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1 




GENERAL LIBHARY 
UNIVERSITY Of MICHIGAN. 

THE 

Hagerman Collection 

HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE 

JAMES J. HAGERMAN OF CLASS Of "W 

Proruior Ourtei Kendill Mamt 

UB3. 








1 




1 



"? 



/ 



AKCHAEOLOGIA : 



OR, 



MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS 



RELATING TO 



ANTIQUITY. 




•^ /, 3 ' V.'" 



ARCHAEOLOGIA: 



MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS 



ANTIQUITY, 



PUBHSHBU BY THE 



SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON. 



VOLUME XXXIV. 




LONDON: 

PBINTBD BY J. B N1CH01.S AND SON, U, FABUAMBNT STRSn. 

SOLD AT THE SOCIETY'S APARTMENTS IN SOMERSET PLACE, 

AND BY MESSRS. PAYNE AND FOSS, PALL HALL, 

AND W. PICKERING, PICCADILLY. 



M.DCCC.LL 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

I. — Supplement to the Descriptian of an Astrological Clock, belonging to the 
Society of Antiquaries. In a Letter to the President, from Captain 
W. H. Smyth, R.N., K.S.F., D.C.L., Director - - 1—20 

II. — Account of the Discovery of Roman and other Sepulchral Remains, at 
the Village of Stone, near Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire. By John 
YoNGE Akerman, Esq. Secretary . - - - 21 — 32 

III. — On the use of Mason-Marks in Scotland. By Patrick Chalmers, 

Esq., F.S.A. .----. 33—36 

IV. — Rules of the Free School at Saffran Walden, in Essex, in the reign of 
Henry VIII. Communicated by Thomas Wright, Esq., FS.A., in a 
Letter to Captain W. H. Smyth, R.N., Director - - 37—41 

V. — The Seal of Chaucer : Copy of the Deed to which it is appended : Copy 
of a public Instrument notifying to him his removal from his Office of 
Clerk of the King^s Works. In a Letter to Sir Henry Ellis from 
Joseph Hunter, a Fellow of the Society - - - 42 — 45 

VI. — Remarks on a Coloured Drawing of some Ancient Beads, executed by 
Benjamin Nightingale, Esq., from Specimens in his possession. 
By John Yonge Akerman, Esq,, Secretary - - 46 — 50 

VII. — Extracts from the Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of Eltham in 
Kent : with Notes and Illustrations. By G R. Corner, Esq., F.S.A. ^ 
in a Letter to John Yonge Akerman, Esq., Secretary - - 51 — 65 

VIII. — Account of Ystumcegid Cromlech, in the parish of Llanfihangel-y-Pen- 
nant, county of Carnarvon. By Nathaniel Neal Solly, Esq. 
Communicated in a Letter to Captain W. H. Smyth, R.N., K.S.F., 
D.C.L., Director -.-... 66—67 



vi CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

IX. — Communication from William Chaffers, Jun., Esq.y FS.A.^ 
addressed to J. Y. Akerman, Esq.^ Secretary, accompanying the 
Exhibition of numerous Glass Vessels^ and other Antiquities of the 
Roman Period, found at Nismes - - - . 68 — 72 

X. — Notes on some Paper Casts of Cuneiform Inscriptions upon the sculp- 
tured Rock at Behistun^ exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries. By 
Lieut. -CoL H. Rawlinson, C.B., F.R.S., and D.C.L. 73 — 76 

XL — Notes on Saxon Sepulchral Remains found at Fairford, Gloucestershire. 
By C. Roach Smith, Esq., F.S.A. In a Letter addressed to J. Y. 
Akerman, Esq. Resident Secretary - - - - JJ — 82 

XII. — Notice of a Bronze Beaded Collar, found in Lochar Moss, Dumfriesshire. 
In a Letter from Albert Way, Esq., F.S.A., to Sir Henry Ellis, K.H., 
Secretary --..--- 83 — 8/ 

XIII. — Account of some of the Celtic Antiquities of Orkney, including the 
Stones of Stenness, Tumuli, Picts-houses, Sfc, with Plans. By F. W. L. 
Thomas, R,N., Corr. Mem. S. A. Scot., Lieutenant Comm^ndiny H.M. 
Surveying Vessel Woodlark ----- 88 — 1 36 



TABLE OF PLATES. 



PLATE PAGE 

I. — Clock presented by Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, in possession of her 

present Majesty, at Windsor Castle - - - - - 12 

II. — Plans and Views in the Village of Stone, near Aylesbury, with sections 

of Sepulchral Rt - - - - - - - 32 

III. — Masons' Marks in the Round Tower at Brechin and upon the Castle of 

Melgund - - - - - - - - 36 

IV. —Masons' Marks from the Cash Book of St. Ninian's Lodge, Brechin - 36 

V. — Antique Beads in the Collection of Benjamin Nightingale, Esq. - 50 

VI. — Ystumcegid Cromlech, parish of Llanfihangel-y-Pennant, co. Carnarvon 66 

VII. — Antiquities found at Nismes - - - - - 72 

VIII. — General View of the Sculptures at Behistun, taken from the foot of the 

Rock ---------76 

IX — Specimen of the Median writing at Behistun, copied from fac-similes 

taken by impression on the spot - - - - - 76 

X. — Anglo-Saxon Remains found at Fairford, co. Gloucester - - 82 

XI. — Bronze Collar found in Lochar Moss, Dumfriesshire - - - 86 

XII. — General Plan of the Antiquities of Stenness, Orkney, 1 849 - - 1 36 

XIII. — Ring of Brogar, Stenness - - - - - - 1 36 

XIV. — Antiquities of Stenness - - - - - - 1 36 

XV. — Graves in Tumuli and Plans of Picts Houses, Orkney - - - 1 36 
XVI. — Plan and Sections of a Picts House upon the Holm of Papey Westrey, 

North Isles, Orkney, excavated in the autumn of 1849 - - 136 
XVII. — Ground Plan and Elevations of both sides of a Picts House at Savrock, 

near Kirkwall - - - - - - -136 



AROHAEOLOGIA: 



ou, 



MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS, 



&c. 



I, — Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock, belonging to the 
Society of Antiquaries : in a Letter to the President, from Captain W. H. 
Smyth, R.N., K S.F., D.C.L., Director. 



Read January 9, 1851. 



My dear Lord MahON, 3, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, 18th December, 1850. 

Since the publication of my letter to your Lordship, on the history and construc- 
tion of our Astrological Clock, I have been requested to make an addition or two to 
that paper, in order to its being more fully illustrative of the subject. In the first 
place, perhaps the mere representation of the figure of the balance which is given 
in the thirty- third volume of the Archaeologia, page 28, does not convey a precise 
notion of its end and aim, and therefore another diagram, representing it as applied 
to the escapement, would be more explanatory : secondly, it has been suggested 
that to many readers not familiar with the forms of the mediaeval horloge, a general 
drawing of our table-clock would be an acceptable illustration : and thirdly. Count 
Krasinski, of a distinguished Polish family, who investigated the story and times of 
Sigismund the Great, has further strengthened me with circumstantial evidence 
respecting Queen Bona, the presumed original possessor of the clock. On these 
grounds, therefore, I again trespass on your Lordship's time. 

VOL. XXXIV. B 



Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock, 



^ I. The Balance and Escapement.' 

Among the several points thus advanced, I at once plead ^ilty to an error of 
omission as regards the escapement ; and the oversight is the more remarkable, 
inasmuch as I had sought to prove that, however much it fell short of the beautiful 
workmanship of the present age, it is — to all intents and purposes of principle — the 
very prototype of the vertical scape now used in our chronometers. This significant 
designation, it will be recollected, is given by workmen to that ingenious mechanical 
contrivance for sending, at equidistant periods of time, the maintaining power, 
greatly modified by it and the wheel-work, to the regulator, and thereby indicate 
time by isochronous vibrations ; which compensate the disturbance occasioned by its 
impulsion upon the joint efi'ect of mechanical agency and varied gravity. This was 
the portable application, so far back as the year 1 525 ; and the banking of the 
balance is shewn, in order that it may be seen that, even then, the arms were not 
permitted to go over and let the wheel loose from the verge, and the clock by 
such means run down and strip off the points of the teeth of the scape-wheel, a 
circumstance which often occurs to the watches of the present day. 




The mechanical application of this scape is equally admirable and simple ; and it 
is to be regretted that we know not to whom we can assign so ingenious an invention. 
I have already shewn that Henry de Wyck's large clock was provided with such an 
agent in 1364 ; but, since the printing of that paper, I have examined one still 
older than De Wyck's, which weakens the claim set up for Megestein, of Cologne, 



helonging to the Society of Antiquaries. 3 

as the original proposer. I mentioned that Mr. llowell, of Oxford, told me he had 

seen the remains of a very early clock in a tower of Dover Castle ; and the Board of 

Ordnance having kindly ordered it to be placed under my examination, I repaired 

thither, accompanied hy Mr. VuUiamy, and every attention was paid to our wishes 

by Mr. Gange, the Ordnance Storekeeper, in whose charge it is kept. We were 

delighted to find, nearly entire, an unsophisticated old clock bearing the date 1348, 

and the mark iL ; the wheels, fly- vanes, and frame being of wrought iron, and it was 

wound up by means of small spokes on the end verge of a cylindrical wood barrel. 

Deeming this relic worthy of the utmost preservation, I requested Mr Gange to 

remove it from the tower stairs, where it had long lain, into the armoury of the 

castle, and there place it on a pedestal in a 

spot which I was allowed to select for that 

purpose. That gentleman shewed much zeal 

for its future safety, and, after washing and 

carefully brushing the dust off, he had a thin 

coating of boiled linseed oil laid on ; so that it 

may now be preserved for many ages. Mr. 

VuUiamy took the necessary measurements for 

a professional description of this remarkable 

reUc, with a view to its being published ; I 

shall therefore now only trouble your Lordship 

with the annexed sketch of the balance and 

escapement, as a specimen which is sixteen 

years older than that which I gave of De 

Wyck's, in the thirty-third volume of the 

Archjeologia, page 29. 

Our present business however is rather with portable than with large clocks, and 
they are only here alluded to from being identical in principle as to the vertical 
scape. I believe our own clock to he the earUest portable specimen which can now 
be produced ; but mention of the balance for table-clocks is made by that extra- 
ordinary philosopher, Leonardo da Vinci, who died in 1519. In later times, our 
records have teemed with the exertions of Huyghens, Hook, Halley, Sully, Tompion, 
Le Roy, Graham, Grignon, Harrison, and many others, even to the present day ; 
but all their efforts prove to be, however elegant and efficacious, mere modifications 
of an established principle. 

Yet my encomium on the application of the balance to a train of wheel-work, 
must not be carried beyond its intended hearing. When this form was first applied, 
B 2 




4 Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clocks 

it possessed no natural property of perpetuating its own oscillations, like the 
pendulum : its motion being produced by an artificial force acting alternately on 
its opposite pallets, and derived entirely from its maintaining power at certain 
intervals. The first balance was, in fact, a simple regulating power ; and there was 
wanting that kind of force which would have the effect of correcting the irregu- 
larities of impulse and resistance which otherwise, where a balance vibrates merely 
by the action of wheels, disturb the isochronism of the vibrations. It was there- 
fore in material respects no better than a continued fly, except that its backward 
and forward movements, checked at each alternate impulse of the pallets, prevented 
the acceleration of motion that would otherwise ensue. Now the step from relative 
to absolute accuracy is a long and arduous one ; and while a full acknowledg- 
ment is rendered to the happy invention of the mediaeval mechanicians, it is 
impossible to overlook the merit and practical skill which have since brought their 
object into its fullest developement, as evinced in the modem chronometer. From 
many years of practical acquaintance with those machines, and in grateful recog- 
nition of the admirable results they have afforded, I cannot but consider them as 
near perfection as, humanly speaking, mere machines need to be ; since with care 
and attention, in proper hands, their going may be implicitly relied upon, as well 
for navigating a vessel over the trackless deep, as for measuring and fixing arcs of 
distance, and establishing terrestrial longitudes. Indeed so correct is the principle, 
and so accurate the construction of our chronometers, that they may be carried 
over the globe and exposed to every variation of temperature, as well as to the 
violence of a ship's motion, and yet the second-hand will travel round the circum- 
ference of its dial upwards of 600,000 times without an error, at the last, of one- 
six -hundredth part of that circle. Vis inertiae and friction are all but entirely 
subdued, and reduced to ready modification. 

To return to the primitive balance and escapement. In the great clocks before 
us, to obtain the performance of all the oscillations in equal times, the action of 
the force applied was required to be the same in manner, quantity, and duration in 
each oscillation ; conditions of such difficulty under the constant changes of friction 
and resistance, that the happy introduction of the pendulum — converting a rotatory 
into a vibratory motion, and by its own gravity and isochronism neutralizing the 
impediments to uniform movement — was assuredly the grandest and most decisive 
stride ever made in horology. And that this benefit was widely and at once 
appreciated, is manifested by the fact, that at least eight-tenths of the portable 
clocks of those times, now existing, have obviously undergone the necessary 
alterations to fit them for the pendulum. The early efforts in horology consisted in 



belonging to the Society of Antiquaries. 5 

mere mechanical efforts to ensure regularity by simple means and the best pro- 
curable workmanship, for the governing principles were as yet but dimly seen ; and 
it was reserved for the energetic Dr. Hook to penetrate the obscurity by his 
celebrated aphorism—*^ ut tensio sic vis." 

§ 2. The Forms of Mediaeval Portable Clocks. 

House clocks were either coeval with, or must have soon followed the larger 
ones of churches and abbeys ; and their portability would consequently have been an 
early desideratum. In my former letter, I alluded to the more than Cimmerian 
darkness in which the date of this invention was enveloped ; and, since the remark 
was printed, I observe that a claim is made for the engine in the Usages de 
rOrdre de Citeauw (see Calmet's Commentary), which was compiled about the year 
1120; but assuredly that relates to a sort of alarum, for the sacristan is merely 
ordered to regulate a " morning-caller," so that it shall ring and make him rise 
before matins. Indeed I have found no certain mention of these machines before 
the fourteenth century, and it is difficult to assign even a probable date for their 
introduction ; but about that time it is ascertained that the action of the swing- 
wheel and wheel-trains was familiar. In my first letter I cited Dante's acquaintance 
with striking clocks ; and his comparing the circular dance fcarolaj of the rejoicing 
spirits to clock-movements, fParadisOy Canto xxivj clearly evinces his know- 
ledge of the wheel- work : — 

e quelle anime liete 



Si fero spere sopra fissi poli, 

Raggiando forte a guisa di comete. 
E, come cerchi in tempra d'oriuoli 

Si giran si, che '1 primo a chi pon mente 

Quieto pare e rultimo che voli, 
Cosi quelle carole diflPerente- 

mente danzando, dalla sua richezza 

Mi si facean stimar veloci e lente. 

At or near the year 1340, Dafydd ap Gwilym, the celebrated Welsh Ovid, abuses 
a clock for disturbing him during a delicious dream : and thus he perorates — 
^^ CJonfusion to the black-faced clock by the side of the bank, that awoke me ! May 
its head, its tongue, its pair of ropes, and its wheel moulder ; likewise its weights of 
dullard balls, its orifices, its hammer, its ducks quacking as if anticipating day, and 
its ever-restless works ! This turbulent clock clacks ridiculous sounds, like to a 
drunken cobbler, a cobbler, too, in appearance. Cunning and false blindgut ! the 



Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clocks 



yelping of a dog in a pan echoed ! the ceaseless chatter of a cloister ! — a gloomy 
mill grinding away the night !" As this passage^ proving so early an application of 
mimo-phonetic toys to the train, has been contested, the original, albeit understood 
by fewer than it ought to be, should be submitted : — 

" Och I i'r cloc yn ochr y clawdd, 
Du ei ffriw, a*m deffroawdd ! 
Difwyn fo*i ben, a'i dafod, 
A'i ddwy raff eiddo, a'i rod, 
A*i bwysau, pelenau pwl, 
A*i fuarthau, a*i fwrthwl, 
A*i hwyaid yn tybiaid dydd, 
A'i felinau aflonydd I 
Cloc anfwyn yw'r dec ynfyd, 
Cobler brwysg, cobler ei bryd ; 
Coluddyn ffals celwyddawg, 
Cnycian ci yn cnecian cawg : 
Mynych glep y menach glos — 
Melin wyll yn malu 'nos." 

About this time the courtly Froissart was a youthful poet, and one of his earliest 
known productions is his Horloge Amoureuse. Some portions of this poem having 
been extracted from MSS. in the Bibliotheque du Roi, by the Abb^ Capperonnier, 
and inserted in the Journal des Savants for July 1783, we have unquestionable 
evidence as to the clock of that day : and it is altogether so curious, as well as 
important to the question before us, that I may be excused in giving a trans- 
lation of the fragments : — 



L'orloge est, au vray consid^rer, 

Un instrument trds bel et tr^s notable, 

£t s*est aussy plaisant et pourfitable ; 

Car nuict et iour les heures nous aprent 

Par la soubtilit6 qu'elle comprent 

En Tabsense meisme dou soleil : 

Dont on doit mleuls prisier son appareil ; 

Ce que les aultres instruments ne font pas, 
Tant soient faits par art et par compas : 
Dont cell tiens pour vaillant et pour sage 
Qui en treuva primidrement I'usage, 
Quant par son sens il commen^a et fit 

Chose si noble et de si grant proufit. 

• ••••• 

Or, voeil parler de Testat de Torloge : 



The clock is, if considered truly, 
An instrument very fair and very notable. 
And it is also agreeable and profitable ; 
For night and day it teaches us the hours 
By the subtilty which it comprises 
In the absence even of the sun : 
On which account we should the more prize its con- 
struction. 
Which the other instruments do not do. 
However they may be made by art and by compass ; 
Therefore I hold him for valiant and wise 
Who first found the use of it. 
When by his sense he began and made 
A thing so noble and of such great profit. 

I will now talk of the state of the clock : 



belonffing to the Societjf of Antiquaries. 



Lm preBKnimie roe qui j loge» 

CeOe &t la mere et li coanDencemens, 

Qui fakt mouroir les aultres moQvemens, 

rkwt Torloee a ordeoance et maniere : 

Pbor ce, poet iMen ceste roe premiere 

Segnefier tres cooTignablement 

Le Traj desix qui le coer d'omme esprent. 

Le plonk trop bien a la beaute s*accorde. 
Plaisanoe s*e5t montree par la corde 
Si pfopremeut c*oii ne pormt mieulx dire ; 
Car, toot ensi qoe le cootrepois tire 
La corde a loi, et la corde tiree. 
Quant la corde est bien a droit attiree. 
Retire a laj, et le £ut esmouvinr 
Qui aoltrement ne se poroit mouvoir : 
Ens beaote tire a soy et esveille 
La plaisance don coer. 

£t poor ce que oeste roe premiere 

A de moQToir ordenance et maniere 

Par la vertii don pois que le plooc donne, 

EKnt, selooc ce, elle don tout s'ordonne, 

Le plonc le tire et elle a li s*ayance ; 

Et pour oe qn'elle iroit sans ordenance, 

Et trop astievement, et sans mesure, 

S'elle n*aToit qui de sa desmesure 

Le detoomast et le ramesurast, 

Et de son droit rieule le droiturast ; 

Poor ce J fu par droite art ordonn^e 

Une roe seconde, et adjoust^. 

Qui le retarde et qui le fait mouvoir 

Par ordenance et par mesure voir 

Par la Yertu dou foliot aussi. 

Qui continuelment le moet ensi 

Une beure a destre et puis I'autre a senestre, 

Se il ne doit ne poet a repos estre ; 

Car par li est oeste roe gardee, 

Et par yraie mesure retard6e. 

% % % % % -0 

Apr^ affiert a parler dou dyal ; 
Et ce djal est la roe journal. 
Qui en ung jour naturel seulement 
Se moet et fait un tour precisement : 



Tbe first wheel which lodges there 

Is the mother, and the commencement, 

Which makes all the other moTements move. 

Of which the clock has the command and method ; 

Therefore this first whed mav indeed 

Signify very fitly 

Tbe true desire which possesses the heart d man. 
# # • • • f^ 

The weight well accords to the beauty. 
Pleasure is shown by the cord 
So fitly that it cannot be said better ; 
For, just as the counterpoise draws 
The cord to it, and the cord drawn, 
Wlien the cord is well drawn to the right. 
Draws to it, and makes it go 
When otherwise it would not move ; 
Thus Beauty draws to itself, and awakens 
The pleasure of the heart. 

And, because this first wheel 

Has the regulation and mode of moving 

By virtue of the weight which the lead gives. 

Hence, according to this, it is wholly regulated. 

The lead draws it, and it advances again ; 

And because it would go without regularity. 

And too hastily, and without measure. 

If it had nothing which ^m its gaining 

Might withdraw it and bring it back. 

And r^ulate it by its right rule ; 

For this purpose there was arranged by proper art 

A second wheel, and so added, 

Wliich retards it, and makes it move 

Regularly and by true measure to be seen 

By virtue of the foliot also. 

Which continually moves it thus, 

One hour to tbe right and then the other to the left. 

Nor ought it nor can it remain at rest. 

For by it is this wheel kept in order. 

And by true measure retarded. 

After this it is proper to speak of the dial. 

And this dial is the diurnal wheel. 

Which, in one natural day only. 

Is moved itself, and makes one circuit exactly, 



8 



Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock, 



Ensi que le soleil fait un seul tour 
Entour la terre en un naturel jour. 
En ce dyal, dont grans est li m^rites, 
Sont les heures xxiiii descrites ; 
Pour ce porte il xxiiu brochetes, 
Qui font sonner les petites clochetes ; 
Car elles font la destente destendre, 
Qui la roe chantore fait estendre, 
Et li mouvoir tres ordonu6ement 
Pour les heures monstrer plus clerement. 
Et dls dyauls aussy se toume et roe 
Par la vertu de cette m^re roe, 
Dont je vous ai la propri6t6 dit, 
A Vayde dW fuiselet petit, 
Qui vient de Tun k Tautre sans moiien, 
Ensi se moet rieulement et bien. 

Apr^s, affiert dire quele chose il loge 
En la tierce partie de Torloge ; 
C'est le derrain mouvement qui ordonne 
La sonnerie, ensi qu*elle se sonne. 
Or fault savoir comment elle se fait ; 
Par deux roes ceste oeuvre se parfaict : 
Si porte o li ceste premiere roe 
Un contrepois, par quoy elle se roe, 
Et qui le faict mouvoir, selon m'entente, 
Lorsque lev^e est k point la destente, 
Et la seconde est la roe chantore ; 
Ceste a une ordenance tr^s notore. 
Que d'atouchier les clochettes petites, 
Dont nuict et iour les heures dessusdites 
Sont sonnies, soit estes soit yvers, 
Ensi qu*il apertient, par chants divers. 



Just as the sun makes a single circuit 

Round the earth in a natural day. 

On this dial, of which the merits are great. 

Are described the 24 hours. 

Therefore it bears 24 pins 

Which cause the little bells to ring ; 

For they make the spring relax, 

Which makes the singing-wheel heard. 

And moves them very regularly. 

To show the hours more clearly. 

And this dial also turns and wheels round 

By virtue of that mother wheel, 

Of which I have told you the property. 

By the aid of a little spindle 

Which passes direct from the one to the other ; 

Thus does it move regularly and well. 

Next we must say what thing is lodged 

In the third part of the clock ; 

It is the last movement which regulates 

The striking so that it may strike. 

Now you must know how this is done ; 

By two wheels this work is perfected : 

This first wheel carries with it 

A counterpoise, by which it turns. 

And which makes it move, as I understand it, 

When the spring is brought up to the proper point. 

And the second is the singing- wheel ; 

This has an object very manifest, 

That of touching the little bells. 

Whereby night and day the hours above mentioned 

Are rung, be it summer or winter. 

As is proper, by different songs. 



Et pour ce que li orloge ne poet 
AUer de soy, ne noient ne se moet, 
Se il n*a qui le garde et qui en songne ; 
Pour celi fault, k sa propre besongne, 
Ung orlogier avoir, qui tart et tempre 
Diligamment Tamministre et attempre, 
Le plons relieve et met a leur debvoir, 
Et si les fait rieulement mouvoir ; 
Et les roes amodere et ordonne 
Et de sonner ordenance Tordonne. 



And because this clock cannot 

Go of itself, nor move at all. 

If there is not some one to keep and take care of it ; 

Therefore it must have to keep it in order 

A clocksmith, who, early and late, 

Diligently attends to it and regulates it. 

Draws up the weights again, and sets them to their duty, 

And thus makes them move regularly ; 

Moderates and regulates the wheels, .-^^ 

And puts them in order so as to strike. 



belonging to the Society 0/ Antiquaries. 



Encores met U orlogius i point 
Le foUot) qui ne cesse point, 
Ce fiiiselet, et toutes lea brochetes, 
Et la roe qui toutes lei dochetei 
Dont les henres qui eni ou djal Bont 
De BODner trfes certaine ordensnce ODt> 
Mte que IeT6e k point loit destente. 
Encore poet moult biea, selonc m'entente, 
Li orlt^en quant 11 en a. loisir, 
Toutes les tt»a qu^il U vient & plaisir, 
Faire sonner les clochettes petitea 
Sans derieuler les heures dessus dites. 



MoreoTer the docksmith sets 

The foliot, which ceases not. 

The spindlei and all tbe pins. 

And the wheel which all the little bells 

Of the hours which in the dial are 

To ring have a rery certain order. 

But thou^ the spring msj be wound up. 

Still, as I understand, can very well 

The docksmith, when he has leisure for it. 

Every time it pleases him, 

Make the little bells ring 

Wthout putting the above mentioned honn out of order. 




After reading this, the first accurate description of a wheeled 
clock, I could not but be struck with the tail-piece to Tobit, in 
the second Tolume of Mr. Shaw's splendid Mediaeval Specimens of 
Dresses and Decoradons, published in 1843 ; and on my discussing 
the matter with him, he kindly lent me his wood engraving for 
insertion in this letter. It will be seen that this is essentially a 
two-wheeled clock, and not dissimilar from that described in 
Froissart*s poem. It is taken from a manuscript copy of the romance 
of Renaud de Montauban, printed in the fifteenth century, and now 
preserved in the library of the Arsenal at Paris. 
There are other representatJons of portable clocks about this period still existing ; 
and, though unaccompanied by description, they afford 
proof that such machines were in use. In an illumi- 
nated MS. in the British Museum, purchased at the late 
Duke of Sussex's sale in 1844, entitled L'Orloge de 
Sapiensse — attributed to De Souabe, a German Jacobin, 
born in 1300 — there is the drawing of a curious clock 
in some degree portable, and mounted ornamentally so 
as to show, contrary to the opinion of some antiquaries, 
that architectural forms were then applied to domestic 
moveables. In this illuminated drawing, a clerical judge 
is represented as hearing a cause ; three pleaders are 
on each side of him, and two others near them, listen- 
ing attentively. Between the two latter is placed the 
' clock in question, with its bell and weights. 
This manuscript opens with an appropriate homily, exhorting men to avoid vice 

VOL. XXXIV. C 




10 Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock, 

and negligence, and be watchful in their duty, since the Deity is ever desirous of 
renewing our energies as regularly as a clock ; " Pour cette cause cy, a pleu a la 
douseeur et piti^ de notre seigneur Iflu Crbt, de montrer, par vision spirituelle, la 
fafon et valeur de cest present livre cy a ceilluy qui le fist et composa, quant il lui 
demonstra ung orloge tres noble et de moult belle forme, dont les douches dousce- 
ment et melodieusement sonnans, et pour la merveilleuse et soubtile fa^on de 
ceilluy orloge tout cuer humain se merereilloit et reioissait en le regardant." 

In another mfmuscript volume, presented to the British 
Museum in 1760, by S. LethieuUier, Esq. there is a &ur repre- ^ 

sentation of a portable clock of those days. This manuscript » p 
was written about the middle of the fourteenth century, and is 'WF ao 
MS. Addit. 6797 ; and on folio 276 there is the drawing of a fWK;^} 
seated cardinal, attended by the four cardinal virtues ; namely, ''^'^f 
Justice, Prudence, Temperance, and Fortitude, each bearing \()\ 
an attribute. Of these. Temperance is holding a pair of spec- ' L 
tacles in her right hand, and supporting a clock with her left. Vr-^ 
She is arrayed in a white veil, blue boddice, sleeves with gold I / 

borders, a skirt with an embroidered edge, and black shoes. 1 [ 

The clock is slate-coloured, with a red face, and gold hands | , li \ 
and ornaments : but, though portable, it is not a table clock, 'lui 
as the motion was promoted by the two weights which appear. ' U /,' ^1 jj 
In other respects it seems to have been a compact piece of . /\^:mj\\ I 

mechanism, with a large bell and hammer at the top, which, ! { /ci\ I 

from their comparative magnitude, must have been such as led _//f I ' II \ 
to the " Et refet soner ses orloges" of the Romance of the --'."' ^j^j^^g ^^"^ 
Rose. It will be remembered that the moralists of that day, 
distinguished the above from principal branches of ethics ; and the division was 
based on this reasoning, that for a man to live virtuously, it is necessary that he 
know what is fit to be done, which is the business of prudence .* that be have a 
constant firmness in what he shall judge right, in the office of temperance .- the 
animation which urges in difficulty is the business of fortitude -. cmd lastly, a man's 
dealings with human society constitute the object of justice. In puritanical times, 
it was usual to christen children from the titles of religious and moral virtues. 

In the Bodleian Library (Laud, 570) there is a cognate drawing in an illuminated 
vellum manuscript dated 1450, and intituled Les Quartre Vertus. Two full-dressed 
ladies appear on each side of the picture, with a clock between them, the works of 
which are directed by the hand of a female in the starry firmament. This machine 
is very curious, and presents another form of portability : — 



belonging to the Society of Antiquaries. 




\^ 




I recollect baring seen a representation of Temperance in a public office at 
Corfu, typified as a female cooling a piece of red-hot iron by plunging it into water ; 
but in the instances before us that virtue seems to have been leagued with Time.' 
For this the most obvious reason seems to be, the indication of that regularity 
which adds strength to steadiness of purpose and moderation of passion; such 
being then esteemed typical of a moral impulse which is now nearly limited in par- 
lance to its opposition to gluttony and drunkenness. The husbandry of time was 
ever deemed a quality of high order, and became especially prized in mediaeval times : 
hence Shakspeare arms Exeter with the pithy remark to the Dauphin, respecting 
Henry the Fifth, — "Now he weighs time, even to the utmost grain." In another 
part of the above illuminated manuscript (Laud, 570), Temperance is seen standing 
under a porch and upon a windmill : she wears spurs, holds spectacles, and upon 
her head bears a portable clock, singularly fastened as above. 

■ In the Mimoirs of the Society of Antiquaries of Picardy (tome x. pi. 3), is el representation of the 
elaborate Tombeau da P. de Zannoy, on the baseraent of which appear the four cardinal virtues, the third 
of which b Temperance holdin^f a clock. 

C2 



1 2 Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock y 

But the best and most portable, as well as the most general shape, is the cele- 
brated clock belonging to the Queen (mention^ in my last letter), which is the 
actual one that King Henry the Eighth presented to the fair, accomplished, and 
unfortunate Anne Boleyne on their marriage in November, 1532. Her Majesty 
graciously permitted me to examine this interesting horological relic at Windsor 
Castle, with leave to handle the works. It is now placed upon an ornamented 
bracket in the small room at the foot of the staircase leading to the Queen's 
closet, generally known as the " Panel Room," where it will probably show the 
taste of the sixteenth century for many ages. On taking it down from its bracket, 
with my friend Mr. John Hulbert Glover, Her Majesty's zealous librarian, I 
regretted to find that this valuable machine had been ^' done up,*' as the tampering 
with ingenious works is often too truly termed. The interior wheels are now all 
of brass, and the whole train is evidently of comparatively recent date ; while, from 
the style of the mechanism, a contrate wheel being used to keep the arbors of 
the others horizontal, and the adaptation for a pendulum, an inference may be 
gathered that the ^* doing up" took place about the year 1680. 

But whatever disappointment, in an archaeological sense, may attend the visitor of 
this relic, the fabric and beauty of the curious case, which remains in unimpeachable 
originality, will fully repay the antiquary and the man of taste. The engraving will 
convey a tolerably correct idea of its form, and this idea will be strengthened by 
knowing its dimensions. From the base to the cornice over the face it measures 
five inches and a half,' and from thence to the lion's head at the summit five more, 
the whole being four inches square. (Plate L) 

It is not only Her Majesty's clock which has been thus altered, but almost all 
the specimens which I hatre seen of the reigns of EUzabeth, James I., and Charles I. 
have had the balance removed and the pendulum applied ; and the innovation is 
so meritorious, that even. an antiquary must excuse it. My friends Mr. Octavius 
Morgan and Sir Charles Fellows have numerous specimens of similar alterations in 
their valuable collections of early clocks. 

All the machines above cited were certainly portable ; but, though table- clocks 
were known, I have found none of an earlier date than that belonging to this 
Society. The name comprehends compactness, portability, and equable motion, 
regardless of place or position, with a moving power quite independent of weights or 
other external forces. Mr. Octavius Morgan, in his interesting account of the 
progress of the art of watchmaking, has cited the sonnet of Caspar Visconti, written 
in 1494, as alluding to the application of the expansive force of a coiled spring 
when describing a lover who compared himself to a clock, with a hidden power 




' Clock presented by Henry IHZ. tk}Anne Boleyn. 

In posscssum of ha- pretvit H^yesty at Windsor Castle. 



belonging to the Society of Antiquaries. 1 3 

working day and night within his heart. Mr. Moi^an quotes the title of this sonnet 
from Sassi, who printed it in 1745, but expresses a wish to ascertain whether the 
same is prefixed to earlier copies. The earliest to which I am able to refer is 
in Tiraboschi, who gives a marvellous account of the clock made by Dondi of 
Padua, afterwards designated CHovanni degli Orologi ; and in his ^' Storia della 
Letteratura Italiana '* produces Visconti's sonnet, with the title nearly as given by 
Mr. Morgan. 

It will be remembered that the date of the Society*s astrological clock is 1525, 
and the nearest chronological approach to it, of a table clock in pristine condition, 
is a small one belonging to Sir Charles Fellows, the works of which are made of iron. 
It is only three inches long by two broad, and half an inch deep, with a vertical 
escapement, going thirty-six hours. From the ornaments of its silver case it is 
probably Italian, of about the year 1550. 

But a valuable specimen of nearly the same date, in Mr. Octavius Morgan's 
collection, displays ingenuity, skill, and taste. It is a horizontal table-clock in the 
form of a low base or pedestal, six inches square and two inches and a half high, 
resting upon four lions couchant, one at each comer. This base, within which the 
movement is inclosed, is ornamented with a moulding round the top and bottom, 
and at each angle there is a female caryatic figure holding flowers, and forming a 
corner pilaster. The sides are finely chased in bold relief, representing the libera- 
tion of Eurydice by Orpheus. The face is on the top, and has four concentric hour- 
circles, the spandrils at the comers being ornamented with masks and arabesque 
scrolls in relief, and the whole is executed in copper, richly gilt. The most remarkable 
part, however, is a moveable alarum in the form of a cupola supported on four 
elegant legs, in which the bell is inclosed. When used, it is set upon the face of 
the clock, and from the bottom of the cupola a steel rod extends downwards, so as 
nearly to touch the dial. This is placed over the hour at which it is desired that the 
alarum should sound, and when the hands of the clock arrive at that hour the upper 
band comes in contact with the rod and discharges the alarum, the lower hand still 
continuing to revolve. This ingenious contrivance was recently put forth in Paris 
as a new invention ! 

It is to be hoped that a detailed account of the movement-train of this rare and 
elegant clock, with its contrivances to mark different registers of time, will some 
time or other be given by Mr. Morgan, than whom no one is more capable. From 
the workmanship, he judges it to be of Augsburg manufacture, and its date to lie 
between the years 1550 and 1575. The Germans, as I have before said, were 
celebrated in horological art, and Shakspeare is not the only one of the contemporary 



1 4 Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock, 

dramatists who alludes to their productions. In Ben Jonson's " Silent Woman," 
first acted in 1 609, he says : — " She takes herself asunder still, when she goes to 
bed, into some twenty boxes, and about next day noon is put together again like 
a great German clock, and so comes forth and rings a tedious larum to the whole 
house, and then is quiet again for an hour, but for her quarters." 

At the time to which we now refer, table-clocks exhibited so much ingenuity and 
talent as to prove that they resulted from science carefully applied ; but, the chief 
problem of our own day being how to make such machines for sale, the art is rapidly 
falling from a profession to a trade, and most clocks have become a mere article of 
commerce. Happening to be a member of the committee for the exhibition of 
works of mediaeval art last spring, I was much impressed with this conviction when 
a beautiful table-clock of bronze dore\ in the form of a celestial globe, was forwarded 
to us, the property of Robert Goff, Esq. It was made at Augsburg, and bears 
the date of 1 589 upon it ; it really forms a most elegant and even wonderful piece 
of horological mechanism, as weU from its compUcated movements and various 
performances, as from its singular and original shape. Another remarkable globular 
clock, but probably of a more recent date, I had the honour to present to this 
Society from Mr. B. L. Vulliamy, as mentioned in our " Proceedings " for last June ; 
and that gentleman is now preparing a very detailed account of it, with illustrative 
diagrams, for the Society's archives. 

But this curious machine merits a particular mention on account of its extreme 
rarity, and some remarkable peculiarities of its machinery. From certain geographical 
indications which still remain on its surface, it may be dated early in the seventeenth 
century. In outer appearance it is simply a ball, and it is not readily seen that 
its own weight is the actual maintaining power which keeps the clock going and 
striking. It is wound up by only placing the hand under the globe and raising it, 
as will be shewn in Mr. Vulliamy's drawings ; meantime attention may be drawn to 
the ingenious mode of action. The ring by which the ball is suspended is attached 
to a square steel bar, which passes through the upper part of the globe into the 
frame or body of the clock, and to this bar, above the frame, is fixed a small pulley. 
Within the frame are two drums, in every respect similar, one on each side of the 
bar, and each drum contains a spring, the use of which will be presently seen. The 
drums have each an end wheel, with a ratchet and click mounted in a manner 
similar to that which connects the great wheel of a clock to the barrel. The 
connection between the steel bar and the train within the ball is effected by a chain, 
which passes over the pulley, and an equal number of times round each drum. In 
this manner the ball is suspended upon the bar. The two wheels attached to the 




belonging to the Society of Antiquaries. 15 

drums communicate motion to the going and Btriking parts respectively ; and in 
this way the weight of the whole, with the exception of the har and pulley, is the 
momentum which causes the clock to act. When the ball has descended as low as 
the length of the chain will allow, the reason why pressing it upwards upon the 
square bar should be equivalent to the winding-up in common trains will be readily 
understood. The mode by which the chain is taken up round the drums while the 
globe is being raised should be noted : this end is effected by the springs on the 
drums just mentioned, which, with the assistance of the ratchets and clicks, cause 
the drums to revolve in the contrary direction, and to take up the chmn as it 
becomes disengaged by raising the ball. The effect is very singular, as your Lord- 
ship must have observed, when this valuable relic was presented to the Society. 

The form of table-clocks was as various as the occasions of udlity and ornament 
demanded. The one just mentioned belonging to Mr. Morgan, as well as that of 
Mr. Goff, are sufficiently elegant for the most splendid palace, while others seem to 
have been intended for bed-rooms. Our own clock was the property of a queen, 
and yet is comparatively plain ; this is its appearance : — 




A curious table-clock, bearing the date of 1560, which is said to have belonged 
to the intelligent but choleric Dr. Hook, deserves notice. It was lent for my 
inspection by Mr. finch, a watch-maker of Hampstead, but is now added to 



16 Sig)plement to the Description of an Astrological Clock, 

Mr. Morgan's collection. The driving-train of this*iiiachine is in a cylindrical gilt 
brass box, of six inches and a half in diameter and two in depth, resting on three 
small balls. Th& circular side of the box bears the signs of the zodiac, in less 
archaic taste than those on our own clock ; but Vi^o sits upon a unicorn, the 
experimentum cruds of purity in the media eeva. The upper surface of the box 
exhibits the Ptolemaic sphere in concentric circles, bounded by the primum mobile. 
In the centre of this plate risra a pillar four inches and a half high, on which is 




engraven, with French names, a calendar of the week-days : this pillar supports a 
box-circle of four inches and-a-half diameter, bearing on one side the dial-face 
and a moveable set of astrological diagrams, and on the other an elaborate stereo- 
graphic astrolabe and perpetual calendar, the projections being adapted for about 
51" of latitude. The communication between this portion and the movement-train, 
is by means of a long arm through the pillar, terminated by a strong arbour-wheel, 
acting in contrate. On removing the lower plate of the case the balance appears, 



belonging to the Society of Antiquaries, 17 

but fitted with a pendulum-spring for regulating, — an innovation on the original 
works made, perhaps, by Dr. Hook himself. The foregoing is its figure ; but the 
dark ellipse in the centre-piece, denoting the tidal action, is a little exaggerated 
m the drawing, in order to show it more distinctly. 

§ 3. — Addenda respecting Queen Bona. 

I have already observed, that there is sufficient circumstantial testimony to 
establish that our own clock was the actual property of King Sigismund of Poland, 
surnamed the Great ; and also that there is presumptive evidence that it was 
presented by him to Bona Sforza, his young Queen. Still, in making a formal 
inference, every link in the chain of reasoning renders the point more clear and 
distinct, and therefore becomes valuable, however slight its import may at first 
appear. Now Count Krasinski informs me, on reading my former letter to your 
Lordship, that I am more than probably correct in advancing that her Majesty 
carried oflF the clock, when she found it prudent to retire into Italy ; for she was not 
only remarkable for acquisitiveness, but was notoriously given to keeping her own. 
He has examined all the existing documents of Sigismund's times, and gleaned their 
traditions, and is candid enough to acknowledge that she gave a high degree of 
elegance and propriety to public manners : but he adds that, being as handsome 
and well-educated as she was avaricious and intriguing, while she rendered the 
court of Poland more brilliant than it ever had been before, she made it profitable 
to herself by the sale of public offices, and rapaciously levpng gifts from the 
courtiers.* During the dotage of her aged husband. Bona seems to have had 
paramount authority over the realm, and she struggled energetically to maintain 
her influence after his death ; but Sigismund the Second opposed more obstacles 
and irregularities than she had looked for, and provoked her by his miserable 
mesalliance with an obscure widow. Having at length lost all hope of governing 

a New-year and birth-day presents, a relic of the Roman strencBy were very unscrupulously exacted in those 
times, in all the European courts. In my former letter, I mentioned the drawing of a clock by Holbein, 
which Sir Anthony Denny presented to Henry VHI. as a new-year's gift ; and in December, 1756, a large 
roll was exhibited before this Society, containing a schedule of the moneys, caskets, trinkets, brocades, and 
rich wearing apparel, which were received by Queen Elizabeth on the 1st of January, 1584 (See 
Archaeologia, vol. i. no. 3). It is printed at length, as are some other similar rolls, in Nichols's Progresses, &c. 
of Queen Elizabeth. Not only were peers, peeresses, bishops, and officers of state amerced, but the royal 
retainers— €ven to the apothecaries and cooks — were expected to make their offerings. On the occasion in ques- 
tion, her Majesty made returns in gilt-plate to the amount of 4809 ounces, exclusive of what she presented 
to the foreign ambassadors. The new-year's gift she received from the Earl of Leicester in 1571 was a richly- 
jewelled armlet, having " in the closing thearof a clocke, and in the forepart of the same a faire lozengie 
djamond without a foyle, hanging thearat a rounde juell fully garnished with dyamondes and a perle pendaunt,*' 

VOL. XXXIV. D 



1 8 Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock, 

her son — and, moreover, persuaded by her noted Italian favourite, Papacauda, to 
whom she was considered by scandal to be privately married — she retreated to Ban, 
as before stated. Ostensibly the movement was all right and proper ; but the Count 
has ascertained, from existing archives, that this extreme act was sorely against the 
wishes of the King and the States, for she carried oflF immense riches in money, 
jewels, and costly moveables. 

The career of Bona was now drawing to a close : after a residence in Italy of only 
thirty months, she appears to have been poisoned by Papacauda, whose fidelity she 
sought to secure by a considerable legacy, the amount of which she imprudently 
communicated to him. During the brief interval of her rule at Bari, it is whispered, 
her piety and amorous propensities were equally conspicuous ; but she was some- 
what successful in atoning for the latter by the former — at least, in the opinion of her 
contemporaries. From a desire of having a reputation for munificence, and a rage 
for popularity, she possibly might have squandered her wealth without discrimination, 
and have been lax in regard to her reputation : but, considering the extent of her 
possessions, her undisputed fiscal rights, and the rich legacies she bequeathed, there 
can be no reason for supposing Thuanus {Hist. I. oovi., ad ann. 1555) is correct in 
asserting that she died in want and infamy — " Ibi solute et dissentiente i priore 
vitae ratione postea vixit, consuetudine cujusdam Papacaudae non satis honesta usa, 
cui et omnia bona testamento praeteritis liberis reliquit, et fama ac bonis decoctis 
baud multo post in summa egestate et infami^ decessit.'* 

I have not the advantage of knowing Count Krasinski's opinion respecting this 
statement, but I believe he thinks the greatest recorded instance of Bona^s incon- 
siderate prodigality was in her lending 430,000 ducats to Philip of Spain, a sum 
which was never repaid. Could I have foreseen that this lady's property would 
one day have been an object of interest to us, I might probably have gathered some 
particulars when I was surveying the shores of the Adriatic, about thirty years ago. 
Bari was one of my principal points, and the plan of the place which I then made 
was long since published by the Admiralty. Regarding Bona, I merely remember 
some improbable tales of profligacy, the monstrosity of which render them question- 
able ; but it is the character of slander to wince under the faintest s5maptom of 
doubt, and to demand for itself unlimited credence. The city still bears marks of 
her munificence, and the vaulted apartments she once occupied in the castle are 
visited by every sojoimier. The governor himself took me to see her splendid 
monument, and stiflF portrait in robes of gold, in the curious old Gothic church of San 
Niccolb, — a saint of no small note among the coasting seamen of the vicinity, as the 
potent Arbiter Adrite. 




hehti^ing to the Society of Antiquaries. 19 

It ia not a little singular that Bona's unfortunate mother, the beautiftil Isabella of 
Arragon — sister of Catherine, Queen of Henry VIII. —had also retired to Bari in 
her widowhood ; and there, according to an insinuation of Paulus Jovius, permitted 
the heroic Prosper Colonna to tarnish the purity of her early character. Archaeo- 
logists would perceive a local fatality in this ; for the ancient coins of Ba^/ov bore a 
winged Cupid as a reverse, which might have symbolized a prevalent laxity of 
morals among the Baresi from a very early period. In the middle ages, the city 
was rich, powerful, and luxurious, although occasionally chastised for effervescence : 
it was the lingering point of departure of many outward-bound crusaders, and the 
refuge of others on their return. 

Bona's beloved daughter, Isabella, Q,ueen of Hungary, equalled her mother in 
ambition, and imitated her policy. Thus at the age of eighteen she married a man 
of fifty-two years old, and, being left a widow at nineteen, brought up her son 
effeminately in order to govern for him. When the King of France expressed a 
desire for manying one of his daughters to the youth, she consulted Bona, who 
made her the following answer — " Daughter, keep always the power in your own 
hands : you will lose it all if your son should marry the daughter of so powerful a 
prince as the King of TVance," 

Having mentioned in my former letter that Queen Bona was named after her 
grandmother. Bona of Savoy, a few words may be added respecting that point. 
This lady's profligate husband was assassinated in a church on St. Stephen's day, 
1476, by three young enthusiasts, who considered it their sacred duty to be 
murderers for the public good. But when that event had taken place. Bona of 
Savoy became Regent for her child ; an office indicated on a rare silver coin 
{testone) in the collection of Walter Hawkins, Esq., F.S.A., who kindly lent it to me. 




As the legend of this testoon is not easily read, a more detailed description of it 
may be acceptable : — 

Oi««-«.— BONA . Z . lO . GZ . M . DVCE . MELI . VI . The stolated head of Bona 
of Savoy, probably struck in the year 1477- The little mitred head on each side, as a 
mint-mark, is that of St. Ambrose. 



20 Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock. 

Rever8e.^SOLA. . FACTA . SOLVM . DEVM . SEQVOR. A phoenix standing on 
branches in flames^ its self-built funereal pile ; and represented^ according to Pliny's 
description, in the Eaglets attitude, with its head finely crested — " caputque plumeo 
apice honestatum.'^ To the gorgeous description which the ancients have transmitted 
of the wonderful plumage of this bird, it is but fair to add Pliny's doubt — ^* baud scio 
an fabulose/* 

There is some difficulty in expanding the abbreviations of the obverse inscription, 
so that it may be read in eoctenso ; part of this may be owing to the Regent's being 
a female, and part must be attributed to the awkward order of the ablatives ; for 
DVC or DVCIS had been clearer than DVCE. It may probably be thus uncoiled 
— "BONA Zabaudiae (i.e. Zabadia or Savoy). lOhanne. GaleazZo. Mortuo DYCE. 
MEdioLanl Yldua."" The two legends evidently form one sentence so that BONA 
is the nominative to SEQVOR. This coin is extremely rare, although the same 
type exists in gold, silver, and copper. Among the Italian numismatic authors, I 
find it noticed only by Argelati — De Monetis Italia — who briefly describes the 
obverse as " Capite velato^* and the reverse " In postica Phoenix visitur super rogum 
cam lemmate:'* adding, ^^Post mortem maritij quce contigit anno 1476, cusus hie 
nummus^ Therefore, as Galeazzo Sforza was killed so late as the 26th of December, 
it is probable that the date which I have assigned is the true one. 
• It appears that the lady's high office had but a short duration ; for the regency, 
and the guardianship of her child held by Cicco Simoneta, were terminated on the 
imprisonment of the latter by her brother-in-law, Ludovico il Moro, in 1479. The 
coins, however, continued to bear her name until 1483, and she still exerted her 
influence as mother of the prince ; but, dying six years afterwards, her son fell 
wholly into the hands of his unprincipled uncle, by whom he was at length 
poisoned. Nor was this the only injury which II Moro inflicted, for he made many 
endeavours to sap the integrity of the young prince's wife, Isabella of Arragon. 
And these were the parents of the ostensible owner of our astrological clock ! 

I have the honour to be. 

My dear Lord, 
Your Lordship^s very faithful Servant, 

W. H. SMYTH. 

P.S. — In my former letter (Vol. XXXIII. p. 14), the name Knight has been 
erroneously printed for Knibb, as the maker of the old clock at Windsor Castle, 



21 



II. — Account of the Discovery of Roman and other Sepulchral Remains j at the Vil- 
lage of Stone, near Aylesbury , Buckinghamshire. By John Yonge Akerman, 
Esq. Secretary. 



Read 21 November, 1850. 




In the year 1847 Dr. Diamond communicated to the Society of Antiquaries an 
account of some excavations which he had superintended at Ewell near Epsom^ when 
he exhibited various remains found in certain shafts sunk in the solid rock. The 
particulars of these discoveries, and Dr. Diamond^s^ opinion thereon, have been 
printed in the Archaeologia/ 

In the spring of 1 849 I received intelligence, which was communicated to the 
Society, of the discovery of several pits of a similar description in the Isle ofTThanet, 
having, in the mean time, found in the work of Bartoli** additional proofs of their 
origin and use, tending to confirm the opinion advanced by Dr. Diamond, namely, 
that these systematically formed pits were designed for the purpose of sepulchral inter- 
ment,^ and were neither " rubbish holes " nor wells, as had hitherto been supposed 
by some of our English antiquaries. For the better understanding of this peculiar 
mode of sepulture, and to save the trouble of reference, I have added a sketch from 
Bartoli's 50th plate, which shews the construction of a columbarium at Rome diflFering 
from those previously known. It was discovered, he informs us, on the east side 
of the Aventine Hill, in the year 1692. The shaft is perpendicular and sixty 

• Vol. XXXII. p. 451. 

^ 61i Antichi Sepolcri, ovvero Mausolei Romani ed Etruachi trovati in Roma, etc. Folio, Roma, mdcclxviii. 
The plate of this tomh is incorporated in Montfaucon. 

^ Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. i. p. 328. 



32 Roman and other Remains at Stone. 

palmi (51 feet) deep, with holes on each side as supports for the feet and hands 
in ascending and descending. The steps leading into the vault are connected 
with a corridor which runs round the outside of the chamber, and ends in a 
space in the midst of which is a well six yards deep. The chamber is stuccoed, 
and the niches for the ollse painted light blue. In the centre of the floor, which 
was paved, was a large slab of travertine stone, having a square plate of metal let 
into the centre and weighing sixty-three pounds, contained in a leaden frame 
weighing thirty-three pounds. The surface of the plate was very uneven, as if a 
bolt or ring had been once attached to it. 




Here, then, we have the more perfect lype of a mode of sepidture which appears 
to have been very frequently resorted to by the Roman possessors of Britain ; a mode 
of all others, when the rite of cremation had been performed, the best calculated 
to protect the remains of the dead from violation, while it occupied a superficial 
area so very limited. 

An account of the discovery of other pits, of a character similar to those already 
known in England, in the village of Stone, near Aylesbury, during the summer of 
the present year, may probably interest the Society ; since it illustrates the habits 
of the former masters of the world and their Romanised tributaries, and sheds 
some light on the faint traces of customs which the spread of Christianity and the 
irruption of other races have nearly effaced. 

Except a substantial church, the village of Stone possesses no feature of interest. 
The high road from Aylesbury to Thame and Oxford passes through it. On arriving 



Roman and other Remains at Stone. 23 

at the western end of the acclivity a fine view of the Chiltern hills opens on the left. 
This spot, which is at a considerable height above the Vale of Aylesbury, and, though 
not appearing so to the eye, is, I am informed, nearly at as great an elevation as the 
average range of the Chiltern hills, — appears to have been in ancient times far more 
thickly populated than at present. A few years since, when the crown of the hill 
between the garden of the vicarage and the windmill was lowered, the workmen dis- 
covered several human skeletons, with the remains of oxen, a horseshoe, &c. It was 
conjectured at the time that these relics were the evidence of a battle on the spot, 
but subsequent observations and discoveries tend to shew that it had at one time 
been the site of a cemetery, and that too for a period extending in all probability 
over at least three or four hundred years ; the discovery of the skeletons, the horse- 
shoe, and the remains of weapons, proving the Teutonic character of the interments, — 
whether of Franks or Saxons it would be difficult to pronounce,— but certainly neither 
of Pagan or Christianised Romans. A short time previously a fibula of large size, 
and with the Christian emblem, was dug up in the vicarage orchard. The remains 
of coarse cloth still adhering to the fragment of the acus^ naturally leads to the 
inference that it was interred with the body of the wearer. This fibula is engraved 
in the Archaeologia.* Subsequent discoveries in the midland counties of England 
afford a clue to the age of this relic, which, when compared with the fibulae found by 
Sir Henry Dryden at Barrow Furlong in Northamptonshire, and that discovered with 
some skeletons at Minchinhampton in Gloucestershire,** as well as those found in 
a stone-quarry near Ashenden in Buckinghamshire, ^ we may with some confidence 
assign to a period ranging from the fourth to the fifth century. With the skeletons 
discovered at Stone, was found an obliterated coin of Magnentius ; a fact of some 
importance, since it seems to limit the period of the interment. 

I have already ventured on the expression of an opinion, founded on the consi- 
deration of repeated discoveries, that the Franks, and perhaps some tribes of Saxons, 
first made a settlement in this island at the period of the usurpation of Carausius.^ 
The discoveries at Barrow Furlong communicated by Sir Henry Dryden • favour such 
a conjecture, since not a vestige of any Christian emblem was foimd within the whole 
area of that cemetery, while the interments, of evident Teutonic character, afforded 

a Vol. XXX. p. 545. ^' Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. i. p. 270. 

*^ These fibulae, described as ** a pair of ancient scales/* were purchased by the Honourable Mr. Neville at 
the sale of the Stowe collections. They are engraved in the Journal of the British Archaeological 
Association, vol. v. p. 1 13. 

** Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries, vol. ii. p. 59. 

e Archaeologia, Vol. XXXIII. p. 326. 



24 Roman and other Remains at Stone. 

good evidence of their being those of a people in long and quiet possession of the 
district. 

With the exception of the fibula already alluded to, no Christian relics have as yet 
been found at Stone. The two fibulae discovered near Buckingham, and recently 
sold with the collections at Stowe, were of the same size and configuration, but 
without the Christian emblem. 

The limits of the cemetery at Stone cannot now be ascertained ; but there is good 
reason for believing that the southern portion is now included in the garden of the 
vicarage, while the works of the sand-pit on the north side of the road, near the 
windmill, from time to time bring to light other relics both of the Roman and the 
Teutonic character, A few weeks since a skeleton was discovered with the usual 
spear-head, knife, and umbo of shield, and about the same time two very perfect 
urns, containing bones, were dug out, at a spot where the remains of a large fire 
evidenced that the Pagan rite of cremation had been performed. The workmen also 
laid bare a pit, twenty-seven feet deep, in which, fifteen feet from the surface, an 
urn was discovered. We have thus proofs that in this spot two distinct races of 
people had been interred. On the age of those of Teutonic character we may pre- 
sume to speculate, guided by the historical and monumental data we possess ; but 
on those of earlier times we cannot oflFer even a conjecture, and our perplexity is 
increased by the discovery of other interments about a furlong from the spot, on 
the left of the road, in a ploughed field, part of the vicarage glebe, lately appro- 
priated as the site of the County Lunatic Asylum. Here, in the month of July last, 
while digging the foundations for the asylum, the workmen discovered what they 
supposed to be an old well abandoned and filled up. No relics of any description 
whatever had, up to this time, been discovered on the spot ; but, suspecting the 
character of this supposed well, I had no difficulty in persuading my friend the 
Vicar to have it explored, and this was proceeded with at once. In a short time we 
discovered evidence'^that it had been used for sepulchral purposes. At the depth of 
eight feet the workmen came to a stratum of hard blue stone, a foot in thickness, 
through which a circular hole had been made. Immediately beneath, a chamber 
was found, the dimensions of which are accurately described in the accompanying 
plan. In this portion of the pit were discovered many fragments of cinerary urns 
formed of dark slate-coloured clay, some of which contained human bones, the 
bones of some large animal, and portions of burnt oak and beech. Through the 
centre of this chamber the perpendicular shaft was continued eleven feet to another 
and thicker stratum of rock (see Plan). Beneath this again a second chamber was 
discovered and cleared out. The contents were similar, but with the addition of 




Roman and other Remains at Stone. 25 

the skull, teeth, and one horn of an ox, a portion of skin, tanned 
and preserved by the action of the sulphurous acid of the blue 
clay below, and wood burnt, linbumt, and partially consumed; 
twelve urns of various forms and sizes, two bronze rings, appa- 
rently formed for armillae, of the rudest construction, two and 
three-quarter inches in diameter, and a bucket with iron hoops, 
and cleets for the handle, which could not be found.* 

The section of the pit, which accompanies this notice, from its opening to its base, 
will render any further details needless, and I shall therefore, after directing 
attention to it, proceed to describe more minutely the contents of this sepulchre. 

The urns were of the kind generally found in places appropriated to Roman 
sepulture, some being of a light colour, and others of the dark slate colour, of the 
kind baked in " smother kilns," of which process an account will be found in the 
Transactions of the British Archaeological Association.'' 

From the foregoing facts it appears, beyond doubt, that interment in pits, as 
discovered at Stone and other places in England, was very generally adopted 
during the Roman occupation of Britain. To such a mode of sepulture, so well 
calculated to conceal and protect the remains of the dead from desecration, may be 
attributed the fact that traces of Roman and Romano-British interments, consider- 
ing the length of time this island was occupied by the invaders, and its evident 
vast population, are comparatively few. 

It is somewhat remarkable that, while the pits of the same description at Ewell 
and other places cont^ned fragments of earthem vessels, bearing the stamps of the 
potters, not a single specimen with a potter's mark was found in the pit at Stone. 
From these, and other circumstances, I am led to conclude, so far as we can judge 
from what has been as yet discovered, that the Roman inhabitants of this spot, and 
their immediate successors, a tribe of Franks or Saxons, were of a humble thoi^h 
not of the humblest grade. We know from Horace, as well as from other writers, 

* An engraving of this bucket, from a Daguerreotype, taken shortly after its discoTery, is here given. Its 
near resemblance to the common milking-pail still in use will be remarked. The edges of the staves are 
connected by wooden pins. Mention of the ntvla, or bucket for the well, occurs in PlautUB, and various 
other ancient writers. It could not have differed widely from those in use at the present day, for the art of 
HHvk't^ wooden vessels, with staves and hoops, was known in the time of Pliny, who says, " Magno et collecto 
jam vino differentia in cella. Circa Alpes ligneis vasis condunt, drculisque cingunt." Hist. Nat lib. xiv. 
c 21. I%norius, De Servis, p. 266, edit 1656, gives us a representation of an ancient sculpture in marble, 
dog up at Augsbui^ in 1601, on which are seen the Vinitores stowing away casks formed like those used 
by the modems. It may be sufficient, however, to dte the examples of hooped vessels in the sculptures of the 
Trajan and the Antoniue columns, or the marble of Gruter, p. 818, No. 5. " Vol. i. p. S. 

VOL. XXXIV. E 



26 Roman and other Remains at Stone. 

that the remains of the very poorest of the population were east, without the 
ordinary rite of cremation, into pits ;^ but the care with which the interments at 
Stone were evidently conducted, does not favour the belief that the remains were 
those of the pauper, the friendless, or the criminal. 

A few days after the pit had been thoroughly investigated, five more urns of the 
paler colour were found, about fifty yards from the spot, by the workmen engaged 
in forming a drain for the asylum. They were deposited about eighteen inches 
below the surface without any apparent care, and contained a few hiunan bones. 
This proves that the spot in which the pit is situated was a common burial-ground 
of the Roman or Romanised inhabitants. 



Summitry of the various remains discovered at Stone. 

1 . In the vicarage garden. — Large dish-shaped fibula with the Christian emblem. 
Engraved in Archseologia, Vol. XXX. p. 545. 

2. In the turnpike road, between the vicarage garden and the mill, seven human 
skeletons, regularly interred, some lying on their sides, others on their backs, and 
one in a semicircular grave with large stones placed over the whole of the body. 

An obliterated coin of Magnentius, and a fragment of the cranium of an ox, 
were found with one of the skeletons. 

3. In the sand-pit immediately adjoining the mill. — A skeleton, with spear, knife, 
and umbo of shield. An urn at the feet. 

6. A cinerary urn ftdl of burnt human bones, and near it a small urn inverted 
and empty. Traces of a large fire over several square yards. Several fragments of 
cinerary urns. 

7. A shaft twenty- seven feet deep. An urn of light-coloured clay at the depth 
of fifteen feet. Stones at the bottom bearing the traces of fire. 

4. On the field on which the County Lunatic Asylum is now building. — A pit, of 
which the dimensions and details are given in the accompanying plan. In the 
upper chamber about twelve cinerary and other urns, and in the lower fragments of 
about thirty urns of various sizes, some of which were broken by the workmen. 
Several contained both human and animal bones, portions of beech and oak, burnt 
and unbumt ; on the latter the bark is still perfect. At the bottom of the pit, a 
piece of skin tanned and preserved, as already explained, by the action of the 

* Vide, inter alia, Suetonius in Domitiano, c. 17.^-Fe8tus, s. ▼. VesptB ; et ibid. s. y. PuHculi. 



Roman and other Remains at Stone. 27 

sulphurous acid of the clay ;* a piece of wood with a square hole in the middle ; a 
bucket made of oak, the handle wanting. A mutilated cranium with the teeth of an 
ox {bos taurus), with the ifemur, ribs, and other bones of that animal, the core of 
the horn of a goat, and the phalanges of some young quadruped. A pair of rude 
bronze armillae ; an iron disc about an inch in diameter, with a spike on each side ; 
the handle of an amphora ; and a few fragments of Samian ware. 

6. About fifty yards north-west of the pit, two feet below the surface, a double- 
handled urn, one of smaller size, one with a single handle, and one smaller of 
dark clay. 

6. About thirty yards south-west of the pit were found several fragments of 
cinerary urns two feet below the surface, of the coarsest fabric. 

7. Near the same spot two coins in middle brass, one of them of Domitian, Rev. 
Spes, walking ; the other, of Vespasian, Rev, an altar between the letters S C. 



I had completed this account when my attention was directed to the very curious 
cave discovered at Royston, upwards of a centur}' since, and a view of which was 
engraved by Stukeley in his Paleographia Britannica, No. I., pp. 5, 6. The following 
is his description of its discovery : — "In the month of August, 1742, some persons 
had occasion to set down a post in the market-house to nail a bench on for the use 
of the market-women. In digging, they struck through the eye or central hole of a 
mill-stone, underground, and found a cavity of about sixteen feet deep, as appeared 
by letting down a plumb-line. They took up the mill-stone and saw a well-like 
descent of about two feet in diameter, with holes cut in the chalk, at equal distances, 
and opposite to each other, like the steps of a ladder, for descent. It was accurately 
circular and perpendicular. The people, entertaining a notion of some hidden 
treasure being concealed in this place, set to work in earnest with buckets and a 
well-kirb, to draw out the rubbish with which it was filled. At length they emptied 
it, and drew out two hundred loads of earth and rubbish." ^ 

Stukeley at once concluded that this place was formed as a cell by the Lady 

* The skins of beasts were used in lustrations. '* Pellis Jo vis. Sive pellis victimse quae Jovi immolabatur. 
Immolabant autem victimas Jovi Milichio et Ctesio, quarum pelles pellis servabant, Jovis nomine eas 
appellantes/* Suidas, s. ▼. Aios Kuthioy. 

b The bottom, says Stukeley, contamed " the purest garden mold ; and in that the corpse or skeleton 
of a woman, the skull of which I had in my hand, and well knew to be a female." Paleographia Britannica^ 
part ii. p. 9. — How much it is to be regretted that this place was not explored by competent persons, and 
that an account of its then state was not drawn up by an antiquary less visionary than Stukeley. 



28 Roman and other Remains at Stone. 

Roise, or Roisia, a personage of great piety, who, according to Camden, set up a 
cross here some time after the Conquest. The Rer. Charles Parkyn, Rector of 
Oxbuigh, ventured to dispute this opinion, and an angry contention followed. 
Stukeley's aiguments, if such blind and absurd conclusions can be so desig- 
nated, may be seen at length in the second part of his Faleographia- Both dis- 
putants appear to have remained in utter ignorance of the original purpose of 
this " cave," which is clearly a Roman sepulchral vault,' and in construction does 
not differ greatly from that in the Aventine mount at Rome.'' Nor is this, in my 
opinion, the only place of the kind in England. There can scarcely be a doubt 
that the *' caves " in the parish of Chadwell, near 'Blbiuy, opposite to Gravesend, 
were designed and used for the same purpose. Camden speaks of them, and gives 
sketches of tiieir form, which are here copied." " Near Tilbury are several spacious 
caverns in a chalky chff, built very artificially of stone to the height of ten fathoms, 
and somewhat straight at the top." 





• That this vault was a tomb of the Roman period I think there cut be no doubt, to whatever use it may 
ha»e been converted in the middle age*. That it may have been ueed and tenanted by Bome recluse at a. 
much later period, is very probable. The two niches would suggest the form of the recess for the Piscina, 
and it will be seen that a cross has been carved above one of them. Their identity however with the niches 
in the tombs cut in the rock of the mountain called Bingemma, is very appareDt, as may be observed by 
reference to plate CCLXIII. figs. 1 and 2, in The Voyage Pittoresque en Sicile, etc. 

" Clutterbuck, in his History of Hertfordshire, gives the accounts of former writers, but offers no con- 
jecture of his own. Vol, iii. p. 562. 

' This is a proof tiiat these pits were objects of interest to the antiquaries of the days of Camden, while 



Roman mid other Remains at Stone, 29 

Gough, in his edition of Camden, corrects his author as to the situation of these 
pits : *^ The caverns," he says, " placed by Mr. Camden in Tilbury, are, in fact, in 
Chadwell parish. Dr. Derham measured three of the most considerable, and found 
one of them fifty, another seventy, and a third eighty feet deep : the bottom a soft 
sand, over the top an arch of two hundred feet of chalk. They lie within the 
compass of six acres, near the highway leading from Stifford to Chadwell ; and in 
East Tilbury, in a field called * Cave field,' is a horizontal passage to the cavern. 
These have been supposed granaries of the ancient Britons, retreats of the Danish 
ravagers, and even King Cunobeline's gold mines."' 

It appears strange that one so devoted to the study of our English antiquities 
should review such vague theories without offering any opinion of his own. 
Morant says, " Some derive the first part of the name (Chadwell) from Cealc, 
chalk, thinking it occasioned by the great chalk wells or pits from which chalk 
was originally dug, or which were made to serve for granaries to the ancient 
Britons. The Danes are vulgarly reported to have used them as receptacles or 
hiding places for the plunder and booty which they took from the adjoining 
inhabitants during their frequent piracies and descents upon this island, and hence 
they have been styled Dane or Dene holes." He then proceeds to quote verbatim 
from his correspondent, " Dr, Derham, late Rector of Upminster, &c.," who, he says, 
" gave the following description of them in a letter of his dated 17 February, 1706. 
^ I myself measured three of the most considerable holes, and found one of them 
fifty foot six inches deep ; another, seventy foot seven inches ; another, in the wood 
northward, eighty foot ; the depth of the western hole, near the road, fifty-five foot 
six inches : on the same side the road is another seventy foot seven inches ; on the 
other side of the way, in Hangman's-wood, is another hole of eighty foot four 
inches. A cow fell into the hole fifty-five foot six inches, not killed nor much hurt, 
drawn up by a carpenter who went down and put ropes about her. The bottom is 
a soft sand, on which the cow alighted and was saved. Over the midst of the hole 
is an arch of two hundred feet of chalk. The holes lie near the highway, within 
the compass of six acres of ground, leading from Stifford to Chadwell.' Some of 
them are v^dthin the boimds of the parish of Little Thurrock. And in East Tilbury 

our ignorance of their present state is a reproach to us. In the Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries of 
Scotland, vol. iii. p. 17, is an account, with views and plans, of some chamhers at Baden, supposed to have 
been used by the Secret Tribunals of Germany, but which appear to be Roman, and of sepulchral origin, 
to whatever purposes they may have been afterwards applied in the middle ages. 
• Britannia, vol. ii. p. 52. 



30 Roman and other Remains at Stone. 

there is a field called Cave-field, in which there is a horizontal passage to the 
Cavern." • 

Those who are interested in the inquiry as to the amount of credit which should 
be allowed to vulgar tradition, and its connection, however remote, with historical 
fact, will perhaps admit that at a later period of our history, long after the aban- 
donment of these caves as sepulchral depositories, such places may possibly have 
been used by the marauding Danes as receptacles for booty ; but even in this case 
some fragments of pottery will doubtless be found to indicate the purpose for which 
they were so carefully excavated. 

In the county of Kent there are many similar places, which I cannot but believe 
are of the same origin. Hasted says, " There are now to be seen, as well on the 
heaths near Crayford as in the fields and woods hereabout, many artificial caves or 
holes in the earth, some of which are ten, some fifteen, and others twenty fathoms 
deep. At the mouth, and thence downward, they are narrow like the tunnel of a 
chimney, or passage of a well, but at the bottom they are large and of great com- 
pass, insomuch that some of them have several rooms or partitions one within 
another, strongly vaulted and supported with pillars of chalk.*'** He then cites the 
opinion of the neighbouring inhabitants that they were made by the Saxons, and 
concludes that they were the storehouses of those people in distracted times. A 
little further on, in describing the parish of Dartford, he remarks, " About a mile 
south-westward from the town is Dartford Heath, where there are a great many of 
those pits and holes so frequent in these parts. Some of these reach as low as the 
chalk, others no further than the sand. Many of them have been stopped up of late 
years, to prevent the frequent accidents which happen of men and cattle falling into 
them. The occasion of their being first dug has already been fully explained."*^ 

The " full explanation " is that above quoted, with which the antiquary cannot 
be satisfied. Further inquiry and examination can scarcely fail to prove their 
Roman origin and use. The subject is well deserving investigation by our pro- 
vincial antiquaries ; and I have little doubt that ere long we shall be in possession 
of further evidence. 

To recur to the funereal pits of the simplest form discovered in England. From 
all that has come under my notice, I do not think we are in any danger of confound- 
ing them with the well-like excavations which are often found within the walls of 
towns. These latter, for want of a better term, may be designated *^ rubbish holes,*' 
for their contents are in all cases widely diflferent from those found in the pits which 

• Hist, of Essex, vol. i. p. 229, fol. 1768. »» History of Kent, vol. i. p. 211. « Ibid. p. 226. 




Roman and other Remains at Stone. 31 

are the subject of this notice. Several pits were met with during the excavations 
for the approaches to the new London Bridge, the contents of which I myself saw 
thrown out and examined, but not a vestige of sepulchral usage was discovered, not 
a fragment which could lead to the inference that they had been used for funereal 
purposes. On the contrary, the pits discovered at Ewell, at Richborough, and at 
Stone, afforded good evidence that they were designed for the reception of cinerary- 
urns, and that in considerable numbers. It will be seen by reference to the plan of 
the pit foimd at Stone, that it differs in some respects from the others, the excava- 
tion extending some distance under each stratum of rock through which the shaft 
is formed ; a contrivance well adapted to protect the urns from being crushed by the 
supeirincumbent earth. 

That pits of the simplest and rudest construction were designed as depositories 
for the ashes of the humblest classes of the Roman people, I think there cannot be 
a doubt. We have, however, little information in classical writers on this head, — 
the unhonoured and the needy were of course interred in the least ostentatious 
manner, and the simpler rites observed on such occasions are not detailed ; we are 
consequently not instructed as to the funereal observances of the common people 
in the various elaborate antiquarian treatises on Roman burial. The dismal picture 
drawn by Horace of the common burial-ground without the walls of Rome, is so well 
known that I must apologise for quoting it : — 

" Hue priuB angustis ejecta cadavera cellis 
Conservus vili portanda locabat in arcL 
Hoc miseraB plebi stabat commune sepulchrum, 
Pantolabo scurrae, Nomentanoque nepoti. 
Mille pedes in fronte, trecentos cippus in agio 
Hie dabat, haeredes monumentum ne sequeretur. 
Nunc licet Esquiliis babitare salubribus, atque 
Aggere in aprico spatiari, qua modo tristes 
Albis informem spectabant ossibus agrum." 

Sat. Lib. I, viii. 

Many of the cella or puticuli received the unbumt corpse ; but there is every 
reason to suppose, that in this vast charnel-house the rites of cremation were not 
refused to such of the poor as died amidst their friends. When cremation became 
common to the Romans, no better contrivance could have been devised for the pre- 
servation of the remains of the dead than that which appears to have been often 
resorted to by these people in this country. In the full conviction that by making 
the foregoing facts known to th,e English antiquary it will lead to the more careful 



.32 .Raman and other Remains at Stone. 

examination of Romaic burial-places, I ui^e upon those who have leisure and oppor- 
tunity the explotetion of the more ext^iQsiye and more scientifically formed pits in 
Kent and Essex, to which Jrefer^nce has been made. 

In conclusion, it would aeem. that the word culina was applied to the bustnm on 
which the viands for the funeral repasts were burnt5 from the circumstance of this 
ceremony being performed in places where these pits were prepared. Culina in the 
older glossaries meant a cess-pool or cloaca,* and such was its obvious original sig- 
nification ; but that in after ages it signified a sepulchral pit we may infer from the 
following passage in Aggenus Urbicus, ^^ sunt in suburbanis," he says, " loca publica, 
inopum destinata funeribus, quae loca culinas appellant." ^ 

JOHN YONGE AKERMAN. 

* Lavatrinum ct culinam conjunct. Varro, de L. L. 4, 25. Vet. gloss, u^e^poiv, culina ; atque iKftebpuiv, 
cloaca, sive latrina est. Eadem glossa droTraros, culina. Isidorus quoque culinam, in glossis latrinum, 
secessum interpretatur. Sorani, Thesaurus Eruditionis Scholastics, a Gesnero, Lipsas, fol. 1726. 

^ Aggenus Urb. in Sent, Jul. Frontinum de Agr. qualitate com. de controv. s. xi. Amsterdam, 1661, 
p. 301. 



\ol.XXXll- l'Utell./...1» 




/'/tins ,ifn/ Ai'twy iH fAr /f/Mi/r ri/' Sf/we /lea/- .fy/tf.-A///y. niU AWfNin.i- »/' Sr/ii'Mr/i/ Pi/ 



33 



III. — On the fise of Mason^Marks in Scotland. By Patrick Chalmers^ Esq. F.S.A. 



Read June 20, 1850. 



The subject of Mason-Marks has obtained some additional interest lately in con- 
sequence of the suggestions that they might be made useful towards ascertaining 
the dates of buildings. living in a district rather remarkable for the goodness of 
its masonry, both in material and in workmanship, my attention had frequently 
been directed to the singular character of these marks, but it had never occurred to 
me that they might be made available for the purpose above mentioned until I read 
Mr. Godwin's letters on the subject in Vol. XXX. of Archseologia. Though I 
doubt whether these marks can be classified chronologically, so as to form an index 
for fixing the date of buildings, yet it is certainly desirable that those who have it 
in their power should contribute their mite towards such a collection as Mr. Godwin 
suggests, in order to a thorough investigation of the subject. It is with this object 
that I have collected the mason-marks on several buildings in the neighbourhood in 
which I live, the dates of which are pretty nearly fixed by written records or 
other extraneous evidence. 

I am not a freemason, nor have any knowledge of the mysteries of that ancient 
craft ; but I think it cannot be doubted that* these mason-marks had, if they have 
not now, a mystical meaning, independent of and besides the particular purpose for 
which they were employed in early times, as now, viz . for denoting and distinguishing 
the stones prepared by respective masons employed together on any given building. 
These marks, in all probability, had their origin before the Christian era; and this 
would indeed be placed beyond all doubt if the marks observed by Colonel Howard 
Vyse and others on stones in the pyramids of Egypt were mason-marks and not 
quarry-marks, as in some instances he has proved them to be, or if we could identify 
the secret societies of Egypt with those of freemasonry, as has been attempted.* It 
is only reasonable to suppose that mason-marks have been modified by and added 
to symbols connected with or illustrative of facts and doctrines of the Christian faith. 

A Anderson's History of Freemasonry. Mounier. But perhaps the best account of freemasonry within a 
short space, is in an article in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. xiv. p. 280 ; seventh edition. It ^ves an 
ample list of authorities. 

VOL. XXXIV. F 



36 On the Use of Mason-Marks in Scotland. 

Pyramids. These appear to be quarry marks^ as he says, being made with ochre 
or paint, as are quarry marks to this day, and not incised in the stone, as are 
mason-marks proper. Quarry marks are generally used when stones are prepared 
in a quarry, and serve to denote the course and position in the course that a given 
stone is intended to occupy, or on rough stones mark the quarry measurement. I 
annex some figures of quarry marks given by Colonel Vyse. It is not certain, 
however, that true mason-marks were not used in the pyramids, and I incline to the 
belief that they were. It is to be noted also that mason-marks are often made on 
the beds of stones, and therefore become invisible in buildings. If it be objected 
that they thus lose their usefulness in the appropriation of bad workmanship to the 
true delinquent, the answer is simple ; the marks are made not by the builders, but 
by those who prepare the stones for the builders, and when they have once passed 
through the hands of these their use is exhausted. 

Whether freemasonry was known among the Greeks and Romans has been a 
matter of dispute ; and it has been well said that the absence of any mention of it 
by their historians or annalists is no more to be taken as a proof of its non-existence 
among them than is the silence of our chroniclers and historians down to the time 
of Hume — I believe even later— a proof that it was unknown in Britain. It is said 
to have been introduced into Scotland A. D. 1 140, at the building of the Abbey of 
Kilwinning, and to have been preserved in greater purity in that country than in 
any other in Europe ; but, be that as it may, it was probably brought in at the first 
employment of foreign masons. The continued purity of freemasonry in Scotland 
may have contributed to the longer use of mason-marks in that country. 

I am quite sensible of my inability to treat these matters as they should be treated, 
and I pretend to do no more than offer a humble contribution to a branch of 
knowledge that may possibly be turned to useful account. 

I have added (Plate IV.) a copy of the Mason-Marks selected from the Cash-Book 
of St. Ninian's Lodge at Brechin, as appended to names of various members of that 
lodge from 1714 to 1847 inclusive. 




YollXnV.VhJb&.m^X. 



Marks mthtn the ^/)7xnd^ T?wer at^ Brechin 
{tw mar^K^ appear on thje eittifi^tJ 





Thejt are ihe crdy Marker with an^' apparent desufn wJJthjTo the RxnxncL/ 
Tower. They are often repeatecL, partt^ul4vrv nl^ovjt the mid^dle, aiieb ar*c 
generalfy cuZ aZon^ tke whole Ir?iffth^ and dept/i of The face of the stone 

JfajSOTL-rHixrlcs on the Square Tower . These are alt witTizrt the bcUZdin^, 
repetUufTUf or wTachy a:f^>eaT-apo7L the outside, ami on the Chancel Muns. 



a 









Ar 



^ 









Masarv^lfdrlcs on th/: Jnsidc of HospUab. 





^m 



M 



:^ + i^ 



\ 




On^ OtUsyde of MospvtAl/ and not repeated on Injieie. 



-iN^ V 




Tfonc of the marJcj ztpon the S^fuart Tower or Hospital exceed 3 or 4 tnclies in. length. 



Mason —3^thrks upon the fcntir of Mel^vm/iy. 



>k 





faJI^ or th/inv are frequsntl^ repeated J 

X X K Y 





\ 








Y t ^ i 




^X 



^ V 0^ 



%^ 



X 





jBtiire.UJ 



Vol XXXIV. Plate.iypJft 



The^e MastW A/ (irk if are selected, frcm. th^ Cash 3ook of 6^ /finia/Cs Lodge of 
Free Masons, dn^chin, wh^rt^ th^'j arr a/?prmi^-d U^ the. n^curies of varu?us Members 
cf that [jodae from 1714 t<^ 1641 /nclt/sU-e 



xx 



m 



X 















rn 










X 








X 




















JR V 



X 



















4 





A 





H- 





J Bcavrt^uK. 



AfJJm *X^W ii^ *L . e^.^.. .y. 



r ■ Aa«A J 



37 



IV. — Rules of the Free School at Saffron Walden^ in Essex ^ in the reign of Henry 
Vlll.y communicated by Tuou AS VfRiGKT, Esq., F.S.A, in a letter to Captain 
W. H. Smyth, R.N., F.R.S.y Director. 



Read December 5, 1850. 



My dear Sir, 

In turning over the records of the town of Saffiron Walden a* few weeks ago, 
I found a volume of rather miscellaneous matter relating to the government of the 
towD, which appears to be chiefly in the writing of the time of Henry the Eighth, 
and in which are two programmes of Regulations for the management of the Free 
Grammar School established there in 1 525, drawn up by two diflFerent masters. 
They are documents of a kind which are rare^ and I think of some interest, 
connected with one of the most important of all subjects — the history of the 
development of the human intelligence. 

No one has yet undertaken to write the history of the forms and systems of 
teaching youth as they have existed in this country. Much material on this subject 
remains ; but scattered in such a manner and in such places that it would require 
both time and labour to gather it together. During a very long period, in fact 
until after the Reformation, the school system, as far as it related to the teaching of 
the first grounds of learning, underwent less variation than we might be inclined to 
suppose. Under the Saxons, schools seem to have been numerous ; every priest or 
monk — indeed every one who by his own education came under the then compre- 
hensive title of clergy — might open a school and teach at his pleasure ; and there 
were probably few districts of any extent in which there was not a schoolmaster. 
After the establishment of the universities this voluntary system was no longer 
sufficient to supply the new wants and new calls of learning ; and this led gradually 
to the foimdation and endowment of schools where competent instructors were 
bound to teach, and where every child capable of receiving instruction could 
demand it as a right. Free-schools, or grammar-schools, as we still call them — they 
were principally intended to ground youth in the Latin grammar—with no immedi- 
ate dependence upon the Church, were thus founded in most of our country towns. 



38 Rules of the Free School at Saffron Walden in Essew, 

It was for the management of one of these schools that the following regulations 
were drawn up. 

The first of these papers consists of two parts — a tabular statement of the lessons 
required of each form or class for every day of the week rsee opposite pagejy and a 
few rules for preserving order and good behaviour among the scholars. The latter 
is especially curious ; in one respect it furnishes us with rather a singular picture of 
society, for it seems to intimate to us that a boy, however unknown, and from whence 
soever he might come, had only to present himself at the school and ask for instruction, 
that the master merely asked from whence he came and what friends he had, and 
more especially whether the plague existed in the place he came from. It is evident 
from the existence of such a rule that it was a case of ordinary occurrence ; and it 
helps us to picture an age in which the desire for knowledge sprang up spontaneously 
in the childish heart, and when would-be scholars wandered forth not only to seek a 
teacher, but to beg abroad for the means of supporting themselves at school. 

" This ys the order of the same schole usyd by me Richard Cox scholemastere. 

" They come to schole at vj. of the clok in the momyng. They say Deus misereatur, 
with a colecte ; at ix. they say De profundis and go to brekefaste. Within a quarter 
of an howere cum ageyne, and tary [till] xj. and then to dyner ; at v. to soper, afore 
an antheme and De profrmdis. 

" Two prepositores in every forme, whiche doth give in a schrowe the absentes 
namys at any lecture, and shewith when and at what tyme both in the fore none 
for the t3ane paste and at v. 

" Also ij. prepositores in the body of the chirche, ij. in the qwere for spekyng of 
Laten in the thred forme and all other, every one a custos, and in every howse a 
monytor. 

"Whan they goe home, ij. and ij. in order, a monitor to se that they do soe tyll 
they come at there hostise dore. Also prevy monytores how many the master wylle. 

" Prepositores in the feld whan they play, for fyghtyng, rent-clothes, blew eyes, or 
siche like. 

" Prepositores for yll kept hedys, unwasshid facys, fowle dothis, and sich other. 

" Yff ther be iiij. or v. in a howse, mon3rtores for chydyng and for Latyn spekyng. 

" When any dothe come newe, the master dothe inquire fro whens he comyth, 
what frendys he hathe, whether there be any plage. No man gothe owte oflF the 
schole nother home to his frendes withowt the masteres lycence. Yflf there be any 
dullard, the master gyvith his frendes wamyng, and puttyth hym away, that he 
sclander not the schole. 

" By me Richard Cox, scholemaster." 



in the reign of Henry VIII. 



39 



The flfyrst 
forme 



The seconde 
fforme 



The thrid 
fforme 



The fourthe 
fonne 



Thefyfthe 
forme 



The syxte 
fforme 
and the 
seventhe forme 



MONDAYE. 



Parte of Stan- 
hridge Acci- 
dence every 
momyng, 
with the se- 
cond, thrid, 
and fowrthe 
forme. Insti- 
tutiones par- 
vulonim vo- 
cahula. And 
also Latynes , 



Fahula ^sopi 
Genera Lilii 
Latynysfower 
tymys in the 
weke 



Terence 
Preterita Lilii 
Latynys 



Tewysdaye. 



Terentius 
Octo partes 
liUi 

Latyns twies 
every weke 



Wrytyng of a 
theme. Salus- 
tius. Versefy- 
eng rulys 
drawne owte 
of Despanse- 
rius other 
Modus con- 
scrihendi 
epistolas 



Horatius or 
Tullius 
Mosellanys fi- 
gures or copia 
rerum et ver- 
horum of 
Erasmus 



Wedenys- 

DAYE. 



Idem 



Idem 



Idem 



Idem 



Thursdaye. 



Idem 



Idem 



Idem 



Idem 



The same save 
they make 



versis 



All lyke Mon- 
day save they 
make verses 



Idem 



The same save 
they make 
nothyng 



Idem 



Idem 



Idem 



EpistoleTullii 
makyng of 
epistles heside 
Salustius 



Lyke as afore 
save they 
make nothyng 



EpistoleTullii 
makyng of 
epistles beside 
Horatius 



Ffrydaye. 



Quos decet in 
mensa at the 
afternone and 
renderyng of 
rules 



Cato, at the 
after none 
render rulys 



Most proper 
hymys, and at 
the after none 

rendre rulvs 

ft 



Vergilii Buc- 
colica in the 
momyng, at 
the a^r none 
render rulys 



Vergilii Eneis 
in the mom- 
yng, at the 
after none 
renderyng of 
rules lemvd 
the hole weke 



Vergilii Eneis 
in the mom- 
yng, at the 
after none 
rendryng of 
rules Icmid 
the hole weke 



Saterdaye. 



Quos decet in 
mensa at the 
afternone ren- 
der Latynys 



Cato, and at the 
after none ren- 
der Latynys 
and vulgares 



Properesthymi 
... and at the 
after none ren- 
der Latynys 
and vulgares 



Vergilii Buc- 
colica, at after 
none rendre 
Latynys and 
vulgares 



Vergilii Eneis 
rcpetyng of 
Latynes and 
vulgares 
lemyd that 
weke 



Vergilii Eneis 
repetyng of 
Latynes and 
vulgares 
lemyd all the 
weke 



Every quarter one fortenyght every forme rendryth all thynges lemyd that quarter. 



40 Rules of the Free School at Saffron Walden in Essew, 

The second of the documents of which I send a copy is unfortunately not complete. 
A leaf has been torn out, which contained the first part of it, and which perhaps gave 
the master*s orders with regard to the behaviour of the scholars. What is left 
relates again to their lessons, and gives a somewhat more particular account of the 
teaching than the former. We gather from it the somewhat curious circumstance 
that the teaching went on on Sundays, the lessons on that day being generally in 
liUcian or iEsop*s Fables. The person whose signature it bears is evidently the same 
who in the list ^ven by Lord Braybrooke, in his History of Saffron Walden, is called 
Worthend, and who was master of the school from 1 545 to 1 547. Richard Cox, who 
signs the preceding document, was probably the successor of the first master, William 
Dawson, but his name does not occur in Lord Bray brockets list of masters. 

". . . . Ovide Metamorphoseos the Thursday, Salust the Fryday with the vij. forme 
and at after none renderyng of there rulys. The Saterdaye lyke as the vij. forme. 
The Sonday lykewise. 

" The v^h forme. 

" They have the versyfycait rulys of Sulpice gevyn in the mornyng of one of the vj* 
forme and thys v*** forme gevyth rulys to the fowrth, the which be preterita et supina of 
Sulpice. Also iiij. verses of Ovide Metamorphoseos the Thursday, Sallust iij. fyrst 
dayes of the weke to be renderid on Saterday in the mornyng. The Latyne they 
have with the fowrthe forme. There constructyones is throwgh owte the weke imto 
Fryday Vergilles Egloges, and an other Tullies Epistles; they make materes ageynst 
Tewisdaye. The Wedenysday make verses. The Thursday epistles. The Friday in 
the mornyng a part of there rulys to be examyned. Att the after none renderyng of 
there rulys lemyd that weke. The Saterday xij. verses to be said withowte boke 
on the mornyng with the examynation of the same, with renderyng of there Lat3mes. 
After none construyth epistles. The Sonday as the other hie formys dothe. 

" The flFowrthe forme. 

" After rules and verses geven of the v* forme they hath a verbe providyd ageyne 
vij. of the clok when the scholemaster comjrth in and base the verbe examjmed 
among them with vulgares upon the same, and after they write the Laten that one 
of them shall make by the assygnyng of the master. And the master construyth to 
them a porcyon of Terence, and at after none thei construe it and parce it by the 
ussher. And after renderith rules and then there Latyn; this contynewith tyll Friday, 
then they have a part of there rulys to be examyned. And at aftemone renderith 
of the rulys lemyd that weke. The Saterday in the mornyng xij. verses of Ovide 
Metamorphe*. At aftemone repet3mg and examynyng there Terence lemyd before. 



in the reign of Henry VIII. 4 1 

The Sonday with other low holydayes an Englysh of an epistle to be made in Latyn 
dyrerse wayes and somtyme Tullies Paradoxes to be construyd. 

"The thrid forme 
hath for ther rules Sulpice genderes and his heteroclites declarid every day a 
portyon of the ussher, and hath throwgh the weke over nygbt a verbe set up to be 
examyned in the momyng, and makith vulgares upon yt ; and after none they have a 
theme to be made in Laten, the which Latyne one of the said forme at the pleasure 
of the master makith openlie dy verse ways. And after that they write the masteris 
owne Latyne. For ther constructiones uponne Mondayes and Wedenysdayes Aesopes 
fabelles. Tuesdayes and Thursdayes Lucyanes dialoges. The Friday in the momyng 
examynation of ther rules ; at the after none renderjoig. Saterday in the momyng 
proper verses of meter of Lilies makyng, and after that repetytyon of there Latens 
with the examjmatyon of the same. The Sonday a dialoge of Lucyane or a fable of 
Esope to be seid withowt booke and construed. 

" The seconde flForme 
lykewise throwh the weke hath a verbe sett up over nyght, and makith vulgaris on 
it, and dothe like at Laten as the thrid forme, ther rulys, Parvula of Stanbridge, and 
ij. verses of his vocables. There constructyones Esopes fabules throwh all the weke, 
save that on the Saterday in the momyng they have iiij. verses of Cato to be 
reuderid withowte boke, with the examynatyon of the same. 

" The flfyrst forme. 
" In the momyng a part of Standbridge accidens, and a verbe of the same accidens 
to be said withowte booke, and then a Laten to be said at the after none ; after that 
repetycyon of rules. The Friday there comparisons with the verbe sum. es. fui. to be 
said ; at the after none repetytyon of there rules. At Saterday repetytyon of there 
Cato. The Sonday a fabuU of Aesope. 

" Also every flForme renderith a fortenyght every quarter for th5mges lemyd the 
quarter before. 

By me Johan Twithenj, scholemaster. 

By me Thomas Brownyng, ussher." 

It has struck me that these two documents possess sufficient interest to be 
communicated to the Society of Antiquaries ; and I therefore take the liberty of 
requesting you will do me the favour of bringing them forward at one of its meetings. 

I remain, my dear Sir, Very faithfully yours, 

THOMAS WRIGHT. 

To Captain W. H. Smyth, R.N. 

Director of the Society of Antiquaries, 

&c. &c. &c. 

VOL. XXXIV. G 






- The Seal of Chaucer .- Copy of the Deed to which it is appended : Copy of a 
public Instrument notifying to him his removal from his Office of Clerk of the 
King's Works. — In a Letter to Sir Hbnry Ellis from Joseph Hunter, a 
Fallow of the Society. 



Read May 14, 1850. 



My dear Sir, 
I beg to have the honour of laying before the President and Members of the 
Society of Antiquaries what I cannot but deem a very interesting relic, an Impres- 
sion ft-om the Seal of Geoffrey Chaucer, perhaps the only impression which has 
descended to our times. I am sorry, however, that it is only a drawing from the 
original which is now produced; but the original itself will be shewn to any member 
of the Society who feels an interest about it. 




The seal is circular : about the size of a shilling, and presents the well-known 
coat of Chaucer, but with this difference, that, whereas in other authorities the 
bend is counter- changed on the per pal& field, on the seal the field is parti per pale, 
but the bend is entire : and, inasmuch as this seal must be regarded as the highest 
authority for the Chaucer coat, it may seem proper to revive the figure in the form 
in which it is here exhibited. 

The impression is in a good state of preservation. The inscription was not 
originally cut with much care, and one or two of the earlier letters are imperfect in 
the stamp ; but it may be read thus : 



The Seal of Chaucer. 43 

The counter-seal has the device of a pelican on her nest, and though it has no 
inscription may fairly be considered as another seal used by the poet. 

I transmit at the same time a copy of the document to which the seal is appended. 
It will be seen that it is not an instrument of Chaucer's own, but of Thomas Chaucer 
of Ewelme, then an esquire, but afterwards a knight. This Thomas has been 
universally regarded as the son of the poet, though perhaps there is not that full 
and decisive evidence which on such a point as this may be desired, and the posses- 
sion by him of this seal may be regarded as another item in the collection of cir- 
cumstances from which the inference of this honourable affiliation is drawn. The 
date is the 20th of May in the 10th year of King Henry the Fourth, about nine 
years after the time of the death of Chaucer. It is not without interest as being 
an early specimen of a deed in the English language, and also for the information 
which it gives respecting the possessions of Thomas Chaucer, who was one of the 
most considerable persons of his time, closely connected with the baronage by his 
marriage, and the father of Alice Duchess of Suffolk. 

Neither the deed nor the seal have I believe till now fallen under the notice of 
any antiquary, having been only lately discovered by me in the unsorted masses of 
Her Majesty's Exchequer. 

I inclose also a copy of another document drawn from the same mass of early 
evidence : being a writ of King Richard the Second, dated at Westminster on the 
17th of June in the 14th of his reign, addressed to Geoffrey Chaucer, late Clerk 
of the King's Works at the Palace of Westminster, the Tower of London, the Castles 
of Wallingford and Berkhampstead, the manors of Kennington, Eltham, Clarendon, 
Shene, Byflete, Children-Langley, and Feckenham, and the mews for the King's 
hawks near Charing Cross, — signifying to him the appointment of John Gedney as 
his successor, and directing him to deliver up to Gedney all rolls, writs, memoranda, 
&c. relating to the said office. 

Believe me, dear Sir Henry, 

Your very faithful Servant, 

JOSEPH HUNTER. 

Sir Henry Ellis, Sec. S.A. 
&C. &c. &c. 

I. 

This ys thentent of Thomas Chaucer Squier made atte Ewelme the twenty day 
of Maij yn the yere of reygne Kyng Herry furth after the conquest tenth endentyd 



44 The Seal of Chaticery 

yn thre parties as hyt sheweth her write ' How that John Golafre Robert James and 
Will«m Beek ben enfeffed yn the reusions of the manoirs of Hogenorton and Cud- 
lyngton wit alle here app"^ten»nc3 and that John Golafre Robert James Nichol 
Yatyngden clerkf and John Cotereit ben enfeffed yn alle the londes and tent3 the 
wyche were Gilbert Wace knyth yn Ewelme Swyncombe 1 Tuffeld and that Will*m 
Beek John Lymby and Thomas Leu ton ben enfeffed yn alle the londes and tent 5 
cleped Tumours yn the tounes and parsches of Bens}mgton Newenh*m Moryn 
Mungewell and Tuffeld wyt fyve acres of mede in Warburgh yn the shire of Oxon 
to haue and to holde to the forsaide feffes 1 to ther heires foreumore to the vse and 
profite of Thomas Chauc The Wille 1 the forsaide entente of the same Thomas 
[Chaucer]^ ys suche as y schal declare to yow that alle the feffes aboue nempned 
schulle enfeffe Thomas Chauc and Maud hys wyf of alle the forsayde reusions oth 
of the forsaide manoirs of the forsaide reusions yf they falle yn the mene tyme forth 
wif alle oth londes tent3 1 mede wyt alle here app"^ten'ncf yn the wiche the forsayde 
feffes ioyntlych otfl seuallich ben feffed )mnef to the vse of the forsayde Thomas atte 
what tyme that euere they ben required by the forsaide Thomas other be Maud oth 
be the heires of there to bodyes frely begote foreumore and yf hit happe that the 
heires of there to bodyes frely begote deye that God forbede lyvyng the forsaide 
Thomas Chauc other Maud that the reusions manoirs londes and tent3 wyt the mede 
and wit alle here app"^ten*nc3 turne aye to the forsaide Thomas Chauc j»nd to Maud 
and to there heires and to there assignes foreumore Other elles yf hyt happe that 
the forsaide heires of the forsaide bodies of Thomas and of Maud frely begote ouer- 
lyve Thomas and Maud and thanne deye wit ou3te issu of there body frely begote 
thanne alle the forsaide reusions manis londes tent3 and mede wit alle here app'^te- 
n'nce3 remayne to Esmond Hampden to his heires and to his assignes foreumore : 
And also the entente of the forsaide Thomas ys that the feffes that schulle be 
enfeffed )m the reusion of the manoir of Dorton ya the shire of Buk ^olJi, elles of 
alle the londes and tent3 that were som tjnne Laurence Cotesmores in Ewelii]ter'and 
Bens}aigton to the vse of Thomas Chaucer forsaide after the acorde that taketh by 
twene the forsaide Thomas ^ John Cotesmore sone and heire of the forsaide Law- 
rence make feffement thereof yn the forme and yn alle manle poyntes as the feffes 
aboue nempned schulle make of alle the forsaide reusions manoirs londes and tent3 
and mede whanne they ben required as hyt ys forsaide. In wjrtnessynge of wych 
thyngf to this my wille and entente y haue put my sel wrete as abouesaid. 

* That is, by being indented both at the top and at the left-hand margin. 
^ Interlined. 




and Deed to which it is appended. 45 



11. 

Ricardus Dei gra Rex Angt et FranS et Dns Hibn ditco sibi Galfro Chaucer nup 
etico operacoum nraj^ saltm. Cum constituimus et assignavimus Jobem Gedney 
ctieum opacoum nra^ apud palacium nrm Westiii Turrim iiram London Castra iira 
de Wallyngeford et Berkhampstede maniia iira de Kenyngton Eltham Clarendon 
Schene Byflete Childemelangeley et Feckenham necnon logiam iiram de Hathebergh 
in foresta iira de nova foresta ac logias iiras infra parcos iiros de Clar}mdon Eltham 
Childemelangley et Fekenham et mutas iiras pro falconibus iiris juxta Charrynge- 
crouch necnon gardino^ stagno^ molendino^ ac clausura^ tam parco^ pdco^ q^ 
oTm alio^ parco^ ad eadem palacium turrim castra mam ia logias et mutas pertinencia 
et ad latomos carpentarios et alios oparios et laboratores quoscumq^ qui opacbib} 
iiris pdcis necessarii fmnt ubicumq^ inveniri porint infra libertates et extra feodo 
ecctie dumtaxat excepto p se et deputatos suos eligend et capiend in dcis opac6ib3 
iiris ponend in eisdem ad vadia iira moratur et ad quedam alia in tris iiris patentib} 
inde confectis contenta faciend et explend put in eisdem tris plenius continet' tibi 
pcipimus qd eidem Jotii officium pPdSm una cum rotulis brib} memorandis et omib3 
aliis officiu pdcm tangentib} que in custodia tua existunt p indenturas inde inr te et 
ipm debite conficiend liberes tlend iuxta tenorem traj^ iirajj pdda^ te de officio illo 
nullatenus intromittens volumus enim te inde erga nos exoiiari. T. me ipo apud 
Westih. xvii die Junii anno r. ii quarto decimo. 

Burton. 



46 



VI. — Remarks on a Coloured Drawi^ig of some Ancient Beads, executed by Benjamin 
Nightingale, Esq., from Specimens in his possession. By John Yonge 
Akerman^ Esq., Secretary. 



Read June 6, 1850. 



By the kindness of Mr. Nightingale I am enabled to lay before the Society a 
drawing of various Ancient Beads in his collection. 

I know of no objects of antiquity which, while they present so distinct a character, 
are at the same time so difficult to assign to a precise period, as these beads. Some 
may be ascribed with tolerable certainty to particular countries ; but others are so 
widely distributed as to render the place of their fabrication a difficult point to settle. 

We have abundant evidence that the fabrication of glass is an art of remote anti- 
quity. Without calling in question the authenticity of the specimens of Egyptian 
beads said to be as old as the period of the Exodus, we may safely infer that the 
XiQiva KxnoL mentioned by Herodotus (ii. 69), as appended to the ears of the sacred 
crocodile in Egypt, were objects formed in a similar manner to the vitrified pastes 
of which so many of these beads are composed. Beads of this description were 
doubtless, in the first instance, composed of simple masses ; but the art of combining 
stalks of glass of various colours was evidently soon discovered, and adapted to the 
formation of party-coloured beads, of which some very beautiful specimens are given 
in the drawing now exhibited. 

Although beads of various kinds are discovered so frequently in Anglo-Saxon 
barrows, I am inclined to assign even the latest of them to a period anterior to the 
spread of Christianity. However frequently found in the graves of christianized 
Saxons, we cannot infer that they date from the century of the interment. Many 
pagan superstitions still remained, and the talismanic character of beads was still 
recognised. 

To the antiquary it will be needless to remark that beads are discovered repeat- 
edly in England, in the interments of the three distinct periods — the Celtic, the 
Roman, and the Saxon. The elegant drum-shaped beads of gold discovered in the 
tumulus at Upton Lovell, and engraved by Sir R. C. Hoare, are well known, and are 
remarkable among all the objects that have been discovered in the early tumuli. 




Remarks on a Coloured Drawing of some Ancient Beads. 47 

Among Roman remains a great number and variety of beads have from time to time 
been discovered ; and of all the periods beads of amber, which Pliny informs us were 
much valued and worn by women, form a part of the personal ornaments of the 
deceased. 

I have now to append Mr. Nightingale's descriptions of the beads in his collection. 
The accompanying Plate offers a considerable variety, and may furnish data to the 
antiquary of some value in future inquiry : — 

" My dear Sir, " Clare Cottage, Priory Road, March, 1850. 

" I send you, agreeably to your request, sketches of thirty-five specimens from 
my collection of Antique Beads, which I will proceed to describe according to 
their numbers. 

" Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4 are of vitrified porcelain, very highly glazed, and of brilliant 
colours. They were found in a tumulus near Northwold's Mill in Norfolk, together 
with about eighty others, chiefly of amber and dark blue glass. 

" No. 5 is similar to the preceding, and was found in Butt Lane, Colchester, in 

1847. 

" No. 6 was found at the Roman Camp, Castlefield, near Manchester. Transpa- 
rent green glass. 

" No. 7 was found with Roman coins at Aldborough, near Boroughbridge, in 
Yorkshire, in 1843. The body is of dark green glass, coated with unglazed enamel, 
which is delicately veined or marbled in colours. 

" No. 8 is of coarse clay, unglazed. It was found under the walls of York, with 
a large hoard of stycas, in 1 84 1 . • 

" No. 9. This elegant little bead, which is probably Anglo-Saxon, was dis- 
covered in the Thames near London Bridge, in June 1847, and came immediately 
into my possession. It is formed of variegated glass, arranged in concentric layers ; 
the facets are cut across these, and produce waved or zigzag lines. A similar bead, 
about double the size, is delineated in Lee's "Antiquities of Caerleon," p. 16, 
No. 21. 

^^ No. 10 is a fragment of a bead similar to the last in fabric and ornament, and 
when perfect must have been as large as a hen's egg. It serves to show how these 
beads were formed, the broken part revealing the disposal of the concentric layers. 
The light green glass bordering the aperture is as clear and bright as beryl. Its 
locality is unknown ; but perfect beads, equal in dimensions to what this has ori- 
ginally been, are frequently found in the countries bordering the Rhine, and the 



48 Remarks on a Coloured Dramng of some Beads. 

local museums of the Rhenish towns, especially Manheim and Baden, are rich in 
such specimens. 

" Nos. 1 1, 12 were found on the site of the Roman station at Fariey Heath, near 
Albury, in 1847. Both are of transparent glass; one green, with a white opaque 
stripe running through it ; the other, bright blue. 

" Nos. 13, 14, 15 were found in London, on the site of the Post Office, when the 
foundations for the present building were laid. One is of clear yellow glass, the 
other two of coloured clay, with a shining glaze or enamel. 

" These three beads, as well as No. 8, are of the class called traditionally Druidical 
— Druid's beads or rings. They are found throughout England, in all parts of the 
Continent, and even in i^emote places in the East. They are occasionally composed 
of glass, but more generally of coarse light-coloured clay, sometimes covered with 
a vitreous glaze, and always fluted. They are frequently found in British barrows, 
and there is a strong probability that they were manufactured here, and sold by the 
Druids as amulets or charms. Perhaps the glass specimens were imported by those 
who traded with the Belgae and Gauls, and formed the model for the manufacture 
of the commoner native sort. Those who have opened the most ancient barrows 
have often found but a single bead accompanying a skeleton, and the inference is, 
that it was deemed an amulet rather than an ornament. The readers of Plinv need 
not to be referred to his description of the ovum anguinum^ but it is certain that 
a notion agreeing with his account of the origin of the serpent-bead, or ' glain 
stone,' as it is called, is still prevalent in Wales. Lee gives a curious anecdote 
illustrative of this tradition. He adds that these beads or rings are called in 
Cornwall * glain neider,' which lityally means * serpents of glass.' 

'^ No. 1 6 is of semi-opaque glass, of a milky appearance, and is of an unusual 
shape. It was found at Chapel Hill, Mershall, near Caistor. 

No. 17 is of coarse red clay, and was found at Caistor, near Norwich. 
No. 18 is a large ball or bead of glass, rather more than five inches in circum- 
ference, and unperforated. It is formed of a very dark brown glass, which, except 
when held to the light, appears black. It is ornamented with white enamel 
arranged in a series of semicircles radiating from the centre, which is slightly 
depressed. A somewhat similar bead, belonging to Mr. Orlando Jewitt, of Head- 
ington, Oxford, is engraved in the Archaeological Journal of December, 1846, 
No. 12 ; but the enamel on that is disposed in irregular splashes, as if laid on at 
random. There is another depicted in Beesley's History of Banbury, which was 
found at Adderbiuy; this is also decorated with spots of enamel, but in a less 







Remarks on a Coloured Drawing of some Beads. 49 

degree, and still more irregularly disposed. I do not know where my bead was 
found. It was obtained (together with No. 10) at the sale of the collection of the 
late Mr. Anstice, of Bridgewater, where it was labelled ^ Phoenician glass.' 

" No. 19 is of coarse clay, but glazed ; it was found with a human skeleton in a 
field at Barrow, near Bury St. Edmund's. 

^' Nos. 20, 21 were found at Kertch, in Southern Russia (the ancient Pantica- 
pseum, the capital city of Mithridates, where he is said to have died), in a tomb 
opened under the personal inspection of Mrs. Cattley, the wife of the English consul 
at that place, by whom they were, with a large collection of similar objects, brought 
to this country in 1848. Tlie sepulchres which abound around Kertch have proved 
extremely rich in antiquities ; in one, where the remains of a king and queen were 
deposited, no less than the almost incredible amount of 168 lbs. weight of solid gold 
ornaments were discovered. They are preserved in the Emperor s museum. 

" No. 22 is from Egypt. This beautiful specimen is of green transparent glass, 
enamelled all over with minute stripes of red and white. 

" Nos. 23, 24 were brought from the East by Major Macdonald. They are of a 
cylindrical form, and are used in Nubia and some parts of Abyssinia as money ; the 
equivalent of the larger one is four cows ! Several specimens in my collection 
appear to have been purposely cut in half, as a medium for smaller transactions in 
trade or barter. None but the antique beads are esteemed, and the native eye is so 
practised as at once to detect the modern counterfeits with which unprincipled 
traders have attempted to deceive them. 

" No. 25 is Egyptian, and was formerly in Mr. Salt's collection ; it is of a unique 
shape, of yellow porcelain, with a blue spiral line which appears to be carried quite 
through the substance of the bead. 

" No. 26 is also Egyptian ; it is of red porcelain, with variegated stripes. 

" No. 2/ is one of a series of twenty-two beads, of different sizes, but all similar 
in colour and pattern. They were formerly in the collection of the late Dean of 
St. Patrick, where they were labelled ^ Found in a tomb in the Sabine country.' 

" Nos. 28 to 35. The locality of these beads is unknown ; they are chiefly from a 
Continental collection. Nos. 29 and 35 are of rich purple glass, the former having 
a band of green encircling it ; the latter shewing groved circles filled in with a 
yellow paste. The other examples are remarkable either for shape or ornament. 

*^ I leave to your more experienced and practical antiquarianism the task of 
discussing the origin, uses, and manufacture of these curious and interesting relics, 

VOL. XXXIV. H 



50 Remarks on a Coloured Drawing of some Beads^ 

which would seem to have been held in high esteem by our rude forefathers, 
British as well as Anglo-Saxon ; 



i€ 



Remaining, my dear Sir, 

" Faithfully yours, 

" B. NIGHTINGALE. 



<* To John Yonge Akerman, Esq. 
Sec S. A." 



I have merely to observe that the unperforated bead; No. 18, is imquestionably 
genuine, and that it resembles a fragment found in Westmer^md, & by labourers 
engaged in exploring some tombs of the middle ages. If really deposited with the 
body then foimd, it had doubtless been considered by the deceased as an amulet. 

I am well aware that much might be written on a subject so interesting, and that, 
whether viewed as personal ornaments or the evidences of ancient superstition, they 
are well deserving the attention of the curious ; but my present object is simply 
to place before the reader a few well-authenticated facts as a guide to further 
investigation. 

JOHN YONGE AKERMAN. 

* Journal of Arch. Inst vol. iv. p. 60. 



Voixsav.rbu.v./-.* 







51 



VII. — Extracts from the Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of Eltham in Kent: 
tvith Notes and Illustrations, by G. R. Cornbr, Esq., F.S.A.^ in a Letter to 
John Yonge Akerman, Esq., Secretary. 



Read April 18 and May 9, 1850. 



My dear Sir, Eltham, 7 February, 1850. 

I do not know if the Society of Antiquaries will think that extracts from church- 
wardens' accounts of the reigns of the Tudor queens are so plentiful that no 
addition to the present collection is required, or can afford any new information ; 
but I venture to send you, for the Society, some extracts from the Accounts of the 
Churchwardens of Eltham, in Kent, which I think will be found to possess more 
than ordinary interest from the circumstance of Eltham being the site of one of the 
ancient royal palaces, and of frequent reference being made to royal visits, and other 
events of a public nature, as well as to some men of note, between the commence- 
ment of the reign of Queen Mary and the accession of King James the First. 

Perhaps I ought to apologise for some of the notes as unnecessary for the infor- 
mation of the Society of Antiquaries ; but, as I am indebted to the late Mr. Gage 
Rookwode for most of the notes on the furniture and utensils of the Roman Catholic 
worship, and as I believe them to be very correct, I have added them, thinking they 
can do no harm to those who are well informed on such subjects, while they may 
be useful to some to whom such things are not so familiar. 

I remain,. dear Sir, 

Yours very sincerely, 

GEORGE R. CORNER. 

J. Y. Akerman, Esq. 

Extracts FROM the Accounts of the Churchwardens of Eltham. 

A«. 1554. 

Km, paid the xij day of July for setting up of the highe alter, to yell 
(ale), meat, and drinke, and yj bushells of lime |.for the same at Y]d. 
the busshell ........ iiij^. yl 



52 



Extracts from the 



Itm, paid to Robert Esbruke for taking down of the bell and hanging 

her up again, and trussing the great bell 
Itm, paid for wainge of the same bell 
Itm, paid for making of the oblygation * 
Itm, paid for carrying of the bell into Southwark 
Km, paid for carr}'ing of the bell unto the bellfounder 
Itm, paid for bringing home of the bell 
Ifm, paid for one hundreth and a half and vij lb. of metal for y 

\\\]d. the lb. . 
Itm, paid to the bellfounder, for casting the bell 
Itm, paid for setting up of the Sepulchere ^ 
Km, paid for taking down of the same . 
Km, paid for watching the same ij nights 
Itm, r'd at Easter for the pascale *^ 

1555. 
Itm, paid for sawing of the tree that went to the mending of the bridge 
at Weston Green** . . . . . . . nij^, 

Itm, paid for half a lb. of frankincence .... 

Km, paid for setting up of the sepulchre and taking down the same 

Km, paid for watching the sepulchre for 2 nights 

Km, paid for cole for the holy fire® .... 

Km, paid for oyl and creame ..... 



. nij^. 


mja. 


• 


viijrf. 


