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Qltt\faeolo5ital journal,
rVSLWBBD UNDER IBB DIKBCtlOH OF
Cf)t CouiitU of
Zbt iiapal arcdatolosiial Intftitutt of «rtat
Britain aiili titlanl),
FOR TUB BKCODRAGSHBNT ANP PMOaBCeTIDN O*
RESEARCHES INTO THE ARTS & MONUMENTS
Ct)c Xartp nnU jUitHiIr 1Sgr«.
VOLUME LXXII. No. 985
SECOND SERIES, VOL. XXII. No. 1.
MARCH, 1916.
[Jssusd Quarterly, for price see page 3 of cover ^
LONDON:
PUBLISHED AT THE OFFICE OF THE INSTITUTE,
ig BLOOMSBURY SQUARE. W.C.
(DMXKIBnTBD GBATUITOOELV TO BDBSCRIBING UBHBBRB.)
IHRODQH A
[All righls res»ned.'^ -, ,
D,gnzed.yLlOOgIe
BINDING AND CASES
FOR THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL.
Th« Coniicil give naticB of a chuigi In tfa« ammgeniHiti for binding
tbe Journal.
At heretofore ckith cmses can be obtained from the Institute (price 1/3,
post free) npon application to the Secretair, but the Inttitnte will no longer
undertake the actual binding.
Airongetttentf have been made with MesBn. W, H. Smith & Son to
execute orders for binding, and memben who wiah their copiea to be bonnd
dionld hand the part* to the manager of any of Meaars. W. H. Smith & Son'a
onmaroas bookstalla or shops.
Means. Smith's charge fot binding the Journal will be :
Bound in full doth case of standard pattern, with gilt top . . 2/8
Boand in full backram of standard paCtem, with gilt top . . 3J6
If preferred the parts may be sent carriage paid direct to Messrs. W. H.
Smith & Sod's Bookbinding Workshops, Letchworth, Herti. but in that case
they must be accompanied hj a postal order of 3/3 or 4/- (to include return
carriage) according to the style selected.
Taa Carvings op Midiabvai. Musical Instkdmkhis in Exbibe Cathbdrai.
Cbdrch. By E01TH K. Fridbaux.
Arcbbisbop Rogbr's Catbbdral at York and its STAiNau Glass. By
W. R. Lbthabv, F.S.A.
Tub Corsx Awiaiihos : its History and Iufoktancb. By Sir Hihrt
H. HowoRTH. K.C.I.E. D.CL. F.R.S. F.S.A.
A Procbssion or Qdbbn Elizabbtb to Blackfriars. By Tbb Viscovkt
Dillon, M.A. D.C.L. F.S.A.
TsB Chesterfield Aruodk in the Metropolitan Mugbou of Art,
Nbw York. By The Viscodnt Dillon, M.A. D.C.L. F.S.A.
Tbb Rohanq. Brit ism maueb or Ravenolass and Borrans (Muncabter
AND Aublesidb). By Prop. Havbrpield, Litt.D. F.S.A.
> RotAI. AlCBAIOLeOICU. IRITITDTI.
db, Google
Qitt'^Heolosital B^ournal,
PttBLISHBD DNDBR TBB
tE%r Coiinctl of
Cbt itopal ardiiaeoUiffiral Institute of <t^rat
iBrftain anti irtlanti
FOR IBB I
RESEARCHES INTO THE ARTS & MONUMENTS
EARLY AND MIDDLE AGES.
VOLUME LXXII.
SECOND SERIES, VOL. XXII.
LONDON :
PUBLISHED AT THE OFFICE OF THE INSTITUTE,
■9 BLOOMSBURY SQUARE, W.C.
s.)
MCMXV.
[Ail rights rtserved.]
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0
The Council of the Royal Archaeological Inscicuce desire that it
should be distinctly undentood that they are not reiponsibleforaity state-
menis or opinions expretied in the Archaeological Journal, the authors
of the several memoin and communi cations being atone answerable for
the same.
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CONTENTS.
The carnng* of mediaeval muucal iiutrumentt in Ezeter cathedral
church. B^ Edith K. Pxideaux i
Archbishop Roger'* cathedral at York and its atained glass. By W. R.
LrTHABT, F.S.A. . . 37
The Codex Amiatinus : its historr and importance. BySir Henry H.
HowoaTH,K.C,I.E.D.C.L.F.R.S. F.S.A 49
A Procession of Queen Elizabeth loB lack friars. By the Viscount Dillon,
M-A. D.C.L. F.S.A 69
The Chetterfield armour in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York. BytheVHco™TDiLLON,M.A.D.C.L.F.S.A 75
The Romano-Britiih names of Ravenglass and Borrans (Muncaster and
Ambleside). By Prof. Havirfield, Liti.D. F.S.A, .. 77
Some Irish religious houses. By Ian C.Hannah, M.A.. . . . . . 90
Some abnormal and composite hunun forms in English church archi-
tecture. By G.C.DiucE, F.S.A 135
The Vallum : a suggestion. By R. H. Forster, M. A. LL.B. F.S.A. . . 187
Some Roman roads in the South Downs, By A. Hadrian Allcroft, ^
M.A 201
The nil! of master William Doune, archdeacon of Leicester. By A.
Hamilton Thompson, M.A. F.S.A ..233
St. Sebastian and Mithras ; a suggestion. By Alice Kemp-Welch . . 285
Misericords in the cathedral church of Saint-Sauveur, Bruges. By
A. Abram, D.Sc. F.R.Hi»t.S 305
MertoD parish church. By Philip Mainwarinc Johnston, F.S.A.
F.R.I.B.A 32s
Irishcathedral churches. By Ian C. Hannah. M.A 343
Proceedings at Meetings of the Institute 85, 190, 401
Notices of Archaeological Publications 87, 191, agS, 40S
Report of the Council 415
Balance Sheet and Accounts 416-41S
iJstofOfficers and Members of the Institute xi
Index 419
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
The carvings of mediaeval musical inatumentt in Ezeter cathedral
Plate I, No. I. The pipe and tabor on a miaericord at Exeter
No. 2. The pipe and tabor on a window-head at
Higham Ferrers . , , . . . tojate 2
Plate It, No9. I and 2. Harp and rybyhe on bouet in the
ptesbTtery vault at Exeter
Nos. 3 and 4. Indeterminate bowed instrumenta
on corbeh at Ezeter . . , . . . UfitCf 3
Plate III, No. I. Harp on a boas in the nave vault at Exeter
No. 2. Citole on the west porch of St. Mary*!,
Higham Ferren to/aft 8
Plate IV. Minstrels' gallery, Eieter cathedral church. , to/aee 9
Plate V. Individual figures frora the minstrels' gallerj', Exeter,
shown from cither aide, showing citole, bagpipe)
and whistle- flute, or single recorder . . tofofe 14
Plate Ti, No. I. Bagpipes from the teredos, Beverley minster
No. 2. Bagpipes from the Percy tomb, Beverley
minster . . . . . . . . . . to jute 15
fig. I. Bagpipes at Adderbury. . . . . . . . 16
Plate VII. Individual figures from the minstreli' gallery, Eieter,
shown from either aide, showing viol, harp and
Jew's harp tajate 17
Fbte VIII, No. t. Viol on the staircase, Percy tomb, Beverley
minster
No. 1. Viol at the back of the reredos, Beverley
minster . . . . . . . , . . to fate 19
Plate tx. Individual figures from the minstrels' gallery, Exeter,
shown from either side, showing trumpet, portative
organ.andgittern tofare 12
Plate X. The same, showing 9hawn,timbreland cymbals to/dc^ 24
Plate XI, No. I. Portative organ and psaltery from the vault
of the Percy tomb, Beverley minster
No. 2. Double-tubed wind-instrument on a boss of
the reredos, Beverley minster . . . . to fate 25
Plate xii. Frieze on the nave of St. Mary's church, Adderbury,
Oiou. showing portative organ, timbrel, bagpipes
and symphony . . . . . . tojate 36
Plate XIII. The same, showing rebec, trumpet, ' nakera,' buzine,
psaltery and harp . . , . . . tojate VJ
Plate XIV, No. I. lunbrel on a misericord at Oucheater
No. 2. Tomb of biihop Bronetcombe at Exeter
U jate s8
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Plate XT, No. i. Harp from canopy of biahop Broneicombe's
tomb, Elxeter
No. 2. Mandore or small lute from the lame to /are 29
Pbtc XTi, No. I. Fsalteiy fiom the Mme
No. 2. Double pialtery from the tame . . ta/are 30
Plate XVII, No. i. Sbavrn from the same
No; 3. Portative organ from tke same .. tc/aee 31
Plate znil, No. I. Rebec from the same
No. 2. Bagpipes from the same . . ..to fare 32
Plate XIX, Wall-tablet to young muridan, Exeter ., to/an 33
Aichlaihop Roger'i cathedral at York and its stained glass.
Fig. I. York cathedral church : restoration of twelfth-
century windows . . , , , . . . 41
F!g. 2. York cathedral church : detail of twelfth-century
glaang 44
A procession of Queen Elizabeth to BUckfriars.
Plate I. Queen Elizabeth's procession to Blackfriars, from
paintingat Sherborne, Dorset .. .. to fate 69
Plate 11, No. I. Portrait of Sir Henry Lee, K.G. at Ditchley,
No. 2. Portrait of the earl of Nottingham, K.G. at
Hampton Court to fare 70
TheChestcrficldarmourin the MetropoLian Museum of Art, New York.
Plate I, The Chesterfield armour, front veiw ,. .. to/are 7S
Plate ti. Theume, back view to/are j6
The Romano-British names of Ravenglass and Borrans (Muncaster and
Ambleude)
Tig. 1. Roman roads in nonh-west Britain 78
Some Irish religious houses,
Rg. I. Clonmacnoiie: cross, O'Rorke'sTowerandTeampull
Doolin , , . , . , . . 90
. Reefert church, Glendalough, from the south-east . . 93
3. Cormac'schapelontheroekofCashel 94
4. Romanesque capital, St. Saviour's church, Glenda-
lough 97
S- Sketch-plan of Jerpoint abbey loi
6. Jerpointabbey,northaisleof navefromtransept . . 103
7. Towerof Jerpointabbeyfromthenorth-wcst .. ioj
8. Here abbey from the north-east 106
9. Sketch-plan of the cathedral priory, Newtown Trim 107
Kb.
2.
*.(!■
!■■*
4-
F*
S-
*.«.
6.
**
7-
*«■
8.
Fig.
9-
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Fig. 10. Pbn of Clonnwcnoite 109
Plate 1, No. 1. Mount Grace priory church, from the south-
No. 2. Franciscan friaiy, Adare, from the soatli-
west tojati 1 10
Plate II, No. I. Irrelagh (Muckross) abbey church : interioi,
looking east
No. z. Frandican friary, Adare : interior, looking
east fe)/fl« 115
Fig. II. Planof Irrelagh(Muckros$)abbey 116
Fig. 12. Irrelagh (Muckross) abbey: north-west corner of
cloister , , . . , . , . 117
Kg. 13. Tower of Slane . . , , . . . . 120
rig. 14. Plan of Franciscan friary, Adare . . . . 121
Fig. 15. Sketch-planof theBlackabbey,Kilkenny 123
Fig. 16. PIanoftheAustinfriary(parishchurch),Adare 125
Plate ni. No. I. St. Prancii' abbey, Kilkenny : quire
No. a. Trinitarian abbey, Adare : tower from the
south-west ujace 127
Fig. 17. Bectire abbey from the south-east . . . . . . 129
Plate IV, No. I. Ancient Irish masonry at Tomgianey church
No. 2. Bective abbey; north-west corner of
cloiater-court tofaie 130
Fig. 18. Plan of Slane friary church 132
Fig. 19. Planof Slane friary '.. 132
Some abnormal and composite human forms in English church
architecture.
Plate t. Human prodigies : MS. 22, Wettminstei chapter
library ujart 137
Fig. I. One of the Blemyae: Norwich cathedral church ., 138
Plate II. Human prodigies : MS. 22, Westminster chapter
library , . tojare 139
Fig, 2. Representatives of monstrous races : MS. Harl.
2799 (B.M.) 144
Plate III, No. I. Triple face: Cartmel church
No. 2. Sciapod and brachmani : Dennington
church , , . . , , . . to face 150
Plate IV, No. I. Satyrus (f) : Chichester cathedral church
No. 2. Satyrus : Lincoln minster .. .. to fare 152
Fig. 3. Demons on a tympanum : from the Philosophical
Society's museum, York 153
Fig. 4. Headof Demon: Lincoln minster 154
Fig. 5. Apes as satyrs: MS. Hari. 3244 (B.M.) .. .. 156
Plate V, No. I. Great ape : Winchester cathedral church
No. 2. Sagittarius and savage man : West Rounton
church tajiue 157
Fig. 6. Sagittarius and savage man: MS. 3516, Arsenal
library, Paris 161
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Fig. 7. HerculcB and lion : from a lamp . . . . 162
Fig. 8 Savage man (!) and lion : Canterbury caihedral church 163
Plate n, No. 1. Sarage man and dragon : Carlisle cathedral
church
No, 2. Savage man and girl : WbaUey church tpfiiee 164
Pbtc VII, No. I. Savage man and lions: Norwich cathedral
church
No. z. Savage men and Uons ; Haletworth
church to/ace 166
Pbtc Tin, No. I. Bird-rirens : MS. 10074, Bibl. Roy.
BniueU
No. 2. Bird and fish sireni : MS. 3516, Anenal
library, Paris tofafe 171
Hate cc. No. 1. Bird and fish siren: Carhsle cathedral
church
No. 2. Sirens: Exeter cathedral church .. to/aee 173
Plate I, No. I. Fiih-»iren: MS. Harl. 4.715 (B.M.)
No. 2. Siren and onocentaur : MS. Sloane 278
(B-M.) tofaf, 17s
^S- 9- Siren : Durham castle chapel . . . . 176
Plate XI, No. 1. Siren : Boston church
No. z. Siren with double tail : Cartmel church
to fate 178
Plate XII. No. i. Siren suckling lion : Norwich cathedral church
No, 2. Merman : St. Mary's hospital, Chichester
No. 3. Centaur : Exeter cathedral church. , Uijate 180
Pbte xiii. No. I. Sagittarius : Hook Norton church
No. 2. Female centaur: IfRey church .. tojate 182
Some Roman Roads in the South Downs.
Plate I. The Rabbit Walk, Firle hill fo/dr/ 201
Y\%. I. Roman roads in the lower valley of the Sussex
Ouse ujare 203
Rg. 2. Sections of terrace-way (Rabbit Walk) on Firle hill ., ao8
fig. 3. Roman road from Dyke Hovel to Coldbarbour
farm tejac* 215
Fig. 4. Section of terrace-way on Kingston hill, west. . . , 2Z I
Fig. 5. Sections of terrace-way on Kingston hill, east . . 223
Fig. 6. Sections of terrace-way (Stane street) on Glaiting
down . . . . . . . , . . . . 224
hlisericordi in the cathedral church of Saint- Sauveur, Bruges.
Plate t. No. I. Old man and youth : Bruges cathedral church
No. 1, Group : Bruges
No. J. Valentine and Orson ; Beverley St. Mary
No. 4. Messenger : Bruges tajace 305
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
It, No. I. Dinnd : Bruges
No. 2. A meal : finiges
No. 3. Learning to wait : Bnig«
No. 4. Old man and child : BrugcB. . . . tofaee
III, No. I. Abraham and Isaac ; Bruges
No. Z. Master and pupils : Bruges
No. 3. Chastisement: Norwich cathedral church
No. 4. Vintage : Bragei tef^e
IV, No. I. A tiler: Bruges
No. 2. A sculptor : Bruges
No. 3. Almsgiving (P) : Bruges
No. 4. Boatman and passenger : Bruges . . tejate
V, No. 1. The traveller ; Bruges
No. 2. A countiywoman (f) : Bruges
No. 3. A pilgrim ; Bruges
No. 4. The conversion of St. Paul : Bruges tojace
VI, No. I. Hawking: Bruges
No. z. A falconer : Bruges
No, 3. A falconer feeding a hawk : Beverley minster
No. 4. Agame: Bruges . , . . tofact
VII, No. I. Knight and lady : Nonvichcathedralchurch
No. 2. Blind man's buff ; Bruges
No. 3. A mediaeval fancy ; Bruges
No. 4. Elbow-reat: C!ey church, Norfolk. . Uifitre
Tin, No. 1. A vine-branch : Bruges
No. 2. Flowen : Bruges
No. 3. Conventional foliage : Bruges
No. 4. Astagina wood : Bruges .. .. tojtce
IX, No. I. A centaur : Bruges
No. 2. A hybrid ; Norwich
No. 3. Avarice ; Bruges
No. 3. Ai the church door : Bruges .. tojare
X, No. I. Going to hcU : Bruges
No. 2. A writer : Bruges
No. 3. The Annunciation : Bruges
No. 4. A seated lady: Bruges .. .. to fact
Meiton parish church
Plate I. Merton church from the north-east .. .. to face 325
Fig. I . Plan of Merton church. . . . . . . . . . 326
Fig. 2. Merton church : Norman doorway with coeval door
(restored) 329
Fig. 3. Worthing church, Surrey : west doorway vrith coeval
door 330
Pble II, Merton church from the south .. .. tojace 332
Fig. 4. Merton church : mutilated lion on keystone of Nor-
man doorway. , . . . . . . . . 333
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. IX
PACE
Plate III. DeUili of iron straps on lower part of Norman door
"I"' 334
Plate IV, No. i. Early fourteentli-century window, now in
organ-chamber
No. 2. Priest's doorway with coeval door .. tojace 335
Fig. 5. Headinapexofporchbargeboard 336
Fig. 6. West doorway 337
Plate T. North porch of c. 1390 prior to its removal to the new
aisle to/j« 338
Plate Ti. Headsof king and queen, west doorway .. tofate 339
Plate VII. Gregory Lovell's monument, 1S97, with wall-arcade
andblockedwindowof c. izio .. ,. tofati 341
Irish cathedjal churches.
Fig, I. Ardmore : cathedral and round tovrer . . 346
Fig. 2. Glendalough cathedral church : chancel arch .. 349
Fig. 3. KiUaloe: chapel and cathedral church .. 353
Fig. 4, Aghadoe: details of west door 3S7
Fig. 5. PbttofChristchurch, Dublin 359
Fig. 6. Christchurch, DuhUn : south side , , . . . . 361
Fig. 7. The largest and smallest Irish cathedral churches
compared : St. Patrick's (Dublin) and Aghadoe . . 364
Fig. 8. St. Patrick's: north aide of nave 366
Fig. 9. Plan of Limerick cathedral church 370
Fig. 10. Limerick cathedral church from the south-west . . 371
Fig. II. Plan of Cashel cathedra] churchandCormac's chapel 374
Fig. 12. Cashel cathedral from the south-west . . . . . . 377
Rg. 13. Kildare from the north-west 378
Fig. 14. Kildare cathedral church from the south-west . . 379
Plate I, No. I. Kilkenny, west end of nave
No. 2. Kilkenny, northtranseptdoor .. toface 380
Plate II, No. I. Ldghhn cathedral church from the south-
No. 2. Derry cathedral church, looking north-west
to face 381
Fig- 15. Kilkenny cathedral church, from the south-west 383
Fig. 16. Plan of Kilkenny cathedral church . . , . . . 384
Fig. 17. Plan of Cloyne cathedral church and details of north
door . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 392
Fig. 18. Plan of Armagh cathedral church , . , , 394
Fig. 19- Leighlin cathedral church r east window of chapel .. 397
Fig. 20. Leighlin; northsideofwesttowerarch ,. .. 397
Fig. zi- Leighhn : tower vault . . . . , . yyj
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Eopal Jircljajologkal InatitntJ
(Urtot IBritain anb I«lanJ>.
1© BLOOMSBURY SQUARE, LONDON, W.C.
VatTon :
HIS MOST GRAClOire MAJESTY THE KING.
SIR HENRY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I. E. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A.
Roiiorflrp TiioJffrMititnM :
Thb VISCOUNT DILLON. M.A. D.C L. F.S.A.
Th» duke of NORTHUMBERLAND. K.G, PC. F-S.A.
ROBERT MUNRO. MA. LL.D.
C. E, KEYSER. MA. F.S.A.
Titt'VrWtVinU :
JOHN BILSON, F.S.A.
Sir GEORGE J. ARMYTAGE, Bart. F.S.A.
J. H. ETHERINGTON SMITH, M.A. F.S.A.
C. LYNAM.F.S.A.
W. R- LETHABY. F.S-A.
HAROLD BRAKSPEAR. F.S.A.
A. HAMILTON THOMPSON. MA, F.S.A.
Council :
Pbofksso* W. BOYD DAWKINS. W. H. BELL, F.S.A.
M.A. D.Sc- F.R.S. F.S.A. ALFRED C. FRYER, M.A. Ph.D.
G, C- DRUCE, F.S.A. J^-^-J- „
E. L. GUILFORD, M.A. ^ \ ""^^^^ Ll i, f ^A
HERBERT JONES, F.S A. AYMER VALLANCE, M.A. F.S.A.
R. GARRAWAY RICE. F.S A. w. W. WATTS F.S.A.
J. W. WILLIS BUND, M.A. LL D. r,^. q h. S. CRANAGE. Liii D.
F.S.A. F.S.A.
A, HADRIAN ALLCROFT, MA, Rbv. E. S. DEWICK, MA. F.S.A.
C. A. BRADFORD, F.S.A M. S. GIUSEPPI, F.S.A.
SiK W. MARTIN CONWAY. M A. PHILIP NORMAN. LL.D. F.S.A.
F-S.A. I H. PLOWMAN. F.S.A.
R»v. F. J. ELD. M.A. F.S.A, prq,. e. S. PRIOR, M.A. A.R.A.
W. J. HEMP, F.S.A. I F.S.A.
Crtatfurir : fiiritUr :
Sir EDWARD BRABROOK. Sir WILLIAM ST JOHN HOPE,
C.B. Dm.S.A. LiTT.D. D.C.L,
RoiiDcary etiUnl:
R. B. HOWORTH, B.A. F S.A.
G. D. HARDINGE-TYLER, M.A. F.S.A.
SuOitor :
A. H. LYELL, M.A. F.S.A.
Bttrttaxg :
G. D. HARDINGE-TYLER, M.A F.S.A.
D,gH,zed.y Google
LIST OF MEMBERS.
jiar December, 1915.
I> indicates Life. Compounder.
N.B — /( ii reqtiejted that natiee he given the Secretary of any error,
\, change 0/ address, resignation, or death.
Due of Elaedea.
1915 Abram, Miss, D.Se. 39 South Hill Park, Hampstead, N.W.
1911 Allan, P. B. M. 23 Westbiuy Road, Woodside Park, Finchley, N.
1913 Allcard, Mbs. Wimblehurst, Hortham.
1909 Allcroft, A. Hadrian, M.A. Owlswick, Iford, Lewet.
1907 Allgood, H. G. C. 148 Colum Road, Cardid.
1904 Amedroi, H. F. 48 York Terrace, N.W.
1904 Anstruthcr-Gray, Major W, M.P. F.S.A. itilmany, Cupar.
1910 Apperson, G. L., I.S.O. 97 Buckingham Road, Brighton.
1914 Archer, C. W. 19 Trevor Square, Knightsbridgc, W.
1912 Archibald, J. Village Road, Church End, Finchley, N.
1903 Armj-tage, Sir G. J, Bart. D.L. F.S.A. Kirklees Park, Brighouse.
L 1908 Aihbj-, T, M.A. Litt.D. F.S.A. VaUe GiuUa, Rome, Italy.
L 1871 Aihcombe, The Lord, P.O. 17 Prince's -Gate, S.W.
1906 Astley, Rev. H. J. D, M.A. Litt.D. East Rudham, King'i Lynn.
1892 Auden, Rev. Prebendary T, M.A. F.SA. Church Stretton.
1907 Avenell, George. 17 Wowley Road, Hampttead, N.W,
L 1899 Bannerman, W. Bruce, F.S.A. F.G.S. 4 The Waldrons, Croydon.
1891 Barbour, A. H. F. 4 Charlotte Square, Edinburgh.
■ 1885 Barlow, J. R. Greenthorne, Edgworth, Bohon.
I910 Barnard, Prof. F. P, M.A. F.S.A. Bilsby House, AMord. Uaa.
1891 Bartleet, Rev. Canon S. E, M.A. F.S.A. Gloucester,
1907 Bartleet, Rev. E. B, M.A. B.D. Much Wenlock.
Ll862 Barttelot, B. B. Ditton, Torquay.
1891 Bai, A. Ridley, F.S.A. 7 Cavendish Square, W,
L 1882 Baiter, W. E. 170 Church Street, Stoke Newington, N.
1887 Bell, W. Heward, F.S.A. Cleeve House, Seend, Melbham-
1910 Beloe, E. M, F.S.A. Chase Lodge, King's Lynn.
1910 Bengough, Major E. B. 44 Park Lane, W.
1909 Bentley-Rudd, S. Wclby Gate, Grantham.
L 1906 Berkeley, R. V, F.S.A. Spetchley Park, Worce«ter.
L 1907 Berkeley, Mrs. Spetchley Park, Worcester.
igio Berkeley, Mis$. Spetchley Park, Worcester.
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LIST OF MEMBERS.
1914 Bernoud, P. A. G.P.O. box 45, New York City, U.S.A
1914 Beny, James, F.S.A. F.R.C.S. ai Wimpole Street, W.
L 1869 Sevan, A. T. Bessel's Green, Sevenoaks.
L 1903 Bilson, John, F.S^. Hessle, Yorkshire.
1903 BirkiDTre, Mrs. Henry. 67 Cadogan Gardens, S.W.
1900 Blacketl, C. H. Rosapenna, McKinley Road, Bournemoutli.
1901 Blagg, T. M, F.S.A. Caldecote, Newport Pagnell.
1915 Blair, C. Hunter. 31 Hawthorn Rd. Gosforth, Northnmberbnd.
1890 Blakeway, G. S. Staniforth, Tuffley, Gloucester.
1910 Blathwayt, Rev. W, E, M.A. Dyrham, Chippenham,
1908 Blyth, Miss E, Ormon4 Ayenne, Hampton-on-Thanie*.
1910 Boddington, H, junior. Strangeway* Brewery, Manchener.
1910 Bolingbroke, L. G. The Strangers' Hall, Norwich.
1907 Bond, Franda, M.A. Stafford House, Duppas Road, Croydon.
1904 Bond, F. Bligh, F.R.I.B.A. 69 Plasturton Avenue, Cardiff.
1894 Booker, R. P. L, M.A. F.S.A. Eton College, Windsor.
1910 Botkamlcy, C. H, M.Sc. F.I.C. Weston-super-Mare.
ign Bowcn, Rev. Prdaendary D, F.S.A. Monkton Priory, Pembrcie.
1903 Boyson, A. P. 19 St. Helen's Place, E.G.
1889 Brabrook, Sir E, C.B. Dir.S.A. Langham House, Wallington,
Surrey,
1899 Bradford, C. A, F.S.A. 4 Park Place, St. James' Sueet, S.W,
1913 Bradford, R. J, M.A. Hartley Mere, Ealing Common, W.
189s Brabpear, Harold, F.SJi. Corsham, Wilts.
1890 Branford, H. M. 3 Broad Street Buildings, E.C.
L 1884 firaye. The Lord, c/o Messrs. Symons and Waters, Leamington.
1910 Bmrii, W. P, F.S,A. Glenbrae, Jesmond Park, Newcastle.
1899 Brierlcy, G. M. Pyon House, Hereford.
1903 Brierley, W. H, F.S.A. 13 Lendal, York.
1903 Brown, Mrs. A. J. Castle Wigg, Whithorn, Wigtownshire.
'190S Brown, Thomas. 89 HoUand Road, W.
1908 Brown, W, F.S.A. The Old House, Sowerby, Tkirsk.
1913 Browne, Miss OpheUa. College Green, Worcester.
1903 Bnice-Clarke, Miss E. L. Oak Leigh, Eastbourne.
1907 Buckley, Rev. Canon, St, Luke's Vicarage, Victoria Docks, E.
1912 Buckley, G. G, M.D. Holly Bank, Manchester Road, Bury.
1894 Bulkeley-Owen, The Hon. Mrs. The Limes, Shrewsbury.
1911 Bull, F. W, F.S.A. Risdene, Newport PagneU.
1910 Border, A. W. N, F.SA. Belcombc Court, Brad£ord-on-Avon.
1913 Burnard, Robert, F.S.A. Stoke, Tcignmouth, Devon.
1914 Bume, S. A, H. 1 Northcote Place, Newcastle, Suft.
1910 Bushdl, Rev. W. D, M.A. F.SA. The Hermitage, Harrow.
1,1893 Bytom, J. Woolfold, Bury, Lancashire.
1912 Catlitle, Miss Sybil. 5 Princes Street, Cavendish Square, W.
1914 Cay, Arthur. Lyndhnnt, Ldgk Woods, Clifton, Bristol.
Digitized .yCOOgle
XIV LIST OF MEMBERS.
Data at Election.
1909 Cecil, Lady William. Didlington Hall, Stoke Feny, Norfolk.
1913 Cemlyn-Jones, E, W. Brynbelk, PenmaeiiDlawr.
1908 Chanter, Rev. J. F, M.A. F.S.A. Parracombe, Devon.
1896 Chapman, H. Mapletou. St. Martin's Prioiy, Canterbury.
L 1882 Dark, ProfcMor E. C, LL.D. F.S.A. Newnham Houk, Cambridge.
1891 Oark-Maxwell, Rev. Prebendary W. G, M.A. F.S.A. Bridgnorth.
1914 Clarke, Rev. A. E, M.A. South Leverton, Retford. ' ■
L 187s Clarke, Somen, F.S.A. 35 St. James' Place, S.W.
1909 Clemeow, Misa Helen j. Atherstore Place, Lincoln,
1907 Clephan, R. Coltman, F.S.A. Marine House, Tynemouth.
1912 Gift, J. G. N. 8 Princes Street, Westminster, S.W.
1906 Condei, E, F.S.A. Conigree Coun, N^ent, Gloucdter.
1910 Conway, Sir W. Martin, M.A. F.S.A. Allingham Castle, Maidnone.
1898 Cooke, Richard. The Croft, Detling, Maidstone.
1897 Cooper, Rev. T. S, M.A. F.S.A. Chiddingfold, Godalming.
1904 Corcoran, Miss J. R. Rotherfield Cottage, B^hill-on-Sea.
1910 Cory-Wright, Sir A. C, M.A. J.P. 52 Mark Lane, E.C.
1, 1910 Cory-Wright, D, M.A. J.P. Westcoit, Dorking.
L 1889 Cowper, H. S, F.S.A, Loddenden Manor, Staplehuiit, Kent.
191+ Coi, Rev. J. C, LL.D. F.S.A. 13 Longton Avenue, Sydenham.
1905 Coz, G. P. Stone House, Godalming.
I910 Coz, Mrs. Stone House, Godalming.
1891 Cozeni-Smith, E. 16 Kensington Square, W.
1909 Cragg, W. A, J.P. FoUdngham, Line*.
1910 Cragg, Mn. Folkinghim, Lines.
1894 Cranage, Rev. D. H. S, Litt.D. F.S.A. 8 Park |Terrace, Cambridge.
L 1908 Crastcr, H. H. E, M.A. F.S.A. All Souls College, Oxford.
1905 Crofton, Rev. W. d'A, M.A. Codicote, Welwyn.
1907 Crosse, Misa K. M. The Yew House, Caterham Valley, Surrey.
1913 Crowther-Beynon, V. B, M.A. F.S.A. Wesifield, Beckenham.
191 1 Cuthbert, Captain J. H, D.S.O. Beaufront Castle, Hexham.
1909 Davies, Rev. D. S, M.A, North Witham, Grantham.
1896 Davis, A. Randall, M.D. Oaklands, Hythe, Kent.
189s Dawkins, Professor W. Boyd, M.A. D.Sc. F.S.A. F.R.S. F.G.S.
Fallowfield House, Manchester.
1884 Day, Miss. Lome House, Rochester.
1907 Deedes, Rev. Canon Cecil, M.A. 32 Little London, Chichester.
1914 de Cardonei-Lawson, Miss. 3 Ralston Street, Tedworth Sq. S.W.
191 1 de Couicel, M. V. C. zo Rue de Vaugirard, Paris, vi*, France.
1907 de Home, M». 3 Cumberland Place, Regent's Park, N.W.
1900 de Lafonuine, H. C, M.A. 49 Albert Court, S.W.
1937 Denison, S, F.S.A, Spenthorn, West Park, Leeds,
1913 Dewey, Rev. Stanley D. Moretonhampstead, Devon.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. • TV
Du* af Elfclioa.
L 1887 Dewick, RcT. E. S, MA. F.S.A. F.G.S. 26 Oxford Squsre, W.
1909 Diblej, Mrt.
1883 Dillon, The Visconnt, M.A. D.CL. F.SA. Ditchley, Enatone.
igio Dolby, Rev. R, MA. Stewton, Louth, Lino.
1915 Dorling, Rev. E. E, M.A. F.S.A. 62 Mortlake Road, Kcw.
1913 Downes, A. J. Dalbury, Chepstow Road, Croydon.
1899 Downing, Frederick, iz King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.C.
191J Drake, F. Maurice. The Three Gables, The Close, Eieter,
1903 Dmce, G. C, F.S.A. Ravenacar, The Downi, Wimbledon, S.W.
L 1910 Druitt, Herbert. Chris tchurch, Hants.
1906 Duke, Rev. R. E. H. Maltby, Alford, Lines.
1896 Duncan, L. L, M.V.O. F.S.A. Ro»»iair, Lingard's Road, Lewis-
ham, S.E.
1912 Dunn, John, z; Montagn Square, W.
L1884 Eckenley, J. C, M.A. Carlton Manor, Yeadon, Leeds.
L 1S93 Edwardes, T. Dyer. Prinknaih Park, Paioswick, Stroud.
1898 Eeles, F. C. 202 Grange Loan, Edinburgh.
J907 Eld, Rev. F. J, M.A. F.S.A. Polstcad, Colcheiter.
1915 Ellis, H. D. 7 Roland Gardens, S.W.
1893 Ely, Talfoard, D.Lit. F.S.A. 92 Fitzjohn's Avenue, N.W.
1889 Emerson, Sir W, 2 Grosvenor Mansions, 76 Victoria Street, S.W.
1887 Evans, Sir A. J, Litt.D. F.R.S. F.S.A. Youlbury, Abingdoo.
1909 Evans, C. E. Nailsea Court, Nailsea, Brittol.
1913 Every, Richard. Marlands, Eieter,
1900 Fagan, General C. S. F. Feltrim, Topsham Road, Exeter.
1894 Farquharson, Major Victor, F.S.A. 31 Cheater Street, S.W.
1898 Farrer, William. Hall Gartk, near Carnforth.
1913 Fellows, L. D. Pulham S,M,M. Rectory, Harleston, Norfolk.
1865 Fclton, W. V. Sandgate, Fulborough, SiWKX.
1914 Fisher, H. W. 3 Ralston Street, Tedworth Square, S.W.
1885 FisoD, E. H. Stoke Honse, Ipswich.
1908 Fletcher, Lieut. -Colonel H. A, C.V.O. 17 Victoria Square, S.W.
1906 Floyer, Rev. j. Kestell, M.A. F.S.A. Esher.
1909 Forster, R. H, M.A. LL.B. F.S.A. The Chantry, Bovington, Herts.
1912 Foster, Rev. J, D.CL. Tathwell, Louth, Lines.
1900 Fountain, F. 44 Groom's Hill, Greenwich, S.E.
1910 Fowler, Sir J. K, C.V.O. M.D. D.Sc 35 CUrges Street, W.
1913 FoJ, G. J. B. 23 Bellevue Road, Upper Tooting, S.W.
L1860 Frahfield, E, LL.D. D.L. F.S.A. 31 Old Jewry, E.C.
1912 Fry, Rev. H. K, MJl. Higham Ferrers.
1,1898 Frycr,A.C,MAPh.D.F.SA i3EatonCrescent, Clifton, Bristol.
1913 Fryer, Miss. 13 Eaton Crescent, Clifton, Bristol.
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LIST OF MEMBERS.
1909 Garbett, Miu. H. L. E. Eait Keal Hall, SpUsby, Line*.
1897 Gantin, J. R, M^. D.L. F.S.A. Castlebellingham, Co. Louth.
1909 Gibbon*, J. H, A.R.I.B.A. 8 Wellington Rd. St. John's Wood, N.W.
1909 Gibion, J. H, M.R.C.S. L.R.C.F. Laoadownc Road, Aldenhot.
1913 Giles, Rev. A. Linzee, M.A. The Vicarage, Great Malvern.
1912 Gill, H, M.SA. 48 Parliament Street, Nottingham.
1900 ffiuieppi, M. S, F.SJ>. 94 Vinejard Hi]] Road, Wimbledon.
1909 Glucodine, C. H. 7 Abingdon Gardens, W.
1914 GloTcr, Miss K. S. 37 Cheater Place, Regent's Park, N.W.
1914 Glover, Miss M, M, Lane End, Kingsttorpe, Northampton.
1891 Goddard, Rev. E, H, MA. Clj-ffe Vicarage, Swindon.
191 1 Godfrey, W. H, F.S.A. 1 1 Carteret Street, Queen Anne's Gate, S.W.
1908 GoUand, Rev. C. E, M.A. Glasson, Lanes.
1910 Good, Colonel H. N. B. Sutton Couttenay Abbey, Abingdon.
1910 Good, Mis. Sutton Courtenay Abbey, Abingdon.
L 1911 Goodbody, Mrs. F. W. 6 Chandos Street, Cavendish Square, W.
1879 Gostelin-Grimshawe, H. R. H. Bengeo Hall, Hertford.
1911 Gotch, J. A, F.SA. Weeldey Rise, Kettering.
1898 Grafton, Miss. Wintercombe, Easinor, Ledbury.
1914 Gray, J. c/o Union of London & Smitb's Bank, Sheffield.
1910 Green, Mrs. H. Egcrton. 35 Ecdeston Square, S.W.
1895 Green, H. J, 31 Castle Meadow, Norwich.
1909 Greenwood, J. A, LL.M. Funtington House, near Chichester.
1899 Greg, Mrs. Coles, Buntingford, Herts.
1902 Greg, T. T, M.A. F.S.A. Coles, Buntingford, Herts.
1907 Grimston, Mrs. W. E. Earb Colne Place, Earls Colne, Essex.
Guildhall Library, London, E.G.
1909 GoUford, E. L, MA. 17 Elm Avenue, Nottingham.
1913 Gurney, Miss A. 69 Ennismore Gardens, S.W.
1900 Hale-Hilton, Mrs, 60 Montagu Square, W.
L 1886 Hale-Hilton. W. 60 Montagu Square, W.
1909 Hall, Rev. H. W. Cherry Willingham, Lincoln.
1907 Hamilton, Mn. Walter. 16 Elms Road, Clapbam Common, S.W.-
1913 Hannah, Ian C, M.A. Fernroyd, Forest Row, Sussex.
1907 Harding, Miss. 9 Bradraore Road, Oxford.
1909 Harding, Miss E. 9 Bradmore Road, Oxford.
1904 Hardinge-Tyler, G. D, M.A. F.S.A. Great Missenden.
L 1870 Harland, H. S, T.&A. 8 Arundel Terrace. Brighton.
1913 Hairies-jones, E. H, M J). 439 Wellingborough Rd. Northampton.
' 1902 Harrison, Rev. F. W. Eldon Place, Patricroft, Manchester.
1908 Harvey, Alfred, M.B. Darlingscote, Shipston-on-Stour.
L 1885 Haverfield, Professor F. J, LL.D. D.Litt. Winshields, Headington
Hill, Oxford.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. XVIl
Dau ol Elccdon.
191 1 Hawley, Lieut.-Col. W, F.S.A. Figheldean, Salisbury.
1914 Hajrtcr, A. G. K, M.A. 39 Nedierhall Gardens, Hampstead, N.W.
L 1911 Heaton, Rev. H. H, M.A. 4 \^mcent Square, S.W.
