lewis  well  observes  that  "  on  the  whole,  the  mythology 
of  the  Greeks  has  little  connexion  with  the  heavenly  bodies,"  "  and  it  is  to  a 
foreign  and  oriental  source  that  we  must  look  for  the  origin  of  our  Zodiacal 
Signs. 

IV. 

The  Twelve  Signs  : — 

Krios,  Leon,  Toxotes, 

Tauros,  Parthenos,  Aigokeros, 

Didymoi,       .  Chelai,0  Hydrochoos, 

Karkinos,  Scorpios,  Ichthyes ; 

the  Latin 

Aries,  Taurus,  Gemini,  Cancer,  Leo,  Virgo, 

Libraque,  Scorpius,  Arcitenens,  Caper,  Amphora,  Pisces ; 

being  thus  firmly  established,  one  or  two  other  variant  Zodiacs,  identical  in  origin, 
may  next  be  noticed.  Thus,  the  Arab  copyists  of  classical  and  Hindu  astronomy 
and  astrology  banished  human  figures  from  the  Signs,  replacing 


Gemini, 
Virgo,  and 
Aquarius, 


the  Two  Peacocks, 
the  Wheatsheaf,  and 
the  Mule, 


which  latter  was  represented  carrying  baskets. 

A  Hindu  Zodiac a  shows  the  twelve  Signs  in  an  outer  circle,  the  planets  in  an 

a  Diodoros,  i.  98.  b  Astronomy  of  the  Ancients,  p.  69. 

c  The  Claws  (of  the  Scorpion).  •'  Apud  Moor,  Hindu  Pantheon,  pi.  Ixxxviii. 


344  German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

inner  circle,  and  the  sun  in  the  centre.  The  Bull  is  humped,  the  Twins  are  a  hoy 
and  girl ;  the  Virgin,  a  goddess,  sits  hefore  a  fire ;  a  man  kneeling  on  one  knee 
holds  a  small  pair  of  Scales ;  the  Goat,  a  kind  of  antelope,  is  terminated  naturally, 
and  not  in  the  tail  of  a  fish  ;  and  Aquarius  holds  in  one  hand  a  small  water  flask. 
The  Crab  and  the  Scorpion  much  resemble  each  other,  as  indeed  they  do  in  many 
other  instances,  the  former  being  a  reduplication  of  the  latter. 

There  is  now  no  doubt  that  the  Hindus  borrowed  the  Zodiac  from  the  Greeks." 
Thus  the  astronomical  writer  Varaha-Mihira,  circa  A.D.  500,  renders  the  Greek 
names  of  the  Signs  by  the  following  forms  : — 

Kriya.  Leya.  Taukshika. 

Tavuri.  Pathona.  Akokera. 

Jituma.  Juka.c  Hridroga. 

Kulira."  Kaurpya.  Ittha.'1 

He  also  speaks  of  : — 

Heli  (Helios).  Kona  (Kronos-Phainon). 

Himna  (Hermes-Stilbon).  Asphujit  (Aphrodite-Paphie).     And 

Ara  (Ares-Thourios).  Jyau  (Zeus-Phaethon). 

Assisted  by  Greek  learning  the  Hindus  greatly  improved  their  astronomy ;  and, 
in  turn,  reacted  on  the  West  through  the  Arabs,  giving  us,  e.  (/.,  our  ordinary 
numerals,  incorrectly  styled  Arabic. 

Passing  on  to  Persia,  we  find  a  complete  list  of  the  Zodiacal  Signs  in  the 
celebrated  Pahlavi  work  the  Bundahis  ("  Kosmogony  "),  the  text  of  which  in  its 
completed  form  is  probably  subsequent  to  the  Muhammadan  conquest  of  the 
country,  A.D.  651,  although  much  of  its  contents  is  in  idea  extremely  archaic.6 
The  Twelve  Signs  are  : f — 

Varak  (the  Lamb).  Do-patkar  (the  Two-figures). 

Tora  (the  Bull).  Kalakang  (the  Crab). 

"  Vide  Weber,  History  of  Indian  Literature,  1878,  pp.  98,  229,  etc. 

b  /.  e.  not  Karkinos,  but  Kolouros,  a  term  used  by  Proklos  of  the  great  circle  passing  through  the 
solstitial  points,  and  hence  equivalent  to  Cancer. 

0  Zugon,  the  Yoke;  the  Claws,  or  rather  the  Scales,  being  considered  as  a  yoke  placed  upon  something. 
In  my  copy  of  Hyginus  the  Scorpion  holds  the  Scales  in  one  claw.     Achilleus   Tatios  mentions  that  the 
sign  known  as  Libra  was  previously  called  the  Claw  of  the  Scorpion.  d  Iclitliys. 

B   Vide  R.  B.,  Jr.,  The  Eeligion  of  Zoroaster  considered  in  connexion  with  Archaic  Monotheism,  1879. 

1  Bundahis,  ii.  2,  apud  West,  Pahlavi  Texts,  part  i. 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  345 

Ser  (the  Liou).  Mmasp  (the  Sagittary). 

Khusak  (the  Virgin).  Vahic  (the  Sea-goat). 

Tarazuk  (the  Balance).  Dui  (the  Water-pot). 

Gazdum  (the  Scorpion).  Mahik  (the  Pish). 

The  Shdyast  Ld-Shdyast  ("The  Proper  and  Improper")  also,  another  old 
Pahlavi  work,  a  sort  of  Stromata  or  Miscellany,  treats  in  the  twenty- first  chapter 
of  "  the  midday  shadow,"  as  affected  by  the  progress  of  the  sun  through  the  Signs, 
which  are  those  of  our  Zodiac. 

Here,  again,  we  see  the  result  of  Greek  contact,  as  there  is  no  mention  of  the 
Signs  in  the  Avesta  ("  Divine  Law  ")  itself. 

V. 

I  have  now  referred  in  this  connexion  to  every  archaic  eastern  centre  of 
civilization  except  that  of  the  Tigra  and  Uprato  (Euphrates)  Valley;  but,  before 
noticing  the  recent  discoveries  of  Professor  Sayce  and  others  in  this  most  interesting 
field,  I  would  remark  that  we  must  discard  alike  ancient  (as  distinguished  from 
archaic),  medieval,  and  modern  customary  explanations  of  the  Zodiacal  Signs, 
some  of  which  explanations  (?)  are  noticed  by  Mr.  Powler  in  his  very  valuable 
Tractate  On  Mediaeval  Representations  of  the  Months  and  Seasons:'  Thus,  whilst 
agreeing  with  Laplace  that  "  the  names  of  the  constellations  of  the  Zodiac  have 
not  been  given  to  them  by  chance,"  we  may  emphatically  reject  his  dictum  that 
"  they  embody  the  results  of  a  large  number  of  researches  and  of  astronomical 
systems."  On  the  contrary,  archaic  ideas  connected  with  natural  phenomena, 
though  often  exceedingly  obscure  to  us  on  account  of  our  ignorance  of  the 
particular  standpoint  of  early  thinkers,  are  invariably  distinguished  by  a  really 
great  simplicity,  being  natural  impressions  drawn  by  an  analogy  often  indeed 
erroneous  but  to  them  obvious,  from  still  simpler  experiences.  The  Balance, 
we  have  been  told,  "  marks  the  equality  of  the  days  and  nights  at  the  equi- 
noxes." Possibly;  but  the  Balance  is  just  the  one  sign  not  truly  archaic,  and 
I  think  we  shall  find  that  quite  another  class  of  reasons  operated  in  the  selection 
of  objects. 

Again,  all  explanations  based  upon  Greek  or  Egyptian  agriculture,  or  the 
state  of  those  countries  at  particular  seasons  of  the  year,  may  be  set  aside, 
inasmuch  as  the  Zodiac  originated  elsewhere. 


a  Archaeologia,  XLIV.  202-203. 
VOL    XLVII.  3  A 


346  German  Astronomico- Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

VI. 

That  our  Zodiacal  Signs  are  connected  with  the  names  given  by  the  Akkadai 
("Highlanders"),  the  Pre-Semitic  inhabitants  of  the  Uprato  Valley,  to  the  several 
months  of  the  year,  is  now  beyond  reasonable  doubt.  Thus — 

1.  In  the  British  Museum  is  a  fragment  of  a  circular  planisphere,  which  once 
contained  the  names  of  the  months  and  the  Zodiacal  Signs  presiding  over  each.a 
Only  two  are  now  legible,  and  one  reads  Marchesvan  kakkab  (Heb.  MkhdbJi) 
girtab,  "  (the  month)  Marchesvan  [the  Aramaic  name,  called  in  Assyrian  Arakh- 
samna,  'the  eighth  month,'  and  roughly  answering  to  our  October] , the  constella- 
tion of  the  Scorpion.""     The  Akkadian  word  girtab  is  composed  of  gir,  the 
cuneiform  ideograph   of  which   is  ^^flf  originally   pictorially   representing    a 
"blade,"  "sting,"  or  "pointed  tail,"0  and  tab,  "to  seize."     Girtab  is,  therefore, 
"the  Seizer-and-stinger." 

2.  The  Assyrians,  like  the  Jews,  adopted  the  Aramaic  Calendar,  which  was  in 
turn  derived  from  that  of  Akkad,  and  began  with  Nisan,  which  answers  to  our 
March-April.     The  year  consisted  of  twelve  months  of  thirty  days  each,  with  an 
intercalary  month  every  six  years.     Each  month  was  dedicated  to  one  or  more 
divinities,  as  in  Greece   separate   divinities   presided  over   each   of  the   Signs/ 
Prof.  Sayce  gives  the  following  list  of  the  Akkadian  names  of  the  months  and 
their  rulers : — 

a  Cf.  the  instrument  found  by  Goo.  Smith  in  the  palace  of  Sennacherib.  "  In  this  the  heavens  and 
the  year  are  represented  by  the  circular  form  of  the  object,  and  round  the  circumference  it  was  originally 
divided  into  twelve  parts  corresponding  to  the  twelve  signs  of  the  zodiac  and  the  twelve  months  of  the 
year,  the  number  of  degrees  in  each  being  marked  "  (Assyrian  Discoveries,  p.  407).  The  similar  division 
of  tlie  day  came  to  the  West  from  the  same  source.  "  The  sundial,  and  the  gnomon  with  the  division  of 
the  day  into  twelve  parts,  were  received  by  the  Greeks  from  the  Babylonians  "( Herod,  ii.  109.  Canon 
Eawlinson's  Translation). 

b   Vide  H.  F.  Talbot  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bib.  Arclueol.  iv.  260-261.  c  Prof.  Sayce. 

d  The  Hellenico- Roman  Guardians  of  the  Signs  were: — 

Of  Aries,  Athena-Minerva.  Libra,  Hephaistos-Vulcanus. 

Taurus,  Aphrodite- Venus.  Scorpio,  Ares-Mars. 

Gemini,  Apollo.  Sagittarius,  Artemis -Diana. 

Cancer,  Hermes-Mercurius.  Capricornus,  Hestia- Vesta. 

Leo,  Zeus-Jupiter.  Aquarius,  Hera-Juno. 

Virgo,  Demeter-Ceres.  Pisces,  Poseidon-Neptunus. 

This  connexion  is  worthy  of  a  careful  analysis.  The  link  between  the  "  ever-young "  (Hephaistos  = 
Juvenis,  Sanskrit  Yavishtha)  Fire-King  and  the  Balance  is  purely  arbitrary ;  but,  between  the  Fire-King 
(Vulcan  =  Sk.  ulka,  "fire,"  "fljime,"  "celestial  fire")  and  the  solar  Altar  (vide  inf.),  is  obvious. 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac. 


347 


Name. 
Bara  ziggar 

Khar  sidi 
Kas 

Su  kulna 
Ab  ab-gar 

Ki  Gingir-na 
Tul  cu 
Apin  am-a 
Ganganna 
Abba  uddu 
As  a-an 
Se  Tci-sil 


Meaning. 

The  Sacrifice  of  Righteous- 
ness 

The  propitious  Bull 
The  Twins 
The  Seizer  of  Seed 
The  Fire  that  makes  fire 

The  Errand  of  Istar 

The  Holy  Altar 

The  Bull-like  Founder  (?) 

The  Very-cloudy 

The  Father  of  Light 

Abundance  of  Rain 

Sowing  of  Seed 


Aramaic 

Presiding  Divinity. 

Month. 

English  Month. 

Anua  and  Bel 

Nisan 

March-April 

Hea 

lyyar 

April-May 

Sin 

Sivan 

May-June 

Adarb 

Tamniuz 

June-July 

The  Queen  of 

Ab 

July-August 

the  Bow  (?) 

Istar 

Elul 

August-September 

Samas 

Tisri 

September-October 

Merodach 

Marchesvan 

October-  November 

Nergal 

Chisleu 

November-December 

Papsukul  c 

Tebet 

December-  January 

Rimmon  A 

Sebat 

January-  February 

The  Seven  Great 

Adar 

February-March 

Gods 

Lastly,  Se  dir,  the  "  Dark  (month)  of  Sowing,"  dedicated  to  Assur,  and  termed 
in  Aramaic,  Ve-Adar,  and  in  Assyrian,  Arakhu-makru,  "  the  Incidental-month." 
M.  Lenorinant  gives  the  list : — 

NOMS  SYMBOLIQUES. 


Formes  Completes. 

Formes  Abregues. 

OltillCa    Vfl  ICBUUlH-lillllj?    U.U 

Zodiaque. 

L'autel  du  demurge 

L'autel 

Belicr 

Le  taureau  propice 

Le  taureau 

Taureau 

La  fabrication  des  briques 

JLa  brique 
iLes  jumeaux 

Genieatix 

Le  bienfait  de  la  semence 

Le  bienfait 

Ecrevisse 

Feu  faisant  feu 

Le  feu 

Lion 

Le  message  d'Ischtar 

Le  message 

Vierge 

Le  tumulus  pur 

Le  tumulus 

Pinces  du  scorpion 

Ouvrant  la  foudation 

La  fondation 

Scorpion 

a  The  Akkadian  Ana,  Anu-Malik  (2  Kings,  xvii.  31)  or  "  King  Anu,"  called  "the  God  of  Heaven," 
head  of  the  first  Triad,  Pater,  the  Anos  of  Damaskios,  the  equivalent  of  the  Aryan  Varuna-Ouranos. 
The  Neo-Platonic  doctrine  of  the  triadic  catena  of  divinities  is  Chaldeo- Akkadian  in  origin. 

»  Adar-Malik,  "King  Adar"  (2  Kings,  xvii.  31),  called  "the  Sun  of  the  South,"  the  Sandon  of 
Asia  Minor,  a  divinity  somewhat  resembling  the  Hellenic  Herakles,  and  probably  simidan,  "the  zenith." 

0  The  obscure  Papsukul  is  probably  identical,  at  least  in  some  phases,  with  the  planet  Saturn,  one  of 
whose  houses  is  Capricorn,  the  Sign  of  the  month ;  Papsukul  is  called  "  the  Black  Star  ";  and  Satuni, 
Sakus-Utu,  "  the  eldest-born  of  the  Sun-god,"  is  similarly  styled  Mi,  "  the  black,"  and  Kus,  "  darkness." 
In  Assyrian  the  planet  is  called  Kaivanu,  Heb.  Kiyyun  (Chinn,  Amos,  v.  26),  Arabic  Keyvan. 

a  Ramanu,  the  Air-god,  who  presides  over  the  rainy  .liurnal  heaven  (Aquarius);  orginally  a  phase  of 
the  Sun-god  as  the  sender  of  rain,  like  the  Vedic  Indra. 

3  A2 


348  German  Astronomico- Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

Les  nuages  epais  Le  image  Sagittaire 

La  caverne  du  lever  (du  soleil)  La  caverne  Chevre 

La  malediction  de  la  pluie  La  malediction  Verseau 

La  deposition  des  semailles  Les  semailles  Poissons 

Further  research  has  somewhat  altered  several  readings.  Thus  Mr.  Theo.  G. 
Pinches  of  the  British  Museum  kindly  informs  me  that  Nin-gis-zi-da,  translated 
"  the  Queen  of  the  Bow,"  =  lady  +  hear  +  righteous,  meaning,  I  presume,  "  the 
lady  who  hears  the  righteous,"  and  that  the  corrected  reading  of  the  eighth 
month  is  Apin  dua,  "  the  Place  where  one  bows  down."  One  or  two  other 
differences  are  noticed  subsequently,  but  it  is  unnecessary  to  enter  here  into 
small  technical  details  which  do  not  affect  the  general  result. 


VII. 

In  these  Akkadian  month-names  we  find,  as  Prof.  Sayce  has  pointed  out, 
nearly  all  the  Zodiacal  Signs.  Taurus  is  "the  propitious  Bull."  The  ideograph  for 
Kas,  the  Twins,  is  yy,  naturally  meaning  "two,"  "second,"  and  "double";  and 
to  this  I  venture  to  refer  our  present  familiar  Zodiacal  abbreviation  n,  which,  I 
think,  is  unconnected  with  the  Etruscan  (Roman)  numeral.  The  Crab,  or  some 
similar  creature,  is  referred  to  under  the  title  of  "  Seizer  of  Seed."  The  solar  Lion 
clearly  appears  in  the  title  of  the  next  month.  Istar,  Astarte,  whose  name  is 
familiar  in  the  plural  form  Ashtaroth,  is  the  original  Virgo.  The  eleventh  month, 
with  its  abundance  of  rain,  betokens  Aquarius ;  and  Prof.  Sayce,  with  brilliant 
intuition,  has  explained  how  the  twelfth  month  is  connected  with  Pisces.  The  god 
Merodacha  had  different  names  in  different  months,b  and  in  Adar  was  called 
Kha  Hea,  "the  Pish  of  Hea  " ;  thus  "the  double  month  Adar  and  Ve-Adar 
would  be  the  origin  of  the  double  Pisces."  °  Its  connexion  with  the  "  sowing  of 
seed  "  finds  a  last  echo  in  the  statement  of  the  modern  astrologer  that  the  Sign 
is  "exceedingly  fruitful  and  luxuriantly  productive."  Greek  mythological  legend 
connected  Pisces  with  the  Euphrates.3 

a  Marduk,  son  of  Hea,  and  patron  divinity  of  Babylon  (cf.  Jeremiah,  1.  2);  his  consort  is  Zirat- 
Banit  (Succoth-Benoth,  2  Kings,  xvii.  30). 

b  Tablet,  Cun.  Ins.  West.  Asia,  in.  liii.  2. 

c  Prof.  Sayce  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bib.  Archceol.  iii.  166. 

a  Cf.  Hyginus, "  Quodam  tempore  Venerem  cum  Cupidine  in  Syriam  ad  flumen  Euphratem,"  etc.  (De 
Signorum  Historiis,  lib.  ii.  in  voc.  Pisces). 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  319 

The  five  remaining  Signs  are  Aries,  the  lost  Sign  now  represented  by  Libra, 
Scorpio  (which  we  have  already  met  with  in  these  regions),  Sagittarius  and 
Capricornus ;  and  we  learn  from  the  instance  of  Pisces  that  the  Akkadian  month- 
name  does  not  necessarily  express  the  corresponding  Zodiacal  Sign.  The  Spring 
would  always  mark  one  very  natural  commencement  of  the  year,  and  up  to  about 
B.C.  2100  the  sun  entered  Aries,  the  leader  and  prince  of  the  signs,  at  the  vernal 
equinox.  We  may  doubtless  understand  with  Prof.  Sayce,  who  quotes  Genesis, 
xxii.  13,  in  illustration,  the  Ram  as  "the  sacrifice  of  righteousness."  But,  further, 
M.  Lenormanta  quotes  a  passage b  which  shows  that  the  star  a  Arietis,  called 
in  Akkadian  Dil-kur,  "  Dawn-proclaimer,"  commenced  the  year.  On  this  he 
remarks : 

"  Les  signes  du  zodiaque  chaldeen  n'ont  pas  pu  etre  denommes  avant  qu'il  en 
fut  ainsi,  puisque  ceux  du  lion  et  du  verseau,  a  tout  le  moms,  doivent  leurs 
appellations  aux  conditions  climateriques,  1'uu  de  juillet-aout,  1'autre  de  de'cem- 
bre-janvier,  et  que  le  belier  tire  la  sienne  de  cctte  circonstancc  qu'il  est  celui  qui 
ouvre  la  marche  de  1'annee.  II  est,  comme  on  disait  en  accadicn,  le  lulim  \lit. 
'sheep-eye.'  The  ideograph  ^f>-  was  originally  a  drawing  of  an  eye],  c'est-a-dire 
'  le  belier  de  tete '  du  troupeau  des  astres  de  la  bande  zocliacalc." 

The  stars  were  regarded  by  a  pastoral  population  as  flocks ;  each  asterism  had 
its  special  leader,  and  the  star,  and  subsequently  the  constellation,  that  led  the 
heavens  through  the  year  was  the  Ram.  The  Homeric  king  is  a  sheep-leader, 
and  we  remember  the  famous  ram  of  Polyphemos  "  ever  the  foremost." 

VIII. 

It  will  be  observed  that  there  is  not  the  slightest  connexion  between  Tul 
(=  dhul,  dul),  cu  (=  feu),  "the  Holy  Altar,"  or  "  le  tumulus  pur,"  and  either  the 
Balance  or  the  Claws  of  the  Scorpion.  As  to  the  name  of  the  month,  tul  signifies 
"mound,"  and  ku  "precious,"  and  hence,  "sacred."  "An  altar  of  earth"0 
may  have  been  originally  the  "  sacred  mound."  A  remarkable  conical  black 
Babylonian  Stone  of  the  twelfth  century  B.C.,  and  now  in  the  British  Museum, 
though  not  strictly  zodiacal,  is  certainly  uranographic  in  character.'1  In  the 
centre  are  placed  two  solar  circles  representing  the  male  and  female  sun,  and  a 

a  Les  Origines,  i.  263,  note  2.  b  Cun.  Ins.  West.  Asia,  in.  lii.  3. 

0  Cf.  Exodus,  xx.  24. 

a  Vide  two  representations  of  this  Stone  in  Canon  Rawlinson's  Ancient  Monarchies,  2nd  edit.,  3  vols., 
1873,  ii.  573-574. 


350 


German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and 


third  circle  for  the  moon,  showing  the  crescent  in  combination  with  the  full 
moon.  The  character  of  the  representation  is  thus  absolutely  determined ;  and  in 
a  circle  around  these  three  central  figures  are  placed  various  other  figures, 
including  an  Arrow,  a  Dog,  and  a  Great  Serpent,  three  Signs  which  by  no  means 
necessarily  represent  any  classical  constellations,  as  they  might  have  been  natu- 
rally used  in  any  independent  scheme.  The  Stone  also  represents  five  Altars, 
which  show  three  designs,  two  of  them  being  exactly  alike,  and  side  by  side. 

Now  we  are  aware  that  several  of  the  familiar  abbreviations  of  the  Zodiacal 
Signs  represent  a  part  of  the  original  figure,  in  accordance  with  a  common 
principle  in  symbolism,  which  principle  is  in  its  turn  based  upon  the  almost 
all-pervading  Law  of  Least  Effort.  As  our  letter  A  is  in  origin  merely  a  bull's 
horns,  a  part  of  the  animal  standing  for  the  whole,  so  r  =  the  horns  of  Aries, 
0  the  horns  and  face  of  Taurus  (this  is  very  clearly  shown  on  some  gems),  and  Si 
the  tail  of  Leo.  Now  2=,  the  Sign  or  abbreviation  for  Libra,  so  far  as  the  upper 
line  is  concerned,  may  be  said  to  represent  vaguely  a  portion  of  a  balance,  but  the 
lower  line  cannot  by  any  reasonable  exercise  of  ingenuity  be  pressed  into  this 
service.  The  tops  of  the  two  similar  Altars  on  the  stone  in  question  are 

represented  thus  (Fig.  1).  some  conical  object 
being  shown  on  each.  Here,  taking  a  part  for 
the  whole,  we  have  ^  as  an  exact  abbreviation 
for  "  the  Holy  Altar,"  and  also  as  a  form 
which  may  have  suggested  the  idea  of  a 
balance :  and  though  I  do  not  venture  to 
apply  to  this  conjecture  the  Laureate's  dictum 
rie- *•  that 

"  The  golden  guess 
Is  morning-star  to  the  full  round  of  truth  ;" 

yet  a  certain  amount  of  conjecture  is  a  necessity  in  such  an  inquiry;  and,  further, 
on  the  Stone  immediately  above  one  of  the  Altars,  and  between  it  and  the  sun,  is 
an  excellent  representation  of  the  Scorpion,  the  adjoining  Zodiacal  Sign.  The 
divinity  of  the  month  is  Samas,a  the  sun-god ;  and  the  fire  on  the  earthly  altar 
responds  to  his  heavenly  flame. 


8  Heb.  Shemcsh.     So  Heliopolis  is  translated  Beth-Shemesh  (Jeremiah,  xliii.  13),  "House  of  the 
Sun" ;  and  its  patron  divinity  was  Harmakhu,  the  Horizon-sun. 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  351 


IX. 

I  pass  on  to  the  next  Sign,  Scorpio,  already  referred  to,  and  which  appears  on 
the  Stone  in  question  thus  (Fig.  2). 

Amongst  other  composite  figures  represented  on  the 
cylinders  are  Scorpion-men  ;a  and  when  the  ancient  Chaldean 
hero  Izdubar  or  Gisdhubar  is  on  his  travels,  he  meets  with  a 
gigantic  bicorporeal  Scorpion-couple  whose  heads  reach  Fis- 2- 

heaven,  whilst  their  feet  are  below  the  Underworld.  They  were  the  solar  guardians, 
and  an  echo  of  this  very  archaic  idea  appears  on  the  Stone,  where  the  Scorpion  is 
placed  near  the  sun.  They 

"  each  day  guard  the  rising  sun. 
Their  crown  was  at  the  lattice  of  heaven, 
Under  the  Underworld  their  feet  were  placed. 
The  Scorpion-man  guarded  the  gate. 
Their  appearance  was  like  death. 

At  the  rising  of  the  sun  and  the  setting  of  the  sun  they  guarded  the  sun. 
The  Scorpion-man  of  his  female  asked,"  etc.  b 

To  be  brief;  the  Scorpion  in  the  first  instance  represents  Darkness,  colossal  in 
height  and  boundless  in  extent,  and  which,  like  Chaos,  is  frequently  personified 
in  monstrous  and  drakontic  form.c  But  when  the  principle  of  kosrnic  harmony 
is  grasped  by  the  mind  of  archaic  man,'1  the  scorpion  that  erst  stung  the  bright 
light  to  death  becomes  its  guardian  and  watches  over  it  at  morn  and  eve.  In 
perhaps  the  oldest  chapter  of  the  Egyptian  Funereal  Ritual,  the  sixty-fourth,0  we 
find  it  stated  that  when 

"  Har  [Horus]  has  made  his  [solar]  eye  illumine  the  world, 
The  Scorpions  repose,  fallen  on  their  hacks." 


a   Vide  Geo.  Smith,  Chaldean  Account  of  Genesis,  p.  262.     Mr.  C.  W.  King  gives  a  gem  on  which 
Scorpio  and  Caper  are  united,  making  a  composite  monster  (Antique  Gems  and  Sings,  vol.  ii.  pi.  xvi. 

%  6). 

b  Chaldean  Account  of  Genesis,  pp.  248-249. 

c   Vide  the  original  Chaldean  account  of  Bel  and  the  Dragon. 

d  Cf.  Prof.  Max  Miiller  on  the  Vedic  Rita  (Lectures  on  the  Origin  and  Growth  of  Religion,  1878, 
p.  237,  et  seq.);  and  Mr.  P.  le  Page  Renouf  on  the  Kamic  Maat  (Ibid.  1879,  p.  119,  et  seq.) 

c  Vide  the  translation  by  Dr.  Birch  in  Bunsen's  Egypt's  Place  (Eng.  Trans.),  vol.  v. 


352  German  Astronomico- Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

i.  e.  the  Darkness,  morning  and  evening  (two  Scorpions,  a  gigantic  couple)  retires 
and  rests.  Elsewhere  in  the  Ritual  the  Scorpion  is  spoken  of  as  "  the  Daughter 
(  =  Successor)  of  the  Sun,"  and  in  a  third  passage  the  Osirian,  or  Individual  Soul 
who  is  following  Osiris,  exclaims  : 

"  I  have  come,  like  the  Sun,  through  the  gate  of  the  Sun-goers  [«.  e.  the  western  horizon],  otherwise 
called  the  Scorpion."  a 

Thus  the  Scorpion  here  =  the  Western  Darkness,  or  Gloom-after-sunset,  i.  e. 
Erebos,  a  word  derived  from  the  Assyrian  eribu,  "  to  descend,"  as  the  sun,  and 
which  appears  in  the  names  Ereb  (Europe),  the  sunset  side  of  the  world,  and 
Arab,  or  the  dweller  west  of  the  Perath  (Euphrates)  Valley.1'  So  the  Homeric 
Cave  of  Skylle  looks  ':  towards  the  West  [i.  e.]  to  Erehos."c 

The  Akkadian  name  of  the  corresponding  month  is,  it  will  be  observed, 
somewhat  differently  interpreted  by  the  three  Assyriologists  quoted.  Prof.  Sayce 
and  M.  Lenormant  associate  it  with  the  idea  of  "  foundation,"  and  the  former 
remarks  that  "  M.  Ernest  de  Bunsen  has  shown  that  Scorpio  was  taken  as  the 
starting  point  of  the  primitive  calendar,  and  it  is  this  fact  which  seems  to  be 
referred  to."  Be  M.  Bunsen's  view  correct  or  not,  certain  it  is  that  primeval 
darkness  is  always  regarded  as  the  foundation  and  precursor  of  light ;  and  so  we 
read  in  the  very  archaic  seventeenth  chapter  of  the  Funereal  Ritual : — 

"  The  Age  [«'.  e.  lighted  period,  light  alone  making  time]  is  the  Day  ; 
Eternity  is  the  Night." 

But  if  Mr.  Pinches,  who  has  fully  examined  the  text,  is  correct  in  the  rendering 
"  the  place  where  one  bows  down,"  then  the  western  abode  of  Scorpio  will 
probably  have  been  originally  regarded  as  the  place  where  the  sun  daily  "  stoops 
his  head  as  low  as  death,"  as  he  "gallops  the  zodiac  in  his  glistering  coach;"0  for 
man  marked  the  course  of  day  and  night  long  ere  he  advanced  to  the  concept  of 
a  year,  and  the  Scorpion,  like  other  Signs,  had  been  elsewhere  placed  by  his 
imagination  ere  it  was  transferred  to  the  circle  of  the  Zodiac. 

The  myth  of  the  hero  Orion,  originally  solar  and  slain  by  a  mysterious 
Scorpion/  a  story  Akkadian  in  origin,  further  illustrates  the  line  of  idea.5 

tt  Vide  R.  B..  Jr.,  The  Archaic  Solar-Cult  of  Egypt. 

b   Vide  R.  B.,  Jr.,  The  Religion  of  Zoroaster,  p.  17,  note  2. 

0  Odysseia,  xii.  81.  <>  Trans.  Soc.  Bib.  Archceol.  iii.  163. 

e  Titus  Andronicus,  ii.  1.  «  Apollodoros,  i.  iv.  3;  Ovid,  Fasti,  541-543. 

g  For  a  detailed  examination  of  this  very  interesting  and  important  myth,  vide  R.  B.,  Jr.,  The  Great 
Diomjsiak  Myth,  ii.  270-285.  The  curious  position  of  the  Scorpion  in  connexion  with  the  Mithraic  Bull  is 
familiar.  "  Scorpios  inguine  gaudet"  (Manilius,  Astronomica,  ii.  462). 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  353 

X. 

The  next  Sign  is  Sagittarius,  the  month  that  of  "  thick  clouds,"  and  the 
presiding  divinity  Nergal"  (=.nir,  " lord,"  +  gula,  " great "),  the  "great  lord/' 
"  the  storm  ruler,"  and  so  appropriate  to  the  season  of  the  year,  and  "  the  god  of 
the  chase,"  whose  emblem  is  the  bicorporeal  man-lion.  Mr.  Pinches  informs  me 
that  he  has  "  never  met  with  representations  of  the  Centaur,"  but  that  "  there  are 
emblems  which  may  represent  Sagittarius;"  indeed  the  Arrow  on  the  Stone  above 
mentioned  may  represent  him,  as  t  does  in  our  present  arrangement.  But  Chaldeo- 
Akkadian  research  is  yet  in  a  comparatively  early  stage  ;  future  discoveries  will 
clear  up  many  present  obscurities,  and  meanwhile  we  must  be  careful  not  to 
strain  evidence  or  apparent  resemblances.  I  will  therefore  merely  add  here  a 
familiar  but  highly  suggestive  passage  from  Berosos,  which  should  be  carefully 
considered  in  connexion  with  the  two  bicorporeal  Signs.  Speaking  of  the 
primeval  darkness  and  chaos  (the  Scorpion  and  Dragon  period)  he  says  :  — 

"  Other  human  figures  were  to  be  seen  with  the  legs  and  horns  of  goats 
[satyrs]  ;  some  had  horses'  feet,  while  others  united  the  hind  q^larters  of  a  horse 
with  the  body  of  a  man,  resembling  in  shape  the  hippocentaurs.  Bulls  likewise 
were  bred  there  with  the  heads  of  men,  and  dogs  with  fourfold  bodies,  terminated 
in  their  extremities  tvith  the  tails  of  fishes  [like  Capricorn].  Men  too  and  other 
animals  with  the  heads  and  bodies  of  horses  and  the  tails  of  fishes.  In  short  there 
were  creatures  in  which  were  combined  the  limbs  of  every  species  of  animals,  of  all 
which  were  preserved  delineations  in  the  temple  of  Belos."  b 

XI. 

The  remaining  sign  is  Capricornus,  and  the  passage  of  Berosos  shows  how 
familiar  such  a  representation  would  be  to  Chaldean  idea ;  but  the  Sea-goat 
actually  appears  on  the  black  Stone  above  mentioned,  thus  (Fig.  3). 


Fig.  3.  Fig.  4. 

Over  the  back  of  the  Goat,  but  separate  from  it,  are  placed  his  horns  on  a  larger 
scale,  thus  (Fig.  4.),  an  admirable  illustration  of  the  representation  of  the  whole  by  a 

a  Vide  2  Kings,  xvii.  30.  b  Chaldaika,  i.  4. 

VOL.  XLVII.  3  B 


354  German  Astronomico- Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

part.  These  horns  compare  somewhat  remarkably  with  those  of  Capricorn  in  the 
German  MS.  and  the  persistence  and  fixity  of  type  through  so  many  centuries 
is  very  singular.  Prof.  Sayce  reads  the  name  of  the  month  somewhat  doubtfully 
"the  father  of  light"  ;  his  doubt,  however,  is  apparently  not  one  of  translation, 
but  is  contained  in  the  observation,  "  It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  it  can 
have  been  called  a  month  of  light,  as  the  inscriptions  show  that  it  was  stormy 
and  wet."  I  have  suggested  that  the  month  might  be  called  the  father  of 
light,  as  producing  the  infant  Sun  at  the  winter  solstice,*  the  Christmas  yule 
(=  Old  Norse  hjul,  "  wheel "),  an  event  around  which  many  ancient  ceremonies 
and  ideas  cluster.  The  reading,  abba,  uddu,  is  agreed  upon,  and  as  the  Akkadian 
ab,  abba,  is  equivalent  to  the  Assyrian  kabtu,  "  the  deep,"  M.  Lenormant  render 
it  "la  caverne,"  the  sun  being  born  at  this  season,  like  the  Baktrio-Persian 
Mithra  (Mithras),  the  Vedic  Mitra,  from  a  cave.b  Ud,  ut,  utii,  is  the  Assyrian 
samsu,  "the  sun,"  "dawn,"  etc.  ideographically  represented  thus:  -^y,  poor 
remains  of  the  solar  circle,  which  is  traceable  through  successive  forms  thus  :  Q ' 
/\,  J^X  *\,  ^f,  all  writing  having  been  originally  simply  and  purely 

pictorial.  Prof.  Sayce  also  notices  that  abba  may  signify  "  hollow,"  "  and  in  the 
latter  sense  is  joined  with  a,  water,  to  denote  the  sea."  Not  to  pursue  the 
subject  into  further  detail,  it  is  clear  that  the  name  of  the  month  refers  to  the 
birth  of  light,  whether  from  the  month,  from  a  cave,  or  from  the  sea. 

Now  the  Pish-Sun,  of  whom  Apollo  Delphinios  is  probably  the  most  prominent 
Aryan  example,  is  a  concept  familiar  to  the  mythologist,  and  one  which  arose  in 
the  most  natural  and  obvious  manner  from  seeing  the  solar  photosphere  rise 
from  and  descend  into  the  ocean.  Not  to  leave  Chaldean  regions  we  have  the 
remarkable  myth  of  the  Pish-god  Ea-chan,  "  Hea  the  Pish,"  the  Oes  of  Helladios, 
and  the  Aos  of  Damaskios,  the  Neo-Platonist,  and  whose  name  has  been  preserved 
in  full  by  Hyginus  as  Puhadnes  or  Euahanes,  "  qui  in  Chaldaea  de  mari  exisse 
dicitur." '  This  is  Cannes,  prototype  of  Dagon,  and  the  lord  of  wisdom  and  of 
the  deep ;  and,  as  noticed,  the  solar  Merodach  is  sometimes  styled  "  the  Pish  of 
Hea."  Probably  in  the  original  concept  of  Capricorn,  long  ere  he  became  a 

a  Cf.  "  the  Danish  superstition  that  from  Yule-Day  to  New  Year's  Day  nothing  that  runs  round  may 
be  put  in  motion"  (Thorpe,  Northern  Mythology,  iii.  99). 

6  Cf.  Porphyry,  "  Euboulos  says,  Zoroaster  was  the  first  who  consecrated  in  the  mountains  of  Persia 
a  cave  in  honour  of  Mithra"  (Peri  ton  en  Od.  ton  Nymph.  Ant.  sec.  2).  "  Wherever  Mithra  was  known,  they 
propitiated  the  god  in  a  cavern  "  (Ibid.  sec.  9).  The  Mithraic  cave  =  "  the  mysterious  cavern  "  of  Egyptian 
solar  mythology. 

0  Fab.  cclxiii. 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  355 

Zodiacal  Sign,  we  see  an  archaic  view  of  the  sun,  bieorporeal,  as  half  in  the  water 
(demi-fish)  and  half  out,  climbing  up  the  eastern  steep  like  a  goat,0  and,  1o  use 
the  expression  of  Jeremy  Taylor,  "  thrusting  out  his  golden  horns."  b  The  goat, 
I  may  add,  is  an  animal  sacred  to  the  solar  Dionysos,  and  the  aigis  of  Athena, 
the  Dawn-goddess,  with  its  border  of  golden  tassels  and  fringe  of  serpents  of 
light,  will  also  be  remembered.  The  Vedic  solar  divinity  Pushan,  "  the  Growth- 
producer,"  °  has  a  car  drawn  by  goats  ; d  and  to  the  chariot  of  the  mighty  Thorr 
are  harnessed  the  two  goats  of  light,  Tanngnjost  ("Teeth-gnasher  "),  and  Tann- 
grisnr  ("  Fire-flashing-teeth  ").  Prof.  Angelo  de  Gubernatis,  having  analysed 
various  Aryan  goat-myths,  sees  "  in  the  goat  and  her  kids  the  sun  horned  or 
furnished  with  rays  as  it  issues  radiant  out  of  the  cloud,  or  darkness,  or  ocean  of 
night." e 

Respecting  the  name  of  the  month  Tebet,  M.  Lenormant  remarks  that  it  is 
"  emprunte  manifestement  a  la  chevre  zodiacale,  mais  qui  ne  peut  avoir  cettc 
signification  que  dans  1'idiome  arame'en  exclusivement."  f  Mr.  Pinches,  however, 
has  observed  to  me  that  he  does  "not  think  the  word  Tebet  can  be  connected, 
scientifically,  with  any  word  meaning  goat."  If  M.  Lenormant  be  correct  on  the 
point,  it  is  another  remarkable  link  between  the  month  and  Capricorn. 


XII. 

Although  the  subject  is  probably  still  in  its  infancy,  there  can,  I  think,  be  no 
doubt  respecting  the  quarter  whence  our  Zodiacal  Signs  were  derived;8  and, 
further,  that  definite  ideas  were  connected  with  the  several  Signs  before,  in  the 
progress  of  astronomical  science,  the  year  was  revealed  and  the  months  had 
different  Signs  allotted  to  them.  The  sun  would  be  regarded  as  a  Earn,  a  Lion,  a 

a  "  Le  verbe  grec  aiaaia,  qui  signifie  s'elancer,  a  fait  d'une  part  le  substantive  ail,  chevre,  a  cause  Ac 
la  nature  bondissante  de  I'animal"  (Breal,  Hercule  et  Cams,  p.  116.) 

b  Holy  Dying,  p.  17.  c  Prof.  Tiele. 

J   Vide  Muir,  Sanskrit  Texts,  v.  171,  et  seq.  e  Zoological  Mythology,  i.  407. 

*  Les  Origines,  p.  265,  note  1. 

s  That  a  zodiacal  cult  obtained  at  one  period  in  the  kingdom  of  Judab  is  almost  certain  from 
2  Kings,  xxiii.  5.  Incense  was  burnt  to  sun  and  moon,  to  the  Mazzaloth  (A.  V.  "planets")  and  to  all 
the  host  of  heaven.  Mazzaloth  is  evidently  a  variant  form  for  the  Mazzaroth  of  Job,  xxxviii.  32,  the 
Assyrian  Mazarati,  "  the  Constellations  which  marked  the  watches  of  the  night  by  coming  successively  to 
the  meridian  "  (H.  F.  Talbot  in  Trans.  Soc.  Bib.  Archceol.  ;..  341).  Philo  Jndacns  applies  the  stars  of 
Joseph's  dream  to  the  Zodiacal  Signs  (On  Dreams  being  sent  from  God,  bk.  ii.  cap.  16.) 

3u2 


356  German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

Horse,  an  Archer  (Horse  -f  Archer  =  Sagittarius),  a  Goat,  a  Fish a  (Goat  +  Fish 
=  Capricorn),  long  ere  the  formation  of  a  Zodiac  ;  just  as  Orion  was  solar  ere  he 
became  an  asterisra.  And,  similarly,  the  nocturnal  phase  would  be  represented 
by  the  Moon  (male),  both  horned  and  full  («  +  O  =  s,  Taurus),  the  planetary 
Virgo,  the  Darkness  (Scorpio),  and  so  on.  Astrologers  have  stated  for  ages  that 
some  Signs  are  diurnal  and  others  nocturnal,"  but  what  may  have  been  the  original 
meaning  of  the  statement  not  even  the  learned  Robert  Flud,  the  Rosicrucian, 
could  have  had  the  slightest  conception.  Yet  I  believe  that  the  description  is,  in 
a  manner,  a  true  one ;  and  that  their  pristine  diurnal  and  nocturnal  character 
was,  probably,  somewhat  as  follows  : — 

1.  Aries  (diurnal),  "aurato  vellere,"  is  the  Dawn-sun,  who  announces  the 
light.0 

2.  Taurus  (nocturnal)  is  the  Moon-power.     In   illustration  of  this  connexion 
we  find  Porphyry  remarks  that  the  priestesses  of  Demeter,  according  to  ancient 

•  Similarly  he  appears  as  a  Bull,  a  Giant,  a  Traveller,  a  Hawk,  a  Lock  of  shining  hair,  the  Flame  that 
lights  the  kosmic  wick,  a  Serpent  (Time)-slayer,  a  Ship,  etc.  In  a  copy  of  Cartari's  Imagini,  1571,  in  my 
possession,  is  a  curious  old  picture  of  the  Sun-god  on  the  poop  of  his  ship,  surrounded  by  his  sailors,  the 
vessel  itself  resting  on  the  Time-dragon,  the  legendary  Kampe  ("  Caterpillar,"  i.  e.  turning,  twisting 
creature,  slain  by  Dionysos:  Apollodoros,  i.  ii.  2;  Diodoros,  iii.  72).  Porphyry  observes,  "  The  Egyptians 
represent  all  daemons,  and  also  the  sun  and  all  the  planets,  not  standing  on  anything  solid,  but  on  a 
sailing  vessel."  (Peri  Nymph,  Ant.  sec.  4.  Cf.  lamblichos,  Peri  Mysterion,  vii.  2).  The  bark  of  the  Kamic 
Sun-god  Ra  is  a  familiar  feature,  both  in  hymns  and  in  pictorial  representation.  Montfaucon  (IS Ant. 
Expliq.  Supplement,  vol.  ii.  pi.  XLTI.)  gives  a  fine  figure  of  a  "  Serapis  (=  Osor-Hapi,  "  Deceased  Apis  ") 
Soleil.'1  The  god,  who  was  introduced  into  Kam  from  Sinope  by  Ptolemaios  Soter  (cf.  Clem.  Alex. 
Protrept.  iv.  4),  stands  upright  enveloped  in  the  coils  of  the  Kampc,  radiato,  and  wearing  upon  his  head 
the  medimnos  or  corn-measure,  denoting  the  fertility  produced  by  the  solar  beams.  Upon  his  vestment 
are  depicted  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac,  the  Bull,  Lion,  Scorpion,  and  Urn,  being  in  front  one  below  another, 
divided  by  the  serpentine  folds.  The  Ram  and  Twins  are  also  shown,  and  parts  of  the  remaining  Signs 
except  the  Balance. 

b  On  the  question  as  to  which  Signs  were  dinrnal  and  which  nocturnal,  there  were  (naturally  enough, 
in  the  absence  of  any  test)  numerous  and  conflicting  opinions.  I  follow  the  usual  and  I  think  the  better 
one: — 

"  Sunt  quibus  esse  diurna  placet,  quae  mascula  surgunt ; 
Femineam  sortem  noctis  gaudere  tenebris." 

Manilius,  Astron.  ii.  221-222. 

0  Cf.  the  following  passage  from  the  Egyptian  Litany  of  Ra  (translated  by  M.  Edward  Naville  in  the 
Records  of  the  Past,  viii.  103,  et  seq.)  : — 

"  Homage  to  thee,  Ra !  Supreme  power,  he  who  enters  and  comes  forth  continually  from  his  highly 
mysterious  [Mithraic]  cavern  [the  Underworld]. 

"  He  who  raised  his  head  and  who  lifts  his  forehead,  the  Ram,  the  greatest  of  the  creatures." 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  357 

custom,  called  "  the  moon,  who  presides  over  generation,  a  bull,"  and  adds,  "  and 
Taurus  is  the  exaltation  of  the  moon."  a 

3.  Gemini  (diurnal).     The  Aryan  twins  are  Castor  and  Pollux,  "  the  Great 
Twin  Brethren,"  tho  Western  equivalents  of  the  mysterious  Vedic  Asvins,  who 
announced  the  dawn.     The  Chaldeo-Akkadian  Twins  are  very  probably  the  moon 
and  sun.     There  is  an  archaic  myth  attached  to  the  month  respecting  two  hostile 
brothers,"  and  the  building  of  the  first  city,  and  therefore  the  month  is  also 
called  that  of  brick  making,  and  the  Moon-god  (Deus  Lunus),  as  the  Building- 
god,0  is  in  the  formal  scheme  its  patron  divinity.11 

4.  Cancer  (nocturnal).     It  is  probably  very  doubtful  whether  a  crab  was  the 
original  Sign,  but  the  creature  is  connected  with  the  moon,0  and  hence  with 
night.    The  crab  who  seizes  may  be  merely  originally  a  variant  of  the  Scorpion  who 
stings.     They  are  frequently  not  greatly  unlike  each  other  in  ancient  representa- 
tions, and  often  show  a  curious  conventional  treatment. 

5.  Leo   (diurnal).     The  fierce   midday  sun,   radiate/     He  becomes   Dumuzi 
(Tammuz- Adonis),  whom  Istar  seeks  in  the  Underworld. 

6.  Virgo   (nocturnal).     Istar,  queen  of  the  planet  Venus,  the  two  phases, 
Istar  of  Ninua  (Nineveh),  and  Istar  of  Arbela,  probably  representing  the  morning 
and  evening  star.8 

"  Peri  Nymph.  Ant.  sec.  8. 

b  Perhaps  the  Lion-Sun  and  Unicorn-Moon.     Sun  and  Moon  are  only  seen  together  by  day. 

c  Sin,  whose  name  probably  appears  in  Mount  Sinai,  the  Moon-god  and  "  eldest  son  of  Bel,"  is  "the 
lord  of  building,"  "  the  supporting  architect,"  and  "  the  strengthener  of  fortifications."  The  moon  is  a 
great  supporter  of  kosmic  harmony  (vide  The  War  of  the  Seven  Evil  Spirits  against  Heaven,  translated 
by  H.  F.  Talbot  in  Records  of  the  Past,  v.  161,  et  seq.\  and  assistant  in  building  up  the  Universe  in 
order. 

d  Vide  Lenormant,  Les  Origines,  cap.  iv.  "  On  the  Fratricide  and  the  Foundation  of  the  First  City." 

e  As  marine.  Cancer  is  astrologically  "  the  House  of  the  Moon."  Cf.  also  the  following  curious 
statement: — 

"  It  is  an  observation  amongst  fishermen,  that  when  the  moon  is  in  her  decrement  or  wane  these  sort 
of  fishes  have  little  or  no  substance  in  them,  which  moveth  them  to  forbear  to  fish  for  them  in  that  season 
in  regard  that  the  moon  is  the  naturall  and  secondary  cause,  that  the  crabs  of  the  sea  are  either  full  and 
plum  or  else  sheare  and  (after  a  sort)  empty"  (Guillim,  A  Display  of  Heraldrie,  4th  edition,  1660,  p. 
238).  Archaic  myths  frequently  linger  amid  heraldry,  as  e.  g.  the  contest  of  lion  and  unicorn,  and  of 
lion  and  leopard,  which  latter  curious  story,  as  given  by  Guillim  (Ibid.  p.  255),  I  have  fully  analysed  in 
the  Great  Dionysiak  Myth,  ii.  9,  et  seq. 

f  "  His  form  is  that  of  the  lion,  the  great  walker  who  goes  over  the  same  course  "  (Litany  of  Ba). 

e  Vide  W.  R.  Cooper,  Archaic  Dictionary,  in  voc.  Ishtar;  Lenormant,  Les  Dieiix  ck  Balylone  et  de 
I'Assyrie,  p.  10. 


358  German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and 

7.  Libra  (diurnal).    The  Balance  might  be  anything,  but  the  flaming  Altar  of 
the  Sun-god  is  of  course  diurnal. 

8.  Scorpio  (nocturnal).     The  evil  darkness  that  stings  the  solar  Ori6n,  the 
wounded  Tammuz,  the  poisoned  Herakles. 

9.  Sagittarius  (diurnal).    The  solar  racer  armed  with  arrowy  ray. 

10.  Capricornus  (nocturnal).     The  sun  buried  in  "  the  blind  cave  of  night." 
In  many  representations  the  Goat  is  rising  out  of  the  Fish,  i.  e.  the  sun  is  about 
to  leave  the  sea  behind  him. 

11.  Aquarius  (diurnal).     The  rain-giving  sun  of  the  Oversea,  "  niare  magnum 
sine  fine." 

12.  Pisces  (nocturnal).     The  Undersea,  where  the  sinking  Fish-sun  hides  at 
night.     So  Berosos  says  of  Cannes,  "  And  when  the  sun  had  set,  Cannes  retired 
again  into  the  sea  and  passed  the  night  in  the  deep,  for  he  was  amphibious."* 
"What/'  asks  Porphyry,  ''is  the  meaning  of  those  mystic  narrations  which  say 
that  a  certain  divinity  is  unfolded  into  light  from  mire,  that  he  sails  in  a  ship, 
and  that  he  changes  his  forms  every  hour,  according  to  the  signs  of  the  zodiac  ?  " 
The  obscure  Neo-Platonic  explanations  of   lamblichos   in  reply  are  beside  the 
mark.      The    solar   sailor    is    unfolded    from   the    primeval    chaotic   mass,   the 
Phoenician  Mokh  (sometimes,  like  Rabbi  Talmud,  personified  as  a  sage — Mochos)  ; 
and  in  his  struggle  against  and  harmony  with  darkness  he  assumes  many  a  phase 
and  form,  and  meets  with  many  a  grim  opponent  and  many  a  wondrous  friend,  as 
imagination   transfers  to  the  Heaven  and   the  Underworld  the  actualities  and 
vicissitudes  of  the  earth ;   but  the  later  and  formal  schemes  and  explanations  of 
astronomico-astrology  must  never  be  confused  with  the  earlier  and  simpler  views 
and  theories  of  the  childlike  mind  of  archaic  man.b 

a  Chaldaika,  i.  3. 

b  Geo.  Smith  translates  the  Fifth  Tablet  of  the  Chaldean  Creation  legend:— 
"  It  was  delightful,  all  that  was  fixed  by  the  great  gods. 
Stars,  their  appearance  [in  figures]  of  animals  he  arranged. 
To  fix  the  year  through  the  observation  of  their  constellations, 
Twelve  signs  of  stars  in  three  rows  he  arranged, 
From  the  day  when  the  year  commences  unto  the  close." 

Chaldean  Account  of  Genesis,  p.  69. 

The  positions  of  the  wandering  stars  (planets)  were  then  arranged ;  the  Moon-god  rose  out  of  the 
"  mass  "  of  chaos,  and  the  Sun-god  "  was  perfected,"  and  thus  kosmic  harmony  was  firmly  established. 
Similarly  in  the  Veda  (Rig  Veda,  X.  Ixxii.  7)  the  gods  are  said  to  have  drawn  "  forth  the  sun  which  was 
hidden  [potentially]  in  the  [primeval,  chaotic]  ocean."  The  Chaldean  Year  was  divided  also  into  four 
periods  of  three  months,  each  respectively  presided  over  by  "  the  Great  Goddess,"  Bel,  Anu,  and  Hea 
(Geo.  Smith,  Assyrian  Discoveries,  pp.  404-405). 


Origin  of  the  Signs  of  the  Zodiac.  359 


XIII. 

The  foregoing  view  of  the  original  connexion  between  the  Sun  and  the  Signs 
may  he  aptly  illustrated  by  a  design  of  the  Hellenico-Kamic  period,  whether 
engraved  on  a  gem  or  not  I  am  not  certain."  In  the  centre  of  a  circle  formed 
by  various  creatures  and  representations  all  turned  towards  it,  is  a  closed  human 
eye.  The  Signs,  if  I  may  so  call  them,  are  placed  in  the  following  order :  On  the 
right  hand,  or  eastern  side,  a  cock,  a  serpent,  and  a  goose ;  on  the  north  a  lizard 
and  a  thunderbolt ;  on  the  west  a  scorpion  and  a  winged  phallus ;  and  on  the 
south  a  lion  and  a  dog.  Here  the  symbolical  combination  is  very  varied  and 
extensive,  and  the  design  is  inexplicable  when  solely  regarded  either  on  Kamic  or 
Hellenic  principles.  The  single  central  eye  is  closed,  showing  that  the  Sun  in 
the  Underworld  is  indicated ;  the  Lion,  type  of  the  diurnal  sun,  is  placed  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  design  to  show  that  the  naming  sun  of  day  has  sunk  beneath 
the  horizon.  Near  him  is  the  dog  of  the  blazing  Sothis,  Seirios  Aster,  Ku6n- 
Seirios.b  Conversely,  the  Lizard,  emblem  of  the  moisture  and  dews  of  night,  and 
therefore  slain  by  the  Hellenic  Sun-god  Apollo  Sauroktonos,  is  placed  in  the 
north,  that  is  in  the  height  of  the  nocturnal  heaven,  drawing  a  line  through  the 
centre  of  the  representation  from  east  to  west,  and  regarding  the  part  below 
the  line  as  towards  the  south  and  in  the  Underworld.  The  Thunderbolt,  which 
comes  from  the  sky,  is  also  placed  high  in  heaven.  To  the  east,  his  head  close 
on  the  horizon  line,  stands  the  Cock,  the  solar  bird  of  day.  Immediately  above 
him  and  due  east  is  the  Serpent-of-light,  a  solar  creature  in  Kamic  symbolism, 
and  the  creeping  dawn-gleam c  in  Hellenic.  Above  the  Serpent  is  the  Goose 
volant,  its  neck  stretched  towards  the  sun,  and  flying  from  east  to  west.  Here, 
I  think,  we  are  on  purely  Kamic  ground,  and  see  the  soul  of  the  Osirian  striving 
to  gain  the  presence  of  the  god  ;  this  soul  is  said  to  "  cackle  like  a  goose,'"1  to  fly, 
and  to  "  alight  on  the  road  of  the  west  of  the  horizon,"  flying  towards  the  Sun- 
god.  Near  the  western  horizon,  in  its  usual  place  and  ready  to  seize  the  sinking 
sun,  is  his  Scorpion-daughter,  the  Darkness  which  follows  him.  The  Phallus, 

a  Caylus,  Recueil  d'Antiquite's,  vi.  pi.  xxxvni.  fig.  3. 

b  Aischylos,  Agamemnon,  967. 

c  Lampetie',  who  tells  the  not  yet  risen  Helios  of  the  slaughter  of  his  oxen  by  the  companions  of 
Odyssens,  a  deed  which  had  been  done  at  night  (Odysseia,  xii.) 

4  The  goose  was  sacred  in  Egypt  (cf.  Herod,  ii.  72)  as  connected  with  the  kosmic  egg,  and  was  the 
emblem  of  the  Earth-and-Time  god  Seb.  I  have  noticed  that  its  name  was  given  to  a  large  constellation. 


360  German  Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  fyc. 

placed  below  the  horizon,  illustrates  the  secret  power  of  the  sun  in  the  renewal  of 
the  face  of  the  world,  and  is  winged  in  order  to  identify  it  with  the  solar  orb. 
"  The  phallus  of  the  sun  "  is  an  Egyptian  expression.11 

Here,  as  in  the  Zodiac,  all  the  symbols  derive  their  position  and  character 
from  the  Sun.  He  is  the  Lion  and  the  Phallus,  and  the  blazing  Dog-star  is  his 
reduplication.  He  is  connected  with  the  Cock  of  morning,  the  Serpent  of  light, 
and  the  fiery  Thunderbolt ;  his  foes  are  the  Lizard  of  night,  and  the  Scorpion  of 
darkness.  Lastly,  towards  him,  the  Soul  of  the  World,  the  representative  of  the 
invisible  Sun-god,  aspires  each  individual  Soul. 

The  fact  of  the  intimate  connexion  between  the  Sun  and  the  Signs,  leads  not 
unnaturally  to  the  mistake  of  Macrobius,b  who  actually  identifies  the  orb  with  the 
latter.  Aries  and  Taurus  are  explained  by  the  Egyptian  Ammon  and  Apis. 
"  Scorpius  totus,  in  quo  Libra  est,  naturam  solis  imaginatur."  Even  Virgo  is 
made  to  fit  his  tbeory  as  the  8wa/us  rj\i,aKrj.  The  Sun  climbs  like  the  Goat,  but 
the  Capricornus  of  Macrobius  is  not  fish-tailed.  Pisces,  which  Macrobius,  ignorant 
of  Chaldean  mythology,  could  not  identify  with  Sol,  show  his  power  in  the  sea,  a 
good  instance  of  an  apparently  true,  but  really  worthless,  explanation.  In  short 
we  are  informed  that  "  Nee  solus  Leo  sed  signa  quoque  universa  zodiaci  ad 
naturam  solis  jure  referuntur." 

I  add  drawings,  which  I  have  recently  had  made  by  Mr.  Edward  Brown  of 
York,  of  the  eleven  Signs  of  the  Zodiac  still  remaining  upon  the  porch  of  St. 
Margaret's  Church  in  that  city.0  These  representations  are  described  by  Mr. 
Eowler  in  Archaeologia,  XLIV.  i.  146,  et  seq.  He  also  alludes  to  a  series  of 
Signs  "  in  a  calendar  of  the  early  part  of  the  twelfth  century,  in  the  Cathedral 
Library  at  Durham."  The  Rev.  Wm.  Greenwell,  E.R.S.,  F.S.A.,  has  kindly  sent 
me  a  short  description  of  these  latter  Signs.  Amongst  them  may  be  noticed  : — 

Gemini.  "  Two  female  figures." 

Cancer.  "  A  beast,  more  like  a  water-beetle  than  a  crab." 

Scorpio.  "  A  curious  conventional  beast  with  a  long  twisted  and  pointed  tail." 

Capricornus.  "  A  Goat,  with  a  tail  like  Scorpio,  and  no  hind  legs." 

As  the  York  and  Durham  Signs  are  nearly  contemporaneous,  their  comparison 
affords  a  fairly  complete  idea  of  the  Zodiacal  art  of  the  period. 


a  Funereal  Ritual,  xvii.  xciii.  »  Saturnalia,  i.  21.  c  PL  IX. 


Arch.aeolo£ia. 


Vol.XLVlI  FIJI 


Libra 


Aries 


Leo 


Genuni 


Atjuar  in  s 


Sagittarius 


Virgo 


Scorpio 


C  stncer 


Pisces 


Caprioornus 


EdwardBrown,  del.  1882  CT.SeHLilli.Ca.slle  St  Hn1V>nr-^  T^nijnn  F.  f*. 

ELEVEN    SIGNS   OF  THE   ZODIAC,  FROM  THE  PORCH  OF 
ST  MARGARETS  CHURCH,  YORK. 


XTX. — Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel,  Westminster 
By  JOHN  THOMAS  MICKLETHWAITE,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 


Bead  Feb.  24,  1881. 


The  Chapel  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  orbis  miraculum,  as  Leland  calls  it, 
has  passed  through  troublous  times  with  less  injury  to  itself  than  most  of  our 
ecclesiastical  buildings  have,  and  than  its  especially  exposed  position  might  lead  us 
to  expect ;  and  it  still  possesses  much  of  the  rich  furniture  and  decorations  with 
which  it  was  originally  fitted  up.  Amongst  the  latter,  of  one  hundred  and  seven 
stone  images  in  niches  which  once  adorned  the  interior,  not  less  than  ninety-five 
remain,  and  of  the  twelve  missing  ones,  we  can  discover  the  subjects  of  some, 
and  explain  the  absence  of  all.  The  outside  was  once  also  rich  in  images,  as 
the  empty  niches  still  testify,  and  they  seem  to  have  stood  there  until  the  begin- 
ning of  the  last  century.  I  have  not  found  the  exact  date  of  their  removal,  but 
Dart a  says  they  were  "  taken  away  lest  they  should  fall  upon  the  heads  of  those 
who  attend  the  Paiiiament."  They  were  forty-eight  in  number,  the  six  eastern 
turrets  having  four  niches  apiece,  and  the  eight  others  three.  The  outside  of  the 
Chapel  is  all  new,  but  is  a  very  good  copy  for  the  time  when  it  was  done.  The 
pedestal  under  each  niche  has  a  scroll,  with  a  name,  as  it  were  that  of  the  figure 
formerly  above,  but,  I  fear,  not  worth  much  as  evidence  of  what  was  originally 
there.  The  selection  has  a  very  modern  look,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  system  of 
arrangement.  Apostles,  prophets,  and  kings  are  mixed  up  in  the  most  complete 
confusion ;  but  the  apostles  and  evangelists  are  all  there,  as  are  the  greater  and 
lesser  prophets.  For  the  rest  the  sole  qualification  required  seems  to  be  that 
they  should  be  mentioned  somewhere  in  the  Old  Testament.  Some  of  the  names 

a  Vol.  ii.  p.  49.     According  to  Newbery's  Guide  Book,  of  which  my  copy  is  dated  1754,  there  were 

some  images  removed  from  the  outside  stowed  in  the  roof  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel,  but  it  is  not 
said  clearly  where  they  came  from. 

VOL.  XLVII.  8  C 


362  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

are  in  English,  some  in  Latin,  and  some  in  neither.     I  give  them  as  I  find  them 
in  the  note  below.a 

I  helieve  Coombe  b  is  the  first  writer  who  attempted  to  give  a  list  of  the  figures 
inside  the  Chapel,  hut  he  was  quite  unsuccessful.  Brayley  did  rather  better,  and 
his  descriptions  are  generally  correct,  but  he  makes  many  mistakes  in  naming  the 
figures,  and  passes  many  over  without  attempting  to  name  them.  Later  writers 
have  followed  Brayley,  and  not  improved  on  him.  As  this  is  by  far  the  largest 
collection  of  such  images  remaining  in  England,  we  should  be  able  to  learn  from 
it  something  of  the  ideas  which  influenced  the  sculptors  in  their  choice  and 
arrangement  of  subjects.  The  list  which  I  now  have  the  honour  of  presenting  to 
the  Society  (PI.  X.)  is  not  so  perfect  as  I  should  like  it  to  be.  A  few  of  the  images 
are  so  injured  as  to  have  lost  all  distinctive  marks,  others  have  never  had  any,  and 
a  few  more  have  marks  the  meaning  of  which  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  discover. 
One — the  bearded  priest  with  the  dragon — has  so  much  that  is  special  about  him 
that  I  am  dissatisfied  to  bring  the  matter  forward  without  being  able  to  identify 
him.  But  all  my  efforts  to  do  so  have  failed.  Many  suggestions  have  been 
made,  but  none  yet  that  is  satisfactory,  and  I  can  only  hope,  by  calling  atten- 

tt  Beginning  at  the  south-west  and  working  round  from  left  to  right  to  the  north-west. 
1st  Turret.     1.  Thomas.     2.  John  B.     Z.  Solomon. 
2nd       „         1.  Esay.     2.  James  L.     3.  Misael. 
3rd       „         1.  Elizeas.     2.  Barnabes.     3.  Luke. 
4th       „          1.  Nathan.     2.  Andrew.     3.  Jonas. 
5th       „         1.  Jeremias.     2.  Peter.     3.  David.     4.  Esdreas. 
6th       „         1.  Michias.     2.  Ezekiel.     3.  James.     4.  Abdias. 
7th       „         1.  Hosea.     2.  Joel.     3.  Amos.     4.  Nahum. 
tfth       „         1.  Semeiah.     2.  Phillip.     3.  Aggeus.     4.  Jehu. 
9th       ,,         1.  Michael.     2.  Ananias.     3.  Malachy.     4.  Simon. 
10th       „         1.  Zakarias.     2.  Matthew.     3.  Abacuc.     4.  Daniel, 
llth       „         1.  Mathias.     2.  Paul.     3.  Azarias. 
12th       „         1.  Mark.     2.  Zephaniah.     3.  Elisha. 
13th       „         1.  Bartholomew.     2.  John  E.     4.  Nehemiah. 
14th       „         1.  Elias.     2.  Samuel.     3.     Jude. 

Two  or  three  of  the  names  are  so  obscured  with  soot  that  I  could  not  be  sure  about  them,  but  Cottingham's 
plates  of  the  north  and  east  elevations  have  enabled  me  to  complete  the  list. 

b  The  lists  I  have  met  with  are  Coombe's,  in  Ackermann's  History  of  Westminster  Abbey,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  145-0  (1812)  ;  Brayley 's,  in  Neale  and  Brayley's  History  and  Antiquities  of  Westminster  Abbey,  vol.  i. 
pp.  37-9  (1818)  ;  Cottingham's,  in  his  Chapel  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  vol.  ii.  pp.  11-17  (1829)  ;  and 
Sir  Henry  Cole's,  in  his  Handbook  for  Westminster  Abbey,  pp.  129-131  (1842).  Cottingharn  has  drawn 
many  of  the  images,  but  has  restored  missing  parts  according  to  his  fancy. 


Archaeologia. 


THOMAS  OF  CANT:         ED:CONF" 


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^    APHILOSOPHER 

A  SYNOPTICAL  VIEW  OF  THE  IMAGES   INSIDE    HENRY  VH^-S  CHAPEL 
Names  in  Brackets  are  those  of  Figures  nwgvne.  Names  marked  ?  art  mom  erf  ess  doubtful . 


Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  363 

tion  to  the  matter  in  this  paper,  to  obtain  some  information  which  may  settle 
the  point. 

The  figures  are  evidently  the  works  of  many  hands,"  and  vary  in  quality  from 
very  good  to  very  bad.  They  are  of  two  sizes — small  ones,  about  three  feet 
three  inches  high,  in  the  body  of  the  Chapel,  and  larger,  about  five  feet,  in  the 
aisles  and  side  chapels.  I  will  describe  the  larger  first,  as  there  is  reason  to 
think  they  were  the  first  executed.  They  are  generally  of  the  better  sort.  I 
begin  in  all  cases  on  the  left,  and  describe  the  images  in  order  from  left  to  right. 

In  the  North  Aisle, — Here  are  three  niches  at  the  east  end  above  the  site  of 
an  altar,  and  figures  remain  in  all. 

1.  Is  that  mentioned  just  now.     It  is  of  a  priest,b  bearded,  vested  for  Mass, 
but  with  a  scapular  pulled  out  over  his  chasuble  ;  both  hands  wear  gauntlets,  the 
left  carries  a  closed  book,  and  the  right  holds  one  end  of  a  stole,  the  other  end  of 
which  is  tied  round  the  neck  of  a  dragon  at  the  feet  of  the  figure. 

2.  A  king,  beardless,  in  right  hand  a  sceptre,  the  left,  muffled  in  mantle,  holds 
a  closed  book.     This  has  been  called  Henry  the  Sixth,  but  we  have  reason  for 
placing  him  elsewhere.     It  is  not  Edward  0.  nor  Edmund  K.  M.,  for  both  are 
found  further  on  in  this  series.     It  might  be  Edward  K.  M.  or  Lewis  of  Prance, 
but  either  of  them  would  be  easy  to  mark,  and  the  sculptor  would  scarcely  be 
content  to  show  him  with  a  book  only.     I  think  the  closed  book,  as  in  this  and 
the  last  figure,  indicates  authorship.    The  open  book  in  which  many  of  the  saints 
are  represented  reading  has  probably  no  special  meaning,  but  I  suspect  a  closed 
book  generally  has. 

3.  St.  Lawrence  as  a  deacon  in  dalmatic ;   he  reads  from  a  book  which  is 
supported  on  a  gridiron.     He  has  the  stole,  after  the  manner  of  priests,  hanging 
down  on  both  sides. 

In  the  North  Chapel. — The  west  side  is  entirely  taken  up  with  the  monument 
of  George  Villiers,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  but  the  corresponding  position  in  the 
opposite  chapel  has  no  niches,  so  it  is  probable  that  there  were  none  here.  On  the 
east  side,  above  the  site  of  the  altar,  are  three  niches,  all  retaining  their  figures. 

1.  St.  Stephen,  with  dalmatic  and  stole  like  St.  Lawrence.  He  holds  a  handful 
of  stones  in  right  hand  upon  which  he  supports  the  book  of  the  Gospels  closed. 

tt  See  note  A  at  the  end  of  the  paper. 

"  Not  a  bishop.  Nearly  all  the  names  which  have  been  suggested  to  me  for  this  figure  have  been  those 
of  bishops.  St.  Simon  Stock  and  St.  Gilbert  of  Sempringham  have  been  proposed,  arid  either  is  possible, 
but  I  have  not  found  in  their  stories  anything  to  account  frr  the  very  curious  representation  we  have  here. 
The  same  is  in  "  Twelfth  Bay  "  5,  and  Plate  XII. 

3c2 


364  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

2.  St.  Jerome,  as  a  cardinal,  closed  book  in  left  hand :   right  seems  to  have 
held  a  pen ;  a  small  lion  fawns  on  him  on  the  left  side. 

3.  A  deacon  or  subdeacon  in  dalmatic,  but  with  no  stole  visible;    the  left 
hand,  veiled  in  a  napkin  or  offertorium,  holds   three  vessels  very  like  pint 
measures.     This  is  St.  Vincent,  who  is  named  in  the  will  of  Henry  the  Seventh 
as  one  of  his  avouries? 