. 


xxd. 


• 


vjrf. 


• ij*. 


vii]d. 


• • • • 




bell, at 




. Iviij*. 


• • • . 7 

mja. 


. .. 1 • • • 
njfo. vij^. 




. 


. • • • V 

lUjrf. 


• 


nija. 


• 

• 


viijrf. 


. y]s. 


yi\]d. 



.... 



vd. 
viijrf. 
viijrf. 

• • • • 7 

mja. 

• • • . 7 

nijrf. 



^ I. e. a bond or agreement entered into by the bellfounder, who probably lived at Whitechapel. See p. 65. 

^ The sepulchre. — This was a moveable tomb erected in the church on Good Friday and remaining till 
Easter Day, and in which the consecrated host was deposited during that interval. The sepulchre was 
sometimes a fixture and made of stone. This subject has been fully illustrated by Mr. Gough in the Society's 
Vetusta Monumenta, Vol. III. PI. xxxi. xxxii. 

*^ The pascal. — Tapers ornamented with flowers were used on high festivals to bum before particular 
images and to be borne in processions. They were sometimes made like plaited hair and spiral, and wound 
round a staff. This was the pascal taper, which was sometimes very large, and it seems to have been customary 
to make a collection at Easter for the expense of it. 

•^ Weston or West-End Green, — A small common at the foot of the hill on the London side, or west 
end, of Eltham. The rivulet which runs through Lee crosses the high road there. 

^ The holy fire, — On Holy Saturday, the day preceding Easter Day, is the ceremony of blessing fire, 
from which the lamps in the church are lighted that are kept alight during the ensuing year for the use of the 
church. On this day are blessed the pascal candle and the triple candle (see the Roman missal). It was 
very usual for pious persons to carry home on this day the sacred fire to their houses, as appears from the 
customs of Vienna and Lyons. 




Accounts of the Churchwardens of Eltham. 63 

Itm, paid to Mr. Draper, one of the churchwardens of Bromley, the vj 

day of June, for xiiij yeres at Michaelmas next . . . xiiij^. 

Itm, paid to Bexley for quit rent for the land at East End . . xvjrf. 

Itm, paid for a suitt groat ' at the same time . . . • m]d. 

1556 & 155/. 
Itm, r'd for torches ^ for old Stubbes ..... xiijrf. 

Itm, rec*d of John Rolt and John Allee, wardens of the xv penny land,« 
to be employed upon the reparation of the church . v?i. 

Itm, rece'd at Easter for the pascal ..... yj^. viijrf. 

Itm, rec'd of Mr. Drere, for tapers at the burial of his wife . . viijrf. 

Itm, r'd for torches at the burial of ould Thomas Adeene . . yjrf. 

Itm, r d of the bequest of Thos. Adean towards the buying of a graylle ^ x*. 

1557. 
Itm, rece*d for torches at the burial of S'. Thomas Huxley, late Vicar 

of Eltham^ ........ xijrf. 

Itm, rece'd for the burial of S'. , chaplene to S'. Henry 

Gemygame, knighte,' who was buried within the church . . vj^. viijrf. 

* A suit groat. — A fine for non-attendance to do suit at the lord's court. 

^ Torches. — Used at funerals for poor people in lieu of tapers at each comer of the hearse. 

^ The fifteen -penny lands consist of about thirty-eight acres of land at Eltham, which were given by King 
Henry the Seventh in 1492 to the poor inhabitants of Eltham towards the payment of their fifteenths, in 
consideration of so great a portion of the land in the parish belonging to the Crown, and not being assessed 
to the subsidies. This land is still held by trustees for the parish. 

•^ Graylle. — A gradual, a service-book which takes its name from the prayer chaunted gradatim after 
the epistle. It is the choir-book used for singing mass. 

^ Thomas Huxley, Vicar, is not mentioned by Hasted in his list of Vicars of Eltham. 

^ Sir Henry Jcmingham, Knt. of Costessey Hall, Norfolk, was among the lords and gentlemen who joined 
Queen Mary at Framlingham on the proclamation of Lady Jane Grey in 1553, and did her good service at Yar- 
mouth, where, while he was raising, for her, six tall ships well manned, that were appointed before Yarmouth to 
have taken the Lady Mary if she had fled, were by foul weather driven into the haven, and Jemingham taking a 
boat to hail them, the sea- soldiers demanded what he would have. His answer was, their captains, whereunto 
the soldiers consented, threatening to throw them into the sea if they refused to serve Queen Mary. (Chronicle 
of Queen Jane, printed for the Camden Society, p. 8.) On the 3 1st July, in the same year, the Queen made 
him Vice-Chamberlain and Captain of the Guard. On the insurrection of Sir Thomas Wyatt, Sir Henry 
Jemingham was sent with the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Arundel to oppose him ; but, the trained 
bands deserting the Duke at Strood, and going over to Wyatt, the Duke of Norfolk fled, together with 
the Earl of Arundel and Sir Henry Jemingham. He probably occupied Eltham Palace as Vice-Chamberlain. 
The chaplain's name is omitted in the original. 



• • • • ^ 



xmja. 

• •• • f 
luja. 

ijs. vuja. 



64 Eatraetsfr&m the 

Urn, paid to the painter^ tiie 12 day of April, of London, for painting 
the roode withe Mary and John . . . , . viij*. 

Van, paid for 2 standing candlefltickB of iron for the hearse^ and a wicker 

case for the challis ....... iij*. iiijrf. 

Ifm, paid to Rob'te Easebrook, carpenter, in part of payment of his bar- 
gain for the reparations of the church the 28th of Novr. . ijli xv]s. viijrf. 

Ifm, to the cloke maker for looking to the cloke and mending of her 

for this yeares end at Christmas. ..... yj*. Yiijrf. 

Km, paid to the bayley of the town for the coman fine** due for half a 
yere at o*" Lady day last past ...... yj^. ixrf. 

I&n, paid for xv]li. of newe waxe for the pascall and for the tapers about 
the sepulchi'e, and the rood lofte with the 4 tapers, and Judas lighte*^ 
at xijrf. . . . . . . . amounteth xyj*. 

Itm, paid for working of xiiij lb. of old wax at jd. the lb. 

Km, paid for coles for the hallowed fire .... 

I!m, paid for the clarks and singers drinking on Easter Day 

Km, paid to Henry Snokesone for a canopy cloth"* . . iij/i 

Itm, paid for a new graylle, the xij of Septr. 

Km, paid for tj yards of HoUon clothe for an albe,'' at xrf. the y'd 

Itm, paid for nayles to mende y* lectume 

Itm, paid for a hoely water sprinkle .... 

Itm, p'd for the churchwardens charges riding to London to buy a 

grayll, and the clothe aforesaid . . . . . xvjrf. 

Itm, paid for v ells of coarse holland clothe for the rood clothe at xrf. . iiij*. ijrf. 

Itm, paid for 2 yards of canvas for the altar in the chapel . . xijrf. 

Km, paid for painting for the altar in the chappel . . . iij^. vjrf. 

Km, paid for a line to pull up the rood clothe on Palm Sunday iiijrf. 

* The hearse. — It was usual on the death of persons of any note to erect in the church a hearse or stage 
decorated with palls or herse-cloths, tapers, the arms and cognizances of the deceased, &c. 

•» The common Jine. — John Passey, by his will, dated 5th July, 1509, gave a messuage and land upon 
trust, among other purposes, to pay 18*. 4d. yearly to the borsholder of Eltham for the head-silver or common 
fine payable to the Crown at Michaelmas and Easter Law days. 

^ Judas' light — A taper which represented Judas Iscariot, and which at a certain part of the ceremony 
on Good Friday was suddenly extinguished and left to stink. 

*^ llie canopy cloth was borne over the Eucharist on solemn processions ; as on the feast of Corpus 
Christi, and in visitations to the sick. 

jiii, — The alb is a white linen garment worn by the priests, deacons, and sub-deacons, reaching down 
to the feet, and tied round the neck and at the wrists, and gathered by a girdle round the waist. 



vs. 



jrf. 

a • • • f 

mja. 




Accounts of the CkurchwardeM of Eltham. 55 

1557. 1558. 

Itm paid for one sake of coUes for the haBofwedi fire • . . viij^l. 

Will'm Hamonde ' signs the audit as Vicar of Eltham. 



1559. 

Imp'mis, delivered to John Birde on silver challis. 

Itm, deliv'd to John Birde a cannipy of rede damaske. 

Itm, deliv'd to John Birde one vestemente ^ of white, and one redde vestemente, 

and another vestemente of dove sattine, and to hangine clothes for the alter,"" 

the one of whytte and the other of reade damaske. 
Receaved and deUv'd the iiij day of Februarye to John Skitte and Thomas 

Mumbeye, churchwardens, as foUowethe, of Eltham, in the second year of the 

reign of Queue Elizabeth. 
Item, deliv'd to John Birde a whitt damask vestemente, with all things belonginge 

thereunto. 
Itm, two longe towelles, the one diaper and the othere plaine, and a cross banner 

cloth.* 
Itm, a whitte damaske vestemente, with a saville® and an albe for the same. 
Itm, a vestemente of redde velvitte w* all thinges belong' thereunto. 
Itm, a cope ' of whitte satyne. 
Itm, a herse clothe of redde vellvite. 
Itm, a cannipy of red damaske. 
Itm, a painted satteine clothe. 

^ William Hammond is another Vicar of Eltham not mentioned hy Hasted. 

^ Vestment* — The garment particularly called the vestment is the chasuhle, casula, or planeta ; an outer 
vestment pulled over the head and cut open at the sides to the shoulders, which the priest wears at mass. 
It derives its name from the Roman garment called psnula. 

^ Hanging-clotki for the altar. — The altar-cloth is often called in English manuscripts frontell 
(antipendiom). 

^ A cross-banner cloth, — Banners of green were used in processions on vig^ils and fasts, and often had 
depicted on them either the personified representation of the Trinity, or more frequently the heraldic emblem 
or diagram drawn in a triangular form, and reading Pater est Deus^ &c. 

^ Saville^^'A saveall or pinafore. 

^ Cope^ — The copey cappa^ called also pluviale: used for the choirHnrvice and ceremonials. It 
resembles in its shape a large and flowing cloak, open in the front, and fastens on the breast by clasps* The 
copes were of various colours andmateriils, and differently ornamented. 



56 Extracts from the 

Vboi, a vestemente of bodkin * work, w^ all thinges belonging therunto. 
I!m, a vestemente of blue damaske, w^ all things belonging thereunto. 
Itm, iij tunicles ^ and two cushens, an ould coverlitte, and ij stoules. 

1660. 

Itm, paid for a bibell ....... xij^. 

I&n, paid for o' charges in bu3dng it . . . . . xijrf. 

I&n, paid for putting downe the allter . . . . . viijrf. 

Itm, paid George Gouldwell, of Bexley, for an obit rent,« the 4th day of 
Nov"^. due at the feast of St. Myghell, in the yeare of o' Lord God 
1660 ........ vj^. viijrf. 

1662. 

Km, paid to the boys for the Ma3rpole ..... yjrf. 

Itm, paid for the Queue's Inj'sions and the Bishop's Articles . . vrf. 

1663. 

Km, rece'd of S^ John Hangere,* for half a yere's rent of the parish house 
at Pope Strete* ....... ix^. yjrf. 

1664. 

Itm, paid to John Alighe for a soldier's cap .... xiiijrf. 

Km, for scoweringe two harnesses and triminge them . . . v^. iiijrf. 

For cariage of the harnesses to London and fetching home again . xyjrf. 

Itm, for a sworde, and carying the harness to the muster at Blackheathe ij^. viijrf. 
Km, laid out at the Kinges bench for a felow that was taken in this 

lordship . . . . . . . . ij*. ijrf. 

1666. 

Paid to Edd. Ellyat, at the eatinge of the bucke that was geven to the 
p'rish . . * . . . • . . X*. 

* Bodkin or baudkin, — A rich kind of stuff made of gold and silk. 
^ Tunicles^ tyrutcolly tunicelUu — The 8uh-deacon*s garment. 
^ A rent-charge payable out of some of the parish lands for the obit of the donor. 

^ Sir John Hanger was, I believe, a Roman Catholic priest who had served the church during the reign 
of Mary. 
® Pope Street is a hamlet in the parish of Eltham, on the road to Footscray. 




Accounts of the Churchwardens of Eltham. 57 

Itm, paid to the keeper of the spitel house in Kent Strete* for kepinge 
of joyner ........ xlj*. 

Itm, paid for skowering of the p'ish hamis . . . . vij*. TJrf. 

Itm, paid for watehinge the beacon at Shutters Hill** . . . v^. 

Paid for carrpng ij. lodes of timber from Whets elme to the churche*' . xijrf. 

1568. 

Paid for drinke for the ringers at ij. times, when the Queene cam throw 

the towne ^ . . , . . . . . viij^f. 



Payments to Sylvester Page^ the Shingler^for the Reparations of the Church 

Steeple. 

Paid to Sylvester Page . . . . . . iijK. iij*. iiijrf. 

The like . . . . . . . iijK. iij*. iiijrf. 

Itm, p'd to Sylvester Page for 200 shingles .... yj^. 

Itm, paid to Sylvester Page for 7 dayes work and 3 men . xxxij*. %d. 



1569. 

Itm, paid for drinke when the Queue came throw the towne for the 
ringers ........ 



vjrf. 



* The Spital House in Kent Street was the hospital for lepers, called " The Lock." 

^ The beacon at Shooter's Hill was one of a chain of beacons established on every eminence along both 
sides of the river and communicating with each other. Each parish in which such an eminence was situate 
seems to have been required to keep a pile of wood always ready to be ignited, and to maintain persons to 
watch it, and to fire it, on receiving the signal from the next beacon. 

^ Whetfs elnty or Wyatfs elm is frequently mentioned in the parish records. It was at South End 
on the road from Eltham town to Footscray, and probably at the angle formed by the road leading to 
Chiselhurst, called Green Lane ; but the corner of the road from Eltham to Bexley was called White's or 
Wyatt's Cross, and I have been informed that there was formerly an ancient elm growing there. Recently 
the skeleton of a man upwards of six feet in length has been discovered there. It was probably the body of 
afelo-de'Se buried at the cross road, according to ancient, but now happily exploded, custom, from whom the 
place may have derived its name of White's or Wyatt's Cross. Can Wyatt's Elm or Wyatt's Cross have 
any connection with Sir Thomas Wyatt or his family ? His son George WWatt, the poet, is said to have died 
at Bexley. 

^ Ringing the bells on Queen Elizabeth's progress through the town. — It was well for the churchwardens 
of Eltham that they paid her Majesty that mark of respect, for the churchwardens of Saint Olave's, 
Southwark, were sued in the Star Chamber and heavily fined ** for not ringing their bells when the same 
termagant Queen passed down the river in her barge to Greenwich." 

VOL. XXXIV. I 



58 



Extracts from the 



Itm, paid for a book called the Omilles, and the charges to buy it . xjj. yyi. 

Itm, paid for a bybell and charges to by it . . . xxx^. 

VbaXj paid for a communion cup and a cover^ weight 10 oz. 4 qr. at 
5^. 10€^. per oz. Sum is iijZi. iij^. \}d. In part of pa3rment for the 
challis and a pattin peel gilt, xiij. oz. haulf qr« at 4^. 9d» the oz. 
iijZe. xvrf. . . . . . . . . ij*. 

Itm, to Robte Stubbes for drinke, when the parish stuffe was fetched 

away ........ ^d» 

Itm, paid for sittinge at Dartford, when the Queues Commissioners was 

there about chantry landes, the 22 day of April, 1 569 . . v^. 

1571. 

Itm, geven to the ringers in bread and drinke the same day that the 

Queue was pclaymed * . . . . . . xijrf. 

John Camicke ^ signs the audit as Vicar. 



The Account of John Rolt and Edward Ellyate, Wardens of the Ftfetenepeny 
Lands belonging to the parish of Eltham, for 4 years, viz. the 10, 11, 12, and 
1 3M of Eliz. ending at Michaelmas Day last past. 



Sum of the receipts 



xxviji/. mj^. vuja 



Payments by the same Wardens in anno 1568. 

Paid to the Queue for half a fiftene in the 10th year of her reign 

Itm, paid to the becon at Shutters Hill, 10th y'^. 

Itm, paid to Robert Stubbes and John Petley, chVardens, for the 

pairing of the church steaple 
Itm, paid to the becone in the xjth yeare 
Itm, paid for a corslett and a pike 
Itm, paid for a dager . 
Itm, paid for iij. Scotes caj^es . 
I¥m, paid for a bille 
Rm, paid for a sword girdell 
Rm, paid to the souldiers at their going 
Itm, paid for match & gunpouder 
Itm, paid for frise sloppes and jerkings 



out at certain times 



XXIJ*. 


yja. 


. x^. 




re- 




xxxviij^. 


viijrf. 


. x^. 




xliij^. 


• ••• m 




xijrf. 


•• •• 


yjrf. 




xyjrf. 




viijrf. 


. \i\]s. 






XTJrf. 


xxxv^. 





^ This means the anniversary of her proclamation. 

^ John Carnick is a third Vicar of Eltham not in Hasted's list. 




Accounts of the Churchwardens of Eltham. &9 

Itm^ paid for a corslet and a pike ..... xk. 

Itm, paid to Richard Bori for the beacone, in the adjth yere xxx^. 

Ifm, paid to the souldiers at Lewisham ..... xije/. 

Itm, paid for ij. gunes and ij. morindes* .... liij^. vjrf. 

Itm, paid to the souldier for a sword and a dager on his going to the 

shippes ........ iii}^. 

Rm, paid to the counstaple for iij.lb. of poulder, and ij.lb. of match, 

and ij. lb. of shot- ....... yj*. ]d. 

Itm, paid for laist for the flaske and touch-box . . . . Tjrf. 

Itm, paid for conduct moni to the counstaple, and going to mouster 

with the souldier ....... vij*. yjrf. 

Itm, paid to Cluene Elizabeth for one fifteenth, in the 1 3th yere of her 

reign xlv^. 

16/2. 

Rece'd of Sr. John Carnike, Vicar, towards the making of the dialle, of 

his own free gifte ....... iiJA\ 

Paid to Mr. Angell, the preacher, the xixth day of Marche 

Itm, paid for a writ out of the Marshalsea .... 

Itm, paid for the Knight Marshalman's charges 

Km, paid for other charges about the same .... 

Itm, paid for drawinge the courte . . , . . xvjrf. 

Itm, to Willm. Bamote, for going to Rochester to the imbassiter w** 

horses ........ vj*. 

Itm, paid to John Petley for a day's work, for making a seat for Mr. 

Vikare, and bordinge the Crosse-house^ .... xiiijrf. 

Paid to Henry Graynes for the v. mens din^ that wear the coman 

hamesse, when they did must last in the court yard . . • j^. "^ijrf. 

Itm, to Mr. Bromhead, constapell of the hundred, for watching the 

beacon ........ vj^. ii]d. 

* Morions. 

*' The Cross-house. — I am not sure whether the cross-house was a market-house with a market-cross 
standing in the wide space near the church from which the Court Lane leading to the palace branches off at 
right angles, or whether it was a cross-house similar to an ancient one at Southampton, consisting of two 
walls intersecting each other, and forming a cross covered by a roof, but open on each side, thus affording a 
shelter on one side or the other, let the wind blow from any quarter. Such a cross-house might have stood, 
and would have been very necessary, near the beacon at Shooter's Hill. The cross-house is afterwards 
mentioned several times on occasion of a poor woman being brought to bed in it, and others being sick there. 



1J«. 




ij«. 


vjd. 


ij*. 


xd. 


V*. 





60 Extracts from the 

> 

Paid to John Bourne for a pound of gunpowder . . . iiijrf. 

Paid for writing of 17 yeres accounts of the churchwardens — there 

accounts writen in a great boke called a ledger . • • tj^. \\\]d. 

I&n, paid for v. mens diners that did wear the comon armor the last 

musterday * . . . . . . . . xx^. 

Paid for pullinge down the backe of the rodeloft . . . xijrf. 

1572-3. 
Paid at the eating of the buck which Mr. Hatton gave to the parish'' xxxvij*. viijrf. 

1574. 

Itm^ paid to goodwif Hayte for vitall that a woman had that was brought 
abed in the crosshous ...... iij^. 

Itm, paid to John Alice and Richard Feltone for the charges of the mearse- 
ment touching the hew and cry for Brown that murthered Mr. 
Sanders at Shutters Hill *".... . xxxyj*. viijrf. 

* The parish soldiers must have had a sumptuous dmner this time ; the cost of the former dinner was 
only \s, %d. 

^ Mr. Hatton. — This was the celebrated Sir Christopher Hatton — 

« Whose high-crowned hat and satin doublet 
Moved the stout heart of England's Queen, 
Though Pope and Spaniard could not trouble it." 

Christopher Hatton was appointed Keeper of Eltham and Home Parks on the 27th July, 1568, for his life, 
and he appears to have enjoyed the office until his death, in 1591, for one of his letters is dated from Eltham, 
15th July, 1590. And here doubtless the Queen visited him. She was twice through the town in 1568, 
once in 1569, and she dined at Eltham in 1576, as appears from these extracts. A pleasing notice of 
Hatton's mode of living here, and of his taste and liberality, occurs in the intercepted letters of Monsieur de 
Champenaye, ambassador in England from the Low Countries. He says : — I was one day by Sir Cliristopher 
Hatton, Captain of her Majesty*s Guard, invited to Eltham, a house of the Queen's, whereof he was the 
guardian. At which time I heard and saw three things that, in all my travels in France, Italy, and Spain, I 
never heard or saw the like. The first was a concert of music, so excellent and sweet as cannot be 
expressed ; the second, a course at a buck, with the best and most beautiful greyhounds that ever I did 
behold ; and the third a man of arms, excellently mounted, richly armed, and indeed the most accomplished 
cavaliero I had ever seen. This knight was called Sir Henry Lea, who that day (accompanied with other 
gentlemen of the court), merely to do' me honour, vouchsafed at my return to Greenwich to break certain 
lances, which action was performed with great dexterity and commendation. — Segar's Account of Tournaments, 
in Walpole's Miscellaneous Antiquities. The 87 j. Sd, spent at the eating of the buck was probably for 
drinking, exemplifying the old saying, that good eating requires good drinking. 

^ Hue and cry for Brown, — This alludes to a horrible murder committed at Shooter's Hill in 1573, by 
George Brown, who, being enamoured of the wife of Master Sanders, a merchant of London, waylaid and 



Accounts of the Churchwardens of Eltham. 



61 



Itm, paid to Cowke for makinge clene the armore againste the muster, 
the V. day of June ....... 

Itm, paid for writinge the bills for the muster «... 
Itm, paid to John Petley for making the beeon .... 

Km, paid to the clockmaker for his wolle yeres ser* for keping the clock 

1575. 

Itm, paid for makinge the bookes of the collections toward the makinge 
of CoUiton haven, and for carying the said bokes two severall days to 



VA'. 


yjrf. 




viijrf. 


ij^. 


• • a. m 

mja. 


x^. 





London 



\]S. 



1576. 



Payd for brede and dryncke whan y* Queues Grasse dyned at Eltham,' 
for ringing ........ 

1677. 

Paid to Thomas Kowke for skowring of y* hamis 

Paid for two swordes 

1578. 

Itm, paid for untilling of the crosse ..... 
Itm, paid for removing the tiles out of the crossehows into y* store- 
house, &c. ..••••.. 

1579. 

Itm, paide for a booke for y* plague to be reade in y* churche . 
Itm, paide unto John Browne for wafers for y* comunion 
Itm, paide for ij. quartes of muskadine . . . . 

Itm, paide for eighte quartes of malmesie .... 



v^. 



* V « w 



XX(/. 



xvjrf. 
xijrf. 



iijrf. 

vjrf. 
xvjrf. 
viijrf. 



murdered Sanders (with the connivance of his wife) on Shooter s Hill, where he was on his road into Kent 
in pursuit of his business. Mr. Sanders's man servant, who was also left for dead by the road-side, fortunately 
recovered sufficiently before his death to give an account of the murder, and accused Brown, who was appre- 
hended at Rochester, tried, and executed on the spot where the murder was committed, and Mrs. Sanders, 
with two confederates, Mrs. Drewry and a man called Trusty Roger, were afterwards tried, convicted, and 
executed in Smithfield. This horrible tragedy gained for the place, for a time, the title of ** The Hill of 
Blood,'* and a play was produced on the subject, shewing that the morbid taste for such subjects, which now 
unhappily exists, is not peculiar to the present day. 

* This was doubtless on a visit by her Majesty to Sir Christopher Hatton, 



62 Extracts /ram the 

Item^ paid to Petlye for pearinge of y^ crossehouse • « . xijiJL 

Item^ payed unto Cokerell for his abbott money' due atj^the feast of 

Saynte Mychell last paste • . . . . . vjs. vigrf. 

Ihsiy for Good Bremmington his dayes work in helpinge of John Petley 

of settinge up of the stoupes ^ of the cross^ouse . . xd. 

1680. 
Fd to the pishe of Bexley for a s%ne penny "" at the corte there . jrf. 

1581. 

P*d at Sr. Thomas Walsingham*s ^ at the deliv'ance of Richard a Price to 
y«gaile . . . . . . . . iij^. 

1682. 

Km, p*d to Jone Fittricke . . . . . . xijrf. 

Itm, p'd for her whippinge ...... yjrf. 

Itm, laid owt to the clockmaker for the newe clocke . . vK. x*. 

Itm, p'd to the bailiff of Bexley for wante of apperence at the courte . iiijrf. 

Itm, geven to a poore woman w'^^ was sicke in the cross howse towardes 

her relief ........ viijrf. 

1683. 

Km, p'd to the somner for waminge the churchwardens and sidesmen 

to appeare before the L. Bishop about M. Vicar his business . xxd. 

Km, p'd to him that brought my L. his warant for the accepting of o"^ 
reader ........ vjrf. 

Itm, for carying the bell to Bromley and home agayne . . . yj^. viijrf. 

Rm, payd to the bell founder for castinge the bell . . iij//. x*. 

*^ Abbott money^ obit moneys— See ante. 

^ Stoupesy stulpes, posts. 

^ A sign penny — a fee paid to the steward or bailiff of the court on signing the book. 

^^ Sir Thomas Walsingham, of Scadbury, in Chiselhurst, was sheriff of Kent in 5th Elizabeth. His 
grandson of the same name had the honour of Eltham given him, which was the Earl of Dorset's, and the 
Middle Park, which was Mr. White's. << He has cut down 5000^ worth of timber, and hath scarcely left a 
tree to make a gibbet." — From the Mysteries of the Good Old Cause, 1660* quoted by Lysons. He died in 
January, 1583-4. 




Accounts of the Churchwardem of Eltham. 



63 



1584. 

Itm^ laid owt for iij . arminge girdells and one girdell for a shefe of arows 

Itm, the same day for one touch boxe 

Km, for a springe for the peeee 

Itm^ for a newe breeche 

Itm, for a dagger 

Itm, for a stoeke for the calyver 

Itm, for ij. boordes for the Vicares coffin' 

1585. 

Paled to the ryngers when the trators ware taken^ 
Paid for chaises going to the courte at Deatford for a dale for repera- 
tionea of the churche ...... 

Paied for my dynner ....... 

1686. 

Paied for our dynners at the cortte at Deatford 

Paied for discarginge the corte 

Paied for cravinge of a daye at Deatford 

Paied for delyvering a byll at London 

Paied for exhybeting of the byll 

1588. 

Paied to Roger Pounder for to bye swordes and dagers *= . . xx^. 

Paied more to Roger Pounder whene he wente to Chattam heathe . viij j. 

Paied to Goodman Peatley for making the stoxe and fellinge the tree, and 
for squaring it ....... iiij^. 



iij^. \]d. 

xyjrf. 

.... * 
mja. 

xx^« 

xrf. 

viijrf. 

nxd. 



mja. 
iijrf. 



xijrf. 
mja. 

^i]d. 

•••• «- 
mja. 



1589. 



Paied for seatting fourthe of a soldger into Prawnce 



xs. 



* Boar dM for the Vicar's coffin* — This was Thomas Thirwind, who was buried 26th January, 1564. 

^ The traitors. — This probably alludes to the Earl of Arundel> who was arrested and sent to the Tower 
as he was about to embark in order to leave the country. 

^ 1588 was the year of the threatened invasion by the Spanish Armada ; but the parish of Eltham seems 
not to have been called upon for any great contribution of force to repel the invaders. The valiant Roger 
Pounder (whose name seems formidable enough) being the only man sent from Eltham with 20«, to buy 
swords and daggers, and 8^. in his pocket to Chatham Heath. 



64 



Extracts from the 



Receved of Mr. Twyst, the m3mister, for breakinge up of a gravfe in the 



churehe 



vj*. viijrf. 



1592. 



Paid for heg}me of the spiyng that was laid out at Houngerland ' 



nxd. 



1593. 

Paid to John Samon for wering of the parish armour for ij. days at the 

monster ........ xvjrf. 

Paid to John Sharlok for wering of the parys armoure for ij . dais at the 

muster ........ xvjrf. 

Paid to Dieson for skower3nQg of the parys armor^ dow at Mydsomer last 

past for half a yere ....... vj^. 

Paid for caryng of to (two) prisners that robed to millers one Chisles 

(Chiselhurst) Heath to Madston ..... xx*. 



1594. 
Paid to Mr. Ellet for carj^ng of turf for the butt in Estfeld ^ 

1596. 

Memorand. — ^Whereas there was a controversie betwene Mrs. Anne 
Twist, her Mat** laundres, and Mr. Wyllm. EUott, about a pewe in the 
churehe ; It was ordered by the Lord Bishopp of Rochester that the 
said Mrs. Twist should have the place where the pewe stood, and the 
said Mr. Elyott to have the pewe, and she to builde another of her 
owne cost, w""** is alreadie done, this xxvjth of August, 1596. 

Ite, paid to the weyver for degyng of turfe for the bute in Estfeld 
carryinge and makinge .... 

Ite, paid for the souldiers coottes and all belonginge thereto 

Ite, laid out at hollontyde for wine and bread 

Ite, paid for four days training 

Ite, paid to the monster master 

Ite, paid to the paratore for a suspension againste the parishe 



xviijrf. 



ws. 

V]S. 

• • • • 

ij.y. 



ij*. 



xxij(f. 



ixd. 



^ Houngerland^r^^The name of part of the parish lands. 

•* The butt. By Act of Parliament of Henry VIII. every parish was required to have butts for the 
practice of archery. This item shows us that the parish butts of Eltham were in Eastfield, which is at the 
back of the houses on the north side of the High Street. 




Accounts of the Churchwardens of Eltham. 65 

1600. 

The carrying the great bell to be new cast, Mr. Morse, bell founder, 
dwelling in Whitechapel without Aldgate, being agreed with all for 
5/. and to deliver it at the weight that he received it, that was 9 
hundred and a half. And at the receiving of the bell back again it 
weighed 3 score and 7 lb. more than it did before. There was 3 score 
and 3 lb. at 9fd. the lb., and 3 lb. at 2^. 6d. the pound, being called ten 
and tenglars. The whole sum is . . . . 7/- 10^. 

On the death of Queen Elizabeth, in 1603, and the accession of James I. his 
Majesty's first visit to the ancient palace of Eltham is noticed in the churchwardens, 
accounts as follows, and not inappropriately in connection with a schoolmaster : — 

Ihn, paid to Goodman Wyborn for charges for the coming of the King's 
Majesty into the town, and for ringing on the birthday of the young 
prince, and for charges of a schoolmaster, the 18 of June 1605, and 
latteses for the school window . . .6^. 



VOL. XXXIV. 



66 



VIII. — Account of Ystumceaid Cromlech f .in. the parish of Llanfihangel-y-Penncnt, 

• * ■ 

county of Carnarvon. By Nathaniel Ne al. Solly, JE^j. Communicated in 
a Letter to Captain W. H. Smyth^ R.N.s K.S.R^ Director. 



Read December 6, 1850. 



Bronzy-Garth, Port Madoc, 
Dear Sir, 16th. November, 1850. 

In consequence of- the desire you expressed for views and measurements of 
Ystumcegid, when we visited it together last August, I again repaired to the spot, 
and I now have the pleasure to forward you the result of my operations and inqui- 
ries. This cromlech, or in Welsh coetan^ is situated about half a mile from the 
left bank of the river Dwyfawr, which wiuds considerably in this part of its course, 
and may probably have given rise to the name Ystumcegid or Ystumcuddiedig, 
meaning the windings of the hidden or concealed. The house which originally 
stood on this property is reported to have been the residence of Prince Owen 
Gwynneth in the eleventh century ; but, having been burnt down during the wars of 
Owen Glendower, the present farm-house was erected shortly afterwards. 

The ground rises towards the cromlech on three sides ; it is placed at the edge of 
a field, with walls of loose stones built up to it. Round about are low undulating 
hills much covered with large boulders of a sort of greenish trap rock ; and in the 
distance is a view of Cardigan Bay. Three of the pillars or upright supports of the 
cromlech are of this trap rock ; the fourth supporting stone, as well as the slab 
forming the top, are composed of a hard, grey stratified rock, which was probably 
obtained from the hills in the immediate neighbourhood, as many pieces or fr^- 
ments of this stone, as well as of the trap rock, are used in the construction of the 
adjoining walls. The top or roofing stone, usually termed " table stone," is nearly 
flat, and in shape resembles a boy*s paper kite, the sharp end pointing nearly due 
west. The accompanpng sketch, marked No. 4, is a plan of this stone drawn to a 
scale of half an inch to a foot ; it measures eleven feet in the broadest part, fifteen 
feet in its greatest length, and forty feet eight inches in circumference. The thick- 
ness of the stone varies from fourteen inches to eighteen inches, being greatest at 
the broad or eastern end ; it averages sixteen inches ; and I compute its weight to be 




VoliXiiV t'lateVlptk 





ntJiMtJ *>■ o(^ ,'i-rvfy r'f M-mi-aritt ^ianJai.t) ^JlfraiSsi . 



Ystumcegid Cromlech, co. Carnarvon. 67 

about fourteen tons. It is placed at an angle gently inclined from east to west, and 
has five slight marks or grooves on the surface, running also east and west, but 
which appear to be caused by natural joints in the stone. The height of the three 
upright stones or pillars at the eastern end is about six feet one inch each^ mea- 
sured from the surface of the ground ; and that of the one at the west end four feet 
three inches. They all appear to have their ends or foundation sunk to some depth 
in the soil; and have not the least appearance of ever having been shaped or 
dressed with any tool, but are very irregular, with rough edges, and their surface is 
overgrown with lichens and moss stains. I send herewith three views of this 
cromlech, taken by myself on the spot ; that marked No. 1 is from the north side. 
No. 2 is from the west end, and No. 3 from the east end. In order to give a more 
perfect and complete idea of its form, I have left out of these views the boundary 
walls of the field, which, as already stated, are now built up to the cromlech at 
both ends. 

I can hear of no tradition in this neighbourhood with respect to this crom- 
lech. There are several others in this part of Carnarvonshire, of which I have seen 
three, but this is by far the largest. 

That they are sepulchral structures may perhaps be inferred from the well-known 
practice during the earher ages in North Wales, of burying beneath mounds of 
stones, cairns, or tumuli ; and the ready supply of slabs and large stones in all the 
localities where the cromlechs are placed may naturally have suggested their con- 
struction. That there were many ancient Britons buried in this neighbourhood 
may be gathered from the frequent occurrence of barrows on the tops of the adja- 
cent mountains ; and from the circumstance that in the adjoining farms of Llwyn-y 
Mafon-isaf and Bach-y-Saint very ancient sepulchral urns made of clay have been 
dug up, as I am informed by Mr. Ellis Owen, of Cefn-y-Meusydd, who discovered 
one himself in the spring of 1849. This urn contained ashes and a small bronze 
knife. It was imfortunately much broken ; but a description of it has been sent by 
Mr. Owen to Mr. Albert Wav. 

I am, dear Sir, 

Yours, &c. 

N. N. SOLLY. 



68 



IX. — Cammutiicatum from William Chaffers^ Jun.^ Esq., F.S^.j addressed to 
3. Y. Akerman^ Esq., Secretary, accompanying the Exhtbitum of numerous 
Glass Vessels, and other Antiquities of the Roman Period, found at 



Read December 12, 1850. 



My DBAR Sir, Watling street, 9 December, 1850. 

As several members of the Society have expressed a wish to see the collection of 
Roman glass vessels which I had the honour to exhibit a fortnight ago, I have again 
produced it on the table, together with other interesting objects from the same 
locality. Since my last communication, I have received from Monsieur Perrot, an 
intelligent and experienced antiquary at Nismes, a descriptive account of the inter- 
ments, which I now have the pleasure of laying before you. This gentleman has 
been for many years conductor of the excavations made around the principal edifices 
of the town of Nismes, by which means he has become possessed of a great variety 
of antiquities ; and, although the town (as I before stated) has a public Museum, the 
funds are extremely limited, the administration of the town having only voted 
towards its maintenance, since the year 1845, the sum of one hundred francs. 

The tombs here, as at Pompeii, seem to have been placed by the side of the 
ancient ways leading to the town, just outside the walls and near the gates; and the 
remains are generally found deposited in stone cists or cases composed of quadran- 
gular stones longer than they are broad, either level with the ground, or raised 
upon square blocks two or three feet high, of the kind called by the Romans menste, 
the words '^ ponere mensam,*' so common in inscriptions, alluding to these tombs. I 
shall now proceed to give the particulars I have received relating to them. 

** About two years since, a labourer named Durand, whilst at work near the 
bureau d*octroi, on the road leading to Avignon, wishing to straighten his pickaxe, 
knocked it upon a flag-stone which sounded hollow : his curiosity prompted him to 
raise the stone, and he was not a little surprised to find underneath a quantity of 
glass vessels." *' The contents of this tomb were as follows : a glass urn without 
handles, nine inches high ; a very elegant bronze lamp standing upon a candelabrum 




Glass Vessels and other antiquities found at Nistnes. 69 

or tripod ; several glass unguentaria and lachrymatories ; a bronze patera, and also 
a sort of network for the hair, made of light and fine fibres of gold, interwoven.*' 
The last, being very fragile, was not forwarded to me. 

" The large cinerary urn, fifteen inches high, with handles and cover, was found 
at Codognan, in the month of April last, on the ancient Domitian way (the M ont- 
pellier road) in a rectangular cube hollowed out and covered by a stone fastened 
with iron clamps, about half an inch in thickness ; there were also three glass bottles 
with handles, a small bronze lamp with its tripod, two earthenware lamps, one with 
its wick of asbestos, and two glass lachrymatories ; also a first-brass coin of Nero, 
and one of Augustus, the latter of the colony of Nismes (a crocodile chained to a 
palm tree, in the field COL. N E M., Colonia Nemausus), and a small drinking 
cup or bowl, above which was the following inscription : 

D M 

C L A S S I A E 

T IE O D O R 

AE d? AVREL 

T A V R I N V S 

C N I V G I 

CARISSIMAE. 

There is in this deposit one object worthy of particular remark, the terra-cotta 
lamp with the asbestos wick. It has been often supposed, that the ancients used this 
mineral for this purpose, but I believe in no other instance has it been discovered 
in the lamp itself. It is not probable that it was generally used, for we are told the 
ancients esteemed it nearly of equal value with pearls. . This asbestos wick is 
formed of exceedingly fine fibres, similar in appearance to glass, but much finer, 
two bundles of which are fastened together and twisted. It was imagined by some 
to have been one of the ingredients in the perpetual lamps, about which there has 
been so much frivolous controversy. Pausanias (1. c.) speaks of a wick of this 
substance being used in the golden lamp which burnt day and night in a temple 
at Athens. PUny tells us that the linum asbestos was used at royal funerals to keep 
the bones separate from the ashes of the funeral pile. One of these shrouds was 
discovered in a marble sarcophagus at Rome, in 1702, which I believe is still 
carefully preserved in the Vatican.* 

* Sir J. £. Smith's Tour on the Continent, vol. ii. p. 201. 



70 



Glass Vessels and other antiquities found at Nismes. 



" Whilst excavating for the foundations of a hospital on the Sauve Road, a tomb 
was discovered bearing the following inscription, curious from its numerous abbre- 
viations. It contained an urn with handles and cover, thirteen inches high, in- 

D M 
p'cjboL'belLo 

CJ&oLa'CAMPAM 

colLberto'pIii^s 

closing burnt bones ; two earthenware lamps ; a patera of polished steel ; a coin of 
Honorius ; some phials, and lachr3rmatories. 

"The two following inscriptions, although incomplete, are still interesting as 
covering the remains of two sisters. The contents of these tombs were very 




D ' M 

T'AVRELLIJ 
CN' AVRELl 
VXORl' RAI 




similar; they were surmounted by two female busts. These stone coffers were 
fastened in the same manner as that before described, viz., by iron clamps. 
The arrangement of the contents of one of these will be seen by the accompanying 
sectional drawing. 




Glass Vessels and other antiquities found at Nismes. 7\ 

^' In the centre was a large urn without handles ; on one side^ the square glass 
bottle with fluted handle, and a bronze lamp; on the other a glass patera and 
drinking cup, a glass bottle with handle, two lachrymatories, and two coins of Anto- 
ninus and Aurelius. 

" The other interment was similarly arranged, except that instead of the lamp 
there was a glass cup, in which was a very curious spoon of yellow glass (Plate VII. 
fig. 3) ; a simpulum, or ladle, in bronze, of fine form (Plate VII. fig. 1) ; and two 
coins, of Hadrianus and Antoninus. 

*' There were also found on the same spot a pretty bronze figure of Mercury, the 
left arm of which is wanting, and an elegant bronze lamp ; the handle projecting 
over the lamp terminates in a well-executed ram's head ; together vnth its pedestal, 
also of bronze (Plate VII. fig. 7). These were discovered about 260 yards from 
the Porte d'Auguste, at the point where the roads to Aries and Beaucaire separate. 

" The small glass urn with handles, a mirror of polished steel, a Phallic bulla 
plated, and a square bronze bell, were discovered in digging the foundations of the 
aqueduct of the Montpellier railway at Nismes." 

Amongst the earthenware lamps, one in particular deserves attention. On the 
triangular piece which protects the hand from the flame are three figures, a priest 
sacrificing at an altar, and on each side an attendant standing on a pedestal about 
to make a libation from a vessel in the shape of a horn, which he holds above his 
head ; on the circular compartment are represented the heads of Jupiter, Juno, 
Diana, Mercury, Mars, Apollo, Vulcan, Venus, Minerva, Ceres, Vesta, and Neptune. 
These were the twelve deities of the first rank, and we find in the Roman temple at 
Nismes (la Maison Carrie) twelve niches round the interior, which probably con- 
tained statues of these deities. 

A silver fibula, projecting in the form of a half-moon. Roman brooches in 
this metal are scarce, being more frequently made of gold or bronze. 

A bronze fibula. 

A very large crater or cauldron of bronze made to fix on a tripod, for sacrifices, 
or perhaps for cooking viands, probably the former, from its being ornamented on 
the exterior. 

Another bronze bowl smaller than the preceding. 

A bronze strainer with two handles, one a plain loop, the other representing 
a lion's head and claws, terminating in the head of a goose (Plate VII. fig. 9). 

Another with a twisted handle. 



72 GUiss Vessels and other antiquities found at Nismes. 

A very fine bronze statuette of Hercules^ partially clothed with the skin of the 
NemaBan lion^ the nose and ean of which are placed on the top of his head, the 
mane flowing down his neck, and the sldn twisted over his left arm, the two claws 
hanging below ; it is fastened in front at the throat, forming a curious projecting 
collar ; the face is not bearded. In the left hand are two apples from the garden of 
the Hesperides, and the right rests upon the knotted club (Plate YIL fig. 5). There 
are also some exquisite fragments of another figure of Hercules : the two hands, a 
foot, and the club are unfortunjitely all that could be found. 

Some bronze vases with handles (Plate YIL figg. 4, 6), keys, earthenware beads, 
&c., all of which I am informed have been discovered in the vicinity. 
. The striking reverse of the coin of Augustus and Agrippa before*mentioned, and 
the device of the crocodile chained to a palm-tree (alluding to the subjugation of 
Egypt), struck at Nismes, will account for the discovery of the Egyptian antiquities 
now exhibited, brought thither probably by some of the Roman soldiers or Egyptian 
captives who followed the army to Nismes to settle at this colony. 

Iam.de„S,r, 
Yours truly, 

W. CHAFFERS, >tm'. 

J. Y. Akerman, Esq. 




73 



X — Notes on some Paper Casts of Cuneiform Inscriptions upon the sculptured Rock 
at Behistun exhibited to the Society of Antiquaries. By Lieut.-CoL H. Raw- 
LiNSON^ CB.y F.R.S^, and D.C.L. 



Read March 7, 1850. 



The small paper Casts which are lying on the table are impressions of the 
epigraphs that are attached to the line of captive figures sculptured on the great 
triumphal Tablet of Behistun ; and the two large sheets which are suspended against 
the side wall of the room are from the same locality. This rock of Behistun is a 
rery remarkable natural object on the high road between Ecbatana and Babylon. 
It was probably in the very earliest times invested with a holy character ; for the 
Greek physician^ Ctesias^ who must have visited this spot in the fourth century 
before Christ, ascribes the most remarkable of the antiquities that were to be found 
there to the Assyrian queen Semiramis ; and Isidore of Charax confirms this tradi- 
tion of the country in his notice of the column and figure of Semiramis, at the city 
of Baptana, in the district of Cambadene. Now I believe Semiramis to have been 
altogether a mythic personage. In the historical inscriptions of Nineveh there is 
no trace either of Ninus or Semiramis ; but both the names are probably to be 
recognised in the Pantheon. A very remarkable bas-relief at Behistun, which con- 
tains the full face of a colossal female figure, and which is evidently far more ancient 
than the tablet of Darius Hystaspes, represents, I think, the object mentioned by 
Isidore ; and in front of the bas-relief are the remains, now barely distinguishable 
from the masses of rock by which they are surrounded, of the enormous pillar which 
stood contiguous to the shrine of the goddess, and which was doubtless an object 
of worship. Ctesias asserts that a long Assyrian inscription was engraved on the 
rock of Bagistane ; and it would seem very probable that an Assyrian monarch, on 
returning from one of his expeditions into Upper Asia, may have recorded at this 
holy spot the success of his arms ; but certainly nothing of the sort is to be seen at 
present. If an Assyrian inscription indeed had been originally engraved upon the 
rock near the bas-relief containing the female face, it would have been destroyed by 
the workmen of Khusru Perwiz (the Chosroes II. of the Greeks) who about the 
time of the appearance of Mohammed laid out a palace on this site, and caused the 
surface of the rock to be chiseled away, in order to form the back wall of the 
building. The rock of Behistun doubtless preserved its holy character in the age of 
Darius^ and it was on this account chosen by the monarch as a fit spot for the 

VOL. XXXIV. L 



74 fioUjf on some Paper Cojfts of Cuneiform Inscriptions 

commemoration of liui warlike achievements. The name itself, Bha^istdn, signifies 
^^ the place of the god ; '" and the figure of Ormazd, the chief of the ^ Bhagaa,** or 
gods of tlie old Persian thcogony, is thus depicted on the tablet as the presiding 
local divinity. 

Tlie rock, or, as it in usually called by the iVrab geographers, the mountain 
of Behistun is not an isolated hill, as has been sometimes imagined. It is 
merely the terminal point of a long, narrow range which bounds the plain of 
Kcrmanshah to tlur eastward. This range is rocky and abrupt throughout, but 
at the extremity it rises in height^ and becomes a sheer precipice. The altitude 
I found by careful triangulation to be 3,807 feet, and the height above the plain 
at which occur the tablets of Darius is perhaps 500 feet, or something more. 
Notwithstanding that a French antiquarian commission in Persia described it a 
few years back to be impossible to copy the Behistun inscriptions, I certainly do 
not coiiHider it any great feat in climbing to ascend to the spot where the inscriptions 
occur. When I was living at Kcrmanshah fifteen years ago, and was somewhat 
more active than I am at present, I used frequently to scale the rock three or £Dur 
times a day without the aid of a rope or ladder : without any assistance, in fact, 
whatever. During my late visits I have found it more convenient to ascend and 
descend by the help of ropes where the track lies up a precipitate cleft, and to 
throw a plank over those chasms where a false step in leaping across would probably 
be fatal. On reaching the recess which contains the Persian text of the record, 
ladders are indispensable in order to examine the upper portion of the tablet ; and 
even with ladders there is considerable risk, for the foot-ledge is so narrow, about 
eighteen inches or at most two feet in breadth, that with a ladder long enough to 
reach the sculptures sufficient slope cannot be given to enable a person to ascend, 
and, if the ladder be shortened in order to increase the slope, the upper inscriptions 
can only be copied by standing on the topmost step of the ladder, with no other 
support than steadying the body against the rock with the left arm, while the left 
hand holds tlie note-book, and the right hand is employed with the pencil. In this 
position I copied all the upper inscriptions, and the interest of the occupation 
entirely did away with any sense of danger. 

To reach the recess which contains the Scythic translation of the record of 
Darius is a matter of far greater difficulty. On the left-hand side of the recess 
alone is there any foot-ledge whatever ; on tlie right hand, where the recess, which 
is thrown a few feet further back, joins the Persian tablet, the £ace of the rock 
presents a sheer precipicei and it is necessary therefore to bridge this intervening 
spaoe between the left-hand of the Persian tablet and the foot-ledge on the left- 



upon the sculptured Rock at BekUtun. 75 

hand of the reeess. With ladders of sufficient length, a bridge of this sort can be 
constructed without difficulty ; but my first attempt to cross the chasm was unfor- 
tunate, and might have been fatal, for. having previously shortened my only ladder 
in order to obtain a slope for coppng the Persian upper legends^ I founds when I 
came to lay it across to the recess in order to get at the Scythic translation^ that it 
was not sufficiently long to lie flat on the foot-ledge beyond. One side of the ladder 
would alone reach the nearest point of the ledge, and, as it would of course have 
tilted over if a person had attempted to cross in that position, I changed it from a 
horizontal to a vertical direction, the upper side resting firmly on the rock at its 
two ends^ and the lower hanging over the precipice, and I prepared to cross,- walking 
on the lower side, and holding to the upper side with my hands. If the ladder had 
been a compact article, this mode of crossing, although far from comfortable, would 
have been at any rate practicable ; but the Persians merely fit in the bars of their 
ladders without pretending to clench them outside, and I had hardly accordingly 
b^an to cross over when the vertical pressure forced the bars out of their sockets, 
and the lower and unsupported side of the ladder thus parted company from the 
upper, and went crashing down over the precipice. Hanging on to the upper side, 
which still remained firhi in its place, and assisted by my friends, who were 
anxiously watching the trial, I regained the Persian recess, and did not again 
attempt to cross until I had made a bridge of comparative stability. Ultimately I 
took the casts of the Scythic writing, which are suspended against the walls of the 
room, by lapng one long ladder, in the first instance, horizontally across the chasm, 
and by then placing another ladder, which rested on the bridge, perpendicularly 
against the rock. 

The Babylonian transcript at Behistun is still more difficult to reach than either 
the Scythic or the Persian tablets. The writing can be copied by the aid of a good 
telescope from below, but I long despaired of obtaining a cast of the inscription ; 
for I foimd it quite beyond my powers of climbing to reach the spot where it was 
engraved, and the craigsmen of the place, who were accustomed to track the 
mountain goats over the entire face of the mountain, declared the particular block 
inscribed with the Babylonian legend to be unapproachable. At length, however, 
a wild Kurdish boy, who had come from a distance, volunteered to make the 
attempt, and I promised him a considerable reward if he succeeded. The mass of 
rock in question is scarped, and it projects some feet over the Scythic recess, so 
that it cannot be approached by any of the ordinary means of cHmbing. The 
boy's first move was to squeeze himself up a cleft in the rock a short distance to 
the left of the projecting mass. When he had ascended some distance above it, 
he drove a wooden peg firmly into the cleft, fastened a rope to this, and then 



76 Notes on some Paper Casts of Cuneiform Inscriptions. 

endeavoured to swing himself across to another cleft, at some distance on the 
other side ; but in this he failed^ owing to the projection of the. rock; It then only 
remained for him to cross over to the cleft by hanging on with his toes and fingers 
to the slight inequalities on the bare face of the precipice, and in this he succeeded^ 
passing over a distance of twenty feet of almost smooth perpendicular rock in a 
manner which to a looker-on appeared quite miraculous. When he had reached 
the second cleft the real difficulties were over. He had brought a rope with him 
attached to the first peg, and now, driving in a second, he was enabled to swing 
himself right over the projecting mass of rock. Here with a short ladder he formed 
a swinging seat, like a painter's cradle, and, fixed upon this seat, he took under 
my direction the paper cast of the Babylonian translation of the records of Darius 
which is now at the Royal Asiatic Society's rooms, and which is almost of equal 
value for the interpretation of the Assyrian inscriptions as was the Greek translation 
on the Rosetta Stone for the intelligence of the hieroglyphic texts of Egypt. 
I must add, too, that it is of the more importance that this invaluable Babylonian 
key should have been thus recovered, as the mass of rock on which the inscription 
is engraved bore every appearance, when I last visited the spot, of being doomed 
to a speedy destruction, water trickling from above having almost separated the 
overhanging mass from the rest of the rock, and its own enormous weight thus 
threatening very shortly to bring it thundering down into the plain, dashed into a 
thousand fragments. 

The method of forming these paper casts is exceedingly simple, nothing more 
being required than to take a number of sheets of paper without size, spread them 
on the rock, moisten them, and then beat them into the crevices with a stout 
brush, adding as many layers of paper as it may be wished to give consistency to 
the cast. The paper is left there to dry, and on being taken oflf it exhibits a perfect 
reversed impression of the writing. 

The Persian text of the Behistun inscription has been lithographed by the Royal 
Asiatic Society, and a copy is here exhibited to show the great extent of the 
writing. Casts of the Babylonian and Median translations are also with that 
Society, and these texts will be printed, tj^pes having been cast for the purpose, 
with all convenient despatch. 

The casts of the inscriptions of Darius and Xerxes in the Babylonian character^ 
which are also exhibited to the meeting, were taken by me from a place called the 
Gunj-nameh, near the town of Hamadan, the ancient Ecbatana. They contain 
the usual formula of royal commemoration found on the trilingual tablets of 
Persepolis, but they are of interest in exhibiting several forms of characters which 
are unknown in any other Babylonian record that has been yet discovered in Persia. 



^vm. tin^ 81 t^ the seeftJ. e» 




yM ^T K^T 




Spf^im^n. et thx ScylJito wrU^ing at .BeAtstun. en 



-^n. #^ £A« gr»£ti. Scytfvic ta6l«,t. 



\bl.miV.Flit«DL^.7£ 




A ^r Kir 



>->- 



yy 
Y 



} >T >} ^Tr> 



-T T^ r ^\\ 



^m >YY$ <yy^ 



a^ />WKW' fac-stmites £aJt,en, by UnprMSien, on. th& spot. 



n 



Notes on Saxon Sepulchral Remains found at Fairford, Gloucestershire. By C. 
Roach Smith^ F.S.A. In a Letter addressed to J. Y. Akerman, Esq. Resident 
Secretary/. 



Read Jan. 23, Feb. 6, 27, 1851. 



My dear Sir, 5, Liverpool Street, City, April 7th, 1851. 

On the 23d of January I exhibited to the Society, through the kindness of Mr. W. 
M. Wylie, some Saxon Fibulae and Beads found at Fairford, with drawings of other 
objects of the Saxon period, which had been discovered in the same locality at 
intervals from 1844-5 to 1850. 

At some of our more recent meetings other objects, most of which are the result 
of still pending researches conducted by Mr. Wylie, have been laid before us, and 
these I shall now allude to or describe, with a view to make a record of them in the 
forthcoming part of the Archseologia. I feel convinced in so doing I am meeting the 
wishes of the Society, and particularly of those Fellows who are more especially 
interested in this branch of the study of our national antiquities, by supplpng 
authenticated facts, and placing them where, for purposes of reference, they will be 
accessible to all. It is in accumulations of such facts we must seek for a verifica- 
tion or correction of our opinions on the origin and character of such remains, on 
their several points of resemblance to analogous objects found in different parts of 
this and other countries, and, consequently, on the connection between the peoples 
who used thetia, their habits, customs, and usages. Too much stress cannot be laid 
on the necessity of registering and storing up the details of discoveries such as these 
as early as possible after they are made, before they fade from recollection, and 
before the relics themselves become lost or separated from each other and from the 
circumstances which alone render them useful to scientific and historical research. 
Even at the risk of appearing needlessly lavish, I would advocate the supply of the 
most copious illustrations, considering that iB is not the mere novelty of type that 
gives value to such objects, but that it is the repetition and constant occurrence of 
particular things under similar circumstances which can alone warrant sound con- 
clusions and classification. You must have often felt how comparatively worthless 
an elaborate verbal or written description has been rendered for the want of 



78 Notes (yii Saoaon Sepulchral Remains 

drawings ; on the other hand, how much the rudest sketches will sometimes con- 
tribute to explain and make intelligible the most meagre and imperfect description. 
I commence with a brief history of Mr. Wylie's researches which that gentle- 
man has kindly furnished me with. He states : " When we first resided at Fairford, 
in 1847, 1 heard that some bones, armour, &c. had been found, about three years 
before, in quarrying a field there. This field had long been in the possession of the 
family of the Rev. J. Keble, the poet, and had been sold by him to a benefit-club of 
the place, who proceeded to quarry stone for a wall. It was at that period divided 
into two inclosures of two acres each ; one of these was arable, the other very old 
grass land, and the surface, I am told, was slightly undulating, but bearing no ap* 
pearance of tmnuli, or of ever having been disturbed. It bore the name of Water- 
slade; and the three adjoining fields are called Garrows, Garstons or Gascons, and 
Hempland. In 1850 the club was broken up, and the field sold in small allotments. 
Some of these were purchased by a mason of Fairford, who at once commenced a 
quarry to obtain stone for building, and he employed the same men who had con- 
ducted the former excavations. Toward the end of June, one of these men sent me 
some beads of terra cotta^ porcelain, and some vitreous substance, incrusted with 
coloured patterns, and some rough pieces of perforated amber. These were found 
about the skull of a skeleton. I then directed I should be informed of any similar 
interments they might meet with, and accordingly in the early part of July I was 
summoned to the discovery of another grave. I immediately attended, and saw the 
earth carefully removed from a skeleton, which was perfect, even to the teeth, and lying 
about three feet deep upon the stone brash or rubble — " the rock," as it is here termed;^ 
— ^with the head to the south-west. No coffin had been used. The skeleton measured 
full six feet, but, as the head was depressed and the legs bent, I calculated that the 
height, in life, must have been six feet six inches. The bones were remarkably large^ 
but the skull fell to pieces on being touched. On the right breast were two fibulae 
(PL IX. fig. 4). They are of copper, richly gilt and ornamented in front. When 
exhumed the gilding shone brightly, but it soon tarnished on exposure to the air. 
The pins for fastening the fibulae at the back were of iron, as is evident from the 
corrosion of the hinges. Some fragments of iron lay among the ribs of the skeleton. 
Near one hand were some perforated pieces of rough amber, and a large flattish round 
bead of green glass (an inch and a half in diameter lengthways), worked apparently 
for the bed or matrix of some coloured material. About the skeleton were some 
small pieces of pottery, and stones blackened by fire. I have since seen other 
skeletons exhumed on the same ground. The most remarkable measures seven 
feet. It was quite perfect, and is now in the possession of Mr. Cornwall, of 




/aund at Fairfard. Gloucestershire. 79 

Fairford. By its side lay the boss and two handles of a shield, with some bronse 
ornamented studs, and a long well-wrought spearhead, fiuhioned like a bayonet, only 
with four sides. By another skeleton was a piece of red ochrous substance. By the 
head of another, that of a female, were a great number of beads, two bronze twisted 
ear-rings, and a large green glass bead. On either breast was a fibula, and a plain 
ring, apparently of copper silvered, round a finger-joint. Beneath a skeleton was 
a small vase of very porous black earthenware. Another somewhat larger, but in a 
very decomposed state, was found in one of the other graves. 

^^ Subsequently other fibulae and beads have been found. One of the latter is a 
large piece of amber ; another is of crystal accurately cut in squares. These also 
lay by the side of a skeleton. Animals' teeth were occasionally found. I have also 
a fragment of an ivory armlet (the ivory is perhaps that of the sea-horse), and a 
small brass coin of GaUienus, perforated for wearing as an ornament. One of the 
fibulse, of bronze silvered, is a rude representation of a bird (PI. X. fig. 7)* Two 
others, of bronze gilt, are circular and concave (Ibid. figg. 1 and 5). One of 
large size (fig. 2) is particularly interesting : it had been broken and repaired, as 
appears by the perforations. 

^^ During the excavations of 1644-5, thirty-six skeletons were found with fibids, 
such as Fig. 1 in the plate ; bosses of shields ; an ivory armlet ; a bronze patera ; 
some bones of a horse and horse furniture ; and a long and very broad sword, 
measuring 2 feet 1 1 inches in length, the only one, I believe, then discovered, and 
only a few ^pear-heads.* All the skeletons hitherto exhumed are above eighty in 
number, in which are included several of children. Knives in iron were frequently 
found, and usually by the necks or about the ribs.*' 

" February 6th. — Further excavations made. Discovered a very perfect skeleton 
lying with the head S.W. On each breast was a large bronze, gilt, concave, fibula. 
On a left-hand finger-joint were two plain silvered rings, such as gipsies wear. 
By the hip was a large amber bead, and about the body a great number of amber 
and various kinds of glass beads ; also six ferruleSi of either tin or speculum 
metal, which perhaps had been worn strung with the beads. By the head were 
several short pieces of bronze which appear to have been attached to the 
scabbard of a dagger, and a fi:%gment of the iron still adhered. The most curious 
relic was a yellowish glass vessel, of singular construction, which was lying behind 

♦ Many interesting relics doubtless perished at tbis period, and for whatever still remains we are solely 
indebted to Mr. Vinei of Fairford. The persons of influence who migfat have preserved everything, unfor- 
^onalily *< cared linr none of these things.'' 



80 Notes on Saxo^i Sepulchral Remains 

the head. It was sadly fractured, and probably was not entire when buried here, 
as much of it is still wanting, after a long search for the fragments. 

** March 4th. — Found a skeleton lying on its side. By the head were a number 
of strips of bronze, measuring, when put together, about seven feet ; perhaps these 
formed the frame-work of some head-dress ; also a spear-head. By an arm was a 
lance, knife, and pair of shears. An umbo was by the knees, and at the feet a 
bronze vessel, which proved corroded, and broke on removal. It had an iron handle, 
and measured ten inches in diameter and six deep. 

<^ Qth. — By the head of one found to-day were a number more strips and dove- 
tailed ornaments, which seem to have been gilt, and perhaps formed a sort of 
barbaric tiara. By the hips was a lump of iron, and at the feet an iron ferrule, 
perhaps of the spear-staff. 

** 7th. — Another found, with remains of a bronze plated belt. A broad head of a 
spear was by the skull ; a very perfect pair of bronze tweezers, by the arm ; a knife 
and umbo, at the knees ; and a ferrule, perhaps of a spear-staff, at the feet. 

" Also another, perhaps the most interesting yet found. It measured six feet 
six. By the head was a wooden cup formed of small staves of oak, bound with 
brass. The whole was sadly corroded, but still hung together, and we were able to 
remove it. It is of a slightly oval form, four inches in diameter and three in height. 
By the right arm were a perfect pair of tweezers ; by the hips a bluish green glass 
bead, with a wavy pattern painted round it ; a large umbo was by the knees, and 
by the right side a very broad, pointed sword 2 feet 1 1 inches long. 

" Sth. — Another very perfect female skeleton, with some traces of a child. Nothing 
was with this but two plain fibulae, and a quantity of charcoal ashes at the head, 
among which was a small hook, evidently used for hanging a vessel over the fire. 

" Several skeletons have since been found, but no relics were with them. Alto-^ 
gether, therefore, up to this period, March 29, more than 1 20 graves have been 
examined. 

" I have only mentioned to you such as appeared to me the most interesting. 
I have attentively observed the position of the skeletons, and find, as a rule, they 
were interred with head to the south. The variation in several cases has been, 
perhaps accidentally, to the south-west, and one, that with the bird-fibula, was 
lying, I am told, due east and west. I lately found the ashes of an infant in an* 
earthen vase of the very commonest order. No relics were with it, and this is the 
only instance of cremation I have observed here. 

" It may be worth remarking that we have invariably found the umbones on the 
knees of the skeletons, whereas, I believe, they are usually found on the lap. Then^ 




found at Fairford, Gloucestershire. 8 1 

the fibulae have been found in pairs; sometimes one below the other; one on one 
breast; more usually one on either breast, but always on the breasts. Sir H* 
Dryden speaks of those found at the Marston cemetery, as being always on the 
shoulder. Does not this variation in the position of umbones and fibulae point out 
these Saxons of Fairford as belonging to a diflferent Teutonic tribe ? " 

The above is Mr. Wylie's statement, bringing the discoveries down to the 29th of 
March. It should be remarked that a brief notice was given of those made in 
1844-5, in vol. ii. of the '* Journal of the British Archaeological Association," with 
engravings of two bosses of shields, a fibula, and the sword (PI. IX. fig. 3). The 
last of these was engraved from a defective drawing, and incorrectly described as 
bronze ; whereas it is of iron, but the upper and lower parts of the sheath were 
edged with bronze, which still adheres to the sword. 

This sword^ the blade of which measures 2 feet 7^ inches, and the handle 
4§ inches, appears to be somewhat more rounded at the end than the generality of 
the Saxon swords which have been found in Kent and other places ; but it is 
probably not so in reality. The scabbard has been protected with a bronze rim at 
the top and bottom, a peculiarity which I have noticed in other exfunples found 
in Gloucestershire and Worcestershire. 

If we compare this sword with the engraving of one found at Londini^res, near 
Dieppe, engraved in the " Revue de Rouen," F^v. 1848, we shall find that, although 
the scabbard was rounded, the sword itself is perfectly pointed. The example 
referred to in every respect seems to resemble that from Fairford. The other sword 
found by Mr. Wylie, without the scabbard-ornaments, is of the same dimensions, 
and pointed. 

The large fibula (PI. IX. fig. 2) of bronze gilt, and another from Fairford closely 
resembling it, are very similar to that found in the Saxon burial-place at Marston 
Hill, in Northamptonshire,* to one found at Badby in the same county,^ and to others 
found in Yorkshire.^ A portion of one of very large size, found near Leicester, is 
preserved in the museum of that city. To the same class belong specimens found 
at Selzen, near Mayence,*^ and one preserved in the Wiesbaden museum, to the 
lower end of which is attached an oblong bead and a large globular substance appa- 
rently jet. Circular concave fibulae were also found at Marston Hill, the pattern on 
one of which accords with that on a specimen from Fairford, and also on one of the 
three fine examples found in Oxfordshire which I recently exhibited to the Society, 

* ArchsBologia, Vol. XXX. PI. XIII. ^ Journal of Brit. Arch. Assoc, vol. i. p. 6 1 . 

^ Journal of Brit. Arch. Assoc, vol. ii. p. 81 1. 

^ Das Gennanische Todtenlager bei Selzen, von W. und L. Lindenschmit. 8vo. Mainz, 1848. 

VOL. XXXIV. M • 



82 Notes on Sawon Sepulchral Reniains found at Fairford. 

and which are now in the museum of Lord Londesborough. Other varieties faavi 
been found in Buckinghamshire, in Berkshire, and in Warwickshire. Fig: 5 of 
our Plate seems the counterpart of a pair found in a barrow at Oddington, near 
Stow- in-the- Wold, in Gloucestershire,' with other remains analogous to those diip- 
covered at Fairford ; it also resembles one found in a barrow oh Shalcombe Ddtrbv 
Isle of Wight> Fig. 6 of our Plate belongs to another variety of the former dass^. 
many of which have been found in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Northamptonshire, as well 
as in some other counties ; and Fig. 7 reminds us of the late Roman fibulae 
in the f6rm of birds, as well as of some found in Saxon burial-places in the Isle of 
Wight,° and in Frankish graves on the Rhine.** Fig. 4 is to me a new type. The 
guilloche pattern is evidently a copy of that common Roman ornament^, aad the 
interior pattern has also probably been suggested from some classical design^ sucki 
as those in the Roman tessellated pavements, from which I think many of the Saxon 
om^nents were originally taken. The CD like figure certainly reminds one of tHat 
letter on the coius of Offa ; but, if we examine the large fibula, a very similar figttnl^ 
intended apparently ifor a face, will be found on three sides of the oUopg ptfrt* 
These classes of fibulae are seldom found in the numerous Saxon burial-place^ in 
the county of Kent. 

The glass goblet or cup mentioned by Mr. Wylie can scarcely be described With- 
out the aid of an engraving. It resembles one in the Canterbury museum^ stated 
to have been found at Reculver, and one engraved on p. 6 of the Messrs. Linden- 
schmits' discoveries made at Selzen, before referred to. 

The object discovered on the 6th of March is probably the band of a small oofier 
or box. Mr. Wylie has forwarded to me a copper bowl found in one of the graves, 
which resembles precisely that figured in Nichols's Leicestershire, VoL f. Part ii. 
p. 186, in the plate of Saxon remains dug up in Queneborow field. 

I have also received from Mr. Wylie three small brass coins, exclusive of that' of 
Gallienus ; two are of Valens and Gratian ; the other, which is illegiblie^ has been 
perforated for wearing as an ornament. 

I remain, my dear Sir, 

Yours very truly, 

C. ROACH SMITH. 

To J. Y. Ak£rman» Esq. 
Secretary. 

« Gentleman's Magazine, April, 1787, PI. ii. Fig. 9. 

b Transactions of the Brit. Arch. Assoc, at Winchester, pi. d, fig. 2. 

^ Ibid. fig. 11. * Collectanea Antiqua, vol. ii. pi. xxxr. 




■\oi y\m. ri:.i.- "x ). 




^Jit^io-S'iro/i ^emmns //m/i/f /i/ J^m'r/i/rf/. t? /r^oufe.flf^r . 



83 



XII. — Notice of a Bronze Beaded Collar^ found in Lochar Moss, Dumfriesshire. 
In a Letter from Albert Way, Esq. F.S.A. to Sir Henry Ellis^ K,H , F.R.S., 
Secretary. 



Read April 10, 1851. 



Dear Sir Henry, 

The curious bronze collar, an unique variety of the beaded tore, according to the 
classification of these interesting objects proposed by Mr. Birch, was discovered a 
few years since, in Lochar Moss, Dumfriesshire, about two miles to the North of 
Cumlongan Castle. That extensive turbary appears to occupy a site once covered 
by a forest of great extent : the trunks of large trees are frequently found in it, and 
numerous vestiges of various periods have been brought to light, from time to time, 
in cutting peat, including a considerable number of coins. I have also seen im- 
pressions from two seals discovered in this morass : one of them appeared to be an 
antique gem, the intaglio representing Mars ; the other was a personal seal of late 
medieval date, bearing an eagle displayed. 

The tradition that an ancient forest once grew where these remains have been 
found is commemorated by the popular rhyme,* repeated in the district around — 

<* First a wood, and next a sea, 
Now a moss, and ever will be ! " 

It occupies an area of about twelve miles in length, by about two or three miles 
in breadth, extending to the Solway Frith. Mr. Wilson, secretary of the Anti- 
quaries of Scotland, to whom I am indebted for these particulars, has noticed many 
remarkable discoveries which have here occurred. " Lying as it does (he observes 
of Lochar Moss) on the southern outskirts of the Scottish kingdom, the track of 
many successive generations has lain along its margin or across its treacherous 
surface, beneath which their records have been from time to time engulfed, to be 
restored in after ages to the light of day." ^ Amongst the most curious of these 

* See the interesting collection entitled. Popular Rhymes of Scotland ; hy Rohert Chamhers ; under the 
Section, Rhymes on Places. 
^ The Archaeology and Prehistoric Annals of Scotland ; hy Daniel Wilson. Edinb. 1851, p. 30. 



84 Notice of a Bronze Beaded Collar, 

relics he notices the canoes, which have repeatedly been brought to light. Vestiges, 
undeniably of a Roman age, may also be cited, as having occurred in this great 
depository ; especially an exquisite cup of bronze, embellished with figures of danc- 
ing bacchantes, and a wreath of vine leaves tastefully encircling the neck. It lay 
about nine feet beneath the surface, and was long preserved in the possession of a 
family in Dumfriesshire, but its actual existence cannot be traced. 

The beaded collar, an example of a curious class of ancient ornaments included 
by Mr. Birch, as already noticed, with the torques of the Celtic tribes, was disco- 
vered under the following circumstances. A labourer engaged in cutting peat 
suddenly disclosed to view a small bronze bowl, in which lay a number of shining 
round objects, which, either from the blow given by his spade or the tremulous 
consistency of the moss, appeared to him in movement, in the cavity of the basin, 
[ike the finder of the assemblage of chess men, in a small subterranean structure at 
Uig, in Lewis, the popular superstitions of his country instantly recurred to the 
mind of the astonished peasant ; and, supposing that he had uncovered, if not a nest 
of gnomes, at least some marvellous appliances pertaining to the elvish race, and 
apparently possessed of life, by their movement in the bowl, he hastily covered 
them up, and retreated to his home. It need scarcely be said that, the story once 
told, bolder spirits were speedily found, and the real character of the elfin hoard 
was ascertained. 

This collar, the various parts of which had become disunited, probably by the 
decay of an iron bar or strong wire upon which the bronze beads were strung, pre- 
sents a very distinct variety, although several beaded collars have been discovered 
in England. Its form and ornamentation will be understood from the accompany- 
ing representation (Plate XI.). A portion of the hoop, about one-third of the cir- 
cumference, is a solid flat piece of metal, nearly half an inch in thickness, having 
the inner side, which came into contact with the neck, carefully smoothed, 
whilst the outer edge is chased with a series of zigzag lines, obviously bear- 
ing resemblance to the threads of a cord. It has also one face enriched with 
a peculiar ornament ; and studs, at intervals, may be noticed, being the heads of 
pins or rivets, passing through the whole thickness of the metal. The other, 
or inferior, side of this portion is perfectly plain. These details are illustrated 
in the Plate by a small figure representing a portion of the hoop. The remainder 
of the circle consisted of bronze beads, originally, as it is believed, strung upon a 
curved iron rod, the ends of which were fitted to the extremities of the solid portion 
just described. The two parts thus adjusted together could be readily disunited, 
and the collar removed from the neck. The beads are of two forms — ^a variety of 




found in Lockar Moss, Dumfriesshire. 85 

the melon-shaped tjrpe, the segments being here alternately convex and concave. 
Between each pair of these there is a collar- shaped piece, bearing resemblance to 
the vertebral bone of a fish, or to the revolving portion of a small pulley, and thence 
the portions thus formed have sometimes been designated as " pulley- beads." It 
may be remarked that these pieces are rather wider on one side than on the other, 
a contrivance by which they were better adapted to the curve of the collar. 

The form of these singular beads, it has been conjectured with much probability, 
was actually taken from that of the vertebral joints of fishes, which in primitive 
times may have been strung with globular beads alternately, as ornaments of an 
uncivilised race. If this supposition may seem worthy of credit, and we may admit 
the notion that the beautiful beads of glass or vitrified pastes of rich and varied 
colouring, which evince so perfect a knowledge of the processes of vitrification, were 
introduced into Britain as objects of barter by the Gauls or Spaniards, or even by 
the Phoenician traders who may have reached these coasts, an increased interest 
must be connected with the ornaments of this collar. It appears obviously to bear 
the impress of its original, scarcely more indeed than a tradition still preserved in 
its forms, but sufficing to prove their primitive character. The glass beads, pro- 
ductions of a land far advanced in civilization and knowledge of the arts, had 
become by a singular chance combined with the bones of fishes, the rude ornaments 
of maritime tribes in times of barbarism ; and, whilst the forms of both are repro- 
duced in the bronze of a later age, a lingering vestige may be traced of the cord 
upon which these objects had been strung, so obscurely perceptible, however, that 
without the aid of other collars of the same class, it might have escaped attention. 

The vertebral-shaped pieces are found in the curious fragment of a bronze collar 
found at Perdeswell in Worcestershire, and exhibited to the Society by Mr. Jabez 
Allies, F.S.A., in whose possession it remains. A representation of this object has 
been given in a former volume of the Archseologia.' In that example the iron rod 
on which the beads were strung existed in a very decayed state. The alternate 
beads were of a peculiar twisted shape, difficult to describe, and which is accurately 
shewn by the plate. A similar arrangement of grooved rings or puUey-pieces, alter- 
nating with beads, is perceptible, although less distinctly marked, in the remarkable 
collar found near Embsay, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, in 1845, figured also in 
the Archaeologia.** It is likewise seen in another bronze collar found in Lancashire, 
m 1831, now in the collection of Mr. James Dearden, F.S.A.^ 

• Archaeologia, Vol. XXX. p. 554. «» Vol. XXXI. PI. 28, p. 517. 

c This collar is noticed in the Archaologia, Vol. XXV. p. 595. 



86 Notice of a Bronze Beaded Collar ^ 

The careful examination of these examples, varied in details, but analogous in 
their general features, appears fully to confirm the ingenious supposition advanced 
by Mr. Birch, already stated, that in these ornaments vestiges of a primitive arrange- 
ment may be traced, sufficing to indicate the combination of beads with fish-bones, 
and the cord upon which they were strung. In the Embsay collar the imitative 
intention of the portion which simulates the cord is very obvious. 

A few of the beads completing the circle of the collar found in Lochar Moss had 
been lost ; in the representation given in the plate this deficiency has been supplied. 
It is uncertain whether the entire series were found in the bowl, when the discovery 
before described took place ; they may have been missing previously to the deposit 
in the moss. 

The bronze bowl which had served as the depository of these curious remains 
was skilfully formed of thin metal-plate ; it was placed, when discovered, upon three 
stones, which apparently had been hewn or roughly squared. It may deserve 
mention that this bowl was of a size not quite sufficing to receive the eollttr- iavitB 
entire state, and it is probable that for greater convenience in placing it within thife 
basin; the collar had been disunited, and the beads unstrung. The edge ^of thit 
little vessel was slightly recurved; it was totally without ornament, it had no 

haiidles, and there is nothing in its form to charaeterise its age. Various examplw 

• 

of basins of thin metal, found in Great Britain, might be cited ; nine such, desoiibed 
ais of 0€>pper, were found one within another at Sturmere, in Essex, near a-Rbifiaii 
station and road.* The bowl from Lochar Moss was not dissimilar to these, but of 
rather less shallow proportions. Bronze vessels, but having handles, are giveii by 
Douglas, in the Nenia.** Two Saxon basins, of shallow form, and highly cmnons^ 
are described by Mr. Roach Smith in a former volume of the Archseologia:® 'Hiey 
were found in Lothbury. - - - 

In regard to the age to which the curious collar from Lochar Moss may be attri- 
buted, the indioation which presents the most distinctive character^ appears ^to- be 
the peculiar S-shaped ornament, running round the solid porti<m of th^ hoop. We 
may without hesitation assign this collar to the period distinguished tiy.t^rsaae 
and the antiquaries of the North as the iron age of the eariy. antiquities of Europe. 
Mr. Wilson, honorary secretary of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, has thus 
placed this singular collar, in his Archaeology of North Biitain ; and amongst the 
numerous vestiges of olden times represented in that beautiful volume, he points 

* These vessels are figured in the ArchsBologia, Vol. XVI. p. 364. 

»» See the Nenia Britannica, Plate XI. * Vol. XXIX. p. 867. 




Vul XICX1\'. I'liltcH yS 




^nv/j^ 0>//^f?' //'///u/ i/t ZarAar Mfhfs, Damfiif 



found in Lochar MosSy Dumfriesshire, 87 

out a bronze diadem^ or massive ring for the head^ found in Roxburghshire^ of 
which the ornamentation resembles that seen upon the relic from the turbary in 
Dumfriesshire. The deficiency of any extensive series of British antiquities^ acces- 
sible for purposes of comparison, precludes the possibility of fixing with any preci- 
sion the date of remains of this early age, but I imagine that its date is not anterior 
to the ninth century. 

I have only to add, that by the kind permission of Mr. Gray, of Liverpool, this 
remarkable collar, with the bowl wherein it had been deposited, were sent for exhi- 
bition to the Members of the Archaeological Institute ; and that the committee of 
that Society requested me to communicate them for the inspection of the Society of 
Antiquaries, as relics of more than ordinary interest. 

I remain, dear Sir Henry, 

Yours faithfully, 

ALBERT WAY. 

Sir Henry Ellis, K H. 
Sec. Soc. Ant. &c. 



88 



XIII. — Account of some of the Celtic Antiquities of Orkney ^ including the Stones of 
StennesSy Tumuli^ Picts-houseSy 8fc., unth PlanSj hy F. W. L. Thomas, /J.JNT., 
Corr. Mem. S.A. Scot.j Lieutenant Commanding H.M. Surveying Vessel Woodlark. 



Read Feb. 6th and ISth, 1851. 



CHAPTER I. 



The following Notes have been arranged partly with the view of affording the 
means for comparing the Celtic antiquities of the Orkneys with their prototypes 
situated in other countries, but more particularly in the hope of inducing some 
resident gentleman of more leisure and antiquarian lore to draw up a detailed 
description of these interesting Landmarks of Time, many of which are fast dis- 
appearing before the efforts of rural industry and agricultural improvement. There 
is, however, but little cause to apprehend any further dilapidation in the greater 
monuments of the county ; an interest in their conservation is daily gaining 
strength, and we have the faith to believe that in a short time even a peasant wUl 
feel ashamed to remove from the inquiring presence of enlightened men an 
irrecoverable record of the thoughts and feelings of a by-gone race. The antiquities 
of the Orkney and Shetland groups will be found upon examination to be well 
worthy of a careful study, not only from being extremely numerous for the small 
extent of country in which they are placed, but also from the great diversity of their 
forms, in many places leaving us unable to determine the purpose for which they 
have been erected. 

Orkney is generally supposed to have derived its name from words in the British 
language signifying Outer-Catti, and to have been inhabited by a branch of the 
Catti ;* but, leaving conjecture, we find it stated in the famous diploma drawn up by 
Bishop Thomas TuUoch, in 1443,^ that immediately preceding their conquest by 



a « 



Which are said by a certain old manuscript to be so called (Orkney), as if one should say Argat, that 
is (for so it' is there explained), above tHe Getes ; but I had rather expound it Ahove Cat ; for it lies over 
against Cath, a country of Scotland/' &c. — Camden, p. 1073. 

^ In Barry's History of Orkney : it has since been printed by the Bannatyne Club, in the 3rd volume of 
their works. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 89 

Harald the Fair-haired these islands were occupied by two different races, the Pape 
and Peti (Pets or Picts), and that the Northmen " swa passit on the said nations of 
Peti and Pape, that the posteritie of thame after remained nocht."* 

But though the posterity of these people " passit away," they left behind them 
records of their social development in their sepulchres, their habitations, their 
castles, and their domestic and warlike implements ; and such of these as have 
fallen under the writer's notice will be described. 

Of the Pape it may be briefly stated that they are supposed to have been a 
collegiate Irish priesthood, introduced about the time of St. Columba** the apostle 
of the Picts ; and, judging from the names, Paplay in South Ronaldsey, Paplay in 
Holm, Eynhallon, Papey Stronsey, and Papey Westrey, are places in which they 
have been located. It has also been pointed out to me by Professor Munch, of 
Christiania, that the island now known as North Ronaldsha is in Saga literature 
called Rinansey, which appellation he believes to be after the famous St. Ringan, or 
Ronan, and to have received that name before the conquest of this country by the 
Northmen. The Pape seem to have spread as far as Iceland, for, according to the 
Landnanamabok, before Iceland was colonized from Norway, there were people 
there who the Northmen called Papa ; they were Christian men, and left behind 
them books in the Erse language.'' 

The ruins of many ancient buildings, both defensive and simply domestic, are 
ascribed by tradition to the Picts, who, instead of being magnified by the haziness 
of indistinct historical vision into giants or cyclops, have (probably from the very 
narrow passages in their castles and dwellings, and their small kistvaens), dwindled 
in the vulgar estimation to a race of pigmies : it is presumed that the controversy 
concerning their ethnographical position has long been settled, and that they were 
in fact a geographical division of the Celtic Britons.** 

* Reperimus itaque, imprimis, quod tempore Haraldi Comati primi regis Norwegie,-qui gavisus estper totum 
regnum suum hac terra sive insularum patria, Orchadie fuit inhabitata et culta diiabus nacionibus, scilicet Peti 
et Pape, quae duas genera uaciones fuerunt destructsB radicitus, hac penitus per Norwegiences de stirpe sive de 
tribu strenuissimi principis Rognaldi, qui sic sunt ipsas naciones aggressi quod posteritas ipsarum nacionum 
Peti et Pape non remansit. — Barry, p. 399. 

^ " St. Columba meeting one day with a prince of the Orkneys at the palace of King Brude, he told the King 
that some monks had lately sailed with a view of making discoveries in the northern seas, and begged he would 
strongly reconunend them to the Prince who was then with him, in case they should land in the Orkneys. 
They did so, and owed their lives to the recommendation of Columba." — Smith's Life of St. Columba, p. 55. 

® Adur Island bygdist of Nordmonnum varo p'ar p*eri menu er Nordmenn kalla Papa, p eri varo menu 
kristner, &c. — Johnstone's Ant. Celto-Scan., p. 14. 

^ " After an interval of many years, when Brito reigned in Britain, and Posthumus his brother over the 

VOL. XXXIV. N 



90 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

It is generally imagined by those whose topographical information is limited to 
the southern portion of Britain that the island becomes more uneven as its northern 
extremity is approached ; this is not, however, strictly the fact, for, after passing the 
mountain ridges which rise between the neighbourhood of Perth and the Ord of 
Caithness, we descend upon a simply hilly or undulating country, possessiiTg very 
few romantic features, but peculiarly adapted to the labour of the agriculturist. 
The same topographical character occurs upon the northern side of the sea-valley 
(Pentland, properly Pightland, Firth) which divides the archipelago of the Orkneys 
from Scotland, where, instead of mountain masses separated by deep valleys, we find 
a swelling moorland whose mean elevation would not exceed one hundred feet. 
There are some exceptions to this usually tame appearance, for the hills of Hoy, of 
Orfer, Ronsey, and Edey have either had sufficient cohesive strength, or have acci- 
dentally escaped the denuding influence which has been going on around them ; 
but in general the old red sandstone has been swept away, and the flagstone of the 
same formation, after the deposition of a few feet of boulder clay, is the floor upon 
which the present race of men are passing their ephemeral existence. 

It is worthy of remark, that there is good evidence of the low grounds having 
been formerly covered by a forest of birch, hazel, and willow, which, besides forming 
a covert for the wild boar, red deer, and other extirpated animals, would afford fuel 
and shelter to the primitive inhabitants. That the native wood had become too 
scarce for economic purposes about a. d. 925, may be gathered from the fact that 
the reigning earl acquired the title of Torf-Einax from having taught his subjects 
the use of that substance for fuel, and this is but one generation after the occupa- 
tion of the country by the Northmen. 

That the Celtic t>r original inhabitants were very numerous is proved by the great 
number of barrows scattered throughout the islands ; I imagine that at least two 
thousand might still be numbered ; and when it is remembered that half as many 
more have probably been removed or obliterated from within the inclosures, an idea 
may be formed of the length of time which must have elapsed since the country 
was first settled. These barrows seem almost posited by accident, for they may 
be seen upon the very top of a hill, or upon the brow, or halfway down, upon the 
moor, or by a burn, or by the sea side. They are single, or in confused groups. At 

Latins, not less than 900 (about 256 B.C.), the Picts came and occupied the islands which are called Orcades ; 
and afterwards from the neighbouring isles, wasted many and not small regions, and occupied them in the left 
part of Britain, and remain to this day. There the third part of Britain they held, and hold till now." — Nen- 
nius, C. 6, quoted by Ritson, Annals of Caledonia. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 91 

Stenness and at Vestrafiold there are four posited contiguously in a straight line ; 
but I have not met with a circular, nor indeed any other, arrangement of barrows, 
except that they are sometimes twin, not however of equal size, but one about two- 
thirds smaller than the other. 

The common form of the Orcadian barrows is the bowl-shape of Akerman's 
Archaeological Index. These barrows present exactly the outline of one-third of 
an orange cut through its axis. From their depressed figure they do not make a 
prominent appearance in the landscape. The contrary happens vfiih the conoid 
barrows, which are at once remarkable from their greater height and size. It will 
be shewn hereafter, that there is reason to believe the conoid tumuli to be of Scan- 
dinavian origin. 

« 

There are considerable varieties in the species of bowl-shaped barrows ; the 
simplest is a low mound of earth not raised more than eighteen inches from the 
ground, and about seven or eight feet in diameter : there is a group of five of these 
dimensions close to the Great Stenness circle (ring of Brogar), and four of them are 
posited in line, suggesting a relationship among the occupants in blood or destiny. 

Increasing in size, they may next be noticed as about four feet in height, and 
twelve in diameter ; these contain but one grave (kistvaen)^ formed by four rude 
slabs placed upright upon the natural surface of the moor, so as to inclose a small 
oblong cell ; and in one opened by Mr. Petrie and myself during the winter of 1848 
the burnt bones were simply deposited in a hole scooped in the earth ; a flagstone 
more than large enough to cover the cell was placed above it, and the earth heaped 
over all. 

In the next rank may be placed those barrows which are from six to ten feet in 
height, and from twenty-five to thirty feet in diameter ; one of these dug into by 
Mr. Petrie and myself, called the Black Knowe, was situated on a wet moor at the 
foot of the ward of Rhush, in Randal. It had evidently been formed with greater 
care than was usually bestowed upon these sepulchres ; the mound was nearly semi- 
circular in outline, and had a covering of a layer of peat fully one foot in thickness, 
but whether a sward had been originally placed over the tumulus, or it was simply 
the growth of time, I am unable to determine, but incline to the former opinion. 
Beneath the peat we came to a very pure sandy clay without any mixture of stones ; 
but on the surface of the clay flat pieces of stone, about the size of a man's hand, 
were plastered here and there, evidently for the purpose of keeping the mound in 
shape. We found no further difference until we came to the grave, the covering 
stone of which was six feet below the top of the tumulus. This stone was of no deter- 



92 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

minate figure, and was without dressing of any kind, although much larger than the 
aperture of the cell. It was so clumsily placed that a little earth found its way into 
the grave before it was removed. When the covering-stone was lifted, which it 
required rather a strong man to do, the grave or kistvaen was seen to be eighteen 
inches long, one foot in breadth, and eight or ten inches in depth. The stone of 
this countr)^ has naturally a slaty pacture, and splits easily, so that it only requires 
dressing upon the edges ; but this had not been done, the sides of the stones did not 
meet, and schoolboys in their play would construct a neater apartment. Upon an 
oblong stone which nearly fitted the cell were deposited an urn and burnt bones. 
The urn had been broken when the covering stone was placed over it, otherwise it 
was quite fresh and clean ; it was of a dirty brick colour, of a very coarse clay, in 
which there were many bits of stone, and when newly burnt would not have had 
sufficient tenacity to have been held up by one side without breaking. The urn was 
about eight inches in diameter, and four in height, and of a simple basin shape. 
There was about a large handful of fragments of burnt bones and ashes, which 
had been first placed upon the stone, and the urn inverted over them ; upon the 
outside the urn was banked up by very fine sand or ashes. This would prevent the 
escape of the contents, as well as keep it from sliding off the stone. Upon the 
whole there seems to have been but a small degree of skill exerted in proportion to 
the labour employed in the construction of this tumulus.* 

The Rev. Charles Clouston in his Statistical Account remarks that " barrows or 
tumuli are particularly numerous in Sandwick. I believe there are more than one 
hundred, though it would be neither easy nor useful to count them. Eight of these 
situated upon the common have been opened during the last year. A minute 
description of each would be tedious, but a brief account of the most important, 
which I opened in company with most of the other office-bearers of the Orkney 
Natural History Society, must be interesting to the antiquarian. The first, which 
was the largest of a numerous cluster between Vog and Syking, was fifty yards in 
circumference, and about seven feet and a half high. It was formd of a wet adhesive 
clay. On reaching the centre, we found a large flag, which formed the cover ; and 

* *< Several other tumuli have been opened, which had much the same appearance. In some of these were 
found stone chests of about 15 or 18 inches square, in which were deposited urns containing ashes; in others 
of these chests were found ashes and fragments of bones without urns. 

*< In digging for stones in one of these tumuli was found an urn, shaped like a jar, and of a size sufficient to 
contain 30 Scotch pints (15 g^allons English). It contained ashes and fragments of bones. The colour on 
the outside was that of burnt cork, and on the inside grey." — Old Stat Ace. p. 459. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 93 

on raising it up, the grave appeared as free from injury, and the pieces of bone 
as white and clean, as if formed only the preceding day. At its end, which lay 
north-east by east, was an urn inverted, shaped like an inverted flower-pot, and at 
its other end about a pot full of bones unmixed with ashes, which had been burnt 
and broken small, none being more than two inches long and one broad, covered by 
a stone of an irregular shape about one foot across. It was sprinkled with a peculiar 
mossy-looking substance of a brown colour, and white ashes, which seemed from the 
smell, when burnt, to be animal matter. The surface of the urn was dark, not 
unlike burnt cork, and seemed to be rude earthenware, into the composition of 
which bits of stone enter liberally. It contained nothing that we could perceive, and 
soon fell to pieces ; but I put them together with Roman cement, and it is now 
safe in the Society's museum, with part of the bones. 

" The next in size of the group of tumuli was thirty-four yards in circumference, 
about six feet high, and contained six separate graves.* The two nearest the centre 
seemed the principal ones. A large flag rested against the covers of them on the 
east side, jutting up about a foot above them. It measured five feet long, four feet 
two inches broad, and three inches thick. The space under this flag was quite 
empty. On removing it and the two horizontal covers on which it rested, the two 
principal graves were exposed to view. The first was formed of a double row of 
upright flags on all sides except the south, next to the second, where there was only 
a single row, and small pieces substituted at the corners ; the space inside was filled 
for nine inches with clay, and the comers of this and the second were also cemented 
with it. Between the cover and clay flooring was a vacant space about a foot deep, 
into which some fine sand had penetrated or fallen from the cover in wasting, and 
sprinkled the floor. On removing this, we found a small stone, which covered a 
cavity in the clay one foot in diameter and nine inches deep, containing the bones, 
burnt and broken as in the first tumulus, and some little pieces of charcoal. This 
grave was one foot eight inches square inside ; the outside flags were six inches 
higher than the inner ones, and those on the west and east sides very thick. Out- 
side they were supported by some lumpy stones and the clay. 

" The second grave (which was one foot ten inches by one foot three inches across 
the middle, but far from square, and two feet deep,) was nearly one foot south of 
the former, and consisted of four flags, set uj) on a floor of flag, with a heap of 
bones similar to those in the first. The third was at the south side, close by the 
west corner of the second, and was very simple, being merely a cavity in the earth, 

• See the accompanying Plan, IV. 



94 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

covered by a stone on which we were treading ; and being so low, without any 
upright flags about it, it escaped observation till we were about to leave the 
tumulus. It contained pieces of bone of a larger size than the former two, and a 
few pieces of a vitrified substance, like a parcel of peas with a vesicular internal 
structure, and of a whitish appearance, as if it were vitrified bone. The fourth 
grave lay on the east of the first, with a space of three feet between ; internally, it 
was two feet ten inches long, by two feet three inches broad, the inner row of flags 
six inches below the level of the outer ; nine inches below that was a small cover 
stone, and at the bottom six inches of peat ashes, with bits of bone. The fifth lay 
two feet south of the last, and was about three feet five inches by two feet three 
inches. It was formed by a single row of flags without any cover. On the top was 
six inches of clay, and below that about nine inches of ashes and bone. The sixth 
lay three feet from the north-west corner of the first, and was the rudest of all. 
It measured two feet by one foot two inches. All these graves lay with one end 
north-north-east, except the sixth, which was directed north-east. This resemblance 
between the fourth and first is worthy of notice^ — that it also consisted of a double 
row of flags upon all sides except the south, next to the fifth, where it was 
single."— P. 57. 

In the fourth grade of bowl-shaped tumuli may be considered those whose 
circumference is bounded by a ring of rough blocks of stone, like the first course of 
a modem stone dyke. This prevents the earth of the tumulus from spreading^ and 
preserves its shape. Many of these, which are almost flat on the top, may be seen 
on Vestrafiold, in Sandwick ; they are about twenty feet in diameter and four in 
height.* Another variety of bowl-shaped tumulus is that having a ring of small 
upright stones standing around the barrow. I am only able to cite one instance, on 
Vestrafiold, where there are but one or two stones left, about two feet in height. 

There is yet another variety of these tumuli, where upright pil]fiu*s are situated 
upon the mound, of which the Knowe of Cruston was, and Stoneranda (Stone- 
round) is (both in Busa), an example. 

* " I lately made excursions to St. Andrew's and the farm of Wideford in this parish (St. Ola), and opened 
two graves at the former place, and three at the latter ; they all appear to be of the same date. I opened one 
of the largest, which was of greater diameter than the one we explored in Rendal (the Black Knowe), but not 
quite so high. It had a sort of circle or ring of burnt stones about afoot in breadth^ and the thickness of 
one stone, immediately within the edge of the base. In the centre, embedded in clay, was a layer of burnt 
bones mixed with charcoal, about three inches in thickness. There was no kist-vaen, nor any stones near the 
bones.* —G. P. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 



95 



None of the tumuli previously described are remarkable for height; on the 
contrary, they are low and broad ; nor does the interior arrangement constantly 
advance with their external decoration ; for the Knowe of Cruston, although sur- 
mounted by a standing stone four or five feet in height, did not contain any urn, 
but only burnt bones in a common cell, and in those described by Rev. C. Clouston 
(ante) it is seen in one instance that the large family-barrow contained no cinerary 
urns, and in the other, that the bones were deposited in a hole at one end of the 
grave, while the empty inverted urn was placed at the other. 

I have never heard of any gold ornaments, or stone or other implements, being 
found in Orkney, in the graves of those who burned their dead, though such may 
yet be discovered. 




A Bronze Pin from TumuloB in Birza, Orlcney. 




Knitting-Sheath of wood from Links of Skaill, Orkney, supposed to be of the last Century. 



CHAPTER II. 



It is generally known that the Orkneys are naturally divided into the north and 
the south isles by the island of Pomona,' which is also very appropriately called 
the mainland, for it is fully equal in size to one-third of the whole group ; but its 
figure is very irregular ; the eastern half is so deeply intersected by several large 
bays as to be in one place but a mile from sea to sea. The west mainland, that is, 
80 much of the island as lies upon the north side of a line joining the Bay of Firth 
to the Bridge of Weith, is, on the contrary, bounded by nearly straight coasts, and 
may be roughly estimated as about ten miles in length and breadth. Parallel, and 

* It is very sing^ular that the Scandinavian name of this island should be so entirely forgotten. In the 
Orkneyinga Saga it is usually called Hrossey or Rossey, and it is so named in a map appended to Camden's 
Britannia ; it appears to mean *^ the Island of horses.'* 



96 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

« 

near to the coasts, are ranges of hills of moderate elevation, from 200 to 500 feet, 
sufficiently high to exclude a view of the sea from a large and tolerably level area, 
and here the parish of Hana has the solitary distinction of not having the ocean on 
any side to form its boundary. This district or hened^ is in a great measure occu- 
pied by two large lakes, yet most unaccountably they are usually considered as but 
one, and both have been known by the same name, the Loch of Stenness, although 
their connection is only by means of a narrow ford about 1 20 yards in breadth ; 
besides the sea occasionally ebbs and flows in the southern lake, and the water is 
salt, while the northern is tideless and filled with fresh water. 

The two promontories dividing these lakes are known collectively as " Stenness" 
(Stone-ness), but individually as Stenness and Brogar. The latter name, which is 
applied to the northern point, is derived from the Scandinavian hro or hru, a bridge, 
and gard, an inclosure. Until lately stepping stones enabled the foot passenger to 
cross the ford dry-shod ; but a sort of bridge-causeway now supplies a less adven- 
turous mode of transit : this is the Bridge of Brogar. 

This neighbourhood has been consecrated ground, or the holy land of the ancient 
Orcadians ; for there are within the distance of two miles no less than two rings or 
circles with circumferential columns,. two others without erect stones, four detached 
pillars or standing stones, besides about twenty bowl-shaped and conoid barrows, 
some of them of large dimensions, and presenting great diversity in their propor- 
tions and magnitudes ; as well as the remains of cromlechs and tumuli too much 
destroyed to admit of their peculiarities being distinguished. 

In the winter of 1848 I undertook a survey of these antiquities, wishing to leave 
a permanent record of their present state and position, while they were yet in 
tolerable preservation ; but, although a labour of love, it was not accomplished 
without much difficulty, principally owing to the uncertain state of the weather and 
the distance of the locality from my residence. After a long ride, there was first to 
lay out the surveying poles, then shoulder my theodoUte, and march from station to 
station through the most insinuatingly melting snow that I ever remember to have 
felt, often being obliged to leave my instrument and run for a quarter of a mile to 
gain a little warmth by the exertion. It was, however, sometimes exceedingly 
romantic to hear the wild swans trumpeting to each other while standing under the 
lee of a gigantic stone, till a snow-squall from the north east had passed over ; 
but, could I have attuned my soul to song in such a dreary situation, instead of 
raving with Macpherson, my strain would certainly have been something in praise 

^ Henedf jurisdiction, district, hundred. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 97 

"of the bonnie blythe blink o' my ain fireside." Occasionally there is some fine 
weather even in this inhospitable climate ; but I can only remember the many 
nights, dark, bleak, and cold, in which I have been urging my easy-going quadruped 
over that weary road while the snow fell into my eyes upon any attempt being made 
to look a-head. At last, however, the survey was finished*; with Mr. Robert 
Heddle, the dimensions and an outline figure of every stone in the Ring of Brogar 
was taken; and Mr. G. Petrie assisted me in measuring the diameters of the 
circles, trenches, &c. Tlie General Plan was made by triangulating with staves, 
and a base measured by a land-chain on the level point of Stenness. 

I shall now proceed to describe these antiquities in Ihe order of their rank or 
development, commencing with the lowest in the series, the bowl-barrow. Around 
the great circle (Ring of Brogar) there are about ten of these barrows, of which the 
elevations are given in Plate XII. ; they vary in height from eighteen inches to 
six feet, and in diameter from seven to eighteen feet. Far beyond the limits of the 
plan they occur in great numbers, and those described by Mr. Clouston, which are 
but two miles distant, will convey a notion of their structure and contents. 

Close by the Ring of Brogar there is a ring or small barrow, about fifteen feet in 
diameter, but almost obliterated. There is a small standing stone still erect upon 
the circumference, and the stumps of two others may be seen at the angles of a 
square, so that it is very probable a fourth originally stood there to complete the 
figure. 

Just without the division dike of the parishes of Stenness and Sandwick, upon 
the shore of the south lake, there is a small ring,** in good preservation, of great use 
when comparing these antiquities with each other, for it is a simple bowl-barrow, 
but distinguished by being inclosed within a circular embankment of the same 
height and material as the barrow. The barrow is forty feet in diameter, and not 
more than three feet in height, and is almost flat on the top. The trench is shallow, 
and about fifteen feet broad ; not excavated, for the bottom corresponds with the 
natural surface. The ring-embankment (about five feet broad) is almost entire, 
except on the water side, where the peasants drive their carts over it to avoid the 
soft ground in the vicinity ; it is to be hoped that the fortunate proprietor of this 
extremely ancient and interesting earthwork (for the common is in process of 
division) will take care to prevent its further injury. The diameter to the outer 
edge of the bank is ninety-four feet. 

• See General Plan, Plate XII. 

** This ring is marked upon the General Plan ; and there is a ground plan and eleyation in Plate XIV. 

VOL. XXXIV. O 



t 



98 Celtic Antiquities of Orkn^. 

At a very short distance to the northward are the remains of two obscure con- 
tiguous circles,* which appear to be of the nature of cromlechs : they are formed by 
a ring embankment of earth or stones ; the interiors of both, corresponding with 
the natural level, have indications of flag stones arranged in two parallel lines, 
between two and three feet apart. It is very probable that these were graves from 
which Ihe covering and other stones have been carried away. 

The lesser stone circle of Stenness, called here for the sake of distinction the 
Ring of Stenness,** is a remarkable structure upon the low level point at the south 




« trom Oa Weatmrd. 



side of the Bridge of Brogar, and, though considerably dilapidated, still presents 
sufficient of its original form to determine its dimensions without difficulty. It is 
indeed rather a matter of surprise that so much of it should he left for the delight 
of the antiquary, when it is considered that this ground has probably been imder 
cultivation for nine hundred years. It is stated in Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga that one 
of the earls of Orkney was stopping at Stenness about A.D. 970 ; and I believe the 
site of the brd was not far from where the church at present stands, at least tradi- 
tion says the palace stood there. 
The Ring of Stenness resembles in its earthworks the smaller one formerly 



• Marked upon the General Plan. 

■■ There i> a ground plan and elevaljon of it in Plate XIV. 



Celtic Antiquities of Orknej/. 99 

described, but is much larger, and is beades decorated with standing stones. It is 
fonned by an interior nused mound, which is nearly or quite flat on the top, and 
slopes almost imperceptibly towards the trench ; at the mai^ there are now three 
columns, two erect and one prostrate, and the stump of a fourth can be detected. 
From these it was found, on the assumption that the pillars were at equal distances 
apart, that twelve would complete the circle. The pillars are mMsive slabs of flag- 
stone of their natural sh^>e, and without dressing or carving of any kind. They 
stood in a circle whose nuhua is fifty-two feet, and about eighteen feet high. 

This ring is peciiliarly interesting fix)m the presence of a Cromlech' within the 
area, but it is not placed at the centre. Though the cromlech is overthrown, it is 
sufficiently perfect to understand its former shape. One of the legs or supporters 
remains m situ, and is an unturned block rising three feet above the ground; 
another leg of the table, of the same size and £^re exactly, has fallen outwards, 
and Ues upon its side, while the covering stone, which is a rectangular slab 9 X 6 X ^ 
feet in dimensions, partly rests upon the last ; the other two legs have been taken 




Tma the Nirtliinnl. 

away. It may be here remarked in the instance of the only other two cromlechs 
known to exist in Orkney, that they also are overthrown. 

* Id the old descnptioni of Druidical (7) circles, there is generallj mention made of an altar (cromlech) 
ttanding within them, either in the fonn of a stone tahle or a single upright pillar. 



100 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

The ruthless plough has been driven by barbarous men over this enduring record 
of the thoughts and labours of an exterminated people, and even within this century 
some of the pillars have been destroyed to clear the ground. The unlucky tenant 
of the adjoining farm has exercised his " little brief authority," and a most unen- 
viable immortality has attached to him in consequence, " for," says Mr. Peterkin,* 
" one (of the standing stones) has lately been thrown down ; three were in the 
month of December, 1814, torn from the spot on which they had stood for ages, and 
were shivered to pieces." As Mr. Peterkin speaks rather apologetically for the 
man, he is not to be suspected of exaggeration ; yet this statement does not cor- 
respond with the plates in Barry's History, nor the drawings of the late Marchioness 
of Stafford. At this moment there are two stones erect, and one prostrate, but 
perfect ; and in the drawings referred to there are but four erect stones ; hence the 
tenant of Bamhouse could have broken up but one of these stones (exclusive of the 
Odin Stone), and one he prostrated. 

The circumscribing ring, which is a raised earthwork of the same height as the 
included mound, can only be traced for one-third of the circumference, and this has 
led some persons to imagine that this structure was but a semicircle from the begin- 
ning, and I believe a fanciful theory has been founded on that presumption. ** 

If ever this ring was completed, the massive and approximated pillars must have 
produced a magnificent effect, particularly if it contained the tombs of those whom 
men delighted to honour ; but it may have happened that, as vnth some other great 
intentions, the design exceeded the means of execution ; and this opinion gains 
support from a fact noticed by the intelligent and scientific minister of Sandwick. 
Upon the south side of Vestrafiold, which is about six miles to the westward of 
Stenness, the flagstone of this formation crops out at the surface in parallel ridges 
of several hundred yards in length, and from these enormous blocks may be detached 
without any excavation. There are at present several massive stones set free and 
ready for transport., and, if I am not deceived, their style is that pertaining to the 
Ring of Stenness rather than to the Ring of Brogar. 

* Notes on Orkney and Shetland, p. 20. 

^ A very amusing account of the Stenness antiquities will be found in a paper on the << Tings of Orkney 
and Shetland," in vol. iii. of Arch. Scot. 




FEET. 


. 104 


. 162 


. 198 


. 234 


3 


. 17-4x6x tV 


. 13-2x4x1 i 


19x5xl| 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 101 

Dimensions of the Ring of Stenness. 

Diameter of circle on which the pillars are pitched . 

Do. to hottom of slope of interior Mound 

Do. to inner foot of bank .... 

Do. outer ditto ..... 

Height of Mound and embankment above the natural surface, about 
Dimensions of easternmost pillars erect 

Do. adjoining ditto, erect .... 

Do. next * ditto, prostrate .... 

The bottom of the trench corresponds with the natural surface. 

The site of the Odin Stone** was pointed out to me by a man who had looked 
through it in his youth ; it stood about one hundred and fifty yards to the north- 
ward of the Ring of Stenness, but it does not appear to have had any relation to that 
structure, though it is probable that it was erected at the same era. All that can 
now be known of it must be learnt from Barry's or the Marchioness of Stafford's 
drawings, for the unfortunate tenant of Barnhouse cleared it away. The stone, which 
was of much the same shape as those still left, was remarkable from being pierced 
through by a hole at about five feet from the ground ; the hole was not central but 
nearer to one side. Many traditions were connected with this stone, though with 
its name I beUeve them to have been imposed at a late period ; for instance, it was 
said that a child passed through the hole when young would never shake with palsy 
in old age. Up to the time of its destruction, it was customary to leave some 
offering on visiting the stone, such as a piece of bread, or cheese, or a rag, or even 
a stone ; but a still more romantic character was associated with this pillar, for it 
was considered that a promise made while the plighting parties grasped their hands 
through the hole was peculiarly sacred, and this rude column has no doubt often 
been a mute witness to " the soft music of a lover's vow." 

Close to the east end of the Bridge of Brogar stands a single gigantic pillar^ of 
about the same size and shape as that marked a in the Ring of Stenness. There is 
no appearance of earthworks or structure near it, and I have remarked that these 

* This is computed to weigh 10*71 tons. 

^ ** At a little distance from the temple is a solitary stone about eight feet high, with a perforation through 
which contracting parties joined hands when they entered into any solemn engagement, which Odin was 
invoked to testify." (Arch. Scot. vol. iii. p. 107.) This agrees with the description of Mr Ix^isk; but 
Barry's plate would lead us to imagine that the height was at least double that given above. 

"^ It was called "The Watchstone."— Arch. Scot. vol. iii. p. 108. 



102 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

bauta stones, of which I can reckon up about a dozen in Orkney, are not distin- 
guished by baring a tumulus or barrow near them. 

A little way to the eastward of the Ring of Stenness, is a mound called " Big 
How," but of what nature I am unable to decide, and it would require considerable 
excavation to make out its details — its position is shown upon the plan : and at the 
north-west end of the Bridge of Brogar is a large dilapidated tumulus, which 
appears to be the ruin of an ancient stone building, perhaps a Fict's castle ; close 
by it are two small standing stones. 

But the most considerable of all the antiquities of this district, is the great circle 
of Stenness, or Ring of Brogar.' This is a deeply-entrenched circular space, with a 




diameter of 366 feet, and containing two acres and a hdf of superficies. No 
peculiarity is obserrable in the topographical character of this place. The area is 
neither lerel nor smooth, for the naturid undulations of the ground traverse the 
inclosure. Around the circumference of the area, hut about thirteen feet within 
the trench, are single, large, erect stones or pillars, standing at an average distance 
of eighteen feet apart. These stones appear to be the largest blocks that could be 
raised in the quarry from whence they were taken, and are without dressing of any 
kind ; hence, their figure is not uniform, and they vary considerably in size ; the 
highest stone was found to be 1 3'9 feet above the surface, and, judging from some 
others that have fallen, it is sunk about eighteen inches into the ground. The 
smallest stone is less than six, but the average height is eight or ten feet. The 
breadth varies from 2'6 to 7*9 feet, but the average is about four feet, and the 
thickness one foot. No order can be traced in the relative size or %ure of the 
remaining stones ; small and large succeed each other indiscriminately. To 
mineralogists they are known as the flagstones of the old red sandstone formation, 

■ See the General Plan, and Plate XIII. for an enlarged Plan and Elevation. 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkneiy. 1 03 

and are supposed to have once been mud, which has been aggregated into sub- 
crystaUine forms by molecular forces. 

It appears that the number of standing stones, on the assumption that they were 
placed at nearly equal distances apart, was originally sixty, but there are now only 
thirteen erect and perfect ; ten others are nearly perfect, but prostrate ; and there 
are the stumps or fragments of thirteen more ; in all thirty-six. So that twenty-four 
(if the above assumption is correct) have been entirely obliterated.* 

The trench around the area is in much better preservation than could have been 
expected from the lapse of years ; the edge of the bank is still sharply defined, as 
weD as the two footbanks or entrances (to the circle) which are placed exactly 
opposite to each other ; they have no relation to the true or present magnetic 
meridian, but are parallel to the general direction of the neck of land on which the 
circle is placed. The trench is twenty-nine feet in breadth, and about six in depth, 
and the entrances are formed by narrow earth-banks across the fosse. It has been 
imagined, but without sufficient reason, that the earth or rubbish from the trench 
has been taken to raise the surrounding tumuli ; but had these tumuli been 
coetaneous with the Ring of Brogar and the materials from that source, some order 
would have been observed in their position with regard to the great circle. Besides, 
as we certainly know that they are sepulchres, and are confident that their 
magnitude is in proportion to the importance of the individual or family they 
contain, it would follow that an unusual murrain had occurred among the mighty 
ones of the day, that so many should want sepulture while the Ring of Brogar was 
in process of construction. 

There are now no indications of structure vnthin the area, nor has it been either 
smoothed or leveled : but it must be observed that not only has the peat or turf 
been cut for fuel, but every layer of soil has been removed, as fast as it has formed, 
to serve as manure for the infield. The general appearance of the country is 
sufficiently uninteresting ; but a barren and desolate aspect, not natural to the place, 
is produced by the practice of paring the soil from the outfield,** that is, from all 
the land lying vnthout the inclosures ; and the Ring of Brogar has had no sanctity 
with these barbarous depredators, as the broken and scarified turf will witness. 

The surface of the area of the ring has an average inclination to the eastward ; it 

* " The number of stones which originally formed the temple is supposed to have been thirty-five, but 
this is uncertain ; sixteen were standing in the year 1792, and eight had fallen to the ground.** — Arch. 
Scot p. 108. 

^ As the division of the common is now taking place, it is probable this destructive practice will cease. 



I 



104 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 



is highest on the north-west quarter, and the extreme diflferenee of level was 
estimated to be six or seven feet : the circumscribing trench has also the same 
inclination, and it therefore could never have been intended to hold water. In 
winter, when the lower half is partly filled, the rain water is flowing over the brim 
before it has reached the foot of the causeways.* 

About a mile to the northward of the Ring of Brogar is a larg« deserted quarry, 
quite capable of supplying all the pillars or standing stones for that entrenchment 
(the only man who has attempted to work there of late years gave it up, in con- 
sequence of finding the rock so hard and intractable) ; but it has also been stated 
by those whose opinion I have reason to respect, that the shore of the south loch, 
close by the hill dyke of Sykin, is the spot from whence the stones were taken ; it is 
also possible that they were brought from the quarry on the south side of Vestra- 
fiold, mentioned in a former page. 