1908 Hemp, Wilfrid J, F.S.A. MinshuU, High Wycombe.
1907 Heyworth, Mrs. Lawrence. Colne Priory, Earla Colne, Eaacx
1898 Hill, Rev. A. Du Boulay, MA. East Bridgeford, Nottingham.
1909 Hitchcock, H. Willoughby Hall, Grantham.
1891 Hobeon, W. H. 130 High Street, Maryport.
1914 Hoby, J. C. J, Mni.Bac. 11 Ordnance Terrace, Chatham.
1903 Hodgson, J. C, M.A. F.S.A. Abbev Cottage, Alnwick.
1913 Holman, H. W, F.S.A. 4 Lloyds AVcnue, E.C.
1914 Hollins, H. E. Uplands, Mansfield.
1913 Holden, Rev. A. J. Theddlethorpe. Louth, Lines.
191 1 Home, Gordon. 43 Gloucester Street, Warwick Square, S.W.
1883 Hope, Sir WilKam St. John. Litt.D. D.C.L. Clare, Sufiolk.
1883 Hope, Lady St. John. CUre, Suffolk.
1909 Hopwood, C. H, F.S.A. Rookwood Road, Stamford Hill, N. .
L 187s Horner, Sir J. F. F, K.C.V.O. The Manor House, Mella, Frome.
1910 Houghton, F. T. S, M.A. F.G.S. 18S Hagley Road, Birmingham. .
1909 Howard, F. E. 14 Polstead Road, Oxford.
1907 Howard-Flanders, W. Tyle Hall, Latchingdon, Maldon.
1894 Howorth, Sir Henry H, K.C.LE. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A. {Presidtnt).
45 Lexham Gardens, S.W.
1905 Howorth, Humfrey N, B.A. 45 I«ichim Gardens, S.W.
1904 Howorth, R. B, B.A. F.S.A. 9 Belvedere Grove, Wimbledon.
1911 Hubbard, G, F.S.A. 27 West Chiselhurst Park, Eltham.
i88s Hudd, A. E, F.S.A. 108 Pembroke Road, Oifton, Bristol.
L 1890 Hughes, T. Cann, M.A. F.S.A. 78 Church Street, Lancaster.
1901 Hulme, Miss, 57 Albany Street, Regent's Park, N.W.
1907 Jackson, C. J, F.S.A. 6 Eimismore Gardens, S.W.
1910 Jackson, Rev. E, M.A. Gilmorton, Lutterworth.
L 1885 Jackson, Rev. Canon Vincent, M.A. Bottesford, Nottingham.
L 1908 Jaques, Leonard. Eashy House, Richmond, Yorks.
L 1878 James, Edmund. 16 Rosslyn HiO, Hampstead. N.W.
1910 Jeddere-Fisher, Mrs. Apslq^own, East Grinstead.
1910 Johnston, C. E. Little Offley, Hitchin.
1901 Johnston, Philip M, F.S.A. Sussex Lodge, Champion Hill, S,£.
1910 Jones, Miss Constance. Glrton College, Cambridge.
L 1878 Jones, Herbert, F.SA.. 41 Shooters Hill Road. Blackheath. S.E.
1911 Keasbey, H. G, F.S.A. c/o Messn. Brown Shipley & Co,
113 PaU Mall, S.W.
1895 Eemplay, Miss. 48 Leinster Gardens, W.
1874 Reyier.C. E,M.A. F.S.A. Aldermaston Court, Reading.
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XVIII LIST OF MEMBERS.
Data of Elsctlod.
L 1888 KniU, Sir J, Bart. South Vale Houie, Blackheath, S.E.
1895 Kiiowl«,W.H,F.S.A. as Collingwood Street, Ncwcastle-on-Tync
1909 Lafond, M. Jean. 7 Rue Pouchet, Rouen, Fiance.
1909 Lambert, F, M.A. GmldhaU Museum, E.C.
L 1914 Lambert, Uvedale, B.A. South Park Farm, Bletchingley, Surrey.
1912 Langton, Mrs. Teeton Hall, Northampton.
1906 Latkworthy, Colonel E. W, V.D. Worcester.
1S99 Layard, Miss. Rookwood, Fonnereau Road, Ipswich.
191 1 Le Couteur, J, D. Rosedale, Beanmont, Jersey,
1914 Lee, Rev. J. F. V. Cranford Rectory, Middlesei.
L 1887 Legg, J. Wickham, M.D. F.S.A. 4 St. Margaret's Road, Oxford.
1891 Le Gros, Gervaise, M.A. F.S.A. Seafield, Jeriey.
191-1 Le Gros, Miss L J. Seafield, Jersey.
1906 Leicester, H. A. The Whitstones, Worcester.
1910 Lethaby, W. R, F.S.A. in Inverness Terrace, W,
1907 Lewer, H. W, F.S.A. Priors, Loughton, Essex.
L 1913 Lindley, Miss Julia. 74 Shooters Hill Road, Blackheath, S.E.
1896 Livett, Rev. G. M, B.A, F.S.A. Wateringbury, Maidstone
1899 Lloyd, A. H. z8 Church Street, Manchester.
1914 Lloyd, Prof. J. E. Gwaen Dcg, Bangor.
L 1910 Lociyer, Lady. 16 Fenywern Road, S.W.
1886 Long, Colonel W, C.M.G. Newton House, Clevedon, Somerset.
L 1913 Longden, G. A. Draycoit Lodge, nr. Derby.
1884 Longden, Henry. 115 Wymering Mansions, Maida Vale, W.
189J Longden, Mrs. 115 Wymering Mansions, Maida Vale, W.
1910 Longfield, Miss. Belmont, High Halstow, Rochetter.
1909 Lott, H. C. 10 Carlisle Parade, Hastings.
1909 Lovegrove, E. W, M.A. The School, Ruthin.
1913 Lowndes, Mrs. Belienden, Exeter.
L 1910 Lumsden, Miss. Warren Cottage, Cranleigh, Surrey.
1895 Lyell, A. H, M.A. F.S.A. 9 Cranley Gardens, S.W.
1903 Lynam, Charles, F.S.A. Stoke'On-Trent.
1898 Macbean, R. Baillie, M.D- 51 Mount Avenue, Ealing, W.
1913 McEwen, E. S. Richmond House, Hayling Island, Hants.
L 1887 Malet, Colonel H. Rackctts, Hythe, Hants.
1909 Mann, E. A. 11 Park Avenue South, Crouch End, N.
1910 Manning, P, M.A. F.S.A. 300 Banbury Road, Oxford.
1904 Manhall, George, F.S.A. The Manor House, Breinton, Hereford.
1912 Maiefield, C. J. B. Hanger Hill, Cheadle, Staffs.
1899 Master, C, H. Eibury House, Eibury, Southampton.
1905 May, L. M. 3 Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
1905 Medlieott, W. B. 18 Campden Hill Gardens, W.
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LIST OP MEMBERS. XIX
Da» of Election.
1913 Mee, C. J. C. Oldbuiy Hall, Athentone, Warwicluhire,
1913 Mee, Mn. Oldbnry Hall, Athentone, Wanvi[:ksliire.
1883 Micbell, W. G, M.A. Hillmorton Road, Rugbj.
1907 Micklethwaitc, Miss. 48 Campden Hill Court, Kensington, W.
1902 Miller, W. E. g St. Petersburgli Place, W.
1899 Milne, Miss. The Trees, Church Road, Upper Norwood, S.E.
L 19IZ Minet, Miss Susan. Hadham Hall, Little Hadham, Herts.
1909 Monckton, E. P, M.A. F.S.A. Laundimer House, Onndlc.
1909 Morgan, Lieut.-Colonel L. W. Brynbriallu, Swansea.
1913 Morier, Miss. 12 Cornwall Mansions, Kensington Court, W.
191 Z Morris, R. B, M.A. LL.B. 24 Bramham Gardens, S.W.
L 1913 Morrison, Walter. 77 Cromwell Road, S.W.
1910 Moss, Rev. Prebendary H. W, M.A. Highfield Park, nr. Oxford.
1908 Mosie, H. R, M.D. 19 Strawberry HiL Road, Twickenham.
L 1884 Mottram, J, The Birches, 11 Bracondale, Norwich.
1898 Munro, Robert M.A. M.D. LL.D. Elmbank, Largs, Ayrshire.
191 1 Mylnc, Rev. Sir R. S, Bart. B.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A. c/o S. O.
Martin, Esq. Broidway Library. Hammersmitli, W.
1910 Nelson, Philip, M.D. F.SA. Beechwood, Calderstones, Liverpool.
L 1890 Nesham, R. 40 Poynder'a Road, Clapham Park, S.W.
191 1 NichoU, Iltyd B, F.S.A. The Ham, Llantwit Major.
L1883 Niven, W, F.SA. Mariow Place, Great Marlow.
1S9S Nixon, Mi«s. 43 Galgate. Barnard Castle.
190S Norman, Philip, LL.D. V.P.S.A, 45 Evelyn Garden*, S.W.
L 1883 Northumberland, The Duke of, K.G. P.C. F.SjV. Alnwick C»itle,
■ 1S9S Nuttall, J. R, F.R.Hi»t.S. Thornfield, Lancaster.
191 3 Odet], Rev. F. J. Lapford, Morchard Bishop, Devon.
1905 Okc, Alfred W, BA. LL.M. F.S.A. 32 Denmark Villai, Hove.
1888 Oliver, Andrew. 5 Queen's Gardens, W.
1906 Oliver, E. Ward. New Place, Lii^eld, Surrey,
1914 Oswald, Felii, D.Sc. Probate Registry, Nottingham.
1897 Palmer, F. J. Morton, M.B. F.S.A. Longfellow Road, Worthing.
1914 Parker, Mrs. Christopher. Faulkboume Hall, Witham, Essex.
1909 Parker, Colonel J. W. R, C.B. F.S.A. Bnawsholme Hall, Qitheroe.
1910 Parkin, Mrs. Jz Earl's Court Square, S.W.
1909 Parneli, Rev. F, M.A. Sunny Dene, Oxted, Surrey.
1913 Parry, H. Lloyd. Town Qerk's Office, Exeter,
1908 Pavey, Rev. A. K, MA. Brixworth, Northampton.
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XX LIST OF MEMBERS.
DiIcofBlocllon.
1890 Pearce, W, J.P. F.S.A. Perrott Home, Pmhore.
1896 Peers, C. R, MA. Sec. 5. A. 14 Lansdowoe Rcud, Wimbledon.
1912 Perowne, E. S. M. F.SA 20 Randolph Road, Maida Hill, N.W.
1913 Perr)-, Miss M. P. IJ Trdawney Road, Gotham, Bristol.
L 1883 Petrie, W.. M. F, D.C.L. Litt.D. F.R.S. Univewit)' College, W.C.
L 1886 Phelpi, Rev. L. R, M.A. Oriel CoUege, Oxford.
1912 Pick, S. Perkins, F.R.I.B.A. 2 Salisbury Road, Leicester.
1903 Plowman, H, F.S.A. 23 Steele's Road, Havcratock Hill, N.W.
1895 Ponting, C. E, F.S.A. Wye House, Marlborough.
1913 Port, C. G. J, F.S.A. I West Mansion, WorthinR.
1900 Porter, J. H. Ealdham, 103 High Road, Lee. S.E.
1913 Porter, Miss L. 20 Rutland Court, Rutland Gardens, S.W.
1909 Poulter, E. A, B.A. 23 Westbourac Terrace, W.
1907 Prideaux, Miss E. K. Whinficld, Ejcton, nr. Exeter.
1914. Prior, Prof. E. S, M.A. A-R.A. F.S.A. Fair View, Shaft«bur7
Road, Cambridge.
1904. Pritchard, J. E, F.S.A. 22 St John's Road, Clifton, Bristol
1910 Pritchard, Miss Agnes. 55 Highbury New Park, N.
1910 Pritchard, Miss E. M. 55 Highbury New Park, N.
1913 Pryce, T. Davies, M.R.C.S. 64 Clarendon Road, Nottingham.
1910 Pye, Miss. St. Mary's Hall, Rochester.
1901 Radford, Alfred J. V, F.S.A. Vacye, College Road, Malvern.
1908 Radford, A. L, F.S.A. The Manor House, Bradninch, Devon.
190S Radford, H. G, F.S.A. Lested Lodge, WeU Walk, Hampitead.
1912 Rawlence, E. A. Newlandj, Salisbury.
1910 Rawnsley, W. F, M.A. J.P. Shamley Green, Guildford.
L 1890 Read, Sir Charles Hercules, LL.D. P.S.A. British Museum, W.C.
190s Reader, F. W. 17 Gloucester Road, Finsbuiy Park, N.
1913 Reed, Harbottlc, F.R.I.B.A. 57 St. David's Hill, Eieter.
1910 Renton, J. H, J.P. Rowfold Grange, Billingshurst.
1913 Rice, Mrs. 23 Cyril Mansions, Prince of Wales Road, S.W.
1894 Rice, R. Garraway, J.P. F.S.A. 23 Cyril Mansions, Prince of
Wales Road, S.W.
1897 Richardson, R. T. Barnard Castle.
1913 Riley, E. A. i Kent Mansions, Broadway, Worthing.
1893 Robinson, Rev. E. C, M.A. Chadsmore, Orchard Road, Malvern.
L 1881 Rowley, W, M.LC.E. T.SA. Alder Hill, Meanwood, Leed*.
191a Sackville, S. G. Stopford, M.A. D.L. Drayton House, Thrapsto
19OS Sands, Harold, F.S.A. The Moat, Charing, Ashford, Kent.
1913 Sands, Mrs. The Moat, Charing, Ashford, Kent.
1914 Sansom, Mrs. Ravenswood, Horsted Keynes, Sussex.
1909 Sefton-Joncs, Mrs. 74 Cadogan Place, S.W.
1900 Seltman, E. J. Kinghoe, Berkhamsted.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. XXI
Da» st Election.
1908 Serjeantson, Rev. R. M, F.SA. St. Peter's Rectoiy, Northampton.
1914 Sherwin, C. B. 32 St. Peter's Street, Derby.
1913 Sidney, F. E, F.S.A. Moreton, HoUy Place. Hampstead, N.W.
1909 Simpson, J. J. Osborne House, Cotham Park, Briatot.
1914 Sin, H, F.R.I.B.A. H.M. Office of Works, Storey's Gate, S.W.
1909 Smith, Mrs. Eustace. High Coilease, Lyndhurst, Hants.
1904 Smith, H. L. Etherington, M. A. 1 1 Royal Avenue, Chelsea, S.W.
1899 Smith, J. Challenor C, F.S.A. Sikhestcr Common, Reading.
1901 Smith, J. H. Etherington, M.A. F.S.A. East Ella, Putney.
1907 Smith, Mrs. Machell. 14 Buckingham Stieet, Strand, W.C.
1913 Smith-Dorrien, Rev. W. M, B.D. Crediton, Devon.
1911 Speakman, Mrs. Ciaignute, Isle of Mull, Scotland.
1898 Sutham, Rev. S. P. H, B.A. Chaplain's House, Wandsworth
Prison, S.W.
1905 Stebbing, W. P. D, F.G.S. Frith Park, Epsom.
1886 Stephenson, Mill, F.SA. 38 Ritherdon Road, Upper Tooting.
1909 Stone, Percy G, F.S.A. Merstonc, l.W.
1909 Storey, W. Fewston, Birstvrith, Leeds.
1915 Storrs, Major R, R.A.M.C. c/o Messrs. Holt & Co, 3 Whitdiall
Place, S.W.
1909 Sutton, Rev. Canon A. F. Brant Broughton, Newark.
iqog Symonda, Henry, F.S.A. 30 Bolton Gardens, S.W.
1912 Symonds, Rev. W, M.A. 10 Ajigel Hill, Bury St, Edmunds.
1901 Tanner, Mrs. at Riveradale, Surrey Road, Bournemouth.
1906 Tapp, W. M, LL.D. F.S.A. 57 St. James's Street, S.W.
1889 Tatlock, Miaa. 10 Kenaington Court, W.
L191S Taylor, E. R., F.S.A. Medomsley, Sidcup, Kent.
L 1881 Taylor, R. W, M.A. LL.B. F.S.A. Barton-on-Humber.
1909 Taylor, T. J. 16 Maddoi Street, Hanover Square, W.
1909 Terry J. Rycote, Manor Road, Sidcup, Kent.
L 1902 Thomas, Major G. T. Harley, F.S.A. Woodstock, Bromley, Kent.
1910 Thomas-Stanford, C, M.A. F.S.A. Preston Manor, Brighton,
1909 Thompson, A. H, M-.A. F.S.A, South Place, Gretlon, Kettering.
1915 Topham, Miss. Lutterworth House, Lutterworth.
1913 TrendeU, P. G. Victoria and Albert Museum, S.W.
1913 Tristram, R. ' Sompting Abbotts, Worthing, Sussex.
1905 Tristram, Rev. C, B.A. Ducklinpton Rectory, Witney.
1912 Turner, C. S. Mulberry Lodge, Hardingstone, Northampton.
1913 Turner, Mrs. Mulberry Lodge, Hardingstone, Northampton.
1909 Tyrwhitt, Rev. H. M, M.A. 19 The Glebe, EUckheath, S,E.
L 1883 Tyson, E. T. Wood Hall, Cockermouth
1908 Vallance, W. R Aymer, MA. F.S.A. The Grange, Crawley.
1914 Vassall, Henry, M.A. F.SA. The Priory, Repton,
1913 Vaughan-Wiliiams, F, The Manor House, Sonning.
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LIST OF MEUBERS.
L 191X Wadtworth, F. A. i; Weekday Crofi, Nottingham.
L1883 Wagner, H, M.A. F.S.A- F.R.G.S. 13 HaU Moon Street, W.
1910 Wdbce. A. G. 7 Dean's Yard, W«tmin»ter, S.W.
1901 WallU, G. H, F.S.A. Art Mosenm, Nottingham.
1907 Ward, Miu. 8z Bonvcrie Road Weit, Folkettone.
1910 Warner, S. A, MA. Lincoln College, Oxford.
1908 Wattt, W. W. F.S.A. 2 Stevenage Road, Folham, S.W.
1907 Way, Rev. A. c/o Mrs. Way, 16 Palace Court, W.
1910 WeUi, Charlet. 134 Cromwdl Road, Brittol.
191 1 Weitlake, Rev. H. F, MA.. 2 The Cloiiten, Westminiter Abbey.
1904 Weyman, Henry T, F.SA. Fi«hmoie Hall, near Ludlow.
1894 White, J. H. Pea*e Hall, Springfield, Chelmiftvd.
1899 Wigan, Rev. P. F, M.A. The Norlands, Overbury, Tewkesbury.
1915 Wilkin, H. E. 140 Ebuiy Street, S.W.
1908 Williams, A. Moray, B.A. Bedalc's School, Pcter»field.
1910 Williamt, C. W, MJV. 10 Carlyle Maniiont, Cheyne Walk, S.W.
1910 William!, J. Combe Cottage, Purlcy Downs, Purley, Surrey.
1910 Willii, C. S. High Street, Ewell, Surrey.
191S Willis, Miss M. isFinchleyRoad. St. John's Wood, N.W.
1907 Willis-Bund, J. W, M.A. LL.B. F.S.A. ShirehaU, Worcester.
1907 Willmott, Miss. Warl^ Place, Great Wailey, Brentwood.
L 1889 Wilson, R. H. The Old Croft, Holmwood, Dorking.
1861 Winwood, Rev. H. H, M.A. Ii Cavendish Crescent, Bath.
1913 Wooler, E, F.S.A. 36 Priestgate, Darlington,
1909 WooUey, C. L, M.A. Old RiShams, Danbury, Essex.
1910 Woollcy, Ernest. Collingworth, Walton-on-Thames.
191 1 Wright, W, M. Wold Newton Manor, N. Thoresby, Lines.
1911 Wynford, Tlje Lord. Warmwell House, Dorchester.
1888 Young, A. W. iz Hyde Park Terrace, W.
HONORARY AND CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.
Due of Eleciion.
1903 Enlart, M. Camille. 58 Rue de Vaugirard, Paris, vi*.
1S99 Forbes, S. Russell, Ph.D. Via della Croce 74A, Rome.
1860 Greenwcll. Rev. W, MA. D.C.L. F.R.S. T.SA. Durham.
1903 deLasteyrie, M. leComte. lo"** Rue duPre auz Clercs, Paris,Ti*.
1908 Laver, Henry, F.S.A. Head Street, Colchester.
1903 Lefivre-Pontalis, M. E. 13 Rue de Phalsbourg, Paris, xvii*.
1906 Serbat, M. Louis. S Rue Chateaubriand, Paris, viii*.
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THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCa^
Bj EDITH K. PRIDEAUX.
As a record of one section of the decorative detail of
Exeter cathedral church, this paper aims at giving a full
list of all the musical instruments that appear in the
carvings there, with photographs of each ; and, as it would
seem somewhat incomplete to present them without any
reference to the historical developments of such instru-
ments, I have compiled from various sources, especially
from the Rev. F. Galpin's comprehensive book, " the notes
that follow ;, and have also added illustrations from other
contemporary mediaeval buildings, comparison with which
appeared to me to increase the interest of the collection.
In this last matter I have been most generously assisted
by Mr. F, H. Crossley, who put at my disposal a large
number of his splendid photographs from Beverley and
Exeter, and other material in his possession, hoth for
reference and reproduction.
Since writing these notes I have also had the immense
advantage of thorough criticism from Mr. Galpin, which
has not only ensured far greater accuracy than could
otherwise have been claimed, but has also added many
points of great and uncommon interest.
As far as possible the carvings are noticed in chronological
order.
That Exeter cathedral church should display a large
number of musicians and their instruments in its decoration
is not surprising. It was originally dedicated in honour of
the blessed Virgin Mary as well as of St. Peter ; and
although the former dedication is now disused, the whole
decorative scheme, internal and external, centres round
the Coronation and Enthronement of the Virgin.'
'ltatdbdoretheliutitnle,6thMa7,i9i4. *E. K. Paietax, Pigvt-tadfturi if lit
'Old Einlab InttnuunU g/ MtMC, in am fmu tf Extur VaiitJral, Arcbenl.
'Hk Anoquuj'a Boob,' MethucD, ud y9mii.\jix,yf.%,g,ii,3X.
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' 1 TRE' 'CAih^SGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
With" tifese" sWnes the angeKc quire and minstrels are
intimately associated ; they have always been represented
as the special attendants on the Virgin at her coronation,
and all music and musicians appear to have been under
her protection. ^
Tlius we find the bosses, corbels, and pre-eminently
the minstrels' gallery, showing a number and variety of
musical instruments hardly equalled even by the sculptures
of the minster at Beverley, or those of Manchester collegiate
church. And besides these important specimens, belonging
to the original decoration of the building itself, there
also occur many others on mediaeval monuments there
which, though not actually related to its decorative scheme,
may appropriately be noticed in the same connexion.
The earliest specimen at Exeter of a musician is a
relief carving on one of the misericords (no. 15) representing
a man playing the pipe and tabor (plate i, no. i). TTiis
work is of the thirteenth century, and is the only example of
so early a date in the church. In it is shown the most
usual position of the two instruments when in use,
the pipe being played by the left hand, and the right
engaged in beating the tabor which is attached by a string
to the neck or shoulder of the performer. In this example
the man is kneeling, but that attitude is merely due to
the convenience of adapting the carving to the cramped
position it occupies. Of this we see a still more emphatic
example in another contemporary pipe and tabor player
carved in the spandrel of a two-Hght window in the tower
of St. Mary the Virgin at Higham Ferrers, Northants.
where the performer is painfully contorted to fit the
available space (plate i, no. z). In reality the performer
always stood.
The pipe and tabor were instruments of but small
repute musically, chiefly used by strolling minstrels to
accompany rustic dancing, tumbling, and other revelries. *
It has been said that we never find them associated
with the celesrial quires, nor with the musicians attendant
upon the enthroned Virgin. Nevertheless in the
thirteenth-century ' angel quire ' at Lincoln these in-
' Mn. JimaoD, Ligtmdt «/ tht AfuJ»»rn, * Milton, Comut, L 173, ittti* to the
p. JO. 'gamewmt pipe ' in thii o '■ —
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NO. I. tkepifea:
I. 2. THE PIPE A
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HAKP AND RYBYBE ON BOSSES IN THE PMSBVl'ERY VAULT AT EXETER.
:N DETERMINATE B
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. }
stmments appear in the hands of one of the great angels
carved in the spandrels, and it may be that their degrada-
tion to exclusively baser uses was a later development.
Our thirteendi-century representation of the tabor
at Elxeter does not show the ' snare ' or vibrating cord
usually stretched across the parchment of one head, but
it is indicated in the Higham Ferrers example, and a
tabor on the fourteenth-century stalls of Lincoln minster
shows it clearly.
The pipe used with the tabor was necessarily small
to facilitate its manipulation by one hand. It bad only
three holes, two in front and one for the thumb behind ;
but being over a foot long there could be produced from
it, by means of the harmonics, a scale of more than an
octave.^
The kettledrum was nearly allied to the tabor, and
plate XIII, no. 7, shows an almost contemporary carving
from the nave corbel-table of the church of St. Mary,
Adderbuiy, Oxon. These little drums, caUed ' nakers '
were used in pairs, suspended in front of the performer
by a strap round the shoulders or waist, and were beaten
with smdl sticks as are the modern kettledrums. They
show the ' snare ' referred to above. Here, as with other
instruments, they are in an imusual position, simply for
the purpose of displaying them vrithin the limits of the
frieze in which they occur. ' Nakers are believed to
have been introduced into England from the east by the
Crusaders. In 1304 there is a record of ' Yanino le
Nakerer ' in the list of king Edward I's minstrels ; Edward
III also had one, and the band that announced his entry into
Calais in 1347 included ' nacaires.'^
The next musicians at Exeter border on the fourteenth
century, and occur in the bosses of the presbytery high-
vault. This vault was completed before 1 304 (in which
year the glazing of the east window and clerestory
windows of the presbytery is recorded in the fabric rolls),*
' Ad mdnit jupe and ttbor tit now in Anbic iron! naiareb, the nunc of ■ muI
(be pOMCMon of Mr. Cedl Sbiip in cutemhind-dium; KeG(lpui,ap.dt.p.249,
n&aaitlj good coodition to allow oi dicir ' Galpin, op. dc p. i^o.
■till bang uicd. ' Archdeacon Fitmue, Tin Arcbiuaural
*The word ihA«i ii i conuptiDi) of the Hiiury of Exiur CaittJral, pp. ij, laa.
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4 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
and it is therefore probable that the actual carving of the
bosses had been executed in the workshop a year or two
earlier, before they were placed as key-stones in the vault.
Among them are two musicians, one with a harp, and the
other with an early form of viol.
The harpist is a very graceful seated angel surrounded
by foliage and playing on a small harp of five strings
(plate II, no. i). The harp was regarded as specially
appropriated to the accompaniment of sacred music, and
is found in innumerable illustrations of, and allusions to,
the music of the celestial quires. Probably in its position
here, in the presbytery vault, the angelic harpist represents
the choral angels who are usually shown around the feet
of the crowned and enthroned Madonna in heaven, for it
is the next figure-subject boss to that of the Coronation
of the Virgin which occupies the place of honour over the
high altar.*
The harp, which is of very ancient eastern origin, had
been knovra in Britain, as distinct from the ' rote,* or
' crot,' before the sixth century. The poem Beoumlf,
which dates from that period, refers to it as an established
and popular instrument of rejoicing.' In these early
days its strings were of untanned hide or twisted horse-
haur, and the latter continued in use in Wales even as
late as the end of the twelfth century ; but in Ireland, where
it was enthusiastically adopted and developed in the
eleventh century, these were soon changed for metal
strings, of gold, silver and a kind of white bronze. In
England gut became the ordinary material throughout
the middle ages. The number of strings varied at different
times, and apparently harps were variously strung at the
same time. The English harp of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries usually had from eight to eighteen
strings,' the development being from few to many, from
the two five-stringed harps sculptured on the twelfth-
century prior's doorway at Ely, to the seventeen strings
of the fifteenth-century angel's harp at Manchester. This
' Hup ii bj lODU derived from i toot |iui iweg ' (not inj nund of tucpt). And
<Mld barfai, to pludu in W. J. SedgEfield'i gloiuij to thii poem,
' See line S9 i ' patr «m heupin nreg ' the word gamnauJm (Uteiillf ' wood
(there tu the mueic of kiipa). Line 2458 t of jo7 * or ' of rejoicuig ') ii giien at
' Nil ptti heupu iw^ ' (there wu no meining blip.
•onnd of hup). Line 30131 "Nillel hier- ' Gilpin, op. dt. p. 16.
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IN EXETER CATHEDKAL CHURCH. 5
order, however, is not always followed consistently, and in
contemporary carvings we find much variety. Thus
in Lincoln angel quire, slightly earlier than this Exeter
five-stringed example, two harpists occur, one with an
instrument of ten strings, and the other with one of sixteen
strings. At St. Mary's, Adderbury, Oxon. an example
somewhat later than this Exeter boss (plate iiii, no. lo)
also shovre ten strings, and yet in the nave of Beverley
minster there again appears a harp of only five strings.
The other very early fourteenth-century minstrel in
Exeter presbytery vault is performing upon a large in-
strument of the viol order, with a bow of embarassingly
unwieldy proportions (plate ii, no. 2). Though wingless
this is another angel, as is shown by the bare feet, a
feature given in mediaeval art only to the three Persons
of the Trinity, the apostles, all angels, and St. John
Baptist. The figure and drapery are very graceful and the
carving beautifully finished, in which it differs greatly
from the later specimens in the church. One feels sure
that either the carver was a performer on this instrument
himself, or had a living model to work from. The four
fine strings of the instrument and the fingers of the stop-
ping hand are perfectly shovm. The latter is accurately
placed, with the fourth finger stretched to its utmost,
and the attitude of the bovring hand indicates the pliant
wrist to be seen in a trained violinist at the present
day.
The instrument here shown is a * rybybe,' or ' rubebe,'
one of the early forms of the viol family. All of these
were precursors, and indeed ancestors, of the modern
violin, and all trace back, through the south of Europe, to
the east, whence is derived the use of all bowed in-
struments.
TTie two main branches of this large famUy are dis-
tinguished from one another by some very marked charac-
teristics. One of these is the shape of the back.
In the class to which the ' rybybe ' belongs there were
no separate sides, or ribs as they are properly called ; but
the convex back fitted right on to the oval front. The
little rebec and the ' geige ' also had this convex back, but
they were more pear-shaped than oval in outline, their
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6 THE CARVINGS OF MEDUETAI, MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
necks being merely narrowed elongations of the body,
whereas the ' rybybe ' had a distinct, separate neck joined
into the body. All these three also had no incurvation
of the sides, which must have greatly hmited the freedom
of the bowing.
The other chief branch of the viol family had flat backs,
and consequently side ribs, and were incurved in outUne
somewhere near the middle, sometimes only slightly, and
sometimes with a very pronounced waist. This class
is found illustrated quite as early as the convex-backed
class, examples of both being given by Mr. Galpin from
twelfth-century sources in England. Therefore, although
the flat-backed and waisted type is that to which the
modem vioUn is most obviously alUed, it would be an
error to suppose that this form succeeded to that of the
rybybe and rebec, or was developed from it. Evidently
both kinds were in use at the same time, and the angelic
rybybe-player in the Exeter boss is contemporary with
many examples that could be quoted of the waisted,
flat-backed form. One rybybe, very similar to this
specimen, is carved in the hands of an angel in the angel
quire at Lincoln, slightly earlier in date than the Exeter
boss.
It seems probable that there were rather indeter-
minate forms, intermediate between the two, simul-.
taneously in use. This we may infer from the specimens
surviving in sculpture, such as we find later at Exeter in the
minstrels* gallery (plate vii, no. 4), and at Beverly
minster on the teredos staircase (plate viii, no. l), and at
the back of the reredos (plate vin, no. 2) also fourteenth-
century work, and again in the nave of the same minster.
In all of these the ribs and flat back are seen, but the waist
is either absent, or so slightly developed as to be a mere
suggestion of such a feature. The outline assumed by the
front or table of the instrument also was variable ; for, as
these illustrations show, an oval-faced outline and one
almost square are represented contemporaneously, while
among the fifteenth-century angel-musicians at Manchester
is one playing on a viol perfectly square in shape, constructed
with sides and a flat back.
The more common and popular little rebec, which was
a smaller three-stringed instrument of the same convex-
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. "]
backed class as the rybybe, ran a much longer career.
Its larger relative disappeared in favour of the waisted
and ribbed instruments, probably in consequence of the
greater facility in bowing which they afforded.
We have no rebec at Exeter of so early a date as the
rybybe in the vault, but the mutilated remains of one are
still visible in the hands of an angel on the west front
dating from some fifty or more years later on in the
fourteenth century. Again, a very late version is seen
on the canopy of bishop Bronescombe*s tomb, far on in
the fifteenth century (|uate rviii, no. i).
In the fourteenth-century corbel-table of St. Mary's,
Adderbury, Oxfordshire, a true rebec is shown, with the
pear-shaped body and weU-marked sound holes (plate xiii,
no. 5). Of course, in this case, the performer is holding
it in so elevated a position only to afford a complete view
of the instrument in the limited space at the sculptor's
disposal, for it never was and never could be played when
held in that fashion.
Our next Exeter musicians are two minstrels on the
vaulting-shaft corbels, dating between 1315 and 1325,
both playing bowed instruments of the indeterminate
kind mentioned above. Either faulty carving, or the
existence of several varieties, gives these two instruments
a vagueness that forbids their definite classification.
They are hardly as small and tapering as the typical rebec,
nor have they the incurved sides of the viol proper ;
the shape of their backs is not discernible since they are
carved in such shght relief that they are not detached
from the garments of the performers.^
The earlier, by a few years only (plate 11, no. 3), is in
the hands of an angel, again wingless, who occupies the
lower part of a corbel in the quire on which the Coronation
of the Virgin is represented above ; the bare feet of the
figure again identify it as one of the celestial minstrels.
It is not uncommon in mediaeval art to find angels thus
represented as wingless.
The other corbel musician in the nave (plate 11, no. 4.)
is no angel, but a very mundane strolling minstrel, duly shod,
and wearing a spangled govm, and with a humorous and
' Mr. dlpiD dxnifict tlkCM u offihoot* of the ifbfbc.
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8 THE CAKVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
meriy face ; he is accompanying on his instrument the feats
of the tumbler shown above. Tms pair have been described
as ' St. Cecilia playing the crwth with a grotesque
listener,'^ as St. Cicely drawing down the angels from
heaven by the sweetness of her performance, and by
another author as Salome dancing (i.e. tumbling) before
Herod. These imaginative descriptions seem quite
unsupported by the figures themselves. Such a pair
were very familiar at afi merry-makings in the middle
ages ; but their appearance here leads one to suspect
a reference to some more ecclesiastical subject, a suspicion
strengthened when we recall that in the series of twelve
musicians shown in the late twelfth-century bas-reliefs
formerly in the cloisters of the abbey of Saint-Georges-de-
Boscherville, a similar pair are included. The legend
which is most vividly called to mind by them is a charming
twelfth-century metrical French version transcribed into
English prose by the Rev. P. H. Wicksteed.*
There is one other musician to be noted on a boss in
the high-vault of the cathedral nave. It is later than
those just described, and earlier than those of the
minstrels' gallery, this part of the vault having been
finished about 1 343 or 1 345. It is again a harpist
(plate III, no. i), but this time a priest instead of an angel ;
and there are good reasons for believing that it represents
St. Dunstan, whose sHll on the harp is a well-known feature
in the traditions connected with him.* The harp on
which he is performing is much larger than that of the
angel in the presbytery vault, but the number of its strings
is not indicated.
The next step chronologicaUy in the study of Exeter's
musical instruments is to the minstrels' gallery (plate iv),
which there is good reason to believe was erected in 1353,
some twenty-five or thirty years later than the corbels we
have been considering.^ There is structural evidence
that it was an afterthought, the church having been
completed, excepting the west-front sculpture, under
> Wm. Cotton, Btiia mU CtrMt af lb4 ■ E. K. Friduni ud G. R. Holt Shafto,
CtAtird Cbircb tf Si. Piur'i, Extur. Baua mi CtritU »f Extur CaOiibal, p. 176.
* AichducoD Fncnun, ArebiueturM
■ Oar Lady'i lambUr, Dent, 1900. Hitury aj ExtUr Ca^tiral, pp. 77 ind 7S.
D,gH,zed.y Google
E VAULT AT EXETER,
, HICHAM FERRERS.
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IK EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. 9
bishop Graunson about four years previously. The
gallery occupies the place of the triforium arcade in the
fifth bay of the north side of the nave, and its name
describes the scheme of its decoration no less than the
puroose for which it was built.
Primarily, the purpose of this gallery, and of similar
galleries in other cathedral and parish churches, as at
Westminster, Malmesbuiy, and Winchester, seems to have
been specially connected with the once important cere-
mony of the blessing of palms on Palm Sunday, when
the Sacrament was carried in procession, and passed out-
side the church. When the procession returned, it paused
by the closed door, while one half of the quire within,
and the other half without, sang in antipnon. Those
inside were usually stationed above the entrance, either on
a temporary platform or in a gallery erected for such
purposes. The position of the Eieter gallery, above the
north nave entrance, points to its having been specially
devoted to this ceremonial use. ^ In an age such as the
fourteenth century, when decorative sculpture was so
prominent a feature in English architecture, and more
CKJecially in a church dedicated in honour of the blessed
Virgin Mary, it is veiy natural that the decoration of the
gallery shoidd take the appropriate form of a series of
typical celestial minstrels such as we have here. The
now empty niches of the vaulting-shaft corbels on either
ride of the gallery originally held images of the Virgin
and St. Peter, and the connexion between the Virgin and
quires of angels and minstrels was no doubt borne in
mind in choosing the subject for its decoration.
It should be observed by the way that the sculpture
of these figures is very inferior to most of that vrith which
the church is enriched. Any one who compares the
original figures on the west front, some of which must be
actually contemporary vrith these, will be struck by the
contrast. There is, it is true, much grace and vigour in
the action of some of these minstrels,^ but the detail
b very careless and sketchy in comparison to that
' FiMuii Bood, Waumnur AUry, p. $J, beiu^ tlum much coatemponrr Kulp-
* Plot. E. S. Piioi Tcmufa coDcenuDg the Cure in other parti of England ' (Enetiib
Ggura of thii galkr^ that they ' preteired Miiianal Figmri Sailpan).
Dure Di eari; mcdiaenl Kitraiut and
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10 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
Still left to US in the west-front figures. Whether the
reason for this was want of funds we can hardly tell. If
archdeacon Freeman's conclusions from the fabric rolls
are correct, the sum spent upon this piece of work was
X46, equivalent to more than ;^400 of our money,
a price which seems rather low for the production of
fourteen large figures and fourteen very rich canopies (in-
cluding colouring and gilding), besides the structural
work of building the gallery in a place not originally
designed for it. So, very possibly, such small and trouble-
some details as fingers, strings, sound-holes, etc. were
scarcely covered by the sum to be expended, and conse-
quently were occasionally omitted.
It must not be supposed that this assemblage of
musicians carved on the front of the Exeter minstrels' gallery
represents in any way a mediaeval orchestra or band, who
united to play in concert those instruments on which they
were performers. At the time to which these figures
belong such combinations of instruments were unknown.
When concerted music was in its infancy, and bands, or
noises as they were then termed, were first formed of several
instruments, these combined instruments were all of one
kind, either all strings, or all shawms (as we should say
nowadays ' wood-wind '), or all trumpets and drums. ^
Even as late as 1561, an orchestra performing interludes
in the first English tragedy Gorboduc was divided
into five distinct sections, of violins, cornetts, flutes,
hautboys, and drums and fifes, each section performing
separately. The only exception we note to this divided
use of instruments' in combined performance was the
common and popular union of the pipe and tabor, of which
some account has already been ^ven.
Of these distinct groups of instruments the brass and
drums were dedicated to military and royal purposes."
On the other hand, the stringed class was accepted as
worthy of performing sacred music together, though, as
time went on, the church admitted small gong-lite cymbals
■ See Gtlpin, op. cit. chaptei IJ, on Tb* dcKribn, ' AD ttw while, loaoraiu metal
CmxtI, blowing martiai Mundt,' and again (ibid, ii,
' Milton, !n FaraJiu Lcit, i, 540, nfen 515) ' Wth tminpcti' rtgalxnmA.'
to th(K dtidnctivc chancttritcin where he
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. II
into their stringed accompaniments of religious worship,
as a help in marking the time of the plain-song. ^
Each group of instruments playing together was called
* a consort,' and when in later times the combination of
instruments from two or more of the distinct groups began
to be used, this was called ' a broken consort,' in contra-
distinction to the combination of instruments belonging
to one group only, which were known as ' whole consorts.'
The earliest record we have of ' a broken consort ' (a
nearer approach to an orchestra than ' a whole consort ')
is in an early- fifteenth-century manuscript where strings
(i.e. the viol) are combined with wind (i.e. the recorder),
in playing at a feast.