In  the  North-east  Chapel. — There  have  been  six  figures,  three  over  the  altar, 
and  three  in  the  wall  opposite.  The  niches  over  the  altar  have  been  cut  away  to 
make  room  for  the  monument  of  John  Sheffield,  Duke  of  Bucks,  and  we  do  not 
know  what  was  in  them.  The  others  remain,  and  form  a  group  representing  the 
martyrdom  of  St.  Sebastian.  In  the  middle  niche  the  saint  is  represented  tied 
naked  to  a  tree,  and  on  each  side  is  a  man  armed  with  a  crossbow,  the  first 
taking  aim  and  the  other  preparing  to  do  so.  The  executioners  wear  gowns  and 
hats  like  the  gentry  of  the  time  when  the  work  was  done. 

In  the  East  Chapel. — I  think  that  when  the  plan  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel 
was  first  laid  down  it  was  not  intended  that  there  should  be  an  altar  in  the 
eastern  recess,  but  that  the  shrine  of  the  new  saint  should  stand  there.  We 
know  that  the  tomb  of  the  founder  was  at  first  intended  to  be  in  the  middle  of 
the  body  of  the  Chapel,  and  in  front  of  the  Altar  of  Our  Lady,  which  would  then 
be  further  east  than  it  is  now,  and  the  shrine  of  Henry  the  Sixth  would  hold  the 
same  relative  position  with  respect  to  it  as  that  of  St.  Edward  does  to  the  High 
Altar.  The  alteration  in  the  plan  by  which  the  founder's  tomb  was  placed 
behind  the  principal  altar  was  probably  brought  about  by  the  failure  of  the 
efforts  to  obtain  the  canonization  of  Henry  the  Sixth.  An  altar  may  have  after- 
wards been  put  in  the  east  recess  and  may  even  have  been  dedicated  to  "  Saint  " 
Henry,  for  we  know  there  were  altars  to  him  in  other  places.  And  Thorpe's 
plan  seems  to  show  an  altar  not  towards  the  east,  but  towards  the  north.  In  this 
chapel  are  six  niches,  three  on  the  north  and  three  on  the  south,  and  five  of  them 
still  hold  images. 

On  the  north  side  : 

1.  A  Bishop  vested  for  Mass  and  with  crozier  against  left  shoulder.  With 
his  right  hand  he  blesses  an  infant  which  he  holds  in  a  basket  in  his  left.1'  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  this  is  intended  for  St.  Nicholas,  the  patron  of  children, 
but  I  do  not  remember  an  exactly  similar  representation  of  him  elsewhere. 

a  Husenbetli  gives  an  example  of  St.  Vincent,  "  with  book  and  jug  or  ewer,"  from  an  old  vestment  in 
Wardour  Chapel. 

b  The  same  as  in  "  Eleventh  Bay  "  3,  and  Plate  XI. 


Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  365 

2.  Is  now  empty,  but  the  letters  H.R.a  between  a  rose  and  a  pomegranate  on 
the  base  make  it  pretty  certain  that  here  was  the  figure  of  Henry  the  Sixth  him- 
self.    And  this  seems  to  explain  both  the  unusual  position  of  the  altar  shown  by 
Thorpe  and  the  removal  of  the  image. 

3.  An  archbishop  vested  for  Mass  and  reading  from  a  book;  the  cross  rests 
against  his  left  shoulder.     This   looks  like  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury,  and  I 
believe  it  is  intended  for  him,  for  we  should  expect  to  find  him  amongst  such  a 
collection  of  saints  as  are  in  this  chapel.     He  was  commonly  represented  thus, 
but,  as  there  is  nothing  about  the  figure  which  would  not  suit  that  of  any  other 
archbishop,  it  is  possible  that  the  order  for  doing  away  all  memorials  of  St. 
Thomas  may  have  been  evaded  by  giving  it  a  new  name. 

On  the  south  side  : 

1.  St.  Edward  Confessor,  as  a  king,  bearded,  with  sceptre  in  right  hand  and 
ring  in  left. 

2.  St.  Peter,  bearded,  in  the  conventional  dress  generally  given    to  apostles, 
holding  a  key  in  right  hand  and  a  closed  book  in  left. 

3.  St.  Edmund,  king  and  martyr,  as  a  king,  shaven,  holding   an  orb  in  left 
hand,  and  an  arrow  in  place  of  sceptre  in  right.     Brayley  and  those  who  follow 
him  call  this  St.  Ursula. 

In  the  South-East   Chapel  are  six  niches,  three  over  the  altar  and   three 
opposite,  in  all  of  which  figures  remain. 

On  the  east  side  1  and  3  are  much  alike  and  represent  women  in  the  dress  of 
nuns  or  widows ;  the  right  hand,  which  may  have  held  some  distinguishing 
badge,  is  injured  in  each  case,  and  the  left  holds  a  sort  of  jar,  which  in  1  is 
cylindrical  and  in  3  gourd-shaped.  Either  of  these  figures  alone  might  have 
been  taken  for  St.  Clare.  The  Rev.  S.  Baring  Gould  has  suggested  that  the  two 
may  represent  the  sisters  Mary  and  Martha,  which  is  quite  possible.  St.  Mary 
Magdalene  is  not  found  elsewhere  in  this  series ;  but  she  is  represented  in  the 
more  usual  manner  in  the  upper  range.  2  is  St.  Eoch,  as  a  pilgrim,  with  "  sign" 
of  the  cross  keys  in  his  hat.  He  opens  his  dress  to  show  a  sore  on  his  left  thigh. 
At  his  left  side  is  a  dog  with  a  loaf  in  his  mouth.  On  the  west  side :  1.  St. 
Dorothy.  A  young  woman  reading  and  carrying  a  wicker  basket  over  her  right  arm. 
This  is  the  basket  containing  the  flowers  and  fruits  of  Paradise.  The  head  of  the 
figure  has  been  tampered  with.  2.  St.  Christopher  wading  through  water.  He 

a  The  initials  H.  R.  and  the  various  Tudor  badges  are  common  all  over  the  Chapel,  but  this  is  the  only 
case  in  which  they  are  found  on  the  base  of  the  niche  or  in  any  other  way  connected  with  any  of  the  images. 


366  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

is  bearded,  wears  a  short  tunic,  and  uses  an  uprooted  tree  for  a  staff.     On  his 
shoulder  is  the  figure  of  the  child  Jesus  now  much  broken. 

3.  St.  Apollonia.  A  young  woman  with  long  hair,  reading  from  a  book  in 
right  hand,  and  holding  a  pair  of  pincers  in  her  left. 

In  the  South  Chapel — Are  three  niches  over  the  altar,  two  having  figures. 
The  wall  opposite  is  decorated  with  panel  work,  and  has  no  niches. 

1.  St.  Denis.  A  bishop,  in  cope,  with  crozier  against  his  Ipft  shoulder.     With 
both  hands  he  holds  a  mitred  head.     He  has  another  head  and  mitre  in  the  usual 
place. 

2.  Is  empty. 

3.  St  Paul.  An  apostolic  figure,  bearded  and  long  haired,  reading  from  a  book, 
which  he  supports  on  the  pommel  of  a  sword  held  on  his  right  side. 

In  the  South  Aisle — Are  three  niches  over  the  altar,  the  middle  one  empty, 

1.  St.  Katherine.  Crowned  and  royally  dressed,  trampling  on  the  Emperor. 
To  her  left,  the  broken  wheel,  with  knives. 

3.  St.  Margaret.  Crowned  as  last,  and  thrusting  the  butt  of  a  large  cross  into 
the  jaws  of  a  dragon  at  her  feet. 

We  have  now  gone  round  the  minor  chapels,  and  have  found  in  them  twenty- 
four  images  remaining,  and  the  places  of  six  more.  Of  these  six,  the  absence  of 
three  is  explained  by  the  intrusion  of  the  monument  of  the  Duke  of  Bucks  into 
their  place.  We  have  no  evidence  of  what  they  were,  or  whether  they  were  all 
in  their  places  up  to  the  time  of  the  erection  of  the  monument.a  The  other  three 

a  I  suspect  that  the  altar  of  St.  Erasmus,  at  which  was  the  chantry  of  Elizabeth  Woodville,  Queen  of 
Edward  the  Fourth,  stood  in  this  place.  The  chapel  which  she  built,  and  which  stood  near,  and  probably 
attached  to  the  side  of  the  old  Lady  Chapel,  was  pulled  down  to  make  way  for  the  new  Lady  Chapel  built 
by  Henry  the  Seventh,  and  an  altar  for  the  chantry  services  was  temporarily  set  up  where  is  now  the 
entrance  to  the  chapel  of  St.  John  Evangelist.  That  altar  cannot  have  stood  after  the  erection  of  the  tomb 
of  George  Ruthall,  who  died  in  1524  ;  and  as  at  that  time  the  new  Lady  Chapel  was  ready  for  use,  it 
would  be  natural  to  provide  for  the  Queen's  chantry  in  it  at  a  new  altar  of  St.  Erasmus  placed  somewhere 
near  the  site  of  the  old  one.  I  learn  from  Mr.  Wright,  the  clerk  of  works  to  the  Dean  and  Chapter,  that 
he  has  found  the  foundations  of  the  older  Lady  Chapel,  which  show  that  it  reached  eastwards  as  far  as  the 
body  of  the  present  Chapel  and  there  ended  in  a  three-sided  apse.  So  if,  as  is  very  likely,  Qceen  Elizabeth's 
chantry  chapel  stood  between  two  of  its  buttresses  near  the  east  end,  it  may  have  been  nearly  on  this  spot. 
The  figure  of  the  saint  to  whom  the  altar  was  dedicated  would  be  one  of  those  in  the  wall  above,  and  all 
the  chapels  on  the  north  side  except  this  have  their  figures  complete,  and  St.  Erasmus  is  not  among  them. 
If  the  altar  were  anywhere  in  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel,  and  not  here,  it  must  have  been  in  what  I  have 
called  the  south  chapel.  For  the  east  is  accounted  for,  and  the  south  aisle  had  the  chantry  of  Margaret  of 
Eichmond. 


Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  367 

are  the  middle  figures  over  the  sites  of  altars.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  they 
were  removed  in  obedience  to  Cromwell's  Injunctions  issued  in  1536,  which  ordered 
the  removal  of  all  images  before  which  lights  had  been  placed,  or  to  which 
offerings  had  been  made.  These  figures  had  probably  lights  before  them,  perhaps 
indeed  rather  with  respect  to  the  altars  below  them  than  to  the  images  them- 
selves, but  that  was  enough  to  cause  their  removal.  That  of  Henry  the  Sixth 
may  have  had  offerings  made  to  it,  as  we  know  was  done  to  his  image  at  York 
and  elsewhere. 

The  smaller  figures  in  the  body  of  the  Chapel  form  a  range  above  the  arches, 
and  below  the  clerestory  windows  all  round,  except  at  the  west  end,  five  in  each 
bay,  and  two  ranging  with  them  on  each  of  the  broad  piers  between  the  fourth 
and  the  fifth  bays.  These  piers  have  each  a  pair  of  niches  above  the  main  range, 
and  another  below  it.  The  subjects  are  arranged  according  to  one  general 
system,  with  some  attention  to  symmetrical  disposition  within  the  separate  bays. 

In  the  centre  of  the  east  end  is  Our  Lord  enthroned,  with  the  Blessed  Virgin 
in  the  next  niche  on  the  south,  and  the  angel  Gabriel  on  the  north  ;  then  to 
right  and  left  are  the  apostles,  then  holy  women,"  then  Evangelists  and  Doctors, 
who  take  up  the  niches  of  the  great  piers ;  and  after  them  a  general  multitude  of 
saints,  amongst  whom  are  those  most  popular  in  England  at  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Most  of  the  figures  in  the  chapels  round  are  repeated  here, 
and  amongst  them  are  the  two  executioners  of  St.  Sebastian,  who  seem  much 
out  of  place  in  such  a  range,  and  their  presence  suggests  that  the  general 
arrangement  was  laid  down  by  authority,  but  that  those  who  had  the  working 
out  of  it  were  left  to  make  their  own  selection  of  subjects,  and  to  save  themselves 
trouble  simply  repeated  what  had  been  done  below.  The  figures  in  the  western  bay 
at  both  sides  appear  not  to  represent  Christian  saints.  They  show  men  dressed  as 
laymen  of  rank  in  the  sixteenth  century,  with  books  or  scrolls  in  their  hands,  and 
generally  in  earnest  disputation.  It  is  difficult  to  appropriate  these  figures  Avith  cer- 
tainty. At  first  I  thought  they  might  be  members  of  the  family  of  the  founder. 
But,  if  it  had  been  so,  there  must  have  been  clearer  distinctions  amongst  them,  even 
though  it  were  no  more  than  to  mark  kings  from  subjects.  Again,  they  do  not 
look  like  the  prophets  of  the  old  law.  I  think  it  is  most  likely  that  they  are 
intended  for  the  heathen  philosophers.  The  figures  themselves  agree  well  with 
this ;  and  the  introduction  of  the  philosophers  after  the  saints  of  the  church  is 
quite  in  harmony  with  the  ideas  of  that  time.  There  is  a  parallel  example  in  the 

a  Probably  placed  here  with  reference  to  the  text  "  In  the  midst  are  the  damsels." 


368  Notes  on  the  Imagery  oj  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

choir  stalls  at  Ulm  set  up  between  1469  and  1474,  in  which  there  is  a  great  show 
of  imagery,  and  the  philosophers  are  introduced  opposite  to  the  sibyls. 

Each  of  the  figures  in  this  range  has  a  scroll  below  intended  to  have  the 
name  painted  upon  it.  But  the  painting  seems  never  to  have  been  done, 
although  Henry  VII.  orders  it  in  his  will,  in  which  he  directs  "  that  the  walles, 
doores,  windows,  archies,  and  vaults,  and  ymagies  of  the  same  our  chapell  within 
and  w'out,  be  painted,  garnisshed  and  adorned  with  our  armes,  bagies,  cognoi- 
saunts,  and  other  convenient  painteng,  in  as  goodly  and  riche  maner  as  such  a 
work  requireth  and  as  to  a  King's  work  app'teigneth."a  There  is  no  trace  of 
any  painting  here  now  except  the  dedication  crosses,  of  which  nine  remain  in 
good  condition,  the  other  three  having  probably  been  destroyed  when  the  eastern 
windows  were  rebuilt.  If  there  had  been  any  such  painting  as  described  in  the 
King's  will  there  must  have  been  a  good  deal  of  it  left  now.  Those  who  had 
charge  of  the  work  probably  felt  that  the  chapel  was  better  without  it ;  and  they 
were  right,  but  it  would  have  been  interesting  to  us  if  they  had  not  left  the 
name-scrolls  blank. 

I  will  now  describe  the  figures  of  the  upper  range  in  order,  beginning  at  the 
west  end  of  the  north  side  and  so  working  round  from  left  to  right.  For  con- 
venience I  number  each  bay  separately. 

The  First  Say. — The  figures  here  are  those  that  I  have  called  philosophers. 
They  are  in  gowns  and  mantles,  and  wear  hats  which  generally  have  jewelled 
ornaments.  1  and  2  are  bearded,  the  others  shaven  ;  all  have  long  hair.  1,  2, 
and  5  hold  books ;  3  is  preparing  to  open  a  scroll ;  all  are  represented  as  in 
earnest  disputation.  1  has,  a  sword  knife  and  gypsere  hanging  to  his  girdle.  Our 
fellow,  Mr.  J.  II.  Middleton,  whom  I  have  to  thank  for  much  help  in  the 
examination  of  the  figures,  suggests  that  the  sword  may  be  intended  to  mark  out 
Aristotle  as  the  fighting  philosopher. 

The  Second  Bay. — 1.  St.  Hoch,  as  a  pilgrim,  exhibiting  a  sore  on  his  left 
thigh,  as  in  the  south-east  chapel ;  but  here  there  is  no  dog. 

2.  A  man  in  armour  except  his  head,  upon  which  is  a  hat.  His  face  is  shaved 
and  he  has  long  hair.  Over  his  armour  he  wears  a  large  loose  cloth  or  mantle. 
In  his  hands  he  holds  a  precious  mitre.  This  very  curious  figure  must  be 
intended  for  St.  Martin.  The  more  usual  way  of  representing  him — on  horse- 
back and  dividing  his  cloak  with  a  beggar  -  did  not  suit  the  position.  So  as 
much  of  his  history  as  possible  was  put  on  to  a  single  standing  figure.  He  is  in 

a  Dart,  vol.  i.  p.  8. 


Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  369 

armour  to  tell  us  that  lie  had  been  a  soldier ;  the  mantle  which  he  divided  with 
the  beggar  is  thrown  over  him ;  and  he  carries  the  mitre  to  show  that  he  became 
a  bishop.  This  figure  is  drawn  on  Plate  XI. 

3.  St.  Giles  as  a  bishop  vested  for  Mass,  with  a  small  deer  jumping  up  against 
his  right  knee. 

4.  St.  Anthony.    A  bearded  figure  in  frock,  scapular,  mantle,  and  hat.    A  pair 
of  beads  hangs  at  his  right  side.     His  left  hand  holds  an  open  book,  and  from 
the  same  hand  hangs  a  good-sized  bell.     A  gaunt  pig  stands  at  his  left  side. 

5.  A  bishop  vested  for  Mass ;  in  his  left  hand  he  holds  a  staff  the  head  of 
which  is  gone,  and  with  his  right  he  blesses  a  child  held  up  to  him  by  a  woman 
who  kneels  at  his  feet.     This  seems  to  refer  to  some  miracle  of  healing,  and 
there  are  many  bishops  to  whom  the  figure  might  be  attributed.     Perhaps  it  is  St. 
Germain,  whom  Sir  Thomas  More  speaks  of  as  a  special  patron  of  children. 

The  Third  Bay. — 1.  St.  Erasmus.  A  bishop  in  a  cope  reading  from  a  book 
which  he  holds  in  both  hands.  Against  his  left  shoulder,  in  place  of  a  staff,  is 
the  spindle  of  a  windlas. 

2.  A  king,  bearded  ;  in  left  hand  an  orb  ;  right  hand  gone.     There  is  a  mark 
at  right  side  of  head  as  of  the  breaking  away  of  something  in  the  shape  of  a 
sceptre.     There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  and  No.  4  represent  St.  Edmund 
and  St.  Edward,  as  in  the  east  chapel ;  the  object  like  a  sceptre  lost  from  No.  _ 
having  been  an  arrow. 

3.  St.  Hugh  of  Lincoln.     A  bishop  in  cope  reading  from  a  book  which  he 
holds  in  both  hands.     The  crozier  rests  against  his  right  shoulder.      At  his  feet 
is  a  swan. 

4.  St.  Edward  the  Confessor.     A  king  with  sceptre  in  right  hand ;  left  hand 
broken  away.     It  probably  held  a  ring.     See  description  of  No.  2  above. 

5.  St.  Dunstan.     A  bishop  in  cope  with  crozier  in  left  hand.     "With  his  right 
hand  he  holds  a  pair  of  blacksmith's  pincers  fastened  on  the  nose  of  a  devil,  who 
tries  to  tear  them  open  with  his  claws." 

The  Fourth  Bay. — 1.  St.  Vincent.  A  deacon,  as  in  the  north  chapel.  The 
stole  appears  at  both  sides.  He  holds  the  three  vessels  with  his  left  hand,  and 
with  them  supports  a  book  from  which  he  reads. 

"  Is  the  story  of  St.  Dunstan,  his  hot  pincers,  and  the  young  woman  who  was  a  devil,  a  popular 
improvement  on  that  of  the  branding  of  the  face  of  Elgiva  ?  It  is  true  that  was  not  contrived  by  Dunstan, 
but  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  ;  but  Dunstan  was  so  distinctly  the  leading  English  ecclesiastic  and 
statesman  of  his  time,  that  the  credit — and  we  must  remember  that  the  act  was  regarded  as  praiseworthy — 
might  easily  be  transferred  to  him.  The  remaining  steps  are  simple. 
VOL.  XL VII.  3  D 


370  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

2.  St.  Lawrence.     A  deacon  with  no  visible  stole.     He  reads  from  a  book 
which  he  rests  on  a  large  gridiron. 

3.  St.  John  Baptist,  with  long  hair  and  beard,  bare  arms  and  legs.     He  holds 
a  lamb  on  a  book. 

4.  St.  Stephen.     A  deacon,  with  stole  shewing  on  both  sides.     He  reads  from 
a  book  which  he  supports  on  a  handful  of  stones. 

5.  A  young  woman  richly  dressed.     She  has  long  loose  hair  and  a  sort  of 
turban  head-dress  with  jewels.      The  dress  is  open  so  as  to  expose  the  right 
breast.     The  right  hand  holds  a  large  knife,  and  the  left  a  box  or  casket.     This 
is  St.  Agatha. 

The  North  Pier. — This  conies  between  the  fourth  and  fifth  bays.  It  has 
three  pairs  of  niches,  the  middle  pair  in  line  with  the  general  range  round  the 
chapel.  The  lowest  niches  are  empty.  They  may  have  lost  their  images  in 
1725,  when  the  chapel  was  much  altered  and  the  stalls  extended  to  this  pier. 
But  it  is  more  likely  that  they  have  been  destroyed  simply  because  they  were 
within  easy  reach,  and  so  exposed  to  mischief  or  fanaticism. a  We  have  no  clue 
to  their  subjects. 

1,  in  the  middle  pair  of  niches,  contains  the  figure  of  a  bishop  vested  for 
Mass,  blessing  with  his  right  hand  and  holding  a  book  in  his  left.     The  crozier 
rests  against  his  left  shoulder.     As  in   these  two  large  piers  we  find  the  four 
evangelists   above,  and  two  of  the  doctors  below,  and  a  very  good  reason  to 
account   for   the   absence   of   a   third,  we   may  safely  ascribe  this  figure   to  St. 
Augustine,  the  fourth. 

2,  in  the  middle  pair  is  empty.      The  image  of  St.  Gregory  which  once  stood 
there  would  be  that  of  a  pope,  and  would  be  taken  away  when  the  "  superstitious  " 
images  were,  as  seeming  to  favour  the  pretensions  of  the  Bishop  of  Borne.     Thus 
does  the  memory  of  a  good  man  suffer  by  his  being  ill  sorted. 

The  highest  figures  are  very  curious,  and,  I  believe,  have  not  been  properly 
described  before. 

1.  St.  Luke.     An  apostolic  figure  with  a  cap  on  the  head ;    the  right  hand 
extended  downwards  ;  the  left  holds  a  closed  book,  upon  which  is  a  small  winged  ox 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  lamb  which  St.  John  Baptist  often  carries  on  a  book. 

2.  St.  John  Evangelist.     A  figure  similar  to  the  last,  but  without  cap,  holding 
a  bird  on  a  closed  book. 

a  Dart's  view  of  the  inside  of  the  chapel,  which  is  a  fairly  good  one,  and  was  taken  before  the  altera- 
tions, does  not  show  figures  here.  Perhaps  they  fell  before  the  over-zeal  of  Dr.  John  Hardyman,  who  in 
1567  was  deprived  of  his  prebend  here  for  destroying  altars  and  other  church  ornaments  without  authority. 


Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  371 

Tlie  Fifth  Say. — 1.  A  young  woman  with  long  loose  hair  and  turban,  reading 
from  a  book  which  she  holds  in  both  hands.  In  her  right  hand  she  holds  a  palm 
branch.  On  the  ground  at  her  right  side  is  a  heading  block,  with  a  female  head 
lying  upon  it.  This  is  probably  St.  Winifred. 

2.  St.   Margaret.      A   young  woman  with  loose   hair  royally  arrayed  and 
crowned.     She  thrusts  a  staff  into  the  jaws  of  a  dragon  at  her  feet.     The  top  of 
the  staff,  which  was  probably  a  cross,  is  broken  away. 

3.  St.  Anne.     This  is  a  very  beautiful  group.     The  saint  is  represented  in  the 
dress  of  a  widow.     Her  daughter,  whom  she  is  teaching  to  read,  stands  before 
her  left  knee,  and  is  represented  as  an  adult  both  in  dress  and  figure,  though  her 
stature  is  that  of  a  child. 

4.  St.  Katherine.     She  is  represented  as  in  the  south  aisle.     Both  hands  are 
broken  away,  and  the  image  is  a  veiy  poor  one. 

5.  St.  Matthew.    An  apostolic  figure,  hooded,  and  wearing  spectacles,  reading 
from  a  book  in  left  hand,  and  holding  in  right  an  object  like  a  Latin  cross,  of 
which  one  arm  is  wanting.     Perhaps  it  is  intended  for  a  carpenter's  square.   This 
is  the  first  of  the  series  of  apostles,  the  others  being  all  within  the  three  bays  of 
the  apse. 

The  Sixth  Bay,  being  the  northern  cant  of  the  apse.—]..  St.  James  the  Less. 
An  apostolic  figure,  with  long  hair,  bearded  and  shod,  reading  from  a  book  held 
in  both  hands.  Against  his  left  side  is  a  long  curved  club. 

2.  St.  Thomas.     An  apostolic  figure  with  long  hair,  shaven,  shod,  and  wear- 
ing a  hat.     In  right  hand  a  spear,  in  left  a  book  in  a  bag  or  case. 

3.  St.  John  Evangelist.     An   apostolic  figure  with  long  hair,  beardless  and 
barefoot.     With  right  hand  he  blesses  a  cup,  from  which  issues  a  dragon. 

4.  St.  James  the  Great.     As  a  pilgrim,  with  sclavine,  bourdon,  wallet,  bottle, 
and  large  straw  hat,  in  front  of  which   is  an  escalop  shell.     The  feet  are  bare. 
He  is  turning  over  a  page  in  a  book,  which  he  holds  in  his  left  hand. 

5.  St.  Andrew.     An  apostolic  figure  with  long  hair,  bearded,  bareheaded,  and 
shod.     He  reads  from  a  book  which  he  holds  in  his  right  hand,  and  with  his  left 
supports  the  cross  which  is  named  from  him. 

The  Seventh  Say,  being  the  east  end  of  the  apse. — I.  St.  Peter.  A  bearded 
apostolic  figure  with  long  hair,  reading  from  a  book  in  left  hand,  and  holding  a 
key  in  right. 

2.  The  Angel  Gabriel.  A  rather  ungraceful  figure  in  amice,  albe,  crossed 
stole,  and  cope,  with  a  round  jewelled  morse.  On  the  head  is  a  circlet,  with  a 
broken  ornament  in  front,  probably  a  cross.  The  right  hand  is  broken  away,  but 

3D2 


372  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

the  top  of  the  sceptre  which  it  held  remains  at  the  side  of  the  head.  In  left  hand 
is  a  scroll  or  ribhon  of  many  contortions.  I  can  see  no  trace  of  writing  upon  it. 
It  was  probably  intended  to  be  painted  like  the  scrolls  below  the  images,  and  like 
them  never  done. 

This  figure  and  No.  4  form  a  group  of  the  Annunciation,  and  interfere  with 
the  general  scheme  of  the  figures ;  the  reason  for  this  seems  to  have  been 
a  desire  to  include  the  figure  of  Our  Lady,  combined  with  an  unwillingness  to 
place  that  of  any  other  mortal  in  a  position  of  equal  dignity  with  hers. 

3.  Our  Lord  in  Majesty.     This  is  the  central  figure  of  the  whole,  and  is  but 
a  poor  one.     Our  Lord  is  represented  as  enthroned,  with  his  right  foot  resting  on 
a  globe.     He  is  bearded  and  unshod,  and  wears  the  usual  toga-like  dress.     He 
blesses  with  his  right  hand,  and  with  his  left  holds  a  book  open  towards  the 
spectator. 

4.  The  Blessed  Virgin.     This  also  is  a  poor  figure.     A  young  woman  with 
long  hair.     The  right  hand  is  on  the  breast ;  the  left  is  broken  away. 

5.  St.  Paul.  A  bearded  apostolic  figure,  with  long  hair.     He  is  shod,  and  reads 
from  a  book  in  left  hand,  and  holds  a  sheathed  sword  in  right. 

The  Eighth  Say,  being  the  southern  cant  of  the  apse. — 1.  St.  Philip. 
A  bearded  apostolic  figure,  with  hat  and  shoes.  The  right  hand  is  extended,  and 
the  left  holds  up  three  loaves. 

2.  St.  Bartholomew.  A  bearded  apostolic  figure,  with  long  hair.  He  holds 
a  book  in  his  right  hand  and  a  knife  in  his  left. 

3.  St  Jude.  A  bearded  apostolic  figure,  with  long  hair  and  hood  and  bare  feet, 
holding  a  boat  with  both  hands. 

4.  St.  Matthias.     A  bearded  apostolic  figure  with  long  hair,  shod  feet,  and 
no  covering  for  the  head.     In  right  hand  he  holds  a  book,  and  in  left  a  large 
knife  or  scythe-blade. 

5.  St.  Simon.  A  figure  like  the  last.     He  has  a  book  in  right  hand.     The 
left;  which  held  the  distinguishing  emblem,  probably  a  fish,  is  broken  off;  but  as 
this  is  the  last  of  the  images  of  the  apostles,  and  Ave  have  been  able  to  assign  all 
the  others,  there  can  be  no  doubt  about  it. 

It  is  evident  that  the  intention  was  to  place  the  apostles  here  in  the  order  in 
which  they  are  named  in  the  Canon  of  the  Mass,a  and  as  far  as  Bartholomew  they 

"  Communicantes  et  memoriam  venerantes,  imprimis  gloriosae  semper  Virginis  Mariae,  genitricis  Dei 
et  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  ;  sed  et  beatorum  Apostolorum  et  Martyrum  Tuorum,  Petri,  Pauli,  Andreae, 
Jacobi,  Joannis,  Thomae,  Jacobi,  Philippi,  Bartholomaei,  Matthaei,  Simonis,  et  Thaddaei,  &c." 


o: 
o 


5 

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Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  373 

are  so.  Peter  is  on  the  right  hand  of  the  principal  group,  and  Paul  on  the  left. 
Then  follow  in  order  on  the  right  hand  side  Andrew,  James  the  Great,  John, 
Thomas,  and  James  the  Less,  filling  the  sixth  bay.  The  series  is  then  taken 
up  at  the  left,  in  the  eighth  bay,  beginning  with  Philip  and  Bartholomew ;  and 
that  the  other  three  do  not  follow  in  the  same  order  is  probably  due  to  the 
carelessness  of  the  imagers  or  of  the  setters.  There  was  only  room  for  twelve 
apostles  in  the  apse,  and,  as  St.  Paul  was  counted  amongst  them,  one  had  to  be 
put  outside,  and  thus  we  find  St.  Matthew  in  the  last  place  of  the  fifth  bay.  It 
is  likely  that  if  the  arrangement  had  not  been  blundered  we  should  have  had  there 
St.  Matthias,  who  is  similarly  left  out  of  the  canon  to  make  room  for  St.  Paul. 
The  Ninth  Say. — 1.  A  nun  or  widow  turning  over  a  page  of  a  book  which 
she  holds  in  her  left  hand.  Perhaps  this  may  be  intended  for  St.  Elizabeth,  the 
mother  of  St.  John  Baptist.  Or  it  may  be  Martha  of  Bethany,  if  either  of  the 
figures  in  the  south-east  chapel  be  intended  for  her. 

2.  St.  Mary  Magdalene.  A  young  woman  with  long  loose  hair,  holding  a  cylin- 
drical box  or  jar  in  both  hands.. 

3.  St.  Dorothy.  A   young  woman  richly   dressed,   with    turban   head  dress, 
reading  from  a  book  held  in  left  hand  ;  right  hand  holds  a  wicker  basket. 

4.  St.  Barbara.  A  young  woman,  with  long  hair,  bound  by  a  jewelled  wreath, 
reading  from  a  book  held  in  right  hand  ;  a  castle  with  turrets  in  left. 

5.  St.  Wilgeforte.  A  young  woman,  with  long  hair  and  turban,  as  in  several 
already  described,  but  with  a  beard.     She  reads  from  a  book,  which  she  rests  on 
the  top  of  a  T  cross.     This  is  the  only  image  I  have  seen  of  this  curious  and 
altogether  fabulous  saint,  but  she  was  once  a  favourite.     There  was  a  famous 
image  of  her  at  St.  Paul's.     It  was  supposed  that  a  saint  who  had  obtained  a 
beard  in  order  to  avoid  matrimony  would  have  some  sympathy  with  those  who 
wished  to  escape  from  it,  so  ladies  who  had  husbands  whom  they  would  be  rid  of 
used  to  ask  her  help,  whence  her  popular  name  of  St.  Uncumber.a   See  Plate  XI. 

The  South  Pier  comes  between  the  ninth  and  tenth  bays  corresponding  to 
the  pier  on  the  north,  and,  like  it,  has  six  niches  at  three  levels.  The  lowest 
pair  are  empty,  like  those  opposite,  and  for  the  same  reasons. 

1,  in  the  middle  pair,  has  the  image  of  St.  Jerome  as  a  cardinal  in  an  attitude 
of  meditation.  His  left  hand  turns  over  the  leaves  of  a  book  which  lies  on  a 


a  See  note  B  at  the  end  of  the  paper.  It  seems,  from  a  letter  of  one  of  the  Fastens  to  his  mother  in 
1465,  that  ladies  who  had  not  husbands  and  wanted  them  paid  their  devotions  to  the  Rood  of  Northdoor 
at  St.  Paul's.  See  Gairdner's  Paston  Letters,  vol.  ii.  p.  233. 


374  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

lectern  before  him.     His  right  hand  hangs  down  and  holds  a  pen  which  a  little 
lion  jumps  up  to  and  plays  with. 

2.  St.  Ambrose.  A  bishop  vested  for  Mass,  reading  from  a  book  which  he 
holds  in  his  left  hand.  In  right  he  holds  a  scourge,  and  the  crozier,  from  which 
the  head  is  lost,  rests  against  the  left  shoulder. 

1,  in  the  highest  pair.     St.  Mark  as  a  young  man  richly  dressed  and  wearing 
a  sort  of  turban.     He  holds  a  book  upon  which  is  a  very  small  lion.     This  figure 
corresponds  with  those  of  St.  John  and  St.  Luke  on  the  opposite  pier. 

2,  St.  Matthew.     A  bearded  figure  in  cassock  and  mantle ;  he  has  a  cap  or 
coif  on  his  head  and  wears  spectacles ;  a  pen-case  hangs  from  his  girdle.     He 
writes  in  a  book  which  is  held  up  to  him  by  an  angel,  in  alb  and  cope,  and  with 
a  circlet  round  the  head,  who  also  holds  up  the  inkpot  with  the  other  hand. 

The  Tenth  Say. — 1.  St.  Helen.  A  queen  with  long  hair  hanging  down  from 
under  her  crown.  She  reads  from  a  book  which  she  rests  on  the  top  of  a  T 
cross. 

2.  A  young  woman  richly  dressed,  with  long  hair  and  turban  head-dress. 
She  reads  from  a  book  which  she  holds  in  both  hands.  A  pair  of  beads  hang 
over  her  right  wrist.  This  is  St.  Sythe. 

3,  4,  and  5  reproduce  the  group  of  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Sebastian  as  in  the 
north-east  chapel.     I  have  already  mentioned  this  as  another  example  of  the 
carelessness  of  the  imagers. 

The  Eleventh  Say. — 1.  St.  Cuthbert.  A  bishop  vested  for  Mass,  holding  his 
crozier  in  his  left  hand  and  the  head  of  a  king  in  his  right.  The  head  is  that  of 
St.  Oswald. 

2.  A  young  king,  unbearded,  both  hands  are  gone,  but  a  pin  remains  which 
shows  that  some  object  of  considerable  size3  was  held  before  the  breast.     The 
figure  is  a  poor  one.     I  think  it  probably  represents  Edward  King  and  Martyr. 
It  directly  faces  the  figure  of  Edward  the  Confessor. 

3.  St.  Nicholas,  as  in  the  east  chapel.    See  Plate  XI. 

4.  A  young  king  with  a  sceptre  in  right  hand  and  a  crowned  head  in  his 
left.     This  is  probably  St.  Oswald.     The  figure  directly  opposite  is  that  of  St. 
Edmund. 

5.  St.  Eloy.     A  bishop  in  cope,  holding  his  crozier  in  his  left  hand  and  a 
horseshoe  in  his  right. 

The  Twelfth  Say. — 1.  This  niche  is  empty.  If  I  am  not  right  in  attributing 
the  next  figure  to  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  we  may  suppose  his  once  to  have 

a  Probably  a  hawk  if  the  figure  is  that  of  Edward. 


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Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  375 

stood  in  this  place.  But  the  arrangement  of  the  figures  in  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  hays  and  in  those  opposite  to  them  shows  an  intention  to  place  a  bishop 
in  every  alternate  niche,  and  this  one  has  a  bishop  on  each  side.  The  five  last 
figures  have  been  bishops  and  kings  alternately,  and  we  may  fairly  expect 
another  king  here.  Henry  the  Sixth  is  wanting  in  the  series,  and  we  should 
certainly  look  to  find  him  there.  It  seems  therefore  most  likely  that  his  image 
occupied  the  vacant  place.  The  removal  of  it  at  the  same  time  as  that  of  the 
corresponding  figure  in  the  eastern  chapel  looks  rather  like  an  act  of  over-zeal, 
but  there  may  have  been  some  special  reason  for  it.  Both  here  and  at  the  east 
end  the  vacant  niche  has  the  figure  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  next  to  the 
right  of  it,  which  may  go  to  confirm  the  like  assignment  of  the  places,  but  the 
fact  by  itself  is  not  of  much  weight. 

2.  An  archbishop  in  alb  and  cope  reading.     His  cross  rests  against  his  left 
shoulder.    The  stole  is  crossed,  and  there  is  a  figure  of  the  Crucified  on  the  cross. 
This  and  the  third  image  on  the  north  side  of  the  east  chapel  must  represent  the 
same  person,  and  I  have  no  doubt  it  is  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury.     There  is  a 
well-known  story  in  the  life  of  St.  Thomas  which  makes  the  cross  in  his  hands  a 
more  personal  emblem  than  in  those  of  other  archbishops."     See  Plate  XII. 

3.  St.  George  in  full  armour  with  his  visor  raised,  catting  with  his  sword  at 
the  dragon,  upon  which  he  tramples. 

4.  A  bishop  in  albe  and  cope  with  crozier  in  his  right  hand.      With  his  left 
he  appears  to  be  putting  alms  into  a  dish  held  up  to  him  by  a  lame  beggar.     The 
beggar  is  scantily  clothed  and  has  no  feet,  but  perhaps  they  have  been  broken  off; 
he  walks  on  two  stumps  which  are  strapped  to  his  legs  below  the  knees,  and  he 
appears  to  have  had  a  crutch,  but  most  of  it  is  broken  away.     I  think  this  is 
intended  for  St.  Richard  of  Chichester,  who  was  remarkable  for  rather  extrava- 
gant almsgiving. 

5.  This  is  the  same  person  as  No.  1  in  the  north  aisle.     He  wears  a  remark- 
ably full  chasuble  of  the  early  form.     He  is  bearded,  wears  gauntlets,  and  leads 
a  dragon  by  a  stole.     His  scapular  is  again  made  conspicuous.    See  Plate  XII. 

The  Thirteenth  Bay. — Like  those  on  the  opposite  side,  the  five  figures  in  this 
bay  are  men  in  the  dress  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  I  think  that  they  also 

*  It  is  a  common  error  to  suppose  the  cross  of  an  archbishop  to  be  the  equivalent  of  the  crook  or 
crozier  of  an  ordinary  bishop,  and  to  have  been  carried  by  him  in  ec<5]^siastical  functions.  An  archbishop 
did  not  carry  the  cross,  but  it  was  borne  before  him  by  a  clerk  appointed  for  that  office.  He  himself  used 
the  crozier  like  other  bishops.  In  monumental  effigies  and  seals  and  the  like  we  sometimes  see  an  arch- 
bishop represented  with  the  cross  in  his  hand  as  a  conventional  way  of  showing  his  dignity. 


376  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

represent  the  ancient  philosophers.  1,  3,  and  5  are  shaven,  the  other  two  wear 
beards  ;  1,  3,  and  4  hold  scrolls ;  2  and  5  books ;  3  wears  spectacles ;  all  have 
hats  ;  3  is  drawn  in  Plate  XII. 

I  have  now  described  all  the  stone  figures  which  remain,  and  have  been  able 
to  name  enough  of  them  to  show  the  general  scheme  of  their  distribution.  The 
groups  in  the  small  chapels  are  complete  in  themselves,  and  probably  in  every 
case  have  some  reference  to  the  altars  which  once  stood  there.  The  upper  range 
is  intended  to  set  forth  the  whole  company  of  the  saints  assembled  round  the 
throne,  and  the  chief  of  those  who  are  found  below  are  repeated  here.  There  are 
most  of  the  saints  who  were  most  popular  in  this  part  of  England  in  the  middle 
ages ; a  but  we  may  notice  some  exceptions.  St.  Alban  is  absent,  perhaps,  on 
account  of  the  long  rivalry  between  this  house  and  the  abbey  which  bears  his 
name  and  claimed  to  possess  his  body.  Dominic  and  Francis  are  not  here,  nor 
any  other  of  the  saints  of  the  friars.  The  absence  of  St.  Benedict  is  curious,  and  I 
think  his  image  must  have  been  in  one  of  the  lower  niches  of  the  great  piers. 
Perhaps  those  four  niches  now  empty  may  have  contained  the  figm-es  of  four  of 
the  first  founders  of  the  monastic  life  corresponding  with  the  four  doctors  and 
four  evangelists  above. 

The  scheme  begun  in  the  walls  was  probably  carried  on  in  the  painted  win- 
dows, and  those  of  the  clerestory  may  have  contained  either  more  saints  or,  as  is 
I  think  more  likely,  the  patriarchs,  prophets,  and  sibyls,  and  the  various  orders 
of  angels,  and  perhaps,  too,  the  "worthies  "  male  and  female.  It  is  not  certain 
that  the  glazing  was  ever  finished,  but  some  certainly  was  done,  for  the  windows 
of  "  the  Kynge's  new  chapell  at  Westminster,"  are  referred  to  as  the  standard 
which  is  to  be  equalled  in  an  agreement  b  for  painting  four  windows  in  King's 
College  Chapel,  Cambridge,  made  in  1527.  The  fragments  of  painted  glass  still 
remaining  in  the  great  west  window  and  those  of  the  clerestory  all  round  seem 
to  show  that  they  at  least  were  finished.  But  I  doubt  whether  the  lower  win- 
dows ever  received  more  than  quarry  glazing  and  a  few  badges  and  monograms 
intended  to  serve  until  glass  more  suited  to  the  rich  character  of  the  building 
could  be  provided.  There  is  a  figure  in  the  middle  light  of  the  east  window  of 
the  clerestory  which  is  called  that  of  Henry  VII.  It  is  a  good  deal  made  up,  and 
as  seen  from  below  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  any  of  it  occupies  its  original 
position,  or  even  what  it  may  have  been  intended  to  represent.  There  is  a  scroll 

tt  See  note  C  at  the  end  of  the  paper. 

b  This  agreement  is  printed  in  Britton's  account  of  the  chapel  in  the  first  volume  of  his  Architectural 
Antiquities,  page  15. 


Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  377 

in  the  hands,  on  four  fragments  of  which  Mr.  Middleton  succeeded  in  decypher- 
ing  these  letters  :  domin  —  atio  —  lau  —  te  —  n  — .a  This  looks  very  much 
like  a  fragment  from  a  representation  of  the  orders  of  angels  such  as  I  have  sug- 
gested may  have  been  here.  The  clerestory  of  the  apse  would  be  the  most  likely 
place  for  it. 

The  furniture  of  the  Chapel  was  as  rich,  in  imagery  as  the  building  itself. 
But  what  is  left  of  it  has  been  figured  in  Ackermann's  Westminster,  and  properly 
described  there  and  in  later  books.  I  shall  therefore  only  enumerate  the  figures. 

The  High  Altar  stood  till  1643,  when  it  was  destroyed  by  the  Puritans.  It  was 
a  fine  Renaissance  work  by  Torrigiano,  of  which  a  few  pieces  still  remain,  and  have 
lately  been  put  back  as  nearly  as  possible  into  their  old  places.  Sandford  gives 
an  engraving  of  the  whole,"  and  from  it  and  the  description  in  the  original  con- 
tract °  we  learn  that  beneath  the  Altar  was  a  figure  of  Christ  lying  dead ;  above 
the  Altar  was  a  table  or  reredos  with  bronze  subjects  in  relief  both  in  front  and 
behind,  the  former  being  the  Resurrection  and  the  latter  the  Nativity.  Over 
the  Altar  was  a  canopy  or  tester  carried  on  pillars,  and  above  its  cornices  were 
coats  of  arms  and  angels  bearing  the  instruments  of  the  Passion. 

The  tomb  of  the  founder  remains  almost  perfect,  the  only  loss  being  the 
banners  which  were  carried  by  the  four  angels  at  the  corners.  At  each  side  are 
three  large  roundels  with  the  figures  of  two  saints  apiece.  They  are,  on  the  south 
side — 1.  The  Blessed  Virgin  and  Child  and  St.  Michael  trampling  on  the  dragon ; 
2.  St.  John  Baptist  and  St.  John  Evangelist ;  3.  St.  George  and  St.  Anthony. 
On  the  north  side — 1.  St.  Mary  Magdalene  and  St.  Barbara  ;  2.  St.  Christopher 
and  St.  Anne ;  3.  St.  Edward  and  St.  Vincent.  All  these  except  St.  Christopher 
are  named  in  the  will  of  Henry  VII.  as  his  avouries,  whose  images  he  directs  to 
be  placed  in  niches  round  his  tomb.  After  Henry's  death  the  design  for  his 
tomb,  which  he  describes,  was  changed  for  the  Italian  one,  but  otherwise  his 
instructions  were  obeyed.  The  screen  or  grate  round  the  tomb  was  begun  by 
the  King  in  his  lifetime,  and  is  probably  English  work.  Its  eight  towers  have 
contained  thirty-two  bronze  figures,  but  of  these  only  six  remain.  On  the  south 
side  are  St.  John  Evangelist,  St.  Edward,  and  St.  Bartholomew ;  on  the  east  is 
St.  James  the  Greater  as  a  pilgrim ;  on  the  north  is  an  apostolic  figure, 
which  has  lost  the  hands,  and  all  distinctive  emblems ;  and  on  the  west  is 
St.  George. 

"  Part  of  Dominationes  laudate  nomen  Domini. 
b  Genealogical  History,  plate,  ed.  1707,  p.  497. 
c  Printed  in  Brayley,  vol.  i.  p.  58,  and  elsewhere. 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  E 


378  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

These  are  all  the  strictly  hagiological  subjects  which  are  left.  The  architec- 
tural and  heraldic  sculpture  and  the  carvings  of  the  stalls  all  deserve  special 
study.  But  for  the  present  I  am  content  to  have  called  attention  to,  and  I  hope 
thrown  some  light  upon,  a  collection  of  statuary  the  like  of  which,  even  after  the 
losses  it  has  suffered,  exists  nowhere  else  in  England.  That  it  should  have  been 
left  to  me  to  do  so  is  due  to  the  almost  inexhaustible  richness  of  Westminster 
Abbey,  and  to  the  fact  that  recent  antiquaries  have  given  their  attention  chiefly 
to  the  earlier  works  there. 


NOTES. 


NOTE  A. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  some  of  the  figures  may  be  older  than  the  present  chapel,  and  have 
once  adorned  the  earlier  one;  and  this  is  not  unlikely  of  the  smaller  figures.  Mr.  W.  S. 
Wcatherley,  to  whose  skilful  pencil  we  owe  the  illustrations  to  this  paper,  examined  and  drew 
the  figures  when  they  were  taken  down  in  1869,  and  he  tells  me  that  two  materials  are  used, 
some  of  the  figures  of  the  upper  range  being  in  Caen  stone,  of  which  the  chapel  is  built,  and 
some  in  the  Reigate  "  fire-stone  "  generally  used  in  the  older  parts  of  the  abbey.  And  he 
further  adds  that  the  latter  are  earlier  in  their  character,  "  having  a  taller  proportion,  with  the 
drapery  folds  straighter  "  than  the  others.  Mr.  Wcatherley  names  the  figures  of  SS.  Augustine, 
Katherine,  Ambrose,  Helen,  and  Edward,  K.M.,  as  those  which  for  these  reasons  he  considers  to 
be  of  the  older  date. 

NOTE  B. 

The  following  passage  from  Sir  Thomas  More  is  worth  quoting,  as  it  proves  the  identity  of 
St.  Uncumber  with  St.  Wilgefortc  and  also  mentions  several  other  saints  whose  images  are  in 
our  list : 

"  Sainct  Apoline  we  make  a  toth  drawer,  and  may  speke  to  her  of  nothing  but  of  sore  teth. 
St.  Sythe  women  get  to  seke  theyr  keys.  Saint  Roke  we  set  to  se  to  the  great  sykeness,  bycause 
he  had  a  sore.  And  with  hym  they  joyne  Saint  Sebastian  bycause  he  was  martiret  with  arowes. 
Some  serve  for  the  eye  onely,  and  some  for  a  sore  brest.  Saint  Germayne  onely  for  chyldren, 
and  yet  wyll  he  not  ones  loke  at  them  but  if  the  mother  bring  with  them  a  whyte  lofe  and  a  pot 
of  good  ale ;  and  yet  is  he  wiser  than  Saint  "Wylgefort,  for  she,  good  soule,  is  as  they  say  served 
and  content  with  otys.  Whereof  I  can  not  perceive  the  reason,  but  if  it  be  bicause  she  should 


Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 


379 


provyde  an  horse  for  an  evil  housebonde  to  ryde  to  the  Devyll  upon ;  for  that  is  the  thyng  she  is 
sought  for  as  they  say.  In  so  much  that  women  hath  therefore  chaunged  her  name,  and  instede 
of  Saint  Wylgeforte  call  her  Saint  Uncumber,  bycause  they  reckon  that  for  a  pecke  of  otys  she 
will  not  fayle  to  uncumber  them  of  their  housebondys."  A  Dialoge  concerning  Heresies  and 
Matters  of  Religion,  Book  II.  chapter  10. 

This  fame  went  forth  of  St.  Wilgeforte  in  other  countries  besides  England,  and  she  had 
popular  names  which  refer  to  it.  The  Rev.  S.  Baring  Gould  writes  to  me, — "  She  is  called 
Oncumbre  in  Flanders,  and  Kummerniss  (a  softening  of  Kummernicht)  in  Germany,  and  St. 
Liberada  or  Liberata  (freed  from  a  husband)  in  Portugal  and  France.  There  is  a  new  altar  and 
picture  to  her  in  a  chapel  near  Dieppe,  and  I  know  a  German  one  on  the  Seisser  Alp,  near 
Botzen." 


NOTE  C. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  compare  the  list  of  Saints  represented  in  the  chapel  which  King 
Henry  VII.  lived  to  build  with  those  whom  his  less  fortunate  rival  and  predecessor  intended 
should  be  specially  honoured  in  the  College  which  his  death  prevented  him  from  founding  at 
Middleham.  In  the  statutes  of  the  proposed  college  which  are  printed  by  the  Camden  Society  is 
the  following  list : — 


*St.  John  Baptist. 
*St.  John  Evangelist. 
*St  Peter. 
*St.  Paul. 
*St.  Simon. 
*St.  Jude. 

St.  Michael. 
*St.  Anne. 

St.  Elizabeth. 

St.  Fabian. 
*St.  Sebastian. 
•St.  Anthony.. 
*St.  Christopher. 
*St.  Denis. 

St.  Blaise. 
*St.  Thomas  (i.e.,  of  Canterbury). 

St.  Alban. 
*St.  Giles. 

St.  Eustace. 
*St.  Erasmus. 


•St.  Loy. 

St.  Leonard. 
*St.  Martin. 

St.  William  of  York. 

St.  Wilfrid  of  Ripon. 
*St.  Katherine. 
*St.  Margaret. 
*St.  Barbara. 
•St.  Martha. 
*St.  Winefred. 

St.  Ursula. 
*St.  Dorothy. 

St.  Radegund. 

St.  Agnes. 
*St.  Agatha. 
*St.  Apolyne. 
•St.  Sithe. 

St.  Clare. 
*St.  Mary  Magdalene. 


3  E  2 


380  Notes  on  the  Imagery  of  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

Those  marked  *  have  been  identified  with  more  or  less  certainty  amongst  the  figures  in  Henry 
the  Seventh's  Chapel,  and  we  find  that  out  of  thirty-nine  in  the  Middleham  list  twenty-six  are 
found  at  Westminster,  and  several  others  may  be  there.  The  star  which  is  put  to  St.  Martha 
may  possibly  belong  to  St.  Elizabeth  or  St.  Clare,  but  at  least  one  of  the  three  may  be  claimed  as 
being  in  both  lists.  And  of  fourteen  female  saints  at  Westminster  no  less  than  eleven  are  found 
amongst  the  sixteen  named  for  Middleham.  Local  circumstances  have  in  each  case  caused  the 
exclusion  or  introduction  of  certain  names,  but  the  general  agreement  of  the  two  lists  affords  a 
fair  index  of  the  popularity  of  the  saints  in  England  about  the  year  1500.  Excluding  duplicates 
and  figures  of  persons  not  saints  there  are  sixty -five  saints  represented  at  Westminster,  where  we 
find  all  the  apostles,  evangelists,  and  doctors,  and  there  are  six  kings,  whilst  Richard's  list,  rather 
curiously,  has  none. 


XX. —  On  the  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's  Cathedral. 
By  FRANCIS  CRANMER  PENROSE,  Esq.  F.R.I.B.A., 
Surveyor  to  the  Fabric  of  St.  Paul's. 


Read  29  May,  1879. 


IN  the  spring  of  1878  it  was  requisite  to  sink  a  pit,  about  twelve  feet  deep,  on 
the  south  side  of  the  nave  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  and  within  a  few  feet  of  the 
walls,  for  a  gas-meter. 

Near  the  bottom  of  this  pit  was  found  a  fragment  of  a  foundation  which 
seemed  to  belong  to  the  old  Cathedral.  It  was  evidently  not  of  the  Norman 
construction,  because  it  was  partly  formed  of  Norman  fragments.  It  seemed  there- 
fore to  belong  to  the  cloister  or  chapter-house. 

On  comparison  of  its  position  with  the  lines  of  the  old  Cathedral  shown  on  a 
plan  preserved  in  the  Wren  Collection  at  All  Souls  College,  Oxford  (to  a  copy 
of  which  I  had  access,  and  which  I  call  the  All  Souls  Plan"),  it  seemed  to 
belong  to  the  passage  leading  from  the  Cathedral  and  cloister  into  the  chapter- 
house. Search  was  immediately  made  on  this  supposition  for  the  chapter-house 
buttresses  (the  Dean  and  Chapter  having  approved  of  the  continuance  of  the 
investigation),  but  without  result.  Evidently  the  plan  could  not  be  implicitly 
trusted ;  but,  on  a  renewal  of  the  search,  some  evidence  of  the  foundations  of 
the  west  wall  of  the  south  transept  was  found,  and,  shortly  afterwards,  three  or 
four  bays  of  the  cloister.  From  these  it  was  easy  to  reach  out  to  the  buttresses 
of  the  chapter-house,  two  of  which  were  found,  with  a  fine  group  of  base  mould- 
ings attached  to  one  of  them.  Both  the  south-west  and  the  south-east  angles  of 
the  cloister  were  found ;  and  the  measurement  of  the  bays,  both  of  those 
trending  east  and  west  and  also  north  and  south,  was  recovered,  and  presented 
a  difference  of  nearly  three  feet  in  the  total  extent  of  the  cloister,  the  east  and 
west  extension  being  the  greatest.  Thus  the  two  main  dimensions  of  the  cloister 
were  recovered,  the  one  by  direct  measurement  the  other  by  strong  inference. 

a  Plate  XIII.  upper  plan. 


382  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's. 

The  thickness  of  the  wall  south  of  the  cloister  was  obtained  as  about  three  feet 
six  inches,  and  at  the  termination  of  the  transept  wall  was  the  base  of  a  flat 
pilaster  in  Portland  stone— the  materials  generally  used  being  either  Caen  stone 
or  Purbeck  marble — that  is  for  finished  work.  This  Portland  stone  pilaster 
was  evidently  some  of  Inigo  Jones's  work,  shown  in  Hollar's  engravings. 

The  discrepancy  between  the  places  got  by  the  discoveries  and  those  shown 
on  the  All  Souls  Plana  led  me  to  suppose  that,  as  the  intention  of  that  plan 
seemed  to  be  to  show  the  difference  between  the  axes  of  the  two  Cathedrals,  it 
might  be  at  any  rate  trusted  so  far,  and  that  it  was  no  part  of  the  design  of  the 
draughtsman  who  prepared  the  plan  to  care  for  particular  accuracy  at  the  north 
or  south  transept  or  cloister.  On  this  supposition  I  had  a  hole  sunk  on  the  north 
of  the  Cathedral,  and  at  once  lighted  on  the  west  wall  of  the  north  transept, 
and  from  it  reached  the  north-west  angle  of  the  transept,  which  terminated, 
as  there  was  reason  to  expect,  with  another  Portland  stone  pilaster,  presumably 
of  Inigo  Jones's  work.  I  then  worked  a  good  deal  underground  amongst  our 
sewers,  in  a  part  where  exploration  from  above  was  unmanageable,  in  hopes  of 
finding  the  north-east  angle  of  the  transept,  and  made  several  lateral  cuttings 
through  the  sides  of  the  sewers,  but  without  result,  as  these  foundations  seem  to 
have  been  uprooted  entirely. 

The  works  which  have  been  arranged  between  the  Dean  and  Chapter  and  the 
Corporation  of  London  for  the  improvement  and  planting  of  the  churchyard  gave 
an  opportunity,  not  to  be  lost  sight  of,  for  making  some  examinations  towards 
the  east,  in  hopes,  first,  of  finding  the  foundations  of  Paul's  Cross,  and,  secondly, 
of  determining  the  details  of  the  east  end.  I  scarcely  imagined  that  any  correc- 
tion would  result  to  the  All  Souls  Plan,a  where  it  so  positively  showed  the 
coincidence  of  the  axes  of  the  two  Cathedrals  at  the  east :  but  I  certainly  felt  that 
some  confirmation  was  desirable,  as  that  coincidence  necessarily  involved  a  rather 
large,  although  not  unprecedented,  deflection  of  axis  in  the  old  Cathedral,  and 
especially  as  no  such  deflection  had  been  shown  on  any  plan,  nor  mentioned  in  the 
account  of  Sir  Christopher  Wren's  proceedings.  So  far  as  inference  could  be 
gathered  from  the  Parentalia,  the  question  was  left  undecided,  for  it  is  there  said, 
on  the  one  hand,  Sir  Christopher  Wren  took  more  ground  to  the  northward  than 
before  (which  does  not  appear  to  any  practical  extent  on  the  All  Souls  Plan), 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  "  declined  the  axis  of  the  new  Cathedral  more  to  the 
north-east  than  it  was  before."  The  natural  interpretation  of  which  observa- 
tion seemed  to  be,  that  the  old  Cathedral  axis  trended  to  the  north-east,  but  that 
of  the  new  Cathedral  more  so.  But  I  had  ascertained  that  the  cloister  walls,  and 

"  Plate  XIII.  upper  plan. 


Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's.  383 

therefore  the  nave,  inclined  to  the  south-east  about  1°  48'.  So  that  if  the  total 
axis  of  the  Cathedral  inclined  to  the  north-east,  the  choir  must  have  had  suf- 
ficient deflection  to  make  it  so,  and  it  was  impossible  to  attribute  to  such  an 
astronomer  as  Sir  Christopher  Wren  an  error  as  to  due  east  and  west.  The  words 
of  the  Parentalia  are  thus  : — 

"  It  being,  therefore,  found  expedient  to  change  the  fonndations,  the  sur- 
veyor took  advantage  of  more  room  northward,  and  laid  the  middle  line  of  the 
new  work  more  declining  to  the  north-east  than  it  was  before,  which  was  not  due 
east  and  west." 

Considering  this  remark  about  the  north-east  tendency  of  the  axis  sufficiently 
weighty  to  neutralise  that  about  taking  more  ground  to  the  north,  it  appeared  to 
me  to  leave  the  positive  evidence  of  the  coincidence  of  the  two  axes  at  a  point 
near  the  east  end,  as  shown  on  the  plan,  still  uncontroverted,  but,  as  I  said  before, 
so  far  shaken  as  to  solicit  confirmation. 

The  first  search  was  for  Paul's  Cross ;  and,  in  choosing  the  locality  for  making 
this  search,  I  was  guided  especially  by  two  documents, — by  a  perspective  view 
given  in  an  old  engraving  preserved  in  the  Pepys  Collection  at  Magdalen  College, 
Cambridge,  which  shows  the  Cross  from  a  point  to  the  east  of  it,  and  by  another 
plan  preserved  in  the  Wren  Collection.  This  plan,  however,  is  wanting  in  authen- 
ticity, because  it  is  stated  by  the  librarian  to  have  been  copied  for  the  library 
by  Mr.  Buckler.  I  call  it  the  Buckler  Plan.  Erom  what  older  plan  it  was  copied 
does  not  appear,  and  nothing  more  seems  to  be  known  about  it.  It  gives  a  very 
incorrect  representation  of  the  choir,  but  an  extremely  correct  one  of  the  cloister 
and  chapter-house.  Accordingly  I  felt  it  right,  as  this  was  the  only  plan  which 
marked  the  Cross,  to  give  it  great  weight,  and  it  is  well  that  I  did  so,  for  every 
other  document  seemed  to  point  out  a  greater  distance  northwards.  The  Pepysian 
engraving  came  nearest  to  the  Buckler  Plan,  but  still  showed  the  Cross  at  too  great 
a  distance  from  the  Cathedral.  The  valuable  picture  belonging  to  this  Society a 
(The  Antiquaries),  as  it  shows  the  Cross  more  from  the  north,  was  not  taken  from 
so  favourable  a  point  of  view  for  determining  the  distance  northwards,  but  was 
valuable  in  helping  to  fix  the  eastern  limit  of  the  Cross ;  but  it  muse  be  remem- 
bered that  there  was  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  eastern  limit  of  the  Cathedral, 
several  of  the  plans  giving  it  an  extension  which  would  have  carried  the  east 
wall  forty  or  fifty  feet  further  than  it  is  now  known  to  be.  The  preponderance 
of  evidence,  however,  pointed  to  its  being  from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  beyond  our 
present  east  end,  and  it  was  upon  this  basis  as  respects  eastern  limits,  and  upon 

a  Page  387. 


384  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  PauVs. 

that  of  the  Buckler  Plan,  confirmed  by  the  Cambridge  perspective  as  respects 
northern  limits,  that  the  search  was  made. 

It  must  also  be  mentioned  that  the  northern  limit  was  taken  on  the  assump- 
tion that  the  All  Souls  Plana  gave  the  axis  correctly  at  the  east  end,  whereas  it  is 
really  erroneous  to  the  extent  of  about  twenty-seven  feet  at  the  point  at  which 
we  required  its  guidance.  Had  I  therefore  given  less  weight  to  the  Buckler  Plan, 
Paul's  Cross  would  probably  have  never  been  found.  After  one  or  two  trials  some 
chalk  foundations  were  arrived  at  which  invited  further  examination  to  the  south- 
ward of  them,  and  finally  on  the  31st  of  March  we  were  repaid  by  the  discovery  of  a 
wall,  about  three  feet  high,  of  yellow  oolite,  apparently  Oxfordshire  stone,  showing 
an  angle  of  one  hundred  and  thirty- five  degrees,  and  therefore  probably  belonging 
to  the  octagon  we  were  in  search  of,  and  with  the  quoin  formed  of  Purbeck  marble. 
This  wall  was  followed  each  way,  and  seemed  of  such  length,  after  about  thirteen 
feet  had  been  made  in  each  direction,  that  the  disquieting  impression  could  not 
be  kept  down  that  it  must  be  only  a  churchyard  fence-wall  which  happened  to 
take  that  angle  between  the  Cathedral  and  the  Cross,  especially  as  it  seemed  to 
be  making  much  too  near  the  supposed  line  of  the  north  wall  of  the  Cathedral. 
However,  two  other  angles  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  degrees  each,  with 
rather  more  than  fifteen  feet  of  wall  between  each,  were  discovered,  and  cleared 
away  all  misgivings,  and  then  the  other  angles  were  looked  for.  One  was  found  ; 
the  rest  had  been  cut  away  as  too  near  the  foundations  of  the  present  Cathedral. 
And  at  this  particular  point  there  was  an  especial  reason  for  the  destruction  of  all 
old  foundations  to  a  considerable  distance.  We  read  in  the  Parentalia : — 

"  In  the  progress  of  the  works  of  the  foundations  the  surveyor  met  with  one 
unexpected  difficulty ;  he  began  to  lay  the  foundations  from  the  west  end,  and 
had  proceeded  successfully  through  the  dome  to  the  east  end,  where  the  brick- 
earth  bottom  was  yet  very  good;  but  as  he  went  on  to  the  north-east  corner, 
which  was  the  last,  and  where  nothing  was  expected  to  interrupt,  he  fell  in 
prosecuting  the  design  upon  a  pit  where  all  the  pot-earth  had  been  robbed  by 

the  potters  of  old  time He  therefore  sunk  a  pit  of  about  eighteen  feet 

square,  wharfing  up  the  sand  with  timber  till  he  came  forty  feet  lower  into 
water  and  sea-shells,  where  there  was  a  firm  beach.  He  bored  throusrh  the 

O 

beach  till  he  came  to  the  original  clay  ;  being  then  satisfied,  he  began  from  the 
beach  a  square  pier  of  solid  good  masonry,  ten  feet  square,  till  he  came  within 
fifteen  feet  of  the  present  ground  ;  then  he  turned  a  short  arch  underground  to 
the  former  foundation,  which  was  broken  off  by  the  untoward  accident  of  the 

ft  Plate  XIII.  upper  plan. 


Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's.  386 

pit."  The  foundations  of  the  present  Cathedral  spread  about  eight  feet  outside 
of  the  basement  wall,  so  that  in  performing  the  operation  above  recorded  all  parts 
of  the  foundation  of  Paul's  Cross,  which  came  within  twenty-five  feet  of  the 
basement  wall,  were  removed. 

The  octagonal  wall  of  Paul's  Cross,  described  above,  terminated,  no  doubt,  as 
to  its  exterior  face,  with  the  parapet  shown  in  the  old  perspectives,  and  especially 
in  the  picture  belonging  to  this  Society.11  The  interior  face  formed  the  abutment 
to  a  brick  arch,  making  a  ring  vault  all  round  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the 
pavement  of  the  ambulatory  round  the  pulpit,  which  is  also  shown  in  the  per- 
spective views.  The  springing  stones  or  skewbacks,  as  they  are  called,  of  this 
vault  still  remain.  One  line  of  nine-inch  brickwork  was  also  found,  traversing 
the  octagon  centrally  from  north  to  south,  i.e.  at  right  angles  to  the  northern 
face  of  the  Cross.  There  were  no  means  of  judging  whether  or  no  there  was  a 
similar  wall  east  and  west.  I  think  it  is  probable  that  there  was.  This  wall  or 
walls  would  have  had  something  to  do  with  the  carriage  of  the  wooden  pulpit. 

In  the  excavations  made  to  find  Paul's  Cross  the  upper  eighteen  or  twenty 
inches  was  formed  of  black  mould.  Then  there  was  invariably  an  indurated 
surface,  sometimes  very  roughly  paved  with  brick,  elsewhere  formed  of  stone 
chips.  This  was  evidently  the  ground  inside  or  around  the  sheds  which  were 
there  erected,  as  is  shown  by  an  old  engraving,  during  the  rebuilding  of  the 
Cathedral.  Some  fragments  of  imperfect  mouldings,  belonging  to  Sir  Chris- 
topher Wren's  work,  were  found  scattered  about.  The  top  course  of  the  wall  of 
Paul's  Cross,  which  was  found  was  about  two  feet  below  this  stratum,  itself  stood 
upon  a  chalk  foundation  of  \ariable  depth.  When  first  opened,  the  total  depth 
to  the  chalk  foundation  was  about  six  and  a  half  feet. 

The  diameter  of  the  octagon  which  we  found  was  about  thirty-seven  feet,  or 
forty  feet  from  angle  to  angle. 

Prom  a  combined  study  of  the  perspectives  referred  to,  and  the  Buckler  Plan, 
it  would  seem  that  the  diameter  of  the  central  erection,  which  formed  the  pulpit, 
was  seventeen  feet  or  thereabouts. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  remote  origin  of  Paul's  Cross,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  remains  which  have  been  found  are  part  of  the  work  of  Bishop 
Kemp,  who  rebuilt  it.  Kemp's  episcopate  was  a  long  one,  so  the  date  is  some- 
what uncertain.  It  may  be  assigned  to  about  1470. 

As  it  is  well  known,  Paul's  Cross  was  a  "  platform  "  much  used  for  sermons 
having  a  political  tendency.  Distinguished  ecclesiastics  were  summoned  to  preach 

a  Page  387. 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  F 


386  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's. 

before  the  Court.  The  larger  part  of  the  congregation  were  in  the  open  air. 
There  was  always  a  covered  gallery  for  the  King's  party,  and  it  is  mentioned  that 
when  the  weather  was  boisterous  the  sermons  were  delivered  in  the  shrouds. 
These  shrouds  must,  I  think,  have  been  the  galleries  formed  between  the  but- 
tresses on  the  north  side,  which  are  shown  in  the  perspective  views,  and  to  which 
access  appears  to  have  been  given  by  the  low  turret  staircase  near  the  east  end. 

The  sermons  at  Paul's  Cross  played  a  very  important  part  during  the 
Reformation,  and  witnessed  both  the  floods  and  the  ebbs  of  that  great  conflict. 
Latimer  inveighed  against  clerical  abuses ;  Fisher,  Bishop  of  Rochester  in  1521, 
anathematised  Luther  in  the  presence  of  Cardinal  Wolsey  as  Papal  Legate. 
Sermons  in  favour  of  and  opposed  to  Henry  VIII. 's  divorce  were  preached  from 
thence,  but  in  1534,  by  the  King's  command,  and  confirmed  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, anti-Papal  sermons  Avere  regularly  preached. 

The  Cross  was  still  used  as  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  the  Plantagenets  for 
political  announcements,  and  on  Whit-Monday,  1546,  the  peace  between  the 
Emperor,  the  King  of  England,  the  King  of  France,  and  all  Christian  kings  for 
ever,  was  proclaimed. 

The  accession  of  Edward  VI.  gave  new  opportunities  for  the  burning  question 
of  the  day  being  heard  from  the  Cross ;  and  still  more  fiercely,  at  the  accession  of 
Queen  Mary,  Ridley  preached  from  thence  in  bold  opposition  to  the  Queen.  Ridley 
was  imprisoned,  and  we  read  of  others  who  were  nailed  to  a  pillory  at  Paul's  Cross 
by  their  ears.  The  Cross  now  gave  utterance  to  sermons  against  the  Reformation 
until  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  who  at  first  prohibited  the  Paul's  Cross  sermons, 
but  they  were  afterwards  resumed  and  continued  until  the  end  of  Charles  I.'s 
reign.  Laud  preached  there  in  1621,  and  again  in  1631. 

Notwithstanding,  however,  the  aid  which  it  had  contributed  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, the  Puritans  of  the  Commonwealth  would  none  of  it,  and  it  was  levelled  to 
the  ground  in  1612  ;  that  is,  to  the  level  at  which  it  has  been  discovered  ;  and  this 
accounts  for  its  not  appearing  in  Hollar's  views  or  ground  plan,  who  otherwise 
could  hardly  have  failed  to  show  it,  and  for  the  uncertainty  which  has  hitherto 
prevailed  as  to  its  position.  The  place  assigned  to  it  in  the  Ordnance  Survey 
of  London  is  seventy  or  eighty  feet  from  that  where  it  was  found.  Its  position  is 
certainly  well  represented  in  the  Buckler  Plan,  subject  to  the  very  large  cor- 
rection required  for  the  length  of  the  choir  as  shown  in  that  plan. 