Dimensions of the Ring of Brogar. 





FEET. 


Diameter of circle on which the pillars are placed 


340 


Distance of pillars from edge of fosse or trench 


. 13-2 


Diameter to inner edge of fosse . . . . 


. 366*4 


Breadth of fosse ...... 


29 


Diameter to outer edge of fosse . . . . 


. 424-4 


Depth of fosse — average . . . . . 


6-0 


Distance of pillars apart — average breadth of causeways . 


17-8 


Highest pillar ..... 


13-9 


Lowest ditto .... 


5-9 


Average height ...... 


9-0 


Broadest pillar, stump only remaining 


7-3 


Least breadth ..... 


1-6 


Average ditto ...... 


5*0 


Average thickness ...... 


1-0 



■ See General Plan. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 



105 



The following are the dimensions of the pillars (see panoramic view),* which are 
numbered on the assumption that there were originally sixty (thirty in each semi- 
circle). The numbers begin from the south-eastern entrance, and pass towards the 
south : — 



PtLLAE. 



SOUTHERN SEMICIRCLE. 

HBIORT. BEKADTH. THICKNI8S. 



1 prostrate. . 10*6 

2 prostrate. • 12*4 

6 prostrate. • 10*6 

7 prostrate. . 11*2 

8 prostrate. • 12-5 

9 prostrate. . 12*5 

11 erect . .11*2 

12 stump . . 0*6 

13 erect . .8*6 

15 erect . .7*9 

16 erect . . 7*9 

17 erect . . 8*6 

18 erect . . 8*6 

19 stump 

20 prostrate. • 8*6 

22 prostrate. . 10-6 

23 stump 

24 erect (the highest) 13*9 
'25 stump 

26 broken . .5*9 

27 stump 

28 stump 
30 stump 



5 
5 
2 
5 
4 
5 
4 
2 
3 
1 
2 
4 
3 

4 

4 



9 
9 
6 
3 

3 


3 
6 
6 









1*3 

0*3 

0*6 
1*3 
2*0 



0*9 



0*3 



riLLAK. 

34 erect 
36 erect 

39 broken 

40 stump 

45 prostrate 

46 prostrate 
48 stump 
50 erect 

52 broken 

53 erect 

54 erect 

57 erect 

58 prostrate 



NORTHERN SEMICIRCLE. 

HIIGUT. BREADTH. THICKNBSS. 

3*3 



10*6 

13*6 

4*9 

7*9 
9*2 

11*9 

11*9 

8*6 

5*9 

8-6 

10-6 



4*6 
5*9 

2*0 
2*6 

4*0 
5*9 
4*6 
2-6 
2*6 
4*0 



0*7 
1-3 



1*3 
0*9 

1*3 
1*3 
0-7 
0*9 
1-6 



We will now pass by the tumuli about the Ring of Brogar for the present, and 
proceed to the northward for a mile, when we come to the ancient quarry, where 
there are four or five bowl-shaped tumuli, perhaps the graves of those who have 
been killed by accident when working for the standing stones, or the facility for 
collecting a heap of rubbish may have induced their relatives to fix upon this 
locality, but this is an uncharitable conjecture. The land here rises to about seventy 
or eighty feet above the lakes, and is known as the Black Hill of Warbuster. Pro- 
ceeding along the ridge for a quarter of a mile, we arrive at the Ring of Biikan, 



VOL. xxxiv. 



See the upper part of the General Plan, PL XII. 

P 



IQfi Cebie AnHquities of Orkn^ 

which seems to ha^e escaped the notice of ail those who had described dve antiquities 
o£ StennesB, until we find it mentioned in the Rev. C. CloustOK'srstadsbical account 
of the paarish of Sandwick; it may indeed be easily passed without attracting 
attention. 

The Ring of Bukan (in Plate XIV.) is a circular space surrounded by a deep 
excavated trench, thus far resembling the Ring of Brogar, but it wants the circum- 
ferential stones, and besides the interior shews evident marks of superstructure. 
Many stones of small size are apparently in sitUy yet no order could be traced among 
them ; one is erect, about three feet in height, and one foot square. A triangular- 
shaped block, making a comfortable seat, occupies the centre, while another, com- 
pletely identical in size and figure, is prostrate upon the circum&rence of the ring. 
Even this deeply-intrenched spot has been ravaged by the plough, and the industry 
of the agricultural savage has no doubt been rewarded by as much grain as might fill 
his cranium, but certainly not his stomach. Within the area there is the appearance 
of five or six small tangental circles about six feet in diameter, and formed of earth ; 
within these the stumps of stones are prominent ; the whole is too obscure to admit 
of any statement concerning it to be ii^de with certainty, but I conjecture that these 
compartments are the remains of small cromlechs long since destroyed, and that the 
triangular stone lying at the edge of the ring has been dropped there by the boors, 
who have found it too heavy to be transported further from its original position, 
which was near to its twin at the centre. 

Dimensions of the Ring of Bukan. 

FEET. 

Diameter of internal area . . . . . .136 

Breadth of trench ....... 44 

Diameter to outer edge of trench ..... 224 

Depth of trench, about ...... 6 

Except on the north-east side, the bank is still sharply defined. This ring 
appears to have been completely isolated, and without any footway across the fosse ; 
but the trench will not retain water, for the bottom remained dry in what was, even 
in this climate, called a rainy winter. 

The remaining antiquities of Stenness to be described are theConoidTumuH. These 
have been purposely retained to follow the others from the belief of the writer that 
they are not Celtic, but the tombs of the early Scandinavians.' The reason for this 

^ In a large district or country, presenting great difference in topographical feature, it is possible that the 
antiquities of two co-existent races may be foond together ; but this is m>t likely to occur in a comparatively 




CdUc Antifwities ^f Orhmmf. 1 07 

<qnman w Booit^Btated : the favfrl-bsrrows, 6o Bomeniiis throi^hottt the Orknoys, are 
constantly found to contain tbe a^es (btmd;fide) of the dead ; the conoid barnyws 
are knovm to he the aqpulchres of those i^^ho buried their dead enthre^ ^and usually 
in a bent posture. This lalone shows a difference of race, althoagh both might be 
fiying (or cather dead) at the same ^poch ; but the argument having most weight 
with the critical antiquary is this, that silver ornaments have been found in the 
tombs. Although this paper is intended to be but a dry record of fact, it would be 
ne^igent of the writer to describe as Celtic, or without some remark, a monument 
wludi he believes to belong to the Northmen. The Conoid Tumuli are few in 
number ; but six exist at Stenness, where they are readily distinguished by their 
greater heiglit in proporticm to their base. 

About one hnndredyards down the Brae upon the south side of the Ring of B^kan 
stands a large tumnhis,* just without the hill-dyke of the townland of Warbuster, in 
the south-iprart extremity of the parish of Sandwick, which was excavated last 
summer by Mr. Wall of Skaill, Rev. C. Cloustoii, Mr. Ame, the oiScers of Her 
Bli^esty's cutter " Woodlarit," &c. It had previously been dug into by Dr. Wall of 
SkaiU, who had trenched from the souths west side into the middle without finding 
say . indication of structure. We now began by cutting a trench, three or four feet 
wide, from the south side towards the centre, and, not finding any thing remarkable, 
the hole at the icentre was enlarged to six or seven feet in diameter, but the labour 
of the day was expended in a useless search. 

This tumuhis is made of much coarser materials than is usual with the bowl- 
barrows, there being but Kttle earth in comparison with the many large angular 
pieces of stone, such as would be thrown from a quarry, or when making a drain ; 
but I entertain no doubt of its being formed from the subsoil of the adjacent moor. 
This tumulus is iseventy-one feet in diameter and ten or twelve in height ; but it 
appeared much larger until submitted to actual measurement. On a subsequent 
occasion, when some labourers who had been making a road hard by were present, 
they declared it weidd take half a dozen of them a fortnight to raise such a heap. 

We met again on the 3 1st of July, and the day was nearly expended in digging 
at the centre, but we came upon the natural suriM^e without finding any grave. 
We learnt, however, that the ground had received no preparation previous to the 

noall group of islands like the Orkneys, where, according to the custom of the Msage warfare of those 
times, the conquerors would most assuredly extirpate the conquered ; thus Scandinavian rites and ohser?ances 
would at onoe supersede those of the Picts or Celts. 
■ Marked upon the General Plan, to the reader^s left. 



103 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

formation of the tumulus, for the heath and moss which had then been growing was 
the foundation upon which it was erected. Dr. Wall now directed attention to a 
few moderately large pieces of flagstone that had been passed when trenching in, 
when a few strokes of the pick soon made it apparent that we had hit upon some 
structure, and in a little while we came upon a grave. This was placed about half- 
way between the centre and circumference of the tumulus, that is, about ten feet 
from the centre and four feet above the natural surface. The top stone of the 
grave was a large unsquared slab, not made to fit in any way, but overlapping the 
sides considerably ; this was very carefully cleared to prevent the earth falling in 
upon its removal. On lifting off the top stone, the grave was seen to contain a 
human skeleton, which was lying upon the right side, with the legs doubled close up 
to the abdomen. The large bones of the arms and legs were nearly and the skull 
was quite perfect ; some of the teeth had fallen out, they were much worn but 
otherwise good. The bones of the spine and pelvis had decayed ; no remnants of 
clothes nor ornaments could be detected. The grave was conjectured to be that of 
a female of full age, from the small size of the bones (femur, 1 7f inches ; tibia, 
1 4^ inches), the decidedly marked attachments for the muscles, and the worn teeth. 
Though I do not attach much importance to the circumstance, it is necessary to 
state that the grave was in the direction of the prime vertical (east and west), and 
that the skull was in the north-west quarter, with the face towards the east. 
The sides of the grave were neatly built, but no bottom slab could be detected ; 
it was evident that the occupant must have been squeezed in, probably swathed 
in the native cloth of the country {wadmal). The capacity of the grave is 
36 X 27 X 18 inches. 

After our curiosity was satisfied, the grave was re-covered and closed up. This 
finished our operations for the day; but a short time afterwards this tumulus 
was again explored by a party from the ^* Woodlark," when it was considered 
advisable to commence operations exactly opposite to where we had been working 
before ; accordingly a trench was begun in that quarter, and almost immediately 
a grave was found. It appeared to be of a ruder description than that previously 
described. The walls or sides were formed of single upright flags, and the 
covering stone, which had fallen in, had disturbed the contents. The grave 
contained nothing but the displaced bones. These had belonged to a large man, 
but on a comparison with the graceful proportions of my companion* it was found 
the latter had undoubtedly the advantage in stature. Although this grave was 

* Rev. C. Cloiiston. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 1 09 

placed opposite to the former, and at nearly the same distance from the centre, it 
was six or seven feet higher up in the tumulus, and not more than one foot beneath 
the surface. In the lapse of years, the rain and wind acting upon so steep a mound 
of earth, must have much reduced its height, and consequently have brought the 
grave nearer to the surface ; in stormy weather pieces of stone the size of a man's 
fist are set in motion by the wind. 

A cut was now made upon the east side, perpendicular to a line joining the 
graves already found, when another was quickly discovered. It was at nearly the 
same level with the last, perhaps a foot higher, and slightly nearer the centre ; it was 
but one foot beneath the surface. This grave was still smaller than either of the 
others. The covering stone had fallen in ; the sides, less than a foot in height, were 
formed by two placed stones upon each other. Only a few bones were seen ; they 
had belonged to some young person, perhaps twelve or fourteen years of age. 

We had good reason to imagine that a fourth grave would be found opposite to 
the last, but the very large quantity of earth thrown on that side from the interior 
of the tumulus discouraged any attempt to search for it.* 

The peculiarities of this tumulus are, 1 . that no object should occupy its centre, 
which is contrary to former experience; 2. that the graves should be placed at the car- 
dinal points of the compass ; but this must be regarded as accidental, for at the time 
this tumulus was erected the deviation of the compass-needle was very diflferent to 
what it is now; they must therefore be considered as placed in a cirde in the 

^ ** A tumulus containing tbree stone chests was opened in the parish of Saudwick, by Sir Joseph Banks, 
in the presence of Dr. Solander, Dr. Van Tioch, and Dr. Lind, on their return from Iceland in 1772. In 
one of these chests or coffins was found a human skeleton lying on its side with the knees bent ; in the hollow 
of which was found a bag which appeared to be made of rushes, and contained a parcel of bones bruised small, 
and also some human teeth." It was supposed by Sir Joseph Banks and Dr. Solander, that this bag contained 
tbc remains or ashes of his wife, or of some near relation, after burning. (?) 

'' In the second of these chests was found a skeleton in a sitting posture, as if seated on the ground, and the 
legs stretched out horizontally. To keep the body erect, stones were biult up opposite to the breast as high 
as the crown of the head. The whole was covered with a large stone. 

** In the third chest was found in one end the bones of a human body thrown together promiscuously ; in the 
other end, a quantity of chesnut-coloured hair, covered with a turf, and under the hair about four dozen of 
beads, flattened on the sides, lying as if on a string, about the middle of which was a locket of bone, and 
underneath the beads a parcel of bruised bones like to those found in the bag in the first chest. When the 
hair was first touched, it appeared rotten, and the beads friable ; but when exposed to the air, the hair was 
found to be strong and the beads hard. The beads were black, but it could not he discovered what they were 
composed of.*' — Old. Stat. Ace. p. 459. I think there is some account of these explorations in the Transac- 
tions of the Royal Society. 



i 



MO Oettic AntifmHes of-Orimmf. 

ttumuhis ; it appeus'lo hare bem a family tomb far £stiwr^ mother^ aasd child ; 
8. that the bodies were not iaeinerated, bat interred in a bent posture. 

Several bowl-barrowrs are near, and scattered about tbe moor are many limps of 
cramp or TJtrified stone, rsome of which Are built into tiie hiU^^ke of the adjoming 
townland of Warbuster. 

A large conoid tumulus (6) fifty feet in height, and twenty-nine^ feet in diameter, 
stands 1 50 yards to the westward of the Ring of Brogar. * It has been explored at 
some former period, and it is not improbable that this is the one to wfaddi WaSaee 
alludes when he says that '^ in one of these hillocks, near the circle of high -stoneB 
at the north end of the .Bridge of Stennis, there were found nine fibube (armiUse) of 
alyer, of the shape of a horse-shoe, but round/' From the drawing they appear to 
hare had the same form as tliose figured in plate Tii. of Arch. Index, and probably 
met the same fate. 

A short distance to the northward of the Ring of Brogar, and near to, but not at, 
the shore, there is another tumulus of peculiar form.^ It may be wpiiy compared 
to the shape of a plum-cake, for it is circular, :and rises neariy perpendicular for five 
feet, when it becomes almost flat on the top, or rather is surmounted by a very 
depressed cmae. Its diameter is sixty-two feet, height nine feet. This has never been 
explored, though I believe the gentleman upon whose property neaiiy all these 
antiquities are situated, wid who is also a zealous antiquary, proposes to do so 
shortly, c 

The only example of the elliptical or long barrow existing in Orkney (that I am 
aware of) occurs upon the shore of the North Loch, 100 yards to the eastward of 
the Ring of Brogar. It measures 1 12 feet in the direction of its major axis, while 
its minor is but sixty-six feet, that is, it is twice as long as it is broad.^ The 
level ridge on the top is twenty-two feet, and its height twenty-two. The west side is 
so steep as to be difficult to clamber up. On the opposite side it has been dug into, 
but not recently, and it may be that from this one the fibulae mentioned by Wallace 
were obtained. There is a fine spring of water at the foot of the tumuUis upon the 
loch side, and not onfrequently in summer a group of hungry antiquaries may be 
seen gazing with fixed attention not into the musty recesses of a kistvaen, but the 
still more interesting interior of a provision-basket. All these large hillocks are 
covered by a short green turf, which. renders them picturesque and pleasing objects. 

But the most. remarkable tum^ulus in Orkney is situated a mile to the north-east 

• For its eleyation sed'the Geneiul Plan. ^ Hrid. 

« David Balfour, Esq. of Balfour. ^ See ©enertil Plan. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkn^. Ill 

ofitfae RiB^ of StennesB, and is called M'eshoo or Meashowei* This istav^y large 
moundy. thirtj^six feet in height^ and ninety^two in diameter, and' is of a bluntljr 
conical outline. The mound occupies the. centre o£ a raised circukur platform, which 
faasa radius of eighty-six feet« This is surrounded by a trench twenty feet in breadth, 
and a circular' bank probably inclosed the whole. Many attempts had been made 
ta explore it,, as there are several small heaps upon its sides ; but at last sufficient 
force and perseverance was brought to work, and a hi^e mis-shapen mass upon the 
east, side shews the explorers were successful.^ Unfortunately no inventory was pub* 
liriied of itS! stores ; and such will too generally be the case, so long as the posses- 
sion of a metal ring or bracelet is liable to be hunted for by an official (like a kitty- 
wake by the Skoutie-allan) till the precious bait is disgorged. The law of treasure* 
trove fuses nearly all antiquities of gold or silver ; they find their way to a watch- 
oobler, and thence to a crucible. It is a mere fiction to assert, that either Queen, 
Government, or nation can derive any pecuniary benefit from the few articles that 
are occasionally turned up ; in fact, neither of these parties ever see them ; and the 
oady way to prevent their conversion is to let it be known that they are the property 
of those who find them, and that the lucky individual is to get the largest amount of 
sterling money that the articles will fetch in open market. The more they cost the 
purchaser^ the greater will be the chance of their ultimate preservation. 

Such is the distribution of the antiquities in the immediate neighbourhood of 
StennesB, of which the writer, at the risk of being tedious, has endeavoured to render 
•tt exact aeconnt. Their written history, as may be supposed, is meagre enough. 
The Orkneyinga Saga, presumed to be compiled in the thirteenth century, does not 
mention or refer to Stenness. In the Saga of Olaf Trygvesson it is said, " Havard 
wr pa 6 Steinsnessi i Rossey ; par var fundi oc Bardagi peina Havards, oc ei langt 
ade Jari fdl, heiter nu Havards teigr,'' which my friend Professor Munch thus 
translates : '^ Havard was then at Stenness, in Rossey ; there Havard and the other 
(Einar) met and fought, and in a short time the Earl fell, which (place) is now 
called Havard's teigr.^' Teigr is thus explained : Cultivated ground of indefinite 
size,. inclosed, within a turf or stone dyke, is a tun, or town-land. The tun is often 
occupied by several families, who annually re-divide by lot the arable land between 
tbem, and, for greater fairness, the good and bad land is divided into many small 

* Its eleyation is marked upon the General Plan. 

*• " An artificial mound, with a large trench thrown up at the foot of it, said to have been raised for archers 
to shoot at. Some of Oliver CromwelFs soldiiers are reported to have dug tolerably deep into the mound ; but 
ii is added, they found noAing but earth." — ^Arch. Scot. p. 122. 



i 



1 1 2 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

pieces or shares^ and any of these is a tei^r, and may be called after the present 
possessor, as Willie's teigr, or Magnus* teigr, &c. It is very probable that Earl 
Havard was buried beneath one of the Stenness tumuli. 

The first direct notice of the stones of Stenness is in '^Descriptio Insularum 
Orchadiarum anno 1 529, per me Joan. Ben, ibidem colentem," where he says, " Sten- 
house is another parish, where there is a great lake twenty-four miles in circum- 
ference. There, in a little hill near the lake, were found in a sepulchre the bones of 
a man, which indeed were joined, and were in length fourteen feet, as the reporter 
stated, and a coin was there found under the head of that dead man ; and I, indeed, 
saw the sepulchre. There, near the lake, are high and broad stones, of the height 
of a spear, in circumference half-a-mile." The reporter seems to have been guilty 
of the very common fault of exaggeration. 

In Wallace's History of Orkney, published in 1 700, at p. 68, we find, ^' At Stennis, 
in the mainland, where the loch is narrowest, in the middle, having a causey of 
stones over it for a bridge, there is, at the south end of the bridge, a round, set 
about with high smooth stones or flags, about twenty feet high above ground, six 
feet broad, and each a foot or two thick. Betwixt that round and the bridge are 
two stones standing, with that same largeness with the rest, whereof one has a 
round hole in the midst of it ; and at the other end of the bridge, about half-a mile 
removed from it, is a large round, about one hundred and ten paces in diameter, set 
about with such stones as the former, but that some of them have fallen down ; and 
at both east and west of this bigger round are two artificial (as it is thought) green 
mounds. Both these rounds are ditched about." There is a figure of one of these 
circles appended, but is purely imaginary. 

In " A brief Description of Orkney, Zetland, Pightland Firth, and Caithness, by 
John Brand," published at Edinburgh in 1701, it is stated, **At the Loch of 
Stenness, in the mainland, in that part thereof where the loch is narrowest, both 
on the west and east side of the loch, there is a ditch, within which there is a 
circle of large and high stones erected. The larger round is on the west side^ 
above 100 paces diameter. The stones, set about in form of a circle within a large 
ditch, are not all of a like quantity and size, though some of them, I think, are 
upwards of twenty feet high above ground, four or five feet broad, and a foot or two 
thick ; some of which stones ai^e fallen, but many of them are yet standing ; between 
which there is not an equal distance, but many of them are about ten or twelve 
feet distant from each other. On the other side of the loch, over which we pass 
by a bridge laid in the manner of a street, the loch there being shallow, are two 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 113 

stones standing, of a like bigness with the rest, whereof one has a round hole in 
the midst of it ; at a little distance from which stones there is another ditch, about 
half a mile from the former, but of a far less circumference, within which also 
there are some stones standing, something bigger than the other stones on the 
west side of the loch, in form of a semi-circle, I think, rather than of a circle, 
opening to the east, for I see no stones that have fallen there save one, which, when 
standing, did but complete the semi-circle. Both at the east and west end of the 
bigger round are two green mounts, which appear to be artificial ; in one of 
which mounts were found, saith Mr. Wallace, nine fibula of silver, round, but 
opening at one place like to a horse-shoe." — p. 43. 

In vol. iii. of Arch. Scot, there is a rude woodcut from a drawing, and extracts 
from a description of the stones of Stenness, communicated by the Rev. Dr. Henry, 
in 1784. In the drawing we have an amatory couple exchanging vows at the 
shrine of Odin, but unfortunately the Odin stone is drawn standing upon the east 
instead of the west side of the Stenness Ring. There are eight standing and two 
fallen stones in the Stenness Ring, which forms an exact semi-circle, and the 
cromlech is removed from the north side to what is intended to be the centre. 
Upon the cromlech is a kneeling damsel supplicating for the power to do all that 
is wanted from her by her future lord, while he is standing by, and seems to be 
rather intoxicated, but whether from love or wine is not to be determined from the 
drawing. I quote the following account, which I believe to be extremely exagge- 
rated. " There was a custom among the lower class of people in this country, 
which has entirely subsided within these twenty or thirty years, when a party had 
agreed to marry, it was usual to repair to the Temple of the Moon, where the 
woman, in presence of the man, fell down on her knees and prayed the god Woden 
(for such was the name of the god whom they addressed on this occasion) that he 
would enable her to perform all the promises and obUgations she had made and was 
to make to the young man present ; after which they both went to the Temple of the 
Sun, where the man prayed in like manner before the woman. Then they repaired 
from this to the stone north east of the semi-circular range ; and, the man being on 
the one side and the woman on the other, they took hold of each other's right hand 
through the hole in it, and there swore to be constant and faithful to each other. 
This ceremony was held so very sacred in those times, that the person who dared 
to break the engagement made here was counted infamous, and excluded from 
society."— p. 119. In the description of the before-mentioned drawing, the Ring 
of Stenness is called " the semi-circular hof or temple of standing stones, dedicated 

VOL. XXXIV. Q 



114 Celtic Antiquities of Orknejf. 

to the moon^ where the rights of Odin were also celebrated :" but my witty friend, 
Mr. Clouston, is of opinion that it was only the lunatics who worshipped here. The 
Ring of Brogar is called " the Temple of the Sun :" unfortunately, the Ring of 
Biikan, which was of course the Temple of the Stars, seems to have escaped 
notice, or we might have learned of some more ante-nuptial ceremonies performed 
therein. 

Principal Gordon, in ^^ Remarks made in a Journey to the Orkney Islands" in 
1781, gives the following sensible account of the Stenness antiquities. "Prom 
Kirkwall I went to Stromness, and in my way thither visited the semicircle and 
circle of stones near the Lake of Stenhouse. This lake is of fresh water, and runs 
into the sea at Stromness. It extends for about ten miles south-east ; at Stenhouse 
is almost divided into two separate lakes by a neck of land, where the water is so 
shallow that it may be passed at any time, even when the tide flows. 

" From this neck of land the lake runs north-west for about six miles, leaving an 
intermediate space of dry ground, which, from one-eighth of a mile, widens to about 
a niile towards the manse of Sandwick. 

" The semicircle stands opposite to the place where the lake begins to wind to the 
north-west. The stones have been originally seven, four of which are still standing, 
and seem to be about fourteen feet high ; one, however, is eighteen complete ; their 
breadth about five feet ; their thickness varies. This semicircle has been formed 
with some degree of art ; for, were we to form it into a complete circle^ the diameter 
would be one hundred and four feet, and, upon examination, the diameter of the 
semicircle as it was at first designated is exactly fifty-two, a clear proof that the 
planners of this semicircle were not unacquainted with mathematical proportions. 

" At some distance from the semicircle to the right stands a stone by itself, eight 
feet high, three broad, and nine inches thick, with a round hole on the side next 
the lake. The original design of this hole was unknown till, about twenty years ago, 
it was discovered by the following circumstance : a young man had seduced a girl 
under promise of marriage, and she, proving with child, was deserted by him. The 
young man was called before the session; the elders were particularly severe. 
Being asked by the minister the cause of so much rigour, they answered. You do 
not know what a bad man this is, he has broke the promise of Odin. Being further 
asked what they meant by the promise of Odin, they put him in mind of the stone 
of Stenhouse with a round hole in it, and added that it was customary when pro- 
mises were made for the contracting parties to join hands through the hole, and the 
promises so made were called the promises of Odin. 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 1 15 

" The complete circle stands upon the intermediate space betwixt the two branches 
of the lake, and this space or promontory, being a rising ground which forms at last 
into a plain of some extent, is seen at a considerable distance. There are sixteen of 
the stones standing, eight more are fallen to the ground ; the original number is 
uncertain. Their height differs from nine to fourteen feet above the ground. The 
diameter of the circle is 366 feet. Round the circle is a ditch thirty-five feet broad, 
and from nine to fourteen feet deep : round the ditch, at unequal distances from one 
another, are eight small artificial eminences. The entrance is from the east, vnth 
an opening of equal size to the west. The altar stood vdthout the circle to the 
south-east : to the left of the circle looking eastward, you perceive a solitary stone, 
and two or three more such in a direct line vnth it on to the semicircle. There is 
no inscription upon any of the stones either of the circle or semicircle. 

" Different reasons have been assigned by different people for the circular and 
semicircular form of the Scandinavian * temples, for such they certainly have been, 
as appears from the explication given above of what is called in Orkney the promise 
of Odin. Some have pretended that the semicircular temple was in honour of the 
moon, and the circular one in honour of the sun ; others that the semicircle and 
circle were emblems of the different phases of the moon. Pocock bishop of Ossory, 
who visited Orkney several years ago, found out in the different stones composing 
the circle and semicircle a very minute astronomical description of the various 
motions of the sun, moon, and planets, but these fancies have no foundation, as far 
as I could see, either in the arrangement of the stones or in the Scandinavian 
mythology. It does not appear from the Edda of Iceland, where we have a very 
full account of the Scandinavian divinities, that either the sun, moon, or stars had 
any place among them. I do not pretend to give a better reason for the circular or 
semicircular shape of these temples than what has been given by others. Indeed, 
it is impossible to give any good one at this distance of time ; however, we see that 
in different nations the circular shape was a favourite one in building temples; 
witness the Rotunda at Rome, and many others on a smaller scale in other parts of 
the heathen world." 

It may be expected that the writer of these remarks should offer some conjecture 
concerning the age and purpose of these interesting monuments of antiquity, and 
indeed it would be difficult after having been so long engaged with them to avoid 
forming a theory on the subject ; and it may at once be stated that he considers the 

* I need scarcely remark, that there is not the slightest evidence of these circles having been made by the 
Northmen. 



i 



116 Celtic Antiguitia of Orkney. 

whole of them to have been originally intended for sepulchral monuments, though 
they may subsequently have been used as places for council, feasting, or sacrifice. The 
cromlech within the King of Stenness is conclusive in that instance ; and, though 
nothing can be seen within the Ring of Brogar to determine the puqiose of its 
erection, the Ring of Bilkan, which is evidently of the same genus, if not of the 
same species, contains indications which are now constantly recognised 2i» sepul- 
chral. Thcde monuments have undoubtedly been erected by the same race of 
people who have made similar ones in other parts of Britain ; their age is con- 
sequently nearly the same as that of Stonehenge, Avebury, &c., but more learned 
antiquaries must decide upon the exact t-poch. That the Orcadian drcles were 
already existing on the introduction of Christianity will be readily admitted, though 
this was aa early as the middle of the sixth century, when St. Colomba sent Cormac, 
one of his disciples, to these islands ; and though a period of paganism ensued after 
the conquest by Harald Harfagre in A.D. 875, to the forced conversion of the 
second Sigurd, about A.D, 998 (which is but one hundred and twenty-three years), 
there is nothing in the northern annals to lead us to the opinion of their having 
been constructed in that interval. 

This closes the account of the Stenness antiquities ; but it will be proper to 
notice here some interesting remains that were I believe first described by the 
Rev. C. Clouston, in his Statistical Account of Sandwick. One of these is a crom- 
lech, known by the name of the Stones of Veu (Ve signifying holy or sacred), 




situated about half a mile to the southward of the manse upon the moor. The 
cromlech, which has been overthrown, but not otherwise destroyed, is formed by 
four square short pillars, three feel in height, supporting a square slab (5 ft. 10 in. X 
4 ft. 9 in. X 1 ft. in). Upon one side there hes a smaller square slab; but 
whether it was originally placed on the top of the other, or formed a small supple- 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 1 1 7 

mental cromlech like that represented in plnte i , fig. 10, of Akerman's Archaeolo- 
gical Index, is not to be determined. 

Another ruin of a cromlech of a far more complex character, called Holy Kirk, 
stands upon the brow of Vestrafiold, which Mr. Clouston describes " as a curious 
collection of large and ancient stones ; and a gentleman residing in that neigh- 
bourhood recollects one of them, now prostrate, supported by those that are still 
perpendicular " It would be well if this gentleman would put his recollection upon 
record, for Mr W. Wall and myself puzzled for more than an hour over these 
remains without being able to divine its plan : there appeared to have been either 
two or three covers originally. 

A very interesting but obscure remnant of antiquity exists upon the south foot of 
Vestrafiold, which I believe must be classed with Celtic remains ; it is a large 
irregular inclosure, approaching to a square in outline, and fenced by large flags 
where they have not been carried away. It is stated to be 800 yards in cir- 
cumference. A water-course runs through the area, and there are indications of 
interior sub-division by ranges of flags. No reason can be detected for choosing 
such a site ; the greater part of the area I should imagine has always been very 
swampy ; on the north-west side the line of demarcation runs up and along a 
rather steep brae (perhaps twenty feet higher than the average level). The great 
size of the inclosing flags, uselessness for keeping out cattle, &c., and the barren 
piece of land, which has never been of any agricultural value, are the proofs of its 
antiquity, and I commend this inclosure to the notice of practical antiquaries. 
The Dwarfie Stone of Hoy, of which there is a drawing and description in Barry's 
History of Orkney, is probably a sepulchral monument of the Pictish period ; and I 
am informed by Professor Munch that there is a romantic story in the elder Edda, 
which occurs in Hot/j but the name is so commonly given to high islands by the 
Northmen, that we cannot be certain that it refers to one of the Orcadian group. 

The round tower and church of Egilsey are in all probability the erection of 
the christianized Picts ; and at the Brough of Birsa the foundation of such another 
church and cylindrical tower are to be seen. The Brough of Deerness is also a 
station of great antiquity ; and in several of the islands there are the ruins of old 
churches which would, I believe, be of considerable interest to the ecclesiastical 
antiquary. 





GlaiM Beads dug oat of a moss near Caldale, parish of St. Olaf, Jane, 1845. 



i 



1 18 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney, 



CHAPTER III. 

We have now to consider a Class of Antiquities deserving much greater attention 
than they have hitherto received. I allude to those structures which the general 
traditions of the North of Scotland have ascribed to the Picts. These may be 
divided into Hcts Casties and Picts Houses; but, though the first term may be 
allowed to pass without much argument, the propriety of the second may by some 
be considered to be hardly substantiated by the known facts. 

The Hctish Broughs may be generally described as circular towers of sixty feet 
in diameter, and forty or fifty in height, and are either formed of one cylindrical 
wall of great thickness in which small chambers or cells are left in the interior of 
the wall, or of two concentric walls, the interspace being formed by flagstones into 
circular galleries, to which there is a communication by means of a winding stair- 
case. Much information concerning these broughs may be gathered firom Pennant's 
Scottish Tour, Cordiner*s Remarkable Ruins of North Britain, Hibbert's Shetland, 
&c. ; but I shall limit my remarks to the little that is known of them in Orkney. 

In Orkney the site of a Picts castle may be generally known by the name of 
*' Brough" being bestowed upon the place, and a grassy hillock most frequentiy 
points out the exact spot where it has stood ; this term does not however apply 
exclusively to an artificial elevation, but includes every place of defence. The prefix 
" bur" is a contraction of " brough," as Burwick in South Ronaldsey, and in Sand- 
wick, where the ruin of the brough at either place may be seen. Burra, formerly 
Boi^rey, means the castle island ; Burgher in Evie is the place of the casUe ; and at 
Burroston, in Shapinsey, Mr. Balfour informs me, are the remains of extensive 
entrenchments and fortifications. The position of the Pictish broughs is generally 
not peculiar for natural strength ; they are either built along the sea-shore, as in 
Evie, &c. &c. or upon a small island or point in a lake ; but we do not find them 
upon those natural defences which are seen along the coast, where a small piece of 
land is separated by a chasm from the main, as at the Broughs of Deemess, Biggin, 
&c., or upon an easily defensible peninsula, as at Burrow (Brough) Head in Stronsey, 
though at all these places the remains of a wall or a ditch may be traced upon the 
landward side. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 1 19 

Though nearly all the Kctish Broughs in Orkney are greatly dilapidated, good 
service might yet be done by clearing away the rubbish which surrounds the original 
tower, and I am here enabled to give plans of two which have been partly dis- 
interred ; one of these, situated upon an isthmus in the northern part of South 
Ronaldsey, has given the name of Hangs-eil * to the place, that is, " the isthmus of 
the hillock ; " but it is now corrupted into Hoxa. Principal Gordon, in his 
Journey to Orkney in 1781, describes it as "what the Orkney people call a Pictish 
fort. This fort has been of a circular form, with a wall round it, and perhaps two, 
the one surrounding the other at the distance of perhaps three feet. Some remains 
were still to be seen of this double wall. The building is certainly the work of a 
rude and consequently early period. It does not appear that any kind of cement 
has been used to tie the stones together. They are laid one upon the other in their 
natural state, rough and unpolished, with Uttle regard to art or symmetry. Its 
extent, as far as I could guess, did not exceed twenty feet in diameter. The outer 
wall enclosed a considerable part of the small eminence on which the fort stood. 
This eminence has certainly been surrounded formerly by sea, and perhaps at no 
very distant period was still so at high water. For to the north-east of the eminence 
there is to this day a small lake of sea-water, which is only separated from the sea 
by a beach of sand and small pebbles cast up by the sea, and the ridgQ itself is not 
twenty feet broad. At the foot of the eminence, to the north, is a smaU bay or 
landing place, and on a point of laud on the north of the bay, facing the eminence, 
there has been another fort of the same kind with the one I have now described. I 
was told there were many such forts in the diflFerent islands. Some of these I saw ; 
their situation and structure have been exactly the same with the above-mentioned 
one. They are all upon a rising ground close to the water s edge, on small points 
of land projecting into the sea or lake nigh which they stand."** 

Since the above was written, the brough has been partly excavated, and has 
yielded very interesting results, as may be seen by the following account which my 
friend Mr. Robert Heddle has favoured me with :— " The How of Hoxa, or Hangseid, 
is a small hillock of considerable steepness, situated on the narrow neck of land 
which connects Hoxa Head with the main island of South Ronaldsey. This isthmus 
is washed on the south by the waters of Widewell Bay, while, on the other side, an 
artificial beach of rounded stones skirts the shore, and has evidently existed in con • 
nection with the neighbouring fortalice now to be described. 

* This name goes far to prove that the place was already a ruin when the Scandinavians arrived here. 
^ Arch. Scot. vol. i. p. 257. 



120 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

" On the summit of the hillock abovementioned, late excavations have exposed the 
remains of a circular building apparently of the same class as the Tower of Mousa 
in Zetland. Of the walls but eight feet of elevation now exist ; but their immense 
thickness, and the quantity of stones found in the rubbish, show that the original 
height must have been very considerable. 

" The interior diameter of the ruin varies from twenty-nine to thirty feet, while 
the thickness of the walls is no less than fourteen feet, giving a sectional diameter 
of fifty eight feet. The ground-plan below will give an idea of the great pro- 
portional thickness of the buUding. The entrance has been drawn from description, 
having been destroyed to make room for an atrocious green gate. The building 
is composed of two concentric walls, the interspace being, however, as far as we 
could learn, entirely filled with rubbish and loose stones. Unless the small apart- 
ment at the entrance be accepted a.s such, no appearance of a chambered or spiral 
internal structure, similar to that displayed in the boi^ of Mousa, was observed. 
From the thickness of the wall, it is, however, far from improbable that such may 
still exist ; but a structure of yesterday's perpetration, erected on the top of the old 
inside wall, and the replacement of the rubbish upon the rest of the building, 
eflfectually prevents the requisite search. 





"The plan of the entrance, from description, was somewhat as represented 
at A. The passage was much contracted at B, by two slabs of stone set upright 
on the earth. Within the wall, and opening towards the interior of the edifice, was 
a chamber C of small size, communicating with the passage by a neatly constructed 
slit D, vride enough to admit the convenient insertion of a spear, or similar weapon, 
into the person of any one who might wish to make good an entrance at B : no 
vestige of this ingenious decoy has been allowed to remmn. The old wall rises 
inside to a height of from six to eight feet. From the accumulation and replace- 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 12 1 

ment of debris on the outside of the structure, nothing can be said of the external 
surface of the wall, which in no part rises above the surrounding soil. 

In consequence of the erection of the new wall, a little inspection is necessary in 
order to perceive where the antique leaves oflF. In the " View " this is shown by a 
dark line. 

Round the interior circumference of the wall are set upright flag-stones from 
three feet and a half to seven feet in height. Of these only six now remain, fixed 
at a distance of six feet from one another ; but from the fact of one or two similar 
slabs having been removed, and broken pieces existing among the debris^ we may 
presume that the remaining portion of the wall formerly exhibited the same appur- 
tenances. In two parts of the building, at the level of the heads of these stones, 
the wall has been constructed so as to form two recesses, but no hint of their use 
can be gained from the study of one example ; their ruinous condition will not 
permit the observer to remark more than the fact of their existence. 

Between the bases of each pair of upright flagstones was found a corn-crusher 
of primitive simplicity. Each consisted of two pieces of sandstone, one slightly 
hollowed on the upper surface, the other smaller and horizontally convex below. 
These implements were buried in rude boxes composed of flagstones set together, 
exactly resembling the coffins or kistvaens in which burnt bones are usually found 
when exploring tumuli. For what purpose they were sepultured in such an 
honourable manner, we cannot pretend even to conjecture. They are various in 
shape and size, being, however, more or less oblong. The lower stones are between 
eighteen inches and two feet in length, while the upper ones, which may be grasped 
in the hand, do not exceed half that dimension. I enclose sketches representing 
the various forms of these implements. The largest is the only one found here on 
the fabrication of which any pains seem to have been bestowed, it being of a 
regularly oval shape, and hollowed in a careful and equal manner. 

One or two stones of a form much resembling that of a modern mortar were 
also shown us ; and, as one was accompanied by a pestle, most probably they have 
been used in the same way. One is about seven inches in length, by six inches 
in breadth, with a depth exteriorly of four inches and a half. Though in the one 
there is the form of a spout, there is no groove through which anything could be 
poured. 

At the left side of the sketch of the interior of the tower may be observed two 
upright stones built in the wall. These have a lintel and a door- sill, and have all 
the appearance of having been doorposts. They do not project in the least from the 
VOL. xxxiv. R 



122 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

building;. Below, and to the right hand side of those stoneB, a step projects, which 
may have rendered ingress or exit more easy. This doorway is now closed ap, as 
it was when first found. 

Leaving the How, we walked round a neighbouring hill. On its side we were 
shown many rude dykes which had been exposed when cutting off the peat from 
the surface : they stretch over the island in several directions. From the shape and 
appearance they still retain, and from the indubitable fact that they saw the tight of 
later days only when the turf was removed, there can be no doubt that these rugged 
boundaries were built before the growth of peat in this island, or perchance when 
the first surface of that material had been, like its successor, entirely pared away. 
Near this spot, a man was actively engaged in opening tumuli, witii no antiquarian 
interest, hut with the view of employing the stones thus found to the erection of a 
farm- sledding. He had, as usu^, turned up the coffins made of slabs of stone, with 
their accompaniment of burnt bones, and in addition, a com- 
crusher of exactly the same shape as the largest mentioned in the 
preceding page. This circumstance would seem to assign the 
same date to these tumuli as to that of the neighbouring How, 
Here also we observed in the rubbish two stones of a rather 
peculiar form. Both had on their surface evident marks of I 
having been used for tying cows or horses to ; but the purpose 
of hurjnng them is not so clear. They were worn exactly as a 
rope wears a post, and in that direction of a strain auch as would be applied by 
an animal of considerable size. Nothing else of interest occurred. 

In 1825, Mr. Peterkin sent a comb, part of a deer> horn, and some fragments of 
a skull, from a Pictish brough, which had given the name of Bui^her to a property 
in Evie : and some years afiterwards Mr. Gordon, the late proprietor, made consider- 
able excavations, and found a skeleton, with some bracelets, &c.* This must have 
been the second grave situated among the ruins of the brough ; but there is no 
reason to suppose them to have had any other than an accidental relation to the 
place. I had some conversation with the man employed by Mr. Gordon, and who was 
present when the second skeleton was found ; he assured me the grave was placed 
promiscuously among the ruins. There must have been some fancy among the 
eariy Northmen for burying in the Pictish broughs (which, if in ruins, would be 
ready-made tumuli), for in Caithness, articles of the Scandinavian period have been 
frequently taken from them. The Brough of Bui^her is, as usual, of a circular form, 

* In th« potseBaion of the Earl of Zetland. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 123 

and sixty feet in diameter ; upon one side the wall is still fourteen feet high, and is 
about five feet thick: the inner concentric wall is of the same thickness, and 
separated from the outer by a distance of seven feet, the interspace being formed into 
numerous chambers, as may be seen by reference to the Plan. 

Another ruined Picts* castle stands upon the isthmus which connects Lamb Head 
with the mainland of Stronsey : like all the rest, it is circular, and contains many 
cells within the thickness of the wall. One of these can be entered from the top, 
when it is found that, in addition to the usual form of the cells, there is a raised 
bench at the further end ; and, as so little is known of the architectural arrangements 
of the Picts, the plan and section of these cells, drawn by Mr. R. Heddle, will be 
a useful addition. At this brough, there yet remains the ruin of an ancient pier, 
which is, I believe, coeval with it. • 

Nearly every strong hillock in Orkney is called a " Picts house ;" but a broad 
distinction must be made between the Pictish brough, and those structures for 
which the name of Picts houses must be reserved, and these again must be divided 
into two kinds, viz., the superficial, or those built upon the natural surface, and the 
subterranean, or those excavated beneath the surface. 

A very good example of the first kind discovered at Quantemess is given by Barry 
in his History of Orkney, and I have constructed the plan and elevations from his 
measurements,^ for the place is now so nearly filled up with stones that I was 
only able to slide about half-way down into one of the chambers; sufficiently 
far, however, to get an idea of the character of the interior. He describes it as 
" situated on a gentle declivity under the brow on the north side of Wideford Hill, 
and a little more than a mile west from the road or harbour of Kirkwall. Exter- 
nally, it bears the form of a truncated cone, the height of which is fourteen feet, and 
the circumference at the base 384 ; it stands alone at a distance from the shore, 
lutemally, it consists of several cells or apartments, the principal one of which 
is in the centre, twenty-one feet six inches long, six feet six inches broad, and eleven 
feet six inches high, built without any cement, of large flat stones, the one imme- 
diately above projecting (slightly) over that below, so as gradually to contract the 
space within as the building rises, till the opposite walls meet at the top, where they 

* There are two relics of antiquity not mentioned in the old account (of Deltbg). One of these is the 
remains of a wet dock or harbour at Burravoe (Brough-vaag), which, from its proximity to the Pictish castle 
that stood there, must have been built as a place of security for such small craft as belonged to it. — Stat. 
Ace Shetland, p. 57. 

«> Plate XV. fig. 3. 



124 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

are bound together by large stones laid across, to serve as it were for keystones. 
Six other apartments, of an exactly similar form, constructed of the same sort of 
materials and united in the same manner, but of little more than half the dimen- 
sions, communicate with this in the centre, each by a passage about two feet square 
on a level with the floor ; and the whole may be considered as connected together 
by a passage of nearly the same extent from without, which leads into the chief 
apartment. So far as can now be discovered, there does not appear ever to have 
been either chink or hole for the admission of air or light ; the earth at the bottom 
of the cells, as deep as it could be dug, was of a dark colour, of a greasy feel and of 
a fetid odour, plentifully intermingled with bones, some of which were almost 
entirely consumed, and others had, in defiance of time, remained so entire as to 
show they were the bones of men, of birds, and of some domestic animals. 
But, though many of them bad nearly mouldered into dust, they exhibited no marks 
of having been burnt, nor were ashes of any kind to be seen within any part of the 
building. In one of the apartments, an entire human skeleton, in a prone attitude, 
was found ; but in the others the bones were not only separated from one another, 
but divided into very small fragments.** 

A gentleman who was present shortly after this Picts house had been examined, 
informed me that the skeleton was of small size, apparently of some young person ; 
and I regard its presence there to be altogether unconnected with the original 
intention of the structure. It is from the sum of all the evidence that a correct 
conclusion must be arrived at, and it is very rare indeed to find human remains 
within these buildings ; but, just as the hillock formed by the ruin of a Pictish 
brough has been the chosen site for sepulture in the early Scandinavian period, 
this Kcts house may have been selected for that purpose, if (which is not impro- 
bable) it was not used for the conceahnent of the body rather than the sepulture. 

Another Picts house of the same style and character was examined by Mr. G. 
Petrie in the autumn of last year • ( 1 849), and I am indebted to him for the follow- 
ing observations. 

" About half-way up the western declivity of Wideford Hill, and overlooking the 
beautiful Bay of Firth, stands a green knoll, contrasting pleasantly with the sur- 
rounding heather ; but, being on a steep and unfrequented part of the hill, it seems 
hitherto to have attracted little notice. In October, 1849, my attention was directed 
to it by Dr. Duguid, who had accidentally observed the knoll, and having visited the 
spot, I subsequently employed a couple of men to make a section into it, and super- 

* See plan and elevations, Plate XV. fig. 4. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 1 25 

intended the operation, which was both laborious and tedious, from the large stones 
and great quantity of clay used in the construction of the building. 

" The Tumulus, which is of a conical shape, stands on a steep slope of the hill, and 
is about 140 feet in circumference around the base, and forty-five in diameter. The 
work was commenced by making a cut, six feet in breadth, upon the north side, and 
after removing the layer of turf on the top, the stones and clay were cleared away in 
the direction of the highest part of the tumulus. On penetrating about half-way 
through it, and six feet below the top, a stone was found placed on edge, about 
eighteen inches long and nine inches thick, and on removing it and another of 
smaller dimensions, a hole about a foot square was discovered, being at the top of 
the cell marked D in the accompanying plan. It was now evident the structure was 
of the description so generally known by the appellation of a Picts bouse. Having 
enlarged the opening, one of the labourers descended to explore the cavity, which 
was found to be a chamber or cell (D) five feet nine inches in length from 
north to south, four feet eight inches in width, and five feet six inches in height. 
On the west side of the cell, a small opening or passage was found, appearing to 
communicate with another chamber, but it was so blocked up with stones and 
rubbish that the man could not get into it. The excavation on the top was there- 
fore resumed, and after working for an hour or two, on removing the large stone 
marked m in the elevations, an opening into the chamber A was eflFected. This 
chamber was nearly full of stones and rubbish, heaped up under the opening at the 
top, marked i, and intermixed with the rubbish were the bones of the horse, cow, 
sheep, swine, &c., and some which were supposed to be those of deer. I was par- 
ticularly careful in examining the stones and rubbish thrown out from the interior 
of the chamber, but without finding an)rthing remarkable. 

" When cleared out, the chamber A was found to be of an irregular oblong shape, 
ten feet long, five feet wide in the middle, and seven and a half feet high from the 
bottom to the lower edge of the stones, marked / /, having an opening (i) at its top 
extending about twenty-one inches higher, and covered at its upper extremity with 
the layer of turf which forms the outer covering of the tumulus. 

" At the north end of A is a passage {e) leading to the cell C ; the cell is five feet 
seven inches long, four feet wide, and six feet high. On the east end of C is the 
mouth of a passage which is in all probability the eastern entrance of the structure, 
but it was found unsafe to enter it, from its dilapidated state. The passage h com- 
municating with the cell D is on the east side of A, while at the south side is 
another passage (a) leading to the cell B, and on its west side a fourth passage 



1 26 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

appears to have formed an entrance to the huilding from the west side of the 
tumulus. The cell B is six feet long, three feet seven inches wide, and six and a 
half feet high. 

'' The cells are so constructed that the walls gradually converge, closing in on all 
sides towards the top, which in the main chamber (A) is seven feet long and two feet 
wide, and in the other three only about a foot square. The top of A is covered by 
stones set on edge, and Ipng flat alternately, while B and C appear to be roofed by 
stones placed on edge, similar to what was found at the cell D before described. 

" The passages are about fifteen inches in height, and twenty-two in breadth ; the 
western passage h in chamber A, and the passage ^ in cell C, have not yet been 
traced to their extremities.^ All the cells were free from rubbish except A, and the 
only things found in them were a few bones of domestic animals. The stones and 

* <^ The weather has been so bad since I received your letters, and mj own health not verj good, that there 
has been but one day that I could avail myself for a further exploration of the Picts' house. We commenced 
on the west side on a level with the base, and as nearly opposite to the western passage (6) as possible. On 
paring off the turf and removing some of the stones and clay, we came to what proved to be a piece of wall 
exactly opposite to the inner end of the western passage. The wall is five or six feet in height from the edge of 
the base ; and, as there appears to be a comer or angle in the wall, I am led to believe that the opening or mouth 
of the passage may be there, but it got so dark that we were obliged to * strike work.' The wall appears only 
to run for about five feet to the northward. From the peculiar position of this Picts house, and the nature 
of its site, I do expect to find a continuous wall around it. I dug a few feet around its upper edge, and 
found it Juced up with flat stones to about eighteen inches in depth beneath the surface ; I then came to stones 
projecting at right angles to the upright ones, but had not time to ascertain whether they formed the top of a 
wall or not. 

^* The body of the tumulus cannot be said, as you suppose, to be a confused heap of stones and earth, but b 
made up of stones built generally with considerable regularity ; in some cases without clay, and in others with 
more than a due proportion. 

^' The opening at the top (/) is a regularly-built hole, and particularly attracted my attention from its resem- 
blance to the top of a chimney. The roof was otherwise continuous, and the opening extended above, as shown 
in the Plan. The top of the hole was on a level with the stone structure, and was merely covered with a 
layer of turf.*' Subsequently Mr, Petrie informs me, " I have now got the Picts house explored as fiur 
as it can be done, unless the whole be demolished. I have succeeded in tracing the western passage to its 
opening at the western extremity. There is a wall of about two feet in height surrounding the building ; 
this wall follows the rise of the hill, and in this way always maintains the same height. The passage to the 
eastward appears never to have been completed, as it only extends for six or eight feet, and then terminates. 
A thorough and carefiil investigation convinces me that a sufficient quantity of stones has been quarried out 
of the side of the hill to erect the building, and that in the hollow or cavity thus formed the building has been 
made. I found the face of the rock projecting into the building, and to within a few feet of the cells." 
— -G. Petrie. 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 127 

rubbish with which A was nearly filled had the appearance of having been poured 
down through the opening (i) at the top ; it is not easy otherwise to account for 
the rubbish being found in the chamber, as no part of the structure had fallen in 
with the exception of the passage g before referred to, the materials from which 
could not have reached the chamber A ; and we are led to believe that some erection 
of a more temporary nature has at one time stood on the top of the tumulus, and 
that its ruins have been precipitated through the opening into the apartment 
beneath. 

" A site for the structure has been scooped out of the side of the hill, and the 
height, from the bottom of the cells to the top of the tumulus, is about twelve feet. 
There is no appearance of any sculpture upon the stones composing the structure, 
nor were any human bones discovered in or near the building." 

Another specimen * of this class of Kcts house was excavated by the officers and 
crew of H. M. cutter ** Woodlark," at the request of Thomas Traill esquire, the 
eDterprising proprietor of the Isle of Papey Westrey. This is situated upon the 
highest part of the holm of Papey, a small green island, which rises gently from 
the west side towards the east, when it terminates abruptly in a perpendicular clifif 
about sixty feet in height. The Picts house is twenty or thirty yards from the 
edge of the cliflF, and, contrary to usual experience, is a mound of elliptical form ; — 
the largest diameter being about one hundred and fifteen, and the shorter fifty-five 
feet, and the height is ten feet above the natural surface. 

The mound was apparently circumscribed by a low stone wall, two or three feet 
in height, at least such was traced for a short distance upon each side of the 
doorway. The entrance was by a long, low, narrow passage J, z (thirty-two inches 
high, twenty-two broad, and eighteen feet in length) ; it entered upon a very long 
but narrow main- chamber (B) of an oblong square figure, from which, at either end, 
is a small square chamber (A and C) cut off by a wall running across. In the 
middle chamber (B) are the entrances to six smaller chambers or cells, and in each 
of the end-chambers are three more cells ; thus there are five upon the sides, and 
one at each end, making twelve in all. The sides of the main entrance are made 
by a smoothly built wall, the stones of the ordinary size now used for the purpose, 
but it is roofed by large flagstones, most of which are placed on edge, while some 
are horizontal ; the lintel over the inner end of the passage is a large square block, 
four feet in length, two feet and a half in breadth, and about a foot in thickness. 

The middle chamber (B) is forty-five feet in length, and on the floor is five feet 

* See plan and elevation, Plate XVI. 



128 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

in breadth ; the side walls, which are of unhewn stone without any cement, rise 
perpendicularly for five feet, when they gradually approximate (but still preserve a 
smooth surface), until, at the height of nine feet from the floor, they are within two 
feet eight inches of each other (see elevation). The roof-stones had fallen in, and 
had filled up the chambers with the rubbish, but it was easy to perceive from the 
angle of inclination that the internal height was either ten or eleven feet, when 
flagstones set on edge, with perhaps two or three apertures for the admission of air 
— this being the usual arrangement — completed the roofing of the structure.* 

The end chambers (A and C) are not symmetrical ; the northern (A) is nearly 
square, about seven feet in length and five in breadth ; but the southern (C) is more 
oblong, being twelve feet in length and not quite five in breadth. 

When the rubbish was cleared out of these chambers, it was found that the floor 
was covered for an inch or two with fine white sand, and beneath it six inches of 
a very tenacious clay : this serves to keep the place dry, and is an attention to 
cleanliness and comfort which was Uttle to be expected ; the clay is purely mineral, 
and of the usual clay colour. No implements or organic remains were found in the 
excavation excepting a few bones of sheep and rabbits, evidently quite recent ; but 
on the side wall near the entrance, and about six feet from the floor, there is a 
neatly-engraved circle about four inches in diameter ; there is also another stone 
with the appearance of having two small circles, touching each other, engraved 
upon it ; but it is so common to find geometrical figures upon the Orkney flags, from 
a semi-crystallization of the pyrites which they contain, that I am unable to decide 
whether those seen in the Kcts house are natural or not. 

It will be difficult to convey an idea of the rudeness of the construction of the 
little cells or chambers which surround the main apartments. The doorways to 
enter them are upon the level of the floor, and are only twenty inches or two feet 
in height, and the breadth from eighteen to twenty-four inches. 

The cells are something like a bee- hive, or sugar loaf in outline. They are only 
separated from the main chamber by a wall which is but .a single stone in thick- 
ness ; but as the smooth side is always turned outwards, it follows that the wall of 
the cell is as rough and uneven as can well be imagined on that quarter, while the 
other sides begin to approximate, almost from the ground course, to form the roof 
by the rudest jumble of masonry. 

Two of the cells (H and K) of the middle chamber are double; all the rest are 
single. The single cells are of an irregular oval at bottom : some of them would 

■ Mr. Traill remembers when part of the roof was entire. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 1 29 

hold two, and others three or four men, but it is not to be supposed that they were 
ever used to live or sleep in ; they average between four and live feet in length, and 
three in depth, exclusive of the entrance, and the height varies from three feet and 
a half to five feet and a half. 

The double cells are much the same as if two single cells were separated by an 
interior stone wall, as will be seen by reference to the plan. In that marked K, the 
interior aperture or entrance is but ten inches wide, owing to a pointed stone pro- 
jecting partly across it, and indeed, when taking the dimensions of this cell, I was 
particularly careful to avoid disturbing the crazy supports, not being ambitious of 
an antiquarian martyrdom. As for the ventilation of these cells, it is to be observed 
that thiere would be no want of such as the middle chambers might afford, for the 
candle by which I was endeavouring to read off ^' that horrid yard measure " could 
be plainly distinguished through the chinks of the wall. 

When speculating upon the probable use of this extraordinary structure, it must 
be borne in mind that it is situated most conspicuously upon the highest part of a 
very small island ; it could not therefore have been intended either for concealment 
or defence, as nothing would have been easier than to have buried the inmates in 
the ruins of their hiding place ; the most reasonable supposition is that they were 
the temporary habitations of a nomade people. 

A Picts house, evidently of the kind described above, is referred to by the 
Rev. C. Clouston in Stat. Ace. Orkn p. 55. " During last summer, a man who built 
a habitation for himself between this and Isbuster, in Birsay, found what seems to 
have been a Picts' house, in a knowe from which he took the stones. It consisted 
of a chain of four circular cells, connected together by passages too narrow and too 
low ever to have formed an abode for men. It seems more probable that the 
rubbish above the cells was the ruins of their residence, and that these were used 
as cellars or places of security. 

" This building was unfortimately demolished before I heard of it ; but the follow- 
ing dimensions which I had from recollection are probably nearly correct. CeUs 
four feet in diameter and four feet high ; passages two feet wide, two and a half feet 
long, and three and a half feet high ; walls one foot thick, or more, according to the 
size of the stone, covered with large flags, the lowest across the passage and the 
highest across the middle of the cell, with one between." 

Another class of Picts house much more rarely met with is characterised by being 
subterranean wholly or in part. One of the simplest form was accidentally discovered 
upon the links of Pierowall, in Westray, (see Plate XVII.) about a year ago. The 

VOL. XXXIV. s 



/ 



180 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

links are remarkable for showing the great depth of sand which has been removed 
by natural causes, for a skard or sand hill is left upon the highest part, which is 
sixteen feet in height ; and it is evident that subsequent to the excavation of this 
Picts house this body of sand has been deposited, and afterwards removed. 

In this place great numbers of graves of the Scandinavian period have been found, 
some of them contmning arms, brooches, combs, &c., and bauta-steins, now pros- 
trate, may be seen in many places. Subjoined are the notes of Dr. Randals ; and it 
is near these graves that the IHcts house is situated. It consists of a single sub^ 
terranean chamber, communicating with the surface by a short steep passage. 




The chamber — the floor of which is nine feet below the level of the surface — has 
been excavated through the clay, and, for the last two feet, through the rotten sand- 
stone ; hence the sides are not formed, as at Savrock, by stone walls, but by the 
natural rock. 

One-half of the roof is covered by two large flags, y, z ; these are supported by 
short pillars, which are either single stones or square blocks piled upon each other 
to the requisite height, and flags (i, e, h) are placed perpendicularly against the sides 



Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 131 

of the chamber to prop up the inner edges. One of these flags is of great size, 
for the length is nine feet, and breadth about six ; the second is nearly as large. 

The roof on the opposide side of the chamber is commenced by oblong square 
blocks projecting from the wall to the pillars, as may be seen by the diagram ; flag- 
stones are then placed upon these. The roof was probably completed by a single large 
flag resting upon those before mentioned, and a trilith at the doorway or entrance. 

The floor of the passage rises very abruptly ; the sides are rudely built, and about 
two feet and a half in height. The roof is formed by flags placed scalarwise, by 
which means the roof is raised equal to the thickness of each succeeding stone. 
Within this passage, a hollowed stone, or quern, was found — an implement very 
usuaUy met with in these structures. The floor was covered with a layer of sand ; 
but there were no indications of bones or ashes. We dug down upon the entrance 
to the passage, in hope of getting a clue to other chambers, but without success, as 
all trace of structure was lost when the passage reached the surface. There was no 
accumulation of stones or rubbish about this Picts house.* 

Some years ago, a subterranean chamber was accidentally discovered at Savrock,** 
about a mile to the westward of Kirkwall, and by the sea shore. The coast here is 
generally low, but at Savrock it rises to a small clifl^, between twenty and thirty feet 
in height, so that the position could not have been chosen for concealment. In the 
hope of tracing the entire plan of this structure, the crew of H. M. cutter Wood- 
lark were employed in excavating here in the winter of 1848, and Mr. Petrie and 
Mr. R. Heddle also lent a very ready assistance. 

The principal and only chamber (A) at the Picts house of Savrock^ is an exca- 
vated hole, of which the floor is nine feet below the natural surface of the ground. 
It is of an irregular pentagonal figure, and may be roughly stated to be nine feet in 
diameter, though it measures eleven feet across where it is widest. The height of 

^ When excavating the Picts house at Pierowall, a Shetlander \¥ho was present informed me, that he had 
been in some underground passages at Voe, near Sumbrough, in which a man could crawl about till he lost 
himself, and I also heard of a place of the same kind at Walls, Shetland. 

^ " In the spring of 1826, while removing some large stones which impeded the operations of the plough, 
near the foundations of a chapel in Overbister, in Sandey, a long subterraneous passage was discovered, which 
terminated in a circular cavity. The bottom and sides of this passage were formed of the solid rock, as well 
as the cavity at its extremity, which has likely been intended for a well (?) The top or roof of the passage 
was carefully covered with flagstones, and above was the natural soil. The entrance to the passage was b}' 
two steps cut in the rock, llie length of the passage was nineteen feet and a half, height three feet, width 
about one foot nine inches ; diameter of the well three feet ; from the roof to the bottom of the well, three 
feet six inches. Several small pieces of decayed oak were found in the passage. The well (?) contained a 
very little water and mud."— Stat. Ace. p. 141. <^ See Plan, &c. in PL XVII. 



132 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

the inclosing walls varies from three feet to four feet six inches. The space within 
the chamber is very much reduced by the method taken to form the roof, which is 
by placing stone blocks or pillars (five in number, two and a half or three feet high, 
and one foot square) from six to eighteen inches from the walls. Triangular flags 
are then laid with one angle resting on the pillars ; other flags, projected a little 
forwards, rest upon these, and so on, till by continued over-lapping, a rude conical- 
shaped roof is formed, which, at the centre, would be five or six feet in height. 

A large lintel, five feet in length and eighteen inches square, rests upon two pillars 
at the entrance of the chamber ; from thence the passage B, I, G extends in a straight 
line for thirty feet ; then, turning a little to the right, it continues for twelve feet 
further, to I — forty-two feet in all; but it is only perfect for twenty feet, to F, where 
it is two feet seven inches in height and breadth. The roof is level, and formed by 
oblong-square flags, butting against each other, and reaching from side to side. 
The floor of the passage is quite level for twenty-five feet, when it rises to pass over 
a natural elevation of the rock, and then again sinks to nearly its former level. 

A little without the entrance to the main chamber (A) another passage (C, D, E) 
branches off at nearly right angles to the principal one. Its floor, which is formed by 
the native rock, is raised at the entrance (C) two feet above the level of the floor of 
the long passage ; it then rises rather abruptly for a few feet, when it again becomes 
horizontal. 

The roofing of this passage is accomplished by the roof-stones (flags) being laid 
horizontaDy across the passage, but the under side of the upper stone rests upon 
the upper edge of the lower, and in this manner the roof vaults over the undulations 
of the rock. 

The passage C, E, which is not quite straight, is twelve feet long, and the roof is 
perfect for half that distance ; the passage is rather smaller than the main one at 
its entrance (C), and it gradually decreases in width to about eighteen inches, when it 
is abruptly terminated (at E) by a flagstone placed perpendicularly across it. My 
fellow-labourer, Mr. R. Heddle, was very industrious in this quarter, and, xmdeterred 
by the broken roof- stones, some of which were only suspended by one end, he 
earthed himself till only his boots were visible ; we had great hopes of finding a 
new chamber here, and it was with some surprise that on a future day we were 
brought to a frill stop by the upright flag, which we were now inclined to believe 
formed the door of the entrance to the building. 

The excavation of the main passage, or rather of what had been the main passage, 
was a very laborious and disagreeable work, for the continued wet weather had 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 1 33 

made the ground extremely muddy, and the rubbish, &c. had to be thrown up from 
three to nine feet. We followed the course of the walls from F to I for twenty-one 
feet, when they ceased in what appeared to be another chamber (K, J, I) ; we also 
found what had been a passage (H, h) branching to the left ; but the quarry men had 
been there before us, and the walls were almost entirely destroyed. 

It will be seen by reference to the Plan, that at our furthest limit we were met by 
a perpendicular wall about six feet in height ; beneath this, at I, there appeared to 
be the entrance to another subterranean passage ; the roof-stones had fallen in, and 
it would require a cut down some four or five feet behind the wall to determine 
whether it is a passage or not. 

A few important facts, bearing upon the probable use of the Picts house, were 
elicited in the progress of the excavation, the most remarkable being the enormous 
quantity of the bones of domestic animals scattered about the place ; those of the 
sheep were certainly the most numerous, and it was interesting to observe that the 
breed at that time must have been of the same kind as the hill-sheep of the present 
day. The skulls of cattle were also numerous, and there were some that appeared to 
be those of horses ; there were also the head and several pieces of the horns of a deer ; 
and a large bone of a whale. A great quantity of shell fish must also have been 
consumed upon the spot, and from these it would appear that the taste of former 
times very much resembled that of the present, for the periwinkle decidedly formed 
the staple or bulk of the mass, though the shells of all the edible mollusca were 
present, such as the oyster and scallop, neither of which are plentiful in Orkney ; 
the common whilk, the purpura, and the limpet ; the latter certainly not much 
esteemed, any more than at present. These shells formed, in some places, a layer 
six inches in thickness, though they were also scattered generally through the 
rubbish. At A a very bright, brick-red clay was seen which would even now be no 
despicable pigment, and was probably the result of fire upon the spot, for coal or 
charcoal may also be seen there ; but where is the gallant who would not rather 
believe it to be a cosmetic, from the toilet of some Pictish beauty ? 

We were also fortunate in finding examples of the rude state of the arts among 
the people who dwelt in this extraordinary place ; for, besides an antler, which had 
evidently been cut from a horn, three bone implements turned up in the course of 
our work. One of these, formed apparently from the thigh bone of an ox, is of a 
nearly triangular or spear-point shape, six inches long and two inches broad at the 
base, where it has been ground flat towards the end ; the sides are also slightly 
levelled by grinding or cutting. Upon the upper or convex side, at half an inch 



134 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

from the base, are some deep notches, apparently for the reception of a lashing, and 
about the middle of the bone on the same side are a few shallower cuts. I cannot 
believe it to have been a spear-point, as the bone curved upward considerably, 
but imagine it to have been the handle of a chisel, to which the cutting blade of 
stone or metal was lashed. 

Another implement of the same dimensions as the last, has likewise had notches 
at its lower end, but differs in being nearly flat, and in having a deep smus on one 
side for the reception of the thumb. (?) It is also ground smooth upon that side, 
and it altogether fits the hand with great convenience 

A third, shorter and broader (5 X 2^ in.), is nearly flat, with the remains of 
notches on the nearly convex side, and is not ground to a point. The drawings of 
my friend Mr. Jamieson convey a better idea of them than any written description. 
It will be generally conceded that they are the handles of rude chisels. 

The impalpable ash of fuel could be very generally detected around and among the 
dihris of this Picts house, and in many places it formed a cement by which large 
lumps of earth, thickly studded with periwinkle shells, could be lifted from the soil* 

These subterranean buildings appear to be by no means uncommon in Orkney ; 
in the Calf of Edey are the ruins of some circular chambers, and another was found 
at Marwick, which, from the description, was of the same plan as that at Pierowall 
(p. 130). A lady^ distinguished for her researches in natural history informs me 
that, when a child, she distinctly recollects ^^ going down some small steps near 
Crantit, Kirkwall, into two apartments, from which there was a long subterranean 
p&ssage, leading in the direction of Kirkwall. In one of the rooms there appeared 
to be the remains of whitewash, and, if I am not mistaken, there was a small 
chimney and marks of soot." 

At Skara, near the house of Skaill, in the west mainland, there is a Picts house 
which has not yet been explored, though at a slight preliminary excavation there 
was found a small ruinous chamber. But this place is remarkable for an immense 
accumulation of ashes, several feet in thickness, plentifully mixed with shells and 
the horns and bones of deer and other animals, but principally of sheep.« A great 

* <* In South Yell, Shetland, there are a few Pictish buildings, and some dwellings of the Shetland 
aborigines, in which last have been found some stone adzes and knives, with drinking cups, lamps, and 
hammers of the same material." — Stat. Ace. p. 87. 

^ Mrs. Moffat. 

^ <* Under the head of antiquities may be mentioned those circular ruins commonly called Picts* houses. 
That they were at one period inhabited seems probable from the quantity of shells still found around them.'* 
— Stat. Ace. of Evie. p. 201. 




Celtic Antiquities of Orkney, 135 

many relics have been procured at various times from the debris,*' among which I 
confess my interest to have been most excited by a genuine Pictish plate. This 
extremely necessary article of domestic economy, in whatever state of civilization, 
is a circular disk of slate, quite flat, and chipped very regularly round the edge : 
it is about half an inch thick, of the same size as our common plates, and when I 
saw it, had lately been used as such. Mr. Wall says, " There were several thin 
slates, very perfectly rounded ;" and I can vouch for there being a great number of 
broken ones — these accidents happening in every family. 

It will not be so easy to assign a use for about two dozen oyster shells, which 
were nicely stowed away in a kistvaen, or loose stone-box, every one being pierced 
through the middle with a hole as big as a shilling. Oysters are not common 
in Orkney, though formerly taken at three diflFerent places ; they now only occur at 
Deer-sound and Firth, and the latter place is eight miles from Skaill. 

Another great curiosity is a large tusk of a wild boar, its presence taking us back 
to a very early period ; the horns of the red deer were also gathered from the debris ; 
these must have soon become extinct, for there is no tradition or record of their ever 
living in these islands^ though one headland still bears the name of Deemess. 

Several manufactured articles occurred among the ashes. One is '^ a piece of bone, 
oblong and flat, remarkably like a bit of brown soap nearly rubbed away ;" as one 
end is ground to an edge, it may have been an instrument for scraping or cutting. 
It is 2-5 X 1-2 X 01 inches. 

A bone was supposed to be the leg-bone of a fowl or goose, but Professor Goodsir 
pronounced it " the metatarsal or metacarpal bone of a lamb, from which the in- 
ferior articular surface has separated, owing to the youth of the animal," was also 
found. The shaft of the bone is divided upon the front side, by seven deep notches, 
into nearly equal parts ; whether it is a rude measure of length, or a calendar of the 
days of the week, or answers some other purpose, is undetermined. It is 4*4 inches 
long and 04 inches broad at the narrowest part.^ 

We have little difficulty in finding a use for five other bone implements ; they are 
pins in different states of elaboration. 

That represented in the first drawing is by far the largest and most ornamental. 
It is " the outer half of the lower portion of the left metatarsal bone of an ox, of 

a These have been beautifully drawn by Mr. D. Wilson, F.S.A. Scot., to whom I am indebted for much 
valuable assistance. 

^ There was one white bead found, long- shaped, apparently of glass, besides horse-teeth and the bones 
of cattle and sheep. 



k 



136 Celtic Antiquities of Orkney. 

small size.'* The articulation has been ground into a semicircular head, from whence ; 
it tapers to a point. On the front side there is a rude carving, formed by transyene j 
notches and scratches, meeting at a right angle at the medium part of the pin ; ! 
it is 5*5 inches long, and ri inch at the broadest part. j 

Another is a smaller pin, distinguished by being pierced with a very well-foriDed \ 
hole or eye at its upper end ; it was perfect when first found, but has since been 
broken by accident. This implement is nicely polished throughout ; it is 3*5 indies 
long, and the circular eye is 0* 1 inch in diameter. 

A much ruder and smaller pin, made from '^ the lower end of the metatarsal bone -^ 
of a sheep,*' the articular portion forming the head of the pin ; it is 2*9 inches P, 
long, and 0*5 broad at the head. « 

Another is a rude piece of bone, apparently in process of manufacture, and of :| 
which I can say no more than that it is exactly like what Mr. Wilson's accurate *j; 
drawing represents it to be ; and the same remark applies to the broken implement. 1 

I now conclude this sketch of the Orcadian antiquities, in which I have received ' 
the most liberal assistance from my friends, not only by the loan of interesting : 
specimens, but also from the ready manner in which they undertook to make draw- ^ 
ings of them to illustrate the subject. During last winter the trunk containing the j 
original manuscript and such drawings as I could collect was stolen from the North . 
British Railway, on my journey to London ; but, though this has in consequence 
doubled my labour, the friendly aid I have experienced from all quarters has added 
materially to my information. 

The object of this paper is to put the archaeologist in possession of a store of 
facts which are free from certain sources of confusion from their occurrence in ai 
isolated district. In Orkney it is believed we have neither Roman nor Saxon 
element to interfere with our investigations ; and from the industry of the northern i 
archaeologists we have so much information of the manners and customs of flie ; 
Scandinavians from the tenth century, that we are in no danger of confounding, r 
their (the Scandinavian) antiquities with the Celtic. 






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ARCHAEOLOGIA: 



OR, 



MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS 



RELATING TO 



ANTIQUITY. 



AKCHAEOLOGIA ; 



MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS 



ANTIQUITY, 



PLhLISHKl) BV TllK 



SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON. 

VOLUME XXXIV. 




LONDON: 

PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SOX, 11, PARLIAMKNT STRKl^r. 

SOLD AT THE SOCIETY'S APARTMENTS IN SOMERSET PLACE, 

AND BY MESSRS. PAYNE AND FOSS, PALI. MAI.L, 

AND W. PJCKEEING, PICCADILLY. 

M.DCCC.LII. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

I. — Supplement to the Description of an Astrological Clock y belong- 
ing to the Society of Antiquaries. In a Letter to the President , 
from Captain W. H. Smyth, R.N., K.S.F.y D.C.L., Director 1—20 

11. — Account of the Discovery of Roman and other Sepulchral Remains, 
at the Village of Stone, near Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire. By 
John Yonge Akerman, Esq., Secretary - - - 21 — 32 

III. — On the use of Ma^on-Marks in Scotland. By Patrick Chal- 
mers, Esq., F.S.A. -...-- 33—36 

IV. — Rules of the Free School at Saffron Walden, in Essex, in the reign 
of Henry VIII. Communicated by Thomas Wright, Esq., 
F.S.A., in a Letter to Captain W. H. Smyth, R.N., Director 37 — 4 1 

V. — The Seal of Chaucer : Copy of the Deed to which it is appended : 
Copy of a public Instrument notifying to him his removal from his 
Office of Clerk of the King's Works. In a Letter to Sir Henry 
Ellis from Joseph Hunter, a Fellow of the Society - - 42 — 45 

VL — Remarks on a Coloured Dravnng of some Ancient Beads, executed 
by Benjamin Nightingale, Esq., from Specimens in his pos- 
session. By John Yonge Akerman, Esq., Secretary - 46 — 50 

VII. — Extracts from the Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of 
Eltham in Kent : with Notes and Illustrations. By G. R. 
Corner, Esq.. F.S.A., in a Letter to John Yonge Akerman, 
Esq., Secretary ------ 51 — 65 

VIII. — Account of Ystumcegid Cromlech, in the parish of LlanfihangeUy- 
Pennant, county of Carnarvon. By Nathaniel Neal Solly, 
Esq. Communicated in a Letter to Captain W. H, Smyth, R.N., 
K.S.F., D.C.L., Director ----- 66—67 



vi CONTENTS. 



PAGE 



IX. — Communication from William Chaffers, Jw»., Esq. F.S.A.j 
addressed to J. Y. Akerman, Esq., Secretary, accompanying 
the Exhibition of numerous Glass Vessels, and other Antiquities 
of the Roman Period, found at Nismes - - - 68 — 72 

X. — Notes Oft some Paper Casts of Cuneiform Inscriptions upon the 
sculptured Rock at Behistun, ecchihited to the Society of Anti- 
quaries. By Lieut.'Col. H. Rawlinson, C.B., F.R.S,, and 
D.C.L. ..-.-- 73—76 

XI. — Notes on Saxon Sepulchral Remains found at Fairford, Glou- 
cestershire. By C. Roach Smith, Esq., F.S.A. In a Letter 
addressed to J. Y. Akerman, Esq., Resident Secretary - 77 — 82 

XII. — Notice of a Bronze Beaded Collar, found in Lochar Moss, 
Dumfriesshire. In a Letter from Albert Way, Esq. F.S.A., 
to Sir Henry Ellis, K.H., Secretary ... 83—87 

XIII. — Account of same of the Celtic Antiquities of Orkney, including 
the Stones of Stenness, Tumuli, Picts-houses, i^c, with Plans. 
By V. W. L. Thomas, R.N., Corr. Mem. 8. A. Scot., Lieu- 
tenant Commanding H.M. Surveying Vessel Woodlark - 88 — 136 

XIV. — Sir Walter Raleigh, his Character, Services, and Advancement ; 
with new Particulars of his Life. In a Letter from J. Payne 
Collier, Esq., V.P., to Frederic Ouvry, Esq., F.S.A. - 137—148 

XV. — Additional Information respecting the Life and Services of Sir 
Walter Raleigh. In a Letter from J. Payne Collier, Esq., 
V.P., to William Durrant Cooper, Esq., F.S.A. - - 149—159 

XVI. — Continuation of New Materials for a Life of Sir Walter 
Raleigh. In a Letter from J. Payne Collier, Esq., V.P., to 
John Bruce, Esq., Treasurer . . . . 160 — 170 

XVII. — On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. By 

John Yonge Akerman, Esq. F.S.A., Secretary - - 171 — 189 

XVIII. — Observations upon certain Documents relating to William first 
Earl of Gowrie, and Patrick Ruthven, his fifth and last survivif^ 
son. In a Letter addressed by John Bruce, Esq., Treasurer 
S.A., to Sir Charles G. Young, Garter, F.S.A. - - 190—224 

XIX. — On some ^^ RoundelW or Fruit Trenchers of the Time of James 
the First. Communicated in a Letter from John Yonge 
Akerman, Esq., the Resident Secretary, to the Viscount 
Mahon, President --..-- 225 — 230 




CONTENTS. vii 

PAGE 

XX. — On the Place of Julius Casars Departure from Gaul /or the 
Invasion of Britain, and the Place of his Landing in Britain ; 
with an Appendix on the Battle of Hastings. By George 
BiDDELL Airy, Esq., Astronomer Royal. Communicated by 
Capt. W. H. Smyth, R.N., Vice-President and Director - 231—250 

XXL — An Account of the Opening of some Tumuli in the East Riding 
of Yorkshire. By the Right Hon. the Lord Londesborough, 
F.S.A. -..--.- 251—258 

XXIL — Supplementary Observations on an Astronomical and Astro- 
logical Table-Clock, together with an Account of the Astrolabe. 
By C. OcTAvius Morgan, Esq., M.P.y M.A.j F.R.S.. and 
S.A.y in a Letter to J. Y. Akerman, Esq., Resident Secretary - 259—264 

XXIIL — On a Silver Disc from Tarentum, in the possession of Henry 

Vint, Esq., F.S.A., of Colchester. By Samuel Birch, Esq. 265 — 2/2 

XXIV. — Notes made during a Tour in the West of France. By John 
Henry Parker, Esq., F.S.A. Communicated in two Letters 
to Captain TV. H. Smyth, R.N., F.R.S., Director - - 273—295 

XXV. — A Narrative of the principal Naval Eocpeditions of English 
Fleets, beginning with that against the Spanish Armada in 
1588, down to 1603. In a Letter from Sir Henry Ellis, 
K.H., Secretary, to John Yonge Akerman, Esq., Resident 
Secretary ------- 296—349 

XXVL — Memoir on the Practice of Banishment, as it obtained in the 
Reign of James //. among those who were sentenced to death 
for their Participation in the Rebellion of the Duke of Mon- 
mouth. By George Roberts, Esq. - . - 350 — 356 

XXVIL — Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses H., I9th Dynasty, 
relating to the Gold Mines of ^Ethiopia. By Samuel Birch, 
Esq. --.--.- 357—391 

XXVin. — On the Deities of the Amenti, as found in Egyptian Mummies. 

By Thomas Joseph Pettigrew, Esq., F.R.S., F.S.A. - 392 — 393 
XXIX. — Account of Roman Remains found at Box Moor, Herts. Com- 
municated by John Evans, Esq., of Nash Mills, to Captain 
TV. H. Smyth, R.N., V.P., and Director - - - 394—398 

XXX. — Account of the Remains of an Ancient Camp near Bayonne. 

By S. Baring Gould, Esq., of Lew Trenchard - - 399 — 402 



viii CONTENTS. 

PAOB 

XXXI. — A few Notices respecting William I^nwode^ Jttdge of the Arches^ 
Keeper of the Privy Seal, and Bishop of St. David's. By 
Joseph Hunter, F.S.A. ----- 403—405 
XXXII. — Report of the Committee appointed by the Council of the Society 
of Antiquaries to investigate the circumstances attending the 
recent Discovery of a Body in St. Stephen's Chapel^ Westminster 406—430 

Appendix ---.---. 433—452 



Index 



453—467 



TABLE OF PLATES. 



PLATE PAGE 

I. — Clock presented by Henry VIII. to Anne Boleyn, in possession of her 

present Majesty, at Windsor Castle - - - - - 12 

II. — Plans and Views in the Village of Stone, near Aylesbury, with sections 

of Sepulchral Pit - - - - - - - 32 

III. — Masons' Marks in the Round Tower at Brechin and upon the Castle of 

Melgund --------36 

IV. — Mason's Marks from the Cash Book of St. Ninian's Lodge, Brechin - 36 

V. — Antique Beads in the Collection of Benjamin Nightingale, Esq. - 50 

VI. — Ystumcegid Cromlech, parish of Llanfihangel-y- Pennant, co. Carnarvon 66 

VII. — Antiquities found at Nismes - - - - 72 

VIII. — General View of the Sculptures at Behistun, taken from the foot of the 

Rock ---------76 

IX. — Specimen of the Median writing at Behistun, copied from fac-similes 

taken by impression on the spot - - - - - 76 

X. — Anglo-Saxon Remains found at Fairford, co. Gloucester - - 82 

XL — Bronze Collar found in Lochar Moss, Dumfriesshire - - - 86 

XII. — General Plan of the Antiquities of Stenness, Orkney, 1849 - - 136 

XIII. — Ring of Brogar, Stenness - - - - - - 136 

XIV. — Antiquities of Stenness - - - - - - 136 

XV. — Graves in Tumuli and Plans of Picts Houses, Orkney - - - 136 
XVI. — Plan and Sections of a Picts House upon the Holm of Papey Westrey, 

North Isles, Orkney, excavated in the autumn of 1849 - - 136 
XVII. — Ground Plan and Elevations of both sides of a Picts House at Savrock, 

near Kirkwall - - - - - - -136 

VOL. XXXIV. b 



PLATE PAGE 

XVIII. — Roundells, or Fruit Trenchers, of the time of James the First - 225 
XIX. — Map to illustrate the supposed route of Caesar, and the Battle of 

Hastings ------- 250 

XX. — Sepulchral Remains from Tumuli near Driffield, Yorkshire - 258 

XXL — Silver Disc from Tarentum - . _ . - 272 

XXII. — Cloister of the ancient Abbey of St. Aubin at Angers - - 278 

XXIII. — Chapel of the Hospital of St. John at Angers - - - 279 

XXIV. — Mortuary Chapel dedicated to St. Catherine in the Cemetery of 

the Abbey of Fontevrault ----- 285 

XXV.— Church of St. Hilary at Poitiers - - - - 287 

XXVI. — Plan of the Church of St. Hilary at Poitiers as it existed before 

the Revolution in 1790 - - - - - - 288 

XXVII. — Names of Negro Prisoners on the Pedestal of a Statue in the 
Louvre .-----.. 

XXVIII. — Tablet of Samneh, presented by his Grace the Duke of Northum- 
berland to the British Museum ----- 

XXIX. — Roman Antiquities found at Boxmoor, Herts - - - 394 
XXX. — The Mummy in St. Stephen's Crypt, Westminster, previous to its 

removal" - - - - - - -430 

XXXL— The Crosier - - - - - - - 430 

XXXII. — ^The Body wrapped in Cere-cloth - - - - 430 

XXXIII. — The Head^ with the outer covering removed ; and again, with the 

Pledget of Tow in the Mouth - - - - - 430 

XXXIV.— The Head after the removal of the Tow - - - - 430 

XXXV. — Ancient Stone with Saxon Characters, found at Dewsbury - 437 

XXXVL— Leaden Tablet, or Book Cover, with Saxon Inscription - ^ - 438 

XXX VIL — Examples of the Construction of Timber Arches - - - 445 

XXXVIII. — Silver Pibula and Torque found at Orton Scar, in Westmoreland 446 

XXXIX. — Celtic Remains from a Tumulus ne^r Scarborough - - 448 

XL. — Leaden Horn-Book Moulds found at Hartley Castle - - 460 




137 



XrV. — Sir Walter Raleigh^ his Character, Services, and Advancement ; with new 
Particulars of his Life: in a Letter from J. Paynb Collier, Esq., V.P., 
to Frederic Ouvry, Esq., F.S.A. 



Read March 13, 1851. 



I AM far from thinking the following new particulars regarding Sir Walter 
Raleigh of much value or importance, excepting as they tend to explain and 
illustrate the character and actions of a man, who not only fills a prominent place 
in our history, but who is one of the chief ornaments of our literature. If we con- 
template him as a politician, a soldier, or a navigator, we must admit at once his 
merits, his services, and his discoveries ; but we are also to look upon him as one of 
the earliest, as well as one of the purest and most graceful of our poets, and, as a 
prose writer, remarkable for the originality of his thoughts, for the extent and variety 
of his knowledge, and for the vigour, clearness, and beauty of his style. 

Moreover, the severity and admitted injustice of his fate, and the lamentable 
contrast between his early prosperity and his later suflFerings, invest his memory 
with an interest that perhaps, in an equal degree, belongs to no other individual in 
the annals of our country. The grandeur and extent of his projects called forth all 
the energies of his mind, and their melancholy results required all the exercise of 
his philosophy. 

It is on these accounts that, through a series of years, I have thought no pains 
thrown away in collecting the minutest materials for his life ; and, although few men 
of his time have enjoyed the advantage of so many biographers, I apprehend that I 
can still add something to the general stock of information, which will be worth the 
attention of such as may hereafter undertake the duty of condensing into one narra- 
tive all that relates to the varied and, in many respects, strange and romantic incidents 
of Raleigh's career. 

In making this contribution I shall tax your patience as little as possible ; but, 
while I seem to dwell on comparatively insignificant details, I need hardly request 
you to reflect on so obvious a truism, as that matters are great or small, trifling or 

VOL. XXXIV. T 



138 Sir Walter Raleigh, his Character, Services, and Advancement ; 

important, in reference to the person to whom they relate ; and that what would be 
utterly imworthy of observation, if it belonged to a private individual, is of weight 
and moment when it applies to a man who saw so many strange vicissitudes, who 
was the favourite of Elizabeth, and the victim of James the First, the patron of 
Spenser, and the author of *' The History of the World." 

I shall have most to claim your forbearance when I advert to documentary 
evidence ; and it must be borne in mind that, in all cases like the present, docu- 
mentary evidence, if it be somewhat tedious, is, at all events, least questionable, and 
therefore most satisfactory. When I can do so without injur}' to the result, I shall 
endeavour to abridge and compress it ; and I shall divide my subject into separate 
Communications, in order that upon one theme I may not too long trespass on the 
attention of the Society. 

Where I have nothing new to produce, I shall pass over the period without 
observation, and for this reason I say little of the youth and early services of Raleigh; 
but it appears to me, that hardly sufficient stress has been laid upon the indisputable 
fact, that in 1 576 he was at least resident in the Middle Temple, if indeed he were 
not then studying the law. Some of his biographers notice the circumstance, 
but others pass it over in entire silence, and in this way it is treated by the writer 
of a very able and elaborate article in vol. Ixxi. of the Edinburgh Review, devoted 
solely to the events of Raleigh's life : nevertheless, the fact is so important as almost 
to establish that the bent of his genius, at a very early age, triumphed over the cir- 
cumstances in which he was placed. At all events it may be thought to shew, that 
he had been destined by his parents for the legal profession, although his spirit of 
enterprise, personal courage, and early predilection for adventure, led him rather to 
take up arms, first in France and afterwards under Sir John Norris in the Nether- 
lands. The verses he wrote in 1576, in praise of Gascoigne's Satire, are expressly 
headed " Walter Raleigh, of the Middle Temple, in commendation of the Steel Glass ;" 
and, although it has been the custom to speak disparagingly of these stanzas, it 
cannot be denied that they run with practised facility, that the sense of the writer is 
clearly conveyed, and that neither in thought nor expression can they be fairly 
considered common-place. Their superiority is, I think, very evident, when they are 
compared with the other contributions of the same kind which precede Gascoigne*s 
poem ; and this, perhaps, is the justest mode of forming an estimate of their merits. 
As the earliest known production of Raleigh's muse, they at least deserve to be 
noticed with respect. 

At the time Raleigh was serving in a military capacity under Norris, he had 
.several companions in arms, like himself, of a literary turn, and some of them dis- 




with new Particulars of his Life. 1 39 

tinguished poets, such as his friend Gascoigne, Whetstone, Rich, Breton, and 
Churchyard. Most of these had been present at various actions before young Raleigh 
could have arrived in the Low Countries ; and it is not at all impossible that Gas- 
coigne had been the means of inciting him to abandon the law, and to seek his 
fortune as a soldier. The fact that Raleigh and Gascoigne must have served 
under Sir John Norris at the same date, viz. in the year after the Steel Glass 
was printed (although Gascoigne died in England in October 1577,) has never been 
mentioned, that I am aware of. Raleigh was no doubt one of the three hundred Eng- 
lishmen who, according to Churchyard (who was an eye-witness, and published an 
account of the expedition in 1602,) marched to Antwerp for the assistance of the 
States in July 1577* 

The ordinary sources of information speak of this incident as having happened, 
not in 1677, but in 1578; but, as regards Raleigh, the fact is that in 1578 he 
accompanied his half-brother. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in an unfortunate expedition 
to America. He returned in 1 579, and must have been in England at the period 
when an account was made out (for what purpose does not appear) of moneys due 
from particular persons who had been fined. It is not any where stated for what 
reason the fines were imposed ; but a list of them is preserved in the State Paper 
Office, thus headed : — " Here ensueth the names and the summes of the fines 
charged uppon such as are, by order of the most honorabell Lordes of the Council, 
appointed to paie the same." The first name in this enumeration is that of 
Raleigh, in the following form : — 

« Walter Raleigh iij" : hath paid.'' 

The words " hath paid," which were added afterwards, show that the fine, for what- 
ever cause it had been inflicted, had been discharged by Raleigh ; but the statement 
is only dated 1579, without the addition of the month, so that we cannot tell to what 
the part of year it applies, and I believe it is not known precisely when Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert returned from his first unsuccessful voyage to the western hemisphere. The 
sum in which Raleigh was fined was larger than that of two companions in the 
same list, William Bawdin, and John Penwarren (both Cornish or West of England 
names), the first of whom paid 21. lOv. and the last only 21. 
Some of the biographers of Raleigh tell us, that " in 1580, the Pope having 

• See Charchyard*8 ** True Discourse Historical of the succeeding Governors in the Netherlands," &c. 
from 1565 to 1598. London, imprinted for Mathew Lownes, &c. 1602, p. 28. It is somewhat remarkable 
that the name of Raleigh does not appear in this narrative ; but he was much junior to Churchyard, Gascoigne, 
and Whetstone, and younger even than Rich and Breton : he therefore, no doubt, held a subordinate 



140 Sir Walter Raleiffh, his Character^ Services^ and Advancement ; 

incited the Irish to rebellion, Sir Walter had a Captain's commission under the Lord 
Deputy, Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton f* but the exact date is not given, and I am 
able to shew that on 13th July 1580, the sum of 100/. was entered as paid to 
Edward Denny, the cousin of the Lord Deputy, and the like amount to Walter 
Raleigh, on account of the charge of 200 soldiers they were then employed to con- 
duct from London to Ireland. The item runs thus : — 



rank. A copy of this tract, now before me, Las several blanks filled up in MS. ; and what renders it more re- 
markable is that at the back of the Table of Contents are written twenty lines by Churchyard, celebrating the 
lives and deaths of Sir John Norris and Sir Philip Sidney : they must have been composed by the veteran 
soldier and rhymer subsequent to 3d Sept. 1597, because Sir John Norris died on that day. They are well 
worth preserving, and I insert them, precisely as they stand : — 

On Sir John Norris and Sir Philip Sidney. 

What greater guerdon can we give to Norris his hie name, 

Then that it shall, while time shall last, have ever-during fame ? 

In Portingall, in royall France, and eke no lesse in Spaine, I 

In Nederlands with hie renowme, in Ireland and Britaine, 

He lawrells wonne for Victories with manye a grieslye wound. 

His lawrell crowne can thunder stroke nor lightning ere confound. 

The thrones of Kings may bee cast downe by Time, alike to all. 

But under stroke of balefull Time his fame shall never fall. 

It is of that immortall stuffe which ever must remaine. 

When brazen Towres and marble Tombes doe prove themselves but vaine. 

With him renowmed Sidney, too, shalbe recorded hie. 

Who over death, victorious still, hath wonne the victory. 

Unequall'd in the royall Court, or field with martiall power, 

When Death him stnxcke with bullet foule. Death was not conquerour. 

Now to what loftyer height of fame can these great worthies clime. 

Victorious over enemies, victorious over Time? 

Though age and sickness me assaile, I feele againe retume 

The ardent fires wherewith erewhile I did full fiercely burne. 

Why could not Churchyarde die with them, he still doth sore coraplaine. 

Not creepe into his lonesome grave made welcome by his paine ? 

Th. Ch. 

The old versifier, who thus feelingly laments his age and sufferings, only survived the publication of his 
historical tract two years. 

• Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary, vol. xxv. p. 501. P. F. Tytler, speaking of this period, says 
merely, ** Raleigh's military experience now entitled him to promotion, and we find him commanding a com- 
pany in Ireland." Life of Raleigh, 12mo, 1844, p. 26. 




with new Particulars of his Life. 1 4 1 

" To Edward Deny — C"; and unto Walter Rawley — C"; having the chardge of 
the twoo hundreth souldiers sent from London into Ireland^ in prests . • CC**/* 

The words ** in prests" mean that the money was advanced to them before- 
hand ; so that, if Denny and Raleigh had been in Ireland earlier in the year 1 580, it 
{q)pears that on the 13th July (for the exact date is here inserted) they were in 
London, and two hundred pounds were paid to them, to bear the expense of convey- 
ing a body of soldiers to Ireland from the metropolis. 

It is possible that this advance had been made to Denny and Raleigh (who 
were both at Castle del Ore at the time of the massacre of the garrison, by order of 
Arthur Lord Grey) prior to the 13th July; but such is the date of the entry of 
payment: the fact of the employment of Raleigh on this service has, however, 
never been noticed even by Tytler, his last, if not his best biographer, who had con- 
stant access to the documents in the State Paper Office, although he has hardly made 
so much use of them as might have been expected. 

The period of Raleigh's return from Ireland has not yet been ascertained, but 
from a manuscript long since placed in our national depository, Harl. Coll , No. i 644 
(with a reference to which I was favoured by my friend Mr. Peter Cunningham), 
we are able to establish that, at all events, it took place anterior to the 29th Dec. 
1581; and that he was entrusted with letters from the Lord Deputy, probably to the 
dueen herself, for the conveyance of which he had a warrant from Sir Francis 
Walsingham for the payment of 20/. ; a large sum for such a service, recollecting 
that it would amount to more than 100/. of our present money. The memorandum 
in the original document is precisely in the following form, and contains all the 
known particulars. 

" Item. Paid to Walter Rawley, gent, upon a warrant signed by M. Secretorie 
Walsingham, dated att Whitehall, xxix** decembrf 1581, for bringinge Letters in 
poste for her Majestees affaires from Corke, in Ireland, the some of . . . xx".*^ 

It is the more interesting to fix the date of this event, because, according 
to Fuller, Raleigh owed his introduction and advancement at Court to a piece of what 
we may, perhaps, call chivalrous loyalty displayed towards the Queen just afterwards. 
Whether the story of his spreading his " new plush cloak" before her feet be or be 
not true, it seems likely that he was immediately indebted for his introduction to the 
notice of Elizabeth to the circumstance that, in 168 1 , he had been selected by Arthur 
Lord Grey to be the bearer of letters from Ireland; and the large amount of 
Raleigh's reward may, possibly, have proceeded from the bounty of the Queen, 
struck, we may speculate, by the handsome appearance and gallant bearing of the 



142 Sir Walter Raleigh, his Character ^ Services^ and Advancement ; 

young soldier. In 1677 Churchyard had been paid only 12/. for conveying letters 
from Brussels ; but, on the other hand, Gascoigne, in the year preceding, received 
201. as the bearer of dispatches from Antwerp.* 

In 1582 we meet with the names of Walter Raleigh and his brother Carew 
Raleigh in a catalogue of persons who, having adventured money or commodities 
with Sir Humphrey Gilbert in his first voyage, were to be " free of trade and traffic" 
(whatever the expresssion may in this case mean), although they were not inhabit- 
ants of Southampton. The share Raleigh had taken in that unfortunate expedition 
has been already adverted to, and in this document we meet with other names of 
distinguished parties to the undertaking. '^ The Lord North'' stands at the head of 
the list, and he is followed by " Mr. Edmonds of the Privy Chamber," Sir Mathew 
Arundell, Charles Arundell, Esq., Sir Edward Horsy, Sir William Morgan, Sir 
John Gilbert, Sir George Peckham, Adrian Gilbert, Esq., and " William Wey- 
mouth, merchant ;" all of them individuals celebrated for their exploits, for their 
navigations, or for the substantial encouragement they gave to foreign discovery 
and plantation. Beyond Gilbert and Raleigh we have not, I think, hitherto had the 
means of knowing who aided in the expensive efforts to fit out the fleet for western 
discoveries ; and in this point of view the document above referred to is of some value. 

This list, made out in 1582, at once brings us to Sir Humphrey Gilbert's second 
voyage, in which Raleigh had a share; but, owing to a disease which broke 
out in his ship (a fact which h&s been doubted), it was only able to accom- 
pany the squadron for a short distance. It sailed from England in the summer 
of 1583, and, like the former experiment of the same kind, and under the same 
commander, it had a most disastrous issue. Of the four ships which ultimately 
formed the expedition, only one, the Golden Hind, returned to this country ; and 
the little vessel of ten tons, in which Sir Humphrey Gilbert had insisted upon 
shipping himself, doubtless because it was the most dangerous service, foundered at 
sea with every soul on board. He had the reputation of being a most unfortunate 
seaman, and it was with the utmost difficulty that he obtained the royal permission 
to undertake this new adventure. We may conclude that Raleigh did his utmost 
with persons in power to accomplish the ardent wishes of his half-brother ; and it is 
to be borne in mind, that Sir Humphrey Gilbert was, at that very time, the holder of 
an unexpired patent for discovering and appropriating new lands. 

* See CaDnmgham*8 << Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels" (printed for the Shakespeare Society in 
1842), Introduction, p. xxxi. At this date such seems to have been a usual mode of distinguishing and 
rewarding meritorious officers. 



with new Particulars of his Life. 143 

Nevertheless, he found that he could not easily overcome the reluctance of the 
Queen that he should depart, and very possibly the fact that, in the first instance, 
young Raleigh certainly intended to accompany him, had its influence on her mind," 
On this subject a highly interesting and well-written letter, from Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert to Secretary Walsingham, has been preserved ; it was transmitted early in 
1 582-3 ; and he thus modestly urges his claim to what, in fact, he might under his 
patent have asserted as his right. Raleigh may, I thinlc, clearly be traced in the 
composition, but the whole is in the autograph of his relative. 

"Right Honourable, 

" Whereas it hath pleased your honor to let mee understande that her Majestic, 
of her especiall care had of my well doinge and prosperous successe, hath wished 
my stay att home from the personall execution of my intended discovery, as a man 
noted for noe good happ by sea ; for the which I acknowledge my selfe so much 
bounde unto her Majestic, as I know not how to deserve the leaste parte therof, 
otherwise than with my continuall prayer, and most faythfuU and forward service 
duringe lyfe. 

" And now, to excuse my selfe, and satisfye your honor touching the objections 
made of my staye, it may please you to be advertised that, in my first enterprise, I 
retorned with great losse, because I would not my selfe, nor suffer any of my com- 
panye to doe any thinge contrary to my worde given to her Majestic and your 
selfe ; for, yf I had not farr preferred my credit before my gayne, I needed not to 
have retorned so poore as I then did. 

" And touching this my last stay at Hampton, it hath proceeded by south-west 
wjmdes, of God's making and sending, and therefore not my fault or negligence ; 
but, yf I were giltye of delaye, the principall charge is my owne, and noe losse to 
any other ; for my adventures, as I had them for the most parte in wares, so I have 
them still, without any losse to anye of them. And, in truthe, the outrage of this 
winter hath been a common hyndrance to all men of this realme southwarde 
bounde. Yea, and the wyndes so contrarye, that it hath driven shyppes from the 
Yles of the Asores uppon this coste, without spreading any sayle at all ; a thinge, 
1 thinke, never herde of before. And the Kinge of Portingale, beeing at the Ter- 
cera, could not in all this tyme recover the Maderaes. How farr impossible, then, 
had it ben for mee to have performed my jorney this winter, your Honor can 
judge, dwelling so farr to the northwardes of the place intended to be discovered. 

"And seeing the Queenes Majestic is to have a fyfthe of all the golde and 

* Raleigh ultimately (perhaps by royal command) remained in England. Caley, i. 31 ; Tytler, p. 41. 



144 Sir Walter Raleigh^ his Character^ ServiceSy and Advancement ; 

sylver there to bee gotten^ without any charge to her Majestie, I trust her Highnes, 
of her accustomed favor, will not denye me libertye to execute that which resteth 
in hope so profitable to her Majestic and crowne. 

" The great desyre I have to performe the same hath cost mee, first and last, 
the selling and spending of a thowsande marke land a yere, of my owne getting, 
besydes the scome of the worlde for conceaving so well of a matter that others held 
so ridiculous, although now, by my meanes, better thought of. 

" If the doubte be my want of skill to execute the same, I will offer myselfe to 
be apposed by all the best navigators and cosmographers within this realme. If it 
bee cowardlines, I seeke no other purgation therof than my former service done 
to her Majestic. If it be the suspition of dayntines of dyett or sea sicknes, in those 
both I will yeeld my selfe second to noe man lyving, because that comparison is 
rather hardines of body, -than a boste of vertue. But how httle account soever is 
made either of the matter or of mee, I truste her Majestic, with her favour for my 
twenty-eight yeares service, will allow mee to gett my livinge as well as I may, 
honestly e (which is every subjectes right) and not to constrayne mee, by my idle 
abode at home, to begg my bred with my wife and children ; especially seeing I have 
her Majesties graunte and lycense under the great scale of Englande for my 
departure, withoute the which I would not have spent a penny in this action, 
wherin I am most bounde to her Majestic for her great favor, which of all thinges I 
most desyre ; and take comfort in protesting, that noe man lyving shall serve her 
Majestic more faythfully and dutifully during my life, with all the good fortune that 
God shall bestowe on mee. 

" And thus, I trust, I have satisfyed your Honor of all my intentes and 
proceedings, leaving your Honor to the tuition of the Almightye. From my house 
in Redcrosse streat, the 7th of February, 1682. 

" Your Honor s most humble, 

" H. Gylberte." 

Hence it appears, for the first time, that Sir Humphrey Gilbert was ready to 
sail as early as 7th Feb. 1682-3 (for the year was not then considered to end before 
25th March), and between that date and June 1583, when he did actually quit Eng- 
land for America, he was employed in overcoming the reluctance of the Queen on 
the only ground avowed ; viz. that he was " a man noted for no good hap by sea." 
The more we read the above letter, the more confident we feel, from its general 
style, and especially from the eloquent self vindication towards the close, that Gilbert 
was assisted in the composition of it by the great talents of Raleigh. His letter to 




mth nev) Particulars of his Life. 145 

GUbert, on transmitting to him, in March before his departure, a gracious token 
from the Queen, representing " an anchor guided by a lady," was long since printed, 
and has been often reprinted. 

The melancholy result of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's second attempt, and the con- 
sequent loss of all that the adventurers had risked, did not discourage Raleigh 
from renewed exertions on his own part, although at this time not contemplating 
to engage personally in any fresh voyage of discovery. We may not unfairly 
conclude that his reason was, not any evaporation of his spirit of enterprise, but 
reluctance on the part of the Queen to be separated from her new favourite. 
Nevertheless, Chalmers, without qualification, asserts, that Raleigh himself '^ set 
sail for America, and took possession of a place to which Queen Elizabeth 
gave the name of Virginia."* This statement is altogether unfounded; and 
Tjrtler, and Southey, more correctly inform us that Raleigh did not go in the 
fleet, but appointed Captains Amadis and Barlow to command it. These and other 
biographers have been compelled to content themselves with stating generally, that 
in 1584 Raleigh obtained a patent for the discovery of unknown countries; but I 
have in my possession an official copy of the instrument itself, which gives the most 
precise information upon the point. 

It bears date on the 26th March, 1584, and is entitled — for it will be seen 
presently that the wording is important—" The Letters Patents graunted by the 
Queenes Majestic to Mr. Walter Raleigh, Knight, for the discovering and planting 
of New Lands and Countries ; to continue the space of sixe yeares and no more." 
It will be remarked that this title distinctly settles a point not hitherto ascertained. 
Chalmers tells us, that Raleigh " upon his return," from an expedition in which, it 
has been shewn, he never embarked, was " elected Member of Parliament for Devon- 
shire, and soon after knighted :" Tytler fixes the knighthood after Raleigh's ships had 
come back from Virginia ;^ and Southey, with more vagueness, not thinking precise 
dates of much value in a merely popular biography, after mentioning on one page 
the return of Amadis and Barlow, tells us on the next that Raleigh had been already 
knighted by EUzabeth.« The truth is, as we find indisputably from the title of his 
patent of 26th March 1 584, that he was knighted before it was granted ; for he is 
there styled, with a reduplication not then by any means unprecedented, '^ Mr. 
Walter Raleigh, knight." Had he been recently knighted, we can easily imagine 
that his rank might have been accidentally omitted, and we shall find hereafter that 
Walsingham does actually omit it in one of his letters ; but if Raleigh had not been 

» Biographical Dictionary, vol. xxv. p. 502. ^ Life of Raleigh, p. 49. 

* Lives of British Admirals, iv. 230, 23 L 

VOL. XXXIV. U 



\ 



1 46 Sir Walter Raleigh^ his Character ^ Services, and Advancement ; 

knighted on 26th March, 1584, it is most unlikely that such a title would have been 
gratuitously conferred upon him by the persons who made out the official instru- 
ment which passed under the Great Seal of England/ We are, therefore, war- 
ranted in asserting that this honour was bestowed by the Queen upon Raleigh 
at least a year anterior to the period usually assigned to the event ; and conse- 
quently considerably nearer to the time when, if Fuller's tradition may be trusted, 
he ingratiated himself with Elizabeth by an act of well-timed gallantry.** This, it 
will be admitted, is not an unimportant point in the history of Raleigh's advance- 
ment. 

It would be a waste of time to enter here into an examination of the various 
clauses of the patent obtained by Raleigh (perhaps, on condition that he did not 
himself take part in the enterprise,) because I am not writing his biography, but 
merely correcting a few mistakes, and making some additions to the published 
accounts of his life. The title, as we have seen, states that it was only to remain 
in force for six years ; and another provision in it was (like that in the previous 
grant to Sir Humphrey Gilbert) that one-fifth of all the gold and silver discovered 
should belong to the Queen. In other respects Raleigh was allowed a sort of feudal 
monarchy over all the unknown countries in which he should plant settlements. 
Recollecting the charges long subsequently brought against him, it may be material 
to add, that in the latter part of the instrument he is expressly forbidden to rob or 
spoil, not only the Queen's subjects, but the subjects or settlements of sovereigns 
with whom she was at peace and amity. 

A letter from Sir Francis Walsingham to Lord Treasurer Burghley, dated about 
three months after the patent, viz. on the 17th June, 1584, which has escaped the 
notice of Raleigh's biographers, and, I believe, of all who have incidentally touched 
upon his rapid progress at court, shews how careful Elizabeth was at that early date 
of her favourite's pecuniary interests. This too was in direct opposition to the 
strong remonstrance of her Secretary, who had excited her high displeasure by the part 
he took in behalf of certain merchant adventurers, who, it would seem, had trenched 

* The original draft, preserved in the State Paper Office, tallies in every respect with the copy of the instru- 
ment in my possession. An instance of an opposite kind occurs in 1585, where Raleigh is spoken of only as 
'* Mr. Raleigh/' in the indorsement of a commission, while in the body of it he is invariably called either 
" Sir Walter Raleigh/* or " Sir Walter Raleigh, Knight." 

^ Worthies, i. 262. It was not unsuccessfully (in all senses of the word) imitated in our own day. When 
Queen Victoria returned from opening the new Hall of Lincoln's Inn, she had to pass down the steps covered 
with carpeting, but with a small interval before she reached the carriage. To cover this interval an Irish 
student stripped ofif his gown, and laid it under her Majesty's feet. 




« . 



mth new Particulars of his Life. 1 47 

upon Raleigh's patent rights. The commencement of the same letter affords 
additional proof, if it were wanted, of the watchfulness of her Majesty in her own 
money matters, and of her anxiety to take the full benefit of all attainders that 
contributed to replenish her purse. As it is short, I quote it in its own terms : — 

" My very good Lord, 

" Yesterdaye I shewed her Majestic the note of the lands growing by the 
attailbiers of Arden and Sommervyll, who at that tyme willed me to praye your 
Lordship, that the lyke note might be sent unto her of the landes of the Lord Paget, 
Charles Arun dell's, and Mr. Charles Pagette's ; as also suche landes as are given 
unto her by the attaynder of Francis Throgmorton. 

" Yesterdaye I moved her Majestye for the release of the merchantes adven- 
turer's shyppes, which by no meanes she will assent unto, otherwyse than by com- 
pounding with Mr. Rauley. When I shewed her the great inconveniences like to 
insue thereby, her Majestye dyd, in a sorte, charge me as an incorager of the mer- 
ehauntes to stande in the matter ; whereof I sought, as I had just cause, to cleare 
my selfe, and herein dyd grevously offende her. I finde by her she is determyned 
to overthrowe that companye, and to rayse up the Staplers, as also to restore them 
of the Stylyard to their former lybertyes. 

** I am sorrye to thinke of the dangerous inconveniences lykely to insue by 
these straynge courses, but I see no hope of redresse. God dyrect her Majestyes 
harte to take an other waye of cownsell, to whose protection I commyt your Lord- 
ship, most heartily takyng my leave at the courte, the xvij of June, 1584. 

" Your Lordship's to commaund, 

*^ Fra. Walsyngham." 

Here we see Sir Francis Walsingham inadvertently calling Sir Walter Raleigh, as 
he unquestionably was at this date, only " Mr. Rauley," and incurring the grievous 
displeasure of the Queen for taking part with merchant- adventurers against him. 
Nothing can well be plainer or stronger, although it does not appear to what the 
dispute particularly referred. Her Majesty insisted that they should make compo- 
sition with the individual whom she had so recently advanced to honour, and to 
whom she had granted such exclusive aud, no doubt, profitable privileges. The 
Arden, whose name is introduced by Walsingham in the opening of his note to 
Lord Burghley, was Edward Arden (the relative of Shakespeare's mother), accord- 
ing to Stowe, executed on the 20th December, 1 683. We have seen that Charles 
Arundell (also mentioned) was one of the undertakers in the first voyage of Sir 



148 Sir Walter Raleighy his Character y Services j and Advancement, tfc. 

Humphrey Gilbert, and the other names are those of individuals, the incidents 
of whose lives or deaths are well known. 

I shall not run the hazard of tiring your patience by carrying this subject 
farther at present; and, having traced Raleigh from his studies at the Middle 
Temple in the year 1576, through his military services in the Netherlands, and in 
Ireland, to his knighthood in the early part of 1584, and to his sudden elevation in 
the favour of Elizabeth, I shall reserve other topics to a future communication. 

J. PAYNE COLLIER. 

To Frederic Ouvry, Esq. F.S A. 




149 



XV. — Additional Information respecting the Life and Services of Sir Walter Raleigh, 
in a Letter from J. Payne Collier, V.P. to William Durrant Cooper, 
Esq. F.S.A. 



Read May 15, 1851. 



In my recent letter to Mr. Ouvry of notes, memoranda, and documents, con- 
taining new materials for a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, I brought the incidents with 
which he was connected down to the year 1584, when, as I established, he had 
received the honour of knighthood. I now continue the subject, and request you 
to be the medium of communicating what follows to our Society. The particulars, 
as in the former instance, are many of them minute ; but, I apprehend, they are all 
of them more or less important, in reference to the character and conduct of a man 
who was highly distinguished in so many capacities, as a politician, a courtier, a 
soldier, a navigator, a poet, a patron, a philosopher, and a historian. 

It is a fact not noticed by any of Sir Walter Raleigh's numerous biographers, that 
early in 1685, the year after the Queen had shewn him so special a mark of her 
favour, he was selected by the Privy Council, in association with Sir Thomas 
Henneage, to investigate a matter of considerable delicacy, and to make award in 
a cause which involved a serious imputation upon the Lord Mayor of London. 
Alderman PuUison, then at the head of the corporation, had appropriated to his 
own purposes the sum of 86/., placed in his hands for the purchase of the freedom 
of an Englishman, who, having been captured by the Moors, was then a slave in 
Barbary. The original decision of Raleigh and Henneage, formally subscribed by 
both of them, has been preserved, and after a detail of particulars, into which it is 
not necessary to enter here, it calls upon the Lord Mayor to refund the money he 
had mis-applied. This document serves to shew the eminent position Raleigh at this 
date filled at Court, and the confidence reposed in his judgment and impartiality. 
The result certainly did not redound to the credit of the highest civic authority, 
at that date engaged in frequent intercourse with persons of rank about the person 
of the Queen ; but we find that he continued, notwithstanding, the discharge of his 
magisterial duties. 