Consequently, in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
such a series of musicians and instruments as those we
have here merely represented all, or nearly all, the kinds
of instruments then available for music of every de-
scription.
The two figures on the east and west returns of the
gallery have no instruments ; therefore the musical series
includes twelve angels only." Two illustrations of each
are given, one from the eastward and the other from the
westward, so that no details may be lost.
Beginning at the westernmost end, the first figure is
the angel of the citole^ (plate v, no. i). This instrument,
often also called the citterne, must not be confounded
with the gittern, which also occurs in this gallery series
(plate IX, no. 9). Although both are held in much the
' It i« intentting to Rid in lOBie atncn * Concraij to Che earlier and more unul
fiDmanold MS. diiijof c. i6]4(GflUlni<in'i mediaeral ciuEom oi repracntiiig uigeU u
MagaziiK, 5S, put i, pp. 479-4S7) in lAich teilcH beingi, in thii Miia they are un-
t eertaia lieutninit of Nonridi iccordi the doubledly iateoded foi female mintCreli,
•ighti and •onndi chat icrike him on a tlieir wingt and baie feet being the only
walking tour through England, how at charactciiitici that oiuk them unqun-
EulCT he fiuda that ' viola and other iweet tionabi}' at angelic beingi.
initnimenta ' were Kill in u*e in the
eacbedral beddea the organ ; and be alio * 1^ name dtole hai hitherto generally
lemaila th*t theae, 'with the tunable been appHed to > dlSerent kind of itrioged
tdco and the rare organiit together made iiumimenC, of the pulter^ dau, but
1 mek>dioui and heaTcnlf humony able Mr. Galpin connden thii to have been an
Id nvith the hearec'i ear).' He had error, and he hringi evidence to ihow that
nibed the ' delicate, rich the ctcole and the dtteme were identical
and loftj organ which had more addition initrumenta, but that ciiclt w
than any other, ai fair pipei of an extra- form of the name only .- OU EnflUb
■nonary length, and of the bigncM of a /nimnnfi 1^ Muiic, p. 16.
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12 THE CARVINGS OP MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL IHSTRUMENTS
same position, and both are played with a plectrum
held in the right hand, there were essential diflferences
between the two instruments at all times and in all
stages of their developments. One of these main
differences was that in the gittern (at any rate when
it first appeared in England), the strings were of gut,
while those of the citole were of wire. And also the form
of the bodies of the two instruments was dissimilar in one
striking particular. Both had flat backs, and necks flush
with the front of the body running out from its centre,
and ending in the peg-box where the strings were fastened
and tuned. In the citole this neck was, as in stringed
instruments of the present day, what is called * free,'
that is to say, it did not continue flush from the back as
it did from the front, but was reduced to scarcely one third
of the thickness of the body ; while in the gittern the
neck was practically one with the body both back and
front, of equal depth, though reduced in width.
The citole had four sttings, and the peg-box generally
ended in a quaint little carved head, as does this one here,
though the stone is too worn to show this distinctly.^
The strings were stopped by the fingers of the left
hand, while the right hand used the plectrum to pluck
them. This little contrivance was a small rod of ivory,
horn, quill, or metal, and, where the strings were of wire,
as in the citole, it saved the fingers a great deal of painful
friction. It is still employed with the modern zither,
and was used also for the psaltery, and, later, for
the spinet and harpsichord, although in these two last
its action was regulated by keys and it was no longer held
and worked directly in the hand. The tone of strings
vibrated by the use of the plectrum is always thinner and
more metallic than when either the fingers for plucking
(as in the harp), or the hammers for striking (as in the
pianoforte), or a bow (as in a great number of stringed
instruments), are used for setting them in vibration.
The citole, as also the gittern, was apparently first
brought into England some time in the thirteenth century,
and both seem to have originated among the eastern
< Cut«r giTci m dnving, in lu> SfirimtHt
*f Sadptutt of one fiam Great Milvem
prioiy in which the cwed hniiuu) hnd i*
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IK EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. I3
nations of Asia Minor, whence, under the generic name
of cithara, the Greeks and Romans adopted these and
other instruments of the same class. Then in mediaeval
times, through the wandering minstrels and troubadours
from Italy and Provence, they were introduced into England
and there rapidly became popular. The citole was an
instrument considered worthy of the court bands, and is
also frequently found, as at Exeter, in ecclesiastical carvings.
There is a mutilated thirteenth-century carving of a
citole in the west porch of Higham Ferrers church, where
the performer's feet are in the stocks, but he is allowed to
retain his instrument as a consolation during his punish-
ment (plate III, no. 2). Examples of the fourteenth century,
contemporary with the Exeter specimen, are to be seen at
Worcester and Hereford, and on the fourteenth-century
Braunche brass in the church of St. Margaret, King's
Lynn, Norfolk.-^ Two also occur in the nave of Beverley
minster, and on the misericords of rather late date at
Carlisle and Chester also citoles are carved in the hands of
angels. In later years the citole took a less honoured
position, as an instrument for the entertainment of cus-
tomers and guests in barbers' shops and taverns.
The lute, an instrument popular at a later date, is
distinguished from the citole, or citterne, by having a
more or less convex back, gut strings, and, usually, the head
turned backwards; also it was played with the fingers
only. 2
The second celestial minstrel is valiantly performing
upon the homely and somewhat intractable bagpipes
(plate v, no. 2). Nowadays we are apt to consider this
instrument as exclusively a native of Scotland, but this
is quite a mistake as regards its early history. The most
remote traces discovered of it are among the eastern
tribes of Asia, whose early westward movement (com-
monly known as the Celtic migration) brought the use
of the bagpipes to Europe, through Greece and Rome.
It is not certain by what route it came to these islands,
whether by the more northern branch of the same Celtic
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14 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MXJSICAL INSTRUMENTS
migration direct to Britain and Gaul, or whether by the
Roman occupation of Britain. ^ Once arrived, it seems to
have maintamed a firm popularity in this country for
many centuries. We Rnd it illustrated in numerous
Engush manuscripts of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and
fifteenth centuries, usually in rather humble and popular
connexions ; but that it was also esteemed worthy of a
place among royal instruments is shown by the records
of bagpipers being amongst the court musicians in the
reigns of Edward II, Edward III, and Henry VIII, and
by four sets of bagpipes being included in the collection
of musical instruments belonging to Henry VIII.' In
France also they were included among the instrument!
of the band of me ' Grande Ecurie ' in the time of Louis
XIV, and used in the court performances.
There were several kinds of bagpipes, the two main
classes being generally known to us as the Irish and the
Scotch. The essential difference between these is that
in the Irish instrument the wind-bag b supplied with
wind by means of small bellows worked under the per-
former's arm, whence they are known in Erse as
* uilleann,' or elbow pipes ; while in the Scotch variety
a short pipe from the mouth of the performer supplies
the wind to the wind-bag. The bagpipes carried by the
celestial minstrel here are of the latter class, and of the
type in common use in the fourteenth century, having
the drone-pipe added, which previously to that time had
not been a part of this instrument. In a representation of
several musicians in the Loutrell psalter, belonging to the
first half of the fourteenth century, the bagpipe is almost
exactly similar to that at Exeter, carrying a flag attached
to the drone-pipe. At various stages of its later history
a second and third drone-pipe were added, all being
carried oyer the shoulder. Tlie wind-bag was often made
of the whole skin of a kid.
Contemporary with the Exeter specimen are two
carvings of bagpipers in Beverley minster, one on the
reredos (plate vi, no. l), and the other on the Percy tomb
(plate VI, no. 2). In the latter the wind-bag is made of
1 It mi in uM in the Ronun imy, and a of Richborough in Kent. Gatpin, op. cjt.
boDW figure of a bagpiper «u diKOiend p. 174.
ID the excavitioni of the old Roman lUCion ■ Galpin, op. dt. p. 175.
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[F.ff.CifuUy,fbal.
KO. I. BACFtPES FKOM THE KEKEDOS, B
[F.H.CrotsUy.fbM.
a THE PERCY TOMB, BEVERLEY MINSTER.
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CATHEDRAL CHURCH. I 5
a small, ^tire pig-sldn with the head used for the insertion
of the mouth-pipe, and the forelegs and feet left intact.
Another contemporary specimen is seen among the
musicians of the Adderbury frieze (plate xii, no. 3 and
This frieze affords valuable material for comparison
with the minstrels' gallery at Exeter, not only as being
contemporary with it, but also as including so many of the
same instruments. Hitherto it does not seem to have been
used to illustrate the many valuable works on musical
instruments that we possess (plates xii and xiii). The
frieze takes the place architecturally of the usual corbel-
table, and runs on both sides of the nave. The series
of musicians appears on the north side, the rest being
filled with more ordinary grotesques. Of a very different
type from the angdic •cries in the minstrels' gallery, this
company at first sight looks more like revellers at a ' church
ale,' such as are represented on a somewhat similar
frieze carved outside the chiirch of St. John, Cirencester, ^
though these latter are about a century later in date. The
Adderbury musicians, however, though secular in ap-
pearance, and rough in execution, probably represent the
* universal praise' offered to the Creator through the
Church. "Tkcy occur in an order which can be classified ;
it embraces all kinds of music, and was doubtless adopted
to carry out this idea of universal praise. Thus, church
munc comes first in the frieze (i.e. the most eastward
portion) with the portative organ ; dance music next,
with the timbrel, bagpipes, symphony, and rebec; then
comes military music, indicated by two kinds of trumpets
and the nakers or kettledrums ; and, lastly, minstrelsy, as
represented by psaltery and harp, the recognised accom-
paniments of the voice.
This frieze is in fact a somewhat homely, mediaeval
translation into sculpture of the 150th psalm; and it is
quite consistent with the aim of the Church in the middle
ages of bringing under her supervision and patronage the
whole life of the people, including their recreations, that
such a crude and literal rendering of the Psalmist's ex-
hortations should be found in such a position.
I lUoftnted ID Caner, Sftcimtms af AnettM Sculftari and Paiiaiiif >■ EnglatiJ (179a).
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l6 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
It b among the group of dance-music instruments that
we here meet the bagpiper in full blast, labouring hard,
with cheeks much distended and head bent ro the task.
As far as we can see, his instrument has neither drone-pipe
nor flag.
In these veir mundane-looking musicians of Adderbury
it is specially observable that the attitudes are often most
unnatural, governed as they are both by the cramped space
allotted to the figures, and by the carver's conscientious
determination to exhibit as much as possible of the figure
and his instrument, regardless of perspective. Thus, here,
the left arm of the piper would in reality be by his side,
Fig I. (See plate III.)
BACPIPEI AT ADDERBintT.
with elbow dropped, and its exalted and very awkward
position is adopted merely to afford an opportunity of
showing that the musician used the left hand for one part
of the stopping of the holes of the ' chanter ' pipe. In
other cases, as in the rebec, nakers, and psaltery players,
the instrument also is similarly misplaced, and for the
same reason.
There is a bagpiper among the nine enamels of musicians
represented on the crook of William of Wykeham's crozier,^
a beautiful specimen of fourteenth-century work ; and
throughout this and later centuries also bagpipes frequently
occur in ecclesiastical carvings. *
' Now in New CoUege, Oilord. church, Cirenceiter, in the fifteenth oenturjr.
' Ai in the nave of Beverley miniter ; at At Ripoo a fifteeoth-ceiitury iniiericord
Mauchoter, both the Iiiih tad Scotch ihowt a well-caived group of a pig playing
varietiei ; again in Exeter in the fifteenth the bagpipei, to which two pigleti are
century i »nd on the frleie of St. John't dancing.
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IN EIETXR CATHEDRAL CHURCH. I7
The next angel in the minstrels' gallery (plate v,
no. 3) is performing on the whistle-flute, or fipple-flute,
whidi became known some fifty years later as the single
recorder. It is also called the ' vertical flute ' to distinguish
it from the transverse, or German flute. ^
This instrument was much in vogue during the
fourteenth centun', though, indeed, it was known and
illustrated as early as the twelfth,' and is seen in Its
double form, in the thirteenth century, in the hands of
one of the spandrel angels in the angel quire at Lincoln.
It continued in use on into the eighteenth century, when,
however, its form was much altered and developed.
Originally it consisted of a tube slightly graduated
from the small upper end for the mouth to the lower
extremity, which sometimes opened out into more or
less of a beU. This tube, or pipe, was not furnished
-with a reed, like a hautboy, but had a whistle-mouth,
very imperfectly shown here, which is still, in modem
times, represented by the familiar flageolet. It had a
varying number of holes for the fingering, but in this
m>ecimen and in other early ones they are not many.
Double recorders, or whistle-flutes, were also very popular,
and must have been rather difficult to play, as the two
pipes, sometimes uniting in one mouth-piece, and some-
times furnished with two, had to be fingered simultaneously,
one hand for each. Presiunably the results were agreeable,
as Milton speaks with praise of * flutes and soft recorders.' *
Our next instrument (plate vii, no. 4) is probably
intended for the viol, that later development already
described* in which the flat back, ribs, and imperfect
waist, has superseded the convex back and oval form
of the rybybe and rebec. The specimen here shown
have unfortunately been In the hands of an ignorant
restorer and thereby received characteristics belonging
to no other instrument of its class. It is, I believe , the
only one of the minstrel gallery series that has so suffered,
' The ncorda in iti man moiltin foim cen(ui7 liaglt TEcorder u kcd it Mia-
mi often bunm i> the ' flute-t-bec,' the chatet.
mniithjnece bang the ttai, ind alio u die * Gtl[nii, op. dc pp. 139, 140.
' TnjMJi flute,' fran iti (Rit popukrit^ in ' Paradia Lost, i, ;;i.
du couutjy. An ciimple of * Gfteoitb- * See p. 6.
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l8 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
and as far as is visible the body is still left untouched ;
but at the end of an unduly elongated neck,^ there has
been supplied a ridiculously massive scroll turned back-
wards, a unique invention of the repairing sculptor. Apart
from this mistake, which leaves the original form of the
head a matter of conjecture, this viol would seem to belong
to the indeterminate class already referred to,* for it
possesses the flat back and ribs, distinctive features of the
viol, without, however, the incurvation, or waist, which
was universally adopted for it at a slightly later period.
The omission of the sound-holes noticeable here can only
be due to the inaccuracy of the carver, as they were essential
to all varieties of this class of instrument. Four strings
only are shown, but the early viols usually had five, whilst
rebecs had only three, and the rybybe four, arranged in
pairs. Two contemporary examples of viols from the
reredos and Percy tomb in Beverley minster show, on one,
four strings only (plate viii, no. 2), and five on the other
(plate VIII, no. l) ; and there is a rather later one in Lincoln
quire stalls (c. 1370) which seems also to have only four
strings, though otherwise quite orthodox, with wabt,
ribs and flat back. In these cases the fifth string, which
was only a ' bourdon,' or drone-string, may merely be
invisible owing to its position beneath the others, where
it was often placed.
Of the harp, which occupies the fifth place among the
angelic minstrels' instruments (plate vii, no. 5) there is
not much to add to what has already been said.' The
carving here is too rough and imperfect to show the
strings ; but slight indications of the pegs . show it to
have been intended for one vrith eight strings.
The harpist in the contemporary Adderbury frieze
(plate ziii, no. 10) is a far more animated figure, and though
* The nnunial lEngth of thii nedi doei minitnlt' gtilcrj angel, eren to the lengtli
not tern to b( witliouC panllcl, foi we ice of the neck wluch u full;r Cwo-thinlt the
m ioituice of it in i dnwing of the bnu length of the bod; ; the abnirdl]' htavj,
in the church of St. Maigant, King'i tumed-bick ktoU of anine doet not appear
LjBn, Noifolk, to the memoiy of Robett in Che bnu.
Bimnche (died 13S4) and hit two itiia, »s« iboye n 6
in nhich the viol it ■tiikiiigl}' umilir in <P- ■
ippeanoce to that in the hand) of our ' See above, pp. 4, 5.
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. I9
he holds up his ten-stringed harp in an unnatural position
to ensure the whole of it being visible, the attitude of his
right hand is full of real vigour, and compares very favourably
with the stiff and cramped hands of the Ezeter minstrel.*
The sixth minstrel in the Exeter gallery (plate vii,
no. 6) for some unknown reason is taller than the rest.
This is certainly not on account of the size or importance
of the instrument, for, although it has now entirely dis-
appeared, there is no doubt whatever, from the action
of the hands, that it was a Jews' harp !
Belonging, under somewhat varied forms, to most
nations and most periods, this very primirive instrument
can yet scarcely claim, one would thinlc, to be more than a
mere toy, and is hardly worthy of a place among the angeUc
instruments. But this is not the only instance of its
appearance in such good company, for Mr. Galpin tells
us that it is seen in the hands of an angel-performer in the
rich French enamels with which the crozier of William
of Wykeham is decorated.
It is not a harp in any sense but that of the plucking
of the single vibrating tongue with the finger, its variety
of notes depending entirely on the variation in size and
shape of the performer's mouth behind the vibrator.
It was formerly known as the ' Jews' trumfe' and this
title probably refers to the facts that, as in the open notes
of the trumpet, the notes produced are harmonics, i.e. the
natural series of sounds resultant from any given note.'
It is surprising to read that there was once a great
performer on the Jews' harp ; but in Grove's Dictionary
of Music' there is an account of how, in 1827 and 1828, a
I with hicpi ind other numbec of dificrcDt plucked ioitmmenti in
flucluJ, aat imud, itrin^d mitiumcnO, thai tundi, to any out the idea of their
the mott inlereitiiig itadji of tbeir vaiieliei having ' eveij one of them haipi ' (Rev. it
am be made from the magoificeDt icnlpturct and v) u aitooiahing. Tbt true blip occun
■boTe the main dooiwaf of the great Roman- only four dmei.
e*que chuich of Santiigo de Compoilela in * Ai to the diitinctiTe word 7«Di' in badi
Spain, of which a fine out nay be aeen in Che cuet, thru ii no leumi to imagine that it
Victoria and Albert Muieum at Kenungton. hai anj conneiioD with the Hebrew natioo,
Although of lo eartj a dale ai 1188, the and the moit teaiODable derivation Kemi
grace and beauty of the Ggurea of the to be 1 coiiuption of the Dutch word
fon^and-tweoty clden leated ' lowid yrvdgtromptf meaning a child'* trumpet.
^yoot die thione ' are wonderful ; and the * Aiticlei Jiuf Harf and EuitMiltim.
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20 THE CARTINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
talented Saxon, Charles Eulenstein, gave concerts in London
and Scotland at which no instrument but the Jews' harp
was heard, and he the sole performer. He used sixteen
of them, of various sizes and pitches, by which means
he obtained a compass of four octaves ; and sometimes he
performed skilfully on two at a time, thus adding harmonies
to the extensive melodies he rendered. This ingenious
musician, to counteract the painful effects on his teeth
of the metal vibrations, had eventually to call to his aid
the equal ingenuity of a dentbt, who, by devising a
glutinous covering for the teeth, restored to the performer
the full and paimess use of his extraordinary powers.
The next instrument of our Exeter series is the only
example of the brass family appearing here (plate ix, no. 7).
It is a trumpet of the early straight type, common
before the form more distinctively known as the clarion
was introduced, in which latter the tube is crooked and
folded upwards and again downwards. Its illustration
in English manuscripts begins in the thirteenth century,
but it is referred to long before that in the eleventh
century, and a carving of this early straight form appears
on the twelfth-century prior's doorway at Ely, and
another in Lincoln's angel quire of the thirteenth century.
As of course everyone is aware, in many forms it is still
indispensable in every full orchestra. From this old
straight form all modern folded trumpets have been
evolved.
Undoubtedly the mutilated instrument in the hands
of the Adderbury musician (plate xiii, no. 6) is a short,
straight trumpet of the same kind as the Exeter specimen.
We may note in both examples the characteristic puffing out
of the cheeks, which in those days was considered in-
dispensable to the production of trumpet notes.
Contemporary with this short straight trumpet was
a much longer instrument of the same class, known as the
buzine, of which a somewhat mutilated specimen occurs
in the Adderbury frieze (plate xiii, no. 8), but Exeter does
not provide an example. It is, however, so intimately
connected with the short straight trumpet of the minstrels'
gallery that a few words on its chief characteristics will
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IN EXETEK CATHEDRAL CHURCH. 21
not be out of place here. It is believed to have been
introduced from the east by the Crusaders, and an interest-
ing confirmation of this is found in the device on the banner
seen depending from the one at Adderbury. It bears
a coat of arms consisting apparently of a cross pommee
in the centre and four smaller ones in the four corners.
This device, argent, five crosses pommee or, was borne by
the crusader kings of Jerusalem in the twelfth century, ' a
solitary violation of the heraldic law that metal cannot be
placed upon metal.' ^
Banners thus hung from trumpets were commonly
in use in the middle ages, and are Ultistrated in Spanish
fourteenth-centiuy and French fifteenth-century manu-
scripts. The tube of this long buzine, as also of some
extended forms of the small straight trumpet, was made
in several portions jointed together, each joint being
covered by a ferule, as is clearly seen here, although the
portion nearest to the mouth of the performer is missing.
The old French buzines or ' buisines ' of the Trouveres
were often made of wood, of leather, and brass, and are
illustrated on old French manuscripts.^ Many illustra-
tions of it also occur in Italian works of art, and in the
enamels of William of Wykeham's crozier it is twice seen
in the hands of angels. The buzine was the forerunner
of the modern trombone, which first appeared among us
before the fourteenth century as the sackbut, now one
of the most important and perfect instruments in the
orchestra. ^
The next neighbour to the trumpet in the Exeter
gallery is one of- even deeper interest (plate ix, no. 8)
belonging to the great famUy of instruments ranging
from this modest portable specimen to the vast modem
organ with its overwhelming combinations of sound,
the development of which forms one of the most
with ad- ' The ilidin^tub? principle on which it
pp. 3S, 41, li conitnictcd [% eiprcticd in the old nune
). uckbut, which, Mr. Galpin telli ui, wu
■ llie name in Fnnce M(mi to be tnceible derived from the Spaouh letar, to dmr,
■(i to the RomiD ttucJMa, or militaiy and bucbt, a tube or bag.
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22 THE CARVINGS OF MEDUETAL MTTSICAL INSTRUMENTS
fascinating chapters in musical history. It would be
quite out of the question to enter upon so large a subject
here, but the distinctive features of this fouiteenth-centuiy
portative organ must be described.
Small, keyed organs of various construction aie known,
from the existence of specimens, to have been in use among
the Greeks and Romans as early as. the second century B.c.
One of this period, from the ruins of Carthage, had more-
over a system of continuous mnd-supply which in principle
is similar to that now in use, though not produced by the
same means. And in the Talmud, which dates from the
second century a.d. an organ is mentioned (the magrepha)
which was played upon by means of a key-board. But
the keyboard for organs in England, and in fact in
Europe generally, was not known until re-invented, or
re-discovered, in the twelfth century ; and it was in the
humble form we see here that the discovery was first applied.
Church organs of considerable size, but without key-
boards, were in use in England as early as the seventh
century, but these were all very complicated, noisy and
clumsy, and in the records of the great Winchester in-
strument, made in the tenth century, we find that the
labour of two organists simultaneously, and * seventy
strong men ' for the very numerous bellows, was required
to produce a performance on this elaborate instrument.
The simple construction, portability, and modest tone
of the httle organ shown at Exeter in a short time made
it a very popular instrument, and in its keyboard is found
the principle, developed later into such wonderful results^
by which one performer could control the vast instruments
now so familiar. The action of this early keyboard wa8
applied somewhat later, on a larger scale, to the positive
organ,* a larger instrument, thus named on account of
its being placed, or * posed,' on the ground, and this
keyboard action remained in use in these larger organs
till the seventeenth century.^
<S«pliteiii. dated 1650. Qa the bdWi an painted
* At a DUttei of loilic intcrat to Eietcr the initiaU J. L. in ill probabilitf tiiDM of
people, it maj here be mentiDntd that, John Lootctnore, of Eietci, who conitmcted
iccoiding to Mr. Gatpiii, ■ fine ipcdmen of the great eallitdnl organ of that dij, famoua
in Engliih regal (a more fullf dereloped for ili double diipaKma.
poitatiTe otgin) exiat) it Athall cutle
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. 23
As regards the little portative organ, we may notice
that, although here the minstrel uses the right hand for
the keyboard and the left for the bellows at the back,
which is the most usual position, it is not always so por-
trayed ; in several instances the position is reversed.*
Generally the bellows were single, but sometimes, as
in this case and in that seen among the fifteenth-century
Manchester carvings, they were divided into two, so
that by working them alternately the supply of air might
be uninterrupted. The row of pipes was sometimes
single, sometimes double, and the number seems to have
varied considerably, ranging from eight to sixteen. This
Exeter specimen has a double row, but it is not in reference
to this detail that the organ is termed either ' single ' or
' double.' *
The portative organ must have been heavy and
fatiguing to use. Its weight was partly borne by a strap
passed round the performer's neck ; occasionally also it
is shown as resting on the knees of a seated player, as in
the fourteenth-century manuscript at Trinity College
already referred to, and in the sixteenth-century paintings
of the heavenly quire by Gaudenzio Ferrari, in the dome
of the church at Saronno, near Milan.
Notwithstanding its unwieldiness, it became a great
favourite with travelling minstrels, and was even used at
rustic dances and revels. It is, however, probably as the
representative of church music that it appears in the
Adderbury corbel-table, though the specimen is rather
a small one, and from its position it is not possible to
determine whether it has the single or the double row
of pipes (plate xii, no. i). In the specimen from the
fourteenth-century vault of the Percy tomb in Beverley
minster (plate xi, no. l) it is evidently being used as an
accompaniment to the performer's voice. It was in
1 At In the foucteentli-cealur^ Lontrell book. Alw it ippeui, the Uiniliu' old
pnher, ind in ■ ftoup on the fourteenth- eipiwion, ' a fayn of oigini ' did not
ccntuij Peicj tomb in Bereilef miutcr, refer to the dooble row of pipei, not to toy
■nd alto in a fourteenth-centuij MS. at ipedGc put of the mecbaoiini, but mi
Tdnitf College, Cambridge. rimplj intended n a tianilation of tbe Latin
* Tbe explanation of theae tenna haa been word trgana, the plural of sfjaoMn, and wu
a nutter of much uncertain^ and dii- applied ipedalljF to thii miuicil initnunenC
coanon, and will be found exhauttiTely on account of tbe compleiitj of iti
dealt with in the appendix of Mr. Ga^in'a machinery.
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24 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAXTAL MUSICAL INSTRUMEHT8
use also at the Hgher-class merry-makings at court, and
several * payre ' are mentioned among the musical instru-
ments in the inventory of Henry Vlfl's * household stufEe
and other implements.' It is represented among the
angels enamelled on \^Vkeham's crozier, we shall meet
with it again in Exeter,' and a still later example occurs
on the fifteenth-century frieze of St. John's church,
Cirencester.
The ninth angel is performing on the gittern (plate ix,
no. 9), the precursor of the modem guitar. Mention
has already been made of this in connexion with the
citole or citteme, ' from which it must be carefully
distinguished. In the gittem, the neck is a continuation
of the body of equal thickness throughout its whole length,
though narrows. For this reason a large round hole was
bored in the massive neck about halfway down its length,
for the insertion of the thumb, which thus steadied the
hand while leaving it free to stop the strings. The
plectrum in the right hand, for plucking the gut strings,
IS also very clearly visible here, but the sound-hole, or holes,
are omitted merely from inaccuracy in the carving, as in
the case of the viol.
Mr. Galpin illustrates an actual specimen of a fourteenth-
century gittem preserved at Warwick castle," of which
a facsimile may be seen in the Victoria and Albert Museum.
It is about two feet long, has four strings, and is very richly
decorated with carving. The Exeter gittern seems also
to have four strings, though they are not very clear. The
six strings we associate with the guitar were introduced into
England with the Spanish guitar in the sixteenth centiuy,
and this instrument, in which the plectrum was discarded
for the fingers, in time entirely superseded the mediaeval
gittem. The gittern in its day had been a most popular
instrument among both high and low, especially as an
accompaniment to the voice, before the lute became the
fashionable instmment for that purpose.
There is a fine example of an early gittem in the hands
' plate ivii, no. 1. 'op. dt. pUte to.
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IN ZXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. 25
of one of the angels in the late thlrteenth-centiuy carvings
of the angel quire at Lincoln.
The next Exeter minstrel carries a shawm (plate x,
DO. 10), ^ a wooden wind instrument in which the sound
was produced by the vibration of a double reed in the
moutfipcce.
In £ngland a pipe of this nature appears in carvings
as early as the twelfth century, in Canterbury crypt,
Barfreston church, and the prior's doorway at Ely, By
the fourteenth century it was fully developed and in
constant use, and appears in numerous illustrations of
that period, sometimes in the hands of female performers.
From it in queen Elizabeth's reign was developed the
hautboy, whicn derived its new name from the fact that
shawms of various pitches were used, and the one of the
highest pitch vras consequently called the haut bois or
'Mrii wood' instrument."
The tube of the shawm had an expanded termination,
sometimes even widened to a bell-mouth like that of a
clarion, but more \isuaUy of much less expansion. The
lower end of this specimen has evidently been broken off,
which makes it seem unusually short and rather inde-
terminate in form, but the characteristic mouthpiece is
quite clear, and also the holes for the finger-stopping.
A later example is also found at Exeter (plate xvir,
no. i). A fifteenth-century shavnn is one of the instru-
ments in the hands of the five musicians on the ' minstrel-
pillar ' in St. Mary's church, Beverley, while another very
urge one, knovm as a ' bumbarde,' occurs in the nave of
Beverley minster.' There is an angel performing on a
double-tubed wind instrument on a fourteenth-century
boss of the reredos in Beverley minster, but from its
position it is difficult to determine whether it is intended
for a double recorder or a double shavrai : the mouth
' The Btmt ttiMwoi i> 1 currDptiiMi of, ot ' Out nuidem nunc obee ia, of com
^ointiDii fiom, the Litm ealcma, ■ rctd, meicl/ another foim of the Hme word,
n lelimila, ■ iced pipe which becuoe £nt
'**l'»rii«, md hence Khalm ot ihnrm. * Gtlinn, op. at. p. ifis-
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26 THE CARVIMGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
certainly resembles that of a shawm more nearly than that
of a recorder (plate xi, no. 2).
The two last of the gallery minstrels are performers on
instruments of percussion, which are among the most
ancient and most universal that exist (plate i, nos, 1 1 and 12).
No. II is a timbrel player, and the instramcnt seems
scarcely distinguishable from the modern tambourine,
except that it is a good deal larger. ^ The coupled jingles
inserted in the frame-work and the action of the right hand
are quite after the modem pattern. The origin of this
merry little rhythm-marker is absolutely prehistoric, for it
was, under somewhat varying forms, common to early
Assyrian, Egyptian, Chinese, Indian, and Peruvian civilisa-
tions, as well as to Greeks and Romans, Celts and Gauls.
Considering its simple construction, and man's cravinc
for a rhythmic accompaniment to the dance, the widespread
appearance of such an instrument is not surprising ; but
it IS rather remarkable that it has changed so little, or rather
that, notwithstanding the varied family of drums that
have developed from it, it should have held its place in
its primitive form throughout all ages.
In mediaeval ecclesiastical carvings, such as this, the
timbrel would be thought quite fitting for, and specially
appropriate to, the use of an angel, on account of its having
been the instrument on which Miriam and her maidens
accompanied their hymn of triumph after the passage of
the Red sea.^ In the middle ages the performers on
timbrels were called ' tymbestres,' and on occasions of
merriment the tymbester often performed feats of dancing
and tumbling at the same time as throwing and catching
his instrument.
A tymbester appears among the Adderbxuy musicians
(plate XII, no. 2), and presents no essential differences in
detail from that at Exeter. Mr. Galpin gives an illustration
of another fourteenth-century specimen from a manuscript
in the British Museum'; while on an earlier fourteenui-
•Eiodm, IT, 10,11.
origiiutcd in Fnntt or lulj, w»i gtiwraUj
• op. dt. %. 43, p. H'-
nibititutcd for th«t ol ' timbrtl' in the
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. Zf
century misericord at Chichester one is shown in the hands
of an indescribable monster (plate iiv, no. l). Later
examples are seen in the nave of Beverley minster and on
the outside of St. John's church, Cirencester (fifteenth
century).
The timbrel differed from the tabor in having a skin
stretched on one side of the hoop only, and in being
struck with the hand, whUe the tabor had a skin on both
sides, more like the small ' side-drums ' of modern
times, and was played with a little rod. The timbrel
sometimes had a ' snare ' or vibrating cord stretched
across it, in the same way as the tabor.
The twelfth, and last, minstrel of the gallery is sounding
the cymbals, or * clash-pans ' (plate x, no. 12), in which one
metal plate is held face upwards by a short stem in the right
hand, and with the other hand another metal plate is dashed
upon it. This rhythm-marking instrument like the
tmabrel, is of very ancient origin. It was used by eastern
nations for military music, and by the ancient Egyptians
in their religious ceremonies. From its use among the Jews
it descended to the early Christian church, and is often
seen in ecclesiastical carvings and in illustrated manuscripts
representing sacred subjects. In England, its employment
in military music only dates from some time in the
eighteenth century ; it is now in much favour in the
modem orchestra.
There is one instrument in the Adderbury corbel-table
(plate XII, no. 4) which is not even allied to any of those
which appear at Exeter ; but it is of interest, and was very
popular in the fourteenth century. This is a symphony
consisting at this stage of its development, roughly speaking,
of a long box in which were stretched two, fliree, or four
strings. One or two of these were ' stopped ' vrith one
hand (usually the left) by means of mechanism controlled
from outside the box, while the other turned a handle.
The handle actuated a small, rosined wheel, which revolved
against the strings, set them in vibration, and in fact acted
as a bow. In consequence of this wheel action, and to
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28 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MU8ICAL IM8TRUMEHTS
distinguish the symphony from the bowed viols, it vras in
kter times often called the * vielle-i-ioue.'
Mr. G. C. Druce has kindly given me the following
contemporary description of the symphony, extracted from
a fourteenth-century manuscript in the British Museum. ^
Le Livre do prapri£t£i dei chosea.
Cy park de la Cymphonie,
Lauteur de ce livre diit qne CTmphonie est nn Initinmeat de
muaique qui ett fait de bois creux convert de pel de deux pan et le
fiert on de rergettet deca et dela et rent un moult doulx too licomme
diat Y«idoTe. Mail on appelle en fraoce cymphonie un Inatmment
dont lea aveuglea jouent en chantant let chancona de geatea et a ce«t
InatmmeDt im doulx son et plaiunt a 071 ae ce ne foat pour leitat de
cenlz qui en jouent.
The symphony originated in a far more clumsy and
unmanageable form of instrument known as the ' organis-
trum,' which generally required two performers, and
was greatly in use for the accompaniment of church
music untu superseded by the portative organ. There
is an admirable specimen among the instruments over
the twelfth-century ' gloria ' doorway at Santiago de
Compostela, vrith two elders playing upon it. By a
reduction in size and other improvements it became not
only very portable, but also suited for the use of one
performer alone, and was widely adopted by wandering
musicians, taking a large part in country merry-makings.
It remained in use under the name of symphony (which
indicated the characteristic simultaneous sounding of all
the strings) till well on in the sixteenth century, and we
find even Milton referring to it in Paradise Lost* as ' dulcet
symphonies.' After this it seems to have sxmk out of
favour, till in the eighteenth centiuy it again appeared
in the hands of travelling musicians as the hurdy-gurdy.
Less than fifty years ago these queer Uttle instruments
might have been seen and heard in the streets of England,
generally played by Italians or Savoyards.
For the next representations of musical instruments
' Cotton MS. Aug. A. ri, in. 46]. ' book i, line 712.
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[F. H. CntOey, fbei.
R SMALL LUTE FROM CANOPY OP BISHOP BRONESCOUBe'S
TOMB. EKETIF.
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IN EXFTER CATHEDRAX CMUKCH. 29
at Ezeter we have to skip a whole century, and pass from
these fourteenth-century carvings of the minstrels' gallery,
which are more or less graceful in general contour though
not excellent in detail, to a piece of work of a most debased
style beloi^ng to the fifteenth century. This is the canopy
surmounting the tomb and effigy of bishop Bronescombe,
which occupies the archway between the lady-chapel and
the chapel of St. Gabriel. The canopy probably dates
from the years within 1420 and 1455, as the arms of several
of the Exeter bishops are blazoned upon it, and the latest
are those of bishop Lacy, whose episcopate covered that
period. Of the great beauty and refinement of this late
thirteenth-century effigy it is not here the place to speak
(plate XIV, no. 2), except to note the deplorable contrast
between such an artistic masterpiece, and the later work
of the canopy added to the tomb by persons whose piety
and devotion vras not equalled by their artistic taste.
Other carvings of the same date, such as those at Manchester,
show great superiority both in accuracy and artistic skill,
and it is obvious that such productions as the canopy of
Bronescombe's tomb, notwithstanding its rich colouring
and elaborate detail, do not by any means represent the
highest level of the wort of the period.
In a hollow moulding of the cornice appears the
series of eight angel-musicians, which is here illustrated*
(plates XV to mil). They occur in the following order
from west to east :
North face : harp, lute, psaltery, and a second psaltery.
South face : shawm, portative, rebec or lat, and
Like the figures in whose hands they appear, these
objects are so ill-carved that they cannot be taken as really
accurate models of the instruments they represent ; but they
serve at least to show what were the types of musical in-
struments then chiefly in vogue, and we can note some
distinct difEerences and developments in comparing them
with those of the same family of about a century earlier
that have been already considered.
* Tboe illoitntioiu in from Mr. F. Cmtiieft pbotofi^ilu.
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30 THE CARTINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL IK8TIIUMENT8
No. I, plate zv, the harp, is not one of those that
exhibits any marked change in either its size or construction.
As far as can be judged from the very rough indications
of the tuning pegs, it had ten strings.
No, 2, plate XV, however, has not been met with before
in this church. It is a mandore, or small lute, an instru-
ment of much popularity at the time at which these carvings
were executed. It was of the citterne family, ^ but, unlike
that instrument, its head was turned backwards, a charac-
teristic belonging to all varieties of lutes. The strings
were of cat-gut, and usually in pairs ; they varied in number
according to the size of the mstrument, which was often
not more than twenty inches long. It had a convex back,
and a fretted finger-board, and the strings were vibrated
with both a plectrum and the fingers. In this example
the fingers only seem to be employed. The mandore and
lute, both of which, with their names, were of eastern
origin, were popular on the continent long before they
appeared in Britain ; but by the middle of the fifteenth
century we find many representations of them in English
manuscripts and carvings, though mostly of the larger form
of the instrument, as, for instance, at Manchester, and on
the * musicians' pillar ' in St. Mary's, Beverley. In this
last-named example, by the way, the instrument is held in
a reversed position to that usually seen, the body being
turned to the left of the performer, whose left hand is
plucking the strings while the right hand is stopping them
on the finger-board.
The neck of the lute became more and more elongated
and the number of strings multiplied as time went on and
its use among all classes increased. Specimens of them
more than a century later, when they were at the highest
pitch of their popularity, are seen in plate xii.
The next figure (plate ivi, no. i) is playing on a psaltery
of ' the shape known in Italy as strumento di porco from its
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
[F. H. Cruslf
M CANOPY OF BISHOP BRONESCOMBE'S TOMB, EXET
[F.H.Criailry.pboi.
DOUBLE PSALTERY FROM CANOPY OF BISHOP BRONESCOMBe's TOMB,
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|f . H. Crmslry, fbat.
. 1. SHAWM FROM CANOPY OF BISHOP BRONESCOMBe'S tomb, eXETEIt.
IF H. Cnauv, ftxa-
one*combe'» tomb,
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IN E3XTKR CATHEDRAL CHURCH. 3I
lupposed likeness to the face of a pig,' ^ which is the form
most familiar to us.
And no. 2, plate zn, also has an instrument of the
psaltery class, but one much less common in mediaeval
representations : in fact Mr. Galpin tells me that he has
not before met with any representation of this form in
England. ' There is one very similar shown in the sixteenth-
century paintings of the heavenly quire in the church at
Saronno.
Of our Exeter example Mr. Galpin writes, ' it is a
specimen of the canon or micanon, which were both derived
from the eastern kanoon, an instrument strung with gut
or twisted hair strings, and played with the fingers or a small
plectrum ; . . . and it shows how the form of the harpsi-
chord or clavicymbal was obtained.'* When strung and
played on both sides of the sound-board, as in our Exeter
specimen, it was called the double psaltery.