The  direction  of  the  sides  of  Paul's  Cross  were  far  from  being  parallel  to 
the  assumed  axis  of  the  choir  following  the  All  Souls  Plan/  and  much  more 

a  Plate  XIII.  upper  plan. 


Archacologia. 


Vol.  XLVII,  Plate  XIII. 


FROM  THE  PLAN  IN  THE  WREN  COLLECTION  AT  ALL  SOULS  COLLEGE.  OXFORD. 


FROM  THE  PLAN  DRAWN  BY  P.  C.  PENROSE,  SURVEYOR  TO  THE  FABRIC  OP  ST.  PAUL'S.  1879. 

THE  AXIS  AND  SITE  OP  OLD  ST.  PAUL'S. 


Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  PauVs. 


387 


corresponding  to  that  of  the  nave  as  ascertained  from  the  cloister  and  transept." 
The  plan  in  question,  however,  seemed  prepared  for  this  contingency,  if  the  expres- 
sion may  be  allowed  me,  because  it  showed  the  east  wall  very  far  from  square 
with  the  north  and  south  walls,  and  thus  still  seemed  to  point  to  a  deflected  axis, 
and  that  the  sides  of  Paul's  Cross,  namely,  those  towards  the  cardinal  points, 
were  parallel  to  and  square  with  the  eastern  front. 


ST.  PAUL'S  CROSS. 

"As  it  appeared  on  Sunday,  26th  of  March,  1G20,  at  which  time  it  was 
visited  by  King  James  I.  and  his  Court,  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Court  of  Alder- 
men being  in  attendance  ;  when  a  sermon  was  preached  by  Dr.  John  King, 
Bishop  of  London,  recommending  the  speedy  reparation  of  the  venerable 
Cathedral  of  St.  Paul's,  which,  with  its  unsteepled  tower,  &c.,  appears  in  tin- 
back  or  side  grounds."  From  an  original  picture  in  the  possession  of  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries  of  London,  which  is  engraved  in  Wilkinson's  Lon- 
dina  Illustrata,  1811. 

There  seemed  some  reason  to  hope  (a  hope  that  has  been  quite  realised)  that 
some  remains  of  the  north  and  south  walls,  near  the  east  angle,  would  be  found 

*'  Plate  XIII.  lower  plan. 
3r  2 


388  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's. 

under  the  churchyard  wall,  and  from  the  plans  it  seemed  likely  that  the  east 
wall  itself  and  its  buttresses  would  be  under  the  street,  and  therefore  be  inac- 
cessible. ' 

The  first  excavation  made  to  find  these  walls  was  on  the  assumed  deflected 
line  of  the  north  wall.  There  we  found  no  remains  whatever ;  but  as  this  point 
was  quite  as  much  within  the  influence  of  Sir  Christopher  Wren's  forty  foot  pit  as 
those  portions  of  Paul's  Cross  which  had  disappeared,  I  was  inclined  to  attribute 
their  non-existence  to  this  cause. 

The  next  search  was  for  the  corresponding  south  wall  on  the  same  hypothesis, 
and  the  search  was  rewarded  by  part  of  a  buttress  base.  Only  a  portion  of  the 
northern  side  of  the  buttress  remained,  and  a  search  for  the  southern  side  was 
made,  but  fruitlessly,  except  to  show  a  piece  of  foundation  which  might  have 
belonged  either  to  a  return  buttress  of  the  south  wall  or  to  an  extension  of  the 
east  wall. 

The  discovery  of  this  buttress,  however,  gave  much  information,  namely,  the 
character  of  the  staging  and  bottom  splay  of  the  buttress,  and  the  original  street 
level,  but  it  did  not  solve  the  question  of  the  axis,  because  it  might  either  be 
the  southernmost  buttress  of  the  eastern  front,  and  as  such  it  agreed  well  with 
the  All  Souls  Plan,a  or  it  might  be  the  buttress  responding  to  the  southern 
arcade.  The  next  trial  which  was  made  was  twenty  feet  to  the  north  of  this 
buttress,  and  we  found  the  outer  footings  of  the  east  wall,  and  followed  them 
up  northwards,  in  hopes  of  finding  either  a  buttress  ranging  with  the  former 
one  as  the  south  arcade  projection  on  the  theory  of  the  deflected  axis,  or  else 
such  a  continuance  of  wall  as  to  indicate  the  wide  central  bay.  Before,  however, 
it  had  reached  far  enough  to  clear  this  up  the  trace  was  gone,  having  been  up- 
rooted. As  I  had  little  hope  of  finding  anything  close  to  the  present  Cathedral 
apse,  it  seemed  best  to  have  an  excavation  made,  about  fourteen  feet  southward 
of  the  present,  for  the  south  wall  of  Old  St.  Paul's,  on  the  hypothesis  of  a  straight 
line  produced  from  the  cloister,  and  there  a  wall  was  found,  with  some  old  rough 
pavement  to  the  south  of  it,  about  nine  feet  below  the  present  surface.  The 
direction  of  this  wall  was  practically  square  with  the  front  as  derived  from  the 
buttress,  and  also  nearly  parallel  to  the  cloister  wall.  It  was  clearly  a  thick, 
strongly -built  wall,  and  of  the  same  coarse  oolite  as  the  foundations  we  had 
already  discovered.  The  external  face,  however,  seemed  too  rough  for  the  wall 
of  such  a  Cathedral,  and  the  level  of  the  upper  course  which  remained  was  such 
that  the  splay  which  had  been  found  on  the  buttress  ought  to  have  shown  itself 

a  Plate  XIII.  upper  plan. 


Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's.  389 

upon  it  if  it  had  been  in  uninterrupted  communication.  It  still  suggested  the 
possibility  of  its  being  an  adjunct  to  the  Cathedral  of  some  kind,  although  it 
certainly  turned  the  scale  of  probability  against  the  All  Souls  Plan.a 

It  then  seemed  worth  while  to  try  if  there  might  be  something  under  the 
very  apse  itself  mixed  up  with  the  supports  of  the  churchyard  wall.  And  there 
indeed,  much  nearer  the  surface,  and  more  complete  in  most  respects,  was  a 
buttress  which  at  once  proved  itself  to  be  the  projection  of  the  northern  arcade 
of  an  undeflected  choir ;  so  that  the  plan  which  had  previously  been  in  favour 
had  to  be  dismissed  ignominiously.  The  probability  is  that  the  lines  of  the  old 
Cathedral  had  been  imported  into  that  plan  from  some  imperfect  notes  or  tradi- 
tion after  all  trace  of  it  had  disappeared.  It  shows  the  present  Cathedral  and  the 
churchyard  very  accurately,  so  that  it  is  evident  that  the  data  upon  which  the  old 
Cathedral  is  laid  down  could  not  have  been  obtained  whilst  it  was  in  any  part 
standing ;  in  fact,  a  rough  copy  of  Hollar's  plan  seems  to  have  been  applied  to 
the  plan  of  the  newer  buildings.  We  were  able  to  work  sufficiently  beyond  the 
churchyard  wall  to  obtain  a  complete  plan  of  the  buttress  last  found,  which  at 
once  gave  the  central  axis  of  the  choir. 

I  should  have  mentioned  that,  before  this  excavation  had  been  made,  part  of 
the  northern  buttress  of  the  east  wall  had  been  found,  but  this  had  not  cleared  up 
the  question,  as  it  would  have  fitted  the  northern  arcade  buttress  on  the  other 
theory  quite  as  well.  Its  great  thickness,  nearly  nine  feet  (not  reckoning 
foundations),  showed,  however,  a  presumable  correspondence  with  the  very  large 
buttresses  shown  at  the  angles  by  Hollar,  but  at  that  time  no  evidence  had  been 
obtained  of  the  thickness  of  the  intermediate  buttresses.  When  the  discovery  of 
the  two  arcade  buttresses  had  cleared  up  the  question  of  the  axis  it  seemed 
desirable  to  get,  if  possible,  more  evidence  of  this  northern  buttress,  and  further 
search  was  made,  which  resulted  in  finding  a  great  part  of  it,  and  also  a  fragment 
of  the  foundation  of  the  buttress  which  grouped  with  it  on  the  north  wall  of  the 
Cathedral  and  of  the  rectangular  massive  quoin  which,  as  often  occurs  in  the  best 
examples,  separated  these  two  buttresses  from  each  other.  This  feature  is  shown 
by  Hollar  in  his  perspective  but  not  on  his  plan. 

The  total  external  width  of  the  choir,  one  hundred  and  two  feet  clear  of  the 
basement,  agrees  very  well  with  Hollar's  plan,  but  the  length  is  less.  In  this 
respect  the  All  Souls  Plan"  comes  nearer,  and  it  may  have  followed  some  correct 
memorandum  as  to  the  amount  by  which  the  Cathedral  was  shortened  to  improve 
the  width  of  the  street. 

Now  that  it  was  established  beyond  doubt  that  the  wall  discovered  to  the 

"  Plate  XIII.  upper  plan. 


390  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's. 

south  of  the  present  Cathedral  was  the  south  wall  of  Old  St.  Paul's,  and  also  that 
the  position  of  the  east  wall  was  known  approximately  (no  part  of  the  wall 
itself  had  been  found,  but  only  the  footings  and  some  part  of  the  flank  of  the 
buttresses),  a  favourable  hope  offered  itself  that  the  inside  face  of  the  wall  might 
be  preserved,  and  possibly  some  indications  of  the  shafts  of  the  south-east  internal 
angle  of  St.  Faith's  Church,  the  floor  of  which  must  have  been  below  the  outside 
pavement  which  had  been  found.  *The  discovery,  however,  which  resulted  sur- 
passed expectation,  for  the  entire  group  of  shafts,  plinth  bases  and  caps  (the 
latter  much  mutilated,  but  enough  to  guide  almost  exact  restoration),  were  laid 
open,  and  a  portion  of  tiled  floor.  This  floor  is  raised  to  the  top  of  the  original 
plinth,  viz.,  up  to  the  level  of  the  bases,  and  belonged  either  to  a  platform  raised 
for  an  altar,  or  else  shows  that  the  floor  itself  was  raised  subsequently  to  its  first 
building  to  get  away  from  the  damp.  The  architectural  features  discovered  agree 
almost  completely  with  Hollar's  perspective  view,  except  that  the  shafts  arc  not 
so  high. 

The  internal  diameter  of  St.  Faith's  Church  (but  it  should  be  observed  that 
the  extreme  east  end,  although  latterly  St.  Faith's  Church,  was  originally  Jesus 
Chapel)  was  eighty-five  feet  six  inches.  If  we  restore  the  plan  from  Hollar's 
data,  the  width  from  centre  to  centre  of  piers  of  the  central  part  of  the  choir  above 
would  be  forty-two  feet.  If  we  deduce  it  from  the  central  distance  of  the  eastern 
buttresses  the  width  would  be  forty-two  feet  five  inches.  This  shows  that  the 
choir  must  have  been  narrow  for  its  height,  whilst  the  aisles  were  wide. 

The  floor  of  St.  Eaith's  was  four  feet  below  the  external  pavement  which  was 
found  on  the  south  side,  and  about  thirteen  feet  below  the  present  level  of  the 
churchyard.  The  cast  wall  makes  an  angle  of  about  6C  10'  with  the  present 
Cathedral.  The  angle  obtained  from  a  short  length  of  the  south  wall  is  6°  40',  from 
Paul's  Cross  7°  45',  and  that  derived  from  the  cloister  is  7°  18'.  The  floor  of  the 
cloister  is  seven  feet  and  a  half  above  that  of  St.  Faith's  pavement.  The  extreme 
breadth  of  the  transept,  omitting  the  large  buttresses  shown  by  Hollar  towards 
the  centre  of  the  south  transept,  was  three  hundred  and  three  feet.  The  extreme 
length,  including  the  eastern  buttresses  but  excluding  Inigo  Jones's  portico,  could 
hardly  be  less  than  five  hundred  and  ninety-five  feet,  and  I  may  in  a  few  days  be 
able  to  announce  this  more  precisely,  because  the  Dean  and  Chapter  have  kindly 
permitted  an  excavation  to  determine  this  point.  I  must  conclude  by  also 
acknowledging  the  kind  co-operation  of  the  City  Architect,  and  of  the  Committee 
of  the  Corporation,  in  these  investigations.  It  should  be  stated  that  means  of 
access  to  all  the  important  points  of  evidence  have  been  preserved. 


Arohaeoloyia, 


Vol.  XL  VI 1,  Plutf  XIV. 


SCALE  OF  FEET 


OLD  S.  PAUL'S. 

FOUNDATIONS  AT  THK  EAST  AND  WEST  ENDS. 
Discovered  in  1879. 


Archatolvt/ia, 


Vol.  XL  VI I,  Plate  XV. 


I 


Enlarged  Section 


I 

! 


L 


Section 


«E 


Plan 


>0  »8 


5  30  35  40feet 


SO4LE  OF  FEET 


PAUL'S  CROSS. 

PLAN  AND  SECTION  OP  FOUNDATIONS. 

Discovered  in  1870. 


f-'.  C.  Pt-nnn, 


Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's.  391 


POSTSCRIPT. 

The  hope  with  which  the  paper  concluded  has  not  been  disappointed,  for  a 
search  made  for  the  foundations  of  the  west  front  towards  its  south-western  corner 
revealed  the  line  indicated  on  the  plan.  The  place  for  making  the  trial  hole  was 
selected  in  this  manner. 

The  general  direction  of  the  south  wall  of  the  nave  was  pointed  out  by  that  of 
the  cloister  wall  as  deduced  from  the  discoveries  already  made,  but  the  point 
where  this  line  terminated  at  the  west  front  could  only  be  arrived  at  by  conjec- 
ture, and  the  balance  of  probabilities,  as  the  various  representations  differed  very 
widely  amongst  themselves,  and  the  problem  consisted  in  settling  the  proper 
proportion  between  the  unknown  length  of  the  nave  and  that  of  the  parts  of 
the  church  eastward  of  the  west  wall  of  the  transept  which  had  already  been 
discovered. 

The  plans  and  perspectives,  by  Hollar,  contained  in  Dugdalc's  volume, 
furnished  several  data.  The  large  collection  by  Mr.  Crace,  which  at  that  time 
was  being  exhibited  at  South  Kensington,  supplied  others,  and  from  these  and 
from  the  Pepysian  Library  at  Magdalen  College,  Cambridge,  All  Souls  College, 
Oxford,  and  the  Guildhall  Library,  upwards  of  twenty  independent  indications 
of  length  were  obtained.  Those  a,  priori  most  entitled  to  credit,  seemed  to  be, 
first,  Hollar's  plan,  and  then  what  I  have  already  called  the  Buckler  Plan, 
but  it  will  be  evident  that  neither  of  them  could  be  of  much  value  by  itself,  for 
in  that  part  of  the  plan  which  could  be  compared  with  the  measured  distance, 
instead  of  three  hundred  and  twenty-three  feet  Hollar  showed  three  hundred  and 
forty-two,  and  the  Buckler  Plan  three  hundred  and  eighty-two.  However,  when 
all  the  different  data  were  arranged,  with  the  weights  which  seemed  due  to  each, 
and  the  result  taken  with  reference  to  their  assumed  probabilities,  a  place  was 
pointed  out  for  examination  very  near  Queen  Anne's  Statue,  where  fortunately 
the  pavement  could  be  easily  moved  without  disturbing  the  rest,  and,  as  I  men- 
tioned above,  I  was  authorised  by  the  Dean  and  Chapter  to  make  a  trial.  At 
about  twelve  feet  from  the  surface  we  at  once  came  upon  a  piece  of  foundation  of 
flintwork,  which  seemed  to  belong  to  the  southern  return  of  Inigo  Jones's  portico, 
and  about  six  feet  further  to  the  eastwards  ;  and  fifteen  feet  from  the  stone  curb 
of  the  railing  round  Queen  Anne's  Statue  this  flintwork  was  crossed  by  the  founda- 
tions of  a  wall  running  north  and  south,  which  could  be  no  other  than  the  west  front 


392  Recent  Discoveries  of  Portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's. 

of  the  Cathedral.  The  ground  round  about  the  excavation  was  so  rotten  that  it 
would  have  been  impossible  without  serious  damage  to  the  pavement,  or  great 
personal  risk,  to  make  sufficient  clearance  to  do  more  than  ascertain  these  facts. 
The  walls  here  had  been  much  more  fully  grubbed  up  than  those  which  we  found 
of  the  cloister,  or  of  the  east  end,  and  there  was  only  just  enough  left  to  verify 
them.  There  could  be,  however,  no  doubt  whatever  that  they  were  the  founda- 
tions of  important  walls.  This  discovery  was  made  on  7  June,  1879,  and  it 
determines  the  total  length,  exclusive  of  the  western  portico,  to  have  been  five 
hundred  and  eighty-five  feet. 

[The  Society  of  Antiquaries  begs  to  thank  Messrs.  Longman  for  their 
courtesy  in  permitting  the  use  of  two  plates  which  illustrate  the  "  History  of 
St.  Paul's,"  by  its  late  lamented  Fellow,  William  Longman,  Esq. — namely,  "  St. 
Paul's  Cross,"  on  page  20,  and  "  Projection  of  Old  upon  New  St.  Paul's,"  facing 
page  125,  of  that  work.  The  former  plate  has  been  directly  used,  the  latter  has 
been  adapted  for  comparison  with  Mr.  Penrose's  latest  plan,  Plate  XIII.  lower 
plan.— II.S.M.] 


XXI. — The  Diamond   Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,   Queen  of  Charles   I. 
CHARLES  DRTJRY  EDWARD  EORTNTJM,  F.S.A. 


Read  November  24,  1880. 


IT  has  long  been  known  that  King  Charles  I.  of  England,  some  two  years  or 
little  more  after  his  accession  to  the  throne  and  marriage  with  Henrietta  Maria, 
a  daughter  of  France,  ordered  that  a  diamond  should  be  engraved  with  his  arms, 
as  a  signet,  designing  it  probably  for  his  Queen's  private  use. 

Although  such  signet  has  been  lost  sight  of  and  forgotten,  the  record  still 
exists  of  payment  made  to  the  artist  for  executing  the  work,  and  from  it  alone 
have  we  hitherto  derived  that  knowledge. 

In  the  privy  seal  books  of  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Pells,  now  in  the 
Public  Record  Office  (No.  11,  p.  142),  we  read  the  following  entry  : 
Francis  Waiwyn.  "  Charles,  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  England,  Scotland, 

France,  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Eaith,  &c. 

"  To  the  Trer  and  Undertrer  of  or  Exchecqr  for  the  time 
being,  greeting : 

"  Wee  doe  hereby  will  and  comand  you  out  of  or  treasure 
remaining  in  the  Receipt  of  or  Exchecqr  forthwith  to  pay  or  cause 
to  be  paid  vnto  Erancis  Walwyn  or  his  assignes  the  some  of  two 
hundred  threescore  and  seven  pounds  for  engraving,  pollishing, 
Dyamond  boart n  and  divers  other  materialls  for  the  Cutting  and 
finishing  of  or  Armes  in  a  Dyamond  with  the  ires  of  the  name 
of  or  deerest  Consort  the  Queene  on  each  side.  And  these  or  ires 
shal  be  yor  sufficient  warr'  and  discharge  in  this  behalfe. 

"  Given  vnder  or  privy  Seale  att  or  pallace  of  Westmr  the 
ic  January,  i628.b       sixtenth  day  of  January  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  or  Raigne. 

"  Jo:  PACKER." 


Two  hundred  three 
score  and  seaven 
pounds. 


a  Boart,  i.  e.  diamond  dust. 
VOL.  XLVII. 


b  i.  e.  1629  of  our  present  computation. 
3G 


394  The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria  Queen,  of  Charles  I. 

This  entry a  therefore  distinctly  informs  us  that  on  the  16th  January,  1628-9, 
the  sum  of  2671.  was  paid  to  one  Francis  Walwyn,  a  gem-engraver,  not  otherwise 
recorded,  for  cutting,  finishing,  and  polishing  a  diamond  and  engraving  thereon 
"  our  arnies  " — the  arms  of  Charles  I. — "  with  the  letters  of  the  name  of  our 
dearest  consort  the  Queen  on  each  side."  There  is  no  command  to  engrave  "  our 
arms  impaled  with  those  of  our  heloved  consort/'  but  "  our  arms  "  alone,  except 
that  they  are  to  he  laterally  accompanied  by  the  initial  letters  of  that  royal  lady's 
name. 

In  the  Vetusta  Monumenta,  Vol.  in.  Plate  26,  No.  vii.  which  illustrates  a  com- 
munication by  Astle  in  1792,  a  seal  is  figured,  supposed  to  be  that  of  Mary  Queen 
of  Scots.  It  is  of  lozenge  shape,  and  displays  a  shield  bearing,  quarterly,  1  and  4, 
France  and  England  counter-quarterly  (1-4  France,  2-3  England),  2,  Scotland, 
3,  Ireland,  surmounted  by  an  open  crown,  and  between  the  letters  M.  R.  This 
seal  was  said  to  be  in  the  French  King's  collection  at  Paris  (Louis  XVI.),  "and," 
says  Astle,  "  seems  to  have  been  used  by  Queen  Mary  during  her  widowhood,  and 
whilst  she  asserted  her  right  of  succession  to  the  crown  of  England." 

But  Mr.  Astle  neither  tells  us  his  authority  for  these  statements  nor  names 
the  material  on  which  the  arms  are  cut ;  he  merely  gives  us  the  size  of  the  seal 
and  a  magnified  engraving  of  its  bearings.1'  Mr.  Laing,  in  his  Descriptive 
Catalogue  of  Scottish  Seals  (Edinburgh  1850),  did  not  refer  to  this  signet,  and 
he  was  right,  for  it  bears  the  arms  of  England  under  the  Stuarts,  not  those  of 
Scotland  and  France.  Astle  probably  accepted  it  for  Mary's,  believing,  as  he  states, 
that  it  might  be  that  used  by  her  during  her  widowhood.  When  she  was  married  to 
the  Dauphin  "  he  quartered  the  arms  of  England,  which  gave  great  offence  in  that 
country,"  but  the  Dauphin's  seal,  so  quartered,  would  not  agree  with  that  described 
by  Astle.  The  seal  figured  by  him  could  not  have  been  the  diamond  signet  which 
Gori  tells  us  (Hist.  Duct.  p.  180)  that  Jacobus  Thronus  engraved  for  Queen 
Mary  I.  of  England,  daughter  of  Henry  VIII.;  for  her  shield  bore  quarterly 
France  and  England  merely.  But  whether  the  signet  figured  in  the  Vetusta 
Monumenta  was  that  engraved  under  order  of  Charles  I.  by  Francis  Walwyn 
Ave  are  not  able  with  certainty  to  assert,  although  there  is  some  probability  in  such 
an  assumption. 

For  many  years  past,  and  perhaps  even  till  the  present  day,  glass  copies  of  a 

a  This  record  was,  I  believe,  first  published  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Carpenter^  in  his  Pictorial  Notices  of 
Vandyke,  4to,  1844,  and  subsequently  in  Mr.  Wornum's  edition  of  Horace  Walpole 'Anecdotess  of  Painting 
in  England. 

b  Astle' s  original  drawing  is  in  the  Society's  possession. 


The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  1.  395 

seal-ring  stone  have  b§en  sold  at  Holyrood  Palace,  passing  for  the  signet  of  Mary 
Queen  of  Scots,  the  original  of  which  is  stated  to  have  been  in  the  possession  of 
the  Earl  of  Buchan. 

That  the  signet,  of  which  these  vitreous  pastes  are  copies,  had  existed  some- 
where and  was  an  original  work  executed  for  royal  use,  there  could  be  but  little 
doubt,  but  that  it  could  not  have  belonged  to  Queen  Mary  of  Scotland  was 
clearly  proved  by  an  able  paper  on  the  subject,  published  in  the  eleventh  volume 
of  the  British  Archceological  Association's  Journal,  at  page  76,  by  Mr.  George 
Vere  Trying,  who  refutes  the  statement  of  such  a  signet  ever  having  been  used 
by  that  unfortunate  Queen.  This  refutation  equally  applies  to  the  seal  figured  by 
Astle.  But  Mr.  Irving  himself  falls  into  error  when  suggesting  the  probability 
of  its  having  belonged  to  Mary  of  Modeua,  the  Queen  of  James  II.  referring  to 
the  fact  pointed  out  by  Miss  Strickland  in  her  memoir  of  that  amiable  and  ill-used 
lady,  that  many  objects  which  had  belonged  to  her  were  by  some  supposed  to 
have,  and  by  others  represented  as  having,  belonged  to  her  more  renowned 
namesake,  the  daughter  of  James  V.  of  Scotland. 

That  such  attribution  was  erroneous.  Mr.  Syer  Cuming,  in  a  paper  published 
in  the  seventeenth  volume  of  the  Journal  of  the  same  Association,  at  page  223, 
clearly  proves,  pointing  out  moreover  the  all-important  fact,  probably  overlooked 
by  Astle,  and  certainly  by  Mr.  Vere  Irving,  that  the  apparent  letter  M  was  not 
in  its  simple  integrity,  but  was  crossed  by  a  bar  between  the  outer  limbs,  thereby 

converting  it  into  a  monogram  composed  of  the  letters  H  and  M  =  JOJ,  thus 
bearing  its  own  evidence  that  neither  Mary  Stuart,  Mary  d'Este,  nor  Mary  the 
Queen  of  William  III.  could  have  been  the  owner  of  such  a  signet.  With  the 
names  of  one  Queen  only  did  such  a  monogram  correspond,  viz.  Henrietta  Maria, 
Queen  of  the  martyred  Charles  I.  True,  it  had  been  suggested  by  some,  anxious 
to  connect  the  relic  with  Mary  of  Scotland,  that  the  H  might  stand  for  the 
initial  of  her  husband,  Henry  Darnley,  but  that  even  at  that  period  of  her 
misguided  career  she  should  have  ventured  to  use  a  signet  bearing  the  arms  of 
England  with  all  its  quarterings,  pur  et  simple,  is  improbable.  In  confirmation 
of  his  suggestion  Mr.  Syer  Cuming  refers  to  the  fifteenth  plate  in  Pinkerton's 
Medallic  History,  whereon  are  figured  two  medalets  or  counters  of  1628,  having 
on  one  side  the  Queen  Henrietta  Maria's  armorial  shield,  bearing  England  and 
Prance  impaled,  accompanied  by  a  similar  monogram  ;  and  on  the  reverse  a  hi°-h 
tree  in  a  forest,  with  the  motto  SVPEREMINET  •  OMNES.  Curiously  enough, 
Pinkerton  states  that  a  counter  of  Mary  of  Scotland  is  known  having  a  similar 
reverse,  but  the  date,  1628,  on  the  obverse  and  the  arms  of  Henrietta  Maria  are 


396  The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

sufficient  proof  as  to  whose  reign  it  may  be  referred.  We  may  therefore 
reasonably  conclude,  to  use  Mr.  Cuming's  own  words,  that  the  "  impressions  sold 
at  Holyrood  Palace  as  mementos  of  Scotland's  fair  Queen  were  really  taken  from 
the  signet  of  the  wife  of  her  ill-fated  grandson." 

It  is  always  difficult  to  trace  every  step  in  the  history  of  objects  that  have 
belonged  to  royal  or  historical  personages,  the  more  so  when  they  lived  and  died 
in  such  troublous  times.  That  the  diamond  signet  was  in  the  hands  of  the  King 
and  Queen  in,  and  probably  previous  to,  1628  [9]  is  presumable  from  the  fact  that 
payment  to  Walwyn  was  ordered  by  the  warrant  of  January  in  that  year. 

Mr.  Syer  Cuming,  in  his  paper  above  referred  to,  alludes  to  an  impossible 
myth,  connecting  the  stone  with  Queen  Mary  of  Scotland,  that  on  the  scaffold  she 
had  given  it  to  Bishop  Juxon,  with  injunction  to  convey  it  to  her  son  King 
James.  But  Dr.  Juxon  was  then  barely  five  years  old.  Mr.  Cuming  however 
shrewdly  suggests  that  there  may  be  a  glimmer  of  truth  in  this  myth,  and  that  it 
may,  although  we  have  no  record  of  the  fact,  have  been  so  given  by  King  Charles 
to  Bishop  Juxon,  who  attended  him  at  his  execution,  and  who,  it  has  been  said, 
received  the  George  from  his  royal  master,  with  instruction  to  convey  it  to  James 
the  then  Duke  of  York.  Whether  such  were  really  the  case,  and  whether  the 
stone  was  ever  in  the  possession  of  James  the  Second,  we  have  no  positive 
information,  but  it  is  perhaps  more  probable  that  it  remained  in  the  hands  of 
Henrietta  Maria,  was  taken  by  her  to  France,  and  that  sooner  or  later  it  was 
disposed  of  among  other  jewels  and  valuables  to  meet  the  necessities  of  the  sadly 
stricken  royal  family." 

Another  episode  of  its  history  is  seemingly  met  with  in  the  Book  of  Travels 
by  Jean  Baptiste  Ta vernier,"  a  diamond  merchant  and  jeweller,  who  visited  Persia 
in  about  December  1664,  four  years  previous  to  the  death  of  Henrietta  Maria. 
At  page  484  of  his  first  volume  (ch.  xvii.  of  book  iv.)  he  relates  that  in  a 
conversation  with  the  Nazar  of  the  King  of  Persia  at  Ispahan,  on  piercing 
diamonds,  the  King  asked  whether  Tavernier,  who  had  brought  a  fine  jewel  for 
his  inspection,  thought  that  in  Persia  there  were  not  artificers  as  able  at  stone- 
cutting  as  any  in  his  own  country ;  on  which  Tavernier,  to  convince  the  Nazar  of 
his  Majesty's  error,  "  tirant  de  ma,  pochete  une  bague  de  diamant  ou  sont  gravees 
les  armes  du  Roy  d*  Angleterre  que  je  luy  montray.  Des  qu'il  Veut  vu  il  parait 
surpris,"  &c.,  &c.  The  Nazar  then  took  the  ornament  for  which  he  was  nego- 

a  A  curious  statement  occurs  in  a.  letter  of  21  Dec.  1640,  from  Rosetti  to  Card.  Barberini  referring 
'to  the  poverty  of  the  royal  family  at  that  time.  He  writes,  "  ed  essi  re  e  regina  erano  ridotti  ad  un  segno 
d'infilicita  tale  che  non  havtvano  da  mangiare  la  mattina  sequenti  se  non  impeguavano  le  gioie." 

"  Tavernier,  J.  B.,  Voyage  en  Turquie.     3  vols.  4to.     Paris,  1672-1679.  - 


The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I.  397 

dating  and  the  engraved  diamond  ring  to  the  King,  "pour  ce  qui  est  du  diamant 
grave  le  Nazar  me  la  raporta  et  me  dit  que  le  Hoy  s'etoit  informe  de  ce  qui  etoit 
grave  dessus.  Je  me  contentay  de  luy  apprendre  que  c'estoient  lea  armes  d'un 
Prince  d' Eur ope  sans  vouloir  rien  aj outer  davantage,  et  me  souvenant  de  ce  qui 
etoit  arrive  au  Chevalier  de  Reville  dont  fai  fait  Vhistoire  au  sujet  du  feu  Hoy 
d'Angleterre,  dont  les  armes  estoient gravees  sur  ce  diamant" 

This  "feu  Hoy  d'Angleterre  "  in  1664  could  have  been  none  other  than  the 
unfortunate  Charles  I.  whose  unhappy  widowed  queen  was  then  still  living  in 
exile  at  St.  Germains  or  Colombo;  and  I  am  not  aware  of  any  record  of  a 
similar  diamond  signet  having  belonged  to  King  Charles."  It  is  therefore  reason- 
able  to  infer  that  the  engraved  diamond  in  Tavernier's  possession  was,  in  all 
probability,  that  engraved  by  Charles's  order  for  his  Queen. 

Nor  is  it  unreasonable  to  surmise  that  on  Tavernier's  return  from  Persia  his 
engraved  diamond  may  have  been  acquired  by  the  King  of  France,  and  that  it 
may  be  the  same  signet  as  that  referred  to  but  inaccurately  figured  by  Astle. 
The  inaccuracies  in  minor  details  may  have  arisen  from  inattention  of  the 
draughtsman  or  of  the  copper-plate  engraver,  working,  in  all  likelihood,  from  an 
impression  or  only  from  a  sketch  of  the  original :  hence  the  absence  of  the  cross- 
bar to  the  M,  which  had  also  been  overlooked  by  others.  The  elaboration  of  the 
Scottish  lion's  tail ;  the  foliated  head  of  the  harp,  and  other  enrichments,  are 
manifest  additions  by  the  artist,  who  engraved  the  bearings  on  a  scale  nearly  five 
times  larger  than  the  lozenge  form  of  the  original,  which  is  given  alongside.  It 
would  have  been  impossible  to  execute  in  intaglio  upon  so  small  a  surface  of  the 
gem-stone  such  detailed  ornamentation  and  finish  of  the  bearings  as  we  see  upon 
Astle's  engraved  plate. 

a  Walpole,  Anecdotes  of  Painting  in  England,  ed.  1762,  ii.  CG,  ed.  1849,  i.  285,  states  in  reference  to 
Charles  I.'s  jewels:  "  His  George,  diamond  and  seals,  which  Charles  at  his  execution  destined  to  his 
successor,  the  Parliament  voted  should  not  be  so  delivered." 

Can  this  relate  to  Charles's  diamond  signet  when  Prince  of  Wales,  now  in  the  royal  collection  at 
Windsor,  or  to  another  diamond  signet,  or  merely  an  ornamental  stone  ? 

I  find  the  following  memorandum,  but  the  reference  has  been  unfortunately  lost  from  my  notes. 
Either  the  attribution  or  the  date  1661  must  be  erroneous  : 

"Mem:  The  impression  of  a  signet  of  King  Charles  I.  (or  Charles  II.?)  of  somewhat  coarse  work- 
manship but  evidently  cut  on  a  hard  stone,  occurs  upon  a  letter  addressed  by  him  to  Cardinal  Azzolini  on 
the  7th  October,  1661.  It  is  similar  in  general  style,  the  royal  arms  surmounted  by  the  crown  and  between 
the  letters  C  and  R,  but  whether  cut  upon  a  diamond  we  do  not  know,  nor  have  I  been  able  to  examine 
the  impression." 

N.B. — For  a  record  (discovered  since  the  above  was  in  type)  of  a  similar  diamond  signet  having 
belonged  to  Charles  I.,  see  Postscript. 


398  The  Diamond  Signet,  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

Whichever  may  have  been  the  signet  in  the  French  King's  possession  it  would 
doubtless  have  been  cast  abroad  at  the  period  of  the  Great  Revolution .  No  such 
ring  or  seal  is  now  to  be  found  entered  in  the  catalogue  of  the  collection  at  the 
Bibliotheque,  nor  is  it  at  the  Louvre. 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  such  a  stone  until  the  vitreous  paste  seals  are  sold 
at  Holyrood  as  copies  from  a  signet  attributed  (but  wrongly,  as  we  have  shown) 
to  Mary  of  Scotland,  which  original  is  stated  to  be  "  from  the  collection  of  the 
late  Earl  of  Buchan."  That  such  a  relic  should  have  come  into  the  hands  of 
such  staunch  adherents  to  the  Stuart  cause  as  were  the  members  of  the  Erskine 
family  is  not  surprising,  and  might  be  equally  probable  whether  it  had  been 
retained  by  the  Queen  in  her  exile  or  had  been  conveyed  by  Dr.  Juxon  to  James 
Duke  of  York,  or  had  passed  through  the  hands  of  Tavemier  the  travelling 
diamond  merchant,  or  subsequently  had  belonged  to  the  royal  family  of 
France. 

In  the  Ashmolean  Museum  at  Oxford  is  a  shrunken  impression  in  red  wax, 
evidently  taken  from  a  cast  of  the  diamond ;  this  impression  is  entered  in  the 
printed  catalogue  of  1826 — three  years  before  the  old  Earl  of  Buchan's  death — 
and  its  accompanying  label  states  that  it  is  an  "  Impression  from  the  diamond 
signet-ring  worn  by  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,"  &c.,  &c. 

There  is  no  record  whence  this  impression  came,  but  it  and  its  label  are 
evidence  that  it  was  taken  from  the  diamond  in  or  before  1826,  agreeing  with  the 
glass  copies  of  the  Earl  of  Buchan's  signet  sold  at  Holyrood  as  far  back  as  1843, 
when  and  where  the  original,  described  as  "  The  signet-ring  of  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots,  from  the  collection  of  the  late  Earl  of  Buchan,"  was  exhibited.  It  will  be 
borne  in  mind  that  the  record  for  payment  was  not  made  public  by  Mr.  Carpenter 
till  1844. 

The  Earl  to  whom  this  stone  belonged  was  David  Stewart,  eleventh  Earl  of 
Buchan  (sixth  Earl  of  the  Erskine  family),  who  was  born  in  1742,  and,  retiring 
from  public  life,  lived  latterly,  devoting  himself  to  literary  and  scientific  pursuits, 
for  many  years  at  Dryburgh  Abbey,  with  Sir  David  and  Lady  Erskine ;  he  was  a 
Fellow  of  the  Royal  and  of  our  Society,  and  he  died  at  the  age  of  eighty-seven  in 
1829."  By  the  courtesy  of  the  Dowager  Countess  of  Buchan  (widow  of  his 
nephew  and  successor)  I  am  informed  that  "  the  eccentric  Earl  David,"  to  quote 
her  words,  possessed  several  objects  of  great  interest  and  value  which  were  lost 
sight  of  after  his  death.  She  further  informed  me  that  Cardinal  Wiseman  once 

a  See  a  biographical  notice  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  obituary,  vol.  xcix.  pt.  2,  p.  75. 


The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  JIaria,  Queen  of  Chades  J.  399 

had  a  supposed  "signet  of  Queen  Mary  of  Scotland,"  but  "how  he  got  it  could 
never  be  ascertained,  nor  do  I  know  where  it  went  to  on  his  decease." 

This,  although  but  hearsay,  would  seem  to  partially  corroborate  a  statement 
made  in  a  footnote  to  Mr.  Syer  Cuming's  paper,  viz.  that  he  had  been  informed 
by  Mr.  Vere  Irving  that  the  original  signet  was  in  the  possession  of  Dr.,  after- 
wards Cardinal,  Wiseman,  "  who  purchased  it  at  the  recent  sale  of  the  effects 
of  the  Earl  of  Buchan."  When  and  where  this  sale  took  place  I  have  not  been 
able  to  ascertain,  nor  is  the  diamond  mentioned  in  the  Earl  David's  will.  It 
is  stated  in  Mr.  Cuming's  communication  to  have  once  belonged  to  a  Mr. 
Fielder. 

I  have  been  since  informed  that  the  signet-ring  which  was  in  Cardinal  Wise- 
man's possession  was  given  to  his  late  Eminence  by  the  Misses  Nutt,  who  unfor- 
tunately had  the  stone  smartly  reset  in  a  modern  ring.  This  was  believed  to  be 
the  one  which  had  been  in  the  collection  of  the  Earl  of  Buchan,  but  the  stone 
was,  apparently,  a  ruby  not  a  diamond,  and  could  not  therefore  have  been  the 
stone  under  consideration.  It  is  now  in  the  possession  of  his  Eminence  Cardinal 
Manning. 

Feeling  assured  that  so  interesting  a  relic  could  hardly  have  been  lost,  I  had 
been  for  some  years  anxious  to  trace  its  whereabouts ;  and  on  the  death  of  the 
late  Duke  of  Brunswick  it  occurred  to  me  as  probable  that  such  a  stone  might 
have  found  its  way  into  that  Duke's  collection.  On  procuring  a  catalogue  of  the 
jewels  sold  at  public  auction  by  order  of  the  "  Conseil  Administratif  de  la  Ville  de 
Geneve  "  I  could  find  no  such  entry ;  but  on  putting  myself  in  communication 
with  the  then  vice-president  of  that  body,  M.  Turrettini,  I  learnt  to  my  great 
joy  that  a  diamond  engraved  with  the  royal  arms  of  England,  and  supposed  to  be 
the  signet  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  as  also  a  sapphire  ring  with  nearly  similar 
intaglio,  were  among  the  objects  reserved  from  the  Duke's  collection.  I  was 
further  enabled,  through  his  courtesy  and  that  of  MM.  Rossel,  the  experts 
charged  with  the  sale,  to  examine  it  minutely  in  juxtaposition  with  one  of  the 
glass  copies  of  the  Earl  of  Buchan's  signet,  and  with  the  following  result.  The 
size  of  the  engraving  on  the  diamond  is  in  all  respects  larger,  by  a  minute  degree, 
than  the  vitreous  paste,  precisely  as  might  be  expected  from  the  shrinking  of  the 
mould ;  every  minute  detail  and  touch  of  the  graving  tool  is  exactly  represented 
on  the  glass  copy ;  in  short,  that  the  glass  was  cast  in  a  mould  formed  upon 
the  diamond  of  the  Brunswick  collection  there  could  not  be  the  slightest  doubt. 

Convinced  ;that  I  had  found  the  long-lost  diamond  of  the  record,  I  next 
ascertained  that  its  acquisition  was  possible.  After  a  wearisome  correspondence, 


400  The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

broken  off  for  a  year  or  two  and  resumed,  having  satisfied  the  authorities  of 
Geneva  that  it  was  not  Queen  Mary's,  but  not  having  informed  them  as  to  whom 
this  costly  signet  had  belonged,  I  succeeded  in  negociating  for  its  purchase."  I 
was  unable  to  ascertain  from  those  who  had  been  in  the  Duke'  service,  or  were 
intimately  associated  with  him,  at  what  time  or  from  whence  he  had  made  the 
acquisition  of  this  stone,  but  I  have  since  been  informed  that  it  was  purchased 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  years  since,  at  a  sale  of  jewels  in  Messrs.  Christie  and 
Manson's  rooms  by  one  Van  Prague,  an  agent,  who  disposed  of  it  to  Mr.  L.  M. 
Rothschild,  a  diamond  merchant ;  by  him  it  was  transmitted  to  his  correspondent 
at  Paris,  Mr.  Leverson,  also  a  diamond  merchant,  by  whom  it  was  sold  to  the 
Duke  of  Brunswick. 

The  mounting,  as  a  ring,  is  modern,  made,  it  is  supposed, 
by  the  Duke's  orders,  who  purchased  the  stone  unset.  It  is  in 
poor  taste  and  not  of  choice  workmanship,  having  the  letters 
M  R,  the  crown,  the  thistle,  and  the  fleur-de-lis  in  enamelled 
relief,  designed  doubtless  under  the  idea  that  it  was  Queen 
Mary's  signet.  The  diamond  is  tabular,  of  considerable  size, 
as  may  be  seen  by  the  accompanying  figure ;  its  face  is  a 
slightly  irregular  square,  which  from  the  arrangement  of  the 
intaglio  becomes  a  nearly  equilateral  lozenge ; b  although  not 
of  the  finest  water,  it  is  a  stone  of  good  lustre  and  colour.  The 
intaglio  is  worked  with  careful  accuracy  rather  than  with  any 
attempt  at  artistic  effect,  which  in  fact  would  have  hardly  been 
possible ;  it  must  have  been  a  work  of  patient  labour.  The 
shield  is  entirely  sunk  and  flat,  its  bearings  being  thereon  incised  in  still 
deeper  intaglio ;  it  is  of  simple  form,  charged  with  the  royal  bearings  of  the 


SEAT.  OF 
HENUIETTA  MARIA. 

Outline  actual  size. 


a  The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  letter  received  from  MM.  Eossel  et  fils : 

"  Nous  declarons  avoir  vendu  a  Monsieur  C.  Drury  Fortnum  une  bague  un  diamant  grave  aux  armes 
royales  d'Angleterre  avec  corps  emaille  et  certifions  que  cette  dite  bague  faisait  partie  de  la  collection 
Icguee  a  la  "Ville  de  Geneve  par  feu  S.  A.  R.  le  Due  de  Brunswick. 

"  Geneve,  le  6  Janvier,  1879.  "  (Signed)         ROSSEL  ET  FILS. 

"  Experts  nommes  par  la  Ville  de  Geneve  et  charges  de  la  vente  aux 
encheres  publiques  des  diamants,  bijoux,  joyaux,  &c.  dependant  de  la 
succession  de  S.  A.  R.  le  feu  Due  de  Brunswick." 

J  The  true  and  heraldic  lozenge  is  somewhat  longer  in  its  perpendicular  than  in  its  horizontal 
diameter,  measuring  from  the  angles ;  when  much  elongated  it  becomes  a  "  fusil " :  but  the  square  so 
transposed  becomes  a  lozenge  in  the  general  acceptance  of  that  term,  although  it  remains  rectangular. 


The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta,  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I.  401 

Stuart  dynasty,  viz. :  Quarterly,  1  and  4,  England  (counter-quarterly,  France 
and  England) ;  2,  Ireland ;  3,  Scotland.  On  the  dexter  side  of  the  shield 
is  the  monogram  of  the  two  letters  H  and  M,  on  the  sinister 
the  letter  R.  An  open  crown,  that  of  the  Queen,  surmounts 
the  shield ;  its  form  differs  materially  from  the  King's  close 
or  cushioned  crown,  as  represented  upon  the  steel  and  gold 
signet-ring  in  the  private  collection  at  Windsor  Castle a  (see 
ngure ) . 

It  is  perhaps  curious  that  the  stone  should  have  been 
detached  from  its  original  setting  in  a  ring — if  it  ever  had  such  a  setting 
— hut  this  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  troublous  times  and  hard  circum- 
stances which  the  members  of  the  Stuart  family  and  their  adherents  had  to 
endure,  and  which  might  have  rendered  such  a  step  advisable  for  facility 
of  concealment,  or  for  transmission  for  sale.  That  it  had  been  so  disposed 
of  and  replaced  by  a  copy  on  a  less  costly  stone  might  seem  from  the 
fact  that  in  Mr.  Pranks'  collection  is  a  ring  the  stone  of  which,  a  white 
topaz,  is  engraved  with  a  similar  intaglio,  evidently  intended  to  be  copied 
from  the  diamond,  but  differing  in  various  details.  Thus  the  shield  is 
more  concave  in  the  intaglio,  not  flat  as  is  that  upon  the  diamond ;  it  is 
somewhat  smaller  and  its  sides  more  rounded ;  the  crown  differs  materially  in 
detail,  but  the  M  has  the  crossbar  to  indicate  the  H.  The  cutting  on  the  stone 
is  seemingly  in  its  general  character  more  recent  than  that  of  the  diamond ;  it  is 
in  a  simple  setting  of  gold  evidently  made  for  it,  but  which  would  hardly  be  of 
earlier  date  than  the  last  century.  When  and  wherefore  this  incised  copy — which 
might  have  been  executed  from  an  impression  of  the  diamond — was  made,  we 
cannot  say.  Other  stones  and  pastes  are  known  on  which  a  nearly-resembling 
shield  and  crown  are  incised  between  the  letters  M — without  the  crossbar — and  B, 
to  the  consideration  of  some  of  which  I  propose  presently  to  recur. 

It  would  have  been  satisfactory  had  I  been  able  to  discover  among  the  letters 
of  the  unfortunate  Henrietta  Maria  one  or  more  on  which  was  the  impress  of  this 
diamond  signet ;  but  hitherto  I  have  not  been  so  fortunate.  Not  many  of  such 
letters  have  the  seals  attached,  and,  indeed,  it  becomes  a  question  whether  the 
Queen  would  have  been  allowed,  surrounded  as  she  was  by  jealousies  on  every 
side,  and  not  being  queen  by  right,  frequently  to  use  a  signet  on  which  the  royal 
arms  of  England  only  are  engraved,  without  impalement  of  her  own.  This  some- 

"  Archaeologia,  XLV.  26. 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  H 


402  The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

what  singular  omission  is,  however,  in  strict  accordance  with  the  record  for 
Walwyn's  payment,  in  which  "  or  armes  in  a  dyamond  with  the  tres  of  the  name 
of  or  deerest  consort  the  queene  "  are  the  words  distinctly  descriptive  of  the  stone 
hefore  us,  but  without  allusion  to  an  impalement  of  the  Queen's  coat.a  The 
Queen  would  hardly  venture,  or  be  advised,  to  use  such  a  signet  except  merely  on 
some  few  of  her  most  private  correspondence  during  the  earlier  years  of  her 
unhappy  reign.  It  probably  was  used  as  an  ornament  only,  which  was  graced 
while  adorning  that  high-born  lady's  hand.  After  her  flight  to  France  and  the 
execution  of  her  royal  husband,  she  would  hardly  have  sealed  with  other  signets 
than  those  bearing  the  impalement  of  her  paternal  arms  of  Prance,  as  offence 
might  easily  have  been  given  to  those  whose  protection  she  sought,  had  she  sealed 
with  the  arms  of  England  alone. 

The  following  seals  occur  on  letters  written  or  signed  by  that  Queen.  Among 
the  many  preserved  in  the  Barberini  Library  at  Rome  I  noted  two  of  1625, 
probably  anterior  to  her  marriage,  which  are  sealed  with  the  arms  of  Trance, 
three  fleurs-de-lis  in  a  lozenge  surmounted  by  an  open  crown.  Another,  without 
date,  is  sealed  with  two  intertwined  C's,  crowned,  in  an  oval.  Another  seal  has  a 
monogram  of  the  three  letters,  H,  M,  A,  combined,  in  a  shield  with  open  crown 
above.  But  the  greater  number  bear  one  or  other  of  the  two  seals  generally 
found  upon  her  letters,  viz.,  a  smaller  and  a  larger  one  having  a  shield  bearing 
the  arms  of  England  in  dexter  impalement  with  those  of  France,  surmounted  by 
the  Queen's  crown,  but  no  initials.  By  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Coxe,  the  librarian, 
I  learn  that  these  are  the  seals  generally  found  on  her  letters  preserved  in  the 
Bodleian,  with  this  variation, — those  used  before  the  death  of  Charles  are  sur- 
rounded by  a  wreath  or  garland;  after  his  death  the  wreath  is  replaced  by  a 
twisted  cord.  Laing,  p.  19,  No.  76,  gives  one  of  these  as  being  surrounded  by 
love  knots,  on  a  letter  in  the  Seaford  collection. 

Among  the  impressions  of  seals  preserved  in  our  library  we  have  the  larger 
one  with  wreath  border,  of  1649,  and  one  of  equal  size  with  the  knotted  cord 
springing  from  the  crown ;  also  a  smaller  one  on  which  the  arms  of  France 
are  impaled  with  a  shield  seme'e  with  pellets,  perhaps  Medici,  and  having  at  the 
sides  a  monogram  of  the  letters  H  and  M  and  the  letter  R.  This,  however,  can- 
not have  been  Henrietta  Maria,  but  may  with  greater  probability  be  a  seal  of 
Marie  de  Medici. 

a  Another  reason  for  this  omission  may  have  been  the  difficulty  of  executing  so  many  bearings  as  the 
impaled  coats  required,  on  so  small  a  space  and  so  hard  a  material. 


The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I.  403 

On  the  Queen's  great  seal,  of  which  impressions  are  in  the  British  Museum,  her 
Majesty  is  represented  in  regal  costume,  seated  beneath  a  canopy,  holding  the 
sceptre  in  her  right  and  the  orb  in  her  left  hand ;  on  her  right  is  a  shield  of  the 
arms  of  England,  on  her  left  those  of  Erance,  each  surmounted  by  a  crown.  The 
reverse  bears  her  arms  in  a  lozenge :  Per  pale,  England  and  Erance  impaling 
Navarre,  the  supporters  being  a  lion  on  the  dexter,  and  an  angel,  whose  drapery 
is  seme'e  with  fleurs-de-lis,  on  the  sinister  side. 

This  was  doubtless  the  work  of  Nicholas  Briott,  the  King's  graver,  who  was 
ordered  by  warrant  of  6th  September,  1626  (Records  :  State  Papers,  Domestic, 
Ch.  I.  p.  573),  to  execute  the  King's  Great  Seal  in  silver. 

Although  so  able  as  a  medallist  and  worker  in  metal,  it  would  seem,  however, 
that  Briott  was  not  a  gem-engraver,  as  Erancis  Walwyn  was  employed  to  cut 
the  diamond  signet  for  the  Queen. 

In  the  private  collection  of  gems  and  jewels  at  "Windsor  Castle a 
is  the  diamond  signet-ring  used  by  Charles  I.  when  Prince  of  Wales, 
No.  141 b  (see  figure).  Walwyn's  skill  in  engraving  upon  the 
diamond  must  have  been  established  and  well  known,  or  he  would 
hardly  have  been  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  Queen  Henrietta  Maria's 
signet.  It  seems  to  me  therefore  reasonable  to  infer  that  he  had  previously 
worked  for  the  court,  and  that  Prince  Charles's  signet  is  also  a  specimen  of 
his  handicraft.  In  both  cases  the  intaglio  is  executed  with  neatness  and 
precision,  rather  than  with  any  show  of  artistic  power;  but  it  is  interesting 
to  know  that  among  the  gem-engravers  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  who  have  acquired  renown  by  their  skilful  work  in  intaglio  upon 
so  intractable  a  material,  at  least  one  Englishman  can  be  named  whose  work 
is  known  to  us.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  fashion  in  those  days  among  persons  of 
high  rank,  and  wealth  sufficient  to  expend  in  such  costly  baubles,  to  use  the 
diamond  as  a  stone  for  engraving  with  their  monograms  or  armorial  insignia. 
This  probably  commenced  in  Italy,  where  Jacopo  da  Trezzo  or  Clemente  Birago 
are  said,  one  or  other,  to  have  devised  means  of  working  in  intaglio  upon  this 
hard  but  easily  splintered  substance.  Philip  II.  had  such  an  armorial  signet, 
the  work  of  Treccia  or  Trezzo,  Mary  I.  of  England  one  by  Jacobus  Thronus. 

a  I  would  here  wish  to  correct  a  typographical  error  in  my  paper  at  p.  25  of  vol.  XLV.  of 
Archaeologia,  where,  under  No.  98,  "  The  seal  of  King  Charles  I.  when  Prince  of  Wales,"  the  letters  C  E 
seem  to  have  been  printed  in  error  for  C  P.  Also  on  the  next  page,  line  20,  the  word  "  sculptors  "  is  printed 
in  lieu  of  '•  scalptors." 

b  Vide  Archaeologia,  XLV.  26. 

3  H  2 


404  TJie  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

Birago  cut  a  portrait  of  Don  Carlos  and  the  Spanish  arms  upon  a  diamond.  The 
signet  with  crowned  monogram  of  Mary  of  Modena,  Queen  of  James  II.,  is  another 
instance  (see  figure).  This  is  referred  to  by  Miss  Strickland  as  "  her  royal 
cypher  M  R  interlaced";"  but  she  does  not  notice  that  the  letter  J 
also  is  united  to  the  M  in  the  monogram.  This  may  possibly  have  been 
the  espousal  ring  of  Mary  of  Modena,  which  was  set  with  a  diamond. 

"One  little  diamond  seal"  is  mentioned  among  the  objects  belonging 
to  King  James  II.  at  his  death,  which  was  "in  the  present  King's  possession," 
i.  e.,  his  son  "  James  III."  the  Pretender,  when  the  Inventory  was  made." 

Few,  however,  of  such  engraved  diamonds  are  known  in  collections.  Some  are, 
I  believe,  preserved  in  the  Imperial  Cabinet  at  St.  Petersburg. 

In  the  Uffizi  at  Florence  there  are  five,  four  of  which  are  signets,  viz.  a 
large  stone  engraved  with  the  crowned  arms  of  Portugal ;  a  small  oblong  square 
stone  with  a  monogram  of  M  and  C  and  coronet  above,  that  of  Catherine  de 
Medici ;  another  with  the  Medici  shield  crowned ;  and  a  small  one  with  shield 
of  arms  and  coronet.  But  the  only  one  of  real  artistic  merit  is  a  large  stone  of 
indifferent  colour  and  lustre  on  which  the  head  of  Socrates  is  deeply  and  effect- 
ively  incised. 

The  eminent  jewellers,  Messrs.  Hunt  and  Roskell,  had  a  diamond  on  which  a 
head  in  profile  is  cut  in  intaglio,  evidently  intended  for  a  portrait.  Can  this  be 
the  portrait  of  Don  Carlos  by  Birago  ? 

I  have  alluded  to  other  ring-stones  on  which  the  royal  arms  of  England, 
without  impalement,  are  engraved  between  the  letters  M  (without  cross-bar) 
and  R.  Of  such  no  less  than  five  or  six  are  known,  all  of  which  probably, 
as  Mr.  Perceval  notes,  "  have  done  duty  for  Mary  Queen  of  Scots."  Impressions 
of  three  of  these  are  in  our  Society's  library,  and  are  labelled : 

1.  "Belonged  to  Col.  Maclean." 

2.  ''•  Original  in  possession  of  the  Rev.  J.  C.  Edwards,  of  Trentham." 

3.  "  Electro  of  an  impression  of  a  ring  said  to  be  in  possession  of  a  pawnbroker 
of  Carnaby  Market." 

All  these  are  of  lozenge  form,  sharp  at  the  angles. 

That  in  the  possession  of  Cardinal  Manning,  if  not  identical  with  one  of  these, 
may  be  a  lourth. 

a  Lives  of  the  Queens  of  England,  1846,  vol.  ix.  p.  297.  The  Society  of  Antiquaries  begs  to  thank 
Messrs.  George  Bell  and  Sons,  the  present  proprietors  of  that  work,  for  their  courtesy  in  supplying  the 
figure  of  Mary  of  Modena's  seal.  H.  S.  M. 

b  Archaeologia,  xvni.  236. 


The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I.  405 

A  fifth  is  the  so-called  sapphire  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick's  collection,  which 
was  to  be  ceded  by  the  Municipality  of  Geneva  to  the  family  of  the  Duke, 
together  with  the  onyx  vase,  portrait  miniatures,  &c.  This  is  also  of  lozenge  form, 
with  the  angles  taken  off,  and  is  larger  than  any  of  the  others.  I  have  been  assured 
by  two  diamond  merchants  that  it  is  not  a  real  stone  but  coloured  glass  only. 

By  the  same  parties  I  have  been  informed  that  the  Duke  had,  what  he  believed 
to  be,  Queen  Mary  of  Scots'  signet-ring,  but  that  the  original  stone  was  replaced 
by  a  copy;  that  on  his  purchasing  the  engraved  diamond  he  had  the  copy  (maybe 
one  of  these  so-called  sapphires)  taken  out  and  the  diamond  inserted  in  its 
place,  believing  that  the  gold  work  of  the  ring  was  genuine.  It  is  quite  possible 
that  the  modern  setting  in  which  we  now  see  the  diamond,  and  which,  by  its 
ornamentation,  has  evidently  been  made  to  pass  for  Queen  Mary  of  Scots'  ring, 
is  a  forgery  in  which  perhaps  the  so-called  sapphire  was  set,  and  which  had  been 
palmed  upon  the  Duke  by  some  nefarious  dealer ;  that  he,  still  believing  the 
setting  to  be  genuine,  had,  on  his  purchase  of  the  engraved  diamond  from  another 
quarter,  caused  the  blue  glass  to  be  taken  out  and  the  diamond  inserted  in  its 
place,  they  being  of  approximate  size.  This  would  account  for  the  recent  tooling 
now  seen  upon  the  bezil. 

I  think  it  more  than  probable  that  some,  at  least,  of  those  seal-ring  stones, 
impressions  of  which  are  in  our  library,  are  also  forgeries  which  have  been  got  up 
for  sale  as  the  hapless  Queen  Mary's  signet. 

There  is  yet  another,  the  sixth  of  our  list,  which  deserves  more  consideration. 
It  is  a  ring  belonging  to  Miss  Hartshorne,  a  notice  of  which  occurs  in  the 
eighteenth  volume  of  the  Journal  of  the  British  Archaeological  Association,  at 
p.  277,  26  February,  1862.  It  is  of  gold,  enamelled,  and  set  with  a  sapphire  of 
inferior  colour  and  of  oval  form,  thus  differing  from  all  the  others,  as  it  does  also 
in  the  form  of  the  crown  and  other  details.  The  shield  has  the  same  bearings, 
and  is  between  the  letters  M  without  cross-bar  (the  "faint  trace  of  a  transverse 
stroke  "  being  purely  accidental)  and  R.  On  each  shoulder  of  the  hoop  is  a  "  rose 
brilliant,"  or,  according  to  Mr.  Soden  Smith,  the  rose  of  England  in  coloured 
enamel.  This  ring  was  also  exhibited  at  the  Loan  Exhibition  of  Ancient,  &c. 
Jewellery,  held  at  the  South  Kensington  Museum  in,  1872  (No.  936,  catalogue), 
and  described  by  its  owner  "  the  signet-ring  of  Henrietta  Maria,"  believed  to  be 
the  council  seal  for  the  Queen's  Majesty,  "  made  by  warrant  of  6th  September, 
1626." 

But  on  reference  to  the  Records  (see  p.  403)  I  find  that  the  warrant  dated 
6th  September,  1626,  is  "to  give  order  unto  His  Majesty's  graver"  (Nicholas 


406  The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

Briott)  "  for  ye  making  of  a  great  seald  of  silver  and  a  privj  seald  and  signett  of 
gould  and  a  councell  seald  of  silver  for  ye  Queen's  Matie  according  to  such  patterns 
as  shall  be  sent  unto  them,"  &c.  There  is  nothing  of  an  engraved  sapphire 

signet-ring. 

Miss  Hartshorne,  in  her  interesting  volume  entitled  Enshrined  Hearts,  at 
page  328,  states  that  mistakes  having  arisen  in  the  use  of  her  name,  Henriette, 
the  King  commanded  that  she  should  be  called  "  Queen  Mary,"  and  that  at  her 
marriage  she  wore  "  a  magnificent  signet  ring,  a  sapphire  engraved  with  the  royal 
arms  and  the  letters  M  R,"  referring  to  this  ring  which  was  then  in  the 
possession  of  the  Bishop  of  Ely.  Miss  Hartshorne  gives  no  authority  for  these 
statements,  nor  do  her  references  and  inferences  in  respect  to  this  ring  seem 
quite  convincing.  Moreover,  it  is  hardly  probable  that  the  Queen  elect  would 
have  dropped  the  initial  of  her  first  name,  Henriette,  in  anticipation  of  its  being 
misunderstood  by  the  English. 

Whichever  may  be  genuine— as  I  believe  Miss  Hartshorne's  to  be — of  these 

M  R  signets,  we  may  feel  assured  that  they  were  not  made  for  Mary  I.  for 

Mary  of  Scotland,  nor  for  Henrietta  Maria.     It  has  been  suggested  that  Mary  of 

Modena,  the  Queen  of  James  II.  may  have  been  the  owner,  but  she  could  not 

have  used  the  arms  of  England,  pur  et  simple,  while  Duchess  of  York,  nor  for 

twelve  years  after  her  marriage ;  and  it  is  hardly  likely,  surrounded  by  jealous 

enemies  as  she  was  on  coming  to  the  throne,  that  she  would  have  repeated  the 

heraldic  omission  that  we  see  on  Henrietta  Maria's  diamond,  and  exposed  herself 

to  unnecessary  blame.     On  her  private  correspondence  she  frequently  used  her 

diamond  monogrammatic  signet,  another  nearly  similar,  of   which  we  have  an 

impression  in  the  Society's  library ;   and  for  more  public  use,  that  with  the  arms 

of  England  in  dexter  impalement  with  those  of  Este  and  Eerrara.     I  believe  that 

we  shall  be  nearer  the  truth  in  ascribing  these  signets  (when  genuine)  as  for  the 

use  of  Mary  II.  the  Queen  of  William,  who  alone  of  these  Queens  could  correctly 

use  the  royal  armorial.     Such  a  signet  might  well  be  needed  when  her  husband, 

absent  at  the  wars,  had  left  the  throne — her's  by  right  of  birth — entirely  to  her 

keeping.     Such  might  have  been  Miss  Hartshorne's  ring,  and  by  comparison  we 

find  that  the  form  of  the  crown  on  it  differs  materially  from  that  on  Henrietta 

Maria's  diamond,  agreeing  rather  with  what  we  see  on  seals  which  closed  some  of 

Mary  II. 's  letters.     Such  of  those  letters  as  are  preserved  in  the  Record  Office 

are  sealed,  some  with  a  profile  head,  others  with  a  somewhat  loosely-contrived 

monogram  of  W  and  M,  the  letter  R  being  on  each  outer  limb  of  the  W,  with 

a  crown  above  supported  by  two  cupids ;  or  a  smaller  monogram  composed  by  a 


The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I.          407 

letter  M,  each  outer  limb  of  which  is  formed  into  an  II ;  a  cornucopia,  whence 
emerges  a  cupid,  being  on  either  side,  and  a  crown  surmounting. 

I  regret  that  I  have  been  prevented  from  continuing  a  search  among  the 
letters  of  those  royal  ladies  for  impressions  of  the  engraved  diamond  used  by 
Henrietta  Maria,  and  also  of  the  sapphire  armorial  signet  (of  which  she  may 
possibly  have  had  more  than  one),  which  I  believe  was  engraved  for  the  use  of 
Queen  Mary  II.  consort  of  William  III.  Such  impressions  may  exist,  and  it  is 
hoped  that  the  present  notice  may  direct  the  attention  of  those  who  can  more 
conveniently  refer  to  letters  preserved  in  public  and  private  libraries,  with  the 
view  to  discovering  seals  impressed  by  these  signets. 

POSTSCRIPT. 
KING  CHARLES'S  DIAMOND  SIGNET. 

Since  the  foregoing  was  set  up  in  type,  the  following  interesting  information 
has  been  kindly  afforded  me  by  our  Director,  Mr.  H.  S.  Milman.  On  reference 
to  page  5,  and  the  footnote  there,  it  will  be  inferred  that  some  suspicion  existed 
in  my  mind  of  a  diamond  signet  having  been  used  by  the  King,  but  of  which  I 
knew  no  record.  In  fact  there  is  evidence  pointing  to  two  diamonds  engraved 
with  the  arms  of  King  Charles  I.  for  use  as  signets,  the  King's  and  the  Queen's, 
each  bearing  also  the  appropriate  initials. 

Our  Director  informs  me  that  the  earliest  notice  of  the  King's  diamond  signet 
is  to  be  found  in  Wood's  Athena  Oxonicnses,  under  the  life  of  Thomas  Herbert, 
the  devoted  attendant  of  the  King,  who  was  created  a  baronet  at  the  Restoration. 
Wood  states  that  he  received  from  Sir  Thomas  an  account  of  the  King's  last  days, 
and  relates,  from  this  account,  that  the  King  came  to  Windsor  just  before  Christ- 
mas day,  1648,  and  that  while  he  was  at  Windsor  the  following  incident  occurred  : 

"  One  night,  as  the  King  was  preparing  to  go  to  bed,  he  wound  up  both  his 
"  watches  as  his  custom  was,  one  being  gold  the  other  silver,  and  missing  his 
"  Diamond  Seal,  a  Table  that  had  the  King's  Arms  cut  with  great  curiosity,  and 
"  fix'd  to  the  Gold  Watch  by  a  Gold  Chain,  he  could  not  imagine  when  or  where 
"  he  dropt  it,  yet  thought  that  he  had  it  the  day  before  when  he  looked  upon  his 
"  watch  as  he  walked  upon  the  long  Tarras.  At  length,  after  Mr.  Herbert  had 
"  made  great  search  for  it  in  the  walks  that  his  Majesty  frequented,  but  in  vain, 
"  his  Majesty  the  next  night  described  it  sparkling  at  one  end  of  his  chamber  by 
"  the  help  of  the  charcole  fire  and  the  wax  lights  then  burning  in  the  said 
"  chamber." 


408  The  Diamond  Signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of  Charles  I. 

Wood  further  states  on  the  same  authority  that  at  Whitehall,  on  the  29th 
of  January,  1648-9,  the  King  gave  to  his  children,  the  Princess  Elizabeth  and 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  "all  his  jewels  save  the  George  he  wore." 

We  thus  trace  the  King's  diamond  signet  as  probably  in  the  possession  of  his 
children  upon  the  date  last  mentioned. 

The  impression  upon  the  letter  to  Cardinal  Azzolini  must  have  been  from 
this  signet. 

We  seem  to  meet  either  with  this  same  signet,  or  with  that  of  the  Queen,  set 
in  a  ring,  in  the  hands  of  Tavernier  in  1664. 

Finally,  we  find  a  statement  in  Mr.  Palmer's  MS.  Life  of  Dr.  Baldwin 
Hamey,  jun.,  preserved  in  the  Library  of  the  College  of  Physicians,  that  on  the 
Restoration,  Dr.  Hamey  presented  to  the  King  a  valuable  relic  of  Charles  I.,  a 
diamond  ring,  on  which  were  curiously  cut  the  arms  of  England,  Scotland, 
France,  and  Ireland,  and  which  had  cost  the  Doctor  £500.  (Dr.  Munk's  Roll  of 
the  College  of  Physicians,  "Baldwin  Hamey,  Jun.,  M.D.") 

Seeing  that  the  King's  diamond  signet  was  set  in  a  handle,  was  worn  attached 
by  a  gold  chain  to  his  gold  watch,  and  was  retained  by  him  until  his  death,  we 
may  reasonably  presume  the  same  facts  of  the  Queen's  diamond  signet.  The 
Queen  lived  until  1669.  The  minute  account  of  her  latter  days  given  by  Miss 
Strickland  throws  no  light  on  the  fate  of  her  diamond  signet. 

The  "  one  little  diamond  seal "  belonging  to  King  James  II.  at  his  death  may 
have  been  either  his  father's  signet  or  his  mother's  signet, — the  latter,  if  his  father's 
had  already  been  set  in  a  ring. 

King  Charles  I.'s  diamond,  which  (together  with  his  George,  Garter  and  two 
seals)  was  seized  after  his  death  by  the  Parliament,  and  the  transmission  of  which 
to  his  son  was  refused  by  their  order  (Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons,  31st 
Jan.  1648-9)  was  probably  facetted,  but  not  engraved;  and  worn  as  an  ornament  on 
the  hat-band. 


There  can  be  no  doubt,  first,  that  the  diamond  signet  engraved  by  Walwyn 
and  long  lost  to  sight  reappeared  at  Edinburgh  in  the  present  century  and  was 
the  original  of  the  glass  signets  sold  there ;  secondly,  that  the  impression  now 
in  the  Ashmolean  Museum  at  Oxford  and  that  engraved  in  Journ.  Brit.  Arch. 
Assoc.  xi.  76  ;  xvii.  223,  are  from  that  signet  (original  or  copy) ;  thirdly,  that  it 
was  sold  at  Messrs.  Christie  and  Manson's  about  twenty  years  ago ;  and,  lastly, 
that  it  is  the  stone  now  under  consideration. 


XXII. — Some  Historical  Aspects  of  the  English  Lain  of  Attainder  and  For- 
feiture for  High  Treason.     Communicated  by  ALFRED  BAILEY,  Esq. 


Read  February  23,  1882. 


A  KNOWLEDGE  of  the  working  of  the  English  Law  of  Attainder  and  Forfeiture 
for  High  Treason  is  essential  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the  History  of  England 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  especially  during  the  period  of  the  "Wars  of  the  Roses. 

Perhaps  the  working  of  the  law  can  he  shown  hest  in  individual  cases.  Let 
us  select  as  examples  the  fortunes  of  the  dignities  and  estates  which  but  for 
forfeiture  and  other  intervening  circumstances  would  have  centred  in  the  ill-fated 
Edward  Earl  of  "Warwick,  last  male  scion  of  the  splendid  House  of  Plantagenet. 