It is known that Raleigh was a distinguished, and distinguishing, patron of litera- 
ture anterior to the period of which we are now speaking ; and in the State Paper 



150 Additional Information respecting the 

Office is deposited a brief Memorandum which, it may seem, was made by some 
author who calls Raleigh *' my master," and possibly relates to a work recently 
published. I have not yet been able to trace either the writer or his book, but it is 
not improbable that it was in print, not only from the number of copies mentioned, 
but from the individuals to whom those copies were presented, one of them being 
Sir Walter Raleigh, and another Sir Philip Sidney. I never had an opportunity 
of inspecting the autograph of Spenser, although it is said that specimens of it 
exist in Ireland, if not in this country ; but he was greatly celebrated as a poet from 
1679 to 1585, and was well known to both Raleigh and Sidney, and it would give a 
remarkable interest to the following unsigned and unaddressed note, if at any time 
hereafter it should be shown to be in his handwriting. It has no title nor date, but 
is marked on the outside " 16th Nov. 1585." 

" My dutie remembred, myselfe would have come craving pardon of your wour- 
ship, for that my wife this presente is very extreme sycke. Accordinge to my 
dutie and promis, made before the honorable Mr. Secreatorie, I have sente the 
booke which I had from Mr. William Hearle, and the names hereunder, to whom 
I have delyvered copies : 

" To my M% S^ Walter Ralegh, knight, one booke. 

" To M^ Frauncis Knollis, one booke. 

'^ To M' Cope, my L. Tresorer s Gent. Usher, one booke. 

" To a gent, that serveth S"^ Phillipp Sydney, sometymes of the Temple, one 
booke. 

" And to M' Neale, of the Temple, one booke." 

This is the whole of the paper, and, after all, it may relate to some official docu- 
ment, and not to a printed volume : unquestionably the mention of his sick wife 
renders it less likely that it should have come from Spenser, although the date of 
his marriage, whether first or second, has never been ascertained. That the note 
was from Spenser, or from any other author, I only put as a mere point of specula- 
tion ; but that Raleigh was in some way concerned in the transaction is indisputable, 
and with that view I have quoted it. 

About this period, or somewhat earlier, the threats of the Spaniards induced the 
public authorities to look, not only to the defences of kingdom, but to those who, 
in case of danger, might become her defenders. On the 5th January, 1685-6, a list 
of " The names of Sea Captayns " was made out, and among them we read four 
belonging to the immediate family of Sir Walter Raleigh : viz. — 



Life and Services of Sir Walter Raleigh. J 5 1 

" Sir Walter Rawleighe, Knighte. 
" Carew Rawleyghe, Esquier. 
" George Rawleyghe, Gent. 
" John Rawleyghe, Gent." 

In the same enumeration we meet with Sir John Perrott, the natural son of 
Henry the Eighth, Sir Richard Grenville, and Barnaby Rich, the poet and prose 
writer, of whom we for the first time hear in a naval capacity. He began life as 
a soldier, published several books connected with the land service, and was em- 
ployed in France, Flanders, and Ireland. Here we see, as was not then unusual, 
that he was also considered qualified to command a ship, and enjoyed the honour 
of having his name enrolled with men like Sir Richard Grenville and Sir Walter 
Raleigh. 

It appears that a naval expedition was contemplated in the latter end of 1686, 
and on the 30th October in that year was prepared a catalogue of ships of war 
belonging to the Queen, to which Lord Burghley added, in his own hand, the name 
of "the Ark Raleigh," which had been omitted. The fact is that this large vessel, 
of 800 tons and 430 men, had been built at the expense of Sir Walter, and she is 
included in an extant " estimate of the charge of sending twelve of the Queen's 
ships to sea in warlike manner," dated 31st January, 1586-/. At this date, 
therefore, " the Ark Raleigh " had been bought by the State, and we learn from 
a document of May, 1592, the precise sum paid for it, viz. 5,000/. What is more 
important, in relation to Sir Walter Raleigh, is that the Queen took this ship at that 
price in part payment of a larger debt which Sir Walter had contracted on various 
unstated accounts : he was, in consequence, allowed so many tallies from the 
Exchequer as amounted to 5,000/. and, in point of actual money, was no richer 
for the sale. It was doubtless this fact which induced Lord-Treasurer Burghley 
to add " the Ark Raleigh " to the enumeration of the Queen's ships in October, 
1586. Thus we see that Raleigh, like the Earl of Leicester, Sir Christopher 
Hatton, the Earl of Essex, and most of the other favourites of Elizabeth, became 
largely indebted to Her Majesty not long after their advancement in her royal 
favour. It is a circumstance that might have been expected, but that has not, 
1 apprehend, hitherto been recorded. 

How long before the period of which we are now speaking the Queen had con- 
ceded to Raleigh some large pecuniary privileges in connexion with wine licences 
does not precisely appear ; but from the subsequent letter, signed by himself, and 
with the postscript entirely in his own handwriting, it is evident that he and his 



152 Additional Information respecting the 

friends, in March 1587, had prevailed upon her Majesty to extend the term spe- 
cified in the original grant. Tytler erroneously states, that this concession hy 
the Queen was " an augmentation to Raleigh's patent for wines," and he fixes the 
date of it after the defeat of the Spanish Armada, and as a reward for the services 
of Raleigh at that juncture ; but the fact is that the concession was the renewal of 
a lease previously granted, and that this renewal took place full a year and a quarter 
before the Armada made its appearance on our coast. To whom Raleigh's letter was 
addressed we are not able to state, owing to the omission of the address ; but the 
receiver of it was required to act solely upon the writer's distinct assurance, that 
the Queen had given her consent. 

" S*^, — Whereas the Queues Ma**® hath heretofore given unto me, by her Letters 
patentes, aucthoritie to graunte Licenses for the sellinge of Wynes by retayle ; her 
Highnes pleasure is to revoke and make voyde the san.e, and by new Letters 
patentes to regraunte unto me the aucthoritie and benefytt thereof for a farther 
terme of yeres. Wherefore, I pray you hartely to peruse the drafte which this 
bearer, my servante, shall bring unto you, and sett your hande thereunto, redie for 
her Highnes to signe, and I wilbe redie to requyte your courtesie. So, hopinge 
your careful! dealinge for me, accordinge to my requeste, I bid you hartely farewell. 
This 8"^ of March, 1587. 

" Your lovinge Frende, 

" W. Ralegh." 

" S', — Majesty her sealf cummaunded mee to acquaynt yow with the booke, and 
therfore } ow shall not need to doubt ; for you may take knowledg of her plesure by 
thes my letters, beseechinge yow to fiinde me so much to make expedition herein, 
and yow shall cummaunde mee in what I may stand yow in steede." 

It is very evident that Raleigh was extremely anxious to obtain the Queen's sig- 
nature at once to his grant, lest she should either change her mind upon reflection, 
or lest the Lord Treasurer, Secretary WaJsingham, or some other ancient and careful 
counsellor, should step in with their remonstrance against such a concession. In a 
letter from Lord Burghley to Walsingham, dated a month after the preceding, he 
speaks of the manner in which he had supported certain suits by Raleigh and the 
Earl of Cumberland ; but his interference on that occasion had probably related to a 
joint expedition they were fitting out for sea ; and there is good reason to believe 
that Raleigh's renewed patent for wine licences was too hastily passed ever to be 
submitted to the cautious and experienced judgment of the Lord Treasurer. It 




Life and Services of Sir Walter Raleigh. 1 53 

seems to have been a matter arranged entirely between the Queen and her favourite 
The letter to Walsingham, in which Lord Burghley mentions Sir Walter Raleigh 
and the Earl of Cumberland, has never been printed ; and, as it relates to them, and 
to his lordship's own family affliction in the unhappy marriage of his daughter with 
the Earl of Oxford (the same peer who had had such an intemperate quarrel with 
Sir Philip Sidney in the Tennis-court), I may, perhaps, be forgiven for inserting it 
here, as a curious and interesting domestic relic. I quote it from the original : 

" S^y — Although I am sure that yow viH i^ot omitt any convenient tyme to move 
hir Majesty to assent that hir Majesties gift to my Lord of Oxford, of Edward Jones 
lands and goods, might be perfected, yet I was so vexed yesternight, very late, by 
some grevoos sight of my poore daughter's affliction, whom her husband had in the 
aftemoone so troobled with wordes of reproch of me to hir, as though I had no care 
of hym, as I had to please others (namely S"^ Walter Ralegh and my Lord of 
Cumberland, whose bookes I had speedily sollicited to pass), as she spent all 
the evening in doUor and weapyng. And, though I did as much as I could to 
comfort hir with hope, yet she being, as she is, great with child, and contynually 
afflicted to behold the misery of hir husband and of his children, to whom he will 
not leave one farthing of land, for this purposs I can not forbeare to renew this 
pitefull case, praying yow to take some tyme to have hir Majesties resolut answer. 

" And for your instruction, to inform hir Majesty of the vallor of the gift, I do 
send yow a bill conteanyng the trew state thereof, and I can prove that ther hath 
bene layd out above one hundred pounds by the Erie's soUicitor, at my request, 
above the one hundred and twenty pounds for the charges of sondry inquisitions 
and commissions to serch out the truth of the thynges sought with great labor to 
be concealed, which mony I feare must fall to my lott to paye. 

" No enemy I haue can envy this match, for therby nether honor, nor land, nor 
goodes, shall come to the children, for whom, being three alredy to be kept, and a 
fourth lyke to follow, I am at chardg even with sondry famylyes in sondry places for 
ther sustentation ; but if ther father was of that good natur as to be thankfull for 
the same, I wold be less greved with the burden. 

"And so I will end an uncomfortable matter, this v. of May, 1587. 

" Yours most assured, 

" W. Burghley. 
" If her Majesty wiU have Jones wiflf considered, it may 
be provyded that she shall have an annuitie of xxx"' p. 



annum/' 



VOL. XXXIV. 



I 

[ 



154 Additional Information respecting the 

The Edward Jones, named in the preceding letter, whose forfeited property the 
Queen had promised to the Earl of Oxford at the instance of Lord Bm*ghley, had 
been recently executed with Ballard, Babington, and others ; and we may here see 
the mancBuvres resorted to by the courtiers of that day to enrich themselves at the 
expense of the victims of justice. The Lord Treasurer's apprehension, that the 
Queen would be anxious to take care of the widow of the unfortunate sufferer, 
forms an unusually amiable trait in the character of Elizabeth. 

Returning to Raleigh, and to his fortunes, we learn from a document in the State 
Paper Office, headed " The Names of all the Vice- Admirals in Englande," that in 
1 687 he was Vice- Admiral of the two important maritime counties of Devon and 
Cornwall, and that Sir John Gilbert, his half-brother, was his deputy in the first, 
and Edward Seymour, eldest son of the Earl of Hertford, in the last. The same list of 
Vice- Admirals includes the Earls of Derby, Leicester, and Pembroke, Lord Cobham, 
and Sir Christopher Hatton, so that Raleigh took rank with all these. 

It seemed almost certain, therefore, that when a Council of War was appointed 
to consider the best mode of resisting the threatened invasion by Spain, Raleigh 
would be named one of its members. It has been stated by some historians, and 
by the last biographer of Raleigh, that this council of war met on the 27th Nov. 
1 587 ;* but, as early as July in that year, measures had been taken, by the Lord 
Treasurer in particular, to obtain the advice .and assistance of the ablest military 
and naval commanders of the kingdom, and they actually drew out a project for the 
defence of the realm, which bears the following introduction, by way of title : — 

" The Lord Treasurer in Councell having willed Mr. Treasurer of the Howshold 
to joyne with the Lord Gray, and call S"^ John Norris, S*^ Thomas Leighton, S"^ Richard 
Bingham, S' Walter Raley, S"^ Frauncis Drake, S' Roger Williams, and Mr. Raph 
Lane, and, upon consultation together, to sett downe such meanes as are fittest to 
putt the forces of the realme in order to withstand any invasion, the project was sett 
downe by them as foUoweth." 

To this succeeds the project itself, as prepared by these celebrated and expe- 
rienced officers ; so that, if the date given upon the document, July, 1 587, be correct, 
as we have every reason to believe it is, there is no doubt that such a Council of War 
had met at least three months before the period commonly assigned. 

• Tytler*8 Life of Raleigh, p. 71. Camden gives no date, but says merely that " Arthur Lord Grey, Sir 
Francis KnoUes, Sir John Norris, Sir Richard Bingham, and Sir Roger Williams, knights and excellent 
soldiers, were made choice of to consult about the best way of managing the war at land.^ — Kennett, ii. 543. 




Life and Services of Sir Walter Raleigh. 



155 



From various sources I derive some new and not uninteresting particulars 
regarding the employment and services of Sir Walter Raleigh, at this busy and 
anxious period, as Vice- Admiral of Devonshire and Cornwall. 1 find that, in an 
account headed " Extraordinarie Paimentes out of the Receipt, from our Ladie dale, 
1587, until Michaelmas following," occurs a large item, of no less than 2,000/. 
(equal perhaps to 10,000/. of our present money) issued to Sir Walter Raleigh, 
"to be employed (as the paper expresses it) accordinge to her Majesties direction." 
That direction, no doubt, applied to the service in which it appears, by a letter 
from himself to Lord Burghley, Sir Walter was engaged in December, 1 587 : viz. 
that of raising 2,000 foot and 200 horse, in the counties over which he was placed, 
to join the army for the general defence of the empire. I cannot discover the 
slightest notice of this valuable letter in any account of Raleigh, but I am afraid 
that it is too long for insertion here. It is in his autograph, and is written to 
the Lord Treasurer in the most free and confidential terms, complaining of the 
difficulties and obstructions the writer experienced, especially from the magistracy. 
*' These men make doubt (Raleigh observes) that your honor's instructions alone 
are not sufficient and safe warrant for their discharge, and that if any refuse to 
contribute, they see not by what they should be inforced, with a thousand dilatory 
cavillations." Nevertheless, Raleigh transmitted to Lord Burghley " an Estimate " 
of the manner in which the 2,000 foot soldiers were to be raised in Cornwall, with 
the nine several captains under whom they were to serve, in the subsequent form : 
it is an important document as regards general military preparations, and an 
interesting one as regards county history, if only from the names it comprises. It 
is indorsed, in Raleigh's hand, " Order for the 2,000 men in Cornwall," and is 
entitled— 

*^ Order for the putting in reddines of the 2000 footemen, accordinge to your honor's 
directions. 

"Two thousand men, under captayns, to repaire to the Court, or elswher, att my lord^s 
directions. 

*' Sir R. Grenvill with his band of . . . .300 



Richard Carew with his 

S'f John Arundell with his . 

M*" Bevill with his . 

The Provost Marshall, John Wray 

Thomas Lower with his 

Tristram Ascote with his 

John Trelany with his 

John Reskener with his 



300 
200 
200 
200 
200 
200 
200 
200.'* 



1 56 Additional Information respecting the 

To the above enumeration the following note was appended by Raleigh: 

" Wee haue apoynted 4 waynes to each hundred, and vittles for fourteen dayes^ 
and wee accompt to mount the one half on hacknies for expedition : wee provide 
tooles for 200 pioners, as well for our own incampinge as to serve her Majesty in 
her camp reall. Also, wee have ordajrned a cornett of horsmen to be in reddines, if 
your honors shall command the same, to be added to these 2000 footemen ; and if 
I shall not be cummanded down my sealf, I have thought good to direct S*^ Richard 
Grenvill to have the conduction of this regiment to bringe them to the campe, 
wherafter your honors may dispose of the charge as it shall best like your 
wisdomes. 

^^ Your honors humblie at cummand, 

" W. Ralegh." 

The Spanish Armada, as all are aware, was defeated and dispersed in the end of 
July and in the beginning of August, 1 588 ; and, as Raleigh's share in the triumph 
is matter of history, it is needless to add anything upon the subject here. After 
the wreck of so many of the enemy on the coast of Ireland, there was an intention 
on the part of the Privy Council, not merely to send troops thither under Sir 
Richard Grenville, but to employ Raleigh also in that part of the kingdom. Upon this 
point the following historical document has been preserved, and has hitherto escaped 
observation. It is the hasty draft of an official letter to Sir Richard Grenville, then 
acting for Raleigh in the counties of Devon and Cornwall, and is indorsed with the 
date of the 1 4th September, 1 588. 

" Right trusty and welbeloved, we grete you well. Wher we have some occasion 
offred to us, by reason of certen shippes, parte of the Spanish Armada, that coming 
about Scotland are dryven to sondry portes in the west of Ireland, to put in red3mes 
some forces to be sent into Ireland, as farder occasion shall be g)rven us, which we 
meane to be shipped in the R)rver of Severn, to passe from there to Waterford or 
Cork, we have thought mete to make choice of you for this service foUowyng. We 
require you, that upon the north cost of Devon and Cornwall, towards Severn, you 
make stay of all shipping mete to transport soldiers to Waterford, and to gyve 
chardg that the same shippes be made redy, with masters, marynors, and all other 
maritym provisions nedefuU, so as upon the next warning gy ven from us, or from 
our Counsel, they may be redy to receave our said soldiors, which shall be three 
hundred out of Cornwall and Devon, and four hundred out of Gloucester and 



Life and Services of Sir Walter Raleigh. . 1 67 

Somerset shires. We have also some further intention to use your service in Ireland 
with the shippes aforesayd^ wherof S' Walter Raleigh, Knight^ whom we have 
acquaynted therewith, shall inform you, who also hath a disposition for our service 
to pass into Ireland, ether with these forces, or before that they shall depart." 

The fact was that the discomfiture and destruction of the enemy had been so 
complete, that it was not found necessary to incur the expense of sending to Ireland 
the 700 men, or the two officers named in the foregoing royal letter. It is true 
that Sir Walter Raleigh was not long afterwards in Ireland, perhaps upon some 
public employment, as well as for the arrangement of his private aflfairs ; and among 
matters " to be propounded to the Counsell" in February 1 589-90, we meet with 
the mention of " a Letter from Sir Walter Raleigh in favour of Teague." It was on 
the occasion of this visit that Sir Francis Allen wrote to Anthony Bacon, on 1 7th 
August, 1589, in these remarkable words, which I quote from the original, pre* 
served at Lambeth, because Birch does not give them precisely as they there stand. 
" My Lord of Essex hath chassed Mr. Rauly from the Court, and hath confiud him 
in to Ireland. Conjecture you the rest of that matter." At this date a coolness, if 
not a quarrel, had occurred between the Earl of Essex and Sir Walter Raleigh ; but, 
although it may have temporarily interrupted, it does not seem by any means to 
have entirely stopped, the flow of the tide of royal favour towards the latter. Upon 
this point the following passage, from one of Anthony Bacon's undated letters at 
Lambeth, is material : '* Sir Walter Rawley having ben almost a yere in disgrace, 
as I thinke you have herd, is yett hoveringe betwene feare and hope ;" but we, 
nevertheless, find him acting as Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall and Warden of the 
Stanneries in 1 59 1 , when the subsequent warrant was addressed to him, which has 
come down to us in the handwriting of Lord Burghley. 

" To Sir Walter Ralegh, Leutenant of Cornwall. 

"We grete you well. Uppon request made by our cousin the Erie of Essex, 
that in place of other comen soldiers now sent into France, there might be sent 
out of Cornwall or Devonshyre forty mynors, we have consented thereto ; and 
therefore we will and require you, by virtue of your office of Warden of the 
Stannery or as Lieutenant of Cornwall, to cause forty mjniors to be chosen and 
prested, whereof one to be mete to conduct the rest, and to send them in some 
vessell to Depe to our said cousyn, and for the charges of the levy, prest, and 
transportation of them by sea, you shall be satisfyed by warrant of our Treasorer 
of England." 



158 Additianal Information respecting the 

A striking proof of the continuance, or at all events of the renewal, of the 
Queen's favour to Raleigh was afforded very soon afterwards. The ordinary 
biographical authorities tell us that he obtained a grant of the manor of Sherborne 
in the year 1594,* but it is indisputable that Elizabeth had bestowed it upon him at 
least two years earlier. Among the Domestic Documents in the State Paper Office 
is preserved the following " Copy of Her Majesty's Letter to the Deane and Chapter 
of Sariim, for confirming the Lease made by the Bishop of Sarum to Her Majestie," 
which lease she had transferred to Raleigh, as is obvious from the contents of the 
paper, in which the Queen uses very peremptory language, in order that her 
" well-beloved servant," Sir Walter Raleigh, might not be kept longer from the 
advantage of the royal gift. 

" Trusty and welbeloved, we greete you well. Upon our pleasure declared to 
the Bishop of Salisburie that now is, he hath yeelded to gratifie us with a leasse, 
made to our self, of, certain lands, parcell of the manor of Sherborn, in our countie 
of Dorset, belonging to his bishoprick, which we required of him to the behoofe of 
our welbeloved servaunt Sir Walter Ral[eigh], knight. And albeit the same 
appeareth now not to proove so beneficiall as our purpose was to our said 
servaunt, by reason of the reservations for divers thinges, the bisshopes pro- 
visions, and of the whole rent reserved unto him, and that the parcelles are 
remaining on lease for divers yeares yet unexpired, we are nevertheles pleased 
to accepte of the same leasse, and to remajm satisfied therewith. And for the 
furder assurance unto us, and so consequently to our said servant, we will and 
require you, fourthwith, upon the receipt of these our letters, to assemble yourselves' 
in chapter, and in due manner to proceede to make a confirmation of the said 
leasse under your chapter scale, in such sort as is requisite, and may be most 
eflfectuall to our said servaunt. Your ready conformities wherein, which we looke 
for aforehand at your handes, we will take in very thankfuU part. Geven under 
our signet, &c. xix® Januarij, 1591, in the xxxiiij^** yeere of our raigne." 

Thus her Majesty, having prevailed upon Dr. Coldwell (not Caldwell, as in 

* "The next year (1594) he was so entirely restored to the Queen's favour, that he obtained from her 
Majesty a grant of the manor of Sherborne, hi Dorsetshire, which had been alienated from the see of Salisbury 
by bishop Caldwell, and was doubtless one of those church lands for accepting which he was censured.*' — 
Chalmers, Biogr. Diet. xxv. 504. 

Tytler says ** that Raleigh's efforts in Parliament procured his partial restoration to the royal fayour is 
evident, from his obtaining at this time a grant of the manor of Sherborne, Dorsetshire." — P. 128. 




Life and Services 0/ Sir Walter Raleigh. 159 

Chalmers), made Bishop of Salisbury in 1591, to relinquish so valuable a source of 
revenue, and to grant a lease of the manor of Sherborne to her, which she had 
assigned to Raleigh, called upon the unwilling Dean and Chapter forthwith to 
confirm the act of the new bishop, notwithstanding the property was not, for 
various reasons, so valuable as she had intended, and as her " well-beloved servant " 
had hoped. This incident certainly does not look as if Raleigh were at all in dis- 
grace at the time, and there is no doubt, in spite of what has often been stated to 
the contrary, that he did not incur the dueen's displeasure until afterwards, when 
his unfortunate intrigue with Elizabeth Throckmorton became matter of notoriety. 
Upon this interesting point of Raleigh's personal history I have something new 
to advance, as well as upon some of the more prominent events of his after life ; but 
I am afraid of trespassing too long upon the attention of the Society, and must 
reserve these particulars for a future evening. At present I content myself with 
having brought Raleigh's history down to the beginning of 1592. 



J. PAYNE COLLIER. 



To William Durrant Cooper, Esq. F.SA. 



160 



XVl.— Continuation of New Materials for a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh: in a Letter 
from J. Payne Collier, Esq. V.P., to John Bruce, Esq j Treasurer. 



Read June 5, 1861. 



My Intention in this, and in my two preceding papers on the same subject, has 
not been, and is not, to give any thing like a new biographical account of Sir 
Walter Raleigh, but merely to touch upon some points, which, I think, have not 
been sufficiently illustrated ; to correct and settle a few dates ; and to add various 
matters that have either been unknown to, or have been passed over by those who 
have professed to write the life of this most deserving, but not less unfortunate, 
favourite of Elizabeth. I make this statement now, because, as I am informed, my 
purpose has been a little misunderstood ; since it has been thought by some, that I 
was aiming at more than I pretend to accompUsh. I merely furnish additional 
materials to those who may hereafter be disposed to treat the inquiry in detail and 
upon system. I recommence where I left oflF in my last ; and beg of those who may 
think matters of the kind not so apposite to our ordinary inquiries, to remember that 
Sir Walter Raleigh was one of the founders of our Society, and on that account 
only, if he had no other claims, would merit the utmost interest we can take regarding 
him. 

The discovery of the intrigue between him and the daughter of Sir N. Throck- 
morton took place in the summer of 1592 ; and a note from Sir Edward Stafford to 
Anthony Bacon, among the MSS. at Lambeth, N®. 648 (which has been quoted by 
Birch, but not exactly as it stands in the original), contains the following remarkable 
passage upon this painful subject. " Yff (says Sir Edward) you have anye thinge 
to doe with Sir Walter Rawley, or any love to make to Mrs. Throgmorton, att the 
Tower, to-morrow you may speake with them, yff the countermande come not to 
night." The date of this communication is 30th July 1692, and hence it is clear 
that the two offenders were then in confinement, under the severe displeasure of the 
dueen ; and the subsequent interesting extract of a Letter, which bears only the 
date of 1 592, without the month or day, in my possession, must have been anterior 
to it : it is entirely occupied by the topic which engrossed the attention of the 



Continuation of New Materials /or a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. 161 

whole Court, and which seems to have occasioned the utmost perturbation, not only 
in the royal mind, but in that of every body about the Queen's person. It does not 
appear to whom the following was addressed, nor by whom it was written, the con- 
cealment having probably been designed, in consequence of the peril to which it 
might then have exposed the parties. 

" S. W. R, as it seemeth, hath beene too inward with one of her Ma**** maides : 1 
feare to say who, but if you should guesse at E. T. you may not be farre wrong. 
The matter hath only now been apparent to all eies, and the lady hath been sent 
away, but nobody believes it can end there. S. W. R. hath escaped from London 
for a tyme ; he will be speedily sent for, and brought back, where what awaiteth 
him nobody knoweth, save by conjecture. All think the Tower will be his dwelling, 
like hermit poore in pensive place, where he may spend his endlesse dales of doubt. 
It is affirmed that they are marryed ; but the Queen is most fiercely incensed, and, 
as the bruit goes, threateneth the most bitter punishment to both the offenders. 
S. W. R. will lose, it is thought, all his places and preferments at court, with the 
Queen's favour : such will be the end of his speedy rising, and now he must fall as 
low as he was high, at the which manie will rejoice. I can write no more at this 
time, and do not care to send this, only you will hear it from others. All is alarm 
and confusion at this discovery of the discoverer, and not indeed of a new conti- 
nent, but of a new incontinent." 

The interest and curiosity of this letter, as regards Raleigh and Elizabeth Throck- 
morton, will be obvious ; but it is valuable in another respect, since it contains a 
quotation from a very celebrated anonymous ballad, which, so far as our information 
at present goes, was first printed in the year after the transaction in reference to 
which it is above cited. A song beginning 

" Like hermit poore in place obscure, 

I meane to spend my dales of endles doubt,'* 

is contained in the " Phoenix Nest," 4to, 1 593 ; and the general character of the 
composition, and the manner in which a portion of it is introduced into the pre- 
ceding letter, and applied personally to Raleigh, might lead to the conclusion 
that he in fact was the author of it. I own that I am myself inclined to this opinion; 
but it would lead us too far out of our way, were I to extract the poem itself, and to 
state fully my reasons for thinking it not improbable, that it ought hereafter to be 
added to the productions of Raleigh's muse. 

VOL. XXXIV. Y 



162 Continuation of New Materials 

The imprisonment of Sir Walter and Elizabeth Throckmorton (if indeed she were 
not then Lady Raleigh) in the Tower, has of course been mentioned by all the bio- 
graphers; but I do not find that any of them state the precise period of their 
discharge. Anthony Bacon had a correspondent about the court of the name of 
Colman, and on the 12th September 1592, he wrote to inform Bacon of " the great 
booty taken by the Earl of Cumberland and Sir Walter Raleigh's ships" at Plymouth; 
and on the 23d of the same month, he sent another letter to him containing the 
following passage, which is quite decisive upon the point : — 

" Sir Walter Ralye is discharged from the Towre, and shewed hym selfe two dales 
in London : he is now gone westward, to looke after his portion of this great gotten 
wealthe." 

Though nothing is said of his lady, we may imagine that, after the principal 
offender had been set at liberty, though, as is known, under charge of Mr. Blunt 
as his keeper, she would not be detained in the Tower ; and here we see that, 
after giving open evidence of his freedom during two days in the metropolis, Raleigh 
had gone to Plymouth to look after the huge prize, the Madre de Dies, which had 
been captured from the Spaniards by his ships, and by those of his partner in the 
enterprize. 

In the State Paper OflSce is preserved a letter from Sir Walter Raleigh, without 
date, but which must have been written by him while he was a prisoner in the 
Tower. It is not easy to understand some parts of it, especially such as refer 
merely to naval affairs (it is addressed " To the right honourable the Lorde High 
Admiral of England"), but other portions, which are personal, are very intelligible, 
and not less interesting. It is not necessary for me to quote the whole of it here ; 
although, were I employed upon a memoir of Raleigh, instead of merely touching 
upon some points of his history, I would not omit a word that proceeded from 
his pen. Among other things he says, 

" I was yesterday advertised from a man of myne, cumminge from the coast of 
Britanye, that there are twentye sbippes of war, that lye between Silley and Ushant 
to take up our Newlandmen, and to watch for any prizes that shalbe sent home : if 
any of the shipps in the narrow seas weare sent for a tyme, or some other course 
taken, it weare most necessarye, or else we shall lose all, and be a scorne to all 
nations. But wee are so much busied with the aflFairs of other nations (of whos 
manytangled trobles there will never be an end) that wee forget our owne affaires, 
our profitt, and our honor." 



for a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. 163 

Thus, in the midst of his own suflferings and anxieties, while a close pri- 
soner, he was directing his attention to the interests and character of his country, 
and as a naval commander suggesting to the Lord High Admiral the best means by 
which the former could be promoted, and the latter sustained. He afterwards turns 
to his own unhappy condition in the following pathetic terms : — 

" I must humblye thanke your Lordshipp for your most honorable care of mee in 
this unfortunate accident ; but I see there is a determination to disgrace mee, and 
ruin mee, and therefore I beseech your Lordship not to oflfend her Majestye any 
farther by seuing for mee. I am now resolved of the matter, and only desire that 
I may be stayd no one howre from all the extremitye that ether lawe or precedent 
can avowch. And if that be too litle, would God it weare withall concluded that I 
might feed the lions as I go by, to save labor, for the torment of my mind cannot 
be greater ; and for the boddye, would others did respect them sealves as much, as 
I valew it at litle ! And so, with my humble dewtye and thankes, which I cannot 
expresse, I leave your Lordshipp to God. 

^' Your Lordshipp's poore kinsman, to do you service for ever, 

'' W. Ralegh." 

The lions to which he wished his miserable body to be thrown were, of course, 
those kept in the Tower, where Raleigh, Uke " a prisoned eagle," was himself confined. 
He must still have been there, not expecting, probably, so speedy a release as he 
experienced in September 1592, when he drew up the following formal document, 
entirely in his own hand-writing, appointing a person of the name of John Meere 
(with whom he afterwards had violent legal disputes) to act as his deputy in the 
manor of Sherborne : it aflfords another decisive proof that he was then not only in 
possession of that property, but was executing many important rights of ownership, 
although some of his biographers have assigned to the dueen's original grant a date 
considerably posterior. 

" Know all men that I, S*" Walter Ralegh, Knight, Capitaine of her Ma*^~ Card, 
and Lord Warden of the Stanneries of Devon and Cornwall, doe hereby aucthorise 
John Meere, my man, to take, cutt, and cary away, or cause to be cutt downe, 
taken, and caryed awaye, all such maner of trees growinge in my manor of Sher- 
borne, or else where within any other my manors or lands in the hundreds of Sher- 
borne or Yedmister, in the county of Dorset, when he shall think convenient ; to 
be employed to my necessarie use in my castell of Sherborne, as to hym I have 
gyven dyrection ; whom I have appointed as well keeper of the same castell and 



1 64 Continuation of New Materials 

to demand and keepe the kayes of the same, as also to be overseer of all my woods 
and tymber within the sayd hundreds, that no spoyle be made therein, or of any 
fesaunts or other game of the free warren whatsoever, within the same. Moreover, 
I doe aucthorise him hereby also to receave to my use all knowledge money, dew 
unto mee by my tenauntes within the sayd hundreds. In witnes whereof I, the 
sayd S"^ Waiter Ralegh, have here unto put my hand and seale the xxviij**» daye of 
Auguste, in the xxxiiij«» yeare of the raigne of our soveraigne Lady EKzabeth, by 
the grace of God Queene of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, Defender of the 
Faythe, &c. 

"W. Ralegh. (L.S.)" 

Of this period a remarkably characteristic letter from Sir Robert Cecill to Sir 
Thomas Henneage has been printed by one of the latest of the biographers of 
Raleigh,* but so incorrectly that I am almost tempted to copy the whole of it here ; 
but I must content myself with a sentence or two, which I transcribe from the 
original. The Lord Treasurer's son had been dispatched with other commissioners 
to the west of England, to take care of the Queen's share of the cargo of the great 
Carrack, the Madre de Dios, already mentioned, and he wrote from Dartmouth on 
2 1 St September, 1 592, in these terms : — 

" Assoone as I came aboord the Carick, on Wednesday at one of clock, with the 
rest of her Ma^** Commissioners, within one half howre S' W. Ralegh arrived with 
his kepar, Mr Blunt. I assure you, syr, his poore servants, to the nomber of 140 
goodly men, and all the mariners, came to him with such showts and joy, as I never 
saw a man more trobled to quiet them in my life. * * * The meeting betweene 
him and S*" John Gilbert was with teares on S"^ John's part. * * * I do grace 
him as much as I may, for I find him mervailous greedy to do any thing to recover 
the conceit of his brutish offence." 

This " brutish offence " was, probably, in Cecill's opinion, much more the dis- 
pleasure Raleigh had excited in the Queen by his conduct towards Elizabeth 
Throckmorton, than any moral crime Sir Robert was likely to discover in it. 

The authors of the various Lives of Sir Walter Raleigh represent, that having 
been returned to Parliament, he became an active member in the Session which 
terminated in the Spring 1 593 ; but it seems evident from a passage in a private 
letter from Lady Raleigh to Sir Robert Cecill, dated in February 1593-4, that at 

'^ Life of Raleigh by Mrs. A. T. Thomson. Svo. 1830. Appendix. 




for a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. 165 

that period her husband contemplated some naval expedition to the westward, 
doubtless to America, which she was most anxious should be impeded : she says, 
" I hope, for my sake, you will rather draw Sir Walter towards the east, than help 
him forward toward the sun-sett, if any respect to me, or love to him, be not for- 
gotten * ♦ ♦. Therefore, I humbly beseech you, rather to stay him than further 
him." I quote from the Additional MSS. in the British Museum (No. 6177), copied 
from the original at Hatfield ; and it is the more important because it affords the 
earliest hint (not hitherto noticed) of the project of Sir Walter Raleigh to fit out an 
expedition for Guiana. This was, as nearly as possible, a year before he actually 
sailed with his small fleet from Plymouth for the purpose of discovering El Dorado, 
and penetrating the continent of South America by the mouths of the Orinoco. 

Lady Raleigh appears to have been devotedly attached to her restless, impatient, 
and enterprising husband, and must have parted from him, on the voyage in ques- 
tion, with the deepest sorrow. Of her anxiety to obtain any intelHgence regarding 
him there is extant proof (if indeed it were wanted), in a letter to her from a mer- 
chant of the name of Martin White, who, under date of 20th May, 1 595, wrote to 
her with tidings he had received from the Canaries, stating, that after lying oflf the 
port for three days, and obtaining fresh water, Raleigh pursued his voyage on the 
6th March. We know from Sir Walter himself, in the printed narrative of his expe- 
dition, that he arrived oflf Trinidad on the 2 2d of that month. To that narrative 
we shall advert more particularly presently. 

In the mean time it is necessary to notice that during the absence of Raleigh, 
and indeed almost as soon as he had quitted England, proceedings were instituted 
in Chancery against the Earl of Huntingdon, to enforce the payment of Lady 
Raleigh's portion, which that nobleman retained in his hands. Although this is 
a new fact in Raleigh's history, it is not one upon which it seems expedient to dwell 
here at any length; but the Harleian MS., No. 6997, contains a draft of a letter 
from Lord Chancellor Puckering to the Earl of Huntingdon upon the subject, which 
goes into the whole case, and contains a passage, which seems to show that Arthur 
Throckmorton, the brother of Lady Raleigh, had either then, or previously, in some 
way questioned the marriage of his sister. Sir John Puckering observes, — " Then 
that Counseller said, that if Mr. Throgmorton stood to be further satisfyed 
concerning his sister's inarryage, that would not be abydden, but would be taken in 
great offence." It does not appear, however, that Arthur Throckmorton did seek to 
be further satisfied ; and we gather from a note from him to the Lord Chancellor, 
preserved in the same MS., that both he and Lady Raleigh were anxious that Sir 
Walter might have the use of the money. The whole transaction is obscure, and 



1 66 C(mtinuati(m of New Materials 

we are not aware of the existence of any document giving the result of the 
proceeding. All that is certain is, that Lady Raleigh was entitled to some portion, 
in consequence of the death of her mother, which the Earl of Huntingdon with- 
held, and that a suit was commenced in Chancery to compel pajrment of the money 
for the use of Sir Walter, who, as Arthur Throckmorton states, had " faUen into 
extremity," owing to disappointment in the receipt of it. 

The copy of the licence granted by Queen Elizabeth " To our servant Sir Walter 
Raleigh, knight. Warden of our Stannery and Lieftenant of our County of Corn- 
wall," (so indorsed by Sir Robert Cecill,) before the commencement of his voyage to 
Guiana early in the spring of 1695, is an important historical record, but it is too 
long for insertion here. It authorises Raleigh to fit out two ships and two pinnaces, 
and to possess and enjoy, to his own use, such goods and merchandizes, treasure, 
gold, and silver, as he might take by sea or land, paying to the Queen and her 
officers ^' such customs and duties as appertaine :" it was under this warrant that 
Raleigh sailed, and it was of this expedition that he published an account directly 
after his return, under the title of '* The Discoverie of the large, rich, and beautiful 
Empire of Guiana, with a relation of the great and golden citie of Manoa, which the 
Spaniards call El Dorado." 

All the known copies of this tract bear date in 1596; but it is an interesting 
point connected with it, that such was its popularity, and such the demand for it, 
that it went through two editions immediately. I have never met with a copy of the 
first edition, excepting that in my hands and one other, but any person who is able to 
compare the two will perceive in a moment that the second edition was corrected in 
many places, most likely by the author, and that the typographical variations are 
innumerable : there are more than a hundred of the latter in the Dedication only, 
although, both impressions being the work of the same printer, the type is extremely 
similar, but by no means identical. The whole substance of the work is the same 
in each ; and it is a point of some interest, that, between the date of the appear- 
ance of one edition and of the other, whatever the interval may have been, Raleigh 
did not see reason to alter a single position he had laid down, or to qualify a word 
he had written. The importance of this circumstance will be perceived at once, 
when we bear in mind how the statements contained in Raleigh^s " Discovery " 
have been at various periods impugned. 

Camden informs us that Raleigh was in disgrace with Elizabeth even up to 1 696^ 
when he commenced the voyage to Guiana ;• and it is to be remarked that the Queen, 

* Annals in Kennett, ii. 584. 




for a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. 1 67 

in her warrant on that occasion already refen-ed to, does not call him her " trusty" 
or her "well-beloved servant/' terms usually employed, but merely her " servant ;" 
and we know that on his return he did not, as might have been expected, repair to 
Court to throw himself at the feet of her Majesty, but retired at once to Sherborne. 
Two letters from his uterine brother, Sir John Gilbert, addressed to him there, have 
been preserved, but have never been quoted, the one dated I7th January, 1596, 
and the other 1 6th March following, so that Raleigh's residence in seclusion on his 
estate was of some permanence. The first of these communications, neither of 
which it is necessary to cite at length, conveyed information (on the authority of 
a Frenchman who had arrived at Exeter from Spain) that Philip II. had dispatched 
forces to Guiana, since Raleigh had been there, and had held out great encourage- 
ment to settlers in that part of America. The second of Sir John Gilbert's letters 
adverts to the Spanish preparations against England, and adds, besides, that 1400 
soldiers, and six vessels, carrying men, women, and children, had actually sailed for 
Guiana from one of the southern ports of the Peninsula. 

To this period is to be assigned an original letter from Raleigh to Lord Cobham, 
which is also quite new, and contains some matter worth recording, in relation to 
Raleigh's prospects and circumstances in the year 1 696 : the date is ascertained 
by the fact that the writer mentions in it the recent death of Lord Hunsdon. 
Raleigh was then at Weymouth, and he says, 

" I am reddy now to obey your commandments. If you will come to the 
Bathe, I will not fayle you, or whatsoever your Lordship will use me in in this worlde- 
1 will now looke for the Lord Henry of Northumberland, who, I think, will be here 
shortly, knowing my returne ; and I doubt not but he will meet us also at the 
Bathe, if your Lordship acquaynt hym with the tyme. It is best, if your Lordship 
purpose it, to take the end of this moneth att farthest. I hear that the Lord Cham- 
berlayne is dead ; if it be so, I hope that your Lordship may be stayed uppon good 
cause : if it be not so, I could more willingly come eastward then ever I did in my 
life." 

Hence we see how desirous Raleigh was " to come eastward," by which he 
must mean from Sherborne to the Court in London, an expression the more notice- 
able, because the above is the first letter Raleigh is known to have written subse- 
quent to his return from his voyage. The postscript is a curious one, and adverts 
to his man Meere or Meeres ( before spoken of ) with whom Raleigh was at this time 
at law respecting Sherborne, and who had been supported in his misconduct by 
Viscount Byndon, towards whom Raleigh seems to have been influenced by peculiar 



1 68 Continuation of New Materials 

enmity. It is so remarkable and characteristic, that I cannot refrain from quoting 
it precisely as it stands. 

" My Lord Viscount hath so exalted Meere's sutes against me in my absence, as 
neather Mr. Serjeant Heale, nor any else, could be heard for me to stay trialls, while 
I was out of the land in her Majesties service, a right and curtesy afforded to every 
begger. I never busied mysealf with the Viscount, neather upon his extortions, or 
poysoninge of his wife, as it is here avowed and spoken. I have forborne hym in 
respect of my Lord Thomas, and chiefly because of Mr. Secretory, who, in his love 
to my Lord Thomas, hath wisht mee to it : but I will not indure wrong at so peevish 
a foole's hand any longer. I will rather loose my life ; and I think that my Lord 
Puritan Periam doeth think that the Queen shall have more use of roggs and viUajmes 
than of mee, or else he would not, at Byndon's instance, have 5delded to try actions 
agaynst me, being out of the lande." 

Not long afterwards we find Sir Walter Raleigh again in a public employment of 
great importance, for he commanded the fourth squadron of the fleet which sailed 
from England for Cadiz in June 1 596, thg whole armament by sea and land being 
under the orders of Lord Charles Howard and the Earl of Essex. This new demand 
for Raleigh's active services is unquestionably to be taken as a striking tribute to 
his talents and to his experience ; for even at this period he had not been by any 
means restored to the favour of the Queen, who never admitted him to her presence, 
and refused to allow him to discharge the duties of Captain of the Guard, although 
retaining the appointment. If she gave her consent that he should be one of the 
Admirals of the fleet under Howard, it was, no doubt, because she was compelled 
to acknowledge his deserts, and because she was anxious that all the naval and 
military skill of her kingdom should be concentrated, and directed to the great 
object of impoverishing, crippling, and humbling the Spaniard. 

In fact, the final reconciliation between Elizabeth and Raleigh did not take place 
until shortly before he proceeded with her favourite Essex on what has been called 
"the Island Voyage ;" but still the utmost public confidence seems to have been 
reposed in him, for while the preparations for that new enterprise were in progress, 
no less a sum than 18,900/. (not fnr short of 100,000/. of our present money) was 
placed in his hands, that he might provide victuals for 6,000 men to be employed in 
that service. The warrant authorising the delivery of the money bears date on the 
2 1 St April, 1 597 ; and it is a circumstance that has never been adverted to in refe- 
rence to Raleigh's duties at the period at which we have now arrived. 



^ 



for a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, 169 

Sir Walter having, as is well known, succeeded in producing a temporary recon- 
cilement between the Earl of Essex and Sir Robert Cecill, the latter, in the autumn 
of 1 598, seems to have exerted himself extraordinarily, but with what success is 
uncertain, to improve the value or the tenure of Raleigh's property at Sherborne ; 
and in the State Paper Office is preserved a remarkably imperative letter from Cecill 
to Dr. Bennett, then Dean of Windsor, who had power in the affair, perhaps as one 
of the Chapter of Salisbury Cathedral, requiring him without delay to take steps, 
not very clearly indicated, but obviously intended to accomplish some purpose 
which the owner of the estate had at heart. " I require, therefore (says Cecill 
on the 19th Sept. 1598), to this letter only such answer as I may trust to, which 
shall be a defensative to all such suggestions, whereby you shall make me not repent 
my former good will towards you, but shall confirme hereafter my desire to do you 
farther pleasure in any cause where your name shall come in question." The sig- 
nature is torn ofiF, but the paper is indorsed " S. R. C." (i e. Sir Robert Cecill,) to 
" D. W." (i. e. Dean of Windsor), and the address is at length. 

Those who have written the Life of Raleigh have supposed that about the year 
1598 he was sometimes in retirement at Sherborne, and sometimes in attendance 
at court ; but not one of them has mentioned what seems to be a fact, and a fact of 
considerable importance, that he was in Ireland again in October 1598. The 
evidence upon this point is the existence, in Raleigh's hand- writing, of a letter from 
him to Cecill, dated in the indorsement 20th Oct. 1598, but without any place, the 
contents of which, if they establish any thing, show that Raleigh had ofifered a pecu- 
niary reward for the head of a distinguished rebel in Ireland, — that the matter had 
been in some way exposed, and that the Secretary had been apprehensive lest it 
should be brous^ht home to him. It is short, and I extract the whole of it : — 

" Sir, 
'^ It can be no disgrace, if it weare known that the killing of a rebell weare prac- 
tised ; for you see that the lives of anoynted princes are dayly sought, and we have 
alwayes in Irelande geven head mony for the killinge of rebells, who are evermore 
proclaymed at a price. So was the Earle of Desmond, and so have all rebells byn 
practised agaynst. Notwithstanding, I have written this inclosed to StaflFord, who 
only recommended that knave to me uppon his creditt : but, for your sealf, you are 
not to be touched in the matter ; and for mee I am more sorry for being deceived, 
than for being declared in the practize. 

" Your honor's, to do your service, 

'' W. Ralegh." 
" Hee hath nothing under my hand but a passport." 

VOL. XXXIV. z 



170 Continuation of New Materials for a Life of Sir Walter Raleigh. 

What Raleigh inclosed to Stafford has not come down to us, or the whole trans- 
action might be more intelligible. Ireland was in revolt during the whole of 
1 598, and the English had been in more than one place signally defeated ; and 
we can only conjecture that Tyrone was the rebel alluded to by Raleigh, and that 
in consequence of the disastrous appearance of the Clueen^s affairs at this date he 
had been sent to Ireland, and had offered the head-money in question with the 
approbation of the cautious Cecill, who, however, did not like to appear in the 
matter. At all events this, as far as it goes, is a new and singular feature in 
Raleigh's life and character. 

It was my intention to have concluded in this paper what I had to say respecting 
Raleigh ; but, although I have abridged some points, and totally omitted others, I 
find it impossible to bring it within any thing like a reasonable compass. On this 
account I postpone the remainder until a future occasion. 



J. PAYNE COLLIER. 



To John Bruce, Esq., Treas. S.A. 



171 



XVII. — On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 
By John Yonge Akerman, F.S.A.y Secretary. 



Read May 29, 1851. 

In submitting the following remarks to the Society of Antiquaries, I must^ at the 
outset, declare that my object is rather to review the evidence we possess, than to 
oflFer any conjecture or theory of my own. It will be by all allowed, that the 
careful bringing together of facts already known, but scattered and disconnected, 
must, at all times, tend to assist archaeological research, and save the trouble and 
tedium of referring to detached notices bearing on the subject of our inquiry. 

The remark of Bacon, that antiquities are hke the fragments of a wreck thrown 
ashore by the waves of the ocean, is especially applicable to the more minute 
objects which engage the attention of the archaeologist. The fragmentary evidence 
we thus obtain in the examination of the weapons and utensils of past ages, though 
often meagre and unsatisfactory, yet assures us that from this evidence our deduc- 
tions must often be formed, and that in them alone we must seek for the informa- 
tion which is denied us by the historian. Sometimes, however, we find the monu- 
mental evidence at variance with historical recital ; sometimes both agree in a man- 
ner to satisfy and delight the inquirer, and open to a wider retrospect ; but fre- 
quently the objects which have been spared by time serve only to perplex us, 
especially when they do not agree with the descriptions of ancient authors, or 
they suggest to us the necessity of further research, comparison, and inquiry. 

In the infancy of nations, the weapon which served the purpose of the hunter in 
the chase, or which was applied to the ordinarf^ uses and requirements of every-day 
life, was doubtless the only arm of a barbarous people in the time of strife. The 
stone hatchets, hammers, and lance-heads of the primitive races of Britain, resemble 
very closely the weapons found in various other parts of the world ; and thus we 
perceive that man in his primitive state has availed himself of the same resources 
throughout the whole habitable globe. In all countries the stone axe and the ham- 
mer have been found. The examples on the table comprise axe-heads from New 
Zealand^ from Mexico, from Ireland, from various parts of Great Britain, and 
also from Australia, the inhabitants of which have never attained to the use of the 
bow. The two examples here exhibited, were presented to me by Mr. Gould, the 
eminent ornithologist, who brought them himself from that country. One is 



I 



172 



On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 



formed like the stone hatchet of the primitive European races, and the mode in 
which it is fixed in its handle is doubtless identical. Tlie other is constructed of a 
fragment of flint embedded in a concrete mass, in which is inserted a wooden handle. 





Stone Axe from Northern Australia. 
Size 1.6th. 



Stone Hammer from Western Australia. 
Size l-6th. 



The period which has been termed by antiquaries the Bronze Age should be 
subdivided, for the weapons of bronze which have come down to us, di£Fer so 
much in character, that the arms of two remote nations could scarcely be more 
dissimilar. Thus, for example, the bronze weapons, which consist of a very broad 
and short blade fitted into a handle of wood, are evidently the work of an &ge long 
anterior to the leaf-shaped sword, of which so many examples have been discovered. 
There is an identity of character in the more primitive weapon which the antiquary 
cannot have failed to remark, throughout the whole of Europe once peopled by the 
Celtic tribes. I need cite but a few specimens. The first four are examples 
found in Celtic barrows in North Wilts,* the fifth was discovered in France, and 
the sixth in Switzerland.^ 

*■ Hoare*8 Ancient Wiltshire, plates xiv. xv. xxiii. xxvii. and xxviii. Representations, on a reduced scale, 
of these curious primitive weapon?, are given in my Archaeological Index, plate v. figs. 40—43. A weapon 
of the same construction was found in a barrow at Blandford in Dorsetshire. Others of similar form have 
been discovered in the barrows of Derbyshire by Mr. Bateman. 

*> Art-Helvetische Waffen und Gerathschaften aus der Sammlung der H. Alt-Landammann Ldhner in 




On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 173 

All these are evidently the first attempts of a barbarous people to convert and 
apply metal to some purpose of necessity or utility. Now, the leaf- shaped swords 
were really efifective weapons, and the spear-heads, so often found with them, still 
more so. That they are casts from the weapons of a more civilised race there 
cannot be a doubt. 

We have abundant testimony that the earliest weapons were formed of brass, but 
whether the swords of the Jews in early times were fashioned of that metal we 
have no evidence ; it seems probable that they were, and, if so, their spear-heads 
would also be of brass. The huge spear of the Philistine, whose assault was nearly 
fatal to David, was formed of brass.' The lines of Hesiod, — 

Toli h* "^oKKta fA€y T€vj(€a, )^dX*:eoc be re olt:oi, 
\a\K^ b* epyd^ovTO' fieXas b^ ovk €(tk€ (rlbrjpos. 

Op. et Dies, Lib. i. 149, 150. 

indicate the primitive use of brass.^ Homer everywhere speaks of brass weapons ; 
and the lines of Lucretius, 

Posterius ferri vis est aerisque reperta, 

Sed prius aeris erat quam ferri cognitus usus, 

have been often quoted. But, though the poet tells us this, there is no precise 
information as to the time that civilised nations first used iron and cast aside their 
brass weapons.*^ We have the testimony of Pausanias as to the ancient use of brass. 
The spear of Achilles, which he says was preserved in the temple of Minerva at 
Phsesus, was both armed and shod with brass ; and from the same writer we learn 
that the sword of Memnon, in the temple of the Nicomedenses sacred to Escula- 
pius, was formed entirely of that metal.** 

Than, beschreiben von F. Keller; Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Zurich, Zweiter Band, 
taf. ii. Zurich, 4to. 1844. 

* Samuel, ii. xxi. 16. 

•* Virgil was of course fully aware of the use of brass in the fabrication of arms in the heroic ages. 

^rata^que micant peltae, micat cBveus ensis. — -^n. vii. 743. 

® Cassiodorus tells us that Belus invented the iron sword I — Belus ferrcum gladium primus produxit : a quo 
et helium placuit nominari. Variarum, lib. i. c. xxx. See Eustathius on Homer's Iliad, tt. for the epithets of 
Mars, xaXxcos^Aprjs, 6 (rlbrjpos''Aprjs, 

^ B^/3a(0c bk Kai &\\\oi fioi top \6yov ey ^affrjXibi avaKti^evov ev *Adr\vas leptp to bopv 'A^eWtws, Kai 
liiKOfJiTibevffiy ^AffKXrjiriov va^ yidxatpa fj MifiyoyoSy icac tov fiey >/ re aix/ii) Kai o (TavpwTt)p, 1/ ^ayuipa bt 
rac hta ira(rrjs x^^^^'ov ireirolrjTai, Lib. iii. c. 3. A brass spear-head and a sword were found in the tomb of 
Theseus. Plutarch in Theseo, c. 35. 



1 74 On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 

Now, there cannot be a doubt that the priests took care to show to the votaries at 
these temples weapons of considerable antiquity, and then obsolete ; indeed Pausa^ 
nias, who flourished in the reign of Commodus, remarks, a little further on, that in 
the heroic ages weapons were universally fabricated of brass.* 

Polybius describes the swords of the Gauls in their encounter with the Romans 
in the year of Rome 531, B.C. 223. Their weapons, he says, were large and blunt, 
and their shields mere targets, while the swords of the Romans were small and 
sharp, and their bucklers covered their bodies effectually. When the Gauls struck 
at their enemies their swords bent like a strigil, and they were necessitated to 
straighten them by placing them under their feet before they could give a second 
blow.^ This description has been supposed to apply to badly- tempered iron swords, 
but it appears rather to refer to the leaf-shaped brass weapons of which so many 
examples have been preserved. If we bend one of these swords we shall at once 
perceive the appropriateness of the historian's simile.^ 

The question as to the time when civilised nations resorted to the use of iron is 
only connected with our present object in so far as it affords us some indication of 
the period when the iron age may have succeeded that of brass in Gaul and Britain. 
We have occasional glimpses in Herodotus, which assist us a little in the inquiry, 
though not sufficiently to enable us to pronounce with certainty. Speaking of the 
Ethiopians, he says, the very manacles of their prisoners were made of gold, brass 
being of all metals the most rare among them.^ Here we are justified in assuming 
that brass at that time was applied to all those uses to which iron was converted at 
a later period. In another place, however, he says that the weapons of the Massa- 
getae, in the days of Cyrus, were made of brass,^ adding nevertheless that their 

'^ If we could receive the narrative of Quintus Curtius as literal history, we might attach some importance 
to the speech which this author puts in the mouth of Darius,— ^rro geri bella, non auroy lib. v ; but it is 
allowed that Quintus Curtius flourished in the days of the emperors, when the use of iron had become general. 
It may be safely inferred, however, that in the time of Alexander the Greek weapons were of the latter metal. 
A7 t€ fia^aipai Tfiis KaraffKevalsy Kaddirepy elprjTai irporepov, fiiav e'^ovvi fiey irputriiv Kara^opav 
Kaipiay utto Ce rauriys evdiias anolvtrTpovvTai, ica fiirro fie tai Kara fiijKos Kai Kara irXaros evi TOtroyroy^ Cere, 
VLV /ij) biij Tis hvaarpoff^tiv rois xpwfiiyois, eipeirrayTes trpos rj)i/ yrjy &7rev0vvat t^ irohly reXibts AirpaKvoy elyai 
rrjy bevrtpay nXrjyrjy avraty. Lib. ii. c. 83. 

*■ While this sheet was in the press I have been informed by M . Troyon that he has discovered in Switzer- 
land, with remains of the Celtic period, iron swords answering more fully to the description of Polybius, and 
certainly anterior to the Roman dominion. 

^ Thalia, xxiii. Ixxii. 

* "Oo-a fiey yap es alxfius, Kai upbis, Kal adyapis, XO.Xk^ to, vayra xp^ftf^rai ♦♦*♦♦• tribifpf be 
ovb* apyOpu) Kpewyrai ohbiy, oifbe yap ovbk erfi ktrri ly r^ X^pfl* Clio, ccxv. 




On same of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 175 

country, though it abounded in gold, did not produce iron. Plato observes that 
iron and brass are the instruments of war,' a remark which, coupled with the 
notice of Herodotus just quoted, favours the conjecture that in the fifth century 
B. c. iron weapons had begun to supplant those of brass among the civilised nations 
of antiquity.*^ 

Tacitus, in the Manners of the Germans, says it was evident from the arms of these 
people that iron was rare among them ; that few of them had swords and lances ; 
and that the greater part were armed with a description of short spear or javelin 
csiXLedframeaj which served them either as a dart or in close conflict. This framea, 
he tells us, had a narrow short head of iron.*^ But in the second book of the 
Annals, Germanicus is represented addressing the Roman soldiers, and contrasting 
the long unwieldy spear of the barbarians with the Roman pilum.** We may account 
for these discrepancies in the fact that the great historian had a higher object in 
view than such details, — that his principal design in the Annals was to exhibit a 
model to his countrymen in the person of Germanicus, and in his description of 
the Germans to paint simple manners and riide virtues, which the Romans affected 
to despise. 

The firm establishment of the Roman power in Gaul and Britain, if it did not 
obliterate all traces of nationality, doubtless led to the adoption of the weapons as 
well as the chief habits of the conquerors. It is well known to the antiquary that 
the ancient Britons observed the rite of cremation more frequently than that of 
sepulture. In this respect the Roman practice of cremation, which had become 
universal at the time of the subjugation of Gaul and Britain, must have already 
assimilated to that of the conquered, and it is admitted on all sides that we cannot 
distinguish in this country the uninscribed sepulchre of a Roman from that of a 
Romanised Briton. These remarks are necessary, because they account for the 
want of those indicia which are furnished by the sepulchral remains of the period 

• ^thrjpos Ka\ \a\*^0Sy iroX^fifoy opyava. De Legibus, xii. 

^ We must not, however, overlook the fact that iron and brass are mentioned together in various parts of 
the Old Testament; vide, inter alia, Gen. iv. 22, Deuteron. jcxxiii. 25, and 2 Chron. xxiv. 12. Iron alone 
is mentioned in 1 Kings, vi. 7 ; 1 Samuel, xvii. 7 ; 2 Samuel, xiii. 7 ; Job, xli. 7. 

® Ne ferrum quidem superest, sicut ex genere telorum coUigitur. Ran gladiis aut majorihus lancets 
atimtur: hastas, vel ipsorum vocabulo, yram^a^, gerunt, angusto et brevi ferro, sed ita acri et ad usum habili, 
ut eodem telo, prout ratio poscit, vel cominus vel eminus pugnent ; et equcs quidem scuto frameaque contentus 
est. De Morib. Germ. c. vi. 

d Nee enim immensa barbaronim scuta, enormes hastas, inter truncos arborum et enata humo virgulta 
perinde haberi, quam pila, et gladios, et haerentia corpori tegmina. Annales, ii. 14. 



1 76 On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 

we have next to discuss. From the Roman tombs we never obtain arms, and in the 
effigies of some of the sculptured sepulchral stones, such as those found at Water- 
more near Cirencester,* we see nothing which would not accord with the period of 
Caesar's invasion, though these memorials are, in fact, as late as the days of the 
Antonines. 

Let us therefore turn to those authors who speak of that mighty confederacy 
known as the Franks, a people of cognate habits with those races who are said to 
have effected so great a change in Britain at a much later period of history, and 
whose arms and dresses were no doubt at one time very similar. Sidonius ApoUi- 
naris, who flourished in the middle of the fifth century, gives us a very graphic 
picture of those warriors. He describes the fierce glance of their blue eyes, their 
shaven heads with the hair left as a crest at the top, their belted loins and bare 
knees, their skill in casting the axe, and their being trained to arms from their 
earliest years : 

Ad frontem coma tracta jacet, nudataque cen-ix 
Setanim per damna nitet, turn lumine glauco 
Albct aquosa acies, ac vultibus undique rasis, 
Pro barba tcnues perarantur pectine cristas, 
Strictius assutas vestes procera coerccnt 
Membra viriim, patet his altato tegmine poples, 
Latus et angustum suspendit baltheus alvum. 
Excussisse citas vastum per inane bipennes, 
£t plagao pra^cisse locum, clypeosque rotare 
Ludus, et intortas praecedcrc saltibus hastas, 
Inquc hostem venisse prius : puerilibus annis, 
Est belli maturus amor : si forte premantur, 
Sen numero, seu forte loci mors obruit illos 
Non tiroor **• 

Procopius, a century later, describes the axe with which the Franks fought, and 
their manner of fighting. Among the hundred thousand men led by Theodebert 
into Italy there were only a few horsemen about his person, and these were armed 
with javelins only. The remainder consisted of infantry, with neither bow nor 
javelin, but armed with hatchets, swords, and bucklers. The hatchet had a broad 
blade and a short handle, and occasionally a shower of these discharged at the 
enemy cleft their shields and rendered them defenceless.'' 

■ Archaeologia, vol. XXVII. plate XIV. ^ Sidon. Apoll. Paneg. in Majoriano. 

c Bell. Goth. lib. ii. c. 25. 




On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 1 77 

Agathias, the continuator of Procopius, says, " The arms of the Franks are very 
simple : they wear neither coat of mail nor greaves, but their legs and thighs are 
defended by bands of linen or leather. Their cavalry is inconsiderable, but they are 
formidable on foot ; they wear a sword on the left thigh and carry a buckler. They 
use neither bow nor sling, but they are armed with double axes (tcXsiccis' ajx^ierTdjutous') 
and angones (ayyoovas), with which they do most execution. These angones are of a 
length that may be both used as a javelin or in close fight against a charge of the 
enemy. The staff of this weapon is covered with iron laminae or hoops, so that but 
rery little wood appears, even down to the spike at the butt-end. On either side of 
the head of this javelin are certain barbs (icajxTruXai rivls^ owc/Ses') projecting downward 
close together as far as the shaft. The Frank soldier, when engaged with the 
enemy, casts his angon, which, if it enter the body, cannot be withdrawn, in conse- 
quence of the barbs. Nor can the weapon be disengaged if it pierce the shield, 
for the bearer of the shield cannot cut it off because of the iron plates with which 
the staff is defended, while the Frank, rushing forward, jumps upon it as it trails on 
the ground,* and thus, bearing down his antagonist's defence, cleaves his skull with 
his axe, or transfixes him with a second javelin.^" 

In all these accounts, we have a particular mention of the bipennis or double 
axe, but in the last only is a description of the an^on or barbed javelin. Each 
description is minute and circumstantial, and appears to have been derived 
from the personal observation of the writer. In the lines of Sidonius Apollinaris 
there is evidence that truth has not been sacrificed to poetical description. We see 
the fierce Teuton in his characteristic arms and costume ; even the banded leg and 
bare knee remind us of the peculiar clothing of the limbs of the figures in the 
illuminations of our Anglo-Saxon manuscripts. 

» We learn from Plutarch, that Marius caused his soldiers to fasten the heads of their pila with two pins, 
one of them of wood, which on the weapon being cast, broke on the impact, and trailed on the ground so as to 
embarrass the enemy. It is difficult to conceive how this was effected if the spear-head was fastened by a 
socket. A very singular javelin with a shifting head is described in Grettis Saga, quoted by Bartholin, 
Ant. Dan. lib. ii. cap. 7. 

^ Agathias, lib. ii. — Vegetius, lib. i. c. 2, informs us, that in his day the barbarians were armed with two or 
three javelins, a weapon which had fallen into disuse among the Romans. He states that those once used by the 
Roman soldiers had triangular heads a foot long, that when skilfully cast they would penetrate a coat of mail, and 
that if they entered the buckler they could not easily be extracted. The Danes and Anglo-Saxons continued 
to use them. In Olafs Tryggvasonar Saga, the king is described as using three of these javelins : Olafr 
Konungr |)a er hann sa at Eirikr Jarl var kominn i fyrirrumit a Orminum, skaut konungr til bans jirimr 
kesium skamskeptum, t. e. Rex Olaus Comitem Ericum in navem suam, serpentem dictam, ascendisse conspi- 
cieas, trea hastas brevioris ligni in eum emittit. Bartholin. Antiq. Dan. lib. ii. c. 7. 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 A 



1 78 On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 

The discrepancy between the accounts of Procopius and Agathias, — the first 
stating that the Franks were chiefly armed with swords and axes, and the latter 
describing the angon as the principal and most eflfective weapon, — can only be recon- 
ciled by the conclusion that at this period the Franks altered their mode of warfare 
and had adopted the angon from some other nation, for it is impossible to conceive, 
that, in the very circumstantial description of the shape and use of that formidable 
weapon, given by Agathias, he has drawn upon his imagination. Yet in the very many 
Frank cemeteries which have been explored on the continent of Europe no well 
authenticated example of the angon has been found, while numerous spears without 
barbs, resembling those found in England, have been discovered. Dr. RigoUot 
observes, that there are in the Museum of Antiquities at Amiens, specimens of 
javelins, found in Merovingian graves, which may represent the angon ; but, from 
the drawing with which that gentleman has favoured me, I am led to a diflferent 
conclusion. In the example in question the blade is not unlike those of the 
spears foimd in our Anglo-Saxon graves, without barbs, and with a cross-bar below 
the cusp like a boar-spear. Nor is that found by the Abb^ Cochet, in the cemetery 
at Londinieres, more satisfactory ; neither of the objects answer the minute 
description of Agathias. Examples of barbed javelins were found at Selzen, but 
they do not answer the description of Agathias.' In England, though many Franks 
must have found a settlement in this island in the decline of the empire, no spear 
of the kind described by the historian has ever been discovered, but several 
examples of the iron axe, of a shape similar to those met with in Merovingian 
cemeteries in France, have been found in the tumuli of Kent. 

» Ducangc, voce Angon, strangely enough identifies this weapon with the axe. He could not have read 
the description of Agathias. Gregory of Tours does not mention the angon distinctly, but he says that, 
when the Franks pillaged the basilica of Agen, the hands of some of them were scorched by a mystenous fire, 
while others, separated from their companions, pierced themselves with their own javelins — propriis se jaculis 
sauciabant. Hist. Franc, lib. viii. c. 35. 

The description of the spear of Thorolf, in EigiVs Saga, in some respects answers to that of the angon, 
but it is evidently different in others : *^ Kesiu hafdi hann ({>orolfr) i hendi fiodrin var tveggia aLia laung ok 
sleginn framm broddr ferstrendr en upp var fiodrin breid. falrinn baedi langr ok digr. Skaptid var eigi herra 
en taka matti hendi til fals ok furduliga digrt, iartcinn var i falnum ok skaptid allt jamvasit. )>au spiot voru 
kollut bryn|)varar ; t. e. Thorulfus hastam manu tenuit, cujus ferrum duas ulnas longum, in mucronem 
quatuor acies habentem desinebat, pars vero quae manubrium proprior erat, lata fuit; interstitiom inter 
mucronem et hastile, longum et crassum erat. Hastile non longius erat, quam ut praedictum interstitium 
attingi posset manu (erecta extremo hastilis in terram defixo). Interstitium oblongum fuit et ferreum. 
Lignum laminisferreis circumdatum eraL Istius modi hastas dicebantur Brynthvarae." Bartholini, Anti- 
quitates Danicae, lib. ii. cap. 8. 




On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 



179 



By the kindness of Mr. Rolfe of Sandwich I am enabled to exhibit three examples 
of the franeisca, or '* taper-axe." No. 1, he informs me, was found in the burial- 
place explored at Ozengel, near Ramsgate, in 1845. That marked No. 2 was disco- 
vered in a grave at Coombe, in the parish of Wodensborough, midway between that 
place and Ash, near Sandwich. With it were found a bronze dish, fine specimens 
of glass, and a sword of extraordinary size and beauty. The axe, being an 
imsightly object, was thrown aside as worthless ! No. 3 was dug up at the corner of 
Bichborough Castle field, near the cottage, about twenty years ago, by labourers 
employed by Mr. Rolfe to search for foundations of a period subsequent to the 
Roman possession. Its shape differs from that of the franeisca, and resembles 
those of the axes in the hands of the figures in the Bayeux tapestry. 






No. 1. 



No. 2. 
Anglo-Saxon Axes found in Kent, size i. 



No. 3. 



Other specimens of the franeisca will be found on the table ; among them is that 
already exhibited by Mr. Roach Smith at a previous meeting, presented to that 
gentleman by the Abb^ Cochet, by whom it was discovered in France. But the 
object deserving our especial attention is the iron head of a very small axe, exhibited 
by Mr. Acton. It was found at Colchester, and in shape so closely resembles that 
of the franeisca, that we may regard it as a not inappropriate illustration of the 
lines of Sidonius ApoUinaris, already quoted, in which the Frank is described as 
trained to the casting of his favourite weapon from his earliest years. 




Small axe found at Colchester, 
sixe i. 




Franeisca from a cemetery at Londinieres, 

size i. 



1 80 On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 

The axe, however, is more commonly found in the Merovingian graves, and but 
seldom in those which have been opened in this country. Indeed the number of 
weapons discovered in the ancient graves of France far exceeds that in the graves of 
the fifth and sixth centuries hitherto explored in England ; a circumstance which 
may be accounted for by the fact that the Frank warrior scarcely ever laid aside his 
arms, especially the axe, which we are told received the name of Francisca from its 
being the favourite and peculiar weapon of this people. Clovis, on some occasions, 
appears to have used it with terrible effect. A story is told by Gregory of Tours 
which shows that the axe was the favourite weapon of the Franks of all ranks, and 
that it was rarely out of their hands. The soldiers of Clovis, among their other 
violences, had plundered a sacred edifice of a valuable vase ; the Bishop sent a 
messenger to the King to entreat that it might be restored. " Come with me to 
Soissons," said Clovis to the messenger, " and we will see if it can be recovered." They 
proceeded to the city, where the monarch's troops were dividing the spoil, and the 
vase was at once pointed out and given up ; but a Frank, more daring than the rest, 
presumed to dispute the surrender, and struck the vessel with his axe. The mes- 
senger departed with the much-prized though probably ruined object, and Clovis 
appeared to overlook both the injury and the insult ; but the next year, at a review 
of his troops, he singled out the vase-breaker, whose arms were in an unsoldierlike 
condition. Seizing the soldier s axe, he threw it on the ground, exclaiming, " Thou 
alone art unworthy to appear before me ; thy spear, sword, and axe, are useless." 
The man stooped to recover the weapon which had been plucked from his hand, and 
Clovis, with a blow of his own axe, struck off his head, saying, " It was thus thou 
dealtest with the vase at Soissons."* 

Nor is this the only narration of the historian of the Franks which illustrates the 
use of their favourite weapon, a use in which Clovis was well skilled. Regnacaire, 
King of Cambrai, and his brother, having been, defeated and made prisoners, were 
brought bound to this savage, who first bitterly reviled them for submitting to 
bonds, and then with his axe himself struck off their heads.^ The son of Sigebert 
having, at the instigation of Clovis, slain and despoiled his father, brought the trea- 



■ Sic tu apud Suessonias in urceo illo fecisti. — Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. ii. c. 38. 

^ He reproached them with their tame submission to bonds unworthy of the Frank nation. *< Cur humi- 
liasti genus nostrum, ut te vinciri permitteres ?" was the stem demand. << Melius est tibi mori ; et elevatam 
securim capiti ejus defixit.** Then turning to the brother, he continued, '< Si tu solatium fratri tribuisses, 
alligatus utique non fuisset ; similiter et hunc securi percussum interfecit." — Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. 
ii. c. 42. 



On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutanic Races. 181 

sure he had thus acquired in a casket to the King's agents^ who, as he stooped 
to shew it them, cleft his head with an axe.* 

We have already alluded to the discovery of the axe in the Merovingian graves 
and in the tumuli of the Anglo-Saxons or Franks established in Britain, and 
explained its constant occurrence in the former. In the tomb of Childeric, disco- 
vered by accident at Toumay, in the year 1653, and of the contents of which parti- 
culars are given by Montfaucon after Chiflet, were found many objects of the 
greatest interest, highly characteristic of the age in which they were deposited. 
There was the skeleton of a horse with a portion of its trappings ; a spear-head ; a 
sword with one edge only ; gold fibulae, differing somewhat in form but resembling in 
construction that exhibited to the Society by Mr. Chalmers in 1 850 ; a crystal ball of 
the size of a small orange, an object so often found in graves of minor importance of 
this period ; and lastly an axe head of iron, but not a bipennis, not the Wxe/cus' 
dlL^i(rroiJL09 of Agathias, but resembling in form the axe-heads found in France and 
England. 

Dr. Rigollot, in a very able article on the arms and ornaments of the Teutonic 
races,** remarks, that though many of the axes found in the Frank graves differ in 
form, they all have but one cutting edge. He then notices that the writers who have 
followed Gregory of Tours, Almoin, Hincmard, and Flodoard, have employed the 
same terms in speaking of this 'wesLpon—francisca qua vocatur bipenna ; bipennem 
mam quod est francisca^ &c.*^ On this I would remark, that, although Sidonius 
ApoUinaris used the word bipenniSy and the Greek writers the still less equivocal 
term ajx<pi(rTojxop, I do not think they furnish us with direct proof that the 
francisca was in reality double-edged. In the classical ages blpennis was obviously 
the name given to the double-edged axe of the Asiatics, and this term, originally used 
for the weapon wielded in war, would, in all probability, in after times be applied to 
any axe thus used, of whatsoever shape it might happen to be. Our own language 

• The wretched parricide brought the treasure in a casket to the emissaries of Clovis, remarking " in hanc 
arcellulam solitus erat pater meus numismata auri congerere." " Imraittc manum tuam usque ad fundum, ut 
cuncta reperias," said they. " Quod cum fecisset," continues the historian, " et esset valde declinus, unus 
elevata manu bipennem cerebro ejus inlisit." — Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. ii. c. 40. 

*> R6cherche8 historiques sur les Peuples de la race Teutonique, 86c., M^moires de la Society des Antiquaires 
de Picardie, tome x®. p. 121. 

® Isidorus speaks of this weapon as ** Secures quas Hispani ab usu Francorum, per derivationem^ancwcojr 
▼ocant." — Lib. xviii. c. 8. It is noticed by Suidas s.yJ^Ayywyes €iri\wpia bopara rrapa ^pdyyois — sic Franci 
hastas in sua regione usitatas vocant. See Pachymeres, lib. vi. c. 30, where mention is still made of this 
weapon by the name of angon. 



i 



182 



On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 



furnishes many examples of the use of terms long after they have ceased to be 
applicable.' 

Let us now turn to the Anglo-Saxons, whose arms and dresses must in many 
respects have resembled those of the Franks. In various drawings in our Anglo- 
Saxon MSS. we see military iigures with short tunics, bare heads and knees, and 
their legs defended by bands. These, however, do not cover the thigh like those 
worn by the Franks, but reach only to the knee, or rather to just below it. Most of 
them are armed with barbed javelins, with a cross-bar below the blade, Uke thiU of 
the now obsolete lance once carried by our sergeants of foot. The accompan3'ing 
representation is from the psalter in the Harleian Collection, No. 603, p. 56 b. in the 
British Museum. 




a In the time of Alexander the Great it was the weapon of the Barcaniana, an 
Agiatic people, of nhom there were two thousand men in the army of Darius, — 
" Barcanoruro equitum duo millia fiiere, ormati bipennibua levibusque scutis cetm 
maxime Bpecimen reddentibus." — Q. Curt. lib. iii. c. 2. Vegetius, so late as the days 
of Valentinian, speaks of it as a naval weapon, which may be used for cutting the 
cordage of vessels, — " Securia, habena es utraquc parte laUssimum et acutisaimum 
ferrum." — Lib. iv. c. 46. I do not mean to dispute that the bipennis waa known to 
our Anglo-Saxon forefathera. The illumination of the Fine Psalter, Harl. MS. No. 
603, would lead ua to infer that it was ; but I submit that it was not the common 
and favourite weapon of the Teutonic races. The owlinary military weapon was 
the narrower " taper axe," of which more hereafter. By some writers the "twybill" 
is supposed to be the bipennuj but the name "twybill" is not yet obsolete in 
the West of England, where it signifies a bill-hook with a cutting edge at the back. 
The term bill obviously implies a rostrated, and not an axe-shaped, instrument, 




On same of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 



183 



The destropng angel is represented launching his barbed javelins at a group of 
armed men below. His attack is doubtless executed in the manner most common 
to the Anglo-Saxons, which we may infer did not diflfer from the charge of the 
Franks, as described by Agathias in the passage above quoted. It will be perceived 
that the three weapons answer the description of the angon, and are dissimilar to 
those commonly discovered in Anglo-Saxon graves. 





Spearheads from Anglo-Saxon Graves. 

I was at first disposed to consider this barbed javelin as a mere conventional 
representation of the Anglo-Saxon artist ; but after reading the account of Agathias, 
already quoted, I am led to conclude that it is not altogether fanciful, but that there 
must have been good grounds for its being almost invariably drawn of that shape. 
I confess, however, that I am totally at a loss to reconcile it with the fact that 
nothing of the kind has ever been found in our Anglo-Saxon tumuli, or in the 
graves of the Merovingian cemeteries, of which considerable numbers have now been 
explored by French antiquaries. Enough has been discovered in the graves of the 
two nations to show that they were a people of cognate habits, and that their dress, 
arms, and personal ornaments, were, in many respects, precisely similar. There are, 
however, some peculiarities which distinguish the Frank from the Anglo-Saxon 
remains. The axe, as already observed, is rarely discovered in the latter, but in the 
former very frequently, as are also very large knives, which do not occur in the 
Anglo-Saxon graves ; a fact which in some measure negatives the supposition of 
Dr. Rigollot, that they are the weapons which, according to the mediaeval rhymer, 
Gotfridus Viterbiensis, gave the Saxons their name : — 

Ipse brevis gladius apud illos Saxo vocatur, 
Unde sibi Saxo nomen peperisse notatur. 

In fact, our researches at present tend to shew that the Saxon, even in those rude times, 
had become less bellicose after his location in Britain. The excavations in Mero- 
vingian cemeteries appear to indicate that every Frank was a soldier, while very many 
Anglo-Saxon graves contain the small knife only, not a warlike weapon, but the simple 
and anything but formidable instrument with which the occupants once divided their 



1 84 On same of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 

daily food. Few of the many barrows in East Kent which I assisted Lord Londes- 
borough in opening in the year 1 84 1 contained swords, many had knives only, and 
some skeletons were found unaccompanied even by the knife ; not a single axe was 
discovered.* Excavations which I have on several occasions made in the tumuli of 
the South Downs, beyond Lewes, have led to the same result, the remains indicat- 
ing a people of pastoral habits in quiet and undisturbed possession of the soil.^ 

Now, in the cemetery of Bel Air, explored by M. Troyon,^ a number of weapons 
was found, and in the tombs of Selzen <* an equally warlike assemblage, as remarked 
by Dr. Rigollot. This is seen from the list which he gives, and which I here add, 
as affording a remarkable contrast to the contents of Anglo-Saxon graves : — 

1st Grave. Two javelins and a large knife or short sword. 

2d „ A spear and a javelin. 

3d „ A large sword. 

4th ,, A large sword, a large knife, a spear, and two javelins. 

5th „ A sword and a large spear. 

6th „ An axe and a knife. 

7th „ An axe, a spear, and a large knife. 

8th „ A large knife. 

9th „ An axe, a spear, a javelin, and a very large knife. 
The large knives, it will here be seen, often accompany the sword ; they have but 
one edge, and towards the hilt are two grooved lines, which an eminent French 
antiquary conjectures may have been intended occasionally to hold poison.® These 
weapons are supposed to be the *' cultri validi " or Scramasaxes of Gregory of Tours, 
and were well adapted to the close conflict which the Franks so much preferred.^ 

» Archseologia, vol. XXX. 

^ The extensive cemetery at Fairford in Gloucestershire, explored by Mr. Wylie, has afforded no example 
of the axe or the large knife. 

^ Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gresellschaft in Zurich. 1841. 

^ Das (jermanische Todtenlager bei Selzen. Mainz. 4to. 1848. 

^ It was witii such weapons that Fredegond armed her agents employed to murder Childebert, — ** duos 
cultros ferreos fieri prsecepit ; quos etiam caraxari projnndius et veneno infici jusserat." — Greg. Turon. Hbt. 
Franc, lib. viii. c 29. See an account in Beda, lib. ii. c. 9, of the attempted murder of Edwin, King of 
Northumbria, by an assassin armed with a poisoned dagger, which was long enough to pierce the interposed 
body of the loyal Thane, and wound the King. 

^ In the battle in which Clovis slew with his own hand the Gothic king Alaric, the historian describes 
the Goths as commencing the conflict with missiles, and the Franks as rushing at once to close fight : " con- 
fligentibus his eminus, resistunt cominus illi.' — (xreg. Turon. b*b. ii. c. 37. Vegetius informs us that the 
Romans had often suffered from the arrows of the Goths ; ** Contra Gotthos milites nostri multitadine sa- 




On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 185 

They appear, from the position in which thty are found in the Merovingian graves, 
to have been worn depending from the girdle, as was doubtless the short sword 
found in the tomb of Childeric at Tournay. 

As regards the axe, although so seldom discovered in the graves of the Anglo- 
Saxons, there is good reason to suppose that it was a favourite arm with that people, 
and that it continued in use down to the period of the Norman invasion. At the 
memorable battle of Hastings the weapons opposed to the arrows and lances of the 
Normans were darts of various kinds, sharp axes, and slings ;* and the author of the 
" Chronique de Normandie " tells us, that when the Normans feigned a retreat the 
Saxons, quitting their entrenchments, pursued them eagerly, each with his axe 
suspended from his neck.*' Now the weapon which could have been thus car- 
ried, must have been furnished with a very short handle,*^ like those of the Franks 
as described by Procopius ; and, if we do not find examples of it so frequently in 
the Anglo-Saxon graves, we ought not to conclude that it fell into disuse ; on the 
contrary, it rather appears to show the changed habits of our Anglo-Saxon fore- 
fathers. The character of the Frank had greatly altered even before the termination 
of the Merovingian dynasty ; and it is but reasonable to suppose that a people 
whose country was protected by the sea would become even less bellicose. Although 
the fatal field of Hastings was so stoutly contested, the entrenched position of the 
Saxons showed that they were perfectly sensible of the formidable military charac- 
ter of their adversaries, and it is very obvious that during nearly the whole day 
they acted almost entirely on the defensive. There was no want of personal 
courage, but an evident consciousness of inferiority in military discipline and 
resources. Like their kindred race, they fought on foot, and appear to have been 

gitt&rionim ssepe deleti sunt.*' — Lib. i. c. 2. The different modes of fighting of races of Teutonic origin is 
very remarkable. 

* Illi contra fortiter quo quisque valet ingenio resistunt. Jactant cuspides, ac diversorum generum tela, 
SinusinuM quasque secures, et lignis imposita saxa. — Gesta Gulielmi Ducis Normannonim, &c. Hist. Nor- 
mann. Scriptores Antiqui, p. 201. 

^ Et sitost comme les Anglois les virent fair, ilz commencerent a poursuivrir chascun la hache a son 
co(»-— Ext. de la Chronique de Normandie. Rec. des Historiens, tome xiii. p. 235. 

c In the Bayeux Tapestry, however, the Saxons are represented using axes with long handles. In the 
Saxon Chronicle, sub anno m.xxix. we find that Cnut gave to Christ Church, in Canterbury, the haven of 
Sandwich, and the dues thereof on either side as far as a man standing on a ship at flood tide could cast a 
taper-axe on shore, — ]"pa -f loc hpenne f plot by^ ealpa hehp; ^ ealpa pullop. beo an j^ip plotijeubc. 
fpa neh )»an lande ]-pa hir nyxr. -y ))aji beo an mann panbe of ))ainp fcipe. anb habbe ane tapep sex on hif 
* « * The lacuna is compensated by the words of the charter itself, — fpa ms^ an tapeji-sex been 
^oppen ur Op %am scipe up on %set lanb^ &c. — Codex Diplomaticus Mvi Saxonici, vol. iv. p. 24. 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 B 



i 



1 86 On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 

insensible to the value of the horse in battle. They neglected also the bow, like 
the Franks, and trusted to darts and javelins. This mode of warfare appears to be 
described in several Anglo-Saxon writers. In the verses composed on the victory 
of iEthelstan at Brunanburh we have the following lines : — 

pdd]\ laej f ecj maenij, There lay soldiers many, 

japum ageteb, With darts struck down, 

guma nop-Sepna, Northern men, 

opep pcylb fcoten. Over their shields shot.* 

And in the Hymn of Praise and Thanksgiving : — 

J?on jap jetpum When the gar shower 

opep pcilb-hpeaban Over the shield's defence 

pceotanb penba'S Warriors send.** 

Also in the poem on the Day of Judgment : — 

Ne J?eapp him onbpaeban Need not dread 

beopla pqiaelap, The shafts of devils, 

aenij on eop'San Any on earth 

aelba cynnep Of the race of men 

3pompa jap-pape. The armed course of foes, 

gip him 30b pcilbej?. If him God shieldeth.*^ 

Riddle xxviii. of the same collection commences : — 

ClOin heapoS ip My head is 

homepe jej^upen, With hammer beaten, 

peapo-pila punS, With war-darts wounded.** 

And is less obscure, for here the word pila leaves us in no doubt as to the description 
of weapon alluded to. In the lines above quoted gap may mean an arrow, but it is 
more likely to signify a javelin,* since it is evident that the Anglo-Saxons were not 

■ Saxon Chronicle, sub anno dccccxxxviii. ^ Codex Exoniensis, p. 42. 

« Ibid. p. 49. *» Ibid. p. 497. 

e This word gar appears to be identical with the Danish geir, which in the Runic Lexicon of Magnus 
Olavius is described as ** verutum vel nomen gladii in mucronem acuminati ;'* and this author attempts to 
identify it with iheframea described by Tacitus : we may suppose, however, with Bartholin, that the weapon 
was not a sword but a spear, which could be used in close combat or thrown to a distance. This kind of short 
spear was a favourite weapon with the people of Teutonic race : it was well adapted for that horrible sport 
of tossing infants, in which the Danish pirates delighted (see Bartholin, Antiq. DanicsD, lib. ii. c. 9), and 
of which the Scotch are accused by Hoveden, in his account of their invasion of England in the reign of the 
first William. 



On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 1 87 

partial to the bow as a weapon of war, and appear to have looked upon the arrow 
as the appropriate missile of the robber, or of one who lurked in ambush, as we 
may infer from the following lines : — 

ycylb feed cempan, A shield for the soldier, 

f ceapt peapepe, A shaft for the robber, 

pceal bpySe beag, A ring for the bride,* 
&c. &c. &e. &c. 

In some Anglo-Saxon cemeteries a greater number of weapons has been disco- 
vered than in others, and this has led to the inference that a garrison had once been 
maintained on the spot ; yet, even in these cases, but few relics have been found to 
justify the supposition that the individual in whose grave they were discovered, 
had been a soldier ; the spear would rather appear to indicate the rank of the 
deceased. It was carried on foot, when it served as a staflF, and on horseback, in 
either case serving as a defensive weapon. Thus Saint Cuthbert, when he visited 
Melrose, dismounting from his horse, gave his travelling- spear to a servant and 
entered the abbey to pray.^ That the spear was a symbol of power and authority 
among the Teutonic races we learn, not only from Tacitus, but also from the histo- 
rian from whose pages I have so frequently quoted in the course of these remarks. 
When Gonthram made over his kingdom to Childebert he delivered to him a spear, 
sapng, "This is the token that I give to thee the whole of my kingdom.'*^ 

At the risk of fatiguing the Society with these details, I shall, in conclusion, 
venture on a few remarks on the largest description of sword found in the Frank 
as well as in the Anglo-Saxon graves. The blade of this weapon is often nearly a 
yard long. One of the finest examples which has ever come under my notice is 
that found at Fairford, in Gloucestershire, and recently exhibited by Mr. Wylie, of 
that town. Its length, including the handle, is just three feet, the blade broad, two- 
edged, and pointed. It is highly probable that this sword, in the decline of the 
empire, was not peculiar to the Franks and Saxons.** Except that the blade is 

* Codex Exoniensis, Gnomic Verses, p. 341. 

^ Casusque contigit, ut cum illo proveniens equo desiluisset, ingressurusque ad orandum ecclesiam, 
ipBiim pariter equum et hastam, quam tenuerat manuy ministro dedisset, nee dum enim habitum deposuerat 
secolarem. — Venerabilis Beda, De Vita et Miraculis S. Cuthberti, c. vi. Compare the Canons enacted under 
K. Eadgar, — Deoplic bseb b6r bi'5 . -f Icepebe man hij- psepna alecse, etc. 

* Hoc est indicium quod tibi omne regnum meum tradidi. — Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, lib. vii. c. 33. 

* The sword of Otger the Dane is thus described by Mabillon, in the Acta Sanctorum : — " Hujus verb 
sptthaB qusB Otgerii dicitur, a summa lamina longitudo est trium pedum, et pollicis unius ; secundum capulum 
et glandem, pollicum septem : summae laminae latitudo trium poUicum, in acumine unius et dimidii ; totius 



I 



1 88 On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 

pointed, it would answer the description which Tacitus gives us of the swords of the 
Britons in the time of Domitian. And here I may be permitted to observe, that, 
even if the historian wrote from actual information, the words sine mucrone are not 
intended to describe the swords of the Islanders as absolutely pointless. Common 
sense obliges us to propose a diflferent meaning, and to suggest, that what Tacitus 
really meant was, that the British sword was not adapted for thrusting, the point 
being obtuse compared with that of the swords of their enemies. The same expla- 
nation suggests itself on reading the account which Poly bins gives us of the swords 
of the Gauls, already quoted at the commencement of these remarks. 

The great length of the blades of the Anglo-Saxon swords favours the belief that 
they were originally the weapons of horsemen. We s^e weapons precisely similar 
by the sides of the equestrian figures sculptured on the monuments to Roman 
stipendiaries; a similar sword is, however, held by a standing figure on a 
well-known sepulchral monument discovered in London. The large knife- shaped 
weapons found in the Frank graves suggest at once their use by a people who 
fought on foot, and in the manner already described ; but in the Anglo 'Saxon 
cemeteries they are never met with, although large swords, like those of the 
Franks and those discovered in the cemeteries of Switzerland' and Livonia,^ are 
repeatedly found. Further researches among the grouped tumuli of this island 
may possibly shew why the larger sword was preferred by a people whose very last 
struggle was maintained on foot against a race whose chief strength was in their 
cavalry. 

With these remarks I conclude; but I cannot do so without expressing my 



spathfld pondus est quinque librarum cum quarta parte.*' This predilection of the Teutonic races for huge 
weapons continued for a long time. Gulielmo Pugliese thus describes the swords of the Sueves brought into 
Italy by Pope Leo IX. in the year 1053. 

Prseminet ensis ; 

Sunt etenim longi specialiter et peracuti 

Illorum gladii percussiun a vertice corpus 

Scindere saepe solent. 

The use of such long and powerful swords doubtless led to the adoption of the long knife already noticed. 
Vegetius speaks of the large and small swords used by the Romans in his days, — gladios majores quos 
spathas vocant, et alios minores quos semispathas nominant. Lib. i. c. 15. 

• Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gresellschaft in Zurich, 1841. Description des Tombeaux de Bel- Air, 
par Fr6d6ric Troyon. 

^ Die Graber der Liven ; ein beitrag zur Nordischen Alterthumskunde und Geschichte, ron Johann Karl 
Biihr. Dresden, 1650. 



On some of the Weapons of the Celtic and Teutonic Races. 1 89 

earnest hope that others may hereby be invited to discuss at length a subject so 
interesting. The comparisons here instituted shew at least the value of monu- 
mental researches in connexioD with the study of an important chapter of our 
national history. It must be seen that without such comparison many obscure 
points will remain unexplained, and that, though historians may give us the outlines 
of events, many details are wanting which, imperfectly alluded to by them as unim- 
portant, are in our time worthy of minute inquiry, and may be illustrated by the 
evidence which archaeology supphes. It rarely happens that the sober and candid 
inquirer ends where he began, — rarely that he does not stumble on facts which 
have hitherto remained unnoticed ; and still more rarely that he fails to derive 
some satisfaction from the hope and belief that he has led the way to a better 
acquaintance with the subject he has undertaken to illustrate. 

30 April, 1851. J. Y. AKERMAN. 




MS. Karl. No. 603, p. 30. 



190 



XVIII. — Observations upon certain Documents relating to William first Earl of 
Gowrie, and Patrick Ruthven, his fifth and last surviving son, in a Letter 
addressed by John Bruce, Esq, Treas^irer S.A., to Sir Charles G. Young, 
Garter y F.S.A. 



Read June 19, 1851. 



My dear Sir Charles, ^» Upper Gloster Street, Dorset Square, 14th Junej 1851. 

When I some time ago addressed a paper to the Society of Antiquaries upon the 
subject of the death of William first Earl of Gowrie, and the bearing of that 
sacrifice to injustice upon what I believe to have been the conspiracy entered into 
by his sons John and Alexander in the year 1 600, I was not aware that there exists, 
in the person of Colonel Stepney Cowell, a present representative of the last male 
descendant of that most unhappy family. Since the publication of my former 
paper, I have, by your kind introduction, been brought into acquaintance with 
that gentleman, whom I have found extremely zealous for the honour of his unfor- 
tunate ancestors. He takes an entirely diflFerent view of the Gowrie conspiracy 
from myself; but, with a liberality which proves the sincerity of his own convictions, 
as well as his desire for the discovery of the truth, whatever it may turn out to be, 
he has not only allowed me to inspect his family papers relating to the Cowries, but 
has given me permission to make some of them the subject of an additional commu- 
nication to the Society of Antiquaries. 

Before I proceed to state the contents of these papers, allow me to allude to 
another subject connected with my former communication to the Society. It has 
been mentioned to me that it is thought that I must have overstated the miserable 
condition of Scotland under the domination of the Earl of Arran, a,d. 1584. It is 
doubted, I am told, whether it could possibly be true that Arran and his friends 
practised such iniquitous tyranny as I have attributed to them. '* Surely," an emi- 
nent antiquary has remarked to me, " it is incredible, whatever your authorities may 
say, that any political party could have adopted a policy so entirely suicidal." The 
point thus raised is one of considerable importance, as well in reference to the main 



Observations on Documents relating to William first Earl of Gowrie. 191 

subject of my former paper, as in connection with the subsequent and more fatal 
Gowrie conspiracy in 1 600. If the members of the dominant party did not conduct 
themselves with the tyrannous injustice which I have attributed to them, the 
intrigues of the friends of the first Earl of Gowrie for their overthrow, the move- 
ments which formed the excuse for his execution, and the subsequent conspiracy 
(as I consider it) of his sons, are all entirely unaccountable. But if we conclude, as 
I still think we ought to conclude, that the tyranny of the Earl of Arran was of the 
harshest and most selfish kind, conspiracies become natural instead of unaccount- 
able. Borne down in Parliament by power obtained by bribery ; unable to procure 
justice in the corrupted courts of law ; Edinburgh, Stirling, Dumbarton, and the 
other strongholds of the kingdom, in the possession of their enemies, and hated as a 
stem and uncompliant party by the boy-king ; what wonder if the Protestants of 
the time had recourse to combinations which the friends of Queen Mary termed 
" conspiracies," or if among the objects of their plots some appear to us, after the 
lapse of centuries, to be extremely difficult to be understood, if not to be almost 
incredible. 

In my former paper I stated that Calderwood and Melville, Spottiswood and 
Keith, Bowes, Davison, and Hume of Godscroft, contemporary writers of all parties, 
described the conduct of Arran in terms which applied only to an almost unpa- 
ralleled tjrranny. After recomparing the statement with these authorities, I am not 
inclined to retract one word of it. All of them in their several ways bear out the 
following emphatic testimony of Melville : — 

" Now the Erie of Arran triumphed, being chanceler and capten of the casteUis 
of Edenbrough and Stirling. He made the haill subjects to tremble under him, 
and every man dependit upon him ; daily inventing and seeking out of new faults 
against divers for their escheats, lands, benefices, or to get budis [gudis ?] ; vexing 
the haill writers and lawyers to make sure his giftes and conkissis. And samany 
of the nobility as were in fear of their estates fled, and others were banished. He 
shot directly at the life and lands of the Earl of Gowry." — (Melville's Memoirs, 
p. 324.) 

In addition to the evidence I before adduced, I would beg to be allowed to fortify 
my statements by a letter which seems to have been overlooked even by Tytler and 
other pains-taking historical writers. Dated from Edinburgh, 6th September, 1584, 
it was written by Davison, who at that time filled the arduous office of resident 
English ambassador in Scotland. It is addressed to Sir Christopher Hatton, and 
presents a minute picture of the state of the government of Scotland. The letter 



1 92 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

is too long, and its details too minute, to be read before the Society at this time, 
but I append it to the present communication, and would beg leave to direct atten- 
tion to its contents. They are not the less valuable because proceeding from a 
statesman known to have been more candid than cautious. Davison represents the 
king's advisers as pursuing a course which is hurrying their master headlong into 
the most imminent danger ; the king himself being, in the meantime, personally 
animated by an implacable hatred of that Protestant party which, as Davison 
remarks, " in defence of his life and crown had hazarded their own lives, living, 
fortunes, and all that they have." Arran is described by Davison as one with whom 
neither fear of God nor respect of man prevailed. Urged on by his shameless and 
ill-gotten wife, he possessed an inordinate thirst for power and wealth ; and gaining 
ascendancy in the parliament by bribery and corruption, openly turned his power 
to the profit of his party. "They have forfeited," Davison says, "whom it 
pleased them, whose malice and cruelty spared not the poor innocent ladies, espe- 
cially the Countess of Go wry, whom they used with the greatest inhumanity that 
may be, and have determined their revenge and rapine against the rest, whom they 
please to summon in the next session of parliament, where he [Arran] is to preside 
as viceroy, the king minding not to be present." 

Such testimony from a witness, at once so competent and so credible, corrobo- 
rates my former statement, and proves that if any excuse or vindication for a 
conspiracy to bring about a political change by violent means, can be found in the 
fact that the country was really suflFering under a grinding and oppressive tyranny, 
the Ruthvens are entitled to the benefit of it. 

1 now proceed to the papers intrusted to me by Colonel Stepney Cowell : 
The first of them is an original deed, under the hand and seal of William the first 
Earl of Gowrie, dated at the burgh of Perth, on the last day of February 1683, 
which I take to mean 1583-4. This document is now exhibited to the Society. 

It appears in the paper No. III., which was printed in illustration of my former 
paper, that after the Earl of Gowrie had been found guilty, he addressed the judge 
who was about to pass sentence upon him as follows : — " My lord judge, the points 
whereof I am condemned are but small oversights, and so it will be known afterward. 
I pray you to make not the matter so heinous as to punish it by the penalty of 
forfaltrie. My sons are in my lands ; the second is confirmed in all his rights by the 
king's majesty." In the paper No. II. the latter sentence reads thus : " My sons are 
in my lands many years since, and have all their rights confirmed by the king, and 
failing the eldest the second is to succeed, and is assigned to all my causes." The 



William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthven. 1 93 

reply of the judge was that the Earl, having been found guilty of treason, the cus- 
ternary consequences must follow the verdict. 

The deed now exhibited may be one of the legal documents for carrying into 
effect the arrangement by which the Earl of Gowrie endeavoured to secure his sons 
m the possession of his lands. It empowers Patrick Gusythaw to surrender the 
lands and baronies of Ruthven and Dirleton into the hands of the king, in 
order that a new grant might be made thereof to the earl's eldest son James 
and his issue male, and in default thereof to his said son's next male heir, but with 
a reservation of the life interest of the earl himself, and the rights of Dorothy 
Stewart his spouse. A copy of this deed will be appended to this paper. 

It is now exhibited as presenting, among its other claims to attention, an 
excellent autograph of the earl, with an impression of his seal. The arms upon 
the seal are, quarterly, 1. and 4. Ruthven, 2. Cameron, 3. Haliburton, all within a 
double bordure. The crest is said to be a goat's head cabossed, issuing out of 
a crown. The supporters are two goats. The motto is Deid schav. 

The legend runs thus : S . VILELM . COMITIS . GOVRIiE . DNI . RVTHVE . 
ET . DIRLTOV. 

The other papers communicated to me by Colonel Cowell relate to that member 
of the family from whom he traces his own descent — Patrick Ruthven, termed 
by Mr. Craik in his excellent work, entitled The Romance of the Peerage, " the 
last of the Ruthvens." 

From the time of the Raid of Ruthven, in 1582, King James pursued every 
member of the Ruthven family with the most implacable dislike. It is said by 
those who would induce us in the present day to think favourably of the 
character of James I., that, in comparison with his son Charles and his grandson 
James, he is entitled to the credit of having had a heart ; that his lavish kind- 
ness to Carr and Steenie, however undignified and absurd, exhibited a warmth 
and geniality of disposition which more resembled the good-humour of the patron 
of Nell Gw}mne than the stately coldness of Charles I. or the stem bigotry of 
James II. 

This sacrifice of King James's possible good qualities, in order to obtain for him 
a reputation for mere simple kindliness, fails altogether in the instance of the 
Ruthvens. Towards them his conduct, from first to last, exhibited the unforgiving 
enmity which characterized his son Charles and his grandson James, in combination 
with a cowardice of which no one can accuse any one of his descendants. 

VOL. XXXIV, 2 c 



194 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

On the conviction of the first Earl of Gowrie, in 1 584^ his lands and goods, in 
spite of the arrangement to which we have already alluded, were forfeited to the 
crown. His widow pleaded for some little favour to be shewn to her children^ but 
in vain. Davison states, as we have seen, that she was treated ^^ with the greatest 
inhumanity that may be/* and Hume, of Godscroft, relates that she was ^^ basely 
and beastly used." She was a Stewart of the house of M ethven, but to her and to 
her children they [that is, Arran and his friends] shewed no respect at all, but 
treated her with all incompassionate rigour and cruelty, for she, having come to 
intreat for herself and children while the parUament was sitting, and ^^ having fallen 
down upon her knees before the king, was trodden under foot and left lying in a 
swoon."* Even a more powerful mediator was disregarded. Queen Elizabeth 
addressed a letter to James, which is full of honourable pity for the sufferings of this 
noble family. She reminded the king that the deceased earl was one of the chief 
instruments in putting the crown upon his head, and that in defence of his majesty's 
rights against the murderers of his father, Darnley, those of his grandfather 
Lennox, and those of his uncle Murray, the earl had lost many relatives and mem- 
bers of his clan, and had subjected his own life and estate to the greatest hazard. 
She earnestly solicited James's compassion towards the earFs ^^ poor wife and thir- 
teen fatherless children." She reminded him of their innocency and their youth. 
She begged that, by their restoration to their father's lands, some monxmient of that 
ancient house might abide to posterity, and their name be not rooted out from the 
face of the earth through the private craft and malice of adversaries whose eyes 
could not be satiated otherwise than by the earl's death. Finally, Elizabeth appealed 
to James on the score of natural affection to his own, the Gowries, as she states, 
being " tied so near by kindred and consanguinity" to himself.^ 

During the ascendancy of Arran all such pleading was in vain. Gowrie was 
executed on the 4th May, 1584. On the 10th of the following month, Davison 
mentions that the king's favourite was already in possession of ^^ Dirleton, Cowsland, 
and Newton, all sometime belonging to Gowrie ;" and on the previous sixth of the 
same month an order was made by the Scottish Privy Council " to inbring and 
deliver the escheat guidis of William sumtym Earl of Gowrie, to the Earl of Arran." 
When Arran fell, more merciful and generous counsels instantly prevailed. One erf 
the earliest acts of the Protestant party, on its restoration to power, was to procure 

^ Hist Ho. of Douglas, p. 387, ed. 1644. ^ Bannatyne Miscellany, L 106. 




Willicm first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthven. 196 

a remission of Gowrie*s attainder. His dilapidated and forfeited honours were 
restored to his family by an act of parliament, dated the 10th December, 1685. 

The first earl left, as stated in Queen Elizabeth's letter, a widow and thirteen 
children. Five of them were boys. 1. James, the second earl, bom in 1667, died 
in 1588. 2. John, the third earl, bom about 1578; and 3. Alexander, bom in 
January, 1680-1. These latter were the two brothers who were killed at Perth on 
the outbreak of the conspiracy in 1600. The fourth and fifth sons were William 
and Patrick, both children of very tender age at the execution of their father, the 
former being probably about three years old, the latter about as many weeks. On 
the explosion of their brothers' conspiracy, William was about nineteen years of age, 
Patrick about sixteen, and both were at that time '' at the schools" in Edinburgh 
under a private tutor. When the tidings reached Edinburgh of the terrible cala- 
mity which had befallen their family, these boys instantly proceeded to the resi- 
dence of their mother at Dirleton, a distance of about ten miles from the Scottish 
metropolis. This was on the morning of the day after the explosion of the con* 
spiracy. That same evening a man named Kennedy, a friend whom they had left 
behind at Edinburgh, contrived to let them know that messengers for their arrest 
were about to be despatched by the king. 

The young men fled instantly. Half an hour afterwards a band of horsemen, 
headed by the Master of Orkney and Sir James Sandilands, arrived at Dirleton to 
effect their apprehension. The countess, long used to scenes of sorrow and the 
stratagems of pursuit and escape, received the messengers with calmness. She 
carried herself " soberly," says old Calderwood, until the messengers explained that 
it was the king's intention to commit her sons to the care of the chancellor, the 
Earl of Montrose, the grandfather of the loyal hero in the time of Charles I. This 
nobleman had been one of the jury who sixteen years before had condemned the 
countess's husband. Upon the mention of his name she could restrain herself no 
longer. Bursting forth into a torrent of passionate reproach, she denounced the 
Earl of Montrose as a ^^ fawse traitor and a thief," and protested against her 
" bairns " being consigned to the care of one who had had a share in the murder of 
their father. In the mean time " the bairns " were hurrying towards the Border. 
Their tutor from Edinburgh accompanied them. They procured disguised apparel, 
and travelled a-foot across the most imfrequented districts. They left Dirleton on 
the evening of Wednesday the 6th of August ; they threaded their way along the 
bye-paths of a country which must have been all on fire with the tidings of what 



196 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

had happened at Perth ; and on the morning of Sunday the 1 0th they stole secretly 
mto Berwick and presented themselves to Sir John Carey, the English governor. 
They entreated simply that their lives might he safe till the truth of their cause 
was known. The governor, a son of Lord Hunsdon, was overwhelmed with com- 
miseration for the ^^ poor gentlemen/* and especially for the ^' old distressed good 
countess, whose case,'* he says, ^^ is pitiable and lamentable.*'* He gave the young 
men shelter until he could hear from the queen, who permitted them to remain in 
England. For more than three weeks they lay concealed in Berwick, never stirring 
out of their chamber. Through the agency of their faithful tutor they managed to 
communicate with their mother, in the vain hope of obtaining some assistance in 
money from her. The country was so thickly set with spies^ and she herself so 
closely surrounded by persons whose business it was to find cause of accusation 
against her, that she dared not send them help of any kind.^ This was alleged 
publicly, but probably the assistance which they ultimately obtained from Sir John 
Carey came in some secret way from the countess. From Berwick they travelled 
south on the 4th of September, and with Elizabeth's consent are said to have resided 
with their tutor for two years at Cambridge. In September 1 602 there is reason to 
believe that they secretly visited their native country. But penniless, houseless, and 
objects of continued hatred to King James, they returned to England, and were in 
England when the death of Elizabeth placed their royal persecutor on the English 
throne. No greater calamity could possibly have happened to these unfortunate 
young men. 

The circumstances of King James's entry into England are well known. If his 
summary execution of a cut-purse at Newark was a poor indication of his 
acquaintance with the laws of his new country, certainly the first of his procla- 
mations that can be traced directly to his own authority by no means furnished a 
favourable indication of his personal character. The proclamation in question was 
issued from Burghley, where the King remained several days, on his road to London. 
It was dated the 27th of April, 1603. It contained, not an act of grace for the new 
subjects who flocked in crowds to welcome him, but an evidence that the king 
brought with him into his new dominions all the prejudices and the hatred which 
had been engendered by his long misgovemment of his ancient kingdom. The 
proclamation recites that the king was informed that William and Patrick Ruthen, 
as they were then termed, perhaps because the name of Ruthven had been 

* Secret Corresp. of Cecil, ed. Hailes, p. 161. ^ Ibid. p. 164. 




William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthven. 197 

abolished in Scotland by Act of Parliament, had crept into this kingdom with 
malicious hearts against the king, disguising themselves in secret places, uttering 
cankered speeches, and practising and contriving dangerous plots and desperate 
attempts against the royal person, whereupon his majesty commanded all sheriffs 
and justices to arrest the alleged conspirators and bring them before the privy 
council. He also warned all persons against harbouring or concealing them. This 
proclamation is printed at p. 9 of the Book of Proclamations, fol. 1609. Mr. Lemon 
has furnished Colonel Cowell with a copy of it from a MS. draft remaining in the 
State Paper Office, which is corrected by the actual hand of Sir Robert Cecil. 

William Ruthven made his escape. The whole family were distinguished for 
literary and scientific taste, to a degree so unusual in that age, that many of them 
were defamed as sorcerers. William Ruthven is stated to have been a chemist and 
a philosopher, and it is thought that he was that brother of the Earl of Gowrie who 
is mentioned by Bishop Burnet as having lived beyond sea, and respecting whom 
Burnet says, '4t was given out that he had the philosopher's stone." (Hist. Own 
Times, i. 32. ed. Oxon. 1823.) 

Patrick Ruthven was arrested under the king's proclamation, and was conveyed 
to the Tower. Colonel Cowell has traced him as being confined there on the 24th 
June, 1 603, and has obtained extracts from various quarterly bills of the Lieutenant 
of the Tower of London, preserved amongst the Public Records, which prove the 
payments which were made to the lieutenant on his account. I have annexed 
these extracts to the present letter.* It will be seen that when sent to the Tower 
an apartment was furnished for his use, and the following are the items which con- 
stituted probably the best kind of furniture in a prisoner's chamber : — ** A bedstead, 
a bed, a bolster, a rug, blankets, sheets, and a canopye," for all which the sum paid 
was 51. I6s. 8d. For Ruthven 's diet and other charges the lieutenant was allowed 
3/. per week. There were extra payments of 20^. per annum for his washing ; for 
his clothing about 10/. per annum ; and for a reader, whose name was John Floyd or 
Lloyd, there was a payment of 1 0/. per annum. These, it will be remembered, were 
the allowances for the maintenance of a member of one of the noblest families in 
Scotland, a person near in kindred to the king himself, and heir presumptive of a 
very large estate, the whole of which was in the hands of the crown. 

In his confinement in the Tower, Patrick Ruthven languished without trial, or 
even accusation, for a period of nineteen years, the best years of his and every 

^ Appendix, No. III. 



198 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

man's life^ extending from about the nineteenth to the thirty-eighth year of 
his age. 

During that long incarceration, only a few distant glimpses of the existence of 
this unfortunate man have been found. One of the most interesting has been sup- 
posed, but I think incorrectly, to have occurred at a comparatively early period of 
his imprisonment. I refer to a letter of a somewhat extraordinary character, 
addressed by Patrick Ruthven to Henry Percy, the ninth Earl of Northumberland, 
for many years his fellow prisoner. Copies of this spirited and elegant compodtion 
were formerly extremely common. There are several in the British Museum, and it 
is found in most extensive collections of MSS.* Amongst our ancestors it seems to 
have been regarded as a fine example of a bold and manly letter, and it may truly be 
considered as no less indicative of the spirit than of the literary talent of the writer. 
This letter, which, for convenience of reference, I have placed below,*> although it 
has been printed in the Cabala (ed. 1654, supp. p. 106), was obviously addressed by a 
prisoner to a person at large. It must, therefore, have been written either between 
1603, when Ruthven was thrown into the Tower, and November, 1605, when the 
earl became his fellow prisoner, or between the 18th July, 1621, when the earl was 
released, and the 4th August, 1622, when the same happiness was shared l^ 
Ruthven. Looking at the terse, matured, antithetical vigour of expression which 
distinguishes the whole composition, I incline to the latter period. I cannot believe 

"" It occurs in Addit. MSS. Brit. Mus. 1775, art. 7, and 4108, art. 69. 

Mr, Rutken to the Earl of Northumberland, 
My Lordy 

It may be interpreted discretion sometimes to wink at private wrongs, especially for such a one as myself, 
that have a long time wrastled with a hard fortune, and whose actions, words, and behaviour are continually 
subject to the censure of a whole state ; yet not to be sensible of public and national disgrace, were stcipidity 
and baseness of mind : for no place, nor time, nor state, can excuse a man from performing that duty and 
obligation wherein nature hath tied him to his country and to himself. This I speak in regard of oertain 
infamous verses, lately by your lordship's means dispersed abroad, to disgrace my country and myself, and to 
wrong and stain by me the honour of a worthy and vertuous gentlewoman, whose unspotted and immaculate 
vertue yourself is so much more bound to admire and uphold, in that, having dishonourably assaulted it, you 
could not prevail. But belike, my lord, you dare do anything but that which is good and just. 

Think not to bear down these things either by greatness or denial ; for the circnmstances that prove them 
are so evident, and the veil wherewith you would shadow them is too transparent. Neither would I have 
you flatter yourself, as though like another Giges you could pass in your courses invisible. U you owe a 
spite to any of my countrymen it is a poor revenge to rail upon me in verse : or if the repulse of your lewed 
desire at the gentlewoman's hands hath inflamed and exasperated your choler against her, it was never known 
that to refuse Northumberland's unlawful lust was a crime for a gentlewoman deserving to have her honor 
called in question. 