The psaltery, with its sister the dulcimer, played a
large part in mediaeval music. The essential difference
between the two b merely that in the psaltery the fingers
vibrated the strings with a httle plectrum, while in the
dulcimer small rods were employed to strike the strings.
Both were in use at the same time, and indeed the term
psaltery is often used to include both instruments.
As with so many of the stringed instruments, thdr
origin was Asiatic. The blunt-angled form of the shallow
boi over which the numerous strings are stretched, shown
here in no. 1, plate xvi, was an improvement on the earlier
rectangular English form, which was often held upright
something like a harp, instead of being laid flat on the
knee, or laid upon a table, as was this later form. It
appears thus in the contemporary glass of the Beauchamp
dupel, Warwick (1447), where an angel stands by the
table to play on it ; and a pair of angels, in another of these
interesting windows, have a large psaltery between them,
the one holding it out horizontally while the other plays
' Gilpia, op. Ob p. 59. ' llie Gennui nunc wu Spitaiorf*.
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32 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
upon it with both hands, apparently with fingers
only.*
The psaltery was specially popular as an accompaniment
to the voice, both in church music and among the numerous
wandering minstrels ; but by the sixteenth centuiy,
except in very remote places, it was quite superseded in
England by the dulcimer with its little hammer rods. In
Spain and in the Canary isles the psaltery is still in use.
From the psaltery with its plucked strings, and, <rf
course, with the addition of a keyboard and its special
mechanism, sprang the spinet, virginal, and harpsidiord,
aU of which are plucked-string instruments ; wmie from
the dulcimer and its hammered strings rose the whole
of the great pianoforte family.
Examples of the common triangular psaltery of the
fourteendi century, showing no features distinctive from
that at Exeter, are seen in the Adderbury corbel-table
(plate xm, no. 9) and in the vaulting of the Percy tomb
in Beverley mmster (plate xi, no. l). Contemporary
specimens are at Manchester,^ where a good dulcimer
also appears; and in the nave of Beverley minster.' As
before mentioned, no other examples of the double psaltery
can be quoted from English sources.
The next figure (plate xvii, no. 1) is the shawm-player
previously referred to,* who offers no fresh details for
comment.
The next (plate xvii, no. 2) gives us a very inferior
representation of the portative organ, practically unaltered
from the fourteenth-century type seen in the minstrels'
' Mr. G. C. Diuce, hu Idndl; tax- que le pulterion at plat et ta guitemc nt
nuhed me irith the fDllowing cantcm- bomie deuoui. La juyi [Jewi] loloieiit
ponry dncription of i pulteiy, eitncced iToir dii roidu au pulterion mIoq Ic
fnim the fouTteenth-ccntury Cotton MS. uombre dci dii coranundemcai de U I07.
Auguitui, A Ti, So. 463 (Brit. Mill.), livre Lei meilleun cordet qui loieitt pour le
n, Kct. nix : pulterion unC de fil duchil [bnM win]
' C7 p«le du pollerion. ou de fil d'ltsent.'
' Le pulterion ett dit de chanter pout . -. 1 ■ ^. b__ j r
ce que iSr. le cueut reapondoit .u p.Jteri<m ' ^^''P'"' "P" °*- BS-- 9 "d lo, P- ^S-
en chantMt. U pulterion rewemble a une ' lUuitrated bj Ctitti in Sptamni «^
guiteme de Uibarie qui eit faile comme Sadflnri and FaiiiM{.
un tnin^ Mail il 7 a difference en ce * See ibore, p. aj.
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NO. I. REBEC FROM CANOPY 0
NO. 2. BAGPIPES FROM CANOPY OF BISHOP
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TOUHC MUSICIAN, EXETIIt.
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. 33
gallery ; only, in this case, the ill-formed left hand appears
to have the keyboard work allotted to it, which is unusual
though not unprecedented, * and scarcely proves that such
was really ever the case. The pipes here appear to be set
in a triple row, but this also is a detail in which, in such a
carving, inaccuracy may have been shown.
No. I, plate XVIII, may probably be classed as a rebec,
or kit, although scarcely any of its detail is correctly given.
The bow is in the wrong hand, the instrument is held on
the wrong shoulder ; neither pegs, strings, nor bridge
appear, and the shape of the body is very dubious. How-
ever, it suggests nothing else in the way of a musical
instrument, and is scarcely of any value as a record, unless
it be of the inaccuracy and inferiority of some of these
fifteenth-century sculptures. ^
The last (plate xviii, no. 2) has more general accuracy,
and detail. It shows the bagpipes, still in favour, with
the chanter, drone-pipe, and an ornamental treatment
of the upper part of the sHn of the wind-bag. No radical
changes in it appear.
The only remaining illustration of mediaeval musical
instruments at Exeter is from a mural tablet, now on the
western wall of the north transept (plate xix). Its date
is 1586, and the inscription is as follows :'
Matthei Godwin
adoletcenti) pii mitis
ingeniosi muiicae bacchalaurii
digiuMtnii scientissimi eccle«iarum
cathed Cantuari et Ezon archimusici
noriae po5uit G. M. Fr.
Tixit annof ivii menses t.
Hinc ad caelos migravit
lii Januarii 1586.
' See sboTc, p. 1].
' Excellent esamplei of the ume ccntucj
are Kcn in Beverley St. Maij and in the
mndmn of the Beiuduunp chapel, Wanrick.
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34 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MITSICAL 1NSTRUMEKT8
The material is Piirbeck marble, and in low relief upon
the background is shown the figure of this remarkable
youthfiJ genius kneeling before his organ, while a number
of sympathetic cherubs are awaiting with due eagerness
his ' migration ' to the celestial orchestra.
The most important and interesting instrument that
appears as part of his terrestrial outfit is this positive
organ, some reference to which was made when describing
the portative. ^ Here is seen the successor to that earliest
form of keyboard organ, the keyboard being now applied
to a large instrument standing on the ground, and probably
blown either by a pair of bellows at the back, or by two
cords running through the right side of the case, and
raising a pair of bellows concealed within the lower part
of the instrument. This specimen has only one keyboard,
composed of twelve keys, five of which are raised. Only
seven vertical pipes are shown, but the rest would doubtless
be hidden behind within the organ-case.
Then, leaning against the wall, there are two lutes
of different sizes, unmistakeably recognisable by their
shape and turned-back heads.
There is also a long folded trumpet with the usual
cords and baimer wrapped round it in the upper part.
Its presence here may very probably indicate that Godwin
was one of the city state-trumpeters.
The other instrument, seen leaning against the wall
behind the smaller lute, is one very rarely met with in
illustrations of English work, although it was originally
of English invention and very popular in this country
during the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries.
It is the curved cornett, which was a long, slender horn, or
curved tube, bored with six finger holes in front and one
at the back for the thumb. In the sixteenth-century
paintings in the church at Saronno, by G. Ferrari, already
referred to, it occurs several times, and it was very popular
on the continent long after it had ceased to be used in
English orchestras. ' This specimen is a treble, or ordinary,
> See sboTC, p. 2t. of Orfte, prodaced in i6oS, wUch it one ol
' ' Duoi earnetti ' >R among the tMrtjr- the eulieit eiimpla of ■ muKcal dnmi
•ii innnuaniU lued bf Montereide Id the in vhich tlie initrumentil iccampuiinieat
■ccooipiDiinent of the votca in bii open foinu an in^itint put.
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IN EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH. 35
comctt, and was probably played by young Godwin in the
cathedral as a leading instrument with the organ and
sackbut to support the voices of the singers, as was usual
at this time. There were two other sizes : the great, or
tenor, comett, and the high treble cornett, the latter
having a compass a fifth higher than that of the ordinary
treble. ' All the cornetts,' says Mr. Galpin,* * are
souaded by means of a small cup-shaped mouthpiece
having a very thin edge ; they are not reed instruments as
sometimes stated.' The only bass instrument of the
cornett type was the serpent, the tube of which took a
snake-like form instead of a simple curve. It was much
and worthily in use from the end of the sixteenth century
to nearly the middle of the nineteenth, long after the other
cornetts had been discarded. There were also straight
cornetts, generally known as mute cornetts from their
special softness of tone ; but the curved variety was that
chiefly used in England. The whole family, known in
Germany as Zinckg, was very largely in vogue there.
The modern brass cornet, a valved instrument, is but
a very distant relative of the mediaeval cornett family.
The curved comett of our example was made of either wood
or ivory, and covered with black leather.
It is interesting to read in Mr. Galpin's book^ how,
in 1532, there were, among the list of officers appointed
at Canterbury, two ' cornetters ' and two ' sackbutters.'
Doubtless it was to the first of these offices that young
Godwin had succeeded before he .came to Exeter.
These instruments on his memorial tablet are rather
imperfectly carved, or have been blunted by time, but
they are interesting as indicating the Hnds that would at
that date have been considered essential to a musician's
outfit.
With this monument there ends aU representation of
musical instruments at Exeter. In reviewing the whole
collection, the fact comes out with striking force that those
from the presbytery vault, the earliest in date with the
exception of the wooden misericord taborist, are incom-
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36 THE CARVINGS OF MEDIAEVAL MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.
parably the best from an artistic point of view, as well as
being the most detailed and faithful records of the several
characteristics.
In these qualities they fully correspond with the
exquisite realistic foliage-carvings of the corbels below,
which belong to the same years ; both present some of
the finest examples of early fourteenth-century decorative
art that are anywhere to be seen. What this period may
have lost in boldness, grandeur, and scale in its decorative
work, was not a little compensated by the beauty and
refinement of design and execution which are its con-
spicuous features.
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ARCHBISHOP ROGER'S CATHEDRAL AT YORK
AND ITS STAINED GLASS.
B7 W. R. LETHABY, F.S.A
Four or five years ago I made some notes on the
remarkable fragments of twelfth-century stained glass in
York minster. Unfortunately I did not write them out
at once, and these remarks must suffer in consequence.
My main purpose is to call attention once more to these
wonderful remnants, to show that they must represent the
glazing of the windows of Roger's work, a quire more
advanced but as glorious as ever was Conrad's at Canter-
bury ; to suggest that we have some evidence of what the
general scheme of design must have been ; and to prove,
if I can, that these windows are examples of glass-painting
done at a school established at Angers in the reign of
the great Henry II of England.
I also want to obtain as clear a view of Roger's
structural work as may be possible vnthout special and
exhaustive examination of what actually remains. Accord-
ing to the York chronicler Stubbs, Roger, the archbishop
from I154 to 1181, 'constructed anew the quire of the
cathedral church at York, together with its crypts and the
archiepiscopal palace, and he was buried in the middle
of the quire of the church.'^ Browne, who in 1 844
pubhshed the standard modern description of the church,
says that it was traditionally held that this rebuilding
was done from 1170 to 1178. Bishop Roger's 'work'
at York was a noble eastern extension of seven bays beyond
the crossing with an additional bay of one story forming
a cross aisle, or retro-quire, beyond the eastern gable.
Near the eastern end were flanking towers. The church
' being square-ended there were only altar-places in the
eastern part, and the flanking towers were made to perform
the part also of eastern transepts.'
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38 ARCHBISHOP Roger's cathedral at york
This new quire was raised high above a crypt like
Conrad's quire at Canterbury. From the great size of th^
pillars in die York crypt, and from the advanced form of
Its vaulting, we may reasonably suppose that the upper
church was entirely vaiJted, as still earlier had been the
cathedral churches of Durham and Lincoln and the quire
of the abbey church at KirkstaU. The tower' chapels
on either side of the east end would have formed useful
abutments to a vaulted interior ; while the vaults of the
crypt show how great a mastery over the principles of
vaulting Roger's mason had. In the quire aisles at Ripon,
another, work of Roger's, even a wall-rib is present, and I
have an impression that there is some evidence of its
existence in the York crypt.
'The cathedral,' says WiUis, 'in the year 1200 was a
Norman building, although the eastern end was of a more
enriched style.' This assertion as to the Norman character
of Roger's work is misleading. Willis himself tells us that
some base-mouldings in the vestibule to the crypt ' are
also employed in an arcade on the north side of the
cathedral close which appertains to the palace that Roger
is recorded to have built, and probably, therefore, was a
part of his work.' This arcade is of a very refined and
advanced Transitional character. Further, Browne, on his
plates XXX and xxxi, gives several details of pillars and
capitals from Roger's building. Some of the capitals were
of elegant water-leaf form, and others had a plain bell,
and several were wrought to fit semi-vesica-shaped shafts.
One pier was composed of a group of eight such shafts.
The external walls had a fine moulded plinth, and the
buttresses had shafts on either side close to the walls.
Now the plan of the eastern termination of Roger's
work, as recorded by Browne and elucidated by Willis,
was exactly like that of Byland abbey in having a transverse
aisle for chapels extending beyond the gable wall. And
at Byland as at York this aisle was wider than the lateral
aisles. This correspondence between the plans of York
and Byland, which is not referred to by Willis, is a strong
confirmation of the accuracy of his restoration of the
former. At Byland, again, we find the buttresses projecting
in two flat breaks, exactly as at York, except that at the
latter the treatment was eJaborated in having the inner
breaks shafted. These shafts evidently passed upwards
. ryCOOgle
AKD ITS STAINED GLASS. 39
to Stop under the corbel-table. The windows of both
York and Byland had nook-shafts, but again York had
an additional member in a hollow chamfer adjoining the
shafts. The external design of the lateral elevation at
York can thus be fairly well restored by comparison with
Byland.
The ' water-leaf ' capitals found at York are similar to
others at Byland, Ripon, Roche, and at Fountains in the
range of buildings built from 1170 to 1179. Th^se leaves
curled upwards in what Sharpe called the Transitional
volute. Other capitals found at York are of the curious
Cistercian type, having a square abacus and a deep square
member with a graceful hollowed bell beneath. Similar
capitals are found at Ripon and at Roche. One group of
them at York belonged to the clustered pier of eight shafts
mentioned above, and the same form of capital is associated
with exactly the same form of shafts at Roche, where also
the rolls of the bases have a flattened form like some bases
at York. At Ripon, again, the piers were in groups of
eight shafts, but the shafts were not of pointed form. The
abbey churches at Roche and Byland seem to have been
built about 11 70. Roger's work at Ripon was in course of
erection in 11 81 when he died.
Mr. J. Bilson has said ' Roche must have been begun
somewhere about the same time that Kirkstall was finished,
and at Roche the expression Is just as truly Gothic as that
of Kirkstall is Romanesque. And this is true of the slightly
later Byland.' ^ It must be nearly as true of Roger's quire
at York. It would probably be worth while to search over
all the fragments at York and to collect particulars of even
the least details of Roger's work ; a morsel of carving or
of abacus moulding proves much.
From a comparison with the other Yorkshire works
built in the latter half of the twelfth century we may obtain
a fairly accurate idea of the form and sizes of the windows
which would have been used at York. Of course they were
round-headed, and would have been three or four times
as high as they were wide. At Kirkstall the windows were
about 3 feet 6 inches wide. At Byland they were very
tall and nearly 4 feet 6 inches vnde. Of Ripon I have the
note : ' South quire aisle, Roger's work, has very perfect
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40 ARCHBISHOP ROGER S CATHEDRAL AT TORK
windows. Fine, big, circular-headed lancets about 3 feet
6 inches wide with deep sloping sills. The bays are vaulted
on shafted corbels having water-leaf capitals. The yaxilting
ribs, including a wall-rib, are moulded.'
At York the fourteenth-century windows of the existing
nave clerestory, which are for the most part filled wdth
contemporary glazing of white pattern work charged
with large shields of arms, contain also many fragments of
earlier, richly-coloured glazing. There is also a panel of
twelfth-century glazing patched into the central light of
the Five Sisters window, and I have a note of ' fragments
of early glass in the heads of the windows of the vestibule
of the chapter-house.' Many of the more important
pieces were carefully illustrated in colour by Browne,
who first brought them into notice. Mr. Wesdake saw
that this glass was of high quaUty and the earliest in date
of any surviving in England. Tlie most remarkable piece
is a panel from a Jesse-tree window, which must have been
closely akin to the famous Jesse windows at Saint-Denis and
Chartres.
When the clerestory windows were last repaired I was
fortunate enough to see this panel while it was in the hands
of the glaziers. It was about 2 feet 4 inches square ;
the colour was deep and splendid ; the ground blue, the
foliage red, yellow and green, and the strong scrolling
stalks of the ' tree ' white. The king who occupied this
section was largely vested in green and brown-purple,
and his shoes were red, Westlake, who had a scaffold
raised so that he might inspect the panel, thought that it
was either copied or designed by an artist educated in
the same school which produced the Jesse trees of Saint-
Denis and Chartres. Tne borders, however, he thought,
might be more national. But I agree with M. E. Male
as to their resemblance to the fine Saint-Denis borders.
Fragments of a dozen or more different varieties of
borders exist, most of which have been illustrated by
Browne. These borders must represent a very important
series of windows, and one or two medallions and other
pieces give some suggestions as to what their general
character must have been {fig. i). Mr. Westlake thought
this glass was put in place during the episcopate of Roger,
not later than about 1 1 70.
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AND ITS STAINED CLASS. 41
The twelfth-century panel, which is crudely inserted in
the lower part of the middle light of the Five Sisters window,
b more than three feet square. It is made up of a medallion
with its surrounding circular frame and spandrels, and some
handsome ornamental borders. The medallion is 2 feet
in diameter, and its frame, 3 inches wide, is made up of
a plain ruby band edged with two narrow rows of pearling.
The red glass is extremely streaky, showing much of the
white ground. At the top and bottom this circular frame
turns round, guilloche fashion, forming a smaller circle
6i inches in diameter, linHng it with other medallions
above and below. In the large spandrels left between
pairs of the medaUions are semicircles largely made up
of blue and red, while the remaining parts of the spandrek
42 ARCHBISHOP ROGER S CATHEDRAL AT TORK
are filled with plain green glass of fair emerald colour.
Within the circular frame b a subject which is somewhat
injured. It was described by Browne, when it may have
been more perfect, as a representation of Daniel in the
Uons' den in Babylon, which is represented hy towers and
embattled walls. Within the walls is laid a lion, apparently
asleep, with his head toward Daniel. The latter is standing
and holding his hands toward Habakkuk whom an angel is
bringing by the hair of his head, with a cake in his right hand
and a bowl in the other. The angel, who dips down from
the upper part of the medallion, is of an early type ; the
nimbus is ruby, and the doorway of the ' castle ' is also a
blazing red. The background is the most beautiful smoky
blue. The ornamental borders now associated with this
fragment are only 5J inches wide, while the others before
mentioned are 10 and 1 1 inches, but they are of similar fine
style. Fig. i is a restoration of the general scheme of the
windows, to which this panel must have belonged.
It is impossible to think that a subject relating to Daniel
should appear in twelfth-century stained glass, unless it
had significance as an Old Testament type of a Gospel
fulfilment. If we refer to the old account of the glass at
Canterbury, we shall find the subject of Daniel and the
Dragon from the same apocryphal book, Bel and the Dragon,
used as a type ; and in the existing east window there is
still among the types Daniel in Babylon. According to
M. Male the arch of a doorway of the cathedral of Laon,
which is carved with scenes in the life of the Virgin, and
with Old Testament types, has for a type of the Annuncia-
tion Daniel receiving the food brought by Habakkuk to
the lions' den.
Another twelfth-century example is given by M. MSle
from the church at Ydes, where the Annunciation and
the vbit of Habakkuk to Daniel again appear as type and
ante-type. The source for this particular type seems to
have been discovered in a sermon by Honorius of Autun,
who was a contemporary of abbot Suger, and the type may
have been used at Saint-Denis itself.
The York medallion is therefore evidence for a series
illustrating the life of the Virgin or of Christ. And this,
of course, would have been perfectly appropriate, and
indeed almost necessary in association with the important
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AND ITS STAINED GLASS, 43
Jesse-tree window of York. Such was the case at, Saint-
Denis, Chartres, and doubtless at Canterbury. This
?stein of illustrating scenes from the Gospels by Old
estament types seems first to have been worked out in
stained glass at abbot Suger's wonderful new church of
Saint-Denis, where the windows were put in place about
1 1 44-1 148.
How quickly the reputation of this church spread over
the west, and how great its immediate influence must
liave been, is suggested by a letter from Jocelin, bishop
of Salisbury, written to Suger in the very year II48, when
his new abbey church was completed. As I have never
seen it in English, it may be here quoted from Suger's
correspondence ;
Your reputation spread abroad in all parta has determined lu
to cross the sea with the single desire of knowing you. And we are
come from 10 far only to be the witnesses of the things which are
told of you as the Solomon of your century. Our curiosity has been
Mtiafied at all points ; we luve had the pleasure to hear words full
of wisdom issuing from your mouth ; we have seen and pondered upon
the magnificent temple which you have had built, and the ornaments
with which you do not cease to embellish it. . . . The half of these
diings had not been told, and the truth suipastes the telling of the
Browne, in his admirably accurate account of the
glass at York, speaks of the fragments as consisting of
(a) ' quarters of central compartments about 21 inches
in tUameter.' Some of these were plainer, and others had
some addition of simple stiff foliage ; (b) ' portraitures
of single figures, as saints,' and (c) ' groups.' ' Some-
times the figure is seated beneath a canopy, or the group is
placed in large circular, quatrefoil, or octofoU compart-
ments, having the spandrels adorned with circles of various
colours.'
He illustrates a single figure of a bishop seated under
a canopy, the whole about 3 feet high, as well as the Jesse-
tree panel, many borders, and several ' quarter compart-
ments.' On his plate cxxviii he gives part of a foiled
' compartment,' that is, a medallion, assocuted vrith one of
the fine, wide, outer borders, and a spandrel filling of stiff
foliage (fig. 2). This foiled medallion has a frame exactly
similar to that which surrounds the Daniel medaUion,
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44 ARCHBISHOP ROGER S CATHEDRAL AT YORK
Taking the two together we obtain sufficient evidence for
reconstructing these windows. They must have had a
single vertical row of circular or foiled medallions enclosed
between fine borders lo or li inches wide. The lights
which contained the circular medallions would have been
about 4 feet wide (fig. i). If Browne's illustration is
accurate the light which contained the foiled medallion
would have been wider. In this case it may have been one
of the windows in the east gable. Browne evidently
supposed that what he called ' quarter compartments '
were quadrants of ornamental medallions forming a plainer
type of window. This seems to have been quite possible,
as there are ornamental medallions at Saint-Denis, but
L OF TWELFTH- CENTURY C
I am not satisfied without an examination of the actual
fragments that they were not set as fillings in the spandrels
left between the figure medalHons. The portion which
Browne illustrates as part of an octofoil medallion would
seem rather to suit a quatrefoil (fig. 2).
We may now venture to imagine Roger's church with
some colour in our reconstruction. His new quire must
have had some forty windows in its two stories ; the
Jesse window was probably in the central eastern chapel
which, doubtless, as at Saint-Denis, was dedicated in
honour of the Virgin. This window, judging from the
size of the existing section of the glass, could not have
D,gH,zed.y Google
AND ITS STAIHED GLASS. 45
been less than five feet wide. On either side of this centre
would have been a window having medallions of the life
of Christ. Such subjects at an early time were always
associated with the Jesse tree. One window would probably
have contained scenes from the Infancy, and the other from
the Passion. The types which accompanied these scenes
must have been arranged alternately with them. The
one which still exists, as we have seen, would have been a
companion of the Annunciation. Other windows may
have been purely ornamental. These may be represented
by the larger quadrants of pattern-work illustrated by
Browne. Above in the clerestory would have been
figures of larger scale, one, or more one above the other,
being in each light. Doubtless the single figure of a
bishop seated under a canopy which was illustrated by
Browne was one of these. It seems small, being only
about 3 feet high by i foot wide, but it was usual to increase
the size of sudi figure panels by a field of plainer glazing
round about, and by wide borders. We may suppose that
two or three were disposed one above the other, a customary
arrangement ; and that they should be bishops is also
in accord with tradition for the clerestories of quires.
The glass at York belonged to the most perfect period
for this craft. The series of wide borders yet preserved
are unrivalled, and Mr. Westlake says of the Jesse panel :
' I was immediately attracted by the refinement of the
drawing of the head, which is greater than in any other
glass of the period that I have seen.' Roger's glass must
have been comparable with the noble western windows
at Chartres.
No one will doubt Mr. Westlake's opinion that the early
stained glass at York was put in place by archbishop Roger,
although the date, not later than 1170, which he gives,
is probably a little early, I would myself substitute 1180.
Westlake, following Browne, supposed that these splendid
vnndows had been placed by Roger in the old Norman
nave ; this was entirely gratuitous, for it is evidently far
more probable that such a fine series of windows, not less
than twelve, and probably many more, were obtained
for his own new quire. That this was indeed so is proved
by the fact that the east end of a church, especially if
a lady-chapel occupied the situation, was the proper
D,gH,zed.y Google
46 ARCHBISHOP Roger's cathedral at tore
traditional position for windows of the life of Christ
associated with the Jesse tree.
The fact that sudi windows occur in the west front at
Chartres is quite exceptional. They were doubtless in-
serted there because that fine west front, with its important
windows, was completed soon after Suger's windows at the
east end of Saint-Denis had become famous. Not only at
Saint-Denis, but at Canterbury, Le Mans and many other
places, the Jesse-tree window was in the lady-chapel, for
which, of course, it is the obviously suitable subject.
Again, the facts as to the history of the building of York
minster and the present position of the fragments, call for
this solution. Westlake supposes that the Jesse fragment
was taken from the old west window of the Norman church,
and set where it is in the clerestory of the fourteenth-
century luve. Willis, however, has shown that a period
of about fifty years intervened between the pulling down
of the Norman nave and the completion of the stone-work
of the now existing nave. Roger's quire, however, re-
mained in existence until about 1380, and we could easily
understand how likely it would be that portions of old glass
taken from its windows when they were destroyed were
put into the aheady existing windows of the nave and the
entry to the chapter-house.^
One of the reasons given in 1361 for be^nning the new
eastern work which was to take the place of Roger's quire,
was that there was no place where the mass of the Virgin
could be performed with suitable decency. This suggests
the view that the altar in the retro-quire may have been
dedicated in honour of the Virgin, but that it was inadequate.
The glass at York clearly belongs to the school formed
at Saint-Denis from 1140. This has already been pointed
out by Westlake and Male. The latter says : ' We have
found examples of the school of glass-painting issuing from
Saint-Denis at Chartres, Le Mans, Vendome, York,
Angers and Poitiers.'^ The Jesse panel and the borders
at York are remarkably like those at Saint-Denis, where
also are found subjects in medalhons within frames made
1 According to n^iUit, ^i w» completed 'Of the elementt which helped to m
I j^. up the Khool of Siint-Dniit I hare writ
in the Bt^agm Uagtaiiu, Jul;, I914.
D,gH,zed.y Google
AND ITS STAINED GLASS. 47
up of a ruby band edged on each side with ' pearling.' In
the Saint-Denis glass we already find a small characteristic
which persisted long : feet or other details of the subject
were aUowed to pass on to the margins of the medallions
and even beyond them.
In the superb window at Chartres representing the
life of Christ, which is supposed to be from the Saint-Denis
workshops about 1150, the medallion frames are made up
of a ruby band with pearled edgings, the spandrels are green
with semi-rosettes against the great outer border. At
Le Mans variants of the same treatment are found. A
medallion window at Poitiers figured by Merston has the
guilloche linking of the medallion frames, and the smaller
medallions in the spandrels ; some of those latter, as at
York, were quatrefoils. There are also windows at Angers,
in which the details resemble very closely those of the York
glass. Here we have the plain red and pearled margins to
medallions which fill the miole width of the light, half discs
being set in the spandrels against the great outer borders.
Here, too, and here alone, so far as I know, we find some of
the principal subject- medallions of a quatrefoil form, as was
the case also at York. As de Farcy has shown from docu-
ments, the glass at Angers was given to the cathedral about
1182, and this was practically the same date as, on the
evidence, we have given to the windows at York.
Many considerations, which cannot now be gone into,
suggest that the glass in all the places which have been
mentioned in these notes, with the exception of the earliest,
that at Saint-Denis and Chartres, belong to a local school
at Angers, a city which must in the reign of Henry II have
been in a higher degree than London or Rouen the culture-
capital of Ms dominions.
The clearest examples of correspondence with the glass
at Angers will be found in some windows once at Chenu
in Maine, and now at Rivenhall in Essex. In these
remarkable fragments of twelfth-century glass we find on
the one hand replicas of subjects at Aiigers, and on the
other close resemblances to the glass at York. I hope
another time to discuss the Chenu-Rivenhall fragments
more fully.
From the Durham chronicle we find that bishop
Pudsey glazed the quire of his cathedral church with
D,gH,zed.y Google
48 ARCHBISHOP Roger's cathedral at tore
stained glass windows. These were doubtless comparable
with those of York. Winston illustrates one twelfth-
century fragment from Saint Cross. Again it cannot be
doubted that the Guthlac roll at the British Museum
contains a set of designs for stained glass medallions not
much later than a.d. 1200. Stained glass must have been
far" from uncommon in England in the latter half of the
twelfth century. The early glass at York would certainly
repay full and minute study.
D,gH,zed.y Google
THE CODEX AMIATINUS : ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE.
Bj Si. HENKY H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E. D.C.I.. F.R.S. F.iA.
Bede's tract on the history of the abbots of Jarrow and
Monkweannouth is largely based on an earlier work on the
life of abbot Ceolfrid by a monk of one of those two
monasteries whose name is not recorded. Bede both
epitomises and enlarges this earlier narrative, and tells us
inter alia that Ceolfrid ruled for seven years at Jarrow and
twenty-eight years over the combined monasteries. The
anonymous author in speaking of the abbot says :
Bibliothecam cjuam de Roma vel ipse, vel Benedictiu adtulerat,
nobiliier ampliavit, ita ut inter alia tres pandectes [i.e. whole Bibles] faceret
describi, quorum duo per totitem siu monasteria [i.e. Jarrow and Monkweai-
mouth] posuit in aecclesiis, ut cuDcds qui aliquod capitulum de utrolibet
lesiamento legere voluissent, in promptu esset invenire quod cupereot ;
temum autem Romam profectunii donum beatoPetro apo9tolonim principi
offerre decrcvit. '
In his paraphrase of the work of this anonymous author,
Bede refers to these codices as follows :
Bibliolliecam utriusque monasterii quam BenedictuB abbat magna
caepit initantia; ipse aon minori geminivit industria ; ita ut tres pandecte*
noTae translationis, ad unuoa vetustae translationia quem de Roma adtnlerat
ipse auper adjuogeiet ; quorum tinum Miiex Romam lediens secum inter
alia pro muneie Bumpsit, duos utrique monasterio reliquit. *
1 Phmunci, it<^, i, 395. In tnnibtion : 'ibid, i, 379. In tnnilatioa ; Tlu
He □obi}' enlarged the Qbraiy which eithir librai; of each monaitciy wbich abbot
he or Benedict had bmught fiom Rome, in Benedict had conunenced with great p«r-
mch wiK Out imoDgit othec thingi be KTeruce, with no leu pciKverance he
(aiued 10 be written thiee pindecti, and doubled, for to che old Innilition which be
he placed one ia the churchet of each of had biought from Rome he added three
o that all thoK who pandect* of the e
wiihed ID read any chapter of either teita- thete on hit return to Rome in hit old age
ment might at once find what they wanted. he took with Mm among other thing) n a
He third, however, he decided to preient gift : of the other two be gaTe one to each
ai 1 gift tD the blwd Peter, the prince moanttlj.
n! the apoatki, when be )et out for Rome.
D,gH,z'edr,yGOOgIe
50 THE CODEX AMIATINUS :
This Statement seems very plain, and yet it is full of
ambiguity. About 716 Ceolfrid, at the age of seventy-four,
resigned his abbacy and determined to go on a pilgrimage
(' apostolorum limina peregrinaturus adiret').^ He took
with him a letter of commendation to the pope from his
successor, abbot Hwaetberht, with certain gifts. Before
he reached Rome he feU ill, and died on 25th September,
716, at Langres (Lingones), where he was buried.* Of
his companions some returned home and some went on to
Rome, taking with them the gifts he had sent (' delatura
munera quae miserat '),* among which was the ' Pandectes
interpretatione beati Hieronymi presbiteri ex Hebraeo et
Greco fonte transfusus,* one of the three pandects of the
new translation mentioned above and thus described. This
pandect, as is well known, has survived the dangers of more
than twelve hundred years, and is extant in a very perfect
condition. It has been identified by an interesting and
ingenious inductive process with the most famous of all
Latin Biblical manuscripts, namely, the Codex Amiatinus,
now preserved in the Mediceo-Ambrosian Library at
Florence. A few words will establish the proof of this
contention.
On the title-page are some verses stating that it
had been presented to the monastery of Monte Amiata
by a certain ' Petrus Langobardorum abbas,' who lived at
the end of the ninth or beginning of the tenth century.
The second hexameter runs thus :
Petrn* Langobtrdonim utremii dfi Giubui ibbu,
TTie famous Italian scholar De' Rossi showed in 1886
that the name and style of the Lombard abbot in the
dedicatory verses were written over erasures, and that the
name Petrus had been altered from Ceolfrid; the word
abbas had done duty for both names, while the words
corpus Petri in the first line had been changed to Coenobium
Satvatoris. This was a clear proof that the original
dedication had been made by an abbot Ceolfrid. He
further suggested that the word Langobardorum had been
if Ceolfrid, ibid, i, 40a u
D,„i,z.d , Google
ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE. 5 1
substituted for that of Britannorum. Bishop Forrest Browne
pointed out two objections to this view, namely, that the
hexameter did not scan when altered as De' Rossi suggested,
and secondly, that it was virtually impossible for a
Northumbrian of the eighth century to speak of himself as
a Briton. In his opinion the second word should be
AngloTum,^ a view afterwards shown to be correct.
Dr. Hort, writing in the Academy of 26th February,
1887, was further able to show that in the anonymous
life of Ceolfrid already cited, the publication of which
bv Stevenson in 1841 had apparently been overlooked
abroad, there occur certain verses in which Ceolfrid's
name was enshrined. TTiese, Dr. Hort showed, were
the verses in which Ceolfrid dedicated the pandect he took
to Rome as a present to the pope in the very words which
occur also in the Codez Amiatinus. The verses, as reported
in the anonymous life, are :
Corpus ad uunii merito Tcnerabile Petri
Dedicat aecdeaiae quern caput alta fides
CeoUridus Anglorum extremis de finibus abbai
Devoti afiectus pignora initto mei.
Meque meosque optaos tanti inter gaudia patris
In caelig memorem sempei habere locum.
Inasmuch as the circumstances, the date of the script,
etc. concurred to support this induction, it was at once and
everywhere accepted. A large part of the story is told vrith
admirable lucidity in Mr. H. J. White's memoir on the
manuscript in the second volume of Studia Biblica. This
discovery at once greatly enhanced the value of the
Codex Amiatinus, which was thus proved to be certainly
not later than the year 716. The discovery naturally
led to a more careful and critical examination of the
manuscript. This showed that it was not homogeneous,
but that the first quaternion is markedly different from
the rest, the parchment on which it is written being not
quite so tall as that of the other gatherings, and darker
and thicker. Further, this gathering is not signed, and
the second quaternion, beginning the Bible-text itself,
is marked i. Lastly, the writing of the lists and prefatory
I London Guardian, lod March, 1SS7.
D,gH,zed.y Google
52 THE CODEX AMIATINUS :
matter in the first quaternion is in a different hand from
that of the body of the book, all going to show that that
section and the rest of the volume came from two different
sources.
Mr. White has given a syllabus of the contents of this
quaternion which is instructive. He tells us that fol. i is
blank ; ib has the dedicatory verses already cited ; 2 is blank: ;
zb and 3 contain a large bird's-eye view of the tabernacle ;
3^ is blank ; 4 contains a prologue to the contents of the
manuscript ; 4^ contains a list of the books in the Amiatine
manuscript arranged to suit two volumes, with certain
hexameter lines below ; fol. 5 has a picture of Ezra seated
at his desk vrith a bookcase close by ; 5^ is blank ; 6 contains
a list of the Bible books according to Jerome with a sacred
lamb, etc. above ; 7, underneath the head of a monk,
has another and different list of the sacred books (Bishop
Browne calls it the * Hilarionian ' and ' Epiphanian '
division of scripture) ; jh is stained yellow, and has drawn
on it five circles arranged crosswise within a larger circle ;
8 contains the Bible books according to St. Augustine, and
also a picture of a dove with spread wings surrounded by
flames, with two fillets from which hang the six divisions
of the sacred books ; Sb is blank, and Bishop Browne
regards it as an ' outside.' The latter also observes that
fol. 6 must at one time have been next to fol. 8, since part
of the couplet at the top of the latter can be read on the face
of fol. 6b, a considerable part of the couplet having been
impressed in reverse upon it. This is due to the fact
that this entry, unlike any other in the manuscript, is
formed by a profusion of thick black pigment which has
been silvered, and has the air of an insertion.
' If, says Bishop Browne, the quaternion were arranged
properly, from the nature of the case the ' temple ' must have
been the innermost sheet. The leaf with the Augustinian
division of scripture has naturally been the innermost.
The Ezra portion, with the Hieronymian division, would
then be 2 and 7 ; the prologue and the contents of the
codex, the * Hilarion ' division, and the contents of the
Pentateuch, which are now two separate pages, would
be 3 and 6.^
' London CudrdUtif 19th April, iS87,p. 6;i.
D,„i,z.d, Google
ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE. 53
Professor Corssen and Mr. White have both written
about the contents of this quaternion and have greatly
illustrated it, but the last word has still to be said. I would
urge in regard to the first leaf writh its dedicatory verses that
it tas nothing to do with any other part of the manuscript,
but was entirely supplied by Ceolfrid himself, who wrote
the venes. The fourth folio, again, which is stained
on both sides with a fine purple while the writing is on
a yellow ground (doubtless to simulate gold), is arranged
in tables vrithin a double arch of twisted-rope pattern,
and contains the prologue and the list of books in the
succeeding codex. This was once, no doubt, as Professor
Corssen suggests, an integral part of the volume in its
pristine and uninterpolated condition, forming probably
its initial pages.
There are some slight discrepancies between the pro-
logue and the actual contents of the book, which is also the
case with the table of contents. On this Bishop Browne
says : ' It vnll be found on counting the books recited
that they are sixty-six ; adding one each for 2 Samuel,
2 Kings, 2 Chronicles, and 2 Esdras, we obtain seventy,
the number of the prologue. On the other hand, the
codex actually contains seventy-one, Jeremiah and
Lamentations being represented in the contents as
Hieremias. Thus the discrepancies may not be real.'
The rest of the folios in the first quaternion, namely,
^t 3» 5) 6, 7, and 8, had nothing whatever to do originally
with the succeeding codex and have been transplanted
from another manuscript. They were probably added
to this one by Ceolfrid to give his gift to the pope a grander
and more sumptuous appearance. The codex is quite
complete without them.
It is plain, therefore, that the first quaternion of the
Codex Amiatinus, with the exception of -folios i and 4, had
nothing to do with the manuscript as originally written.
Let us now turn to this transported boulder, that is,
folios 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, and 8 of quaternion i. Whence did it
come i , It had ' already been noticed by Dr. Corssen in
1883 that one of the pictures in the second and third
foUos of the Codex Amiatinus, namely, that of the
tibcmacle, was also mentioned by Cassiodorus as contained
D,gH,zed.y Google
54 THE CODEX AMIATINUS :
in a codex in his library which he refers to as the ' Codex
grandior.' Cassiodorus thus spealts of it : ' tabernaculum
templumque domini . . . quae depicta subtiliter lineamentis
propriis in pandecte latino corporis grandioris.' ^ Else-
where, speaking of the tabernacle in Ps. xiv, I, he says :
' Quod nos fecimus pingi, et in pandectes majoris capite
. , . collocari.' This last reference I owe to Bishop
Browne. ^ Cassiodorus elsewhere describes the contents of
•the ' pandectes grandior,' and tells os that the Latin text in
it was the Old Latin version. Now, as we have seen, Bede
tells us that Ceolfrid, or Benedict Biscop, brought a pandect
to Northumbria containing the Old Latin version. Dr.
Hort very ingeniously carried this induction further by
quoting two passages from Bede's minor works. One of
these came from his tract on the Tabernacle, ii, 12, and
reads as follows : ' Quo modo in pictura Cassiodori senatoris
cujus ipse in expositione psalmorum meminit expressutn
vidimus ' ; and again, in his tract on Solomon's temple,
ch. xvi, he says 1 ' Has vero porticus Cassiodorus senator
in pandectis ut ipse psalmorum ex positione commemorat
triplici ordine distincta ' ; adding below : ' Haec ut in
pictura Cassiodori reperimus distincta.'