These  were : — 

1st.  The  titles  and  estates  which  accrued  to  Richard,  eldest  son  of  Ralph 
Neville  Earl  of  Westmoreland  and  his  second  wife  Joan  Beaufort,  by  his  marriage 
with  the  heiress  of  the  Montacutes,  Earls  of  Salisbury. 

2ndly.  Those  which  accrued  to  their  eldest  son  Eichard,  "  the  king-maker," 
by  his  marriage  with  the  heiress  of  the  Beauchamps,  Earls  of  Warwick. 

Srdly.  Those  of  Clarence. 

4thly.  As  I  think  I  shall  show,  those  of  York.  And  I  may  perhaps  fairly 
add — 

othly.  The  Crown  itself. 

Although  the  Neville  estates,  settled  as  the  appanage  of  the  issue  male  of  Earl 
Ralph  and  Countess  Joan,  would  not  have  devolved  on  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick, 
yet  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  to  them. 

I  commence  my  narrative  shortly  after  the  accession  of  Edward  the  Eourth 
in  1461,  and  trace  the  previous  history  of  the  titles  and  estates  so  far  as  is  neces- 
sary for  my  purpose." 

n  The  narrative  will  probably  be  made  more  clear  by  reference  to  the  Genealogical  Table  at  the  end  of 
this  Paper. 

VOL.  XLVII.  3  I 


410  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

At  this  time  Richard  Earl  of  Warwick,  the  king-maker,  was  possessed  of  the 
Neville  appanage,  and  of  the  titles  and  estates  of  the  Montacutes  in  his  own  right, 
and  of  the  titles  and  estates  of  the  Beauchamps  through  or  in  right  of  his  wife. 

The  title  and  estates  of  York  and  the  Crown  had  devolved  on  Edward. 

The  title  and  estates  of  Clarence  were  vested  in  George,  the  King's  next  sur- 
viving brother,  by  the  King's  gift. 

Let  us  trace  first  the  devolution  of  the  vast  estates  and  illustrious  titles  then 
vested  in  the  king-maker.  His  paternal  grandfather,  Ralph,  first  Earl  of  West- 
moreland, had  taken  for  his  second  wife  Joan  Beaufort,  the  legitimated  daughter 
of  John  of  Gaunt.  He  seems  to  have  married  her  at  some  time  between  the 
30th  of  September,  1399  (the  day  of  Henry  the  Fourth's  accession),  when  he  is 
styled  by  the  King,  "  dilectus  et  fidelis  affinis  noster  "  (he  was  the  King's  relation 
by  marriage  through  his  first  wife,  a  Stafford),  and  the  26th  of  November  of  the 
same  year,  when  we  find  a  state  missive  addressed,  "  Radulpho  Comiti  de  West- 
moreland carissimo  nostro  fratri."  a 

By  his  first  wife  Earl  Ralph  had  two  sons  and  several  daughters.  His  eldest 
son  by  his  first  wife  died  in  his  lifetime,  leaving  a  son  who  succeeded  his  grand- 
father in  the  Earldom  of  Westmoreland.  Before  Earl  Ralph's  death,  his  daughter 
Cecily  had  married  Richard  Duke  of  York,  lineal  heir  of  Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence, 
and  of  Edward  the  Third. 

Earl  Ralph  appears  to  have  settled  Sheriff  Hutton  and  Middleham  and  many 
a  good  acre  of  land  in  Yorkshire  and  elsewhere  on  his  issue  by  his  royal  or  semi- 
royal  second  wife.  He  died  in  1425. 

Earl  Ralph's  heir  was  little  pleased  with  a  settlement  which  cut  him  "  from 
the  best  of  all  'his'  land  a  monstrous  cantle  out."  A  bitter  feud  broke  out 
between  the  two  families  of  the  Earl  after  his  death  and  was  with  difficulty  com- 
posed by  the  intervention  of  the  Crown.b  The  rankle  of  the  quarrel  produced  this 
singular  result,  that,  whilst  the  descendants  of  the  Lancastrian  countess  espoused 
the  cause  of  her  Yorkist  son-in-law,  Duke  Richard,  husband  of  her  daughter 
Cecily,  the  heir  of  Westmoreland  remained  faithful  to  the  Red  Rose. 

Richard,  eldest  son  of  Ralph  and  Joan,  inherited  the  Neville  appanage.  He 
married  Alice,  only  child  and  heiress  of  Thomas  de  Montacute  Earl  of  Salisbury 
and  Baron  Montacute,  the  "  mirror  of  all  martial  men," c  who  was  slain  at  the 
siege  of  Orleans.  The  claims  of  female  heirs  to  earldoms  seem  to  have  been  less 
precise  than  their  claims  to  baronies  descendible  to  all  the  issue  of  the  first 

"  Rymer,  Faedera,  orig.  ed.  vol.  viii.  pp.  89  and  107.  b  Bentley's  Excerpta  Historica,  p.  1. 

c  Shakespeare's  King  Henry  VI.  part  1,  act  i.  s.  4. 


'Forfeiture  for  High  Treason.  411 

baron."  Something  of  the  old  Saxon  tradition,  that  an  earldom  was  an  office  of 
State,  and  not  an  hereditary  dignity,  still  clung  round  the  title.  It  appears,  that 
an  earldom  was  held  to  he  descendible  to  a  sole  heiress,  at  least,  if  confirmed  by 
the  Crown ;  hut  it  is  not  equally  clear  that  it  was  partible  amongst  coheiresses. 
However,  Richard  Neville,  for  greater  certainty,  procured  himself  to  be  con- 
firmed in  the  Earldom  of  Salisbury  by  patent  tested  on  the  4th  of  May,  1442. 

He  was  beheaded  in  December,  1460,  after  the  battle  of  Wakefield.  He,  his 
wife,  and  his  son  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  had  been  attainted  by  the  Parliament  con- 
vened by  Henry  the  Sixth  at  Coventry,  "  Queen  Margaret's  bower  " ;  but  all  the 
acts  of  this  Parliament  were  reversed  by  the  next,  which  met  at  Westminster 
after  Henry  had  been  taken  prisoner  at  Northampton. 

After  Edward  the  Fourth's  accession  Parliament  completed  the  reversal  of 
the  attainder  (effected  in  Henry  the  Fourth's  reign)  of  John  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
father  of  Earl  Thomas,  and  accordingly  the  Salisbury  titles  and  estates,  confirmed 
and  aggrandised  by  the  reversal  of  the  attainder,  were  now  vested  in  Earl 
Richard's  eldest  son,  the  king-maker. 

He  had  already  married  Ann  de  Beauchamp.  She  was  the  only  sister  of  the 
whole  blood  of  Henry  de  Beauchamp,  last  Earl  and  first  and  last  Duke  of  War- 
wick of  that  family ;  and  on  the  death  in  1449  of  the  Duke's  only  child,  also 
named  Ann,  styled  Countess  of  Warwick,  who  had  no  issue  (indeed  she  died  a 
mere  child),  Richard's  wife  became  heiress  of  all  the  estates  of  which  her  niece 
died  seized. 

Duke  Henry  had  three  sisters  of  the  half-blood  by  his  father's  first  marriage, 
but  they,  being  only  of  half-blood  to  him  and  his  daughter,  could  not  inherit  the 
vast  estates  of  which  the  Duke  and  his  daughter  died  seised.  There  seem  to 
have  been  other  Beauchamp  estates,  the  dower  of  the  Duke's  mother,  who  sur- 
vived both  the  Duke  and  his  daughter,  and  of  which  neither  the  Duke  or  his 
daughter  ever  had  seisin ;  the  descent  to  these  would  accordingly  be  traced  from 
the  Duke's  father,  and  pass  to  his  four  daughters.  The  possessions  of  the  king- 
maker's wife  were  increased  by  the  reversal  of  the  parliamentary  attainder 
(effected  in  Henry  the  Fourth's  reign)  of  Thomas  Lord  le  Despencer  and  Earl  of 
Gloucester,  of  whose  coheiresses  the  king-maker's  wife  was  one. 

The  question,  whether  Duke  and  Earl  Henry's  sister  Ann  succeeded  to  his 
earldom,  as  well  as  to  his  estates,  was  probably  one  of  great  nicety  (depending,  I 
apprehend,  on  the  will  of  the  Crown  rather  than  on  strict  rights),  but  was  eluded, 

•  See  the  comments  on  the  Lords  Eeport  on  the  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  in  Courthope's  edition  of  Nicolas' 
Historic  Peerage. 

3i2 


412  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

first  by  the  confirmation  of  the  king-maker  as  Earl  of  Warwick,  on  the  23rd  of 
July,  1449 ;  and,  secondly  (on  his  resignation  of  this  confirming  grant),  by  the 
issue  on  the  2nd  of  March,  1450,  of  letters  patent,  by  which  it  was  provided  that 
Richard  should  be  Earl  of  Warwick  during  his  life,  that  his  wife  Ann  should  be 
Countess  of  Warwick  for  her  life,  and  that,  after  the  deaths  of  Richard  and  Ann, 
the  heirs  of  Ann  should  be  Earls  of  Warwick. 

Thus,  at  the  period  at  which  our  narrative  commences,  the  king-maker  was 
possessed  of  the  Neville  appanage,  of  the  titles  and  estates  of  the  Montacutes,  and 
of  the  dignity  of  Earl  of  Warwick  in  his  own  right,  and  of  the  bulk  of  the  Beau- 
champ  and  of  part  of  the  Despenser  estates  in  right  of  his  wife. 

His  and  his  wife's  only  children  were  Isabel,  afterwards  wife  of  George  Duke 
of  Clarence  and  Ann,  afterwards  wife,  first  of  Edward  Prince  of  Wales,  son  of 
Henry  the  Sixth ;  and  secondly,  of  Richard  Duke  of  Gloucester. 

The  Dukedom  of  York  and  estates  conferred  upon  Edmund  of  Langley,  fifth 
son  of  Edward  the  Third,  had  before  this  time  accrued  to  Edward  the  Fourth,  on 
the  death  at  Wakefield  of  his  father,  Duke  Richard.  They  had  passed  from 
Edmund  to  his  eldest  son  Edward,  and  when  Edward  fell  at  Agincourt  without 
leaving  issue  had  devolved  upon  Richard  Plantagenet,  son  of  Edward's  only 
brother  Richard  Earl  of  Cambridge.  Earl  Richard,  had  indeed,  at  the  beginning 
of  Henry  tlie  Fifth's  reign  been  executed,  and  also  by  Act  of  Parliament  attainted; 
but  this  Act  especially  provided  that  the  attainder  should  have  no  other  effect 
than  would  have  been  caused  by  the  Earl's  attainder  by  conviction  of  high  treason 
at  common  law. 

The  consequence  of  such  an  attainder  at  common  law  would  have  been  that 
the  young  Richard  could  not  take  any  title  which  had  belonged  to  or  would  have 
devolved  on  his  father  by  virtue  of  a  summons  to  Parliament,  or  any  estate 
which  had  belonged  to  or  would  have  devolved  to  his  father  in  fee  simple,  but 
would  not  have  extended  to  either  title  or  estate  which  had  belonged  to  or  would 
have  devolved  on  his  father  in  tail.  In  the  latter  case  Richard  had  only  to  prove 
that  he  was  the  heir  in  tail  in  order  to  be  entitled  to  the  title  or  estate  notwith- 
standing the  corruption  of  his  father's  blood.  His  father's  corruption  of  blood  did 
not  make  him  illegitimate  or  prevent  him  from  deducing  his  heirship  in  tail  to 
Edmund  of  Langley  through  his  father,  any  more  than  it  afterwards  prevented 
him  from  deducing  bis  heirship  to  his  maternal  uncle,  the  Earl  of  March. 

And  I  think  it  is  clear  that  on  the  death  of  his  uncle  Edward  Duke  of  York 
he  not  only  became  entitled  to,  but  enjoyed  the  entailed  title  and  estates  of  his 
grandfather  Edmund  Duke  of  York. 


Forfeiture  for  High  Treason.  413 

On  an  inquisition  taken  at  "Westminster  in  the  December  following  the  battle 
of  Agincourt,  it  was  found  that  Edward  Duke  of  York  had  died  seised  in  tail 
male  of  property  which  had  been  granted  to  his  father  Edmund  in  tail  male,  and 
that  Richard,  son  of  Richard,  was  Edward's  kinsman  and  next  heir.  In  fact  at 
the  present  day,  notwithstanding  the  Acts"  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  under  which 
estates  tail  in  possession  were  made  forfeitable  for  high  treason,  an  entailed 
dignity  or  estate  would  not  be  forfeitable  for  high  treason  where  the  traitor  had 
died  before  the  succession  had  devolved  on  him.b 

The  young  Richard  appears  to  have  been  recognised  as  Duke  of  York  from 
the  time  of  his  uncle  Edward's  death.  At  least  in  the  first  year  of  Henry  the 
Sixth's  reign  we  find  that  he  was  thus  styled,  and  I  think  it  as  clearly  provable 
as  a  negative  proposition  can  be  that  Richard  was  never  restored  in  blood  until 
the  accession  of  Edward  the  Fourth.  Upon  the  death  of  his  maternal  uncle, 
Edmund  Mortimer  Earl  of  March  (in  the  fourth  year  of  Henry  the  Sixth), 
Richard  succeeded  to  the  Earl's  vast  estates,  and  to  yet  more,  to  the  Earl's  fateful 
claim  (through  Philippa,  only  child  of  Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence,  third  son  of 
Edward  the  Third)  to  the  Crown  of  England. 

It  is  melancholy  to  reflect  that  the  marriage  between  Richard  of  Cambridge 
and  Ann  Mortimer,  so  fatal  to  the  constitutional  Kings  of  England  of  the  House 
of  Lancaster,  had  been  effected  with  the  generous  approval  of  Henry  the  Fifth 
whilst  Prince  of  Wales,  who  also  on  his  accession  created  Richard,  Earl  of  Cam- 
bridge, and  endowed  the  Earldom.  Had  Henry  indeed  been  an  "  Amurath,"  had 
he  cut  off  the  sons  of  the  House  of  Mortimer  by  the  sword  and  mewed  up  its 
daughters  in  convents,  there  would  have  been  no  Edward  the  Fourth  to  destroy 
his  line.  England  would  indeed  have  been  spared  the  Wars  of  the  Roses,  but 
who  dare  say  that  a  peace  thus  gained  would  have  been  one  for  the  happiness  of 
England  ?  As  it  was,  the  fifth  Henry  trod  that  path  of  honour  and  generosity 
which,  though  fatal  to  his  descendants,  has  left  the  glory  of  the  hero  of  Agincourt 
an  unsullied,  nay,  more,  an  ennobled  possession  to  England. 

In  1474  Edward  the  Fourth  created  his  second  son  Richard,  Duke  of  York. 
I  shall  hereafter  consider  whether  the  Dukedom  of  York  and  the  estates  con- 

a  26  Henry  VIII.  c.  13,  33  Henry  VIII.  c.  20. 

b  The  decision  by  virtue  of  which  James  second  Duke  of  Atholl  was  succeeded  on  his  death  in 
1764  by  his  nephew  John,  son  of  the  attainted  but  then  deceased  Lord  George  Murray,  seems  to  me  con- 
clusive on  the  point.  The  English  law  of  forfeiture  for  high  treason  applied  then  to  Scottish  dignities 
and  estates. 


414  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

ferred  on  Edmund  of  Langley  were,  as  is  generally  assumed,  permanently  merged 
in  the  Crown  on  Edward  the  .Fourth's  accession. 

The  Dukedom  of  Clarence  was  conferred  by  Edward  in  the  year  after  his  acces- 
sion on  his  next  surviving  brother,  George,  and  was  enriched  with  valuable  estates. 

The  first  cloud  which  overshadowed  the  brightness  of  the  "  sun  of  York  "  was 
the  marriage  of  Clarence  with  Isabel,  eldest  daughter  of  Warwick.  Both  Clarence 
and  Warwick  were  now  deeply  discontented  with  the  King.  Edward  had  offended 
Clarence  on  a  point  on  which  young  nobles  of  the  Middle  Ages  were  peculiarly 
susceptible.  Clarence  had  reached  the  ripe  age  of  twenty  years,  yet  the  King, 
his  brother,  had  not  provided  him  with  an  heiress  for  his  wife,  nay,  had  given 
away  several  eligible  ones  to  others,  especially  his  wife's  kinsmen.  Warwick  had 
rendered  to  the  King  services  almost  too  great  for  reward ;  perhaps  in  his  secret 
heart  he  thought  that  the  only  fitting  recompense  the  King  could  make  would  be 
to  share  his  throne  with  the  king-maker's  daughter.  If  such  grounds  of  discon- 
tent existed,  the  marriage  of  Clarence  and  Isabel  would  be  the  more  gratifying  to 
Clarence  and  his  father-in-law  in  that  it  was  distasteful  to  the  King.  It  is  said 
that  Edward  threw  obstacles  in  the  Avay  of  procuring  the  Pope's  dispensation  to 
the  marriage  of  the  cousins,  which  were  only  removed  by  the  intervention  of 
Louis  XI.  of  Erance."  The  marriage  took  place,  despite  the  King's  opposition,  in 
1469,  at  Calais,  of  which  important  fortress  Warwick  was  governor. 

Two  children  only  of  the  marriage  attained  maturity,  Edward,  the  future  Earl 
of  Warwick,  and  Margaret,  the  future  Countess  of  Salisbury. 

In  the  spring  of  1470  the  estrangement  of  Clarence  and  Warwick  from  the 
King  had  gone  so  far  that  Warwick,  Clarence,  and  Isabel  took  refuge  at  the 
Erench  Court.  Here  Louis  XI.,  with  much  difficulty,  reconciled  his  cousin 
Margaret  of  Anjou  with  Warwick.  The  lifelong  antagonists  at  length  arrived  at 
an  agreement,  according  to  which  the  restoration  of  the  House  of  Lancaster  was 
to  be  attempted  by  the  forces  of  both,  and  in  case  of  success  Henry  the  Sixth's 
son  Edward  was  to  marry  Warwick's  daughter  Ann,  and  the  Crown  of  England 
was  to  be  settled  on  Henry  the  Sixth  and  his  male  issue,  and  failing  such,  on 
Clarence  and  his  male  issue.  An  entail  on  the  male  issue  of  Edward  the  Third 
had  long  been  a  favourite  object  of  the  Lancastrian  kings,  who  were  Edward's 
heirs  male,  and  was  grateful  to  the  Erench  King  as  cutting  away  the  ground  on 
which  Edward  the  Third  and  his  descendants  had  claimed  the  Erench  Crown. 
During  Henry  the  Sixth's  brief  restoration,  the  agreement  was  embodied  in  an 

,a  Carte's  History  of  England,  vol.  ii.  p.  770. 


Forfeiture  for  High  Treason.  415 

Act  passed  by  an  assembly  which  claimed  to  be,  but  is  not  recognised  in  English 
history  as,  a  Parliament. 

The  alliance  between  Margaret,  Warwick,  and  Clarence  was  marred  by  the 
defection  of  "false,  fleeting,  perjured  Clarence,"  who  joined  Edward  on  his 
march  from  Ravenspur  to  London,  and  the  forces  of  Warwick  and  Margaret  were 
crushed  on  the  fields  of  Barnet  and  Tewkesbury.  In  the  former  fell  the  great 
king-maker  and  his  brother,  the  Marquis  of  Montague  ;  and  at  Tewkesbury,  the 
"  gallant,  springing,  brave  Plantagenet,"  sole  offspring  of  Henry  the  Sixth,  was 
either  slain  in  the  battle  or  murdered  after  it.  The  "  princely  novice  "  was  soon 
followed  to  the  grave  by  the  veteran  in  calamity,  his  father,  once  King  of 
England  and  France,  and  Lord  of  Ireland.  According  to  the  Act  of  Henry  the 
Sixth's  last  parliamentary  assembly,  Clarence  was  now  entitled  to  the  Crown. 

Shortly  after  Edward's  restoration,  Richard  of  Gloucester,  who,  though  ap- 
parently not  untempted,  had  remained  stanch  to  the  King,  his  brother,  sought  out 
and  discovered  the  retreat  of  his  cousin  Ann,  younger  daughter  of  the  king- 
maker slain  at  Barnet.  She  appears  to  have  been  concealed  by  the  act  of 
Clarence,  who  pertinaciously  insisted  that  even  if  Richard  should  marry  Ann, 
Clarence  "  would  part  no  livelihood." 

It  was,  however,  in  fact,  a  sufficient  livelihood  even  for  two.  We  must  dis- 
card the  popular  notion,  that  the  king-maker  was  attainted  by  Edward  the 
Fourth,  in  life  or  in  death.  He  could  only  have  been  attainted,  either  by  his 
conviction  of  high  treason  at  common  law  in  his  lifetime,3  or  by  Parliament.  But 
he  fell  at  Barnet,  before  he  could  be  brought  to  trial ;  and  was  not,  I  think,  ever 
attainted  by  Parliament  after  it. 

During  Edward's  reign  the  interests  of  the  King's  brothers,  Warwick's  sons- 
in-law,  were  opposed  to  any  such  attainder.  Richard  the  Third,  indeed,  when 
King,  would  have  profited  by  such  an  attainder,  which  would  have  confiscated 
for  the  Crown  Isabel  of  Clarence's  moiety  of  her  ancestral  estates.  He  may, 
however,  have  been  restrained  from  doing  so  by  unwillingness  to  incur  the 
unpopularity  which  the  attainder  would  have  provoked,  especially  among  the 
king-maker's  partisans,  or  by  better  motives.  As  for  Henry  the  Seventh,  it 
seems  morally  impossible  that  he  could  have  attainted  Warwick  for  restoring 
Henry  the  Sixth.  I  must,  however,  notice  a  document  to  which  my  attention 
has  been  drawn  by  your  Director,  to  whom  I  am  much  indebted  for  this  as  for 
many  other  valuable  suggestions  touching  the  subject  of  this  paper.  It  is  a 
grant  made  in  the  first  year  of  Henry  the  Eighth's  reign,  of  the  perpetual 
chantry  of  Sheriff  Hutton,  "ad  nostram  donationem  ratione  forisfacturse  et 

a  Stat.  34  Edward  III.  c.  12. 


416  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

attinctionis  Ricardi  ultimi  comitis  Sarum  spectantem." a  I  am  pleased  that  your 
Director  and  I,  after  discussing  the  matter  together,  agreed  in  concluding  that 
the  name  of  Richard  (more  popularly  associated  with  the  Earldom  of  Salisbury 
than  that  of  Edward)  was  put  hy  mistake  for  the  name  of  Edward,  Clarence's 
son.  In  fact,  Sheriff  Hutton  did  not  form  part  of  the  Salisbury  estates ;  but  I  find 
in  the  records  so  many  mistakes  concerning  the  Neville,  Salisbury,  and  Warwick 
estates  that  I  attach  little  importance  to  this.  Sheriff  Hutton  and  Middleham,  and 
doubtless  the  rest  of  the  Neville  appanage,  were  really  confiscated  to  the  Crown 
by  two  Acts  of  the  first  and  eleventh  years  of  Henry  the  Seventh,  in  the  latter  of 
which  Sheriff  Hutton  and  Middleham  are  expressly  named,  as  being  parts  of  the 
lands  of  which  Richard  the  Third  died  seised,  and  this  although  Richard's  interest 
in  these  estates  determined  with  his  life  (the  Marquis  of  Montague's  male  issue 
being  then  extinct),  and  the  estates  on  Richard's  death  had  vested  in  Lord 
Latimer,  great-grandson  and  heir  male  of  Earl  Ralph  and  Countess  Joan  of 
Westmoreland.  Notwithstanding  the  saving  clause  in  the  Act  of  the  eleventh 
year  of  Henry  the  Seventh  for  every  person  other  than  King  Richard  and  his 
heirs,  Lord  Latimer  does  not  seem  to  have  claimed,  perhaps  thought  it  not  pru- 
dent to  claim,  the  Neville  appanage. 

The  estates  of  which  the  king-maker  died  seised  were  the  following  : 

1st.  Those  of  Salisbury.  Of  these  he  appears  to  have  had  the  fee  simple ;  and 
on  his  death  they  of  course  passed  to  his  two  daughters. 

2ndly.  The  Neville  appanage.  This  appears  to  have  been  settled  on  the  male 
issue  of  Earl  Ralph  and  Countess  Joan  of  Westmoreland,1"  and  were  now,  by  the 
death  of  the  king-maker,  without  issue  in  the  male  line,  and  the  death  of  his 
next  brother,  the  Marquis  of  Montague,  which  also  took  place  at  the  battle  of 
Barnet,  but  a  few  minutes  after  the  death  of  Warwick,0  vested  in  the  Marquis' 
eldest  son,  the  ill-used  George  Duke  of  Bedford.  The  Countess  of  Warwick  was, 
of  course,  entitled  to  dower  out  of  both  these  estates. 

3rdly.  The  Beauchamp  and  the  Despenser  estates,  of  which  Warwick  was 
seised  in  right  of  his  wife  Ann.  These  and  the  title  of  Countess  of  Warwick 
were  now  vested  in  her. 

It  appears,  that  Edward,  before  his  brother  Richard  had  married  Ann  Neville, 
had  promised  the  whole  of  the  king-maker's  estates  to  Clarence,  possibly  on  the 
ground  that  Ann  had  incurred  forfeiture  of  her  half  of  them  by  adhering  to  the 

"  Let.  $  Pap.  Henry  VIII.  vol.  i.  doc.  180. 

o  See  Common  Pleas,  Feet  of  Fines,  York,  ca.  13,  9  Henry  IV.  No.  8.;  Hot.  Part.  vi.  124  b.  and 
391  b-  '  Hall's  Chronicle,  ed.  1809,  p.  296. 


Forfeiture  for  High  Reason.  417 

Lancastrian  cause.  He,  indeed,  behaved  most  generously  to  his  unstable  brother 
George.  He  not  only  forgave  his  desertion,  but  created  him  Chamberlain  of 
England,  and  Viceroy  for  twenty  years  of  Ireland,  and  Earl  of  "Warwick  and 
Salisbury.  But,  after  the  marriage  of  his  loyal  brother  Richard  with  Ann 
Neville,  Edward,  not  without  some  justification,  thought  himself  absolved  from 
his  hasty  promise  to  Clarence. 

He  first  took  advantage  of  the  fact  that  Middleham,  and  Sheriff  Hutton,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Neville  appanage,  had  not  descended  on  the  daughters  of  the  king- 
maker, but  were  now,  by  virtue  of  the  settlement  before  referred  to,  vested  in 
George  Duke  of  Bedford  as  heir  male  of  Earl  Ralph  and  Countess  Joan. 

In  considering  the  history  of  this  period  one  must  always  bear  in  mind  that 
estates  tail  were  not  until  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth  forfeitable  for  high 
treason,  except  by  Act  of  Parliament,  any  more  than  were  estates  held  by 
feoffees  to  the  use  of  the  attainted  person.  Accordingly  it  had  become  the 
practice  during  the  Wars  of  the  Roses  for  the  victorious  party  to  pass  particular 
Acts  of  forfeiture  of  the  estates,  whether  in  fee  tail,  in  fee  simple,  or  in  use,  of 
their  vanquished  foes. 

At  the  joint  request  of  Clarence  and  Gloucester  the  King  forbore  to  press 
the  passing  of  such  an  Act  against  the  Marquis  of  Montague.  But  he  procured 
the  passing  of  two  Acts,  by  one  of  which  Middleham  and  Sheriff  Hutton  and 
other  portions  of  the  Neville  appanage  (amongst  which  we  find  the  interesting 
name  of  Wilberfoss,  the  original  seat  of  the  Wilberforces),  were  settled  upon 
Gloucester,  and  by  the  other  of  which  the  manor  of  Clavering,  in  Essex,  and  the 
great  mansion  of  Herber,  in  the  city  of  London,  were  similarly  settled  on 
Clarence,  during  the  existence  of  issue  male  of  Montague,  and  even  on  failure 
of  such,  for  the  lives  of  Gloucester  and  Clarence  respectively. 

The  Countess  of  Warwick  was  despoiled  not  only  of  her  dower  in  her  hus- 
band's estates,  but  also  of  her  splendid  ancestral  inheritance,  for  the  benefit  of 
her  sons-in-law.  It  was  by  Act  of  Parliament  settled  upon  them  and  their  wives 
"  in  like  manner  and  form  as  if  the  said  Countess  were  actually  dead."  In  fact, 
by  the  spoliation  of  the  Duke  of  Bedford  and  the  Countess  of  Warwick,  Clarence 
got  at  once  estates  larger  than  he  would  have  got  in  possession  by  the  grant  of 
the  whole  of  the  Salisbury  estates  burdened  with  the  Countess  of  Warwick's 
dower. 

The  Countess,  from  her  sanctuary  at  Beaulieu,  where  she  had  taken  refuge 
after  the  battle  of  Tewkesbury,  pleaded  her  innocence  of  any  crime  which  could 
justify  the  spoliation.  It  was  doubtless  harsh  enough,  yet  the  lady  who  had 

VOL.  XLVII.  3  K 


418  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

accompanied  Margaret  of  Anjou  and  Edward  of  "Wales  and  her  own  daughter 
Ann,  the  wife  or  the  betrothed  of  Edward,  on  a  war  against  Edward  the  Fourth, 
had  certainly  become  exposed  to  the  pain  of  forfeiture  for  adhering  to  the  King's 
enemies,  and  if  not  also  to  that  of  death  only  because  no  Plantagenet  King  ever 
dealt  out  such  a  doom  to  a  woman  for  high  treason. 

The  Salisbury  estates  were  probably  partitioned  between  the  King's  brothers 
and  their  wives.  At  least  we  find  Richard  exchanging  some  of  them  with 
the  King." 

Thus  the  vast  possessions  of  the  king-maker  became  appanages  of  King 
Edward's  brothers. 

A  lively  picture  of  the  controversy  and  partition  between  them  will  be  found 
in  Mr.  Gairdner's  Life  and  Reign  of  Richard  the  Third. 

Isabel  Duchess  of  Clarence  died  in  1477,  and  with  her  Clarence's  good 
angel  left  him.  Indeed  his  mind  seems  to  have  been  unhinged  by  his  grief  at 
her  death,  which  was  attributed,  though  probably  without  reason,  to  poison. 

The  next  point  in  our  narrative  is  the  attainder  and  execution  of  Clarence  in 
the  same  year. 

The  grounds  of  them  appear  in  the  Act  of  Attainder.  There  breathes  through- 
out it  the  wounded  personal  feeling  of  the  King,  who  doubtless  had  deep  cause 
to  resent  his  brother's  ingratitude,  and  is  said  to  have  been  himself  his  brother's 
sole  accuser,  except,  as  the  Croyland  chronicler  insinuates,  the  witnesses  against 
Clarence.  The  Act,  no  doubt,  embodies  the  King's  speech  in  Parliament  against 
Clarence,  and  is  a  most  powerful,  and  even  eloquent  indictment.  It  dwells  not 
unjustly  on  the  benefits  the  King  had  heaped  on  his  brother,  and  on  his  brother's 
ungrateful  return  in  revolting  against  him,  and,  after  the  pardon  of  this  revolt, 
renewing  his  machinations  against  the  King,  and  aspersing  him  with  illegi- 
timacy. But  doubtless  the  sting  of  the  indictment  embodied  in  the  Act  was 
Clarence's  secret  retention  of  an  exemplification  of  the  Act  of  Henry  the  Sixth's 
last  Assembly,  by  which  the  Crown  of  England  had  been  entailed  on  Clarence  on 
the  death  of  Henry  the  Sixth  and  failure  of  male  issue  of  Henry,  events  which 
had  now  occurred.  It  is  tolerably  clear  tbat  Clarence  would  not  have  hoarded 
such  a  document  with  other  than  a  treasonable  intent. 

In  the  same  Parliament  in  which  Clarence  was  attainted  all  the  Acts  of 
Henry  the  Sixth's  last  Assembly,  and  all  exemplications  of  them,  were  reversed 
and  cancelled.1" 

a  Act  of  Exchange,  Rot.  Parl.  vi.  125  b.  "  Rot.  Part.  vi.  191  a. 


forfeiture  for  High  Treason.  419 

Clarence  was  despatched  by  virtue  of  the  Act  of  Attainder/  with  at  least 
technical  legality,  whether  by  the  traditionary  whimsical  death  of  drowning  in  a 
butt  of  malmsey,  or  otherwise,  we  know  not. 

The  instrument  which  in  the  Parliamentary  Roll  follows  that  attainting  him 
has  not,  perhaps,  been  sufficiently  noticed  in  connexion  with  the  subject.  By  it 
Henry  Duke  of  Buckingham  was  created,  after  Clarence's  attainder,  and  for  this 
turn  only,  seneschall  of  England,  for  the  execution  of  justice  on  George  late 
Duke  of  Clarence.  "  Seneschall "  here  doubtless  means  not  a  steward  to  preside 
over  a  trial  (Clarence  had  been,  as  appears  on  the  face  of  the  instrument,  already 
attainted)  but  an  officer  for  executing  judgment  (the  secondary  meaning  of  the 
word  given  by  Lord  Coke). 

In  England's  troublous  days  there  were  degrees  in  the  publicity  of  executions, 
calculated  according  to  the  sympathy  likely  to  be  accorded  to  the  sufferer. 

GuiMford  Dudley  perished  on  Tower  Hill;  his  wife  Lady  Jane  an  hour  after- 
wards on  Tower  Green. 

Clarence's  execution  was  yet  more  secret  than  Lady  Jane's,  and  an  execution 
which  is  not  ventured  to  be  committed  in  public  stands  self- condemned.  But 
for  it,  perhaps,  Edward's  ill-fated  sons  had  never  perished  in  the  Tower. 
Clarence  and  Gloucester  would  probably  have  balanced  each  other,  and  thus 
have  secured  the  throne  to  Edward  the  Fifth,  whilst  they  together  would  have 
been  too  powerful  to  be  exposed  to  the  danger  of  the  destruction  which  Glou- 
cester, left  alone,  had  so  much  reason  to  apprehend  for  himself  from  the 
Woodville  faction. 

The  present  narrative,  however,  is  more  immediately  concerned  with  the 
effects  of  Clarence's  attainder  on  his  titles  and  estates. 

The  forfeiture  clauses  of  the  Act  attainting  Clarence  mentioned  only  the 
honour,  estate,  dignity,  and  name  of  Duke,  and  the  estates  conferred  upon 
Clarence  by  the  King.  It  appears,  however,  to  have  extended  to  the  Earldoms 
of  Warwick  and  Salisbury,  which  had  been  granted  to  George  Plantagenet 
himself  in  tail  male. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  at  this  time  the  old  Earldom  of  Warwick  was 
possibly,  and  that  created  by  the  letters  patent  of  1450  was  certainly,  vested  in 
the  Countess  Ann,  grandmother  of  George's  young  son  Edward,  and  that  the  old 
Earldom  of  Salisbury,  if  partible  between  coheirs,  was  in  abeyance  between 
Edward  and  his  aunt  Ann  of  Gloucester. 

a  Rot.  Parl.  vi.  193-5. 

3K2 


420  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

Inquisitions  were,  of  course,  taken  after  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence. 
One,  touching  the  lands  of  which  he  died  seised  in  his  own  right,  finds  that  he 
was  attainted  on  the  16th  of  January  and  died  on  the  18th  of  February,  in  the 
seventeenth  year  of  the  King's  reign.  Another,  touching  the  lands  of  his  wife 
Isabel,  of  which  he  died  seised  as  tenant  by  the  curtesy,  finds  that  "  Edward 
Plantagenet "  is  son  and  heir  of  the  same  Isabel. 

In  the  same  year  (the  eighteenth  of  Edward  the  Fourth)  in  which  the  inquisi- 
tions were  taken  a  grant  is  made,  during  the  minority  of  Edward,  son  of  George 
late  Duke  of  Clarence,  of  part  of  his  maternal  possessions.  Towards  the  close  of 
Edward's  reign,  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  it,  the  King  commits  to  his  stepson, 
Thomas  Marquis  of  Dorset,  the  marriage  and  wardship  of  Edward,  son  and  heir 
of  Isabel,  who  was  wife  of  George  Duke  of  Clarence.  I  think  it  therefore 
tolerably  clear  that  during  Edward  the  Fourth's  reign  the  boy  remained  plain 
Edward  Plantagenet,  without  title  or  rank.  Of  course,  however,  any  title  or 
estate  coming  from  his  mother's  side  would  not  be  forfeited  by  his  father's 
attainder. 

On  the  9th  of  April,  1483,  Edward  the  Fourth  died.  In  that  same  year  his 
only  sons,  Edward  the  Fifth  and  Richard  Duke  of  York,  children,  of  whom  the 
elder  was  only  thirteen  years  old,  were,  as  I  believe,  murdered  in  the  Tower  by 
the  command  of  their  uncle  and  protector,  Richard  of  Gloucester,  the  brother 
in  whose  fidelity  Edward  had  reposed  implicit  confidence.  On  their  deaths 
Clarence's  young  son  became  heir  male  of  Edmund  of  Langley,  and,  as  I 
think  and  hope  hereafter  to  show,  Duke  of  York  and  heir  of  the  estates  entailed 
on  Edmund  and  his  male  issue. 

When  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  caused  Edward  the  Fourth's  children  to 
be  branded  with  illegitimacy,  the  son  of  Clarence  must  have  been  recognised  as 
the  unquestionable  heir  to  the  throne  on  Yorkist  principles,  had  not  Richard 
objected  that  Clarence's  attainder  had  debarred  his  children  from  the  succession. 
Notwithstanding  this  Richard,  by  a  grant  made  in  1483  on  the  14th  of  August, 
the  month  succeeding  that  of  his  coronation  (which  took  place  on  the  6th  of 
July,  1483),  styles  the  young  Edward  "  our  nephew  Warwick.''1  As  the  boy  was 
a  coheir  of  the  king-maker,  and  Richard's  popularity,  in  the  north  of  England  at 
least,  arose  chiefly  from  his  connection  with  the  king-maker's  family,  it  was 
politic  in  him  to  show  favour  to  his  and  his  wife's  young  nephew.  In  fact  the 
King  took  the  boy  with  him  on  his  visit  to  York  in  September  1483,  and  knighted 
him,  together  with  the  King's  own  son."  It  was,  doubtless,  important  to  show  at 

a  Rons  Roll,  par.  60. 


Forfeiture  for  Sigh  Treason.  421 

York  that,  whatever  might  have  been  the  fate  of  Edward  the  Fourth's  sons,  the 
heir  of  Isabel  Neville  was  alive  and  favoured.     In  1484  the  King  in  other  grants, 
two  made  on  the  4th  and  5th  of  March  shortly  before  the  death  of  Richard's  only 
son.  Edward  Prince  of  Wales,  and  one  made  on  the  21st  of  December  after  the 
Prince's  death,  styles  the  boy  " our  kinsman  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick"  " our 
nephew  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick"  and  "  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick"     In  fact 
the  King,  after  his  son's  death,  recognised  for  a  time  the  young  Earl,  nephew  and 
heir  presumptive  of  his  wife  Isabel  Neville  as  well  as  of  himself,  as  his  pre- 
sumptive successor  to  the  Crown.     The  friends  of  the  king-maker's  house  would 
be  gratified  at  such  a  recognition  of  the  now  sole  heir  of  the  house.     After  Queen 
Ann's   death    (on   the   16th  of   March,   1485)   Richard   indeed   substituted   his 
nephew  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  son  of  his  sister  Elizabeth  Duchess  of  Suffolk,  as 
his  presumptive  successor  ;   but  Richmond's  invasion  was  then  impending,  and  at 
a  time  so  critical  the  King  may  have  thought  it  an  absolute  necessity,  outweighing 
the  advantage  of  gratifying  the  Neville  party,  to  appoint  as  presumptive  heir  one 
whose  age  would  assure  Richard's  partisans  that  if  Richard  himself  should  fall  in 
the  impending  strife  he  would  leave  an  heir  who  could  place  himself  at  their  head. 
The  King,  however,  showed  how  much  political  importance  he  attached  to  the  person 
of  the  young  Earl  by  placing  him  in  ward  at  Sheriff  Hutton  together  with  Eliza- 
beth of  York.    I  do  not  find  on  what  ground  Clarence's  son  was  recognised  as  Earl 
of  Warwick,  but  that  the  ground  was  valid  seems  to  follow  from  the  fact  that 
Henry  the  Seventh,  whose  interest  was  to  depress  in  every  way  the  young  Earl, 
who  was  so  formidable  a  rival  to  him,  recognised  the  youth  as  such  ;  for  the  Act 
passed  in  the  first  year  of  Henry's  reign  for  restoring  the  Marquis  of  Dorset, 
attainted  by  Richard  the  Third  and  styled  in  the  Act  Sir  Thomas  Gray,  to  his 
titles  and  estates,  excepts  and  revokes  "  the  letters  patent  of  Edward  the  Fourth, 
granting  to  Sir  Thomas  Gray  the  wardship  of  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick."     Your 
Director  has  suggested  to  me  that  he  may  have  been  invested  with  the  title,  and 
has  pointed  out  to  me  that  such  investiture,  unaccompanied  with  a  grant  of 
property,  might  be  effected  without  any  record  of  it  being  preserved. 

On  the  22nd  of  August,  1485,  Richard  the  Third,  last  of  the  splendid  line  of 
Plantagenet  kings,  fell  in  the  thick  of  the  strife  of  the  battle  of  Bosworth,  and 
Henry  of  Richmond  was  acclaimed  King  of  England  as  Henry  the  Seventh. 

The  politic  new  sovereign  of  England  at  once  secured  possession  of  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  who  was  then  at  Sheriff  Hutton,  and  had  him  conveyed  to  the  Tower 
of  London.  The  unfortunate  youth  was  indeed  a  most  formidable  rival  to  the 
new  King.  Not  only  was  he  the  only  remaining  male  scion,  and  if  Edward's 


422  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

children  were  illegitimate,  the  lineal  heir  of  the  Plantagenets,  but  he  was  also, 
according  to  the  Act  of  the  last  parliamentary  assembly  of  Henry  the  Sixth,  the 
rightful  heir  on  Lancastrian  principles  of  the  Crown,  and  Henry  the  Seventh's 
judges  had  soon  after  Henry's  accession  solemnly  declared  that  attainder  was  no 
bar  to  the  descent  of  the  Crown.  This  title  to  the  Crown,  conferred  on  the  Earl 
of  Warwick  by  a  Parliament  of  Henry  the  Sixth,  was  probably  one  of  the  reasons 
why  Henry  the  Seventh  recognised  his  father-in-law  Edward  as  a  lawful  King, 
as  one  of  Edward's  parliaments  had  declared  void  the  Act  which  entailed  the 
Crown  on  the  Earl  of  "Warwick's  father,  Clarence,  and  his  male  issue. 

Although  the  young  Earl  was  detained  a  close  prisoner  of  state  in  the  Tower, 
he  appears  to  have  been  at  first  treated  as  owner  of  the  estates  of  York,  of  War- 
wick, and  of  Salisbury.  The  whole  of  the  Warwick  and  Salisbury  estates,  and 
probably  the  Earldom  of  Salisbury,  had  now  vested  in  him  by  the  deaths  of 
Richard  the  Third,  and  Richard's  wife  Ann,  and  his  son  Edward. 

But  the  astute  founder  of  the  Tudor  line  deprived  his  Plantagenet  rival  of  the 
Warwick  and  York  estates  by  piece-meal. 

In  the  third  year  of  Henry's  reign11  the  aged  Countess  of  Warwick,  grandmother 
of  EarlEdward,  petitioned,  probably  was  made  to  petition,  against  the  Act  passed 
in  Edward  the  Fourth's  reign  by  which  she  was  stripped  of  her  inheritance  for  the 
benefit  of  her  sons-in-law.  She  grounded  her  petition  on  the  true  and  faithful 
service  and  allegiance  that  she  had  and  owed  to  Henry  the  Sixth,  and  on  her 
never  having  offended  or  given  any  cause  or  any  offence  by  her  to  be  done,  proved, 
or  shown  in  the  depriving  Act,  pleas  which  Edward  the  Fourth's  lawyers  might 
not  unfairly  have  deemed  inconsistent  with  each  other. 

The  estates  were  restored  to  her,  and  the  procedure  is  in  her  petition  stigma- 
tised as  unnatural.  But  it  was,  perhaps,  not  more  unnatural  than  the  almost 
immediately  subsequent  procedure  by  which  the  unhappy  Countess  conveyed  the 
vast  estates  just  restored  to  her,  except  a  miserable  pittance,  to  Henry  the 
Seventh  and  his  heirs  male,  with  a  remainder  to  her  and  her  heirs.  She  is 
supposed  to  have  ended  her  troublous  life  about  1490. 

The  next  step  was  the  resumption  by  the  Crown  (in  the  eleventh  year  of 
Henry  the  Seventh,  1495) b  of  the  estates  granted  by  Edward  the  Third  and 
Richard  the  Second  to  Edmund  of  Langley  in  tail  male. 

At  this  time  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick  was  Edmund's  only  descendant  in  the 
male  line.  The  Act,  therefore,  seems  to  me  a  clear  confession  that  these  estates 
belonged  to  Edward  as  Edmund's  heir  male.  For  if  they  had  permanently 

a  Rot.  Pan.  vi.  391  b.  b  Stat.  11  Henry  VII.  c.  29. 


Forfeiture  for  High  Treason.  423 

merged  in  the  Crown  on  Edward  the  Fourth's  accession  to  the  throne,  or  become 
forfeited  in  consequence  of  Clarence's  attainder,  no  Act  of  resumption  would  have 
been  needed. 

I  apprehend  that  on  Edward  the  Fourth's  accession  to  the  throne  the  estate 
tail  merged  for  a  time  in  the  Cro\vn,  but  that  on  failure  of  Edward's  male  issue 
it  emerged  and  devolved  upon  the  Earl  of  "Warwick. 

And  I  venture  to  think  that  the  Earl  was  also  entitled  to  the  Dukedom  of 
York,  although  that  is  ordinarily  treated  as  having  merged  once  for  all  in  the 
Crown  when  Edward  the  Fourth  became  King.  If  the  entailed  estates  did  not 
permanently  merge  in  the  Crown  it  is  not  easy  to  see  why  the  entailed  dignity 
should  do  so,  unless,  indeed,  the  Act  declaring  Clarence  to  have  forfeited  the 
dignity  of  a  Duke  be  held  to  have  extended  to  his  reversionary  title  to  the  duke- 
dom of  York.  But  for  this  Act  the  case  would  be  on  all  fours  with  that  of  the 
succession  of  Richard,  son  of  the  attainted  Earl  of  Cambridge,  to  this  same 
Dukedom  of  York."  However,  it  is  certain  that  the  title  of  Duke  of  York  was 
never  borne  by  the  young  Earl,  nor  was  he  long  to  bear  any  title. 

There  were  left  to  him  now  only  the  title  of  Earl  of  "Warwick,  the  Salisbury 
Estates — and  his  life ;  of  all  these  he  was  soon  to  be  deprived.  In  1499,  whilst 
a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  with  Perkin  "Warbeck,  he  committed,  perhaps  was  in- 
veigled into  committing,  what  was  held  to  be,  probably  was,  technically  an  act 
of  high  treason,  and  en  the  28th  of  November  in  that  year  the  last  legitimate 
male  Plantagenet  perished  on  the  scaffold. 

In  the  Parliament  of  1503-1504  an  Act"  of  attainder  and  forfeiture  was  passed 
against  him,  tinder  which  the  Salisbury  estates  and  the  reversion  (expectant  on 
the  death  of  Henry  the  Seventh  and  failure  of  his  issue  male)  in  the  Warwick 
estates  were  confiscated.  Not,  however,  finally,  for  with  the  accession  of  Henry 
the  Eighth,  then  recognised  as  undoubted  heir  of  York  as  well  as  of  Lancaster,  a 
new  and  more  gracious  era  began.  In  1514,  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign, 
Edward's  sister  Margaret,  then  the  widow  of  Sir  Richard  Pole,  presented  her 
petition  to  the  king.c  It  breathes  the  "manlike"  spirit  attributed  to  her  by 
Lord  Southampton  twenty-four  years  later,  when  he  arrested  her  at  the  command 
of  that  same  Henry,  who  was  to  her  at  the  time  of  her  petition  a  kinsman  both 
affectionate  and  revering  (she  was  twenty  years  his  senior),  but  who,  at  least 
after  her  arrest  some  twenty-four  years  later,  became  her  implacable  enemy. 

a  Or  with  that  of  the  succession  of  John,  son  of  the  attainted  Lord  George  Murray,  to  the  Dukedom 
of  Athol. 

b  19  Henry  VII.  c.  34.  c  Rot.  Parl.  1513-1553,  suppl.  vol.  xlix.b. 


424  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

Speaking  of  her  unhappy  brother,  she  says  boldly,  "which  Edward,  most 
Gracious  Sovereign  Lord,  was  always  from  his  childhood,  being  of  the  age  of 
eight  years  until  the  time  of  his  decease,  remaining  and  kept  in  ward  and 
restrained  from  his  liberty,  as  well  in  the  Tower  of  London  as  in  other  places, 
having  none  experience  nor  knowledge  of  the  worldly  policies  nor  of  the  laws  of 
this  realm,  so  that  if  any  offence  were  by  him  done  concerning  such  matters 
specified  in  the  said  Act  of  Attainder"  (a  bold  doubt  in  those  days!)  "it  was 
rather  by  innocency  than  of  any  malicious  purpose."  This  pathetic  appeal  did 
not  fall  unheeded  on  the  ear  of  the  young  monarch.  By  an  Act  of  Parliament 
grounded  upon  the  petition  the  attainder  of  the  Earl,  called  Earl  of  Salisbury  as 
well  as  of  Warwick,  was  reversed  (this  was  a  strong  measure,  impugning  as  it  did 
the  proceedings  in  Henry  the  Seventh's  reign),  and  Margaret  and  her  heirs  were 
restored  to  the  Earldom  of  Salisbury  and  to  the  estates  of  which  Earl  Edward  was 
seised  at  the  time  of  the  treason  specified  in  the  Act.  It  was,  however,  expressly 
provided  that  the  Act  should  not  invalidate  the  fine  levied  by  the  old  Countess  of 
Warwick,  Edward's  and  Margaret's  grandmother,  to  the  use  of  Henry  the  Seventh 
and  his  heirs  male,  or  extend  to  any  hereditaments  that  were  of  the  inheritance 
of  the  Countess  and  Lady  Spencer,  wife  unto  Richard  late  Earl  of  Salisbury  (the 
title  of  Spencer  seems  to  be  a  mistake,  the  Countess  Ann  of  Warwick,  the  King, 
maker's  wife,  was  only  one  of  the  coheirs  of  Lord  Spencer),  in  possession,  reversion, 
or  use  (it  will  be  remembered  that  Edward  Earl  of  Warwick  was,  at  the  time  of 
his  death,  entitled  to  the  reversion  of  the  bulk  of  the  Beauchamp  and  of  part  of 
the  Despenccr  estates  in  case  of  failure  of  male  issue  of  Henry  the  Seventh,  and 
that  this  reversion  had  been  forfeited  by  his  attainder).  As  to  the  York  estates, 
the  estate  in  tail  male  in  them  granted  to  Edmund  of  Langley  would  now  have 
been  determined  by  the  extinction  of  Edmund's  male  issue,  even  if  the  resuming 
Act  of  Parliament  had  never  passed. 

The  eventful  years  of  Henry's  reign  rolled  on,  and  1538  saw  a  state  of  things 
far  different  from  that  of  1514.  In  1538  the  arrest  already  alluded  to  of  the 
Countess  of  Salisbury  took  place.  She  was  at  first  detained  in  honourable  con- 
finement at  Cowdray,  (then  a  seat  of  Lord  Southampton's,  now  a  possession  of  the 
Countess's  descendant,  the  Earl  of  Egmopt,)  but  was  afterwards  committed  to  the 
Tower.  In  the  next  year  (the  thirty-first  of  Henry's  reign)  an  Act  for  her 
attainder  was  passed." 

The  Act  is  private  and  has  never  been  printed  (I  venture  to  think  that  it  and 
many  other  private  Acts  of  this  period  deserve  to  be),  but  the  enrolment  of  it  in 

"31  Henry  VIII.  c.  15. 


Forfeiture  for  Sigh  Treason.  425 

Chancery  is  preserved  in  the  Record  Office.  It  is  what  would  be  called  in  modern 
parlance  an  omnibus  Act,  Parliament  had  not  sat  since  the  twenty-eighth  year 
of  the  King's  reign,  and  the  opportunity  was  taken  of  attainting  all  those  who 
since  the  last  sitting  of  Parliament  had  become,  or  were  thought  to  have  become, 
deserving  of  the  penalty.  They  are  divided  into  different  categories.  First  came 
those  who  had  been  already  convicted  and  executed.  "  Where  Henry  Courtney, 
late  Lord  Marquis  of  Exeter;  Henry  Pole,  Knight,  late  Lord  Montacute  "  (and 
others  named,  lords,  knights,  abbots,  and  priors,  including  Nicholas  Carewe, 
Knight)  ;  it  is  interesting  and  suggestive  to  note  here  and  elsewhere  that  knight- 
hood does  not  appear  to  have  been  forfeited  by  attainder),  "and  divers  abomin- 
able traitors  and  rebels  hath  them  confederate,  &c.,  and  be  by  the  true  course  and 
order  of  the  common  law  of  this  your  realm  of  England  severally  indicted,  con- 
victed, and  attainted  of  high  treason,  and  have  suffered  execution  for  the  same 
according  to  their  demerits,  as  by  the  several  records  thereof  more  plainly 
appeareth." 

The  next  category  is  of  those  who  had  been  indicted  only.  "  And  where  also 
Reginald  Pole,  Dean  of  the  Cathedral  Church  of  Exeter  "  (and  others  named, 
including  Eriar  Peto),  "by  the  instigation  of  the  Devil,  putting  aside  the 
dread  of  Almighty  God,  the  excellent  benefits  perceived  of  your  Highness, 
and  their  most  bounden  duty,  confederated  themselves  together,  and  have  not 
only  most  traitorously  obeyed  and  submitted  themselves  unto  the  Bishop  of 
Rome,  being  a  common  enemy  unto  your  Majesty  and  this  your  realm,  but 
also  have  taken  and  received  worldly  promotion  of  the  gifts  of  the  same 
Bishop  of  Rome"  (a  hit  this  at  Reginald  Pole's  Cardinalate),  "and  have 
prayed  and  stirred  sedition  in  this  your  realm  of  England,  &c.,  for  which,  their 
said  treasons  being  plainly  and  manifestly  proved,  they  and  each  of  them  were 
and  be  severally  indicted  of  high  treason  by  the  due  course  and  order  of  the 
common  law  of  this  your  realm  according  to  their  demerits,  as  by  the  records 
thereof  more  at  large  may  appear"  (Reginald  Pole,  as  we  all  know,  was  abroad 
out  of  the  King's  power,  as  were  probably  some,  if  not  all,  of  the  others  who  had 
been  only  indicted).  "It  may  therefore  please  your  Highness  that  the  said  Henry 
Courtney,  late  Marquis  of  Exeter,  Henry  Pole,  late  Lord  Montacute,  et  cseteri, 
shall  stand  and  be  attainted  and  convicted  of  high  treason,  and  shall  lose  and  for- 
feit unto  your  Highness,  and  to  your  heirs  and  successors,  all  such  their  manors, 
&c.,  which  they  or  any  of  them,  or  any  other  person  or  persons  in  their  right,  or 
to  their  uses,  or  to  the  use  of  any  of  them,  had,  or  ought  to  have  had,  of  any 
estate  of  inheritance  in  fee  simple  or  fee  tail,  at  the  dates  of  their  several  treasons 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  L 


426  English  Law  of  Attainder  and 

committed,  limited  and  appointed  in  their  several  indictments  "  (it  was  necessary 
to  give  such  a  date  in  the  cases  of  those  who  had  not  been  convicted),  "  or  at  any 
time  thereafter,  &c." 

The  last  category  is  of  those  who  had  not  been  even  indicted. 

"  And  where  also  Gertrude  Courtney,  late  wife  unto  the  said  late  Lord  Marquis 
of  Exeter,  hath  most  falsely,  traitorously,  and  maliciously  confederated  herself  to 
and  with  the  said  abominable  traitor  Nicholas  Carewe,  knowing  him  to  be  a 
traitor,"  &c.  (It  is  observable  that  the  Marchioness  is  not  accused  of  confede- 
rating with  her  husband ;  the  Act  respected  #ie  sanctity  of  the  marriage  tie,  but, 
as  we  shall  presently  see,  of  that  tie  only.) 

"  And  where  also  Margaret  Pole,  Countess  of  Sarum,  and  Hugh  Vaughan, 
late  of  Ockeney,  in  the  county  of  Monmouth,  yeoman,  by  instigation,  &c.  have 
not  only  most  traitorously  confederated  themselves  to  and  with  the  said  false 
and  abominable  traitors,  Henry  Pole,  late  Lord  Montacute,  and  Reginald  Pole, 
sons  unto  the  said  Countess  "  (the  maternal  tie  was  not  held  sacred),  "  knowing 
them  to  be  false  traitors  and  common  enemies  to  your  Majesty  and  this  your 
realm,  refusing  their  duty  of  allegiance  which  they  ought  to  do  and  bear  unto 
your  highness,  and  maliciously  and  traitorously  aided,  maintained,  abetted,  and 
comforted  them  in  their  said  false  and  horrible  treasons,  but  also  have  committed 
and  perpetrated  divers  and  sundry  other  detestable  and  abominable  treasons,  to 
the  most  fearful  peril  and  danger  of  the  destruction  of  your  most  royal  person, 
and  to  the  utter  loss,  disherison,  and  desolation  of  this  your  realm  of  England,  if 
God,  in  his  merciful  goodness,  had  not  in  due  time  brought  the  said  abominable 
treasons  to  knowledge.  And  where  also  John  Mac-yvaroill,  et  cseteri"  (I  set  out 
this  part  of  the  Act  as  bearing  on  the  treasons  imputed  to  Reginald  Pole,  and  to 
which  the  Countess  of  Salisbury  was  accused  of  being  accessory),  "  have  not  only 
most  traitously  adhered  and  submitted  themselves  vinto  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  but 
also  have  received  divers  and  sundry  letters  from  divers  and  sundry  traitors 
within  your  dominion  of  Ireland  to  convey  and  deliver,  as  well  into  the  hands 
of  the  said  Bishop  of  Rome  as  into  the  hands  of  the  said  most  arrogant  and 
abominable  traitor  Reginal  Pole,  for  to  resist  your  most  godly  purposes  and 
proceedings  and  to  invade  this  your  realm  of  England,  It  may  therefore  please 
your  highness  that  it  may  be  enacted  by  the  authority  of  this  present  Parlia- 
ment that  the  said  Gertrude  Courtney,  Margaret  Pole  Countess  of  Sarum,  et 
caiteri,  shall  stand  and  be  attainted  and  convict  of  high  treason,  and  shall  suffer 
such  execution  and  pains  of  death  as  in  case  of  high  treason  "  (this  latter  penalty 
had  not  been  expressly  enacted  against  the  absentees),  "  and  shall  also  lose  and 


Forfeiture  for  High  Treason.  427 

forfeit  all  such  their  manors,  &c.  which  they  or  any  of  them  " — and  so  on — "  had 
or  ought  to  have  had  of  any  estate  of  inheritance  in  fee  simple  or  fee  tail,  the 
20th  day  of  December,  in  the  30th  year  of  your  gracious  reign  or  at  any  time 
sithen."  The  day  from  which  forfeiture  of  the  Countess'  estate  was  to  date  was 
the  20th  of  December,  1538,  eleven  days  after  the  execution  of  Exeter  and 
Montague.  The  Countess,  as  we  all  know,  was  eventually  (in  1541)  executed 
under  the  Act  of  Attainder. 

This  forfeiture  was  the  final  one.  In  the  first  year  of  Queen  Mary's  reign 
the  two  daughters  and  only  children  of  Lord  Montague,  or  Montacute— he  seems 
to  have  had  both  titles,  the  first  by  summons  to  Parliament,  the  second  by  cour- 
tesy— Katharine  Countess  of  Huntingdon,  and  Winifred  wife  of  Sir  Thomas 
Hastings,  obtained  a  private  Act  for  their  restitution  in  blood,  notwithstanding 
their  father's  attainder.  Curiously  enough,  the  Act  only  mentions  his  attainder 
at  common  law,  and  says  nothing  about  the  Act  of  Attainder.  On  the  strength 
of  this  Act  of  Restoration  the  late  Countess  of  Loudoun,  senior  coheiress  of 
Henry  Lord  Montague,  recently  claimed  to  be  declared  a  coheiress  of  the  Baro- 
nies of  Monthermer,  of  Montague,  and  Montacute.  But  the  restoration  had 
been  surrounded  by  so  many  qualifications,  that  the  House  of  Lords  resolved 
that  the  attainder  of  the  Countess  of  Salisbury  still  barred  the  descent  of  the 
Baronies." 

Thus  have  we  traced  the  fortunes  of  the  illustrious  dignities  and  vast  pos- 
sessions which  vested,  or  normally  would  have  vested,  in  the  unfortunate  Edward 
Earl  of  Warwick,  until  we  find  them  all  merged  in  the  Crown. 

a  Law  Rep.  7  E.  &  I.  H.  L.  Ap.  Ca.  p.  305. 


(See  Genealogical  Table  on  next  page.) 


3L  2 


428 


English  Laic  of  Attainder  and  Forfeiture  for  High  Treason. 


GENEALOGICAL    TABLE. 


EDWARD  III. 


3.  Lionel  of  Antwerp.=j= 
Duke  of  Clarence. 


I 


Philippa.=pEdmnnd  Mortimer, 
Earl  of  March. 

Roger  Mortimer,  Earl 
March,  dec!,  h.  pres.  to 
Richard  II.  1387,  slain 
in  Ireland,  1398. 


5.  Edmund  of  Langley,1?1 
Duke  of  York, 
Aug.  1402. 

i 


ngley,=f 
,1 


Blanehe=p4.  John  of  Gannt,=j=Catherine  Swynford, 
Plantagenet,  I       Duke  of  Lan-  3rd  wife. 

1st  wife.  caster. 


Edmund  Mortimer, 
Earl  of  March, 
d.s.p.  Jan.  1421/5. 


Ann=r2.  Richard,  1.  Edward, 

Mortimer.  |  Earl  of  Cambridge,     Duke  of  York, 
d.  Aug.  1415.  d.  s.  p.  Oct.  1415. 


Henry  IV.=p 


John  Beau-=T=  Joan=pRalph  Neville, 

fort,  Earl  of  I      Beaufort,      Earl  of  West- 
Somerset.  2nd  wife,      moreland. 


Cecilv  Neville.^  Richard, 
Duke  of 
York. 


Henry  V.=y=         Jonn  Beau-=p      Richard=f=Alice  Monta- 


fort,  Dukcof 
Somerset. 


Edward  IV.=j=      George^Isabel 


Duke  of 
Clarence. 


Neville. 


Richard  ,=pAnn 


Duke  of 
Gloucester. 


Elizabeth, 

m.  Henry 
VII. 


Edward, 

Earl  of  Warwick, 
beh.  Nov.  149'J, 
num. 


Margaret, 
Countess  of 
Salisbury, 
beh.  May- 


Neville. 


Ed  ward, 
Prince  of 
Wales,  d. 
April 


Henry  VI.=f= 


Neville. 


cute,  dau.  of 
Thomas,  Earl 
of  Salisbury. 


Cecily=Richard, 
Neville.      Duke  of 
York. 


Margaret^=Edmnnd 
Heaufort.  I  Tudor,Earl 
[  of  Rich- 
mond. 


Richards-Ann  Beau- 
Neville,         |  champ,  dau. 


"the  king- 
maker.1' 


of  Rich.  Earl 
of  Warwick. 


Edward, 
Prince  of 
Wales,  d. 
May 
1471. 


Henry  VII. 
m.  Elizabeth, 
dau.  of  Ed- 
ward IV. 


Isabel  Neville, 
in.  George 
Duke  of 
Clarence. 


Ann  Neville, 
m.   Richard 
Dnke  of 
Gloucester. 


XXIII. — Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone,  conducted  in  June  and 
July,  1878,  by  Major-General  AUGUSTUS  H.  L.  F.  PITT-RIVERS,  F.R.S.  F.S.A. 


Read  December  9,  1880. 


THE  earthwork  known  as  Caesar's  Camp  or  Castle  Hill  is  one  mile  and  three- 
quarters  (3  kil.)  to  the  north-west  of  Folkestone  Harbour.  It  is  a  conspicuous 
object  from  the  railway  to  all  who  look  for  it,  being  situated  on  the  summit  of 
the  line  of  hills  termed  by  geologists  the  Chalk  Escarpment,  and  overlooking  from 
a  commanding  position  the  whole  of  the  low  ground  between  it  and  the  sea.  A 
good  view  of  it  taken  from  the  east  may  be  seen  in  the  frontispiece  to  Mr.  W. 
Topley's  Geology  of  the  Weald.  Geologically  the  ground  on  which  the  Camp 
has  been  constructed  corresponds  to  that  of  Mount  Caburn  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  weald  valley  ;  both  overlook  the  weald  valley,  but  from  opposite 
directions,  both  occupy  the  chalk  ridges  which  bound  the  valley  on  three  sides, 
and  both  are  situated  not  far  from  the  coast  line  on  which  that  extensive 
geological  area  opens  into  the  English  Channel. 

Mount  Caburn  Camp  has  already  been  described  by  me  in  a  former  paper 
published  in  the  Archaeologia.  'l  The  occupation  of  both  it  and  Cissbury  Camp 
near  Worthing  has  been  there  fixed  in  the  late  Celtic  period  or  the  period  in  all 
probability  immediately  preceding  the  Roman  Conquest,  but  in  the  case  of  both 
these  camps  it  was  shewn  that  the  ramparts  were  probably  erected  at  a  much 
earlier  date. 

These  two  camps  having  been  determined  on  sufficient  evidence  to  be  British, 
it  may  be  of  interest  to  compare  them  in  their  general  outline  with  the  earthwork 
now  to  be  described ;  we  shall  then  see  to  what  extent  we  are  justified,  if  at  all, 
in  forming  an  opinion  upon  the  date  of  an  entrenchment  by  its  external 
appearance.  It  is  a  common  practice  to  connect  together  in  point  of  time  objects 
which  bear  a  general  resemblance  to  one  another,  and  this  is  justified  by  the 
continuity  and  conservatism  observable  in  pre-historic  and  non-historic  remains 
generally  ;  but  it  is  the  part  of  the  anthropologist  to  distinguish  those  points  of 

*  Archaeologia.  vol.  XLVI. 


430  Excavations  at  Casar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

similitude  which  being  the  result  of  like  causes  may  belong  to  any  period  in 
which  like  causes  may  have  occurred,  from  those  which,  being  peculiar,  may 
reasonably  be  ascribed  to  the  same  race  and  to  a  connected  state  of  society.  In 
dealing  with  defensive  works  we  must  be  careful  to  separate  so  far  as  possible 
those  more  obvious  expedients  of  the  art  of  war  connected  with  the  surrounding 
ground  which  have  been  common  to  all  people  arrayed  against  each  other  in 
arms,  from  those  which  constitute  particular  systems  employed  by  different 
people.  No  one  could  fail  to  distinguish  the  first  from  the  second  or  third 
systems  of  Vauban,  or  to  fix  with  certainty  the  date  of  each,  although  they 
greatly  resemble  each  other  as  bastion  systems  of  defence,  and  in  course  of  time 
by  diligent  search  we  may  be  able  to  distinguish  the  peculiarities  of  defence 
belonging  to  different  pre- historic  tribes  and  races.  Time  has  weathered  all  these 
earthworks  into  rounded  heaps  and  depressions,  obliterating  minor  details  oil 
which  we  might  rely  for  discriminating  between  the  different  systems  employed, 
and  which  can  only  be  brought  to  light  by  cutting  sections  through  them.  Such 
sections  in  certain  soils,  such  as  chalk,  may  expose  to  view  the  original  shapes  of 
the  ditches,  but  no  sufficient  number  of  sections  have  yet  been  made  to  enable 
us  to  classify  them.  Peculiarities  of  trace  in  the  plans  of  works  may  be  noticed, 
but  such  features  have  not  yet  been  connected  with  their  associated  relics  with 
sufficient  certainty  to  allow  of  their  being  separated,  and  the  generalizations 
which  have  been  attempted  have  been  based  on  insufficient  evidence. 

Caesar's  Camp,  to  use  the  common  but  inappropriate  name  by  which  it  is 
generally  known,  resembles  both  Caburn  and  Cissbury,  in  being  situated  on  a 
hill-top ;  but  this  is  an  expedient  too  generally  adopted  in  defensiAre  works  to  con- 
stitute a  special  peculiarity.  Like  those  works,  the  ramparts  follow  the  general 
outline  of  the  hill,  and  see  into  the  surrounding  hollows ;  but  this  also  is  a  prin- 
ciple of  defence  too  universal  in  its  application  to  enable  us  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  others,  if  we  except  only  the  camps  of  the  Romans,  who,  whether  from 
contempt  for  their  enemies,  or  the  requirements  of  interior  organisation,  habi- 
tually neglected  this  principle  of  defence  in  England;  and  this  constitutes  a 
primd  facie  probability  against  the  Camp  under  consideration  being  Roman.  The 
name  of  Csesar  we  know  to  have  been  attached  in  comparatively  modern  times  to 
military  defences  of  unknown  date,  solely  from  the  fact  of  his  being  the  greatest 
warrior  of  ancient  times. 

Csesar's  Camp  also  resembles  the  other  earthworks  mentioned,  in  being 
remote  from  water ;  but  this  circumstance  is  of  no  value  until  we  have  ascer- 
tained by  means  of  excavations  whether  water  was  obtained  by  artificial  means. 


Excavations  at  Caesar's  Gamp  near  Folkestone.  431 

Here  also,  as  at  Caburn,  Cissbury,  and  other  camps,  the  interior  is  occupied 
by  pits,  but  we  have  already  seen  by  previous  excavations  how  various  were  the 
uses  to  which  pits  were  put.  Whilst  at  Cissbury  they  marked  the  entrance  to 
flint  mines  of  a  much  earlier  period  than  the  camp,  at  Caburn  they  were  found  to 
be  the  sites  of  cellars  in  connection  with  habitations  of  a  later  date  than  the  first 
construction  of  the  camp,  and  in  other  places  they  are  the  work  of  the  Agri- 
mensores  of  Roman  times.  We  derive,  therefoi-e,  no  evidence  from  the  presence 
of  pits  until  their  contents  have  been  examined. 