William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthven. 199 

this letter to have been the composition of a comparative boy. The outrage 
against a lady in whose character Ruthven felt an interest, which is alluded 
to in this letter, probably occurred whilst the earl was confined in the Tower, and 
the whole tone of the letter indicates a familiarity with the earl and his character 
not likely to have been found in the composition of an imprisoned lad to whom 
the earl could have been little known except by report, but not at all unlikely to 
have resulted from the intercourse which may have passed between them whilst 
both were prisoners in the Tower. We know that the earl associated whilst in 
confinement with Raleigh, and had as his constant companions Hariot, Hues, and 
Warner^ three mathematical scholars of the period, who passed by the name of the 
earUs " three Magi."* It is obvious from this letter, that in general intellectual 
power, and it will appear hereafter that in special acquirements as a man of science, 
Patrick Ruthven must have been a congenial companion in such society. It will be 
observed, also, that in this letter Ruthven speaks of himself as having ^^ a long time 
wrastled with a hard fortune." Even in his case this expression would scarcely 
have corresponded with the gravity of the other parts of this composition, if 
written between the age of nineteen and twenty-one ; but the expression acquires 
solemnity and depth of truth and feeling when taken as proceeding from a man of 
thirty-seven or thirty-eight, one half of whose existence had been passed within a 
narrow prison, in which, although ignorant of most of the stirring events of the 
world from which he was secluded, he must have been saddened not merely by the 
circumstances of his own mournful history, but by familiarity with such events as 
Raleigh's execution and Arabella Stewart's death. 

For her part, I doubt not but her own unspotted vertue will easily wipe out any blot which your malice 
would cast upon it ; and for me and my countrymen, know (ray good lord) that such blows as come in rime 
are too weak to reach or harm us. 

I am ashamed in your lordship's behalf for these proceedings, and sorry that the world must now see how 
long it bath been mistaken in Northumberland's spirit ; and yet who will not commendyour wisdom in chusing 
foch a safe course, to wrong a woman and a prisoner ? The one of which cannot, and the other by nature and 
quality of the place may not, right his own wrongs. Wherefore (setting aside the most honorable order of the 
garter, and protesting that whatsoever is here said is no way intended to the nobility and gentry of England 
in general, which I doubt not but will condemn this your dishonorable dealing, and for which both myself, and 
I dare truly say, all my countrymen, shall be even as ready to sacrifice our bloods as for our own mother Scot- 
land,) I do not only in regard of our own persons affirm, that whatsoever in those infamous verses is contained 
is utterly false and untrue, and that yourself hath dealt most dishonorably, unworthily, and basely ; but this 111 
ever maintain. If these words sound harshly in your lordship's ear, blame yourself, since yourself forgetting 
yourself hath taught others how to dishonor you ; and remember, tbat though nobility makes a difference of 
persons, yet injury acknowledgeth none. PATRICK RUTH EN. 

• Wood's Athense, ed. Bliss, ii. 300. 



200 Observatians on certain Documents relating to 

Nothing is known respecting the lady who is alluded to in this letter. Some persons 
have conjectured that it was the Lady Arabella Stewart. I do not think it likely, 
under any circumstances ; and those who are inclined to agree with me as to the 
probable date of the letter, must of course abandon that supposition, as Arabella died 
in 1615. It may relate to the lady whom Ruthven married — perhaps had married 
already. She was the widow of an English peer. It is difficult to conjecture how 
she and Ruthven became acquainted whilst he was in the Tower, and if this letter 
alludes to her, it adds to the mystery respecting her which will be commented upon 
hereafter. 

On the 24th May, 1614, Ruthven was permitted to visit his sister Barbara, who 
was in London, and was thought likely to die, but he was to be accompanied by a 
keeper, who was to restore him safely to his place of confinement. 

In 1616, after the lapse of thirteen years, there is the first trace of his receiving a 
little additional comfort. Colonel Cowell has found amongst the Pell records an 
entry of a grant to Patrick Ruthven of an annual payment of 200/. " for apparel, 
books, physic, and such like necessaries,*' which sum was to be in lieu of the allow- 
ances previously made to the Lieutenant of the Tower on those accounts, but was to 
be over and above the allowances still to be paid to the lieutenant " for the diets of 
the said Patrick Ruthven and of his servant.'* ^ It may be that at this time his 
brother William was dead, which would make Patrick head of the Gowrie family, 
and give him an additional equitable claim for compassionate consideration at the 
hands of the king. 

It was six years after this period before the doors of his prison were opened. 
Colonel Cowell has foimd the following memorandum on the Council Register under 
the date of the 4th August, 1 622 : — 

^^ At the Court at Windsor , 4th of August ^ 1622. 

" His Ma^i« having beene pleased to give order for the Enlargement of Patricke 
Ruthen out of the Tower of London, his royall pleasure was this day further 
signified by M"^. Secretarie Calvert that the said Patricke Ruthen should remaine 
confined unto the Universitie of Cambridge, and within six miles compasse of the 
same, until further order from his Ma^*® ; whereof this memoriall was coniaunded 
to be entred into the Register of Councell causes, and a copie thereof sent unto the 
said Patricke Ruthen." 

With liberty came new wants, and in the book of enrolments of letters patent 

• Appendix, No. IV. 




William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthvm. 201 

for issues out of the Receipt of Exchequer, No. vi., fol. 95, under the date of the 1 1th 
September, 1622, Colonel Cowell has found an entry of a grant "to our well 
beloved Patrick Ruthen, esquire," of an annuity or pension of £500, payable out of 
the Exchequer, for his life." A grant so considerable clearly confirms the inference 
that his brother William was at this time dead. 

As a studious and inquiring youth, Patrick Ruthven had probably found the 
University of Cambridge a pleasant place of residence. On that account he may 
have selected it on his release from the Tower, but increasing age and the deadening 
eflfects of nineteen years' imprisonment, with the formation of new family ties and 
relationships, rendered Cambridge, with all its manifold attractions, inconvenient 
or no longer agreeable to him. He petitioned the king for an enlargement of the 
condition which bound him to reside at Cambridge. His petition was considered, 
on the 4th February, 1623-4, in a council at which Prince Charles and Archbishop 
Abbot were present. New conditions were substituted for those which restrained 
his liberty at Cambridge, but the old jealousy of his approach to the court was only 
in a very slight degree relaxed. 

The following is the Council Minute on the occasion : — 

"At Whitehall, the 4^^' of February, 1623-4. 

Present. 

The Pi'ince his Highness. 

Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. 

Lord Keeper. Lord Brooke. 

Lord Trear. Lo. Chichester. 

Lord President. M** Trear. 

E. Marshall. M' Comptroler. 

Lo. Chamb'^laine. M*^ Sec. Calvert. 

Lo. V. Grandison. M^ Chancellor. 

Lo. Carewe. M^ of the Roles. 

" Whereas his Ma^»c ^as heretofore graciously pleased to give order for the inlargm^ 
of Patrick Ruthen from his imprisonm^ within the Tower of London, and that he should 
remaine confyned to the Universitie of Cambridge, and within sixe myles compasse 
of the same, until the farther order from his Ma**% his royall pleasure was this day 

a Appendix, No. V. 
VOL. XXXIV. 2 D 



202 Observati&M on certain Documents relating to 

further Bignifyed by M^ Sec. Conway, that the said Patrick Ruthen, according to his 
humble suite to his Ma^>« on that behalfe, should be released of his confynmt upon 
theis twoe condicons, viz^ that he should come noe nearer to the court then he was 
pmitted by his said conf}iiems and that he should not at any tjrme seate him^ 
Hclfe in any place wher his Majesty should not lyke him to be resident^ whereupon 
the said Patrick Ruthen hareing for the present named Somersetshire for his resi- 
dence, his Ma^*" was pleased to approve thereof; and a memoriall hereof was 
comaunded to be entred in the Register of Councell Causes, and a coppie of the 
same sent unto the said Patrick Ruthen." 

Whereabouts in Somersetsliire Patrick Ruthven resided, or how long he remained 
there, is not known. 

The next glimpse we have of Inin occurs in the proceedings of this Society, and 
is of peculiar value in this place, as giving the Fellows of the Society of Antiqua- 
ries something of a personal interest in Patrick Ruthven's name and character. In 
the admirable paper, contributed by our friend the Rev. Joseph Hunter to the 32nd 
volume of the Archaeologia, upon Edmund Bolton's proposal, sanctioned by James I. 
in 1624, for the establishment of a Royal Academy in England founded upon the 
ruin of Archbishop Parker s, or the old Society of Antiquaries, there is printed, 
from a valuable MS. in Mr. Hunter's possession, a list of the persons who were to 
have been admitted what may be termed the first fellows of such a Society ; ^^ a 
list framed, it is probable," remarks Mr. Hunter, " by Bolton himself, but sanctioned 
and approved by the king." « In that list we read the name of ^^ Mr. Patrick 
Ruthin." ^ Mr. Hunter was at one time inclined to suppose that the gentleman 
alluded to was the eminent soldier who in after times became the Earl of Forth and 
Brentford ; but I believe I may state that he now agrees with me in thinking that 
the person into whose fate we are at present inquiring is far more likely to have 
been the man. His after-history renders this more probable, but I could not pass 
by such an incident in the chronological place in which it occurs without a word of 
comment, which I hope will excite a deeper sympathy amongst the Fellows of the 
Society of Anticiuaries on his behalf, and induce them to follow this inquiry to its 
end with undiminished if not increasing interest. 

There is a lapse of sixteen years between the date of this incident and our next 
information respecting Patrick Ruthven. James I. had been long dead, and Charles 
was now engaged in that unhappy war with his Scottish subjects which led so directly 

'» Archfcologia, XXXII. 142. »' Ibid. p. 146. 




William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthvm. 203 

to the troubles in England^ when we find the heir of the earldom of Gowrie again 
using his patronymic Ruthven, or rather Ruthuen, for the * u' is substituted for the 
* V,' and described as of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, esquire, assigning 
120/. per annum, part of his pension of 500/. per annum, to his " lovinge daughter 
Mary Ruthuen," of the same parish, " spinster."* This was on the 27th February, 
1639-40, and its discovery was the first notice which was found of Patrick Ruthven*s 
having been married. For a long time it was all that could be ascertained upon 
the subject. But information received very recently from a Scottish gentleman, 
well known for his skill in genealogical research,^ has led to the estabUshment of the 
fact, that the wife of Patrick Ruthven was Elizabeth Woodford, second wife and 
widow of Thomas first Lord Gerrard of Abbot's Bromley in StaflFordshire, who died 
when Lord President of Wales, in 1617." Every step in. this history is a mystery 
and a romance. How this *^ fair young lady," for such she is stated to have been at 
the death of her first husband, became known to the prisoner in the Tower, where 
they were married, or when — everything in fact relating to this portion of our 
narrative — remains at present altogether unknown. 

This incident of Patrick Ruthven's marriage throws a gleam of sunshine across 
a few years of his melancholy story ; but the Ught is given only to be withdrawn. 
His life was closed in sorrowful and congenial darkness. The probability seems to 
be, that Ruthven and Lady Gerrard were married within a year or two after the 
death of Lord Gerrard, and whilst Ruthven was still suflfering imprisonment. In 
1624, the lady died, leaving Ruthven a widower with three young children, two boys 
and a girl, if not more.^ If he was still resident in Somersetshire, he probably now 
returned to London with his children. Mary Ruthven, his daughter, was in due 
time admitted to an office in the royal household, in the service of Queen Hen- 
rietta Maria. She is stated to have been a young lady of extraordinary beauty. 
Those who have seen her portrait, by Vandyke, at Hagley, may judge how truly 
that was the case. The assignment, by her father, of the 120/. per annum, was 

• Appendix, No. VI. 

^ Alexander Sinclair, Esquire, of Edinburgh. The information was conveyed through Mark Napier, 
Esquire, whose interest respecting the history of Patrick Ruthven is increased by the circumstance that he was 
a fellow student in chemistry and astrology with the celebrated Napier of Merchistoun, the inventor of 
logarithms. 

« Harl. MS. 1423, fo. 56. Birch MS. 4173, fo. 588. 

^ Vincent MS. in CoUeg. Arm. She is said in some MSS. to have had six children, but that does not 
seem very probable if she died in 1624. 



204 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

evidently intended by way of marriage settlement, and shortly after it was executed, 
the exact date being as yet unknown, she was married, by the procurement of 
Charles L, to the illustrious artist Vandyke. Again the fates seemed smiling upon 
Ruthven and his fortunes, but it was only for a moment. In 1640, Mary Ruthven, 
then Lady Vandyke, paid a visit with her husband, perhaps a wedding trip, to his 
native Flanders. On the 1st of December, 1641, she gave birth to her only child, 
a daughter, who was baptised on the 9th of the same month, by the name of Jus- 
tiniana, at St. Anne's, Blackfriars. This was the parish in which Vandyke lived 
from 1632 to 1641, occupying a house, as Mr. Cunningham has informed us, in his 
excellent Hand-book of London, which was estimated, at a moderate valuation, as 
being worth 20/. per annum. Mr. Cunningham has printed the entry in the 
parish register which relates to the baptism of Vandyke's daughter, in which there 
is a blank left for the name of the child's mother, and other entries which com- 
memorate the burials of Jasper Lanfranck and Martin Ashert, two foreign servants 
of the great painter, who died in February and March, 1638. In the summer time, 
it may be added, Vandyke had a country lodging at Eltham. 

His daughter Justina, Justiniana, or Justinian, which last is the name entered 
in the parish register, was bom under circumstances of peculiar sorrow. Vandyke 
was subject to violent fits of illness, which were aggravated by some imprudences 
of living. One of his customary illnesses, perhaps increased by the pubUc troubles, 
which seriously interfered with the practice of his art, fell upon him just at the time 
of his wife's confinement. During this illness, and three days after the birth of 
his child, he executed a will, in which he makes mention of his then " new bom " 
daughter, and on the 9th December, 1641, the very day on which his Uttle child 
was hurried to baptism, the great painter died, at the age of 43. He was buried, 
according to the direction of his will, on the north side of the choir of old St. Paul's 
cathedral, near the tomb of John of Gaunt. Increasing family troubles, the consequence 
of the public calamities, prevented the erection of any monument to his memory, and 
every trace of his interment was destroyed in the fire of 1666. Even in the midst of 
what ought to be an antiquarian paper, we may be allowed to glance for a moment at 
that lasting monument which he left behind him in his works. Of all the men of his 
day, how few united themselves more indelibly with the period in which they lived. 
How imperfect would have been our power of realising or describing that period, 
without Vandyke's living delineations of the king and queen, with the Herberts, the 
Wentworths, the Digbies, the Stanleys, the Howards, the Percies, the Seymours, the 
Villierses, and the other worthies of that court and time so inimitabl)' commemorated 




William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthven. 205 

by his graceful pencil. His portraits constitute a monument which neither time nor 
fire can ever altogether destroy.* 

When the public troubles threw the finances and the government of the country 
into confusion, Patrick Ruthven and his family were among the first to suflFer. His 
pension fell into arrear, which put an end to his daughter s income as well as his own ; 
there were no means by which the large sums due to Vandyke could be recovered ; 
Lady Vandyke made a second and an imprudent marriage ; she soon after died, and the 
valuable collection of Vandyke's paintings, works left on hand unpaid for or unfinished, 
the only property applicable to the maintenance and education of Ruthven's grand- 
daughter, the little Justiniana, were removed, under pretended legal authority, from 
Vandyke's house in Blackfriars, by creditors of Lady Vandyke's second husband, 
Sir Richard Pryse. To sell these pictures in England was not possible. During the 
public disturbances such productions were well nigh valueless, and the court of 
chancery would have interfered to prevent an open sale. To smuggle them out of 
the country was the only way of turning them to account, and, in spite of Ruthven's 
interference to the contrary, such seems to have been their fate. On the 25th 
March, 1644-5, Patrick Ruthven appealed upon the subject to the House of Lords, 
hi his petition, which still exists,^ he sets forth the claims of his "* fatherless and 
motherless" grandchild, explains the legal subtleties by which the possession of the 
pictures had been wrongfully obtained, and prays the House to stay their exporta- 
tion. The House made its order accordingly. 

" Upon reading the petition of Patrick Ruthin, esquire, it is ordered, that there 
be a stop made for the present of the exportation of the pictures remaining in the 
possession of one Richard Andrewes, and that the party whom it concerns shall 
have a copy of the petition and return his answer thereunto, and in the meantime 
the property of the said pictures is not to be altered nor sold." c 

This is the minute of the order as it appears on the journals ; the actual order 
served on Andrewes states the circumstances more fully .<* What ensued is not quite 
certain. Andrewes was served with the order, and probably came to some arrange- 
ment with the friends of the orphan, either undertaking to sell the pictures for 
them, or on some other terms which they consented to. Two years elapsed. Some 
of the pictures had been sold, but no money was forthcoming for the orphan. 

* Colonel Cowell has in his possession a portrait of Vandyke, painted by himself. It is the one which 
is distinguished by the inverted hand — the same which was partly engraved for Walpole's Anecdotes of 
Painting. ^ Appendix, No. VII. 

« Lords' Journals, VIL 286 a. 25th March, 1645, 20 Car. I. ^ Appendix, No. VIII. 



206 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

Andrewes's arrangements were now complete. The rest of the pictures had been 
exported, and Andrewes himself was preparing to follow them. A second appeal 
was in vain made by Patrick Ruthven to the House of Lords. Andrewes was sent 
for to answer for his contempt, but there is no record of his attendance. In all 
probability the bird had flown, and the pictures were lost to England and to 
Vandyke's daughter." 

The continuance of the public troubles, and the consequent suspension of his 
pension, entailed not merely difficulty but absolute poverty upon Patrick Ruthven. 
Colonel Cowell has found among the records of the exchequer a document, dated 
the 8th May, 1648, by which Patrick Ruthven gave a security upon his pension of 
500/. per annum to Lettice EUinsworth, or, as she signed her name, Illingworth^ of 
Westminster, widow, for 80/. which he stood indebted to her. On this paper are 
indorsed five receipts for small sums, amounting in the whole to 34/., which she 
managed — we cannot tell by what importunity — to obtain under this assignment in 
the course of five years.^ It may be inferred from these indorsements, and the 
beggarly pa)anents thus made from time to time to Patrick Ruthven's creditor, that 
from the commencement of the Civil War, down to January, 1652-3^ Ruthven 
himself did not in all probabiUty receive anything at all. 

The security to Mrs. Illingworth proves clearly that at its date, i. e. on the 8th 
May, 1648, not only was William Ruthven esteemed to be dead without issue, bnt 
that Patrick Ruthven had then assumed one of those titles which, under other 
circumstances, would hereditarily have belonged to him. He was at first described 
in this document as the " Right Honourable Patrick Earl of Gowrie, Lord Ruthven.'* 
This was the description given of him by the scrivener who prepared the docu- 
ment and endorsed it " The Earl of Cowrie's Assignment." When it came to be 
executed, Patrick Ruthven probably hesitated to sign himself ** Gowrie." The 
words " Earl of Gowrie " were consequently struck through in the two several places 
in which they occur, the endorsement was cancelled, and Patrick Ruthven affixed 
his signature simply as '' Ruthven," a title to which of course he was no more 
entitled than to that of " Gowrie ;" nor could he have had a pretence for assuming 
either during the life of his brother. 

It was when thus compelled to face poverty in almost its sharpest form, that the 
curious and scientific spirit which distinguished the whole of his family came to Patrick 
Ruthven*s aid. For several generations the leading Ruthvens were not merely men 

• Appendix, Nos. IX., X., XI., and XII. I am indebted to the kindness of W. J. Thorns, Esq., F.S.A. and 
to the permission of John George Shaw Lefevre, Esq., the Clerk of the House of Lords, for great ftcTlities 
in the discovery and inspection of these important documents. ^ Appendix, No. XIII. 




William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthven. 207 

of general talent^ but men whose talent led them specially toward the study of those 
mjrsteries of chemical philosophy which ignorance and prejudice have too often 
confounded with sorcery and magic. A crj^ w^as raised on this score, by their 
political opponents, successively against Patrick Lord Ruthven, and his son, the first 
Earl of Gowrie. Stress was laid, in the proofs given on the Gowrie conspiracy, upon 
a paper covered with unknown characters which was found in the pocket of the 
third earl. Bishop Burnet gravely records, as we have seen, that it was given out of 
Patrick Ruthven's elder brother William, that he '^ had the philosopher's stone." In 
all these cases, probably, the simple truth was, that the person alluded to was 
inclined to the study of chemistry, which in the then state of knowledge was 
invariably connected with alchemy. The same thing may be asserted of Patrick 
Ruthven,* and when necessity compelled him to endeavour to find bread by the 
exercise of whatever talent he possessed, he procured a degree, as is said, of doctor 
of medicine, and practised as a physician in London. 

The last glimpse we catch of him as a living man exhibits him in this honourable 
character, but does not lead us to suppose that his practice was either extensive or 
remunerative. It occurs in the Aulicus Coquinariae, and is evidently a remark 
founded upon personal observation. It refers, as Mr. Craik thinks, to about the 
year 1651, and is amongst Sanderson's Additions to Bishop Goodman. After men- 
tionmg some of the circumstances of Ruthven's imprisonment and pension, the 
writer adds, that, the latter failing, Ruthven " walks the streets, poor, but well 
experienced in chymical physic and in other parts of learning." 

The last scene of all, the scene which ends this and all other histories, was sur- 
rounded in the instance of Patrick Ruthven with a melancholy which well befitted 
the misfortunes of his life. The gradations of poverty and misery which he passed 
through it is now impossible to unravel. Probably he lived to look back upon the 

■ Since this was written, a very interesting proof of Patrick Ruthven's devotion to alchemical science has 
been laid before the Society by Thomas Wright, Esq. F.S.A. It is a MS. folio volume of collections, 
belonging to James O. Halliwell, Esq. F.S.A. consisting principally of extracts from chemical and alchemical 
works, selected and copied by the hand of Patrick Ruthven himself. Besides the evidence of handwriting, the 
authorship of the volume is proved, as Mr. Wright has pointed out, by the following heading to one of the 
articles : " The coppie of D. M. letter writeu to the Earle of ARG : contayninge the holl worke oenigraa- 
ticallie as he conceiued it firste out of the former wheels and sypher of TrithemiusJ and then made it with his 
o?me handes : copied by me from the originall letter under D. M. owne hande. Copied, I saye, an. 16:29, 
Octob. 2, per me, Patricium Ruthuenum.'* In another part of the same volume is a copy of a paper 
recording a conversation upon alchemical subjects, between Dr. MuUer, the D. M. before mentioned, and the 
celebrated Napier of Merchistoun, in November 1607. This copy is stated to have been copied from a 
memorandum written by Napier himself, which was found after his death amongst his papers. In this conver- 
sation Muller treats Napier as a person " occupied in alchymie," 



208 Documents relating to William first Earl of Govrrie and Patrick Ruthven. 

long years he had passed in the Tower — passed in the pursuit of favourite stu- 
dies — as the happiest portion of his life. When death came to him, at the age of 
68, it found this inheritor and representative of some of the noblest blood in Scot- 
land, this cousin of the king, and as some think a possible claimant of the throne, 
the tenant of a cell in the King's Bench ! He was buried at St. George's, in South- 
wark, as " Lord Ruthen," on the 24th day of May 1652, and against the entry of 
his interment in the register are placed the letters K. B., which indicate the place of 
his death.* On the 13tli March, 1656-75 letters of administration were granted 
of his eflFects, by the title of " Patricke Lord Ruthen, late of Scotland, but in the 
parish of St. George's, in Southwark, in the county of Surrey, deceased," to his 
son, *' Patricke Ruthen, Esquire,"*' of whom nothing is known. 

In conclusion, I would beg to point attention to the success which has attended 
Colonel Cowell's researches into the Public Records, The facts which he has 
derived from that source are but first-fruits, but they are sufficient to show what 
might be done for history and biography generally, if the records were rendered 
accessible by the abolition of fees upon literary searches. It is a little matter for a 
gentleman bent upon the investigation of a single question in which he has a per- 
sonal interest to pay the expense consequent upon the prosecution of such a narrow 
inquiry, even if it extends to many offices, but nothing of the kind can be done by 
antiquaries or historical investigators. They spend their lives in researches which 
are day by day recurring, which extend over large fields of investigation, and 
embrace a great variety of objects of inquiry. In such cases the payment of reite- 
rated fees, however small, is out of the question ; no man's purse can afford it ; nor 
will inquirers of independent spirit submit to such a literary wrongs Who would or 
could refer to the MSS. at the British Museum, if he had to pay a shilling for every 
volume he consulted ? The instance before us goes some little way towards showing 
what is the loss to our historical literature in consequence of this regulation of the 
Record Offices. But I trust a time is rapidly approaching when this great obstacle 
to historical inquiry will be removed. 

Believe me, my dear Sir Charles, yoiu^ very sincerely, 

JNO. BRUCE. 

Sir Charles G. Young, Garter, F.S.A. 
he, &c. • &c. 

" This fact was pointed out to me by the Rev. Joseph Hunter, ever ready to communicate out of bis rich 
stores of information to every earnest inquirer. An extract from the register was procured for me by 
another equally kind and zealous friend, George R. Comer, Esq. F.S.A. 

b See Appendix, No. XIV. 



APPENDIX. 



No. I. 

Letter from William Davison to Sir Chbistopher Hatton. 

[HarL MS. 291, fol. 143.] 

Sir, 

I knowe it can not but offer your honour argument ynoughe either to suspect my dewtie or to 
condempne my negligence, that in all the tyme since my cominge hither I have not written unto 
yow, the rather consideringe the devocion I have professed to bear yow, and the interest yow may 
lawfully chalenge in me. But as your honours good nature hath bine allwayes slow to prejudge 
or condempne your devoted poore friendes, so will yow, I doubt not, weighe my fault in the same 
even and equall ballance, assuring yourselfe that yf my restles busines here, growinge from the 
jealouse and unsettlett procedinges of this shaken government (which still withholdeth my 
frindes from resortinge openly unto me) did not geve me occasion and matter of continuall 
exercise in writinge to and fro, besides my ordinary dispatches home, which passinge wholy 
throughe my owne fingers, by reason of my want of one to do me that wayes some helpe, doth 
so occupie me, as it hath drawen an humor into myne eyes, which will hardly suffer me write att 
all, together with that I knowe ther is good watch layed at home by some favorers of the 
present alteracions here, to discipher amongest my frindes what race I have here to runne, which I 
oonfesse hath maide me somewhat the more skant of my lettres, for the respectes your honour 
can ghes. Besides that I doubt not but Mr. Secretary dothe acquaynt your honour from tyme to 
tyme with as muche as he receaveth, and hath not forgotten to excuse me in your behalfe, as I 
have ofl intreated him by my lettres. Yf, I say, thes and other unfeyned impediraentes did not 
excuse me, your honour might be assured that yow should have had no cause to complayne of 
my silence, and therefor beseche [you] to interpret my fault in the best parte, and assure your- 
selfe that, how negligent or slacke soever I appeare in ceremonies, yow shall still fynd me the 
same I have pretendid, without chaunge in my affection and devocion towardes yow. 

Of the uncerten estate and procedings here I woot not what certenly to write unto your 
honour, other then that I fynd infinite appearaunces that this yonge kinges course, directed 
partely by the unassured compasse of his mother's counsell, and partlye by the immoderate 
affections of some here at home, dothe carye him headlonge to his owne daynger and hazard of 
his estate, which, excedingly shaken by their late violent and tempestious fourme of procedinges, 
can not longe abide in the termes it is. He hath, since the chaunge at St. Androwes, continually 
followed fourth an implacable hatred and pursute agaynst all such as in defence of his lyfe and 
crowne have hazarded ther owne lives, living, fortunes, and all that they have, and now throwen 
himselfe into the armes of those that have heretofore preferred his mother's satisfaction to his 
owne seurtie, and do yet ayme at that marke with the apparaunt daunger of relligion (which hath 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 E 



210 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

alreadie receavid a greater wounde by the late confusions and alterations then can be easelye 
repayred) and hazard^ both of the state att home^ and common peace with ther interest 
[nearest ?] neighbours abrode^ agaynst whose quiett as thies alteracons have [been] specially 
directed^ so may your honour easely ghese what we may looke for, yf the counsaile of ther 
oracle and indevour of her instrumentes may take place. The Frenchman^ Fonteny^ brother to 
de Naue^ her secretary^ who addressed hither bothe from her selfe and her frindes in Fraunce^ to 
renew the motion of ratefying the associacion heretofore sett abroche to interteyne her frindes 
and helpe forwarde the worke in hande for her reliefe^ hathe insisted much upon that poynt of 
assotiacion, which the king pretendes to have no likinge of, diswaded^ as Arrane woulde have us 
thincke^ by him, who the rest of her frindes suspect to round a course to her disadvantage; bat 
smche la the inconstancy «id &ythlea nature of the maa aa it is hard to frame a certtn jmdgment 
upon his actions^ which I know ar suspect to the <me side and other^ eqwdattye sinoo the 
motinge betwixt him and my Lord of Hunsdon, in the secret whereof tiie rest prolend an utter 
ignovauBce, notwithstandinge that the Arle of Rothes^ the Lord Fleminge, the Secretary, and 
otbers of the eonssile, attendid on him to the place of metinge, where, duringe the conference^ 
tiiey were driven to kepe the scout-watch in tiie open diurchyeard, to ther disgrace, and proofe 
of the others discretion. It appeares ther is some great mistery in this trafficke, which tbrjr ar 
so loth to discover, which I doubt not yotur honour hath longe er this found out; myselfe an 
maide a straunger to it by th'one side and other, althoughe otherwise acquaynted witk move 
than they can well a£Forde me. 

It is assured me that Armorer, my Lord of Hunsdon his servant (who as I heave is now at our 
court), brought the king at his last cominge in, duringe the parliament, both riiertes^ eoyfee^ 
handkerchefiiss, and other night-furniture very curiouslye wrought but from whom yoinr keno*' 
can ghess. A little before the metinge betwixt his lordship and Arane, he eonfessed unto me 
that the marriage betwene this king and the yonge gentlewoman in court yo' honour knowetft^ 
was the marke they aymed at, but, in the meane tyme, 1 am assured he maketfa court ebewhev^ 
as I thincke you can not be ignoraimt, some of them estemenge and usinge the one as a meane to 
draw on the other. Althoughe there be sufficient appearances on this side, that the^^ar rmdier 
imbraced as meanes to interteigne the tyme and to make ther profite of that humor then of any 
sound afiection, or good meaninge, to the one or other, as I tiunke my Lord of Hunsdon w3i 
fynd in conclusion, howsoever he be now fedd with the paynted promisses of him that, to s e rve 
his owne toume, respecteth neither fayth, hono^, nor common honesty^ But herein I see the 
tyme onlye must make some men wiser. In the meayne while he enterteigneth the mocion of a 
mariage with Sweden, whither his brother William was purposely sent with Sir Andrew Ketii^ 
and hath sought to have a particular doinge with Fraunce, wheare it should seeme his crecKt ie 
not great, the queenes frindes reposinge no confidence in his ineonstaunt nature, albeit they have 
used him as a fitt instrument to wracke such as they hated, feared, and suspected most ; and yet 
would he appeare to ronne whofly the course of Engl»ade, to see yf by that meanes he may put 
of the storme he feared, and kepe out those whose entry with her majestyes countenaunce would 
easelye deprive him both of honour and lyie. 

It is incredible how universaUye the man is hated of all men of all degrees, and whait a 




William frst Earl of Gowrit emd Patrick Rwthoen. S 1 1 

letknisye is Bcmken into the beades of some of the wisest here^ of his ambidous and imodenbte 

ihaiigittes, which they suspecte to reach beyond the kinges life in a degnee the world dothe not yet 

dreame of^ as your honour shall heare more hereafter, wherein, beades divers speadies fanOiiige 

out of his owne xnouthe, some to myselfe some to others, of his liueall and lawfall disoent to 

the aildome of Arrayne, and consequentlye to what soever right that house can dayme (as be 

nnderstandes it) in this crowne, and of thentaylinge of the crowne by parliament (wherein yf 

tlie fonge duke he admitted the first place he chalengeth a seconde) ; his actions, as in recovennge 

into his hands the principall strengthes of the countrye, with the whole munition, ordinaunoe, 

jewelles, and wealth of this crowne ; his usurped power and disposition of all thinges bothe in 

eonrt, parliament, and sessions, at the appetite of him selfe and his good ladye, with many other 

thinges, do bewraye matter ynoughe to suspecte the fruictes of ambition and inordinate thirst of 

role, eapedallye in suche a subjecte as neither feare of God or respecte of manprevailes with alL 

fiiBoe his recovery of this castell, which he longe aspired to, and whiche to oompasse he forged 

the bmite of a new conspiracye, accusinge the captayne, or at least such within the place as 

(beinge removed) he might the easdyer circumvent the captayne and effecte his desire, havinge 

sriMMmed one Drommonde that was before presoner theare, to be the accuser and delater 

theraof ibr his purpose, there faulethe out no appearaunce of any such thinge in treuth, neither 

dothe he insist any further in the matter since he gott his desire, which the world thinckes was 

farthered by his wi£fes art ; — ^a woman generallye accused of sorcerye, and laden with the 

infiamye of other vices. But the desire and expectation of all men here shall fiayle them yf there 

JHfW kingdome do continew longe. 

in the last session of parliament — more gaynefull to them by ther briberye and corruption 
then honorable for the king or profitable for the estate, — ^they have forfe3^ted whom it pleased 
them ; whose malice and crueltye spared not the poore innocent ladyes, especiaUye the countess 
of Gowrey, whom they used with the greatest inhumaiiitye that may be, and have determined to 
prosequute ther revenge and rapyne against the rest whom they please to sommon in the next 
sesdon of parliament, where he is to preside as a viceroye (the king myndinge not to be present), 
havinge by acte in this last session full powre geaven to him and four of eche estate as his 
assistauntes, both to precede in forfeyture of the rest sommoned, and to make new lawes at ther 
discretion, in a forme as odious as it is straunge to all men. 

In this last session, amongest manye other compositions, for lawes and justice ar here mar- 
chaundable and prized at ther discretions, they restored the old Bishop of Dunkell (deposed 
longe since for popery and other vices) for the somme of 6000 marks Scottishe, suspended 
some and discharged others out of the sommons of forfeyture ; so as, besydes that praye they 
have maide of the forfeyted landes and livinges of Gowryes and others, this parliament is thought 
to have yeldod him and his wiflfe in redye monye, at the least, SOOOO^i Scottish, whereof they lett 
not to makre ther boast, as yf all thinges were lawfull that ar lustfull to them. He is on 
Thursday last departed from hence to Faulkdand, where they ar in tldiberadan to dispatohe 
the H' of Gray^ appoynted by Arraynes procurement to be ambassadoiir to her majestie, but 
his departure [is] yet uncerten. This gentleman, beddes that he is a knowen papist, a firvorer of 
the French course [court?], a servaunt and pencioner of the queenesi, and a auspected pendonw^f 



212 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

the popes^ hath himselfe confessed to have had at his comminge out of France a cnpbord of plate 
geaven him by the Spanishe ambassadour resident ther, to the valewe of 5 or 6000 crownes, 
besides other gyftes from the duke of Guise, and other the queenes frindes, and since hit 
comminge home hath bine threasorer of such monie as was sent home by Ballandine as comminge 
from the queene, whereof I know where he weighed at one tyme 10000" reserved to the kinges 
owne use, besides his own parte, and that was els disposed amongest other of the courtiers to 
releve ther hungry appetites ; out of which store he hath of late, by his owne confession, delivered 
at the queenes commaundement 300 to Fuliambe and his companyon, who fleeinge this last 
yere out of England have bine since interteigned with Huntley in the North, and of late at hia 
fathers in Fife, as was likewise Nugent, the Irishe rebell, and his companyon. So as by the 
qualites of the person, with other circurastaunces, your honour may ghess what fruicte is to be 
gatherid of his ambassage, and what respect they have here to relegion, that employe men so 
qualified. He maketh great preparacion and taketh with him divers yonge gentlemen as vayne 
as him selfe. But hitherto I am not once maide acquainted by him selfe either with his diett or 
his charge, my Lord of Hunsdon and they thinckinge it best to have it passe throughe no more 
hands than ther owne, to whome I freely yeld all the honour and reputacion that may growe 
thereof, w^^ I feare will not be much when ther accoumpt is maide, but the end will crowne the 
worke. 

And thus, havinge halfe blynded myselfe with writinge, and weryinge your honour with the 
redinge of a tedious and scribled lettre, wherein I have the rather punished my selfe to make 
some parte of a satisfaction for my fault passed, I do humbly recommend my selfe to your good 
favour, and your honour to God's good providence, whom I beseche to blesse youe w^ the 
health and happenes both of bodie and soule. Edenbourgh the 6th Septemb. 1584. 

Your honours owne to be commaunded, 

W. DAVISON. 

Postscript. — ^The Erie of Argile is in great extremyty of sickenes and not like to live manye 
dayes, his death in the opinion of his friendes binge hastened by the greeffe he conceaveth to 
see the estate both of rellegion and common wealth of his country in daynger to be turned 
upside downe, by the unhappie course and counsaille which this younge kinge foUoweth. 

(Indorsed). — Scotland. Copie of a lettre to Sir Chr. Hatton, 6 Septemb. 1584. 26 Eliz. 



No. II. 

Deed of Procuratorship authorising a surrender to the king of the lands and baronies of 
Ruthven and Dirletoun, in order that a new settlement may be made of the reversion thereof in 
favour of James, the eldest son of William the first Earl of Gowrie. 

Univbrsis pateat per presentes, me Willielmum comitem de Gowrie dominum Ruthuen^ 
et Dirletoun etc., fedsse constituisse creasse et solempniter ordinasse, tenoreque presentium 
facere constituere creare et solempniter ordinare, honorabiles viros et predilectos meos magistrum 




William first Earl of Gomrie and Patrick Ruthven. 213 

pairicium gusythaw de newgirdge^ ac eorum quemlibet coniunctim et divisim meos veros legitimos 
et yironotabiles procuratores actores factores negotiorumque meoratn infrascriptorum gestores ac 
nuncios speciales et generales, dando concedendo et committendo ipsis eorumque cuilibet 
coniunctim et diuisim meam plenariam liberam et omnimodam potestatem ac mandatum speciale 
et generale ad pro me et nomine meo (reverentia qua decet) flexisque genubus sursum reddend^ 
pureque et simpliciter resignand' quiete clamand' et extra deliberand' Terras et baroniam de 
Ruthuen^ cum turre fortalicio manerio molendinis multuris terris molendinariis salmonum et alio* 
rum piscium piscationibus licet aut scitis annexis connexis partibus pendiculis tenentibus tenandriis 
et libere tenentium seruiciis earundem cum aduocatione et donatione capellaniarum de Ruthuen' 
et Tibbermure et omnibus suis pertinentibus ; terras de Bullinbreych, Pitcarny, Cragingall, 
Ordondachye, Hardhanch ; tertiam partem terrarum de Airlyweich ; villam et terras de Cultrany; 
terras de Denngrene ; dimedietatem molendini de Auchtirgavin, cum dimedietate multurarum et 
terrarum molendinariarum eidem incumbentium ; totas et integras terras de Monydie^ Banblair, 
Cragilmy, cum dimedietate molendini multurarum et terrarum molendinariarum hujusmodi; 
totam et integram tertiam partem dimedietatis omnium et singularum terrarum et baronie de 
Balligimoch cum castro et fortalicio ejusdem^ cum molendinis multuris terris molendinariis 
molendino fuUonum eiusdem, cum tenentibus tenandriis et libere tenentium seruitiis integre 
dimedietatis hujusmodi ; totam et integram tertiam partem terrarum et baronie de Abirnyte, 
cum molendinis multuris terris molendinariis molendino fuUonum eorundem, cum tenentibus 
tenandriis et libere tenentium servitiis eiusdem ; tertiam partem integre tercie partis terrarum et 
baronie de Forgundeny, cum molendinis multuris terris molendinariis tenentibus tenandriis et 
libere tenentium seruitiis integre eiusdem tertie partis, aduocatione et donatione capellanie de 
Forgundeny ; omnes jacentes infra vicecomitatum de Pertht ; tertiam partem terrarum et baronie 
de Segie^ cum molendinis multuris terris molendinariis eiusdem^ tenentibus tenandriis et libere 
tenentium seruitiis huiusmodi terrarum et baronies cum omnibus et singulis partibus pendiculis 
annexis connexis outsettis et pertinentibus euisdem jacen' infra vicecomitatum de Kynros; 
totas et integras terras et baroniam de Ballerno et Newtoun', cum molendinis multuris terris 
-molendinariis tenentibus tenandriis et libere tenentium seruitiis huiusmodi ; villam et terras de 
Cowsland, cum turre et fortalicio molendinis multuris aduocatione et donatione capellaniarum, 
tenentibus tenandriis et libere tenentium seruitiis eiusdem et suis pertinentibus, jacen' infra 
vicecomitatum de Edinburgh ; totam et integram tertiam partem terrarum et baronie de Dirltoun', 
cam turre fortalicio manerio Brabryn park, Hickfeild, Mensles et Mensles mure, villam et terras de 
-Dirltoun ; tertiam partem terrarum de Bowtoun' in meo infeofamento ex antiquo content' cum 
molendinis multuris terris molendinariis licet linkis cuniculis cuniculariis piscationibus tam in 
aquis saltis quam dulcibus, cum donatione prepositure de Dirltoun, cum tenentibus tenandriis et 
libere tenentium seruiciis totarum et integrarum antedictarum terrarum et baronie, cum omnibus 
suis pertinentibus jacen' infra vicecomitatum de Edinburgh et constabulariam de Hadingtoun 






* The deed as originally prepared was intended to be directed to several persons. A blank left for the 
insertion of their names was ultimately filled up hy the one name printed in italic. The grammatical altera- 
tions thus rendered necessary in the deed were not attended to. 



314 Observations on certain Documents relating to 



tertiam partem temmm de Hmanntoim' et Halibnrtoaii', com molenifinis imiltaris adfoatMne 
donatione capdlanie de HaUbnitonn, cam tenentibus temmdruB et libere tenenliiun aciw r tih 
totamm et integraram predictHram terramm et baroniarom cvm auis pertiiientibiia jaoea' infra 
vioeoomitatom de Bervik ; In manibni illostriBsimi prindpis Jaoobi Scotomm rq;is aezti, domini 
mei anpexioris eomndem, omnes Tnitas annexatas et incorporataa in unam integnun et fibenuna 
baroniam, baroniam de Ruthoen' nunc et omne tempore affnturo nmicnpand'. Et qnod mioa 
aaaina capienda apnd fortalicium principale de Ruthven' ae extendet et sofficiens eiit saafaia pro 
omnibua et singtdis tenis baroniis et aliia superius specificatis simili modo et adeo legitime sienti 
spedalis et particularis saaina apnd quamlibet partem antedictamm terrarom et bonmiaram eapta 
fuisaetynon obatantequod disoontigae jaoent, secundum meum infeofamentumet saainameanmdem. 
QuAiauiDEM omnes et singulas terras domuiia baronias et cetera superius specificata, cumcaatris 
tnrribns fortaliciis maneriis molendinis multuris siluis piscationibus tenentibus tenandriis et libeie 
tenentium seruidis annezis connexis aduocationibus donationibus beneficiorum et rapellaiiiarmn 
partibas pendiculis et pertinentibus huiusmodi suprascriptis, vnitas creatas et inoorporatas in unam 
liberam et integram baroniam ut dictum est, Eoo dictns Willielmus comes de Gowrie domioiis 
Buthven^ et Dirltoun, etc'^ non Ti aut metu ductus, nee errore lapsus compulsus aut coactna, aed 
mea mera libera et spontanea voluntate animo deliberato et matura deliberatione prdiabite. In 
manus dicti domini mei superioris per has meas procuratorii et resignationis literas suimm reddo 
pureque et simplidter resigno, ac totum jus et clameum proprietatem et possessionem que et qnas 
in et ad easdem habui habeo sen quovismodo in futurum habere potero omnino quietedamo imper- 
petuum, In fauobsm spedalem Jacobi Ruthren' filii mei senioris et heredis iqpparsntia heie- 
dumque suorum subscriptorum pro diet' domini mei superioris carta et infeodatione, Ipaiquidem 
Jacobo Ruthven' et heredibus masculis de corpore suo legitime procreantibus, Quibus defidenti- 
bus propinquioribus et legitimis heredibus masculis dicti Jacobi md filii quibusconque cognomen 
et arma de Ruthvenis gerentibus et portantibus, quibus omnibus defidentibus proquinquioriboa et 
legitimis heredibus suis quibuscunque cum ipsis imperpetuum hereditarie permanentibus in dehitsa 
forma danda et confidenda ; Reservato tamen libero tenemento sine vitali redditu omnium et 
singularum terrarum dominiorum baroniarum et ceterorom superius specificat', cum castria tor- 
ribus fortaliciis maneriis molendinis multuris siluis piscationibus tenentibus tenandriis et libere 
tenentium seruitiis annexis connexis aduocationibus donationibus benefidorum et capeUaniaram 
partibus pendiculis et pertinentibus hujusmodi suprascriptis mihi pro omnibus mee vite ^Keboa ; 
Ac ETiAM reseruato libero tenemento sine vitali redditu Dorathie Stewart mee sponse omnium et 
singularum superius specificatarum terrarum dominiorum baroniarum et ceterorum supraacrip- 
torum in quibus ipsa de presenti astat infeodata, secundum suum infeofamentum et sadnam 
eorundem, cum rationabili tertea remanentium et ceterarum eorundem similiter pro omnibua sue 
rite diebus, casu quo me ante ipsam in fata decedere contingerit et non alias ; Et dbsupsk 
instrumenta et documenta necessaria capienda procuranda et leuanda, et generaliter omnia alia et 
singula facienda gerenda dicenda et exercenda que ad officium procuratorium in premissis de iure 
seu regni consuetudine dinoscuntur pertinere, et que egomet facerem seu facere potuissem si 
presens personaliter interessem ; ratum et gratum firmum atque stabile habens atque habiturus 
totum id et quicquid dicti mei procuratores eorumue aliquis coniunctim et diuisim nomine meo in 
premissis rite duxere seu duxerint facien' sub hypotheca et obligacione omnium bonorum 



WilHam first Eart of Gmorie (md Patrick Rutkoen. 



315 



meorom mobilium et immobilium presentium et futurorum. In cuius rei testimonium sigillum 
meom proprium imacum mea subscriptione manuali presentibus est appensum ; apud burgum de 
Pertht die \iltimo mensis februarii anno domini millesimo quingentesimo octuagesimo tertio; coram 
his testibus, Jacobo Melvill de Halhill^ magistro Jacobo Herring preposito de Methuen', et Jacobo 
Drommond de Cairdneis. > 







No. III. 

Ahono the records in the Public Record Office, Rolls House, and in the custody of the 
Master of the Rolls, pursuant to Statute 1 and 2 Vict. c. 94, to wit, in the Miscellaneous Papers 
of the Exchequer of Receipt (that is to say, the Quarterly Bills of the Lieutenant of the Tower 
of London), it is contained as follows : — 

Extracts. 

The demaundes of Sir George Haruye knight. Lieutenant of the Tower of London, for the 
dyetta aad other chardges of prysoners in his custodye for one whole quarter of a year, viz^ 
from the feast of the Nativity of S^ John Baptist 1603, vntill the feast of S' Michaell Thearch- 
angell next foUowinge, as hereafter is declared : — 

Imprimis. For the dyett and other chardgs of Patricke Ruthven from the 
xxiiij*^ of June 1603, vntill the xxix^** of September next foUowinge, 
bccinge xiiij weeks, at iij*^ the weeke . . . . . 

I&n. Fbr a bedstead, a bedd, a boulster, a rougge, blancketts, sheets, and a 
canapye ......... 

Ifm. For his washinge and to the barber ..... 



Patricks 

RUTHUEN, 



xlij 



;;u 



yU xvj" viij<* 



Summa toQis 
(Signed) 



V11J» 

xlvnj** wf vnj° 

^ % sic die 9ic 

. cclxvij^' viij® x^ 

T. BUCHURST. 

E. WORCBSTEB. 

Ro. Cecyll. W. Knollts. E. Wotton. 

L. Stanuope. S. O. Howmb. 

G. Harut, LieuleBnt of the Tower. 

• A memoraadfim is indorsed of livery of seisin on the sixth of March, 1583. This memorandum is 
omch defkced by time, and, in many places, illegible. 



216 



Observations on certain Documents relating to 



Patrick 

RUTIIEN. 



ExTBACT from a like bill of Sir George Habuy for the quarter ending 25 December^ 1603. 

:(£ a|e a|e :|e 9|c 4: 

Item. For the diett and charges of Patrick Ruthen^ Esquier, from the xxix^ 
of September 16*03, vntill the xxv^*» of December next following, being xij 
weekes and halfe, att iij" a weeke ..... xxxvij** x» 

Item. More for aparell and necessaries bowght for him this quarter as maye 

appeare ......... lix" vj<* 



xl" ix» vj 



;d 



Patrick 
Ruth EN 

GOWERIES. 



Extract from a like bill of Sir Gboroe Harvt for the quarter ending 25 March, 1604. 

Item. For the diett and charges of Patrick Ruthen Goweries, brother to the 
Earle Goweries, during the tyme abouewritten, videt, for xj weeks, att iij" 
the weeke ..•••••• 

Item. More for the diett and other charges in the ileete of Patrick Ruthen 
Goweries for two weekes and a half, att iij" the weeke 

Item. More for apparell and other necessaries bowght for him this quarter 

as maye appeere . . . . . . • . xxij» yj 



xxxiij" 



vij" 



;d 



Extract from a like bill of Sir George Haryy for the quarter ending 24 June, 1604. 

Item. For the diett and charges of Ruthen Gowries, brother to the Earle 

Gowries, for thirtenc weeks, att three pounds the weeke . . . xxxix** 

Item. More for apparell and other necessaries bowght for him this quarter • iij" iiij» ij<* 



xlij" iiij» 



ij- 



Patr. 

HUTHKN 
Go W RE 8. 



Extract from a like bill of Sir George Harvy (or " Hervy") for the quarter ending 

29 Sept. 1604. 

3|C 3|C 3|C 3|C 3|C 9|C 

Item. For the diett and charges of Patrick Ruthen, brother to the Earle 
Gowres, for foretene weekes, ended att the feast of St. Michaell Tharck- 
angell 1604, att three pounds the weeke .... 

Item. For apparell bowght for him this quarter 

Item. For his washing one yeere and a quarter, att xx" a-yeere 

Item. To his reader Mr. Floyd, for one quarter, att x" p anii 

xlviij** xix" 



xlij 



;;u 



• 


• •■II .••• 

Uj" lUJ* 


• 


xxv» 


• 


1» 



William first Earl of Gotvrie and Patrick Rnthven. 217 

Extracts from a like bill of Sir George Harvy (or " Herv/*) for the quarter ending 

25 Dec. 1604. 

Item. For the diett and charges of Patrick Ruthen^ brother to the Erie Patrick 

Gowres, from the feast of S* Michaell Tharkangell 1604, vntill Xpmas Ruthen. 

next ffoUowinge, being twellue weekes and half, att iij" the weeke . xxxvij" x* 

Item. More for apparell and washing, and other necessaries bowght for him 

this quarter ........ xxiiij* viij<* 

xxxviij" xmj* viij" 

^K ^^ ^^ ^T* T^ T^ 

Item. To John Lloyd, reader to Patrick Ruthen, for his quarterlie allow- John 

ance^ att x^> p ann ....... 1» Lloyd. 



Extracts from a like bill of Sir George Harvy (or " Hervy^') for the quarter ending 

25 March, 1605. 

Item. For the diett and charges of Patrick Ruthen, brother to Erie Gowres, Patrick 

from Xpmas 1604, vntill our Lady Daye 1605, next ffoUowing, being 
thirteene weeks, att iij" a weeke ...... xxxix" 

Item. More for apparell and necessaries bowght for him this quarter . iiij" ij* viij«* 

Item. More to John Lloyd, his reader, this quarter, and for his washinge . Iv' 



iff 



xlv" xvij^viij^ 



Extracts from a like bill of Sir George Harvy (or " Hervy'O for the quarter ending 

24 June, 1605. 

****** Patrick 

Item. For the diett and charges of Patrick Ruthen (brother to Erie Gowres) Ruthen. 

from the Anuncacon of o^^ Lady 1605, vntill the feast of S* John Bap- 
tist next ffollowing, being thirtene weeks, att iij" the weeke . . xxxix** 
Item. For shooes and other necessaries, and for his washing, and to his 

reader Mr. Lloyd, this quarter ..... iij" ij» 

rii» ij^ 

* He 4: 4: 4: 4: 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 P 



218 



Observations on certain Documents relating to 



Also in Pells 
P. S. Book, 
No. 7. fol. 
93\ 



Patrick 

RUTHEN, 

prisoner in 
the Tower, 
for apparell, 
books, &c. 
besides y*^ 
allowances 
paid to y^ 
Lieutenant of 
the Tower for 
his diettes. 

cc". p' annu. 
To com'ence 
from Midso- 
mer 1616. 

Payable 
quarterlie . 
during his 
Ma*« plea- 
sure. (Exr.) 



No. IV. 

Among the records in the Public Record Office^ by virtue of the statute 1 and 2 Vict. c. 94^ 
to wit, in the Inrolments of Writs of Privy Seal made by the Auditor of the Receipt of the 
Exchequer, roll " F/' entry " 4C/' it is contained as follows : — 

Irrotulament fireuiu sub priuato sigillo dni Regis infra Thesauru Recep{ Scac'ij dicti Regis a 
Festo Pasche 1616, Anno Regni Regis Jacob! Anglie Francie et Hibemie decimo quarto 
et Scotie quadragesimo nono vsque ad Festum Pasche ex tunc proxime sequen 16l7i Anno 
regni dicti Regis Anglie &c. decimo quinto et Scotie quinquagesimo. 

Scilicet pro vno Anno Integro. 

* :(: :(: 

James, &c. To the T?er and Vndertrer of o*" Exchequer that now are and that hereafter for 
the tyme shalbe greeting. Whereas wee have been pleased to grant, and by theis pnts doe 
grant vnto Patrick Ruthen, nowe prisoner in the Tower, a yearly allowance of twoe hundred 
poundes of lawful! money of England by the yeare for apparell, bookes, phisick, and such like 
necessaries ; Wee will and comand yo" of such our treasure as is now or shalbe from tyme to 
tyme remayning in the Receipt of o^ Exchecq'' to pay or cause to be paid Patrick Ruthen or 
his assignes the said allowance of twoe hundred pounds by the yere ouer and aboue such other 
allowances as are paid to the Liveten"nt of o*" Tower for the diettes of the said Patrick Ruthen, 
and of his seruant ; the said allowance of twoe hundred poundes per annu to begin from the 
Feast of the Nativitie of St. John Baptist last past before the date hereof, and soe to contynue 
quarterlie by euen porcons to be paid to the said Patrick Ruthen or his assignes during 
our pleasure. And theis o^ Ires shalbe as well to yo^ the Trer and Vndertrer of o^ Elzcheq' now 
being as to the Trer and Vndertrer of o^ Exchecq^ that hereafter for the tyme shalbe suffid^it 
warrant and discharge in this behalf. Given vnder our privie seale at o' pallace of Westm' the 
sixe and twentith day of July in the foureteenth yeare of our raigne of England, France and 
Ireland, and of Scotland the nyne and fortith. 

Ed. Clerke, dept Thome Clerke milif. 



Patrick 
Ruthen. 



No. V. 

Among the records in the Public Record Office, Rolls House, and in the custody of the 
Master of the Rolls, pursuant to statute 1 and 2 Vict. c. 94, to wit, in the Book of Inrolments of 
Letters Patent for Issues out of the Receipt of the Exchequer, belonging to the late Pell Office^ 
No. 6, foUo 95, it is contained as follows : — 

James, &c. To the Trer, Chauncellor, Vndertrer, Chambleins, and Barons of the Exchequer of 
vs our heires and successo'" now being, and that hereafter shalbe, and to all other officers and 
ministers of the same court and of the receipt there, to whom it shall or may apperteine, 
greeting : Knowe yee that wee, for diuse good causes and considera&ns vs therevnto moving, of 
our especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, have given and granted, and by theis 
presentes for vs, our heires, and successo", doe give and grant vnto our welbeloved Patrick 



WilUam first Earl of Gmorie and Patrick Ruthvm. 319 

Knthen, Esquier^ and his assignes, one annuitie or yearly pencon of fire hundred poondes of law^ ycu. p* annu. 
foil money of England by the year ; to have and to hould the said annuitie or yeariy pencon of 
five hundred poundes to the said Patrick Ruthen and his assignes^ for and during the natural! life Duran' vita. 
of him, the said Patrick Ruthen ; to pceive, receive, and take the said annuitie or yearly pencon 
of five hundred poundes of lawfull money of England, at the Receipt of the Exchequer of vs, our 
heires, and successors, out of the treasure of vs, our heires, and successors, from tyme to tyme, 
there to be and remaine, by the hands of the Trer, Yndertrer, and Chambleins of the said 
Exchequer, or some of them, at the Feastes of St Michaell tharchangell, the Birth of our Lord ^^ mioi ^j^^[ 
God, the Annunciacon of the blessed Virgin Mary, and the Nativity of St. John Baptist, by euen term*. 
and equall portions to be paid ; the first payment thereof to begin at the Feast of St. Michaell 
tharchangell now next ensueing : And to the end this our graunt may take the better effect, wee 
doe hereby for vs, our heires, and successors, require and comaund the Tref, Chauncello^, 
Yndertrer, and Barons of the said Exchequer for the tyme being, and all other officers and 
nunisters of the same court, and of the receipt of the said Exchequer for the tyme being, that 
they and every of them respectively to whom it doth or shall apperteine, doe not onely from 
tyme to tyme well and truely pay, or cause to be paid, the said annuity or yearlie pention vnto 
the said Patrick Ruthen or his assignes, but also doe give full allowance thereof, according to 
the true meaning of theis pfites, our tres patentes sealed w^^ our great scale of England, bearing 
date at Westm the fifteenth day of May, in the sixteenth yeare of our raigne of England, for 
restraint of paym^ or allowances of pen^ns or annuities, or anie thing therein conteined, or anie 
other restraint, declara^n, significacon, matter, or thing to the contrarie in anie wise notwith- 
standing ; and theis pntes, or the inroUm^ thereof, shalbe vnto all men whom it doth or shall 
oonceme a sufficient warrant and discharge for the doing and executing of all and singuler the 
premisses according to the true intent and meaning of this our graunt, although express mencon, 
4c. In wittnes whereof wee have caused theis our tres to be made patentes. Wittnes our self xj^ Septem. 
at Westffi, the eleaventh day of September, in the twentith yeare of our raigne of England, l^p?' f' ^1^,' 
Rrance, and Ireland, and of Scotland the sixth and fiftith. 

p hre de pri : Sigillo. 



No. VI. 

Among the records in the Public Record Office, and in the custody of the Master of the Rolls, 
pursuant to Statute 1 & 2 Vict. c. 94, to wit, in the Book of Assignments and Powers of Attor- 
ney, of the late Auditor of the Receipt of the Exchequer, No. 4, folio 1 27^*5 it is contained as 
follows : — 

Bee it knowen vnto all men by theise pntes that I, Patrick Ruthuen, of the parish of St. Patrick 
Martin-in-the-Relds, in the county of Midd, Esq^ haue made, assigned, ordeyned, constituted, Ruthuen, 
and appointed, and by these pntes doe make, assigne, ordaine, constitute, and appoint my dauchter 
loveinge daughter Mary Ruthuen, of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, in the Countie of Mary Ruth- 
Midd, spinster, my true and lawefuU attorney and assignee for mee and in my name, but to ^®^ "^^ 
the onelie proper vse and behoofe of my said attorney, to aske, demand, and receive at the 



220 Observations on certain Documents relating to 

receipt of his Ma^ Excheq^ of his highnes officers and ministers there for the time being yearlie 
€xx".p'anuu. and everie yeare for and duringe my naturall life the some of one hundred and twenty poundes 

of lawefnll money of England^ out of my yearlie pencon of fine hundred poundes paiable ynto 
mee out of his Ma^ said Excheq^ ; and for so doing theise pntes^ together w^^ the hand writeings 
or acquittances of my said daughter^ testifyeing the severall yearlie receipts thereof, shalbe vnto 
all and everie his Ma^^ officers and ministers of the Receipt aforesaide a sufficient warrant and 
discharge in that behalf; In wittnes whereof I, the said Patrick Ruthuen, have herevnto sett my 
hand and scale the seaven and twentieth dale of February, Anno Dni 1639; and in the 
fifteenth yeare of the reigne of o^ Soveraigne Lord Charles, by the grace of Gtod, King of Eng- 
land, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. 

Sealed and delivered in the pnce of Patrick Ruthuen. 

Henry Radley. 
Thomas Bruce, Apprentic Geo. Hare, Scr. 



No. VII. 

To the Right Hono^e the Lords assembled in Parliament. 

The humble Peticon of Patrick Ruthuen, Esq^ 
Sheweth, 

Whereas S' Anthony Vandyke did by his last will and testam* bequeath vnto yo' pet" 
daughter, being his wife, the one moietie of his estate, the other moietie unto his daughter the 
grandchild of yo^ pet^, and soe dyed, the relict afterwards marryed vnto S*^ Richard Price, and is 
since likewise dead, who hath receaved w^ her farr more then the moietie w^ was left her by 
her former husband. 

And whereas there were remaineing in the Blackfryers a collection of pictures and other goods 
as pte of the estate of the said S^ Anthony Vandyke, and yo^ pet^ seing his grandchild fatherles 
and motherlesse, and having the concurr desires and order of S^ Richard Price for prservacon 
of the said pictures to the behoofe of the orphant, to whome they truly belong as in pte of her 
moietie of her father's estate. 

Now soe it is that the said pictures are, w^^out privity of any who had interest in them, or by 
any lawfuU power (in this tyme of disturbance), removed from the house where they were left 
by S'^ Anthony Vandyke into the possession of one Rich. Andrewes,who hath invyted all such as 
hee could finde S^ Rich. Price indebted unto to attach them in his hands, that soe being valued 
att an under rate, as customarily things are in that kinde, hee might haue theire promises that, 
paying to them the prizes they were valued att, he might thereby possesse them as his owne for 
the 20 p* of their true value, which hee hath by such indirect wayes brought to eflFect, whereby 
the orphant is wholy vndone ; and the said Andrewes, being a pson of inconsiderable quality, to 
make sure his pray w^^ hee hath gotten, hath sent pt of the said pictures beyond the seas ; and 
vnlesse it pleaseth this hono^^^^ house to order the stay of the rest, hee intendeth imediatly to 
send them beyond sea, there to make sale of them for his owne great advantage, and himselfe 
in all likelyhood will remayne beyond the seas, being descended of forrayne parentage, whereby 
no law here shall take hold of him to right the orphant. 




William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthveii. 221 

Yo' pef^ doth therefore humbly pray the order of this hono^*« House for staye in the expor- 

tacon of the pictures here remayning ; and to requyre him not to alter the proptie of those 

alLready exported, w^^ hee confesseth as yet remayneth in him. 

And yo*^ pet' shall pray, &c. 

25 March, 1644. 
(Indorsed). — Patrick Ruthuen, Esq'. 

Expe. 



No. VIII. 

Die Martis, 25° Martiiy 1645. 

Upon reading of the humble peticou of Patrick Ruthine, Esqr., desiring the preserua^n of a 
eollecon of pictures, and other goodf , late in Blaekefryers, hauing bin the prop pictures and 
goodf of S' Anthony Vandiek, deceased, and belonging to his daughter, an orphant (and grand- 
childe to the peticoner,) w^h said pictures and goodf, being remoued from the place where they 
were left by the said S' Anthony Vandicke into the possession of one Richard Andrewes, who 
endeavors to alter the property of the s^ pictures and goodf or to send the same beyond seas, 
to the wrong and prejudice of the said orphant : It is therefore ordered by the Lords in Par- 
liam^ that neither the said pictures nor other goodf late the said S»" Anthony Vandikes, and pos- 
sessed by the said Andrewes as aforesaid, shall be sould or the property of them be altered, nor 
transported into any forreyne parte untill the pleasure of this house be further signified ; and 
that the said Andrewes shalle be serued with this order, and a copy of the said peticon, who 
shalle be heard touching the contents therof if he shall desier it. 

•• Jo. Browne, Cleric' 

Parliamentor'. 

(Indorsed). — Ord"" 5 Lords house, ag* Ric^ Andrewes. Lo. Ruthuen. 



No. IX. 

To the Right Ho^^^ the Lords assembled in Parliam^ 

The humble petiffin of Patrick Ruthen^ Esq^e. 
Shewing, 

That whereas upon the petiffin of Patrick Ruthen, Esq"^, unto this ho^'« House, it was ordered 
that y« pictures and goods late of S' Anthonie Vandyke, and possessed by one Richard 
Andrewes, should not, for the reasons expressed in y® said peti^n and order annexed, be sould 
or the property altered or be transported into forreigne partf untill the pleasure of this hono^® 
House were further signified, and that the said Andrewes should be served with the said order. 

Nowe soe it is, notwithstanding the said Andrewes hath been served with y® said order, he 
hath in contempt therof transported beyond sea severall of y« said pictures and goodf, and 



222 Observatians on certain Documents relating to 



imbeseled and sould othen and converted y* moneyes to his owne use, to y« apparent pindioe of 
the interested in ihem, and in contempt of your Lopp* order, whereof he had so plenary an 
informacon, and doth intend forthwith to convey himself into forreigne parts, together w^ y* 
residue of y^ said goodf, as by the affid^ annexed appeare, whereby the heire and executor of 
S'' Anthony Vandyke, being an infant and an orphant, will loose all y^ benefit due to her by the 
lawe and intended by yo' LoPP« former order. 

Your petiwner therefore humbly desires that y^ said Andrewes may be called before your 
LoPP* to aunswere* suche his contempt as aforsaid, and y^ by yo»* LoPP^ order in further reUefe of 
y« said infant, may put in security not to dep^® y^ realme untill he shall aunswere and abide such 
suits as shalbe comenced ag^ him for such his uniust dealing in y^ estate of the said infant. 

And yo»* pet»" shall pray, &c. 




^//^ 



f>£ A^Hlt^ 




No. X. 

Whereas by an order from the Lordf in Parlim^ bearing date the xxvth of March, 1645 . 

commanding the serving of Richard Andrewes with the same, they, these deponents, Thomas 

Birkinhead and Deirick Hess, upon theire severall corporall oathes say and depose that they the 

said deponents did serve the said Richard Andrewes, on or about the seaven and twentieth of 

March, 1645, by giveing him a true copy of the said order and shewing him the originall. And 

the said Deirick, one of the deponents, saith that he is credibly informed that the said Richard 

Andrewes intends to goe beyond the seas. 

Thomas Birkhened. 

DiERiCK Hesse. 

uterq. jur. 23 die ffebruarij, 1646; 

John Page. 



No. XI.' 

DiERiCK Hesse maketh oath that he, this deponent, deposeth and saith that he hath beene 
credibly informed and knoweth that Richard Andrewes hath, contrary to the order of the hon*'^ 
House of Lordf, bearing date the five and twentieth of March, 1645, transported beyond sea 
severall of the said pictures and goodf in the said order mencoed, and hath disposed of others 
here within the kingdome, and doth refuse to give an accompte of the same. 

Dierick Hesse. 
Jurat. 25'' ffebruarij, 1646, 
RoB^ Aylbtt. 




WiUiam first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Rutkvm. 223 

No. xn. 

Tor petition of Patrick Ruthen, Esquire, read against one Andrewes, and ordered, that the 
said Andrewes shall be sent for before their Lordships to answer his contempt. 

Lords' Journals, ix. 37a. 26th February, 1646, 22 Car. I. 



No. XIII. 

Among the records in the Public Record Office, and in the custody of the Master of the 
Rolls, pursuant to Statute 1 and 2, Vict, c. 94, to wit, among the Original Powers of Attorney 
belonging to the late office of the Auditor of the Receipt of the Exchequer, it is contained as 
follows : — 

Bee it knowne vnto all men by theis psentes that the right bono**** Patricke [Earle of Gowrie*] 
Lord Ruthven hath made, assigned, ordained, constituted and appointed, and by theis psentes 
doth make, assigne, constitute, and appoint Lettice EUinsworth of Westminster, in the county of 
Midd, widow, his true and lawful! attourney and assignee for him and in his name, but to th'only 
propper vse and behoofe of his said attourney, to aske, demaund, and receave at his Ma^ Court 
of Exchequer, of his highnes' officers and ministers there, or such others whome it shall con- 
ceme, all that summe of fourscore pounds of lawfull money of England (w«*» he standeth iustly 
indebted vnto her) out of his penron of five hundred pounds per ann, or out of soe much 
thereof as shalbe from tyme to time ordered by the Committee of Revenue, the sume of 
iifteene pounds at everie such paym* vntill full satisfaccon shalbe made of the said summe of 
fourescore pounds ; and for soe doeing theis psents together w^^ the acquittance or acquittances 
of the said Lettice EUinsworth shalbe vnto the said officers or ministers of the Exchequer, or 
any others whome it shall concerne, a sufficient warr* and discharge in that behalfe. In witnes 
whereof he the said Patrick [Earl of Gowrie*] Lord Ruthven hati) herevnto sett his hand and 
scale, the eight day of May, anno dom 1648, and in the fower and twentieth yeare of the raigne 
of our Soveraigne Lord King Charles, &c. 

Sealed and delided in the ^sence of ^ m ^ 

(Signed) Robert Greene. (Signed) j^KJ^Xx^KKtXXy (^•'^•) 
(Signed) Thom. Bruce, Scr. •^^'^^^i^ 

The following receipts are written on the second page of the sheet : 

Received by mee ; Lettice EUinsworth w^^in named, of the Right Hono^^e 
Patricke Lo^ Ruthuen, by the hands of Thomas Fauconberge, Esq^, 
Receiuo'^ Gen^all of the Publique Revenue, the some of twenty pounds 
in pt of the assignem^ w^in >vritten. I say rec<^ • . . xx" 

(Signed) Letties Illingworth. 

* The words within brackets have been erased. 



224 Documents relating to William first Earl of Gowrie and Patrick Ruthven. 



xiij" 



Received more by mee, the said Lettice Effingsworth^ in further part of the 
assignem^ within written. I say receiued .... 

(Signed) Letties Illinoworth» 

Received more by mee, the above named Lettice Ellingswortb^ in further 
part of the assignem^ within written^ the some of tenn pounds. I 
say receiued ........ x*^ 

(Signed) Lettis Illinoworth.. 

aij° die Aprily 1651. 
Reed more by mee, the above named Lettice EUingsworth^ in further pte of 

the assignem^ w*Mn written, the sume of five pounds. I say receiued . c» 

(Signed) Lettis Illtnoworth. 

ITie xviij^ of January f 1652. 
Reed by mee, the aboue named Lettice Elingsworth, of Tho. Fauconberge, 
Esqr, ReC^ Gen'all of the Publique Reuenue, the sume of sixe pounds^ 
in further pte of the assignem^ w^Mn written. I say rec 

(Signed) 

(Cancelled indorsement) : The Earle of Gowrie's 

assignem^ 

(Further indorsement) : January '52. 

Lo** Ruthuen's assignem^ 

to M" EUinsworth. 

34. 



;u 



vj 
Letties Illinoworth. 



Patricke, 
Lord Ru- 
th en. 



No. XIV. 

Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, March 1656-7- 

The thirteenth day issued forth letters of administration to Patricke Ruthen, Esquire, the 
natural and lawful son of Patricke Lord Ruthen, late of Scotland, but in the parish of St. 
George's, in Southwark, in the county of Surry, deceased, to administer the goods, chattels, and 
debts of the said deceased, he being first sworn well and truly to administer, &c. 

CiiAS. Dynelby, "^ 
John Iogulden, > Deputy Registers* 
W. F. Gostling, J 




ViU'Tfie 




Bnuftdr/s "/■ J-/nit J/r/ir/fr/r a/' t/ie (inie of Jrimes tAf lirst. 



226 



XIX. — Account of some " Roundells " or Frtiit Trenchers of the time of James the 
First. In a Letter from John Yonge Akerman, Esq.^ Secretary, to the 
Viscount Mahon, President. 



Read May 15, 1851. 



My Lord, 

Having examined and transcribed the verses on the nine Roundels forwarded 
to your Lordship by Colonel Sykes for exhibition to the Society of Antiquaries 
(Plate XVIIL), I beg to submit the residt. These examples of long since obsolete 
objects are, in more respects than one, of some interest to the English antiquar}^, but 
they are especially so from their bearing very well executed and characteristic 
figures of persons in various grades of life in the costume of the early part of the 
seventeenth century. They doubtless originally comprised a set of twelve pieces. One 
side is covered with a black ground, the other being left entirely bare, as usual. On 
the former are verses in two concentric circles, inscribed in the script character of 
the time in gilt letters. The figures inclosed within these circles are also gilt, but 
besides the slight gilt circle which surrounds them, there is another, a broad band 
of white. The numerals, w liich on some are Roman and on others Arabic, are also 
in white, as is also the ground upon which the figures stand. It is not improbable 
that these letters, numerals, &c. were inserted at some subsequent period, for they 
are deficient in neatness, and do not accord with the rest of the design. The verses, 
though in one or two instances faulty in metre, — a fact which we may, I think, 
fairly attribute to successive mechanical copies, like the paintings on our modern 
tea-boards, — are by no means deficient in point and smartness. Each figure repre- 
sented, disclaims the faults and vices commonly laid to the charge of persons of 
their several conditions, and this in language far superior to that which is generally 
found on existing examples of these objects. 

Antiquaries incline to the opinion that these roundels were used by our fore 
fethers as fruit trenchers. The following passage in the " Art of Enghsh Poesy," 
published in 1 589, has been quoted recently by Mr. Way, and is supposed to set at 
rest the question as to their origin and use : — 

" There be also another like epigrams that were sent usually for new year's gifts, 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 G 



226 On some " Roundells '* or Fruit Trenchers 

or to be printed or put upon banketting dishes of sugar plate^ or of march paines, 
&c. ; they were called Nenia or Apophoreta, and never contained above one verse, 
or two at the most, but the shorter the better. We call them poesies, and do paint 
them now a dayes upon the backsides of oiu* trenchers of wood, or use them as 
devises in rings and armes." 

The period when these ornamental trenchers first came into use is not known^ but 
in the museum at Goodrich Court there is, says Mr. Way, a set which by the badge 
of the rose and pomegranate conjoined are, probably, as old as the reign of Henry 
the Eighth. 

I conclude with a brief description of the several figures on the nine examples 
now exhibited, and a transcript of the verses. 

« 

I have the honour to be, my Lord, 

Your Lordship*s faithful Servant, 

J. Y. AKERMAN. 

The first figure is, 

1. The Courtier. 

He is booted and spiured, wears a sword and cloak, hat and feathers, of the 
costume of the reign of James the First. The accompanying verses are. 

Long have I lived iu court, yet learud not all this while 

To sell poorc suitors suite, nor where 1 hate to smile ; 

Superiors to adore, inferiors to dispise, 

To flic from suchc as fall, to follow suche as rise, 

To cloake a poore desire under a riche aray, 

Not to aspire by vice though 'twere y® quicker way. 

The next is, 

2. The Deuine, 
in a long gown and with a book in his left hand. Around are the lines. 

My calling is divine, and I from God am sent, 
I will no chopchurch be, nor pay my patron rcnt> 
Nor yield to sacriledg, but like the kind true mother, 
Rather will loose all y** child than part it with another ; 
Muche wealth I will not seeke, nor worldly masters serve, 
So to grow rich and fatt while my pore ilocke do starve. 




of the time of James the First. 327 

3. The Souldier, 

appears with musket^ rest^ match^ and bandoliers ; his accompanying lines are, 

My occupation is the noble trad of kings. 

The trial y^ decides the highest right of thinges ; 

Though Mars my master be, I doe not Venus [love], 

Nor honour Bacchus host, or often sweare by Jove ; 

Of speaking of myself I all occasion shun, 

And rather love to doe than boast what I have done. 

4. The Lawyer, 

in a long gown^ broad-brimmed hat^ and with his brief in his right hand, is made to 
say, 

The law my calling is, my robe, my toung, my pen. 

Wealth and opinion gaine, and make me judge of men ; 

The known dishonest cause I never did defend. 

Nor spinne out suites at length, but wisht and sought an end ; 

Nor counsell did bewray, nor of both parties take, 

Nor ever tookc I fee for w^^ I never spake. 

5, (Wanting.) 

6. The Marchant, 

holding his glove in his right hand^ indicating his pretensions to gentility, thus 
describes himself: — 

My trade doth every thing to every land supply, 
Discover unknown coasts, strange countryes doth ally ; 
I never did forestall, I never did ingrosse, 
Nor custom did withdraw though I returned with losse ; 
I thrive by faire exchange, by selling and by buying. 
And not by Jewish use, reprisall, fraud, or (lying). 

7. The Country Gentleman 
appears booted and spurred^ with a hawk on his fist : — 

Though strange outlandish speech the townes and country scome, 

The country is my home, I dwell where I was borne ; 

There profitt and com'auud w^^ pleasure I peartake, 

Yet do not hawkes and doggs my sole companions make ; 

I rule but not oppress, end quarrels not maintaine. 

See towns but dwell not there, t' abridg my charg or Iraine. 



228 On some " Roundells '' or Fruit Trenchers 

6. The Bachelor^ 
is represented of ripe age, bearded and cloaked- He thus speaks of himself: 

How many thinges as yet are deare alike to me, 
The field, y® horse, y® dog, love, armes, or libertie ; 
I have no wife as yet, whome I may call myne owne, 
I have no children yet, that by my name are knowne ; 
Yet if I married were, I would not wishe to thrive, 
If that I could not tame the veriest shrew alive. 

9. (Missing). 

10. The Wife, 
wearing a hat and bearing her fan, says, 

The first of all our sex came from the side of man, 

I thither am returned from whence our sex began ; 

I do not viset oft, nor many when I doe, 

I tell my minde to few, and that in counsell to ; 

I secme not sicke in health, nor sullen but in sorrow, 

I care for some-what else than what to were to morrow. 

11. The Widow 

is seen in her weeds, holding what appears to be a large purse, and thus speaks of 
herself: 

My [dying] husband knew how muche his death would (grieve) me. 

And therefore left me wealth to comfort and relieve me ; 

Though I no more will have, I must not love disdain, 

Penelope herself did suitors entertain ; 

And yet, to drawe on suche as are of best esteeme, 

No younger then I am, nor richer will I seeme. 

12. (Missing.) 

The completion of the characters exhibited upon Colonel Sykes's roundells was 
given at the meeting of the Society immediately subsequent to Mr. Akerman's 
communication, in the following letter from Sir Henry Ellis to Mr. Akerman. 

My dear Sir, British Museum, May 22, 185 J. 

Roundells, or " banquetting dishes," as Puttenham, in his Art of Poesie, calls them, 
similar in form and general character to those you exhibited at the Society's last 




of the time of James the First. 229 

meeting, have more than once been laid before the Society of Antiquaries, but none 
have occurred in my remembrance (and Mr. Way agrees with me) so interesting as 
illustrations of the manners of their period, whether from the characters exhibited 
upon them, or in point of the poetry which surrounds the subjects, as those belong- 
ing to Colonel Sykes. 

You are right in your conjecture that the set originally comprised twelve pieces. 
You have nine only, the fifth, ninth, and twelfth being those which are wanting. 

The verses which describe the characters upon the roundells you have, were 
copied from a book of extreme rarity, of which the following is the title : — 

" The XII. Wonders of the World. Set and composed for the VioU de Gambo, 
the Lute, and the Voyce to sing the Verse, all three jointly, and none seuerall : also 
Lessons for the Lute and Base Violl to play alone : with some Lessons to play Lyra- 
wayes alone, or, if you will, to fill up the parts with another Violl set Lute-way. 
Newly composed by John Maynard, Lutenist at the most famous Schoole of S* 
Julian's in Hartfordshire : " folio, London, 1611. 

The Characters drawii in the Verses of these roundells, and exhibited by actual 
drawing in the area, as far as the nine are concerned, were those of the Courtier, 
the Divine, the Soldier, and the Lawyer ; the fifth was wanting ; the sixth, seventh, 
and eighth, are the Merchant, the Country Gentleman, and the Bachelor ; the ninth 
wanting ; then, the Wife and the Widow ; and the twelfth wanting. 

From Maynard's work it appears the fifth in the set, when perfect, presented 

The Phisition, 
round whose figure were these verses : — 

Studie to uphold the slippery state of man, 

Who dies, when we have done the best, and all we can. 

From practice and from bookes I draw my learned skill, 

Not from the knowne receipte or pothecaries bill. 

The earth my faults doth hide, the world my cures doth see, 

WTiat youth and time effects, is oft ascribed to mee. 

The ninth figure was 

The Marryed Man : 
and these were his verses : — 

I onely am the man among all married men 
That doe not wish the priest, to be unlinck'd agen. 



23^ On some " Roundells " or Fruit Trenchers. 

And, though my shoe did wring, I would not make my mono, 
Nor thinke my neighbour's chance more happy thiol mine owne. 
Yet court I not my wife, but yield observance due, 
Being neither fond nor crosse, nor jealous nor untrue. 

The twelfth, the last wonder, is — 

The Maide : 
and her verses are — 

I marriage would forsweare, but that I hear men tell 
That shee that dyes a mayde mnst lead an ape in hell. 
Therefore if fortune come I will not mocke nor ^y- 
Nor drive the bargaine on, till it be driven away. 
Titles and lands I like, yet rather fancy can 
A man that wantcth gould, then gonld that wants a man. 

In the Museum Catalogue of Music this work is entered, on account of the 
musical notes which fill it, under the name of Maynard^ hut within brackets it is 
said, " The Verses are by Sir John Davis ;" — the same person most of whose poetical 
works are enumerated in Ritson's Bibliographia Foetica, and who was for some 
years Attorney General in Ireland. I have already mentioned Maynard's work as 
of extreme rarity. The only copies I know of, are, one in the Bodleian librar}^ and 
one in the British Museum. 

A few copies of these Verses, sixteen only, for his Friends, were reprinted in 
1842 by Edward Vernon Utterson, Esq, F.S.A. at his, the Beldomie Press, in the 
Isle of Wight. 12mo. 

Faithfully yours. 



HENRY ELLIS. 



231 



XX, — On the Place of JuHiis Ciesar's Departure from Gaul for tJie Invasion of 
Britain^ and the Place of his Landing in Britain^ ; with an Appendix an the 
Battle of Hastings. By George Biddell Airy^ Esq.^ Astronomer- Royal. 
Communicated by Capt. W. H. Smyth, R.N., Vice-President and Director. 



Read January 8, and 22nd. 1852. 



The route taken by Julius Caesar in his Inrasion of Britain has been discussed 
so often by learned men, that I can hardly venture to offer to the Society of 
Antiquaries a new investigation, leading to a conclusion, I believe, differing from 
all preceding ones, without a preliminary explanation of the reason which leads me 
to think that a new investigation is admissible. The reason then is simply this : 
that, in every one of the discussions which I have seen, the investigator has been 
contented with fixing upon some one indication contained in Caesar's Account, and 
shewing that that one indication (conforms to his theory, without any regard to 
the others. x\ more striking instance of this fault cannot be found than in 
D^Anville's essay. D'Anville takes a supposed expression of Caesar's that his length 
of passage was 30 miles ; he finds that the distance from Wissant to the Dover 
cliffs, increased by Caesar's 8 miles' run along the coast, agrees with this pretty 
well ; and for this reason and no other he adopts Wissant as the place of departure. 
But, in a record so uncertain as that of mere numerals, he never inquires whether 
other manuscripts give a different number of miles ; he never critically examines 
whether the distance (whatever it may l)e) applies to Caesar's passage at all; he 
never attempts to ascertain whether Wissant could possibly be suited to Caesar's 
armament ; he never even discusses Caesar's movements before departing and after 
returning, or offers the slightest proof that Caesar had ever been near Wissant. 
Yet on all these points the indications given by Caesar are numerous, and are as 
explicit as they very well can be in reference to a country in which scarcely 
a single name was preserved by any following historian. Rennell, adopting 

* In an anonymous communication to the Athenaeum, dated 1851, March 29, I gave the heads of some 
of the arguments of the following Essay. I have since examined the subject more deeply, and now offer my 
nasons in a more complete form, with far greater confidence in the accuracy of the result. 



232 Oil the place of Julius Casar's departure from Gaul 

D'Anville's starting-place, Wissant, without question, has attempted to fix Caesar^s 
place of landing in the neighbourhood of Deal by a solitary reason exactly similar 
to D'Anville's. Halley, professing himself totally uncertain as to Caesar's starting- 
point, has reasoned with great acuteness on the phenomena of the tides as 
described by Caesar, and has compared them with his own apparently erroneous 
information ; he concludes from these that Deal may probably have been the 
landing-place, but has not adverted to any other evidence. Yet there are numerous 
indications given by Caesar in reference to his internal progress in the country 
which ought to have been considered, at least so far as to shew that they are 
not inconsistent with the theory adopted. I might apply nearly similar remarks 
to the reasonings of other writers. 

I trust that the Essay which I now offer to the Antiquarian Society will at least 
be free from the fault which I have pointed out. I have brought together every 
passage which I can find !in Caesar bearing upon the place of his departure, his 
navigation, the place of his arrival, and his march after arrival. I attach no 
importance to the accounts of writers posterior to Caesar, for it does not appear 
that they ever visited the coasts of Gaul, still less the coasts of Britain ; and their 
statements, if in opposition to a clear inference from Caesar's, must be rejected. 
So far, however, as I am acquainted with them, they do not in any instance 
contradict the inference from Caesar's narration. 

Section I.— On the locality of the Portus Itius, the Place of Casar's Departure 

from Gaul. 

1. Before entering into a special investigation of this locality, it is necessary 
in limine to refute one notion which, I think, has misled many writers. It is, I 
believe, received without doubt that the Promontorium Itium or Iccium is the Cape 
Grisnez. It has been assumed, therefore, that the Portus Itius must be in the 
immediate vicinity of Cape Grisnez, and that it could not at any rate be further 
from it than Boulogne or Calais. This assumption I conceive to be entirely unwar- 
ranted. Tlie only justifiable assumption is, that the Portus Itius was the nearest 
port to the Promontorium Itium which, at the time of the Romans giving this 
name to it, was used by the Romans as an important station, — not that it was the 
nearest port which at any subsequent time was used by the Romans or any other 
people. In our colony of South Africa we have a modem case exactly in point. 
The city called Cape Town is the first that was founded by Europeans near the 
Cape of Good Hope, and therefore the name of " Cape Town " was with propriety 
given to it, although its distance from the Cape is forty-five miles. Since that time 




and on the place of Ms Landing in Britain. 233 

other towns have been established much nearer to the Cape, and in particular the 
▼ery unportant station Simon's Town ; yet the name " Cape Town " still adheres to 
the first-established city : and if any future historian should, from considerations 
of distance only, attach the name " Cape Town " to Simon's Town, he would fall 
into error. And thus, in settling the locality of Caesar's port, so far as we are guided 
by the connexion of names, we are only required to assume for the Portus Itius a 
locality nearer to the Promontorium Itium than any other important station then 
in the possession of the Romans. 

2. Caesar's first expedition for the invasion of Britain proceeded from an unnamed 
port ; the second departed from the Portus Itius, "^ quo ex portu commodissimum 
in Britanniam transjectum esse cognoverat," *^from which port he had disco- 
vered the passage into Britain to be the most convenient," or " very convenient." 
It has been understood by all commentators that this discovery was made by the 
experience of the preceding year, or that Caesar sailed from the same port in the 
two expeditions, and this opinion appears to me correct. I shall therefore in future 
combine indiscriminately the remarks applying to the places of departure in the 
first and second Expeditions. 

3, A limitation to the locality of the port of the first departure will be obtained 
from a consideration of Caesar's military movements before and after the British 
expeditions. It will contribute to clearness to examine the advances made by Caesar 
in several successive campaigns : 

U.C. 695 (consulship of Piso and Gabinius). Caesar drove back the Helvetians 
into Switzerland ; drove Ariovistus and the Germans into Germany ; and obtained 
possession of the valley of the Doubs and part of Alsace. 

U.C. 696 (consulship of Lentulus Spinther and Metellus Nepos). Caesar marched 
against the Belgic confederation, passed the Aisne, took Noyon and Beauvais, and 
approached the Ambiani, " in fines Ambianorum pervenit ;" then marched eastward, 
fought the Nervii on the Sambre, and took the city of the Aduatici (which appears 
to be the citadel of Namur ) . His Ueutenants received the submission of the Veneti 
(the people of southern Bretagne) . The country into which Caesar had carried his 
arms may be defined by a straight line drawn from Nantes to Namur ; but he had 
not permanent possession of the whole district ; his winter quarters were entirely in 
the Touraine or its neighbourhood. In the winter, being alarmed by a confederation 
of the Veneti, he built ships on the Loire. 

U.C. 697 (consulship of Marcellinus and Philippusj. Caesar conquered the Veneti 
at sea ; his lieutenant conquered Normandy. The Morini and Metapii were still 
iu arms. Caesar marched at the end of the summer to attack them in a forest, but 

VOL. xxxiv. 2 H 



334 On the pleice of Julms Casar's defoittwre from Gaul 

after an unsuccessful expedition returned to Tdnter quarters in Normandjr. Hie 
indication of place is so obscure that it is impossible to £x the localitj of this foreit, 
but it seems not improbably to hare been betweai St. Quentin and Arras ; possibly, 
however, it was the western extremity of the forest of Ardennes. It seesis quite 
dear, however^ that, up to the end of this year, neither Caesar nor his lieixtenMiti 
had approached the frontiers of the Morini. 

U.C. 698 (consulship of Pompey and Crassus). The geography of Gsesar's 
movements in this year is by far the most perplexing of all, and can only be inter- 
preted, I think, by supposing that the Meuse and the Moselle were called by the 
same name with difiierent prefixes, and that the omission of these prefixes has led 
Csesar to apply to one river what ought to be applied to the other. He speaks of 
the Mosa as rising in the Vogesus ; if this, however, is the same as the Vosges, llie 
river must be the Mosdle. He describes clearly enough the way in which the 
Mosa (or Meuse) receives a branch of the Rhine called the Walls, and thus forms 
the Insula Batavorum ; and in another book he speaks of the Scheldt as flowing 
into the Mosa (or Meuse) ; yet in the account of this campaign he describes ini- 
portant transactions at the confluence of the Mosa and the Rhine (which confluence, 
by his previous description, does not exist), and he makes no allusion to the seacoast 
or the Insula Batavorum (which he must have done if the confluence had referred 
to the WaHs). It appears beyond doubt that the Mosa here is the Moselle. Ceesar^s 
first bridge over the Rhine (constructed in this year) was in the neighbourhood xX 
this confluence ; and the second bridge (constructed U.C. 700), which was •^pauUum 
supra eum locum quo antea exercitum transduxerat " was certainly in the country 
of the Treviri, or at the mouth of the valley of the Moselle. The marauding party 
who crossed the Mosa, and who escaped across the Rhine into the country of the 
Sicambri, must apparently have crossed the Moselle. The only important inference 
for the subject before us is, that the locality of Caesar's battle with the Usipetes 
and Tenchtheri, and the place of his bridge over the Rhine, were a little below 
Coblenz : and that this point and Namur were the points of his nearest approach 
(up to this time) to the North Sea. This is supported by the circumstance of which 
Caesar complained long afterwards, that the Menapii were the only people of Gaul 
who had never sent ambassadors to treat of peace. 

From these considerations it appears perfectly certain that Caesar's port of em- 
barkation for Britain could not be near Dunkirk or any other port of Flanders. 

4. Caesar's march to the port may now be considered. ^^ C. Volusenum praemittit- 
Ipse, cum omnibus copiis, in Morinos proficiscitur, quod inde erat brevissimus in 
Britanniam transjectus. Hue naves undique ex finitimis regionibus, et quam supe- 



and on the place of his Landing in Britain. 935 

nore sstate ad Veneticiiin bellum fecerat classem^ jubet conyenire. — Dun bk has 
locis Caesar naTium parandarma caxxsk moratmv ^^ magna parte Moriomrmn ad enm 
k^ati venenint. Eos in fidem recepit/' First it appears from thb aecoimt that tbe 
easiest way of sending a single officer to the coast of Britain: was not to send him 
through the country of the Morini (as being yet an independent and hostile country). 
Secondly^ the word ^^ proficiscor '' in Caesar is^ in general, used absolutely ; but^ 
wbea used with a jureposition denoting specific direction, it appears to relate to the 
beginning of a journey, admitting of the application of qualifying expressions to the 
course of the journey, as ^^ in Senones proficiscitur, magnisque itineribus eo pervenit/' 
Sometimes it is widely separated from the notice of arriral, as '^ Genabum Camutum 
pn^ciscitur, qui, tum primum allato nuncio de oppugnatione Vellaunoduni, quum 
longius earn rem ductum iri existimarent, praesidium Genabi tuendi causa quod eo 
■dtterent^ comparabant. Hue biduo pervenit." Thus I render the expression " in 
Morinos proficiscitur,'^ '^ sets out for the country of the Morini ; " implying without 
doubt that he arrived near it or close to it, but not necessarily implying that he 
catered it. Thirdly, the visit of the ambassadors, without any mention of hostile 
oecnpation* seems to imply that neither Caesar nor any part of his army was 
m the country of the Morini at the time of preparing the naval expedition, and 
^ipears to render it most extremely improbable that he had passed through their 
ooontry. It is to be remarked that no event whatever is mentioned as occurring in 
that country, except an attack on some shipwrecked soldiers^ to which I shall 
hereafter allude. 

The number of Caesar's army on the Moselle is not given ; but as there were 
5,000 cavalry, and as he afterwards embarked for Britain with two legions, or about 
8,000 men (on the common estimation of the strength of Caesar's legions), the army 
wfaidi marched from the Rhine was large. Such an army, in general, can only 
Hiarch along vallies. I conceive, therefore, that Caesar ascended the Moselle (the 
course taken by the Prussian invaders in 1 792, and by one of the invading armies 
in 1814), that he probably passed through Verdun, Rheims, Soissons, and Noyon, 
and tliat he then descended the Somme. Even if Boulogne or Calais had been 
his destination, he must first have descended the Somme ; a more northerly Une 
would have carried him through a forest country (probably the scene of his last 
year's repulse), in which he would have been in danger of starvation and of hostile 
attack. Volusenus not improbably embarked at Dieppe, or somte of the small ports 
of Eastern Normandy. 

6. For judging of the capabilities of the port, and its local relations, we have the 
following guides : The port was to be the rendezvous for a great number of ships. 



236 Ow the place of Julhis Casar^s departure from Gaul 

the principal part of which came from the west. In the first expedition there were 
only 80 merchant-ships, with a number (not mentioned) of long ships: in the 
second there were about 600 ships adapted to beach-landing (built expressly for 
this expedition), 28 long ships, and numerous merchant-ships (so that, on approach- 
ing the British shore, more than 800 ships were in sight at once). The conveniences 
of the port were such that the whole of this navy of nearly a thousand ships, carry- 
ing five legions or 21,000 foot, and 2,000 cavalry, besides camp-followers and sailors 
(the whole probably amounting to 40,000 souls), after being closely detained in the 
port by north-west winds (" dies circiter 25 in eo loco commoratus, quod Corns ventus 
navigationem impediebat"), was floated off at a single tide. In the neighbourhood of 
the port there were cantoned, for a long time, eight legions or more than 30,000 
infantry, 4,000 Roman cavalry, and 4,000 Gallic cavalry. 

It is absolutely inconceivable that Caesar would have adopted, as rendezvous for 
such an armament, an unsheltered beach. No place ever was selected so utterly 
unsuited to the wants of the expedition as Wissant, the point which D'Anville has 
fixed upon. The bay of Wissant is a mere sandy beach, nearly four miles long, and 
almost straight (the radius of its curvature is about 5^ miles). The headlands at its 
extremities, Grisnez and Blancnez, project very little beyond the line of beach. 
Under no mutations conceivable, within historic times, can Wissant have ever been 
proper for a place of assembly of ships. To have passed such harbours as the 
estuary of the Somme, that of the Authie, that of the Canche, and Boulogne, in 
order to meet at Wissant, would have been scarcely short of insanity. 

I conceive that the harbours of Boulogne and Calais are by very much too small 
for Caesar's purpose. I do not imagine that 5,000 soldiers could have been shipped 
off from either, at a single tide. 

Probably the estuary of the Authie or that of the Canche might have sufficed ; but 
neither of these is comparable to that of the Somme. This noble gulf, 10 miles 
deep and nearly 3 miles wide at its mouth, not the less adapted to Caesar's flat- 
built ships because (Uke every other harbour on this coast) it is dry at low-water, 
better protected by projecting headlands at its mouth than either of the other 
estuaries, appears to be exactly what Caesar must have desired. Its capability for 
Caesar's purposes is proved by the more modern experience of William of Normandy, 
who at one tide floated out of it 1 ,400 ships carrying 60,000 men (sailors, &c. being 
probably included in this estimate). After the Seine, it is the first estuary which 
would be reached by Caesar's ships coming from Bretagne. Behind it is the popu- 
lous and fertile valley of the Somme ; a local circumstance which must have been 
extremely valuable. It is true, that Bonaparte, availing himself of the perfect 




and on the place of his Landing in Britain. 237 

organisation of a mighty empire, maintained a larger force for some time on the 
barren grounds above Boulogne ; but Caesar was siurrounded by very unwilling 
allies^ unconnected among themselves, and little controlled by the presence of 
Roman troops ; and the proximity of a rich valley must have been very advantageous 
to him. 

The next local circumstance is that suggested by the mention of "18 onerariae 
naves^ quae ex eo loco millibus passuum 8 vento tenebantur, quo minus in eundem 
portum pervenire possent:" and afterwards "naves 18 de quibus supra demon- 
stratum est, ex superiori portu solverunt." It is to be remarked that the " onerariae 
naves" were principally ships of the country, and may have come either from the 
north or from the west. 

From the centre of the mouth of the Somme to that of the Authie is pretty exactly 
8 miles ; from that of the Authie to that of the Canche is about 1 1 miles ; and 
indeed no other interval of ports corresponds to Caesar's distance. The word 
*^ superior" has, I believe, always been understood to mean " more northerly." I 
understand it so myself : and therefore, if the estuary of the Somme is the Portus 
Itius, the estuary of the Authie is the " Portus superior." 

The next circumstance is that on Caesar's return from the first expedition, 
" onerariae duae eosdem portus, quos reliquae, capere non potuerunt, sed paullo infra 
delatae sunt," and here their crews were attacked by the Morini. If, as is above 
mentioned, " superior" means northerly, and if we infer from thiis that " infra " 
means southerly, then it would follow from this account that a point south of the 
Portus Itius was in the country of the Morini ; whereas I have above given reasons 
(and shall shortly give another distinct reason) for believing that the Portus Itius 
itself was south of the frontier of the Morini. How are these statements to be 
reconciled ? I believe that the explanation rests in the use of the word " infra," in 
combination with "delatae." The word " delatae" is repeatedly used by Caesar for 
" drifted," and " infra delatae" is " drifted down," the word " down " apparently 
relating not to any geographical direction, but to the direction of the wind. We 
speak of a ship keeping " up to the wind" when her head is sensibly turned towards 
the wind, and ^^fallmg from the wind " when her head is sensibly turned from 
the wind ; and, with the same fundamental idea, " infra delatae " seems to mean 
simply " drifting before the wind." The prevalent wind in September being S.W. 
it is likely enough that these heavy sailers might drift towards the Morini. 

The next descriptive sentence is — '' Portum Itium, quo ex portu commodissimum 
in Britanniam transjectum esse cognoverat, circiter millia passuum 30 a continenti." 
This sentence has very commonly been interpreted to mean that the Portus Itius 



238 On the place of Julius Casar^s departure from Gaul 

was 30 miles from Britain ; and D'Anville's selection of the bay of Wissant ift 
fonnded entirely on this interpretation. I conceive that the sentence has been mis- 
translated. The Portus Itius and the continent are placed in cantradiHinctian^ 
The cofivenient passage was from the Portus Itius^ the distance of 30 miles was 
from the continent. If Caesar had meant that the length of the passage from the 
Portus Itius was 30 miles^ he would have omitted the words ^^ a continenti/' The 
form of the sentence is inelegant : it suggests the idea that probably the originai 
termination was at " cognoverat," and that the words from ^' circiter " to *^ coittii- 
nenti " were subsequently interlined. It is said that the best manuscripts give tiie 
distance as 40 miles ; it is, I conceive, a matter of no importance in fixing the place 
of the Portus Itius, but, as conveying what I understand to be Caesar's meaning, the 
number 30 is preferable to 40. 

6. Lastly I have to consider Caesar's movements after the return from the second 
expedition. The very next sentence is " concilioque Gallorum Samarobrivae peracto 
• . . ex quibus [legionibus] unam in Morinos ducendam C. Fabio legato dedit.'* 
It is well known that the suffix brivce is the same as hruck or bridgSy and Samaro- 
brivae therefore means the bridge of the Samara or Somme ; and indeed it is 
universally received as denoting the city of Amiens. Thus the ver}' first thing 
which Caesar does after returning to the Portus Itius is to call a council at Amiens, 
and the next thing is to send one of his legions into the country of the Morini. It 
is scarcely possible to have a clearer incidental proof of two things ; first, that the 
Portus Itius had some very close connexion with the Somme, secondly, that it was 
exterior to the coimtry of the Morini. 

On tlie whole, I think myself justified in expressing my conviction that each of 
these very different trains of reasoning leads to the same conclusion, that the Portus 
Itius was the estuary of the Somme. 

Section II. — On Casar's Navigation to Britain^ and on the Pla^e of his Landing 

in Britain. 

In this section alone of the investigation have I derived any real assistance fi^im 
the suggestions of previous inquirers. It is to Dr. Halley that I owe the explanation 
of the connexion between the high tide which injured Caesar's ships, and the tidal 
current which aided him in landing. Dr. Halley, however, appears to have been 
misled in the appHcation of his reasoning by erroneous local information. 

7. I must premise that the time of high water along the coast from the Somme 
to Boulogne is on the day of full moon about 11*» 20™ (a few minutes earher at 
the Somme, and a few minutes later at Boulogne). As the accurate knowledge of 




and on the place of his Landing in Britain. 239 

the time of turning of the tidal currents is of the utmost importance in tMs inquiry, 
and as I was aware that my friend, Captain F. W. Beechey, R.N. had (under the 
direction of the Board of Admiralty) surveyed the British Channel with special 
attention to those currents, I requested him to acquaint me as precisely as possible 
with the times of turn of the stream on those parts of the coast which may be 
suggested for Caesar's landing-place. The following is Captain Beechey 's answer ; 
and the lovers of antiquarian research, I am sure, will join with me in recognising 
the debt which we owe to Captain Beechey for his explicit information on the most 
oriticai point of this inquir}^ : — *^ At full and change of the moon the stream makes 
to the westward off Dover, at 1^ mile distance from the shore, about 3^ 10*", and 
there does not appear to be much difference in this part of the Channel between 
the turn of the stream in shore and in the centre. Close in shore off Hastings 
the stream turns to the west at 11**; but the turn becomes later as the distance off 
shore increases, and at 5 miles distance the stream turns to the west at I^. Winds 
greatiy affect the time of turn of the stream. The stream runs to the west about 
6§ hours, after which there is slack water for about a quarter of an hour." 

I must also premise that I do not see any reason for thinking that the line of coast 
has very sensibly changed, or that the tidal phenomena have sensibly altered, since 
the time of Csesar. The beach of Pevensey, judging from the position of the 
Martello towers, which have been erected nearly half a century, has altered very 
little. The point of Dungeness advances about seven feet in a year. The chalk cliffe 
of Beachy Head and Dover lose annually (I beUeve) a much smaller quantity. The 
utmost allowance for these will alter but little the general line of coast. The 
northern part of the Goodwin Sand appears to have been, (in the Saxon times,) an 
embanked island, but its effect on the tides would be nearly the same in that state 
as in its present condition. The Wansum (the channel between the Isle of Thanet 
and the mainland) was probably open ; but the circumstance of its having silted itself 
up proves that the tidal stream through it must have been insignificant ; and 
generally, the course of the tides from Beachy Head to Dover will depend on the 
great tides of the Atlantic and the North Sea, and will not be sensibly affected by 
any petty changes at the east end of Kent. 

8. In speaking of the second expedition, Caesar says, " contendit, ut cam partem 
insulse caperet, qua optimum esse egressum superiore aestate cognoverat." I under- 
stand from this that Caesar landed at precisely the same point in the two expeditions ; 
and shall apply to one point indiscriminately the remarks suggested by the occur- 
rences in both expeditions. 

9. In the first expf^ition, " post diem i v. quam est in Britanniam ventum 



240 On the place of Julius Casars departure from Gaul 

eadem nocte accidit ut esset luna plena, quae dies maritimos sestus maximos in 
Oceano efficere consuevit." That is, on the fourth day after landing there was a 
full moon with a spring tide. In this account there are two sources of uncertainty. 
First, that which is described in the Roman reckoning as the fourth day, may be (in 
our reckoning) the third day. Second, the spring tide is a day and a half later than 
the full moon ; if Caesar had good almanacks in his army, the day in question was 
undoubtedly the day of full moon : if not, as it is impossible to judge precisely of 
the day of full moon, either from the appearance of the moon's diameter (which is 
altered but yi^y part in one day, before or after), or from the time of moon-rising 
(which is affected by the moon's latitude to the extent of one day of moon's age), it is 
more likely that the day in question was the day of spring tides. The day of Caesar's 
first landing therefore may be the second, third, or fourth day before full moon : I 
will consider it as the third. On this day the tidal phoenomena will occur about 2^ 
hours earlier than the times mentioned in Article 7- 

10. At embarking for the first expedition, "nactus idoneam ad navigandum tem- 
pestatem, tertia ferd vigili^ solvit," which I translate " he set sail a little before 
midnight." It was high water in every harbour of the coast on that evening at 
about 9 o'clock ; and at midnight the water began to leave the banks dry. It 
appears therefore that Caesar's fleet dropped down with the ebb tide to the outside 
of the banks, probably anchoring as fast as they took their stations ; and that the 
position to which the verb ^' solvit " applies, is from the outside of the banks. 

1 1 . The account of the voyage is simply " hora circiter diei i v. cum primis navibus 
Britanniam attigit," that is, the best sailors of the fleet reached Britain about 10^. in 
the morning, or after a voyage of more than . ten hours. The distance from the 
mouth of the Somme to Hastings is about 62 nautical miles, and that to Dover about 
55 ; the distance of intermediate points ranging between these (except Dungeness, 
which is sensibly nearer). These are such distances as may fairly be traversed in 
ten houi*s with an " idonea tempestas." The distance from Calais to Dover, 22 miles^ 
is too small. 

12. The description of the place at which Caesar first attempted a landing is, 
" cujus loci haec erat natura : adeo montibus angustis mare continebatur, ut ex locis 
superioribus in littus telum adjici posset." The word " angustis " evidently has the 
meaning of " confining," or " closely pressing." The word " continebatur " might 
seem at first view to mean " was included between," but further consideration will 
shew that this interpretation is inadmissible. First, if this had been Caesar's 
meaning, he would have said '' ex utr^ue parte," or something equivalent. 
Second, neither Caesar, nor Volusenus, by whose information the fleet was piloted. 




and on the place of his Landing iyi Britain. 241 

nor any other officer, would think for a moment of pushing his boats into a creek 
where the defenders could attack them on both sides ; the proper mode of attempt- 
ing a landing being always, to bring a long line of boats abreast to an open beach, 
and throw the whole body of troops on shore at once, in one connected line. 
" Continebatur " then appears to be simply " was bounded." A consideration also 
of what an experienced officer would be likely to atl^mpt will perhaps limit our 
ideas of the height of these cliffs. When Volusenus surveyed the EngUsh coast he 
could not fail to see that the cliffs of Dover are very high and mural, without a 
break of any kind for several miles ; and he would not think of recommending a 
debarkation under them. The same difficulty would apply to the cliflfe between 
Folkstone and Hythe. But in passing such a coast as that of Hastings, St. Leonard's, 
and Bexhill, he would see that there are low cliflfs much broken ; and, without 
closely surveying them (Volusenus did not land), he might suppose a debarkation 
there to be easy. The Hastings cliffs therefore, in my judgment, appear to suit 
Caesar's account better than those of Dover or Hythe. There are no other ranges 
of cliflfs in the coast which we have to examine in this investigation. 

13. Finding this a dangerous place for attempting a landing in the face of a 
resolute enemy, and thinking it best to wait for the rest of the fleet, " ad horam 

ix. in anchoris expectavit et ventum et sestum uno tempore nactus 

secundum .... circiter millia passuum 8 ab eo loco progressus, aperto ac piano 
litore naves constituit." That is, at 3 ^\ in the afternoon the tide was favourable 
for carr}ing him to an open flat beach about eight miles distant. This is one of the 
most critical passages in the whole account. 

From Captain Beechey's statement given in Article 7, with the correction of 
times given in Article 9, it appears that on the day of Caesar's landing the tide oflF 
Dover turned to the west about 1 ^. in the afternoon, and at 3 ^. it would be 
running with a strong stream to the west. For Csesar then to have first attempted 
Dover and then to have landed at Walmer or Deal (as many writers have supposed) 
appears absolutely impossible. A run of eight miles with the tide would have carried 
him somewhat beyond Folkstone, where the difficulties would have been nearly as 
great as at Dover, and where there is no such thing as a "planum et apertum littus." 

If we suppose Csesar to have first attempted the neighbourhood of Folkstone, the 
tide, which had turned to the west about noon, would have carried him to the flat 
beach of Romney Marsh. (That part of Romney Marsh which is nearest to Hythe 
is a mass of dry shingle, which evidently has drifted from the debris of the chalk 
cliflFs, and therefore has always been in contact with the chalk coast, without any 
intervening creek or sound.) This beach is very favourable for landing. But, if 
we suppose this to have been Caesar's place of landing, we encounter the following 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 I 



242 On the place of Julius Casar's departure from Gaul 

difficulty : — that Caesar on his voyage from the Somme had passed the good landing 
place to make the first attempt at the bad one, a blunder which we cannot with 
any reason attribute to him. 

But if we suppose Caesar to have first attempted the neighbourhood of St. 
Leonard's, the tide, which a few miles from shore had turned to the west at 1 1 \ 
was at 3 ^. running in full stream to the west. Caesar apparently waited for a 
favourable wind (the word ^^nactus'' implies that it was a change frt>m an unfavour- 
able wind or calm), which was highly desirable for the steerage of his ships. The 
run of eight miles would then bring him to the beach of Pevensey, answering perfectly 
to his description, probably the most favourable place for landing on the whole coast 
of Britain, and famous in later times as the landing-place of William the Conqueror. 

At the time of Caesar's landing it was low water. As there is usually on these 
coasts a flat shoaly bottom extending some distance beyond the steep shingle 
beach, the difficulty found in bringing Caesar's larger ships near the land is readily 
explained. 

14. In the circumstances of the second sea-passage there is not much to guide 
our judgment. Caesar set sail at sunset (about 7 ^) with a light S.S.W. wind (the 
" Afiicus," or the wind blowing from the Roman province of Africa to Rome) . The 
wind fell, and he drifted with the tide, and at morning found that Britain was left 
on the larboard side. Supposing, as before, that he set sail from the banks at 
3 hours after high water, it was high water at 4 ^, or about 5 hours later than at 
full moon ; and the tide would set to the east between midnight and 1 ^ in the 
morning. The only way in which this appears to afiect the present inquiry is, 
that if he had drifted in this manner when attempting Deal, he must have been cast 
upon the Goodwin Sands ; and with so numerous a fleet it would have been impossible 
to avoid extensive loss by shipwreck. It does not appear, however, that a single 
ship was in danger. If, however, he was then attempting Pevensey, he might have 
drifted very far without incurring the least danger. 

The general conclusion from the reasonings of this Section is, that it is impossible 
to admit Dover, Deal, or Walmer, as Caesar's landing places ; that although there is 
not the same impossibility of admitting Folkestone and Romney Marsh, there are 
strong improbabilities ; but that every possibility and probability is in favour of St. 
Leonard's and Pevensey. 

Section III. — On Casar's Transactiom in the Interiar of Britain^ to the time of 

storming the British fortress. 

1 6. The character of the country into which Caesar entered may be inferred from. 
the following incidental remarks. 



and on the place of his Latiding in Britain. 243 

In the first expedition^ 

*' Fmmento nostros prohibere." 

^^ Frumentum ex agris in castra quotidie conferebat/' 

" Noctu in silvis delituerant." 

These remarks apply to the country within a few miles of the landing place. 
They show that there were forests and corn-fields near. 

If Csesar had landed near Deal^ he would have had for some miles all round his 
camp bare chalk -downs, on which in those days there probably was neither a tree 
nor a ploughed field. 

In the neighbourhood of Pevensey the soil is heavy, very much covered with 
woods, but where cleared usually arable. 

In the neighbourhood of Hythe there is arable ground, and there are also woods, 
but less numerous than about Pevensey. 

In the second expedition there are very frequent allusions to the forests in which 
the Britons placed themselves in ambush, or to which they escaped. These notices, 
however, relate to a country more than 1 2 miles from the landing place ; and 
at a distance of 15 or 16 miles from either Pevensey, Hythe, or Deal, it is possible 
to find large woods. 

16. Csesar's movement into the interior, after the second landing, is thus 
described : " Csesar .... ubi ex captivis cognovit quo m loco hostium copise con- 

sedissent ipse noctu progressus millia passuum circiter 12 hostiimi 

copias conspicatus est : illi equitatu atque essedis ad flumen progressi ex loco 
superiore nostros prohibere et prselium committere cceperunt ; repulsi ab equitatu 
se in silvas abdiderunt." On the face of this account it is obvious that the place of 
engagement was on a river at the distance of 12 miles from Caesar's head quarters ; 
but there are other conditions tacitly implied in the account. The place had been 
selected by the Britons as a defensive post at least two days previously, and may 
therefore be presumed to have had the qualifications proper for a defensive post, 
namely, that it could not be turned, and that enemies could attack it in front only 
at disadvantage. It was a field-post ; there was no town near, though there was a 
fortress within a small distance. Csesar's approach was made by a night march ; 
and a night -march can only be made, especially in a woodland and arable country 
(such as we have in Article 15 found this to be), upon good roads. And to this I 
have to subjoin the following remark. The roads in a woodland and clay-ground 
country are almost invariable. Before the existence of our turnpike acts, it was 
impossible, by merely turning to the right or left, to make a new track across a 
clay field which in winter is nearly impassable, or to pass through an ancient wood. 



244 On the place of Julius Cossars departure from Gaul 

Even since our turnpike acts came into energetic operation, the principal measures 
undertaken (at least in the south-east of Sussex) were for hardening the roads, 
building bridges, &c., till within the last fifteen years, when the great line of south 
road was cut from Hawkhurst, and other new roads were made east of Battle and 
in the neighbourhood of Hastings. But there is no difficulty in distinguishing the 
old roads : they have most certainly been the same during many centuries : and I 
have no doubt that they are in the very same tracks as in the time of JuUus Caesar. 

After what has been already shown it seems almost unnecessary to remark on the 
unfitness of Deal for the place of Caesar s camp. Still, however, if we apply the test 
of this criterion it will be found that Deal does not answer to it. A distance of 1 2 
miles reaches the marshes of the Stour ; and if the Britons had been posted there, 
Caesar would have crossed at the sound ground of Canterbury or above it, and would 
have attacked their flank ; this could not therefore be their post. Moreover, there 
can scarcely be a doubt that Canterbury existed then as an important town ; of this 
there is no mention in Caesar. 