As Dr. Hort says, ' This is the language of a man who
had actually seen vnth his own eyes the representation of
the tabernacle and the temple which Cassiodorus had
inserted in his pandect.'^ This is not all. In the preface
to his memoir de Institutione divinarum litterarum^
Cassiodorus tells us how he had withdrawn from the
world and devoted himself to study, and adds :
Indubiunter iKcndamui ad divinam Bcriptunm per ezpontione»
piobabiles patnim. . . . lata est enim foitaue scala Jacob per quam angcli
aseendunt et descendunt. . . . Quo circa si placet hunc debemus lecuonia
ordinem cultodire ut primura tirones Christi, postquam psalmos didicerint
auctontatem divinam in codicibus emendatis jugi ezercitatione meditentuT
donee illia fiat, domino praestante, nodssima : ne vitia librariorum impolitia
mentibus inolescant, quia diiEcile potest erui quod memoriae sinibus
radicatum coiutat infigi.
The work in which these commentaries of the Fathers
were abstracted or copied he describes in the first nine
I Intl. ch. V. * Sec WUce, Sladia Biilica, U, p. 300.
■ Gaardim, zjA April, 1S87, p. 65a.
D,gH,zed.y Google
ITS H1ST0R.Y AND IMPORTANCE. 55
chapters of the de Institutione, each chapter being devoted
to describing a single codex. The whole work consisted of
nine codices or volumes. These codices were respectively
headed:
Capnt I, piimus Kripturuum diTinanim codu e«t Octateuchiu ; c. ii,
in Kcando regum codice; c. iii, ei omni igitur prophetanim codice
leitio ; c. IT, tequitnr pMlterinm codei quartus ; c, y, quintus codex est
Salomonit ; c. yi, lequitur hagiographorum codex Mxtiu ; c. ti[, aeptimui
igimr codex . . . quatuor eTangdisunim supeina luce retplendet ; c. viii,
ocutui codex canonicu epistoUs coodnet apottolonim ; c. ix, igitur
codex actus apoitolonim at apocalypsin noMutui continere. ^
On turning to the first quaternion of the Codex
Amiatinus, which, as we have seen, was in the main trans-
ferred from the ' codex grandior ' of Cassiodorus, and
especially to the picture there contained of Ezra in his cell,
we shall find a representation of a bookcase containing nine
large volumes, each one labelled. The labels in question,
as Corssen was the first to point out, correspond with one
exception to the titles here referred to. They are Oct. lib. ;
Hest hb. ; Psal. lib. ; Sal. prof. ; Evangel mi ; Epist. op.
XXI ; Act, ap. ; Apoca, The one mistake is due, no doubt,
to the artist, who instead of Hest has written Hagi.
Tliere cannot be any reasonable doubt that the picture
of the bookcase and its contents was either directly copied
from the original manuscript of Cassiodorus or formed
part of that manuscript.
It is prima facie nearly certain that the latter alternative
is the right one, and that the manuscript from which
the greater part of the first quaternion of the Codex
Amiatinus was derived was the original ' codex grandior '
of Cassiodorus ; otherwise Bede's language about his
having himself seen that codex is unintelligible. At
the end of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth
century the so-called vulgate text of Jerome had largely
supplanted its predecessor, generally known as the Fetus
Latina and sometimes as the Itala, which had become
obsolete. ^ It would therefore be of only remote interest to
'While, Siudia Biilica, ii, p. 191. (pedal intentt to tttjant except an ad-
* It Menu incredible thai the cop7 of the Tanced tcbolar, and would be a veij coitly
fitu Laliaa which we know Benedict and difficult text to tianicribe for merely
bRnjhl to JaiTow wai a new codei. That aidlaeotagical puIpOMI.
Moibtioii wai then obiolcte and of no
D,„i,z.d , Google
56 THE CODEX AMIATINUS :
its Italian custodians, who had themselves become poor
t'udges of such matters, for Italy was then terribly troubled
ty the Lombards and other invaders, and they would be
willing to part with it to a rich Northern traveller anxiously
in search of manuscripts for his new monastery. The
fact of Jerome's text having become so widely recognised
would, we cannot doubt, make it very unlikely that the
same Northern traveller would have a new copy made of
the older version on this grand scale. Again, both writing
iind designs in the first quaternion are so Italian in style
and so different from anyming English written at this time,
that it seems conclusive, if it was a copy, and not an original,
that it was copied in Italy. I thini some of Mr. White's
hesitation in the matter is a little strained, and I agree with
the paragraph in which he argues that the first quaternion
was bodily transferred from the actual * codex grandior ' to
its present place. ' The codex grandior was certainly,'
he says, ' in north Britain, for Bede saw it there.'. It
may well have been the ' pandectes vetustae translationis '
which Benedict Biscop or Ceolfrid brought from Rome,
and it would be quite in keeping with the times that
Ceolfrid, in presenting his magnificent new pandect to
the holy see, should have tacked to it the quaternion,
which had hitherto stood at the beginning of Cassiodorus'
Old Latin pandect, and was so handsomely decorated.
A large part of this was in print before I met with
Bishop Browne's discussion of the problem in the Guardian
of 1887. This makes our concurrence at this point more
interesting. ' It appears to be supposed,' he says, ' that
the three pandects which Ceolfrid caused to be written were
all alike, and that the Amiatinus is one of the three copies.
Jucturea and all. An examination of the ornamental part
eads to a very different conclusion, namely that at least the
Ezra pictures and the Solomon's temple, which is, in fact,
the tabernacle in full detail, are not copies made in England
but the original pictures of Cassiodorus.'
The next question is as to the time when the codex
came to England. The life of Ceolfrid says that it was he
who brought it here from Rome. Now the first visit
Ceolfrid paid to Italy was in 678, ^ when he accompanied his
1 Plunuocr, BtJt, ii, p. 360.
D,„i,z,d, Google
ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE. 57
patron and friend, Benedict Biscop thither. This we learn
from Bede's Ecclesiastical History, iv, l8, where he says :
Com enim idem Benedictus conttruxiiset maniiterium Britanniae Id
honorem beaduimi apoitolorum prindpis, justa osdum fluminis XJiri
[Le. JaiTow^ venit Romam cum cooperatore ac socio ejusdem operii
Ceolfiido, qui pott iptum ejuidem monasteiii abbas fuit. ^
On this (as on other visits to Italy) Benedict Biscop,
as Bede tells us, brought home ' innumerabilem Ubrorum
omnb generis copiam.' My conclusion, therefore, is, first,
that Ceolfrid brought back to England the very manuscript
called * codex grandior ' by Cassiodorus, and that it was
from its text that Bede obtained so many of the passages
which he quotes in different places from ' the Old Latin,*
and, secondly, that it was this very manuscript which was
decapitated by Ceolfrid, who placed its earlier pages in
front of the codex he intended for the pope.
Let us now detach the intrusive first quaternions from
the Codex Amiatinus and turn to the text in its original form.
According to the anonymous lives of the abbots of Monlc-
wearmouth and of Bede, this codex was one of three copies
which Ceolfrid had had made. The opinion widely current
is that these copies were written in Northumbria. To this
I entirely demur. The notion that they were written in
Northumbria at this time seems to me incredible. The
two monasteries over which Ceolfrid presided were
very young. The books in the libraries, the ornaments
for the churches, everything required for the ritual and
service of the Church (so far as we can gather from the life of
Benedict Biscop), had been brought from Italy or Gaul,
and the possibility of such works as these three magnificent
codices being tmned out of the scriptoria of the two
convents at this date seems quite incredible. Even Dr. Hort
and Mr. White, who hold this view, postulate that Ceolfrid
must have brought an ItaHan scribe with him ; but surely
three enormous pandects like these, requiring parchments
of very large size and quality, could never have been
produced in Northumbria at this time by the hands of one
> Plumnur, Biit, J, 141.
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58 THE CODEX AM1ATINU3 :
scribe or of two scribes. They must have come from a
practised and well-known school of writers and scribes,
and such a school could only at this time have been found
in south Italy. It must be remembered that it is not only
the size and quality of the parchment and the beauty of the
writing in this manuscript which are so attractive, but
the accuracy and excellence of the text. My readers
will remember the plaintive language used by Bede about
the very indifferent provision for manuscript-writing
that existed in the monasteries with which he had such
close ties, and how he himself had had to perform most
of the drudgery of copying (Ipse mihi dictator simul
notarius et librarius^).
There is another reason against the English origin
of the Amiatine codex which I have not seen noticed.
The text of the Lindisfarne Gospels is now generally
accepted as having been derived from the Amiatine manu-
script, and on this point Bishop Browne says ; ' There
are some remarkable agreements between the first
quaternions of the Amiatinus and the Lindisfarne Gospels.
The Lindisfarne St. Matthew is Ezra pure and simple in
curiously exact detail, stool and all, but the stool is
ornamented with little circles in place of the classical
scroll on Ezra's stool. , . . The canons in the two manu-
scripts present a series of striking coincidences from the
point of view of ornament and arrangement. As regards
their text, Amiatinus breaks down over viri and vim,
and does not find it out ; Lindisfarne also misread the
vim and wrote something wrong in the place of x, but
found it out and altered it.' ^
Now the Lindisfarne Gospels, as we know, were written
for St. Cuthbert and belonged to him. St. Cuthbert died
in the year 687, so that they must have been written before
that date and after Ceolfrld's first return from Italy in 678.
Is it credible that these four manuscripts could all have
been written in the same small scriptorium during these
same nine years, three purely Italian in script and decora-
tion, and the other the finest existing specirhen of Celtic
art ? I cannot believe it.
iPreficetaB«le,5(.Lwkf. ■ LoodoD Guviiaii, 27 ch April, 18S7.
D,gH,zed.y Google
ITS HISTORY AKD IMPORTANCE. 59
Again, if the pandects had been produced in Northum-
bria we should surely have found traces of Northumbrian
art such as we find in what I take to be their real Northum-
brian daughter, namely, the Lindisfame Gospels, a work of
much more moderate size, but teeming with that local colour
from which the Codex Amiatinus is quite free. Those who
claim a Northumbrian origin for the Codex Amiatinus
tell us, as I have said, that it was written by Italian scribes.
This was first suggested by Dr. Hort in the Academy of
26th February, 1887; the view was supported by Sir E.
Maunde TTiompson. ^ Mr, White also says that as a Roman
musician was brought over to teach the English monks
to slug, so an Italian scribe may well have come to instruct
them in writing, and the Amiatine Bible may be the work
of a foreigner though written in England. ^ This solution,
even if it were consistent with the difficulties to be met,
leaves an important matter unresolved. If the three
pandects of the new version were copied in England some
lime between 678 and 687, whence was the text derived
from which they were copied ? I have not seen this
question put by anyone. The solution of Mr, White
and others that the three copies were made in Northumbria
compeb the further conclusion that the mother manuscript
from which they were taken was at the time in Northumbna.
If so, it b not easy to see why Ceolfrid should have gone
to the great expense of having three fresh copies made on
this scale ; for his needs were completely satisfied when
he had secured two additional copies, making three altogether,
namely, one each for his two monasteries and one for the
pope. Nor have we anytrace of, or reference to, any other
copy but these three. There are other reasons which seem
to me to make it difficult to beUeve that the three copies
were made in Northumbria. The writing out of these
three enormous pandects was so great a feat that if it had
been accomplished by scribes in Northumbria it would
in all probability have been recorded by Bede or in the
anonymous life of Ceolfrid, which merely say that Ceolfrid
had the copies made, without saying where. Again, if
Ceolfrid could command scribes iu Northumbria capable of
writing out these codices, he would assuredly, in preparing
' Sec Falaitgrafiy, pp. 194 and 145. * op. eit. iBj.
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6o THE CODEX AMIATINUS :
the copy for the pope, have also prepared a suitable heading
and not decapitated another fine manuscript in order to
procure one. It is, lastly, hard to imagine whence the
quite unusually large sheets of parchment in such abundance
could have been forthcoming in Britain or anywhere else
in the West at this time. I have therefore come to the
conclusion that the three copies were not only made by
Italians, but were made in Italy. The next question is,
in which part of Italy were they made, and where was
the mother manuscript whence they were taken f
Upon this problem a good deal of light has recently
accumulated, going to show that not only was the mother
text in question a south Italian manuscript, but that it
was one of the texts described by Cassiodorus as in his
possession. Dom Chapman has pointed out that ' the
arrangement of the text of the Codex Amiatinus, -per cola
et commata, after the example of St. Jerome himself, is
not peculiar to this text, but its divisions seem to have
been particularly well preserved in it. Now Cassiodorus
had been careful as to this very point, as he tells us in his
preface to the Institutio. Again, the word fandectes,
as applied to the Codex Amiatinus both by the anonymous
author of the abbots* lives and by Bede, is precisely the
word used by Cassiodorus for a complete Bible. Thirdly,
the order of the groups of boob in the Codex Amiatinus,
and in that alone among vulgate texts, is. the same as the
order which was followed by Cassiodorus (a fact important
to note for other reasons). It is plain that the ordering of
groups and books within the groups in the Codex Amiatinus
and by Cassiodorus is a peculiar and unique one, and that
they agree in the peculiarity.' As Dom Chapman again
says : ' The Amiatine list is a list of the books in St.
Jerome's version arranged in the same nine groups as those
of the antiqua translatio, or codex grandior, and of
the nine volumes of Cassiodorus ; but the interior order
of the groups is that of St. Jerome. We know that in
Cassiodorus' nine volumes this was the case, as in the
volume containing Solomon's works ; while in that of the
Epistles he certainly put those of St. Paul first and not
last, as they were in the antiqua translatio. But the
number of books is counted as seventy with that list,
and not forty-nine with St. Jerome. It seems to be
Digitized .yCOOgle
ITS HISTORY AKD IMPORTANCE. 6l
plain that this grouping in the text can only be due to one
cause, namely, that it is derived from that of the nine
volumes of Cassiodorus. In these the grouping was
obviously due to the necessity of fitting the commentaries
into volumes of more or less equal size. It would not have
arisen independently in a codex which contained the
Hieronymian vulgate only, without the commentaries.
The size, again, of the Codex Amiatinus is the same as that
which is otherwise known as the codex grandior of
Cassiodorus.'* Without committing myself to every
statement in this account, it seems to me to make the
conclusion incontestable that the mother manuscript
of the text of the Codex Amiatinus was in the library
of Cassiodorus in the monastery of Scyllacium in the
extreme south of Italy. As we have already seen, Ceolfrid's
copy of the older version also came from the same great
scriptorium, and was most probably the very copy of the
Old Latin version described by Cassiodorus as the * codex
grandior.' This increases the probability that the ultimate
source of both texts was the same Cassiodorian collection.
We can hardly doubt, therefore, that when Benedict
Biscop and Ceolfrid visited Italy (very largely, no doubt,
in search of manuscripts and other requisites for their
services and for their library), they probably made their
way to Scyllacium, whose secluded situation protected
it from the ravage which was then overtaking the rest of
Italy. Nothing is more natural. It was doubtless from
that great manufactory of manuscripts that they secured
the ' codex grandior ' which they took back with them,
and it was there also that they either commissioned the
three copies of the new translation which are mentioned
by the author of Ceolfrid's biography and by Bede, or else
purchased three copies which had been made there and
were on sale.
Having traced the later history of the codex presented
by Ceolfrid to the pope and known as Amiatinus, a word or
two may be said about the other copies given by Ceolfrid
to his two monasteries of Jarrow and Monkwearmouth.
Until a short time ago these codices were deemed to be
'Sec Clupinan, Neui sn ibi Early Hiittry ef lit Vul^au GuptU, 19 and ao.
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62 THE CODEI A.MIATINUS :
irretrievably lost. A leaf from one of them, however,
has been recently recovered by Canon Greenwell, and is
described by Mr. Turner in the Journal of Theological
Studies, vol. x, 540-544. It was picked up in a book-
seller's shop at Newcastle.
It has been known for some time that in the library of
Lord Middleton at Wollaton in Nottinghamshire there are
ten leaves of a Bible which have been supposed with great
probability to have belonged to this or to another of
Ceolfiid's codices.^ They once formed the covers for
chartularies of the WiUoughby estates which were bound
not earlier than the reign of Edward VI. They consist,
like the Greenwell leaf, of parts of the book of Kings, and
agree vdth the Greenwell leaf in their details.' The
publication of these leaves, it is understood, has been
undertaken by Mr. Turner. It is a matter of regret that
their pubUcation has been so long delayed, for the precious
manuscript is one of the first moment to everyone interested
in Bible studies.
Some fragments of a codex also exist at Utrecht boimd
up with the famous Utrecht psalter. They consist of
parts of Matthew and John. Scrivener and Miller speak
of them as written in an Anglian hand strongly resembling
that of the Codex Amiatinus.^ Sir Frederic Kenyon says
the fragments are written in a hand closely resembling that
of the Amiatine, and evidently produced in the same
scriptorium.* This points to the Utrecht fragments
having also come from one of the two sister manuscripts
given by Ceolfrid to his two abbeys.
If, then, the Codex Amiatinus and its companions be
traced to Italy and shown to be directly derived from the
famous pandect in nine volumes prepared by Cassiodorus, it
has a much higher title to our reverence and confidence.
We can now confidently affirm of one of the volumes once at
Jarrow, namely, the ' codex grandior,' that it represented
very faithfully a text of the latter part of the sixth century,
and not later than 580 ; while the text of the three pandects
, Tbt Life g/ Mbid. 19S.
Digitized r,yGOOgIe
ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE. 6$
of the new version also dated from the same period and
was written under the eye o£ one of the greatest scholars of
the time, possessed of much means and a very ample library,
vAio had devoted great pains to its preparation ; and it is
plain that by an analysis of the Codex Amiatinus we
shall ascertain what the Bible of Cassiodorus really was.
It may be, indeed, that this particular copy presented to
the pope was in fact the ' Urtext ' or original mother
manuscript compiled by and representing the syncretic
notions of Cassiodorus himself, and that it alone had an
ornamented title-page now represented by folio 4 of the
Amiatine manuscript, that it alone bore the paintings of
Christ and the evangelists with their symbols on the back
of folio jgb, where the Old Testament ends, and that the
other two copies left at Jarrow and Monkwearmouth were
not so much decorated.
Let us now shortly analyse the contents of the Codes
Amiatinus, or, as we may call it, the Bible of Cassiodorus,
omitting the first eight leaves, which, as we have seen,
were transferred from another text.
On page 9, which has no title, we find St. Jerome's
preface to the Pentateuch, addressed to Desiderius. Then
come the words in larger letters which are gilt, * Explic.
prolog. Incip. capit. lib. Genes.' Then follows Genesis
m sixty-threq diapters. The chapters are generally
divided into verses, which are shorter than those in the
usual editions. It ends with the words ' Explic. lib. Gen.'
On folio 50 we have ' Liber Exodi. incipiunt capit.'
with fourteen chapters : it ends with the words, ' Explic.
Rellesmot id est Exodus feliciter.'
On folio 86 we have ' Incip. capit. Levitici,' with
sixteen chapters. At the end we read, ' Expliciunt capitula.
ladpit liber Leviticus qui hebraice dicitur Vaiecra lege
feliciter ; ' and then, ' Epl. Leviricus qui hebraice dicitur
Vaiecra. Lege felix.'
On folio no we have 'Incipiunt capitula libri
Numerorum,' with nineteen chapters. At the end, ' Explic.
capit. Incipit liber Numerorum qui appellatur hebraice
Vaieddaber Gloria individuae trinitati Amen.'
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64 THE CODEX AMIATINUS :
On folio 144 Deuteronomy commences without any
title. Its chapters are twenty, and it ends with the
words in uncials, ' Expliciunt Capitiila. Incipit liber
Deuteronomium qui hebraice dicitur Helleaddabarim.
Deo laudes ; Lege feliciter Amen. Ora pro me,' with the
letters arranged ;
Fol.-i7<i.. The prologue to Joshua, after which come
the chapters of that book, numbering ten.
Fol. 194. The words ' Capitula Judicum ; ' then the
chapters, twenty-one in number.
Fol. 215. The words 'Incipit Lib. Ruth,' with four
chapters, numbered in the margin.
Fol. 228. Jerome's prologue to the book of Kings, headed
* Praefatio Regnonim. Incipit brevis,' with ninety chapters
in a continuous numeration. Chapter xlvii begins with a
larger capital than the other chapters, while its first word
is written in gold and with a gap as if beginning a new
book. Then comes another enumeration of chapters,
one in thirty and the other in twenty-four.
Fol. 275. Without any preface, there begin here the
chapters of the third and fourth books of Kings, eighty-
four in number. At the end of the third book is the word
' Finit,' which belongs properly to chapter Hi. Here again
we have a larger initial and a space, while all the first verse
is gilt.
The former two books are entitled at the tops of the
pages ' Samuhel,' and the latter two ' Malachim,' without
any distinction into first and second.
Fol. 329. The two books of Faralipomena, with the title
and the preface of St. Jerome ; between the two is a space
and a gilt capital. At the heads of the pages is the word
' Paralipomenon,' without any distinction into two books.
Fol. 379. Without any title, comes the book of Psalms,
with Jerome's preface addressed to Sophronios. Then
the words, * Psalmus David de Joseph dicit qui corpus
Christ! sepehvit.'
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ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE. 65
Fol. 419. The proverbs of Solomon, with Jerome's
preface, in thirty chapters.
Fol. 437. The book of Ecclesiastes, with twelve
chapters.
Fol. 443. Liber Canticum Canticonim, in eight
chapters.
FoL 447. Sapientia or Wisdom, in thirteen chapters.
Fol. 460. Jerome's preface to Ecclesiasticus, then the
chapters of the boolc, twenty-sii in number. This book is
larger in this text than in the vulgate. At the end we have
the words, ' Explicit liber ecclesiasticus Salomonis.'
Fol. 476. Isaiah, preceded by Jerome's prologue and
the list of chapters, 158 in number.
Fol. 536. Jeremiah with Jerome's preface and ending
with the words, ' Explicit liber Hieremiae prophetae.' In
the last chapter are contained the four lamentations and
the prayer of Jeremiah.
Fol. 590, Ezekiel, with Jerome's prologiie and the index
of chapters, no in number.
FoL 633. Daniel bears the title, ' Incip. lib. Danihelis
prop. ; then follows, ' Praefatio beati Hieronimi,' followed
by thirty-one chapters. The book ends, ' et devorati sunt
in momento coram eo. Amen. Expl. Danihel propheta. *
Fol, 650. Then follow twelve ' Prophetae minores,'
preceded by Jerome's preface. Then the elenchus of titles,
with the number of chapters in each book. The order is :
Osea with eight chapters, Joel with five, Amos with ten,
Abdea with one, Jonah with two, Micea with seven, Naum
with one, Abacuc with three, Sofonia with one, Aggeo
with one, Zaccaria with fifteen, and Malachia with three.
Fol. 682. Job with thirty-six chapters, ending
' Eipliciunt capitula Job, Incipit ipse liber feliciter.'
Fol. 701. Tobias with prologue, without any division
into chapters.
FoL 709. Judith, preceded by Jerome's prologue and
with the enumeration of sixteen chapters.
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66 THE CODEX AMIATINin :
Fol. 729. Esther, with its prologue and division into
sixteen chapters.
Fol. 730. The book of Esdras, preceded by Jerome's
preface and forming only one book but divided into two
parts, the first of which begins, ' In anno primo Cyri, etc. ; '
the second, after an interval of ten lines, in the middle of
which in larger letters is written * Neemia,' the text com-
mencing ' Verba Neemiae,' It ends with the words ' Expl.
lib. Ezrae sive Neemiae.' It contains no ancient enumeration
of chapters. It will be noted as remarkable that although
Cassiodorus in the Codex Amiatinus follows the old Latin
Bible in his canon, he apparently fails to do so in ignoring
the first book of Esdras and perhaps the fourth. TTiis
was doubtless due to the very ruthless language applied
to these books by Jerome, which seems to have overpowered
the judgment of the great scholar of ScyUacium.
Fol. 750. Two books of Maccabees, the first with
sixty-one and the second vnth. fifty-five chapters, and
ending vrith the words ' Explicit Macchabeorum Ubri duo,
Deo gratias Amen, feticiter qui legis amen.'
It seems quite plain from this list of contents that the
mother text from which the Codex Amiatinus and its two
sisters were copied was a codex written under the super-
intendence and direction of Cassiodorus and was partially
the result of his syncretic work, and that it does not represent
Jerome's unadulterated text at all. It is clear, in fact, that
both in its list of contents and also in the actual books it
varies from Jerome's own Bible. It contains several books
treated by Jerome as uncanonical, e.g. Wisdom, Ecclesi-
asticus, Tobias, Judith, and two books of Maccabees. The
most remarkable evidence that points to the text of the
Codex Amiatinus as it stands being other than Jerome's
text is to be found, however, in a comparison of its contents
vdth those in Jerome's actual text as it existed in the library
of Cassiodorus and as given in the twelfth chapter of his
work already cited. It seems impossible, therefore, to claim
the Codex Amiatinus as a text of Jerome's version, much less
as the best existing type of that version. It is no doubt
largely based on Jerome's text, but it seems to me to be
reafiy a new edition by Cassiodorus. This conclusion is
Digitized .yCOOgle
m HISTOKT AND IMPOKTrANCK. Vf
very important when we remember that the first Carloving^n
Bibles were so largely dependent on it.
It is assuredly also a matter of high importance for the
criticism of the Latin Bible to realise that we have in the
Codex Amiatinus and in Bede's biblical extracts samples
of the eclectic Bible text accepted in the sixth century
A.D. as the best critical text available by the best bibhcal
scholar of that age, and it greatly enhances the value and
importance of Bede's quotations from it.
May I add one further fact which strengthens the view
that in the Codex Amiatinus we may have the very copy
of the new Bible compiled by Cassiodorus which formed
his critical text, and not a mere copy of it made for CeoUrid,
namely, that at the end of the prologue to Leviticus we have
a barbarous Greek inscription in the words :
O KTPIC CEPBANAOC AI nOIHCEN.
These words show that, when he virote them, this
Serbandos or Servandus, who was clearly no Englishman
but the Italian scribe of the manuscript, was living in a part
of Italy where Greek vras still understood, and this could
only have been in the old land of Magna Graecia in the
exueme south of Italy. Bishop Browne says of this entry
that ' it is by the same hand as the rest ' : the separation
of AI from noIHCEN (originally, perhaps, IIOIEI) shodd
not be called a mistake, for we have here other examples of
spacing out so as to make one word into two. Another
thing occurs to me. Such enormous pandects as these must
have taken a long time to write, and could not have been
written during Ceolfrid's short stay in Italy. They must
either have been sent after him to England, or else, which
is more probable, they were copies of this veiy fine text
kept for sale at the scriptorium at Scyllacium.^
> PcofcMOr White, who hii read thii in mj hiicoij of Sl Gicgoiy tlie Gmt,
paper, aMQivi zbc that hit main difficulty in periiapi no part of the Medicemccan lands
aaxptmgmy view Ua in theiuggatian that waiatthiitimcupoorinbookiaiRomeand
Ccolfiid (liould ha«( Knt bail to the pope the Roman teiriloiy. Tlw libiariei there
at a pmenC what be had hinuelf bought in, bad apparently been utterly dettioytd, aod
and brought ba^ from, Italy- Tliis does the great pope, in writing to lu6 corre-
Dotieem to meio itrange. Ai I haTC thcwn ipondenti, eiciuei hiauclf for not being able
, Google
68 TKS CODEX AMIATINUS : ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE.
I venture to add a further fact suggested to me by
Bishop Browne. In the library at Durham (B. II, 30) is
a copy of the commentary of Cassiodorus on the Psalms,
traditionally said to have been written by Bede. * In an
early list of the Durham books it is referred- to in the margin
■with the words * manu Bcdae.' This may also have been
brought from Scyllacium by Ceolfrid.
to lend chcm bDob, bcouK tbey were H filUn into dke faandt of the book-lorini:
hud to obtun in Ilome, ind conioKi that monla from Northumbrii, thtt one of
•aincTctyimportuConcicoiiIdiiotbelouad diem, Ceolfrid, who bid Kcured tieuun*
there, notably the gnat woA of Tntullian, fiom that Hurce ihould combine two of
and eren tuch neceiiai)' booki ai authorita- them into a loidlj iDlume to place *t the
tive copiei of the omciliu Canoni. How feet uf the great pontifl, hii muter, ai the
likelj would it be, thenf ore, tfa*t when the mnt valued gift he could make him.
great hbnij at Sq^cium wu br^en up
and diipencd, »me of iti treaiuiei having ' Plummer, Bti4, i, n, note 3.
D,„i,z.d, Google
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SB
B I
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A PROCESSION OF QUEEN ELIZABETH
TO BLACKFRIARS.
By du VISCOUNT DILLON, M.A- D.C.L. P.SJl.
In 1866 the late Sir George Scharf contributed to the
Archaeological Journal a paper on the subject of two pictures
supposed to be identical and purporting to represent the
royal procession of queen Euzabeth to visit the right
honourable Heiuy Carey lord Hunsdon, and others.^
Sir George's paper referred to the picture shown at
Manchester oy lord Digby*s permission in 1857, and also
seen in the Tudor exhibition of 1890 (plate i). The
paper proved that Virtue's description of this picture
was erroneous, and that in fact the subject was the atten-
dance of the queen at the marriage in 1600 of Anne Russell,
one of her maids of honour to lord Herbert, son of the
earl of Worcester.'
The change of date from about 1571 to 1600 naturally
greatly disturbed the attributions of many of the portraits
assigned by Virtue, for twenty-nine years makes many
changes. Sir George then gave the following as the names
of the men (from left to right) : lord Howard of Walden,
the earl of Nottingham, the earl of Cumberland, lord.
Hunsdon, lord Cobham, lord Herbert of Cardiff, the earl
of Worcester, Sir Walter Raleigh, lord Herbert, and the
bridegroom. As to the ladies Sir George did not venture
on more than two or three suggestions, such as lady Cobham,
and the countess of Nottingham.
1 Atcha*d. Jeuru. iiiii, 131.
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70 A PROCESSIOK OF QUEEN ELIZABETH TO BLACEFRIAR3.
It may seem presumptuous to question the accuracy
of so great an authority on portraiture as our old friend and
Fellow Sir George Scharf, but since his death in 1892,
part X of the Calendar of the Hatfield Papers was published
in 1904, and in that volume we have information which
suggests some variation from his list. There is also a
letter of 24th June, 1600, printed in the Camden Society's
.Chamberlam letters, which apparently escaped his notice,
although he refers to an earlier one of 13th J\me in the
same volume.
As regards the Hatfield papers, in a letter written by lady
Russell to Sir Robert Cecu on 2ist April, she asks him to
get the queen to let her fetch Anne away for altogether
the Monday after St. George's day * that she may take
physic for her eyes, which in truth be veiv ill, before the
time of her marriage, which I mean shall be before the
Pentecost' (nth June). Lady Russell also asks that
'the bonds of matnmonybe asked in her majesty's chapel.'
'And therefore good Mr. Secretary let her be asked by
your commandment the next Sunday in any wise.'
There is another letter at Hatfield calendared as of about
9th June, containing many details as to the wedding, which
was to take place and did take place on i6th June.
Lady Russell says : ' I mean God willing on the Qth June,
being Monday next, to fetch home my bride. I entreat
none but such as be of the bride's and bridegroom's blood
and alliance to supper that night. The earl of Worcester
with his countess, the earl of Cumberland with his lady,
the lady of Warwick, the earl of Bedford with his lady
vnll sup here. If it please you to do the like and as my
husband to command as the master of my house for that
supper and to bring my lord Thomas and my lord Cobham
with you, being of our blood, and your servants (and)
lord Thomas' men and my lord Cobham, to be commanded
to wait and bring up meat that supper, I will trouble you
no longer than for a supper time that night till the same
day sevennight, being the 1 6th of June, which God willing
shall be the marriage day. ... I and my lord Barkley's
wife, with other knights' ladies and gentlewomen, accom-
panied vrith the earl of Cumberland, Sir Henry Lee, Sir
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
1 .
It
si
D,„i,z.d , Google
D,„i,z.d , Google
A PROCESSION OF QXISZS ELIZABETH TO BLACEFRIARS. /I
Anthony Cope and others do mean to go on Monday
morning to fetch away my virgins. You thourfit that
I should never have bidden you to my marriage. But now
you see it pleases God otherwise. Where [sic] I pray you
dispose yourself to be very merry and to command a?
master of the house. For your welcome shall be in the
superlative degree. Your most loving Aunt.'
The next letter in point of date is that of 13th June,
from John Chamberlain to Dudley Carleton, in which he
says : ' We shall have the great marriage on Monday at
the lady Russells where it is saide the quene will vouchsafe
her presence, and He at the lord chamberlain's or the lord
Cobnam's whose marriage is thought likewise shalbe then
consummated if it be not don alredy.' *
Again on 24th June Chamberlain writes : ' I doubt
not but you have heard of the great marriage at the lady
Russells where the quene was present, being caried from
the waterside in a curious chaire and lodged at the lord
Cobham's.'
One more letter may be quoted from the Hatfield
papers. It is of 8th December, 1600, and lady Russell
wntes to Sir Robert Cecil : ' I would come by boat and
visit you, only to see how you do, though my heart will not
yet serve me to come to court, to fill place. I there [sic]
shall come in with tears by remembrances of her that is
gone. . . . ^ PS. I am such a beggar In debt since the marriage
of my daughter your cousin, as I am not able to keep coach-
horses in town nor to hire any, and therefore mean to come
by water. You must not blame my beggary, for then you
shall mar my marriage for ever.'
Before considering the persons referred to in the fore-
foing letters, it may be interesting to note those mentioned
y contcniporary writers as present at the wedding.
Rowland Whyte, writing on 23rd June to Sir Robert
^Aj a nutter of fact loti Cobham'i *Ttiu wu » diuehter Eliubcch vho,
manugt did not take place till the i7tli like Anne, had been maid of honour to the
Mij, 1601, when be wai contncled In queen, and in March, 1599, lady Ruuell
maniage to Francei the daughter of the refcn to ' Beat'i almoit lii yean' Krvioe.'
culafNottiDghamand widow olHtarjetil Eliiabeth Runell died indjulj, 1600.
D,gH,zed.y Google
72 A PROCESSION OF QUEEN ELIZABETH TO BLACKFRIARS.
Sidney, enumerates lord Herbert and his wife (the bride
and bridegroom) ; lord Cobham ' who provided the
lectica, made like a litter, for the queen ' ; lady Russell,
the bride's mother ; lord Herbert of Cardiff, who with
lord Cobham led the bride to the church ; and the earls
of Rutland and Cumberland, who led her from the church.
Then in a letter of 14th June by the same writer, the
following ' ladies who danced, my lady Doritye, Mrs.
Fetton, Mrs. Carey, Mrs. Onslow, Mrs. Southwell, Mrs.
Bess Russell, Mrs. Darcy, my lady Blanche Somerset.'
John Chamberlain, in his letter of 13th June to Dudley
Carleton, mentions lady Russell, lord Hunsdon, and lord
Cobham (where the queen was lodged).
Of the men named by lady Russell the following notes
will explain their presence at the wedding.
Edward fourth earl of Worcester* was father of lord
Herbert, the bridegroom, later fifth earl, and of lord
Thomas, later lord Somerset of Cassell. George earl of
Cumberland' had been in the guardianship of Francis
second earl of Bedford, whose daughter, lady Margaret,
he married. Edward third earl of Bedford was nephew
of the dowager lady Russell, and married Lucy, daughter
of John lord Harrington of Exton.
Sir Robert Cecil, later lord Sahsbury, was nephew of
the dowager lady Russell, his wife Elizabeth being sister
to lord Cobham, the host of the queen and of the wedding
party.
Sir Henry Lee,^ through the Cookes of Gidea hall,
was second cousin once removed to the dowager lady
Russell. Sir Anthony Cope, beyond being a great friend
of Sir Henry Lee and of the dowager, was no relation.
■ Of the ladies named by the dowager, the countesses
of Bedford and of Cumberland were respectively niece of
the dowager and aunt of the bride. The lady of Warwick,
widow of Ambrose Dudley earl of Warwick, was sister of
the dowager. Lady Berkeley was Elizabeth Stanhope,
dowager lady Townshend and aunt of Sir John Townshend
D,gH,zed.y Google
A PROCESSION OF QU£EN ELIZABETH TO BLACKFRIARS. 73
who had married Anne, granddaughter of lady Bacon,
iister of the dowager lady Russell. This was a far-off
and complicated relationship.
Miss Bess RusseU, one of tne lady dancers at the wedding,
was Elizabeth Russell, sister of the bride. She die'd
2nd July in the same year, and is * her that is gone ' in
lady Russell's letter of 8th December, 1600.
The company actually present has now been disposed
of, and it is only necessary to refer to the persons suggested
by Sii George Schaif. The ,earl of Nottingham, as we
luve shown, is not mentioned by any contemporary
authority, nor were Sir Walter Raleigh nor Camden the
historian. Lord Hunsdon as lord chamberlain may have
been present officially, and lord Herbert of Cardiff, who,
according to Rowland Whyte, led the bride from the
church, was no relation on either side. Tht earl of Rutland
also was oiAy connected by the fact that his aunt, lady
Elizabeth Manners, married Sir William Cecil, later earl
of Exeter.
The chief difficulty now is to account for the six knights
of the Garter seen in the picture, and it is suggested that
in place of the earl of Nottingham we should place Sir Henry
Lee, K.G. In 1600 he was 69 years of age, while the earl
was 64. In support of this idea we may compare a portrait
of Sir Henry Lee in 1602, now at Ditchley, Oxon. (plate 11,
no. l) and the figure of the earl as seen in the picture at
Sherborne.
As to the six knights of the Garter seen in the picture,
George earl of Cumberland received the order in 1592 ;
the earl of Worcester in 1593 ; lord Hunsdon in 1597,
the same year as did Sir Henry Lee ; lord Cobham in 1599.
This accounts for five, and if we may suppose that the
picture was painted somewhat later than the event recorded
(not as Virtue wrongly stated about 1580), we have Sir
Robert Cecil, later earl of Salisbury and knight of the
Garter in 1605.
By the courtesy of Mr. Wingfield Digby, and the kind
assistance of the editor of Country Life, a reproduction
of a photograph taken for that paper is given here (plate i)
D,gH,zed.y Google
74 A FROCE3UON OF QUEZN ELIZABSTH TO BLACEFIUAR3.
with a reproduction of Sir Henry Lee* at Ditchley (plate ii,
no. i). It will be seen that the Sherborne picture may
as well represent the knight who was present as the earl
(plate II, no. 2) who is neither noted as present nor had
aiay claim on the score of blood or alliance.
It may be of interest to note that, although the two
pictures referred to above have not as yet come together,
still those who are curious in the matter may see careful
reproductions of both in the third volume of the Walpole
Society's publications.
' Dated [601 when h« wai yt; the earl ol Nottingham wu 66.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
D,„i,z.d, Google
E CHESTERFIELD
:y Google
THE CHESTERFIELD ARMOUR IN THE METROPOLITAN
MUSEUM OF ART, NEW YORK.
Bf die VISCOUNT DILLON, M.A. D.C.L. F.S.A.
In March, 1911, appeared in Country Life a short note
on armour made by Jacob T^f, at that date rather
prominently before the public. The armour then noticed
consisted of portions of two suits made respectively for
lord Compton and Mr. Skidmur or Scudamore. These
portions of suits were in a very bad condition owing to
rust and other causes, and there were not enough pieces
of either suit to fit them for exhibition. The public
idea of a suit is enough pieces to cover a man from head to
foot, but the real idea of a suit of armour would mean
many more pieces than that. A suit would consist of
pieces which would cover and protect a man in the various
kinds of combats which took place in the lists, for mounted
exercises, and for fights on foot under various conditions ;
all these in addition to those portions necessary for actual
fighting in war. These portions of two distinct suits
passed, lite so many other interesting objects, to the other
side of the Atlantic, and have lately appeared in the
Metropolitan Museum of Art at New York, but, ah ! how
changed. Probably the authorities know their public and
feel that they would not care for scraps, so the restorer
has been at work and a figure has been produced which
will no doubt satisfy the non-critical visitor to the Metro-
filitan Museum. It may be a prejudice, but here in
ngland we prefer to see objects of antiquity as they have
come down to us, and no one has been bold enough to
restore the Elgin marbles and such-like.