Unlike  Cissbury,  Caburn.  and  many  other  earthworks  of  British  origin  in  this 
region,  Caesar's  Camp,  Plate  XVI.,  is  provided  with  an  inner  and  smaller  Citadel, 
or  keep,  in  the  highest  corner  of  the  interior  space.  This  Citadel  has  a  cir- 
cumference of  about  570  feet  (173  m.)  measured  along  the  crest  of  the  Rampart, 
and  from  the  ditch  of  this  work  an  Outer  Rampart,  (D,  E,  E,  Plate  XVI.)  is  drawn , 
having  a  circuit  of  about  1,100  feet  (335  m.),  and  enclosing  an  outer  space  on 
the  north  and  east  sides.  The  Citadel  is  therefore  in  the  south-west  corner  of  the 
Camp,  immediately  above  the  southern  slope  of  the  chalk  hill,  geologically 
termed  the  Chalk  Escarpment,  though  we  must  be  careful  to  distinguish  be- 
tween this  natural  Escarpment  and  the  artificial  escarpment  to  be  hereafter  men- 
tioned. The  Camp  is  on  a  spur  of  the  chalk  hills,  and  from  the  rampart  of  the 
Citadel  the  ground  falls  in  all  directions,  but  more  gently  towards  the  north 
than  on  the  other  sides.  It  is  on  the  apex  of  a  "  cape,"  or  r:  headland,"  and 
is  guarded  by  a  "bay,"  or  "coombe."  Whether  it  was  that  the  sides  of  this  bay 
were  not  originally  sufficiently  steep  to  form  a  natural  defence,  or  that  an  attack 
on  this  quarter  might  be  more  probably  expected,  the  sides  of  the  bay  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Camp,  immediately  outside  the  ditch  of  the  Citadel,  have  been 
artificially  escarped  for  a  depth  of  about  90  feet  (27  m.)  (G,  H,  Plate  XVI.),  so  as  to 
give  the  slope  an  angle  of  41^°  with  the  horizon.  On  the  south  side  of  the  Camp 
the  natural  Escarpment  is  at  an  angle  of  30°  and  the  height  250  feet  (76m.), 
whilst  on  the  north  side  the  slope  is  not  more  than  15°,  and  the  total  height  from 
the  summit  to  the  bottom  of  the  valley  on  that  side  about  60  feet  (24m.).  This 
being  the  weakest  side  is  therefore  defended  by  two  ramparts,  viz. :  that  of  the 
outer  camp  (the  Outer  Rampart)  and  that  of  the  Citadel  (the  Inner  or  Upper 
Rampart),  whilst  the  stronger  sides  are  defended  by  the  rampart  of  the  Citadel  only. 

The  artificial  escarpment  (G.  H.)  on  the  west  side  is  so  entirely  coated  with  grass 
as  to  be  undistinguishable  except  by  its  formation  from  the  natural  Escarpment, 
and,  though  satisfied  myself  of  its  artificial  character,  I  was  anxious  to  obtain  the 
opinion  of  an  experienced  geologist.  I  was  fortunate  enough  to  persuade  Professor 


432  Excavations  at  Ctesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

Hughes  of  Cambridge  to  visit  the  Camp,  and  he  remained  with  me  a  couple  of 
days.  Well  knowing  the  very  artificial  appearance  which  the  Weald  Escarpment 
sometimes  assumes  in  the  natural  process  of  denudation,  he  was  fully  prepared  to 
find  that  the  part  in  question  was  merely  a  portion  of  the  natural  slope  which 
from  some  cause  had  been  denuded  at  an  unusually  abrupt  angle,  and  even  when 
observing  the  position  from  the  Railway  at  a  distance  of  a  mile  (1609  m.)  he 
retained  the  same  opinion.  On  his  arrival  at  the  spot,  however,  a  single  glance 
was  sufficient  to  alter  his  view,  and  cause  him  to  pronounce  unhesitatingly  that 
the  slope  was  artificial.  The  fact  that  the  Outer  Rampart  abuts  upon  this  artificial 
escarpment  at  right  angles  (see  Plate  XVI.,  T,  F,)  is  sufficient  to  prove  that  it 
formed  part  of  the  original  defence  of  the  Camp,  affording  all  the  protection  that 
was  considered  necessary  for  the  outer  division  of  the  Camp  on  that  side. 

The  presence  of  a  keep  or  citadel,  in  our  present  condition  of  knowledge  of 
the  subject,  does  not  afford  sufficient  grounds  for  determining  the  date  of  an 
entrenchment,  although  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  evidence  to  be  hereafter 
adduced  it  may  be  employed  to  give  force  to  an  argument.  I  am  aware  that  an 
attempt  has  been  made  to  classify  camps  into  those  which  have  and  those  which 
have  not  this  addition  to  their  defences ;  but  I  hardly  think  the  information  we 
at  present  possess  is  sufficient  to  warrant  such  a  classification.  The  keep  certainly 
is  not  usual  if  indeed  it  is  ever  found  in  camps  of  the  British  period  in  this  region, 
but  on  the  other  hand  we  have  the  examples  of  Herefordshire  Beacon  and  other 
fortresses  believed  by  some  to  be  British  which  are  provided  with  an  interior 
stronghold  of  this  kind,  and  it  is  a  very  obvious  expedient  to  have  an  inner  post 
to  retire  to  when  the  outer  rampart  is  taken. 

There  is,  however,  another  part  of  the  defences  of  Cassar's  Camp  which 
appears  to  me  to  deserve  more  particular  attention,  and  that  is  a -Traverse  (I,  K, 
Plate  XVI.)  about  100  feet  (30  m.)  in  length,  dividing  the  outer  camp  into  two  parts, 
running  from  the  Inner  to  the  Outer  Rampart  on  the  north  side  at  right  angles,  or 
nearly  so,  to  both.  The  ditch  of  this  Traverse  is  on  the  west  side,  showing  that 
the  intention  was  to  cut  off  the  eastern  from  the  western  divisions  after  the  latter 
had  been  taken.  Such  a  traverse  might  either  have  been  constructed  to  cut  off 
a  breach  during  an  attack  on  the  west  side,  or  if  an  attack  on  that  side  was 
anticipated  it  might  have  formed  part  of  the  original  defence.  The  fact  that  the 
ditch  of  this  Traverse  does  not  run  into  that  of  the  Citadel,  but  leaves  a  causeway 
about  15  feet  (4-570  m.)  in  width,  (L,  Plate  XVI.),  to  facilitate  communication  be- 
tween the  two  outer  compartments  of  the  Camp,  favours  the  opinion  that  it  formed 
part  of  the  original  defences,  and  we  shall  have  to  consider  the  significance  of 


Excavations  at  Cesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  433 

tliis  construction  hereafter.  Several  causeways  with  corresponding  gaps  in  the 
ramparts  occur  in  both  Inner  and  Outer  Ramparts,  but,  as  these  will  be  shewn 
hereafter  to  be  of  subsequent  construction,  made  probably  to  facilitate  the  ingress 
of  cattle  to  the  pasture  lands  within  the  intrenchments,  they  have  been  omitted 
from  the  Plan  except  one  across  each  ditch,  which  appeared  to  be  ancient. 

It  only  further  remains  to  notice  two  Pits  or  basin-shaped  depressions,  a 
greater  and  a  lesser,  both  at  the  foot  of  the  interior  slope  of  the  Citadel  on  the 
north  side.  The  eastern  or  smaller  Pit  (M,  Plate  XVI. )  had  a  diameter  at  top  of 
about  12  feet  (3'657  m.)  and  a  depth  of  3  feet  (0-915  m.),  the  western  and  larger 
(N,  Plate  XVI.),  the  margin  of  which  was  20  feet  (6-096  m.)  from  the  other 
had  a  depth  of  4  feet  (1-219  m.)  and  a  diameter  of  32  feet  (9'753  m.)  In  the 
outer  camp  there  was  one  large  Pit  (P,  Plate  XVI.)  with  a  diameter  of  20  feet 
(6'098  m.)  at  top,  in  the  middle  of  the  eastern  division,  the  earth  from  the  basin 
of  which  had  been  thrown  up  in  a  half- moon  shape  on  the  northern  or  IOAVCI* 
margin.  There  were  besides  two  or  three  small  depressions  in  this  division 
of  the  Camp  near  the  southern  rampart  (R,  Plate  XVI.)  and  three  in  line  at 
right  angles  and  close  to  the  eastern  rampart  (S,  Plate  XVI.)  The  interior  of 
the  Citadel  shewed  marks  of  having  been  cut  about  in  the  formation  perhaps  of 
buildings  or  huts.  The  Rampart  of  the  Citadel  had  a  bold  relief  and  was  intact  on 
all  sides  except  the  south,  where,  if  it  ever  existed,  it  had  been  destroyed.  The 
Outer  Rampart  was  also  intact  everywhere  except  where  it  had  been  cut  through 
for  cattle  as  above-mentioned,  and  at  the  western  end  (E,  Plate  XVI.)  where 
it  abuts  upon  the  artificial  escarpment,  here  for  some  reason  it  had  been  destroyed, 
and  the  ditch  filled  in  for  the  space  of  some  feet. 

Springs  of  good  water  are  found  in  the  bottoms  of  the  coombes  to  the  east  and 
west  of  the  Camp,  but  not  in  positions  to  be  accessible  from  the  Camp  if  it  were 
fully  invested.  In  the  flat  bottom  of  the  valley  or  rather  depression  in  the  hill  to 
the  north  immediately  outside  the  ditch  of  the  Outer  Rampart  there  is  a  level  space 
(G,  U,  Plate  XVI.)  embracing  an  area  of  about  700  feet  (213  m.)  by  450  feet 
(137  m.),  which  it  was  noticed  would  have  formed  excellent  ground  for  the  exer- 
cise or  encampment  of  a  body  of  troops.  This  space  was  bounded  by  a  small 
bank  (T,  U,  Plate  XVI.)  which  had  the  appearance  of  being  ancient,  runnin°- 
along  the  counterscarp  of  the  ditch  on  one  side  and  parallel  to  the  edge  of  the 
ravine  on  the  east,  but  about  50  feet  (15  m.)  from  it,  so  as  to  leave  a  roadway 
along  the  edge  for  communication  with  the  entrance  to  the  Camp  on  that  side. 

Prom  this  bank  another  bank  or  rampart  with  a  ditch  on  the  south  side  runs 
along  the  edge  of  the  natural  Chalk  Escarpment  in  a  good  defensive  position 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  M 


434  Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

commanding  the  slopes  and  following  the  sinuosities  of  the  ground,  rounding 
Sugar-loaf  Hill  and  extending  perhaps  originally  as  far  as  the  chalk  cliffs  on  the 
sea  coast,  a  distance  of  about  two  miles  (3^  kil.)  Whether  this  rampart  was 
connected  with  the  Camp  or  not  it  is  now  impossible  to  say,  but  its  position,  for- 
tified as  it  appears  to  have  been,  and  having  the  cliffs  on  the  coast  on  one  flank 
and  the  Camp  strengthened  with  the  addition  of  an  artificial  escarpment  on  the 
other  flank,  combined  with  the  strategical  importance  of  the  situation,  suggests 
to  the  eye  of  a  military  observer  the  idea  of  an  extensive  position  of  great 
strength,  capable,  it  is  true,  of  being  turned  on  the  right  flank,  but  especially 
strengthened  on  this  flank  by  artificial  defences  of  which  the  Camp  now  under 
consideration  forms  the  key. 

The  plan  pursued  in  order  to  ascertain  the  date  of  this  Camp  was  that 
adopted  with  success  in  the  case  of  other  camps,  viz. :  to  cut  several  sections 
through  the  ditches  and  ramparts,  and  observe  what  relics  might  be  found  on  the 
line  of  the  old  surface,  beneath  the  rampart,  and  in  the  bottoms  of  the  ditches, 
to  excavate  the  pits  as  far  as  the  undisturbed  sides  and  bottoms,  taking  out  all 
the  accumulations  of  rubble,  to  cut  trenches  in  the  interior  to  ascertain  whether 
any  foundations  of  habitations  could  be  discovered,  and  to  compare  the  shards  of 
pottery  in  the  interior  with  those  found  beneath  the  rampart,  observing  whether 
they  correspond  in  quality  and  ornamentation  or  in  the  presence  or  absence  of  glaze. 

It  should  be  mentioned  that  Gough,  in  his  additions  to  Camden's  Britannia, 
speaks  of  Roman  bricks  having  been  found  on  Castle  Hill." 

It  is  not  quite  evident  whether  this  is  the  Castle  Hill  under  consideration,  or 
the  one  which  formerly  existed  in  the  town  of  Folkestone.  His  description  of 
the  entrenchments  is  certainly  incomplete,  "  double-ditched  on  the  east  and  triple 
on  the  north  and  west."  But  even  if  we  were  to  count  the  ditch  of  the  Traverse 
(I,  K,  Plate  XVI.)  on  the  north  we  could  hardly  speak  of  the  Camp  as  triple- 
ditched  on  that  side,  because  the  Traverse  forms  only  a  lateral  defence,  and  on  the 
west  side  it  cannot  be  made  out  that  there  was  more  than  one  ditch.  Whether 
or  not  the  remains  of  walls  existed  at  that  time,  it  is  certain  that  none  can  be 
seen  at  present,  and  I  am  upon  the  whole  disinclined  to  place  much  reliance  on 
the  description  of  Gough  in  this  case,  because  his  remarks  were  evidently  not  the 
result  of  personal  observation,  and  we  shall  see  in  the  sequel  that  it  is  highly 
improbable  that  anything  Roman  could  have  been  found  there. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Kent  Archaeological  Society  in  1874,  Mr.  Jeaffreson 
read  a  paper  on  the  Castle  Hill  to  the  members  of  the  Society  assembled  on  the 

a  Camden's  Britannia,  Gough's  edition,  vol.  i.  p.  363. 


Excavations  at  Ctesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  435 

spot.     In  it  he  gives  a  very  fair  resume  of  the  evidence  available  at  that  time, 
which,  however,  it  must  be  admitted  was  not  of  a  character  to  produce  satisfactory 
results.     He  rejects  the  view  of  the  entrenchment  being  Roman,  both  on  acconnt 
of  its  outline  and  the  absence  of  any  mention  of  it  in  the  Notitia,  Itinerary,  or 
elsewhere ;  nor  does  he  in  any  way  favour  the  opinion  that  a  Roman  pharos  existed 
here,  as  supposed  by  Mr.  Wright,"  and  mentioned  in  Murray's  Hand-book ;  and 
he  discredits  the  statement  that  Roman  bricks  have  been  discovered,  quoting 
Ireland,  who  expressly  states  that  not  a  vestige  of  them  could  be  found ;  nor  is 
there  any  local  tradition  concerning  them,  for,  had  such  existed,  Mr.  Jeaffre- 
son,  being  an  inhabitant  of  Folkestone,  would  be  in  a  position  to  know  of  it.     In 
referring  to  the  observations  of  the  older  writers,  that  the  Camp  has  a  triple 
entrenchment  on  the  north  side,  he  observes  that  the  traces  of  a  third  line  are 
somewhat  feeble.     It  is  true  that  as  seen  in  the  section  (Plate  XVII.  fig.  1)  there 
is  a  small  bank  on  the  outside  of  the  upper  ditch,  and  if  Gough  had  spoken  of  it 
as  triple-banked  instead  of  triple-ditched  his  remark  would  have  been  less  open 
to   criticism.      Mr.  Jeaffreson   also   comments   on   the  occurrence  of  an   inner 
entrenchment,  and  says,  probably  with  truth,  that  this  principle  of  defence  was 
not  unknown  to  the  Celts,  but  he  appears  to  me   scarcely  sufficiently  to  dis- 
tinguish between  concentric  lines  of  defence  parallel  to  each  other  and  keeps  or 
citadels  in  one  corner  or  in  the  centre  of  the  interior  space.     In  this  respect  his 
comparison  between  this  Camp  and  the  camp  at  Limes,  near  Dieppe,   appears 
to  me  open  to  question,  as  the  latter  cannot  be  said  to  have  any  interior  citadel, 
nor  is  it  by  any  means  certain  that  the  citadel  on  the  Herefordshire  Beacon, 
which  the  author  quotes  as  a  British  entrenchment,  is  in  reality  British.1"    I  have 
dwelt  at  length  on  Mr.  Jeaffreson's  paper,  because  it  embraces  all  that  could  b& 
said  on  the  subject  up  to  the  time  of  its  delivery.     He  concludes  his  paper  with 
the  very  just  remark  that  "  to  set  the  whole  question  at  rest  an  exploration  of  the 
ground  is  requisite."0 

My  attention  was  first  drawn  to  this  Camp  by  Mr.  Hilton  Price,  who  had  been 
engaged  for  some  time  in  examining  the  Gault  formation  in  this  district.  He 
remained  with  me  during  the  first  part  of  the  excavations,  thereby  enabling  me  to 
profit  by  his  geological  experience,  which  was  of  much  value,  more  particularly  in 
estimating  the  probabilities  of  a  water-supply  having  been  obtained  for  the 

a  Murray's  Hand-book  for  Kent  and  Sussex,  1863,  page  52. 

b  Excavations  recently  conducted  by  Mr.  Hilton  Price  in  the  citadel  of  Herefordshire  Beacon  render 
it  doubtful  whether  this  camp  can  really  be  regarded  as  Britith.     Journal  Anthrop.  Inst.  vol.  x.  page  319. 
0  ArcJiaeologia  Cantiana,  vol.  x.  pnges  xliv-xlvili. 

3  M  2 


436  Excavations  at  Cesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

garrison  by  means  of  wells ;  and  I  shall  have  occasion  to  revert  to  his  opinion  on 
this  subject  in  another  place. 

The  services  of  some  Sappers  from  Shornoliffe  were  obtained  at  first,  after 
which  civil  labour  was  employed,  and  from  eight  to  ten  men  were  employed  daily. 
I  would  also  mention  that  the  excavations  at  this  Camp  and  Mount  Caburn  were 
assisted  partly  by  grants  from  the  British  Archaeological  Association  and  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries.  Permission  from  the  lord  of  the  manor  having  been 
obtained  through  the  kind  assistance  of  his  agent,  Mr.  Thomas,  the  excavations 
were  commenced  on  3rd  June,  1878,  and  continued,  with  an  interval  of  about  a 
fortnight,  until  the  5th  July  in  the  same  year. 

I  shall  now  describe  the  different  parts  excavated  and  the  relics  discovered, 
without  regard  to  the  order  in  which  they  were  found,  and,  in  order  that  every 
object  may  be  recorded  without  occupying  the  reader's  attention  with  things  that 
are  of  no  material  consequence  to  the  point  at  issue,  I  have  pursued  the  plan, 
previously  adopted  by  me  in  the  case  of  other  camps,  of  showing  everything  in  a 
B die  Table  at  the  end  of  this  paper.  I  may  mention  here  that,  throughout  the 
diggings,  the  greatest  care  was  taken  to  avoid  deception,  the  Avorkinen  were  never 
allowed  to  commence  until  after  I  arrived,  and  after  the  work  had  commenced  I 
never  turned  my  back  on  the  excavators  until  the  day's  work  was  over. 
Experience  has  taught  me  to  make  a  point  of  this,  without  having  regard  to  the 
character  of  the  men  employed.  In  order  that  the  evidence  obtained  may  be 
strictly  reliable,  it  should,  if  possible,  be  of  a  character  that  might  be  accepted  in 
a  court  of  justice. 

Trenches  in  the  interior  of  the  Citadel,  section  6  of  the  Relic  Table,  and 
V.  Plate  XVI. 

We  cut  trenches  in  several  places,  as  shown  in  the  Plan,  selecting  the  spots 
in  which  the  ground  appeared  to  have  been  disturbed,  and  digging  down  to  a 
depth  of  about  a  foot  until  the  undisturbed  chalk  was  reached.  No  traces  of 
foundations  were  discovered,  or  any  fragments  of  brick.  Amongst  the  most 
noticeable  relics  were  a  silver  penny  of  Stephen  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  31),  worn  and  the 
image  much  defaced,  but  quite  identifiable ;  part  of  the  tubular  socket  probably  of 
an  iron  arrow-head,  similar  to  one  afterwards  found  in  Pit  2,  M  ;  an  iron  clench-bolt 
(Plate  XVIII.  fig.  15)  with  lozenge-shaped  heads,  probably  used  to  fasten  a  handle 
to  a  shield ;  and  several  lozenge-shaped  heads  (Plate  XVIII.  figs.  3  and  4)  of  the 
same  size  and  form,  but  without  the  bolts.  The  space  between  the  heads  of 
the  bolt  was  i'26  inch  (0'032  in.)  A  precisely  similar  clench-bolt  figures  in 


Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  437 

Roach  Smith's  Collectanea;"  it  is  one  of  about  twenty,  said  to  have  been  found  in 
a  grave  at  Ozingell,  in  Kent.  The  Ozingell  graves  are  Anglo-Saxon,  but  the 
statement  of  the  discovery  of  these  bolts  in  one  of  them  is  unreliable,  and  Mr. 
Roach  Smith  observes  that  they  are  quite  different  in  character  from  what  was 
found  generally  in  the  Ozingell  graves ;  they  may  therefore  be  of  a  later  date. 
A  considerable  number  of  precisely  similar  clench-bolts  were  found  by  M.  Charma 
close  to  a  small  rectangular  camp  called  Le  Catillon,  near  Benouville,  in  Normandy.'1 
In  the  Le  Catillon  camp  itself  Roman  remains  were  said  to  have  been  discovered ; 
the  find  associated  with  the  iron  clench-bolts  was,  however,  not  in  the  camp,  but 
near  it,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  mediaeval  ruins ;  315  skeletons  were  here  dis- 
covered together,  all  having  been  buried  with  their  heads  to  the  west  and  feet  to 
the  east.  Close  to  the  left  hand  of  each  skeleton,  at  a  uniform  distance  apart, 
two  of  these  clench -bolts  were  found,  showing  that  they  probably  fastened  the 
handle  to  a  shield  buried  with  the  body,  on  the  left  side,  close  to  the  hand ;  these 
bolts  resembled  closely  our  specimen,  having  a  lozenge-shaped  head  on  one  side 
and  a  round  head  on  the  other.  Associated  with  these  skeletons  was  an  earthen 
vessel,  slightly  glazed  in  the  inside  and  perforated  with  holes,  having  also  charred 
embers  in  the  interior.  M.  de  Caurnontc  has  shown  that  similar  perforated 
vessels,  employed  for  incense,  were  often  deposited  with  the  dead  in  the  twelfth 
century.  Everything  points  to  the  probability  of  this  find  of  skeletons  being  of 
the  Norman  period.  These  peculiar  clench-bolts  can  be  traced  to  a  Scandinavian 
origin;  M.  Troyon  found  similar  bolts  in  a  tumulus  in  the  isle  of  Munso3n,  in  the 
lake  of  Malar ;  and  in  a  tumulus  at  Ulltana,  near  Upsala,  similar  bolts  were  found, 
in  connection  with  a  small  boat  buried  with  a  warrior,  which  are  figured  in  M. 
Montelius's  Antiquites  Suedois? 

Amongst  the  relics  turned  up  in  the  trenches  at  Caesar's  Camp  was  also  a 
small  copper-gilt  object  with  a  quatre-foil  termination,  and  having  a  round 
button  or  stud  on  the  shank  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  27)  ;  which,  on  being  submitted  to 
Mr.  Eranks's  inspection,  was  pronounced  by  him  it  to  be  undoubtedly  mediaeval  on 
account  of  its  being  gilt.  Gilt  objects  are  very  rare  among  Roman  antiquities, 
and  never  found  with  Celtic.  The  quatre-foil  is  also  a  medieval  form.  The  gilt 

a  Collectanea,  vol.  iii.  p.  17. 

b  Memoires  de  la  Socie'te  des  Antiquaires  de  Normandie,  vol.  xix.  p.  485. 

c  Abe'cedaire  ffArcheoloyie,  Architecture  Iteligieuse,  5th  edition,  p.  316. 

d  Antiquites  Sue'dois,  p.  121,  figs.  403-405.  Similar  clench-bolts  have  been  found  in  the  province  of 
Satacunda,  in  Finland,  amongst  antiquities  of  the  late  iron  age  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries 
of  our  era,  and  are  figured  in  M.  Aspelin's  Antiquites  du  Nord  Finno-Oitgrien,  p.  283. 


438  Excavations  at  Cesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

stud  is  a  small  sphere  of  0*25  inch  (0-065  m.)  in  diameter  of  precisely  the  same 
form  and  size  as  others,  to  be  spoken  of  hereafter,  found  in  the  body  of  the  outer 
rampart.  I  am  unable  to  ascertain  its  use  ;  possibly  it  may  have  been  some  por- 
tion of  horse-furniture.  Reference  to  the  Relic  Table  will  show  that  the  pottery 
found  in  these  trenches  was  of  four  kinds,  twelve  pieces,  or  about  six  per  cent,  of 
the  whole  (see  column  8)  was  of  a  coarse,  smooth,  black  kind,  with  large  frag- 
ments of  quartz  in  its  composition,  about  0'02  inch  (0'005  m.)  in  thickness  and 
hand-made.  The  rims  of  this  quality  were  of  two  kinds,  one  plain  and  the  other 
ornamented  with  a  herring-bone  pattern  (Plate  XX.  figs.  45,  46,  and  51).  This 
class  of  pottery,  had  it  continued  throughout  the  excavations,  would  have  favoured 
the  view  of  the  first  occupation  of  the  Camp  having  been  in  British  times,  but  it 
will  be  seen  that  this  is  not  the  case.  The  ornamented  pottery  of  this  kind  is  also 
of  the  quality  usually  fabricated  for  containing  the  ashes  of  the  dead  in  tumuli, 
and  I  therefore  incline  to  the  opinion  that  a  tumulus  must  have  existed  some- 
where on  the  site  of  the  Camp  and  may  have  been  destroyed  in  making  the 
Camp.  A  tumulus  exists  on  the  other  side  of  the  coombe  to  the  west.  About 
eight  per  cent,  of  the  fragments  of  pottery  (column  7)  were  of  a  brown  colour 
with  large  grains  and  hand-made,  the  rim  being  ornamented  by  the  impress  of 
the  fingers  into  a  sinuous  wave-like  form  (Plate  XX.  fig.  41).  This  corresponds 
to  the  rim  of  the  pot  found  with  the  clench-bolts  at  Le  Catillon,  in  Normandy,  and 
figured  in  Mr.  Charma's  paper  above  referred  to  ;  it  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in 
early  Xorman  pottery.  But  the  great  mass  of  the  pottery  found  in  the  trenches, 
amounting  to  eighty-two  per  cent.,  was  of  the  character  most  constant  in  Caesar's 
Camp  (it  is  shown  in  the  6th  column  of  the  Relic  Table),  and  consisted  of  frag- 
ments of  large,  globular  vessels  with  a  projecting  plain  rim  and  without  any 
ornament,  of  hard,  sandy  texture,  without  large  grains,  lathe-turned,  brick- 
coloured  on  the  outside  and  gray  or  light  brown  on  the  inside,  the  sides  about 
0'2  inch  (0'005  m.)  in  thickness.  Two  small  fragments  of  glazed  pottery  were 
also  found,  one  green,  the  other  red,  of  the  same  quality  and  thickness  as  the 
last-named,  and  it  may  be  as  well  to  notice  here  that  in  different  parts  of  the 
excavations  in  the  camp  fragments  of  pottery  of  the  quality  returned  as  unglazed 
in  the  5th  and  6th  columns  of  the  Relic  Table  were  occasionally  found  with  glaze 
on  them.  Three  flint  flakes  and  a  number  of  iron  nails,  some  of  which  were 
bent  intentionally  at  right  angles,  completed  the  finds  in  the  trenches  in  the 
interior  of  the  Citadel,  the  remains  from  which,  it  must  be  remembered,  are  not 
necessarily  of  the  date  of  the  construction  of  the  Camp. 

The  Pits,  sections  1  and  2  of  the  Relic  Table  and  M  and  K",  Plate  XVI. 


Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  439 

Attention  was  now  turned  to  the  two  basin-shaped  depressions  close  to  the 
foot  of  the  interior  slope  on  the  north  side,  the  dimensions  of  which  have  already 
been  given.  Pit  2,  M,  Plate  XVI.,  was  examined  first,  by  removing  the  turf  and 
digging  out  all  the  rubble  with  which  the  Pit  was  filled.  It  was  found  to  be  a 
shaft  15  feet  10  inches  (4*825  m.)  deep  beneath  the  bottom  of  the  basin,  the  top 
of  the  shaft  slightly  oval,  8  feet  (2'438  m.)  by  6  feet  (1'828  m.),  and  at  the  bottom 
3  feet  10  inches  (1-169  m.)  by  3  feet  (0'913  m.),  the  sides  cut  in  the  solid  chalk. 
The  contents  were :  A  loop  of  twisted  iron  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  10).  (This,  Mr.  Franks 
suggests,  may  possibly  be  part  of  the  fastening  of  a  chest  intended  to  fit  over  a 
staple  and  be  secured  by  a  padlock.)  A  bone  whistle  (Plate  XX.  fig.  35),  with  two 
finger-holes,  made  out  of  the  hollow  bone  of  a  bird.  A  piece  of  an  iron  horse-shoe 
with  a  sinuous  edge  and  calkings  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  2),  the  significance  of  which 
will  be  discussed  hereafter.  An  iron  buckle  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  9)  and  two  frag- 
ments of  buckles,  which  from  their  form  may  probably  be  Norman,  and  used  to 
buckle  on  the  belt  of  the  sword.  Similar  buckles  are  commonly  seen  in  the  tombs 
of  the  Norman  knights.  A  precisely  similar  buckle  was  also  found  recently  in  my 
presence  in  the  body  of  the  outer  rampart  of  the  castle  at  Pen  Pit,  in  Somerset- 
shire, believed  to  be  Norman,  an  account  of  which  is  given  in  the  proceedings  of 
the  Somersetshire  Archaeological  Society.  An  iron  arrow-head  with  a  tubular 
socket  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  1).  It  is  leaf-shaped,  and  of  mediaeval  form,  2'6  inches 
(0-065  m.)  in  length,  including  the  socket.  Several  nails,  resembling  that  figured 
in  Plate  XVIII.  fig.  19,  found  in  the  Pit,  had  flat  heads.  A  cooking-pot  (Plate 
XX.  fig.  43 )  of  the  quality  shown  in  the  7th  column  of  the  Relic  Table  was  found 
nearly  entire  at  13  feet  (3'954  m.),  it  has  been  restored;  and  another  (Plate  XX. 
fig.  44)  which  has  also  been  restored,  was  found  at  the  bottom.  The  first  is  6 
inches  (0'153  m.)  in  diameter  at  the  top  and  4'6  inches  (0'117  m.)  at  the  bottom, 
with  upright  sides  3'5  inches  (0'089  m.)  high,  saucepan-shaped ;  the  other  is  of 
the  same  form  and  nearly  the  same  size,  and  both  have  slightly  convex  bottoms, 
as  shown  in  the  section,  Plate  XX.  fig.  42 ;  they  are  not  unlike  the  pots  found  in 
Mount  Caburn,  but  the  rims  and  the  bottoms  are  sufficient  to  distinguish  them. 
None  of  the  coarsest  kind  of  pottery  was  found  in  this  Pit,  nor  any  fragments  of 
glazed  pottery. 

Pit  1,  the  Well,  section  1  of  the  Relic  Table,  N,  Plate  XVI.  and  Plate 
XVII.  fig.  1. 

This  was  found  to  be  the  mouth  of  a  deep  shaft,  9  feet  (2-739  m.)  in  diameter 
at  the  top,  funnel-shaped,  narrowing  to  3  feet  10  inches  (1-169  m.)  at  16  feet 
(4-872  m.),  and  from  thence  continuing  nearly  cylindrical,  as  far  as  our  explora- 


440  Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

tions  went.  It  is  possible  the  funnel-shaped  part  may  have  been  formed  during 
the  fllling-in  by  cutting  the  sides  to  obtain  material  for  the  bottom,  or  perhaps  by 
weathering  during  the  time  that  the  Pit  was  open.  At  13  feet  9  inches  (4'191  m.)  a 
line  of  holes  in  the  sides  of  the  shaft  commenced  and  continued  for  the  rest  of  the 
space  excavated,  they  are  cut  6  inches  (0-153  m.)  into  the  sides,  and  were  just  big 
enough  to  contain  the  forepart  of  the  foot,  being  shaped  like  a  shoe-stirrup,  flat  at 
the  bottom  and  rounded  at  the  top,  8  inches  (O203  m.)  wide  and  8  inches  (O203  m.) 
in  height.  They  were  cut  one  above  the  other  on  the  north  and  south  sides  at  a 
distance  of  about  2  feet  (0'610  m.)  apart,  they  were  not  placed  quite  vertically  above 
each  other  but  spirally,  making  two  tu.rns  in  the  space  excavated.  I  was  let  down 
by  a  rope  and  examined  the  sides  carefully,  they  were  smoothly  cut  in  the  solid 
chalk,  the  shaft  was  quite  circular,  but  no  marks  or  scratches  could  be  discovered. 
Several  gentlemen  having  expressed  an  opinion  that  the  shaft  was  not  a  well 
but  an  underground  communication  with  some  part  of  the  external  defences,  I 
determined  to  sink  it  low  enough  to  settle  this  point  at  least.  It  was  therefore 
excavated  to  a  depth  of  84  feet  (25'603  m.)  beneath  the  bottom  of  the  basin;  at 
this  depth  it  was  23  feet  (7'013  m.)  lower  than  the  original  bottom  of  the  outer 
ditch  on  the  north  side  of  the  Camp  before  it  silted  up  (see  Section,  Plate  XVII.  fig. 
1),  and,  as  the  ground  outside  the  Camp  falls  at  a  very  gentle  slope,  I  consider 
that  the  absence  of  any  gallery  at  this  depth  proves  satisfactorily  that  the  shaft 
could  not  be  intended  for  communication  with  any  part  of  the  defences,  or  with 
the  exterior  on  that  side,  as  it  is  below  the  surface  of  the  valley  for  a  considerable 
distance  outside  the  Camp.  The  impression  therefore  grew  upon  my  mind  that, 
notwithstanding  its  unfavourable  position,  it  must  be  a  well,  and  the  question  then 
arose  how  deep  it  was  likely  to  be,  and  whether  it  would  repay  the  cost  of  exca- 
vating further.  Mr.  Hilton  Price,  who,  as  I  before  mentioned,  has  examined  this 
district  geologically,  informs  me  that  a  water-bearing  stratum  3  feet  (0'915  m.)  in 
thickness,  called  the  Cast  Bed,  runs  under  the  Camp  at  a  depth  of  160  feet  (49  m.) 
beneath  the  summit ;  this  is  the  first  position  in  which  water  is  likely  to  be  found, 
but  in  this  spot  the  stratum  makes  a  slight  rise  towards  the  south,  and  being 
tapped  on  both  sides  by  the  coombes  in  which  springs  occur,  it  is  unlikely  that 
water  would  be  reached  on  this  bed,  and  the  Well  in  all  probability  continues  as 
far  as  the  Gault  below.  The  well  at  Terlingham  to  the  north  of  the  Camp,  in  a 
more  favourable  position  than  this,  is  as  mucli  as  300  feet  (91  m.)  deep.  The 
excavation  of  the  Well  had  already  cost  £18,  to  continue  it  as  far  as  170  feet 
(52  m.)  would  cost  £41  more,  the  cost  of  excavating  being  in  an  increasing 
ratio  in  proportion  to  the  depth,  and,  although  the  bottom  if  found  would  no  doubt 


Excavations  at  Casar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  441 

produce  interesting  relics,  yet  viewing  the  probable  depth  to  which  it  would  have 
to  be  extended  in  order  to  clear  out  all  the  rubble,  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  money  had  better  be  employed  otherwise.  I  therefore  determined  to  abandon 
the  excavation  of  it ;  but  before  doing  so,  having  promised  the  tenant  to  fill  it  up 
before  leaving  the  place,  I  communicated  with  several  gentlemen  who  had  given 
an  opinion  on  the  subject  to  know  if  they  would  like  to  continue  the  excavations, 
and,  they  having  declined,  I  filled  it  up  again,  having  first  deposited  a  few  coins  of 
Queen  Victoria,  and' a  bottle  containing  a  statement  on  paper  of  the  reasons  for 
the  Well  having  been  excavated  thus  far.  This  determination  was  also  influenced 
by  the  consideration  that  the  opinions  given  on  the  use  of  the  shaft  had  all  been 
based  on  the  view  of  the  Camp  being  lloman,  but,  as  the  excavations  proceeded,  it 
became  more  and  more  evident  that  nothing  Roman  was  to  be  found  here.  The 
Camp  being  of  more  recent  date,  the  probability  of  the  shaft  being  a  well  appeared 
all  the  more  reasonable.  Future  explorers  may  renew  the  search.  I  offer  no 
recommendation  one  way  or  the  other,  but  my  impression  is  that  the  paper  which 
now  lies  84  feet  (25'603  m.)  beneath  the  surface  will  not  be  read  by  anyone  for 
some  time  to  come.  Nevertheless  God  speed  the  ambitious  investigator  who 
proves  me  a  false  prophet. 

The  filling  of  this  shaft  consisted  chiefly  of  chalk  with  occasional  mould. 
The  contents  were :  A  small  piece  of  glazed  pottery  at  30  feet  (9'144  m.);  Eour  pieces 
of  coarse  British  pottery,  of  which  one  fragment  is  represented  in  Plate  XX.  fig. 
51  (about  eighty-seven  per  cent,  of  the  fragments  were  of  the  ordinary  red 
sandy  kind  returned  in  the  sixth  column  of  the  Belie  Table) ;  Lumps  of  concrete 
consisting  of  mortar,  and  shore  pebbles  which  had  evidently  formed  the  sides  of 
the  upper  part  of  the  Well ;  A  small  iron  tube  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  12) ;  A  piece 
of  buckle ;  Iron  nails  with  round  flat  heads  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  19) ;  A  small  iron 
wedge  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  20)  found  in  one  of  the  foot  holes ;  A  gilt  V-shaped 
object  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  32)  similar  to  one  found  in  the  Outer  Rampart ;  and  a 
T-shaped  horse-shoe  nail  similar  to  figs.  11  and  14,  Plate  XVIII.  These  two 
latter  objects  connect  the  filling  of  this  shaft  with  the  body  of  the  Outer  Rampart 
in  point  of  date,  precisely  similar  objects  having  been  found  there. 

Assuming  this  to  be  a  well,  what  could  have  been  the  use  of  the  smaller 
shaft  beside  it  ? — it  could  not  have  been  a  tank,  as  there  was  no  puddling,  it  might 
have  been  a  well  commenced  and  abandoned,  the  other  spot  having  been  found 
more  convenient,  or  it  might  be  a  refuse  pit.  The  question  will  naturally  arise, 
am  I  certain  that  the  bottom  of  the  smaller  shaft  was  really  reached  ?  The  reply 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  x 


442  'Excavations  at  Cesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

is  "  yes,  certainly,"  as  I  took  the  precaution  of  ascertaining  that  the  chalk  flaked 
off  in  stratified  layers. 

First  section  of  the  Upper  Eampart,  W,  Plate  XVI.  and  fig.  1  Plate  XVII. 
sections  3,  4.  and  5  of  the  Eelic  Table. 

I  then  cut  a  section  through  the  Upper  Eampart  ou  the  north  side  at  a 
spot  between  the  two  Pits,  and  this  was  afterwards  extended  in  the  same  line  all 
down  the  Camp  on  the  north  side  and  through  the  Outer  Eampart.  The  soil  had 
silted  up  at  the  foot  of  the  interior  slope  to  a  height  of  3  feet  (0'915  m.),  two 
parallel  cuttings  were  made  through  the  rampart  each  4  feet  (1/219  m.)  wide  and 
7  feet  (2-133  m.)  apart,  laying  bare  the  old  surface  line,  which  was  clearly  marked 
by  a  dark  seam  all  along,  and  afterwards  the  space  between  the  two  cuttings  was 
excavated  in  several  places.  Nothing  of  consequence  turned  up  in  this  section, 
except  that  as  much  as  fifty-one  per  cent,  of  the  pottery  found  in  the  body  of  the 
rampart,  care  being  taken  to  distinguish  as  usual  between  this  and  the  silting  of 
the  interior  slope,  was  of  the  fine  red  sandy  texture  found  in  the  trenches  in  the 
interior  of  the  Camp.  This  connects  the  date  of  the  construction  of  the  rampart 
with  the  period  of  occupation,  the  pottery  is  identical  in  both  places,  and  it  is 
worthy  of  notice  that  no  fragment  of  the  coarse  British  pottery  above  described 
was  found  in  the  body  of  the  rampart — only  one  small  fragment  in  the  silting  of 
the  interior  slope,  which  might  have  got  mixed  up  with  pottery  of  the  period  of 
the  Camp  from  a  tumulus  which  I  suppose  to  have  existed  on  the  site.  Beneath 
the  silting  of  the  interior  slope  was  found  an  oblong  pit  (section  4  of  the  Eelic 
Table,  and  Plate  XVII.  fig.  1),  parallel  to  the  line  of  the  rampart,  6  feet  (1*829  m.) 
long,  3  feet  10  inches  (l'169m.)  wide,  and  4  feet  (I1 219  m.)  deep.  It  appears  to 
have  been  dug  before  the  interior  slope  silted  up,  and  probably  at  the  foot  of  the 
original  interior  slope.  For  whatever  purpose  it  was  constructed,  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  it  is  older  than  the  rampart.  It  contained,  A  nmall  disc  of 
lead  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  25),  1  inch  (0-026  m.)  in  diameter  and  £  inch  (0-002  m.) 
thick ;  and,  A  fragment  of  a  carved  dish  of  chalk,  perhaps  a  mould  of  some  kind 
(Plate  XIX.  fig.  24)  with  a  hole  at  one  end  bored  from  both  sides  and  an  iron  pin 
together  with  one  flint  flake.  The  pottery  was  of  the  kind  found  before,  but  no 
fragment  of  glazed  pottery  was  found  in  any  part  of  this  pit  or  section. 

The  greatest  height  of  the  crest  of  the  rampart  above  the  old  surface  line  was 
6  feet  8  inches  (2-032  m.)  the  turf  mould  on  the  crest  was  three  inches  (0'077  m.) 
thick,  increasing  to  7  inches  (0*177  m.)  at  the  foot  of  the  interior  slope.  The 
silting  at  the  foot  at  the  interior  slope  amounted  to  3  feet  (0'915  m.),  an  unusual 


Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  443 

quantity,  and  the  original  foot  of  the  interior  slope  was  2  feet  (O'GIO  m.)  to  the 
front"  of  the  present  foot.  The  mark  of  the  turf  on  the  old  surface  line  beneath 
the  rampart  was  3  to  4  inches  (0*077  to  0-102  m.)  in  thickness  and  well  denned, 
sloping  downwards  towards  the  north  on  the  old  line  of  the  hill.  The  ditch  L, 
(Plate  XVII.  fig.  1)  after  the  silting  had  been  taken  out,  was  found  to  have  had 
originally  a  triangular  section  35  feet  (10-671  m.)  wide  at  the  top  measured  along 
the  old  surface  line.  The  escarp  and  counterscarp  cut  smoothly  in  the  solid  chalk 
met  at  a  point  at 'the  bottom  and  there  had  been  no  revetment,  the  escarp 
29  feet  (8-841  m.)  high,  measured  along  the  face  of  it,  rose  at  an  angle  of 
45°  with  the  horizon ;  the  counterscarp,  originally  17  feet  (5'182  m.)  high,, 
on  the  same  measurement,  was  also  at  an  angle  of  45°,  but,  unlike  the 
escarp,  had  been  reduced  in  the  upper  part  by  denudation,  so  that  the  part 
remaining  was  only  12  feet  (3'659  m.)  high;  this  was  naturally  the  case  being 
more  exposed  from  the  first  to  atmospheric  influences.  The  ditch  had  silted 
up  8  feet  8  inches  (2-642  m.),  the  pointed  bottom  being  that  depth  beneath 
the  present  surface,  and  in  accordance  with  the  usual  rules  observed  in  silting  \ 
which  I  described  more  in  detail  in  my  paper  on  Mount  Caburn  and  other 
papers ;  the  present  centre  of  the  ditch  after  silting  up  is  3  feet  3  inches  (0-992  m.) 
to  the  front  of  the  old  centre.  The  section  of  the  silting  of  the  ditch  shewed, 
first,  turf  mould  5  inches  (0-127  m.)  without  stones,  thinning  to  3  inches  (0-077  m.) 
at  the  sides,  beneath  which  in  the  centre  of  the  ditch  there  was  3  feet  (0'915  m.) 
of  coarse  chalk  rubble  consisting  of  pieces  of  chalk  not  more  than  4  inches 
(0'102  m.)  across  at  most,  the  two  upper  feet  (0-610  m.)  of  which  were  tolerably 
hard  and  compact  being  consolidated  by  moisture,  so  that  the  spade  cut  through 
the  pieces  without  displacing  them,  but  in  the  remaining  foot  (0'306  m.)  the 
chalk  rubble  was  looser,  so  that  the  pieces  came  out  bodily  in  digging.  Beneath 
this  the  remainder  of  the  ditch  to  the  bottom  was  filled  with  fine  chalk  rubble. 
There  were  no  seams  of  mould  in  the  silting  of  the  ditch  but  along  the  face  of 
the  escarp  and  the  counterscarp  a  slight  admixture  of  ferruginous  colouring 
about  6  inches  (0*153  m.)  thick  was  observed,  implying  exposure  to  the  atmos- 
phere and  shewing,  perhaps,  that  the  ditch  was  kept  open  for  some  time  after  its 
construction,  or  it  may  have  arisen  from  particles  arrested  by  the  hard  surface 
of  the  undisturbed  chalk  during  filtration  as  is  frequently  the  case  in  superficial 
deposits.  It  is  important  to  notice  these  facts  due  to  the  results  of  denudation, 
because  in  a  chalk  soil  the  lines  of  demarcation  between  the  deposits  are  more 

a  In  using  the  terms  "  front  "  and  "rear  "  in  this  paper,  I  mean  by  the  former  the  direction  of  the 
outside  of  the  Camp,  and  by  the  latter  the  direction  of  the  inside  of  the  Camp. 

3N  2 


444  Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

clearly  defined  than  in  some  soils  and  will  serve  as  a  guide  to  future  explorers. 
I  consider  the  fact  of  escarp  and  counterscarp  having  been  carefully  dug  at  an 
angle  of  45°  shews  that  the  work  was  intended  to  be  permanent,  because  in  the 
solid  chalk  for  temporary  purposes  the  ditch  might  have  been  dug  at  a  much 
steeper  slope  and  advantage  would  be  derived  from  making  the  sides  more  per- 
pendicular. The  small  rampart  outside  the  ditch  was  also  cut  through,  but  it 
produced  nothing  of  consequence. 

Second  section  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  west  end,  X,  Plate  XVI.  and  fig.  2, 
Plate  XVII.  sections  7,  8,  and  9  of  the  Relic  Table. 

I  then  cut  a  section  11  feet  (3'355  m.)  wide  into  the  rampart  of  the  Citadel 
at  the  west  end,  commencing  at  the  foot  of  the  interior  slope,  extending  it  to 
about  2  feet  (0-610  m.)  beyond  the  crest  or  13  feet  (3'962  m.)  from  the  foot  of 
the  interior  slope.  In  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope  the  principal  objects  dis- 
covered were — a  corner  fragment  of  some  kind  of  basin,  perhaps  a  font  or 
benitier  ornamented  with  four  Norman  arches  having  the  form  and  tracery  of 
the  twelfth  century  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  26).  It  is  cut  in  hard  chalk  stone,  a  material 
of  which  so  many  churches  in  this  district  were  built.  This  undoubted  relic  of 
Norman  times,  like  all  the  other  objects  mentioned  in  this  paper,  I  saw  unearthed 
with  my  own  eyes.  I  saw  the  turf  taken  off  in  the  morning  and  never  left  the 
spot,  watching  the  workmen  all  the  time  until  I  observed  this  and  the  other 
objects  associated  with  it  turned  up  out  of  the  soil,  and  I  picked  it  up  before 
the  workmen  had  noticed  it;  it  was  2  feet  2  inches  (0'660  m.)  beneath  the  top  of 
the  rampart  and  4  feet  (1'219  m.)  in,  from  the  foot  of  the  slope,  and,  although  it 
was  in  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope  and  therefore  possibly  of  a  later  date  than 
the  actual  construction  of  the  rampart,  yet  it  was  so  close  to  the  probable  line 
of  the  original  interior  slope  that  it  must  have  been  deposited  there  during  the 
earliest  occupation  of  the  Camp ;  the  surface  of  the  chalk  of  which  this  object  is 
composed  shews  signs  of  weathering.  Another  fragment  of  a  stone  basin  was 
found  near  it  (Plate  XX.  fig.  38.)  Amongst  the  objects  found  in  the  silting  of 
the  interior  slope  was  a  small  pinnacle  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  23)  of  the  same  material 
as  the  last,  possibly  an  ornament  of  a  chapel  established  within  the  Camp.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  amongst  the  relics  of  the  Norman  age  at  Pevensey,  the 
well  and  the  font  are  conspicuous.  A  people  so  strict  in  their  religious 
observances  as  the  Normans  would  never  have  constructed  a  fortress  without 
building  a  chapel  of  some  kind,  whether  permanent  or  temporary,  and  of  such  a 
chapel  the  relics  under  consideration  no  doubt  formed  part.  There  was  found 
besides  in  the  same  place  the  top  stone  of  a  quern  1  foot  5  inches  (0'432  m.)  in 


Excavations  at  C&sar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  445 

diameter  and  2  inches  (O051  m.)  thick ;  it  had  an  aperture  in  the  centre  3  inches 
(0-077  m.)  square  on  the  lower  side,  and  contracting  to  a  circle  of  2^  inches 
(0'064  m.)  in  diameter  at  the  top,  with  a  receptacle  for  a  handle  on  the  upper 
side ;  it  was  in  a  horizontal  position  in  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope,  the  centre 
being  1  foot  7  inches  (0-482  m.)  beneath  the  top  and  6  feet  (1-S29  m.)  in  from 
the  foot;  near  it  was  the  blade  of  an  iron  knife  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  7)  7^  inches 
(0-190  m.)  in  length,  and  a  fragment  of  a  spindle-whorl  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  28). 
There  was  also  found  in  the  same  place  a  piece  of  twisted  iron  resembling  the  sides 
of  the  loop  (Plate  XVIII,  fig.  10).  In  the  top  of  the  rampart  was  found  a  small 
figure  of  a  head  carved  in  the  same  chalk  as  the  other  objects  (Plate  XIX.  figs.  21 
and  22)  and  near  it  a  fragment  of  an  iron  padlock  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  6).  This 
kind  of  padlock  composed  of  a  spring  or  springs  fitting  into  a  tubular  apparatus  and 
opening  by  means  of  a  key  which  compresses  the  springs  and  enables  them  to  be 
withdrawn  from  the  tube  with  the  apparatus  attached  to  them  appears  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  persistent  forms  in  art ;  with  but  slight  modifications  the  same 
form  is  used  in  India  and  China  at  the  present  time,  and  was  until  quite  lately  in 
Scandinavia.  It  was  in  common  use  by  the  Romans.  An  example  of  the  par- 
ticular variety  of  this  kind  of  padlock  to  which  the  present  specimen  belongs 
"  Serrura  pendens  ""  is  figured  in  the  thirty-first  volume  of  the  Archaeological 
Journal ;  it  was  found  in  Swanscombe  Church  in  Kent,  and  is  supposed  to  be  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  but  during  what  extent  of  time  this  precise  form  may  have 
continued  in  use  I  am  not  aware.  It  differs  from  the  Roman  lock  only  in  the 
form  of  the  hook  attached  to  the  spring,  the  end  of  which  fits  into  a  socket 
instead  of  being  furnished  with  a  ring  slipping  over  a  bar  as  in  the  Roman  and 
Indian  examples.  An  illustration  of  the  Roman  form  of  padlock  is  given  in  the 
thirteenth  volume  of  the  Archaeological  Journal  ;b  the  bar  of  the  Roman 
lock  is  represented  as  a  survival  in  the  mediaeval  form.  Somewhat  similar  locks 
are  still  used  in  Germany,  and  the  lock  of  the  handcuffs  used  by  the  police  and  in 
the  army  is  much  the  same  in  external  appearance. 

The  head  found  near  it  is  rudely  cut  in  chalk  and  has  a  hole  under  the  neck  to 
nt  into  some  kind  of  stick.  It  evidently  represents  the  head  of  a  man  in  armour, 
but  whether  in  a  hood  of  chain  mail  or  in  a  helm  it  is  difficult  to  determine. 
The  projection  on  the  forehead  may  represent  a  vizor  (if  so,  the  vizor  was  not 
introduced  with  the  basinet  until  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century),  but  it  is 
possible  it  may  only  represent  the  coiffe  under  the  hood  of  mail.  Vizor  or  coiffe, 

a  Archaeological  Journal,  vol.  xxxi.  p.  78. 

b  Archaeological  Journal,  vol.  xiii.  p.  4,  plate  2,  figs.  24,  26,  and  27. 


446  Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

it  is  ornamented  with  a  cross  within  a  circle,  and  on  each  side  are  marks  repre- 
senting an  eye  or  slit  of  some  kind.    The  figure  has  also  two  other  crosses,  one  on 
the  top  of  the  head  and  the  other  at  the  back.     Eive  incised  lines  on  the  side  of 
the  head  may  perhaps  be  intended   to  represent  the  lines  of  chain  mail.     The 
upper  lip  is  provided  with  large  moustachios ;  it  will  be  remembered  that  when 
Harold  sent  spies  into  William's  camp  they  returned  with  the  information  that 
the  army  was  composed  chiefly  of  priests,  having  mistaken  the  soldiers  for  priests, 
on  account  of  their  practice  of  closely  shaving  the  upper  lip  and  chin,  the  Saxons 
themselves  wearing  moustachios.     In  the  reigns  of  Henry  I.  and  Stephen  long 
moustachios  were  worn  by  the  Normans.     The  custom  was  abandoned  again  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  II.,  and  they  were  again  worn  towards  the  close  of  the  reign 
of  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion."     Unless,  therefore,  the  figure  is  of  a  much  later  date,  it 
would  appear  probable  that  it  might  be  of  the  reign  of  Stephen  or  Henry  I.     Its 
position  and  that  of  the  fragment  of  padlock  about  one  foot  (0'306  m.)  beneath 
the  surface,  and  three  feet   (0'915  m.)   to  the  rear  of  the  crest  of  the  rampart 
makes  it  uncertain  whether  they  belonged  to  the  body  of  the  rampart  or  the 
silting,  but  probably  the  latter,  in  which  case  they  might  be  more  recent  than  the 
first  construction  of  the  Camp.     But  they  are  probably  of  the  same  date. 

In  both  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope  and  the  body  of  the  rampart,  on  the 
old  surface  line,  and  therefore  in  a  position  to  prove  conclusively  that  it  was 
covered  up  during  the  formation  of  the  rampart,  pottery  covered  with  green  glaze 
was  found,  together  with  the  various  qualities  of  unglazed  already  mentioned, 
but  no  British  pottery.  A  fragment  of  a  sinuous  horseshoe  of  similar  form  to  the 
one  already  noticed  was  found  in  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope. 

Third  section,  Upper  Rampart,  sections  10  and  11  of  the  Relic  Table,  Y,  Plate 
XVI.,  Plate  XVII.  fig.  3. 

This  was  a  section  9  feet  (2743  m.)  wide,  cut  in  the  rampart  of  the  Citadel  for 
a  distance  of  16  feet  (4'878  m.)  from  the  foot  of  the  interior  slope,  so  as  to 
extend  beyond  the  crest,  it  was  90  feet  (27  m.)  to  the  west  of  the  first  section 
measured  from  centre  to  centre.  Plate  XVII.  fig.  3,  represents  this  section,  which 
is  Y  in  the  Plan,  Plate  XVI.  In  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope  was  found  an 
iron  knife  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  8),  somewhat  similar  to  the  one  found  at  the  west 
end,  but  smaller ;  one  of  the  T-shaped  horseshoe  nails  belonging  to  the  form  of 
shoe  already  described ;  another  fragment  of  a  knife  (Plate  XVIII.  fig.  13),  and  a 
lozenge-shaped  iron  head  of  a  clench-bolt  similar  to  those  found  in  the  trench  in 

a  Planche's  Cyclopedia  of  Costume,  vol.  i.  p.  238. 


Excavations  at  Ctesar's  Camp  near  Folkestotte.  447 

the  interior.  In  the  body  of  the  rampart  of  this  section,  well  down  on  the  old 
surface  line,  3  feet  10  inches  (1-169  m.)  beneath  the  turf,  and  6  feet  (1'829  m.)  to 
the  rear  of  the  crest  at  B  (Plate  XVII.  fig.  3)  was  also  found  a  fragment  of  the 
same  glazed  pottery  as  before.  The  fact  of  finding  glazed  pottery  in  the  body  of  the 
rampart  of  the  Citadel  in  two  places  is  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  rampart  is  post- 
Iloman,  for,  although  the  Romans  were  acquainted  with  the  art  of  glazing  pottery, 
their  glazing  is  of  a  totally  different  character  to  this,  and  was  used  only  with  a 
finer  class  of  earthenware.  The  green  glazed  pottery  we  are  now  dealing  with  is 
not  earlier  than  Norman  times,  but  may  be  of  any  date  later  than  that.  Un- 
glazed  pottery  was  also  found,  and  it  was  of  the  same  quality  as  the  glazed.  It 
was  customary  to  glaze  only  the  upper  portion  of  each  pot,  and  this  accounts 
for  so  many  more  fragments  of  the  unglazed  being  found  in  all  parts  of  the  camp, 
even  though  the  quality  of  the  earthenware  is  in  all  respects  similar. 

First  section  of  the  Outer  Rampart,  Z  Plan,  and  fig.  4,  Plate  XVII.  sections 
12  and  13  of  the  Relic  Table. 

A  cutting  4  feet  (1-219  m.)  wide  was  then  made  in  the  Outer  Rampart  on  the 
north  side  on  the  continuation  of  the  line  of  section  1  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  and 
this  was  enlarged  in  the  centre  where  the  relics  were  discovered.  Nothing  but 
pottery  of  the  usual  kind  was  found  in  the  interior  slope,  and  in  a  little  ditch,  D, 
at  the  foot  of  it,  but  in  the  body  of  the  rampart  (Plate  XVII.  fig.  4)  a  seam  of 
darker  mould,  A  B,  was  found  running  obliquely  up  to  beyond  the  crest.  The 
foot  of  this  seam  was  about  14  feet  (4-G28  m.)  in  from  the  present  foot,  and  there- 
fore too  far  in  the  body  of  the  rampart  to  be  the  original  interior  slope ;  it  could 
only  represent  some  deposit  of  debris  thrown  on  during  the  construction  of  the 
rampart  and  containing  the  articles  found  in  it.  At  the  foot  of  this  seam,  on  the 
old  surface  line,  and  for  a  foot  or  two  up  it,  a  number  of  relics  were  discovered, 
including  fifteen  T-shaped  horse-shoe  nails  of  the  form  already  described  as 
belonging  to  the  sinuous  shoe,  together  with  two  fragments  of  the  shoes  them- 
selves (Plate  XVIII.  figs.  16  and  17),  two  copper  gilt  objects  with  tangs  and 
holes  for  nails  or  rivets  (Plate  XIX.  figs.  29  and  30),  and  a  fragment  of  another 
(Plate  XIX.  fig.  33),  the  use  of  which  I  cannot  ascertain,  part  of  an  iron  buckle, 
and  a  copper  gilt  band  (Plate  XIX.  fig.  34),  ornamented  with  four  studs  on  one 
side  exactly  similar  to  that  represented  in  Plate  XIX.  fig.  27,  and  found  in  the 
trenches  in  the  interior  of  the  Citadel.  The  section  of  the  band  of  copper  is  flat 
on  one  side  and  convex  on  the  other,  its  greatest  thickness  0*13  inch  (0-002  m.) 
and  breadth  0'24  inch  (0'006  m.),  the  studs  are  on  the  convex  side,  and  it  is  bent 
towards  the  flat  side.  The  ends  are  pointed  and  turned  up  towards  the  convex 


448  Excavations  at  Caisar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

side  and  pierced  with  holes  0-14  inch  (0-002  m.)  in  diameter  for  the  reception  of 
nails  or  rivets.  What  use  it  served  I  am  unable  to  conjecture;  the  gilding 
adhered  to  the  copper  in  places ;  it  is  4-86  inches  (0'123  m.)  in  length.  The 
pottery  found  in  the  body  of  the  Outer  Rampart  was  of  the  same  kind  as  in  the 
Upper  Rampart,  proving  that  both  ramparts  are  of  the  same  date.  The  ditch  F 
(Plate  XVII.  fig.  1)  was  of  the  same  construction  as  the  upper  ditch ;  both  escarp 
and  counterscarp  were  cut  smoothly  in  the  solid  chalk  at  an  angle  of  45°,  no  revet- 
ment. It  was  37  feet  (11-280  m.)  wide  at  the  top,  measured  on  the  old  surface 
line,  and  of  triangular  section.  The  escarp  30  feet  (9'147  m.)  high,  measured 
along  the  face  of  it,  and  the  counterscarp  19  feet  (5'792  m.)  high.  They  had 
probably  been  intended  to  meet  in  a  point  at  the  bottom,  like  the  upper  ditch,  but 
there  is  an  irregular  space  at  the  bottom  at  the  part  excavated  which  makes  this 
somewhat  uncertain.  The  centre  of  the  bottom  of  the  present  ditch  is  7  feet 
6  inches  (2-286  m.)  above,  and  3  feet  (0-915  m.)  to  the  front  of  the  old  bottom ; 
the  turf  mould  is  10  inches  (0-254  m.)  thinning  towards  the  sides.  Outside  the 
the  ditch  there  appears  to  have  been  a  covered  way  about  2  feet  9  inches 
(0-832  m.)  wide  and  beyond  it  a  small  bank,  T  U  on  Plan  and  G,  fig.  1,  Plate 
XVII.  which  by  the  appearance  of  the  cutting  made  in  it  appears  to  be  ancient, 
but  upon  this  point  I  am  not  certain. 

A  second  small  cutting  in  the  Outer  Rampart  to  the  west  of  the  last  (J,  Plan) 
produced  nothing  of  consequence,  and  a  third  to  the  east  of  it  (O,  Plan)  pro- 
duced one  iron  T-shaped  horse-shoe  nail  of  the  same  kind  as  before. 

A  section  was  cut  in  the  ditch  of  the  Traverse  on  the  north  or  lower  end  ("a," 
Plan,)  but  nothing  was  found  except  a  few  pieces  of  pottery  of  the  usual  kind. 
The  old  bottom  was  found  at  3  feet  7  inches  (1*092  m.)  beneath  the  present 
surface  ;  it  was  concave  and  1  foot  9  inches  (0-528  m.)  broad,  the  escarp  ran  at 
an  angle  of  37*  and  the  small  counterscarp  more  abruptly  at  an  angle  of  50°. 
No  revetment. 

Three  depressions  at  the  east  end  of  the  outer  camp  (S,  Plan)  were  examined, 
the  dimensions  of  which  are  given  in  the  Relic  Table.  Two  pieces  of  iron  were 
found  at  the  bottom  of  one  of  them,  perhaps  the  remains  of  a  knife,  but  much 
corroded  and  broken.  The  pottery  was  of  three  kinds  and  included  seven  pieces 
of  coarse  British  pottery.  It  is  possible  that  these  pits  may  have  been  of  an 
earlier  date  than  the  Camp,  if  so,  they  must  have  been  opened  and  refilled. 
Some  depressions  were  also  examined  near  the  south  rampart  but  without  result 
(R,  Plan). 

The  large  pit  (P,  Plan)   in  the  outer  camp  was  excavated  to  a  depth  of 


Excavations  at  Cccsar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  449 

7  feet  (2-133  m.)  but  nothing  was  found  except  a  few  nails,  probably  modern, 
and  a  quantity  of  lambs'  bones,  the  bottom  was  not  reached  and  press  of  time 
prevented  further  search,  but  this  pit  should  be  examined  at  some  future  time. 

A  cutting  was  made  through  the  ditch  of  the  Citadel  on  the  south  side  (b, 
Plan).  The  present  bottom  was  found  to  be  about  4  feet  (T219  m.)  above 
and  3  feet  10  inches  (T169  m.)  to  the  front  of  the  old  bottom,  which  was  flat, 
and  1  foot  9  inches  (O528  m.)  broad.  Nothing  was  found  and  there  was  no 
trace  of  revetment. 

There  are  numerous  causeways  across  the  ditches  of  both  upper  and  lower 
camps  with  corresponding  openings  in  the  ramparts.  By  some  these  have  been 
supposed  to  be  ancient,  but  the  number  of  them  is  unusual  and  suggests  the 
probability  of  their  having  been  made  at  some  comparatively  recent  time  for  the 
ingress  of  cattle  from  the  adjoining  field  to  the  pasture  land  in  the  interior.  To 
test  this  point  a  small  shaft  was  sunk  through  one  of  them  to  ascertain  whether 
it  was  formed  of  made  earth  or  was  a  portion  of  the  ground  unexcavated  in  the 
original  formation  of  the  ditch,  and  if  the  former,  whether  any  bottom  existed  on 
the  line  of  the  present  bottom  of  the  ditch  which  might  indicate  at  what  time  it 
was  made.  It  was  found  that  a  distinct  line  of  mould  was  reached  marking 
the  height  to  which  the  ditch  had  silted  up  at  the  time  the  causeway  was  made. 
The  top  of  this  line  of  mould  was  4  inches  (O102  m.)  lower  than  the  present 
bottom  of  the  ditch  at  the  side  of  the  causeway,  so  that  an  approximate  idea  can 
be  formed  of  the  period  in  the  history  of  the  Camp  at  which  the  causeway  was 
constructed  by  throwing  down  earth  from  the  rampart  into  the  ditch.  The  ditch 
had  already  silted  up  about  7  feet  10  inches  (2'387  m.)  when  the  causeway  was 
made,  and  since  that  time  it  has  silted  up  4  inches  (0'102  m.)  more,  implying  a 
comparatively  recent  date  for  the  construction  of  the  causeway.  Having  been 
thus  proved  to  be  modern,  these  causeways  are  not  shewn  on  the  Plan. 

This  concludes  the  account  of  the  excavations.  The  evidence  is  conclusive 
as  far  as  it  goes.  British  pottery  has  not  been  found  in  any  part  of  the 
body  of  the  rampart  or  in  any  position  in  which  it  might  not  have  been 
introduced  in  consequence  of  the  destruction  of  a  tumulus  on  the  site  of  the 
Camp.  Glazed  pottery  has  been  found  in  two  places  in  the  body  of  the  Upper 
Rampart  in  positions  in  which  it  must  have  been  placed  during  the  construction 
of  the  work ;  it  corresponds  with  fragments  found  in  the  trenches  in  the  interior 
and  in  the  Well,  and  it  is  of  the  same  quality  of  earthenware  as  other  fragments 
of  unglazed  which  are  more  abundant.  Copper  gilt  objects  of  like  form  have 
been  found  in  the  body  of  the  Outer  Rampart,  in  the  interior,  and  in  the  Well. 

VOL.  XL VII.  3  0 


450  Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

The  only  coin  turned  up  was  a  silver  penny  of  Stephen  in  the  trenches  in  the 
interior.  A  fragment  of  a  carved  chalk  basin  found  in  the  silting  of  the  interior 
slope  of  the  Citadel,  but  close  to  the  body  of  the  rampart,  has  on  it  undoubted 
evidence  of  twelfth-century  work.  The  knives,  clench-bolts,  fragment  of 
padlock,  buckle,  the  head  in  armour,  the  cooking  pots  with  slightly  convex 
bottoms,  are  all  of  mediaeval  form.  The  animal  remains,  as  identified  by  Professor 
Rolleston,  are  all  domestic,  and  the  presence  of  fallow  deer  in  four  places  proves 
that  that  animal  of  Roman  introduction  was  common  during  the  occupation  of 
the  place.  The  bones  of  a  young  falcon  found  in  the  body  of  the  outer  rampart 
speak  to  us  of  the  prevailing  sport  of  falconry  at  the  time  of  the  erection  of  the 
Camp.  Not  a  fragment  of  anything  Roman  has  been  found  in  the  place,  and  it 
remains  only  to  say  a  few  words  on  the  subject  of  the  horse-shoes  and  the  nails 
belonging  to  them  which  have  been  found  in  all  parts  of  the  Camp. 

The  time  has  gone  by  when  the  first  introduction  of  the  art  of  shoeing  horses 
in  England  can  any  longer  be  attributed  to  the  Normans,  but  that  the  Normans 
introduced  the  general  practice  of  it  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  prove,  and  the 
great  number  of  fragments  of  shoes  and  shoenails  all  of  the  same  character,  which 
have  been  found  in  all  parts  of  Caesar's  Camp,  in  the  Well,  the  pit,  the  silting  of 
the  Upper  Rampart  in  two  places, and  the  body  of  the  Outer  Rampart  in  two  places 
shows  that  the  practice  of  shoeing  must  have  been  common  at  the  time  of  the 
construction  of  the  Camp.  But  the  particular  form  of  horse-shoe  found  in  Caesar's 
Camp  has  been  made  the  subject  of  special  study  by  Mr.  Fleming8  in  his  work  on 
horse-shoeing,  in  which  he  conies  to  the  conclusion  that  it  is  Celtic,  and  that  its 
use  was  abandoned  in  Europe  long  before  the  tenth  century.  No  entire  shoe  was 
discovered  in  Caesar's  Camp,  but  the  fragments  (Plate  XVIII.  figs.  2, 16,  and  17) 
are  sufficient  to  show  that  they  were  intended  for  horses  of  small  size.  The 
greatest  length  down  the  centre  was  4'3  inches  (O'lll  m.)  ;  the  greatest  width  of 
the  iron  in  the  intervals  between  the  sinuosities  0'7  inch  (0'017  m.)  or  0'8  inch 
(0-018  m.),  thickness  0'2  inch  (O'OOo  m.).  Each  shoe  has  six  ovoid  holes,  three 
on  each  side,  0'4  inch  (O'OIO  m.)  in  length  ;  it  has  calkins  0'9  inch  (0'023  m.)  in 
length  at  the  ends.  Each  nail-hole  is  accompanied  by  a  bulge  on  the  outer 
margin  of  the  shoe,  formed  by  the  punching  of  the  hole  for  the"  nail,  and  pro- 
ducing the  sinuous  edge,  which  is  characteristic  of  this  class  of  shoe  in  all  parts  of 
Europe.  The  nail  is  also  of  the  form,  which  accompanies  the  shoe  wherever  found, 

a  Horse-shoes  and  Horse-shoeing,  their  Origin,  History,  and  Abuses,  by  George  Fleming,  F.R.G.S., 
F.A.S.L.,  p.  148. 


Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  451 

being  about  I'l  inch  (0'028  m.)  in  length,  the  head  T-shaped,  or  rather  half- 
moon-shaped  and  flat  O6  inch  (O'OIS  m.)  wide,  0'4  inch  (O010  m.)  high,  and 
0'15  inch  (O003  m.)  in  thickness ;  it  fits  into  the  ovoid  hole,  but  must  have 
extended  beneath  the  shoe  when  on  the  horse's  hoof.  Some  of  the  nails  were 
found  rusted  into  the  shoe  as  shown  in  Plate  XVIII.  figs.  2  and  17,  proving  that 
the  shoe  had  been  used.  Mr.  Fleming,  in  his  valuable  work,  enters  so  fully  into 
the  history  of  this  shoe  that  it  would  occupy  unnecessary  space  to  repeat  any 
portion  of  his  argument  here,  suffice  to  say  that  he  has  shown  the  probability,  if 
not  the  proof,  of  this  form  of  shoe  having  been  used,  both  in  England  and  on 
the  Continent,  in  Celtic  times  ;  but  I  think  the  present  find  will  go  far  towards 
discrediting  the  opinion  that  it  was  discontinued  before  the  tenth  century.  On 
this  part  of  the  subject  Mr.  Fleming  affords  but  little  evidence,  and  what  there  i& 
either  in  his  work  or  elsewhere  appears  to  me  to  tend  the  other  way.  Several 
instances  may  be  quoted  of  the  occurrence  of  this  sinuous  horse-shoe  and  shoenail 
in  association  with  the  prick-spur  which  has  a  long  shank  and  a  conical  point, 
and  this  spur  is  undoubtedly  post-Roman  and  Norman.  At  Yebleron,  near 
Rouen,  a  shoe  of  this  kind  with  the  nail  in  it  was  found  in  1844  in  association 
with  the  spur  in  question,  and  other  objects  of  Frankish  origin.  In  the  lake 
dwellings  discovered  by  Mr  Chantre,a  in  Lake  Paladru  (Isere),  these  shoes  were 
also  discovered  in  connection  with  the  same  form  of  spur  and  other  objects  of  the 
Carlovingian  era.  Seven  of  these  shoes  are  in  the  museum  at  St.  Germains.  In 
the  Buttes  de  Saint  Austaille  (Creuse),  similar  shoes,  again  accompanied  by  the 
same  form  of  spur,  were  discovered  in  association  with  coins  of  the  Carlovingian 
era,  and,  as  this  form  of  spur  continued  in  use  amongst  the  Normans,  there  is  no 
inherent  improbability  in  supposing  the  shoe  to  have  been  also  in  use  at  that 
time.  In  1878  some  shoes  of  this  form  were  found  close  to  the  old  castle  of 
Oxford.  Mr.  G.  A.  Rowell,  who  describes  them  in  the  Archaeological  Journal, 
following  Captain  Fleming,  believes  them  to  be  British,  but  the  fact  of  their 
having  been  discovered  within  the  original  boundaries  of  the  castle  moat 
has  led  some  persons  to  believe  them  to  be  Norman  and  possibly  of  the  date 
of  the  siege  of  the  castle  by  King  Stephen.11  In  the  museum  under  the  theatre 
at  Le  Mans  there  is  a  sinuous  shoe  with  six  holes  found  in  association  with 
a  Marteau  d'  Armes  of  the  fourteenth  century  to  which  it  is  attached  in  the 
museum.  In  the  museum  at  Clermont  Ferrand  another  with  the  T-shaped  nail 

"  Les  Palqfittes  dn  Lac  de  Paladru,  par  M.  E.  Chantre.     Grenoble,  1871. 
b  Archaeological  Journal,  vol.  xxxiv.  p.  4C5. 