If the camp had been near Hy the, a march of 1 2 miles would have brought 
Caesar upon the upper part of the Stour, near Wye ; but the march would have 
been by indirect small roads, and the river is small and presents no particular 
feature of defensibility. 

But if we suppose Caesar's camp to have been at the eastern end of Pevensey Level, 
and his head quarters at Herstmonceux or Hooe, and if we measure a distance of 12 
miles along the old great road by Ninfield, Catsfield Green, TiUis Coppices, the 
north-west end of Battle, Whatlington, and John*s Cross, it terminates exactly at 
Robertsbridge ; one of the most remarkable miUtary positions in the east of Sussex. 
To enable the reader to understand its importance, I must request attention to the 
small map accompanying this paper, in which I have inserted the Andred Forest (An- 
dredes-leah), principally from Mr. Guest's map attached to his paper " On the Early 
EngUsh Settlements in South Britain," communicated to the Archaeological Institute 
at Salisbiu-y, in 1849. On the western side of the road was a forest, of very great 
extent, practically impenetrable to an army. Even at the present time this country 
is almost covered with large woods. Robertsbridge itself is the place of confluence 
of two streams of the Rother, one coming from the N.N.W. and the other from the 
S.S.W. (the latter being close on Caesar's left flank), both running in marshy valleys. 
The low meadows in this clay country are wet and soft, and may, by the shghtest 
inundation, be converted into marsh impassable to men or horses. They are now 
embanked and well drained, and are in the summer pretty firm, but in the winter 
they are too soft to bear cattle : they are usually overflowed by the ordinary rain-floods 



and on the place of his Landing in Britain. 245 

every year. In the time of Caesar they were undoubtedly lower and wetter than they 
are now. To the east of Robertsbridge the river runs to the sea in a single stream 
among broad soft marshes ; but at Robertsbridge itself the sound grounds on the north 
side and on the south side approach nearer than any where else. Caesar therefore 
in approaching this point had on his left, first forest, then marsh backed by forest ; 
on his right he had a partially wooded country terminated by the impassable marshes 
of the Rother. The only place at which it was practicable to advance was the 
crossing of the valley at Robertsbridge, and this really was to Caesar the gate of 
Britain. It is needless to point out how important it was for the Britons to defend 
this crossing, or what facilities were given by the slopes of the northern bank. 

It is known that, in the flight of the Saxons from the battle of Hastings, the 
fugitives made a stand, and repelled the pursuing Normans with slaughter. It 
seems not unlikely that this may have occurred at Robertsbridge. 

17- After the battle the Britons "repulsi ab equitatu, se in silvas abdiderunt, 
locum nacti egregie et natura et opere munitum : quem domestici belli, ut videbatur, 
caussa jam ante praeparaverant : nam crebris arboribus succisis omnes introitus 
erant praeclusi : ipsi ex silvis rari propugnabant, nostrosque intra munitiones 
ingredi prohibebant: at milites legionis vii., testudine fact^, et aggere ad mu- 
nitiones adjecto, locum ceperunt." The first statement, of the nature of the 
artificial defences of this place, seems to imply that they consisted entirely of felled 
trees : the second, of the mode in which the Romans attacked them, would lead us 
to think that they were walls or earth-works of some importance, of which some 
trace would undoubtedly remain to the present time. 

I have not been able to find in the neighbourhood of Robertsbridge any distinct 
traces of artificial works. However, at two and a half miles from Robertsbridge, on 
the western side of the road by which the Britons must have retreated, is a wood 
called " Burg Wood," which (judging ft'om its name) I cannot doubt to have been 
the site of a fortress. Its western boundary, which breaks down to the N.N.W. 
marshy valley mentioned above, is strong. But I could not learn that there is 
within the wood any trace of a ditch or rampart. Still nearer to Robertsbridge, on 
the east side of the road, is a commanding point called " Silver Hill," but the want 
of water would probably make it unfit for a military post. 

18. I shall refer now only to two arguments derived from incidental expressions, 
which, perhaps, may appear to some readers little worthy of attention, but which I 
am unwilling to suppress, because it was from accidentally seeing these phrases, and 
feeling strongly their inapplicability to a landing near Deal, that I was first led to 
investigate the whole subject. They relate to the position of Caesar's landing-place 



246 Battle of Hastings. 

in regard to the Thames. The command of all the British forces was intrusted U> 
Cassivelaunus, '* cujus fines k maritimis civitatibus flumen dividit quod appeUatur 
Tamesis^ k mari circiter millia passuum lxxx/' I understand the ^^ maritime states " 
to be the states in which Caesar had landed. The whole ej^pression appears little 
applicable to a place at the east end of Kent^ though it applies perfectly to the 
south of Sussex^ between which and St. Alban's the river Thames Ues like a bar^ 
nearly at the distance given by Caesar (if, as is probable, the measurement is made 
to a point west of London). And ^' Caesar ad flumen Tamesin .... exercitum 
duxit/' Now, if he had marched from Deal, his course would have been all the way 
parallel to the Thames, and the expression *^ ad Tamesin " could scarcely have 
been used ; whereas it is perfectly proper in advancing from Pevensey. 

After consideration of all these reasons, I must express my undoubting opinion 
that Caesar in both his expeditions to Britain landed at Pevensey. 



APPENDIX. 

Oft the Battle of Hastings. 

The examination of localities in Sussex necessary for the understanding of Caesar's 
supposed advance into Britain, has made me in some measure acquainted with 
those local circumstances which determined the policy of the battle of Hastings. 
Upon this celebrated conflict I think I may be able to throw some light. It has 
commonly been thought that Harold was rash in marching to meet William with an 
army much inferior in numbers to William's. I think it will appear that the advance 
was politic ; that it placed William in great difficulty ; that Harold had more than 
an even chance of success ; and that, with ordinary prudence on the part of the 
Saxons, the Norman army would probably have been destroyed on the low grounds 
below Battle. 

The reader on examining the map will see that, at a short distance to the east of 
Battle, the valley of the Winchelsea river (which rises near to Battle) becomes fiat 
and marshy. It would probably be judged at all times impassable to a body of 
troops ; but if there were any doubt on this point, the labour of a hundred peasants 
for a few hours, in damming up the stream at different points, would make it an 
insurmountable barrier. 

Remarking, then, that the great impervious forest extended westward beyond 
Chichester, and that the country inchided between the forest and the coast, b^n* 




Battle of Hastings. 247 

ning from Beachy Head, was almost entirely chalk-downs, it will be seen that 
William was in the following difficulties. 

If he remained near Pevensey, he would not only lose the reputation so important 
to his success, but his army would soon be starved. 

If he attempted to march to the west, he would pass through a country in which 
no food could be obtained, and in which he would be exposed to perpetual guerilla 
attacks from ambush in the forest. 

If he attempted to cross the Winchelsea river, and after it the Rother, his army 
would have been disorganized by the difficulties of the marshes, and he would have 
suffered severely from the attacks of even the most insignificant bodies of enemies. 

The only course left for him was to march through the passes of Battle (between 
the forest and the marshes of the Winchelsea river) and of Robertsbridge, and then 
the whole of Kent would be open to him. His objects, as we know, were, first Dover, 
and secondly London ; but he could not reach either of them except by traversing 
those two passes. 

The activity of Harold in seizing the pass at Battle reduced him to his last 
resolute, namely, to force the pass, at whatever disadvantage his attack should be 
made. Had he attempted to cross the Winchelsea river while Harold held Battle, 
his rearguard would have been destroyed almost without loss to the Saxons, and his 
advanced guard would have been in a difficult country, with the risk of being in a 
day or two surrounded by superior forces. 

The policy of the Saxons, then, at Battle, was markedly defensive ; all that was 
required of them was to hold their ground one day, or perhaps two days. And this 
evidently was Harold's view. The position which he took up (on the Kne of hills 
slightly in advance of the Winchelsea river, which line extends to the south-east as 
fer as Fairlight Down, and completely commands the plain of Hastings and Pevensey) 
appears a very strong one. On his right he was defended by the great forest. On 
his left he was protected by large woods, which even now cover the ground on that 
side nearly to the stream. The only way in which an enemy could attack him was 
by ascending the slopes in his front ; and here he had thrown up strong entrench- 
ments of earthworks and palisades. 

In a position like this, before the invention of cannon and mortars, a resolute 
army might well resist assailants outnumbering them in the proportion of four to 
one. It may even be asserted that they had more than a fair probability of success. 
But the condition essential to their success was, that they should simply hold their 
ground, availing themselves to the utmost of the advantages of their position, and 
that they should on no provocation quit their defences. 



248 Juliifs Casars Route to the Thames. 

And it was thus, as long as order prevailed, that the defence was maintained by 
the Saxons. During the combat which raged through the greater part of the day, 
it does not appear that a single point was gained by the Normans ; and it was only 
when the Saxons were tempted to descend towards the plain that they were over- 
whelmed by the chivalry of the Normans, and the battle was decided. Had the 
intrenchments of Battle been held with the same enduring coolness as the lines of 
Torres Vedras or the slopes of Waterloo, the Normans would have fallen back, 
dispirited and starved ; in a day or two they would perhaps have been attacked by 
superior forces ; and in all probability the glory of the Norman name would have 
perished on the plains of Hastings. 

G. B. AIRY. 

Royal Observatory, Greenwich, 
Nov. 12, 1851. 



ADDITION. 



After the communication of this paper to the Society of Antiquaries, I was 
favoured by William Durrant Cooper, Esq. F.S.A. with notes on the state of the 
south-eastern district of Sussex, the substance of which I am kindly permitted to 
publish. I take the liberty of adding some very short comments, explaining my 
views of the connexion of Mr. Cooper's remarks with the supposed movements of 
JuUus Caesar. 

In reference to the roads and the military posts Mr. Cooper makes the following 
remarks : — 

" The only route to the Thames in the eastern division of Sussex was by way of 
Robertsbridge, Hurst Green, and Tunbridge. So it continued to be in the days 
of John, Henry III. and Edward I. (See Blaauw's article on the Royal Journeys, 
Suss. Arch. Coll. vol. iii. p. 132.) The Une from Pevensey to Robertsbridge is still 
denoted by the Roman name of Street^ viz. Gardner s Street, and Boreham Street to 
Ninfield and Battle, close by which is the village which terminated the great wood, 
and still retains its half British and half Saxon name of Pen-hurst, " head of the 
wood." Near Robertsbridge there exists one of the Saxon and most probably 
British fortifications which ran in a line from Tunbridge to the coast — Burghill, 
now corrupted into Bugshill [on the south-west side of the N.N.W. confluent of the 
Rother] . About two miles northward is another spot yet called Burghill, above 




On the Change of Coast-line in Pevensey Bay. 249 

Hare-mare, between Etchingham and Hurst Green, immediately south of the Burg- 
wood of the Ordnance map [on the north-east side of the same confluent]; and so they 
run towards Tunbridge. Silver Hill was east of the general line, yet the advantage 
of its position as a military station (despite the want of water) was so great that 
during the last war barracks were there kept up. The only point, however, which 
I wish to enforce by reference to these is, that, down to the latest time, the 
importance of protecting this line of road by the presence of troops was acknow- 
ledged." 

I can scarcely doubt that the Burghill of Burg-wood is the fortress which Caesar 
stormed. Mr. Cooper remarks, "The plain there would well suit Caesar s description, 
and the fact of another Bugshill or Burghill being found further south becomes 
valuable only as demonstrating that this was the line of the Saxon, and hence in all 
probability of the British, line of fortifications." Caesar's account implies that no 
marshes were passed between the place of the battle and the fort, and that the wall 
(which was attacked by raising a bank of earth and forming the testudo) was 
approached on that side from level ground. These circumstances are inconsistent 
with the position of the Bugshill south-west of the Rother, but agree perfectly with 
that of the Burghill of Burg-wood. 

In reference to the change of the line of coast in Pevensey Bay, Mr. Cooper 
remarks : — 

" At Pevensey there has been a more important change in the sea- shore, since 
the days of the Romans, than ' is supposed in the Essay. The castle of Pevensey 
was, so late as the time of Edward I. close upon the shore. Since that time the sea 
has receded at least a mile. The strongest evidence of the former proximity of the 
sea is in the forms of the different sides of the castle itself. The provisions for 
defence on the sea side differing so largely from those on the other three sides, and 
the existence of the Water-gate as the only exit on the sea side, seem to me to shew 
that it was on the margin of an estuary. Of the large changes which have taken 
place in this district within the time of written evidence, the following will give 
proof. Firstly, the increase of land had not been completed to its present extent 
down to the fourteenth century. In the Custumial of Pevensey of an earlier date 
than that century (Suss. Arch. Coll. vol. iv. p. 213) the mode of death for a felon 
who was of the franchise was, that he should be taken to the town -bridge at high 
water and drowned in the harbour. In 1317 Edward II. granted to one Sassy, by 
the annual service of presenting a pair of gilt spurs, the liberty to inclose certain 
lands within the marsh of Pevensey ' then overflowed and in the tenure of no man ' 
(Lowes's Pevensey). And by the chartulary of Lewes Priory (Suss. Arch. Coll. vol. 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 K 



250 On the Change of CoasUline in Pcvensey Bay. 

ii. p. 1 5) it appears that, in the thirteenth century, Richard, who was portarius 
(q. port- reeve ?) of Pevensey, granted to the priory a free passage for the * water of 
the sea ' through his marsh to their mill at Langney. In the second place there is 
evidence that land which had been reclaimed has been there submerged. In 1 478 
the Godfrey chantry at Winchilsea was endowed with a messuage called Hauseham 
and 1 80 acres of land in Westham ; on the dissolution of the chantry that land was 
granted to the Sackvilles (Hist, of Winchilsea, pp. 131, 132), and a large portion has 
since been lost (Burrell MSS. 5697). The termination of the names *ey,* t. ^. ^ig' 
Sax. ' an island/ seems also to mark the character of the district. You will find 
Hidney, Mankseye, Chilley, Horsey, Northey, Langney, &c. all close." 

It will be remarked that I have drawn no inference from the supposed invariability 
of the coast, except that the tidal currents of the English Channel have not been 
sensibly altered ; and this inference is in no degree disturbed by the supposition that 
the line of coast near Pevensey Castle has advanced by one mile. Still I cannot 
imagine that the land has been so much increased. The village of West Ham and 
the Castle of Pevensey are on the sound ground, which has not been formed by the 
sea ; and the accretion of low land in front of Pevensey Castle has therefore been 
going on from pre-historic times, and a large portion of it must have been deposited 
before the time of Julius Caesar. The extracts cited by Mr. Cooper show clearly 
that the course of the waters near the Castle has been sensibly diflFerent from what 
it is now ; but they appear to me to refer rather to the streams running through the 
marshes than to the sea. 




251 



XXI. — An account of the Opening of some Tumuli in the East Riding of Yorkshire, 

By the Right Hon. the Lord Londesborough, F.S.A. 



Read Dec. 4, 1851. 



Dear Mr. AkeRMAN, Piccadilly, Nov. 28th, 1851. 

I send you an account of the opening of some Tumuli, in the East Riding of 

Yorkshire, under my directions, in the autumn of the present Year, and will thank 

you to lay the same before the Society of Antiquaries at some early meeting. I am 

happy in this opportunity of adding to the information which the Society has 

already acquired on the subject of the primaeval remains of our native land ; and 

I am, 

Yours, very sincerely, 

LONDESBOROUGH. 

To J. Y. Akerman, Esq. 

Secretary, Society of Antiquaries. 

October 1 7th. In a field in the occupation of Mr. Hopper, of Kellythorpe, and 
situated behind the Kings Mill, near Driffield, is a large mound, which forms a very 
conspicuous object, being from seven to eight feet above the ground, on the east 
side, where, it is evident, the soil has been taken from, to form the hill. On the 
west side, it is but slightly elevated above the adjoining ground, with which it is 
connected by a neck or ridge. On its summit was discernible a slight depression 
or basin. At the base, it measured nearly twenty yards in diameter. 

A cutting was made in the centre, four yards by five ; the soil lay in the most 
irregular manner, in small heaps of different kinds, interspersed with fine gravel. 
On going lower down, the chief composition was a stiff clay. At about three feet 
from the top, traces of bones were discovered ; but, as it was getting dark, further 
research was deferred till next morning. 

Oct. 18th. At 6 o'clock the following morning, the work was resumed; and the 
traces of bones followed, which proved to be those of a skeleton lying in the usual 
contracted position, with the hands bent up towards the face from the elbow. It 



252 Account of the Opening of Tumuli 

lay nearly due east, with the face looking to the south ; the skull was much 
crushed, but the other bones appeared to be in a very fair state of preservation. 
Immediately above the skull was a rude spear-head of flint (Plate XX. fig. 1,) which 
was all that accompanied this body. 

There seemed every probability that this was the original interment, from its 
proximity to the centre, and the undisturbed soil appearing immediately under it. 
A considerable surface having now been bared, without any further indication of 
more burials having taken place, the sides were pulled into the cutting, but nothing 
more was discovered. 

Not far from the first barrow, is another, of about the same diameter, but not 
more than four feet high ; although several persons can recollect its having been 
much higher previous to the inclosure of the land. It is situated in a field called 
The Greets, skirted on two sides by the Beverley and Market Weighton roads, and 
is in the occupation of Mr. Hopper. The individuals before mentioned spoke of 
quantities of bones having been turned up by the plough when the hill was brought 
into cultivation, which were re-interred. This proved to be correct ; for at a very 
sUght depth in the centre were found the disturbed remains of several skeletons. 
On the north side of the cutting, a few inches from the top, was a large sand-stone 
flag, in a slanting position, and on coming to the natural bottom was another, but 
of much larger size, laid flat, and a smaller one standing ui)right ; at the west end, 
a little to the south, was a fourth, much in the same position as that first discovered. 
The hollow sound emitted by the largest of the stones on being struck favoured the 
opinion that it might be the cover to a vault, which, on clearing away the earth 
from its edge, was found to be the case ; for, at one corner was a hole just of 
sufficient size to admit a hand and arm, by which means the sides of the interior 
could be felt. As the stone was more than seven or eight men could remove, a 
tripod or set of tackle poles and windlass were borrowed from Mr. Hopper, by 
means of which the lid was raised, but again lowered to its original position till 
Monday. 

The removal of the surrounding soil was again resumed, and on the south side 
was discovered a very large skeleton (close to the fourth stone before mentioned) : it 
lay in the usual contracted position, on the left side, and about twenty inches from 
the side of the cist, but was unaccompanied by any weapon or ornament. 

Towards the east end were traces of an extensive fire, the chalk-gravel having 
evidently been subjected to intense heat, which had turned it to a brick-red colour. 

The day being far spent, the work was suspended till the following Monday. 



in the East Riding of Yorkshire. 



253 





/ 



/ 



/ 



/ 



REFERENCE. 



No. 1. Cist, showing position of skeleton, cover, &c. 
„ 2. Sand-stones set round the Tault. 
„ 3. Large skeleton. 

4. Traces of fire, with a skeleton laid at full length across. 



No. 5. Two skeletons, with urn, spear, and piece of bone, &c. 
„ 6. Fragments of Roman, British, or Saxon pottery. 
„ 7. Several skeletons, with spear, fibula, &c. 



♦» 



On Monday the operations were resumed, and in a short time, on the north side 
were discovered a considerable mass of bones, which, on examination, proved to be 
those of two skeletons laid one upon the other ; the bones were so intermixed that 
it was impossible to distinguish to which they belonged. One of the skulls was in 
excellent preservation, the other much crushed and broken. Just above the whole 
head was an urn of coarse British pottery (Plate XX. fig. 9), ornamented with rows 
of large perforations ; also a flint spear-head neatly formed and chipped (fig. 3). 
Amongst the bones of the hand belonging to one of those skeletons was a curious 
piece of bone of about i^ in. long, and -J- an inch thick, with a small projection 



254 Account of the Opening of Tumuli 

in the middle. On one side in this projection was a hole, through which had been 
fastened a small hollow iron ball the size of a marble, to which had been attached a 
thin strip of wood and iron, as if the metal had been fastened between two sides of 
thin wood ; this ran in a straight direction from the little ball at the top (Plate XX. 
fig. 2) ; but, with the exception of the bone to which the whole had been attached, 
and part of the ball, corrosion had completely destroyed it, for on being touched it 
crumbled into dust ; what it had been could not be conjectured, but from the 
position in which it was found it seemed as if the bone had lain across the hand, 
and the part suspended from it had passed between the fingers in a straight line. 
There is every probability that the individual to whom the urn and spear-head 
belonged had been of an earlier date than the vault, as the urn, which was within 
six inches of the cover, had a long thin stone of the same description placed over it, 
with one end resting on the top of the large stone, evidently for the purpose of pro- 
tecting it when the soil had been thrown on the vault. The iron would indicate a 
still more recent date, but whether it belonged to the topmost of the two skeletons 
was impossible to determine. 

Having completely removed these two interments, and a considerable quantity of 
the surrounding soil, without meeting with anything more, preparations were made 
to investigate the contents of the vault. 

The tackle poles being fixed, the lid was again raised and deposited on one side, 
displaying the contents of the tomb, which was entirely free from soil, so that every- 
thing could be seen at a glance exactly in the position in which it was placed when 
interred . 

This rude sarcophagus was sunk in the ground till the top of the sides, which 
were formed of four slabs of sand-stone, came on a level with the natural surface, 
and was paved with small irregular pieces of the same. The dimensions were : on 
the north side, 3 feet 9 in. ; on the south, 4 ft. 2 in. ; on the east, 2 ft. 5 in. ; and on 
the west, 2 ft. 11 in. ; and 2 ft. 6 in. in depth. 

On the floor lay a skeleton of large size, the thigh bones measuring 1 9 inches ; it 
was placed in a similar position to those before mentioned, with the knees drawn 
up and lying on the left side, the hands bent towards the face (Plate XX. fig. 7) ; 
the bones of the right arm were laid in a very singular and beautiful armlet, made 
of some large animal's bone, about six inches long, and the extremities (which were 
a little broader than the middle) neatly squared (fig. 8) ; in this were two per- 
forations about ^ an inch from each end, through which were bronze pins or rivets 
with gold heads, most probably to attach it to a piece of leather which had passed 
round the arm, and been fastened by a small bronze buckle, which was found under- 



in the East Riding of Yorkshire. 255 

neath the bones. Immediately behind the vertebrae, and as if it had fallen from the 
waist, was a small bronze dagger in a wooden sheath, having a handle of the same ; 
round the neck were three large amber heads (figg. 4, 5), of conical form, having 
the under side flat, and which were pierced by two holes running upwards in a 
slanting direction till they met at the centre. At the lower end of the vault, 
between the extremity of the spine and the feet, was a highly ornamented drinking 
cup (fig. 6), completely covered with rows of marks and indentations, each row being 
divided by ridges or bands ; about the centre of the pavement in front of the body, 
was the upper part of a hawk's head and beak. A mass of what seemed to be linen 
cloth lay under the entire length of the skeleton, but the interstices were so filled 
up with animal matter as to give it the appearance of leather ; there was, however, 
a portion about 2 inches long and ^ wide, laid across one of the thigh bones, which 
shewed the texture of the fabric very plainly, and from the quantity of these re- 
mains it is very likely the body had been wrapped in linen from head to foot. 

The skull was in a much worse condition than several others which had been 
found, the whole of the facial bones being decayed ; it is of a very peculiar round 
form, and quite different from any other belonging to this tumulus. 

The contents of the cist having been thoroughly examined, attention was next 
turned to the traces of fire before alluded to. It covered a space of about five feet 
in diameter ; and fragments of bone belonging to different skeletons more or less 
burnt were met with throughout the extent of the fire. In the centre of the burnt 
gravel, and where it was evident the heat had been most intense, lay a skeleton at 
full length, the vertebrae and middle portions completely calcined, but the extremities 
not so much destroyed ; quantities of charcoal were met with, both above and below 
the bones ; the red gravel formed a conical heap, and it was evident the fire had 
subsided before the earth had been placed over it, as there is no appearance of the 
latter having been subjected to any heat. 

Portions of two vases of Romano- British or Saxon pottery were found scattered 
over the north and eastern parts of the barrow ; being at a considerable depth, it 
was remarkable they should have been so much disturbed, which must have been 
caused by the depositing of a later interment, but there was nothing to prove which 
were the remains of the individual last interred. 

The number of interments in this tumulus had been very considerable, the 
remains of ten different skeletons having been exhumed during the investigation. 
The head of one is peculiarly long and narrow, and near it was found a circular 
fibula of bronze (figured in the next page) ; this was at the west end: but, several 
other skeletons being laid close together, and at all angles, nothing satisfactory 



256 Account of the Opening of Tumuli 




could be made of them. There was also a rude flint spear-head and a joint of some 
large animal's back-bone turned up in the same place. 

The mound having been nearly all turned over, and to every appearance being 
on the outside of the deposits, all the hones were collected and placed in the vault, 
the lid was again lowered to its former position, and, after placing the other stones 
round it in the manner they were found, the remainder of the day was occupied by 
filling in and restoring the hill to its former shape. 

Preparations were made to open some of the very numerous barrows on and in 
the neighbourhood of Goodmanham Wolds, near Londesborough ; they number 
between thirty and forty in a space not more than a mile across. Some of them 
are of great size, varying in height from two to eleven or twelve feet. There is no 
appearance of any of them having been opened, except one in the barn-field, which 
was nearly levelled some six or seven years ago by Mr. Appleton, the tenant. 
Mr. Leighton, of Goodmanham, who was present at the opening and had the 
objects found in his possession, describes the contents as follows, which he believes 
to be pretty nearly correct : — 

The cutting was commenced on the west side ; a little way towards the 
centre great quantities of charcoal, ashes, and burnt bones, mixed with red or 
burnt soil, were discovered, which ran completely over the interior of the mound. 
In the centre of this coloured strata was an urn of unbaked clay, perfect, another 
partially damaged, and a considerable number of fragments of one or two more. 

Immediately on the top of these interments were two whole skeletons unbumt. 
Another barrow, of much less size and near to the first, was partially opened at the 
same time, but did not produce anything. 

On Wednesday, October 23d, operations were commenced on a small hill near to 
he one mentioned as having been opened by Mr. Leighton: it measured about 
twelve yards across, and was about two feet and a half deep in the centre. The 
rock was soon reached and bared for a considerable space. Slight traces of fire 



in the East Riding of Yorkshire. 



257 



were observable throughout the centre ; but, towards the north-west side, the indi- 
cations of cremation were much stronger, which, on being followed, led to a small 
hole in the rock about twenty feet in depth, and the same in diameter at the mouth, 
and drawing to a point at the bottom : this was completely filled with bones, very 
much burnt, and almost all reduced to ashes. There was also a considerable quan- 
tity of charcoal mixed with them. In the middle of this hole was a small rude 
incense-cup, perfectly plain ; about three inches across in the widest part ; and near 
the bottom was another of the same proportions and shape, but ornamented by a 
row of parallel lines running in a vertical direction, and another row reversed. The 
second did not seem to have been so much burnt as the one first found, which was 
black, or nearly so. No other deposit was found in this tumulus. 




A much larger mound in the same field was the next examined. It was a little 
more than six feet high, and nearly twenty yards in diameter. A cutting was made 
in the centre about four yards square. The top was composed of soil to the depth 
of from two to three feet, under which the remainder of the structure was a stiflF 
and tenacious clay. 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 L 



258 Account of the Opening of Tumuli in the East Riding of Yorkshire. 

The first object of interest discovered was an oval, formed of six large flint 
holders, ahout four yards on the north-west side of the centre. Prom the appear- 
ance of this curious structure, it seemed as if it had been fonned to contain an urn. 
Whatever was the object of its construction, nothing was found within several 
yards of it. 

Near the centre, and at the depth of six feet from the top, was a deposit of burnt 
bones, accompanied by a very highly ornamented British urn (fig. 10) ; it measures 
4i inches in height, and 6 inches in width at the top. A little below the 
rim is a band or groove, in which, at regular distances, are four small knobs or pro- 
jections. It is completely covered with sharp incisions, and on the bottom is a 
cross, made by double rows of small holes running from side to side and crossing 
in the centre. The urn, when found, was twelve or fourteen inches from the 
deposit of burnt bones, but there was every appearance of its belonging to them. 

Six feet to the east of the last-mentioned interment was another large mass of 
burnt bones, but unaccompanied by any article usually found in connexion with 
similar deposits. 

In the clay composing this barrow were discernible several seams of decayed 
wood, or charcoal, following the conical shape of the hill throughojat. 

From the great difficulty in removing the clay much time was spent without pro- 
ducing anything encouraging ; therefore, the most of it having been turned over 
the hill was made up again. 

Another small mound, on the north-east side of the large one just mentioned, was 
opened, but with little success, as it contained nothing but a small mass of calcined 
bones. 

October 29. At Little Driffield, in a field in the occupation of I. D. Conyers, Esq. 
is a hill of great height for the circumference. It is composed entirely of sand. 
On the removal of most of the mound, nothing was found to indicate its artificial 
formation, except a few pieces of red pottery (from appearance Roman), and some 
bits of much corroded iron. 



Vol.,X\'XI\'. inale.tX.L- 




SepuMim/ J?^m<i>,,s /h'M F/^ „/!,// »rar Z)r^//;-/^/. h;rA,rA,W . 



259 



XXII. — Supplementary Observations on an Astronomical and Astrological Table- 
Clock, together with an account of the Astrolabe. By C. Octavius Morgan, 
Esq., M.P., M.A., F.R.S. and S.A., in a Letter to J. Y. Akerman, Esq. 
Resident Secretary. 



Read June 19, 1851. 



My dear Sir, 9, Pall Mall, 19 June, 1851. 

I have placed on the table of our Society, for exhibition this evening, my 
curious Astronomical and Astrological Table Clock, which has been so well figured 
and described in the paper of our excellent Director, which was read at the eariy 
part of this season, and printed in the last part of the Archseologia just pub- 
lished ; and I will therefore take the liberty of adding a few Observations supple- 
mentary to those which he has made, as they will point out more clearly, now that 
the instrument is before us, its interest and peculiarities. 

The instrument is a Clock and standard Astrolabe. The base has already been 
described in Captain Smyth's paper. On the pillar, or stem, which supports the 
dial and astrolabe, is engraved a calendar, by which is shewn what planets rule 
over the diflFerent hours of the day and night in each day of the week. As the 
names of these days are in French, and as one of the projections of the sphere 
engraved on the lower plate of the dial is for the latitude of Paris, it is most 
probable that the Clock was made there. It bears the date 1 560. At that time 
was living at Paris, Oronce Fin^e, the celebrated astronomer, who was mathe- 
matician and mechanist to the king. In 1553 he constructed for the Cardinal of 
Lorraine a very curious astronomical clock, of which he published a description 
in 1557. From the period when the present clock was made, the clever ingenuity 
in its construction, and the beauty of the workmanship, it is by no means 
improbable that it may have been one of his works, for the engraving on the 
pillar corresponds with a table given in his *' Cosmographia/' and the Ptolemaic 
system, as engraved on the upper disc of the base of the clock, is the counterpart 
of the diagram given in the same work. 

The dial-work or astronomical portion of the movement is curious, inasmuch as it 
is a moving astrolabe, and shews at any hour of the day, besides the relative 



260 Supplementary Observations on 

motions of the sun and moon, and the tides, (the earth being stationary in the 
centre, according to the Ptolemaic theory,) the position of certain of the principal 
fixed stars with relation to the earth, as well as the aspects of the heavenly bodies, 
whether in conjunction, sextile, quartile, trine, or opposition ; matters at that time 
of the highest interest, when Astrology was so much in vogue. It will be seen that 
on the dial-face of this clock there are four concentric movements, by which are 
shewn the revolution of the sun round the earth in twenty-four hours, his annual 
course through the signs of the zodiac, the age and phases of the moon, and the 
tides. Each index is a perforated diagram, and serves at the same time as a dial to 
the one above it, thus showing the relative motion of one body to the other. The 
back of the dial is an Astrolabe for making astronomical observations, taking the 
altitude of the sun and stars, and ascertaining the height of objects on the earth's 
surface ; finding the day of the month, and making other calculations. The usual 
form of the astrolabe was such that it was suspended by a ring, and so hung 
perpendicularly ; this, however, being a standard instrument, required some arrange- 
ment for setting it in a perpendicular position^ and this is done by a contrivance 
for a plumb-line in the ruler or volvel at the back of the instrument. 

The ancient Astrolabe, from its long disuse, has now become an object rarely met 
with. 1 have, therefore, placed on the table another similar instrument, being a 
portable astrolabe of the more usual kind, suspended by a ring. This has also a 
great and interesting peculiarity, inasmuch as it contains within it a striking-clock, 
whereas the usual astrolabes were without that addition, which they of course 
could not have had previous to the invention of portable clocks and watches shortly 
after 1500. The construction of this clock, it having no fusee, and the wheels 
being all made of steel, would indicate its date to be about 1 525, or at latest a few 
years after. Gemma Frisius, the Dutch astronomer, is said to have suggested, about 
the year 1530, that portable clocks might be taken to sea, to find the longitudes; 
and here is an instrument just calculated to carry out that suggestion, inasmuch 
as it enables any one to take the altitude of the sun or stars, and indicates the 
hour at the same time; and may thus be considered as a prototype of marine 
chronometers. 

The index to the hours is what is termed the " net" of the astrolabe, and which, 
at the same time that it showed the hour, showed also the relative position of the 
fixed stars to the earth. There is, however, a part of the instrument wanting, 
namely, a loose plate of metal beneath the *^ net," engraved with a projection of 
the sphere for some particular latitude. It is a pity that this is lost, as it would 
show for what part of the world the instrument was made, which would be very 



an Astronomical and Astrological Table- Clock. 26 1 

interesting, as another curious peculiarity is, that all the engraving of the figures 
for the hours and other matters, together with the names of the signs and months, 
is in Arabic characters, thus serving to show that it was made for some Oriental 
region. It is, however, I think, of German manufacture, and was probably made 
at Augsburg, with which place, it being a great mart of European commerce from 
the ports of Genoa and Venice, there was much intercourse with the East. 

The Astrolabe is an astronomical instrument of great antiquity, and, though our 
present name for it is of Greek origin, it was probably an eastern invention, as the 
writers on astronomy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries who mention it gene- 
rally give, with explanaticMis, the Arabic names of its several parts. In a manuscript 
of the thirteenth century, called " Le Breviaire de St. Louis," which is said to have 
belonged to Queen Blanche, the mother of St. Louis, is an illuminated miniature 
of a lesson in astronomy, where the teacher is represented as taking an observation 
mth an astrolabe, which he holds in his left hand, whilst he is taking a sight through 
the holes in the " ruler" of the instrument. The best, and indeed only clear 
description of this instrument and its use that I have found is in a scarce tract, 
printed in London in 1587, and entitled "A Mirror for Mathematics," by Robert 
Tanner ; and, as from its long disuse no account of it is to be found- in modem 
works, and as in the Archaeologia there is only a very short notice respecting it in 
voL xxix. p. 374, I have transcribed that portion of Tanner s book which relates to 
its form and construction, thinking it may be of some interest in explanation of the 
instruments now before the Society. Robert Tanner s book is throughout very 
quaint ; the title of it is, " A Mirror for Mathematics, a Golden Gem for Geome- 
tricians, a sure Safety for Saylers, and an auncient Antiquary for Astronomers and 
Astrologians. By Robert Tanner, Gent. Practitioner in Astrologie and Physic, &c. 
&e. &c." 

The " Epistle dedicatourie" to the Right Hon. Charles Lord Howard of 
Effingham, commences with the announcement of a curious and quaint fact in 
natural history almost worthy of being communicated to the Royal or Zoological 
Societies. 

" The cranes when they fly out of Cilicia, over the mountains Taurus, carrie in 
their mouths a pebble stone, lest by their chattering they should be ceased (seized) 
upon by the eagles ; which birds. Right Honourable, might teach me silence, &c." 

The first chapter is intituled, " The Traveller's joy and fehcitie," and " declareth 
the composition of the instrument called astrolab," as follows : — " This present 
instrument is divided into four parts : the first part doth contain two things ; the 
first is the face or form of the astrolabe, divided into 24 hours, after the manner 



262 Supplementary Observations on 

of a middle horologe, with 360 degrees of the sequator, the lines of the divisions 
being added with their numbers from 10 to 10 ; and this is termed of manie the 
limb of the astrolabe. To this form is joined a certain hoUowness, for the impo- 
sition of other parts. This is called the mother of the astrolabe — 

" Hollowness the mother of the astrolabe.'* 

This and the following descriptions are illustrated by diagrams. 

" In the second place cometh the back of the astrolabe, in which the degrees of 
the altitudes of every fourth part of the circle, with their numbers from 10 to 10 
unto 90, do offer themselves. After these do follow the degrees of the zodiac, 
serving with their numbers from 10 to 10, for every sign adding 30 ; to which imme- 
diately do cleave the names of the signs. Afterwards the days of the ye^ar do 
follow, distinguished with their numbers, after the order and custom of the Church ; 
between which the altimetrical lather, for the divers geometrical divisions of his 
place, and that there might be no void room, the bows or arcs of unequal hours 
being described do shew themselves." 

*^ The second part in one table being plaine upon one side, whereof are graven 
the almicanthareth, that is, the • circles of the progressions from 6 degrees to 6 
from the horizon to the zenith of the head ; and the first almincarath of them is 
called the oblique horizon, that is to say, the terminatOR or ender of sight in an 
oblique sphere, because he doth divide the higher hemisphere from the lower, and 
whatsoever is under that circle is under the horizon, and whatsoever is above the 
same is above the horizon, 

" The centre of the inner almincareth is named the zenith of the city or country 
to which the table is made." 

Then follows a description of the projection of the sphere, as drawn and engraved 
on a plane table of metal, according to the latitude of the place for which the 
instrument is made. This plate was usually engraved on both sides, on one side 
for 45, on the other for 42, degrees of elevation of the north pole ; and occupied 
the hollow space before mentioned, constituting the third part of the instrument. 

" The fourth part is the volvel, so called, containing the zodiac of the twelve 
signs, with their degrees and numbers from 10 to 10. Also the most noble fixed 
stars, most necessary for those which judge of stars, which is called by the Arabians 
Alencabuth, but in Latin aranea or rete, a cobweb or net, whose fardest and 
extreme part being hollow is said to be the way of the sun or the ecliptic ; and 
about the beginning in the same zodiac is left a certain little tooth, which the 




an Astronomical and Astrological Table-Clock. 263 

Arabians call almuri, but in Latin a pointer-out, because it is that which pointeth 
out the degrees described in the limb. 

" You must know that all signs, with their degrees and stars, which are contained 
between the equinoctial circle and the centre of the astrolabe, are called septen- 
trional, and that all which are without, towards the circle Capricorn, are called 
meridional. 

" And last, these things are joined together by a pin, with rules and indices as 
folio weth : — The rule or volvel, which is turned in the back of the astrolabe, which 
ruler is called altriada, or mediclinium, in the which are put two little pins or 
tables to take the height of the sun in the day, and of the stars at night, of which 
one side which goeth through by the centre of the astrolabe is called The line of 
Trust, because it bringeth credit of things practised there. 

" The ring hanging is an instrument by which the astrolabe is hanged to take the 
height of the sun in the day time, and of the stars in the night ; and in the Arabian 
tongue is called alantica or alphantica.'' 

So far for the form and construction of the instrument ; and, to demonstrate its 
use, I shall subjoin a list of the various observations to be made with it, according 
to the instructions given in the different chapters : — 
" Cap. 2. — To find out the motion of the sun. 

3. — To know the height of the sun every hour of the day. 

4. -To enquire out the equal hour, that is, the usual hour of the horologe 

or dyall. 
5. — To know the equal hour in the night time. 
6. — To try the height of the stars in the night time. 
7. — 'To find the rising and setting of the sun. 
8. — To know the length of an artificial day and night. 
9. — ^The rising and falling of the fixed stars. 
10. — ^To find out unequal or planetical hours. 
1 1 . — To number the declining of the fixed stars, and every degree of the 

ecliptic. 
12. — To find out in what climate any one is which strayeth in the sea or 

wilderness. 
13. — ^The taking of the height of some place, region, or town. 
14. — ^To know to what cUmate, region, or town the mother of the astrolabe 

is formed. 
15. — To know the degree in the ecliptic with which the star described in 
the net doth rise and fall. 



I 



264 Supplementary Observations on an Astronomical Table- Clock. 

Cap. \ 6. — ^To search out the zenith of the rising and setting of the sun and fixed 

stars. 
17. — To find out the zenith of the sun and fixed stars. 
18. — One fixed star being known, to find another unknown. 
19. — To come artificially to the knowledge of the stars of the eighth orb, 

being unknown. 
20. — The ascension or descension in a right sphere of one sign of the zodiac 

or more. 
2 1 . — The ascension of the degree of the ecliptic of a star. 
22. — By the right ascension known of a star, to find the bow of the ecliptic 

ascending with it. 
23. — To know what signs rise and fall rightly, and what signs rise and fall 

crookedly, in a right sphere. 
24. — ^To know what signs rise rightly in an oblique sphere, and what signs 

arise crookedly. 
25. — To find the beginning of the twelve houses of the heavens for divers 

astronomical judgments. 
26. — Of certain geometrical measures of heights and lengths. 
27- — To find out by the astrolabe or quadrant the height of any object in an 

even plane, without any shadow. 
28 to 32 give directions for measuring the height, depth, and distance of 

objects with the quadrant, together with its composition and other 

matters connected with it." 
We here see that our forefathers had invented and constructed a very clever and 
useful instrument, and one which was remarkably portable, and there is probably 
no one instrument of modem time by which so many operations could be performed 
and so much knowledge acquired. 

I remain, dear Sir, 

Yours faithfully, 

OCTAVIUS MORGAN. 

To J. Y. Akerman, Esq., Resident Secretary, 

&c. &c. &C. 



265 



XXIII. — On a Silver Disc from Tarentum, in the possession of Henry Vint^ Esq., 

F.S.A. of Colchester. By Samuel Birch, Esq. 



Read March 27th, 1851. 



The object I propose to describe is a Disc of silver of very thin substance^ being 
scarcely one-sixteenth of an inch thick, and beaten up from behind in the kind of 
metallic work called sphurelaton by the Greeks. It has apparently formed the top 
of a mirror-case, or box. (See Plate XXI.) The account of its discovery, which 
Mr. Vint, its possessor, has placed in my hands, is as follows : — " This bas-relief I 
purchased in Naples upwards of twenty years ago of a travelUng jeweller," who 
collected and dealt in relics of antiquity. The following, to the best of my recollec- 
tion, is the account he gave me of the place where it was found, and the manner in 
which it came into his possession. On one of his customary visits to Tarentum, in 
Calabria, he was invited by a silversmith, with whom he transacted business, to take 
some refreshment, and on entering a room behind the shop he observed this bas-relief 
placed against the wall, and two small lamps burning before it. Being at the ver}' 
first sight sensible of its antiquity, he carefully asked the silversmith's wife, who 
was present, where it was found. Her answer was to this effect. Some excavators 
brought to their shop for sale a quantity of silver which they had found in digging 
among the ruins of the old city. On breaking up the mass her husband discovered 
these figures within it, and was about to put them into the crucible to melt them, 
when she snatched the rare reUc from her husband, exclaiming with religious 
horror, ^ Would you melt the Madonna?' Her husband confirmed his wife's 
account, and moreover stated it was soldered within a conical-shaped silver vase 
that was found covered up in the tight cavity of a large stone among the ruins of 
Tarentum." 

The subject of the Bas-relief is as follows : A female is seated upon a rock in a 
direction facing to the right, but turning round and looking to the left. She leans 
her left hand upon a tortoise, which comes out from beneath it. With her right 
hand she takes some ointment out of a shell CconchaJ^ which is in the hand of a 
small figure in a diploid tunic, standing on a square pedestal, and facing her. This 
figure is gilded round the waist^ and the pedestal is ornamented with a wreath and 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 M 



V/i fJn a Si/rer Jjis€/rf/m Taremtum. 

fei^jfKA. Bfinnd the principal and Treated figure is a naked youth running away, 
and hfjUHnz on his head inverted a conical basket. The figure on the rock has her 
hair ^hered op from behind, but u naked to the waist ; round her head is a 
wreath, and on her wrintii are the bracelets called ^Cm^. A thin garment wraps the 
lower part of her form, and her left leg is bent under her right. In the area are a 
thyraw, flower, butterfly, and letter ; in the exergue a Ijtc laid horizontally^ a 
^raiwhopper ; ab^jvf*, a star, a crow, and another star. 

Then: r:an be no doubt of thi.s being one of the cases which held the Karmrrpa or 
i^f/rrpa, Hs the mirrors were called which were used at the toilet of females. Its 
circular form and its size leads to this conclusion. Similar discs in silver, and of 
th^; Mune beaten<up work, are in the principal museums of Europe; and for general 
refii;mblance may be cited the bas-rehef of Mr. Hawkins with the subject of Venus 
and Anchises/ and the votive shield of the Vienna Museum, having for its story the 
a[Kith<^>sis of Or^rmanicus.'' Some other mirror-cases of bronze are figured in the 
work of M. Gerhard, and their general form is there shewn as a flat disc of metal, 
about half an inch thick, beaten hollow, so as to form the box to hold a drcular 
mirror without any handle, and having above a circular cover, with a subject 
irxtcuU'A in chased work upon the top."" The general relation of the subjects of 
these mirrors to the cases is by no means clear; for they are derived from other works 
of art, or legends particularly current in their day, such as the amours of Bacchus 
and Ariadne'', the arms of Achilles brought by the Nereids, the death of 
Ncoptolemos at Delphi^ Venus and Anchises, and even the amours of Cupid and 
Psyche. It appears, indeed, from the writings of the pseudo Anacreon^ that such 

* MiUtngen, Anc Un. Mod. 

^ Ameth, Clold und tiilber-Monumente, fo. Wien, 1850, sup. taf. v. 

< (jcrhard, Mctallflpifgel, taf. xxi. 

fl Mirror-CAM* frrmi ToHcanella, in the British Museum. 

<* (rcrhnrd, 1. c. taf. xxii. 

^ Anacnum a Darnefty Bvo. I^ndon, 1784, p. 146, Ode 51. It was of silyer chased, iipla rU ropev^e wirrarf 
1. 1, with the figure of Vfinnfi in bas-relief, &Tra\rfr xdpcdie Kvirpiy, L 789, and the Cupids, vir^ ^P7^ 
^ oxovi'rni. h'nmi tlu; wlioli; d(!H<:ripiion c*vidcntly a Roman work of art. 

llio mirrors of thc^ I'ltruscans, liiie those of the Egyptians, consisted of a disk with a spike, which was 
iniierted into n liandle of Honie other material, such as wood, ivory, and possibly even other metals ; but at 
the time of tlu» Roman empire Kcpiaro or circular mirrors were adopted, and the latter placed in circular boxes. 
Some of the later mirron* of the Etruscans were circular like the Romans, and proyided with boxes ; Hieir 
covers witli embossed work like the present. See Gerhard, Metallspiegel, L c Some of the Roman noRon 
havo niedalUons cut into two, and inlaid into the cover and lower part, as the one found at Coddeohaa. 
Arohvologia, xxvii. p. ;}54, with the medallion of Otho. Several laxge brass coins of Nero haye been fionnd 
in Franco cut into two, and served up for boxes. 




On a Siher Disc from Tmnntum, 267 

works were by no means fmcommon in his da7 ; and the subject of the disc whidi 
be describes was Aphrodite sailing across the sea^ attended by the Erotes. 

Pliny states that the best mirrors in Italy came from Bnmdnsium ;» and Praxiteles^ 
an artist who Hred during the first triumyirate, is mentioned by that author as the 
inventor of silver mirrors, which had become so common at Rome in his time that 
the maid-servants used them.'* Lais dedicated her mirror to Aphrodite.* Unfor- 
tunately^ considerable difficulties occur in the explanation of the subject of this 
specimen (of toreutic work), a highly valuable and beautiful example of ancient 
chasing, undoubtedly later than the age of Alexander. This charming composition 
reminds us of the celebrated Portland Vase, and must have been executed when 
the glyptic art was highly advanced. 

The accessaries or objects which are grouped round the figures confer on it a 
pantheistic character, which is indeed found on certain works of art of the Roman 
period, when the introduction of new religious notions derived firom oriental 
mjrthology exercised so potent an influence over the Roman mind« 

In the principal figure is apparently to be recognised a type of Aphrodite, or 
Venus, considered in her marine character, at her toilet. It is thus that the god- 
dess is represented either as borne in the pecten shell in her character of Venus 
Cythereia,<* swimming in the water, or as Anadyomene arrived at the sea-shore^ and 
wringing out her wet tresses ;° or else seated upon a tortoise — emblem, according 
to some authors, of her telluric influence,^ and, according to others, of her celestial 
power ;s which is sometimes replaced by a hippocamp,^ a shell,^ or a sepia,!" also 
indicative of her marine influence. But the dolphin was particularly emblematic of 

* N. H. xxxili. 45. Lamnas duci, specula fieri non nisi ex (argento) optumo posse credimus. Fuerat id 
integrum, sed id quoque jam fraude conrumpitur, etc. Atque ut omnia de speculis peragantur in hoc loco, 
opiuma apad majores fuerant Bnmdusina ; stanno et aere mixtis praslata sunt argentea. Primus fecit Pftsitiles 
(or Praxiteles) Magni Pompeu sBtate. See Sillig, Cat. of Artists, voce Praxiteles, etc. For these mirrors cf. 
Philostratus Imag. i. vi. ; Dio Chrysost. xvii. p. 124. 

^ Specula quoque ex eo laudatissima, ut diximus, Brundusii temperabantur, donee argenteis uti coepere 
ancillae. N. H. xxxiv. 48. Euripides, in the Troades, v. 1096, speaks of the ^vaea ivoirrpay but this is a 
poetic phrase. See Gerhard, Metalspiegel, s. 77-8 ; Beckman, Gesch. der Erfindang, iii. s. 277, u« ffL 

^ See the Anthologia, Lubini, 1. infra cit. 

d Festus, voce Cythereia. Clarac, Mus. de Sculpt, pi. 606 a. No. 1879 b ; pi. 606 b ; pL 607, 608 ; 
Cf. the bas-relief, Clarac, ii. pi. 224, No. 82. 

« Clarac, Mus. de Sculpt, iii. pi. 626, Nos. 1406, 1408. 

' Clarac, pi. 629, No. 1415. 

f Gerhard, Ueber die Vemisidole. AbhandL k/Akad. d. Wissoosch. 4to. Berlin, 1845i» 

^ Clarac, pi. 618, No. 1869 ; pi. 614, No. 1363 ; pi. 615, No. 1866. 

* Clarac, pi. 627, No. 1418 ; pi. 680. 

^ Clarac, pi. 610, No. 1816. 



268 On a Silver Disc from Tarentum. 

her marine origin, and occurs attached to a great number of statues > and other 
representations of the goddess. For, as to express her passage through the air the 
artists of antiquity represented her either borne by the winged loves,* mounted on a 
swan,** or drawn by sparrows,*" mounted on which the Erotes fly around her,^ so to 
express her passage across the sea she is constantly accompanied by dolphins and 
other marine animals. The difficulty of interpreting the present subject is caused 
by its being the product of an age when the artists treated by preference allegories 
rather than the old hieratical myths, and by the tortoise, which forms the key to the 
explanation, being connected with several myths very diflferent in their character. 
The only chance is an examination of the less obvious portions of Greek literature, and 
even these rarely aid the inquiry. The first and most prominent analogy is that of the 
statue of the goddess at Elis,^ one of the chryselephantine statues of Phidias, in which 
the goddess was treated as the Aphrodite Urania or celestial Venus — ^the tortoise 
possibly alluding to her standing on the earth, of which the terrestrial tortoise 
appears to be the emblem. According to Plutarch,^ the tortoise was the symbol of 
the silence and domestication of married females — while modem authors see in this 
reptile the vault of the heaven,^ or the emblem of Spartan valour.** The present 
disc, which cannot be a copy of any artist of that period, but of one later than the 
age of Alexander, shews, from the rock upon which the goddess is seated, and from 
the dolphin below it, that there is an allusion to the marine Aphrodite^ and not to 
the Aphrodite Urania. It is such a scene as an artist may have conceived of the 
goddess when she was supposed to have revisited Paphos and her Idalian groves. 
On the coins of the Crepereia family a head like the present is often repeated, and 
each time accompanied by a different emblem, such as a stork, a dolphin, a sepia, 

^ Clarac, pi. 613, Nos. 1391, 1392 a ; pi. 625, No. 1403 ; pi. 626 a, No. 1363 ; pi. 626 b. No. 1401 ; 
pi. 627, No. 1412 ; pi. 628, No. 1664 A ; pi. 631, No. 1422 ; pi. 632, No. 1398 A ; and Adonis, pi. 634, 
No. 1429 ; pi. 634 b, No. 1386 a. 

b MiUler, Denkmaeler, xxii. 286. 

^- Ibid. 287. 

^ Achilles Tatius ; Clitophon, 8vo. Lips. 182], a Jacobs, p. 6. 

*^ Pausanias, vi. 25, 2. 

< Plutarch, PrsBC. Conjug. xxxii. 142. 

'->' Panofka, Skiron und Theseus, s. 10 ; Grerhard, Ueber den Venusidole, s. 4. 

^ Gottling, Verzeichniss d. Museums d. Universit. Jena. 8yo, Jena, 1848, s. 13. Die Schildkrote aber ist 
ein Symbol spartanischer Tapferkeit, denn sie lasst sich wie diese, den Schild nur mit dem eigenenen Leben 
zugleich rauben. This notion, that the tortoise is an emblem of Spartan yalour, because it onlj parts with its 
shell or shield after its life, is very ingenious, but I do not know on what ancient authority it is founded. 
Gotling supposes that the Venus of Milo stands on a tortoise. 




On a Silver Disc from Tarentum. 269 

a tortoise.* It is difficult, however, to decide whether the goddess is not here in 
the character of Pontia, limenia, or Paralia. 

The subject of Aphrodite at the Bath, so often repeated upon works of ancient 
art, represented a particular incident in the history of the goddess — the bathing in 
the fountains of Ida previous to submitting herself to the judgment of Paris.** The 
moment chosen by the artists for the figures of the goddess XotiOfAei^i) was generally 
when she was on the point of fastening her sandal. As on the disc in question — 
the Erotes, generally two, Pothos and Himeros,^ and rarely three, Eros, Himeros, 
and Pothos, aid her at her toilet.^ A bronze figure, published by Millingen,® as the 
Venus Urania, represents her at the toilet adjusting her sandal, and on her side a 
heap or column made of the attributes of different deities, giving her a pantheistic 
analogy. On the top of this mass of emblems are two Erotes standing ; one of them 
holds the conch shell for the unguents of the goddess — the other holding a mirror. 
A similar object is represented in Gori,*^ evidently taken from a figure of Aphrodite 
Lyomene. All these pantheistic attributes prove the late era of the type when the 
artists emulated the philosophical writers of the Roman empire, who endeavoured 
to identify the individual types of deities with the whole working powers of animated 
nature. The boyish figure flying from the scene is apparently Cupid ; yet his back 
is not provided with the usual wings, the almost universal type of the active power 
or inspiration of love. On his head he places by both hands a conical object, pro- 
bably a vase or mirror, which he has been holding to the goddess. Artistically speak- 
ing, this figure balances in the composition that of Peitho — the one female, and indi- 

* Morell, Thesaurus. Crepereia, 1-6. What this head means on the Crepereian denarii is quite undecided. 
Riccio, Monete, 4to, Napoli, 1834, pp. 75, 76 ; Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Tom. By some it has been supposed 
to be a Nereid, or Venus Anadyomene. It bears a great resemblance to the head of the goddess on Mr. Vint's 
mirror. The adjuncts after the head are — A and a dolphin ; B, a tortoise ; C, a pelamys ; D, a fish ; E, a 
sepia ; F, a sepia or echinus ; G, a shrimp ; H, an echinus ; I, unknown ; K, a stork. 

^ See the Anthologia. Lubini, p. 744 ; Agathias, p. 742 ; Cyrus, p. 745 ; Marianus, ibid. 744 ; Demo- 
charis, p. 746, on the baths of Byzantium. 

^ Clarac, Mus6e, pi. 606 a. No. 1405 a. ; Nap. Mus. Borb. No. 306. 

«* Clarac, Mus6e, pi. 622 a., 622 b. No. 1383. Cf. Horat. Od. lib. i. n. 2. According to this author, 
locus and Cupido. 

e Trans. Roy. Soc. of Liter., new series, vol. i. p. 62. Only one on the Naples group ; Mus. Borb. 806 ; 
Clarac, iii. pi. Dcvi. a. No. 1405 a. Two, ibid. pi. Dcxxiii. a. Small group, Bu. pi. dcxxv. No. 1406; pi. 
Dcxxxi. 1420-1-2. 

' Inscr. Antiq. The principal persons of whom we have toilet scenes are Venus, 1. c. ; Diana, Clarac, 
pi. 113. No. 769; 114. 67; MuUer, xviii. 183; Leda, Sarcoph. in Paris; and Helen, Mirrors; Gerhard, 
Metallspiegel. Jain. O. Peitho. 



270 On a Silver Disc from Tarentum. 

eating the persuasiye power of female chanii&; the other male, and indicating the 
first glances of love. This god, introduced into compositions rarely with Aphrodite, 
about the third century before Christ,'' constantly appears till the age of the later 
Caesars and Antonines, when numerous Cupids, winged or unwinged,^ replaced the 
original Erotes or the triple form of Eros, Himeros, and Pothos. In order to allegorise 
the force of love, they were represented seizing the arms and emblems of the different 
deities, and subduing them into their power ; but they are essentially the knaves of 
Venus, whether she is seated in Olympus or Ida, cleaving the air and revisiting Paphos 
and the Idalian groves, caught in the arms of Mars, or swimming through the sea. 
No doubt that the idea of Eros is like that of Hermes and of Iris, that of a mes- 
senger, the means by which the divine will works ; and, as Hermes had the caduceus, 
and Iris or Nike the taenia, so Eros uses arrows to effect the purpose for which he 
is sent. The appearance of Eros at the bath and toilet of Venus is constant oa 
works of ancient art, and evidently because Venus is rendered more attractive by 
the Graces, by Persuasion, by Love in its three-fold state. In the pantheistic groiqis, 
the dual form of Cupid seems to shew that the Eros and the Anteros of the 
Neoplatonists was intended. 

In the present instance the female figure is probably Peitho, the Charis who par- 
ticularly attended upon the goddess — as herself the goddess of Persuasion — and in 
performance of this function she holds the unguent vase, or alabastron, or the stylus^ 
with which to elongate the eyelids of the goddess of beauty.^ The position of the 
goddess upon a pedestal is also in accordance with monuments of art of a later period 
than the age of Alexander ; and on a gem published by Miiller, engraved with the 
subject of Venus at her toilet, the Cupids stand, one on a high stele or pillar, and 
the other on the ground. From the smaller proportions of the figure, it is appa- 
rently a statue, which is often introduced in this manner into various compositions ; 
and, if it were not that the idea of Peitho appears preferable, the figure might be 
conjectured to be rather the nymph of the fountain in which Aphrodite is bathing ; 
these local Naiads being on bas-reliefs of the Roman time represented standings 
and holding shells, to indicate their aquatic nature. On the Pompeian wall-painting, 
representing the interview between Paris and Helen, and the latter persuaded by 
Aphrodite, Peitho is represented upon a column.'' 

» The earliest appearance of the winged Erotes is on the vases of Vulci, with red figures, as on that with 
Ulysses. Monumenti, i. 8. 

* M. O. Jain. Peitho, 8vo. ; Greiftwald, 1846. For the nymphs holding a shell, cf. Clarac, pi. 750, No. 
1837. Nymphe ou Appiade, pi. 754. No. 1838 a. ix. 1840. 

^ Winckelman, Mon. Ined. 115; Miliin, Gal. Myth. 173; Inghirami, Gal. Omer. 10; Guignard, Rel. de 
I'Antiq. 246 751 ; Mus. Borb. iii. 40. 



On a Silver JOisc/ram Tarentum. 271 

The emblems in the area have all allusion to Aphrodite ; the thyrsus connects her 
with Dionysos, by whom, according to one tradition, she became the mother of the 
Charites, — ^the flower is specially her symbol ; the butterfly is the emblem of Psyche,* 
or the soul, which she harasses, and which she is sometimes represented holding by 
its wings in her hand ; the square object is probably the SeXtiov, tlie tablets or letter, 
connecting her with Hermes or Athene, the inventress of writing. 

The emblems on the exergue refer particularly to Apollo, being — ^the l)rre, which, it 
will be remembered, was made by Mercury out of the shell of a tortoise, and presented 
to him — the crow, the bird sacred to the god — and the grasshopper, also his emblem. 
There are also here two stars, which are either intended to symbolise the Dioscuri, 
or else to connect the goddess with the celestial planisphere, and with the gods of 
light. From the appearance here of the butterfly, and its allusion to the story of 
Psyche, which is not known in art earlier than the middle ages of the Roman 
empire, it is evident alone that this specimen cannot be older, while the pantheistic 
attributes of the goddess tend to show that the work may be between the reign of 
Domitian and the close of the Antonines. 

I have already mentioned that the tortoise, ;^6Xco]/r^, enters into several traditions 
of different Hellenic races, and that it is found as the attribute of their deities. Its 
general position is at the feet, and hence its name, for an obvious reason, was one of 
the expressions for a footstool ; and it was with these wooden footstools that the Thes- 
salian women killed the courtezan Lais in the temple of Aphrodite Anosia.^ The 
tortoise was placed at the foot of Aphrodite or Venus, of Hermes or Mercury,* of 
Pto,^ of Apollo,® and of ^Esculapius^ his son — as well as upon the arm of 2ieus.^ It 
has been supposed that its relation to Hermes is on account of his invention of the 
ehefys, or lyre, for which purpose this god employed the shell as a sounding board ;^ 

^ Cf. Minerva animatmg the men made by Prometheus with a butterfly. Clarac, pi. 215, No. 29. 

^ Athenaeus, xiii. 588. From Timaeus. 

c Clarac, Mus^e, tom. iii. pi. 817, No. 2314. 

^ Panofka, Skiron. « Clarac, Mus. iii. pi. 471. No. 959; pi. 493. No. 959. 

' Panofka, Skiron, iv. 18, gem of the Berlin Museum. 

« Paste of the Berlin Museum, Tolkien Verzeichniss, s. 95 ; Kl. iii. Abth. ii. 1-77 ; Winckelman, Cat. 
£L iii. 8. 3, 37, 38. Its connection with the Zeus Aphesios b very doubtfuL 

*^ Homer, Hymn. It appears from the Parosmiographical writers, (8vo. Gotting. 1851, pp. 59, 103,) that 
there was a story about Mercury and a turtle and a fisherman. This, however, may have been an extract 
from some fabulist. A gem published by Winckelman, Mon. Ined. 39 ; Miiller, Archaologie der Kunst, 
zxx. 331, represents Mercury bearing off Pandora, and having on his shoulder a tortoise. Cf. ibid. xxix. 
Nos. 826, 327, for Mercury holding a tortoise. According to the Arcadian tradition this took pUce at 
Mount Chelydorea. Panofka, Skiron, tav. iv. 5 ; Annali, tom. iL 183-185 ; Mus. NapL i. 54. 



272 On a Silver Disc from Tarentum. 

or from the part performed by the god in changing the envious nymph Chelone* 
into this animal. According to another Arcadian tradition^ the tortoise was sacred 
to Pan ;^ and this god, in the old theogony, was the son of Hermes and Dryope ;*' 
but the details of the amour in which Hermes, like the Apollo Nomios, tended the 
herds of a mortal^ are wanting, and might throw considerable light upon this subject. 
The usual tradition, in which Mercury, sumamed Akakesios, discovers the tortoise 
upon Mount Chelydorea, is all that can be deemed certain.*^ Not so with respect 
to Apollo : it appears that he became enamoured of Dryope,*" the only daughter of 
Dryops, King of Oeta, and that, in order to eflPect his purpose, while she was playing 
with the Hamadryad nymphs the god changed himself into a tortoise, and when 
taken up as a plaything by her and placed in her bosom, suddenly changed himself 
into a serpent, terrified the nymphs, and became, by her, the father of Amphiesus. 
The collections of Antoninus Liberalis'^ are so filled with traditions totally distinct 
from those of the earlier writers, that it is extremely difficult to verify the notices he 
gives ; yet there is reason for believing that the tortoise anciently had an intimate 
connection with Apollo, for when Crcesus^ sent to the oracles of Asia Minor, Greece, 
and Libya, to try their discernment, he cut up and seethed in a brazen pot a tortoise 
and lamb, — a very significant act, if it is considered that they were the animals sacred 
to the gods Apollo and Ammon. Yet, considering the whole of the composition, 
it is not possible to suppose that the subject of Apollo and Dryope is here intended, 
for the representation has a more cosmical scope than such an episode. It is pos* 
sible, indeed, that the adventure of Dryope may be the subject in the painting of 
an Apulian vase** in which a youth or female holds a tortoise tied by a string round 
one of its hind feet, to which a dog looks up, but it is not at all likely that they are 
intended here. Nor can it be identified with that of the Artemis Chelytis. It 
would have been indeed desirable to have discovered its connection with the local 
history of Tarentum, which however, unfortunately, cannot be traced. 

* Servius ad Virgil. jEneid. i. 505. ** Pausanias, viii. c. 64, 8. 5. 

^ Homer, Hymn, ad Panem, 1. 30-39. 

*^ Pausanias, viii. 17, 5. 

^ Nicander, in Anton. LiberaL c. xxxii. 

^ The story of Dryope, but without the incident of the tortoise, is repeated, Ovid, Met. ix. 1. 329-398. 
Dryope is turned into a tree ; according to Antoninus Liberalis, a pine-tree, iXdrrj, as Lotis (Ovid, 1. c. 
347-8) had been before her. All these stories, such as that of Daphne, Pinus, Hyacinthus, and Narcissus 
are of a late period, co-ordinate with the ultimate development of Pantheism. 

« Herodotus, i. 47, 48. 

^ Millingen, Vases de Coghill, pi. 44. I have passed over here the consideration of the tortoise of 
Skiron, and its appearance on the coins of .£gina ; see Panofka, Skiron, s. 





Silver /jr.fc from 7'arenfuni . 



273 



XXIV. — Notes made during a Tour in the West of France. By John Henry 
Parker, Esq., F.S.A. Communicated in two Letters to Captain W. H. Smyth, 
R.N., F.R.S.y Director. 



Read March 20, 1851, and February 19, 1852. 



LETTER I.— The County of Anjou. 
My dear Sir, 

According to your kind suggestion, I venture to address to you some notes 
made during a tour in the west of France last summer. You will probably 
remember that some years ago the late Mr. Rickman commenced a series of papers 
on the " Architecture of a part of France compared with that of England," which 
were printed in the Archaeologia. He concluded them by expressing a hope that 
others who may have time and opportunity would follow up what he had so well 
begun. His observations are confined to the northern part of France — Normandy 
and Picardy. The object which I had in view in undertaking my tour, was to 
pursue these observations in the other provinces of France which belonged to 
England in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries. As I believe that 
their architectural character is very little known, you may perhaps think these 
notices worthy of being submitted to the Society of Antiquaries, more especially 
as I was accompanied by an artist who has made me some very careful drawings to 
illustrate my observations. 

The architecture south of the Loire is so diflferent from that of the northern part 
of France, that some account of it may probably be interesting, especially when 
drawn from actual observation. The northern architects aimed at height, the 
southern at breadth, their object seeming to have been to cover the greatest 
possible space with a stone vault, without pillars or arches. 

According to some well-informed French antiquaries, the original type of these 
peculiar churches was the Cathedral of Saint Frond, at Perigueux, and this is said 
to have been built by a Venetian colony very soon after St. Mark's at Venice, or 
between 976 and 1047. The very massive character and extreme plainness of that 
building agrees very well with the early date assigned to it, and the use of the 
pointed arches to carry the cupola may be accounted for by its Eastern origin. 
However this may be decided, the general character of these buildings is clearly 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 n 



274 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

Byzantine ; each bay is square, and covered by a domical vault, or cupola, in some 
cases lofty, in others nearly flat, and concealed externally by the roof. 

Instead of attempting to draw out a chronological series of these interesting 
buildings, it will be more convenient to follow the route which I actually traversed, 
and which is most likely to be taken by English travellers, commencing with 
Angers, and proceeding southward through Poictiers and Angoul^me, to Bordeaux, 
returning by Perigueux and Limoges. According to the French antiquaries, the 
churches of this style do not extend south of the Garonne, and they are confined to 
just this central district of France. There is, however, one example north of the 
Loire, at Le Mans, and there may be other straggling instances. 

My own impression was, that these churches were generally of the twelfth 
century, and I found in the same district another description, also of very fine 
character, which appeared to me to be of the eleventh. 

The latter are of the usual plan, with narrow aisles, barrel vaults, and massive 
round arches ; the capitals and bases, and the general character of the work, agree* 
ing with that of the eleventh century, as for instance with the churches at Caen, of 
the time of William the Conqueror. But some in Poitou are much larger and finer 
than are to be found elsewhere of that period. May we venture to conclude that 
this part of France was in a very flourishing state in the eleventh century, and its 
architecture consequently in advance of other parts ? 

This state of prosperity appears to have continued through the twelfth century, 
and then to have suddenly ceased. Scarcely any churches appear to have been 
built between the twelfth and the end of the fifteenth century. This interval 
exactly agrees with the period of the English dominion, which seems to have 
been a continual struggle ; and the constant state of civil war was not favourable to 
the building of churches. 

Angers. 

The Cathedral of St. Maurice is a very striking and important building ; the 
earliest part is the nave, which is of about the middle of the twelfth century.* It is 
fifty-four feet wide, and eighty high ; divided into bays, or compartments, which 
are nearly square, and each is covered by a domical vault, not a plain dome, but 
the central point is the highest, and the ribs, which are square and enriched with 
the zigzag, meet in this central point ; they are on the groins, the space being 
divided into eight cells. The bays or compartments of the church are separated by 

* Built by Bishop Normand de Douay. See Bodin, Recherches but I'Anjou ; and De Caumont, BuHetui 
MoDumental, voL i. p. d54. 




Notes of a Tonr in the West of France. 275 

massive square-edged arches, which are slightly pointed, and are carried on 
enormous buttresses, about ten feet square at the sides, and fourteen feet at the 
angles ; whilst the cornice or corbel-tables and strings are carried round them, so 
that they form rather a thicker part of the wall than buttresses in the ordinary 
sense. Between each pair, or in the side-wall of each compartment, is a low 
pointed arch, recessed in the wall, springing from the bases of the piers, and carry- 
ing the triforium gallery at about half the height of the walls. The windows are 
entirely above this gallery ; they are round-headed, in couplets, and filled with very 
fine original glass of the twelfth century, very similar to that at Canterbury. The 
inner face of the square buttresses is ornamented with shafts, having capitals and 
bases of Norman character : these carry the transverse arches and the ribs, and 
complete the design ; the triforium galler)^ is supported by a Norman corbel-table. 
The west front of this church is very fine and rich, though somewhat spoiled by 
alterations at the period of the Renaissance. The central doorway is perfect, its 
jambs and tympanum filled with fine sculpture, the figures of the stiff Byzantine 
character. The rose-window has been destroyed and the arcades mutilated, and in 
the upper part a range of figures under canopies, and a sort of cupola of the 
Renaissance style, have been introduced in the place of the original gable. The two 
side-towers remain, and have rather good flamboyant spires added to them. 

The next part of the church is the choir with its apse, which are of more decided 
transition character, and belong to quite the end of the twelfth century ; while the 
transepts, though still partaking of the transition character, are said to have been 
built as late as 1 240. There is a fine rose window at the end of each transept ; the 
southern one is the earliest, and of plate tracery. 

Flamboyant chapels have been added on both sides of the nave ne^u: the west 
end, and there is a cloister of late date on the south side joined on to one of these 
chapels. Both the cloisters and chapels appear to have been rebuilt on older 
foundations. The vaults of the choir and transepts have round ribs, instead of 
square. There is some fine original ironwork on the west do6r. 

Angers. — Church of Ronceraj/, 

said to have been founded by Foulques, Earl of Anjou, in 1025, and dedicated to 
St. Mary the Virgin in 1028*, and re-dedicated in 11 19 by Pope Calixtus II. It is 

* Foulques Nerra, the founder, was a great builder, and paid three visits to the Holy Land. These dates 
are g^ven by Mr. Godard, on the authority of the charters which were in his possession at the time of the 
meeting of the French Society of Antiquaries under Monsieur de Caumont in 1841^ — Bulletin Monumental, 
vol. vii. p. 531. Sec also Hiret, Des Antiquit^s d' Anjou : Gallia Christ, vol. ir. p. 792. 



276 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

evidently one of the oldest churches in Angers, and a very fine example of the early 
type ; it is not of Byzantine character, but its plan at present is a simple paralello- 
gram with a plain barrel-vault. To compare great things with small, it bears 
considerable resemblance to the chapel in the White Tower in London ; the details 
also agree in character with the churches of William I. at Caen. All the capitals 
have the small volutes^ in imitation of Corinthian ; and the central piece for the 
caulicoli is in many left uncarved, a very common feature of the eleventh century. 
Some, however, are more elaborately carved, as in those of the Holy Trinity at 
Caen ; but, in both instances, the sculpture is probably somewhat later than the 
rest of the work. 

To return to the Church of Ronceray, the vault is carried upon plain square- 
edged transverse arches of semi-circular form, and has no other ribs. The windows 
are plain, round-headed (mostly blocked up) ; the vaulting shafts are half rounds^ 
and have the capitals before mentioned ; the windows are all in the upper part of 
the wall above a string, below which the wall is plain ; the shafts are all cut off at 
about one-half their length, and have modem corbels. It had originally apses, 
aisles, and transepts, which were destroyed in the last century.* 



Angers. — St. Laurent. 

The ruins of this church, near to that of Ronceray, are of similar character, 
though not, perhaps, quite so early.'' The plan is cruciform, with an apse to the 
choir, and an apsidal chapel on the east side of each transept. The vaults are 
destroyed, but the greater part of the walls remains. It is chiefly of slate, tiie 
principal building-material of the district, but there are tiles mixed with it. The 
windows have shafts, the capitals of which are of rather a Greek character ; the 
work shallow, but with volutes in the angles. The masonry, and the character of 
the work, is very rude. The vaults of the transept apses remam, and are of tiie 
half-dome form, constructed of small square stones in regular courses. The 
vaulting shafts and springing of the transverse arches show that the other vaults 
were baarel-shaped, like that of Ronceray. 

* Bulletin MoDumental, vol. vii. p. 531. 

^ After the dedication of the church of Ronceray hy Pope Calixtus II. in 1119, the Pope mounted on a 
tomb in the adjoining cemetery of St. Laurent, and addressed the people assembled on the occasion, exhorting 
them to repentance and confession, remitting the seventh part of their penances, and endowing the church 
with this privilege in perpetuity, that whosoever should come to it in pilgrimage on the anniversary of the 
dedication should have the same benefit. Gall. Christ, vol. iv. p. 794. 



Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 2/ 7 

Angers. — St. Martin. 

Another ruined church of great interest, from the character of antiquity and the 
peculiar features it possesses. The plan is cruciform, with a central tower, and 
without aisles ; the walls of the original portions are built of squared stones in 
layers, alternately with layers of tiles, three rows together, having an equal 
thickness of mortar between each row, exactly as in Roman work. The nave is in 
ruins, and has lost its vault ; the central tower is tolerably perfect, and is vaulted 
with a dome. The piers of this tower are constructed in the manner just described, 
but they have imposts exactiy like the usual Norman impost. There are large 
shafts in the angles, with capitals of the character of the eleventh century, and on 
these rest small shafts, carr)dng the angles of the vault — an arrangement common in 
Norman work. The arches are plain, semi-circular, with flat soffits ; the dome has 
a plain surface without ribs. The transepts are of the same style as the central 
tower. The choir is considerably later, and is of transition character. The vaults 
domical, with square ribs. The apse is still later, and almost of early-French style, 
but the vault here has round ribs. All these ribs are enriched with ornament. 
Monsieur De Caumont states that the nave and transept of this church are parts 
of the structure erected by the Empress Hermengarde in the beginning of the ninth 
century ; and considers it as a precious fragment of the works of the Carlovingian 
period (now extremely rare).* 

Angers. — Trinity Church. 

This is another very remarkable church, chiefly of transition character. The nave 
is wide, and has a series of semi-circular recesses for altars down the sides, vaulted 
with half domes ; the arches pointed, and very much enriched with a great variety 
of late Norman ornaments. The nave itself is vaulted by a series of cupolas, or 
low domical vaults, each divided into eight cells, as at the Cathedral. The eastern 
part, or choir, is divided into three portions ; the choir itself, with two aisles, each 
having an apse. This triple apse has a fine effect on the exterior. Over the central 
division is a small tower or square lantern, with a cupola. The windows are all plain, 
and round-headed ; the arches all pointed, and enriched with ornament. The 
windows of the nave are pointed, and more of early-French character. 

At the north-west angle of the nave is an older tower, partly in ruins, and clearly 
of the character of the eleventh century, with a barrel-vault and capitals to the 

* Bulletin Monumental, vol. i. p. 353. 



J78 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

diafte, similar to those of the Church of Ronceray, which almost joins on to it : a 
small part of the wall of the nave is of the same age and work as the tower, .llie 
old church to which this belonged was evidently much smaller and lower than die 
presNit one. Part of the surfoce of the wall of the old work is formed of snuiD 
diamond-shaped masonry. This church ia said to have been commenced in 1089; 
and completed in 1092 :•• these dates agree very well with the character of the' 
tower and the small portion of the original church that remains. The ] 
church is about a century later. 

Angers. — The Prefecture. 

In the cloisters of a modem building, now the Prefecture, but foimeriy an Abbey,** I 
are some remains of the original cloister (Plate XXil.), which were found a fciv I 
years since, having long been entirely concealed under a thick coat of phi(qr;t'| 
The work is in very fine preservation. It consists of an arcade of Norman -i 
It is almost unrivalled, even at that period of rich and elaborate work, the i 
of the twelfth century, to which it belongs. In several parts the original p 
remains more or less perfect. The tympanum of one arch especially is qole 
perfect, and very curious, from the combination of sculpture and painting. In the 
oxiwn of thf; arch is a %ure of Christ sculptured and coloured, and- the figens 
form part of the same composition with the painted figures on the flat sur&ce of tlKf 
wall ; these are small groups of Scripture subjects : the Epiphany, the Offerings of 
the Magi, the Plight into Egypt, and the Judgment of Solomon. The drawing t^ 
these figures bears a remarkable resemblance to the Bayeux tapestry. 

The wall of the original cloister is five feet six inches thick, pierced by a seriefl of 
small round-headed arches, eraiiched as described. 

Angers.— /?(MjM(ff^ of St. John. 

This noble foundation was commenced by Henry the Second, King of 1 
and Count of Anjou, the year after his accession to the English throne, or in 1 154^* 

' Bulletin Monumental, vol. vii. p. j30. 

" Tbe abbey of iSt. Aubiu founded before 1003. A charter of that date is extant — Bull. Mon. toL tu. 
p. 467. According to the Gallia Christiana it was founded about A.D. 960 : vol. iv. p. 23. 

" This concealment is said to have been made by the Benedictines when they rebnilt the abbey in die 
aeveDt«entli ceatuiy. Since the Revolution tbe abbey has been turned into tfac pretectnn, and the pluter 
was remoTed by order of the prefect. See a memoir by JM. Godard, Bulletin Monum. vol. iii. p. SOS. 

' The cbarter of foundation is printed by Hiret, Anti^ultes d' Anjou, p. S14. 




n„i.,l,r „ni„- ,i,iri,;,l .U/„v „l .-i' Ai,l;i, „l Aii.^ 



• ;• 



Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 279 

and the buildings are said to have be^n completed in his time. The hall is a fine 
buildings divided into three aisles by ver}' light pillars, carrjdng transition pointed 
arches, and vaults slightly domical. It is eight bays in length, each bay having a 
separate vault ; there are, therefore, twenty-four of these small domes, but they are 
so low as not to interfere with the external roof. They have bold round ribs on the 
groins of the eight cells into which each dome is divided, as at the cathedral ; but 
these round ribs occur only in the eastern part of the cathedral, which was built after 
1200. The chapel (Plate XXIII.) is of precisely the same character, andequaUy 
good, with very light pillars and vaults, as in the hall. The windows are all round- 
headed. The doorways are also round-headed, but richly moulded with very late 
Norman work. Tlie effect of the chapel has been much injured by altering the 
position of the altar, blocking up the original entrance, aHi making a new one in a 
bad situation. The east end is square, but the vaults are so arranged as to give 
the effect of an apse. The cloister is good late Norman, or rather transition; two 
sides of it are perfect. 

The bam is very fine and of the same period ; it is divided into three aisles by 
two ranges of round-headed arches, on double shafts. The windows are in couples, 
with a diamond-shaped opening in the head ; the doorway is round-headed, and 
opens on an external stone staircase. The mouldings are of late Norman character. 
The cellar under it is large, but very plain, with a good plain vault. 

The other buildings of the Monastery are modern. 

Angers. — St. Sergei 

This is another very remarkable church of late transition character, almost early- 
French, with a strong resemblance to the Hospital of St. John. The plan is cruci- 
form, with short transepts, scarcely projecting, and with aisles to the nave and 
choir. The most striking feature is that the choir has two rows of tall, slender 
pillars to carry the vault, independent of the piers and the arches which separate 
the choir from the aisles. These pillars are said to be thirty feet high by one foot 
in diameter ; they have octagonal bases, and capitals with foliage of the stiff-leaf 
duuracter. The vaults are slightly domed and eight-celled, with round ribs meeting 
in a central boss, which is the highest point of the vault. At the east end is the 

Lady Chapel, which is square, with a flat east end ; but the vaults arranged to give 

f 

A The abbey was founded iu 711. — Gall. Clirist. vol. iv. p. 820. The church was re-built between 1096 
and 1056, by Vulgrain, the abbot of the monastery, afterwards Bishop of Le Mans. — Bull. Mon. vol. vii. 
p. 468. But this date will not apply to any part of the present structure. 



280 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

the e£fect of an apse, as in the chapel of the Hospital. The piers between the choir 
and aisles are massive and square, with shafts attached, the arches pointed, the 
mouldings and vaults of the aisles the same as the choir ; the windows are round- 
headed. The transepts are of similar character, but rather earlier, and have round 
windows of plate-tracery at each end. The nave appears to have been originally of 
the same character, but has been entirely refaced in flamboyant work. At the west 
end is a large porch, with rather a curious double vault. There is a tower at the 
south-west angle, unfinished. The exterior is plain and poor. 

Angers. — The Castle 

is large, of striking appearance, and well placed. It is distinguished by an amazing 
number of massive round towers at short intervals. The material is slate of a dark 
colour, with layers of white stone at regular intervals, after the fashion of the layers 
of tiles in Roman buildings. It was commenced in the thirteenth century, under 
Philip Augustus, but not completed before the fifteenth, under Louis IX ;• but, 
from the extreme plainness of the work generally, it may be of any age. Part of 
the work must be of the sixteenth century, as the embrasures are evidently made 
for cannon. There is a small portion of the Roman wall remaining in the open 
space near the castle. It is faced with small squared stones, with layers of tiles at 
intervals, as usual. 

Tlie Tower of St. Aubin is a fine structure of the thirteenth century, and a good 
specimen of the early-French detached towers. The buttresses rise from the ground 
on all four sides, and it has never had any other building attached to it ; the windows 
are lancets, and the details are all of the same stvle. 

Angers. — All Saints fnow helongwf) to the MuseumJ. 

The ruins of an early French church of the thirteenth century, the vaults 
destroyed, but the walls nearly perfect. The plan is cruciform, without aisles ; the 
windows are lancet-shaped, with shafts having capitals with the stiff-leaf foliage, and 
round abacus. The east window is a wheel of plate-tracery, bVit of flamboyant 
work. The vaulting shafts are terminated on the canopies of figures of the same 
periods. This is also the case with the vaulting shafts of the choir of St. Martin's, 
which is nearly of the same character. Tlftre is a curious double font, oblong, with 
two basins, carried on an arcade of early-French character. It stands in the north 

^ De Caumont, Bull. Monumental, ii. SSO. 




Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 28 1 

transept^ and is said not to have been moved. Several good tombs and other frag- 
ments of Roman and mediaeval work are preserved here ; the ruins having been 
attached to the Museum, which is at a short distance from them. This Museum is a 
fine flamboyant house, with a good staircase, having a curious and very elegant 
vault at the top. There are a great number of good old wooden houses in Angers 
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and several of stone also. One called 
the House of the Merchants, near the river, is attributed to the thirteenth century, 
but is really plain flamboyant work of the fifteenth or sixteenth. 

Saumur. — St. Peter. 

A fine church of the period of transition, cruciform, with a central tower, an apse 
to the choir, and apsidal chapels to the transepts, eastward. The choir is \exy 
narrow, and the apse has only a single window, large and round-headed ; the vault 
is a plain semi-dome, but the vault of the choir has flat ribs, and the transverse 
arches are pointed ; the vaults are of the eight-celled flat domical form, as at the 
cathedral and the hospital of St. John at Angers. The transepts are also narrow; the 
apsidal chapels have semi-dome vaults without ribs. The nave is wider, and has no 
aisles, but side-chapels, which are not original. The vaults are of the same character 
as those before mentioned. The windows are all round-headed externally, but very 
large, and some of the inner arches are pointed. The transverse arches are all 
pointed, and square in section. The capitals are very rich, with foliage of late 
Norman character. The church is so constructed that each bay from the west is 
smaller than the preceding, the eastern bay being very much narrower and smaller 
than the western; this seems done for the perspective eflFect only, to make the 
church appear larger. The exterior of the churclj is of the usual Angevine character, 
and shows very clearly the transitional date. The apses are very distinct, and have 
round buttresses. The tower, by itself, might be called early- French, but it is all of 
the same period. There is a rich late Norman doorway on the west side of the 
south transept. The west front is of the seventeenth century. The tooth-ornament 
is used in the dripstones, and in some other situations. There are arcades of 
paneling along the surface of the walls, both internally and externally. 

Saumur. — St. Nicolas. 

A small church of the usual transitional character. It consists of three parallel 
aisles of nearly equal width and heighth, five bays in length, each bay having a vault 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 o 



282 Notes of a Towr in the West of France. 

of the eight-celled domical character ; the arches are pointed. The chief peculiarity 
of this church is that the altar has been removed from the east end to the west, and 
a modem choir built for it, while the original apses at the east end have doorways 
pierced in them. This change has obviously been made for convenience^ because 
the church is situated at the western extremity of the town. 

The Hotel de ViUe is a small but very good flamboyant building, with fine 
machicolations on the exterior ; these have trefoils between them, and add much to 
the picturesque character. The interior court is richer, and also good in its 
way. 

Candbs, — near Fontevrault. 

A fine village church on the south bank of the Loire, of the same late Norman 
and transitional character which prevails in the neighbourhood. The plan is the 
usual one, but good and well marked; the choir has a considerable decoration 
towards the north. The west front is a fine example of transition work, approaching 
more to the early-French character. There are two square comer turrets, which 
have machicoulis at the top, evidently intended for defence. The west doorway is 
small, of early-French style, deeply recessed, having five shafts on each side, and 
the arch well moulded. Over this doorway is an arcade resting on a corbel-table. 
The buttresses on each side of the doorway are almost turrets, square at the bottom, 
octagonal above, and terminated by small spires against the wall of the west gable, 
with a circular window between them. On the north side of the nave is a very 
remarkable porch, with a room over it, as high as the nave itself, and defended by 
machicoulis. The vault of the porch is supported by a central pillar like a chapter- 
house ; the work is unfinished in several parts. There are niches in the front, some 
of which have figures in them ; others the plain stones, not carved, showing the 
practice of carving the figures after the stones were placed, which may be observed 
in many other instances, but seldom so distinctly as here, some having the figures 
carved, and the pedestals left unfinished. The windows on this side the nave are of 
enormous length, and very narrow ; the height is fourteen times the width ; the 
heads are round. The nave has two aisles, of the same height with the central divi- 
sion, and these long windows give ample light to all these divisions. The pillars are 
very tall, octagonal in plan, with clustered shafts, having small capitals, each with 
square abacus and foliage. The bases are of early-French character, with the deep 
hollow to hold water, and corner foot-ornaments. The vaults are of the usual 



Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 283 

Angeyine character^ domical, with eight ribs and a central boss. The choir and 
transepts are very short and plain, and have been repaired in the seventeenth 
century. 

The Abbbt of Fontevrault. — 1100-1119. 

The church is a very large and fine building/ though sadly mutilated. The plan 
is cruciform with aisles, a central tower, and five apses to the choir, and four 
transept chapels. The character of the whole is transitional. The windows are mostly 
round-headed, but those of the transepts are pointed. There are shafts attached to 
the buttresses in the lower part ; in the upper part shafts serve as buttresses. The 
capitals have foliage of nearly early-French character; there are three series of 
corbel-tables at the east end. The central tower is square, lofty, with late Norman 
windows, round-headed, and shafts in the angles. The interior of the choir is very 
remarkable ; the pillars unusually tall, with plain capitals and small round arches, a 
small triforium arcade and clerestory, both of which have round-headed openings. 
The vault of the apse is a semi-dome, that of the choir barrel-shaped, with arch ribs, 
only square in section, and quite plain. The transepts are of the same character as 
the choir. The nave has been vaulted by a series of small domes, the arches and pen- 
dentives of which remain. The upper parts of the domes have been cut off by a modem 
floor ; the arches are slightly pointed, but quite plain, square in section, recessed, 
but not chamfered. The large arches do not spring from the outer walls ; there is 
a passage behind thenu The capitals are very richly sculptured with groups of 
figures, the abacus square, chamfered with the billet ornament on the sloping 
surface. 

The tombs of Richard I. and Henry II., with their queens, have been very 
carefully restored, including the colouring. The four tombs are all alike, the 

* Mr. Gaily Knight considers the church as the one commenced by Foulqaes, fifth Earl of Anjou, but 
does not give his authority for this date. The abbey is said to have been founded by << Robertus or Rot- 
bertus de Arbrusculo" in 1100, and consecrated in 1119. The Acts of Donation and Consecration are 
given at length in the Gallia Christiana, vol. iv. pp. 409—416. The authorities there quoted are the Chro- 
nicum Turonense; Chronicum Malleaoense ; and Guillelmus Neubrigensis, lib. 1 Rerum Anglicarum, cap. 15. 
The second abbess was Matilda, daughter of Foulques or Fulk fifth Earl of Anjou and King of Jerusalem, 
the virgin widow of Henry I. of England (who was drowned before the marriage was consummated). She 
presided over the Abbey from 1148 to 1164 ; and it appears, from the complimentary letter of Petros Cel- 
lensis (lib. ii. ep. 10), that a considerable part of the buildings was erected or completed in her time. ** Si 
enim sanctiua adoraris in animabuB Sanctis, quam in templis lapideis, et manufectis, etc" 



284 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

figures lying on beds, but the figures themselves have all the appearance of 
portraits ; three are of stone, one of wood. They are now carefully preserved in the 
apsidal chapel of the south transept. The figures are all of the natural size; 
Richard I. is short, his wife tall, with a book in her hand. Henry II. tall, his wife 
short. The costumes are similar, but not alike, especially the ladies. They do not 
appear to be so ancient as the period of their deaths, but all four to have been 
made at the same time, probably in the fourteenth century. The date of the foun- 
dation and of the consecration of the church are both distinctly recorded. 

At a short distance from the church, and separated from it by some other 
buildings, is what I beUeve to be the kitchen, commonly called the octagon chapel 
or tower of Evrault. It is a very good and rare example of a kitchen of the twelfth 
century. The general form resembles that at Glastonbury, but this one is much 
more ancient. The ground plan is octagonal. The first story is square, carried on 
four lofty arches, each across two sides of the octagon ; above this the plan is again 
octagonal, but much reduced in size. The octagon is formed by squinches across 
the angles of the square, and on these is carried the spire, terminating in an open 
smoke louvre. There are shafts in the angles of the octagon on the groimd, 
alternately high and low. The low ones carry the springing of the arches, as usual ; 
the high ones are connected with the points of the arches, to which they serve as 
buttresses. The four large arches cross the alternate angles, and the tall shaftis 
being in these angles, are connected with the points of the arches by short open 
ribs. Under each of the large arches are two small ones, which serve as the 
openings of the fire-places; each had its separate chimney-flue, the lower part of 
which remains. 

The capitals are of late Norman character, with plain foliage ; the arches are quite 
plain, and square in section. The smoke louvre at the top has trefoiled openings, 
but it is not so old as the rest, and may be of the fourteenth century. The exterior 
has a series of small apses, with a shaft in each recess. There are openings into the 
spire ; between the top of the apsidal vaults and the springing of the spire there 
is an interval of modem masonry, and it is here that the shafts of the chimneys 
have been cut off. It would appear that they were originally carried up in straight 
shafts resembling pinnacles round the base of the spire, but there is no positive 
evidence of this. I could not trace the flues more than a few feet from the lower 
opening; but the two artists who have sent me sections of the building, have both 
drawn the flues straight up as far as the base of the spire, where they appear to be 
cut off. The masonry of the spire is of small stones of an early appearance. 



1 



v., XHW PUuXXlVc"" 







Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 286 

M. de Caumont considers this structure as a sepulchral chapel. Any opinion of 
his is always entitled to the highest respect, and it is not without considerable 
hesitation that I venture to differ from so high an authority; but for several reasons 
I cannot agree with him in this instance. It appears to me to be close to the 
abbey, and, although the louvre at the top has some general resemblance to that of 
the cemetery chapel, yet the plan is very different, and the existence of the lower 
parts of the chimney-flues appears to me conclusive.* 

At a short distance from the abbey, in the ancient cemetery, is another curious 
building, a mortuary chapel dedicated to St. Catherine, founded in 1225, by Ala, 
Duchess of Bourbon, a nun of the abbey.** (Plate XXIV.) It is a structure of the 
thirteenth century, square in plan, with a lofty vault, which has six ribs meeting in an 
open louvre at the top, having very much the appearance of a chimney. The mould- 
ings are all of the character of the thirteenth century ; the arrangement of the double 
squinches across the angles is very good. The arches spring from plain corbels, 
but they are all mutilated ; at the points of the arches are small figures of angels, 
one carrying a chalice. At one comer is a turret staircase, very narrow, almost 
concealed in the walls ; this staircase leads to the outside of the roof and up an 
angle to an opening in the base of the louvre, probably for the purpose of inserting 
a lighted candle in the louvre, which has a trefoil-headed window at the top of each 
face, just below the small p3rramid which covers it. This louvre is called a bell- 
turret, but is much too small and narrow for that purpose. It may probably 
have been used for the lantern for the dead, a custom well known to French 
antiquaries. There are several lanterns for the dead in different parts of France. 
At Mauriac, in Auvergne, there is one of these lanterns in the cemetery, and a 
deed is extant of the donation in J 268 by one of the clergy, for a candle to be 
H^ted every Saturday in the lantern which he had built.^ 

The parish church is a small church or chapel of transition work. The choir has 
a square east end, but the vault is arranged so as to look like an apse. The shafts 
are detached, with capitals of rich foliage. 



' See De Caumont, Cours. vol. vi. p. 338. Since the above was wiitten I have had an opportunity, in a 
subsequent visit to France, of discussing this point with M. De Caumont himself, and he is now convinced 
^liat it is a kitchen. 

^ The Charter of Foundation is printed in De Caumont's Bulletin Monumental, vol. vii. p. 648. 

^ De Caumont, Bulletin, vol. iii. 482. Also at Parthenay ; see Letter II., p. 298. 



286 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 



LETTER IL— Thb County of Poitou. 

My dear Sir, Oxford, Feb. 15, 1852. 

On a former occasion I endeavoured to give some idea of the principal buildings 
of the middle ages in the county of Anjou, more especially in the dty of Angers. 
On the present occasion I propose to continue my remarks, beginning with the city 
of Poitiers. 

This is well known to have been an important Roman station, and any acooant 
of its ancient buildings would be incomplete without mentioning that there are stiH 
some remains of a very extensive Roman Amphitheatre, suffident to indicate its 
former extent and importance, but of no architectural value. The site is now 
occupied by vineyards, but portions of the walls, with the arches of the pas8£^e% 
peep out here and there through the rich foliage. The great Yomitoria stiU ezigk 
in a mutilated state ; and fragments of ornament and portions of the cornice may 
still be seen at intervals. 

The next building in point of antiquity is that called The Temple of St. John, the 
(»iginal part of which belongs to the debased Roman period, or probably to the 
eighth century. This part is oblong in plan, the greatest length bemg from north 
to south; the walls are of brick* with layers of tiles at r^ular intervals ; at each end 
near the top are small round windows, and sunk arcades of two round arches, with 
a triangular straight-sided arch between them; under these are round arches 
recessed in the walL A similar arcade is carried along the upper pert of the wall 
on the east side, but in the lower part an apse has been thrown out of a semi- 
circular form, with an arcade of small round-headed arches, the shafts of which 
have capitals of foliage of a debased Corinthian character, and Roman mouldings. 
This apse appears to have been added in the eleventh century, and built chiefly of 
fragments of Roman work. It has a vault of the semi-domical form, with paintings 
on it of early character. 

On the west side a sort of short nave has been added, and three arches opening 
into it, pierced through the Roman waU. This additional structure is also of a half 
nexagon form, but considerably larger than the eastern apse, extending the whole 
witdh and height of the original building. This addition was made probably at the 
same time as the other, for the purpose of forming the whole into a church. 

What was the purpose of the original structure is still a doubtful point. One party 
conetnds that it was a baptistery, because there is a well in the centre ; another^ 



Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 287 

that it was the tomb of a Roman lady, called Claudia Varenilla^ because her tomb- 
atone, with the inscription, was found in the wall, and is still preserved in the 
building which is now used as the Museum of Antiquities of the excellent and 
active Society of Antiquaries of the West of France. For whatever puqx)se this 
building was erected, it bears so much resemblance in the character of the work 
to the gateway at Lorsch, in the Bergstrasse, usually attributed to Charlemagne, 
tbat there can be no doubt they are both of the same age. 

Four churches are recorded to have been built in Poitiers in the eleventh century, 
and, after a careful examination, and a comparison with other buildings assigned to 
the same period, especially the work of William the Conqueror at Caen, I am 
satisfied that considerable portions of the present churches belong to the original 
structures. St. Hilary and St. Nicolas were founded and built by Agnes of 
Burgundy, Countess of Poitou, who died in 1068. 

2. St. Hilary was dedicated, in 1049, with great pomp, in the presence of 
thirteen bishops and archbishops.* This church has, however, been so badly 
treated, first by its partial destruction in the great revolution, and afterwards by an 
injudicious and clumsy attempt at restoration, before the proper mode of restoring 
such buildings was at all understood, that it is now very difficult to distinguish the 
original parts. The nave has been almost entirely destroyed; a large modem 
barrel-vault has been thrown over the remains of it, and a west front built up of 
old materials. Fortunately, however, by these clumsy means, one bay of the nave 
has been preserved, with the whole of the apse, with its aisle and chapels, so that 
enough remains to distinguish the original plan, and to show that it was a very 
remarkable one. (See Plate XXV.) 

The choir and apse have eight tall round pillars with capitals, in the style of the 
eleventh century, and small round plain arches. The vault is plain and barrel- 
shaped, with a semi-dome at the end, and without ribs. There is an aisle or 
procession-path round the apse, with a plain groined vault ; and from this project 
four apsidal chapels, two on each side, with none at the east end. These have 
semi-dome vaults, and small round-headed windows, with shafts having capitals 
and bases of peculiar and early character. ^ 

The central tower rests on four tall square piers, with shafts attached, similar to 
those of the apse-windows ; under the tower is a domical vaults with squinches 

* Gallia Christiana, vol. iv. p. 514 : ex Chron. Malliacenp. 



288 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

across the angles of the square tower. The transepts have plam barrel-vaults, with 
transverse arches only^ without ribs ; the ends are square, but one is painted to 
look like an apse. At each end is a large plain round window ; there is an aisle on 
the west side of the transepts, and there are corbel-tables inside to carry the barrel- 
shaped vaults. The exterior of the apse has round shafts, with capitals and bases 
attached to the wall in the place of buttresses, and is richer than the interior. 

By the kindness of M. Thiollet, I have been furnished with a plan of the church 
entire, as it existed before the revolution in 1 790. (Plate XXVI.) From this it is 
evident that the nave was originally vaulted by a series of cupolas, which is further 
confirmed by the portion which remains, having the small transverse arches one over 
the other across the aisles, to serve as buttresses to these cupolas. The work is 
of rather later character than the choir, but very good and unusual ; and the whole 
is evidently a carrying out of the design of the eleventh century, if it is not all 
actually built at that period.* There are two aisles on each side, the inner one lofty, 
and the outer one considerably lower, the height of the arches only. These aisles 
have plain barrel-vaults : there are also arch-buttresses to the tower across the angles 
of the first bay of the aisles, on each side. The capitals of this part of the building 
are more richly sculptured than those of the eastern part. 

3. St. Nicolas* Church is now in ruins ; the crypt and the apse are the only parts 
that remain. The general character is plain and early. 

The crypt is of the usual plan, divided into three aisles, and had originally two 
entrances, one on each side ; the capitals have plain volutes. The apse has tall 
pillars with small round arches ; the capitals are the same as those of the crypt ; the 
bases are unusual, and appear to be early ; they resemble some of those attributed 
to William I. at Caen. The vault is groined without ribs, and has remains of 
ancient painting upon it. 

The exterior is richer than the interior, and has a good corbel-table, and the 
shafts have sculptured capitals. The rest of the church is destroyed, but the 
chancel-arch remains, and is pointed, yet this appears to be part of the original 
work. There is a close resemblance between the work here and at St. Hilaire. St. 
Nicolas is said to have been commenced in 1066, completed in 1087, and conse- 



* According to M, Thiollet*8 obsenrations, a small portion on the north side, which was evidently the lower 
part of a tower, is of earlier character than any other part of the building, and belongs to a previous struc- 
ture : and, as it is not probable that this earliest part is older than the eleventh century, it follows that the 
greater part is of the twelfth. 



V(,iiGcavpiu.nvi;,.cw 







f—fc^ -*i — t 



i 




"T 






Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 289 

crated, by Pope Urban IL, on his return fix)m the councril of Clermont, where he 
had preached the first crusade, in 1096. 

4. The history of St. Por chair e is not so well known ; it is mentioned in 1068,' 
and the present tower is supposed by the French antiquaries to belong to the 
original church of about that period. It is a fine tower, of early character, with a 
good doorway and porch under it, with a plain barrel-vault; the doorway is 
recessed, and the arch moulded ; the shafts are thick and heavy, with large capitals, 
having sculptures of early character, shallow and rude : on one are lions, with the 
word ^' LEONES " cut in the stone ; on another, two birds drinking out of the same 
cup ; on a third, a figure of Christ in a vesica, with an early inscription ; on the 
fourth are nondescript animals, whose heads form the volutes. 

Over the doorway is a pannel of mutilated sculpture. On the first story are two 
recessed arches with loops under them ; on the second story is an arcade of four 
small arches ; over this the belfry, with double windows, with shafts having early 
capitals. The buttresses are square below, turned into half-round pilasters above, 
between the belfry windows. There are three corbel-tables, the corbels carved 
chiefly into heads ; and there are strings of the billet-ornament ; part of the plain 
surface is formed of diamond-shaped masonry. The rest of the church is poor flam- 
boyant work, divided into two equal portions by a row of arches, without any dis- 
tinction into nave and aisle or chancel. 

5. The church of Montierneuf was founded in 1075, by William Grey Geoffrey, 
Count of Poitou, and Duke of Aquitaine, who died in 1086, and was buried in this 
church. The architect was a monk of the abbey, of the name of Pons, and the 
church was dedicated, in 1096, by Pope Urban II., on the same occasion as 
St. Nicolas."* 

These dates are recorded on an inscription which has been preserved by the (^are 
of the Society of Antiquaries of the West of France. 

The exterior of the church is very similar to the others before mentioned ; the 
interior has had its character destroyed by the bad restorations executed in 1817, 
under the auspices of the Count of Artois, afterwards Charles the Tenth. But 
many of the original capitals have been preserved, and are lying about in the 
churchyard, and other places in the neighbourhood ; they are of unusual and early 
character, rather diffierent from those of the other churches. The nave is very long, 

« Gall. Christ. Tol. i. p. 206. ^ Ibid, vol iv. p. 653. 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 P 



290 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

and has a plain barrel-vault ; the small side vaults are carried into this transversely, 
in a singular manner^ and form pointed arches at the intersection. This arrange- 
ment is original. 

6. St. Rad^gondey queen of France, founded a monastery at Poitiers, in the sixth 
century, in which she became a nun, and died there. Her tomb is still shown in 
the crypt of the present church, and is much honoured by the peasantry. 

The church has been several times destroyed and rebuilt. The last time it was 
burnt was in 1083, and the new church consecrated in 1099," to which period the 
present choir and apse belong. The tomb and the crypt, which are quite plain, may 
possibly ])e part of the original building ; the crypt has a barrel- vault, and a half- 
domical vault at the end ; the entrance to it is by a central flight of steps from the 
nave. The choir is small, with a hexagonal apse, and plain barrel-vault ; an aisle 
or procession-path round the apse, and apsidal chapels. All this is of early Norman 
character, and the walls are covered with paintings of the style of the thirteenth 
century, carefully restored. The aisle has a groined vault without ribs ; the chapels 
have barrel- vaults ; the nave is larger in proportion to the rest, and is the same 
width as the choir with its aisles. It is in the style of the Angevine churches of the 
early French period, with the same kind of domical vaults. On the lower part of 
the walls are arcades of round arches, over these a bold string, with a corbel-table, 
and over this the windows, which are of different styles. At the west end is an early 
porch, with a plain barrel-vault, with arches recessed in the wall on both sides 
under one of which is a figure of Christ seated on a throne of curious design. The 
sculptm'e is rude and shallow. Over this porch is a tower of good Norman character, 
the lower part square, in three stages, with an octagonal belfry at the top. There 
are three corbel-tables, one to each story, of good style, and windows with sculp|tured 
capitals to the shafts, and a very good round stair-turret of the same style. Attached 
to the west front is a good flamboyant doorway, with a curious wooden penthouse 
over it, which appears to be of the same period. The exterior of the rest of the 
church is ver)- plain, with small narrow pilaster butresses at the angles of the 
apse. 

r. The church of N6tre Dame la Grande at Poitiers is celebrated for its west 
front, which is one of the richest pieces of Norman work in existence, being entirely 
covered with sculpture.*' The exact date is not recorded, but it must be about the 

* Ex Chronico Malliacens. ap. Besly, Histoire des Comtes de Poitou. — Bull. Mod. vol. ix. p. 399. 
^ For a full account of this church and its sculpture, see Bullet. Mon. vol. iv. pp. 433 — 444- 



Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 291 

middle of the twelfth century. The central tower, with its conical top^ is also very 
good and characteristic ; and the two turrets which flank the west front are diminu- 
tives of it. The plan of the church is the usual one of this district and period — a 
evry long nave of eight hays, with narrow aisles, a short choir with an apse, an aisle 
round it, and chapels. The nave has a harrel-vault, with square arch ribs ; the 
aisles have groined vaults; the piers are square, tall, with shafts attached, the 
capitals sculptured — some with a sort of inter-laced Runic patterns, others plain, 
but all with volutes at the comers. The central tower stands on four lofty round 
arches, and the lantern is open to the church. In the west front are three door- 
ways, the central one round-headed, the other two pointed ; the spandrels filled with 
groups of sculpture. Over them is a boldly-projecting string, carried on a corbel- 
table. Over this two rows of small figures in shallow niches, all richly carved : a 
large round-headed window in the centre, over which, in the gable, is a figure of 
Christ, in the vesica or aureole. The surface of the wall of the gable is constructed 
partly of small round stones, with pieces to fit in between, partly of diamond-shaped 
masonry. The exterior of the south side has a series of arches carried from buttress 
to buttress, over the windows. These have hood-moulds, enriched with the star 
ornament; the surface masonry is of small stones — ^part square, part diamond- 
shaped. There is a stair-turret on the south side of the nave, two bays from the 
west end, and another to the central tower. The painting of the walls and pillars 
has lately been restored, in very good taste, and good painted glass inserted in the 
west window. 

8. The Cathedral Church of St. Peter at Poitiers was founded by Henry II. in 
1161," but a small portion only was completed in his time, consisting of the two 
eastern bays of the choir, with their vaults complete, but the structure over the 
vaults is of a later period. The work of the original part is of transitional 
character ; the east end is flat, according to the English custom, which is very 
unusual in France. In the interior the vaults are so arranged as to give the 
appearance of an apse, and the same arrangement is followed on the east side 
of the transepts, which are a little later, but not much. There is another 
break in the work on the west side of the transept; the nave is considerably 
later, and part of it as late as the fourteenth century. The structure over 
the vault of the choir is very poor and shallow work of the thirteenth century, 
corresponding so closely with the Hall of the Palace (now the Palais de Justice), 

^ Annales d'Aquitaine par Bouchet, p. 57. 



292 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

that there can be no doubt that they are the work of the same architect ; but, 
unfortunately, the date of the Palace is not known, any better than that of this part 
of the cathedral. The greater part of the church is in the early-French style, with 
the domical vaults, like the Angevine churches. The nave has good arches and 
pillars, with capitals and bases of the thirteenth century. The west front is a very 
fine example of that style, with three doorways deeply recessed, and £lled with 
sculpture in the tympanum and arches : the large figures in the jambs have been 
destroyed. The turrets at the angles are of two periods, the lower part of the 
thirteenth, the upper of the fourteenth century, and a fine rose window of the latter 
period is introduced in the centre of the west front. The sides of the church are 
plain. The gurgoyles are singular, consisting of plain stone spouts, carried each on 
a shaft with a richly -sculptured capital and a good corbel. There is a pierced 
parapet of quatrefoils of the fourteenth century on the sides of the nave. Most of 
the original windows are filled with good painted glass of the same period.* 

Parthenay. 

The church of Old Parthenay is said to have been built about 1050 by the Lord 
of Parthenay, Guienne, and Poitou, in expiation for the death of a child which 
was accidentally killed by his horse at a time when he was out hawking ; in com- 
memoration of which event there is in the west front a sculptured figure of a 
man on horseback, with a child under the feet of the horse, but, as the same figure 
occurs in several other churches, it is more probable that the legend has been made 
to suit the sculpture — a practice which may often be observed in the legends of the 
saints. Tlie date assigned to this event may, however, agree pretty well with the 
earliest part of the church, which is the east end, though the greater part of it is 
clearly of the twelfth century. The plan is the usual one of the district, cruciform, 
with a short choir, short transepts, a tower over the intersection, a long nave, and 
ailes. The choir is quite plain, with a barrel- vault ; the transepts similar ; the lower 
piers have their capitals sculptured with figures of animals ; these arches are slightly 
pointed ; the nave arches are also pointed, and of quite late Norman character, as 
indicated by the mouldings of the bases, &c. ; the side windows are also pointed ; 
the west front is very fine, and richly ornamented, with recessed doorways, finely 
moulded, and also with sculpture. Amongst the ornaments is one nearly approach- 
nig to the tooth ornament, and another resembling early-English crockets. In the 
south wall of the choir are two curious piscinas of the fourteenth century, close 

* ' '"■ For an account of this glass see Bulletin Mon. vol. ix. p. 599. 




Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 293 

together. In the churchyard there was formerly a sort of beacon or pillar, with a 
place for a light at the top, in honour of the dead, called a ^' Lanteme des Morts," 
of which M. de Caumont has published an engraving, but it has since been destroyed.* 

The church of St. Laurent at Parthenay is of the usual plain character of tlie 
transitional work of the district, quite late in the twelfth century ; but the east end 
is square, instead of the usual apsidal form ; and at the west end there is a plain 
massive porch of much earlier character, probably of the eleventh century. In the 
choir are some stone stalls of transition Norman work, which have lately been 
restored, but enough of the original work remains to show that the restorations are 
tolerably faithful. 

The church of St. Croix at Parthenay is so much of the same character as not 
to require a separate description. 

Part of the west front of another church (Ndtre Dame de la Coudre) is late, and 
very rich Norman work, with some very beautiful ornaments and fine mouldings, 
and a mutilated figure of a man on horseback.^ 

In the town of Parthenay are several remains of medieval houses, amongst them 
a good doorway of flamboyant work, with a battlement over it for ornament only— 
a very rare feature in France. 

AlROU. 

At Airou, about half way between Parthenay and Poitiers, is a good specimen of 
the usual country houses or chateaux of this part of France, extremely picturesque 
from the number of small turrets, with their spiral roofs, but of no particular archi- 
tectural character ; so that often it is difficult to determine their age. Nearly the 
same fashion seems to have continued through the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seven- 
teenth centuries. 

Chauvigny. 

Chauvigny, situated about twelve miles eastward of Poitiers, has the remains of 
three castles and three churches. The former are mere ruins, and more remarkable 
for their situation and picturesque effect than for any particular architectural cha- 
racter. The churches are in a more perfect state, and are worthy of attentive 

* There was an endowment to defray the expense of the light. See Bull. Men. vol. vi. p. 12. See also 
Letter I., p. 285. 

'• A detailed account of the sculptures of this rich west front, which is of Byzantine character, is given by 
M. de Caumont in the Bull. Mon. vol. vi. p. 336. 



284 Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 

• 

study. St. Just is a small church of early romanesque style, very similar to tfaoee 
of P(Htiers of the eleventh century. The plan is cruciform, with aisles to the nave, 
and three apses. The vaults a^e all of the barrel form, carried on plain arch ribs 
with the usual semi-dome vaults to the apses, and the ailes have their vaults groined 
without ribs. The central tower has a domical vault, carried on four round arches, 
the capitals of which are enriched with sculptures of curious and early character, a 
description of which would hardly be intelligible without drawings. The arches of 
the nave are round, on octagonal piers, with plain imposts. The windows are all 
small, and round-headed. The exterior of the nave and transepts is very plain ; 
the choir is more enriched, the apse having good corbel tables and half pillars for 
buttresses ; the hoodmoulds have the billet and other ornaments, and there is a 
string with a remarkable ornament of Roman character. 

Chauviffny St. Pierre is another curious church of the same plan and character. • 
The choir has the procession path continued round the apse ; the pillars are mas- 
sive, round, with clumsy capitals of curious sculpture, and figures of birds, animals, 
&c. The four shafts of the tower-arches are cut off upon corbels with the same 
curious early sculpture. The procession- path, or aisle, has a plain barrel-vault, and 
there are three apsidal chapels projecting from it. The choir has a good triforium 
arcade with richly -sculptured capitals, and the arches ornamented. Over the arcade 
are three small clerestory windows, pierced through the domical vault. The 
transepts are of similar style. The nave is rather later, apparently twelfth century. 
The central tower is square with arcades of shallow paneling of the same period as 
the nave. The west doorw^ay is transition work, with a pointed arch. The exterior 
of the choir and apse are enriched in a similar manner to the other churches of this 
early character, but the sculpture not quite so early. 

St. Phe des Eglises is a small early romanesque church of curious style, very 
plain ; the masonry of part of the walls is of small ashlar work, resembling Roman ; 
and there are remains of early painting in the interior. 



St. Savin. 

The most remarkable church in this part of France is that of St. Savin ; but 
the splendid and elaborate work upon it, published by the French Government, 
renders it unnecessary to attempt any minute description of it.^ The general cha- 
racter is the same as that which has been before described as the style of the 

* See Bullet. Mon. vol. ix. p. 417. ^ See also Bullet. Mon. voL iz. p. 419. 