In the Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
vol. VIII, no. 6, is an illustration giving front and back
views of the ' Armor of Sir James Scudamore as at present
exhibited.' This with other illustrations referring to the
'armor' is accompanied by an interesting note over the
initials B. D. The bulletin, while mentioning that missing
plates were added, notes also that * the date of the restora-
tion and the signature of the maker ' have been engraved
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
76 THE CHESTERFIELD ARMOUR.
on these modem additionsj and ' will also be noted in the
descriptive label.' So far so good, but not good at all.
It is also stated that ' for temporary exhibition parts of
the two suits have been associated.'
Now if a figure were exhibited, carefully labelled, in
which George Washington's hat, Benjamin Franklin's
breeches and Arnold's coat, were associated, would an
American pubUc be satisfied ? and yet such a figure would
not be more absurd than this armour of Sir James
Scudamore.
B. D. suggests that ' as a result of grafting several
generations of armorers of various nationaUties, mainly
German, upon an English stock, there had been produced a
school of English armorers in the royal armor -atehers.' From
1 5 14 to 1575 there was hardly room for several generations,
nor have we any evidence from the existence of other
suits in Englana similar in excellence to Topf's work.
Pickering, who made the fine suit of Henry prince of Wales,
now at Windsor, does not belong to Topf's period, though
no doubt in later years he did imitate the German's work
fairly successfully. As to the non-appearance of the
brayette in Elizabethan armour, what was said was, that
in portraits of that period, painted in England, such an
article of dress never appears,
B. D.'s idea about ' a certain heaviness in form, large-
jointed and loose-fitting, all in the substantial honest
comfortable work which marks the English artist-artizan '
is certainly peculiar, and it would be interesting to know
on what it is founded.
To conclude, we may just note how Sir James Scudamore
is built up and associated, considering me old materials
at hand.
The burgonet belongs to the Compton suit ; the
breast and back belong to the Scudamore suit ; the right
and left arms (much repaired) to the Compton suit ; the
gauntlets and one of the taces are new. The cuisses and
knee-pieces belong to the Compton suit with one new
plate ; the right jamb and the left jamb front belong to
the Scudamore suit ; the back part of the latter is new ;
the solerets, both much repaired, belong to the Scudamore
D,gH,zed.y Google
THE CHEnxRFIELO ARUOUK.
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THE ROMANO-BRITISH NAMES OF RAVENGLASS AND
BORRANS (MUNCASTER AND AMBLESIDE).
B; Pmr. HAVZRPIELD, Litt.D. F.S.A.
No section of the Antonine Itinerary is so obscure or
so disputed as that which English antiquaries call Iter X,
that which runs from Clanoventa to Mediolanum. ^ In-
numerable suggestions have been offered as to its course,
but no one has yet hit on a theory which has commanded
the approval of any one else. I do not myself pretend to
have found the key to the riddle. But, so far as the northern
half, that is, the first four stages, of the Iter are concerned,
it seems possible to restate the few facts in a way which
may at least help future inquirers.
Translated into English, the Itinerary runs as follows :
ClanoTeau to Galan 1 8 Roman miles.
GalaTi to Alone . .
Alone to CaUcnm . .
Calacum to Bremetonacum . .
Brcmetonacum to Cocdum , .
Cocdnm to Mancunium
Mancuaiom to Condate
Condaie to Mediolanum
Where this route began and where it ended is quite
obscure ; fortunately, the fifth, sixth and seventh names
give a clue to its middle portion and its general course.
Bremetonacum, more usually spelt Bremetennacum, was
the name of the Roman fort on the Ribble, eight miles
east of Preston in Lancashire ; Coccium was that of the
Roman site at Wigan, and Mancunium (though the proper
spelling may be doubtful) was that of the Roman fort at
Ipp. 481,481, WCM.
D,gH,zed.y Google
Thii map i> a iketch-plin, intended to ihow the geneial poationi of the plica and roadi
diKuHedin the papei which it iUiutntet. I believe it lobe fairly correcl in detiil, but I will
DotaiKrt that it put! eteiy place in iti matbenuticallj true poation or that it repiaducei the
diitancei between theM plicei with mathematical exactitude. Abiolute accuncj in minutiae
It, indeed, unattainable on luch iiuall plana without an eipenie of time and moaej which the
plani would leldom justify. Even the lait and brgeit map of Roman Britain dnwn by
Kiepert (Berlin, 1S93), on theicaie of I ; ijooooo, putitome placei teveialmilei out of their
true poiitioni and dittorti the diitancet between them aeiiaualy.
D,„i,z.d , Google
ROMANO-BRITI8R NAMES OF RATENGLASS AND BORRANS. 79
Manchester. We have therefore to deal with a route which
began somewhere north of Ribchester and ran south
through Lancashire. Now the Roman roads which run
out north or north-east from Ribchester are fairly well
known (fig. i). The two principal ones run nearly parallel
and may have served almost as alternatives. One of these
crossed the moors round the forest of Bowland and ap-
proached the fort of Overborough in the Lune valley, close
to Kjrkby Lonsdale. The other seems to have followed an
easier, lowland, route to Lancaster and thence to Over-
borough, and perhaps also direct to Kendal : the roads are
unfortunately obscure at this point. From Overborough
there was access by well-known roads due north to the
valleys of the Eden and South Tyne and the Roman forts in
them, and thus to the middle and western portions of
Hadrian's Wall. There was also access, past the fort at
Watercrook (near Kendal), to the fort at Borran's Ring (near
Ambleside), and thence over the Wrynose to the forts at
Hardknot and at Muncaster, or, as it is more often called,
Ravenglass, on the west Cumberland coast. ^ From Amble-
side there was also a mountain trail over. High Street to the
Eden valley and the fort at Brougham Castle near Penrith.
Besides these communications northwards, a road ran from
Ribchester, north-east and east, by the fort at Elslack,
towards the fort at Ilkley and the Leeds region. Finally,
it is possible that a mountain trail connected Overborough
with the fort which lies 22 miles north-east of it in
Wensleydale at Brough by Bainbridge, but (save for three
or four miles immediately south-west of Brough) very little
is known of this road or, indeed, of any road to this fort.
In selecting from among these roads one which might
fit OUT Iter, we may exclude these which run eastwards.
They lead into districts where the names of the chief Roman
sites are fairly well known, so that the Iter, if it passed that
way, would surely have ended at one of these ascertained
places, and not at the unknown Clanoventa. Thus, if
it were argued that the route of the Iter ran by Elslack,
'■ The line of thit road ii not veiy c
clear thnnigbout. Between the WiynoM «
and Haidkuat paxei it Ktnu to bavF run v
•long the left (louth) bank of the infant b
Duddon. The diiiued roadway on tbe n
other bank, which the Ordnance Survey
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80 THE ROMANO-BRITISH NAMES OF RAVENCLASS
IMey and Adel (of which the RomaD names happen to be
unknown),* one would still expect it to ena at either
Isurium (Aldborough) or Calcaria (Newton Kyme) or
Castleford (Legiolum). Moreover, the distances in the
Itinerary do not agree with those of these sites ; Elslack,
(or example, is not 27, but about 21, Roman miles from
Ribchester, while Illdey is about 13, not 19, Roman miles
from Elslack. Similarly, any route which may have run
from Ribchester by Bainbridge to the east-coast road-
system would almost certainly have eilded at some point
on that system, of which point the name was otherwise
recorded. We may conclude that, in all probability, the
route of the Itinerary is to be sought north or north-west
of Ribchester and along the lines of the first two roads
mentioned above.
Here it may be well to add- another piece of evidence,
from the document known as the Notitia Dignitatum.
This contains, among other things, a list of forts and
garrisons on Hadrian's Wall, which stops short at
Birdoswald (Amboglanna) ; it then continues :
pradectut alae Petriacue, Petriaois
praefectiu numeri Mauionun AiueliaDonun, AbaUaba
tribunui cohortia u Lingoaum, Congavata
tribunus cobonii i Hupanorum, Azeloduno
tribuniu cohortii ii Thiacom, Gabioaenti
tiibunui cohorti) i Aeliae cLuaicae, Tunaocelo
tribuDns cohortii i Morinomm, Gtanmbanu
tribunui cohoids iii Nernoruio, Alione
cuneui Saimatamm, Bremetenraco
praefecnu alae Herculeae, Olenaco
tribunus cohortia vi Nerriorum, Viroiido.*
Here plainly the sequence Glannibanta, Alione, Breme-
tenraco, corresponds to the Itinerary's Clanoventa, Alone,
Bremetonacum. Now this list of forts from the Notitia
seems to belong to the west-coast counties, Lancashire,
Westmorland, Cumberland. For Aballaba is known to
have been where Papcastle now stands near Cockermouth,
while Axeloduno is the place-name, better spelt Uxello-
■ nUej i( oftoi odUd OUcuu, but the Romano-Bridih nniM of Ukky U t
Mr. W. H. SCerenun hai i^owd tlut to be known,
phoncttcillj impOMible {Em^iib HisurittU
Rmita, 1911, p. 17, note 115]. AcCuiUy * N,D. Oce. xl, 4S-S&
D,„i,z.d, Google
AND BORKAKS (mUNCASTXR AND AMBI^IDe). 81
donum, which denoted the fort on the hill above Maryport,*
and Bremetenracum is Ribchester. Moreover, as Chancellor
Ferguson long ago pointed oat, the garrisons assigned in
the Notitia to Congavata and Gabrosentum recur on
inscriptions at Moresby on the Cumberland coast, eleven
miles south of Maryport, and it is therefore probable that
one or other of these names was the ancient name of
Moresby.
A further trace of this sequence of names occurs in the
corrupt but valuable lists of the Ravenna Geographer
(pp. 430, 431). There we find^the following names :
CandTcnti (cotropt for GUnnibanu or OadotciiU)
luliocenon (corrupt fw TonDocelum)
Gabiocendo (corropt for Gabrotentom)
Akmui (raunt of AUone)
followed very shortly by Bresnetaci, that is, Ribchester.
Here again is a list of names connected with the western
region.
It remains to consider what western forts can be con-
nected with Iter X. From Ribchester to Overborough is
about 28 English miles,' so that, if Calacum be put at
Overborough, the Itinerary distance of 27 Roman miles is
a little (say, two miles) too short. On the other hand, it
is possible that Calacum may be Lancaster. The route
from Ribchester to that town is unfortimately not known
with precision at all points, though there is no real doubt
that such a road existed ; but it appears to have probably
taken a line of about 25 English or 27 Roman miles, skirting
the hills. From Overborough to Low Borrow Bridge, the
next fort due north of it, along a quite certain road, is
about 16 English nules, and this agrees moderately well
with the Itinerary, which allots to its second stage 19 miles.
Od the other hand, from Lancaster to Watercrook is, as
the crow flies, 18 miles ; the road is very unlikely to have
run quite straight, and may even have made a detour by
'Thtt if pioml by the :
iiMciiptioDt of tht Colun i Hitpanaiu
bund at Mn^rc lud hj tfae fut due
UitUodDomi U KTcnl tiniei put next to * Tia lut account of the tuad ii that hj
Abilliba ia oor laeieDt anthoiitiet, while Mr. W. Haniun In Traiu. Lata, ami
Mallibi ii known to be Fapcaitk, and Cbabir* Antiq, StcUty, ini (1914), S9-S7.
D,gH,zed.y Google
82 THE ROMANO-BRITISH KAMES OF RAVENGLAIS
Overborough, but here our ignorance of the actual road-
lines prevents any positive assertion. It is obvious, how-
ever, that either a stage fromjOverborough to Low Borrow
Bridge or one from Lancaster to ^Watercrook would fit
moderately with the Itinerary. When we pass to the third
stage, to which the Itinerary assigns 12 miles, there appears
to be no fort which can be traced at the right distance
north of Low Borrow Bridge. Either the Itinerary
numerals must be thrown over or this line of country must
be given up. On the other hand, there seems little doubt
that a road connected Watercrook with the Borrans fort
near Ambleside, and the length of this road may be
calculated at about 12 English miles. We may then
provisionally place Alone at Watercrook, and Galava at
Ambleside. From Ambleside a track ran 18 miles over two
mountain passes, Wrynose and Hardknot, to Muncaster
and Ravenglass, where, on the shore of a large shallow
harbour formed by the mouth of the Esk, are the still
notable traces of a Roman fort. Its ancient name is not
known'. The only suggestion ever ventured by any
responsible writer identifies it with Ravouia, which the
Ravenna Geographer places somewhere in or near Cumber-
land or Westmorland. But it is pretty plain that Ravonia
is merely a copyist's curtailment of Bravoniacum, the
name of the Roman fort at Kirkby Thore in the Eden
valley. We may then provisionally place Clanoventa
at Ravenglass.
It is not altogether an unsuitable end for an Iter.
Whether the trade between Ireland and Britain was ever
so great as Chancellor Ferguson in a well-known passage
assumed, ^ may be doubted, but doubtless there was a
little intercourse, and some of it might have passed through
Ravenglass harbour. The chief importance, however, of
a post at Muncaster was perhaps military rather liiaa
commercial. It formed a section, and apparently the most
southern section, of the coast -defence of west Cumberland,
which, in turn, formed the flank of the line of Hadrian's
Wall. Very possibly, though direct evidence is wanting.
^BiU. ef CtaAtrUaid, 1S90,
Compue my litt of Roman nmaini
in Ireland in Enflitb Hiiu SfitK
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
AND BOUIAN3 (mUNCASTER AND AMBLESIDe). 83
a road connected the fort at Muncaster with the Moresby
fort, 18 miles north of it, and thus with Uxellodunum and
the north.
I therefore advance the suggestion that the ' tenth
Iter ' started from Ravenglass and ran over Wrynose by the
top of W^dermere to Kendal. It is, I believe, a new sug-
gestion, though General Sir John Woodford, whose manu-
scripts are quoted by Chancellor Ferguson, ^ seems to have
anticipated some of it. I also believe that it is better than
any previous theory, which is not saying much in its favour.
The two principal rivals appear to be (l) Whitley Castle on
the Maiden Way in the south Tyne valley near Alston,
and (2) Old Carlisle. The former was suggested or adopted
by Watldn, with an alteration in the numerals of the
Itinerary ; the main objection to it is that the Maiden
Way does not stt^ at Whitley Castle, but passes on to
Carvoran (Magna) on Hadrian's Wall and perhaps north
of the Wall to Bewcastle ; beyond this there is no further
road. A section of the Itinerary might reasonably have
narted from Bewcastle, or from the Wall ; it would hardly
start from an intermediate station which was not either
an end or a junction. Similarly, Old Carlisle, suggested
by John Hodgson and accepted by Chancellor Ferguson, is
merely a stage on the road from Maryport (Uxellodunum)
to Carlisle ; no certain roads meet here, and nothing
begins here.
It has been also suggested that Clanorenta was at
Maryport. To this view many objections might be urged ;
that actually Maryport bore the name Uxellodunum is
perhaps the most obvious, but another objection deserves
notice. Two channels cross the Lake HiUs from east to
west, a natural passage from Kendal by the top of Winder-
mere and Wrynose down the Esk to Ravenglass, and a
natural passage from Penrith by Keswick and the Derwent
to Workington. As is weH known, and as I have said above,
the Romans used the former. It does not appear that they
used the latter, though they held the lower Derwent by
their fort at Papcastle (Aballaba). Despite assertions to
the contrary, no Roman road or fort has been traced
'fiiH. tf CwBterlaiid, p. 36. 1 know a» monof that pa pen than this one itfennc*.
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84 ROMANO-BRITISH KAMES OP RATENGLASS AND B0RRAN8.
at or ati)nnrhere near Keswick. North Lakeland, the region
of Thirlmere, Derwentwater, Buttermere and Bassenth-
waite, and the wild slopes of SHddaw and the Caldbeck
Fells, were all left unoccupied hy the Romans. I have been
able, hy excavation, to prove their temporary presence at
Caermot, in the parish of Torpenhow, above the north end
of Bassenthwaite, and no doutjt other temporary sites will
be discovered as excavation progresses. Of permanent
forts and roads nothing has been proved, or seems likel)^
to be proved, within the Umits of Ambleside on the south,
Fapcastle on the west, Old Carlisle on the north, and Old
Penrith (Plumpton Wall) and Brougham Castle on the east.
It is therefore impossible to trace the * tenth Iter ' to
Maryport, because to try to do so involves crossing a region
where Roman roads are wholly awanting and which the
Romans deliberately avoided.
Kon. — McCroiogiiti Kem now to eqmte [du ^nntl Romin mile with 14S0 at I481
mttia, thit ii, with 1618} or 1619! jtrit. Twehc Eoglith nula in, Chen, 1 bdfle of
So Tirdi longer than thirteen Ronuii miln. Stadenti of prmindil isidi, howerer,
eipecUlly in upUnd regioni, hardly need to trouble muck ibout the diSeience betweca
the Engliih md the Romin mile for uniu of dutuice under fifteen or even twenty miln.
OcctaoaiUjf of couttCf one meeti in the prorincet mileage which, though itjled ' nuIEa
pxNUiun,' it iligbtlj different. In Ronun Afria, far eiimple, on Che road fmn Capo
to Ticape, the mUaCoDei fouad bT the induitrioiu French archaeologiita are nid to
itand about t6cc> meCrei (1750 jirdi) apart, bnt we hare no teaMin to nippoM atf lucli
plainly local •itiation in Britain.
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PROCEEDINGS AT MONTHLY MEETINGS OF THE ROYAL
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE.
Wednetdif, 3rd February, 1915.
Sir Hemy H. Howorth K.CI.E. D.CL. F.R.S. F.SA Frendent, in
the Oiair.
Mr. ATinei Vallance, MA. F.SA. tcad a paper on Rdm*, with many
Untem illuctrationi.
In the dixnuaion that followed there ipoke Mi. P. M. JcJuuton and the
dujnnan.
Mi. Johnaton uid that the deplorable destniction of ancient bnildingt,
not in Reims only but over a great part of wettern Europe, would lome day
present pioblemi in reitoration on an unparalleled scale.
With regard to two Kulptutea on the great north trauupt portal of the
cathedral church, statues of the blessed Virgin Maiy and St. Elizabeth,
discnssed by Mr. Vallance, be was inclined to regard them as original, and
not as mbititotions, although be admitted that they ihoned the inspiration
of clasaical art.
The Chairman observed that, although no pnite was too great for the
tcnlptnre, he could not help feeling that the facade of the church was over-
decorated aud had lost the simplicity of outline of an earlier date, nich as in
the churches of Saint- Denis and Amiens,
He waa inclined to disagree with the view expressed by Mr. Johnston.
In regard to the two exceptional figures, in his opinion the statues were so
,good that if tbey occurred in Italy they might almos be tbe work of Pisani,
(0 characteriitic was the drapery. Postibfy the inapiratioii waa not even
Christian, and he hazarded the Ofnnion that the St. Elizabeth at any rate
nught be a vestal copied after the ditcoTciies in Rome by Sixtos V.
Wednetday, 3rd March, 1915.
Sir Henry H. Howorth, Piendent, in the Chair.
Mr. G. C. Druce, F.S.A. read a paper on the Sciapod and other abnormal
human foims in Rngliih church architecture, with numeiou* lantern ilhu-
trations. Tbe paper will be printed in the JounuU.
In the disciuaion there spt^ Sir Wlliam St. John Hope, Metan. C £.
Eeyser, P. M. Johnston, the Rev. R F. Weatlale, Min Garbett and the
Sit William St John Hope refened to one of the manuKript illustrations
thrown on the icieen which showed a pair of shears in the handa of a woman,
and nid that this confirmed bis view tlut on grave abbs, such at the one
•ten la*t year at Dale abbey, Derbyshire, shears were a *""'■■"*• ^mboL
Ml. Wenlake pointed out that the confunon frequent^ found between
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86 PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS.
text and illuitratiooi in the mediaeval beittaries wai due to the fact that the'
tcribe and the snut were uiuall^ different people.
Mi. Johnston thought that the ' savage man ' of the Suffolk and Norfolk
foots probably repreaented the ' natural man ' of Bibhcal STmboliun,
and eipieued the hope that in coune of time Mr. Dnice'i roeuchet wonld
be collected to form a book.
The Chaiiman suggated that a study of the geographical habttan
ascribed to theic strange monster) in the bestiaiiea would prove an interesting
line of^enquiiy.
Wednesday, 3i» March, 1915.
Sir Henry H. Howorth, President, in the Chair.
Mr. Ian C. Hannah read a paper on some Irish religious houses, and
exhibited a series of black and white sketches. Tlie paper will be printed in
the Jearnal.
In the discussion theic rptAe the Chainnan and Sir William St. John
Hope.
The latter observed that Irish reti^us houies were evidently very
different from any to be found ebewhere ; save for a few scattered articles,
very litde about tiiem had appeared tn print, and he hoped that Mr. Hannah
would pursue his researches.
The detached chapels of Celtic monasteries were paralleled at Rlmh;ini ,
In the Gilbertine iiouse at Watton there was a central partidon-wall between
the section) of the church devoted to men and women, quite similar to that
described by Cogitosus as existing in St. Bride's church at Kildare. He
was inclined to think that the huge development of transepts was for the
benefit of lay congregations ; it was, of course, paralleled at Chester.
The narrow tower arches and by rood-lofts blocking up the space between
chancel and nave of so many Irish friaries were a very carious feature. At
Wymondham the parochial nave was divided from the monastic chancel
by an even more complete barrier, a solid wall pierced by a door on each
side of the altar.
The Chainnan spoke of the debt which En^and owes to tiie church of
Ireland in its earliest days, when it became the mother of the Northumbrian
church and the inspirer oi the art of Lindisfarne, and emphasised the great
poverty of Ireland all through the middle ages.
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
In caie it might be mpposed from the title that this book endeaTOored
to deal with the question of prehiatoric LoDdon, it may be well to lay at
once that it ii Bierely i farrago of fancy built on the fables of the Romantidsti
and the quaint notions of Stukeley, interwoven with the inventions of
modem Welsh natioiul reriTalists.
We aie ^Id a great deal about dmids, Stonehenge, Glattnnbuiy, Troy,
Babylon, etc. but little reference is made to London, and for the most part
any such aDunons are inaccurate.
Certain hills and mounds in the nc^hbourhood of London are assumed,
quite arbitrarily, to have formed a ^tem of diuidic places of worship.
Keltic names are boldly invented for them, or if the existing name lends
itself to a Keltic derivation it is promptly pressed into service regardless
of how modern may be its origin. As an example Pentonville is glorified
u the ' Pen-ton ^en mgnifying in Keltic a Ull rounded like a head).'
Perhaps it may be consoling, to Henry Fenton, esquire, who died just over
a century ago, that at this time he at least is not considered to have been a
' tfte carrfe,' Connected with this district an opportunity has been missed
in failing to mentjon the celebrated mounds near Battle Bridge. There is
no question as to these having been artificial, while their antiquity is as
great or perhaps greater than that of the name of ' Penton.' They never
seem to have been known by any other name than the ash or rubbish heaps,
bat as Parliament hill is returned ' Llan-din ' these mounds might have
been nmilarly dignified.
Of course Gospel Oak is associated with the druids, as is also Maiden lane.
I^iere have been people irreverent enough to suggest that this is only a
corruption of Midden lane from the aforesaid rubbish heaps.
Having settled the sacred antiquity of Pentonville hill the author claims
the inherent probability of king ^thur's astronomer having established his
obtervatory In the neighbouThood, evidence of which is provided by the
public house known is ' Merlin's Cave.'
' An tmdergrouad passage at the bottom of the hill led to the cave ;
the entrance to which, in the cellars of Merlin's Cave Tavern, has only
recentfy been bricked up, the passage bang conudered no longer safe.'
Whatever truth there may be as to ■ subterranean passage, there is no doubt
tlut the present squalid public house derives its name from a
added in 1740 to the gardens of the ' New WelU,' which was
oi the grotto constructed in the royal gardens at Richmond by the order of
the consort of George II in 1735.
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oe KOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
London S«>ne, we are told, U the ' indez-ttone ' connected with an
inuginarj droidic circle (uppoied to have occupied the nte of St. Paul's.
In the fint caie it ii admitted that no actual evidence of anch a circle hai
been found, but the name College atreet i> pietumed to be the aniriTal
of this droidic aeat of learning, from which we may luppoae that 'Did
Whittington,' in founding a college here eaily in the fifteenth century, wat
led to do ao because the street wat already n named.
The number of assumed sacred mounts in the neighbourhood of London,
we are told, forms unmistalable eridence of the large population and great
importance of the capital in remote antiquity.
It is also claimed that the objects in our museunu give support to this
view. A great deal is made out of the marshes which are said originally
to have surrounded the elevated ground on which the city stands, and
from the marshes on the north the stream of the Walbnxd: ti said to have
had its source. ' The City Mile,' we are told, probably coven more buried
history than any other mUe in the world. Be this as it may, the evidence
yielded by the soil of London has, in this hook, been totally ignored or
grossly distorted.
liiat any considerable settlement existed on the nte, before Londiniam
was founded by the Romans, hat been abundantly disproved by the great
paucity of relics of earlier periods. Such objects as are shown in oar
museums come mostly from the outlying districts or from the bed of the
Thames, remains of settlements of the bronze and early iron ages have been
found hi^er up the river, but in London itself no evidence of any settlement
earlier than the Roman period has yet come to light.
Sir Laurence Gomme's oft-repeated error as to Keltic pile-dweOingt
in the Fleet is naturally seized on to support the argument, while all the
relics of the early and late stone, the bronze and early iron ages are subtly
confused together as if they represented the traces of one race of people,
the Kymry, whose prindpal business was druidism.
The examination of the soil of London has proved clearly that the
marshes north of the dty did not come into existence until long after
Londinium had been founded. When the Romans enclosed their dty, the
Walbrook was £ovring freely over a clean, gravelly surface. Culverts were
constructed for carrying the stream through the wall, and it was not until
btcr times that neglect of these passages caused the waters to accumulate
on the north of the dty wall. Had the elementary facts of the earlier history
of London been known to the author, this bo^ would never have appeared
under its present title, and much that it contains would never have been
written except, perhaps, as a romance. Stukeley, whose name is synonymous
with all that is extravagant and fantastic in archaeobgy, was tuffidently
candid to warn hit readers that his writings were not a mere relation of
history, but a means for the improvement of the moralt of mankind. The
writer of Prehistoric LondoH gives no such warning, but may have been
animated with anmilar idea.
Hie book in fact may be excellent morality, but mth this we are not
concerned ; to ]o6lc to it for reliable informaoon on the prehiitraj of
London will be bbour in vun.
F. W. R.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. »
B7 IAN C. HANNAH, M.A.
The Christianity of Ireland was largely monastic from
its very earliest years. This is extremely clear from a study
of primitive conditions in the Island of the Saints itself,
still more so from a consideration of the Celtic mbsions
in Scotland, in England, on the continent of Europe and
elsewhere.
Monastic in constitution, at least to a great extent, were
the once world-famous schools of Ireland, such as Bangor on
the sea, Armagh inland among the low hills of Ulster,
Glendalough amid the wooded valleys of the Wicklow
mountains, and, greatest of all, in the centre of the island,
Clonmacnoise, with its two round towers and numerous
churches rising on an ' esker ' * by the marshes of the
Shannon (fig. i).'
The arrangements of a Celtic monastery were of the
very simplest kind. A bank of earth or stones shut the
community in from the world or fortified it against outside
attack ; or perhaps this was still more efEectively accom-
plished by the remoteness of the situation. The buildings
were detached, the bee-hive huts in which the monks
lived, the small rectangular stone churches in which they
prayed ; perhaps a round tower rose high above them
aU.*
The numerous little oratories of stone (occasionally the
traditional seven in number, but far more often less or
more), some of them with massive Cyclopean masonry and
' antae ' recalling the Levant, here and there with double
■Read bcfon the Intcitute, 311c March, ccnturj there wai at Dumnr 1 lof^
191 J. ' moBUtciium rotundum,' frhkh fanned the
' One of the gniel rid^i which here ' great bouK ' of the convent, and it it
tiDH the cauDtiy. tempting to find in it at leait the embiyo
' All the drawing! which ilhutnte thii of the round tower. St. Benedict at Monte
paper art bj Edith Brand HannaL The Cawio uied to ilcep in the topmoM
pbatographi wen taken by the author ei- chamber of a uU tower oTCrlooldng all the
cepting where admowledgment ii made to buildingi and courCTirdi of the monutei7.
another lource- Hit guett Servindui once occupied 1 lower
* From Adamnan'i Lift tf CiitaiAa itoiy of the lame tower, and the diiciplei
(^ it) we leim that >■ early at the uith of both tlept below.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 9I
roofs of Stone and chambers for the priests between, the
tall wheel-crosses with their striking carved reliefs, above
all the battering round towers with their conical caps of
smooth wrought stone, are peculiar features which combine
to give to an Irish holy place an atmosphere absolutely
unique. One of the most interesting of these ancient
oratories is the church of SS. Colman and Cronan at
Tomgraney, co. Clare (plate iv, no. i). The original part
is 36 feet long by 21 feet 6 inches wide. The west door has
^e usual sloping jambs, being 3 ft. 5 ins. wide at the base
and 3 ft. 2 ins. wide at the top ; its height is 6 ft. 5 ins, and
the Imtel is 7 ft. 4 ins. long. It is still in use, and its building
is recorded in the ' Chronicum Scotorum ' of a.d. 964.*
A. C. Champneys * says this is * the oldest existing church,
so far as I can discover, to which a date can be assigned with
something like certainty,' but the cathedral church at
Qonmacnobe seems to be an exception as it is dated by a
similar reference in the ' Four Masters ' forty years earher.
Although, as in the East, there were married secular
clergy (St. Patrick's own grandfather was in holy orders),
diere appears in the ancient Celtic church to have been
little distinction between monastic and other houses of
prayer. None of the older words for a church make
any difference between a building served by secular and
one served by regular clergy'; organisation was ever the
' * Coimac Ui Cillin of the Ui Fiidtndk ' Four Mutcn ' the diituction ii very clou-.
Aidhnc, conurb of Ciinn ind Conua ind ' 1179 : Armigh wai bumcd, u well
conurb of Tiuim-granc, b^ whom the chuicho u rcjloa, eiccpdn^ aa}j Reglci
(iRt chiudi of Tiuim-gteiiic and iti Brighdeaad Tctmpullnabh-Feaiti.'
doi^edi (i.e. round tower) were cotutnicHd, Tliii luperb chronicle wu compiled u
I wiie maa and old and a biihop, fell ailecp late ai 1631-1636 and wai chiefly due to
inChtiiL' the learaed Fraodtcan, Michael O'Cleiy
* Iriib Ercltiiaitic ArchiUctan, 1 910, p.37. of Louvain, bom in Donegal, c. i ;8o.
■CmQ (M), originally 1 hennit't ceU, Hii helpen were all memben of the tame
ii vuiUj applied Co 1 church connected order, the other three maiten being
i>ith a laiiiti uampaii, commoolT' uaed FarfaNaO'MutchouiyjPengriaeO'Cleiyand
for an otdinaiy place of public worahip, Peregrine O'Duigenan. An accurate aiul
I paiiWi church of later diyt; etfUu, painitaldog chronicle, compiled from the
<>>ii>l^ applied to the body of church heat original authoritiet, it it not in the
■ntmben, but ocadoDally empbyed for lamc cbn at the lagaa of Iceland for human
ihe bnildiiig ; )UiiiJiag, unlike the othen, intereic, though far more replete with facta.
it a porely Inih wind, and aignifia a bouie Ita impartiality in particular it beyond all
of ttooe, genenlly employed to denote a praite. Though living in an age of fierce
luge and important diur^ In dayt when and bitter controverty, the mattcn con-
C^lic Iraditioit wai gradually giving way acientiouily transcribed luch pattagei u the
beftie continental infiuenca a new word, following, which they mutt have known
rqJu [TtpiUrii tcrUiia), wu coined to (whatever be the predie tignification] would
denote a purely monastic church. In the be teiaed upon by their religiout opponenta i
fiilkiwiiig pataage from the chronicle of the ' 1 119 1 Ceallatii, tueccttot of Patrick, a aoa
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92 SOME IRISH RELIGIOiro HOUSES.
weakest point of the Celts ; this particularly applies to
their church, but although there was no attempt to pve
the different church-buildings the sort of classification and
status upon which Rome has always insisted, in a sense
they were all monastic.
The service rendered to mankind by the schools of these
monasteries has never even yet been adequately told. Here,
almost alone in the whole of western Europe, was learning
kept alive through the dark ages between the fall of Rome
and the days of Charles the Great, While many Christian
students were sitting at the feet of the early Moslem scholars,
others were getting a not inferior education at the hands
of devoted monks in Ireland.^
The atmosphere of the eastern church is strongly
recalled by the only detailed description we possess of an
ancient Irish church in use, that of the convent of Kildare,
contained in the Life of St. Bridget by Cogitosus, a work of
the ninth century. This is the building
in which lepose the bodies of bishop Conlaeth and the holy virgio St
Bridget, on ^e right and left of the decorated altar, depouted in monameati
adorned with varioui embelliahmcnts of gold and Gilver and genu and predcnis
stones, with crowns of gold and silver depending from above. For the
number of the faitWul of both sexes increasing, the church was built coverir^
a spacious area, and elevated to a menacing height, and adorned with painted
pictures, having within three oratories large and separated by partitions
of planks under one roof of the greater house, wherein one partition*
[evidently corresponding to an eikonostaus], decorated and painted with
figures, and covered with linen hangings, extended along the breadth in the
eastern part of the church, from the southern to the northern wall, which
screen has at its ends two doors. Through that on the right the summus
pontifex with his chapter (regulari schola) enters the sanctuary to the altar.
Through that on the left only the abbess with her faithful girls and widows
goes to receive the sacrament. Another wall from the west wall to the
of purity, and uchbidiDp of the vat ol ucliitecniR. It doei not Mcm that thtj
Europe, the only head irtiom the lateiguen have been by any meuu eihauitirely gooe
uid Jridi of Ireland, both laity and cJetgy, tbroogb. I have myKlf »omitimt« found
obeyed,' paaaga which appeared to give the exact
The itandard edition at thii uork it dale* of existing buildinga vhid I have
Amuli of iti KingJma t/ Inland by tbt never leen printed in account) of the
Fear Mtultri, from ii tarlitit feritd tn i6iti, itiucturci tbemielvet.
edited and tranilated by John O'Donovin, ■ There it in intereiting article on the
pubhihediaDubhnbyHodgaandSinitbin Jrtti Mnnb mJ ik JVtnnwn, by Sir Heniy
1851. The critical notei art of great vahie. H. Howorth, in Proc. Seyal HuUritd
Tbx Enc and Englith texti are printed on Seeitty, vol. viii, tSSo.
opponte page*. ■ Connac't GUaary definea cainctU
The ancient chionido of Ireland are (chancel) at a latticed partirion forming *
Uigelj accewble in Engliih, and they are diviiion between laity and dcrty after the
of the veiy ntoMHt value to the ttudnit of umilitude of the veil of Solomoa'i terapk.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 93
screen divido the floor into two equal parn. The church ha» man}' windows,
and on the louth an ornate door for males, another on the north for women.
Hiiu in a very great basilica a multitude divided by walls in. different order
and tanks and sex but one in mind adores Almighty God.
The appearance and arrangements of this building
must have closely resembled a Coptic church at the present
day ; and we may rest assured that if we could see the
ancient churches of Ireland, cleared of the ivy and elder and
hawthorn that so frequently block up their interiors, and
restored to the condition in which their builders left
them, we should be reminded rather of the small shrines
FlC. t. BEEFERT CKVRCH, GLENDALOUCH, FROM TKK lOUTH-EAlT.
of Athens and some of the other eastern European towns
than of anything we know in the West. A very interesting
and characteristic example, that of Reefert (fig. 2), looks
down through trees on to the upper lake at Glendalough.
The native style of Irish architecture culminated in
Cormac's chapel on the rock of Cashel, whose consecration
by a synod of clergy the ' Four Masters ' record under the
year 1 1 34. It is one of the most interesting and distinctive
buildings in the whole of Europe, with its little transept
towers, its • gorgeous arcading, its radiant Romanesque
detail, its sumptuous portals, its lofty chambers between
the tunnel-vaults of nave and chancel and the steep
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. 3- CORMAC'S CHAPEL OH 1
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 95
soaring outer roofs of stone, its mj^terious heating flues ^
and its strange shallow square sanctuary projection that
takes the place of an apse. ^ It is the climax of the ancient
Irish style, the most beautiful of all the examples we
possess, though in detail strongly influenced by foreign
art (fig. 3). It was perhaps surpassed in grandeur by die
great church of Tuam raised by O'Hoisin, abbot from T128
till 1 1 50, when he was called to sit in the archbbhop's
chair. But of that no more remains than the triumphal
arch, the rude tunnel-vault of the quire and the three
east windows.'
It would, however, be very rash to pronounce either
these buildings or any others to be the last of the old true
Irish work. For many years to come humble churches
still rose in the ancient style, but no new features are
displayed.* Undoubtedly inspired by Anglo-Norman
'Foi tUi piupow Pcttie, Biuh, Miu
Stokct, Chunpneyi, uui other wiitcii| have
■oppoied the chuiuieli in the ilone-work to
be iaunded. Tbt Utt diKunct the lub-
ject at length in one of hii appendicei
(pp. 129-130). I have mjielf fell giavc
doubt ai to whether the fluei could have
been made te wgik, uid Mc. Arthur ilUl,
of Cork, writel to me : — 'A row of bcami
wu placed over the vaulting like floor-
jouti: a longiludinal piece wat tpikcd to
the endi to tale the thruit of the vaulting
while green. All tboc timbcn have long
■ince decijed away luiiog only the hal«.'
I am rather inclmed to igttt with thii
opinioD, ttrtngtbcned u it it bj thai of
Mr. F. M. Johniton, bat the matter ii hj
no roeani free from doubt, and the arrsnge-
menti for heating the dorter and other
RMuni in the Iiiih mooaitcrr at Saint-Call
in Switaerland are a itrong argument on the
otlvr lide. They are detailed in a plan of
the ninth century attributed to Einhaid hj
Mabillon, who ditcovered the document
in the moaaitic library during the leven-
tccnth century : tee Jaiaet FergUMQ,
Hiutry tf AnbiutMri (1S65) bk. iv, ch. 11
(i, s6»-565)-
' The complete nnwiUingnci* of the
indent Iri^ to build apaei ii utrtmely
intercftiDg Iiom the univcrul uk ot inch
featom in early Chriitian churchcl elte-
whete. The banlici erected by ConitantiDe
(or St. Helen) over the grotto of the
Kativity at Bethlehem, the oldeit Urge
church we know, hu round apiet ending
both traniepu and quire. However, the
Ittk radi-cut chapel in the Oitiianum
Catacomb at Rome bat a iquare eatt end,
and it may conGdeatly be itated that no
Chrittiin pbce of wonhip can be proved
to be eitliet. The ancient churchei of
Ireland in fact lepreient the very eatlieit
Chriitian archlteclure that we know, before
the converuon of Conttantioe cauted the
erection of great baiilicat foi the wonhip
of the new faith. They are in tome wayi,
■t any rate, the molt remarkable collectian
of really primitive churchet in the world.
The lubject ii dealt with at tome length
with leferencei to Freeman and othen in
Lord Dunnveo'i Ntlti ta'lriib Arebifctire.
' How it it that wi patten no more we
are not left in doubt. Tht ' Four Muten '
record that the Connaciani burned T\iam
and other churchei to prevent the Engh^
quarteringin them during 1177 ; tbtAnaali
9f KUrtmoK remark the falling of the great
church of Tuam, both roof and itoncwolk,
in 1 1 S4,. Weit of the quire and incorpora-
ting it hat been raited a new cathedral from
thedaigniof SirThomaiDeane; onelooki
through the plate glau of the eait windowi
into the large chapel (now the chaptcr-
hauK and library) that wai added in the
fourteenth centuiy (p. Ilg).
* Jult at in England many churchei with
Saxon feature) were built after io6£,
Mr. Hamilton Thompion, in MnarUU tf
Old Lintolmbite^ 1 91 1 1 pp- 79, So, hat
thown that tbit wat to in the caie of the
tower at Braniton in that county. I thiiA
I have done the tame in my Hiari af £«ii
AnglU, 1914, for the Saxon churchei of
Norwich.
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96 SOME IKISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
forms, though Irish in the main, are the details of the
lovely little Relig-na-Cailleach, or Church of the Nuns
(built in 1167, as the 'Four Masters* relate), with its ornate
west door displaying eagles' beals and grotesque heads
and chancel arch of varied chevron, resting on eight shafts.