3o  2 


452  Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

in  it  is  exhibited,  having  been  found  near  Vollore  Ville  in  association  with  thick 
grey  pottery,  having  raised  bands  on  it,  and  several  copper  or  bronze  gilt  frag- 
ments very  similar  in  character  to  those  found  in  Caesar's  Camp.  Shoes  of  the 
same  kind  found  by  M.  Boucher  de  Perthes  on  the  field  of  Crecy  lead  one  to 
suppose  that  they  may  even  have  been  used  as  lately  as  the  middle  of  the  four- 
teenth century. a  The  ornamentation  of  the  pottery  from  Lake  Paladru  corre- 
sponds precisely  to  some  of  that  from  Caesar's  Camp  represented  in  Plate  XX.  fig. 
41,  being  composed  of  raised  bands  notched  with  the  impress  of  the  fingers.  If 
any  doubt  existed  as  to  whether  the  shoe-nails  in  Caesar's  Camp  were  coeval  with 
the  pottery,  that  doubt  would  be  removed  by  the  inspection  of  the  fragment  repre- 
sented in  Plate  XVIII.  fig.  18,  in  which  one  of  the  T-shaped  nails  is  seen  adher- 
ing by  oxidation  to  a  piece  of  pottery  of  the  quality  referred  to  in  the  sixth  column 
of  the  Relic  Table.  It  was  found  3  feet  10  inches  (1-169  m.)  beneath  the  surface 
in  the  body  of  the  Outer  Rampart. 

The  general  character  of  this  earthwork,  with  a  citadel  in  one  corner,  is 
Norman,  and  the  fact  of  its  being  unwalled  is  no  reason  for  considering  it  earlier 
than  that  period.  M.  de  Caumontb  has  given  a  long  list  of  fortresses  in  Nor- 
mandy which  were  used  up  to  the  time  of  the  Conquest  and  later  (some  of  them 
bearing  the  names  of  the  families  that  accompanied  the  Conqueror  to  England), 
but  which  have  no  trace  of  any  walled  enclosure,  and  consisted  of  ramparts  of 
earth  surmounted  by  palisades  and  having  wooden  interior  structures.  Of  these 
the  majority  have  a  motte  or  donjon,  a  conical  mound  in  the  interior,  but  others 
are  without  this  accessory.  We  also  know  that  the  Conqueror  brought  over 
with  him  a  wooden  fort  Avhich  was  erected  on  landing.  A  work  like  that, 
here  called  the  Traverse,  appears  also  to  have  been  commonly  employed  in 
mediaeval  fortresses  under  the  name  of  Brattish,0  a  kind  of  palisading  across 
the  lists  to  cut  off  the  part  on  which  the  assailants  had  effected  a  breach.  This 
Traverse  appears  to  me  to  have  been  a  permanent  structure  erected  at  the  same 
time  as  the  Camp,  but  I  am  not  aware  of  the  existence  of  any  work  of  this  nature 
in  a  British  fortress.  The  fact  of  this  Camp  having  two  appellations  in  the 
neighbourhood  is  significant ;  the  name  of  Castle  Hill  is  probably  the  original 
one,  whilst  Caesar's  Camp  has  been  introduced  subsequently  to  the  loss  of  all 
reliable  information  respecting  it. 

•  Fleming,  p.  148. 

b  Cows  d'Antiquites  Monumentaks,  Cinquieme  Ptie,  pp.  110 — 138. 

c  Military  Architecture  of  the  Middle  Ages,  by  Viollet  le  Due,  pp.  40,  41. 


Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  453 

At  what  precise  period  this  Camp  was  constructed  must  for  the  present  remain 
in  doubt,  but  further  excavations  may  determine  the  point.  William,  after  the 
battle  of  Hastings,  appears  to  have  been  careful  to  secure  his  base  of  operations 
on  the  coast,  and  for  this  reason,  before  marching  to  London,  he  moved  eastward 
to  secure  Dover.  It  is  not  improbable  this  work  may  have  been  thrown  up  at  that 
time  to  command  the  landing  place  at  Folkestone.  It  is  possible  it  may  have 
been  erected  during  the  troubled  reign  of  Stephen,  when  the  whole  country 
bristled  with  fortresses ;  it  is  even  possible  that  it  may  be  earlier  than  the  time 
of  the  Conquest,  though  the  occupation  of  it  for  some  time  subsequently  to  that 
event  appears  certain  from  the  evidence  adduced ;  but  I  am  inclined  to  think, 
from  its  position,  that  at  whatever  time  it  was  erected  it  was  intended  for  the 
defence  of  the  coast.  Prom  Walmer  to  Folkestone,  a  distance  of  thirteen  miles 
(21  kil.),  the  coast  is  defended  by  inaccessible  cliffs,  with  the  exception  of 
the  gap  at  Dover,  which  from  the  earliest  times  had  been  occupied  by  a  fortress. 
Folkestone  is  the  first  point  westward  on  the  coast-line,  at  which  an  enemy 
coming  from  Calais  or  Boulogne  could  land.  Eastvvear  Bay,  near  Folkestone, 
still  forms  a  kind  of  harbour  sheltered  from  some  winds,  and  at  the  time  we  are 
considering  the  extension  seawards  of  the  ground  now  occupied  by  Folkestone 
harbour,  which  is  known  to  have  been  since  eroded  by  the  encroachments  of 
the  sea,  must  have  sheltered  the  landing  place  in  Eastwear  Bay  from  the  west 
and  south-west.  The  bay  had  been  a  British  station  from  the  earliest  times, 
as  testified  by  British  coins  and  other  relics  found  there.  Ca3sar's  Camp,  occu- 
pying the  ridge  of  downs  above,  and  the  entrenchment  extending  along  the 
downs  between  it  and  the  sea-cliff,  would  have  effectually  secured  the  landing- 
place,  as  no  enemy  could  have  advanced  from  thence  into  the  interior  without 
taking  it.  I  assume  therefore  that  it  was  for  the  defence  of  the  coast  that  this 
Camp  was  erected,  but  at  this  point  the  labours  of  the  Archa3ologist,  for  the 
present  at  least,  must  cease.  Having  brought  the  Camp  within  the  pale  of 
historic  times,  I  leave  further  speculation  on  the  subject  to  historians. 


454 


Notes  on  the  two  sets  of  Bones  from  Caesar's  Camp,  Folkestone,  and  from 
Mount  Caburn,  near  Lewes.     By  Professor  ROLLESTON,  F.R.S.  &c. 

THE  two  sets  of  bones  from  Mount  Caburn  and  from  Csesar's  Camp  respectively 
resemble  each  other  in  certain  points  in  which  also  they  differ  from  earlier  pre- 
historic collections  of  a  similar  kind. 

1st.  The  presence  of  the  flounder-tailed  breed  of  sheep,  a  breed  now  confined 
to  the  Shetlands  and  other  still  more  northern  districts. 

2nd.  In  neither  series  have  I  found  any  wild  mammals  of  the  kinds  used  for 
food  ordinarily.  The  Sus  and  Bos  are  domesticated  specimens.  How  different  in 
all  respects  from  the  remains  found  in  the  flint  mines  at  Cissbury,  regard  being 
had  to  distinguish  between  the  flint  mines  and  the  camp  there,  which  last  has 
been  shewn  to  be  of  more  recent  origin.  For  which  see  Journal  of  the  Anthro- 
pological Institute. 

The  two  series  are  thus  brought  probably  within  comparatively  recent  times, 
but  there  are  not  wanting  certain  considerations  which  seem  to  show  that  the 
Mount  Caburn  series  was  the  earlier  of  the  two. 

I.  I  find  no  remains  of  the  horse  in  the  Caesar's  Camp  series,  though  several 
of  horse  shoes  were  found ;  per  contra  in  some  four  or  five  of  the  Mount  Caburn 
pits  I  find  the  remains  of  horse,  e.g.,  pits  26,  40,  17,  and  38,  and  in  the  last  of 
them  I  observe  the  lower  jaw  has  had  its  lower  angle  broken  away  with  the  parts 
of  the  horizontal  ramus  adjacent  or  adherent  to  it,  just  as  the  jaws  of  pigs  are 
usually  found  broken  in  prehistoric  series  and  presumably  for  the  purpose  of 
extracting  food,  to  wit,  marrow,  from  them.  It  is  well  known,  that  horseflesh  was 
an  article  of  diet  among  Pagans  in  the  early  centuries  of  our  era,  and  even  amongst 
some  Christians;  as  the  line  "Sitferalis  cqui  caro  dulcis  sub  cruce  Christi"  shows. 
But  the  Christian  missionaries  in  Saxon  times  set  their  faces  against  this,  as  also 
against  the  equally  reprehensible  practice  of  wearing  beards,  and  this  may  account 
for  the  absence  of  horse  bones  in  the  Csesar's  Camp  series.  Still  I  ought  to  say 
that  in  pits  of  more  recent  date  in  this  city  of  Oxford  I  have  found  horse  bones 
mixed  up  with  those  of  oxen  and  sheep  in  smaller  but  still  very  sensible  propor- 
tions. The  butcher  perhaps  could,  I  do  not  say  would,  explain  this  singular 
intermixture.  I  will  only  say  there  appears  to  be  some  necessary  correlation 


Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone.  455 

between  Hippophagy,  Pogonotrophy,  and  perhaps  Paganism.     Bishop  Wigram, 
if  still  living,  might  possibly  have  decided  this  question  in  the  affirmative. 

II.  The  fallow  deer,  Cermis  dama,  is  found  in  the  Caesar's  Camp  series  twice, 
and  this  is  a  very  important  difference  as  regards  Mount  Caburn,  where  the 
animal,  probably  imported  by  the  Romans,  is  not  found.     This  point  is  discussed 
or  touched  upon  in  "  British  Barrows"  page  134. 

III.  The  presence  of  the  falcon  in  Caesar's  Camp  is  as  striking  a  proof  of  its 
being  misnamed  as  perhaps  any  other ;  falconry  was  a  mediaeval  sport,  at  least 
in  Europe;  and  the  dark  ages,  to  speak  like  an  Irishman,  saw  its  origin  and 
its  obscuration,  its  ortum  atque  occasum  in  Europe,  though  not  of  course  in 
the  East. 

IV.  Mount  Caburn  has  furnished  us  with  goat  as  well  as  sheep  bones ;  I  am 
not  sure  that  there  are  goat  bones  in  Caesar's  Camp. 

V.  But  Mount  Caburn  has  no  bones  of  the  have,  Lepus  timidus.     Leporem 
Britanni  non  putant  fas  esse  gustare  says  Julius,  whilst  Caesar's  Camp  has  fur- 
nished us  with  these,  though  with  no  bones  of  rabbit,  Leporis  caniculi. 

A  few  points  worthy  of  note,  but  without  any  special  bearing  on  the  relative 
dates  of  the  series  as  far  as  I  can  see  at  present,  are  contributed  by  the  presence 
of  the  conger  eel,  of  the  goose,  and  of  a  large  number  of  lamb's  bones  in  the 
large  pit  in  Caesar's  Camp,  and  by  the  large  size  of  some  of  the  pig  bones  from 
Mount  Caburn,  the  pig  being  an  animal  largely  represented  in  late  Celtic  works 
of  art  and  ornamentation. 

There  is  no  great  difference  in  the  molluscau  fauna  of  the  two  places.  In 
Mount  Caburn  oysters  were  found  only  on  or  near  the  surface  in  positions  in 
which  they  might  have  been  introduced  in  more  recent  times  ;  in  Caesar's  Camp 
one  oyster-shell  was  found  in  the  body  of  the  Outer  Rampart ;  at  both  places  were 
found  limpets  and  whelks.  I  find  a  number  of  Mytiliis  edulis,  the  common 
mussel,  in  Mount  Caburn,  but  none  in  Caesar's  Camp.  Helix  aspcrsa  and 
nemoralis  are  probably  found  in  both. 


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Archaeologia 


Vol.XLVII.Pl. 


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Arch.aeolo£ia 


Vol.XLVII  PI  XVII. 


OUTER  RAUPfcRT 


SECTION   THROUGH  THE  CAMP  ON  THE  LINE  C.A.B.  OF  PLAN.  (FIGURE  I) 

A 

DEL          ' 


SECTION   OF  TRAVERSE. (  FIGURE   5j 


SCALE     OF       FEET,       FIGURES     I     t    5. 

100  300  400 


EXPLANATION   OF   FIGS. 2.3. 1. 


SILTING  OF    RAMPART 

BODY    OF    RAMPART 

TURF   *  OLD  SURFACE  LINE 


UNDISTURBED    CHALK 


SECOND     SECTION,  UPPER  RAMPART    WEST   END  .  (FIGURE  2.) 


THIRD    SECTION,  UPPER    RAMPART,  (FIGURE  3) 


FIRST    SECTION.  OUTER   RAMPART  (FIGURED) 

93'  7.0' 


C.F KelLLrii  Cistle  St HoBxjnLLoudon.E .C.  Surveyed  by  M.Gen1  Pitt  Rivers 

SECTIONS  OF   C/ESARS  CAMP  OR  CASTLE  HILL,  NEAR   FOLKESTONE. 

Published  fy  the  Sone.i\  ofArvtiffuxiriesofLaruion.,1882. 


461 


EXPLANATION  OF  PLATES. 


Plate  XVI— Plan  ofCasar's  Camp  or  Castle  Hill. 

C.  A.  B.  Line  of  seotion  through  Camp,  see  Plate  XVII.  fig.  1. 
A.  W.  Y.  x.  liampart  of  Citadel. 

D.  E.  F.  Outer  Rampart. 

G.  H.   Artificial  escarpment. 

I.  K.  Traverse  or  brattish. 

j.  Second  section,  Outer  Rampart. 

L.  Communication  between  the  two  divisions  of  the  outer  camp. 

M.  Pit  No.  2,  15  feet  (4-572  m.)  rleep. 

N.  Pit  No.  1,  the  Well,  84  feet  (25'603  m.)  excavated.     Bottom  not  reached. 

O.  Third  section  in  Outer  Rampart. 

p.  Pit  in  outer  camp.     Bottom  not  reached. 

K.  Depressions  examined. 

8.  Three  holes  examined. 

T.  u.   Small  bank  outside  the  outer  ditch. 

V.  Trenches  cut  to  obtain  relics  in  the  interior  of  the  Citadel. 

W.  First  section,  Upper  Rampart. 

x.  Second  section,  west  end,  Upper  Rampart,  see  Plate  XVII.  fig.  2. 

Y.  Third  section,  Upper  Rampart,  see  Plate  XVII.  fig.  3. 

Z.  First  section,  Outer  Rampart,  see  Plate  XVII.  fig.  4. 

a.  Excavations  in  the  ditch  of  the  Traverse. 

b.  Excavations  in  the  ditch  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  south  side. 

c.  d,  e.  Natural  Chalk  Escarpment. 

/,  g.  Line  of  section  of  Traverse,  see  Plate  XVII.  fig.  5. 


Plate  XVII.— Sections. 

Fig.  1.   Section  through  the  Camp,  on  line  C.  A.  B.  of  Plan,  see  also  fig.  4: 

A.  Rampart  of  Citadel,  south  side. 

B.  Exterior  of  Camp,  north  side. 

C.  Natural  Escarpment,  south  side. 
i>.  Upper  Rampart,  first  section. 


462  Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

L.  Upper  ditch. 

E.  Outer  Eampart,  first  section,  see  fig.  4. 

F.  Outer  ditch. 

G.  Bank  outside  outer  ditch. 
H.  Ditch  of  Citadel,  south  side. 
I.   The  Well. 

Fig.  2.  Second  section,  Upper  Kampart,  west  end,  see  X.  on  Plan : 

A.  Head  in  armour  carved  in  chalk;  found  1   foot  (0'306  in.)  beneath  the  turf,  3  feet 

fi  inches  (1'068  m.)  behind  the  crest,  June  27th,  Plate  XIX.  figs.  21  and  22. 

B.  Fragment  of  iron  padlock;  found  1  foot  (0'306  m.)  beneath  the  turf,  and  3  feet 

6  inches  (1'068  m.)  behind  the  crest,  June  27th,  Plate  XVIII.  fig.  6. 

C.  Top  stone  of  a  quern ;  found  in  silting  of  interior  slope  in  a  horizontal  position,  the 

centre  1  foot  7  inches  (0'483  m.)  beneath  the  top,  and  6  feet  (l'829m.)  in  from 
the  foot  of  the  interior  slope,  June  26th. 

D.  Blade  of  iron  knife,  Plate  XVIII.  fig.  7;  found  in  silting  of  interior  slope,  close  to 

quern. 

E.  Fragment  of  basin  carved  in  chalk,  with  four  Norman  arches,  Plate  XIX.  fig.  26; 

found  2  feet  2  inches  (0-661  m.)  deep,  and  4  feet  (1'219  m.)  in  from  the  foot  of  the 
slope,  June  26th. 

F.  Pinnacle  of  chalk,  Plate  XIX.  fig.  23;  found  2  feet  2  inches  (0'661  m.)  deep  in 

silting  of  the  interior  slope,  June  26th. 

G.  Fragments  of  glazed  pottery;  found  in  the  body  of  the  rampart,  3   feet  3  inches 

(O992  m.)    beneath   crest,    on    old    surface    line,    mixed  with    unglazed   pottery, 
June  27th. 
Fig.  3.  Third  section,  Upper  Rampart,  see  Y  on  Plan  : 

A.  Iron   knife,  Plate  XVIII.   fig.   8 ;    a  lozenge-shaped  head  of  a  clench-bolt,   Plate 

XVIII.  fig.  5  ;  an  iron  knife,  Plate  XVIII.  fig.  13;  an  iron  T-shaped  horse-shoe 
nail ;  found  in  silting  of  interior  slope,  June  29th. 

B.  A  fragment  of  glazed  pottery;  found  in  the  body  of  the  rampart,  3  feet  10  inches, 

( 1-169  m.)  beneath  the  turf,  and  6  feet  (1-829  m.)  to  the  rear  of  the  crest,  on  the 
old  surface  line,  June  29th. 
Fig.  4.  First  section,  Outer  Eampart,  see  z  on  Plan : 

A.  B.   Seam   of  dark  mould  in  body  of  rampart,  commencing  14  feet  (4268  m.)  from 
foot  of  interior  slope,  and  running  up  to  beyond  the  crest. 

C.  Band  of  copper,  gilt,  ornamented  with  studs,  Plate  XIX.  fig.  34;  copper  gilt  heart- 

shaped  objects,  Plate  XIX.  figs.  29,  30,  and  33  ;  also  two  fragments  of  sinuous 
horse-shoes,  Plate  XVIII.  figs.  16  and  17,  with  fifteen  horse-shoe  nails;  found  in 
seam  of  dark  mould  from  3  feet  10  inches  (l'169m.)  beneath  the  crest  to  bottom 
of  seam,  June  12th. 

D.  A  small  ditch,  at  foot  of  interior  slope. 
Fig.  5.   Section  of  Traverse  on  line/,  g,  of  Plan. 


Archaeologia 


Voi.XLVii  pixvni. 


10 


13 


14- 


15 


17 


16 


18 


All    Half  Size. 


C  F  Kell.Uth  Castle  St.HoIbornJ.oncJoa-E.C 


OBJECTS   OF    IRON    FOUND   IN   EXCAVATIONS   IN  C/ESARS  CAMP 
OR    CASTLE     HILL,  NEAR    FOLKESTONE. 


Published*  by  the  Society   <jf  AntutuMries  of 'London  7882. 


Archaeolo£ia 


Vol  XLVIi.Pl.XIX. 


All  Half  Size  except  Fig.  31. 


C  F  MLL.tK  Castle StHoltom. E.G. 

ANTIQUITIES    IN    STONE,  COPPER,  SILVER.  AND   LEAD  FROM    CXESARS  CAMP 
OR   CASTLE    HILL,  NEAR    FOLKESTONE. 


Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near -Folkestone.  463 

Plate  XVIII. — Objects  of  Iron  found  in  Excavations  at  Caesar's  Camp. 

Fig.  1.  Iron  arrow-head  ;  found  in  filling  in  Pit  2,  June  14th. 

Fig.  2.  Fragment  of  sinuous  horse-shoe  with  the  nail  in  it,  showing  the  calkings ;  found 
13  feet  10  inches  (4-218  m.1  in  Pit  2,  July  5th. 

Figs.  3  and  4.  Lozenge-shaped  bolt-heads ;  found  in  trenches  in  interior  of  Citadel,  June  15th. 

Fig.  5.  Lozenge-shaped  holt-head ;  found  in  the  interior  slope  of  Upper  Rampart,  third  section,. 
June  29th. 

Fig.  6.  Fragment  of  padlock ;  found  1  foot  (0'306  in.)  beneath  crest  of  Upper  Rampart,  west 
end,  and  3  feet  6  inches  (1*017  m.)  to  rear  of  crest,  June  27th. 

Fig.  7.  Blade  of  iron  knife;  found  1  foot  10  inches  (O560m.)  beneath  surface,  and  6  feet 
(1-829  m.)  to  rear  of  crest  in  silting  of  interior  slope  of  Upper  Rampart,  west  end,  June  26th. 

Fig.  8.  Iron  knife  ;  found  1  foot  (0'306  m.)  deep  in  interior  slope  of  Upper  Rampart,  third 
section,  June  29th. 

Fig.  9.  Buckle;  found  15  feet  2  inches  (4'624  m.)  deep  in  Pit  2,  July  5th. 

Fig.  10.  Loop  of  twisted  iron;  found  12  feet  6  inches  (3-812  m.)  deep  in  Pit  2,  June  5th. 

Fig.  11.  Nail  of  horse-shoe;  found  2  feet  10  inches  (0'864  m.) beneath  crest  of  Outer  Rampart, 
June  10th. 

Fig.  12.  Tube  of  iron  near  the  top  of  the  Well,  June  4th. 

Fig.  13.  Iron  knife  or  spear-head;  found  1  foot  (0-306  m.)  deep  in  interior  slope  of  Upper  Ram- 
part, third  section,  June  29th. 

Fig.  14.  An  iron  nail  of  horse-shoe ;  found  in  body  of  Outer  Rampart,  June  10th. 

Fig.  15.  Clench-bolt,  with  lozenge-shaped  heads;  found  in  trenching  the  interior  of  Citadel, 
June  15th. 

Figs.  16  and  17.  Two  fragments  of  sinuous  horse-shoes,  one  with  nail  in  the  hole;  found  3  feet 
10  inches  (1'169  m.)  beneath  crest  in  body  of  Outer  Rampart,  June  12. 

Fig.  18.  Iron  horse-shoe  nail,  adhering  by  oxidation  to  a  fragment  of  pottery  of  the  quality 
returned.in  the  sixth  column  of  the  Relic  Table  found  3  feet  10  inches  (1*169  m.)  beneath  the  crest 
in  body  of  Outer  Rampart,  June  12th. 

Fig.  19.  Iron  nail  with  flat  head;  found  19  feet  (5792  m.)  deep  in  Well,  June  6th. 

Fig.  20.  Iron  wedge;  found  in  one  of  the  footholes  in  the  Well  at  the  depth  of  59  feet 
(17-988  m.) 


Plate  XIX. — Antiquities  in  stone,  copper,  silver,  and  lead  from  Ccesar's  Camp. 

Figs.  21  and  22.  Head  in  armour,  carved  in  chalk-stone;  it  has  three  crosses  on  the  forehead, 
top  and  back :  found  1  foot  (0-306  m.)  beneath  the  turf,  and  3  feet  6  inches  (1*017  m.)  to  the  rear 
of  the  crest  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  west-end  section,  June  27th. 

Fig.  23.  Pinnacle  in  chalk-stone;  found  2  feet  2  inches  (0'661  m.)   deep,  8  feet  (2*439  m.)  to 


464  Excavations  at  Ccesar's  Camp  near  Folkestone. 

rear  of  crest,  and  4  feet  (1-219  m.)  from  the  foot  of  the  interior  slope  of  Upper  Rampart,  west-end, 
June  26th. 

Fig.  24.  Fragment  of  dish  or  mould,  in  chalk,  with  a  hole  bored  from  both  sides;  found  in  an 
oblong  pit  at  the  foot  of  the  interior  slope  of  Upper  Rampart,  June  8th. 

Fig.  25.  Disc  of  lead  found  in  the  oblong  pit  at  foot  of  the  interior  slope,  Upper  Rampart, 
June  8th. 

Fig.  26.  Fragment  of  basin,  font,  or  benitoire,  in  chalk-stone,  ornamented  with  four  arches 
having  the  tracery  of  the  twelfth  century;  found  2  feet  2  inches  (0-661  m.)  beneath  the  surface, 
8  feet  (2-439  m.)  to  rear  of  crest,  and  4  feet  (1-219  m.)  in  from  foot  of  interior  slope  of  Upper 
Rampart,  west  end,  June  26th. 

Fig.  27.  Copper  gilt  object  of  unknown  use,  ornamented  with  a  quatre-foil  ornament  and  a 
stud,  the  latter  similar  to  one  found  in  body  of  Outer  Rampart;  found  in  trenches  in  the  interior  of 
Citadel,  June  15th. 

Fig.  28.  Fragment  of  a  spindle  whorl ;  found  in  the  interior  slope  of  Upper  Rampart,  west  end, 
June  26th. 

Figs.  29  and  30.  Copper  gilt  heart-shaped  objects  of  unknown  use;  found  3  feet  10  inches 
(l'169m.)  beneath  the  surface,  and  14  feet  (4'268  m.)  in  from  foot  of  interior  slope,  June  10th 
and  12th. 

Fig.  31.  A  silver  penny  of  Stephen,  worn  and  much  defaced,  but  quite  distinguishable ;  found 
just  beneath  the  turf,  in  trenches  in  the  interior  of  the  Citadel,  June  15th. 

Fig.  32.  Copper  gilt  object,  evidently  a  fragment  of  a  piece  resembling  figs.  29  and  30  •  found 
20  feet  (6-096  m.)  deep  in  excavating  the  Well,  June  6th. 

Fig.  33.  Copper  gilt  object,  evidently  a  fragment  of  a  piece  resembling  figs.  29,  30,  and  32 ; 
found  in  body  of  Outer  Rampart,  June  12th. 

Fig.  34.  Copper  gilt  band  ornamented  with  four  studs  similar  to  the  one  on  fig.  27,  perhaps  a 
fragment  of  horse  furniture;  found  3  feet  10  inches  (1-169 m..)  beneath  crest,  in  body  of  Outer 
Rampart,  June  12th. 


Plate  XX. — Antiquities  in  Bone  and  Earthenware,  from  Ccesar's  Camp. 

Fig.  35.  Whistle  made  of  the  bone  of  some  bird,  with  two  finger  holes;  found  13  feet 
(3-964  m.)  deep,  in  pit  2,  June  5th. 

Figs.  36  and  37.  Fragments  of  glazed  pottery  ;  found  in  the  body  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  west 
end,  June  27th. 

Fig.  38.  Piece  of  stone  basin  ;  found  in  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope,  Upper  Rampart,  west 
end,  June  26th. 

Fig.  39.  Fragment  of  jar  of  green  glazed  earthenware  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  fifth 
column  of  the  Relic  Table,  but  glazed  ;  found  in  the  interior  slope  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  west  end, 
June  27th. 


Archaeolo^ia 


Vol  XLVU.  PI  XX. 


4-3 


Atti^jg^^&j^&g^^Wflft?  /' 

37  ^SJT          38  : 
v 


40 


:. 


All  Half   Size  except  Fi£s.   42.43    &  44. 


C.F  HI  Liti.CasflB  St  Holborn,E  C, 

ANTIQUITIES    IN    BONE    AND    EARTHENWARE  FROM   C/ESARS    CAMP 
OR    CASTLE     HILL,  NEAR     FOLKESTONE. 

Published/ fa  th&Sodek,  ofAntUiu/aries  of~I,onjdar^.lSff2. 


Excavations  at  Caesar's  Gamp  near  Folkestone.  465 

Fig.  40.  Fragment  of  glazed  earthenware,  ornamented  with  two  bands  of  incised  lines ;  found 
in  the  body  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  west  end,  in  the  position  marked  G,  Plate  XVII.  fig.  2, 
June  27th. 

Fig.  41.  Fragment  of  rim  of  pot  ornamented  with  the  impress  of  the  fingers,  of  the  quality 
returned  in  the  seventh  column  of  the  Relic  Table ;  found  in  the  trenches  in  the  interior  of  the 
Citadel,  June  26th. 

Fig.  42.  Section  of  the  pot  represented  in  fig.  43. 

Fig.  43.  Cooking  pot  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  seventh  column  of  the  Relic  Table  ;  found 
at  a  depth  of  13  feet  10  inches  (4'218  m.)  in  Pit  2  ;  it  has  large  grains  of  silex  in  its  composition, 
and  has  been  restored,  June  5th. 

Fig.  44.  Cooking  pot ;  found  at  the  bottom  of  Pit  2.  It  is  of  the  same  quality  as  the  last 
specimen,  but  a  little  larger.  It  has  been  restored.  Close  to  it  were  found  the  entire  bones  of 
a  fowl. 

Fig.  45.  Fragment  of  rim  of  coarse  British  pottery  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  eighth 
column  of  the  Relic  Table  ;  it  is  ornamented  on  the  top  with  thick  depressions  in  the  form  of  a 
herring-bone  pattern.  Found  in  trenches  of  the  interior  of  the  Citadel,  June  15th. 

Fig.  46.  Fragment  of  rim  of  British  pottery  with  the  same  ornamentation,  and  of  the  same 
quality  as  the  last  ;  found  1  foot  6  inches  (0-459  m.)  beneath  the  surface,  in  the  silting  at  the  foot 
of  the  interior  slope  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  June  7th. 

Fig.  47.  Fragment  of  pottery  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  sixth  column  of  the  Relic  Table; 
red,  and  of  sandy  texture,  ornamented  with  zigzag  band  ;  found  in  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope 
of  the  Upper  Rampart,  third  section,  June  29th. 

Fig.  48.  Fragment  of  pottery  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  sixth  column  of  the  Relic  Table; 
red  and  sandy,  but  glazed  ;  it  shows  the  root  of  a  handle  which  has  been  broken  off.  Found 
close  to  the  fragment  of  a  basin  with  Norman  carving,  in  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope  of  the 
Upper  Rampart,  west  end.  June  26th. 

Fig.  49.  Fragment  of  pottery  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  sixth  column  of  the  Relic  Table  ; 
red  and  sandy,  but  unglazcd,  and  ornamented  with  a  raised  band  notched  with  the  impress  of  the 
fingers.  Found  in  the  silting  of  the  interior  slope  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  west  end,  June  26th. 

Fig.  50.  Fragment  of  rim  of  pottery  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  seventh  column  of  the  Relic 
Table,  having  large  grains  of  quartz  in  its  composition,  but  lathe-turned,  ornamented  with  the 
impress  of  the  fingers,  and  having  a  very  projecting  rim.  Found  on  the  old  surface  line,  in  the 
body  of  the  Upper  Rampart,  first  section,  June  13th. 

Fig.  51.  Fragment  of  coarse  British  pottery  of  the  quality  returned  in  the  eighth  column  of 
the  Relic  Table  with  ornamentation  similar  to  figs.  45  and  46  ;  found  19  feet  (5792m.)  deep,  in 
the  Well,  June  6th. 


VOL.   XLVII.  3  Q 


XXIV. — On  the  Antiquity  of  the  Egyptian  Calendar.     By  FRANCIS  ROTJBILIAC 

CONKER,  ESQ.,  C.E. 


Read  February  19,  1880. 


THE  commemoration  in  the  Egyptian  Calendar  of  the  rising  of  the  Dog  Star  is 
a  subject  that  has  excited  the  curiosity  of  historians  and  antiquaries  from  the 
time  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton  to  the  present  day.  One  of  the  most  learned  of  modern 
Egyptologists,  Herr  Brugsch,  who  has  himself  written  a  work  on  the  Egyptian 
Calendar,  has  admitted,  in  his  latest  hook,  that  this  great  secular  problem,  is  as 
yet  unsolved." 

The  writer  who,  according  to  Herr  Brugsch,  has  most  profoundly  investigated 
the  subject,  is  M.  Biot.  But  since  the  date  of  M.  Biot's  labours  the  triglot  decree 
of  Canopus  has  been  discovered. b  This  unquestionable  authority  gives  a  date  for 
the  Eeast  of  Sothis,  a  comparison  of  which  with  other  monumental  inscriptions 
allows  of  the  determination  of  the  incidences  of  that  festival  for  more  than  eight 
hundred  years.  The  object  of  the  following  pages  is  to  shew  that  the  determina- 
tion of  the  dates  in  question  gives  an  unexpected  indication  of  an  antiquity,  such 
as  has  hitherto  been  regarded  as  fabulous,  for  the  origin  of  the  Egyptian  Calendar. 

It  is  unnecessary  here  to  do  more  than  glance  at  the  six  principal  modes  of 
computing  the  year  which  have  been  in  use  among  ancient  and  modern  peoples. 

The  Greek  astronomers  used  a  sidereal  year;  in  which  the  Calendar  was 
divided  into  twelve  signs  and  360  degrees ;  the  seasons  were  indicated  by  the 
rising  of  certain  stars ;  and  the  positions  of  the  equinoctial  and  solstitial  points 
gradually  changed. 

In  the  monuments  of  Egypt  references  are  found  to  four  modes  of  computing 
the  year.  Of  these,  the  most  familiar  to  the  student  of  history  is  the  vague 
year,  of  365  days,  without  intercalation.  As  this  year  is  nearly  six  hours  shorter 
than  the  true  solar  or  equinoctial  year,  it  constantly  shifted  the  date  of  its  com- 

a  History  of  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs,  translated  by  H.  D.  Seymour  and  P.  Smith,  1879,  ii.  173. 
"  Records  oj  the  Past,  viii.  8 1 . 


On  the  Antiquity  of  the  Egyptian  Calendar.  467 

mencement  with  reference  to  the  seasons.  In  1504  equinoctial  years  the  vague 
year  thus  made  an  entire  revolution  of  the  Zodiac ;  and  this  period  of  time  con- 
tained 1506  Egyptian  years. 

The  introduction  of  an  intercalary  day  every  fourth  year,  which  was  effected 
in  the  Roman  Calendar  by  Augustus  Caesar,  A.U.C.  745  (since  which  time  it 
continued  in  use  in  Europe  down  to  the  reformation  of  the  Calendar  by  Pope 
Gregory  XIII.  in  1582),  was  anticipated  by  the  Egyptians.  It  is  considered  by 
Egyptian  scholars  that  this  year,  the  Annus  Quadratus,  is  denoted  by  the 
hieroglyphic  fa;  while  the  Annus  Vagus  is  denoted  thus  /f  §  . 

The  true  solar  or  equinoctial  year  must  have  been  approximately  known  to 
ancient  astronomers,  as  it  is  that  which  determines  the  seasons.  Before  the 
invention  of  the  pendulum,  the  means  of  measuring  time  were  very  imperfect. 
The  smallest  unit  of  time  used  by  the  Chaldean  astronomers  was  the  scrupule  of 
eighty  seconds,  which  Ptolemy  continually  cites  in  the  Almagest.  But  observa- 
tions of  the  equinoxes  and  solstices  were  made  by  Hipparchus  and  other  Greek 
astronomers.  Nor  can  we  conceive  of  the  existence  of  any  series  of  astronomical 
records,  such  as  those  which  were  kept  at  Babylon  for  1903  years  before  its  cap- 
ture by  Alexander  the  Great,  without  the  determination  of  a  true  solar  year. 

The  Gregorian  year  approaches  so  closely  to  the  true  solar  year,  that  it  may 
be  conveniently  used  for  tabulation.  The  Gregorian  year  consists  of  365  days, 
with  a  366th  day  every  fourth  year.  Every  hundredth  year,  again,  the  additional 
day  is  omitted,  except  on  the  fourth  hundredth,  which  is  bissextile.  Again,  every 
fourth  thousandth  year  contains  only  365  days. 

A  vague  lunar  year  of  twelve  months  is  still  in  use  among  Mohammedans. 

A  lunar  year,  brought  into  accord  with  the  seasons  by  intercalary  months, 
was  used  by  the  Jews,  and  was  also  used  by  the  Greeks  for  the  determination  of 
the  Olympic  festivals.  The  Jews  depended  on  actual  observation  of  the  new 
moon  for  the  commencement  of  the  month  ;  and  had  a  special  council  to  decide 
on  an  intercalation.  The  Greeks  made  use  of  the  enneadekateris,  or  cycle  of 
nineteen  years,  containing  seven  intercalary  months,  from  tlie  discovery  of  that 
cycle  by  Meton,  B.C.  434. 

The  dates  of  the  Egyptian  vague  year,  which  is  that  commonly  used  on  the 
monuments,  may  be  calculated  with  absolute  precision  from  six  observations  of 
equinoctial  and  solstitial  coincidences  which  are  recorded  by  Ptolemy  in  the 
Almagest,  in  terms  of  the  vague  year.  We  are  indebted  to  the  same  astronomer 
for  the  earliest  observations  determinative  of  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes,  or 
the  relation  between  the  sidereal  and  solar  years. 

3Q2* 


468  On  the  Antiquity  of  the  Egyptian  Calendar. 

The  triglot  decree  of  Canopus  is  dated  in  the  ninth  year  of  Ptolemy  III.  It 
states  that  in  that  year  the  rise  of  Sothis  was  commemorated  on  the  first  day  of 
the  month  Pauni.  This  coincided  in  the  years  B.C.  259—242  with  15  July  equi- 
noctial. 

In  the  fifteenth  year  of  Takelut  II.  according  to  an  inscription  on  a  stela 
at  Karnac,  the  Feast  of  Sothis  occurred  on  the  first  day  of  the  month  Tybi. 
The  year  in  question  is  determined  hy  an  eclipse  as  being  B.C.  851.  In  that  year 
1  Tybi  fell  on  15  July  equinoctial. 

In  the  Museum  of  Boulaq  is  a  stone  which  was  taken  from  the-ruins  of  "  a 
temple  on  the  isle  of  Elephantina,  erected  and  adorned  by  Thothmes  III.  and  his 
successors  down  to  the  third  Amen  Hotep,  in  honour  of  the  god  of  the  country, 
Khnum."a  The  inscription  on  this  stone  mentions  the  occurrence  of  the  Feast 
of  Sothis  on  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  the  month  Epiphi.  The  twenty-eighth  of 
Epiphi  coincided  with  15  July  equinoctial  in  the  years  1517 — 1514  B.C.  The 
year  1511  B.C.  is  otherwise  determined  as  the  thirty-fifth  year  of  Amen  Hotep  III. 

It  is  thus  evident  that  the  Festival  of  the  Rising  of  Sothis  was  a  fixed  feast, 
referred  not  to  the  sidereal  but  to  the  equinoctial  year,  and  celebrated  on  the 
twenty-fourth  day  after  the  summer  solstice.  Thus  regarded,  it  affords  a  cardinal 
datum  for  the  determination  of  any  dates  fixed  by  the  coincidence  of  the  Festival 
with  a  given  day  of  the  vague  year. 

The  question  remains,  what  was  the  relation  between  the  Festival  of  the 
Rising  of  Sothis,  and  the  actual  time  in  any  given  year  when  the  Dog  Star  first 
became  visible  ? 

M.  Biot  states  that  Sirius  becomes  visible  in  the  morning  when  at  a  distance 
of  11  degrees  from  the  sun.  At  a  distance  of  18  degrees  from  the  sun  astronomers 
agree  that  twilight  ends,  and  a  star  of  any  magnitude  is  visible.  An  old  Greek 
calendar,  which  is  reproduced  by  Scaliger  in  his  great  work  De  Emendatione 
Tempormn  (being  drawn  up  in  signs  and  degrees),  gives  a  period  of  seven  days 
between  the  first  appearance  of  a  star,  and  the  date  of  its  becoming  wholly 
visible.  We  are  thus  justified  in  dating  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius  as  not  earlier 
than  eleven  days,  or  later  than  eighteen  days,  after  his  conjunction  in  right 
ascension  with  the  sun.  This,  however,  depends  on  the  latitude  of  the  point 
of  observation,  in  the  absence  of  determination  of  which  we  are  confined  to 
conjecture. 

At  the  present  time  this  conjunction  occurs  on  1  July.     At  the  time  of  the 

B  History  of  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs,  i.  395. 


On  the  Antiquity  of  the  Egyptian  Calendar.  469 

decree  of  Canopus,  according  to  the  rate  of  precession  adopted  by  astronomers, 
the  conjunction  occurred  on  1  June.  Sirius,  therefore,  became  visible  at  that 
time  between  the  12th  and  the  19th  of  June,  or  a  month  earlier  than  the  date  of 
the  Festival. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  when  the  Festival  was  first  established  it 
coincided  with  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius. 

But  the  further  we  go  back  in  history,  from  the  date  of  the  decree  of  Canopus, 
the  earlier  in  the  year  occurred  the  rising  of  Sirius,  and  the  greater  is  the  interval 
between  the  phenomenon  and  the  Festival  which  celebrated  its  occurrence. 

To  arrive  at  a  coincidence  between  the  first  day  of  Thoth  vague,  the  fifteentn 
day  of  July  equinoctial,  and  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius  (if  such  coincidence  ever 
occurred),  we  must  go  back  for  nearly  sixteen  revolutions  of  the  vague  year,  or  to 
the  year  B.C.  23941.  At  that  date,  assuming  the  movement  of  the  earth  on  its 
axis  and  in  its  orbit  to  have  undergone  no  change,  the  first  day  of  Thoth  vague 
fell  on  the  15th  of  July,  and  the  conjunction  of  Sirius  with  the  Sun  occurred  on 
the  2nd  of  July,  so  that  the  visible  rising  of  the  star  would  have  coincided  with 
the  celebration  of  the  event. 

It  is  not  suggested  that  this  coincidence  affords  an  absolute  proof  that  so 
extreme  an  antiquity  attaches  to  the  Egyptian  calendar.  But  the  threefold 
coincidence  is  very  striking.  No  more  recent  date  is  consistent  with  the  theory  of 
an  intelligible  origin  of  the  Festival,  and  of  an  unbroken  reckoning  from  that 
time.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Egyptian  civilisation  had  attained  a  very  advanced 
stage  by  the  date  of  the  founding  of  Memphis.  Physical  observations  as  to  the 
growth  of  the  Delta  of  the  Nile  are  in  accord  with  the  chronology  that  dates  this 
event  about  4500  B.C.  "  This  is  less  than  a  third  of  the  period  now  indicated. 
But  the  very  slight  change  in  Egyptian  art  from  the  time  of  the  fifth  to  that  of 
the  eighteenth  dynasty  _is  such  as  to  indicate  an  enormous  lapse  of  time  as 
required  for  its  development  before  the  earlier  date.  As  far  as  Egyptian  dis- 
covery has  yet  been  carried,  it  points  to  the  existence  of  a  long  past,  before  the 
transference  of  the  seat  of  power  from  Abydos  to  Memphis.  How  far  the  astro- 
nomical considerations  above  set  forth  may  throw  light  on  the  duration  of  a 
period  that  is  as  yet  prehistoric  it  will  be  for  historians  to  decide. 

•  Edinburgh  Review,  No.  297,  p.  123. 


470 


On  the  Antiquity  of  the  Egyptian  Calendar. 


TABLE 

SHEWING  THE  REVOLUTION  OF  THE  VAGUE  EGYPTIAN  YEAR,  ANI>  THE  DATES  OP  THE 
HELIACAL  EISING  OF  SIRIUS,  13'5  DAYS  AFTER  CONJUNCTION  WITH  THE  SUN. 


15.C. 

FEAST 
OF  SOTHIS. 

SlEIUS  BISES 

i  THOTH. 

240 

Decree  of  CANOPUS 

15  July 

15  June 

17  Oct. 

851 

xv  TAKELUT. 

15  July 

7  June 

15  Mar. 

1357 

]5  July              30  May 

15  July 

1517 

xxix  AMEN  HOTET  III. 

1  5  July 

22  Aag. 

28G1 

9  May 

15  July 

4309 

1  s  April 

15  July 

5873 

27  Mar. 

15  July 

7377 

C  Mar. 

15  July 

8885 

j       13  Feb. 

15  July 

10389 

23  Jan. 

15  July 

11893 

2  Jan. 

15  July 

13401 

11  Oct. 

15  July 

14905 

19  Nor.               15  July 

10409 

28  Oct. 

15  July 

17917 
19421 

7  Oct. 

15  July 
15  July 

20929 

2G  An-. 

15  July 

22433 

7  Aug. 

15  July 

23941 

15  July 

1  5  July 

XXV. — On  a  Wall- Painting  discovered  at  Westminster  Abbey  in  1882. — In  a 
Letter  from  JOHN  HENRY  MIDDLETON,  ESQ.,  M.A.  E.S.A.,  to  Christopher 
Knight  Watson,  Esq.,  M.A.,  Secretary, 


Read  February  9,  1882. 


DEAR  SIR, 

A  discovery  was  made  this  afternoon  in  part  of  the  monastic  buildings  of 
Westminster  Abbey,  which  appears  to  me  to  be  of  sufficient  interest  to  be  worth 
laying  before  the  Society  of  Antiquaries. 

The  large  upper  room  in  the  western  range,  once  occupied  by  the  cellarer,  is 
now  divided  up  into  rooms  for  a  Canon's  residence.  In  the  course  of  some 
repairs  now  going  on  the  canvas  lining  in  one  of  these  rooms  was  stripped  off  : 
underneath,  fine  oak  Jacobean  paneling  was  discovered,  and,  under  the 
paneling,  the  wall  was  found  to  be  covered  with  well-designed  painting  of  the 
time  of  Henry  VIII.  This  painting  is  in  black  and  white,  done  in  tempera  on 
plaster  :  the  design,  which  is  drawn  with  great  boldness  and  freedom  of  execution, 
is  strongly  Holbeinesque  in  character. 

There  is  an  oval  shield,  charged  with  Erance  and  England  quarterly,  with 
lion  and  dragon  supporters :  at  the  side  human  figures  growing  out  of  flowing 
arabesque  scroll-work,  which  covers  the  wall  in  large  sweeping  curves. 

The  design  is  white,  with  black  outlines  and  shading  on  a  black  ground. 

The  discovery  is  an  interesting  one,  as  English  wall-paintings  of  this  date  are 
very  rare. 

The  preservation  of  these  examples  is  due  to  the  fact  that  oak  paneling  was 
fixed  over  them,  before  they  had  time  to  suffer  from  age  or  exposure. 

It  seems  probable  that  this  decoration  was  executed  soon  after  the  suppression 


472 


On  a  Wall-Painting  discovered  at  Westminster  Abbey  in  1882. 


of  the  Abbey,  and  the  seizure  of  the  monastic  buildings  by  the  Crown ;  hence 
possibly  the  introduction  of  the  Royal  arms  in  so  conspicuous  a  way. 

The  part  of  this  painting  which  comes  on  the  outer  wall  seems  to  have 
perished  from  damp. 

A  large  part  of  the  probably  well-preserved  painting  on  the  inner  wall  still 
remains  hidden,  as  it  is  only  in  one  of  the  sub-divisions  of  the  great  hall  that  the 
•wall-linings  have  been  stripped  off. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Yours  faithfully, 


J.  HENRY  MIDDLETON, 

4,  Storey's  Gate,  Westminster. 


To  C.  Knight  Watson,  Sec.  Soc.  Ant. 
Febmary  8,  1882. 


XXVI. —  On  Two  Bronze  Fragments  of  an  unknown  object,  portions  of  the  Petrie 
Collection,  in  the  Museum  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin.  By  Miss 
MARGARET  STOKES. 


Read  February  10,  1881. 


IT  is  now  twenty-three  years  since  Mr.  John  Mitchell  Kernble,  in  an  address 
delivered  before  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  drew  attention  to  a  small  bronze 
object  of  unknown  use  in  the  museum  of  Dr.  Petrie  in  Dublin.  I  have  to  acknow- 
ledge with  much  regret  that  so  long  a  time  has  been  allowed  to  elapse,  and  yet  no 
illustration  or  complete  description  of  this  object  has  yet  appeared;  and  I  beg  to 
offer  the  Society  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  opportunity  now  afforded  of  sub- 
mitting to  your  consideration  such  drawings  and  photographs  as  I  have  been 
able  to  obtain  of  this  interesting  relic. 

On  the  occasion  to  which  I  have  alluded,  Mr.  Kemble,  speaking  of  a  peculiar 
development  of  the  double  spiral  line  found  in  the  ornamental  designs  of  the 
Keltic  populations  of  these  islands,  brought  forward  one  of  these  objects  as  offering 
about  the  most  perfect  specimen  of  such  design  in  existence.  "There  is,"  he 
said,  "  perhaps  in  all  Europe,  no  more  striking  example  than  an  implement  of 
unknown  use  in  the  possession  of  our  great  archgeological  master,  Dr.  Petrie ;  for 
beauty  of  design  and  beauty  of  execution  this  may  challenge  comparison  with  any 
specimen  of  cast  bronze  work  that  it  has  ever  been  my  fortune  to  see." 

When  thus  remarking,  Mr.  Kemble  did  not  seem  to  have  been  aware  that 
Dr.  Petrie  had  in  his  possession  a  portion  of  a  similar  object  quite  equal  to  this 
in  beauty.  They  seem  to  belong  to  one  another,  and  both  appear  to  be  frag- 
ments of  some  larger  object  or  portions  of  a  series  of  such.  Again,  he  describes 
this  as  of  "  cast  bronze,"  whereas  it  appears  on  close  examination  that  the  work 
must  have  been  executed  by  some  method  besides  casting.  I  shall  now  proceed 
to  describe  these  fragments  in  detail,  and  then  offer  for  your  judgment  a  theory 
as  to  their  use  and  intention  which  has  slowly  forced  itself  upon  my  mind,  and 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  R 


474  Two  Bronze  Fragments  in  the 

which  if  accepted  may  bear  on  the  question  of  the  date  of  such  bronzes  in 
Ireland. 

Commencing  with  the  more  perfect  of  these  two  fragments  (PI.  XXI.  fig.  1  (a) ), 
we  find  it  to  consist  of  five  separate  pieces,  fitted  with  delicate  precision  and 
fastened  together  by  small  rivets.  1st,  a  band  or  fillet  of  thin  bronze  plate ;  then, 
2nd,  a  circular  plate ;  3rd,  a  cone  or  tongue  springing  upwards  from  the  band. 
Besides  these  three  principal  portions  there  are  two  accessory  objects — a  stud  and 
a  shoe — which  help  to  keep  the  whole  together.  In  both  cases  (a,  6)  the  bands  are 
broken  at  either  end,  from  which  we  may  conclude  that  they  formed  part  of  a 
longer  object.  They  measure  l£in.  in  height,  and  are  slightly  curved,  as  if 
they  had  formed  portions  of  a  circular  or  oval  ring;  they  are  pierced  at  the 
upper  and  lower  edges  with  small  needle-holes,  showing  that  some  fine  fabric  was 
stitched  to  them  by  a  delicate  thread.  The  round  plates  are  furnished  with  two 
little  pegs  or  feet  at  the  back,  by  which  they  were  fixed  into  the  hollow  at  the 
base  of  the  cone  into  which  the  shoe  is  inserted,  which  supports  the  circular 
plate  in  an  upright  position.  The  cone  rests  partly  on  the  topmost  edge  of  the 
band  or  fillet,  and  partly  in  the  hollow  of  the  stud  fixed  on  the  band.  This 
cone,  which  measures  4^in.  in  height  by  3§in.  in  circumference  at  its  base,  is 
somewhat  like  a  horn  or  tongue,  and  the  denticulated  edge  at  its  summit  shows 
signs  of  wearing,  as  if  some  hard  object  had  rested  there  such  as  a  small  crystal 
ball.  The  three  principal  parts,  i.  e.,  the  band,  the  circular  plates,  and  the  cone, 
are  decorated  by  the  spiral  lines  in  relief  to  which  Mr.  Kemble  drew  our  atten- 
tion ;  but,  instead  of  being  as  he  declared  "  casting,"  it  would  appear  as  if  the 
result  were  partly  obtained  by  stamping,  as  a  coin  is  stamped,  and  that  then  the 
lines  were  finished  by  hand.  On  examining  the  reverse  of  the  plates  we  find 
that,  although  the  delicate  lines  of  the  curves  and  spirals  are  not  seen  in  intaglio, 
as  they  would  be  if  the  work  were  repousse,  yet  the  minute  bosses  on  the  surface 
are  all  clearly  repoussti,  being  seen  pressed  out,  or  concave,  on  the  back.  Would 
this  have  been  the  case  if  the  bronze  plate  were  cast  ?  Again,  there  are  four 
parts  of  apparently  the  same  ornament  which  might  have  all  been  cast  from  one 
mould,  if  casting  were  the  method  adopted ;  but  it  is  clear  that,  if  cast  at  all, 
there  must  have  been  four  separate  moulds,  for  in  following  each  line  of  the 
curves  and  spirals  a  certain  irregularity  and  difference  is  perceivable  in  every 
instance.  This  might  occur  if  the  less  mechanical  process  of  stamping  and  hand- 
work were  adopted,  since  the  stamp,  being  possibly  formed  of  a  less  durable 
material  than  a  mould,  might  require  to  be  changed  each  time. 

If  not  then  the  finest  pieces  of  casting  ever  seen,  yet,  as  specimens  of  design 


Arehaeologia. 


Vol.  XL  VII.     PI.  XXI.     To  face  page  474. 


FlfS.   I.      TWO  BRONZE  FRAGMENTS,  IN  THE  PETRIE  COLLECTION. 


FlG.  2.      ORNAMENT  ON  CONE  OF  (a). 


PROM  THE  MUSEUM  OP  THE  ROYAL,  IRISH  ACADEMY,  DUBLIN. 


Archaevlogia. 


Vol.XLVU.     PI.  XXII.     To  face  pay*  475. 


Museum  of  the  Boyal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin.  475 

and  workmanship,  they  are,  perhaps,  unsurpassed.  The  surface  is  here  overspread 
with  no  vague  lawlessness,  but  the  ornament  is  treated  with  fine  reserve,  and  the 
design  carried  out  with  the  precision  and  delicacy  of  a  master's  touch.  The 
ornament  on  the  cone  (PL  XXI.  fig.  2)  flows  round  and  upwards  in  lines  gradual 
and  harmonious  as  the  curves  in  ocean  surf,  meeting  and  parting  only  to  meet 
again  in  lovelier  forms  of  flowing  motion.  In  the  centre  of  the  circular  plate 
below — just  at  the  point  or  hollow,  whence  all  these  lines  flow  round  and  upwards, 
at  the  very  heart  as  it  might  seem  of  the  whole  work — a  crimson  drop  of  clear 
enamel  may  be  seen. 

Having  so  far  attempted  to  give  a  faithful  description  of  these  exquisite 
fragments,  I  may  now  ask  you  to  consider  the  question  as  to  the  probable  use  of 
these  ornaments.  It  has  been  suggested  that  they  are  portions  of  two  such  horns 
as  are  seen  on  an  ancient  British  helmet  in  our  National  Museum  in  London. 
The  extreme  delicacy  and  fragile  nature  of  these  objects  seem  however  to  refute 
this  theory — a  theory  most  valuable  at  the  same  time  as  bearing  out  the  idea  of 
the  true  origin  of  such  things — the  horn  or  tongue  of  flume  projecting  from  the 
head  being  one  of  the  most  ancient  symbols  of  divine  power  in  man  which  we 
possess.  The  horns  on  the  British  helmet  are  strong  and  massive,  such  as  might 
be  worn  in  battle,  but  I  believe  that  the  fragments  now  under  consideration  may 
be  the  remains  of  an  Irish  radiated  crown,  formed  of  seven  horns  or  tongues,  so 
arranged  as  to  rise  from  a  hand  or  fillet  intended  to  encircle  the  head — it  may  be 
of  an  image  or  of  a  king — during  some  sacred  festival. 

Will  you  now  permit  me  to  offer  you  a  restoration  in  painting  (PL  XXII. )a  which 
may  convey  an  imperfect  idea  of  this  ornament  as  I  have  conceived  it  when  in  its 
perfect  condition  ?  Were  it  once  established  that  these  fragments  were  portions 
of  a  radiated  crown  it  would  add  materially  to  the  interest  with  which  we  contem- 
plate them.  It  is  a  curious  fact  that,  however  common  are  the  representations  of 
such  an  object  in  ancient  art,  yet  no  example  of  such  has  hitherto  been  found, 
nor  can  any  antiquary  whom  I  have  consulted  recall  the  existence  of  even  a 
fragment  of  such  a  crown  in  any  museum  at  home  or  abroad.  Indeed  the 
'  practical  use  or  wearing  of  this  corona  radiata  by  men  in  any  office  is  not  clearly 
proved.  It  seems  to  have  been  reserved  for  ideal  heads,  and  is  only  found  in  art  — 
whether  in  clay  or  marble,  bronze  or  fresco  painting.  This  crown  is  evidently 
meant  to  symbolize  light  or  pointed  flame,  a  sensible  and  material  expression  of 
the  imagery  of  the  poet  or  rhetorician  who  spoke  of  light  as  issuing  from 
divinely  inspired  heads.  Thus  Virgil  paints  King  Latinus  as  he  issues  forth  to 

a  A  coloured  drawing  of  this  restoration  was  exhibited  at  the  reading  of  this  communication. 

8E2 


476  Two  Bronze  Fragments  in  the 

battle  with  ./Eneas  (^Jneid,  lib.  xii.  1.  161) ;  and  Valerius  Flaccus  speaks  of  the 
starry  brow  of  Castor  from  whence  the  thin  blood  was  seen  to  flow.a  Winckel- 
mann  has  observed,  speaking  of  the  origin  and  probable  significance  of  the 
radiated  crown,  "  The  first  instance  that  occurs  to  me  in  the  consideration  of  this 
corona  was  the  notice  of  Lucian,  who  relates  that  the  warriors  of  Ethiopia  went 
to  battle  with  arrows  tied  round  their  heads  so  as  to  stand  upright  like  rays." 
The  blanched  white  palm-leaf,  such  as  is  still  prepared  in  Bordighera  in  Italy 
for  use  on  Palm  Sunday  in  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  was  used  by  the  Spartans  for  a 
similar  purpose,  "  fixed,"  says  Winckelmann,b  "  so  as  to  resemble  rays ; "  and 
Apuleius  (Metamorph.  xi.  [257]  801,  ed.  Oudendorf),  when  describing  the  costume 
of  the  initiated,  says,  "  But  I  carried  in  my  right  hand  a  flaming  torch,  and  had 
encircled  my  head  with  a  graceful  garland,  the  leaves  of  the  shining  palm  pro- 
jecting like  rays." 

It  would  appear  that,  at  a  later  date,  the  radiated  crown  was  an  attribute  of 
such  leaders  among  men  as  came  to  have  divine  honours  paid  to  them  through 
the  enthusiasm  of  their  followers.  "We  learn  that  such  divine  effulgence  from 
the  head  as  is  symbolised  by  this  crown  is  alluded  to  by  Latin  writers  who  lived 
at  the  commencement  of  the  Christian  era,  and  we  know  that  after  the  time  of 
Mark  Antony  and  Octavianus  the  laurel  wreath  is  superseded  by  the  golden 
rays  of  Sol  or  Helios,  the  ruler  of  days.0 

The  deification  of  the  Roman  emperors  succeeded  to  the  adoration  of  the 
Roman  governors  which  was  practised  in  the  East,  where  the  magistrate  was 
adored  as  a  provincial  deity,  with  the  pomp  of  altars  and  temples,  of  festivals 
and  sacrifices.'1  Then  their  images  were  adorned  with  rays,  and  Morus  describing 
the  honours  paid  to  Caesar  by  the  Romans,  says,  "  There  by  citizens  who  were  not 
ungrateful,  all  possible  honours  were  heaped  upon  the  one  prince ;  his  images 
were  in  all  the  temples  about,  a  crown  of  distinct  rays  in  the  theatre,  a  seat  of 
honour  raised  in  the  senate-house,  a  pinnacle  upon  his  house.6 

Before  leaving  the  subject  of  the  history  of  this  symbol  in  art,  I  hope  it  may 
not  be  deemed  irrelevant  if  I  allude  to  one  point  in  connection  with  it  which  I 
have  already  brought  forward  elsewhere '  at  greater  length  than  the  limits  of  this- 
paper  will  allow.     It  is  my  belief  that  the  crown  of  thorns  which  formed  part  of 
the  mock  regalia  given  by  the  Roman  governor  to  Christ  with  the  purple  robe 

n  Argonaut,  lib.  iv.  1.  330.  Monum.  Antic,  p.  59. 

c  Mr.  Eapp,  Numismatic  Chronicle,  N.S.  vol.  iii.  p.  237. 

(1  Lucan,  Pharsalia,  lib.  vii.  v.  458.  '  Epit.  Eer.  Rom.  IV.  ii.  §  91. 

f  Art  Readings  at  Alexandra  College,  Dublin,  No.  2. 


ihaeologia. 


Vol.  XL  VII.    PI.  XXI 11.     To  face  page  477. 


FlO.  1.      COHONA  EADIATA  OF  ROMAN  EMPEROR. 


FlG.  2.      CORONA  SPIN^E  CHRISTI. 


FIG.  8.    "  They  smote  him  on  the  head  with  a  reed.'1— St.  Mark  xv.  19. 

FROM  THE  CATACOMB  OF  PR^ETEXTATUS. 


THE  CROWN  OF  THORNS. 


Museum  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin.  477 

was  a  parody  of  the  radiated  crown  worn  by  the  Roman  Emperors  when  they 
arrogated  to  themselves  divinity.  (PI.  XXIII.  figs.  1,  2.)  The  monks  of 
Jerusalem  show,  or  lately  did  show,  an  aged  thorn  tree  near  the  holy  city  from 
which  they  say  the  crown  was  originally  cut  in  such  a  manner  that  in  wearing  it 
the  thorns  appeared  so  as  to  present  the  likeness  of  the  radiated  crown  with 
which  the  kings  of  the  East  were  accustomed  to  be  adorned.  In  fact  I  am  led  to 
believe  that  the  grown  of  thorns  was  (not  as  mediaeval  Christian  art  would  lead 
us  to  conclude)  so  much  an  instrument  of  physical  as  of  moral  suffering,  since,  in 
the  mimic  radiated  crown  he  placed  upon  the  sacred  head,  Herod  parodied  the 
ancient  symbol  of  in-dwelling  divinity  and  spiritual  kingship,  and  placed  his 
parody  upon  the  only  human  brow  that  could  by  right  inherit  it. 

The  first  representation  of  Christ  crowned  with  thorns  that  we  know  of  is,  I 
believe,  that  which  occurs  on  the  painted  chamber  in  the  catacomb  of  Prtetextatus 
on  the  Appian  Way.  (PL  XXIII.  fig.  3.)a  It  is  an  illustration  of  the  words, 
"They  struck  his  head  with  a  reed."  The  treatment  of  the  subject  is  so  utterly 
unlike  that  to  which  we  are  accustomed  in  art  of  the  German  or  later  Italian 
schools,  that  it  is  not  surprising  to  learn  that  it  has  been  mistaken  for  the 
Baptism  of  Christ.  However,  the  crown  projecting  from  the  head  like  rays  at 
once  silences  all  questionings  as  to  the  real  nature  of  the  subject. 

We  have  here  a  spiked  and  thorny  wreath,  which  is  a  parody  of  the  rays  of 
the  Sun-God,  and  at  the  Saviour's  right  side  two  men,  who  prepare  to  strike  His 
head  with  their  reeds,  while  to  His  left  is  a  leafless  winter  tree  on  which  the  dove 
—the  Christian  symbol  of  the  spiritual  power  they  mocked — has  just  descended. 

I  hope  that  I  may  plead  the  interest  of  such  points  in  connexion  with  the 
history  of  this  symbol  as  excuse  for  the  introduction  of  what  to  some  may  appeal- 
irrelevant  matter. 

We  may  now  return  to  the  subject  of  these  bronze  fragments  found  in  Ire- 
land, which  I  presume  to  have  formed  part  of  such  a  crown  as  is  here  repre- 
sented— and  the  last  question  left  for  our  consideration  is  as  to  its  probable  date. 

As  upon  this  point  we  cannot  be  said  to  know  anything,  I  hope  I  may  be 
permitted  to  put  the  following  observations  in  the  form  of  questions. 

Is  the  fact  that  this  ornament  is  decorated  with  the  earliest  form  of  the 
divergent  spiral  or  trumpet-pattern  a  sufficient  argument  to  lead  us  to  assign  it 

a  It  has  been  illustrated  by  M.  Ferret  (Catacomles  de  Rome,  vol.  1,  pi.  Ixxx.)  and  by  Garrucci  (Storia 
della  Arte  Cristiana,  vol.  1,  tavv.  xxxviii.  xxxix.),  who  had  access  to  the  original  drawings  made  for 
Father  Marchi  in  1850,  and  exhibited  in  the  Lateran  Museum.  See  Northcote  and  Brownlow,  Roma 
Sotterranea  (1869),  pp.  144,  146,  147,  pt.  2nd. 


478  Two  Bronze  Fragments  in  the 

to  the  same  period  as  the  late  Celtic  and  pre-Roman  works  of  Britain,  i.  e., 
between  200  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  and  A.D.  200  ? 

Does  the  fact  that  it  is  of  yellow  bronze — with  enamel  sparingly  introduced — 
point  to  the  earliest  of  these  dates,  i.  e.,  B.C.  200,  or  rather  to  the  later,  that  is 
A.D.  200  ? 

Does  the  fact  that  this  is  not  cast  work,  but  that  stamps  were  employed  for 
impressing  these  thin  bronze  plates,  and  that  the  design  must  have  been  carefully 
worked  up  by  hand,  indicate  the  later  period  for  the  execution  of  this  ornament? 

With  reference  to  the  first  of  these  questions  it  must  be  remembered  that  the 
trumpet-pattern  or  divergent  spiral  design  lingered  much  longer  in  Ireland  than 
elsewhere,  and  works  in  metal  marked  by  this  may  belong  to  a  period  bordering 
on  that  of  the  introduction  of  Christianity  in  Ireland,  i.  e.,  the  third  century. 
There  is  no  connection  between  such  decorative  art  as  this  and  that  of  the 
tumuli-builders,  yet  we  do  see  this  design  in  an  early  and  tentative  form  on 
carved  bones  found  at  Slieve  na  Calliaghe  (PI.  XXIV.),  as  well  as  upon  the  sides 
of  a  stone  cist  at  Clover  Hill,  in  the  county  of  Sligo.  (PI.  XXV.  figs.  1,  3.) 

Again,  there  are  two  distinct  modifications  of  this  design  found  on  the  monu- 
ments of  Ireland,  one  appearing  on  the  bronze  and  gold  ornaments  of  apparently 
pre-Christian  art,  the  other  on  decidedly  Christian  monuments  down  to  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  and  there  are  two  pillar  stones  in  Kerry  whence 
we  may  trace  a  transition  from  the  one  to  the  other — from  the  pre-Christian  form 
to  that  found  in  the  Christian  MSS.  shrines,  &c.  These  stones  belong  to  the 
first  Christian  period  in  Ireland — one  bears  a  bilingual  inscription — half  Ogham, 
the  other  half  in  Roman  letters  gives  the  name  of  "Einten";  the  second  is 
inscribed  "Due."  (PI.  XXV.  figs.  2,  4.) 

It  would  seem  to  me  that  the  decoration  on  these  stones  was  manifestly  of  a 

v 

later  date  than  that  on  the  Petrie  fragment,  and  that  the  design  has  lost  much  of 
its  primitive  simplicity. 

"With  respect  to  the  next  question  regarding  the  working  of  the  material,  I 
may  be  permitted  to  quote  from  a  late  writer  on  the  bronze  age,  when,  referring 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Europe  north  of  the  Alps,  he  says,  "  The  art  of  metal 
working,  as  proved  by  the  remains  associated  together  in  the  various  places  of 
manufacture,  was  carried  to  a  high  pitch  of  perfection.  Most  of  the  bronzes  were 
cast  and  the  moulds  carefully  designed  ;  the  metal  was  also  tempered  by  hammer- 
ing, or  engraved  with  various  elaborate  patterns,  or  adorned  with  repousse  work." 

Stamps  were  also  employed  for  impressing  thin  plates  of  metal.  In  all  proba- 
bility the  art  of  casting  preceded  the  tempering,  stamping,  and  engraving  ;  but  on 


Arduicolvgia. 


Vol.  XLVII.    fl.  XXIV.     Ta  face  page  478. 


BONE  CARVINGS  FOUND  AT  SLIEVE  NA  CALLIAUHE. 


Arcltaeologia. 


Vol.  XLVI1.     PI.  XXV    TofacepaffellS. 


FIGS.  1  and  3,  AT  CLOVER  HILL,  CARROWMORE,  co.  SLIGO. 


0246 


10        \2  Inches 


FIG    3. 


FIG.  2.      FROM  CO.  KERRY. 


FlG.  4.      FROM  CO.  KERRY. 


THE  SPIRAL  DESIGN  ON  TOMBS  IN  IRELAND. 


Museum  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin.  479 

the  evidence  before  us  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  the  first  was  derived  from  a 
different  source  to,  or  known  in  Gaul  before,  the  others. 

In  these  fragments  under  our  consideration  we  find — 

1st.  A  complete  mastery  over  the  arts  of  tempering,  stamping,  and  engraving. 

2nd.  Exquisite  skill  in  design  and  execution. 

3rd.  The  design  is  a  variety  of  a  certain  design  found  in  three  stages  of 
development  on  the  monuments  of  Ireland.  This,  belonging  to  the  second  and 
most  perfect  stage,  corresponds  with  that  upon  the  bronze  discs  found  at  Monas- 
tereven,  and  the  spoon-shaped  relics  found  in  a  bog  in  Ireland,  which  corresponds 
to  those  described  by  Mr.  Albert  Way  (Arch.  Journ.  xxvi.  52 ;  Arch.  Camb.  4th 
ser.  i.  199),  a  variety  coming  between  the  primitive  form  seen  on  the  stone  and 
bone  relics  above  mentioned  and  the  more  complex  form  occurring  on  Christian 
monuments. 

4th.  These  fragments  are  presumed  to  have  been  portions  of  a  radiated  crown 
— a  form  of  crown  which  is  first  represented  on  the  coins  minted  in  Gaul  and 
Britain  in  the  years  A.D.  260,  287,  and  293,  i.e.,  a  century  before  the  introduction 
of  Christianity  into  Ireland. 