Notes of a Tour in the West of France. 295 

eleventh century. The church is a large and fine one, cruciform in plan, with a 
very long nave, short choir and apse, with narrow aisles to the nave, and round the 
apse ; and chapels radiating from the latter : a tall tower and spire at the west end, 
and a crjrpt under the choir. The larger vaults are all of the plain barrel form; 
the aisles have groined vaults ; the tower is of very early character ; the spire a 
flamboyant addition. Nearly all parts of the interior of the church, including the 
vaults of the nave, of the cr}iit, of the apsidal chapels, and the interior of the tower, 
are covered with very curious paintings of remarkably early character, clearly 
anterior to the twelfth century, and probably the work of Greek artists. Some 
antiquaries have assigned a very remote period to these i)aintings, and consequently 
to the building which they ornament. Various coincidences, however, seem to lead 
to the conclusion that the whole is the work of the eleventh century. In the chapels 
round the apse are plain massive altars, and on the edges of the altar-slabs are 
inscriptions which agree, in the form of the letters and the custom of putting small 
letters within the large ones, witli that period. None of these inscriptions record 
any actual date, but one of them mentions Pope Clement as the reigning Pope : this 
must be either Clement II. in 1047, or the Anti-pope Clement III. in 1080. An 
abbey was founded on this site by Charlemagne,* but was destroyed by the Normans, 
and it is not probable tliat the original church was spared ; nor does the style of the 
structure agree with other known works of Charlemagne." Its large size and perfect 
plan would rather lead us to attribute it to the twelfth century ; but the style of the 
work, and especially the paintings, will not admit of so late a date. 

Being fearful of intruding too long on your time and patience, I now conclude for 
the present, but am ready at any time to continue the subject if wished to do so. 

Your very obedient Servant, 



J. H. PARKER. 



* Teste Chronico Malleacensi : Gall. Christ, vol. iv. p. 817. 



296 



XXV. — A Narrative of the principal Naval Expeditions of English Fleets^ beginning 
with that against the Spanish Armada in 1588^ doum to 1603. In a Letter from 
Sir Henry Ellis, K.H., Secretary, to John Yonge AK'RB.MXiij Esq.^ Resident 
Secretary. 



Read Mav 22, 1851.— March 4, 1852. 



British Museum, May 22, 1851. 

My dear Sir, 
The Cottonian MS. Titus B. viii. coDtains, among numerous other articles, a 
Narrative of the principal naval Expeditions of English Fleets, beginning with that 
against the Spanish Armada in 1588, down to 1603. The beginning of this curious 
Memoir is wanting, and the writer is unknown ; but the facts through its several 
divisions are detailed with so much spirit, and the statements of the expeditions 
are so strongly mixed with contemporary feeling and contemporary anecdote, 
that I submit a transcript of them to our Society's notice. They contain many 
particulars of striking interest, which I have not found elsewhere. It is evident 
from several passages that the writer was in the armament with the Earl of Essex 
and the Lord Admiral at the attack on Cadiz in 1 596 ; with the Earl of Essex in his 
voyage to the Islands in the following year ; and with Sir Richard Lewson and Sir 
William Monson in 1602. Whoever he was, he was closely connected with Sir 
William Monson, if he was not Sir William himself. 

Believe me, my dear Sir, 

Most truly yours, 

HENRY ELLIS. 

J. Y. Akerman, Esq. 



The first Action undertaken by the Spaniards was in 1588. The Duke of 
Modena* Generall. They were encountered by our fleete, the Lord Admirall beinge 
at sea himselfe in person. 

ShIPPES. COMIfAUNDBKS. 

The Arke Rovall The Lord Admirall 

m 

The Reven^ Sir Francis Drake, Vice-Admirall 

The Lyon The Lord Howard 

The Beare The Lord SheifiTeild 

The Elizaheth Jonas Sir Robert Soathwell 

^ Medina Sidonia. 




English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 297 

Shippu. Commaukde&s. 

The Tryumph Sir Martyn Frobusher 

The Victory Sir John Hawkins 

The Hope Captain Crosse 

The Bonaventer Captain Reymon 

The Dreadnought Captain George Beeston 

The Nonparill Captaine Thomas Fenner 

The Ranyebowe The Lord Henry Seymor 

The Vantguarde Sir William Winter 

The Mary-Rose Captaine Fenton 

The Antilopp Sir Henry Palmer 

The Foresight Captaine Barker 

The Aide Captaine Fenner 

The Swallowe Captaine Hawkins 

The Tiger Captaine Bostocke 

The Scout Captain Aishley 

The Swiftsuer 

The Bull 

The Tremontary 

The Acatice 

Pynnaces, Galleys, Hoyes, 10 

Notwithstandinge the great spoyle and hurt Sir Francis Drake did the yeare past 
in Cadiz Roode, by interceptinge some part of the provisions for this great navie, 
the kinge strived by all indeavors to revenge himselfe this yeare, least that in 
takeinge longer tyme his designes might be prevented as before, and arrested all 
shipps, men, and necessaries wantinge for his fleete, and compelled them perforce 
to serve in this action. 

He appointed for Generall the Duke of Me dena Sidonia, a man imployed rather 
for his birth then experience ; for soe manie dukes, marquesses, and earles volun- 
tarily goeinge, would have repined to have bene commaunded by a man of lesse 
estate then himself. They departed from lishbone the 19th daie of May, 1688, 
with the greateste pride and glory, and least doubt of victorie, that ever any nation 
did. But, as it appeared, God beinge angrie with their insolencie, disposed of them 
contrary to their appointment. 

The directions from the Kinge to the Generall were to repaire, as winde and 
weather would give leave, to the Roade of CalUs in Rccardie, there to abide the 
comeinge of the Prince of Parma and his armie, and upon theire meetinge to have 
opened a letter directed to them both with further directions. 

He was especially commaunded to sayle longst the coast of Brittanie and 

VOL. xxxiv. 2 Q 



298 Principal Naval Engagements of 

Normandy, for geivinge daunger of discovery to us, and if he mett with the English 
fleete, not to offer fight, but seeke to defend themselves. When he came athwart 
the North Cape, he was taken with a contrary winde and fowle weather, and forced 
into the harbor of the Groyne, where part of his fleete laie attendinge his comeinge. 
As he was redie to departe from thence there came intelligence by an English 
fisherman that had bene taken prisoner, of our fleetes late beinge at sea and puttinge 
backe againe, not expectinge theire comeinge that yeare, insomuch that moste part 
of our men belonginge to our shippes were discharged. 

The intelligence made the Duke alter his direction given him by the Idnge, not 
without some difficultie ; for the Councell was devided into three opinions, some 
held it good not to breake the king's commaund, others not to loose the opportunitie 
offered to surprise our fleete at unawares, with a purpose to bume and consume 
them. 

Diego Flores de Yaldes, who had the commaunde of the Andalusia squadron, was 
a man the Duke relyed most upon for his experience and judgement ; and he it was 
that only perswaded the attempt of our shippes in harbor, and with that consent and 
resolution they directed their course for England. 

The first land they feU withall was the Lizard, the southermost part of Cornwall, 
which they took to be the Ram's head athwart Plymouth ; and the night beinge at 
hand they tacked off to sea, makeinge account in the mominge to give the attempt 
upon our shipps in Plymouth. 

But whilest they were thus deceived of the land, in the meane tyme they were 
discovered by Captaine Flemminge, a pyrate, that had bene at sea pilferinge, who, 
upon the viewe of them, and knoweinge them to bee the Spanishe fleete, he repaired 
with all speede to Plymouth, and gave warninge and notice to our fleete, who were 
then riding at an anchor ; whereupon my Lord Admirall hastened with all expedition 
possible to gett forth the shippes, and before the Spaniards could drawe neere 
Plymouth, they were welcomed at sea by my lord and his navie, who continued fight 
with them untill he brought them to an anchor at Callis. 

Thus much have I thought good to shewe of the Spanishe Invasion intended in 
1588. Now shall ensue Her Majesties preparation to prevent all his designes, who 
by her wisedome and care had intelligence of his purposes from tyme to tyme. 

And because she knewe his intent was to invade her at sea with a mightie and 
huge fleete from his owne coast, she furnisht out her Royall Navie, under the charge 
of the Lord High Admirall of England, and sent him to Plymouth, as the likeliest 
place to attend theire cominge, as you have heard. 

Then knoweinge that it was not the Fleete alone that could endainger her safetie, 




FUets.frtm 1588 to 1603. 299 

for that they were of smale power to annoy her by land, without the assistance of 
the Prince of Parma and his armie in Flaunders^ therefore she appointed thirty sayle 
of Holland shippes to lye at an anchor before the towne of Dunkerk, where the 
prince was to embarqne in flattbottombe boates, made purposely for the Expedicion 
of England. 

Thus was the Prince, by the Queene*s providence, prevented, if he had attempted;, 
to putt out of harbor with his boates ; but, indeede, neither his vessells nor his 
armies were in readines, which caused the kinge ever after to be jealous of him, 
and, as it is supposed, to hasten his end. 

Her Majestic, notwithstandinge this vigilant care to foresee and prevent all 
daunger that might happen at sea, would not holde herselfe too secure of her 
enemie, but prepared a royall armie to welcome him upon his landinge ; but it soe 
fell out that it was not the will of God they should sett footeinge on shoare in 
England, but made the Queene a victorious prince over him, with little hazard or 
bloudshedd of her subjectes. 

Haveinge showen the designe of the Spaniards, and the prevention of Her 
Majestic, I will collect the errors committed as well by the one as by the other^ as I 
have promised in the beginninge of my discourse. 

And it was of most likelyhood and reason, after the Duke had gotten intelligence 
of the state of our Navie, to surprise them in harbor at unawares, knoweinge that if 
hee had taken awaie our strength by sea, hee might have landed both when and 
where hee listed, which is the cheifest advantage in the invador ; yet, though it had 
tooke that effect he desired, I see not howe he was to be commended in breaking 
that direction given by the kinge ; then, contrary wise, what blame, did he deserve to 
alter his instructions, soe evill event followeing of it as it did. 

It was not lacke of experience in the Duke, or layeinge it upon Valdes, that 
excused him at his returne ; but that he had smarted bitterly for it, had it not bene 
for his wife, who obtayned the king's favour unto him. 

Before the arrivall of the shippes that escaped in this journey, it was knowne that 
Diego Flores de Valdes was the only perswader to breake the king's articles ; where- 
upon he commaunded in all his ports, where the said Diego Flores de Valdes should 
arrive, to apprehend him, which was accordingly executed, and he carried to the 
Castle of Saint Andrea, where he was never scene or heard of after. 

If the king's directions had bene reallie followed, then had his fleete kept the 
coast of France, and arrived in the roade of Callis, before they had bene discovered 
by us, which might have endaungered Her Majestic and realme, our shippes beinge 
soe farr of as Plymouth, where then they laye, and though the Prince of Parma had 



300 Principal Naval Engagements of 

not bene presently readie, he had ga3naed tyme sufficient by the absense of our fleete 
to make hhnselfe readie. 

And moreover, whereas the prince was kept in by the thirty sayle of Hollanders^ 
soe many of the duke's fleete would have bene able to have put the Hollanders from 
the roade of Dunkerke and possest it themselves, and soe have secured the armie 
and fleetes meetinge together ; and howe easie a thinge it had bene after theire 
joyninge to have transported themselves for England, as alsoe what would have 
ensued upon their landinge in England, may be imagined. 

But it beinge the will of Him that directs all men and theire actions that the 
fleetes should meete, they, beaten as they were, put from theire anchorage in Callis 
roade, the Prince of Parma beleaguered at sea, their navie enforced about Scotland 
and Ireland with great adventure and losse, sheweth howe God did mervelously 
defend us against theire daungerous designes. 

Heere was another opportunitie offiered to have followed the Victory upon them, 
for after they were beaten from the roade at Callis, and all theire hopes and designes 
frustrate, if wee had once more offered them fight, the Generall by perswasion of 
his confessor was determined to yield, whose example it is very likely would have 
made the rest to have done the like ; but this escape cannot be imputed to the 
negligence or- backwardnes of the Lord Admirall, but meerely to the want of pro- 
vidence in those that had the charging and managing of the fleete, for at this tyme 
of most advantage, when they came to examine theire provisions, they found a 
generall scarcitie of powder and shott, for want whereof . they were forced to return 
home. Another opportunitie was lost not much inferior to the rest, by not sendinge 
part of our fleete to the west part of Ireland, which the Spaniards of necessitie were 
to seeke after soe manie daungers and disasters as they had endured. 

If wee had bene soe happie as to have followed this course, and it was both 
thought and discust of, we had bene victorious over this great and conquering 
navie, for they were brought to that necessity that they would willingly have 
)delded, as divers of them confest that were cast away in Ireland. 

Heerein is to be noted howe weake and feeble the designes of men are in respect 
of the Creator of man, and howe indifferentlie he dealt betwixt the two nations^ 
sometimes givinge one sometimes the other advantage, and yet soe that he only 
ordered the battaile. 



^ 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 



301 



The Action of Portugall, 1589 :— 



Shippks. 

The Revenge . 
The Dreadnought 
The Ayde . . 
The Nonparill . 
The Foresight . 
The Swiftsuer . 



Commanders by Sea. 

Sir Francis Drake . . 
Captain Thomas Fenner 
Captain William Fenner 
Captain Sackfeild . . 
Captain William Winter 
Captain Goeringe . • 



Commanders by Land. 

Sir John Norris 

Sir Edward Norris 

Sir Henry Norris 

Sir Roger Williams 

Captain Williams 

Serjeant- Major 

The Earle of Essex voluntary. 



' The last overthrowe of 1 688, given to the Invincible Fleete (as they termed them- 
selves) did soe encourage every man to the warr, as happy was he that could put 
himselfe in action against the Spaniards, as it appeared by the voluntaries that went 
in this journey : consideringe the great losse the Kinge of Spaine received in the 
yeare past, whereby it was to be imagined how weakelie he was provided for at 
home, made the Glueene willinge to countenance this action, though she undertooke 
it not wholy of herselfe, which is to be imputed to the overthrowe of it. 

For whosoever he be of a subject that thinks to undertake soe great an enterprise 
without a prince's purse shalbe deceived ; and therefore these two generalls in my 
opinion never overshott themselves more than in undertakeinge soe great a charge 
with soe little meanes, which is the only cause to be imputed to the ill successe 
of it, for where there is victualls and armes wantinge, what hope is there of 
prevailinge. 

The project of this journey was to Restore a distressed kinge to his kingdome, 
usurped as he pretended ; and, though the meanes for the settinge forth of this 
voyage was not soe great as was expedient, yet in the opinion of all men, if they 
had directed theire course whither they intended it without landinge at the Groyne, 
they had performed the service they went for, restored Don Antonio to the crowne, 
dissevered Portugall from Spaine, and imited it in league with England ; which 
would have answered the present charge, and have setled a continuall trade for us 
to the West Indies and the rest of the Portugalls dominions; for soe wee might have 
conditioned. 

But, as I have said, the landinge at the Groyne was a lingring of the other 
designe ; a consuminge of victualls ; a weakeninge of the armie by the immoderate 
drinckinge of the souldiers, which brought a lamentable sicknes amongst them ; a 
waminge to the Spaniards to strengthen Portugall ; and, as great as all this, a 
discouragement to proceede further, beinge repulsed in the first attempt. 



302 Principal Naval Engagemmts 9f 

Notwithstandinge this ill successe at the Gro3nie, they departed from thence 
towards Portugall, and arrived at Penech, a maritan town twelve leagues from 
lishbone, where with smale resistance they tooke the Castle, after the Captaine 
miderstoode Don Antonio to be in the armie. 

From thence Generall Norris marched with his land forces to lishbone^ and Sir 
Francis Drake with his fleete sayled to Caske Cadez, promisinge fit)m thence to 
passe with his shippes upp the river to lishbone, to meete with Sir John Generall 
Norris ; which he did not, and therefore he was much blamed by the common 
consent of all men, imputinge the overthrowe of the action to him. 

It will not excuse Sir Francis Drake in his promise made to Sir John Norris, 
though I would utterly have accused him of want of discreation if he had put the 
fleete to soe great an adventure to soe little purpose ; for his beinge in the harbour 
of lishbone was nothinge to the takeinge of the Castle, which was two miles from 
thence in circumference of height, for the Castle being taken the towne was tooke 
by course. 

And moreover the shippes could not fumishe the armie with more men or 
victualls then they had ; wherefore I understand not wherein his goeinge up was 
necessary, and yet the fleete was to endure many hazards to this little purpose. 

For betwixt Caske Cadez and Lishbone there are three castles. Saint John, Sunt 
Francis, and Bellin. The first of them three I hold one of the impregnablest fortes 
to seaward in Europe, by which the fleete was to passe within calliver shott ; though 
I doe not confesse the greatest daunger was in it to passe in, for with a reasonable 
gale of winde anie forte is to be past with smale adventure. 

But at this t3rme there was a generall want of victualls, and beinge entered the 
harboiu* their comeinge out againe was uncertaine, the place beinge subject to con- 
trary windes ; in which space the better part of the victualls would have bene 
consumed, and they would remayne in soe desperate estate as they would have bene 
forced to have fired one halfe of the fleete for the bringinge home of the rest : for 
beinge as they were, after the armie was imbarqued for England, many dyed of 
famine homeward, and more would have done if the winde had tooke them short, or 
if by the death of some, others had not bene releived. 

And, besides all these casualties and daungers, the Adalantina was then in 
lishbone with the gallies of Spaine, and howe easily he might have annoyed our 
fleete by toweing fired shippes amongst us, wee may suppose by the hurt wee did 
the Spaniards the yeare before in Callis roade, and greater we had done if wee had 
had the helpe of gallies. 

It is a world to observe every man's opinion of this journey, as well those that 



Engflisk Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 803 

were actors in it, as others that staled at home, some imputinge the overthrowe to 
the landinge at the Groyne, others to the Portugalls faylinge of theire helpes and 
assistance, as was promised by Don Antonio, and some of Sir Francis Drake's not 
coming up the river with his fleete. 

Though anie of these three might seeme probable reasons to manie men that 
shall but heare them, and the landinge at the Groyne the cheifest of the three 
alledged, yet waigh truly the defect, and where it was, and the action was over- 
throwne before theire settinge from home, beinge weakely provided of all things 
needefidl for soe great an expedition. 

For when this journey was first in speeche, the number of shippes was not con- 
cluded on accordinge to the proporcion of men, wherefore they were forced to make 
stale of divers Easterlings mett in our channells, and compelled them to serve in 
this action for the transportation of our souldiers ; and though these shippes were 
an ease to our men, which would have bene pestered, yet theire victualls was 
nothlnge augmented, but they put aboard on shippes liked banished men^ to seeke 
theire fortunes att sea ; for, by confession, divers of the shippes had not four dales 
victualls when they departed from Plymouth. 

Another impediment to this journey was feild peeces, the want whereof was the 
losse of Lishbone ; for the strength consistinge in the castle, and wee haveinge only 
an armie to countenance us, noe meanes for batterie, wee were the losse of the 
victory ourselves, for it was apparent by inteUigence wee received, if wee had pre- 
sented them with battery, they were resolved to parley and soe by consequence to 
yeild, and this was the mayne and cheife reason of the Portugalls excuse in not 
jojniinge with us. 

There is one other reason to be alledged on the Portugalls behalfe, and theire 
love and favour to our proceedinges ; for though they shewed not themselves forward 
upon the occasion aforesaid in aidinge us, yet they opposed not themselves as 
enemies against us, for if they had pursued us in our retralte from Lishbone to 
Caske Cadez, our men being weake, sicklie, without powder and shott and other 
armes, they had put us to a greater losse and disgrace then we had on It. And if 
ever England have occasion to sett upon a competitor in PortugaU, our carriage and 
good entreatie to the people of that countrie have gained us great reputation 
amongste them, for the Generall moste advisedlie forbadd the rifelmge of their 
howses in the countrie and suburbes of Lishbone, which they possest, and com- 
maunded royall payment for every thinge they tooke without compulcion or 
rigorous usage : this hath made those that stood but indifferently affected before, 
nowe readie upon the like occasion to assist us. 



304 Principal Naval Entablements of 

A Voyage undertaken by the Earle of Cumberland with one ship royal of Her 
Majesties^ and six of his owne and other adventurers. A"" 1589. 

SbIPPBS. CoMMAUlCDSftS. 

The Victory The Earlc of Cumberland 

The Margaret . . . • Captaine Christopher Lister 

And five others .... Captaine Monson, now Sir William Monson^ ^^oe-AdmiralL 

As the fleete of Sir John Norris and Sir Francis Drake returned from the voyage of 
Portugall, my Lord of Cumberland proceeded upon his towards that coast, who, meetinge 
with divers of the shippes,he relieved them with victualls, which otherwise had perished. 

This voyage was undertaken at his and his friends charge, excepting the Victorie, 
a shipp royall of the Queenes, which she adventured. 

This journey is amplie and largely writt by that famous mathematitian, Mr. Wright, 
who was an actor in it himselfe, and what is heere sett downe is but a breife coUec- 
cion of his discourse. 

The service performed at sea was the takinge of three Frenche shippes of the 
League in our channell. Upon his arrivall uppon the coast of Spaine, he 
encountred with thirteen hulkes, who made some resistance, out of the which he 
took to the valewe of £7000 in spices belonginge to Portugall. 

From thence he crost over the islands of Terceras, and comeinge to Saint 
Michaells with boates, he fetched out two Spanish shipps from under the Castle, 
which the same night arrived out of Spaine. 

In his course from thence to Flores, hee tooke a Spanish shipp laden with sugars 
and sweete meates, that came from the Maderos. 

Beinge at Flores he received intelligence of divers Spanish shippes to be in the 
roade of Phyall ; he made his sudden retume to that island, where Captain Lister 
and Captaine Monson gave a desperate attempt in theire boats upon the said 
shippes, which after longe fight they possessed : one of them beinge in burden 300 
tunnes, can^dng eighteen peeces of ordinance and fifty men, was mored to the 
castle. This shipp, with one other, came from the Indies, two of the rest out of 
Giney, and one laden with oade, which that island affoards in great plenty. Puttinge 
from thence to sea, and cominge to the island of Graciosa, after two dales fight, it 
yielded us by composicion some victualls ; off that island wee tooke a shippe of 
France, of two hundred tunnes, that came from Newfoundland, arid of the League. 

After saylinge to the eastward of the roade of Terceras in the eveninge, wee beheld 
eighteen talle shippes of the Indies enteringe into the said roade, one whereof wee 
ftfter tooke in her course to the coast of Spain ; she was loaden with hides, silver, 
and coocheneale, who, cominge for England, was cast awaie upon the Mount's Bay, 
in Comewall, valued at £100,000. 



English Fleets, from 1688 to 1603. 305 

Two other prizes of sugar wee tooke in our said course to the coast of Spaine, 
each shipp esteemed at £7000, and one from under the castle of Saint Maries, to 
the same value. 

There was noe roade about those Islandes that could defend their shippes from 
our attempts and takeinge them ; yet in the last assaulte we gave upon a shipp of 
sugars, we found evill successe, for wee were there shai*pely resisted, and two partes 
of our men suddenly slaine and hurt, by the occasion of Captaine Lister, who would 
not be perswaded but to land in the face of theire fortifications. 

The service performed by land was the takeing of the island of Phiall, some 
months after the surprizeinge of those shippes you have formerly heard. The castle 
yielded us forty-five peeces of ordinance, great and smale : wee sacked and spoyled 
the towne, and after ransomed it, and soe departed. 

These sommer services and shippes of sugar proved not so sweete and pleasant as 
the winter was afterwards sharpe and painefuU, for in our returne for England wee 
founde the calamitie of famyn, the hazard of shippwracke, and the death of our men, 
that the like befell not any shippe in the tyme of the warr. All which disasters 
must bee imputed to Captaine Lister's rashenes, upon whome my Lord Cumberland 
cheifely relyed, wantinge experience himselfe. 

He was the man that advised the sendinge the shippes of wine for England, 
otherwise we had not tasted the want of drinke. He was as earnest in perswadinge 
our landinge in the face of the fortifications in Saint Maries against all reason and 
sence. As he was rashe, soe was he valiant, but paied dearely for his unadvised 
councell ; for he was one of the first hurt, and that cruelly, in the attempte of 
Saint Maries, and after drowned in the rich shippe cast awaie in Mount's Bay, 



Sir John Hawkins and Sir Martin Frobusher, theire Voyage undertaken this 

veare. 1690 : — 

Shippes. CoififAUNDBRB. 

The Revenge Sir Martyn Frobusher 

The Mary Rose Sir John Hawkins 

The Lyon Sir Edward Yorke 

The Bonaventer Captain Fenner 

The Raynebowe Captain George Beeston 

The Hope Captain Bostocke 

The Crane Captain Bumell 

The Quittance 
The Foresight 
The Swiftsuer 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 R 



S06 Principal Naval EngagemetKts of 

From the yeare 1585 untill this present yeare 1590, there was the greatest poesi- 
bilities of enricheing our nation by actions at sea, if they had bene well followed ; 
forasmuch as the Kinge of Spaine nether did or could defend his subjects trades^ 
soe weake he was growne in shippinge, by the overthrowe hee had for England 
m 1588. 

Her Majestic beginninge nowe to finde howe necessary it was tor her to maintaine 
a fleete upon the Spanishe coast, as well to forbidd his preparacions against her, 
which she imagined he would the rather doe in respect of the disgrace he received 
in 1588, as also to intercept his trade from the Indies, by which he grew great and 
mighty. 

She sent this yeare, 1 590, tenn shippes of her owne in two squadrons, the one to 
be commaunded by Sir John Hawkins, the other by Sir Martin Frobusher, two gen* 
tlemen of tryed experience. 

The Kinge of Spaine understandinge of this preparadon of hers, sent forth twenty 
saile of shippes under the direccion of Don Alonso de Bassan, brother to the late 
fieanous Marquesse of Saint Cruze : his charge was to secure home the Indie fleete 
and carrecks. 

But Don Alonso beinge at sea, and as it happened the Kinge of Spaine beinge 
better advised, then to adventure twenty of his beste shippes to t^i of ours, sent for 
Don Alonso backe againe, and soe frustrated the expectation of our Fleete. 

He likewise made a dispatch to the Indies, commaundinge the fleete there to 
winter, rather then to hazard theire comeinge home that sommer. This was not 
done without great hinderance and losse to the merchants of Spaine, to be soe longe 
without retume of theire goods, which caused many banckruptes in Civill and other 
places ; besides it was soe great a weakeninge to theire shippes to winter in the 
Indies, as it was many yeares before they could recover their losses, as by the yeare 
foUoweinge it appeared. 

One fleete, as you have heard, beinge thus prevented, and havinge spent seven 
monethes in vaine upon the coast of Spaine and Islands, in that space they could 
not possesse themselves of one shipp of the Spaniards, for the carrocks upon which 
one of theire hopes depended, came home without sight of the islands, and arrived 
safe at Ldshbone. 

This journey was a bare action to sea, though they attempted landinge at Phial], 
which, as you have heard, the Lord Cumberland the yeare before had taken ; but the 
castle beinge refortified, they did not prevaile in theire enterprise. Thenceforward 
the Kinge of Spaine soughte to strengthen his coasts, and laboured to increase in 
shipping, as might appeare by the next ensuing yeare. 



PUeUyfrom 1588 to 1603. 307 

Two fleets, the one by us under the Lord Thomas Howard ; the other by the 
Spaniards, commanded by Don Alonso de Bassan. Anno 1591 : — 

Shippis. Commaundsrs. 

The Defiance The Lord Thomas Howard 

The Revenge Sir Richard Greenefield, Vice-Admirall 

The Nonparill Sir Edward Dennie 

The Bonaventer ....... Captain Crosse 

The Lyon Captain Fenner 

The Foresight Captain Vavasor 

The Crane Captain Duffeild 

Her Maiestie, understandinge of the Indie fleete winteringe in the haven, and that 
necessitie would compell them home this yeare, 1591 , she sent a fleet to the Islands 
under the charge of the Lord Thomas Howard. 

The Kinge of Spaine, perceiving her drifte, and how much the safety of that fleete 
concerned him, caused him disambogue soe late in the yeare, as it indaungered the 
shipwracke of them all ; and thus you may see he was rather willinge to hazard 
the losse of shippes, men, and goods, then indaunger the failinge into our hands. 

He had two designes in bringinge home this fleete soe late. By the one he thought 
the Lord Thomas would have consumed his victualls and have been forced him. 
In the other, he was in the meane tyme fiimishinge a great fleete, little inferior 
to that of 1 588. By the first he found himselfe deceived, for my lord was supplyed 
both with shippes and victualls out of England. And by the second he was as 
much prevented, for my Lord of Cumberland, who as then lay upon the coast of 
Spaine with a fleet, had intelligence of the Spanishe preparacions, and advertised 
the Lord Thomas thereof with all expedition, and even the night before the Spa- 
niardes arrived at Flores, where my lord lay. 

The dale after this intelligence, the Spanish fleete was discovered by my Lord 
Thomas, whom he knewe by theire number and greatnes to be those shippes of which 
he had waminge ; and by that meanes he escaped the daunger that Sir Richard 
Greenefeild his Vice-Admirall rashely rann into. Upon the viewe of the Spaniards, 
which were fifty-five in number, the Lord Thomas warily, and like a discreete 
generall, waighed anchor, and made signes to the rest of his fleete to doe the like, 
with a purpose to gett the winde of them ; but Sir Richard Greenefeild, being a 
Sterne man, and imagininge this fleete to come from the Indies, and not to be the 
Armado of which they were informed, would by noe meanes be perswaded by his 
master or companie, to cutt his mayne saile to followe his Admiral : soe headstronge 
and rashe he was, that he offered violence to those that councelled him. 



308 Principal Naval Engagements of 

But, as the old sayeinge is, a wilfull man is the cause of his owne woe ; it could 
not be trulier verified then in him, for when the shippes approached nigh him, and 
he beheld the greatnes of them, he began to see and repent him of his foUie, and 
when it was too late would have acquitted himselfe of them. 

But in vaine, for he was left a prey to the enemie, every shipp accountinge him- 
selfe happiest that could board him speediest. 

This wilfull rashenes of Sir Richard made the Spaniards much triumph in theire 
victory, beinge the first shippe that ever they tooke of her Majesties, and the best 
shipp, as she was commended to them by some English fugitives that served them ; 
but theire joy continued not longe, for they possessed her but five dales err she was 
cast awaie, \vith many Spaniards in her, upon the Islandes of Tercera. 

Commonly one misfortune is accompanied with another, for the Indies fleete, for 
which my lord lay the whole sommer, the day after this mishapp, fell into the com- 
panic of the Spanish Armado ; who, if they had staled but one dale longer, or the 
Indies fleete come home but one dale sooner, wee had possest them and enjoyed 
them, and with them manie millions of treasure which the sea devowred ; for, from 
the tyme they mett with the Armado untill they recovered home, nigh an hundred 
of them received shippwracke, besides the Ascencion of Civill, and the double fly- 
boate that was suncke by the side of the Revenge. 

All which occasioned by theire winteringe in the Indies, and the late disambo- 
gueinge from thence ; for the worme which the countrie is subject unto doth weaken 
and consume their shippes. 

Notwithstandinge this crosse and perverse fortune which Sir Richard Greenefeild 
brought his fleete into, the Lord Thomas would not be dismayed or discouraged, but 
kept the sea the tyme of his victualls ; and, by such shippes as himselfe and the rest 
of his fleete tooke, defrayed the better parte of the charge of the whole action. 



The Earle of Cumberland to the Coast of Spaine, 1691: — 

Shippes. Commaundkrs. 

The Garland of Her Majesties .... The Earle of Cumberland 

Seaven other shippes of his and his friends } ^ . ,^ o. «tmi. nir 

( Captain Monson, nowe Sir WiUiam Monson. 

The Earle of Cumberland keepinge the coast of Spaine, as you have heard, whilest 
the Lord Thomas remayned at the islandes, all to one end, viz., to annoy and dam- 
nific the Spaniards, though in two severall fleetes, he found fortune in a kinde as 
much to frowne upon him as it had done upon the Lord Thomas Howard. 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 309 

In this course from England to the Spanishe coast, he encountered with divers 
shipps of Holland, which came from lishbone, in which he founde a great quantitie 
of spices belonginge unto Portugalls. Soe greatly were we abused by that nation of 
Holland, that though they were the first that engaged us in the warr with Spaine, 
yet did they maintaine theire trade into those parts, and supplie the Spaniards with 
municion, victualls, shippinge, and intelligence against us. 

Upon my lord's arrivall upon the coast of Spaine, it was his happ to take three 
shippes at severall tymes, one with wines, which he unladed into his owne, and two 
sugars, which he enjoyed not longe, noe more did he the spices which he tooke out 
of the Hollanders. 

For one of the shippes of sugar, by meanes of a leake that sprunge upon her, was 
forced to be cast of, and with much difficultie shee recovered the shoare and saved 
mens lives. 

The other beinge sent for England, and tossed with contrary windes for want 
of victualls, was forced into the Groyne, where they put themselves to the mercie of 
the enemie. 

The spices were determined to be sent for England, and a shippe appointed for 
that purpose, with other shippes to guarde her. Captain Monson was sent on 
boarde her to the Islands of the Burlings, with charge to see her dispatched for 
England. 

But, the other shippes faylinge theire directions, and the night fallinge calme, 
early in the mominge this scattered shipp was sett upon by six gallies, and after a 
longe and bloudie fight, the captaine and the principallest men beinge slaine, both 
ship and spices were taken. But whether it was in respect they had to the queenes 
shipp, which was Admirall of that fleete, or honor to my lord that commaunded it, 
or hope by good usage of our men to receive the like again, I knowe not ; but true 
it is, that the ordinary men were treated with more courtesie then had bene from 
the beginninge of the warrs. 

My Lord of Cumberland perceiving the disasters that thus befell him, and 
knoweing the Spanish fleet's readiness to put out of harbour, but especially findinge 
his shipp but evill of sayle, it being the first voyage she ever went to sea, she durst 
not abide the coast of Spaine, but thought it more discreacion to returne for 
Englande, havinge (as you have heard) sent a pinnace to my Lord Thomas with 
intelligence aforesaid. 



310 Principal Naval Engagements of 

A Voyage undertaken by Sir Walter Rawleigh, but himself retuminge left the 

charge thereof to Sir Martyn Frobusher. Anno 1 592 : — 

ShIPPBS. CoMMAUNDBBS by SbA. COMIIAVNDBBS BT LaMD. 

The Garland Sir Walter Rawleigh Sir John Boroogh 

The Foresight, with divers other ^Captain Crosse 

Merchants Shippes ) Sir Walter went not, hut Sir Martyn Frohusher 

Sir Walter Rawleigh, who had tasted aboundantly of the Queenes love, findinge it 
nowe began to decline, put himselfe into a journey at sea, and drewe unto him 
divers and sundrie friends of great quallitie and others, thinkinge to have interprized 
some place in the West Indies, and with this resolucion he put out of harbor ; but 
spending two or three dales in fowle weather at sea, her Majestic was pleased to 
commaund his retume, and to committ the charge of the shipps to Sir Mart}^! 
Frobusher, who was sent downe for that purpose, but with an expresse commaund 
not to folio we the designes of the West Indies. 

This suddaine alteracion beinge knowne unto the rest of the captaines, for the 
present made some confusion, as commonly all voluntarie actions doe ; their Generall 
leavinge them, they thought themselves free in theire reputation, and as free in 
election what course to take ; fewe of them did therefore submitte themselves to 
the commaund of Sir Martyn Frobusher, but chose rather each one to take his par- 
ticular fortune and adventure at sea. 

Sir Martyn, with two or three other shippes, repayred to the coast of Spaine, 
where he tooke a Spaniard laden with iron, and a Portugall with sugar ; he remained 
there not without some daunger, his shipp beinge ill of saile, and the enemy havinge 
a fleete at sea. Sir John Borough, Captaine Crosse, and one other, stood to the 
islandes, where they mett with as many shipps of my Lord of Cumberlands, with 
whome they consorted. After some time spent thereabouts, they had sight of a 
carrecke, which they chased ; but she recovered the Island of Fores before they 
could approache to her ; but the carricke, seeinge the islands could not defend her 
from the strength and force of the English, chose rather, after the men were gott on 
shoare, to fier herselfe, then we the enemie should reape benefitt by her. 

The purser of her was taken, and by threats compelled to tell of an other of 
theire company behind, that had order to fall with that island ; he gave that parti- 
culer advertisement that indeede she fell to be ours. 

In this meane tyme Don Alonso de Bassan was furnishinge in Lashbone twenty- 
three of his gallions, which the yeare before he had when he tooke the Revenge. 
He was directed with those shippes to goe immediately to Flores, to expect the 



English FleetSyfram 1588 to 1603. 311 

commeinge of the carracks who you have heard had order to fall with that island, 
there to put on shore divers ordinance for strengtheninge the towne and castle. 

Don Alonso unadvisedly made his repaire first to Saint Michells with the breache 
of his directions, and there delivered his ordinance before he arrived at Flores, and 
in the meane tyme one of the carricks was burnt, and the other taken, as you have 
heard. 

This he held to be such a disreputacion to him^ and especially happeninge 
through his owne error and default, that he became much perplext, and pursued 
the Englishe one hundred leagues, but in vaine, they beinge soe farr ahead. 

The Kinge of Spaine beinge advertised of his two carricks mishapp, and the 
negligence of Don Alonso, though he had much favored him before in respect of 
divers actions he had bene in with his brother, the Marquesse of Saint Cruz, as 
also for what he had lately performed takeinge the Revenge, the kinge held it such 
a blemish to his honor not to have his instructions obeyed and observed, that he 
did not only take from Don Alonso his charge and commaund, but he lived and 
died with his disgrace and disfavour, which in my opinion he worthilie deserved. 

The Queenes adventure in this voyage was only two shippes, one of which, and 
the least of them two, was at the takeinge of the carricke, by the which title she 
resumed power by her regall authoritie, and made the rest of the adventurers 
submitt themselves to her pleasure, with whome shee dealt but indiflFerently. 



The Earle of Cumberland, to the Coast of Spaine. Anno 1 693 : — 

Shippbs. Commaundkbs. 

The Lyon The Earle of Cumberland 

The Bonaventer Captain under him, Captain Monson 

And seven other shippes .... Sir Edward Yorke 

The Earle of Cumberland findinge by profe that many voyages he attempted 
miscarried by the misgovemment of those he trusted, and beinge incouraged by the 
good successe of his shippes the last yeare, he obtajoied two of her Majesties 
shippes, and victualled them hunselfe, with seaven others that did accompanie them^ 
and arrived upon the coast of Spaine. He tooke two French shippes of the Leaguers^ 
which did more then treble the expence of his voyage. My lord beinge one daye 
severed from his fleete, it was his happe to meete with twelve hulkes at the same 
place where Captaine Monson was taken the same dale two yeares before. He 
required that dutie from them that was due unto her Majesties shippes, which they 
peremptorily refused, presuminge upon the strengthe of theire twelve shippes 



312 Principal Naval Engagements of 

against one only ; but they found themselves deceived, for after two howers fight, he 
brought them to his mercie, and made them acknowledge theire oversighte ; and 
willingly discovered and delivered a great quantity of powder and munition, which 
they carried for the King of Spaines service. 

My Lord of Cumberland haveinge spent some tyme thereabouts, and understand- 
ingc that Fervanteles de Menega, a Portugall, and the kinges generall for the fleete 
of twenty-four saile, was gone to the islands, he pursued them, thinkinge to meete 
the carricks before they should joyne together. At his comeinge to Plores, he mett 
and tooke one of the same fleete, with the death of the captaine, by whome he 
understood both where the fleete was and theire strength. ITie daie after he mett 
the fleete themselves, but, beinge farr to weake for them, he was forct to leave 
them, and spent his tyme thereabouts till he understood the carracks were past by 
without seeing either fleete or island. 



Sir Martyn Frobusher with a Fleete to Brest, in Brittany, 1 594 : — 

ShIPPES. CoifMAUNDEBS. 

The Vauntguarde Sir Martyn Frobusher 

The Raynebowe Captain Fenner 

The Dreadnought Captain Clifford 

The Quittance Captain Savill 

About three yeares past, 1591, the queene sent Sir John Norris, with 3,000 soul- 
diers^ to joyne with the kinges partie in those parties. The Kinge of Spaine^ who 
upheld the factions of the League, sent Don John de Aquila, with the like forces, to 
joyne with the Duke Mercuric, beinge of the contrary side. The Spaniards had 
fortified themselves very strongly neere the towne of Brest, expectinge newe succors 
from Spaine by sea, which the King of France fearinge, craved helpe of shippes from 
the Queene, which her Majestic was willinge to grant, because the Spaniard, havinge 
the haven of Brest to entertaine theire shippinge, might prove her most daungerous 
neighbours ; wherefore she sent Sir Martyn Frobusher in this yeare, 1594, with fower 
of her shippes to make good that harbour. Upon his arrivall, Sir John Norris with 
his forces, and Sir Martyn with his seamen, came upon the forte ; and, though it was 
as bravely defended as man could doe, yet in the end it was taken with the losse of 
divers captaines. Sir Martyn Frobusher beinge himselfe sore wounded, of which hurt 
he dyed at Plymouth after his retume. 




English Fleets, /ram 1688 to 1603. 313 



A Fleete to the Indies, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins, generalls, 
wherein they ventured deeply and dyed in the journey, 1696 : — 



Shippes. Commaunders by Sea. Commaundeb by Land. 

The Defiance .... Sir Francis Drake Sir Thomas Baskerfeild 

. Sir John Hawkins 

. Captain Gilbert Yorke 

. Captain Throughton 

. Captain Winter 

• Captain Thomas Drake 



The Garland . 
The Hope . . 
The Bonaventer 
The Foresight . 
The Adventer . 



Theise two generalls, presuminge muche upon theire owne experience and know- 
ledge, used many perswasions to the Queene to undertake a voyage to the West 
Indies, givinge much assurance to performe great services, promisinge to ingage 
themselves verie deepely, both with theire adventure of substance and life. And as 
all actions promise good hope until they be performed, soe did this the more in 
opinion of all men in respect of the two Generalls experience. 

There were many impediments and letts to this journey before they could cleere 
themselves of the coast, which put them to greater charge than they expected : the 
chiefest cause of theire lingringe was a mistrust our State had of an Invasion, and 
the daunger to spare soe many good shippes and men out of England as they carried 
with them. 

The Spaniards most subtillie lett slipp noe opportunitie to put us in amazement, 
thereby to dissolve the action, and sent four gallies from Bleuret in Brittany, to seize 
some part of our coast, that wee might apprehende a feare of a greater force to 
foUowe. These gallies landed atPensants in Cornewall, where they found the towne 
abandoned, which they tooke, sackt, and burnt ; but this designe of theires tooke 
little effect, for the journey proceeded notwithstandingc. 

The intent of the voyage was to land at Nombre de Dios, from thence to martch to 
Panumia, to possesse the treasure that comes from Perue ; and, if they sawe reason 
for it, to inhabit and keepe it. But fewe dales before theire goeinge from Plymouth, 
they received letters from her Majestic of an advertisement she had out of Spaine, 
that the Indies fleete was arrived, and that one of them, with losse of her mast, was 
putt roome to the Island of Porto Rico. Shee commaunded, seeinge there was so 
good an opportunity offered as the readiness of that fleete and the weakenes of 
Porto Rico, to possesse themselves of that treasure, and the rather for that it was 
not much out of the way to Nombre de Dios. It is nether yeares nor experience 

VOL. xxxiv. 2 s 



314 Principal Naval Engagements of 

that can foresee and prevent all mishappes, which is a manifeste proofe that God is 
the giver and disposer of men's actions ; for this latter designe was as probable to be 
efiFected, consideringe the abilitie and wisedome of the two Generalls, as it was 
directed, and yet soe unadvisedly prevented as it failed in the execution. For there 
were five freegates sent out of Spaine to fetch the treasure at Porto Rico : in theire 
waie it was theire happ to take a pinnace of the Englishe fleete, by whome they 
understood the secretts of the voyage, and, to prevent the attempt of Porto Rico, 
they hastened thither with all speede. Whilest our Generalls Ungred at Quadarupa 
to sett up theire boates, they soe strengthened the towne with the souldiers brought 
in the freegates out of Spaine, that when our fleete came thither, not expectinge 
resistance, they found themselves frustrate of theire hopes, which themselves were 
the occasion of, for not carryeinge theire actions with more secrecie. This repulse 
bredd soe great a greife in Sir John Hawkins as it is thought it hastened his daies. 
This disaster was great and unexpected, yet did it not discourage Sir Francis Drake*8 
great mynde, but he proceeded upon his first resolved devise for Nombre de IMos, 
though with noe better successe ; for the enemie, haveinge knowledge of theire 
comeinge, fortified their passage to Panama, and forst theire retume with losse. Sir 
Francis Drake, whoe was wont to rule fortune, nowe finding his errors, and the diffe- 
rence of the strength of the Indies since he first knewe it, grewe melancholic upon 
this defeate, and suddenly, and I hope naturally, died at Nombre de Dios, where he 
gott his first reputacion. The two GeneraUs dyeinge, all other hopes beinge taken 
awaie by theire deathes, Sir Thomas Baskerfeild succeeded them in theire com- 
maunde, who was nowe to thinke upon his retume for England ; but coming neere 
Cuba, he mett and fought with a fleete of Spaine, though not longe, by reason of 
the mortalitie of his men. This fleete was sent to take the advantage of ours in 
theire retume, thinkinge, as it was indeede, that they should finde them both weake 
and in want ; but the swiftness of our shippes, which gave us the advantage only 
against the Spaniards, defended us. You may observe that, from the yeare the 
Revenge was taken till this yeare 1595, there was no sommer but the Kinge of 
Spaine furnished a fleete for the guarding of his coasts and securing of his trades; 
and, though there was little feare of anie fleets from England to impeach him more 
then of this in the Indies, yet because he would shewe his greatnes, and give satis- 
faction to the Portugall of the care he had in preservinge theire carricks, he sent 
the Earle of Ferra, a younge nobleman of Portugall, who desired to gaine experience, 
with twenty shippes to the islands ; but the carracks did as they used to doe in many 
other yeares, misse both islands and fleete, and arrived at lishbone safelie. The 
other fleete of the Kinge of Spaine in the Indies consisted of 24 shippes, thdre 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 



316 



generally Don Bernardino de Villa Nova, an approved coward^ when he came to 
encounter the English fleete, but his feare was redeemed by the valour of his vice- 
admirall, which our men did attribute much to his honor^ whose name was John 
Garanay. 



Shifpss. 

The Repulse 
The Arke Royall 
The Meere-Honor 
The Warrspright 
The Lyon . . 
The Raynebowe 
The Nonparill . 
The Vauntgoarde 
The Mary Rose 
The Dreadaought 
The Swiftsuer . 
The Acquittance 
The Crane . . 
The Timontarie 



The Earle of Essex, and the Lord Admirall of England, generalles equally both by 

sea and land, 1 596 : — 

COMMAUNDSaS. 

The Earle of Essex ; Captain under him, Sir '^lliam Monson 
The Lord Admirall ; Captain under him, Ames Preston 

. The Lord Thomas Howard 

. Sir Walter Rawleigh 

. Sir Robert Southwell 

. Sir Francis Veare 

. Sir Robert Dudley 

. Sir John WinkfeHd 

. Sir George Carewe 

• Sir Alexander Clifford 

. Sir Robert Crosse 

. Sir George Gifford 

. Sir Robert Mansfeild 

. Captain Kinge 

The first of June, 1 596, wee departed from Plymouth by meanes of the great 
paines, care, and mdustrle of the sixteen Generalls, who in their owne persons 
laboured the night before to gett out 1 00 of theire shippes ridinge at Cattwater, 
which otherwise had not bene easily effected. The third wee sett saile from Causom 
Bay. The winde beinge when wee waighed at west and by south, instantly cast upp 
to the north east, and so continued untill it brought us upp as high as the North 
Cape of Spaine. This fortunate beginninge, with the Hke that after happened, put 
us in great hope of a luckie successe to ensue. 

Wee beinge now come upon our enemies coast, it behoved the Generalls to be 
vigilant in keepeinge them from intelligence of us, who appointed the litnes, the 
True Love, and the Lyons Whelpe (the three choice saylors of our fleete) to runn 
a-head, suspectinge the Spaniards had carvells of advice, which they did usually 
send forth to descrie at sea, upon any rumor of a lesse Fleete than this was made 
readie in England. 

Noe shippe or carvell escaped from us, which I hold a second happiness to our 
voyage, for you shall understand hereafter the inconvenience that might have 
happened upon our discovery. 



316 Principal Naval Engagements of 

The 10th of June the said three shippes tooke three flyeboats that came from Cadez 
14 daies before; by them wee understood the state of the towne was nothmge suspeet- 
fuU of us, which wee did acknowledge as a third observation of good towards us. 

The 12th of June, the Swann, a ship of London, was commaunded, as the other 
three, to keepe a good way off the fleete to prevent discovery : she mett with a fly- 
boate, which made resistance, and escaped from her. This flyeboate came fix)m the 
straites, bound home, who, discoveringe our fleete, thinkinge to gaine reputacion and 
reward from the Spaniards, shapte theire course for Lishbone, but she was luckely 
prevented by the John and Francis, another shippe of London, which Sir M armaduke 
Dorrell commaunded, who tooke her within a league of the shoare ; and this wee 
might accounte the fourth happines to our voyage. The first whereof was, the 
winde to take us so suddenl}', and to continue soe longe, for our souldiers being 
shipt and in harbor would have consumed theire victualls, and have bene so 
pestered, that it would have endaungered a sicknes amongst them. The second 
was, the takeinge all shipps that were scene, which kept the enemie from intelli- 
gence. The third was the interceptinge the flyboats from Cadiz, whether wee were 
bound. They assured us our comeinge was not suspected, which made us more 
carefuU to hayle from the coast, then otherwise wee should have bene. They tould 
us of the daylie expectation of the gallions to come from Saint Jacar to Cadez, and 
of the merchantes that were bound for the Indies. These intelligences were of great 
moment, and made the generalls presently to contrive theire busines both by sea 
and land, which otherwise would have taken upp a longer tyme after their comeinge 
thither : and whether all men would have consented to attempt theire shippes in 
harbor, not knowinge the most parte of them to consist of merchants, I make 
it doubtfuU. The fowerth and the fortunatest of all, was the takeinge of the 
flyboate by the John and Francis, which the Swann lett goe ; for if she had reached 
Lishbone, she had bene able to make reporte of the number and greatnes of our 
shippes, and might have endangered the quantity of our men, she seeinge the 
course we bore, and tliat wee had passed Lishbone, which the enemie most sus- 
pected, and made his greatest preparacion for defence ; and beinge out of that 
doubt he had noe place to feare, but Andolozia and Cadiz above the rest ; soe that 
haveinge had the least waminge, the towne might have bene strengthened, and have 
put us unto great hazard. He might as well have secured his shippes by toweinge 
them out with gallies, and howsoever the winde had bene have sent them into the 
straytes, where it had been in vaine to have pursued them, or over the barr of Saint 
Lucas, where it had bene in vaine to have attempted them. 

Wee, haveinge the experience of the good and ill intelligence of an enemie, of 




English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 317 

the good in 1 588, howe suddenly wee had been tooke and surprized when wee least 
suspected, had it not bene for Captaine Fleminge ; Of the ill in the yeare before, by 
the Spaniards takinge a barque of Sir Francis Drake's fleete, which was the occasion 
of the overthrowe of himselfe and his action. 

The 20th of June wee came to Cadiz, earlier in the morning then the masters 
made reckoning of. Before our comeinge thither, it was determined by Councell, 
that wee should land at Saint Sebastians, the westermost part of the land, and 
thither came all the shippes to an anchor, every man preparinge to land as he was 
formerly directed ; but the winde beinge soe great, and the sea so growne, and four 
gallies lyeinge to intercept our boats, as there was noe attemptinge landinge without 
the losse of all. 

This daye spent in vaine, in returning messengers from one Generall to another, 
and in the end they were forcte to resolve upon a course, which Sir William 
Monson, captaine under my Lord of Essex, advised him to the same mominge he 
discovered the towne, which was to surprize the shippes, and to be possessors of the 
harbor, before they attempted landinge. 

This course being now resolved upon, there arose great question who should 
have the honor of the first goeinge in ; my Lord of Essex stood for himselfe ; my 
Lord Admirall impugned it, knoweinge his miscarryinge might hazard the over- 
throwe of the action ; besides he was straightly charged by her Majestic that the 
Earle should not expose himselfe to danger, but out of necessitie. 

When my Lord of Essex could not prevaile, the whole Councell withstandinge 
him, hee sent Sir William Monson that night on boarde my Lord Admirall, to 
resolve what shippes should be appointed the next dale to undertake the service. 
Sir Walter Rawleigh had the vanward given him, which my Lord Thomas hearinge, 
challenged it by right of his place of Vice- Admirall, and was graunted him. But 
Sir Walter, haveinge order over night to plye in, came first to an anchor, but in that 
distance from the Spaniards as he could not annoye them, himselfe returned on 
boarde, the Lord Generall Essex excusinge his cominge to anchor soe farr off, for 
want of water to goe higher ; which was thought strange that the Spaniards which 
drewe much more water and had noe more advantage then hee of tyde, could passe 
where his shippe could not. Sir Francis Veare, in the Rapiebowe, was appointed 
to second him, who passinge by Sir Walter Rawleigh his shipp, the second tyme he 
waighed and went higher. The Lord General! Essex, who promised to keepe in the 
middest of the fleete, was tould by Sir William Monson, that the greatest service 
would depend upon three or fower shippes, and put him in minde of his honor, for 
that many eyes beheld him. 



318 Principal Naval Engagements of 

This made him forgetful! of his promise, and to use all meanes he could to be 
formost in the fight. My Lord Thomas Howard, who could not be suffered to goe 
up in his owne shipp, the Meere-Honor, betooke himselfe to the Nonparill ; and, in 
respect the Raynebowe, the Repulse, and Warrspight had taken up the best of the 
diannell, by theire first comeinge to an anchor, to his griefe he could not gett 
higher. Heere did every shipp strive to be the headmost, but such was the narrow- 
messe of the channell, as neither the Lord Admirall nor any other shippe of the 
Queenes could passe one by another. There was commaundment given, that noe 
shippe should shoote but the Queenes, makeinge account that the honor was the 
greater that was obtayned with soe fewe. This fight continued from ten till fower 
in the aftemoone. The Spaniards then sett sayle, thinkinge either to runn higher 
the river, or els to bringe the other broadeside unto us, because of the heate of 
theire ordenance ; but howsoever it was, in theire floatinge they came aground, and 
the men began to forsake theire shippes ; whereupon there was commaimdment 
given, that all hoyes and vessells that drewe least water to goe unto them. Sir 
William Monson was sent in the Repulse his boate, with Uke directions. They 
possest the great gallions, the Mathewe and Andrewe, but the Phillippe and Thomas 
fired themselves, before they could be quenched. 

I must not forgett to describe the manner of the Spanishe shippes and gallies 
rideinge in harbor at our first comeinge to CSaliz. The fower gaDies singled them* 
selves from out the fleete, as guardes of theire merchants. The gallies were placed 
to flancke us with pouse at our entrie ; but when they sawe our approache, the 
next mominge the merchants rann upp the river, the men of warr of Port Royall, 
to the point of the river; and brought themselves into a good order of fight, 
moveinge theire shippes a-head and a-steme to have theire broadeside upon us. 
The gallies betooke themselves to the guarde of the towne, which wee put them 
firom, before wee attempted the shippes. 

The Victory beinge thus obtayned at sea ; the Lord Generall Essex landed his 
men in a sandie bay, which the castle of Poyntull commaunded, but they, seeinge 
the successe of theire shippes, and mistrustinge theire owne strength, neither 
offered to offend his landings nor defend the castle, but quitted it ; and soe wee 
became possessors of it. 

After my lordes peaceable landinge, hee considered what was to be done ; and, 
whereas there was noe place the enemie could annoye us but by the bridge of 
Swasoe, which goeth over from the maine land to the Island, and that by makeinge 
good the bridge the gallies could not escape us, he sent three regiments, namely, 
Sur Conyers Clifford, Sir Christopher Blunt, and Sir Thomas Garrett, to the bridge. 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 319 

Att theire first comeinge they were encountered, but possest themselves of it, with 
the losse of some men ; but whether it was for the want of victualls or other reasons 
they acquited it I knowe not, and the gallies, breakinge downe divers arches, past 
and by that meanes escaped. 

My lord dispatched an other messenger to my Lord Admirall, entreatinge him 
to give order to attempt the merchants that rode in Port Royall, for that it was 
daungerous to geive them a night's respite, least they should convey away their 
wealth, or take example by the Phillipp and Thomas to bume themselves. This 
messuage was deUvered by Sir Anthony Aishley and Sir William Monson, even as 
my Lord Admirall was in his boate, ready with his troupes of seamen to land, and, 
fearinge the Lord Generall Essex should be put to distresse with his smale compa- 
nies, which were but three regiments, hastened by all meanes to second him, and 
gave order to certaine shippes the next day to pursue them. 

Seeinge I have undertooke, to except against the escapes committed in any of our 
English voyages, without feare or flattery, they shall appeare to the judicious reader* 

Though the Earle of Essex his forwardnesse and carriage merited much, yet if it 
had bene with more advisement, and lesse haste, it would have succeeded better. If 
he were now livinge he would confesse Sir William Monson advised him rather to 
seeke to be master of the shippes then of the towne ; for it was they that affoarded 
both wealth and honor ; for the riches in the shippes could not be concealed nor 
conveyed as in townes it might. Shippes beinge brought for England were alwaies 
in the eye of them that beheld them, and puts them in remembrance of the exploit : 
as the towne perhappes was soone wonne, not longe enjoyed, so it would be quickly 
forgott. And to speake indifferently, his suddaine landinge without the Lord 
Admirairs privitie, and his givinge advice by a messuage to attempt the shippes, 
which should have bene by a mature determinacion, noe doubt but the Lord 
Admirall did finde his honor a little ecUpsed, and perhappes did hasten his landinge 
for his reputacion, when he thought it more reason to have possest the fleete. 

Before the Lord Admirall could drawe neare the towne, the Earle of Essex had 
entered it, and, although theire bowses were built in that manner as that every 
house served for a platforme, yet they were forct to quitt them, and to retire into 
the Castle. 

My lord at last, in despite of the enemie, gained the market place, where he 
found greatest resistance from the howses thereabouts, and heere it was that that 
worthie gentleman Sir John Wingfeild was unluckely slaine. The Lord Generall 
Essex caused the drum to sound through the towne, that all those that would yeild 
should repaire to the towncrhouse, where they should have promise of mercie, and 



320 Principal Naval Engagements of 

those that would not, to expect noe favour. The Castle desired respite to consider 
untill the mominge foUoweinge, and then by one generall consent they surrendered 
themselves to the two Lord Generalles mercies. The cheife prisoners, men and 
woemen, were brought into the castle, where they remayned a little space, and were 
sent awaie with honorable usage. The noble treatinge of the prisoners hath 
ga}med an everlastinge honor unto our nation, and to the Generalls in particuler 
every one. 

It may be supposed the Lord Generalls had leasure to be idle the daie foUowinge, 
haveinge soe great busines to consider of as the securinge the towne and enjoye- 
ninge the merchants shipps, and for the speedier dispatch of theire busines they 
had speeche with the best men of the Citie what ransome would be given for theire 
towne and libertie ; 120,000 ducketts was concluded upon, and for securitie thereof 
many of themselves became hostiged. There was likewise an overture for the 
ransome of theire shippes and goods, which the Duke of Medena hearinge, rather 
then we should reape commoditie by them, hee caused them to be fired. 

We found by experience that the destroyinge of this fleete (which did amounte 
to the valewe of six or seaven millions) was the generall impoverishinge of the 
whole countrey, for when the pledges sent to Civill to take upp money for theire 
redempcion, they were answered, that all that towne was not able to raise such a 
somme, theire losse was soe great by the losse of their fleete. And to speake 
indifferently, Spaine never received so great an overthrowe, soe great a spoile, soe 
great an indignitie at our hands as this, for our attempt was at his owne home, in 
his port that he thought soe safe as his chamber, where wee tooke and destroyed his 
shippes of warr, burnt and consumed the wealth of his merchants, sackt his city, 
ransomed his subjects, and entered his country without impeachment. 

To write all accidents of this journey were too tedious, and would weary the 
reader, but he that would be desirous to knowe the behaviour of the Spaniards, as 
well as of us, he may conferr with divers Englishmen that were redeemed out of 
the gallies, for ransome of others, and brought into England. 

After wee had enjoyed the towne of Cadiz a fortnight, and that all men grewe 
riche by the spoyle of it, the generalles imbarked their armie, with an intent to 
performe greater services before theire returne : but such was the covetousnes of 
the better sort that grewe riche, and the feare and hunger in others that complained 
of victualls, as they would not willingly be drawne to any action to gaine more 
reputacion. The only thinge that was after attempted was Pharoah, a towne of 
Algarola in Portugal!, a place of noe resistance or wealth, only famous by the 
library of Osorius, who was bishop of that place, which library was brought into 




English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 321 

England by us, and many of the books bestowed upon the newe erected library of 
Oxford. 

Some prisoners were taken, but of smale account. They discovered the greatest 
strength of the countrie to be in Lawguste, the chiefe towne of Algarola, 
twelve miles distant from thence. They commended that place for strength, and 
the rather because most part of the gentlemen thereabouts were gone thither to 
make it good, expectinge our comeinge. This newes was acceptable to my Lord of 
Essex, who preferred honor before wealth ; haveinge had his will and spoyle of the 
towne of Pharoah and countrie thereabouts, aboarde shipp he went with his armie, 
and counsell of the Lord Admirall howe to proceede after. My Lord Admirall 
diverted his purpose for Lawgust, alleadginge the place was stronge, of noe wealth, 
alwaies holden in the nature of a fisher towne, belonginge to Portugalls, who in 
theire harts were our friends ; that the winninge of it after soe eminent place as 
Cadiz could add noe honor ; and if it should be carried, it would be the losse of his 
best troupes and gentlemen, who would rather desire to dye then to receive the 
indignitie. My Lord of Essex, much againste his will, was forct to peld to theise 
reasons, and desist from that enterprise. 

About this tyme, there was a generall complaint for want of victualls, which pro- 
ceeded rather out of a desire that some had to be at home then out of necessitie ; 
for Sir William Monson and Mr. Dorrell were appointed to examine the estate of 
every shippe, and found seaven weeks victualls, drinke excepted, which might have 
bene supplied from the shore in water, and this put the Generalls in great hopes to 
performe some thinge more then they had done. The only service that was nowe 
to be thought on was lyeinge for the carricks, which by all possibilitie could not 
escape, though there were many doubts to the contrary, but easily answered by 
men of experience, but in truth some mens desire homeward was soe much as 
reason could not prevaile nor perswade with them. 

Comeinge into the height of the rocke, the Generalls tooke counsell once again, 
and this the Earle of Essex and the Lord Thomas only offered, and that with great 
earnestnes, to staie forth the tyme of theire victualls, and to have but twelve 
shippes furnished out of the rest to staie with them ; but this could not be granted. 
The squadron of the Hollanders offered voluntarie to staie. Sir Walter Rawleigh 
alleadged the scarcitie of victualls, and the infection of his men ; my Lord Generall 
Essex offered, in the greatnes of his minde and the desire to staie, to supplie her 
want of men and victualls, and to exchange shippes, but all propositions were in vaine, 
for the riches kept them that gott much from attempting more, as if it had bene 
poore* wante, though not honor, would have enforced them to greater enterprises. 

■ Pure. 
VOL. XXXIV. 2 T 



322 Principal Naval Engagements of 

This beinge the last of all hopes of the voyage, and beinge generally resisted^ it 
was concluded to steare awaie with the North Cape, after to viewe and search the 
harbor of the Groyne and Ferroll ; and if anie of the kinges shippes of Spaine 
chance to be there, to geive an attempt upon them. 

The Lord Admirall sent a carvell of our fleete into those two harbors, and 
apparalled the men in Spanish cloathes to avoid suspicion ; this carvell returned the 
next day with a true relacion that there were noe shippes in the harbours; and nowe 
passinge all places of hope of doeinge good, our retume for England was resolved 
upon, and the 8th of August the Lord Admirall arrived at Plymouthe, with the 
greatest part of the armie ; the Lord Generall Essex, two dales after, who staied to 
accompanie the Saint Andrewe, he undertooke the charge of her, and was reputed 
of his squadron. The lOtli of August he came to Plymouth, where he found the 
armie in that perfect healthe as the like hath not bene scene, soe many to goe 
out of England to prevaile m so great enterprises, and soe well to retume home 
againe. 

He himselfe ridd upp to the Court to advise with her Majestic of the wynning of 
Cadiz, which the Spaniards tooke the Easter before. Heere was a good opportunitie 
to have enjoyed the auncient patrimonie of England ; but the Kinge of France with- 
stood it, thinkinge with more ease to regaine it from the Spaniard that was his 
enemie, then recover it from us that were his friends. 

My Lord Admirall, with the fleete, went to the Downes, where he landed and left 
the charge of the navie to Sir Robert Dudley and Sir William Monson. In goinge 
from thence to Chattam they endured more fowle weather and contrary windes, 
then in the whole voyage besides. 



A Voyage to the Islands, the Earle of Essex, general, 1 697 : — 

ShIPPKB. CoMlfAUKDBAft. 

The Meare-Honor ; after in the Repulse . The Earle of Essex ; Captam under him, 

Sir Robert Mansfeild 

The Lyon The Lord Thomas Howard 

The Warrspight Sir Walter Rawleigh 

The Garland The Earle of Southampton 

The Defiance The Lord Mountjoy 

The Mary Rose Sir Francis Veare 

The Hope Sir Richard Lewson 

The Mathewe Sir George Carewe 

The Rdnebowe Sir William Monson 

The Bonaventer Shr William Harvey 

The Dreadnought Sir William Brooke 




324 Principal Naval Engagements of 

Armado laie, wee were in good hope to have inticed them out of the harbor to fight 
with us ; but spendinge sometime thereabouts, and findinge noe such disposition in 
them, it was thought fitt noe longer to linger upon that coast, and loose greater 
opportunities upon the Indie fleete ; therefore every captaine received his direction 
to stand his course into thirty- six degrees, there to spread ourselves north and 
south, a hight that commonlie the Spaniards saile in from the Indies. 

At this tyme the Lord Generall compIa]med of a leake in his shippe, and two dales 
after, towards night, he brought himselfe upon the ley to stopp it. Sir Walter 
Rawleigh, and some other shipps, beinge ahead the fleete, and it groweinge darke, 
could not discerne the lord generall's workeinge, but stood theire course directed 
before, and through this unadvised workeinge of my lord, they lost him and his 
fleete. 

The day foUoweinge, Sir Walter Rawleigh was informed by a pinnace he mett, 
that the great Armado, which wee supposed to be in the Groyne and Ferroll, was 
gone to the Islands for the guarde of the Indie fleete. This pinnace, with this 
intelligence. Sir Walter Rawleigh immediately sent to looke out the Generall. My 
lord had noe sooner received this intelligence, but at the verie instant he directed 
his course to the islands, and dispatched some smale vessells to Sir Walter Rawleigh 
to informe him of his sudden alteration upon the newes received from him, com- 
maunding him with all expedition to repaire unto Flores, where he would not faile 
to be. At our arrivall at the islands, we found this intelligence moste false, for 
nether the king*s shippes were there nor expected. Wee met with divers Englishmen 
that came out of the Indies, but they could give us noe assiurance of the comeinge 
home of the fleete, nether could wee receive any advertisement from the shore, 
which made us halfe in despaire with them. 

By that tyme wee had watered our shippes and refreshed ourselves at Flores, Sir 
Walter Rawleigh arrived there, who was willed by the Lord Generall (after he was 
furnished of such wants as that poore island doth afford) to make his repaire to the 
island of Fyall, which my lord intended to take. Heere grewe great question and 
hart buminge against Sir Walter Rawleigh, for that he comeinge to Fyall, and 
missinge the lord generall, but knoweinge my lord's resolution to take the island, 
he held it more discreacion to land with those forces he had then to expect the 
comeinge of my lord, for in that space the island might be better provided ; where- 
upon he landed and tooke it before my lord's approache. This act was held such 
an indignitie to my lord, and urged with that vehemencie by those that hated Sir 
Walter, that if my lord, who by nature was timerous and flexable, had not feared 
howe it would have bene taken in England, I thinke Sir Walter had smarted for it. 




English Fleets Jrom 1388 to 1603. 325 

From this island we went to Graciosa, which did willingly releive our wants, as it 
could a£Foarde, with humble intreatie to forbeare landinge with our armie, especialUe 
because they understood there was a squadron of Hollanders amongst them who did 
not use to forbeare crueltie where ever they came ; and heere it was that wee mett 
the Indie fleete, which, in manner followinge, unluckely escaped. 

The Lord Generall haveinge some men of good account in the island to see there 
should be noe evill measure offered the Portugalls, passinge his word to the 
contrarie, those men advertised him of four saile of shippes descried from the shore, 
and one of them shewinge greater than the reste seemed to be a carricke. My Lord 
received great joy upon this newes, and devided his fleete into three squadrons, to 
be commanded by himselfe, the Lord Thomas Howard, and Sir Walter Rawleigh. 
The next shipp to my lord of the queenes. was the Raynebowe, wherein Sir 
William Monson went, who received direccion from my lord to steare awaie south 
that night, and if he should meete with any fleete to followe them, carryeinge lights, 
shootinge of his ordinance, or any other signe that he could make ; and if he mett 
with noe shipps to direct his course the next day to the Island of Saint Michaell's, 
but promisinge that night to send twelve shipps after him. Sir William besought 
my lord, by the pinnace that brought him this direction, that above all things he 
should have a care to dispatch a squadron to the roade of Augra, in the Tercera, 
for it was certAine, if they were Spaniards, thither they would resorte. 

Whilst my lord was thus contrivinge his busines and orderinge his squadrons, a 
smale barque of his fleete happened to come unto him, who assured him that those 
shippes discovered from the land were of his fleete, for that they came in imme- 
diately from them. This made my lord countermand his former direction, only Sir 
William Monson, which was the next shippe unto him, and received the first 
Gommaund, could not be recalled back. Within three howres after his departure from 
my lord, and which might be about twelve of the clock, he fell in companie of a 
fleete of twenty-five sayle, which at the first he could not assure himselfe to be 
Spaniards, because the daie before that number of shippes was missinge from our 
fleete. Heere he was in a dilemma and great perplexitie with himselfe, for in 
makinge signes as hee was directed, if the shippes proved English it were ridiculous, 
and he might be held a scorne, and to respite untill morninge were as dangerous if 
they were the India fleete, for then my lord might be out of view or of the 
hearinge his ordinance ; therefore he resolved rather to put his person than shippe 
in perill ; he commanded his master to keep his weather gage of the fleete what- 
soever should become of him, and it blew little vnnd, he betooke himselfe into his 
boate, and rowed up with the fleete, demaundinge of whence they were; they 



326 Principal Naval Engagements of 

answered, of Civill in Spaine, and requiring of whence he was ; he told them of 
England, and that the shippe in sight was a gallion of the queenes of England 
single and alone, alleadginge the honor to winn her, urgeing them with daringe 
speeches to chase her, his drift beinge to drawe and intice them into the wake of 
our fleete, where they would be soe intangled as they could not escape. They 
returned him soone shotte and ill language, but would not alter theire course from 
the Terceras, whether they were bound, and where they arrived to our misfortune. 
Sir William Monson returned aborde shipp, makeing signes with lights, and reporte 
vrtth his ordinance, but all in vaine, for my lord, alteringe his course as you have 
heard, stood that night to Saint Michaell's, and passed by the north side of Tercera, 
a further waie then if he had gone by the waie of Augra, where he had mett the 
Indie fleete. 

When dale appeared, and that Sir William Monson was in hope to finde the 
twelve shipps promised to be sent with him, he might onlie disceme the Spanish 
fleete two miles and a little more ahead him, and asteame him a gallion, and a 
pinnace betwixt them, which puttinge forth theire flaggs he knewe to be the Earle 
of Southampton in the Garland. The pinnace was a friggett of the fleete, who tooke 
the Garland and the Ra3mebowe to be gallions of theires, but seeinge the flagg of 
the Garland she found her error, and sprange a loofe, thinkinge to escape ; but the 
earle pursued her with the losse of some time hee should have followed the fleete, 
being desired to desist frt)m that chace by Sir William Monson, who sent his boate 
unto him ; but by a shott from my lord this frigott was suncke, and whilst his men 
were rifling her Sir Francis Vere and Sir William Brooke came upp in theire two 
shippes, who the Spaniards made us believe were two gallions of theires, and soe 
much did my lord certifie; Sir William Monson wishinge him to staie their 
comeinge upp, for that there would be greater hope of them two shippes (which 
noe doubt but wee were able to over master) then of the fleete, for which wee were 
too weake. 

But after Sir WiUiam had made the two shippes to be the Queenes, which he 
ever suspected, he began to pursue the Spanish fleete afresh, but by reason they 
were so farr a head him, and had soe little waie to saile, they recovered the roade 
of Tercera, which he and the rest of the shippes pursued, himselfe leadinge the waie 
into the harbour, where he foimd sharpe resistance from the castle ; but wee soe 
battered the shippes that we might see the mast shott by the board of some, the 
men quitt the shippes, that there wanted nothinge but a gale of winde to cutt the 
cable of the house and to bring them off. He sent to the other three great shippes 
of ours to desire them to attempt the cuttinge theire cables ; but Sir Francis Vere 




English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 327 

rather wished his comeinge oflF, that they might take a resolution what to doe. This 
must be rather imputed for want of experience then backwardnes in him ; for Sir 
William sent him word, if he quitted the harbour, the shippes would towe neere the 
Castle, and as the night drewe on the winde would freshen and come more o£F the 
land, which indeede was soe, and we above a league from the roade in the 
mominge. 

Wee may saye that truly there was never the possibilitie to undoe that state of 
Spaine as nowe, for every ryall of plate wee had taken in this fleete had bene two 
to them by convertinge it by warr upon them. 

Noe man can receive blame heereby, but the want of experience in my Lord, his 
flexable nature to be overruled ; for the first howre he anchored at Flores and called 
a councell. Sir WiUiam Monson advised him, and upon the reasons followeinge 
after his wateringe, to runn west, spreadinge his fleete north and south, soe farr as 
the easteme winde that then blewe would carry them, alleadginge if the Indie fleete 
came home that yeare by computacion of the last light moone disimbogueing in the 
Indies, they could not be above two hundred leagues short of that island, and when- 
soever the winde should chopp upp westemly in fewe dales (he bearinge a slacke 
saile) they would overtake him if they were for to come home. 

This advice he seemed to take, but he was diverted by divers gentlemen, whose 
comeinge was principally for land service, and found themselves tyred by the 
tediousness of the sea. It is certaine, if my lorde had followed his advice, within 
lesse than fortie howres he had made the queene owner of that fleete ; for by the 
pylots carde, which was taken in the frigott, the Spanishe fleete was but fifty 
leagues in traverse with that eastern winde when my lord was att Flores, which 
made my lord wishe the first tyme Sir WilUam Monson repaired unto him after 
the escape of the fleete, that hee had given his hand he had bene ruled by him. 

Beinge mett aboard Sir Francis Veare as you have heard, he desired to consult 
what to doe. We resolved to acquaint my lord with what had happened, desiringe 
his presence to be an eye witness if there were anie possibiUtie to attempt the 
shippinge, or to surprise the island and possesse the treasure. 

My lord received this advertisement even as he was readie with his troupes to 
have landed in Saint Michaell ; but this messuage diverted his landinge, and made 
him presentlie cast about for the islands of the Terceras, where wee laie all this while 
expectinge his cominge. In his course from Saint Micliaell's it was his happ to 
take three shippes that departed the Havana the dale after the fleete, which three 
shippes did more then countervaile the expence of the whole journey. 

At my lord*s meetinge with us at Tercera there was a consultacion howe the 



328 Principal Naval Engagements of 

shippes might be feetched oflF or destroyed as they laie. All men with one consent 
delivered the impossibility of it. The attemptinge the islands was propounded^ but 
withstood with these reasons : the difficultie in landinge, the strength of the island, 
which was increased by 14 or 1 5 C. souldiers in the shippes, and the want of victuals 
in us to abide the seidge. Seeinge we were frustrate of any hope at the Tercera, we 
resolved of a landinge in Saint Michaeles, and arrived in Punta delgada, the cheife 
city, the dale foUoweinge. Heere my lord imbarqued his smale armie in boats, with 
offer to land, and, haveinge drawne theire greatest forces thither to resist him, 
suddenly he rowed to Villa Frank, three or four leagues distant from thence, which 
he took, not being instructed by the enemie. The shippes had order to abide in the 
roade of Delgada, for that my lord made account to marche thither by land ; but 
being ashore at Villa Franke, and the marche unpossible, as he was told, by reason 
of the high and craggie mountaines, diverted his purpose. 

Victualls grewe short in many places, and my Lord Generall began discreetelie to 
foresee the daunger in abidinge upon these coasts towards winter, that could not 
afford him an harbour ; only open roades that were subject to southeme windes, 
and upon every such winde he must put to sea for his safetie ; and if this should 
happen when his troupes were on shore, and he not able to seize the land in a fort- 
night or more, which is a thing ordinary, what a desperate case he should put him- 
selfe unto for want of victualls ; and, waighinge withall that he had seene the end 
of all his hopes by the escape of his fleete, he embarqued himselfe and armie, though 
with some difficultie, the seas were soe growne. 

By this tyme the one halfe of the fleete that ridd in Punta delgada put roome for 
Villa Franke. Those that remayned behinde were imagined by a shipp of Brazell to 
be the Spanishe fleete, who came in amongst them, and was thus betrayed. After 
her there followed a carrecke, who had been served in the like manner, but for the 
hastie and undiscreete wepnge of a Hollander, that made her run ashoare under 
the Castle. When the winde lessened. Sir William Monson weyed with the Rajme- 
bowe, thinkinge to give an attempte upon her notwithstanding the Castle, which she 
perceivinge, as he drewe neere unto her, she sett herselfe on fire, and burned downe 
to the very keele : she was a shipp of 1400 tunns in burden, that the yeare before 
was not able to double the Cape of Bona Esperansa in her voyage to the East Indies, 
but put into Brazill, where she was laden with sugars, and thus destroyed. The 
Spaniards presuminge more upon theire advantages then valours, thought too weake 
a condition to followe us to the island, and put theire fortunes upon a dales service, 
they rather devised subtilelie to intercept us, as wee should come home, when we 
had least thought or suspicion of them, and the fleete that was all this while in the 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 32* 

Groyne and FerroU, not dareinge to put forth whilst they knewe ours to be upon 
the coasts againste the tyme wee should returne, theire Generall the Adalantada 
came for England, with a resolucion to land at Fawmouth to fortifie it, and after 
with theire shipps to keepe the sea, expectinge our comeinge home scattered. 

Haveinge thus cut off our sea forces, and possessinge the harbour of Famouth, 
with a second supplie of thirty-seven Levantiscos shippes the Marquesse ArmubuUo 
commanded, they hoped to have a good footinge in England. 

These designes of theires were not foreseene by us, for wee came home scattered 
as they made reckoninge, not twenty in number together. 

Wee may sale, and that truly, that God fought for us ; for the Adalantada, beinge 
within fewe leagues of the Island of Cilley, had commaunded all his captaines to 
boarde him to receive theire directions ; and whilest they were busie in consultation 
a most violent storme tooke them at easte, insomuch that the captaines could hardly 
recover theire shippes, but in noe case were able to save their boates, the storme 
continued soe forceable, and happie was he that could recover home. Seeinge them- 
selves lost and theire actions overthrowne by losse of theire boats, theire meanes of 
landinge beinge taken awaie, some that were more willinge to receive the directions 
of the generall then the rest, kepte the seas so longe and upon our coast, that in the 
end they were taken ; others put themselves into our harbours for refuge and 
succor ; and it is certainly knowne that in this journey the Spaniards lost eighteen 
shippes, the Samt Luke and the Saint Bartholomewe beinge two, and in the ranke 
of his beste gallions. 

Wee must ascribe this victory onlie to God ; for certainelie the enemies designes 
were perillous, and not diverted by our force, but by His will, who from tyme to 
tyme would not suffer the Spaniards in any of theire attempts to sett footing in 
England, as wee have done in all the quarters of Spaine, Portugal!, the Islands, and 
bothe the Indies. 



The Lord Thomas Howard, Admirall to the Downes, from whence he returned in 

one moneth. A** 1399 : — 

Shippks. Commaundkrs. 

The Elizabeth Jonas The Lord Thomas Howard 

The Arke Royall Sir Walter Rawleigh 

The Triumph Sir Fulke Greville 

The Meare-HoDor Sir Henry Palmer 

The Repulse Sir Thomas Vavasor 

The Garland Sir William Harvie 

The Defiance Sir William Monson 

VOL, XXXIV. 2 u 



330 Principal Naval Engagements of 

ShIPFXS. COMMAUKDVmS. 

The Nonparill Sir Robert Crosse 

The Lyon Sir Richard Lewson 

The Rainebowe Sir Alexander Clifford 

The Hope Sir John Gilbert 

The Foresight Sir Thomas Sherley 

The Mary Rose Mr. Fortescue 

The Bonaventer Captain Throughton 

The Crane Captain Jonas 

The Swiftsuer Captain Bradgate 

The Trimontarie Captain Slingsbie 

The Advantage Captain Hoer 

The Quittance Captain Reynaldes. 

I cannot write of anie thinge done this yeare of 1 599, though there was never 
greater expectations of warrs with less performance ; for whether it was a mistrust 
one nation had of another, or a policie held on both sides to make peace with sworde 
in the hand, a treatie beinge entertained by consent of cache prince, I am not to 
examine ; but sure I am, the preparation was great on both sides, the one ezpect- 
inge an invasion from the other, and yet it was generally conceived not to be 
intended by either, but that it had only relation to my Lord of Essex, who was then 
in Ireland, but had a designe to trie his friends in England to be revenged of his 
enemies as he pretended, and as it proved after by his fall. Howsoever it was, the 
charge was not great, yet necessary ; for it was commonly knowne the Adalantada 
had drawne both shippes and gallies to the Groyne, which was not usually done, 
but upon some intended action for England or Ireland, though he converted them 
after to an other use, as you shall heare. 

The gallies were sent into the Lowe Coimtries, and past the narrowe seas whilest 
our shippes laye there, and with the fleete he pursued the Hollanders to the Islands, 
whom he suspected were gone thither. This fleete of Hollanders, which consisted 
of seventy-three sayle, were the first shippes that ever displayed theire coulors in 
warlicke sorte against the Spaniards in anie action of theire owne ; for howe cruel! 
soever the warr seemed to be in Holland, they mayntayned a peaceable trade in 
Spaine, and abused us. And as this was the first action of the Hollanders, soe it 
did not succeede to the best for them; for after theire spoile in a towne in 
Canaria, and some hurt done at the Island of Saint Ome, they kept the sea for some 
seven or eight monthes, in which tyme theire generall and most of theire men died 
with sicknes ; the rest returned with losse and shame. The second benefitt wee 
received by this preparation was, that our men were nowe taught suddenly to arme ; 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 331 

eyery man knoweth his commaund and how to be commaunded^ as before they were 
ignorant : and who knowes not that suddaine and false alarmes in the armie are 
sometymes very necessarie. 

This expedicion in draweinge together soe great an armie by land^ and rigginge 
her royall navie to sea in soe little space^ is soe admirable in other countries^ that 
they received a terror by it ; and many that come from beyond sea saie^ she was 
never more dreaded for any thinge then for it. 

Frenchmen that came aboard our shipps did wonder as a thinge uncredible that 
her Maiestie had rigged^ victualled^ and furnished her royall shippes to sea in twelve 
dales. Spain^ as an enemie, had reason to feare and greive: firsts for seeinge 
this sudden preparation : secondly, when they shall understand the harts of her 
Majesties subjects joyned with theire hands — for with one consent they were readie 
to spend theire dearest bloud for her and her service — Holland might see that 
if they became insolent wee would be as soone provided for them as they 
for themselves ; which celerity they did hardly believe to find in any nation but 
themselves. 

It is probable that the Kinge of Spaine and the Archduke were drawne by this to 
entertaine a speeche of peace ; for^ as soone as our fleete was at sea^ a gentleman 
was sent from Bruxells with an overture of peace ; although for that tyme it sue- 
ceded not ; whether it was that the intended invasion from Spaine was diverted^ or 
that her Majestic was fullie satisfied of my Lord of Essex^ I know not ; but it is 
very like by the sudden retume of the shippes from sea^ after they had lyen three 
weekes or a monthe at the Downes. 



Sir Richard Lewson to the Islandes. Anno 1 600 : — 

Shippbb. Commaundb&s. 

The Repulse Sir Richard Lewson 

The Warspight Captain Throughton 

The Vauntguard Captain Sommers. 

The last yeare^ as you have heard^ put all men in expectacion of warr, which came 
to nothinge. This sommer gave us greate hope of peace, but with the like effect, 
for, by consent of the Queene, the Kinge of Spaine, and the Archduke, theire com- 
missioners mett at Bullinge in Picardie to treat of a peace, a place chosen indif- 
ferentlie, the Kinge of France beinge in league and friendshipp with them all. 
Whether theire meetinge was but a shewe, as being out of hope to effecte a peace, 
or that theire severinge after they met was upon advised and true groimd, I knowe 



332 Principal Naval Engagements of 

not ; but methinks the occasion was but very slender that parted them, for there 
grewe a difference of precedencie betwixt the two nations that was ever due to 
England, and soe that happie busines was made frustrate, which, once more I saie, 
if it had bene reallie intended that might easily have been accommodated. 

The Queene suspectinge the evente hereof before theire meetinge, and the rather 
because the Spaniard entertained her with the like treatie in 1688, at the same 
instant his navie appeared upon her coast to invade her ; and least the Queene 
should be blamed or condemned by other princes of too great securitie, in relyeinge 
upon the successe of this doubtfuU peace, she furnished the three shippes before 
named, but in showe to guarde the westerne coast, which at that tyme was infested 
with Dunkerkers. 

And because there should be the lesse notice taken of this fleete, parte of the 
victualls was provided at Plymouth, and Sir Richard Lewson, who was then admirall 
of the narrowe seas, appointed Generall for the secret and provident carriage of these 
«hippes. It could not be conjectured either by theire victuallinge, by the meane 
condicion of theire captaine, or by the admirall of the narrow seas, that it was a 
service from home. As they were in a readines att Plymouth expectinge their direc- 
tions, the Queene was fully resolved that the treatie of Bulloigne would breake 
without the effect of peace. She commaunded Sir Richard Lewson to hasten to the 
Islands, to expecte the carricks and Mexico fleete. The Spaniards, on the other 
side, beinge as circumspect to prevent a mischeife as we were subtile to contrive it, 
and trustinge as wee did that the peace would prove a vaine hopelesse shewe of 
what was never meant, they furnished eighteen tall shippes to the Islands, as they 
did usually doe since the yeare 1 59 1 , as you have heard. The generall of this fleete 
was Don Diego de Borachero. 

Our shippes comeinge to the Islands, they and the Spaniards had intelligence of 
one another, but not the sight, for that Sir Richard Lewson hayled sixty leagues 
westward, not only to avoid them, but in hope to meete with the carrickes and 
Mexico fleete before their joyninge. But the carricks beinge formerly warned by 
the takeinge one of them, and the burninge another in 1691, I knowe not whether 
to impute it to deteccions or to their providence ; but it is most certaine, that since 
that yeare they shunned the sight of that island, and by consequence the fleete that 
lay to waste them. Our fleete beinge thus prevented, as they had often bene, 
whereby the uncertaintie of sea actions may be discerned, where shippes are to 
meete one another casually, they haveinge consumed theire tyme and victualls, and 
scene not so much as one sayle from the tyme they quitted the coaste of England 
untiU theire returne, two shippes of Holland excepted that came from the East 



Ensflish Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 333 

Indies, for they began theire trade thither, which shippes Sir Richard Lewson 
relieved, findinge them in great distresse and wante. 



Sir Richard Lewson in Ireland. Anno 1601 : — 

Shippes. Commaundebs. 

The Warrspight Sir Richard Lewson 

The Garland Sir Amyas Preston 

The Defiance Captain Goer 

The Swiftsuer Captain Sommcrs 

The Crane Captain Mainwairinge 

In the yeare 1600, and part of the yeare 1601, there was a kinde of cessation 
from armes, though not by agreement, for this yeare gave a hope of peace, which 
failing, the former course of annoyinge each other was revived ; wee in reUevinge 
the Lowe Countries, the Spaniards in assistinge the rebells in Ireland. This was the 
sommer that the Archduke beseidged Ostend, which was bravely defended, but 
principallie by the supplies out of England. Towardes winter, when the Spaniards 
thought wee least looked for warr, Don Diego de Borachero, with 48 sayle of shippes, 
and 4000 soldiers, were sent to invade Ireland. 

In his waie he lost the companie of his Vice Admirall Siriago, who returned to 
the Groyne; which when the kinge heard, hee was much distasted with Siriago, 
and commaunded him upon his alleagiance to hasten with all speede for Ireland, as 
he was formerly directed. Don Diego his landinge beinge knowne in England, and 
too late to prevent it, yet least he should be supplied with further forces, Sir Richard 
valiently entered the harbour, drewe neere theire fortifications, and ceased not 
fightinge the space of one whole daie, his shippe beinge an hundred tymes shott 
through, and but eight men slaine. God soe blest him that he prevailed in his 
enterprise, destroyed theire whole shippinge, and made Siriago flye by land into 
another harbour, where he obscurely imbarqued himselfe in a French vessell for 
Spaine. All this while was the maine armie which landed with theire generall, Don 
Juan de Aquila, seated in Kinsayle, expecting the ayde of Tyrone, who promised 
everie day to be with him. Our armie, whereof the Lord Mountjoy was Generall 
and Lord Deputy of Ireland, beseiged the towne, soe that he prevented theire meet- 
inge, and many skirmishes past betwixt them. 

This seidge continued with great miseries to both the armies, and not without 
cause, consideringe the season of the yeare, and the condition of the countrie, that 
afforded little releife to either. Some fewe daies before Christmasse, Tyroen appeared 



334 Principal Naval Engagements of 

with his forces, which was a little hartninge to the enemie, in hope to be fireed 
of theire imprisonement, for soe may I call it, they were soe strictly beleaguered. 
The dale of agreement betwixt the Spaniard andTyroen to geive battell was Christmas 
Eve, which daie there happened an earthquake in England : and as many times such 
signes betooken bonum or malum omen, this proved bonum to us, the victory beinge 
obtayned with soe little losse as it is almost incredible. 

This was the daie of tryall, whether Ireland should continue a par cell of our 
crowne or noe, for if the enemie had prevailed in the battell, if mediacion had hot 
hereafter obtayned more then force, it is to be feared Ireland would hardly bene ever 
recovered. The Spaniards seeinge the successe of Tyroen, and the impossibiUty for 
him to reforce his armie, and beinge as hopelesse of suppUes out of Spaine, theire 
povertie daily increasinge, they made offer of a parlie, which was graunted, and after 
ensued a peace, the condicions whereof are extant in print. They were ftimished of 
shippes, and secured of theire passage into Spaine, who arrivinge in English vessells, 
the said shippes returned backe for England. 



Sir Richard Lewson and Sir William Monson to the coast of Spaine. Anno 

1602 :— 

Shippes. Commaundbbs. 

The Repulse Sir Richard Lewson 

The Garland Sir William Monson 

The Defiance Captain Goer 

The Mary Rose Captain Slingsby 

The Warrspight Captain Sommera 

The Nonparill Captain Reynoldes 

The Dreadnought Captain Manwayringe 

The Adventure Captain Trevor 

An English Carvell Captain Sawkell 

The last Attempt of the Spaniards in Ireland awakened the Queene, who it seemeth 
two or three yeares together entertayned the hope of peace, in that she was spare- 
inge in imployinge the fleets. But nowe, perceiving the enemie had found the waie 
into Ireland, it behooved her to be more vigilant then ever ; and resolved, as a course 
most safe unto her, to infest the Spanish coast with a continuall fleete ; and in this 
yeare furnished the shippes abovesaid, with promise from the State of Holland to 
joyne 12 sayle of theires with hers. And because this important service did require 
great speede, there was not leasure to furnish them altogether soe well with men, or 




English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 335 

other provisions, as they were usually wonte to bee, soe desirous was the Queene to 
see her shipps at sea. 

Sir Richard Lewson sett saile to five of them shippes the 19 of March, and 
left Sir William Monson with the rest, which were four, to attend the comminge of 
the Hollanders, though within two or three dales after he receaved commaund from 
the Queene to hasten with all speede to Sir Richard Lewson, for that shee was 
advertised that the silver shipps were arrived at Terceras. Sir William Monson 
heereupon neglected noe tyme, either to see himself better manned, or his shippes 
better furnished, but put to sea the 26th of Marche. 

This intelligence of the Queenes was true, for the fleete had bene at the Terceras 
and departed from thence, where in thiere course for Spaine Sir Richard Lewson 
with his fewe shippes mett them, and fought with them, but to little purpose, 
wantinge the rest of his fleete, and the helpe of the twelve Hollanders. Wee may 
very well account this not the least error or negligence that hath bene committed 
in our voyages ; for if the Hollanders had kept touche accordinge unto promise, 
and the Queenes shippes fitted with care, wee had made her Majestic mistress of 
more treasure than anie of her progenitors ever enjoyed. 

Sir Richard Lewson his fortune against the Indie fleete, notwithstandinge his 
renowned valour, beinge thus, and by the Hollanders' slacknes only crossed, he 
plyed towards the Rocke to meete Sir William Monson, as the place resolved on 
betwixt them. But Sir William haveinge spent fourteen dales thereabouts, and 
hearinge noe tydings of him, went roome to the southward Cape, where he was 
Ukewise frustrate of a most worthie hope; for, meeting with certaine Frenchmen and 
Scotts, at the same instant he descried three shipps of ours sent by Sir Richard to 
looke him. These French and Scottish shipps came from Saint Lucas, and made 
reporte of five gallions, readie the next tyde to sett sayle for the Indies ; they like- 
wise told of two other that departed three dales before, wherein went Don Petro de 
Valdes to be Governor of the Havana, that had sometimes bene prisoner in 
England. 

These two latter shippes were mett one night by the Warspight, whereof Captain 
Sommers was captaine, but whether it was for the darksomnes of the night, or any 
other casualtie (for the sea is subject to many) I know not, but they escaped. 

This newes of the five gallions, and the three shippes of the Queenes so happilie 
meetinge together, made Sir William direct his course into the height of the 
Spaniards, where they were most likely to haile in, and cominge into that height, 
he had sight of five shippes, which in respect of theire number and course he made 
reckoninge to be the five gallions, and did thinke that that dale should be a full 



336 Principal Naval Engagements of 

determination and triall of the straight hetwixt the English and the Spanishe 
shipps, theire number and greatnes being equall. But theire joy was soone quailed, 
for, comeinge up with those shippes, he found them to be EngUsh comeinge out of 
the straites bound home. This was noe discoiu'agement, but that the Spaniards 
might be mett withall ; and the next day he gave chase to one shippe alone that 
came out of the Indies, which he tooke, though he had bene better without her, for 
she brought him soe farr to leeward, that that night the gallions passed to wind- 
ward, not above eight or ten leagues, by report of a English pinnace that mett 
them, who came into the companie of us the daie followeinge. These misfortunes 
lightinge upon Sir Richard first, and after upon Sir William, might be sufficient 
reasons to discourage them ; but, they knoweinge the accidents of the sea, and that 
fortune could as well laugh as weepe, havinge good shippes under foote, their men 
sound and in health, and plentie of victualls, they did not doubt but that some of 
the wealth which the two Indies did send forth into Spaine would fall to theire shares* 

Upon Tuesdaie the 1st daie of June, to beginn our newe fortune with a newe 
monthe, Sir Richard Lewson and Sir William Monson, who some fewe nights before 
had mett accidentally on the sea, were close on board the Rocke, where they took 
two shippes of the east countrie bound for Lishbone ; and whilst they were 
romaginge these shippes, they descried a carvell from Cape Picher bearinge with 
them, which by the signes she made they perceived she had a desire to speake with 
them, which Sir Richard immediately chased, and left Sir WilUam with the twa 
easterlings to abide about the Rocke untill his returne. The carvell beinge fetcht 
upp made a relacion of a carricke and eleven gallies to be in Cisembre Roade, and 
that she was sent by two shippes of ours, the Nonparill and the Dreadnought^ 
which lay thereabouts, to looke out the admirall. With what joy this newes was 
apprehended may be imagined. Sir Richard made signes to Sir William to stand 
with him, and leaste the signes should not be discerned he caused the carvell to 
plye upp with him, wishing him to repaire to him, but before they could approache 
the Cape, it was in the middest of the night, and nothing chanced all that time but 
the passage of some shott that passed betwixt the admirall and the galleys. 

Upon Wednesdaie the 2nd of June, every man looked early in the mominge 
what shippes of her Majesties were in sight, which were five in number ; the War- 
spight, wherein Sir Richard was, for the Repulse he had sent for England some 
fewe dales before, by reason of a leake ; the Garland, the Nonparill, the Dread- 
nought, and the Adventure, besides the two easterlings taken the daie before. All 
the captaines resorted on bord the admirall to councell, which tooke the most part 
of the daie ; and where there was an opposition in some, who alleadged the daunger 




English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 337 

and impossibilitie of the takeinge the carricke, beinge defended by the Castle and 
eleven gallies, Sir William Monson prevailed soe farr, as made them all consent to 
goe upon her the next dale, and concluded upon this direccion followeinge : that he 
and Sir Richard should anchor as neere the carricke as they could ; the rest to plye 
up and downe and not anchor. Sir William was gladd of this occasion to be 
revenged of them gallies, hopeinge to requite the slavery they put him unto when 
he was prisoner in them, and singled himselfe from the fleete a league, that the 
gallies might see it was in defiance to them, which the Marquesse of Saint Cruz, and 
Fridericke Spinola, the one generall of the Portugalls, the other of the Spanish 
galUes, so apprehended it, and came forth with an intent to fight with him ; but 
beinge within shott, was diverted by one John Bedford, an Englishman, that under- 
tooke to knowe the force of the ship})e, and Sir William that commaunded her. 
Before 1 goe further, I will a little digresse and acquaint you with the situacion of 
the towne, and the placinge of the galUes against us. The town of Cisembre lyeth 
in the bottombe of a rhoade, which is a good succor for shippes with a northerly 
winde ; it is built with free-stone, and neere the sea is erected a stronge and spacious 
fort, well replenished with ordenance. Above the towne, upon the topp of an hill, 
is seated an auncient stronge fryerie, whose scituacion maketh it impregnable, and 
able to commaund the towne, castle, and rhoade ; close to the shoare laye the 
carricke, like a bulwarke to the west-side of the castle, so as it defended both her 
and the east parte of the towne. The eleven galUes had flancked and fortefied 
themselves with the smale necke of a rocke on the west side of the rode, with theire 
prores right forward to play upon us, every one carryeinge a cannon in theire 
cruzia, besides other peeces in theire prores ; and they were noe waie to be 
endaungered, till our shippes came soe nigh the towne that all these forces might 
plaie upon us at an instant. 

The Gallies beinge placed to this great advantage, they made account (as a cap- 
taine of one of them wee tooke confest) to have suncke our shippes of themselves 
without anie further helpe. Wee sawe the tents pitched, and great troupes of soul- 
diers drawne together, which was noe lesse then the whole countrie in armes 
against us ; the boates past betwixt the shore and the carricke all the daie longe, 
which wee supposed was to unlade her, but wee found it was rather to strengthen 
her with men and municion. Heere appeared many difficulties very daungerous, 
and the hope of takeinge her little, but rather of sinckinge or burninge her, as 
most men did conjecture. One was the daunger of the gallies beinge flancked with 
the point of a rocke at our entrance, as you have heard it, beinge ealme and they 
shootinge lowe ; the other was the daunger of the winde, for if it had come from 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 X 



338 Principal Naval Ei^agements of 

• 

the sea, the rhoade bemg open and the baje deepe, would have firustrate our 
attempt Notwithstandmge these daungers, and many more apparently seene, noe 
man thought but that most of the carrick's ladmge was on shoare, and that they 
would hayle her on ground under the castle, that noe shipps of ours should bee 
able to fleete to her ; all which objections, with many more, might be and were 
alleadged, but they little prevailed. Procrastination was perilous, and therefore 
with all expedicion they thought convenient to charge the towne, the fort, the gal- 
lies, and carricke all at one instant. They had determined if the carricke had bene 
on ground, or soe nigh the shore that the Queenes shippes could not fleete to her, 
that the two easterlinges the dale before taken should board her and bume her. 

Thursdaie the third dale, earlie in the mominge, every man commendinge and 
committinge himselfe to God's tuicion and proteccion, expected when to begin 
accordinge to the agreement the dale before. A gale of winde happeninge about 
tenn of the clocke, the admirall weighed, shott off a waminge peece, and put forth 
his flagge in the maine topp. The vice-admirall did the like in his foretopp, accord- 
inge to the custome of the sea, every captaine encourageing his men, which did so 
embolden them as, though they were growne weake and feeble before, they were 
nowe revived, and bestirred themselves as if a newe spirit had bene infused into 
them. The admirall was the first that gave the charge ; after him followed the rest 
of the shippes, sheweinge great valour and gayninge great honor. The last of all 
was the vice-admirall, at whose entrance into the fight he still strived to luffe upp 
soe neere the shore as he could, where bee came to an anchor, continually fightinge 
with the towne, the forte, the gallies, and carricke, all at one instant, for he brought 
them betwixt him, that he might plaie both his broade sides upon them. There 
might be seene the prores of the gallies swimme on the one side ; the slaves for- 
sake them, everie thinge beinge soe confused amongst them ; and thus they fbu^it 
untill five of the clocke in the aftemoone. The vice-admirall was anchored in such 
a place as the gallies rowed from one side to another, seekinge to shunn him, which 
Sir Richard Lewson observinge, came on boarde him, and openly in the viewe and 
hearinge of his whole companie, imbraced him, and tould him he had wonn his 
heart for ever. 

The rest of the shippes, as they were directed, plyed upp ; and, except the admi* 
raU, who by the negligence of his master, or some other impediment without his 
privitiCj when he should have anchored fell so farr to leyward as the winde and 
tyde carried him out of the rhoade that it was the next day before his shippe could 
bee fetcht in againe ; whereat the admirall was soe enraged that he put himselfe 
into the Dreadnought and brought her to an anchor close to the vice-admirall, about 




English Fleets, from J 588 to 1603. 339 

two of the clocke in the aftemoone. There was noe opportunitie lett passe, for 
wh»e the admiralls sawe defect in any other shipp, they supplied it with theire 
owne persons ; and the easterlings that w^e appointed to boarde beginninge to 
faint and faile of the directions given them, which the vice-admirall perceivinge, 
went on board her himselfe, voweinge if they seemed backwarde in puttinge in exe* 
cation the stratageme of fireinge the carricke they should have as little hope of life 
as to be killed by the enemie. Whilst he was thus orderinge these things on 
boarde, Sir Richard Lewson came unto him, but in no case would suffer Sir William 
to board the carricke himselfe, but carried him into the Dreadnought, where they 
consulted howe to preserve the carricke and enjoy her. 

The resoludon of this conference was to offer her parley, which they presentl}'' 
put in practice, and commaunded all the shippes to leave shootinge untill the 
retume of the messinger. The man imployed was one Captain Sewell that escaped 
and swamme to us, who had bene four yeares prisoner in the gallies, and soe did 
many Turks and Christians. The effect of his parlie was to perswade them to yield, 
promismge honorable condicions. He was to intimate as of himselfe, that the gal- 
lies, whose strength he presumed upon, were beaten, some burnt, the rest fledd, and 
wee had the possession of the rhoade, the castle not able to abide our ordinance, 
much lesse the carricke ; and if they refused his offer of mercie, they were to 
expect all the crueMe and rigor that a conqueror would yield his enemie. After 
some conference to this effect, the captaine of the carricke told him he would send 
him some gentlemen of sort with commission to treate, and desired that some of 
the like quality might repaire unto him to the same effect. 

These gentlemen came aboard the Dreadnought, where the admirall and vice- 
admirall were attendinge the retume and successe of Captain Sewell. After the 
delivery of the messuage, they found a necessitie to hasten on horde the carricke, 
for that it seemed by these two gentlemen, there was an uproare and a devision in 
her. Some were of opinion to entertaine a parley, others to save themselves and 
sett her on fire, which Sir William M onson hearinge, without further delaie or con- 
ference with Sir Richard what was to be done, he leaped suddenlie into his boate, 
and rowed unto the carricke. As he drewe neere her, he was knowne to divers 
gentlemen on board her, since his imprisonment amongst them, who seemed to be 
very gladd of theire meetinge, with divers imbracements and remembrances of 
theire old acquaintance. The captaine was called Don Diego Lobo, a gallant young 
gentleman of a noble howse ; he descended downe upon the bond of the shipp, and 
commaunded his men to stand aside ; Sir William did the like to his companions in 
the boate. The captaine demaunded of him if he had the Portugall language ; he 



340 Principal Naval Engagements of . 

tould him sufficiently to treat of that busines, and acquainted him of the place he 
commaunded in the fleete. Sir William intimated the affection and respect he bore 
to the Portugall nation, and that the treatie which was offered proceeded out of his 
mocion, and wished him to proceed to his proposicions, which were as followeth : — 
The first demaund he made was, that they should be safely putt on shoare with 
their armes ; the second, that it should be done the same night ; the third, that 
they should enjoy theire shippe and ordinance, as apperteyninge to the kinge, but 
wee the wealth; the fowerth, that the flagg and auncient should not be taken 
downe, but woven while the carricke was unlading. His speech being ended, Sir 
William told him his demaunds gave suspicion that under pretence of parley he 
meant trecherie, or that theire hopes were greater then there was cause, or he 
could conceive ; and but that he knewe it was the use of some men to demaund 
great things when lesse will serve them, he would not loose his advantage to enter- 
taine a parley ; he desired what they intended might be quickly concluded, for night 
groweinge on might advantage them ; and for his resolucion he should understand 
it in fewe words, as followeth : — ^To his first demand he was willing to yield, that 
they should be put on shore with their armes ; to the second, he was contented that 
they should be sett on shore that night, except eight or ten of the principallest gen- 
tlemen, which he would detaine three dales ; to the third, he held it idle and fri- 
volous, to imagine he would consent to separate shipp and goodes, and esteemed it 
por cosa de burla ; to the fourth he would not consent, being resolved never to per- 
mitt a Spanish flagg to be wome in the presence of the Queenes shippes, unlesse it 
were disgracefiillie over the poope. There was longe expostulacion upon these 
pointes ; and Sir William Monson, seeinge the obstinacie of the captaine, offered in 
greate rage to leape into his boate, resolvinge to leave the treatie, which the rest of 
the gentlemen perceivinge, and that he had propounded nothing but what might 
very well stand with their reputacion, they intreated him once more to ascend into 
the shippe, and they would enter into newe capitulacions, the effect whereof, and 
as it was agreed upon, was thus, as followeth : — 

That a messinger should be sent to the admirall to have his confirmacion to the 
pointes concluded on, and that in the meane tyme the flagg and auntient should be 
taken downe ; and if the admirall should not consent to the agreement, they to have 
leisure to put out theire flagg and auntient before the fighte should beginn ; that 
the companie should bee presently sett on shore, the captaine with eight other of 
the principallest gentlemen, three dales after ; that the shipp with her goods should 
be surrendred without any practise or treason ; that they should use theire endea^ 
vors that the Castle should forbeare shootinge whilest wee ride in the rhoade ; and 




English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 341 

this is the effect of the condicions agreed upon. You muste understand that the 
carricke wintered in Mosambicke in her retume from the Indies, a place of great 
infeccion, as appeared by the mortallitie of this shippe, for of 600 and odd men 
20 of them lived not to retume home. After a great deale of callamitie and mor- 
tallity, she arrived at this port of Cisembres, as you have heard, with the Vice-Roy 
of Portugall havinge sent eleven gallies to her rescue, and 400 Mocas de Camera, 
which is a title of gentlemen that serves the kinge upon anie honorable occasion 
when they are commaunded. And beinge brought to this estate, and forct to yield 
on those conditions as aforesaid. Sir Robert Cecill, when he was livinge, was wonte 
to impute the successe thereof much unto the gentlemen's acquaintance with Sir 
William Monson. Although three daies were limited for settinge the captaine on 
shore, yet it was held discretion not to detaine him longer then the carricke was 
brought off safely to our shippes ; and that night Sir William Monson carried the 
captaine and the rest of the gentlemen on board him, where they supped, had 
varietie of musicke, and spent the nighte in great pleasure and delight. The mom- 
inge foUowinge he accompanied them on shoare himselfe, where the Conde de 
Vitagera had drawne all the force of the whole countrie, amountinge to the number 
of ten thousand men. 

I must not lett passe to describe the behaviour of the gallies in the fight, that 
everie man may have that honor that is due to him. Those of the Portugall beinge 
of the squadron of the Marquesse of Saint Cruz betooke themselves with their 
generall to flight in the middle of the fight ; but Frederico Spinola, who had the 
conveyance of his gallies out of Spaine into the Lowe Countries, followed not the 
example of the marquesse, but made good the rhoade, which the other seeinge with 
shame returned, but to both their costes ; for before they departed they found the 
clymate soe hott as they were both forct to flye, their gallies beinge soe miserablie 
l)eaten, and theire slaves soe pittifully slaine, as there wanted nothing but boates to 
possesse them all, as well as two wee tooke, which is a president seeldome scene or 
heard, for shippes to take and be destroyers of gallies. The number of men slaine 
in the towne, the castle, the carricke, and the gallies, are unknowne, though they 
cannott chuse but be manie. The wealth of the carricke could then as ill be 
estimated, though after found to be great ; the value of the two gallies burnt with 
theire loading of powder as hard to judge, though knowne to be a service of great 
import. For our losse it was not much, only one man killed in the flyboate, five 
slaine and as many hurt in the Garland, and one hurt in the Adventure. Sir 
William Monson had the lefte winge of his dublett shott awaie, but received noe 
other hurt. 



Principal Naval Engagements of 

The daie followeinge with a favorable winde wee stood our course for Eng la ii d, 
which brought us into 47 degrees, and there wee mett a pinnace, sent with a 
packet from the lords, signifyeinge the readynes of a second fleete to supplie us^ 
and the departure of the Hollanders, which were soe longe looked for ; which fleete 
of Holland was in vie we of the pinnace the same night, but past by us imseene. 
This unlocked for accident made the admirall and vice-admirall consider what to 
doe, and concluded they would not both appeare at home, and have a fleete of soe 
great importance upon the enemies coast without a guide or head ; and therefore 
they held it fitt the vice- admirall should put himselfe into the Nonparill, as the 
ablest shipp of the fleete, and make his retume once more to the coast of Spaine. 
Having taken his leave, and standinge his course for the coast, a most violent 
storme with a contrary winde tooke him, and continued tenn daies, which the 
weakeness of his shippe found, and had like to have foundred in the deepe. The 
carpenters and the companey seeinge the apparent daunger if he bore not upp 
before the wind, presented him with peticion, beseechinge him to have a regarde of 
theire lives, for by keepeinge the seas they should all perishe. Thus was he forced 
out of extremitie to beare roome for England, and comeinge for Plymouth he found 
the carricke safely arrived, and that fleete hee went back to take charge of not to 
have quitted the coast of England. 

Though it be somewhat impertinent to this voyage to treat of more then the 
successes thereof, yet I will a little digresse, and relate the mishapp of that worthie 
young gentleman Don Diego de Lobo, captaine of the carricke ; and because his 
worth shall more appeare by his answere to Sir William Monson his offer, when he 
was his prisoner, thus it was : Sir William told him, it could not chuse but by the 
losse of the carricke hee should loose his best meanes, for that he supposed what he 
had gayned in the Indies was laden in her, and therefore told him, what he would 
challenge upon his reputacion to be his owne, he should have freedome to carrie it 
with him. The gentleman did acknowledge the favour extraordinarie, but reply ed, 
that what he had he had gayned by his sword, and that his sword he doubted not 
but would regaine his fortune ; utterly refusinge to accept anie courtesie in that 
kinde ; but, poore gentleman, ill fortune thus left him not, for the viceroy, Don 
Cristoball de Moro, holdinge it for a great indignitie to have the carricke taken 
out of theire port, that was defended by a castle, and guarded with eleven galleys, 
and especially in his owne hearinge of the ordinance to lishbone, and in the viewe 
of thousands of people that beheld it, some of them feelinge it by the losse of theire 
goods in her, others greivinge for the death of theire freinds that were there slaine, 
but every man findinge himselfe touched in reputacion. 




English Fleets, from 1688 to 1603. 843 

The names of the Carricke and Eleven Gallies : — 

Saint Valentine, a carricke of 1700 tunnes. 

The Christofer, the Admirall of Portugall, wherein the Marquesse of Saint Cruz 
went. 
The Saint Lewes, wherein Frederick Spinola went Generall of the Gallies of Spaine. 
The Forteleza, Vice-Adrairall to the Marquesse. 
The Trinidad, Vice-Admirall to Frederick Spinola, and burnt. 
The Suis, in which Sir William Monson was prisoner, anno 1591. 
The Occasion, burnt, and the Captain taken prisoner. 
The Saint John Baptist. 
The Lazear. 
The PadiUar. 
The PhiUipp. 
Saint John. 

The viceroy, not knowinge ho we to cleere himselfe soe well as by layeinge it upon 
the gentlemen he put on board her, the same night they returned to their lodgings, 
he caused the most part of them, with theire captaine, to be apprehended, layeinge 
the losse of the carricke to theire cowardlynes and feare, if not to theire treason 
and connivancie with the enemie. After some tyme of imprisonment, by mediation 
of firiends, the gentlemen were released, the captaine only detayned, who received 
secret advertisement that the viceroy intended his death, if he sought not to escape 
to prevent it. Don Diego being thus perplexed, practised with his sister, who found 
meanes for his escape out of a windowe, and fiedd into Italic, where he lived in 
exile from 1602, that this happened, untill a thousand six hundred and fifteene; 
and his government in the Indies, for which he had a patent in revercion, was con- 
fiscate, and he left hopelesse ever to retume into his native countrey, much lesse to 
be restored to his commaund, an evill welcome after soe longe and painefiill naviga- 
cion. Haveinge spent thirteen yeares, as you have heard, in exile and banishment, at 
the last he advised with friends, whose advise he followed, to witt : to repaire into 
£ngland, there to enquire after some commaunders that had bene at takeinge the 
carricke, by whose certificate hee might be cleered of blame or treason in the losse 
of her, which would be a good motive to restore him to his government againe. In 
the yeare 1615 he arrived in London, and after enquirie he found out Sir William 
Monson, to whom he complained of his hard mishapp, craveinge his assistance, with 
some others. Sir William he knewe to be at the takeinge of the carricke, and 
therefore desired him to testifie the manner of surprizinge her, which he alleadged 



344 Prinnpal Naval Engagements of 

was noe more then every gentleman was bound to affoard to an other in such a 
case. 