No real historic continuity is to be remarked in passing
from the very humble ancient churches of Ireland to the
far more ambitious fanes that rose on her soil in later d^s,
beginning with the Cistercian abbey of Mellifont. The
essential features of Irish work suddenly disappear ; we
find buildings far larger and of quite different type,
modelled on those of England. The architectural tradition
was broken more completely than when in England herself
Saxon structures were ousted by Norman ones. Left to
themselves the Irish would have developed their architecture
OQ totally different lines, and the world is unquestionably
poorer that they did not have the chance. There is little
doubt that they would have succeeded in working out
something more interesting and more beautiful than the
architecture which was eventually evolved on Irish soil
from the forms that the English brought.
In the living stone itself we seem to read the contempt
that the builders of the new felt for the builders of the old.
Mediaeval craftsmen generally had little respect for the
work of those that went before, but as a rule they showed
no contempt. The Anglo-Normans in Ireland did.
Numerous small Celtic chapels, deemed unsuited to a
grander ritual, were ruthlessly torn down that much
larger, though far less interesting, churches might be
raised on their common site. Thus at Kilkenny and
Armagh one great bishop's church has supplanted a cluster
of oratories ; elsewhere, as at Killaloe, a little and more
venerable chapel^ still stands in the cathedral yard. On
the rock of Cashel the fine old chapel of Cormac is cramped
and deprived of its sky-line by the not very skilful — one
might almost be tempted to call it the exceedingly clumsy
— jamming against it of the quire and south transept of
the thirteenth-century cathedral church, which, in further
contempt of the past, utilises the aged round tower as
*It Menu likclj' that the older building MuUn.' If not, it it ctrtainljr jater,
maj be thit tncted bf Ihe luoDut Biiin thou^ a much higher astlquitj bit been
Boni in toio, u lecotded bf Ihe ' Foui claimed for it.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 9/
the north-east turret of the other transept. It is a very
noble church indeed, with all the glories that the thirteenth
century so well produced, with tall lancets and clustered
banded shafts and mouldings deeply cut, but the great
central tower and the western one (which in strange
defiance of all traditions formed a fortiBed house for the
archbishop) are so slightly parted by the puny nave that
they group very badly with each other, and still worse
vrith the diree elder steeples.
As in England, however, the builders of later ages
seemed reluctant to tear down Norman doors, so in Ireland,
as a rule, a vague respect protected the round towers,
, CLENDALOUCH.
80 unlike anything known elsewhere. ' Usually, as at
Kildare, Kilkenny, Cloyne, and Kells, later churches were
decorously built a few yards away.
While there is certainly a break of historic continuity
in the sense that the new and much larger structures in
' No doubt round lowcn, detached towen, through the land, the famed round towcri
battrting towen, conicall}' capped lowen, of Ireland are truly and entire!}' uoique.
timm with both militaij and eccleftutical Champncyi lecmi to me to go too far in
queitiantng the eicluiivelj' Iriih ehatactet
of Ireland'! own round towen : lee bi>
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98 SOME IRISH RELIGIom HOUSES.
the pointed style did not grow out of the Httle Romanesque
churches, but were introduced from overseas, yet a good
many features of considerable importance were carried
over from the old native style to the newer forms, whose
incongruity to the soil was softened by the influence of
Irish ideas and beautified by Irish details. Carved features
continued very largely to consist of the coils and intersecting
bands so characteristic of Celtic work, though even these
were not indigenous to Ireland, as Dr. Hyde has pointed
out.-* These beautiful patterns are sometimes produced
rather ingeniously by intertwining human hair among
the legs and tails of beasts, or by some such strange device. *
Another interesting survival of old national ideas is the
fact that apses, which are extremely unusual between
Norman and Tudor times in England, are in Ireland almost
entirely unknown.^
Again the Irish builders vindicated their independence
in all sorts of unexpected ways. For instance their turret-
stairs are almost invariably without the usual central
newel-shaft,* consisting either of rough rubble corkscrew
vaults or of corbelled steps surrounding a narrow little
central well. Stability depended very much on the good
quality of the mortar employed. Excellence of cement
has always characterised the structures raised on Irish
soil : at Mellifont abbey a wall fell years ago on to the
corner of the warming-house and it still remains, over-
* M. Salomaii Reiiudi, J. RomiUy Allen Churdi othcdnt >t OubUn, whotc r-
and odien, bare ilioirn dut thcM coib ai^ maibiblf nide mbbLe ciypt Kenu to b« the
never found in ancient Celtic woiii of original woik of the Daniih bag, Sigtiyg
the contineat, nor in the pic-ChriiCian Sitkbeird, bj whom the church w» founded
antiquitiei of Ireland, lucb ai [he iConei of id 1038. The apie i
New Grange ; the]' came with u much elie dunuj piece of building, having tbm
into Ireland from the eut of Europe. unequal ddei. A longer aquaie-cnded
Their origin ii to be diKDvered id the quire had been lubitituted id the churdi
■rdiiteelUTe of Byzantium. See Douglai above during the fourteenth century, but
Kjdt, Liuraty Hitttry ef IrrttiU, p. 454. in rettoring the cathedral aoon after the
If thii woil were better known to Engbih ditntahliihmeDC, Street took the moat
reader* (and to the Irith themtelvet) many uowiie liberty of deitiojing thii to rebuild
problem! would ditappcar. the original apie Itom the evidence of the
'Ad eicellent example ai thii ii in the crypt below, but he nude it quite regular
■culpturei of the chancel arch belonging wi^ the eaitetn wall, wide enough to be
to the Dioowtic church of St. Saviour, a pierced by two lanceti, the narrower aide
beautiful ruin of late twelftb-centuiy date onei having but one each. The effect it
that etandt hall a mile below the round by no meane latiifactory.
toiren of Glendalough. The captal here * Thit ii the mon rematkable ai Cormac'i
dnwn crowni a ihaf t, one of three on the chapel hat a r^ular newel-atait in the aouth
•outhcm ride (fig. 4). tower to approach the priett'i charobcra,
' One of the very few eiceptioni U Chriit p. 93.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 99
grown by plants, forming a bridge across a space several
feet wide ; we learn, too, from Harris' History of the
County of Doom that when the round tower at Maghera
fell over, it lay like a great cannon on the ground.
In later years Insh architecture swerved away very
considerably from English, and went far towards the
evolution of a national style. This is apparent to some
extent in buildings for all purposes, but it is especially
striking in rehgious houses, particularly friaries. Not only
in architecture, but also in organisation, Irish monasteries
after the Conquest present many features of great interest,
entirely different from anything to be found elsewhere.
Although many of these are owing inevitably to Celtic
traditions, there are others entirely unconnected with
them.
The last of the old^ and the beginning of the new
are closely connected in time. While an exile from his
kingdom, a pilgrim at Lismore, Cormac MacCarthy made
the acquaintance of St. Malachy of Bangor, the friend of
the renowned St. Bernard of Clairvaux, by whom his life
was written. Lord Dunraven suggests with^air probability ,
that to this connexion may be due some of the Romanesque
detail of the chapel of Cormac at Cashel. Mellifont
abbey, founded in 1142 by Donough O'CarroU, lord of
Oir^alla, under the influence of the same Malachy, the
de-Celticising primate, has nothing Irish about it, but
follows exactly the same lines as the Cistercian houses in
England that were rising at the same time.
The Great Monastery, as it is frequently called in the
aimals, stands beside the stream of Mattock, not far from
its junction with the Boync. It is a fair spot, exactly such
a lonely wooded dale as the Cistercians liked to find,
connected with the outer world only by one rough track
leading to the higher lands above. It was founded in
1 142, while the first Anglo-Norman invasion was in 1168,
facts that are important as showing that the task of bringing
the old Celtic church into line with the custom of the
> The andeiit acchitecCun of Inlind bit obKnatioiu, but he never could uke mu^
been IU1I7 fuUf deicribcd in the weU-kaawii intcreit in buiMinga whoM titc MCtned to
woifa of Bnih, Petrie, Lord Dunnven and biro ionSdeat foi proper irdiitecnint
dumpnefi. Fergimon hu loine inUrctting djipbj.
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100 SOME IKISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
rest of western Christendom had proceeded far before the
English came.
Across the valley stand the low ruins of the chtirch ; it
could never have been extended to the east without
burrowing into the hillside, nor to the west without
embanking the river. It seems undoubtedly to have been
the original structure consecrated in 1157; the quire
is very short, the transept has aisles and extends three
bays to the north, but southward only two, with a sort of
passage beyond, probably connected with the night stair.
We know from excavations seen by Sir Thomas Deane
that four of the chapels were apsidal. It is clear that
during the fifteenth century the central tower was rebuilt
with semi-octagonal responds plastered against the earlier
shafts ; at the same time a substantial stone screen was
built across the western arch, suggesting that the whole
nave was assigned to the ' conversi,' if they survived to so
late a date, as is most urdikely.
The most perfect part of the ruins is the very beautiful
fourteenth-century chapter-house, which has a vault in
two bays rfttiog on far- projecting shafts, dog-tooth
mouldings and two-Ught ' decorated ' windows. The floor
is laid with ancient tiles, incised with leaves and fleurs-de-lis.
A few pieces of thin brick are used in the rubble walling,
the only ones which either Petrie or the present writer ever
remembers to have seen in the mediaeval buildings of Ireland.
The arrangements appear to have been q^uite normal,
except perhaps for the very striking octagonal lavatory,
which opens from the south walk of the arcaded cloister
and stands in the ample garth that was much wider north
to south than east to west. The lavatory is open on every
side by a shafted round arch, and the birds and leaves
that beautify the caps sometimes remind one of Byzantine
detail. The outside corners have strange fluting, and
above the vaulted roof is a much broken upper room with
windows of single lights. Only very slightly does this
fair and rather mysterious octagon resemble the fountain
with its queer bas-reliefs and double shafts which stands
in the centre of the ' paradise ' of the Cluniac priory of
Much Wenlock in Shropshire,
There is but little definitely Irish character about this
wealthy and rather aristocratic house, save that the warm-
D,gH,zed.y Google
»p.
PtC. 5. SKE'l'CH-riJ^H OF JEKPOINT ABBEY.
D,gH,zed.y Google
.':r02'-.':: : : '- s6>ie Irish religious houses.
iug room is covered by a veiy rude barrel-vault of the old
Celtic form, roughly turned with unshaped rubble stones,
then grouted witA liquid cement to form a concrete
mass, stability depending upon the goodness of the mortar
used. The place was in fact very thoroughly appropriated
by the conquering race : statutes passed at Kilkenny in
1310 and 1322 ordered that none should be professed
within the walls who could not swear that he was of true-
born English blood. A little later, however, at a general
chapter of the Cistercian order such legislation was
branded (not inaccurately) as damnable.
Another Cistercian abbey (fig. 5) whose ruins are of
singular beauty and high interest is Jerpoint, on the roiling
grass-lands by the river Nore, midway between Waterford
and Kilkenny. It is but little newer than Mellifont, for it
must have been founded between 1148 and 1165^; but
Irish influence among its builders was evidently strong, for,
though it follows generally the usual plan of the Cistercians,
the small transept windows have sloping jambs, being wider
at bottom than at top, while the Uttle square presbytery
and sundry chambers on the east side of the cloister are
covered with rude old Celtic vaults. That of the chapter-
house starts practically from the ground on either side,
and in no house of the whole order can the debates of the .
monb have been held in a room more suggestive of solemn
gloom, nor more in accordance vrith the primitive simplicity
that St. Bernard would desire.
Rather later in the twelfth century were added two
chapels east of either transept, opening by pointed arches,
covered by pointed barrel-vaults, the capitals here as in the
nave being carved largely in the Celtic way. The nave and
aisles are hardly later, if indeed at all, than the transept
chapels. On diick pillars, round, or bevelled square, or
furnished v?ith corner-shafts, rest pointed arches (fig. 6), and
through the clerestory walls above the pillars are pierced
round-headed lights, while others look through the doorless
western wall down a slope to a little stream. Before 1200
* Tbt eridcnce for thii ii well giren bj d*te (rom ilwut iitSi but it Mtmi to me
Chu&pneji (Igc. ciL pp. 131-134). Ridurd moit unlikely thit lo un-Iritb > pUa ihould
Lingruhe, in ■ paper read to the Rojvl bt,ve been nude UM of *t » citIj ■ period.
SocieCf of Antiquiriet of Ireland on Joth Helpfrom hiiplanof thechurchiignteful^
Maj, [9051 ar^H fnin the architectural adnowled^d.
•ridenoe that the quite and tnntepti mult
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nc 6. jMPoiMT abbey: north ahle of nave from transept.
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104 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
was raised the long dorter (with night-stair) over the Celtic
tunnels of the eastern range, and southwards of the' paradise/
at right -angles to the church, was built the frater, of which
one lancet still survives. The fourteendi century saw
traceried windows, the central one with ball-flower and a
wheel, pierced through the east walls of quire and transept
chapels, and the nor^ nave wall was heightened or rebuilt.
Over its door projects a corbel-lintelled, machicolated
bartisan, ^ and toward the west, not quite at right-angles,
is a flanking wall to guard the main approach. In the
extreme corner of the house, south-eastward of the cloister
square, rises a small fortified tower.
Within the nave may still be seen, in the third bay from
the west, the ruins of the stone screen pierced by a doorway
in the centre, a deep altared chapel on either hand. Some-
thing of this nature was a very usual arrangement in large
churches of every kind. Thus, as at Jervaulx and elsewhere,
the quire of the * conversi ' was separated from the monks'
quire by a stone pulpitum having a raised altar on each side.
In front of the pulpitum, a bay westward, was the rood-
screen, with an altar in the middle and a doorway on either
side. This was presumably of wood, which seems to have
been the usual arrangement. A thick low wall connected
the pillars at the sides of the quire of the ' conversi.' A row
of modern cottages has usurped the site of their dwellings
along the west cloister walk.
During the fifteenth century the half-foreign character
of this house was largely changed by the erection of a new
tower and cloister of peculiarly Hibernian type. The broad
* paradise ' was enclosed by small open round arches springing
from bell-capped double shafts, rude work sometimes
with animals or men between (one dragon has considerable
spirit), but nothing of this arcade remains save what of
recent years has been raised from the fragments lying round.
The middle tower still lifts up, clearly defined in grey
against the sky, the noblest example that exists of Irish step-
battlemented parapets with square pinnacled turrets at the
corners (fig. 7). Lhe exceedingly satisfactory lines of these
Irish battlements, recalling work at Florence and elsewhere
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. I05
in Italy, form a most pleasing variety from the sometimes
rather monotonous parapets that crown contemporary
towers in Great Britain. Beneath the tower is the only
ribbed vaulting that the building ever knew (transepts, nave
and aisles were roofed with wooij) ; some of the corbels
from which the arches spring have never had their mouldings
cut but stUl remain in block. The stairway to the top gives
access to chambers above the roofs of chapels and quire. ^
FIG. 7. TOWEB OF JEKPOCHT ABBET FROM 1
In 1Z72 archbishop David McCurville of Cashel, who
u said to have dreamed that the Benedictine monks were
trying to cut off his head, removed them vdthout much
Ceremony from the far-famed rock. Secular canons were
installed in the cathedral. But on the damp flats below
' Rither mpUiioiu and uuuounublc up and the aiile thrown into the ngrth wilk
ilWatioDi lie not infccquoit in Iriih of the cloiiler. A long illef-clumber wu
looo, ud belt, oat long before the du- eridentlj required tot lomc purpoK or
■°l<>lHHi, the Muthem ercade w» bbcked other.
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Io6 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
the primate of Munster raised another house where the
Cistercian rule should be obeyed, the abbey of St. Mary
of the rock of Cashel, more diortly Hore, as it is usually
known to-day (fig. 8). It is a structure of Cistercian
simplicity ; the cruciform church has the usual pair of
chapels eastward of each arm of the transept. The cloister
was on the northern side ; almost the only part that has
survived is the rectangular chapter-house with enriched
banded shafts to frame the lancets turned towards the rising
sun. Apparently about the middle of the fifteenth century
. 8. HORE ABBEY FBOM 1
there was raised a new middle tower, its vault most ornately
ribbed but unbossed. It can hardly have been much later
that, apparently in the interests of defence, great alterations
were made to the whole house ; the work gives the im-
pression of having been much more remarkable for the haste
than for the neatness with which it was carried out. The
large lancets of church and chapter-house were built up,
except for small openings of ' perpendicular ' character Irft
to admit some light ; the transepts and all but the two east
bays of the nave without their aisles were walled off from the
quire, the west end of the nave was divided into three stories,
the chapter-house into two, all being re-vrindowed on a
somewhat grudging scale. A wall that seems never to have
been finished half fills the west tower arch, as if it had been
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. I07
decided still further to cut short the poor remnant of the
church.
The great parent Benedictine order was but slightly-
represented in Ireknd, for by the time continental in-
fluences were seriously making themselves felt there the
day of the offshoots had come. Its noblest Irish convent
stood on high land just west of the city of Downpatrick,
overlooking the muddy estuary of the Quoile and the ancient
rath or dun that gives the town its name. Here, according
to ' tradition,' rest Ireland's holiest saints, buried in one
tomb, Patrick, Bridget, and Columba of Scottish fame.*
Their effigies stand in three niches under the eastern gable
of the cathedral. The whole had gone to ruin when at
last, in 1790, the quire of the venerable fabric was restored
I..
to become the mother church of the diocese once more.
It consists simply of nave and aisles of five bays ; block
piers support moulded arches and the capitals of the single
jamb-shafts are superbly carved vrith animals and leaves,
the date apparently about 1400. Even with the plaster
vaulting and other bastard Gothic details of the end of the
eighteenth century, the interior is one of the most impressive
' Unhappily Cogitotui (p. 91) uji that
Biidgclwu bniied at Kildare; St. Bernard
uji St. Patrick nil entombed at Amugh ^
the gmc of St. Columba ii itill ihown at
loni. The diicoTciy of the triple grave at
Down in iiS; ii de>cribed hj Giialdui
CambTeniii {Topagraftia Ilibmica, iii,
e. iTiii i open, v, p. 1 63). The O^i /«r
^ IrtiulniM rf ibi Rilict (fine prinwd at
Vtat in 1610), (Intncted bj Dr. Luiigan
{EccUt. Hill, at IrtlmJ, iv, 174 (.), dncribe*
bow St. Malachy, biihop of Dowiif while
praying in the cathedral, law a light like
a lunbeam wbicb moved to the ipot where
the bodiei were. The tale leemi to hare
been worked by Sir John de Court)' and the
Engliah to enhance (he dignicj of the
place that bad recently fallen into iheit
handi.
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I08 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
of all Irish churches. From old prints it is clear that the
walls of aisles and clerestory are original, but the ruins
of nave and cloister have absolutely vanished, and the
ground-plan seems to depend almost entirely on guess-
work.^
Most Irish cathedral churches were always served by
secular canons, but another monastic one stands in ruin
on the banks of the Boyne at Newtown Trim, and it is
interesting from the unusual arrangement of the cloister,
which, instead of joining in the normal style, is pushed away
to the west, so that its north-east corner is about the middle
of the church's southern wall, while its north-west angle
is far beyond the west facade (fig. 9). ^ The church was
iounded in 1206 by an EngUsh bishop of Meath, Simon
Rochfort, who moved the throne hither from Clonard. It
is a fair structure in the fashion of that time, having tall
lancets framed by richly-banded shafts, ribbed vault
growing out of the moulded capitals of wall-shafts. The
plan is aisleless and long, slight modifications having been
made as the builders slowly worked from east to west. It
was served by Augustinian canons of the congregation of
St. Victor'; in 1397 an effort was made to substitute a
secular dean and chapter, but this was successfully resisted
by the regulars.* The cloister stood on meadow-land
rapidly sloping to the river's edge. The frater seems to be
contemporary with the church, and under it was a chamber
vrith round arched windows, looking on to the Boyne. The
chimney is ingeniously enclosed in a pilaster buttress, but it
is broken into by a clumsily inserted fifteenth-century
window. On the west side of the cloister are somew^t
scanty ruins of a three-storied building with a corkscrew
stair.
In the town of Trim hard by was another Augustinian
house of the institution of Arrouaise, dedicated in honour of
St. Mary. Its sole remains, a detached tower rising 120
feet, was battered half down by Cromwell's guns (if local
' The plan it giTen bj J. J. PtuUipi in conicqucncly pitTcntcd ihe dratet eitoicl-
Ftk. R. Sk. Auaq. Inland, 190;, 308, log my further toward [he cut.
'So lita between I1G3 uid IJ41 wM
'Ac the PnmoDitnteuiin houK of Chriit Church, Dublin. lu coDTentnil
EggkitoneiDYDifahiretheihonnivedidnDt buUdingi, uuth of the BiTe, teaa to ban
«iteiul » fii wat u the cloittet, but there beta nonnal.
■he duuch u nudfonn, and the tnuuept * CaL Papal Ltiun, >, 74, 75.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. IO9
tradition be true) ; it is widely seen over the woods of
Meath and Imown as the Yellow Steeple.
At Rathkeale, co. Limerick, are ruins of another house
of the same order, whose little thirteenth-century church
is remarkable for a four-hght cast window with simply inter-
secting mullions, a rather early example of what in Ireland
(as elsewhere) became extremely usual in later work.
Sevin CnulKHi»
1 ORor.t* Tow.r
Z Ttmple Hurp.n
3 ■ D«,l,„
1 C*lhcdr&t
13 B
Sh»p
5 T<".ple Ri
i ' Kieran
7 ■ KtMy
6 - Conor
sCh*pel UHou
3 Temple Kilt«n
10 ■ Finehln
1 1 Crosses
1 2 Temple Cauny
FIG
10.
PU^N OF CLONMACNOISB.
A largish arch appears to have opened from church to
cloister both here and at Bective (p. 129) ; it was possibly
closed by some sort of woodwork in winter.
Strange things must have struck the mediaeval pilgrim
who, having tasted the hospitality of the chief monasteries
of western Europe, turned aside into the byways of Ireland.
At several great houses he could hardly fail to be impressed
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110 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
by the very close geographical proximity of secular and
regular priests, and also by the survival of the very crude
arrangements of the Celtic church. Thus at Clonmacnoise
(p. 89) he might visit a world-famed Augustinian house
so very rich that almost the half of Ireland was said to be
within its bounds, so very holy that all who were at rest
within its yard were sure of a speedy flight to Heaven,
which yet had not even a cloister, while the largest of the
scattered churches in the very midst was in the bands of
a secular chapter (fig. 10). The detached and chaotic nature
of their own dwellings, and the great number of the little
chapels that they served, must have made the lives of the
Austin canons of Clonmacnoise very different indeed from
that of their fellows in any other European land.
At Glendalough, so very famous in earliest days, it
does not seem that there was ever much prosperity in post-
conquest times, though the line of abbots lasted till the
whole place was granted by king John to the archbishops
of Dublin in 1214. The statement of Archdall that the
city then " not only suffered by decay, but insensibly became
a receptacle for outlaws and robbers " seems difBcult to
understand in view of the number of well-preserved
buildings that survive to this very hour. ^
At Kildare still stands a tall round tower and traces
of the separate buildings so characteristic of all Celtic
settlements. In one of these, traditionally at least, was
maintained that sacred iire whose origin is probably to be
sought in the conversion of some venerable community
corresponding to the vestal virgins at Rome. In 1220,
just before the building of the existing cathedral church
(p. 128), an unimaginative Englishman, Henry of London,
archbishop of Dublin, liad the hre put out as a relic of
heathendom, but before long it was rekindled by the suc-
cessor of St. Bridget, and it did not die again till the
reformation was sweeping the land. An abbess was in
charge of the holy fire ; for many centuries an abbot also
presided over a community of monks as part of the same
establishment, but even in this time-honoured seat of
1 Stevciu' (Alcmand'i) MautticM authoritj. I have Imuid fifteeiitli-cciituiy
ffj^smVunuji thecatlwdnl wiiKrrtdbjF rccordi of KCuUr obm in the CaLPafat
KguUr candni, but dcKi not giie aaj Ltttm.
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[«'. Ttmptrlty, pbst.
NO. 2. FKANCISCAN FRIARY, ADARE, FROM THE BOUTH-WErT.
D,gH,zed.y Google
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. Ill
monasdcism we find the cathedral in the hands of a secular
chapter. *
More architecturally interesting on the whole than the
houses of the monks, certainly more characteristically-
Irish, are the dwellings that were raised by the friars, not
only among the buildings in the streets of towns but also
beside far-o£E rocks and lonely tarns. In England the
remains of the friaries are exceedingly scanty and the reason
is not far to seek. They were all situated in towns which
in almost every instance have otherwise disposed of their
sites. Only here and there, either because the towns were ,
small and did not grow, as in the case of the Austin friary
at Clare in Suffolk, or because their buildings were acquired
for other purposes by the city, as with tKe Black friary
(St. Andrew's hall) at Norwidi, or the Grey friary at
Chichester, may their remains be studied to-day.
In Ireland very many friaries still remain, and in several
cases they would require little beyond carpentry to restore
their original appearance. The Irish towns as a rule
did not grow or seriously covet the land that the friaries
held : many of the religious houses are in the open country,
and some continued to be occupied by friars till long after
the time of Henry VIII. Friars became exceedingly
popular in Ireland, so much so that before very long they
had pretty fully occupied the towns, their proper sphere
of labour, and spread into the smallest villages and even
the woods beyond. In such spots it was almost impossible
for them to discharge the functions for which their orders
had been instituted, and they must have become practically
indisringuishable from the monks ; their dwellings are very
largely known as abbeys.
Even with so many openings at home we get sundry
hints that in later years Irish friars sometimes flowed over
into England, where the native supply was less. Thus
from an inventory of Henry VIIl s commissioners at
Shrewsbury we learn : ' As touching the Austin friars,
> It MCIDI that tlic dun tupplanted the hole through which St. Bridget u fabled U>
■bbot; Aichdall'i l»i mention of an abbot have tbnitt her ann (after the nunnei of
i) in 1160; after (he building of the later women) to prevent henelf bdng
tatbednd the Co/. Papal Liiuti have Kvecal dragged nnj fnm Kitdare.
HKDtiooi of the dean and chapter. It Voli. v to i of Cal. Papal Ltlleri ire
lUndt in the Mme yard a> the monattic eiceedingl)' rich in documentt bearing on
mini ; in a quoin of the touth traiuept ii > Iriik eccl^atliol hiitoij.
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112 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
there were no more but a prior and two Ciysche friars,
and all utensils gone, and no thing there to help the friars,
not so much as a chalice to say mass ; and no man durst
trust the prior to lend him any, so that all that was in all
the house could not be praised at 266. 8d ; no bedding nor
meat, bread nor drink. Wherefore the said visitor dis-
charged the said prior of that ofHce, and assigned the two
Cryschemen into Ireland, into their native 'convents.'^
Most of the friary churches are on the same general
plan. TTie quire or * capella ' is literally separated from the
' navjs ecclesiae ' ' by a thin middle tower, through which
passes what is hardly more than a tunnel. Sometimes the
nave has aisles, or transepts west of the tower, giving a
rather singular ground-plan. This form of church was
not exclusively for friars ; it may be seen at the Carthusian
priory of Mount Grace in Yorkshire, where the nave has
two (added) shallow transepts, not quite at its eastern end,
and a narrow (inserted) tunnel tower separates it from the
quire (plate i, no. i). The cathedral of St. Lazarian at
Leighlin, co. Carlow, Ireland, is also on the same lines,
though it has been served by a secular chapter since it was
built in the twelfth century.^ The nave has eastern
transepts and a narrow tower is built over the west end of the
quire, though it seems doubtful whether this last is an
original feature or was inserted when the church was largely
rebuilt by bishop Saunders, 1529-1549.*
In the Irish friaries the tower usually rises from an
oblong space of the full width of nave and quire, but from
east to west of much more restricted dimension. In some
examples, for instance the Blackfriars' church at Cashel,
the tower is carried up its full height as a simple rather ugly
oblong, but it is pierced only by a mere tunnel, opening
' Cbttpt*t~bttat Baclti, dd. jag, p. Sj Franeiicaiu, i, 49J-54}. It ii on p>p«,
(quoted in VibhwhM FranciicoMa, Rollt in 1 hand of the fifuenttieencui}', and pTti
•er. i, ni, of Prof. J. S. Brewer'i prefice). diiappointinglj little infonnation architee-
I have copied the eitnct a> printed, but turall; valuable.
" ' ' 0 doubt that Cryscbt ihould be
> ate readilj canfuMd,afid there 11
I to nippote that thne were
' . • oj them ID ii.li..
Cmtched in
*TlieM termi are uacd in an old regiiter
of the Fiian Minor in London pTCMTved
in the Cotton libraij (Vitelliut, t. jii),
panted in the Roll* Kiin, Mammaua
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. II5
from quire to nave. Apparently, however, this oblong
form of tower was soon voted a failure, as indeed it was, and
then the problem arose how to make it square and still
preserve the oblong space that was desired in the church
below. Usually this was done, as in the Greyfriars' church
at Adare (plate i, no. 2), by the simple expedient of springing
side arches between the long walls, just beyond where they
were pierced by the opening between the nave and the
Suire, and these being without proper abutment (joining
le sides, not the ends of walls) had necessarily to be fairly
substantial. In this normal case the tunnel under the
tower is open to nave and quire by tolerably lofty arches ;
north and south lower arches open to deep recesses, which
are sometimes lighted, and not seldom one of them gives
access to the cloister by a door.
Something of the kind was usual in English friaries, but
there was far more variety than in Ireland as to the form
of steeple that rose above. In the Austin friary at Athcr-
stone (which is now the parish church) there is a low and
well-proportioned octagonal tower. A much taller hexa-
gonal tower rises over the central arches of the Blackfriars*
church at King's Lynn ; and at Richmond, Yorkshire, the
tower of the Greyfriars' church is square and rather ornate ;
these two towers on their open arches being nearly all that
is left of the churches. At Coventry, where the Grey-
friars' steeple is incorporated in Christ Church, a structure
of the early Gothic revival, the narrow arches sustain one
of the famous three spires of the city. While in Ireland the
tower is most often thin and lofty with the plainest battering
walls, an ineffectual crown to a not very striking group of
buildings.
Sometimes, however, the Irish friars desired to have
rather mder arches opening from nave to quire and still
to preserve the square form of the tower above. In
Drogheda at the ' abbey of the Bear ' (Sancta Maria de Urso,
so known from the founder Ursus de Swemele), the difficulty
was surmounted in the fifteenth century by building within
the oblong space between the wide arches that open to the
nave and quire three segmental arches at right-angles both
north and south, each higher and nearer the centre than the
next, so that the upper ones, on which the square tower
stands, have no other abutment than the sides of the large
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tI4 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
arches. The work is so substantial that it has not sufiered
Irom this very unstructural plan ; a squalid street now
passes up the centre of the venerable church, and jaunting-
cars rumble and jolt over the muddy stones under the
arches of the ancient tower. *
At the Magdalen Steeple' in the same town the same
problem is solved by a much less ingenious scheme, in a
manner characteristically Irish. The north and south
walls simply bend inwards, and so roughly framed is the
rubble masonry that it is reaUy difficult to say whether
the structure should be deemed an example of corbelled
work, each course projecting a little further than the last,
or as the two sides of an arch of which the tower forms
the majestic key-stone. At any rate one is reminded of
the old Irish corbel-roofs of very lofty pitch, which
gradually and, if one may judge from the masonry of
St. Columba's house at Kells, almost unconsciously, landed
the builders in tunnels formed by very pointed arches.
Within the churches of the friars these tunnel-towers
were further blocked by the insertion of very ample rood-
lofts. As a rule these were structures of timber resting
on corbels that still survive. ' Besides completely dividing
the tunnel-chambers with floors, they frequently projected
east and west to form galleries both in nave and quire.
At Irrelagh (Muckross) this gallery was entered in the north
wall of the quire by a door leading out of the dorter (p. 1 16).
At the Greyfriars' church in Waterford the door is in
much the same position, but it is reached by a stair whose
lower entrance is in the north-east corner of the tower.
A vrindow looking over the cloister roof in the Austin
church at Adare (p. 125) was clearly pierced in order to
light the rood-gallery in the east part of the nave.
These tunnel-towers became the recognised form for
the churches of friaries to take in England and Ireland
(there are, of course, exceptions) from the least to the
greatest. The very large Dominican church in Norwich
> There ii tome doubt ai to the ttcij * At Rou abbe; xbe lood-loft iiodcc the
appropriitian ot thii priorf or hoipical, tower ii luppoRcd on i itooe arch j at
but the Cnitchcd frian were cetcainly in Sliga a vaulted itructure projecCt into the
poBetBon It the time che chutcfa wu built. nave. I have not been able to viiit them.
*A Dominititn houM foundeil in izzf Champaeyi pubLiibei a good iUuMration
br piinuCe Luke NelterviUe. Thii tower (p. i8o).
it all that ha> lurvived.
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n
I
I
Is!
3. J
I i
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. II5
■(now St. Andrew's hall) evidently had something of the
kind, but the tower fell in 1712. This tunnel-plan does not
seem, however, to have existed (at any rate commonly) on
the continent of Europe. ^
A very accessible and a most characteristic friary is
that of the Franciscans at Waterford. The ' Four Masters '
record its foundation in 1240 by Sir Hugh Purcell ; the
quire with its fine lancets, three in the eastern wall,
evidently belongs to that date. The tower was inserted
■daring the fifteenth century ; it is pierced by a mere
tunnel, and this was blocked up by a very large rood-gallery
that came out a whole bay into the nave. The nave was
very much changed when, in 1545, it was floored over to
form the hospital of the Holy Ghost. The whole is open
to the sky to-day, and some of the post-dissolution grave-
stones and mural tablets are interesting, either for presenting
us with illustrations of all the objects connected with the
Passion from the thirty pieces of silver to St. Peter's cock,
or as commemorating some of the forebears of Lord
Roberts. •
By no means the least remarkable thing about many
of these Irish friaries ts the remoteness of their sites. From
a manuscript description of Kerry written about 1750,
and preserving a much older tradition (now in the library
of the Royal Irish Academy), we hear that during the
fifteenth century MacCarthy More, lord of Desmond,
was warned in a vision that he must not place the
monastery that he planned to found elsewhere than at
Carraig-an-chiuil. As he knew of no such place vrithin
his principality he sent out his servants in search of it.
' The qiuK it widdj open lo ttw Dive chuTch tower •till litu iu Iriih batckmenti
in cTci; friaiy I can tbink ol on the miinlmd bigb over the rather iquaUd dwelling of the
IiDm the founeenth.cedluc]' FranciKan ilunu. A moie beiutihil eiimpte of much
diurch at Stodiholm, which u DOW the the nine t^pe of buildiog ii the friary of
Riddanfaolnu-kjriia, cootaining the aibei Si. Flancii at Kilkenny, where the roafleu
of the Swediih biogi, to the liiteenth- thineenth-cCDturf ijuireitlllitandiin mute
ODtuiy Francucaa church at Gibraltar, protett betide a brewery chat occupier the
which ii now the king'i chapel and echoei doiiter lite. Seven fail lanceti under a
with the luity finging of Brituh troopi. Of lingle arch pierce thiuugh the eaitera wall
courw the archet of many Norman central (plate iii, no. i). From Clyn {Amaiiiim
tawm block the view quite u much a> dune Hibmiai Cbrmicm) we leam ' 1347 ; item
of any ' tunnel- cower,' only thii eSecC war incepic confnlemilaa fralrum minorum
not deliberate — the rcaion for luch narrow Kilkeonie pro campanili novo erigendo,"
uchei wai itructunl. but the preient tunnel-Cower certainly
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ii6
SOME IRISH RELIGIOT7S HOUSES.
They had entirely failed and were returning home in
despair when, by the eastern pass, in glorious scenery on
the shore of Lough Leane (or the lower lake of Killamey)
they heard, issuing from a rock, music of the most en-
chanting Hnd. lihis they correctly judged must be the
sought-for Carraig-an-chiuil, or the rock of music. Here
the convent was built, known of old as Irrelagh, but called
Muckross to-day. The story would not be in the least
specially remarkable if the proposed religious house were
to have been occupied by Cistercian monks instead of by
Franciscan friars.
(muckross) abbey.
The building is extremely compact, and was evidently
designed with some eye to defence (fig. 1 1) ; every im-
portant door has deep holes for a large wooden bolt.
Although the plans were evidently modified a little during
the progress of the works, it does not appear that there are
any important differences in the dates of the various parts.
It was begun in or about 1440. The church has an
unusually narrow tunnel-tower (plate 11, no. i), inserted
shortly after the rest was built ; east of it is the quire with a
three-storied sacristy on the north, westward is the nave
with a large south transept opening by a doorway and an arch.
The tower has a rather elaborately ribbed vault, almost the
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
nc. 13. IKULACH (MUCKROM) ABBET ; HOKTH-WErr CORKER OP CLOISTER.
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Il8 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
only part of the convent that is not perfectly plain ; a
doorway through its deep little recess on the north leads,
into the corner of the cloister. ^ From the dark and tunnel-
like vaulted walks ' six little round arches west and south, five
larger ones, slightly pointed, east and north, open into the
narrow and solemn * paradise ' whose religious gloom is
deepened by the fact that the high walls rise straight over
the arches all around, and a huge yew tree in the centre
spreads out its branches over the tops of the walls and
excludes the sunlight (fig. 12). TTie arches rest on double
shafts, whose details are of the plainest kind, and sloping
buttresses against the piers hold up lintels above the arches"
to prevent their being crushed by the walls. On the
ground floor there are only vaulted rooms for stores ; a stair
from the passage to the sacristy leads straight up on to the
floor of the dorter over the eastern side, above chambers and
cloister walk. Over the north are the frater and kitchen^
with large fireplaces back to back. The west part has more
numerous chambers with a squint to the nave of the church.
A long alley extends over the southern walk. It is extremely
usual though by no means universal that the cloisters of
Irish friaries should extend under the buildings, instead of
forming aislc-passages against their sides.*
Most of the windows at Irrelagh are of normal ' per-
pendicular' type, but from the frater one may look into
the shadowy ' paradise ' through a pair of lancets with a
mullion between (fig. 12). By the fifteenth century the
Gothic style was visioly breaking up after having for more
than two hundred years maintained a uniformity through
the whole of western Europe that on the whole was sur-
prising, despite very considerable local diversity. The
English happily declined to follow the French into the
extravagances of ' flamboyant,' and developed a more
' It Ktnu to tuie bete the un»l puccicc
to hiTt xht canTcDtutl buildii^ ol friarict
on the Darthem tide of the church, pnib-
■blj to help nuik the difieience between
them and the dwelling* of monki. Of
couju fherc aiv many individual examplei
ol monki' cloiitcn on the north lide of the
chuichet, chough thty are (icepCional. ' Thi> wat alto often the caie in England,
Hatdlj a itone of lirdagb u out of place an eicelleat example being the Blat^rian'
to-dif, bat not a itidi of the timbning convent at Noiwicfa.
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SOME IRISH KELIGIOXJS HOUSES. II9
sober and reasonable form of late Gothic. The Scots
refused to adopt it ^ ; the Irish preferred to have a style of
their own, characterised chiefly by the revival of features
of earHer years, especially lancet windows and round arches.
But even at first glance they do not look more ancient than
they are ; indeed in some cases they are more likely to be
taken for the work of the early nineteenth century than for
that of the thirteenth.
Candour compels one to admit that this national Irish
style, so well exemplified in the friaries, is one of the
thinnest, baldest and least striking in all Europe. A greater
contrast there could hardly be than between the massive,,
richly-adorned and deep-moulded little churches of the
Irish Romanesque and these large, flat-featured and
skinnily-worked structures that rose after four centuries,
had passed.
The style is best displayed by the friaries, presumably
because they were the most important buildings that were
going up at the time. They are quite as beautiful as the
ordinary secular churches of Ireland, which in contrast
with EngUsh ones are as a rule exceedingly plain. Good
examples in the fourteenth century are the cathedral at
Cloyne, associated with the memory of Berkeley, and the
very similar collegiate church at Youghal, close to which
Raleigh first planted his potatoes. The Irish friaries show
but little of the spirit that caused brother John Naverius
in the thirteenth century to deprive a friar of his hood,
at Gloucester, because he had decorated the panels of a
pulpit with pictures.^
Nor is this Irish style vrithout great beauties of its own.
The rather feeble towers of most of the friaries were clearly
matter of choice, and not necessitated by any lack of skill.