The  early  legends  of  Ireland  describe  crowns  as  part  of  the  kingly  regalia ; 
and  these  references  point  to  various  forms  of  crown  as  being  in  use.  In  the 
description  of  Cormac,  grandson  of  Conn  of  the  hundred  battles,  and  the  assemblies 
held  in  Ireland  during  his  time,  the  chronicler  says  that  each  king  who  attended 
was  attired  in  a  kingly  robe,  and  his  golden  helmet  on  his  head ;  "  for  they  never 
put  their  kingly  diadem  on  but  in  the  field  of  battle  only." 

The  golden  helmet  is  virtually  our  crown.  The  Irish  minn  (mind)  may  be 
the  golden  frontlet  or  crescent  seen  in  our  museums.  In  the  vision  of  Adamnan 
we  read :  "  a  vast  arch,  furthermore,  above  the  head  of  the  dignified  one  in  his 
royal  chair,  like  an  adorned  helmet  or  a  king's  minn."  It  would  seem  that 
this  word  minn  in  Irish  signified  diadem,  and  at  the  same  time  that  something 
more  than  a  mere  band  or  ribbon  was  understood  in  this  term  by  the  early  Irish 
writers.  In  a  fragment  of  a  commentary  on  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mark,  preserved  in 
the  University  at  Turin,  we  read  :  "  By  the  thorny  crown  upon  His  head  we  have 
obtained  the  diadem  of  a  kingdom."  Here  the  word  in  the  original,  which  is 
diadema,  is  translated  in  the  gloss  of  the  Irish  scribe,  minn,  but  to  make  the 
antithesis  complete  the  diadem  before  the  mind's  eye  of  the  writer  should  have 
been  an  object  with  spikes  bearing  some  resemblance  to  the  crown  of  thorns. 

I  feel  tempted  by  all  these  concurrent  testimonies  drawn  from  the  study  of 
various  monuments  and  relics  in  Ireland,  and  from  the  evidence,  if  such  it 


480    Two  Uronze  Fragments  in  the  Museum  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin. 

may  be  called,  of  the  early  legendary  history  of  the  country,  to  assign  these 
fragments  to  a  period  immediately  preceding  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into 
Ireland,  to  the  time  which  forms  the  culminating  point  of  Irish  heroic  story,  of 
Ossianic  legend,  where  constant  allusion  is  made  to  a  certain  splendour  in  dress 
and  arms — the  period  of  the  great  fort  builders — of  Aenghus  and  Conor — and 
other  heroes  with  whose  worth  the  labours  of  Sir  Samuel  Ferguson  have  made 
us  now  familiar. 


XXVII. —  On  a  Latin  Note  to  the  Bodleian  MS.  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle 
concerning  the  Origin  of  the  JEra  Dionysiana,.  In  a  Letter  from 
EGBERT  CKADOCK  NICHOLS,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  to  Augustus  Wollaston  Franks, 
Esq.,  Director. 


Read  June  17,  1880. 

*  ( 

March  19,  1880. 
Ml!  DEAR  SlR, 

In  a  note  to  the  communication  of  Dr.  Gustav  Oppert,  on  the  Origin  of  the 
JEra  Dionysiana  (Archaeologia,  vol.  XLIV.  p.  347),  you  paid  me  the  compliment 
of  mentioning  a  suggestion  I  had  made  for  the  correction  of  the  Latin  note 
to  the  year  A.D.  625,  which  is  found  in  the  MS.  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle  in  the 
Bodleian  MS.  Laud,  636,  and  which,  as  it  stands,  is,  as  you  observed,  unintelli- 
gible. It  runs  thus  :  "  Hie  Cyclus  Dionysii  quinque  deceimovenalibus  constans, 
hoc  est,  xcv.  annis :  sumitque  exordium  a  xxx.  anno  Incarnationis  Domini,  et 
desinit  in  DCXXVI.  anno."a 

Dr.  Oppert  stated  in  his  text  that  the  30th  year  of  our  Lord's  Incarnation 
would  be  the  31st  of  the  sera  of  Dionysius.  Adding  95  to  31  we  get  126,  and  my 
suggestion  was  that  DCXXVI.  was  an  error  for  cxxvi. 

This,  however,  is  easily  seen  to  be  not  the  case.  The  note  is  appended  to  the 
year  625,  and  cannot  refer  to  125  or  126.  And  no  cycle  even  of  19  years, 
according  to  the  Dionysian  reckoning,  began  from  either  A.D.  30  or  31  or  ended 
in  125  or  126.  Moreover,  Dr.  Oppert  is  wrong  in  stating  that  the  year  of  the 
Incarnation,  30,  would  be  the  31st  of  the  sera.  It  is  of  course  the  30th,  but  is 
the  31st  of  the  great  period  of  532  years  which  preceded  the  cycle  of  Dionysius ; 
and  here  Dr.  Oppert  seems  to  have  fallen  into  a  confusion,  which,  even  supposing 
the  reading  xxx.  to  be  correct,  materially  affects  the  main  prop  of  his  argument 
as  to  the  method  in  which  he  supposes  Dionysius  to  have  determined  the  year  of 
the  Birth  of  Christ,  and  so  fixed  his  sera.  And,  if  the  cycle  of  95  years  had 
begun  from  the  30th  year  of  the  Incarnation,  it  would  end  in  the  125th  year. 

Dr.  Ingram  has  a  note  upon  the  passage  in  question,  in  which  he  says,  "The 
following  explanation  of  this  semi-barbarous  passage  appears  absolutely  neces- 
sary. Here  ends  the  sixth  cycle  of  Dionysius.  The  cycle  consists  of  five  nine- 
teens  ;  that  is,  ninety-five  years ;  and  commences  its  computation  from  the 

»  Anglo-Saxon  Chron.  Ed.  in  M.  R.  Ser.  1861,  vol.  i.  p.  42. 
VOL.  XLVII.  3  S 


482  Latin  Note  on  the  JEra  Dionysiana, 

thirtieth  year  of  the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord.     The  sixth  cycle  therefore  ends  in 
the  year  625."     (Ingram,  Sax.  Chron.  p.  32.) 

But  six  times  95  is  570,  which  added  to  30  makes  600  and  not  625. 

I  had  thought  it  possible  that  the  MS.  might,  if  carefully  examined,  resolve 
the  difficulty.  But  I  am  informed  by  the  Librarian  of  the  Bodleian,  who  has 
most  obligingly  examined  it  at  my  request,  that  it  has  been  accurately  tran- 
scribed. He  further  informs  me  that  the  Latin  note  is  in  the  same  hand  with 
the  rest  of  the  text,  which  Professor  Earle  seems  to  think  written  circ.  1125.  As 
the  note  is  not  found  in  any  other  MS.  we  have  no  other  resource  than  con- 
jecture to  guide  us  to  its  correction. 

Now,  Dr.  Oppert  correctly  states  that  "  the  last  year  of  the  Cyrillian  canon 

was  ANNUS  DIOCL.  ccxxxxvn Immediately  to  this  year  Dionysius 

added  the  first  of  his  cycle,  which,  instead  of  calling  it  the  248th  of  Diocletian, 
he  named  ANNUS  DOMINI  DXXXII."" 

The  cycle  of  Dionysius  therefore  actually  begins  from  the  531st  year  of  the 
Incarnation. 

Matthew  of  Westminster  has  a  paragraph  which  in  the  form  of  expression 
corresponds  singularly  with  the  passage  under  consideration.  He  says,  "Anno 
gratiai  532  abbas  Dionysius  cyclum  suum  orditur,  cyclorum  quinque  decenno- 
venalium.'"'  This  is  precisely  what  the  note  to  the  Saxon  Chronicle  would  say 
if  we  were  to  put  DXXXI.  for  xxx.,  and  agrees  with  the  statement  I  have  quoted 
above  from  Dr.  Oppert. 

There  can,  then,  be  no  doubt  that  we  should  read  BXXXI.  for  xxx.,  and  thus 
make  the  statement  consistent  with  itself  and  with  the  fact  that  the  cycle  of 
Dionysius  began  from  the  year  531  and  ended  in  626. 

It  follows,  however,  that,  if  this  reading  be  accepted,  the  confirmation,  which 
Dr.  Oppert  derives  from  the  mention  of  the  year  30  (identifying  it,  transformed 
to  31,  with  the  year  of  the  Passion),  for  his  theory  of  the  origin  of  the  Dionysian 
^Era  falls  to  the  ground.  If  Dionysius  had  been  the  first  to  take  the  year  1 
of  his  sera  for  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  it  would  be  by  no  means  improbable 
that  he  had  obtained  it  in  the  manner  suggested  by  Dr.  Oppert.  But  when 
we  find  that  in  this  assumption  he  only  followed  the  earlier  chronology  of 
Panodorus  and  Victorius,  there  is  no  necessity  to  suppose  that  he  arrived 
independently  at  the  same  result. 

I  remain,  dear  Sir, 

A.  W.  Franks,  Esq.,  Dir.  S.A.  YoUTS  very  truly, 

E.  C.  NICHOLS. 

a  P.  346.  "  Ed.  Frankf.  1601,  p.  99. 


XXVIII. — On  an  unexplained  Figure  in  Henri/  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  In  a 
Letter  from  JOHN  THOMAS  MICKLETHWAITK,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,  to  Henri/ 
Salusbury  Milman,  Esq.,  Director. 


Read  January  18,  1883. 


January  17,  1883. 

DEAR  MR.  DIRECTOR, 

When  some  time  ago  I  was  describing  the  figures  in  Henry  the  Seventh's 
Chapel  to  the  Society,  there  was  one  which  I  was  unable  to  explain,  but  which 
had  so  many  distinguishing  marks  that  I  suggested  that  it  must  be  the  image  of 
All  Hallows  which  the  people  of  South  Cave,  in  Yorkshire,  wanted  in  1495.  The 
suggestion  was  not  then  made  seriously,  and  was  not  printed  with  the  description.* 
I  now,  however,  venture  to  repeat  it,  with  a  few  remarks  intended  to  show  that 
this  may  after  all  be  the  true  explanation  of  the  figure. 

The  passage  connecting  the  parish  of  South  Cave  with  the  image  of  All 
Hallows  is  in  the  Minutes  of  an  Archdeacon's  Visitation,  printed  in  the  Surtees 
Society's  York  Fabric  Molls,  p.  261.  The  parishioners  present  that  "  there 
wantts  the  ymage  of  All  Halowes,  our  lied  halow,  to  whom  it  longes  we  know 
not,  praying  your  lordship  to  set  the  seid  image  to  some  of  us,  owder  to  the 
person  or  the  vicar,  or  the  pariche."  If  this  had  come  a  generation  later  we 
might  have  taken  it  for  a  "  shrewd  privy  nip  "  of  some  new  gospeller.  But  in 
1495  the  presentation  must  have  been  made  in  good  faith,  and  we  are  forced  to 
believe  either  that  the  men  of  South  Cave  were  remarkably  ignorant,  or  that 
there  did  then  exist  images  called  of  All  Hallows.  I  have  hitherto  held  the 
former  opinion,  but  find  now  that  I  owe  these  good  folk  an  apology,  for  our 
Fellow,  the  Eev.  J.  T.  Fowler,  has  called  my  attention  to  a  passage  in  Mr.  Pea- 
cock's Church  Fttrniture,  p.  45,  which  leaves  no  doubt  at  all  that  the  latter  is 
true.  In  answer  to  inquiries  about  "  monuments  of  superstition  "  in  Elizabeth's 
time,  the  churchwardens  of  Belton,  in  the  Isle  of  Axholme,  mention  "  an  Idol!  of 
All  Halowes,  exit  in  pices  by  Mr.  Willni  ffearnes  a  year  past."  And  I  have  lately 

*  Archaco/ogia,\-<>\.  XLVII.  p.  361. 

3  s  2 


484  On  an  -unexplained  Figure  in  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel. 

found  a  third  example,  rather  earlier  than  that  from  South  Cave,  in  the  will  of 
William  Holme,  vicar  of  Mattersey,  Notts,  printed  in  the  Surtees  Society's 
Testamenta  Eboracensia,  vol.  ii.  p.  279.  This  William,  in  1466,  makes  a  bequest 
adpicturam  ymaginis  Omnium  Sanctorum  ex  parte  sinistra  summi  altaris  situatae. 

These  three  passages  prove  beyond  doubt  that  a  figure  which  in  some  conven- 
tional way  stood  as  a  representative  of  All  Hallows  did  formerly  exist,  and 
that  which  relates  to  South  Cave  refers  to  what  was  almost  certainly  the  cause 
of  its  invention.  There  was  a  strict  rule  that  the  image  of  the  patron  saint  or 
"  head  hallow  "  of  each  church  should  be  placed  in  the  chancel,  and  in  the  many 
churches  dedicated  to  All  Saints  there  would  be  a  question  how  the  rule  should 
be  obeyed.  It  is  very  likely  that  there  were  several  ways  of  doing  it,  but  one  of 
them  was  to  put  up  an  actual  image,  and  call  it  that  of  All  Hallows. 

Now  let  us  see  what  reason  there  may  be  for  believing  that  we  have  this 
image  in  the  very  curious  figure  which  occurs  twice  at  Westminster.  The  image 
of  All  Hallows  must  of  necessity  have  been  a  symbolical  figure,  and,  as  the 
Hallows  whom  it  was  intended  to  honour  have  been  drawn  from  all  sorts  and 
conditions  of  men,  there  is  nothing  more  likely  than  that  there  should  be  an 
attempt  to  combine  in  the  figure  itself  the  characteristics  of  as  many  of  them  as 
possible. 

Now,  our  images  here  represent  a  bearded  man  in  armour  ;a  over  the  armour 
are  the  Mass  vestments,  and  over  them  again  the  monastic  hood  and  scapular ; 
with  the  right  hand  he  holds  the  end  of  a  stole,  the  other  end  of  which  is  tied 
round  the  neck  of  a  dragon  at  his  feet,  and  in  the  larger  example  the  left  hand 
holds  a  closed  book, — a  truly  remarkable  combination,  which,  I  think,  may 
possibly  be  explained  thus :  The  armour  and  the  scapular,  besides  representing 
the  military  class  and  the  monks,  set  forth  in  a  wider  sense  the  active  and  the  con- 
templative life  ;  the  Mass  vestments  seem  to  represent  the  clergy  of  all  orders  ; 
the  book,  doctors,  and  men  of  learning  generally  ;  and  the  beard  is,  I  believe,  put 
to  include  the  agricultural  class.  Each  state  of  life  has  added  its  contingent  to 

o  O 

the  great  army  of  the  saints,  every  one  of  whom  has  overcome  sin — the  dragon 
—by  the  spiritual  power  here  indicated  by  the  stole. 

I  put  forward  this  interpretation  with  some  diffidence,  but  I  think  there  is 

*  I  have  formerly  described  the  figure  as  having  gauntlets  on  the  hands  only,  but  a  close  examina- 
tion of  a  cast  of  the  smaller  image  leaves  no  doubt  that  it  was  intended  to  represent  the  whole  body  in 
armour.  See  the  drawing,  Archaeologia,  vol.  XLVII.  plate  xii. 


On  an  unexplained  Figure  in  Henry  the  Seventh's  Chapel.  485 

not  anything  in  it  which  is  over-fanciful,  or  out  of  keeping  with  the  ideas  of  the 
time  when  the  images  of  All  Hallows  were  set  up.  And  I  will  only  add  that 
this  attribution  of  the  Westminster  figures  receives  some  little  confirmation  from 
the  position  of  the  smaller  one,  which  occupies  the  last  place  of  all  in  the  series 
of  the  saints,  just  as  the  feast  of  All  Saints  comes  as  a  sort  of  &c.  at  the  end 
of  the  Church's  calendar. 

I  am,  dear  Mr.  Director, 

Yours  very  faithfully, 

J.  T.  MlCKLKTHWAITE. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


Further  Note  on  tlw  Wall- Paint  ings  discovered  in  the  Cellarer  s  buildings  at 
Westminster  Abbey  in  February,  1882.  In  a  letter  from  JOHN  HENRY 
MIDDLETON,  Esq.,  M.A.,  F.S.A.,  to  Henry  Salusbury  Milman,  Esq.,  M.A., 
Director. 

May  10,   1883. 
DEAR  MR.  DIRECTOR, 

It  may  be  in  the  recollection  of  the  Society  that  the  discovery  of  a  Wail-Painting  in 
tempera  at  Westminster  Abbey,  on  the  8th  of  February,  1882,  was  noticed  by  me  in  a  letter 
addressed  on  the  same  day  to  our  Secretary,  Mr.  Knight  Watson,  which  letter  was  read  at  our 
next  following  meeting,  and  is  printed  in  this  volume,  p.  471.  The  description  of  the  painting 
then  given  was  necessarily  somewhat  hasty,  and  of  course  could  not  from  want  of  time  be 
accompanied  by  proper  figures  in  illustration. 

Soon  afterwards  I  had  the  opportunity  of  examining  at  leisure  not  only  the  painting  noticed 
in  my  letter,  but  also  another  which  was  subsequently  discovered  in  the  same  room.  This  latter 
painting,  also  in  tempera,  and  of  the  same  character  as  the  former,  appeared  to  me  equally 
worthy  of  the  attention  of  the  Society. 

The  place  of  the  discovery  was  a  large  hall,  in  the  great  western  range  of  buildings  once 
occupied  by  the  Cellarer,  running  north  and  south  over  a  ground-floor  set  of  rooms  vaulted  in 
stone.  At  the  time  of  the  suppression  of  the  Monastery  the  upper  hall  was  divided  off  into 
smaller  rooms  by  wood  and  plaster  partitions.  In  one  of  these  rooms,  under  fine  oak  Jacobean 
paneling,  which  again  had  been  covered  by  canvas,  were  found  the  paintings  in  question ;  which 
are  fine  specimens  of  their  period,  that  of  Henry  VIII. 

On  the  east  side  of  the  room,  a  solid  stone  wall  covered  with  plaster,  is  the  design  which  I 
described  by  letter  and  am  now  enabled  to  show  in  figure.  (PI.  XXVI.) 

The  wooden  partition,  now  forming  the  south  wall  of  the  room,  consists  of  stout  oak  studs, 
arranged  vertically,  about  fourteen  inches  apart  in  the  clear.  They  are  covered  at  the  back  with 
interlaced  wattle-work  to  carry  the  plaster,  which  fills  up  the  spaces  between  the  oak  uprights. 
Thus  long  and  narrow  panels  are  formed,  on  which  arabesques  are  painted  (PI.  XXVII.);  the 
design  is  rather  cramped  from  the  awkwardness  of  the  space  which  had  to  be  filled.  The  oak 
studs  are  painted  white. 

Both  these  paintings  are  executed  in  the  same  manner,  with  black  outlines  and  hatched 
shading  on  a  black  ground.     The  whole  surface  of  the  plaster  was  first  painted  white,  and  then 
the  black  outlines  and  back-ground  were  laid  on.     The  accompanying  plates  have  been  kindly 
supplied  by  our  Fellow,  Mr.  J.  T.  Micklethwaite. 
VOL.  XL VII.  3  T 


490  Appendix. 

The  painting  is  executed  with  but  little  size,  so  that  the  pigment  is  easily  brushed  off,  a 
method  of  decoration  to  which  Shakespeare  gives  the  graphic  name  of  "  water-work." 


Henry  IV.     Part  II.  Act  2,  Sc.  1. 

Hostess :  By  this  heavenly  ground  I  tread  on,  I  must  be  fain  to  pawn  both  my  plate  and  the 
tapestry  of  my  dining  chambers. 

Falstaff:  Glasses,  glasses,  is  the  only  drinking ;  and  for  thy  walls,  a  pretty  slight  drollery,  or 
the  story  of  the  Prodigal,  or  the  German  hunting  in  water-work,  is  worth  a  thousand  of  these 
bed-hangings  and  these  fly-bitten  tapestries. 


I  am,  dear  Mr.  Director, 

Yours  faithfully, 

J.  HENRY  MIDDLE-TON. 

To  II.  S.  Milman,  Dir.  Soc.  Ant. 


NOTE. 

In  the  GentleinaiCs  Magazine  for  November,  1833.  vol.  ciii.  p.  ii.  p.  393,  is  a  letter 
from  Alfred  John  Kempe,  Esq.,  Fellow  of  this  Society,  describing  the  remains  of  a  series  of 
twelve  paintings,  in  "  water  work,"  which  decorated  the  walls  of  a  gallery  in  Grove  House, 
Woodford,  Essex,  when  that  house  was  demolished  in  1832.  The  description  is  accompanied  by 
copper-plate  engravings  of  the  house,  of  the  gallery,  and  of  one  of  the  paintings,  which  bore  the 
date  1617.  All  the  twelve  appear  to  have  represented  scenes  of  rural  life.  So  decidedly 
German  are  the  designs,  that  they  may  well  illustrate  the  allusion  of  Shakespeare,  and  be 
attributed  to  the  School  which  produced  in  the  previous  century  these  Westminster  paintings, 
classed  by  Mr.  Middleton  in  his  first  letter  as  "  Holbeinesque." 

H.  S.  M. 


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PAINTING      ON      PLASTER     BETWEEN     OAK      STUDS     ON     SOUTH     SIDE 
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Published  by  tfta  Soaefy 


0f'I,oruii0nsij[3$3. 


INDEX. 


A. 


Aargau,  canton  of,  Switzerland,  grave-mounds  in, 

131-136 

"  Abacot,"  corruption  of  bycocket,  279 
Abbey  Churches,  Malmesbury,  168  ;  Romsey,  168 
Accounts   of  colony   of  Bermuda,   80  ;    of    money 
received    from   the    Treasurer   of   the    King's 
Chamber  temp.  Henry  VIII.  295-336 
Achard,  surname  of  tenant  in  Caudewell,  117 
Acres,  measures  of  land  in  Rothley  manor,  91,  98 
Acts  of  Parliament,  authentication  of,  79  ;  printing 

of,  424 

Adel  Church,   Yorkshire,  descent   from  the   Cross 
represented  in,  169  ;  representation  of  Agnus 
Dei  at,  170  ;  sculptured  figures  at,  177 
Adoration  of  Cross,  symbolization  of,  167-169 
Agnel  d'or,  coin  of  Edward  III.  origin  of,  141 
Agnus  Dei,  representations   of  symbolical  form  of, 

169-171 
Agricultural  class  represented  in  All  Hallows  figure 

by  the  beard,  484 
Agriculture,  open  field,  in  Rothley  manor,  91-92 

•  zodiacal  signs  not  derived  from,  345 
Akkadian  zodiacal  signs,  346,  347,  348 
Alan  of  Brittany,  lord  of  Richmond  (Yorks),  180 

Danby  Wiske  Church  built  by,  176 

Albany   (Duke   of),   Protector  of  Scotland  (1515), 

300-301 

Aldborough  (William  de),  seal  of,  185 
Alecott  (Philip  de),  manor  of  Rothley  assigned  to,  94 
Alienation  of  land,  limitation  to,  in  Rothley  soke,  97 
All  Hallows,  figures  of,  at  Belton,  483  ;  at  Matter- 
sey,   484  ;    South    Cave,    483  ;    Westminster 
Abbey,  483-485 

3 


ALMACK  (RICHARD,   F.S.A.),  tho  first  charter  by 
Penn  to  Pennsylvania,  83-85  ;  copy  of  a  letter 
to  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  and  a  bond  of  Secre- 
tary Maitland,  communicated  by,  242-248 
Alne  Church,  Yorkshire,  representation  of  Agnus 

Dei  at,  170 
Alnwick,  capture  of,  by  Lancastrians  (1462),  268, 

269,  272,  273 

Altar,  pictorial  symbols  for,  in  Mexican  ornamenta- 
tion, 159 

Ambassadors  to  France  (1515),  299 
Amber  rings,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  i$5t 

186 

Amberley  Church,  Sussex,  dedication  cross  at,  165 
America,  first  colonization  of,  65-67 
American  Indians,  pottery  ornamentation  of,  159 
Angels,  figures  of,  used  as  corbels,  Lincoln   Cathe- 
dral, 41 
Anglo-Saxon   Chronicle,  Latin  note  to,  concerning 

the  origin  of  the  JEm  Dionysiana,  481-482 
Anglo-Saxon  occupation  of  Lincolnshire,  traces  of, 

175 
Animal  remains  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  450,  454-5, 

456-460 

Animals  sculptured  at  Pen  Sehvood  Church,  171  ; 
at  Hognaston,  171 ;  in  Stoney  Stanton  Church, 
176 

sculptured  on  tympana,  167,  168 

Ann  of  Warwick,  marriage  of,  415 

Anne  of  Cleves,  the  remonstrance  of,  249-264 

Annunciation,  group  of   figures  of   the,  in  Henry 

VIl.th's  Chapel  at  Westminster,  372 
Ape,  a  Japanese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Apostles,  figures   of,  in   Henry  VIl.th's  Chapel  at 

Westminster,  372-3 
T2 


492 


INDEX. 


Apparel  of  nuns,  injunctions  concerning,  53-55 
Aquarius  (amphora),  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  343,  345, 

347,  348,  358 
Aquisio,  name  of,  183 
Ara,  zodiacal  sign  of,  339 
Arab  zodiacal  signs,  343 
Aramaic  calendar,  346-347 
Archbishop,  cross  of,  375 
Archery  practice,  temp.  Eliz.  210-212 
Architecture,  church,  165 

Gothic,  English  origin  of,  43,  45 
Norman,  161-178 
of  Lincoln  Cathedral,  41-48 
of  Rothley  Chapel,  95 
Aries,    the    zodiacal    sign     of,     343,     344,     349, 

356 
Aristotle,  figure  of,   in   Henry   Vll.th's  Chapel  at 

Westminster,  368 

Armlets,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  135,  136 
Armour,    represented   on   figure   found  at  Cesar's 
Camp,  445 

payments  for,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  310 

Arms  of  Aid  borough,  185 
Aske  (Roger),  187 
Conyers  family,  198 
Croy  family,  264 
Daunce  (Sir  John),  296-7 
France  on  gold  nobles,  138,  150-153 
Furnival,  185 

Henry  VIII.  at  Westminster  Abbey,  471  489 
Hospital   of    St.    Giles,    Brompton    Bridge, 

185 

Lascelles  of  Sowerby,  188 
Lawson,  203 
Marmion,  184,  185 
Montagu,  193 
Papal,  197 
Penn  (William),  85 
Saltemarsh,  199 

Army,  payments  for  clothing  of,  temp.  Hen.   VIII. 
328 

standing,  temp.  Eliz.,  214 

Arragon  (Ferdinand,  King  of),  treaty  with  (1515), 
305 


Arrow-heads  (iron)  found  at  Csesar's  Camp,  439, 

-156,    457,    463  ;    form   of,    in    America    and 

Europe,  160 

Arrow-head,  socket,  found  at  Cresar's  Camp,  436 
Arrows,  used  by  Ethiopians  in  war,  tied  round  the 

head,  476 

Art,  symbol  of  the  radiated  crown  in,  476-7 
Arundel  (Earl  of),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Aryan    origin   of  fylfot  pattern  in  ornamentation, 

159  ;  of  zodiacal  signs  of  Two  Bears,  337 
Ashford    Church,  destruction   of  images    in,  temp. 

Hen.  VIII.  308 

Ashley  (Sir  John),  Yorkist  leader,  273,  274 
Aske  (Roger),  arms  of,  187 
Assembly  (general)  in  Bermuda,  70-72 
Assemblies  (popular),  James  II.  on,  78 
Assyrians,  adoption  of  Aramaic  calendar  by,  346 
Aston     Church,    Herefordshire,    representation    of 

Agnus  Dei  at,  170,  171 
Astun,  surname  of  tenant  at  Gadesby,  103 
Astrological  manuscript,  German,  337-360 
Astronochus,  zodiacal  sign  of,  338 
Astronomical  calculations,  467 
Atmospheric  device,  early  Aryan,  160 
Attainder,  law  of,  409-428 

Auchiulech  (  ),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 

August  miim  Abbey  at  Missenden,  Bucks,  50-51 
Ault  Hucknall  Church,  tympanum  at,  167-1G8 
Austerfield  Chapel,  sculpture  at,  174 
Autographs  of  Gloucester  (Richard,  Duke  of),  195 
Maitland  (Secretary),  247 
Northumberland  (John,  Earl  of),  193 
Penn  (W.),  85 
Pole  (Cardinal),  200 
"  Averpeny,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Avicia  de   Tanfield,  wife  of  Robert  Marmion,  1 80, 

181 

B. 

Babington  of  Dethick  (family  of),  sale  of  Rothley 

manor  to,  89 

Babylonian  astronomical  records,  467 
Bachelors,  tax  upon,  79 
Baikbie  (Bagby),  grant  of  lands  at,  246 


INDEX. 


493 


BAILEY  (ALFRED),   some  historical  aspects  of  the 

English   law   of   attainder   and   forfeiture   for 

high  treason,  409-428 
Bailiff  (the  lord's),  office  of,  97 
Bailiff  of  the  manor  of  Rothley,  89 
Bailiffs  of  the  Tribes,  officers  of  assembly  of  Ber- 
muda, 71 

Balance,  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  see  "  Libra  " 
Balbgrave,  lands  held' in,  107-108 
Baltazar,  the  Pope's  orator  (1517),  305 
Bamborough    Castle,    capture   of,  by    Lancastrians 

(1462),  269,  272  ;  by  Scots  (1463),  274 
Barfreston  Church,  Kent,  twelfth  century  painting 

at,  164-5 

Barker  (Thomas),  a  witness  to  Penn's  charter,  86 
Barking,   tithes  paid  to  the  vicar  of,  temp.  Henry 

VIII.,  312 

Barnack  Church,  tympanum  at,  175 
Barnsby,  lands  held  in,  105-106 
BARON  (Rev.  JOHN,  D.D.,  F.S.A.),  on  a  hoard  of 

gold    nobles   found     at     Bremeridge     Farm, 

Westbury,  Wilts,  137-156 

Bartholomew's  Hospital,  London,  temp.  Eliz.  231-2 
Barwick  (Humphrey),  pamphlet  on  use  of  fire-arms, 

212 

Bas-relief  at  Tarascon,  165 

Basil,  writer  of  MS.  ritual  ordinance  of  Neophytus,  1 
Basil  (St.),  twelve  canons  of,  32 
Basin,  stone,  found  at  Cassar's  Camp,  457,  464 
Bath   Place,  Strand,  residence  of  Christian  II.  of 

Denmark  at,  321,  322 
Battle  of  Bauge,  temp.  Henry  V.  235 
Ferrybridge,  266 
Hexham,  189-190,  265,  275,  278,  282,  284, 

286-294 
Spurs,  236-237 
Towton,  266 
Baynard's  Castle,  Queen  Margaret  of  Scotland  at, 

(1516),  305 
Beard  of  All  Hallows,  figure  represents  agricultural 

class,  484 
represented  on  figure  of  St.   Wilgeforte, 

373 
Bears  (Two),  zodiacal  signs  of,  337 


Benuchnmp  estates,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  410,  411,  416 

Beaumond,  knight's  fee  in,  130 

Beckford  Church,  Gloucestershire,  sculpture  at,  172  ; 

tympanum  at,  1 67 

Beckley,  Oxfordshire,  Benedictine  nunnery  in,  50 
eckwith  (Geo.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Bedford  (Francis,  Earl  of),  pamphlet  dedicated  to, 

210 
Bedford  (George,  L)uke  of),  temp.  Edw.  IV.   416, 

417 
Bedfordshire,    see   "  Bromham,"  "  Elstow,"  "  Pod- 

dington  " 

Beggars,  monastic  regulations  about,  31 
Belamy,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 
Belton  (Lincolnshire),  figure  of  All  Hallows  at,  483 
Benedictine  nunnery  in   Beckley,  Oxfordshire,  50  ; 

Elstow,  near  Bedford,  49-50 
Bennett  (B.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Benolte  (Thomas),  Clarencieux  King  at  Arms,  299 
Be'nouville  (Normandy),  clench-bolts  found  at,  437 
Bercario,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  101 
Berden  (Walter  de),  181 
Bermuda  Company,  76 
Bermuda,  constitutional  history  of,  C5-82 
Berwick-on-Tweed,  surrendered  to  Scots  (1461),  267 
Bills,  rules  for  passing  in  Bermuda  assembly,  71-72 
Binsow,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Marmion,  180 
Birds  sculptured  at  Beckford  Church,  167  ;   Little 

Langford  Church,  176 
Bishop's  Wilton   Church,  Yorkshire,  representation 

of  Agnus  Dei  at,  170 
Bishopstone     Church,     Sussex,     representation     of 

Agnus  Dei  at,  170 
Bitton    Church,    Gloucestershire,   early    example    of 

Holy  Rood  at,  1 68 
Blacknal  (William),  Esquire  of  Queen  Margaret  of 

Scotland  (1516),  304-5 
Blanche  Rose,  or  Richard  de  la  Pole,  temp.  Henry 

VIII.  306 
Blewbury  (Berks),   St.  Michael's   Church,  tomb  of 

Sir  John  Daunce  in,  297-298 
"  Blodwyte,"  definition  of,  126,  128 
Boar  (Wild),  a  Japanese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Boart,  or  diamond  dust,  393 


INDEX. 


Bodleian  MS.  of  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  481-482 
Boleyn,  surname  of  tenant  at  Menton,  121 
Boleyn  (Anne),  325 ;  ship  so  called,  332 
Bolid,  surname  of  tenant  at  Somerdeby,  111 
Bolsover  Church,  Derbyshire,  sculptured  Crucifixion 

at,  168 

Bolts  (clench),  see  "  Clench-bolts" 
Bone  whistle  found  at   Caesar's    Camp,  439,  450, 

454-5,  456,  464 

Bones,  carved,  found  at  Slieve  na  Calliaghe,  478 
— —  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135-136 
Boneton,  surname  of  tenant  at  Gndesby,  102 
Bonstetten  (Baron  von),  opening  of  grave-mounds 

by,  135 

Bookbinding,  payment  for,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  335 
Book-plate  of  Mademoiselle  Terese  d'Yves,  264 
Books,  catalogue  of,  in  Cyprus  monastery,  6, 10-17; 
lost,  343  ;  monastic  regulations  as  to  loan  of, 
16;  printed  at  La  llivou  Monastery  (1541), 
252-253 

"  Borwbruch,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Boschervillc,  St.  George's  Church,  sculptured  figure 

at,  171 
Bothwell's  seizure  of  Mary   Queen  of   Scots,  242- 

248 

Boulaq,  stone  in  museum  at,  468 
Bow,  Turkish,  226 

Bows,  payments  for,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  310 
•"  Bovates,"  measures   of   land  in    Rothley    manor, 

91,  98 
Boyvill  (Elizabeth),  last  abbess  of  Elstow  nunnery, 

(1530),  50 

Bracelets  (silver),  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  156 
Bradford-on-Avon  Church,  Wilts,  sculptured  Cruci- 
fixion at,  168-169 

Braithwell  Church,  Yorkshire,  sculpture  at,  174 
Brattish,  wooden  fort  so  called,  452 
Bray,  capture  of,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  318-319 
Brayton  Church,  Yorkshire,  representation  of  Agnus 

Dei  at,  170 
Bremeridge  Farm,  Westbury,  Wilts,  hoard  of  gold 

nobles  found  at,  137-156 
Bremhill  (Wilts),  land  in,  147 
Bressay  stone,  sculpture  on,  174 


Bretforton  Church,  Worcestershire,  sculpture  at,172 

Breton  names  in  Burgh  manor  charters,  180 

Ereae"  (Piers  de),  a  Lancastrian  leader,  268,  270, 

273,  274,  275,  287 
Bridewell,  payment  for  works  at,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 

313 

Bridge  (Catterick),  179,  182,  188 
Brief  Notes  (Chronicle  so  called),  on  Edward  IV.'s 

reign,  266,  271,  272,  273 
Brief  Latin  Chronicle,  ed.  Gairdner,  on  Edward  IV.'s 

reign,  266,  269,  273,  274,  276,  278 
"  Brigbote,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Briott  (Nicholas),  graver  to  King  Charles  I.  403 
Bristol  Cathedral,  early  sculpture  at,  172 
British  Museum,  Akkadian  tablet  in,  346 
Bromham  Church,  Bedfordshire,  dedication  cross  at, 

165 

Brompton  Bridge,  Hospital  of  St.  Giles  of,  181,  182 
Brompton-upon-Swale,  182 
Bronze  age,  metal  working  in,  478 
Bronze    objects    found  at  Cresar's  Camp,  456 ;    in 
Swiss  grave-mounds,    135-136;     preserved    in 
museum   of    Royal    Irish    Academy,    Dublin, 
473-480  ;    difference    lietween    old    and    new 
world  types,  157 
Brooches  (bronze),  found  in   Swiss  grave-mounds, 

135,  136 

Brough  Hall  MSS.  notes  on,  179-204 
Brough  manor,  documents  relating  to,  179-204 
Broughton,  knight's  fee  in,  130 
BROWN   (ROBERT,    JUN.,    F.S.A.),   on    a    German 
Astronomico-Astrological  Manuscript,  and  on 
the  origin  of  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  337-360 
Browne  (W.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Bruere  (George),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Bruere  (G.  J.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Brun,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99 
Brunswick  (Duke  of),  signet  of   Queen   Henrietta 

Maria  in  the  collection  of,  399-400,  405 
Buchan  (Earl  of),  signet  in  possession  of,  398 
Buckingham  (George   Sheffield,    Duke  of),   monu- 
ment of,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  364 
Buckingham  (George  Villiers,  Duke  of),  monument 
of,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  363 


INDEX. 


495 


Buckingham  (Henry,  Duke  of),  appointed  seneschall 

for  execution  of  George,  Duke  of  Clarence,  419 
Buckinghamshire,  see 
Leckhampstead 
Missenden 
Radclive 
Water  Stratford 
Buckles  (iron)  found  at  Cajsar's   Camp,  439,  441, 

447,  456,  463. 

Buddha,  fylfot  pattern  sacred  symbol  of,  159,  160 
Building  of  first  city,  myth  of,  357 
Building  contract,  13  Henry  IV.  187 
Bull,  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  see  "  Taurus  " 
Bundleigh  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 

170 

Bunting,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 
Burgesses,  appointed  in  Bermuda,  71 
Burgh  family,  narrative  pedigree  of,  179-204 
Burgh  (William  de),  grant  to,  20  Edw.  III.  182- 

183 

Bnrgundian  nobles,  145,  146 
Burgundy   (Duke   of),    gold    nobles    of,    found    at 

Westbury,  139,  153 
Burial,  early,  in  Switzerland,  134 
"  Bunvlote,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
By,  village  names  terminating  in,  161,  175 
"  Bycocket,"  cap  of  state,  278-280 
Bynbrok  ( Janett),  grant  to,  58 


C. 


Cables  and  hawsers,  payments  for,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 

309-310 
Caburn,  resemblance  of  Csesar's  Camp  to,  430-431 

animal  bones  found  at,  454-455 

Csesar's  Camp,  Folkestone,  excavations  at,  429-465 
Calais,  loss  of,  allusions  to,  temp.  Eliz.  241 

agreement    to    surrender    by    Margaret   of 

Anjou,  267 

Calendar,  Egyptian,  the  antiquity  of  466-470  ;  old 

Greek,  468;  of  the  Mexican  year,  157 
Calf  sculptured  at  Hognaston  Church,  171 
Caliver,  use  of,  in  England,  temp.  Eliz.  210 
Calverley  (Sir  Richard)  alluded  to,  57 


Cambridge,    King's     College    Chapel,    fait    tracery 

vaulting  of,  43 

Cambridge  (Richard,  Earl  of),  estates  of,  412-413 
Cambridgeshire,  see  "Duxford  St.  Johns" 
Campbell  (W.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Campion,  surname  of  tenant  at  Mardefeld,  112 
Cancer,  the  zodiacal  sign    of,  343,  344,  348,  357, 

360 

Canopus,  triglot  decree  of,  466,  468 
Canterbury    Cathedral,  vaulting   of    choir   at,  47; 

painted  ceiling  at,  173 

Canuwill,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 
Capital  letters  in  Cyprus  MS.  3 
Capricornus   [caper],  zodiacal    sign  of,    843,  353- 

355,  358,  360 
Carethorpe,    manor    of,  held    by    Uol>ert    Mannion, 

180 
Carhayes,  St.    Michael's  Church,   representation  of 

Agnus  Dei  at,  170 

Carlos  (Don),  portrait  of,  cut  on  diamond,  404 
Carlton  in  Lindrick  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at, 

166 

"  Caruage,"  definition  of,  127,  121) 
"  Carucates,"  measures  of  land  in  Rothley  manor,  91, 

98 

Carved  stones  in  Ireland,  478  ;  see  "  Bones  " 
Carving,  enjoined  as  monastic  duty,  sixteenth   cen- 
tury, (>1 
Castle   Morton    Church,    representation   of   Agnus 

Dei  at,  170 

Castor  Church,  tympanum  at,  173 
Castor  and  Pollux,  357 

Catalogue  of  books  in  Cyprus  monastery,  6,  16-17 
Cataractonium,  site  of,  182 
Cathedral  architecture,  41-48 
Cathedrals,  Bristol,  172 
Durham,  169 
Lincoln,  41,  169 
Peterborough,  170 
St.  Alban's,  169 
St.  Paul's,  London,  381-392 
Winchester,  164 
Worcester,  164,  170 
Catillon,  see  ''  Le  Catillon  " 


496 


INDEX. 


Catlik,  old  name  of  Catterick,  185 

Catterick  Bridge,  charter  for  building,  179,  182, 188 

Church,  contract  for  erection  of,  187 

Caudewell,  lands  held  in,  116-118 

Cauldron  (bronze),  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136 

Cave  (Ambrose),  alienation  of    Rothley  manor  to, 

89 

Cave  habitations  at  San  Juan,  pottery  from,  159 
Caves  of  Mithras,  204-208 
Celtic  ornamental  design,  473 
Celts,  comparison  between  those  of  Old  World  and 

New  World,  157 
Chaldean  unit  of  time,  467 
Chalk   carving   of   human    head    found  at  Caesar's 

Camp,  458,  462  ;  dish  or  mould  found  at  Caesar's 

Camp,  442,  457  ;  font  found  at  Cfesar's  Camp, 

457,  462,  464 
Chapel,  relics  of  Norman,  found  at  Csesar's  Camp, 

444 

Chaplain,  female,  instance  of,  53 
Character,   national,  allusions  to,  temp.  Eliz.  209- 

241 
Charles  I.,  seal  of,  when  Prince  of  Wales,  403 

-  diamond  signets  of,  407,  408,  393-408 
Charles   V.   (Emperor),   visit  of,  to  England,  314- 

31(5 
Charm  (word-),  perhaps  used  on  coinage,  temp.  Edw. 

III.  141 

Charter  of  L'enn  to  Pennsylvania,  83-88 
Charters,  notes  on,  belonging  to   Sir  John  Lawson, 

179-204 

Chester  (Ranulph,  Earl  of),  grant  of  soke  of  Roth- 
ley  to,  93 

Children,  St.  Nicholas  patron  of  364 
"  Childwyte,"  definition  of,  127,  128 
China,  use  of  the  padlock  in,  445  ;  key  pattern  of 

ornamentation  in,  159  ;  zodiacal  signs  of,  S42 
Christ,    figure    of,    in    Henry    VIl.th's   Chapel    at 

Westminster,  372 

—  crowned    with  thorns,   significance  of,  476- 

477 

Christ's  Hospital,  London,  temp.  Eliz.  231-232 
Christian  II.  (King  of  Denmark),  visit  of,  to  Eng- 
land, 320-323 


Christmas  at   Dacre  Castle,  Morpeth  (1515),  304  ; 
kept  by  Edward  IV.  at  Durham  (1462),  271  ; 
Christmas  Yule,  354 
C[h]ronicle,  A  Briefe,  1561,  quoted,  238 
Chronicle  of  Grey  Friars  of  London,  on  battle  of 

Hexham,  285 

Chronicle  (Anglo-Saxon),  see  "  Anglo-Saxon  " 
Chronology  of  the  Dionysian  cycle,  481-482  ;  Egyp- 
tian, 469 

Church  discipline  in  Bermuda,  70 
Church  Service,  injunction  as  to  proper  carrying  out, 

55-56 

Churches    (parish),   assemblies    held   in,   Bermuda, 
73 

number  of,  in  England,  temp.  Eliz.  233 

Churches,  antiquities  of,  referred  to — 

Adel,  169,  170 

Alnc.  170 

Amberley,  165 

Aston,  170 

Ault  Hncknall,  167-168 

Austerfiold,  174 

Barfreston,  164 

Barnack,  175 

Beckford,  167,  172 

Bishopstone,  170 

Bishop's  Wilton,  170 

Bitton,  168 

Bolsover,  168 

Brad  ford -on- A  von,  168 

Braithwell,  174 

Bray  ton,  170 

Bretf  orton,  172 

Bromham,  165 

Bundleigh,  170 

Carhayes,  170 

Carlton  in  Lindrick,  166 

Castle  Morton,  170 

Castor,  173 

Catterick,  187 

Climping,  165 

Coleshill,  168 

Coltersworth,  170 

Comberton,  166 


INDEX. 


497 


Churches,  antiquities  of,  referral  to — continued. 

Conisborough,  177 

Cottesmore,  168 

Crowle,  175 

Croxdale,  168 

Daglingworth,  168 

Dauby  Wiske,  175 

Ditteridge,  165 

Dnxford  St.  John's,  165 

Elkstone,  170 

Essendine,  173 

Pindern,  165 

Fishlake,  172 

Gloucester  (St.  Nicholas),  170 

Haddiscoe,  169 

Haltham-super-Bain,  165 

Handborough,  166 

Headbourne  Worthy,  168 

Heath,  168 

Hogiiaston,  169 

Horninghold,  170 

Ingleton,  169 

Jevington,  172 

Kempley,  165 

Kilpeck,  170 

Kirkburn,  169 

Kirton  in  Lindsey,  175 

Langport,  170 
Leckhampstead,  178 
Lenton,  168 
Little  Comberton,  166 
Little  Langford,  176 
Little  Paxton,  166 
Londesborongh,  166 
Malmesbury,  168 
Mintlyn,  165 
Mylor,  166 
Normanton,  168 
North  Newbald,  164 
Panvich,  169 
Patcham,  164 
Pen  Selwood,  170 
Perranzabuloe,  169 
Pirford,  165 

VOL.  XLVII. 


Churches,  antiquities  of.  referred  to — continued. 

Poddington,  167 

Portskewit,  166 

Preston,  170 

Quenington,  172 

Radclive,  170 

Riccall,  172 

Richmond  (Yorks),  198 

Ridlington,  174 

Romsey,  168 

Salford,  166 

Seaford,  168 

South  Ferriby,  161-178 

South  Leigh,  166 

Stanton  Lacy,  166 

Stoke-sub-Hamdon,  170 

Stoney  Stanton,  170,  176 

Stottesden,  170 

Stow  Longa,  170 

Stow  of  the  Nine  Churches,  175 

Tarrant  Rusliton,  170 

Tetsworth,  169 

Teversnl,  170 

Thames  Ditton,  170 

Tintagel,  175 

Tottcnhill,  165 

Uphill,  166 

Upleadon,  170 

Water  Stratford,  169 

Wenden,  175 

Wcstmeston,  1C9 

Wirksworth,  169 

Wiston,  165 

York  (St.  Lawrence),  170 

York  (St.  Margaret),  177 

Cinnamon  (pound  of),  tenant's  rent  in  Saxelby,  95 
Circle  (stone),  round  Swiss  grave-mound,  13(! 
Circulus  Lacteus,  zodiacal  sign  of,  338 
Cissbury,   resemblance  of   Cresar's    Camp  to,   430- 

431 
Cist  (stone),    carvings  on,  at  Clover   Hill,  Sligo, 

478 

Citadel,  existence  of,  in  encampments,  432 
Civilization  of  Egypt,  duration  of,  469 


3u 


498 


INDEX. 


Clarence  (George,  Duke  of),  attainder  of,  418-419  ; 

grants   by,    188-189;    marriage  of,  414-415; 

estates  of,  417-418 

Clarencieux  King  at  Arms,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  pay- 
ments to,  310 
CLARK  (GEORGE  THOMAS,  F.S.A.),  the  custumary 

of  the  manor  and  soke  of  Rothley,  in  the  county 

of  Leicester,  89-130 

Clavering,  grant  of,  to  George,  Duke  ofClarence,  417 
Claypoole(  James),  a  witness  toPenn's  charter,  84,  86 
Clench-bolts  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  435,  446,  457, 

458,  462,  463 
Finland,  437 

Le  Catillon,  Normandy,  437 
Ozingell,  Kent,  437 
Scandinavia,  437 

Clermont  Fcrrand,  museum  at,  horse-shoe  in,  451 
Climping  Church,  dedication  cross  at,  165 
Close  Rolls,  extracts  from,  as  to  currency  of  nobles 

in  Flanders,  155 

Clover  Hill,  Sligo,  carved  stone  cist  found  at,  478 
Coats,  payment  for,  for  army,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  328, 

329,  331 

Cock,  a  Japanese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Cocks,  tenant's  rent  in  Barnesley,  95,  105 
Cocoa-nuts  mounted  with  silver,  monastic  plate,  58 
Coin  of  Stephen  discovered  at  Cassar's  Camp,  436, 

457,  404 
Coins  minted  in  Gaul  and  Britain,  radiated  crown 

on,    479  ;    value    of,  temp.    1526,     296 ;    see 

"Nobles" 

Cole,  surname  of  tenant  at  Mardefeld,  112 
Coleshill  Church,  sculptured  Crucifixion  at,  168 
Colonial  history,    Bermuda,  65-82  ;    Pennsylvania, 

83-88 

Colonization  of  America,  65-67 
Coltersworth   Church,  representation  of  Agnus   Dei 

at,  170 

Common  land  riots  at  Coventry,  324 
Common  Pleas,  seal  for,  201,  202,  203 
Comnenus   (Isaac),   revolt   of    Cyprus   under,    7  ; 

taking  of  Cyprus  by,  37-38 
Compton  (John),  62 
Concrete  discovered  at  Caesar's  Camp,  456 


CONDER  (FRANCIS  ROUBILIAC),  on  the  antiquity  of 

the  Egyptian  calendar,  466-470 
Confession,  rules  for,  23 

Conisborough  Church,  sculptured  stone  at,  177 
Connecticut,  popular  assembly  in  (1684),  78 
Consecration  of  church,  ornamental  symbolization  of, 

163-167  ;  see  "Dedication" 
Conyers,  arms  of,  198 
Coo  (Christopher),  a  well-known  sea  captain  (1515), 

301,  312 

Cooking-pot  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  439,  456 
COOTK  (HENRY  CHARLES,  F.S.A.),  on  the  Mith- 

raeum  at  Spoleto,  204-208 
Copper-gilt  objects  found  at  Cresar's  Camp,  447,  449, 

464 

"  Cordhalpeny,"  definition  of,  127 
Cormac  (legendary  Irish  king),  crown  of,  479 
Cornwall,  see 

Carhayes 

Lanteglos 

Mylor 

Perranzabuloe 

Tintagel 

Corrodies,  granting  of,  forbidden,  58,  59 
Corvus,  zodiacal  sign  of,  339 
Cottesmore  Church,  sculptured  Crucifixion  at,  ]  68 
Court   baron,   descended  from  township,  92  :  three 

weeks  court,  98 
Court  leet,  an  attribute  of  the  soke,  92  ;  manorial 

at  Rothley,  92,  125-126 
Coventry,  insurrection  at,  temp.  Henry  VIII.  323- 

325,  333 

Cow,  sculptured  at  Hognaston  Church,  171 
Cowley,  condemnation  of,  temp.  Henry  VIII.  308, 313 
Crab,  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  see  "  Cancer  " 
Grace  (Mr.),  collection  of  London  engravings,  391 
Crater,  zodiacal  sign  of,  339 
Crauford  (Jas.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Crecy,  horse-shoes  discovered  at,  452 
Cremation,  early,  in  Switzerland,  134 
Crescent  (iron),  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136 
Crofts,  division  of  land  in  Rothley  manor,  91,  98 
Cromwell's  injunctions  for  removal  of  images,  367 
Cro[u]mwell  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 


INDEX. 


499 


Cross,  ornamentation  of,  rarely  seen  in  America,  157  ; 
sculptured  symbolizations  of,  172  :  symboliza- 
tion  of  worship  of,  167-9 

Crosses,  of  an  archbishop,  375  ;  dedication,  165  ; 
ornamental  at  Lanteglos,  163  ;  sculptured,  174 

Crowle  Church,  lintel  of,  composed  of  Runic  cross, 
175 

Crown,  radiated,  origin  and  significance  of,  476, 
479  :  Irish,  bronze  objects  supposed  to  belong 
to,  475  ;  used  by  Kings  of  Ireland,  4711  ; 
crown  of  thorns,  476-477 

Crown,  heirs  to  the,  after  Richard  III.  421 

Croxdale  Church,  sculptured  Crucifixion  at,  168 

Croxton,  lands  held  in,  108-109 

Croy,  arms  of  the  family  of,  264 

Crucifixion,  sculptured  representations  of,  168-169 

Crusades,  particulars  of  expeditions,  38 

Cultures,  division  of  land  in  Rothley  manor,  91,  9s 

Culverin  gun,  account  for  purchase  of  (1518).  298- 
299 

Currier,  use  of,  in  England,  temp.  Eliz.  210,  217 

Custumary  of  the  manor  and  soke  of  Rothley, 
Leicestershire,  89-130 

Cyprus,  chronology  of  events  in  (1183-1218),  7  ; 
.  condition  of,  thirteenth  century,  37-40  ;  condi- 
tion of  church  in,  2  :  sufferings  in,  under  Latin 
rule,  1-2  ;  taking  of,  by  Richard  Ceeur  de  Leon, 
38-40  ;  ancient  earthenware  of,  similar  to 
Mexican,  157;  MS.  of  Neophytus  written  in,  1 

I). 

Dacre  (Humphrey,  Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  26S 
Dacre  (Ralph,  Lord),  Lancastrian  leader,  268 
Dacre  (Lord),  warden  of  the  English  Marches(1515), 

301-304 

Daglingworth  Church,  sculptured  Crucifixion  at, 168 
Danby  Wiske  Chapel,  tympanum  at,  175 
Danes,  occupation  of  Lincolnshire  by,  175 
Dartmouth,  garrison  recommended  for,  temp.  Eliz. 

222 
Daunce   (Sir  John),    accounts   of    money    received 

from  the  Treasurer    of   the  King's   Chamber, 

temp.  Hen.  VIII.  295-336 

3u 


Davies  (Richard),  a  witness  to  Penn's  Charter,  86 

Day  (S.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 

Days  of  the  week,  zodiacal  emblematical  figures  of, 

338 
De  la  Pole  (Richard),  plots  of,  against  Henry  VIII. 

306 

"Dead  pays,"  meaning  of  term,  311 
Deal,  garrison  recommended  for,  temp.  Eliz.  222 
Debate,   regulations    for,    in     Bermuda    assembly, 

71-72 

Decoration  in  Irish  art,  477-478 
Dedication  crosses,  165  ;  see  "  Consecration  " 
''  Dedshares,"  meaning  of  term,  311 
Deer,  fallow,  found  at  Ca;sar's  Camp,  455,  456,  457, 

458 
Defences  of  England,  temp.  Eliz.  209-241 ;  systems 

of,  430 

Demeter,  cult  of,  356-357 
Demons  represented  in  zodiacal  signs,  339 
Demonius,  zodiacal  sign  of,  338 
Demy  sake,  use  of,  in  England,  temp.  Eliz.  211 
"  Denegild,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Denuld,  surname  of  tenant  at  Caudewell,  117 
Deptford,  making  a  wharf  at,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  313 
Derbyshire,  see 

Ault  Hucknall 

Bolsover 

Bundleigh 

Findern 

Heath 

Hognaston 

Normanton 

Parwich 

Wirksworth 

Descent  from  the  Cross,  early  representations  of,  169 
Despenser  estates,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  411,  412,  424 
Dialect,  Scottish,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  191 
Diamond  called  the  "  Mirror  of  Naples,"  300  ;  signet 
of  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  393-408  ;  engraved 
work  on,  sixteenth  century,  403-404 
Diamond  merchant,  visit  of,  to  Persia  (1664),  396-7 
Dionysian  ./Era,  Latin  note  concerning,  481-482 
Discipline,  military,  temp.  Eliz.  213 
Ditteridge  Church,  dedication  cross  at,  165 


500 


INDEX. 


Dog,    ,1  Japanese  zodiacal   sign,  342  ;   Jupiter  at- 
tended by,  in  zodiacal  sign,  340 ;  skeleton  of, 
discovered  at  Csesar's  Camp,  456 
Dog  Star,  rising  of,  in  the  Egyptian  calendar,  466, 

468-469 

Dogs  (two),  sculptured  at  Hogiiaston  Church,  171 
Dorsetshire,  see  "  Tarrant  Rushton  " 
Dove,  sculptured  on  tympanum,  167 
Dover,  garrison  recommended  for,  temp.  Eliz.  222 
D'Oyley  family,    supposed    founders   of   Missenden 

Abbey,  50 

Dragon,  a  Chinese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Dragon  sculptured  in  Stoney  Stanton  Church,  176 
Dress  at  tournaments,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  315  ;  sup- 
plied to   Queen  Margaret  of  Scotland  (1515), 
303-304,  311  ;  see  "  Apparel" 
Drill,  military,  temp.  Eliz.  213,  224 
Driiiking-cup  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135 
Du  Clercq's  Chronicle   on   battle   of   Hexham,  288- 

289 
Dublin,  Petrie  collection,  two  bronze  objects  in,  473- 

480 

Dulwich  College,  MS.  on  hail-shot,  212 
Dimming,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99 
Dunstanborough,     capture    of,      by     Lancastrians 

(1462),  269,  272 
Durham,  see  "  Croxdale  " 
Durham  Cathedral,  mural  painting  of  Crucifixion  at, 

169;   vaulting  at,  47 

Durham  Cathedral  library,  ancient  calendar  in,  360 
Duxford  St.  John's  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at, 
165 


E. 


Ear  pendants  (bronze),  found  in  Swiss  grave- 
mounds,  135 

Earldoms,  claims  of  female  heirs  to,  410-411 

Earthenware,  Greek  and  Mexican,  159 

vessels,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds, 

135,  136 

Ecclesiastical  privileges  of  soke,  93 

Ede,  surname  of  tenant  at  Mardefeld,  110 


Edington  (William  de),  Bishop  of  Winchester,  144 
Edmund,    king    and     martyr,    figures    in    Henry 

VIl.th's    Chapel  at   Westminster,   365,    369, 

374,  378 
Education,  low  state  of,  in  thirteenth  century,  4,  5  ; 

see  "  Ignorance,"  "  Learning  " 
Edward    Confessor,  figures   of,  in  Henry   VIl.th's 

Chapel  at  Westminster,  365,  369 
Edward  I.  his  wound  cured  by  Eleanor,  260 
Edward  III.  gold  nobles  of,  discovered  at  Westbury, 

138,  146,  150-153 

Edward  IV.  inaccuracies  in  accounts  of,  265-294 
Edward  (Earl  of  Warwick,  son  of  George,  Duke  of 

Clarence),  420-423  ;  dignities  and  estates  of, 

409-428 

Edward,  son  of  Richard  III.  monument  to,  196 
Eel  (conger),   remains  of,  at  Ctesar's  Camp,  455, 

456,  459 

Egg  (bird's)  discovered  at  Caesar's  Camp,  456 
Egleton  Church,  font  bowl  found  at,  173 
Egypt,  fylfot  pattern  of  ornamentation  unknown  in> 

.159;  key  pattern  in,  160 
Egyptian     calendar,     the     antiquity    of,     466-470; 

Funeral    ritual,    351,    352;     Zodiacal    signs, 

341-342 

Elephantina,  temple  in  the  isle  of,  468 
Elgiva,  branding  of  the  face  of,  369 
Elizabeth  (Queen),  political  pamphlet  of  her  reign, 

209-241 
Elizabeth  (Queen   of   Edward   IV.),   chantry   of,   in 

Westminster  Abbey,  366 

Elkstone  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at,  170 
Elstow,  or  Elnstow,  Benedictine  nunnery  near  Bed- 
ford, 49-50,  51-53 

Emme,  surname  of  juror  at  Pylton,  109 
"Encheson,"  definition  of,  128 
England,  described    by  Neophytus,  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, 38 

English,  use  of,  in  monastic  injunctions,  60 
English  origin  of  Gothic  architecture,  43,  45 
Epigraphy,  pagan,  use  of  "  suus  "  in,  208 
Erith,  payments  for  storehouses  at,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 

313 
Essex,  see  "  Barking,"  "  Wenden  " 


INDEX. 


501 


Ethiopians,  arrows  tied  round  the  head  during  battle, 

476 
Etruscan  commerce,  implements  of,  found  in  Swiss 

grave-mound,  134 

Eudemos,  Astrological  History  of,  lost,  343 
Excavations   at   Caesar's    Camp,    Folkestone,  429- 

465 ;  see  "  Grave-mounds  " 
Executions,  publicity  of,  419 
Exeter  (  Duke  of),  Lancastrian  leader,  274 
Exilby,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Marmion,  180 


F. 


Fabyan's  Chronicle   on    Edward  IV. 's  reign,   200, 

269,  270,  273,  274,  278,  281 
Fair,  annual  three  clays,  granted  to  Rothley  manor, 

95 

Falcon-bones  found  at  Csesar's  Camp,  450,  455 
Falmouth,  garrison    recommended   for,  temp.   Eliz. 

222 

Fan-tracery  vaulting,  43 
Farrar    (Nicholas),    founder    of    Crown   Quit-rents, 

Bermuda,  77 

Faukes,  surname  of  juror  at  Gadesby,  102,  103 
Feber,  surname  of  tenant  at  Mardefeld,  112 
"Ferdewyte"  [fyrdwyte],  definition  of,  127,  128 
Ferriz  (Peter),  Bishop  of  Tirasso,  dispensation   by, 

197 

Ferrybridge,  battle  of,  266 
"  Ferwyte,"  definition  of,  128,  129 
Field  names,  99,  114 
Figure  (carved  in  chalk)  of  human  head  found  at 

Ca?sar's  Camp,  445-440,  458 
Findern  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at,  165 
Finger  ring,  see  "  Ring  " 
Finland,  clench-bolts  discovered  in,  437 
Fire-arms,  use  of,  in  England,  temp.  Eliz.  210-212, 

217 

Fish  God,  myth  of  the,  354 
Fisherman's  superstition,  357 
Fishes,  two  mystic,  sculptured  at  Hognaston  Church, 

171 
Fishlake  Church,  sculptured  medallion  at,  172 


Fitzhugh  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Fitz-Hugh  family,  progenitor  of,  182 
Fitz-Randolph  (Henry),  founder  of  Hospital  of  St. 

Giles,  182 
Fitzwalter  (John    Ratcliffe,    Baron),    standard    of, 

279 

Fitzwaryn  (Sir  Philip)  succeeds  to  Bremeridge,  146 
Flambard  (Bishop),  seal  of,  177 
Flanders,  coinage  of  nobles  in,  143,  144,  145,  155- 

156 

Fleet,  ships  cruising  in  (1515),  301 
"  Flemenefurth,"  definition  of,  127,  128 
Fleming  (Jane),  letters  of,  243 
Fleming  (Mary),  wife  of  Secretary  Maitland,  246 
Flint  flakes  found  at  Ca-sar's  Camp,  438,  442,  457, 

458 

"  Flithwyte,"  definition  of,  127,  128 
Florence,  Qffizi  at,  diamond  engraved  signets  at,  404 
Folkestone,  Caesar's  Camp  at,  excavations  at,  429- 

465 

Fonts,  chalk  found  at  Caspar's  Camp,  444,  457,402, 
464 

Cottesmore  Church,  168 

Ingleton  Church,  169 

Kirkburn  Church,  16!),  177 

Lenton  Church,  168 

Pont  a  Mousson,  164 

Perranzabuloe  Church,  169 

Winchester  Cathedral,  163 

Zedelghem,  164 

Ford  (Philip),  a  witness  to  Penu's  charter,  86 
Forelles,  sheepskins  used  for  binding,  335 
"  Forstall,"  definition  of,  127,  128 
Fortescue  (Sir  John),  Lancastrian  leader,  274,  287 
FORTNUM  (CHARLES  DRURY  EDWARD,  F.S.A.),  the 
diamond  signet  of  Henrietta  Maria,  Queen  of 
Charles  I.  393-408 

Fountains  (Abbat  of),  lands  held  by,  180 
Fox  (John),  Abbot  of  Missenden  Abbey  (1528),  50 
Frame  of  Government,  by  W.  Penn,  83-85,  86 
France,  arms  of,  on  English  gold  nobles,  138 

king  of,  title  assumed  by  Edward  HI.  143 

trained  soldiers  in,  temp.  Eliz.  221 

see  "  Pont  a,  Mousson  " 


502 


INDEX. 


Franks  (Mr.),  engraved  signet  stone  in  collection  of, 

401 
FKESHFIELD  (EDWIN,  F.S.A.),on  the  misfortunes  of 

Cyprus,  by  Neophytus,  and  the  condition  of  the 

island  in  his  time,  37-40 

Fret  ornamentation  in  Mexico  and  Pern,  157-100 
"  Fritliborwn,"  definition  of,  127.  129 
Funereal  Ritual,  Egyptian,  351,  35-' 
Furniture  of  Uacre  Castle  at  Morpeth  (1515),  304 
Furnival,  arms  of,  185 
Fylfot  ornamentation   unknown    in    America,  157  ; 

origin,  159 
Fyiulcrn  (Sir  Thomas),  Lancastrian  leader,  272 


G. 


Gabriel  (Angel),  figure  of,  in  Henry  VIl.th's  Chapel 

at  Westminster,  371 

Gace,  surname!  of  tenant  at  Gadesby,  104 
Gadesby,  lands  held  in,  102-105 
Gairdner  (James),  accuracy  of  his   Houses  of  Lan- 
caster and  York,  266 
Game-laws,  212,  219 

Ganicli,  surname  of  juror  at  Barnsby,  105,  106 
Garncys  (Sir  Christopher),  account  of  expenses  kept 

by  (1515),  303 
Garrisons  recommended  for  certain  town*,  temp.  Eliz. 

222,  233 
Gates  (Sir  Thomas),  colonization  of  New  England 

by,  66 

Gannte  (Juliane),  chantry  of,  59 
Gemini,   the  zodiacal  sign  of,  343,  344,  347,  348, 

357,  360 

Gems,  zodiacal,  341,  351 

Genealogy  of  House  of  York,  428  :  see  "  Arms  " 
Geological  position  of  Caesar's  Camp,  429-432 
George  noble,  coin,  recommendation  to  issue  (1526), 

296 
Germanus,  Patriarch   of    Constantinople,  letters  of, 

2-3,  39 

Germany,  use  of  the  padlock  in,  445 
Gibson  (William),  a  witness  to  Penn's  charter,  86 
"Gild,"  definition  of,  127.  128 


Gilt  object  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  437,  459 
Girdle  (ornamental),  found  in   Swiss  grave-mounds, 

135 

Gislebertus  (Abbot),  effigy  of,  177 
Glass,  painted,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  376 
Gloucester,  St.   Nicholas   Church,  representation  of 

Agnus  Dei  at,  170 
Gloucestershire,  see 
Beckford 
Bitton 

Daglingworth 
Gloucester 
Kempley 
Preston 
Quen  ington 
Upleadon 
Gloves  (white),  pair  of,  tenant's  rent  in  Wartnaby, 

95 
Goat  bones  found  at  Cwsar's  Camp,  455,  45C,  459, 

460  :  myths,  355 

Goddard  (Jno.)  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Gode,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99 
Godmother,  nuns  not  to  stand  for,  54 
Godtid,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 
Godwinc,  surname  of  tenant  at  Barnsby,  106 
Gold  nobles,  hoard  of,  found  in  Wilts,  137-156 
Gold  plate  at  Dacrc  Castle  at  Morpeth  (1515),  304 
Golle,  surname  of  tenant  at  Barnsby,  105 
Goose,  an  Egyptian  zodiacal  sign,  341;  sacred  in 

Egypt,  359 

Goose  bones,  remains  of,  at  Caesar's  Camp,  455,  456 
Gori  (Signor  Fabio),  discovery  of  Mithracum  by, 

204-208 
Gosnell    (Captain    Bartholomew),    colonization   of 

Virginia  (1606),  66 
Gothic  architecture,  English  origin  of,  43  ;  earliest 

example  of,  at  Lincoln,  45 
Governors  of  Bermuda,  functions  of,  79-80;    list  of, 

81 
Grafton's  Chronicle,  on  Edward  IV.'s  reign,  265, 

266,  269,  270,  271,  273,  279,  283 
Grammatical  (Roman)  difficulty,  208 
Grave-mounds    of    Lunkhofen,    in   the    canton   of 

Aargau,  Switzerland,  ltfl-136 


INDEX. 


503 


Great  Dalby,  manor  of,  89 

Greece,   introduction  of  zodiacal   signs  into,  343  ; 

mode  of  computing  the  year  in,  466,  467 
Greek,  calendar  (ancient)  quoted,  468  ;  fret  or  key 

pattern,  159,  160;  manuscript  by  Ncophytus, 

1-36 
Greenwich,  visit  of  Emperor  Charles  to,  temp.  Hen. 

VIII.  314-5 
Greenwich  (East),  the  Bermudas  held  in  capite  of 

the  manor  of,  67 
GREG  (ROBERT  PHILIPS,   F.S.A.),  the  fret  or  key 

ornamentation  in  Mexico  and  Peru,  157-160 
Gregorian  year  (the),  467 

Gregory's  Chronicle   on    Edward  IV.'s  reign,  266, 

269,  270,  271,  272, 273,  274, 277,  278,  281,  291 

Gresham   (Richard),    merchant   of   London,  temp. 

Hen.  VIII.  309 
"  Gretbruch,"  see  "  Gritbruch  " 
Grey  (Lord,  of  Codnor),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Grey  (Earl),  ancestor  of  (1462),  268 
Grey  (John  de),  changes  name  to  Mannion,  183 
Grey  (Sir  Ralph),  a  Yorkist  leader,  268,  272,  273, 

274,  284,  285 

Grey  de  Wilton  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Greyhounds  on  Lancastrian  seal,  201 
Greystock  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
"  Gritbruch"  [Gretbruch],  definition  of,  126,  128 
Groat  (coin),  introduction  of,  into  England,  144 
Grymmeston,  lands  held  in,  113-114 
Gun,   accounts  for  purchase  of  (1518),  298,   299, 

310 
Gunpowder  tax  (Bermuda),  76 

H. 