Sir William wondred to see him, and especially upon such an occasion as hee 
reported ; for the present he entertained him with all courtesie, and as his stale was 
the longer in England, soe the courtesies were the greater Sir William did him. 
Sir William procured a true and eifectuall certificate from himselfe. Sir Francis 
Howard, Captain Barloe, and some others, who were witnesses of that service ; and 
to give it the more reputacion, he caused it to be inroUed in the office of the 
Admiraltie. The gentleman beinge well satisfied in his entertainement, and 
receiveinge his wished desires in his busines, he returned to Flaunders, where he 
presented his certificate to the Archduke and the Infanta, and he found that favour 
from them that did not only purchase the king's good likeinge of him, but restitu- 
tion of his government of Malacca. The poore gentleman beinge tossed with the 
waves of callamitie from one countrey to an other, and never findinge likelyhood of 
rest, till nowe death, that masters all men, cutt him off short even as he was pre- 
paringe his journey for Spaine. And this was the end of an unfortunate gallant 
young gentleman, whose deserts were farr more worthie of a better reward, if God 
had pleased to have affoarded it him. 



Sir William Monson to the coast of Spaine. Anno 1602 : — 

Shippers. Commaunders. 

The Swiflsuer Sir William Monson 

The Mary Rose Captain Trevors 

The Dreadnought Captain Cawfcild 

The Adventure Captain Norris 

The Answere Captain Bredgate 

The Quittance Captain Browne 

The Lyons Whelpe Captain Maye 

The Paragon, a Merchant Captain Jason 

A smale Carvell Captain Hooper 

The fleete of Sir Richard Lewson beinge happily returned with the fortune of a 
carrick, as you have heard, and havinge noe shipps of her Majesties upon the 
Spanish coast, to impeache the enemies preparacions, the Queene feared the fleete 
which was readie at the Groyne was to give a second assaulte upon Ireland ; where- 
upon Sir William Monson, who by this tjrme was arrived at Plymouth, was sent for 
in great hast by her Majestic, both to advise and take upon him the charge of the 
second fleete, then at Plymouth. After a long conference in the presence of her 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 345 

Majestic, her Lord Admiral], her Treasurer, her Secretary, and Sir William Monson, 
it was resolved immediately : that Sir William should repaire to Plymouth, and with 
speede gett forth them shippes, and others that were makeinge readie. His direccions 
were to present himselfe before the harbor of the Groyne, the place where the 
Spaniardes made their randevous, and if he found anie likelyhood of daunger to be 
intended against Ireland, not to quitt that coast untill he utterly sawe the issue and 
event thereof ; but if he found Ireland secure, and the preparacion for the defence 
of the coast, from thence his instruccions ledd him where the Holland fleete had 
order to attend and expect him ; and after this the carriage of the action was referred 
to his discretion, but with this caution, that above all covetous respects he attended 
the affaires of Ireland. The winde this part of sommer hung contrary, and it was 
six weeks before he could cleere the coaste, the tyme which gave greatest hope of 
profitt by the retume of the carricks and Indie fleete, which happened one moneth 
before his arrivall. He sett sayle from Plymouth the last of August, with a scant 
winde, which continued with fowle weather untill he recovered the Gro)nie, choosinge 
rather to keepe the sea then hazard the overthrowe of his voyage by his retume. 

He attended the Gro)me untill he was truly advertised that the fleete which there 
was prepared, and suspected for Ireland, was gone to Lishbone to jo)aie with Don 
Diego de Borachero, who all that sommer durst not set forth for feare of our fleete, 
that made good the coast. Sir William, in the waie to the Rocke, commaunded his 
carvell to repaire to the Islande of Bayon, as the likelyest place to procure intelli- 
gence of the state of those parts. As the carvell drewe neere the islande, she might 
disceme the Spanish fleete, consistinge of 24 sayle, whose designes were, as she 
understood by a boate she tooke, to looke out the English fleete, whose comeinge 
they daily expected upon the coast ; and meetinge Sir William with this newes, he 
held it a good service to be warned of them. Heere he tooke two goodly shippes of 
France bound for Lishbone, which harbor he put them from, and tooke pledges that 
they should directlie retume into France, without touchinge in any harbor of Spaine, 
for that he understood the Spanishe fleete was ill provided of men, and many other 
things which those shipps could supplie. Sir William and the Dreadnought were 
carryed with the chase into the Rhoade Cisembre, a place where the carricke was 
taken not longe before ; and, after some fight with the castle, who defended the 
chase, they came to a friendly treatie, and presentes past betwixt them. That night, 
whilest the admirall ridd in the rhoade, a carvell comeinge in, not mistrustinge 
him, was taken, but dismissed with friendly entreatie, by whome he understoode the 
affaires of Lishbone, but could get noe notice of the Holland fleete, which was 
appointed to attend at the Rocke, whether once more he repaired. 

VOL. XXXIV. 2 Y 



346 Principal Naval Engagements of 

And comeinge thither the 26th of September, a light was espied in the night, 
which the admhuU chased^ thinkinge it had bene the fleete of Saint Omen or Brazill^ 
bound into lishbone, where they were expected, but draweinge soe neere them that 
he might hayle them, he found them, by the hugenes of theire vessells and the 
number, to answere the relacion the carvell made, to be the Armado of Spaine ; 
whereupon hee sought meanes howe to quit himselfe, being ingaged amongst them, 
and made a Spaniard which served him call unto them in that secret manner they 
could not heare him. The Adventure only and the Whelpe were left with hun, the 
rest loosmg companie four nights in a storme. Perceiving this light, and thinkinge it 
to be the admirall that had commaimded some fleete of Fleminges, stood in amongst 
them, but the Adventure being discovered to be an enemie, the alarum was soone 
taken, and' they shott at her, and slewe and hurt some of her men. Soe soone as 
the dale appeared, the Spaniards might beholde the three English shippes ahead 
them, whome they chased : and by reason that three of them were of better sayle 
then the rest, they fetcht upon them and drewe neere the Whelpe, who was of 
small force to resist them. 

But the admirall resolvinge, though it was to his owne evident periU, not to see 
a pinnace of her Majesties spe lost that he could rescue with the losse of his life, 
though it was much against the persuasions of his master and companie, he stroake 
his two sailes for the Whelpe, and commaunded her to stand her course, whilest he 
staied for the three Spanishe shippes, with hope to make them have little lust to 
pursue them. The admirall of the Spaniards perceivinge howe little he cared for 
his three shippes, for that he lingred for theire comeinge upp, tooke in with the 
shoare and shott a peece for his three shipps to followe him. It may appeare by 
this, as by severall expedicions of ours, howe much the swift saylinge of shippes 
doth availe, beinge the principall advantage in sea service, and the only thinge wee 
could presume upon against the Spaniards. Sir William haveinge thus escaped die 
enemie, in his traverse in the sea there happened, as there doth in all coasts where 
there is plentie of trade, divers occasions of chases ; and one daie Sir William 
foUoweinge one shipp, and the Adventure another, they lost companie for the whole 
voyage. 

Sir William was advertised by a shipp he tooke, beinge a Frenchman, that came 
from Saint Lucas, that the Saint Domingo fleete was looked for daily ; which intel* 
ligence made Sir William beare upp for the South Cape, as well in hope to meete 
with them as to have newes of his fleete. 

He was noe sooner come to the Cape, but he was informed by some English 
shippes of warr that the Domingo fleete was passed by two daies before. Heere he 



English Fleets, from 1588 to 1603. 347 

mett with divers shippes of several nations : some he rescued from pynXs ; to others 
that were in league with her Majestie he gave his safe conduct for theire free 
passage in the sea. He kept that coast untill the 21st of October, in which 
morninge he gave chase to a gallion of the Kinge of Spaines, who recovered under 
the castle of Cape Sacre before he could fetche her upp ; but, notwithstanding that 
he knewe the strength of that castle, and knewe the shoare, yet he attempted her, 
and had carried her, had it not bene for the feare and cowardlinesse of Helme, that 
bore upp when he was readie to boarde. The fight was not long, but sharpe and 
daungerous, for there never past shott from one to an other until they were within 
length of theire shippes. The castle plaied her part and rent his shipp, that she 
might be cropt through. Betwixt shippe and castle they slewe in the Admirall tenn 
menu and hurt many more, in the viewe of Sireago and his squadron to the 
westward, and divers EngUsh men of warr to the eastward, that durst not put them- 
selves to the rescue of Sir William for feare of the castle. Sir William beinge nowe 
left alone, and seeinge what headland soever he came unto he was to encounter a 
Spanishe squadron, he stood his course that night at sea, thinkinge to trie if the 
island of Teceras would affoard him anie better fortune ; but, comeinge within forty 
or fifty leagues of the island, he was taken short with the winde, and evermore bore 
upp for the Rocke ; but findinge his victualls grewe short, and his mast perished, 
and the daunger by keepeinge the coast, he directed his course for England, and 
came into Plymouth the 24th of November, where he found the Marie Rose and 
Dreadnought with the moste part of theire men dead and sicke. 

The Adventure arrived within one howre after him, who in her waie homeward 
fell amongst the Brazill fleete, and incounteringe with them lost divers men, but 
tooke none. The Paragon was at home longe before with a prize of sugar and 
spices, which countervailed the charge of the voyage. The Quittance in her retume 
mett two shippes of Dunkerke, and in fight with them her captaine was ^ine ; but 
she acquitted herself very well without further hurt. This fleete, as you have heard, 
was to keep the enemie occupied at home, that he might be diverted from the 
thought of Ireland ; and what hazard it endured by the enemie, and the fury of the 
sea by fowle weather, it doth appeare : and we marvell, for it was the latest fleete in 
winter that was ever kept upon the Spanish coast, and the last fleete her Majestie 
imployed ; for in March after she dyed, and by her death all warr ceased. As Sir 
William Monson was generall of this last fleete, soe was he a souldier and a youth 
at the beginninge of the warrs and at the takeinge of the first Spanish prize that ever 
sawe Englishe coast, which they bought with the death of twenty-five men and fifty 
hurt ; which ahipp was after a man-of-war^ and served against tke Spaniards. And 



348 Principal Naval Engagements of 

in those dales the best man that went to warr was called the Commaunder, and 
belonged to Sir George Carewe, then governor of the Isle of Wight. 



Sir Richard Lewson and Sir William Monson into the narrowe seas, 1 603 : — 

ShIPPES. COMMAUNDBRg. 

The Repulse Sir Richard Lewson. 

The Mearehonor Sir William Monson. 

The Defiance Captain Gore. 

The Warrspight Captain Seymors. 

The Rainebowe Captain Trevor. 

The Dreadnought Captain Reynolds. 

The Quittance Captain Howard. 

The Lyons Whelpe Captain Polewheele. 

Sir William Monson retuminge with his fleete in November, there was a resolu- 
cion to furnish an other against February, which should be supplyed with shippes, 
men, and victualls in June ; Sir Richard Lewson to command the former fleete, and 
Sir William Monson the latter ; for the Queene held it both secure and profittable 
course to keepe a continuall force upon the Spanish coasts from February to 
November, a tjrme of greatest perill to her Majestie. She was the rather encouraged 
thereunto by the safety she found the last sommer, and the wealth she enjoyed of 
her enemies. The complainte of the ill fumishinge her shippes m other voyages, 
made it more carefully to be lookt unto nowe, and there was better choice of 
victualls and men then usually had bene. But in this meane tyme it pleased God 
to visit her Majestie with sicknes, which made a lingringe though noe absolute stale 
or dissolvinge of the fleet ; and as her daunger was perceived to increase, the shippes 
were hastened to sea, holdinge it a point of policie of state to keepe our seas guarded 
from feare of anie forraign attempte, untill his Majestie should be peaceablie seated 
in England. This fleet departed from Quinborough the 22nd of March, and arrived 
at the Downes the 25th of the same, beinge the dale after her Majesties death ; the 
newes whereof, and commaimdment to proclaime King James the Sixth of Scotland 
our lawfull right inheritor to the crowne, arrived both together, which put us unto 
two contrary passions ; the one of greife, the other of joy : greife by the losse of the 
Queene, and joy in acceptinge the Kinge, and in that peaceable manner that it 
made a happines to all men against expectacion, either at home or abroade. 

As the part and office of this fleete was to guarde and defend the coafite from:any 




English Fleets, /ram 1588 to 1603. 349 

incursion that should bee made out of Prance or the Lowe Countries, soe the com- 
maunders were as vigilant to appeare upon the coastes, once in two daies, to dis- 
harten them if they had anie such thought ; but it was farr from theire abilities, 
whatsoever was in theire harts, to impugne His Majesties proceedinges. And because 
the archduke would make it appeare more apparent to the world, he called in his 
letters of reprizall against the EngUsh, and published an edict of a free and lawfull 
traffique into Flaunders ; so that nowe our merchants may trade peaceablie into 
those parts from which they had bene debarred the continuance of eighteen yeares 
warrs. The kinge findinge that France neither impeached his right nor gave 
anie jealousie by the raysing of an armie, and that the archduke made a demonstra- 
tion of his desire of peace, his Majestic did the like, acknowledginge his league with 
those princes with whom the late Queene had warrs ; for warrs betwixt countries 
are not hereditarie, but commonly end with the deathes of their kinges : wherefore 
he commaunded his shipps to give over theire southeme )nnplo)nnent, and repaire 
unto Chattam, givinge manifest testimonies that the subjecte should recover that 
wealth and freedome by peace which he had formerly lost by warr. 



350 



XXVI. — Memoir on the Practice of Banishment^ as it obtained in the Reign of James IL 
am^mg those who were sentenced to death far their Participation in the Rebellion of 
the Duke of Monmouth. By Gborgb Roberts, Esq. 



Read Dec. 18, 1851. 



At the time I was engaged in collecting materials for my ^^ Life, Progresses, and 
Rebellion of James Duke of Monmouth/* in 2 vols. 8vo. published in 1844, scarcely any 
detailed information could be procured respecting any of the exiled followers of the 
duke. The fate of only four individuals was actually ascertained ; and the intimate 
personal history of no one, much less the general treatment, transportation, and 
return of any, could be learned from whatever quarter. A lady wrote to me, and 
obligingly supplied what is to so many an object of great interest, in the shape of a 
MS. narrative of the transportation, sale, and labour of John Coad ; which I advised 
should be forwarded to Mr. Macaulay for his then expected work. An imperfect 
copy was accordingly sent, which has since been printed, the deficient part being 
suppHed before the issue to the public from, I believe, the copy lent to me. 
Another of the kind contributors to my labours was one of the family of the late 
John Frederick Pinney, Esq. of Somerton Erleigh, who searched amongst old family 
papers, and has had the gratification of having produced for my use matter impor- 
tant to general history and biography. 

Each of these two correspondents furnished the perfect portraiture of one indi- 
vidual, a tyipe as it were, of the two several classes under which the exiles naturally 
fall. All were sentenced to death, and all were afterwards given away by the 
court or government of James II. The great distinction between them may be 
drawn thus, under two heads : 

I. Those entirely destitute of means, who were conveyed from the county gaol on 
shipboard by their owners, and upon their arrival at the prescribed port in the 
West India islands were sold to the highest bidder by auction, like slaves or cattle. 

II. Those exiles of the wealthier class — few in number — who, by a money pay- 
ment, concluded all their slavery, and whose penalty consisted in a banishment from 
their native country for ten years to a distant tropical climate. 

The Duke of Monmouth's rebellion having been suppressed, the ^^ Bloody 




On the Banishment of Participators in the Duke ofMonwoutKs Rebellion. 351 

Assize " followed, with its often-quoted horrors — a portion of history which does not 
&11 within our province. Our subject leads to the time when the gaols of the west 
of England were crowded with men under sentence of death — partisans too guilty to 
be pardoned, too numerous to be executed. A market existed for such individuals : 
the demand for the commodity was so great that frauds and many wicked arts were 
practised to kidnap men as labourers for the plantations in the West India islands 
and America. Hungry courtiers knew that persons concerned in the Salisbury 
rising of Penruddock and Grove had been sold for 1550 pounds weight of sugar 
a-piece, according to their working faculties. They had been treated in every sense 
as slaves. The Ck)venanters taken at Bothwell Bridge who would not promise to live 
peacably were transported, and were all lost on their voyage to the plantations. 
The planters procured also those of Aisle's followers who exhibited the greatest 
degree of hatred to the King's authority. Some had a piece of their lug (ear) cut 
off by the hangman, and the women were burnt on the shoulder, that if any 
returned they might be known and hanged. 

William Penn applied to have a few of the Monmouth men that were sentenced 
to be banished sent to Pennsylvania, where the climate was salubrious, and their 
offences would not be regarded as heinous.'*^ His application was not complied with ; 
but certain courtiers, some of whom were connected with the West India islands, 
proved successful in their applications ; 849 of the prisoners were given to them. 

Sir WiUiam Booth had 200 prisoners ; leronymo Nopho, Secretary to the Queen 
when Duchess of York, had 99 ; Sir Christopher Musgrave 1 00 ; to the Queen's 
order (or perhaps to Capt. James Kendall, M.P., a needy retainer of the court) 100 ; 
Sir William Stapleton, who had been governor of the Leeward islands, and had been 
sent to assist the Duke of Beaufort with his military experience, obtained 100 ; Sir 
Philip Howard 200 ; William Bridgeman, Esq. secretary to Lord Sunderland, or 
Capt. John Price (who perhaps purchased them from him) 50. 

These persons were all divisible into the two classes which I have before indicated, 
and I am enabled to prove the mode of treatment to which they were subjected 
by one example derived from each of those classes. 

I. John Coad, of Stoford, near Yeovil in Somersetshire, was a carpenter. He 
was a Dissenter, a man of active mind and body, as his narrative sufficiently proves. 
He obeyed his summons to join the train-bands, and marched to Chard, loathing 
the conversation of his fellows, but determined to risk all for the cause of religion. 

* Hepworth Dixon's Life of William Pc3ui, who quotes a letter to Thomas Lojd, p. dOl. 



352 On the Banishment of Participators in the 

He joined the Duke of Monmouth at Axminster, when Ferguson was engaged in 
prayer^ after which Major Fox delivered a charge to the army agamst swearing, 
thieving, and plundering. Our God-fearing carpenter was wounded at Philip's Nor- 
ton fight, but lived to be removed to Uchester Gaol, and was condenmed to death at 
Wells. 

Goad's sister came to him in Uchester Gaol with the news that an officer had 
arrived to call out 200 men for Jamaica. The two privately offered a fee to have 
Goad entered on the list. The officer refused this, but told him that when he called a 
man that did not answer, Goad might answer to his name and step in. The conscien- 
tious carpenter scrupled at this suggested simulation, by which thirty were at that time 
saved ; but a poor woman, observing a man imwilling to be transported, so great were 
its terrors to some people, pulled Goad towards him, who hastily shifted himself out 
of the string and put Goad in his place. The party took ship at Weymouth, Oct. 
the 17th, 1685. The horrid cruelty (anticipating the " Black Hole " of Galcutta) of 
shutting ninety-nine exiles in one cabin, without allowing any to go on deck, soon 
produced small-pox and fever, which speedily swept off twenty-two of the Monmouth 
men, and many of the passengers and crew. Upon a report of these horrors, the 
merchants of Jamaica refused to freight the ship home, and all vied with each 
other in kind attention to the miserable, half-starved objects, who were confined at 
night in a stable, but were allowed to walk out by day. 

The exiles were consigned to a merchant, Mr. Ghristopher Hicks, a fellow Dis- 
senter, who from conscientious scruples refused at first to sell them, and ultimately 
looked out as purchaser for Goad a Mr. William Hutchinson, an attorney, in charge 
for Golonel Bach, a God-fearing proprietor. When Goad went to his place of ser- 
vice, forty miles from Port Royal, Golonel Lyne and Lieutenant Harkes Garbrand 
came to meet and welcome him in spite of their difference in rank ; so zealous 
were these gentlemen in the cause of religion, that Goad was prevailed upon by 
them to undertake the office of preacher. 

Goad had occasionally to work with negroes ; he and one other of the banished 
men having a desire to visit some friends and fellow-sufferers at Port Royal, went 
thither, when a letter was sent to his master as if they had deserted, which drew 
forth a reprimand, and their friends were forbidden to entertain them. The motive 
which prompted this visit to Port Royal was to submit evidence to a justice of the 
peace that the term of four years for which they were sold had expired. Thus the 
sums paid at the sale are not to be received as expressing the value of each Mon- 
mouth man, but the value of his services for four years. Fresh sales or agreements 
were again made for other terms, so that these exiles proved a valuable property, 




354 On the Banishment of Participators in the 

He was the son of the Rev. John Pinney, who held the living of 
during the Protectorate. At the Restonation Dr. Thomas Fuller the historian 
came to take possession of this sequestered vicarage, and heard the Rev. John 
Finney preach. Delighted with what he had heard, Fuller told the people after* 
wards that he would not deprive them of such a man. Though episcopally ordained 
in 1 662, Finney was ejected under the Bartholomew Act, as Calamy informs us, 
and experienced the fate of ministers in those times, fines and imprisonment. The 
same author adds that he was much of a gentleman, a considerable scholar, and an 
eloquent, charming preacher. 

The Rev. John Finney *s eldest son Nathaniel was private secretary to the Hon. 
George Booth, ofi&cially employed as secretary by his brother the celebrated Earl of 
Warrington, while the latter was one of the Lords of the Treasury in the reign of 
William HI. When the Earl of Warrington retired into private life Nathaniel 
Finney returned to settle at Bettiscomb, his father having property in that neigh- 
bourhood. This property has partly descended (with his papers) to the Finneys 
of Somerton Erleigh ; but other property which came into the family from the 
Hon. George Booth was inherited by the predecessors of the present John Azariah 
Finney, Esq. of Blackdown House, co. Dorset. 

To return to the special subject of this memoir, Mr. Azariah Finney. He was of 
an ardent spirit, and embraced the seeming opportunity for procuring religious 
hberty under the Duke of Monmouth*s banner. 

Having been sentenced to death, Mr. Azariah Finney was given to leronymo 
Nopho, or Jerome Nipho, Esq. secretary to the Queen when Duchess of York. 
This unfortunate follower of Monmouth had a wife and infant son when, at the age 
of twenty-four, he received his sentence. Mr. Nipho, in this instance, incurred no 
expense in sending away Mr. Aza. Finney. He received at once the sum of 65/. 
for his ransom. The island of Nevis was the assigned place of the prisoner's 
destination. The ransom being paid, and the transportation to the West Indies 
having been effected at his own expense, Mr. Azariah Finney became his own 
master, and could employ his time for his own benefit. The exile joined the house 
of Mr. Merewether, sugar merchant, Nevis ; goods were soon shipped for him from 
England, evidently for sale, and he ultimately became a flourishing and successful 
man. Some of his family joined him, and made the place of his transportation a 
home. His son, the child whom he left behind in England on his transportation, 
became Chief Justice of Nevis. After 1688, Mr. Aza. Finney returned several times 
to England. He died in London in 1719. His letters, which are still preserved, 
are full of complaints of storms, hurricanes, earthquakes, with an account of a 
ruinous invasion of the French. His valuable diary, kept for the information and 




Duke of Monmouth's Rebellion. 



355 



improvement of his son, is unfortunately lost. Mr. Aza. Pinney's son became father 
of John Frederick Pinney, who represented Bridport in Parliament ; and the present 
head of the family, William Pinney, Esq., after representing Lyme Regis in Parlia- 
ment for many years, now sits for the Eastern Division of the county of Somerset. 

An account book of Nathaniel Pinney, elder brother of Azariah Pinney, is still 
preserved at Somerton Erleigh ; and, apart from the interest attached to it as con- 
nected with Monmouth's Rebellion, is important from its containing the name of 
Georgb Penne, Esq. as that of the person who received the money paid for Mr. 
Azariah Pinney's ransom. This fact was first published in my Life of Monmouth. 
It afterwards engaged the attention of historical writers, and the general suspicion 
was, that the christian name of George Penne was a mistake, and that the person 
alluded to was no other than the celebrated William Penn, the Quaker. Mr. Hep- 
worth Dixon, in his Life of William Penn, has cleared the philanthropic founder of 
Pennsylvania from the heavy charge of pardon-mongering in the West, and has 
shown from the State Paper Office that there was a certain George Penne, who was 
a hanger-on of the Court, and solicited the monopoly for twenty years of a Royal 
Oak Lottery in the plantations, as a reward for his services. 

We may safely infer that this person, and not William Penn the celebrated 
Quaker, was the receiver of the ransom-money of Mr. Pinney. Besides this point of 
interest in these accounts, there are other items which illustrate the mode in which 
the transportation of Mr. Azariah Pinney was carried out, and I shall therefore con- 
clude these imperfect notes with such extracts from Mr. Nathaniel Pinney's 
account-book as appear to me to bear upon the fate of his banished brother. 



£ s. d. 



Bristol, September, 1685. 

Mr. John Pinney * is debitor to money p** George Penne, Esq. for the 

ransume of my bro"* Aza. August, 1685 
For my jomey for 10 days and horse hyre 
To 6 gall°* jack for his voiage 
To botles for the same 
To two cheeses 

To his horse hyre to Bristol and expences 
To 1 days dyet and lodging in Bristol 

A Mr. John Pinney, not being Vicar of Broadwinsor in 1685, is not styled in any writing the Reverend — 
Aza. for Azariah. 



65 








2 


10 





J 


16 








5 








6 








10 








17 






356 On the Banishment of Participators in the Duke of Monmouth's RebeUian. 



To 3 p' thr^ hose 

To 4 p"" worsted 

To 2 p*" shoes 

To a hatt 

To shifts and handcarchiffs, &c. 

To tobb. (tobacco) and pipes 

To the mate and boston [boatswain] for their kindness 

To boate hyre to King Roade [anchorage at the mouth of the Avon] 

To a bed, boulster, and rugg .... 

To his passage to Nevis [in the " Rose," Knk, Capt. Wogan] 
To 2 trunks ..... . . 

To a bible and other books ..... 

To suggar, spice, &c. ..... 

To money given him ...... 

M*" John Pinney debitor more owing brother's ace', Jan. 1685 

To money p<* for him and lent him in Yorke • 

To send his cloathes from London and freight to Nevis 

To making affidavit of his transport .... 

To sword-belt, rasor, shoes, buttons, &c. sent with his clothes and sword 
1686. To a barrel beere sent M"" Scrope as a present on my brother's 

account . 
To customed freight of the same 
Jan. 24. To ^ doz. tobb. and a box 
To making Southard's defeasance ^ 
To a fee about that businesse 



£ s. 


d 


7 


6 


u 





8 





8 


6 


14 





9 





7 


6 


6 


6 


2 9 


6 


l> 





10 





6 


6 


4 


6 


15 





100 





1 5 





10 


6 


8 





I 3 4 





2 12 





8 


6 


1 5 


6 


13 


6 


3 


6 



I may add that so late as Sept. 1701, lawyers, among whom was Major Wade, 
of the Duke of Monmouth's own regiment, then town clerk of Bristol, were busily 
engaged in interesting Members of Parliament to insert a clause in the act of grace 
to be passed that session for reversing the attainder of the Monmouth men. 



GEORGR ROBERTS. 



Lyme Regis, 11 Dec. 1851 



^ The journey to York had prohahly reference to a personal interview with the party to whom his brother 
was given, viz. leronymo Nopho, Esq. who received the ransom. 

^ Southard may have been an assumed name for '< Hugh Gundry, gentleman," of Broadwinsor, who 
married Sarah Pinney, as this part of the family also appear to have been favourable to Monmouth. 



358 Upon an Historical Tablet of Barneses II. 

and in Austria,* there is a national hieroglyphic type by which Egjrptian studies are 
materially advanced, no such aid exists in England. Hence many points can only 
be proved by fewer examples cited than would have been the case had a tjrpe 
existed ; although^ in these instances, those which occurred to the writer as most 
conclusive have been selected. 

The hierogl}rphical scholar will bear this in mind, while the general historical 
inquirer need only be informed that the interpretations stated positively are such as 
are used or admitted by the best scholars, while an examination of the notes will 
guide him to new, difficult, or contested points. 

The tablet futu or hutuj is long, terminating in a rounded top, the usual shape 
of those in use during the eighteenth dynasty. It consists, as usual, of a picture 
and a text ; the one forming a vignette to the other. The picture is divided into two 
portions. In thefirst the monarch Rameses II., wearing a helmet Ccheprsh J and the usual 
royal tunic, oifers two vases of wine to Ammon in his ithyphallic type, the Ammon 
and Horus of the Pantheon, accompanied by the usual titles of ^* the good living God, 
the Sun sustainer of Truth, approved of the Sun, the Son of the Sun, Rambssu, 
beloved of Ammon ; may he live! "** Behind his head is inscribed, " Health to all 
his limbs ; to be, like the Sun, immortal ! " The god stands under his usual attri- 
butes, and is entitled in the line nearest the king, ^^Khem,"" who dwells in the 

* I am only aware of the existence of this type from a commmiication of M. Lenormant 

^ The expression lAT is either the participial form anch-Uif ** living " (Champollion, Grammaire 
Egyptienne, p. 425), or ** giver of life." (Dictionnaire, p. 340), or the optative ma-i-ancht ** give to live,'* t. e., 

would that he may live; for Ztt is to in its paradigm, with ma in the optative, as rightly observed by 

Lepsius, Einleitung, b. 406. The feminine form £|\l anch'ta (Champoll. Gr. 1. c.) is not so easily explained. 

° The name of this god is very puzzling. My« reasons for considering it Khem have been already given 

(Archaeological Journal, June 1850, p. 117). To these may be added its apparent equivalent at Edfoo 

(Lepsius, Einleitung, s. 134-136). ^^JII Shaf, ^ 5. ... in which the last word is perhaps J>\y 
beti. The first word shafi perhaps means '< create " (Dr. Hincks, Trans. Roy. Irish Academy, voL xxi. 
pt. 2). Hence in the Ritual (M. Lepsius, Todtenbuch, xxvii. c. 73, 1. 1), entitled The Chapter of passing 
through the West on the day going through the court-yard (ammah), the deceased says, A ha naa 
iheftuy " Oh, Soul I greatest of created things." Consequently this title may be (m6nth of) " the producer 
of com.'* The analogy of shaft with sheep^ as in the expression her shefty " sheep-headed " (Champollion, 
Monumens, t. i. pi. xxxviii. bis), and with shape, as when Ammon says to Rameses III. ** 1 give thee my shape 
(sheft-a) in thy limbs," is remarkable. This god is also called the god with two names, and he who conceals 
his name. 




360 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses II. 

such as ^* the great god who comes out of the horizon/* * the Hut is the morning 
sun rising from the east, between the north and south. It is not restricted to tablets 
made at any particular time, so that it does not refer to any season, but it may allude 
to morning worship, which appears to have been the time of prayer. Hence many 
tablets commence, ^' A prayer to the Sun when he shines out of the eastern horizon 
of the heaven." ^ Thus, while the general scene represented the nature of the adora- 
tion, or rather sacrifice, the solar emblem recalled the universal hour of prayer. 
On the occasion of undertaking any work, the monarchs prayed and made these 
sacrifices to the gods, and offered milk, wine, water, incense, and sometimes inani- 
mate objects, such as collars, images, for their health or safety, while the gods in 
their turn were supposed to answer, or responded in an oracular manner. This 
function was generally performed by the living animal of the god, and in one 
instance the cow of the goddess Athor is preceded by a man, who is the one 
'^ acquainted « with the oracle'* of the goddess. Besides which, it appears that in 
Egyptian mythology local deities had each spot under their protection, and it was 
necessary to conciliate their good will when interfering with the site. At Contra 
Pscelcis, Khem and Horus, the beginning and end of the mythic cycle, appear as 
the parhedral deities, and it is probable that the sekos was dedicated to them. To 
this I shall subsequently refer; and, having given so much of explanation, shall 
now proceed to translate the hieroglyphs which explain the object of the proscynema. 
(L. 1 .) On the fourth day of the month Tybi, in the third year of the Sun, living 
lord of the horizon, the strong bull, beloved of Truth, the Lord of diadems, ruler 
of Kami (Eg)rpt), chastiser of countries, the Golden Hawk, the sustainer of years, 
the greatest of the powerful,* the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, the Sun 
defender of Truth approved of the Sun, the Son of the Sun Ramessu, the ever- 
living, beloved of Amen Ra, lord of the foundations of the earth, dweUing in Thebes, 

* << He gives health/' applies to the Hut. — Champollion, Monumens, t. iii. pi. ccL. The Hut, great god, who 

gives a sound life like the Sud. In the tomb of Sethos I. the Hut is called I^S/l\l Neh gatu, ''Lord 

of Sunbeams, like the Sun !** Hence f r may be the '* shining beam/' geta man. — Champollion, Mon. t. iii. 
pi. ccl. 

^ Sharpe, Egypt. Inscript. pi. xlvi. Cf. Diodorus Sicul. i. 70. 

^ Tablets from the Collection of the Earl of Belmore. fo. London, 1843. No. 17. 

^ Naa en nechutf " the greatest of those made strong." The syntax of one adjective before another, or a 
participle, gives the first a superlative value, as when an adjective is placed after another it has an adverbial 

force, thus pl T*^^k nechu ur, " numerous great," is " very great," or " very numerous." — Cf. Prisse, 
Monumens, pi. iv. 2, last line. 




362 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses II. 

(1. 5.) furious against the land of the Nahsi, whose feet are about to trample on 
the Phut/ whose horn is about to butt them ;^ his spirits prevail over Penthannefer, 
his terror reaches to the Karu, his name encircles 

(1. 6.) all lands on account of his power, and what his arms have done ; gold comes 
out of the rock at his name, like as at that of Har, Lord of Bak ; he does whatever he 
wishes in all the lands of the South, like Har in Sham and in Buhan ; the king of 
the upper and lower country, the Sun, the defender of Truth approved of the Sun, 

(1. 7.) Son of the Sun, of his body, lord of diadems, Rambssu, beloved of 
Ammon, ever living and for a long while, like his father the Sun daily. When his 
Majesty was in Ptahka, about to return thanks "" to his fathers, the gods of Upper and 
Lower Egjrpt, because they should give him victory and a great time of millions 

(1. 8.) of years, and to be the first of his kind on the day that he was made ; when 
his majesty was seated on his great throne of gold"^ crowned in feathered plumes, 
in the act of registering the lands from which gold was brought, and in promulgating 
plans for making 

(1. 9.) reservoirs* on the roads deficient of water,' then he heard it said that 

of the dead — mistaken by Champollion (Cailliaud, Voyage k Meroe, vol. iv. p. d5|) for the dedication of the 
parts of the body to the deities — it is said '< his fingers and nails are in (the shape of) living ursL" Hence 
the phrase is probably *' a clawed dragon^* or ** gryphon." 

^ Uun aka. t. her petpet. That aka. t means a claw is proved by the passage in the Ritual (Lepsini, 
Todt. taf. Ixxix. c. 164, L Id) em aka. U en maiL^ *' by the claw of a lion.** The substantive verb hunn^ 
*' to be," or at«, '* to be," acts as an auxiliary ; when accompanied by the preposition Aer, it forms the paulo 
post future, "being about" Both forms occur in this sentence : hunn aka. t u, J* her petpet au abfher 
kahah am sen. De Rouge, M^moire, p. 181, has recognised the gerund force of this form. 

^ Kahahf a word not found in the Coptic, but evidently the action of the horn, as petpet is of the foot. 
Cf. Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, pi. 118, 1. 20. 

^ Or Her ar hess'iuy " about to do the behests," not '< songs," as is usually translated. Under the old 
empire the form is constant. — Lepsius, Denkmaeler, iii. taf. 150. The tablet (Sharpe, Eg. Insc. pi* 17) mentions 
the Lady Matu " as his beloved wife doing his behests {ar-hess) daily." The little statue of the Prince 
Anebta (B. M. No. 78; Lepsius, Auswahl, taf. xi. I. 1), is said to be ar-t em hee-tut '' made by the behests" 
or '* orders" of Hatasu and Thothmes III. It is antithetic to mer, ** love, wish, will ;" as in Lepsius (Todt i. 
c. 1, 16,) aka.fheS'Ut her fm^rut, " he goes in as he wishes, he comes out as he chooses." 

^ Hutf the same as the name of the morning sun, and of the stand or table of viands placed before persons. 

Cf. Sharpe, Egypt Inscript. pi. 100 area ^^^Jm ; also pi. 82, 87 area. 

flfi^ nemi or chenem^ well or tank, for the phonetic value may be either (Bunsen, Egypt's Place, p. 566, 
No. 9 ; Clarac, Mus^e de Sculpture, tom. iii. pi. 248. No. 367, 1. 3) in the name of Chnemis or Chnumis. 

^ J[ Cf. also Rosellini, M. R. No. xlix. i. Ta nem en Ra men Ma naa nechtUy **the tank of the sun, the 
placer of truth (Sethos I.), the greatest of the powerful," — with the pool represented. 



1 






1 1 I which ends in ... . n-ut the past-participial form, the Latm a/, ii^ t-us, and the English 
edf the Coptic u/, is deduced from the passages in which it occurs. This word ends twice with the evil bird. 



relating to the Gold Mines of Ethiopia. 363 

there was abundance of gold in the land of Akaiat, only* its road wanted water for 
the purpose.*" 

(1. 10.) There came complaints from^ the miners<i of the gold washings of the 
place, saying that those who were about to approach® it died^ of thirst on the road, 
with their asses which were before them, for that they could ^ not carry** them 

(1. 1 1 .) drink in their transit, on account of the distance.^ There was*' no gold 



Bunsen, Egypt's Place, 544, No. 81. The root is generally applied to sculpture. — Ibid. p. 549, 126. Per- 
haps the Memphitic KHlt deficient. Cf. Todt. Lepsius, xxxv. 99, 1. ii. t. i. 

® 
* o cher. Generally affixed to the auxiliary verb, the disjunctive conjunction, ^A, utique^ r ever a. 

— Parthey, Vocab. Copt. p. 216; M. De Roug6, M6moire, p. 182. " For I was about to serve the king on 

foot ;*' hunn char-a her shes atai anch uga sneb her ret a. 

^ Akar, or kar. This word constantly occurs in the Ritual (Lepsius, Todt. passim), either after the word 

bach, or rather cha.t, ** spirit," as Lepsius, Todt. xxxi. 1. 7, " Let this chapter be known ; he is one of the 

wise (akar) shades (chut) of the Hades (kameter). With the prefixed s" (ibid. Ixix. 1. i.) <* The book 

of making wise (s'ukar), the dead to be in the midst of the sun, that he may prevail like Turn," &c. 

^ ul II must be corrected to Ul ■ nehpu. lt£gn£ lt£gn s. m. << complaint." — Champollion, Gr. 
Eg. 380 ; Diet 482. 



^\.^ 



ka-ru or Ara/u, a smith. Copt gA.iUt-KC?\^C 




* Correct j\ to j\ mer, which is obvious. 



S'lk 



mut, to die. niD, mort, the root being mu. 

^ Correct > m^ am mu. Its phonetic force is given. — Salvolini, Analyse Grammaticale Gr. A. 
33. It appears to mean ** to contrive." The value of the negative, ben or men, will be subsequently 
mentioned. 

^ Kart. For a proof of this word meaning to carry, cf. ChampoUion, Panth. Egypt, 6.9. ; Lepsius, Todt. 
taf. Ixxviii. c. 163, 1. 13, rubric, gu her heft kar rety " said of a snake bearing (or having) legs." — Ixxix. c. 
164, 1. 42, 43. 

^ The erased part is uncertain. The only part to be relied on is hai em mau .... going from the waters 
[of the river ?] 

^ A careful study of the hieratic papyri, the numerous instances of which are too many to cite, has demon- 
strated to my mind that Jg J^ or y^;i^ is really a negative ; either bu or ben, or else menu or men iULft 
generally in clauses where it is repeated, like the Latin nee and neque, or " neither" and " nor." It generally 
occurs in colloquies. To the auxiliary verbs it is affixed, as hunn bu, \. c aubu, "were not." It will be found 
ml. 14, in the expression « we neither see nor hear." The context shows that it meant, no gold came from 
the •* Akaiat" 



364 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses II. 

brought from that deserf land. His majesty was asked by the keeper of the seals/ 
who was there in attendances^ to let the principal chiefs open* 

(1. 12.) their mouths to his majesty about that land: '' 1 have made them come 
here, leading them into the presence of the good God." They lifted up their arms 
in adoration to his existence/ saluting his gracious countenance/ and explained 
the nature of the country, opening ' their 

(I. 13.) mouth for orders to bore** a reservoir in its road. They then said to his 

* The word is maneschka or maneka. The packet, determinative of dust, dirt, mud, and the evil bird, 
shews that it is used in a bad sense. Perhaps JUtOYItK deficient. It looks like an Aramaic word. Another 
instance of its use seems to occur (Clarac, pi. 242. 1. 1), *< They were going to that place, bearing her 
majesty ( Arsinoe). It is a tank of Sais, which vivifies the desert land !" 

^ Badly copied ; apparently for ^ f|^% mer chatemy the seal-bearer. — Cf. ArchsBologia, vol. XXIX. 



pi. XV. pp. 126, 128, 129. The followmg is either a^^^^ enti er mafy << who was in his place," or 

possibly • l^^\ gabu tthaa, " chief counsellor," or "eunuch," if not the phrase sehu shaa en merut, chief 
counsellor of his will." It seems to be the former. — Cf. Rosellini, M.C. cxxxv., where a tabu or **eanuch" 
draws a bark. 

^ I I ^^ 1 I > A' oi" cf^'cu, followed by a man raising one arm, often occurs in the text, as " to hail^" or 
"to signify,*' or "salute.** Coptic A.CI a chorus. The following group is the locative ma; the next at 
" to hail.** The next is repeated at the end of the other line.— Cf. Todt li. 126. 6. 

^ This group occurs twice, and is probably the word neg, commonly read senty " saviour," a verb used in 
addressing a person, as a neg-hev'ten, "oh, shew your faces** (Lepsius, Todt taf. xlvi. 1. 1 ; xlviiL c. 35), or 



befqa 



else neg, to "assent.** If, however, it is correctly given, it should be I^HI ch-ru Besh^ru, 
nudare os. Neg ru occurs, Lepsius, Todt. xxiv. c. 64, 1. 28. — Cf. Sharpe, Eg. Inscr. pi. 20, 1. 23. 

« Ka or Kar^ meaning existence. In the Ritual the deceased says, " I make all the transformations to place 
my heart in all the pkces I wish ; I exist by it (ka-a amJ*) Lepsius, Todt. taf. ii. 1. 24. The phrase is often 
repeated. Also ChampoUion, Mon. Egypt, t. iL pi. cxxxi., "on the throne of Horns dwelling in living beings." 

^ Sen ta en her f, — Cf. Prisse, Mon. Egypt, pi. xxiv. 1. 8. Ua en gufsen ta em ha cher t, " having 
made his obeisance before his Majesty.*' — ChampoUion, Mon. Eg. pi. cccviii. 1. 2, bis. Uru en {kahui) en 
Rutennu sen en haufra neb^ " the chiefs of the Ruten make obeisance to his (Pehar*s) spirits daily." 

* This group has been already explained. The remainder should be " devised'* her s-cher f""^I ^a^ 
Ka means " the shape,*' tfJL, as Neter nefer emkaen Mentu, " the good god in the shape of Mars.*' — Cham- 
poUion, Mon. iii. pi. ccv. 

h Teba, " to pass through," or " bore" See Bunsen's Egypt*s Place, p. 589, No. 50. In line 19, Phthah 
is called lord of works or devices. Two other forms are seen : Prisse, Mon. xlvi. Nos. 6, 8 ; the context of 
the passages 1. 20, 22. It is the Coptic OYCTfi.. 



relating to the Gold Mines of JEthiopia. 365 

majesty : ' Thou art like the sun in bringing all that you determine^ to pass ; if thou 
issuest an order for light in the night it will come to pass. We have come*' 

(1. 14.) in order to explain the leading* of thy minerals.® When thou art crowned 
as king we can neither hear nor see it— it is yet done as if they (thy quarries) were 
worked.^ What has emanated from thy mouth is like the words of the Sun,^ lord 
of the horizon ; the words weighed in thy breast are 

(1. 15.) collected by Thoth^ 

thou hast not seen it. No land has escaped thy tread in its 

turn, opening its 

(1. 16.) ears when thou art about to clasp' that land. Thou art the egg of the 
glories^ of thy posterity. Thou givest thy words and plans over all lands. Thou art 



• The word chef-t means " before." — M. De Roug6, M6moire, pp. 70, 73. In that case -^mt^ tu-k is 
the detached pronoun of the second person "thou," rC0OK tVTK : other examples occur (Champollion, 

Men. t. i. pi. xxxviii. 1. 4, 6). If cheft is a verb, ^ is the end of the . passive participle, and the 
nominative, as usual in the syntax, is enveloped between it and the verbal root. 
^ Merr-t means "wish" or " will," as ar merrt en nebfra neh^ " doing the will of his master daily.' 



JPvT 



— Lepsius, Auswahl, taf. viii. A.; Archaeologia, XXIX. PI. XIV. Bes^ J I J\ means " to transfer." 
— Burton, Exc. Hier. iii. 

* The general sense is clear, or "if," ab-eky "thou allowest," s*cher, "to make," em^gerhf "the night," 
shuty " light." Compare 1. 20, abi en suten-nu en kar hot " allowed the kings who were before." 

^ As-uty past participle of the verb a#u, which occurs 1. 18, init. The rest of the line is copied wrong : 
probably, her sa, " behind." 

e " Thy sledges '* on the Kamak Tablet (Lepsius, Auswahl, taf. xii. 1. 27) ; ba. — Champoll. Mon. t. i. 
xxxviii. 1. 22, 1. 26. 

' A difficult phrase. 

K A similar phrase occurs at Aboosimbel, where Ramesesnechhef says to the king, *< All that comes out of 
thy mouth is like the words of the Sun." — Champollion, Mon. t. i. pi. ix. No. 2, central line. 

^ 4ik I I s-cheter appears on the right wall of the Speos at Derri, as the equivalent of s-men; as, " I place 
thy name on the great Persea." — Champollion, Mon. t. i. pi. xliii. The following phrases are utterly unin- 
telligible to me. 

* ' ^^/W4bj anky an action of the breast or arm ; a common phrase is ank tau beshtUy " squeezing the 
enemies' lands," as at Beitoually. — Champollion, Mon. i. pi. xliii. 

^ Aau . ^ or oa, "glory,*' A.A. Rosetta Stone. — Brugsch, Inscriptio Rosettana, tab. ii. No. 24, 1. 5, p. 13. 
Champollion, Mon. t. 1., pi. xliii. 2, 1. 8, " I give thee the title ... the throne while upon earth." 

VOL. XXXIV. 3 B 



366 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses 11. 

the youth* subduing the evil.^ No evil approaches'" — it does not* terrify 
thee. 

(1. 17.) It cannot exist before thee/ Thou hast made thy mouth over the 
depths/ Thou art the youth performing works* which are the device of thy hand 
laying them down. Shouldst ^ thou say to the waters, C!ome out of the rock, forth 
issues the celestial 

(1. 18.) water in obedience to thy request.* Thou art the Sun in person, made in 
truth ; thou art the living image of the Sun, the flesh of thy father Tum, lord of 



* ^rft '' & child," as in the Legend of the Sun at Edfoo (Champollion, t. ii. pi. cxxiii. in the first hour, 1. 1, 2,) 
^' This god comes as lord of Edfoo, the great god, lord of the heaven, in the cabin with the Sun. He has 

made his transformation in the globe of gold, he is changed into a boy | J*# ('^ placed in the 
midst of it." — Cf. Ibid, t ii. pi. cxxiii. 2, for Horus, gef as her em Ra, " the noble child who emanates 
from the Sun I " 

** The following group may be read kar butetiy as in the tablet (Sharpe, Eg. Inscr. pi. xcix.), ** governor of 
the north and of the south, terrifying the evil" (buten), or like the Kamak Tablet (Lepsius, Auswahl, taf. xii. 
I. 14) <<his majesty approaches Egypt, the envoys of the . . . . (kanbut) come bearing their tributes of black 
stone . . . . " This looks, as it has been suggested, as if the inscription referred to pictures on the other 
side of the wall. ChampoUion, (Mon. pl. ix. 1. 1, 15,) ben hunn besht em ha k, ** no enemies are before 
thee." 

^ Bu ai men, a very difficult phrase : " comes no monument ? " 

•* Au ben su heli "it is not — feared:" mutilated, and uncertain. 

^ Bu cheper tepu em chet Ar, " it is not engendered from thy seed." Tep heru either means '* guide of 
the way," or " preparer of the path." In the Ritual is mentioned the egg of Seb, (laid on earth), tep er ta. 
— Lepsius, Todt. taf. xxii., c. 54, 1. 2. 

life 

' A difficult phrase, ar nek ru her en pe . . , . The mutilated word looks like f J » • • hutby a well or foun- 
tain. See I. 21. If aaaaa or set Cf. however, ^l||¥ teser, "fluid." — Leeman's Monumens, ix. d. 38, 1. 

xn 

^ Au k em hunnu shet kat nebi. The apparent restoration of | | i "ten years," would be " thou art 
the youth of ten years old. If it could stand it should be renpa, " growth," or " renewal." 



1 



^ Ar I the substantive verb to be, English are, A.pi prefix of the imperative ; sometimes 



<^ 



i^ 



Cf. Lepsius, Todt. c. 6, taf. ii. ; and in the rubrics of the Ritual "^^ ar-kar, " let only." 

* The syntax is worth remarking: her, "forth comes;" mau, the water; as.t, " following ;" em-sa, "behind;" 
ru-k, " thy mouth ;" viz. the verb, the nominative, the participle dependent following the nominative, and the 
preposition with the locative. For as, see Leps. TodU Ixi. c. 141, last lines ; a« ark " you may go on." 



relating to the Gold Mines of JEthiopia. 367 

Petennu. The god Hu* (taste) is in thy mouthy Ka^ (feeling) is in thy heart, 
Isis *^ is in thy beard, the shrine of Truth is seated in thy breast, for all the words 
thou makest daily, 

(1. 19.) all thy heart has been made to expand by Phtha, the deviser of works. 
Thou art for ever. All thy plans are executed ;* thy words are listened to, oh our 
LfOrd ! When the land of Akaiat had spoken as aforesaid,® the prince of the vile 
Kish (^Ethiopia; then 

(L 20.) spoke as . . . before his majesty, that it (the land of Akaiat) was 
labouring under a want of water during the late reign, ' and that persons had died 

^ In the Legends of the Sun at Esneh, occurs an illustration of the real names of these two gods, Ilu and Ka, 
who stand adoring the disc of the Sun, on which is a scarabxus and pschent. On the other side of the boat 
are two other gods ; one having on his head an eye, personifying ^* Sight " ; the other with an ear, meaning 
<* Hearing.*' From this it would appear that Hu and Ka are two other senses. Taste and Touch. The curved 
object is apparently the tongue. In the Ritual of the British Museum of Nebseni, loco Lepsius, Todt. taf. xxxvi. 

c. 99, 1. 28, 29, the form occurs ma ten n-a hu hetp er-ru a, ^' give ye to me to taste (hu) X l^^^i^ iV 
food in my mouth." Hence the name of the god Hu V ^ y^ seems to be Taste. 

Va 

^ The preceding note shows why the god represented by the woof and eagle J^V not cut as the text 
of M. Prisse represents, should signify *' touch," or " smell," as another of the senses. Variations in the 
mode of writing the name of this god occur (Lepsius, Ueher den Gotterkreis^ s. 29). In the Mystical Hall 
the following phrase occurs : " Thou dost not proceed," says the porter, " unless thou tellest my name." — 
" Feeler of hearts (Jka-hatu), requirer of bellies (jgar chatu), is thy name," replies the deceased. Cf. Brugsch, 
Inscr. Ros. tab. viL I. 13, No. 65 ; rta ka uU " that it may be felt" or " perceived," and tab. i. 1. 3, No. 27. 

^ Possibly for ** truth," ma. It is also not impossible that the apparent word mert or mers, the beard, may 
be sepU ^* the lips ;" and mean, <* Truth is on thy lips." 

n© . 

^ This phrase throws some light upon the very difficult word \\f\ %-cheruy reading arut em secher 

nebf " done are all plans ;" eatem ut gu neb ek, " listened to (are) all thy words ;" one of the meanings of 

seeher is " sections," as " the gods in this section {scherpen) ^ ChampoUion, Gr. p. 471 ; Diet, 321, 382. 

Hence, the word " plan " answers well the sense. Cf. 1. 8. A common title of the god Chons is Ar-schar. 

See Prisse, Mon. pi. xxiv. " Contriver ?" similar to the phrase ar-chet, " producer." 

^n /wws 
* As it stands in the text nenu er *, this word •y'"f*AAM^ nen, means, "order, kind, rank." Thus an 

often-repeated phrase in inscriptions, cha nen, means •* of the same rank " in the titles of functionaries. Hence 

the so-called tatanen in the Ritual mean rank, order, kind. Lepsius, Ueber den Gotterkreis, s. 42, note 

Cf. also I. 8. In the treaty with the Khita and Rameses II., em nennu appears to signify « as aforesaid." 

^ The use of the auxiliary au, as prefix of the perfect, is self-evident. The prince " had" spoken, and was 

not " about to speak." What the group H means, I do not know, unless it is er-*, or ar-e^ " doing it." 



368 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses Il.y 

in it through want of water ; that the kings who were before had wished * to dig a 
tank in it, but were not able to dig it ; 

(1. 21.) that the king, the /Sw», the placer of Truth (Sethos I.), had likewise 
attempted to cause a tank to be made for 1 20 cubits in front to bring it to the road, 
but that the water would not come out of it. If thou thyself sayest to thy father 
Hapi (the Nile), 

(1 22.) the father of the gods, " Let water come out of the rock," all will be done 
as thou commandest and orderest, being about to be done before us. Have not thy 
requests been heard ? For thou art beloved of thy fathers the gods above all kings, 

(1. 23.) formed like the Sun ! His majesty replied to the chiefs : " All your words 
are true, stating^ that there has been no boring for water during the past reign, as 
ye say. I will make a reservoir in it for drinking daily, like 

(1. 24.) a reservoir according to the commands of his father Amen 

Ra, lord of the foimdations of the earth, and of the threefold Horus, lords of Phut,* 
that they should gratify his wishes. I have caused it to be said in [that] land . • . 

(1. 25.) in saluting their lord, in reverencing, in making it on their belly 

before, in prostrating,** and in 

\}. 26.) proclaiming to the heaven. Said his majesty to the royal scribe the 
governor 



The next phrase .^>/ Q | ter rek neief', '* while ruled the god," means, '* the past,'* or '< late reign." 
An expression exactly similar occurs in the restoration of the palace of Luxor, by Alexander III. of Macedon, 
in which he says he has made the restoration of the place in white stone, well carved, as it was in the 

reign (matht ter -rek en char suten ^^^'mm^x 'y Jj^aaajw^ jB^ ) of Amenophis III. — ChampoUion, 

Mon. t. iv. pi. cccxxxviii. 3. A^AA Jtg^M ^^j lTMl — Champ. Mon. t iv. pi. cccxcv. 4. L 6. 
Men hekar en rek-a, ^* I have not fasted in my time," says an officer at Benihassan. The same expression 
occurs on the tablet at Leyden. M. de Roug6 (R6vue Arch6ologique, tom. vL p. 566) has also given 
another instance, ter rek Har uah anch, ** while ruled the Horus, the augmenter of life I" In an inscription, 
(Sharpe, pi. 83. 1. 4,) Mem em rek cher sut cheb Ra satp hat ma tu; " I was bom in the reign of the 
king, the peaceful Sun (Amenemha I.), deceased," is said by Mentusa, a scribe. 

» For the value of ah or chah. see Brugsch, Inscr. Rosett. pi. 1. 

^ Tehu here is evidently a mistake or error of the transcriber for tebhuy "to beseech, to state'* (Ch. Gr. 878). 

^ The triple Horus is Horus lord of Sham (Maehakit) of Behni (the Wady Haifa) and of Bak . . . A fourth 
form also occurs at lord of Maha, They are often worshipped in Nubia, especially at Gebel Addeb and 
Aboosimbel — ChampoUion, Mon. t. i. pi. ii. 3 ; vi. 3. 

<* S-kab, tfOO&C, to humiliate or prostrate. 



relating to the Gold Mines of JEthiopia. 369 

(1. 27.) .... of the road to the Akaita. Thou givest the month* and day. 
Has 

(1. 28.) as it was done before, when he was conducting ^ men (Egyp- 

tians) to 

(1. 29.) shewing it the (things) done by the Prince of Kish. The 

water was 

(1. 30.) the road to the land of Akaiat. Never ^^ was there one made 

like it while there were kings in Kami (Egypt) 

(1. 31.) causing fishes in the pools,^ the oxyrhynchi touched the reeds 

in pleasing him are made 

(1. 32.) as if rowed by Truth, sailed bearing a letter* from the Prince 

of the vile Kish (^Ethiopia). 

(1. 33.) thy majesty said by thy own mouth, that there should be water 

in it to the depth of ten cubits; it is already four cubits deep ' there. 

(1. 34.) .... it (or them) to come like the plan, made by the god to gratify thy 
wishes. Never (was any thing) done like it 

(1. 35.) Akaiat, in order to take them from the great ...» being 

at a distance 

(1. 36.) the ruler of the water which is in the firmament (place of 

gates,) because he has listened to his boring for water in the 



* This phrase only derives interest from the idea 7\Ol ^^^^ ^^^ group is the word smat, one of the 
decans, and that it marks a month of the panegyrical cycle of the great year. — R. Stewart Poole, Horae, 
pi. iii. 1 — 11, p. 55, and foil. An instance of its meaning << month" will be fomid on the base of the Kamak 
obelisk. Prisse, Monumens, pi. zviii. sect. 3, last line. ** His majesty commenced (ghcta) to make it (the 
obelisk) on the first day of the month Mechir (smat), and terminated (neferi) on the thirtieth of Mesori of the 
1 6th year, making seven months from when it was in the quarry." It is here necessary to correct 16th, as it 
stands in the text, to the 15th, for the context requires it. Cf. also Lepsius, Todtenbuch, taf. Iv. c. 134, 
rubric, '* adorations of the sun on the day of the month of the sailing of the boat,** c. 136. <* Another chapter 
to be said on the new moon" (en renpa en Abot). 

^ The full form of this word is heben, s-heben, — Cf. Sharpe, Eg. Inscr. pi. 29, 28, 1. hor. line, '* The 
return of that great god to the fields of the gods ;*' sometimes to ** combine." 

^ The second pair of arms ought to be a bolt. The phrase is cU sep, *' no time." 

** Rami, " in the pools," kah en shaat an tehu, " touching the oxjrrinchi in the reeds." — Cf. Cham- 
pollion. Diet. p. 453, Kah XOJg ; and Peyron, Lex. Ling. Copt. p. 253, AltTOg or *« the rushes ;" Lep- 
sius, Todt. Ixxiii. c. 149, n. 56, meh atur tahu, <* the river is full of rushes." What this refers to I do not 
know. Perhaps it is a poetic expression, denoting that the rami and oxyrinchi entered the pool. 

® Sett, perhaps for CA.CI. The common word for a letter is sha . /. 

' Set, the same word as before, or else ges, XIC£. 

^ Rennu, determined by a block, perhaps ** under the great names of Horns ;" but what it means here is 
difficult to say, the few remaining parts of these lines are so mutilated. 



370 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses II. 

(1. 37.) he has the prince sending. They were exceUent 

about 

(1. 38.) ... Amen Ra, the good deeds compelled and declared 

(1. 39.) denominated the pool to be that of the tank [or well] of Rameses, 

beloved of Amen, victorious in 

The village of Kouban or Kobban, which is situate upon the eastern bank of the 
Nile, is apparently the Contra Pscelcis of the Itinerary of Antoninus, as it lies imme- 
diately opposite Dakke, and in about the 23"* 10' north latitude, between the first and 
second cataract. Not much is known of this locality, the attention of travellers 
having been principally directed to the more promising ruins of Dakke. The town 
has, however, been visited and described by Belzoni, Burckhardt, Dr. Richardson, 
and others. The site is described as like that of El Hegs, or Eileithyia ; and the 
peribolos, or trace of an oblong space of about 150 paces by 100, with a wall of sun- 
burnt brick, 20 feet deep and 30 feet high, within which are the ruins of private dwel- 
lings, shews that it was one of the strong places in Nubia of the eighteenth dynasty. 
At the south-east comer of the wall beyond the peribolos are the remains of a 
small temple of rude construction, in the sanctuary of which the present tablet 
was probably found. It is a remarkable fact that the Bedouins have always retained 
a tradition, which is also found in all the Arabian geographers, that the Djebel 
O^llaky or Allaghi, which gives its name to a chain of mountains beginning to the 
east, at the distance of an hour's ride from Kobban, and continuing to the Red Sea, 
contained gold mines ; and this statement, endeavoured to be explained away by 
Burckhardt,' receives a remarkable confirmation from the present tablet. Nor is 
the name Oellaky totally unknown to the hieroglyphical inscriptions, as it is the 
exact transcription of Ualuka^ the name of one of the tribes conquered by Amen- 
ophis III. Still more recently this locality was visited by Mr. Bonomi and Mr. 
Linant, and the results of their journey and a description of the mine at Eshuranib 
or Eshuanib, about three days' journey beyond Wadee Allaghi, is given by Sir Gardner 
Wilkinson^ in his Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. It is remarkable 
that this spot, which lies in the Bisharee desert or at Edreese, is called by Abulfedah 
the land of Bigga or Boja, a name found in the Ethnic tablets. 

The condition of the tablet upon the whole is not so defective as might appear at 
first sight. In fact, the 26th line joins on and completes the 25th, as will be seen 

* A precis of the account of these travellers will be found in the Modern Traveller, Egypt and Nubia, 
vol. ii. pp. 293, 294. 

^ Manners and Customs, vol. iii. p. 229, and following. 



relating to the Gold Mines of Ethiopia. 37' 



t 



by inspecting it; the fixed point being the figure of a man with the arms 
raised, the upper part of whose body is in the 25th and the lower part in 
the 26th line. This lower fragment should consequently be moved to the 
rights so as to almost bring the end of the longest line to the edge of the 
tablet, and only a small portion of this side is wanting. Of the left-hand side, about 
one half of the commencement of each line is wanting ; and, with our present know- 
ledge of texts, it is not possible to propose more than a general restoration of the 
sense. Enough, however, remains to show the general import of this part of the 
tablet, and the general historical information conveyed. As in the case of the 
temple of Khons, the inscription must have had a hieratic import, in connection 
with the temple ; these sacred edifices being in all cases the depositaries of the 
official decrees. In Egyptian history, these documents assume a dramatic form, 
and are a striking picture of the customs and laws of the empire. The present is a 
process verbal, from which the following may be gathered. On the fourth of Tybi, 
in the third year of his reign, Rameses II., then in his youth, was registering the 
annual tribute in the land of Phthaka. The king was returning thanks to the gods, 
and was probably celebrating the fete or festival of Amen Ra, in his ithyphallic 
type of the god Chem^ who was the eponymous deity of the Egyptian month Tybi ; 
and it is probable from the subsequent expressions in 1. 8, " when his majesty was 
seated on his great throne of gold crowned in feathered plumes," that it was the 
anniversary of the royal coronation, which was purposely, during the nineteenth 
dynasty, made to correspond with that of the autumnal equinox. The coronation 
of Rameses III., or Miamoun, at Medinat Haboo, was celebrated on the 1st of 
the month Pashons. There are many reasons for connecting the festival of the 
" bringing-forth" or *^ exposition" of Khem, with that of the coronation. The 
peculiar glory and distinction of this god were his mystical plumes,* and his aUiance 
with Horus, upon whose throne the king was supposed to sit, or upon that of the 
god Twm, "the setting" sun, and of JRa, the midday luminary.^ Thus, on the 
occasion of the coronation, the four genii, — Amset, Hapi, Tuaut-mutf, and Kabh- 

* They are coDstantlj alluded to. At Luxor Amenophis III. (Champollion, Mon. t. iv. pi. cccxlviii.) placed 
them on his head. In the first part of the Ritual, in which the deceased has to explain several mystical 
notions, the god says, '* I am Khem, in his ' coming forth,' or < showing ;' plumes have heen placed on his 
bead. Rubric. Let him explain it. Khem is Horus, the sustainer of his father ; his appearance is his birth ; 
the plumes on his head are Isis and Nephthys walking ;" or his eyes, and certain serpents of his father, the god 
Tum, were also explained as symbolized by these plumes. — Lepsius, Todt. c. 17, 1. 12-15. 

*» Champollion, Mon. t iv. pi. cccxliii. Also of Seb. " He (Amenophis III.) has placed to him the 
throne of Seb, the title of Tum," on the 1st of the month Pashons. — Champ. M. cccxxx. 



372 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses 11. 

senuf, — under the form of birds, are sent to announce to the gods of the north, 
south, east, and west that the king has taken the crowns of the upper and lower 
country;* and Thoth is represented at Kamak standing before Euei^etes 1. and 
Berenice II. with the inscription, ** Says the being of the two gods Euergetse, for an 
eternity of cycles, and infinity of festivals, biUions of years, millions of months, hun- 
dreds of thousands of days, tens of thousands of [nights] , thousands of hours, hun- 
dreds of minutes ("ha.tjy tens of seconds ranj^ ' Ye are the two gods, crowned on 
the throne of [Horus], indwelling in living creatures for ever !'*'** 

The god Khem was particularly the god of the quarries, an officer who was 
appointed on the 1 5th day of the month Athyr, in the second year of the reign of 
Mentuhetp, or M andouphis, to be nomarch and governor of the desert ; to bring 
the good precious stones from the quarry, or mine, *' making," it continues, " his 
work to the living lord inscribed for the edifices in the temples of the south ;" also 

" from the lands of his father Khem he has made." Allusions to the 

crowning of the monarch Rameses II. like Khem occur at Beitoually, ^^ Bearing his 
bow in his chariot^'' say the hieroglyphs ; *' he is like Mentu (Mars) ; crowned upon 
horseback, he is like Khem:' "" 

At the time of the celebration of the festival of his coronation the monarch was in 
the land or city of Phtha-ka,^ by which is perhaps meant the land of the Pataikos, 
or Memphis, in which the god was worshipped under his Pigmaic form, the word 
Pataik*os being probably the Egyptian and not the Phenician name of the god.« 

There is a subject copied from the tomb of Rameses III. in the Biban El Molook, 
of the personification of several regions advancing with offerings of their products to 
the king. The order there is Hapi, the Nile ; the Northern Peten^ or Poni ; Ta-meh, 
the north or irrigated country, a river, or Nile, surmounted by three fishes ; then the 
Nile surmounted by three other fishes ; then the region of Phtha-Ka ; another Nile 
surmounted by one fish, and the Southern Peten/ Now the gods at Hermonthis 
are called lords of the Southern Peten, of which this city was probably the extreme 

• Sir G. Wilkinson, Man. and Cust. pi. Ixxvi. 

^ Lepsiua, Einleitung, s. 127. For ka, " existence, feeling/' vide infra. This is omitted in parallel passages. 
— Champollion^ Mon. t. iv. pi. cccxliii. It is evident that the cyphers precede^ and do not follow, the periods ; 
hence ^ . ^, or a ^, is ** a minute," and an^ <' a second." In a papyrus, Brit. Mus. the head of a hippopotamus 
replaces the g^roup Auititu, or unnu^ '< an hour," which may be compared with Horapollo, lib. ii. c. 20, 
"liriros wordfJiios ypa^ofievos &pav hifKol, 

"^ Champollion, Mon. ^ Burton, £xc. Hier., pi. v. 

* Herodot. iii. s. 37. 

^ Champollion, Mon. cclii. 



relating to the Gold Mines of Ethiopia. 373 

limit.' The northern limit of this region was San, or Heliopolis. The country of 
Peten is consequently to be looked for between these limits, and it is not a little 
remarkable that Rameses III., or M iamoun, calls himself " ruler (heka) of Peten," 
and that Amenanchut calls himself ruler of the " Southern Peten." 

Numerous remains in the vicinity of the old Memphis show that Rameses II. much 
enlarged and beautified the temple of Phtha,^ and it is exceedingly probable that the 
king was then at Memphis ; the more so, as it seems to have remained, till the age 
of the Ptolemies, the old hieratic capital ; and the monarch was engaged in worship 
of the gods of the upper and lower countries, or of the empire in general, and not 
in a special act of homage to any local deity. It would appear that these solemn 
occasions were particularly used for the transaction of public business. It was, for 
example, when one of the later Ramessids was celebrating the festival of Ammon in 
Thebes, that the ambassador of the Bakutana was introduced to him.*" On these 
occasions the great officers of state were present, and ordonnances were issued by 
the king to them. The monarch, on the celebration of this festival, had under con- 
sideration the enregistering of the amount of gold brought from the South. One 
of these coronation scenes is represented at Thebes. Rameses II. enters, kneeling at 
the rich shrine, in which is seated Amen Ra, and behind him his wife Mut. Thoth, 
Ra, and Horus all follow, holding notched palm-branches, from which hang emblems 
of the festivals. A colloquy ensues between the gods, and the hieroglyphs explain 
the scene thus : *^ The king Rameses is being crowned upon the throne of Ra, the 
Sun." The gods speak as follows : — 

Amen. — [Speech omitted.] 

Mux. — [Speech omitted.] 

Thoth. — My beloved son Rameses, beloved of Ammon, I have come to you 
bringing the festivals. 

Mentu. — I am thy father Mentu. I give thee power over all lands. 

Har-siesis. — ^Take the royal title, my beloved son, of the Lord of Thebes. I 
give thee the title, and to mount on the throne as when thou wert upon earth for 
ever. Thou art crowned as king for ever under the title (aa) of the Sun, the 
sustainer of truth — the approved of the Sun, the living !^ 

From the Karnak Tablet it appears that accurate registers of the tribute paid to 

• Or Poone. Champollion, Mod. t. ii. pi. clxvi. 2 ; cxlviii. 1. 

*» Cf. for example, the Colossus at Metrahenny. Mr. Bonomi, Trans. R. See. Lit, new series, ii.297. 

^ Prisse, Monumens, pi. xxiv. 

^ Champollion, Mon. t. iv. pi. cccxlviii. bis. 

VOL. XXXIV. 3 c 



374 Up(m an Historical Tablet of Rameses 11. 

Egypt were kept in the rolls of the king's palace^ under the direction of a royal 
scribe.' And these again were delivered to the scribes of the silver-house, or treasury, 
of whom there were nine, who recorded the materials and substances paid.^ In 
addition to which, the quantities deposited were represented on the wall as in 
the treasury chamber of Rameses III.,'' or Miamoun, at Medinat Haboo, and also 
in a chamber of the temple at Philse.^ 

A record of the quantity raised at the mines was diligently kept ; hence, at the 
old mine of the King Sene/ru at the Wady Magara, an officer records in the third 
year of Amenemes III. the copper and 724 troops.* It does not indeed appear 
whether this was raised daily or monthly ; but the tablets in the vicinity of 
the excavations always alluded to the locality, and the works carried on there 
from time to time ; ^^ this memorial to his father Khem-Khabt-Har (C!optos), lord of 
the quarries over the Phut, that he may accord him very many festivals, and to live 
like the Sun ! " ^ It is, perhaps, more probable that the proscynema is addressed to 
Khem, as lord of the Hill or Specs ; for the same expression is used both in the 
Cosseyr road in speaking of the emerald mines, and also of the Specs Artemidos, of 
which Pasht was " the mistress." 

The principal inducements which led the Pharaohs to the south were the valuable 
products, especially the minerals, with which that region abounded. At the early 
period of the fourth and sixth Egyptian dynasties, no traces occur of Ethiopian 
relations, and the frontier was probably at that time Eileithyia (El Hegs). So far 
indeed from the Egyptian civilisation having descended the cataracts of the Nile, 
there are no monuments to show that the Egj^tians were then even acquainted with 
the black races, the Nahsi as they were called. Some information is found at the 
time of the eleventh dynasty. The base of a small statue inscribed with the name of 
the king Ra nub Cheper^ apparently one of the monarchs of the eleventh djmasty, 
whose prenomen was discovered by Mr. Harris on a stone built into the bridge 
at Coptos, intermingled with the Enuentefs, has at the sides of the throne on 
which it is seated Asiatic and Negro prisoners. Under the monarchs of the 

* Lepsius, Auswahl, taf. 1. 13 ; M. De Roug6, Memoire, p. 103. In a paper read before the Roy. Soc. 
of Literature, 14th November, 1850, 1 had made the same correction. 

*» Cf. Dr. Hincks, Winchester Meeting, Trans. Brit. Archaeol. Assoc, p. 257. 
^ Champollion, Monumens Egyptiens, Notice Descriptive, p. 364. 
^ MS. of Mr. Harris. 

* Burton, Exc. Hier. pi. xii. Lepsius, Denk. ii. t. 149, f. 
^ Burton, Exc. Hier. pi. v. 



relating to the Gold Mines o/jEthiopia. 375 

twelfth dynasty, the vast fortifications of Samneh* show the growing import- 
ance of ^Ethiopia, while the conquest of the principal tribes is recorded by 
Sesertesen I. at the advanced point of the Wady Halfa.^ The most remarkable 
feature of this period are the hydraulic observations carefully recorded under the 
last monarchs of the line, and their successors the Sebakhetps "" of the thirteenth 
d}masty. A tablet in the British Museum, dated in the reign of Amenemha I. has 
an account of the mining services of an officer in iEthiopia at that period. ^^I 
worked," he says, *' the mines in my youth ; I have regulated aU the chiefs of the 
gold washings ; I brought the metal penetrating to the land of Phut to the Nahsi." * 
It is probably for these gold mines that we find in the second year of Amenemha IV. 
an officer bearing the same name as the king, stating that he ^^ was invincible in 
his majesty's heart in smiting the Nahsi." ^ In the nineteenth year of the same 
reign were victories over the Nahsi/ At the earliest age ^Ethiopia was densely 
colonized, and the gold of the region descended the Nile in the way of commerce ; 
but there are no slight difficulties in knowing the exact relations of the two 
countries. 

The age of the eighteenth dynasty is separated from the twelfth by an interval 
during which the remains of certain monarchs named Sebakhetp, found in 
the ruins of Nubia, show that they were at least ^Ethiopian rulers. The most 
important of the monuments of this age is the propylon of Mount Barkal, the 
ancient Napata, built by the so-called S-men-ken, who is represented in an 
allegorical picture vanquishing the ^Ethiopians and Asiatics.* The eighteenth 
dynasty opened with foreign wars. The tablet of Aahmes-Pensuben in the Louvre 
records that he had taken '' two hands," that is, had killed two negroes personally 
in Kish or ^Ethiopia.** More information, and particularly bearing upon the 
Tablet of Rameses, is afforded by the inscription of Eilethyia, now publishing in 
an excellent memoir by M. de Roug^, in the line, " Moreover," says the officer, 
" when his majesty attacked the Mena-en-shaa," or Nomads, " and when he stopped 
at PentUhan-nefer to cut up the Phut, and when he made a great rout of them, I led 
captives from thence two living men and one dead (hand). I was rewarded with 

» Rapport de M. le Revd. P. Abeken. Bulletin d. 1. Soc. Geogr. 8vo, Paris, 1845, 3°»« serie, torn. iv. p. 
168 and foil. p. 170-77. Proc. Acad. Sciences, Philadelphia, 1845, p. 1-8. 

'' Rosellini, M. R. xxv. 4. 

' M. De Roug6, Rev. Arch. vol. v. 311. •* B. M. 569. 

* Communicated by Sir G. Wilkinson. — Lepsius, ^ ^ , a vt ^^ I i I "*HL| X fl fl 1^ 
Denk. ii. 138. AAfiT^ ^ KS^ 1 Vv® Ul %X I J[f 

^ Lepsius, Denk. iii. 140. « Cailliaud, Voyage a Meroe, pi. hi. 

^ Lepsius, Auswahl, fo., Beriin, 1844, taf. xiv. A ; Prisse, Mon. Eg. pi. iv. 



376 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses II. 

gold for victory again ; I received the captives for slaves." During the reign of 
Amenophis I., the successor of Amosis, the Louvre tablet informs that he had taken 
one prisoner in Kash or iEthiopia. At El Hegs, the functionary states, " I was in 
the fleet of the king — the sun, disposer of existence (Amenophis L), justified ; he 
anchored at Kush in order to enlarge the frontiers of Kami, he was smiting the Phut 
with his troops.** Mention is subsequently made of a victory, and the capture of pri- 
soners. It is interesting to find here the same place, Penti-han-nefer, which occurs in 
a Ptolemaic inscription on the west wall of the pronaos of the Temple of Philse, where 
Isis is represented as " the mistress of Senem and the regent of Pent-han-nefer/** 
From this it is evident that these two places were close to each other, and that this 
locality was near the site more recently called Ailak or Philae. The speos of this 
monarch at Ibrim, the chapels at Tennu, or the Gebel Selseleh, show that the 
permanent occupation of Nubia at the age of the eighteenth dynasty extended 
beyond Philae. Several small tesserae of this reign represent the monarch actually 
vanquishing the iEthiopians.^ 

The immediate successors of Amenophis occupied themselves with the conquest 
of ^Ethiopia. There is a statue of Thothmes I. in the island of Argo,"" and a 
tablet dated on the 15 Tybi of his second year at Tombos.* The old temple 
at Samneh was repaired and dedicated to Sesortesen III., supposed by some tabe 
the Sesostris who is worshipped by Thothmes III. as the god Tat-un, or " Young 
Tat.*'« It is at the temple of Samneh that the first indication occurs of that line of 
princes who ruled over ^Ethiopia, by an officer who had served under Amosis and 
Thothmes I., in which last reign he had been appointed Prince of iEthiopia/ The 
reign of Thothmes III. shews that Kush figured on the regular rent-roll of Eg3rpt. 
The remains of the mutilated account of the fortieth regnal year of the king is men- 
tioned as ^^240 ounces'' or ^^measures of cut precious stones and 100 ingots of gold.** 
Subsequently ^' two canes** of some valuable kind of wood, and at least '' 300 ingots 
of gold,** are mentioned as coming from the same people.' It appears from the tomb 
of Rech-sha-ra, who was usher of the Egyptian court at the time, and who had duly 

* On the pronaos of Esnch (Ptolemaic), Champollion, Mon. t. i. pi. xcvi. 2, his. In the twenty-eighth 
year of Shishak II. mention is made of the good gold of Penti han nefer, — Young, Hier. pi. xliii. ii. Q. n. 

^ Birch, Gall, of Antiq p. 73-74 ; Rosellini, Mon. Stor. iii., pi. i , p. 95, 79, 80. 

^ Sir G. Wilkinson, Man. and Cast i. p. 52. ^ Lepsius, Denk. iii. 15. 

^ Young, Hieroglyphics, pi. 92. I cannot agree with M. Lepsius (Ueher den Gotterkreis, s. 85,) that 
Tattu represents This — ^but rather Tadu, (Pliny, N. H. vi. 29,) or, as it is sometimes read, Tatu. 

' Young, Hieroglyphics, pi. 91. 

» Lepsius, Auswahl, taf. xii; Young, Hieroglyphics, pi. 41, 42. 



i 



relating to the Gold Mines of Ethiopia. ^77 

introduced the tribute-bearers, that the quota paid from this country was bags of 
gold and gems, monkeys, panther-skins, logs of ebony, tusks of ivory, ostrich-eggs, 
ostrich-feathers, camelopards, dogs, oxen, slaves.^ The permanent occupation of 
the country is at the same time attested by the constructions which the monarch 
made, at Samneh, and the Wady Halfa.^ At Ibrim Nehi, prince and governor of 
the South, a nomarch, seal-bearer, and counsellor or eunuch, leads the usual 
tribute mentioned as "of gold, ivory, and ebony" to the king.'' Set, or Typhon, 
called ^' Nuf or ''Nub-Nub,^'' Nubia, instructs him in the art of drawing 
one of those long bows which these people, according to the legend, contemp- 
tuously presented to the envoys of Cambyses. The successor of this monarch 
seems to have held the same extended territory, since, in the fourth year 
of his reign, these limits are mentioned,'' and some blocks with the remains of 
a dedication to the local deities. One of the rock temples at Ibrim was excavated in 
the reign of Amenophis II. by the Prince Naser-set, who was " nomarch" frepa haj, 
" chief counsellor " (^sabu shaaj, and " governor of the lands of the south.** The 
wall-paintings represent the usual procession of tribute -bearers to the king, vrith 
gold, silver, and animals, some of whom, as the jackals, were enumerated.^ The 
same monarch continued the temple at Amada, and a colossal figure of him, 
dedicated to Chnumis and Athor, and sculptured in the form of Phtha or Vulcan, 
has been found at Begghe, and in the fourth year of his reign the limits of the 
empire are still placed as Mesopotamia on the north, and the Kalu or Gallae on 
the south.* 

In the reign of his successor Thothmes IV. a servant of the king, apparently his 
charioteer, states he had attended the king from Naharaina on the north, to Kalu, 
or the Gallae, in the south.** 

The constructions of this monarch at Amada and at Samneh, shew that tribute 
came at the same time from the chiefs of the Naharaina on the north, and also 
from ^Ethiopia. This is shewn by the tombs of the military chiefs lying near 
the hill which is situate between Medinat Haboo and the house of Jani, one of 
whom had exercised the office of royal scribe or secretary of state, from the reign 

* Hoskin's Travels in ^Ethiopia, 4to, London, 1835, p. 228, &c. 

^ A temple of Thoth was founded by him there. — ChampoUion, Notice Descriptive, p. 36. 

' ChampoUion, Not. Descr. pp. 79, 80. 

** ChampoUion, Mon. Eg. t. i. pi. xvii; Burton, Exc. Hier. 

^ Vyse (Col. Howard) Pyramids, Journal, vol. iii., pi. Tourah quarries. 

^ ChampoUion, Not. Descr. pp. 84, 85. J 40 boats full (of ivory and ebony), 10 jackals and apes. 

^ Vyse (Col. Howard) Pyramids of Gizeh, vol. iii ; Tourah quarries, 2. 

^ Sbarpe, Eg. Inscr., pi. xciii. 1. 5, 6. 



378 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses 11. 

of Thothmes III. to that of Amenophis III/ The reign of his successor, the last 
mentioned monarch, is the most remarkable in the monumental history of Egjrpt for 
the ^Ethiopian conquests. The marriage scarabsei of the king place the limits of 
the empire as the Naharaina (Mesopotamia) on the north, and the Karn or Kalu 
(the Gallae) on the south. Although these limits are found, yet it is evident from 
the number of prisoners recorded that the Eg3rptian rule was by no means a settled 
one.** They are Kish, Pet or Phut, Pamaui, Patamakai Uaruki, Taru-at, Baru, 
.... kaba, Aruka, Makaiusah, Matakarbu, Sahabu, Sahbaru, Ru-nemka, Abhetu, 
Turusu, Shaarushak, Akenes, Serunik Karuses, Shaui, Buka, Shau, Taru Taru, 
Turusu, Turubenka, Akenes, Ark, Ur, Mar. (See Plate XXVII.) 

Amongst these names will be seen in the list of the Pedestal of Paris that of the 
Akaiat or Aka-ta, a name much resembling that of the Ath-agau, which is still pre- 
ser\'ed in the Agow or Agows,"" a tribe near the sources of the Blue Nile. Amen- 
ophis appears by no means to have neglected the conquests of his predecessors, and 
his advance to Soleb, in the province of El Sokhot, and Elmahas, proves that the 
influence of Egypt was still more extended than in the previous reigns. 

In the reign of Amenophis, ^Ethiopia appears to have been governed by a viceroy, 
who was an Egyptian officer of state, generally a royal scribe or military chief, sent 
down for the purpose of administering the country ; the one in this reign bore the 
name of Merimes, and appears to have ended his days at Thebes, as his sepulchre 
remains in the western hills.* He was called the sa suten en Kush, or prince of 
Kush, which comprised the tract of country lying south of Elephantina. In all the 
Ethnic lists this Kash or ^Ethiopia is placed next to the head of the list, ^^ all lands 
of the south,*' and its identity with the Biblical Kush is universally admitted. It is 
generally mentioned with the haughtiest contempt, as the vile Kush rKash kKaasJ 
or ^Ethiopia, and the princes were of red or Egyptian blood. They dutifully ren- 
dered their proscynemata to the kings of Egypt.* 

* Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 181, and foil. Cf. Rosellini, Mon. Stor. t. i. pi. ii, A'C; Birch, Gallery. 

^ Lists of these names will be found in the following places : Birch, Gallery, p. 84 ; Archaeologia, yoI. 
XXXI. p. 489, 491 ; Gliddon, Otia iEgyptiaca, p. 144; Arch. Jour. 1851, p. 401. 

^ " Of what high antiquity," says Mr. Ayrton (Journal Geogr. Soc. part i. 1 848, p. 65) " are the names 
of many places in Arabia, and the opposite part of Africa, may be seen by comparing the names of provinces 
and tribes with those given in the earliest writings. In the Adulitic inscription, for example, are mentioned, 
in Africa, Agamst Ava^ Ath'Agau (the Agows), near the sources of the Blue Nile, Samene (Samen), 
Zaa (Shawa), At-Almo (Lam-Almon), Zingahene (Zingebar), with others identified by Dean Vincent," 
vol. ii. p. 544, et seq, 

^ Champollion, Not. Descr. des Monum. Egypt, du Mus. Charles X., 16mo. Paris, 1827, p. 12. A 
proscynema of him occurs at Begghe. — Cham. Mon. t. i., pi. Ixxv. 

^ Cf. for example, that of Prince Merimes, M. R. xliv. 8. For the position of Kush in the Ethnic lists, see 
Wilkinson's Mat. Hier. pi. viii. ; Sethos I. a. 2, b. 2 ; Ramses, a. 2, b. 2. 



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relating to the Gold Mines of Ethiopia. 379 

A similar institution had, at an earlier period, been made for Eileithyia or El Kab. 
One of the sepulchres of these Eileith3dan princes, ShaaemneseTy son of Amenhetp, 
and the grandson of Thothmes, born of the lady Ges-ha, or Nas-ha, exists in the 
vicinity of that city.* This prince was a kind of priest, or personal attendant of 
Amenophis L, of the dowager queen Aahmes Arinefer, called the divine wife, and of 
the royal lady, and queen consort Aahmes, and of the monarch Thothmes I. He was, 
besides this, scribe of all ranks,^ and one of the priests who entered the sanctuary 
of the goddess. Such titles are only consistent with an elective prince created by 
the crown, and all doubt upon the subject is removed by the Sallier calendar, from 
which it appears that the Egyptian astrologers of the nineteenth dynasty affected to 
predict the day on which the man should be bom who would be a prince of the 
people.^ Another of these Eileithyian princes hved till the reign of Thothmes III. 
from that of Amosis ; and his name, Aahmes-Pensuben, shews that he was a local 
functionary. Several works of the time, which extend throughout the whole of the 
modem Nubia, show that the country was occupied by Egyptians. One of the most 
important changes made by Amenophis appears to have been the foundation of the 
station at Abu^ " the ivory island," as Elephantina was called, probably because 
it was the depdt of the ^Ethiopian ivory trade. The great razzia of the king, in 
which he brought 1052 prisoners, or slaves, from Abha, and his passage down the 
river in his third year for the purposes of conquest, I have already mentioned.* 
Although the death of Amenophis was followed by a period of anarchy internally, 
yet the political relations by no means changed as regarded the two countries. 

• Champollion, Mod. pi. cxlv. The phrase ^ ^fT t J " prince over the land of Eileithyia." 

^ A *a> a very difficult hierogljrph, seems to mean "side," as H^ll , ewwa, "beside" or "behind." 
In the star-risings (Champollion, Mon. t. iii. pi. cclxxv., cclxxvi.) the heaven, considered as a female, is 
divided into the head fapi or gajy the waist or middle Csajf and the extremity (met. <)• ^^ *'^® great 
tablet at Aboosimbel (Champollion, Mon. t. i. pi. xxxviii. 1. 18) the phrase occurs, " I accompany thy limbs 
with life and power, thy limbs with health.'' A common phrase is ar-sa (Lepsius, Todt. taf. li. c. 127, 1. 10) : 
" They salute (haa) him, they adore him with their arms, they give him their parts (ar so) ; he has lived 
by them." Cf. Champollion, Mon. t. i. pi. Ixv. t. ii. pi. cxlv. quater, 

^ Dr. Hincks, Dublin University Magazine, 1846, p. 190. On the oldest of all almanacks, cf. Select 
Papyri, Brit. Mus. pi. cxlvii. 1. 9, " Paophi, a good day, rejoicing the heart of the gods on the festival of 
overthrowing the enemies of the Sun. Any one bom on it will die ennobled" fmesu neb em ra pen mut 
nafaautj, 

** For the works of Amenophis III. at Elephantina, see Young, Hieroglyphics, pi. 53, 62, where he is 
followed by Taia. — Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 117. The obelisk now at Alnwick was probably from thence, 
and is dedicated to iVtim, having been placed before the sanctuary. It is of Amenophis II. 

« Archaeological Journal, 1852, p. 400. 



380 Upon an Historical Tablet of Ranieses II. 

Not to re-open the disputed question of the Disc Heresy, the monarch Amenan'* 
chut, who belonged to the true faith, had an ^Ethiopian prince named Hui. His tomb 
was one of those lying between Medinat Haboo and the hill of the house of Jani/ 
The prince is seen paying his respects to the monarch Amenanchut, who has behind 
him the various products of the country. Of these the most important are, ntdh 
arf . . . , "gold — 103 sacks/* Foot-stools, arm-chair couches with their pillows, a 
chariot, cups filled with precious stones, ivory and ebony, trays filled with small 
palm-trees and plants, and little figures, apparently the pigmies, placed upon 
panther-skins, with chains of gold rings hanging down, give some idea of the 
opulence of the ^Ethiopia at this period. These are followed by " the chief of 
Shamma, the good ruler ;"*» while some of the others are called " the chiefs of Uai."'' 
Tlie place called Sham is one over which the god Horus presided ; the Uai were 
conquered by Amenemha I. These are followed by an iEthiopian princess, dressed 
much in the style of the ^Ethiopians as seen upon the pyramids of ^Ethiopia. She 
IS accompanied by other negroes, whom the hieroglyphs call " those born of the 
chiefs of all the countries ;" and a host of other ^Ethiopians, wearing their plumes 
and plaited tunics, carrying sacks of gold and silver, and gold rings in baskets, lead 
along a giraffe, and oxen which have their horns fantastically arranged to repre- 
sent a negro's head, stretching out his hands. Others bring cups of gold and gems, 
two baskets of red jasper, colours, and a flabellum. The hieroglyphs distinctly show 
that these are ^Ethiopian. " The chiefs of Kush, they say, * Hail to thee. King of 
Egypt, the sun of foreigners ; we are the breath of thy gift, living as thou wiliest!" 
And again, " The chiefs of Kush say — * Great are thy spirits, oh perfect god ; exalted 
is thy glory: we breathe as thou grantest: true is thy word!'" The heretic 
monarch of El Tell, and the so-called Bachenaten, records and depicts his triumphs, 
both over negroes and Asiatics, but the details are wanting ; and from hence the 
transition is rapid to Har-em-hebi, or Horus, who is represented at war again with 
the Black races. The monarch is called in his eulogistic inscriptions, ^^a lion 
marching against Kush ;"** and a military chief or general addressing him, says, 
" great is thy name in the land of Kush.** This monarch, indeed, inscribes the 
Baru, or Baru-Baru,* the Berbers, amongst his conquests ; but the highest point 

* Champollion, Not Descr. p. 479. 

^ Sham appears to be Aboosimbel. On the great tablet sculptured on the rocks there, it is said, ^< He (the 
king) has made a place for a million of years in this rock of Shamma," 

^ This proves the Uaua of the Kamak Tablet to be Ethiopians, and not Asiatics, as some have conjectured. 
'^ Nestor L'H6te, Lettres, 1840, p. 70. « Rosellini, M.R. No. xliv. 4. 

^ Rosellini, Mon. Stor tom. ii. pte. i. p. 275-7. Cf. Wilkmson, Mat. Hier. pi. viii. a. 2. 




relating to the Gold Mines of Ethiopia. 



381 



where his constructions have been found are Gebel Addeh/ The frontier of the 
empire appears contracted. The interval which elapsed between the close of the 
eighteenth dynasty and the rise of the nineteenth, seems to have been one of the 
subjection of Egypt to Northern invaders, who occupied Lower Egypt, and drove 
the native monarchs down to iEthiopia to take refuge in the territories of their 
viceroys. It is the period of which some notices have reached us through the 
extracts of the History of Manetho. The monarchs of the new dynasty had their 
hands full, and Rameses I. does not appear to have engaged in iEthiopian wars.^ 
Even Seti, or Sethos I. is employed in the first year of his reign in driving the 
Hyk-Shos out of Pelusium or Avaris. His southern wars were probably left to his 
generals. Like Amenophis IIL, he has, however, left behind some lists, and the 
following show that the Akaita, or Akaiat, were among them. He had recovered 
the gold mines of that spot. 



FIRST LIST. 

1. Kush (^Ethiopia). 

2. A-ta-ru. 

3. Alukhau (Allaghy). 

4. Amru Karka. 

5. Bu-ka (Boggees, Begas). 

SECOND LIST. 

1. Kush (iEthiopia). 

2. Khaui. 

3. Tar-wa (Darfour). 

4. Ataru (Adulis). 

5. Karu-ses. 

6. Akata.^ 



THIRD LIST. 

1. South. 

2. Kush (^Ethiopia). 

3. Ataru (Adulis). 

4. Arushaki. 

5. Amru Karka. 

6. Buka (Boggees). 

7. Seruni (Sileni). 

8. Baru baru (Berbers). 

9. Tekrurr (Tigre). 

10. Mar (Meroe). 

11. Karuses. 

12. A-ruk.« 

1 3. Turusu or Tur-ru-nek. 



The present inscription shows that he had endeavoured, although unsuccessfully, 
to make a tank or well for the miners who traversed the desert. A tablet set up by 
him at Ibrim, the ancient Primis, discovered by Mr. Harris, represents this king, who 

• Rosellini, Mon. Stor. p. 289. The ancient name of the site was Amen-Heri. In it is a temple dedi- 
cated to Thoth by Horus. — ChampoUion, Not. Descr. p. 40 43. 

»> There is, however, a votive inscription of 20 Mechir, second year of his reign, at the Wady Haifa.— 
ChampoUion, Not. Descr. p. 33. 

c Wilkinson, Mat. Hier. pi. viii. * Ibid. - 

« Ibid. Gliddon, Otia ^gyptiaca, 1849, p. 145 ; Rosellini, M. R. Ixi. 

VOL. XXXIV. 3 D 



382 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses IL 

has descended from his chariot, spearing an iEthiopian in the presence of a god. 
The inscription contains the proscynema of Amenemap, royal son of Kush or 
^Ethiopia. The inscription merely alludes in general terms to the royal exploits in 
smiting iEthiopiaand ravaging the land of the Nahsi. "He has extended," it says, 
" his southern frontiers to the Nahsi, his northern to the great ocean.*' This tablet 
was probably erected upon the occasion of some visit or campaign of the king in 
the south. The great conquests of the king are, however, inscribed on one of the 
pylons, or triumphal arches as they may be called, of the king at Karnak. The lists 
of Sethos I. although by no means so complete as those of Amenophis III., show 
that the king traversed nearly the same ground. 

One of the most interesting remains of this reign, and referring to gold mines, 
in all probability those of the south, is the ancient Egyptian map at Turin, which, 
owing to the defective state of the knowledge of the hieratic character, has been 
mistaken for the ground plan of the tomb of Sethos I. It is figured in fac- 
simile ; • and I lay a copy of this before you. The portion marked A, to which I . 
have attached the small letters a—;/*, is inscribed as follows : a has hatp-Amen-em 

; and below Ta tehni en tu^ " the front of the hill." On the rectangular 

building, which is below this, is inscribed, Pa chatem en Amen en ta " the shrine,*' 
or " closed place of Amen in the hill." Beneath this is the word aft, " clean, pure," 
but whether it refers to the hill or the sanctuary, called a-ab^ " pure place," the 
abaton, is not clear. The fragment b has Tu en nub, " the hill of gold," or the 
" gold mines," and this part is the key to the whole. This expression is repeated at 
c, and at d more expressly, as Ta tu en nub, " The hill of gold." These hills 
are represented in Egyptian perspective, and intended to flank the roads or shafts. 

The large hieroglyphs in two lines in the centre {e) reading, huu enti nub am 

charau em pa ans tesher^ " the hills or mines from which the gold is brought are drawn 
red on the plan," is a guide for those consulting it, like the rubrical directions of 
Egyptian rituals. At / is Na ha u en .... nak nub, " the houses of the land of 

for washing," or " refining the gold." At h is the well, with the word for 

" water" among the mutilated hieroglyphs ; and the half-oval object at ff is hutu 
en sut'heb Ra men ma, ** the tablet of the king ; the Sun, Arranger of Truth." 
(Sethos I.) At A is Tacha enti shaa er pa iam, "the roads leading to the sea." At 
i is ki tacha enti shaa er pa iam^ " a second road leading to the sea." At k is 
Tacha ew . . . . " the road " of some place, the name of which I cannot read ; and at / 
is Tacha en naMenta, " the road for the workmen?" It is an important contribution 
to our knowledge of Egyptian civilisation to find the very mines mapped at this 

* Lepsius, Auswahl, taf. xxii. 



relating to the Gold Mines of ^Ethiopia. 383 

early period ; but of which gold mines this is the plan, can only be inferred by 
conjecture. Those of the Gebel Ollaga best answer the condition of the roads to 
the sea, the lower of which (k) is represented strewn with sea-shells.' 

Thus far the political relations of the two countries have been succinctly traced 
down to the age of Rameses II., the son of Sethos I. ; and the present tablet, dated 
in the third year of his reign, which extended upwards of sixty-six years, shows from 
the 16th line that the monarch was extremely young when he ascended the throne. 
The administration of the southern provinces appears unchanged, for the subject of 
the well or reservoir, although introduced by the negro chiefs, is seconded by a 
prince of ^Ethiopia, whose name is unfortunately lost, but who is probably Amene- 
maptj and who is found on the monuments of Beitoually to have survived Sethos, 
and to have been succeeded by his son Pa-ur. 

The care of making wells in the desert, on the roads leading to the mines, is shewn 
by many inscriptions. One on the Cosseir road, leading to the emerald and gold 
mines^ of Berenice, dated on the 23d of the month Athyr, in the reign of Mentuhetp, or 
Mandouophis, of the thirteenth dynasty, mentions the mode used for the working of 
the "hill in the place for ever, to the lord living in the mine {Baa . t), seeing all the 
forms," it states, " of the god who has given his spirits to men, making land out of 
water, and transferring the water (bes man) out of the mire of the country, obtaining 
water in the midst of the valley, from ten cubits to ten cubits, in order to draw water 
for the com, and for washing and watering the beasts as they come to the land of 
Phut," &c. Another of these wells is mentioned in the inscriptions of the mines at 
the Sarabut El Khadem, where, in the list of the governors of the temple or fort, 
it is said of one, ar naf baba u?i em ba petty " who made the well which is in the 
mine.'**' All the principal temples and stations were provided with tanks or lakes. 
Thus a tablet in the British Museum was made for the " keeper of the northern 
reservoirs at Thebes C^ and an inscription published by Champollion has, "offered to 
Osiris, who dwells in the pool of the palace of Ramses in Thebes."^ When these 
pools or tanks were of large size, they were called after the monarchs by whom they 

a For this locality, see Sir G. Wilkinsons Topography of Thebes, p. 416. A small station, built by 
Sethos I. in his ninth year, still remains on the road leading from Contra Apollinopolis to the emerald mines. 
—Wilkinson, 1. c. 420. 

** Burton, Exc. Hier. pi. iii. 

c Leon de la Borde, Voy. Arab. Petree, fo. Paris. 

d Egyptian Saloon, 282. 

e Champollion, Mon. pi. clxii. At Esneb, where the temple is seen in an oval, Num says, ♦* I give thee a 
hoase fit to hold water, filled with all good things." — Ibid. cxlv. ter. 



384 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses II. 

were made. The large square tank, 3,600 cubits long, and 600 cubits broad, made 
by Amenophis III., in the eleventh year of his reign, he named Nem en suten hem 
Taia, ^ The lake of the queen Taia." * The celebrated lake Moeris, or Moteris, ' as 
one reading of Pliny gives it,** appears to have been named after Amenemha IV., 
whose prenomen was Ra-ma-tu. In the picture at Kamak, representing the return 
of Sethos I. to Pelusium, is seen a pool, or tank, defended by a fort, which is called 
Ta Nem en Sut en cheb Ra me7i ma, " The tank," or " well of the King, the Sun, the 
defender of Truth," Sethos I.*' The forts were also named after the monarchs who 
built them, and in the Makatulu en Ramessu has been recognised ^^ the Migdol," or 
" Tower of Ramses," which the Jews built.*" The present tank was also named after 
the king Ramesses ; and, from the mutilated lines at the end, it appears that the 
prince of ^Ethiopia sent a galley with a letter up the Nile, announcing the event. 

That these letters were carried by special messengers will, of course, be obvious. 
The envoy of the Bakten, on a later tablet, records the arrival of a letter from a 
prince of that country to the king of Egypt,'' and the Anastasi papyri are filled 
with the foreign correspondence of the functionaries of the early part of the nine- 
teenth dynasty, the most interesting portion of which is the series of letters 
addressed to the governor of the castle of Tuk, or Thuk/ Another point connected 
with this tablet is the fact that the desert at this period was crossed by asses. I 
have already mentioned that the horse (htarj was unknown in Egypt till the age of 
the eighteenth dynasty, and that upon monuments of the twelfth the ass appears 
only to have been used for riding. The Mes-stem foreigners, who approach the 
nomarch Neferhetp, come through the Arabian desert on asses,^ and the tombs of 
the twelfth dynasty shew the animal treading out the com.* During the eighteenth 
dynasty horses were sent as tribute to Egypt, and also asses^ but camels never ; the 
two former were however often employed — the first for the purposes of war only, 
the second for agricultural purposes, especially carriage. The latter appear only in 

* Cf. Rosellini, M. R. xliv. 2 ; Dr. Hincks, on the Eighteenth Dynasty of Manetho, Trans. Roy. Irish 
Acad. vol. xix. pte. ii. p. 7. 

^ Pliny, N. H. lib. xxxvi. c. 13. For the various opinions as to its etymology, and its discovery by M. 
Linant, see M. Lepsius, Einleitung, s. 263. — M^moire sur le Lac Moeris, par M. Linant de Bellefonds, 4to. 
Alexandrie, 1843 ; Chev. Bunsen, iEgyptens Stelle, buch ii. s. 209 and foil. 

*^ Osbum, Egypt's Testimony, p. 105. 

^ Prisse, Mon. pi. xxiv. 

* Select Papyri, pi. xcix. and foil. 
^ Rosellini, M. R. xxvi. 

«f Ibid. M. C. 



relating to the Gold Mines 0/ ^Ethiopia. 385 

the trans-Jordanic part of Palestine, ridden by the Shasu or Hykshos.* Many 
notices occur of the ass : " May it please my lord,'*^ says one writer, " his asses are 
well." In another of these documents the writer wishes that some one whom 
he abuses may ^^ fall in the mire in the land of Charu, Imd return home in a coffin 
on the back of an ass,"''' evidently intended as a degrading circumstance. In the 
correspondence of the governor of Thuk, the writer mentions asses, and that the 
king's asses have been sent to their stable.* They were, in fact, at this remote period 
the animal of the Egyptian desert, and preceded by several centuries the camel.'' 

In ancient Egypt the quantity of gold imported into the country must have been 
immense. The dazzling abundance of the valuable products of the north and south 
must have rivalled in those times the discoveries of the new world. *' In the 
(district of Meroe)," says Diodorus, " there are mines of gold, silver, iron, and brass, 
besides abundance of ebony and all sorts of precious stones."' In the description of 
the palace of Osymandyas,* the same author mentions the annual produce of the 
Egyptian gold and silver mines at the enormous figure of 3200 myriads of minae.** 
The animated description of the working of these mines by Agatharcides is well 
known, and the position of the principal mines has been already pointed out. So 
fabulous was the quantity, that Herodotus represents the very prisoners in the 
^Ethiopian jails as manacled with gold. The expedition of Sesostris, in which must 
be recognized a confusion and amalgation of the wars of the eighteenth dynasty, 
when it had succeeded, imposed upon this region a tribute of ebony, gold, and tusks 
of ivory.* The same tribute was exacted under the Persian empire ; for the 
iEthiopians paid every third year two bushels of native gold, two hundred logs of 

* Trans. Roy. Soc. Literat. new scries, vol. ii. p. 337. 

*» Dr. Hincks, Winchester Meeting, Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc. 8vo. London, 1846, p. 249 ; Select 
Papyri. 
^ Ihid. p. 256. Select Papyri, Ixxvii. 5. 
^ Select Papyri, cviii. 14. 

* The cattle of Jericho were the ox, the sheep, the ass. — Joshua, vi. 21. 

^ Diodorus, i. 33. virap^eiv b* iy avTJ, kqi fxiraWa ypvaov re koX apyvpov Kal aihfipov Kai ')(aXKOv . 
Tpos be Tovrois €\€iy irXfjdos efiiyov, Kiduty re iroXvTcXwy yeyri irayraboTrd, 

' Diodorus, i. 49. xad* oy bti yXv^als eyrv^ely elyai Koi '^^pwfiaffiv twriyOierfjieyoy roy jiaatXia, i^kpoyra 
Tf Qe^ ')(pva6y Kal Apyvpoy, oy xat ej awdcrris kXafx^aye Tyjs Alyvirrov Kar eytavToy, €K rdy hpyvpeiiatv Kai 
\pv(Teiii>v /ieraXXwf . viroypcKpecrdni bk kui to ttXi/^os, o (rvyK€(paXaiovfi€voy eh apyvpiov Xoyov eJyai fiiQi' 
TpnT\iXlas Kal biaKocrias ^vpiabas. 

^ Diod. iii. 11 ; Sir Gardner Wilkinson, Man. and Cus., ser. i. vol. iii. p. 231. 

* Diodorus, i. 55. Kal KarawoXe/Jifjcrai, r/yayKaae to eOyos <^6povs reXelv, efteyoy Kal \pvady Kal Tuty 
tXe^ayTbty tovs obovTas* 



386 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses II. 

ebony, five ^Ethiopian boys, and twenty large tusks of ivory .• The gold sent from 
Kush or ^Ethiopia was either gold-dust in bags called gam, or ^^ pure gold/* melted 
into the form of large square ingots called mrha or pounds, or else in the form of 
rings fseshj made into chains and carried by the hand. 

In the conquests of Rameses II. at Beitoually, all three forms are represented, 
and the rings and ingots are mentioned in the tribute of Kush, on the statistical 
tablet of Kamak. As one of the items of the treasury of Rameses III. at Medinat 
Haboo 1 ,000 sacks farfuj^ of the gold of iEthiopia are mentioned.^ In the contri- 
butions to the temple at Philse, the Ua-ua, an iEthiopian people, contribute gold ; 
and iEthiopia itself a material called hertes. 

Since the time of the great Thothmes none of the Egyptian monarchs had 
exercised such sway in iEthiopia. At Beitoually, which appears to have been ex- 
cavated in the commencement of his reign, the conquest of ^Ethiopia is duly 
recorded.*" The investiture of Amenemapt, the son of Pahur, as prince of Ethiopia, 
is there represented, while a large tribute both of the precious metals, raw pro- 
ducts, and manufactured articles, shews the advanced state of the civilization. 
The specs, indeed, does not seem to have been completed during the life of 
Amenemapt, as another prince named ^' Messu (Ra messu), the Ra Satp of the land 
of the south,*' who was also standard-bearer on the king's left hand, and royal 
scribe, is represented kneeling in prayer on the left jamb of the central gate of the 
temple of Ammon."^ This name may, perhaps, be connected with that found in a 
hieratic inscription at Aboosimbel. 

Either to the period of this prince or to that of his predecessor must be referred 
the temple of Mashakit, which is not dedicated by the king, but by Pahur the 
'^ prince-governor of the south, standard-bearer at the king's left hand, and royal 
scribe, having charge of the lands of Amen in the country of Peta (Phut), and also 
having charge of the gold lands."* In another place he is styled nomarch, and chief 
auditor of plaints to the king's house.' He adores Rameses as a god along vdth 
Anucis, and states that the gods have given the king all the bows^ or foreigners, 

• Herodot. iii. 97. These boys, called makau (magas), are mentioned in the Inscription of Amenophis III. 
from Samneh. — Brit. Mus. 138*. 

^ Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 864. This is evidently the celebrated treasury of Rampsinitus. 

^ Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 150, 151 ; Champollion, Mon. t. i. pi. Ixxiii. I. 1 ; The Investiture, pi. 
Ixviii. 

^ Champollion, Not. Descr. Mon. t. i. pi. Ixxiv. 

*^ Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 40. 

' Champollion, Not. Descr. pp. 38, 39. 




relating to the Gold Mines of Ethiopia. 387 

under his sandals.' A statue of this prince, made of sandstone, and removed 
from Nubia by Belzoni,** is dedicated to " Ammon Ra, who dwells in the fort of 
Ramesses." At Mashakit he is also named governor of the temple of Ammon, and 
it is probable that he was located there. Another of these princes, named Sta, is 
found after this period, having ruled the country during the middle portion of the 
reign of Rameses. At Amada he is seen addressing a proscynema.*" At Gershe 
Hassan there is a statue with the legend of Rameses II., and the titles of the prince, 
who is called "royal Son of ^Ethiopia, president of the gold lands and king's 
scribe."* On a tablet lying to the south of the speos of the temple of Athor at 
Aboosimbel, dated in the 38th year of Rameses, this prince is called " a military 
chief, or nomarch, divine father and friend, chamberlain of the king s house, and the 
eyes and ears of the king."*" The title of Prince of ^Ethiopia is placed last. Another 
of his proscynemata is found on the route between Philae and Syene,' and traces of 
him at Ibrim.» These princes continued till a later period,** as one named Peti * is 
found, under Rameses III., making a proscynema with the men of " Su-ten-chennu," 
or " the land of royal infants," a name which, in a remarkable manner, corresponds 
with the description of M anetho. The lid of the sarcophagus of the prince Sta from 
one of the Theban sepulchres shows that, like others of his race, he ended his days at 
Thebes.^ During the whole of this dynasty ^Ethiopia was ruled by these viceroys. 

The mines appear to have been worked principally by culprits and slaves. 
Rameses particularly prided himself upon his foreign conquests. 

At Beitoually the hieroglyphs announce his titles as " trampler upon the south, 
he who sabres the Nahsi, who hoes the south and ploughs the north."* At 
Aboosimbel the same king is called '' the bruiser of the Bow-bearers — the trampler 

* There is also another proscyncma of uncertain period, perhaps antecedent, of Kafai, son of Thothmes, 
governor of the slave house of the lord of the Earth (the King), in the land of Phut, and superintendent 



Sl^< 



of the gold mines. 

^ Brit. Gall. pi. li. 180. ^ Champollion, Mon. t. i. pi. xxxv. p. 4. 

** Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 1 04. The inscription states it is offered to Ra ; ** may he give a good time to 
rejoice in the panegyry ? to the Prince Sta." This shows it was after the thirtieth year of the king's reign. 

^ Champollion, t. i. pi. viii. p. 4. Certain officers of the Persian court were called king's eyes and ears. 
Cf. also Not. Descr. p. 7. 

*" Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 105. "^ Ibid. p. 82. 

^ A prince Unnefer? son of another prince named Ramses, is mentioned in the hieratic inscription of 
Aboosimbel, Champ. Not. Descr. p. 6.; Lepsius, Einl. s. 320. ' Champ. Mon. t. i. pi. iv. p. 2. 

* Coffin-lid, British Museum, Egypt. Saloon, No. 78. 

' Champollion, Mon. t i. pi viii. p. 2. 



388 Upon an Historical Tablet of Rameses IL 

on the chiefs of the vile iEthiopia." • In the same speos he is called " a bull against 
the Charu (or Chalu), a strong bull against Kish," or iEthiopia.** At Aboosimbel 
it is expressly stated that the king " has dragged the Nahsi (Negroes) to the north, 
the Naamu (Asiatics) to Phut— building it with his captives." « In illustration of 
which fact the king is represented destro3ring an Asiatic. A similar expression 
occurs on the great dedicatory tablet of Aboosimbel, " He brought," says the inscrip- 
tion, " numerous workmen of the captives dragged from every land, he has filled the 
house of the gods with the children of the Ruten ! "** A striking commentary 
upon the inscription said to be engraved by Sesostris on his temples,c OTAEI2 
ErXi2PIOS EIS ATTA MEMOX0HKE. This was, however, not pecuUar to 
Rameses IL, as Thothmes III. sent his Asiatic captives to Thebes, to build the 
temple of Amen Ra, or the Sun, at Thebes.' 

The Negro represented on the monuments of the period has remained for cen- 
turies unchanged, like the natural features with which he is surrounded. 

Throughout the whole extent of Nubia Rameses erected* various temples, pro- 
bably with a double intention of converting the Negroes to the worship of Ammon,'' 
and also of fortifying the country by these sacred strongholds. The inhabitants 
were kidnapped for slaves, or conscribed as soldiers" — the mines examined and 
worked, and all the natural products of the country poured into Egypt. 

* ChainpolHon, Mon. t. i. pi. Ixxiii. I. i. 
»> Ibid. X. 4. 

^ Ibid. pi. xviii. L 5 ; pi. xvii. 
^ Diodoms, i. c. 56; Herodotus, ii. 108, 197. 
® Champollion, Mod. torn. i. pi. ix. 1. Id, 14. 
' Rosellini, M. C. xlix. 

s At Aboosimbel, two temples, in one of wbicb he is seen leading negro prisoners (Champollion, Mon. 
pi. xxxyii.-xxxy). Kafu beten en Phut, ** he has routed the vile Phut" At the Wady Esseboua is a dromos 

of the same monarch (Cf. Not Descr. p. 118), and at Gershe Hossein, called Tauaua ]^ ^^2i I 
(Ibid. p. 185). At Beitoually. At Aboosimbel (Champ, t i. pi. xiv.) it says he has smitten their chiefs, he 
has given his commands to the distant Hesi. 

^ Sir G. Wilkinson in Trans. R. Soc Liter, vol iv. ad Jinem, 

^ Dr. Hincks on the Power of Alphabet, Trans. Roy. Irish Acad., 4to, 1848, p. 202; a common 
phrase is as that of Sethos I., *' he has filled the cells,'* or << temples, (ra) with gold, silver, and copper.'* 
Champollion, Not. Descr. p. 124. On coffins of this period, the Negroes and Asiatics are often represented 
under the sandals of the mummies. — Champollion, Mon. t ii. pi civ. Negroes are often seen, as at the 
Ramesseum. — Champ. Mon. t. iv. pi. cccxxii. 




relating to the Gold Mines o/JEthiopia. 389 



APPENDIX. 



There is the preamble of an inscription, dated on the 8th of Phamenoth, seventh 
year of the reign of Thothmes IV. on the Abaton of Philae, reading "The Horus 
(living) the powerful bull crowned with diadems, lord of the upper and lower crown, 
whose dominions are established like those of Tum ; the hawk [of gold] , whqse 
strength sustains the afflicter of bows ; the king, the Sun, placer of created beings, 
son of the Sun, Thothmes, crown of crowns ; beloved of Ammon ; may he live like 

the Sun. On the 8th of Phamenoth of the vii year, when Cas-tuJ " The 

rest is entirely wanting, but it probably referred to some prosc)niema on the passage 
of the river towards iEthiopia.* 

I may also append the translation of the tablet removed from Samneh by the 
Duke of Northumberland, and by him presented to the British Museum, where it is 
deposited in the Egyptian Saloon, No. 138*. The upper part of this tablet, which 
was at least as large again, has been destroyed, but I do not think that it contained 
much that was very important as to the historical portion, the greater part having 
been the preamble of the document, the n