Habington's   History  of  Edward   IV.  on  battle  of 

Hexham,  285 
Haddington,  siege  of,  temp.  Edw.  VI.  incidents  at, 

237 

Haddington  Abbey,  disposition  of  lands  of,  246 
Haddiscoe  Church,  sculpture  at,  169 
Hail-shot,  use  of,  in  England,  212,  219 
Haklnyt  (Rev.  Richard),  colonization  of  New  Eng- 
land by,  66 


Hall's  Chronicle,  Union  of  York  and  Lancaster,  in 

Edward  IV.'s  reign,  235-237,  265,  266,  269, 

270,  271,  273,  279,  283,  284 
Haltham-super-Bain    Church,  cross  on  tympanum 

at,  165,  174 

Halykeld,  lands  held  by  Avicia  de  Tanfield  in,  180 
Hamey   (Dr.  Baldwin),    presentation   of  diamond 

signet  to  Charles  II.  bj,  408 
Hamilton  (H.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Hamlin,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99 
Hampshire,    see    "  Headbourne    Worthy,"   "  Win- 
chester " 

Hnndborough  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at,  166 
Hants,  see  "  Romsey  " 
"  Hangwyte,"  definition  of,  128,  129 
Harbottle  Castle,  Margaret  of   Scotland's  residence 

there,  303 
Harcourts  (family  of),  owners  of  land  in  Rothley 

manor,  93  ;  see  also  "Harecurt  " 
Hardyman    (Dr.   John),    destruction    of   altars    in 

Westminster  by,  370 
Hare,    sculptured    on    tympana,    167  ;    a    Chinese 

zodiacal  sign,  343 

Hare  bones  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  455 
Harecurt  (John  de),  93,  94 
Harecurt  (Richard  de),  93 
Harecurt  (William  de),  93 
Harquebus,  use  of,  in    England,   temp.   Eliz.    210, 

217,  235 
Harleian    MS.,    a    probable   fictitious   mention    of, 

308 

Harness,  see  "  Horse  furniture  " 
Hasclof,  surname  of  tenant  at  Somerdeby,  111 
Hastings  (honour  of),  knights  fees  in,  130 
Hastings  (William,  Lord),  a  Yorkist  leader,  268, 

272 

Hartshorne  (Miss),  signet  ring  belonging  to,  405 
Head  (chalk),  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  458,  462, 

463 
Headbourne  Worthy  Church,  early  example  of  Holy 

Rood  at,  108 
Hearne's  Fragment  of  a  Chronicle,  on  Edward  IV.'s 

reign,  266,  268,  270,  275,  285 
Heath  Church,  portion  of  rood  preserved  at,  168 


504 


INDEX. 


Hebrews,  use  of  lunar  year  by,  467  ;  zodiacal  cult 
of,  355 

Hedgeley  Moor,  battle  of  (1464),  278,  284 

Heirs  to  the  Crown  after  Richard  III.  421 

Helenstow,  see  "  Elstow  " 

Hendiman,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99 

Henrietta  Maria  (Queen),  the  diamond  signet  of, 
393-408 

Henry  IV.  seal  of,  201 

Henry  V.  413 

Henry  VI.  movements  of,  in  North  of  England,  190  ; 
seal  of,  190-191  ;  events  of  liis  reign  (later 
years),  266-294  ;  canonization  of,  364  :  figure 
of,  at  Westminster,  365,  367 

Henry  VII.  Chapel  of,  at  Westminster,  notes  on  the 
imagery  of,  361-380  ;  figure  in  Westminster 
Abbey,  376  ;  tomb  of,  377  ;  figure?  in  the 
Chapel,  483-485 

Henry  VIII.  seals  of,  200-201  ;  the  remonstrance 
of  Anne  of  Cleves,  249-264  ;  accounts  of 
money  received  from  the  Treasurer  of  the 
King's  Chamber,  295-336  :  Margaret,  Queen 
of  Scotland,  sister  to,  300-305  ;  painting  dis- 
covered at  Westminster  of  the  date  of,  471.  489 

Heraldry,  archaic  myths  lingering  in,  357:  see  also 
"  Anns  " 

Herber,  mansion  of,  in  London,  417 

Herefordshire  Beacon,  excavations  at.  435 

Herefordshire,  see  "Aston,"  "  Kilpeck,"  "  Shobden 
Park  " 

Heron  (Sir  John),  Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber, 
temp.  Hen.  VIII.  309 

Herring-bone  ornamentation,  unknown  in  Mexico 
and  Peru,  157 

Hether,  knight's  fee  in,  130 

Hexham,  battle  of,  189-190,  265,  275,  278,  282, 
284,  286-294 

"  Hidag,"  definition  of,  127,  129 

High  treason,  law  of  forfeiture  for,  409-428 

Highway,  manor  of,  147 

Hilton  (Olyver),  bowyer  of  London,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 
310 

Hindu  zodiacal  signs,  343-344 

Hippopotamus,  an  Egyptian  zodiacal  sign,  342 


Hodierne,  surname  of  tenant  at  Barnsby,  106 
Hognaston  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 

169  ;  curious  sculpture  at,  171 
Holinshed's  Chronicle,  chronological  errors  in,  265 
Hollar's  Plan  of   St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  382,  386, 

389,  390,  391 
Holy    Island,    landing     of    Lancastrian    refugees 

(1462),  270-271 

Holy  Rood,  early  examples  of,  168 
Holyrood,  seals  of  Queen  Mary  sold  at,  395,  398 
Home  (Sir  Alexander),  safe  conduct  by  (temp.  1 464), 

191 

"  Homsekene,"  definition  of,  12C 
Hope  (Jno.),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
"  Hordell  et  Orest,"  definition  of,  128,  129 
"  Hornchild,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Home,  surname  of  tenant  at  Menton,  120 
Horninghold  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei 

at,  170 

Horre,  surname  of  tenant  at  Gadesby,  103 
Horse,  a  Chinese  zodiacal  sign,  342  ;    flesh  of,  used 

for  food,  454 

Horse-furniture,  found  at  Ca?sar's  Camp,  459 
Horse-racing  at  Metz,  temp.  Henry  VIII.  306 
Horse-shoeing  in  Norman  times,  450-452 
Horse-shoes  found  at  Cajsar's  Camp,  439,  441,  446, 

447,  44«,  456,  457,  468,  459,  462,  463 
Hospital  foundations,  temp.  Eliz.  214,  230-232  ;   of 

St.  Giles  of  Brompton  Bridge,  181,  182,  185 
House,  pictorial  symbols  for,  in  Mexican  ornamenta- 
tion, 159 

Households  (monastic),  evils  arising  therefrom,  51 
Houses,  the  twelve  astrological,  340 
Howard  (Lord  Edmund),  325-326 
Howard  (Sir  J.),  a  Yorkist  leader,  268 
Hughes   (Professor),    opinion   on    Caesar's    Camp, 

Folkstone,  432 

Human  remains,  see  "  Bones,"  "  Skeletons  " 
Hume's  account  of  battle  of  Hexham,  293 
"  Hundredpeny,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Hungerford  (Lord),   Lancastrian  leader,  269,  272, 

273,  274,  283 
Hunting  scene  sculptured  in  Little  Langford  Church, 

176 


INDEX. 


505 


Huntingdon,  knights  fees  in,  130 
Huntingdonshire,    see    "  Little    Paxton,"    "  Stow 

Longa  " 

Hnnton  (John  de),  181 
Hydra,  zodiacal  sign  of,  339 


I. 

Ignorance  in  monasteries,  temp,  sixteenth  century, 

60 ;  see  also  "  Learning  " 
Ilger,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99,  100 
Imagery  of  Henry  VH.th's  Chapel  at  Westminster, 

361-380 
Images  in  churches,  destruction  of,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 

308 

Inclosure  riots  at  Coventry,  324 
India,  use  of  the  padlock  in,  445 
Indra,  fylfot  ornamentation  appertains  to,  160 
"  Infangthef,"  definition  of,  126,  128 
Ingleton  Church,  sculptured  font  at,  169 
Inscribed  altar  to  Mithras,  204 
Inscriptions  (religious)  on  coins,  140-141 
Institutions,  representative,  in  Bermuda,  69-82 
Ireland,  early  ornamental  design  in,  473,  478,  479  : 

radiated   crown,  475;  Kings  of,   use  of  crown 

by,  479 
Iron  implements  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135, 

136 
Iron  objects  found  at  Cajsar's  Camp,  43C,  438,  439, 

441,  445,  447,  448 
Isle   of   Wight,    garrison    recommended   for,    temp. 

Eliz.  222 

J. 

Jacobean  paneling  discovered  at  Westminster  Abbey 

in  1882,  471 

James  I.  first  great  seal  of,  203 
James  II.  action  of,  in  colonial  matters,  78 
James  V.  of  Scotland,  minority  of,  300-303 
Janissaries,  Turkish,  temp.  Eliz.  225 
Jarnogon,  name  of,  180 

VOL.  XLVII.  3  X 


Japan,  key-pattern  of  ornamentation  in,  159 

Japan,  zodiacal  signs  of,  342 

Jeaffreson  (Mr.),  paper  by,  on  Castle  Hill,  Folke- 
stone, alluded  to,  434-435 

Jernegan,  name  of,  180 

Jernegau  de  Tanfield,  180 

Jervaulx  (Abbat  of),  lands  held  by,  181,  184,  186 

"  Jesus  mitem  .  .  .  .  "  popular  usage  of  this  text, 
138,  140-141 

Jevington  Church,  sculpture  at,  172 

Jewels,  monastic,  forbidden  to  IK-  sold,  59 

Jewels  of  Charles  I.  397:  nt  Windsor  Castle,  403 

Jews,  see  "  Hebrews  " 

John,  of  Luxembourg,  author  of  Remonstrance  of 
Anne  of  Cleves,  252 

Johnson  (Sir  William)  alluded  to,  57 

Jones  (Inigo),  work  of,  discovered  at  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral,  382-391 

Jones  (  ),  governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 

Judith,  wife  of  Waltheof  E.  of  Huntingdon,  founding 
of  nunnery  by,  49 

Jupiter,  zodiacal  sign  of,  340 


K. 


Kayliam,  lands  held  in,  118-120 
Keelby,  Lincolnshire,  nunnery  in,  50 
Keep,  existence  of,  in  encampments,  432 
Kelby,  knights  fee  in,  130 

KELLER  (Dr.  FERDINAND.  Hon.  F.S.A.),  Tin1 
grave-mounds  of  Lunkhofen,  in  the  canton  of 
Aargau,  Switzerland,  131-134 

Kemble  (J.  M.),  on  bronze  object  in  Petrie  Collec- 
tion, 473 

Kemp  (Bishop),  building  of  Paul's  Cross,  385 
Kempley  Church,  dedication  cross  at,  165 
Kennett's  History  of  England,  on  battle  of  Hex- 
ham,  285 

Kent  (Earl  of),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Kent,  see  "  Barfreston,"  "  Folkestone  " 
Kerry,  two  carved  pillar  stones  in,  478 
Key  ornamentation  in  Mexico  and  Peru,  157-160 


506 


INDEX. 


KEYSER (CHARLES  EDWARD,  F.S.A.),  On  the  sculp- 
tured tympanum  of  a  former  doorway  in  the 
church  of  South  Ferriby,  Lincolnshire,  161-178 

Killigrew  (Sir  Robert),  petition  of,  as  to  granting 
of  Bermuda,  76 

Kilmorie  Cross,  sculpture  on,  174 

Kilpeck  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 
170 

Kings  of  Ireland,  use  of  crown  by,  479 

Kircaldy  of  Grange,  Margaret,  letter  of,  '2-13 

Kirkapoll  cross,  sculpture  on,  174 

Kirkburn  Church,  sculptured  font  at,  169,  177;  re- 
presentation of  Agnus  Dei  at,  1 70 

Kirkby's  inquest,  15  Edw.  I.  180 

Kirton  in  Lindsey  Church,  tympanum  at,  175 

Knife-blades,  found  at  Cajsar's  Camp,  445,  446,  448, 
457,  458,  462,  463 

Knights  fees  of  Dalby  and  llothley,  130 

Knotte,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  9'J,  106 


L. 

Laing  (David),  .MS.  volume  belonging  to,  1 
Lake  dwellings,  horse-shoes  discovered  in,  451 
Lambert    (William),    merchant,    of    London,    temp. 

Hen.  Vlir.  30!) 
Lancastrian  leaders  in  Wars  of  the  Roses,  see 

Breze 

Dacre 

Exeter 

Foitescue 

Fyndern 

Hungerford 

Morton 

Pembroke 

Percy 

Roos 

(Somerset 

Taylboys 

Tunstall 

West  wort!  i 

Whytlingham 


Lancastrian  possessions  in  Northumberland,  189 
Land,  alienations   in  court,  97  ;    cultivation  of,   In 

Bermuda,  77  ;  measurements  in  Rothley  soke, 

98 ;  revenue  of   Crown  from,  in  Bermuda,  77  ; 

see  "  Custumary  " 
Langport  Church  (Somersetshire),  representation  of 

Agnus  Dei  at,  170,  171 
Langton,    manor    of,    held    by    Robert    Marmion, 

180 
Language,  Scottish,    examples,   temp.    Mary,    244, 

246 

Lanteglos,  Cornwall,  ornamented  cross  at,  163 
Lascelles  (Sir  John  de),  183 
Lascelles  of  Sowerby,  arms  of,  188 
Laton  (Sir  John  de),  183 
Latun  (Richard  de),  charter  of,  181 
Lauderdale,  Duke  of,  family  papers  of,  244 
Laurence  (Robert),  57 
Laverd  de  Tonstal  (William),  181 
Law,  English,  of  attainder  and  forfeiture  for  high 

treason,  409-428 

Lawe,  surname  of  tenant  at  Mardefeld,  112 
Laws  and  regulations  in  the  Bermudas,  70 
Lawson,  arms  of,  203 

Lawson  (Sir  John,  Bart.),  Notes  on  documents  be- 
longing to,  179-204 
Le  Catillon  camp,  Normandy,  clench-bolts  found  at, 

437 

Le  Mans,  museum  at,  horse-shoe  in,  451 
Leaden    disc  found    at    Caesar's    Camp,   442,    457, 

464 
Learning,  state  of,  in  monasteries,  temp,  thirteenth 

century,  4;  temp,  sixteenth  century,  60 
Leckhampstead  Church,  tympanum  at,  178 
LEFROY  (LIEUT.-GEN.  SIR  JOHN  HENRY),  On  the 

constitutional    history    of    the    Bermudas,   the 

oldest  remaining  British  plantation,  65-82 
Legend  of  Queen   Eleanor  sucking  the  wound   of 

Edward,    260  ;    of    Queen  Margaret   and   the 

Robber,  291 

Leicester  (honor  of),  knights  fees  in,  130 
Leicestershire,     see      "  Horninghold,"     "  Rothley," 

"  Stoney  Stanton  " 
Leming,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Marmion,  180 


INDEX. 


507 


Lenton    Church,    sculptured    crucifixion   at,     168, 

169 

Leo,  zodiacal  signs  of,  338,  343,  345,  348,  357 
Letters  in  Mr.  Almack's  collection,  243-244  ;  temp. 

Hen.  VIII.   326  ;    to  Mary   Queen  of  Scots, 

242-248  ;    monastic    regulations    about,    31  ; 

notes  on,  belonging  to  Sir  John  Lawson,  179- 

204 

Leyre,  knights  fee  in,  130 
"  Leyrwyte,"  definition  of,  127,  128 
Libra,  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  343,  344,  345,  349-350, 

358 

Library,  monastic,  in  thirteenth  century,  4,  6 
Lightning  represented  by  fylfot  ornamentation,  160 
Limpets,  remains  of,  at  Cassar's  Camp,  455,  456, 

457 
Lincoln   (Earl  of),  appointed  heir  to  Kichard  III. 

421 
Lincoln,  John  Longland,  Bishop  of,  Injunctions  of, 

49-64 

Lincoln,  St.  Maryle  Wigford,  tympanum  at,  175 
Lincoln  Cathedral,  architectural  history  of,  41-48  : 

grave  slab  of  Bishop  Remigius  at,  169  ;  sculp- 
tures on  front  of,  178 
Lincolnshire,  occupied  by  Danes,  175,  see 
Colters  worth 
Haltham  super  Bain 
Keelby 

South  Ferriby 
Winteringham 

Linet,  surname  of  tenant  at  Somcrdeby,  111 
Lingard,  inaccuracy  of  dates  in  his  history.  266  ;  his 

account  of  battle  of  Hexham,  293-294 
Lion,    saered    to    Sol,  340  ;  an    Egyptian  zodiacal 

sign,  342  ;  see  "  Leo  " 
Lion,  sculptured  on  tympana,  167  ;  at  Stow  Longa, 

171 
Little  Comberton  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at, 

166 

Little  Langford  Church,  tympanum  at,  176 
Little  Paxton  Church,  tympanum  at,  166,  167,  176 
Lloyd  (Charles),  a  witness  to  Penn's  Charter,  86 
Lomb,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99,  100,  11," 
Londesborough  Church,  tympanum  at,  166,  175 

3 


London,  Bath  Street,  Strand,  residence  of  Christian 

II.    of    Denmark  at,  321,  322  ;  hospitals  in, 

temp.  Eliz.  231-2  ;  mansion  of  Herber  in,  417  ; 

merchants'   payments    to,    temp.    Hen.    VIII. 

309-10 ;    pageant   on    London    Bridge,   temp. 

Hen.    VIII.    315  ;    rent   of   house   in  Tower 

Street,    temp.    Hen.    VIII.   311-312;  visit  of 

Emperor  Charles  to,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  315  ; 

of  Queen  Margaret  of  Scotland  (1516),  304-5  ; 

see  "  St.  Paul's  " 
Long-bow,  use  of,  in    England,   temp.    Eliz.   210- 

212 
Longland  (John),  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  Injunctions  of, 

to  certain  monasteries  in  his  district,  49-6-1 
Longspy  (Robert),  181 
Lord  of  Misrule,  injunction  against  admittance  into 

nunnery,  56 

Louis  IX.,  coins  of,  copied  by  Edward  III.  141 
Lower   House    not    separated    from    Upper  House, 

73-75 

Lumley  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Lunar  years,  use  of,  467  ;  zodiacal  signs,  340 
Lunkhofen  (Switzerland),  grave-mounds  of,  131-136 
Lute-bearer,  an  Egyptian  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Luttrell  (Geoffrey),  94 
Lytilgray  (John),  vicar  of  Catterik,  186 


M. 

Macon,  surname  of  tenant  in  Warnetheby,  1 15 

MACRAY  (REV.  WILLIAM  DUNN,  F.S.A.).  The 
"  Remonstrance  "  of  Anne  of  Cloves,  communi- 
cated by,  249-264 

Magneby  (Thomas  de),  181 

Maine,  popular  assembly  in,  78 

Maitland,  Isabel,  letters  of,  243 

Maitland,  Secretary,  bond  of,  242-24.S 

Malinesbury  Abbey  Church,  sculptured  crucifixion 
at,  168 

Malta,  knights  of,  temp.  Eliz.  228 

"  Man  in  the  moon,"  340 

Manfield,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Mnnnion,  180 

Manor  of  Brough,  documents  relating  to,  179-204 

x2 


508 


INDEX. 


Manor  and  soke  of  Rothley,  Leicestershire,  custti- 
mary  of,  89-130 

Manorial  terms,  vocabulary  of,  126-129 

Manuscripts,  of  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  (Bodleian), 
481-482  ;  astronomico-astrological,  337-360  ; 
of  custumary,  thirteenth  century,  89  ;  docu- 
ments belonging  to  Sir  John  Lawson,  179-204; 
in  Dulwich  College  on  hail  shot,  212;  letters 
in  Mr.  Almack's  collection,  243-244  ;  naval 
tracts  in  British  Museum,  209-210  ;  of  Re- 
monstrance of  Anne  of  Cleves,  263  ;  of  ritual 
ordinance  of  Neophytus,  1-36 

Marc,  mentioned  in  custumary  of  Rothley  manor, 
91 

Marc  (Philip),  grant  of  lands  in  Rothley  manor  to,  94 

Mardefeld  (North),  lands  held  in,  112 

Mardefeld  (South),  lands  held  in,  109-110 

Margaret  of  Anjou,  campaign  projects  of,  267-294  ; 
story  of,  and  the  Robber,  286-292 

Margaret  (Queen  of  James  IV.  of  Scotland),  300- 
305,  311 

Margaret,  daughter  of  G.  Duke  of  Clarence,  423- 
427 

Margate,  garrison  recommended  for,  temp.  Eliz. 
222 

Market  (weekly),  grant  of,  to  Rothley  manor,  95 

Marmion  family,  deeds  relating  to,  180-184  ;  arms 
of,  184-185 

Marmyon  (Philip),  owner  of  Bremeridge,  146 

MARTIN  (CHARLES  TRICE,  F.S.A.),  Sir  John 
Daunce's  accounts  of  money  received  from  the 
Treasurer  of  the  King's  Chamber,  temp.  Henry 
VIII.  295-336 

Mary  I.  (Queen),  diamond  armorial  signet  of,  403 

Mary  II.  (Queen),  signet  rings  of,  406 

Mary  of  Modena  (Queen  of  James  II.),  diamond 
signet  of.  404 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  letter  to,  242-248  ;  signets 
of,  394-5,  398,  399 

Mary  ^the  Virgin),  figure  of  in  Henry  VIl.th's 
Chapel  at  Westminster,  372 

Maryland,  popular  Assembly  in  (1684),  78 

Masquerade  at  Greenwich,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  315 

Massachusetts,  popular  Assembly  in,  78 


Mattersey  (Notts),  figure  of  All  Hallows,  bequeathed 

at,  484 

Measurements  of  land  in  Rothley  soke,  98 
Medicinal  recommendations,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  32(! 
Menton,  lands  held  in,  120-121 
Melworby,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Marmion,  180 
Mermaid,  sculptured  on  tympanum  at  Stow  Longa, 

171 
Messuages,  division   of  land  in  Rotliley  manor,  91, 

98 

Metal  working,  art  of,  in  bronze  age,  478 
Metz,  residence  of  Rich,  de  la  Pole  at,  temp.  Hen. 

VIII.  306 
Mexico,  fret  or  key  ornamentation  in,  157-160 

MlCKLETHWAITE  (JoHN  THOMAS,    F.S.A.),   Notes  Oil 

the  imagery  of  Henry  VIl.th's  Chapel  at  West- 
minster, 361,  380;  on  an  unexplained  figure  in 
Henry  VIl.th's  Chapel,  Westminster  Abbey, 
483-485 

Middleham,  the  lordship  of,  19(!  ;  figures  of  saints 
proposed  for  the  college  at,  379  ;  grant  of,  to 
Richard  D.  of  Gloucester,  417 

MIDDLE-TON  (JOHN  HENRY,  M.A.  F.S.A.),  on  a 
wall  .paintings  discovered  at  Westminster  Abbey 
in  1882,  471-472,  489-90 

Miklowe  (John),  treasurer  of  the  King's  chamber, 
Hen.  VIII.  327 

Milan,  defeat  of  French  at  (1521),  237 

Military  defences  of  England,  temp.  Eliz.  209-241 

MILMAN  (HENRY  SALUSBURY,  Dir.S.A.),  Remarks 
on  the  first  charter  by  Penn  to  Pennsylvania, 
86-88  ;  Remarks  on  letter  to  Mary  Queen  of 
Scots,  and  a  bond  of  Secretary  Maitland,  242- 
248 

"  Minn,''  an  Irish  word  for  diadem,  479 

Minstrels  (King's),  payment  to,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 
313 

Mintlyn  Church,  tympanum  at,  165 

"  Mirror  of  Naples,"  diamond  so  called,  300 

Misericorde,  institution  of,  51 

"  Mismirhing,"  definition  of,  127,  129 

Misrule,  see  "  Lord  of  " 

Missenden  (Sir  William  de),  founder  of  Abbey  (1 1 33), 
50 


INDEX. 


509 


Missenden  Abbey,  Bucks,  50-51,  60-64 
Mithra,  354 

Mithraeum  (the)  of  Spoleto,  204-208 
Mitliras,  worship  of,  204-208 
Mohammedan  year,  467 
Monasteries,  printing  in,  253 

Monastic  life,  thirteenth  century,  5-6,   13-36  ;  six- 
teenth century,  49-64 
Money  bills  in  Bermuda',  80 
Monmouthshire,  see  "  Portskewit  " 
Monstrelet's  chronicles,  on  battle  of  Hexham,  288, 

289,  290 

Montacute  estates,  temp.  Edward  IV.  410,  411 
Montagu,  arms  of,  193 

Montagu  (John,   Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  267,  268, 
272,  274,  277,  278,  280,  28(3  ;   signature  of, 
as  Earl  of  Northumberland,  193,  267,  2G8 
Months,  names  of,  in  Akkadian,  346-347 
Montgomery  (John),  "  Thinges  Nedefull   for   this 

present  state"  (1562),  209-241 
Moon,  representative  bust  of,  in  Mitliraic  cave,  207  ; 

representation  of,  in  zodiacal  cult,  35 C 
More  (N.),  a  witness  to  Penn's  charter,  86 
Morlaix,  capture  of,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  316-317 
Morpeth,  Dacre  Castle  at,   festivities  at  Christmas 

(1515),  304 

Morton  (Dr.),  Lancastrian  leader,  272 
Mosse  (Agnes),  grant  to,  58 
Moustachios,  wearing  of,   in  Anglo-Norman  times, 

446 

Mule,  Arab  zodiacal  sign  of,  343 
Mnnccaux  (Alan  de),  founder  of  Nun  Cottam  nun- 
nery, temp.  Hen.  I.  50 
Munscen,    clench-bolts    discovered    in    tumulus   at, 

437 

Mural  paintings  at  St.  Alban's  Cathedral,  169  ;  at 
Durham  Cathedral,  169  ;    Patcham,    169  ;   at 
Westmeston  Church,  169 
"  Murdro,"  definition  of,  128 
Musket  [mosquet],  use  of,  temp.  Eliz.  211 
Mussel,  remains  of,  at  Caesar's  Camp,  455 
My  lor  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at,  166 
"  Mynchin,"  a  lay  sister,  54 
Myrion,  surname  of  tenant  at  Balbgrave,  107,  108 


Myths  often  linger  in  heraldry,  357 
Myword,  surname  of  tenant  at  Barnsby,  106 

N. 

Nails,  iron,  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  438,  439,  441 
Names,  Breton,  in  Bnrgh  manor  charters,  180 
Names  of  manorial  tenants,  90,  99 
Navy,  maintenance  of,  temp.  Eliz.  209 
Neck-rings,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135 
Neophytus,    Archbishop    of    Cyprus,   biographical 

account  of,   2-13  ;  ritual  ordinance  of,    1-36 ; 

MS.  account  of  Cyprus  by,  37 
Neville  estates,  temp.  Edward  IV.  410,  416,  417 
New  England,  colonization  of,  66 
New  Hampshire,  popular  assembly  in  (1684),  78 
New  Jersey,  popular  assembly  in,  78 
NICHOLS  (JRoisERT  CRADOCK,  F.S.A.),  On  a  Latin 

note  to  the  Bodleian  MS.  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 

Chronicle  concerning    the   origin  of  the    ^Era 

Dionysiana,  481-482 

Noble,  money  term,  still  used  at  Warminster,  140 
Nobles  (gold),  hoard  of,  found  in  Wilts,  137-156 
origin  of  the  coinage,  142,  143-145 


Norfolk,  see 

Haddiscoe 
Mintlyn 
Tottenhill 
Norham  Castle,   siege  of,  by  Lancastrians  (1463), 

274,  277,  278 

Norman  architecture,  161-178  ;  font  or  basin  found 
at   Csesar's   Camp,  444,  450,  457,  462,  464 
names  of  manorial  tenants,  91  ;    pottery,  438  ; 
sculpture,  172 

origin  of  Cassar's  Camp,  Folkestone,  452-3 

Normandy,  clench-bolts  found  in  Le  Catillon  camp, 

437 

Normanton  Church,  tympanum  at,  168 
North  Newbald  Church,  figured  doorway,  164 
Northamptonshire,  see 
Barnack 
Castor 
Stowe 
Northumberland  (John  Dudley,  Duke  of),  320 


510 


INDEX. 


Northumberland  (John  Neville,  Earl  of),  signature 

of,  193 
Northumberland,  Lancastrian  possessions  in,  189 

_____  see  Alnwick 

Northumbrian  castles  during  Wars  of  Roses,  267 
Nottinghamshire,  see 

Carlton  in  Lindrick 

Lenton 

Mattersey 

Teversal 

Numismatics,  see  ''  Nobles  '' 
Nun   Cottam  monastery    in   Keelby,    Lincolnshire, 

50,  55-60 

Nunnery  (Benedictine)  in  Beckley,  Oxfordshire,  50  : 
of  Elstow,  near  Bedford,  49-50 


0. 

Oaths  of  office  in  the  Bermudas,  72 
Ogle  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Olympic  festivals  determined  by  lunar  year,  407 
Open-field  cultivation  in  Rothley  manor,  91 -'.12 
Orger,  surname  of  tenant  at  Men  ton,  120 
Orion  (the  hero),  myth  of,  352 
Ornamentation,  in  Cyprus  MS,  3  :    fret  or  key  in 
Mexico    and    Peru,    157-100  ;     Celtic    design. 
473,  478,  479 

Oseber,  surname  of  tenant  at  Balbgrave,  107 
Osgathorp,  knights  fee  in,  130 
Osmund,  surname  of  tenant  at  Mardefeld,  ]  12 
Otewell  (John),  last  Abbot  of  Missenden  Abbey,  50 
Ounby  (Dame  Margaret),  chantry  of,  59 
"  Outfangthef,"  definition  of,  128,  129 
Ox,  bones  of,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136 
Ox,  a  Japanese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Oxford,  castle  of,  horseshoe  discovered  at,  451 
Oxfordshire,  see 

Beckley 

Handborough 

Salford 

South  Leigh 

Swynnerton 

Tetsworth 


Oyster  shell  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  455,  456,457, 

458,  459,  460 
Ozingell  (Kent),  clench-bolt  found  at,  436 


P. 

Pacific  Islands,  key  pattern  of  ornamentation  in,  159 
Padlock  (iron)  found   at  Caesar's  Camp,  445,  458, 

462 

Page,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99 
Pageant  on  London  Bridge,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  315 
Painting   enjoined    as   a   monastic   duty,  sixteenth 

century,  01 

Paintings  (mural)  at  Barfreston  Church,  164-5 
Durham  Cathedral,  169 
Patcham  Church,  164,  169 
St.  Alban's  Cathedral,  169 
Westmeston  Church,  169 
Westminster  Abbey,  471-472,  489-490 
Palm  Sunday,  white  palm  leaf  used  on.  476 
Pamphlet,  political  (1562),  209-241 
Papal  arms,  197 

Paris,  MSS.  of  Neophytus  in  national  library  of,  2 
Paris  (Nicolas),  a  printer  at  Troyes,  252 
Parker  (H.  It.),  descent  of  manor  of  Rothley  to,  89 
PARKER  (JOHN  HENRY,  F.S.A.),  On  the  architec- 
tural history  of  St.  Hugh's  Choir  in  Lincoln 
Cathedral,  41-48 
Parliament,  meetings  of,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  276,  278, 

281 

Parliamentary  assembly  of  the  Bermudas,  70-72 
Parwich  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 

169  ;  sculpture  at,  172 
Pastoral  staff'  (early),  sculpture  of,  168 
Patcham  Church,  twelfth   century  mural    painting 

discovered  at,  164,  169 
Patent  Rolls,  extracts  from,  as  to  currency  of  nobles 

in  Flanders,  155 
Paul's  Cross,  excavations  for  foundations  of,   382, 

383-385 

Payn,  surname  of  tenant  at  Barnsby,  105,  100 
PEACOCK  (EDWARD,  F.S.A.),  Injunctions  of  John 
Longland,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  to  certain  monas- 
teries in  his  diocese,  49-64 


INDEX. 


611 


Peacocks  (two),  Arab  zodiacal  sign  of,  343 

Pedigree  of  Burgh  family,  179-204 ;  of  Houses  of 
York  and  Lancaster,  428 

Pembroke  (Earl  of),  Lancastrian  leader,  269,  272, 
281 

Pen  Selwood  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei 
at,  170,  171 

Pendants,  bronze,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136 

Pendulum,  invention  of  the,  467 

Penn  (W.),  The  first  charter  of,  to  Pennsylvania, 
83-88 

Pennsylvania,  the  first  charter  of  Penn  to,  83-88 

PENROSE  (FRANCIS  CRANMER,  F.R.I.B.A.),  On  the 
recent  discoveries  of  portions  of  Old  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral,  381-392 

Penny  of  K.  Stephen  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  457, 
464 

Pepper  (pound  of),  tenant's  rent  in  Menton,  95 

Pepysian  Collection  at  Cambridge,  engraving  of 
Paul's  Cross  at,  383 

PERCEVAL  (CHARLES  SPENCER,  Treasurer  S.A.) 
Notes  on  a  selection  of  ancient  charters,  let- 
ters, and  other  documents  from  the  muniment 
room  of  Sir  John  Lawson,  of  B  rough  Hall, 
near  Catterick  in  Rifhmondshirc,  Baronet,  179- 
204  ;  On  certain  inaccuracies  in  the  ordinary 
accounts  of  the  early  years  of  (he  reign  of 
King  Edward  IV.  265-294 

Percy  (Sir  Ralph),  Lancastrian  leader,  209,  272, 
274,281,282,286 

Pernnell,  surname  of  tenant  at  Balbgrave,  107 

Perranzabuloe  Church,  sculptured  font  at,  169 

Persia,  zodiacal  signs  of,  344-345 

Peru,  fret  or  key  ornamentation  in,  157-100 

Peteling,  knights  fee  in,  130 

Peterborough  Cathedral,  remains  of  old  roof  at,  41  ; 
representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at,  170 

Petrie  collection,  Royal  Irish  Academy,  Dublin,  two 
bronze  objects  in,  473-480 

Philadelphia,  council  and  assembly  held  by  Penn  at, 
87 

Philip  the  Bold,  D.  of  Burgundy,  gold  nobles  of, 
found  at  Westbury,  139,  143,  153 

Philip  II.  diamond  armorial  signet  of,  403 


Philosophers,  images  of,  in  Henry  VIl.th's  Chapel  at 

Westminster,  367,  368,  376 
Picton  (Sir  William),  marriage  of,  199 
Pictures  (sacred),  monastic  regulations  as  to  loan 

of,  16 
Pig,  bones  of,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136  ; 

remains  of,  discovered  at  Cassar's  Camp,  456  ; 

sculptured  at  Hognaston  Church,  171 
Pigeon,  remains  of,   discovered  at  Caesar's  Camp, 

456 

Pike,  use  of,  temp.  Eliz.  235 
Pin,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136 
Pirford  Church,  dedication  cross  at,  165 
Pisces,  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  339,   343,  345,  348, 

358 
Pitie,  Our  Lady  of,  destruction  of  images  to,  temp. 

Hen.  VIII.  308 

Pits  in  Caesar's  Camp,  Folkestone,  433 
Pitt  (  ),  governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 

PITT-RIVERS  (MAJOR-GENERAL  AUGUSTUS  H.  L.  F, 

F.R.S.,  F.S.A.).  Excavations  at  Cesar's  Camp, 

near  Folkestone,  conducted   in   June  and  July 

1878,  429-465 

Place  names,  308  ;  terminating  in  "  by,"  161,  175 
"  Places,"  division  of  land  in  Rothley  manor,  91,  98 
Places,  surnames  derived  from,  90 
Plate,  monastic,  forbidden  to  be  sold,  58-59 
"  Plightwyte."  definition  of,  126,  128 
Ploughshare,  held  by  tenant  in  Bnrnesby,  95 
Pluuisted  (Frans.),  a  witness  to  Penn's  charter.  86 
Plymouth,  garrison  recommended  for,    temp.   Eliz. 

222 

Poddington  Church,  cross  over  main  entrance,  167 
Pole  (Reginald),  attainder  of,  425-427;  autograph 

of,  200 

Political  pamphlet,  1562,  209-241 
Political  use  of  Paul's  Cross,  386 
Pont  a  Mousson,  sculpture  on  font  at,  164 
Popple  (A.),  governor  of  the  Bermudas,  79,  81 
Popple  (  W.),  governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Porchester  Castle,  storehouse  built  at,  temp.   Hen. 

VIII.  335 

Portrait  of  Don  Carlos  cut  on  diamond,  404 
Portskewit  Church,  cross  (early)  on  doorway,  166 


512 


INDEX. 


Portsmouth,  garrison  recommended  for,  temp.  Eliz. 

222  ;    payment  of  King's  workmen  at,  temp. 

Hen.  VIII.  334 
Potter)-,  discovered   at   Cajsar's   Camp,    438,  441, 

442,    446,    447,    448,    449,    456-460,    462, 

4C4-5  ;    ornamentation     on    Mexican,     159  ; 

works  near  St.  Paul's,  London,  384 
Potsherds,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135 
Pounde  (John),  Somerset  Herald  (1516),  306 
Powder  Commutation  Fund  (Bermuda),  76-77 
Powys  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 
Pre-emption,  alienation  custom,  97 
Premonstratensian   Canons,   House  of,  at   Easeby, 

198 

Prepositus,  office  of,  97,  122 
Prerogative  of  the  Crown,  abuse  of,  7C 
Preston   Church,    near    Ledbury,  representation  of 

Agnus  Dei  at,  170 

Prevost  (Abbe1),  life  of  Queen  Margaret,  290 
Price  (Hilton),  assistance  in  excavations  at  Csesar's 

Camp,  Folkestone,  435 
Priest,    unknown    figure   of,    in    Henry    VIl.th's 

Chapel,  Westminster  Abbey,  363 
Printing  in  monasteries,  253 
Pritchard   (Edward),  a  witness   to   Penn's  charter, 

86 

Proverb,  French,  against  the  English,  241 
Prudhoe  Castle,  grant  of    constableship   of  (1463). 

188 
['rynn  (John),  sub-dean   and   treasurer  of   Lincoln, 


Ptolemy,  astronomical  observations  of,  467 
Pulleine  (H.),  governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Pun,  occurrence  of,  in  Cyprus  MS.  4 
Purgatory,  representations  of,  in  England,  172 
Puritans,    destruction    by,    at  Westminster   Abbey. 

377 
Puteus,  name  for  zodiacal  sign  of  Ara,  339 


Q. 

Quenington  Church,  sculpture  at,  172 
Quenyngburgh,  knights  fee  in,  130 


Quern,  found  at  Csesar's  Camp,  444,  457,  462 
Quit-rent  Fund  (Bermuda),  76-77 


R. 

Radclive  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 

170 

Radiated  crown,  see  "  Crown  " 
Rain,  represented  by  key  pattern,   158 ;   by   fylfot 

pattern,  160 
Raleigh  (Sir  Walter),  discoveries  of,  in   America, 

65-66 

Ram,  a  Chinese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Rapin's  account  of  battle  of  Hexham,  292 
Rastell's  Chronicle  on  battle  of  Hexham,  285 
Rat,  a  Japanese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Reformation,  Paul's  Cross  used  at,  386 
Relic  Table,  Caesar's  Camp,  Folkestone,  456-460 
Remonstrance  of  Anne  of  Cleves,  249-264 
Renaissance  work  at  Westminster  Abbey,  377 
Rent  of  place  in  Tower  Street,  temp.   Hen.   VIII. 
311-312  ;    of    land,    in    Rothley    manor,    91, 
96-97 

Remigius  (Bishop),  grave-slab  of,  at   Lincoln  Ca- 
thedral, 169 

Representative  institutions  in  Bermuda,  69-82 
Rha^tia,  no  grave-mounds  found  in,  135 
Rhiwallon,  name  of,  180 

Rhode  Island,  popular  Assembly  in  (1684),  78 
Riccall  Church,  medallion  at,  172 
Richard,  Earl  of  Gloucester,  marriage  of,  415 
Richard    Cceur  de  Lion,  capture  of  Cyprus  by,  7, 

38-40 
Richard  II.  gold  nobles  of,  discovered  at  Westbury, 

139,  146,  152-153 

Richard  III.  [Duke  of  Gloucester],  deed  for  cove- 
nant to  serve,  195 
Richard  III.  seal  of,  201  ;  heirs  to  the  Crown  after, 

421 

Richier  (Isaac),  governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Richmond  (Earl  of),  lands  held  by,  temp.  John,  180 
Richmond  (Richard  de),  possession  of  Burgh  manor, 
184 


INDEX. 


513 


Uichmoiul  and  Somerset  (Henry  Fitzroy,  Duke  of). 

332 
Richmond  (Yorks.),  tower  of  Grey   Friars  Church 

there,  198 

Ridlington  Church,  sculpture  at,  174 
Ring  found    in   Swiss   grave-mound,    agate,    136  ; 

amber,  135-136  ;  bronze,  130 
Kings,  diamond  signet,  393-408 
Ritual  Ordinance  of  Neophytus,  1  -36 
Rivou  (La),  monastery,  printing  in,  253 
Roald,  name  of,  180 

Roaldus,  Constable  of  Richmond  Castle,  181 
Roanoke  Island,  colonization  of  (1584-1586),  65-6(! 
Rods,  measures  of  land  in  Rothley  manor,  91,  98 
Rokeby  (Sir  Thomas  de),  183 
Roman  Catliolic  religion,  precluded  by  colonists,  6!' 
Roman   remains  discovered  at   Castle  Hill,  Folke- 
stone, 434  ;  at  Le  Cutillon  Camp,  Normandy, 

437  ;  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135 
Roman  road  from  York,  182  ;  padlock,  445 
Romanesque  doorhead  at  South  Ferriby  Church,  161 
Romsey  Abbey  Church,   sculptured   crucifixion  at, 

168 
Roof,  remains  of  old,  at  Peterborough  and  Lincoln, 

41 

Roos  (Lord),  Lancastrian  leader,  272 
Roscrea,  St.  Cronan's  Church  at,  173 
Roses,  Wars  of,  incidents  in,  265-294 
Rothley,  Leicestershire,  custumary  of  the  manor  and 

soke  of,  89-130 

Rouen,  loss  of,  allusions  to,  temp.  Eliz.  241 
Ruallus,  name  of,  180 

Rudyard  (Tho.),  a  witness  to  Penn's  charter,  86 
Runic  crosses  in  Lincolnshire  churches,  175 
Ruthal  (George),  tomb  of,  in  Westminster  Abbey, 

366 

Rutlandshire,  see 
Cottesmore 
Egleton 
Ridlington 

S. 

Sabyn  (William),  merchant  of  London,  temp.  Hen. 
VIII.  310,  312 

VOL.  XLVII.  3 


Sagittarius    [Arcitenens],    zodiacal    sign    of,    338. 

343,  345,  348,  353,  358 

Saints  (patron),  figure  of,  to  be  placed  in  chancel, 
484  ;  popular  in  England  during  Middle  Ages, 
376,  379-380 

Saints,  figures  of,  in  Henry  Vll.th's  Chapel  at 
Westminster, 

Agatha,  370 

Ambrose,  374,  378 

Andrew,  371 

Anne,  371 

Anthony,  36'.) 

Apollonia,  366 

Augustine,  370.  378 

Barbara,  373 

Bartholomew,  372 

Christopher,  365,  366 

Cuthbert,  374 

Denis,  366 

Dorothy,  365,  373 

Dunstan,  369 

Elizabeth,  373 

Eloy,  374 

Erasmus,  366,  369 

George,  375,  377 

Germain,  369 

Giles,  369 

Helen,  374,  378 

Hugh  of  Lincoln,  369 

James  the  Great,  371 

James  the  Less,  371 

Jerome,  364,  373 

John  the  Baptist,  370 

John  the  Evangelist.  370,  371 

Jude,  372 

Katherine,  366,  371,  378 

Lawrence,  363,  370 

Luke,  370 

Margaret,  366,  371 

Mark,  374 

Martin,  368 

Mary  Magdalene,  365,  373 

Matthew,  371,  374 

Matthias,  372 


514 


INDEX. 


faints,  figures  of,  in  Henry  VIl.tli's  Chapel  at  West- 
minster— continued 

Nicholas,  304,  374 

Oswald,  374 

Paul,  3GG,  372 

Peter,  365,  371 

Philip,  372 

Richard  of  Chichester,  375 

Rocli,  365,  368 

Sebastian,  364,  374 

Simon,  372 

Stephen,  363,  370 

Sythc,  374 

Thomas,  371 

Thomas,  of  Canterbury,  365,  375 

Uncumber,  373,  378-9 

Vincent,  364,  369 

Wilgeforte,  373 

Winifred,  371 

St.  Alban's  Abbey,  jirinting  in,  253 
St.  Alban's  Cathedral,  mural  painting  of  crucifixion 

nt,  Hi!) 

St.  Cronan,  effigy  of,  173 
St..  Cross,  vaulting  at,  47 
St.  Faith's  Church  ( London),  390 
St.  Francis,  seal,  representation  of,  198 
St.  George  and  Dragon,  sculpture  of,  177 
St.  Giles,  seal  representation  of,  185 
St.   Hugh's   Choir  in    Lincoln   Cathedral,  architec- 
tural history  of,  41-48 

St.  John  of  Jerusalem  (order  of),  grant  of  manor 
of  Rothley  to,  89  ;  knights  fees  held  of  the 
prior  of,  130 

St.  Margaret,  sculptured  representation  of  legend,  172 
St.  Michael,  representations  of,  172 
St.  Nicholas,  dedications  to,  161-164,  170,  176 
St.  Paul's  Cathedral  (old),  On  the  recent  discoveries 

of  portions,  381-392 

St.  Petersburg,  diamond  engraved  signets  at,  404 
St.  Thomas's  Hospital,  London,  temp.  Eliz.  231-232 
St.  Walery   (Bernard  do),  founder  of  Benedictine 

nunnery,  temp.  Hen.  II.  50 
Salford  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at,  166 
Salisbury  estates,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  411,  416,  418 


Saltemarsh,  arms  of,  ]  99 

"  Sake"  [sac],  definition  of,  126,  128 

Sanction  Anglorum  Concilia  exhibita,  1707,  note  on, 
308 

Sanney,  surname  of  tenant  at  Gadesby,  102 

Saturn,  zodiacal  sign  of,  339-340 

Saxilby,  lands  held  in,  114 

Saxon  church  at  Bradford-on-Avon,  168-169 

Say  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 

Scales  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 

Scalford,  knights  fee  in,  130 

Scandinavia,  use  of  the  padlock  in,  445  ;  origin  of 
discovered  clench-bolts  in,  437 

Sclewill,  surname  of  tenant  at  Menton,  120 

"  Scot,"  definition  of,  127,  128 

Scotland,  seizure  of  Mary,  Queen  of,  242-248 

Scotland,  French  influence  in,  temp.  Eliz.  238  ;  gold 
nobles  introduced  into,  145  ;  dialect  of,  docu- 
ment written  in,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  191 

Scorpio,  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  343,  345,  347,  351- 
352,  358,  300 

Scrope  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 

Scrope  (Richard  le),  seal  of,  187 

Scut,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 

Seaford  Church,  sculptured  crucifixion  at,  168 

Seals  to  charters.  181,  183,  184,  185,  186,  187, 
191,  193,  194,  197,  198,  200,  201,  202,  203  ; 
of  Bishop  Flambard,  177  ;  of  Queen  Henrietta 
Maria,  402,  403  ;  on  treaty  with  Denmark, 
temp.  Hen.  VIII.  322 

Sculpture  of  crucifixion,  168-169  ;  stones  in  Ire- 
land, 478  ;  see  "  Saints,"  "  Tympana  " 

Sedumensis  (Cardinal  of),  see  "  Sion'' 

Sele  (Sir  William \  alluded  to,  57 

Scms,  surname  of  tenant  at  Somerdeby,  111 

Seneschall  of  England,  office  of,  temp.  Edward  IV. 
419 

Sepulchral  memorials,  see  "  Grave-mounds  " 

Sermons,  MS.  volume  of,  by  Neophytus,  2  ;  at 
Paul's  Cross,  386 

Serpent,  a  Chinese  zodiacal  sign,  342 

Servants  in  nunneries,  great  excess  of,  55,  57 

Seton  (Marie),  letter  of,  243 

Shackwell,  knights  fee  in,  130 


INDEX. 


515 


Sheep  bones  found  at  Cajsar's  Camp,  454,  456,  4CO  ; 

in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136 
Sheriff  Hntton,  grant  of,  temp.  Henry  VIII.  415  ; 

to  Richard,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  417 
Sheriff  Button  Church,  monument  to  son  of  Richard 

III.  196 
Ship  fittings,  payments  for,  temp.  Henry  VI 1 I.  309- 

310,  313 
Ship-keepers  in  the  Thames,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  310, 

311 
Ships,   description    of,  used   by   Richard    I.    on   his 

journey  to   Holy  Land,  40;   temp.  Hen.  VIII. 

301,  311,  312,  314,  316 
Sholxlon  Park,    Herefordshire,    Norman   sculptured 

arch  at,  172 

Short  English  Chronicle,  on  battle  of  Hexhnm,  285 
Shropshire,  see 

Stanton  Lacy 
Stottesden 

Sickle  of  the  Greek  Kronos,  340 
Signature,  facsimile,  of  Maitland  (Secretary),  247 
Northumberland  (John,  Earl  of),  193 
Penn,  William,  85 
Pole,  Cardinal,  200 

Signet  (diamond)  of  Queen  Henrietta  Maria,  393-408 
Silver  bracelets  and  brooches  found  in  Swiss  grave- 
mound,  136 

plate  at  Dacre  Castle  at  Morpeth  (1515),  304 

Singing  hymns  in  public  for  money,  temp.  Henry  VIII. 

306 

Sion,  Cardinal,  temp.  Henry  VIII.  306-308,  311 
Siren,  sculptured,  on  tympanum  at  Stow  Longa,  171 
Sirich  (Syrich),  surname  of  tenant  at  Croxton,  108 
Sirius,  see  "  Dog  star  " 

Skeletons   discovered   at  Le   Catillon    Camp,  Nor- 
mandy, 437  ;  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135,  136 
Skevyngton  (Sir  William),  master  of  ordinance,  temp. 

Henry  VIII.  310,  318 
Skipton  Castle,  capture  of,  by  Lancastrians  (1464), 

278 

Skipworth,  Lincolnshire  family  of,  50 
Slieve  na  Calliaghe ,  Ireland,  carved  bones  found  at ,  478 
Sligo,  Clover  Hill,  carved  stone  cist  found  at,  478 
Slithurse  (John),  64 

3  Y 


Sluys,  naval  victory   off,  1340,   commemorated  on 

coins,  140,  142,  144 
Smacks  used  by  Richard  I.  in  his  journey  to  Holy 

Land,  40 
Smythe  (Sir  John),  pamphlet  on  use  of  weapons  by, 

211 

Socage  tenure,  92 

Socrates,  head  of,  incised  on  gem  stone,  404 
"  Soke,"  definition  of,  92,  126 
Soke  (manor  and)  of  Rothley,  Leicestershire,  eustum- 

ary  of,  89-130 
Sol,  zodiacal  sign  of,  340 

Soldiers,  treatment  of,  temp.  Eliz.  21 3,  220-221 
Somer  Islands,  company  for  the  plantation  of,  68 
Somerdeby,  lands  held  in,  111 
Somers  (Sir  George),  colonization   of  New  England 

by,  66 

Somerset  (Edmund,  Duke  of),  Lancastrian  leader,  275 
Somerset  (Edward,  Duke  of),  319 
Somerset   (Henry,    Duke  of),    Lancastrian    leader, 

269,  272,  278,  281,  282-284 
Somerset  Herald,  payments  to  (1516),  306,  310 
Somersetshire,  see 
Langport 
Pen  S  el  wood 
Stoke-sub-Hamdon 
Uphill 

Sothis,  feast  of,  date  of,  466,  468 
South  Cave,  Yorkshire,  figure  of  All  Hallows  at,  4>C 
South  Ferriby,  sculptured  tympanum   at  church  of, 

161-178 

South  Leigh  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at,  166 
Southwark,  hire  of  house  in,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  33," 
Sowle  (Andrew),  a  witness  to  Penn's  charter,  86 
Spain,  use  of  firearms  in,  temp.  Eliz.  218 
Sparewe,  surname  of  tenant  at  Balbgrave,  108 
Spartans,  use  of  white  palm-leaf  by,  in  battle,  47(> 
Speaker  (or  secretary)  in  Bermuda  Assembly,  71 
Speaking,  rules  for,  in  Bermuda  Assembly,  71 
Spec,  surname  of  tenant  at  Grymmeston,  113 
Spellings,  curious,  sixteenth  century,  51-64  :  temp. 

Eliz.  215-241  ;   Scottish,  temp.  Mary,  244,  24C 
Spindle-whorl  found   at  Cresar's   Camp,  445,  457, 

464  :  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135 

2 


516 


INDEX. 


Spirals  (bronze),  found  in  Swiss  grave-mounds,  135 

Spoleto,  the  Mithraeum  of,  204-208 

Spottiswoode's  (Archbishop)  History  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland  (1G55),  245 

Springelt  (Harb.),  a  witness  to  Penn's  charter,  86 

Spurs,  battle  of,  incidents  at,  230-237 

'•  Stallage,"  definition  of,  128 

;<  Stalling,"  definition  of,  129 

Stamping  work  on  bronze  objects,  474,  478 

Stanton  Lacy  Church,  cross  (early)  over  doorway,  167 

Starkey  (Elizabeth),  abbess  of  Elstow  nunnery, 
(1529),  50 

';  Stenth  "  [stent],  meaning  of  word,  191 

"Stenyng,"  definition  of,  127 

Step-pattern  of  ornamentation  in  Mexico  and  Peru. 
158,  159 

Stephen  (King),  coin  of,  found  at  Cwsar's  Camp, 
43(;,  450,  457,  464 

Stodely,  Benedictine  nunnery  in  Beckley,  Oxford- 
shire, 50,  54-55 

Stodhaw  (Robert  de),  183 

Stoke-sub-Hamdon  Church,  representation  of  Agnus 
Dei  at,  170 

STOKES  (Miss  MARGARET),  On  two  bronze  frag- 
ments of  an  unknown  object,  portions  of  the 
I  Vine  Collection,  in  the  museum  of  the  Royal 
Irish  Academy,  Dublin,  473-480 

Stone  implements,  difference  between  old-  and  new- 
world  types,  J57  ;  circle  round  Swiss  grave- 
mounds,  136  :  sculptures  in  Ireland,  478  ;  see 
''  Arrow-heads  " 

Stonemason's  wages,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  312 

Stoney  Stanton  Church,  representation  of  Agnus 
Dei  at,  170  ;  tympanum  at,  176 

Stork's  flesh,  medicinal  remedy,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  326 

Stormesworth,  knights  fee  in,  130 

Stottesden  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 
170 

Stow  Longa  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei 
at,  170  ;  curious  sculpture  in,  171 

Stowe  of  the  Nine  Churches,  tympanum  at,  175 

Strange  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 

Strickland  (Miss),  Life  of  Queen  Margaret  of  Anjou, 
286-291 


Studley,  see  "  Stodely  " 
Sueyn,  surname  of  tenant  at  Gadesby,  102 
Suffolk  (Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of  ),  299,  300 
Suffolk  (Duke  of ),  commander  of   English   army, 

temp.  Hen.  VIII.  317 
Suffolk,  see  "  Wiston  " 

Sun,  representation  of,  in  zodiacal  cult,  356,  358, 
359-360  ;  representative  bust  of,  in  Mithraic 
cave,  207 

Surnames  not  in  general  use,  90-91 
Surrey  (Earl  of),  commander  of  English  army,  temp. 

Hen.  VIII.  316 
Surrey,  see 

Pirford 

Thames  Ditton 

Sussex  (Duke  of),  a  MS.  of,  210 
Sussex,  see 

Amberley 

Bishopstone 

C  limping 

Jevington 

Patch  am 

Seaford 

Westmeston 

•'  Suus,"  on  the  use  of  the  word,  208 
Swanscombe  Church,  padlock  found  in,  445 
Sweyn,  surname  of  juror  at  Gadesby,  102 
Swiss,  wars  of,  against  France,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  307 
Switzerland,  grave-mounds  in,  131-136 
Sword  (two-edged),  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  1 36 
Sword  of  Saturn,  340 

Swyncombe  Church,  dedication  cross  at,  165 
Swynford,  knights  fee  in,  130 
Symbolic  nature  of  key  or  fret  ornamentation,  159 
Symbolism  in  ecclesiastical  architecture,  162-163 
Synythwayt  (Joan  de),  183 


T. 

Tailor,  payments  to,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  311 
Tanfield,  East,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Marmion, 

180 
Tanfield,  West,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Marmion. 

180 


INDEX. 


517 


Tarascon,  bas-relief  at,  165 

Tarrant  Rushton  Church,  representation  of  Agnus 

Dei  at,  170 
Taurus,  the  zodiacal  sign  of,  343,  344,  347,  348, 

356-357 
Taveruier  (Jean  Baptiste),  diamond  merchant  ( 1 664), 

396-7 

Tavistock  monastery,  printing  in,  253 
Taxation    in    Bermuda,  76-77 ;    in    Cyprus,  under 

Latin  rule,  1 

Taylboys  (William),  a  Lancastrian  leader,  268 
TAYLOK      (AUCHER      CORNWALL),      communicates 

"  Thinges    Nedefull    for   this    Present    State," 

by  John  Mountgomery  (1562),  209-241 
Taylor  (Christopher),  a  witness   to  Penn's   charter, 

84,  86 

"  Team,"  definition  of,  128 
Temple  (Order  of  the),  grant  of  manor  of  Tlothley 

to,  89,  94  ;  abolition  of,  95 
Tenery,  surname  of  tenant  in  Warnetheby,  115 
Tenures  of  land,  see  "  Custumary  " 
Terra-cotta  statue  of  Mithras,  207 
"  Tethingpeny,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Tetsworth  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 

169,  171  ;  tympanum  at,  177 
Teversal   Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at, 

170 
Thames    Uitton    Church,    representation   of  Agnus 

Dei  at,  170 

"  Them"  [team],  definition  of,  J26,  128 
THOMPSON  (EDWARD  MAUNDE,  F.S.A.),  Preface  and 

Notes  to   "  Thinges  Nedefull  for  this   Present 

State,"  by  John  Mountgomery  (1562),  209-241 
Thomson  (George),  58 
Thorns,  crown  of,  476-477 
Tiger,  a  Chinese  zodiacal  sign,  342 
Time,  means  of  measuring,  467 
Tintagel  Church,  tympanum  at,  175 
Tobacco  (Bermuda),  69 
Todde  (Elizabeth),  grant  to,  58 
"  Tofts,"  division  of  land  in  Rothley  manor,  91,  98 
Toison  d'Or,  king-of-arms   to    Prince    of    Castile, 

reward  to  (1516),  306 
"  Tol,"  definition  of,  126,  128 


Toland  (John),  book  published  by  (1707),  308 
Tomb  of  Henry  VII.  at  Westminster,  377 
Tompson  (Johanna),  last  prioress  of  Nun   Cottam 

nunnery,  50 

Tonge  (Thomas),  York  Herald  (1517),  305,  310 
Tortoise,  symbol  of  domestic  chastity,  339 
Tottenhill  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at,  165 
Tournament  at  Greenwich,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  315 
Tournay,  rebellion  in  (1515),  308-9 
Tower  of  London,  wages  paid  for  repairs  at,  temp. 

Hen.  VIII.  312,  313 
Township,  court  baron  descended  from,  02 
Towton,  battle  of,  266 
Trade,  surnames  derived  from,  '.to 

monopolies  in  the  Bermudas.  69 

Tramontane,  a  zodiacal  name  for  Ursa  Minor,  337 
Transport  (Army),  payments   for,  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 

328,  331 

Travelling  allowances  to  king-at-anns  (1515),  299 
Treason  (High),  see  "  HiKh  " 
Treaties  with  England  and  Arragon  (1515),  305  ; 

Castile  (1516),  306;  Emperor  Charles  V.  316; 

with   Denmark,    temp.    Hen.    VIII.   322;  with 

Emperor  Maximilian  (151.6),  307 
Trimingham  (          ),   Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Trott  (La  Dame),    mentioned    in    French  romance, 

291 

Tucker  (          ),  Governor  of  the  Bermudas,  81 
Tunstall   (Sir   Richard),    Lancastrian    leader,    272. 

273 

Tumuli,  see  u  Grave-mounds  " 
Turks,  power  of,  temp.  Eliz.  213,  224,  225,  226 
Turner  (Robert  >S.),  MS.  volume  in  library  of,  263 
Turner  (Sharon),  account  of  battle  of  Hexham  by, 

294  ;  accuracy  of,  as  an  historian,  266 
Twins  (The),  zodiacal  sign  of,  see  ''  Gemini  " 
Tyle,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 
Tylton,  lands  held  in,  109 
Tympana  on  doors  of  churches — 
Aston,  170,  171 
Ault  Hucknall,  1(17 
Austerfield,  174 
Barnack,  175 
Beckford,  167,  172 


518 


INDEX. 


Tympana  on  doors  of  churches — continual. 

Bolsover,  168 

I3raithwell,  174 

JJundleigh,  170 

(,'arhayes  St.  Michael,  17*' 

Carlton  in  Lindrick,  1  66 

Castle  Morton,  170 

Castor,  173 

Croxdale,  168 

Danby  Wiske,  175 

Dtixford  St.  John's,  165 

Elkstone,  170 

Essendine,  173 

Pindon,  165 

Gloucester,  St.  Nicholas,  17" 

Haltham-super-Baiu,  1C5,  174 

Handborotigli,  166 

Hognaston,  169,  171 

Kirton  in  Lindsey,  175 

Langport,  170,  171 

Leckhampstead,  17<s 

Lincoln,  St.  Mary  le  Wigl'ord,  175 

Little  Comberton,  166 

Little  Langford,  176 

Little  I'axton,  106,  167,  173,  17">,  176 

Londesborough,  166,  175 

Miutlyn,  105 

Mylor,  166 

Normanton,  16»s 

Panvieh,  1611,  172 

Preston,  170 

Quenington,  172 

llidlington,  174 

Salford,  166 

Shobdon  Park,  172 

South  Ferriby,  161-178 

South  Leigh,  166 

Stoke-sub-Hamdon,  17  o 

Stoney  Stanton,  170,  170 

Stow  Longa,  170,  171 

Stow  of  the  Nine  Churches,  175 

Tarrant  Huston,  170 

Tetsworth,  160,  171,  177 

Tintagel,  175 


Tympana  on  doors  of  churches — continutd. 

Tottenhill,  165 

Uphill,  166 

Upleadon,  170 

Water  Stratford,  169 

Wenden,  175 

Tynsen,  gown  cloth  of,  for  Queen  Margaret  of  Scot- 
land (1515),  304 


U. 

Unwine,  surname  of  tenant  at  Barnsby,  106 

Uphill  Church,  cross  on  tympanum  at,  166 

Upper  House,   not  separated   from    Lower   House, 

73-75 
Upleadon  Church,  representation  of  Agnus  Dei  at. 

170 

Upsala,  clench-bolts  discovered  in  tumulus  near,  437 
Urn,  found  in  Swiss  grave-mound,  136 
Ursa  Major,  zodiacal  sign  of,  337 
Ursa  Minor,  zodiacal  sign  of,  337 


V. 

Vaccaries,  or  dairy  farms,  1 95 

Vaulting,  fan-tracery,  43 

Vaults  of  Lincoln  Cathedral,  41-42,  44,  46 

Venus,  zodiacal  sign  of,  339 

Verdon  (Theobald),  139 

Vessels  (sacred),  monastic  regulations  as  to  loan 
of,  16 

Vestments,  fragments  of  early,  found  at  Worcester 
Cathedral,  164,  170 

•'  Virgates,''  measures  of  land  in  Rothley  manor, 
91,  98 

Virginia,  formation  of  Company,  66-67  ;  coloniza- 
tion of  (1584),  65-66;  first  general  assembly 
in,  69  ;  popular  assembly  in,  78 

Virgo,  zodiacal  signs  of,  338,  343,  345.  348,  357 

Visceeunte,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 

Vocabulary  of  manorial  terms,  126-129 

Vycy,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  101 


INDEX. 


519 


W. 

Wages  for  agricultural  services,  97  ;  of  sailors,  &c., 

temp.  Hen.  VIII.  311,  312,  314 
Walcote,  knights  fee  in,  130 
Waldeby  (Jolm  de),  181 
Waleis,  surname  of  tenant  at  Caudewell,  117 
Walkelm,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  99 
Wall  paintings  discovered  at  Westminster  Abbey  in 

1882,  471-472,  489-490 
Walling  of  fortresses  in  Norman  times,  452 
Walton- Ysley,  knights  fee  in,  130 
Walwyn  (Francis),  a  gem  engraver  (1629),  393-4, 

403 

••  Wapentakle,"  definition  of,  127,  12'.) 
"  Warda,"  definition  of,  128,  129 
Warde  (Sir  John),  alluded  to,  57 
-  Wardpeny,"  definition  of,  128,  129 
•l  Wardwyte,"  definition  of,  127,  129 
Warin,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 
Warkworth' 's   Chronicle    on    Edward   IV.'s    Ileign. 

2G5,  2GG,  271,  273,  280,  281,  286 
Warminster,  money  term  of  noble  still  used  in,  140 
Warnetheby,  lands  held  in,  11 5-1 16 
WARHEN    (REV.    FREDERICK    EDWARD),    On    the 

"  Ritual  Ordinance  "  of  Neophytus,  1-36 
Wars  against  France,  316-320;  temp.  Hen.  VIII. 

expenses  paid  for,  309-312,  327 
Warwick  (Earl  of),  Yorkist  leader,  272,   273,  274. 

277,  280 

Warwick  (Edward,  Earl  of),  see  "  Edward  " 
Warwick  (Richard,  Earl  of),  estates  of,  410-411: 

title  of,  412,  415-8 

Warwick,  Earldom  of,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  419 
Warwickshire,  see  "  Coleshill  " 
Wassebourg  (Kichard  de),   chronicle  of,  temp.  Edw. 

IV.  275,  287 

Water,  key  ornamentation,  symbol  of,  157 
Water  Stratford  Church,  representation  of  Agnus 

Dei  at,  169 

Water-work,  method  of  wall  decoration,  490 
Wathe,  manor  of,  held  by  Robert  Marmion.  180 
Waytegood,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rotliley,  99,  100 
Weapons,  use  of,  in  England,  temp.  Eliz.  210-212 


Wedge  (iron),  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  441,  456, 
463 

Well  found  at  Caesar's  Camp,  439-441 

Wenden  Church,  tympanum  at,  176 

Wenlok  (Lord),  Yorkist  leader,  272 

Wentworth  (Sir  Philip),  Lancastrian  leader,  272 

West  (Dr.  Nicholas),  ambassador  to  France  (1515), 
299 

Westbury,  Wilts,  hoard  of  gold  nobles  found  at, 
137-156 

Westmeston  Church,  mural  painting  at,  169:  repre- 
sentation of  Agnus  Dei  at,  170 

Westminster  Abbey,  effigy  of  Abbot  Gislebertus  in, 
177  ;  sculptured  legend  of  St.  Margaret  in, 
172  ;  fan  tracery  vaulting  of  Henry  Vll.th's 
Chapel,  43,  47;  notes  on  the  imagery  of  Henry 
VIl.th's  Chapel,  361-380,  483-485;  wall 
painting  discovered  at,  471-472,  489-490 

Westmoreland  (Ralph,  first  Earl  of),  family  of,  410 

Westwick  (John),  last  abbot  of  Missenden  Abbey), 
50 

Wheatsheaf,  Arab  zodiacal  sign  of,  343 

Whelks,  remains  of,  at  CaisarV  Cam]),  155.  156, 
457,  45« 

Wheston,  knights  fee  in,  130 

Whighill  (Martin),  50,  55  ;  see  "  Whygill  " 

Whistle,  bone,  found  at  Cesar's  Camp,  43',i.  456, 
464 

Whygill  (Alice),  prioress  of  Stodcly  nunnery 
(1529),  50 

Whyttingham  (Sir  Robert),  Lancastrian  leader, 
269,  272,  273 

Wilberforce  family,  original  seat  of,  417 

William  Wyrcestre's  Chronicle,  on  Edward  IV.th's 
reign,  266,  268,  269,  271,  272,  273,  275,  276, 
280,  281,  291 

Wiltshire,  see 

Brad  ford-on-A  von 

Bremhill 

Dittcridgc 

Little  Langford 

Malmesbury 

Warminster 

Westbury 


520 


INDEX. 


Winchester  Cathedral,  sculpture  of  St.  Nicholas  on 

font,  1G3 
Windsor,  treaty  of,  temp.  Hen.  VIII.  316 

Castle,  private  collection  of  gems  and  jewels 

at,  403 

St.  George's  Chapel,  fan  tracery,  vaulting  of,  43 

Windsor  Herald,  payments  to  (1517),  305,  310 

Wingandacoa,  discovery  of  (1584),  65 

Wingate  (Dame  Katherine),  nun  in  Elstow  nunnery 

(1539),  50  ;  chaplain  to  Abbess  of  Elstow,  53 
Wingfield    (Sir    Richard),   ambassador  to    France 

(1515),  299 

Wingfield  (Robert),  surveyor,  temp.  Edw.  IV.  189 
Winteringham,  Lincolnshire,  estates  of  Robert  Mar- 

mion  at,  180 
Winthrop  (Hon.    Robert),    On    Penn's    Charter  to 

Pennsylvania,  83 
Wirksworth  Church,  representation  of  Agnus   Dei 

at,  169 

Wiseman,  surname  of  tenant  at  Grymmeston.  113 
Wiseman  (Cardinal),  purchase   of   signet    ring   of 

Queen  Mary  of  Scotland  by,  899 
Wistow  Church,  dedication  cross  at,  165 
Witey,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  101 
Withain  Church,  vaulting  of,  48 
Women,  regulations  against  admission  of.  to  monas- 
teries, '21,  31;   not   punished  by  death  for  high 
treason  under  Plnntagenets,  418 
Wooden  covers  of  Cyprus  MS.  3 
Woodford,  Essex,  wall  paintings  at,  490 
"  Woodwos,"   or  savage  men,  a  masquerade  charac- 
ter, 315 

Worcester  (Earl  of),  Yorkist  leader,  272,  277 
Worcester  Cathedral,  fragments  of  early  vestments 
found  at,  164,  170  :  representation  of  Agnus 
Dei  at,  170 
Worcestershire,  see 
Bretforton 
Castle  Morton 
Little  CombertoH 
Worcester 

Wride,  surname  of  tenant  at  Rothley,  100 
Writing,  enjoined  as  monastic  duty,  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, Gl 


WYLIE  (WILLIAM  MIOHAKL,  F.S.A.),  Translation 
of  a  communication  by  Dr.  Ferdinand  Keller 
on  the  grave-mounds  of  Lunkhofen,  in  the  can- 
ton of  Aargau,  Switzerland,  134-136 

Wyrcestre  (William  of),  see  "  William  " 

V. 

Year,  modes  of  computing  the,  466-467 
Yebleron  (near  Rouen),   horse-shoe.   Norman,   dis- 
covered at,  451 

York,  St.  Lawrence-extra-Walmgate  Church,  repre- 
sentation of  Agnus  Dei  at,  170  ;  St.  Margaret's 
Church,  sculptured  figures  at,  177  ;  signs  of 
zodiac  upon,  360 

York  (Dukedom  of),  merged  in  the  Crown,  413-4; 
descent  of,  412;  succession  to,  temp.  Henry  VII. 
423 

York  Herald,  payments  to  (1517),  305,  HIO 
York  (House  of),  genealogy  of,  428 
Yorkist  leaders  in  Wars  of  Roses,  gee 

Arundel 

Ashley 

Dacre 

Cromwell 

Fitzlragh 

Grey  ^Sir  Ralph) 

Grey  (Lord) 

Grey  de  Wilton 

Greystock 

Hastings 

Howard 

Kent 

Lurnley 

Montagu 

Ogle 

Powys 

Say 

Scales 

Scrope 

Strange 

Warwick 

Wenlock 

Worcester 


INDEX. 


521 


Yorkshire  estates  of  Ralph,  first  Earl  of  Westmore  - 

land,  410 
Yorkshire,  see 

Adel 

Alne 

Austerfield 

Bishops  Wilton 

Braithwell 

Brayton 

Brompton-upon-Swale 

Conisborough 

Danby  Wiske 

Fishlake 

Ingleton 


Yorkshire — continued. 
Kirkburn 
Londesborough 
North  Newbold 
Riccall 


Z. 


Zedelghem,  sculpture  on  font  at,  164 
Zig-zag  ornamentation  rare  in  Mexico  and  Peru,  157 
Zodiac,  origin  of  the  signs  of,  337-300 
Zouche  (Willielino  la),  130 

Zurich   Society  of   Antiquaries,  opening  of  grave- 
mound  by,  135-13b 


VOL.  XLVII. 


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