The west tower of the monastic church at Slane (p. 132)
is an admirable piece of work, quite equal to an average
English ' perpen(£cular ' tower of about the same size and
date. It rises unbuttressed at the west end of the church
and is very plain, except that the top stage has comer
turrets produced by sinJdng the walls a few inches, each
I EvccpC in uidie indiridual cuea inch ' Tbonuu of Ecclcitou, i4 jfjvtuui FF..
M MelcoM abbej' and Contorphinc church . Miianim in Aafliam (Mamimtiita Fntuit-
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120 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
side pierced by a couple of lancets (fig. 13). An exceedingly
beautiful feature of Irish work is the tendency for dripstone
corbels to consist not merely of a head or boss, but of foliage
spreading over quite a space of wall. A good example is
in the east window of the aisle of the Austin priory, now
the parish church at Adare (p. 125) ; others may be seen
on the stout ashlar walls of the old Lynch house at Galway. *
In some cases, as at Irrelagh, battering plinths instead of
buttresses have a very substantial loobng and pleasing
effect.
FtC. 13. TOWBK AT SLANE.
Among delightful meadows by the Maigue, near the
pleasant little village of Adare, there are three large friaries
m the open country, and their great and far-seen chapels
form a striking contrast to the small and towerless parish
church. * Thus the ' Four Masters ' record the foundation
I Other (xunpla uc iUutcntcd by renuutabU fot luTing bad in origiiul wat
Ch«ropneT*,pLcv, p. igB. gaUerf (or dwelling-ioom) *rith iciu in On ■
wot window. The Triniuritn bitij wu
* lliii nmple Romanctquc Mnictim wu reitortd in tbt carlj niatteench cetOmj ioi
in uit dll 1S06, whm the Aiulin friuy took the Rnman Catholici. Tbc Crej fiiai; with
xa pUce. In iti jard i) an interatiDg Che old cburchjatd and the loiking ruiot of
detached chapel called bjr old reiidenti the the caitle b^ die rivet aie in the lingwlarly
carl of DetoMiid'i chapel of eate, and beautiful denutne of the eaib of Dunn*cn .
D,„i,z.d , Google
14-64-
CD ASOITIOMS
XGATTWAJf
FIG. 14. PLAN OF FKANCISCAN FRIARY, ADARE.
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122 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
of the largest and latest house : ' 1464 ; a Franciscan
monastery was founded at Ath-dara, in Munster, in the
diocese of Limerick, on the banks of the river Maigh,
hy Thomas earl of Kildare, and Joan, daughter of James
earl of Desmond, who erected a tomb for themselves m it.*
From a manuscript in the Franciscan library at Louvain ^
we learn the names of the benefactors by whom
different parts were erected, and gather that the tower
as usual was an afterthought, also that the necessary
buildings were provided within about forty years of the
foundation, the quire also being lengthened and large
transept and chapds added (fie. 14).
In some ways the work of the founders, the west walk
of the cloister, with the double arches and octagonal shafts
30 characteristic of Ireland, and the nave and west part of
the quire with three tall lancets piercing the western
wall, are more beautiful than the later additions with
their rather featureless arches, their large windows with
plain intersecting mullions or uninteresting square-headed
openings. The chambers on the west side of the cloisters,
presumably the prior's house or guest-haUs, are remarkable
for some striking fireplaces, one having a projecting
horizontal arch of fifteen stones, whose abutment is formed
by large corbels ; on its cornice are a lion and two leaves.
The buildings are rather scattered, the purpose of some
being by no means clear. There is no provision for defence
except that (of all .parts) the rere-dorter, a nearly detached
structure north-east of the cloister, is rather poorly
crenellated. A yew-tree grows in the middle of the garth.
Tlie lofty tunnel* through the tower (plate 11, no. 2) was
blocked by a timber rood-gallery of the usual style ; the
battering steeple above rises thin and ineffective to the
height of about eighty feet. The church is very rich in
sepulchral recesses with pinnacles and canopies of the
plainest, but its strangest peculiarity is undoubtedly the
extraordinary south transept, opening by two plain arches
(another leading to its western aisle), extending outwards
48 feet, and giving to the whole a very queer ground-plan.
■ Huury tf it* Francumn Ctmmu in ' Hiii ii »^ tett higfa, but oiit;r 9^ fict
Irdami, bj Etonanit Mooaey, 1617, quoted in width.
in Lord Dunnven'i IttemmaU ef Aiart,
1S65.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. I23
Two cliapels of unequal length extend from the transept
toward the east, while from its western aisle a most
unuBually-placed south chapel projects towards the west.
Transepts oddly placed and frequently of somewhat
undue length are very characteristically Irish. The most
interesting example is the late twelfth-century cathedral
church at Limerick, which, by the reckless addition of
transepts, has become a quasi-five-aisled church, most
confused and unsatisfactory in plan. Tlie Arthur chapel,
finished after 1500, is larger than the original transepts,
but with its great height and huge triplet, opening as it
does only by two of the original arches and clerestory
windows to the middle aisle, it would not be easy to
exaggerate the sprawling and meaningless appearance it ^
presents.
OF THZ BLACK ABBEY, KILKENNY (not tO Kale).
The black abbey at Kilkenny, restored about fifty
years ago by the Dominican order to which it originally
belonged, is a very striking example of this tendency to
transeptal eccentricity. Tne church consists of a nave
with southern aisle and south transept wider and of about
equal length, having its aisle on the west (fig. 15). That the
transept is later than the nave is apparent from the fact that
its arcade ends in a respond clumsily plastered against an
older pillar ; evidently the builders hesitated to put the
whole thrust of the new arcade on to a single and none too
massive shaft. Similarly an arch thrown across the old
aisle in the line of the wall of the new one has a second
pillar raised unconformably against another one of the old
arcade. The explanation seems to be that soon after the
church was finished (or possibly before) it was desired to
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124 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
enlarge it ; and the west porch with chamber above, each
Open to the nave by a large round arch and each tunnel-
vaulted (the lower at right-angles to the axis of the church),
prevented extension to the west, while the conventual
buildings forbade the erection of more than a single
transept. *
The confusing appearance of this remarkable building
is greatly heightened by the walling-off of the oblong
tower which once gave access to the quire, but nothing
of this remains. The tower opens by a narrow arch into
the transept, instead of, as is usual, being to the east of it.
To nave and quire it was open by arches as wide as well
could be ; the usual tunnel plan is not found here. An
inscription on the' arch that once led to the quire proves
the date of the tewer to be not far on either side of the
year 1500. A prayer is asked for James Shorthak, lord of
Ballylorcan and Bally kyfe,. likewise for Katherine Whyte
his vrife, * who gave the builders of the tower their daily
pay from the begiiming to the end.' Their tomb was
made in 1507. There are indications that this tower was
covered by a very Spanish-looking vault similar to those
that still remain in the cathedral churches at Kilkenny and
Leighlin, which are to be attributed to the influence of
David Hacket, bishop of Ossory 1460-1479.*
Another friary having an open tower is the white abbey,
or Trinitarian house, at Adare. ^ The tower is of massive
fourteenth-century work (plate 111, no. 2), and contains
several of the little wall-chambers so common in the military
architecture both of Scotland and Ireland. The turrets
' He biuldiog ii of Che thirteenth ledcmplian of hii two nephein fnin
cCDturx, but it wu much altered lod pn- Algeriue piratei bj iiitt Cummini, who
Tided with Urge deconted windowi in became the fint prior. The Snc earl at
the louiteentb. The Benedictine (now Dunbar to call liimKlf «rl of March wu
cathedral) cfaurch at Cheiter pmenti an Patrick, who lucceeded in 11S9. There ii
obTioui tnjucpt analog/ on a vaitlj larger no Gregory in the liit, but George, third
tcale. earl of Match, who lucceeded in 1368, luita
,,.,.,,. ,1.' the date of the eiiitine buildinE.
cathedral of KJlenny. That of Leighhn ,. ^^^ ^ j,^*'^^^ .^"^ ^^^ ^^^
clearly copied from it ! probably alu that of „^ . -K , „^ _ . ' r" ,. _ , j_„„,„.
I ■ / '^ ' ' neaion with a manuKnpt in the Advocatet
'Hiitc
* Loid DnnnTen quotct Lopci, IVgfictiu ordinii SS. Trinitatii.' Tliii manuKiipt wti
HitUrUai id Oritti it la Santiiiima copied by Father Hajt of RoiUn, and manj
Tniaiai \f«r la\ RtdempcitH it Cmilivai tn inaccuiate pardcuLan have at different
Inglaurra, Eiucia, y Bybtntia, ai auCboii^ timet been quoted from it ; ace Dowden,
lor ita foundation in 1130 by Gregoiy of Biibtfi ef Scittaai, ed. J. Maicland Thom-
Dunbu, earl of March, ia gratitude for the Mn, p. 376.
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FIC. l6. PLAK OF THE AUSTIN FRIARY (PARISH CHURCH), ADARE.
126 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
and parapet must be almost entirely modern, as they do not
appear in an old print of l8lo, published by Lord Dunraven.
The arches witmn are as wide as they could be, but the
position of a piscina show^ that there must have been a
screen across the west. The simple quadripartite vault has
Uttle heads under the corbels.
There is much of interest in the Austin friary at Adare,
(fig. l^, particularly in the fact that, being stiU in use, it
enables us to reahse the very ungainly original appearance of
one of the thin battering tunnel-towers, stuck through the
roof.* The charming little cloister-garth departs from
the usual Irish plan by having mullioned windows, instead
of arches, three on each side, opening from the walks into
* paradise.' The frater (now the school for Church of
Ireland boys and girls) is raised on tunnel-vaulted rooms
and over the northern walk ; the others have flat concrete
over their stone-arched roofs. All these features are of the
fifteenth century, but the church, nave, quire and southern
aisle, was built about a hundred years before, not all at the
same time. Nearly all the windows are of the common
intersecting-mullion type, which in England was in vogue
for a time at the first birth of tracery, about the end of the
thirteenth century, then was not known again till Tudor
and Jacobean times. In Ireland it seems to have had a
contmuous history.
The sedilia of the high altar are of great beauty, dis-
playing the water-moulding with trefoiled arches rising from
the shafts. Left to the light of nature and in the absence of
documents one would be almost certain this work was earlier
than about 1315 when the house was founded by John first
earl of Kildare. It is possible, indeed, that they were
brought here from somewhere else, particularly as the
{liscina does not display the water-moulding ; but the more
ikely and simple explanation seems to be that Irish masons,
being animated by a deep respect for the past and influenced
by a laudable conservatism, declined to move with the times.
If they conscientiously thought the earUer mouldings more
beautiful than those in vogue at the time, who will dare
to say they were vsTong ?
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n
H
il
i S
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. I2J
The whole appearance and character of many Irish
religious houses have been changed in later times by the
provision made for their fortification, so much so that in
some cases what in truth was an abbey is now universally
called a castle. It is not flattering to the Fax Britannica
to realise that in early days such defences were not deemed
necessary (Mellifont appears originally to have had no
fortifications of any kind), but that in the late fourteenth
and in the fifteenth centuries, after many years of supposed
English rule, a great many religious houses were more or
less elaborately crenellated.
Fortified monasteries are by no means confined to
Ireland, or even to Europe, or indeed even to the Christian
faith. And one might travel all the way from Ireland to
the Far East, through Greece and Palestine and Tibet,
visiting some sort of fortified monastery or church or
temple every few days of the journey. Many and very-
interesting are the fortified convents of England. In
the strongly-placed house of St. Etheldreda at Ely the
Saxons under Hereward made their last stand against the
Norman conquerors. The defences of St. Mary's abbey
at York form a most impressive adjunct to the walls of
the city which they join. The cathedral priory at Norwich,
was fortified long years before the city was walled. The
Paston Letters^ tell us how on 6th April, 1452, a lawless age,
the defences of the Carmelite friary in the same city pre-
served certain folk, who may be presumed to have been
innocent, from the attack of forty thieves. At one of the
gates of St. Edmund's abbey the saints could defend the
church by being pushed from their niches on to the heads
of assailants, so unmasking loop-holes for arrows that
had thoughtfully been provided behind.
But while in England fortified monasteries rested secure
behind stout walls and were not architecturally affected,
in Ireland it was the claustral buildings themselves that put
on the garb of war, and for better defence there was a
tendency to prevent the buildings from straggling beyond
the single square. It cannot be said that fighting came
> Caidner'i ed. (1871) vol. i, no. ' A.D. 1451 : inf omution of outnget') and
179, p. 138, uid no. 201, pp. 17B-I79. OD. 201 '<.n. 1454; iofoniutiim itiintt
Ndthei of thcK dacumtnti ii eiictl]' 1 Kobtit LclUiim.'
letter. No. 179 ii kndcd (by GiirdiieO
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128 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
altc^ether unhandy to the Irish ; their ancient saints
themselves sometimes took up arms. Celtic religious
houses were not infrequently fortified, and the round towers
had undoubtedly been raised as citadels, though that was
not their only use.
The military architecture of Ireland is little less
interesting than the ecclesiastical, and the two are often
blent. We have already glanced at the fortified west tower
of Cashel, standing in a spot defended both by nature and
by art (p. 97); die middle tower itself has unmistakably
a most aggressive look. The early fourteenth-century
chapel added eastward of the ancient quire at Tuam (p. 95)
has far-projecting parapets on heavy corbels that would
be far more in place on a castle. *
The cathedral church at Kildare (p. no) actually has
parapets with machicolations resting on arches that spring
from buttress to buttress, * making die shrine of St. Bridget
look almost as much like a castle as a church, an appearance
not altogether unsuited to a place of worship for the Curragh
camp, but that in this case serious defence was hardly
aimed at is evident from the fact that the communications
between the different parapets are open flights of stops
over the gables, across whicli whosoever travels would be
an easy mark indeed for any attacking force.
At Mellifont fortification seems to have been confined to
a lofty and extremely plain round-arched tower, apparently
of the fifteenth century, under which doubtless passed the
mediaeval track, though the modern road is on one side
(p. 99). A much earlier example of a fortified religious
house is given in 1266, when, as the 'Four Masters' tell
us, Maelpatrick O'Scannal * primate of Armagh,' ^ cut a
broad and deep trench round the church of the Friars
'From VMicui mamiicripci quoted in ' Herein ouikedtendcacj to reproduce
Monm'i Arcbbiihapi tf Duilin wc Icini luch iicbct la modcni cliurcha, for ciunple
that it had b«n uied ■■ i fortttn bj the Sc Divid'i, Enter, and Liverpool cithEdnl
oeiglilwuring gentry without an^ Kirice diurch.
for ]oo jean, when Cbritcopher BotULiu,
who became archbiibop in i;;; (and took *Thcre u plenty at ancient authorit]'
the oath of allegiance to Eiiiabcth), rcttoied for tuch an eiprcition, though it bardlf
it to itt proper uie by force, ai ii recorded leenu correct. One would luppoie it better
in a letter from Dand Wolfe, papal delegate todeictibe the eccleiiaitic in quettion dther
to the cardinal protector of Inland, dated a> archbiibop of Armagh or u primate of
■t Limetid in t5£i. Irebnd.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. I29
Minor, having himself brought the order into the city.
Not a vestige of trench or church is to be seen.
The abbey of Bective (' de beatitudine '), a Cbtercian
house founded by Murchard O'Melaghlin, king of Meath,-
in the middle of the twelfth century, stands on the Boyne,
not far from Tara. The buildings are extremely interesting
from having been entirely reconstructed during the
fifteenth century vnth a single ^e to defence. The west
end of the early fourteenth-century church was taken down
and a very plain new wall erected in line with the claustral
buildings on that side, a purely military piece of work,
BECTIVE ABBEY, FROM 1
pierced vnih splayed arrow-slits. The south arcade of
the church was walled up and large ' perpendicular '
windows were clumsily pierced to look into a little new
' paradise ' very much like a castle court, cloister walks only
west and south (plate iv, no. 2). These meet each other
under one corner of a huge square tower with large square
turrets and small square windows, whose far sides are
exposed to the fields without. This great tower rises high
over everything else and seems to proclaim the convent a
fortress through the country far around (fig. 17). The two
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130 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
cloister walks have arches so heavy and flat and badly planned
that but for new supports they would long ago have slipped
down. Over the southern walk extends the frater,
approached by an outside stair of stone, closely vratched by a
little guard-chamber in a corner of the great tower. The
usual arrangements of the order of St. Bernard vrere
evidently much interfered with, and on the east side of
' paradise,' about where one would expect to find the
entrance to the chapter-house, a vast chimn^ projects.
The lower fireplace is in a dark square chamber whose
gloomy rubble vault rests on an octagonal pier, with round
base and square cap ; it was probably either the kitchen or
the warming-house. The fireplace above belongs to a
large hall which may be presumed to have been the dorter,
as it touches the transept of the church. Nothing remains
of the quire or the northern aisle ; they were perhaps taken
down when the reconstruction was carried out ; at any
rate nothing that survives is allowed to project beyond the
square save a military outwork on the west.
An interesting example of a religious house that, with
its appearance, has changed its modern name is the priory
of St. John Baptist of the Crutched friars, to-day known
as the ' castle of Newtown Trim. It stands on the
Boyne a little lower than the old priory (p. 107), and
although its fortifications are far more conspicuous than
any other part, it is remarkable for the possession of a long
thirteenth-century church,^ into which no tunnel-tower
was ever thrust. The east wall is pierced by three lancets
contained under a segmental arch, and the little northern
chapel still retains its tunnel-vault, semi-octagonal responds
on the south, neat corbels on the north. Its east window
has the double splay that in England is characteristic of
Saxon work, and a doorway pierces the northern wall at
the very eastern end. This church is on the south side of
a long rectangular uncloistered court, whose northern side
along the Boyne is formed by a series of flattish vaults,
over which rises a tower, and resembles in a general way
some of the fortified dwellings of Scotland. At the west
end of the court, facing the road, is a regular keep with
two great turrets, projecting to the north and south
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1 MASONRY AT to;
MORTH-WIST CORNER OF CLOISTER COURT.
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80M£ IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. I3I
from the north-east and south-west. The lower stage is
roughly tunnel-vaulted, the two upper have corbels for
floors of wood. In this house, too, the fortifications seem
to belong to the fifteenth century.
Some idea of the destination of the different parts
may be gathered from the inventory taken at the surrender
to Henry VIII by Laurence White, the last prior, on l6th
July, 1539, when the house is described as ' containing a
church, two towers, an hall, storehouse, Htchen, brew-
house, two granaries, a pigeon-house and haggard.' ^
How far in this distressful land went the idea that
spiritual men must frequently wage carnal warfare is
apparent from a grant made in 1378 by Richard II to the
Carmelite friars at Leighlin * in consideration of the great
labour, burden and expence which the priors of this
monastery have and do sustain in supporting their house .
and the bridge contiguous thereto against the king's
enemies.'" In other words a harmless commimity of
friars became a more or less recognised royal garrison,
whose duty it was to keep open communications by guarding
an important bridge over the Barrow. After the dissolution
the friary was maintained as an ordinary stronghold, knovm
as the Black Castle ; the existing remains by the weedy
river, facing the half-ruined town of Leighlin Bridge, show
that the friars lived behind a stout curtain-wall, and a
heavy oblong tower still speaks of the lawless past.
An interesting example of a very late religious house
abandoning all architectural traditions, actually detached
from the church and indistinguishable from an ordinary
fortified dweUing, may be seen at Slane, looking over the
Boyne to the plain of Meath from a ridge of wooded hills.
It is a very ancient site of monastic worship, and the
' Four Masters ' record in 948 how ' The belfry of Slaine
was burned by the foreigners, vrith its full of relics and
distinguished persons, together vrith Caeineachair, lector of
Slaine, and the crozier of the patron saint, and a bell
the best of bells.'
^ Rn.Pal.E. A.Coave1l,Hut.aMdAnb. Haw«vcr, powibi; tbe meinins ■■ nmplj
a. ef Inland, 1874. The houK wii that the prion had the butdtn of Ruin-
tanied to Robert Dilloo. uining a bodj of airocd bjinen to hold the
' Archdall, MaMjium Hibtniiaim, 17S61 biidge.
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132 SOME IRISH KELIGIOUS HOUSES.
The long and very narrow mined church^ is not
specially remarkable, except po-haps for the three rude
pointed arches whose rough rubble masonry starts prac-
«4-
_l
FIG. t8. ILAHI FUAKV CHUBCR.
tically from the ground, opening (with another smaller arch)
into a south aisle (fig. 18).
In 1512 the convent was refounded by Sir Christopher
FIG. 19. MANE FRIAKT.
Fleming, and the present roofless house evidently dates
from that time, though not all erected at once, ' The small
In later wett tower hu altcidy been of the plan j the two parti of the louthuile
tianed (p. no). are not in ■ itnight Uat. There Kemi,
lluiuTeijeTidcntfnimdieincguUrity howerer, Id be verjr little diSereace in dale.
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SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES. 1 33
uncloistered court has buildings on the north and south
and east, but only a wall on the west (fig. 19). Turrets and
fragments of parapets with remains of a gateway to the east
show that some care was taken for defence ; the fireplaces
and transomed windows with two very well arranged
garderobes show that some attention was paid to comfort..
One lower room retains a tunnel-vault, a shelter for cattle
to-day, for all is in neglect. * The original inmates of the
house were Franciscans of the third order, which properly
consisted of laymen who did not leave the world, but
maintained the same sort of organisation for good works
as the famous confraternity of the Misericordia at Florence.
The first two orders were for friars and friaresses. It seems,
that some observed the full vows of the order, but never-
theless in their modesty refused to claim the stricter
profession. From the great comfort of the buildings
here one might be tempted to guess that perhaps it formed
a training place for laymen, who came for a season to
prepare for the work they had to do in the world^
but I know of nothing whatever to support the con-
jecture.
Fortified churches were still built in later days on the
unpeaceful Irish soil. The parish church of Antrim,^
dated 1596, an interesting example of the Gothic of that
time, has its mullioned windows placed high in the thick
and well-built walls, which below them are loop-holed
for musketry.
Much of value has been written about the history of
monasticism in Ireland, but very little about its special
architectural arrangements. Many famous houses are not
mentioned, because I have been unwilling to depart from
my strict rule to set nothing down but from personal
observation, but I trust enough has been said to show that
many things in Ireland were very different from anything
to be seen elsewhere, and also that much light may be
thrown from the other island on the arrangement of
friaries in England. Earlier students were apt almost to
make it an axiom that certain not inconsiderable dimensions
> Foi the plini of thii houte I un indebted Sodc^ of Anaquinn oi ii
to Mr. T. J. Watropp, whole excellent and moat {xTaurably knmni.
worb in the publioitiain of the Xonl
Antiquirin of Inland a
publicatiain of the Xojnl
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134 SOME IRISH RELIGIOUS HOUSES.
were essential for architectural effect. We now see that
a little wayside shrine may have more significance to the
investigator than a cathedral of a hundred times its size.
If what I have written helps to send English antiquaries
wandering through the byways of Ireland the worlc will
not be altogether in vain.
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SOME ABNORMAI. AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE.'
By G. C. DRUCE, F.S.A.
The so-called grotesque figures which we see carved
in our churches are of two kinds ; those exhibiting
malformations which would perhaps now be termed
' freaks,* and composite forms both human and animal.
Many of the latter seem to be but fanciful combinations
copied from illuminated manuscripts, in the margins of
which they occur freely ; but in certain cases their history
may be traced and their presence in church architecture
accounted for.
HUMAN PRODIGIES.
Examples of human malformations are not very fre-
quently met with in carvings. They belong to a class
tmown as human prodigies, of which there are descriptions
and illustrations in manuscripts, the details being derived
from classical writers on natural history. In a bestiary
of the thirteenth centuiy in the Westminster chapter
library' there are illustrations of thirteen of them, and in
two other manuscripts of the same class in the Bodleian
library' and th.e University Ubrary at Cambridge* there
are similar illustrations, but the details do not all correspond. *
On the final page of a manuscript * at the British Museum,
a large foho measuring 21 by 14^ inches, there is a set of
seventeen figures, with short descriptive legends, dating
from about 1 1 80. These are in outline and nude.
Others are illustrated in Cotton MS. Vit. D. i (British
Museum) where they are also naked, and on the Mappa
Mundi at Hereford (c. 1300) and the Ebstorf map (c. 1284),
reproductions of which may be seen at the British Museum.
* Pot the uke ol conreniaice tbtte thnc
DuouKripu will be termcil tbe Wot-
miiuMr, Bodteian, and Cambridge mann-
•cripu reapcctitiljr.
• MS. HuL 1799.
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136 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
On the first page of the Westminster manuscript
(plate i) there are nine figures, which are as follows :
1. A man with thumb and six fingers.
2. A man pointing to his nose, indicating some
abnormal feature, but, as the manuscript is discoloured,
the details are indistinct. He is the representative-
of a people in the far East who have monstrous faces ;
some flat all over and without nostrils, or otherwise
shapeless ; others with the lower lip so protruded that in
the sun's heat they cover the whole face with it when
asleep ; and others whose mouths are contracted into
so small a hole that they suck up their food with straw-
stalks. Others again are said to have no tongues and
to exchange communications by a nod or gesture. All
these are illustrated in MS. Harl. 2799.
Pliny is the main source for these monstrosities.
In his account of Aethiopia^ he ascribes their formation
to the action of heat, saying that ' it is not surprising
that towards the extremity of this region men and
animals assume a monstrous form, when we consider
the changeableness and volubility of fire, the heat of
which is the great agent in imparting various forms and
shapes to bodies.'
3. A man vrith four legs and feet.
4. A man vnth three arms and hands.
5. A man vrith one hand much larger than the other.
These people are clothed in sleeved tunics, and in four
cases have a mantle over. They are not defined by name
in the text.
6. A naked human figure bending over to indicate
that it goes on all fours. It has human hands, but its
feet are doubtful. It represents the race called the
Artabatitae, a people of Aethiopia, who according to
the text walk facing the ground like cattle, and do not
live beyond their fortieth year. Pliny' says they have
four feet and wander about like wild beasts. There is
an illustration in the Bodleian manuscript, in which
the figure has human hands and feet, and in Harl, 2799,
where it has a human head with hat on, and hands, but
cloven feet and a tail. De Caumont' gives a cut of one
' bt vi, cb. 35 (30). ' Abiaiairt ^JrcbkltfU, p. x*i, 1S59.
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I FKODICIES : Mi. ZZ, WISTMINSTER
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 137
sculptured on a monument preserved in the church at
Souvigny (AUier). It is on all fours and has the fore-
feet of a beast and human hind feet.
7. A man in a tunic, with long hair, short beard,
and one eye in the middle of his forehead. This is one
of the Cyclopes, natives of India, also called the
Agriophagitae because they eat the flesh of wild beasts,
lliey are illustrated in both the Bodleian manuscript
and Harl. 2799 ; in the latter the Cyclops holds a small
animal and a bird, representing his food.^
8. The next figure has his face on his breast, or more
exactly in his shoulders. He is dressed in a long tunic and
holds an axe and shield. In the Bodleian manuscript there
are two such figures, one having an axe and shield and the
-other a sword and shield. In Harl. 2799 there are also two
figures, naked and without weapons, but holding small
animals. The texts explain that, while they are the same
people, one has no neck and has his eyes in his shoulders,
and the other is born without a head, and has his eyes on
his breast, which comes to much the same thing. Both
kinds also appear on the Hereford map.
These figures represent the race called the Blemyae.
Several classical writers describe them, including
Herodotus, 2 though he does not mention them by name ;
Pliny ^ says that they have no heads and that their mouths
and eyes are on their breasts ; Pomponius Mela* the same ;
and Solinus 5 states that 'they are believed to be born
dismembered in the part where the head is ' and to have
their mouth and eyes in their breasts.
Some of these human prodigies are introduced into
the French versions of the Romance of Alexander to
illustrate the various monstrous creatures overcome by
his prowess.' The Blemyae so appear, confronted by
Alexander and his knights on horses. The heading
is to this efEect : ' Comment Alixandres trouva gens
1 PHnjF nfen to the Cjrclopct eating * bk. v, ch. S.
kunun Beth in bk. vii, ch. 2. In [be lame * Jt Suu Orbu, bk. i, cb. viii.
dupiec be dcKiibn cbe Arinuupi, who * Pslybiiur, ch. xinv.
fight the griffiniforlhc gold, aihavingoDt; 'See MSS. 20 A. v, H«L 4979, and
one eje. and that in the middle of the 19 D. i, of earlj foutteenth-centuiy date g
joiehead. and 1; £. vi ind 20 B. n of the fifteenth
* IT, 191. century, all at the Btitiifa MuKum.
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138 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
sans testes et qui avoient coulour dor et les iei ou pis,' '
and the text : * Afterwards they departed thence and
crossed a river and landed on an island, where people
lived who were six feet high and of the colour of gold.
These people were without heads and had their eyes
and mouth in the middle of their breast, and the lower
part of their body was covered by a beard which reached
down to their knees. King Alexander took with him
thirty of these men, to show their wonderful appearance
to the other peoples of the world.' The illustrations
[c. c. D.
NORWICH CATHEDRAl. CHUKCK.
show them, three in number, as yellow, naked, headless
men with their faces in their chest. In the majority of
manuscripts they hold out their hands to the lung, but
in MS. 20 B. XX they have clubs.
A pair of Blemyae are carved as wing-subjects upon
one of the misericords in Norwich cathedral church
(fig. i). Each of them is represented as a headless man,
with his face upon his breast. He is dressed in a short
sleeved and girdled tunic and boots, and holds a sword.
His legs are bent, owing to the desire of the carver to
compose his subject in a circular form. Another of these
> Pit^frilriM, In MS. to B. u thcj hara eolj one tjt odi.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 1 39
figures 13 carved upon a misericord in Ripon cathedral
church ; it is naked as in the Romance and holds a large
club. Opposite to it is a Bgure which appears to be a
variant. It has neither head nor arms, but wears a cap
and veil. Upon one of the misericords from St. Nicholas
churchj King's Lynn, now preserved in the museum
of the Architectural Association at Westminster, there
is a pair of them somewhat like the last mentioned, but
with tails.
9. A hermaphrodite with the right breast of a man
and the left of a woman. ITie male half holds a sword
as befitting a man, the female half shears as suitable for
a woman. Pliny* calls such beings Androgyni, and quotes
Aristotle's description. We have no record of any carvings.
On the second page of the Westminster manuscript
four prodigies are illustrated (plate ii).
10, II. In the upper part is a big man with a triple
face and one arm, who points to a diminutive figure perched
on foliage. The latter holds what appears to be a halberd.
They are the giant and the pigmy. The text tells us
that the giants are the Macrobii, or the long-lived people,
inhabitants of India, and twelve feet high. In the
illustration in MS. Harl. 2799, the giant has a single face
and hoofed feet ; he is also stated to be twelve feet high.
This height of twelve feet is a mistake, perhaps originally
due to a copyist, but it serves to indicate the immediate
source of the text, namely the chapter ' de Portentis ' in
the seventh book of the de Universo of Rabanus Maurus,
archbishop of Mamz (? 786-856). He copied largely from
Isidore's Etymology and added his own symbolic inter-
pretations. Isidore says that the Macrobii are eight feet
high, following Pliny, who gives their height as five cubits
and two palms. The pigmies are said to be one cubit
in height. They are illustrated both in the Bodleian
manuscript and in Harl. 2799 ; in the latter as a pair of
small figures holding clubs and circular embossed shields ;
one of them has hoofed feet. They are also illustrated
in a manuscript of Mandeville at the British Museum. * TTie
story of their combats with the cranes is well known.
TTie fact that the giant has only one arm and a triple
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140 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
face is not explained in the text. Rabanus mentions men
with an absence or multiplication of limbs, including
two heads. He also describes, next after the pigmies,
Geryon, the triple man who was slain by Hercules. Whether
the triple face can be explained by either of these references
is a matter of uncertainty ; it may be that the artist
combined various features in one figure. TTicre are
examples of this triple face or combination of faces in
carving on misericords at Cartmel (plate iii, no. 1) and
Faversham. In the former instance they are under a
crown, in the latter a cap. The triple face at Cartmel is
bearded, with the hair divided into conventional curls.
From either side of the mouth issues a spray of foliage.
Various suggestions have been made as to the signification
of these faces in architecture, i.e. that they represent the
Magi, the Trinity, or Janus, but we know of no documentary
evidence bearing on the subject. The presence, however,
of such a feature in a manuscript of this kind would be
sufficient to account for its occurrence in churches.*
Giants are illustrated in Alexander's Romance. In
MS. Harl. 4979 Alexander on horseback at the head of
his knights fights a party of ' gens qui estoient grans comme
jaians ' in a forest. These are bearded and clothed in
skins, and are armed with large clubs. The foremost
is pierced in the neck by Alexander's spear, and several
lie on the ground with blood streaming from their faces. *
In MS. 20 A. V the giants are drawn like Alexander's
men in armour, and have swords and shields on which
are ugly human faces. The Cyclopes are also treated as
giants. They appear as ' clyopes que sont de grant
corsage comme iaiant et ont grossc vois et j oeil ou front.'
In MS. Harl. 4979 they are drawn as naked bearded men
armed with clubs, and have one large eye in the middle of
the forehead. The two foremost have fallen, vrith blood-
stained heads. In MS. zo A. v they are represented as
■ Odc of the ulei in dw CtmpUymt ^
church > kaLghl on foot with hli horte
SntUaJ (e. 1S4S-9} ii cntitltd ' Tlie ujl
behind hin> £»». . b«rded ' (i«.l ■ in hood
ol tlic r^ tptja Titht the thte heydii'
ind ihorl tunic, who bnudithet i lirge club.
(A.>S. «f«, 1 (iut) : MC Robert Luu-
Th« kdght itiUei him in the neck *ith bit
bim-i Lctui : ed. F. J. FunuTill, 19=7.
•word. Thii ii utuall]' regarded m ■ Kate
from the legend o( Vileotine ind Onon, but
'Upon one ol the nuMiicardi ol the
il it uncertain. Ai the giant it cloK to a
tree, the tcene mar be laid to be in a fotett.
-,Googlc
IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I4I
knights with swords and shields, 2nd have onl^ one eye
visible. In MS. 19 D. i they are also drawn as loiights liie
Alexander's men. The foremost has a sword. The artist
has apparently made a mistake about the eyes, as they have
two, but they are called in the text ' cliopes.' In the later
manuscript 15 E. vi they are clothed as orientals in various
garments of brilliant colours. A single eye only is visible,
but that is not in the middle.
12. Below the giant is the sciapod, a very interesting
prodigy. He appears as a naked man with only one leg,
which terminates in an enormous foot. He lies on his
back on the ground and supports his head upon his left
hand. His leg is controlled by his right arm in such a way
that the foot covers his head ; hence his name of * sciapod '
or * shadow-foot,' because he uses his foot as an umbrella
or shade when lying in the heat of the sun. There is
a good illustration in the Bodleian manuscript, in which
the sun appears as a striped red and yellow ball, and others
in manuscripts at the British Museum, including Harl.
2799, Cotton Vit. D. i, and the manuscript of Mandeville
mentioned above ; in the two latter the sciapod is holding
up his leg and foot with both hands. How he keeps his
balance is a problem. ^
The text of the Westminster manuscript explains that
they are inhabitants of Aethiopia, and, though possessed
of only one leg, are of marveUous swiftness. We know
from Phny and Solinus, from whom the account came,
that their proper name was ' monocoli,' or the one-legged
race. Ctesias was the prime source.
An excellent example of the sciapod is carved on a
fifteenth-century bench-end at Dennington, SufEolk
(plate III, no. 2). He is dressed in a sleeved tunic, and
is lying in the same attitude as in the manuscript. His
legs are raised, and his feet, which are of enormous size,
cover him completely. The carver has made a mistake
in giving him two legs. He may have been imperfectly
acquainted with the subject or may have worked from
an inaccurate picture. There are three little objects
under his left arm : they are small human heads
< ' In [bat contrec ben (olli, that ban ichadcwethe allr tlie bodr lua thf want,
but 0 loot : and thci gon to hU that it it wbanne thei nolc l^c and tnte bem : '
numrUer and the foot ■■ lo lai^e, tbac it MandeviUe'i TrateU; cd. 1715, p. 189.
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142 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
which have been defaced, as has also the head of the
sciapod.
The carving at Dennington is the only one known
to us in this country, but de Caumont records and illus-
trates an example of the twelfth century on a capital at
Parize-le-Chatel (Nievre).i
13. On the right of the sciapod in the Westminster
manuscript are four little people within a hollow, which
is intended for a cave. They gaze towards the open and
point with the forefinger as if something important were
occurring. In the Bodleian manuscript there are six,
and they are also illustrated in the Cambridge manuscript.
The texts inform us that they are the Brachmani, " part
of whom dwell in caves Uke wild beasts. Pliny calls them
Troelodytae, or cave-dwellers. In the Westminster and
Bodleian manuscripts there is a quite charming account
of their simple life and habits, derived from the Romance
of Alexander. It is embodied in the letter which they
sent to him, urging that they possessed nothing the desire
of which might tempt him to wage war on them.
Alexander was so much touched that he refrained from
attacking them. At the end of the story there is added
a pretty little moral sentiment as follows : ' And perhaps
if he had attacked them he would have by no means
prevailed, because innocence is not easily overcome, and
truth standing fast in its own strength triumphs over
wickedness as it were like an armed force.'
In the Westminster manuscript the Brachmani are
clothed in tunics and mantles, but in the Romance they
are naked. The heading in MS. 20 A. v runs : ' Ci poes
vous oir comment li rois Alixandre et son ost troverent
hommes et femmes qui aloient tout nu et navoient nule
habitation fors en caves et en roces de montaingues.' The
illustrations show a party of armed knights on horseback
with Alexander at their head approaching a mountain, in the
recesses of which are a varying number of the Brachmani
as naked men and women. One of them, their king, is
crowned. They hold out their hands as if addressing
Alexander, and in the two fifteenth-century manuscripts
(15 E. vi and 20 B. xx) a letter is being handed to him
' AhlcUaae tArchUapty p. itc. ' Mod. Brahmint.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I43
Id MS. Harl. 4979 Alexander and his knights are
unarmed, presumablj' to show that he was not going to
attack them, but this seems to be exceptional. -
The three little heads under the arm of the sciapod
at Dennington represent the Brachmani (plate iii, no. 2) ;
the carver has so disposed them because he had no other
convenient space in the panel. Their association affords
good evidence that he was working from a manuscript.
In the Bodleian manuscript there are certain figures
illustrated which are wanting in the Westminster manu-
script, namely : _
1. An ape-like figure kneeling on one knee and pointing
to the next figure ; possibly a wild man.
2. A bearded satyr with hairy body, toed feet and
horse-tail holding a club and serpent.
3. A human figure with a horn projecting from his
forehead and three toes on his feet holding an object
shaped like a sausage. A mask is drawn just below.
4. Another figure with a very long nose and cloven
feet. This and the previous figure are naked and may be
fauns. In MS. Harl, 2799 the satyr is described as ' satyrus
vel faunus,' and has a long slender nose sharply bent up at
the end and held in his right hand. This is the artist's
rendering of ' aduncis naribus.'
5. A man with ears as large as his face. He represents
the Panothii, a people so-called because their ears were
so large that they shaded the whole of their body. In
MS. Harl. 2799 the ears fall below the knees and
fit tightly like a cloak (fig. 2). Pliny says that this is
the only covering they have.*
6. A figure with three clawed beast's feet ; uncertain.
Reference will be made to these at a later stage, j
RABANUS ON PRODIGIES.
The account given in the Westminster and Bodleian
manuscripts is only part of the chapter ' de Portentis ' as
given in Isidore's Etymology and the de Universo of Rabanus,
and by reference to the latter' we can account for the
figures on the first page of the Westminster manuscript
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SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS. I4.5
which are not mentioned in the texts. The chapter
also tells us what is the general signification of such
prodigies, but does not attach any specific symbolism to
each.'-
Rabanus commences by quoting Varro's statement
that * portenta ' (wonders or prodigies) are those creatures
which appear to have been born contrary to nature ; but,
as a theologian, he at once steps in and lays down the law
that they are not unnatural, because they came into
existence by the divine will, since the will of the Creator
is the very essence of everything that is created. All such
wonders or prodigies are expressed by the words ' portenta,'
' ostenta,' ' monstra,' or ' prodigia,' because they foretell
future events, as the etymology of these words proves.
This, he says, is their proper signification, but by the
licence of writers it has been generally perverted.
Rabanus has here borrowed from Cicero.'
Certain kinds of created prodigies, he continues, appear
to have been constituted for predicting future events,
for God is willing at times to signify future events by
the form of creatures misshapen at their birth, as he also
does by dreams or oracles, by which he signifies to certain
nations or men future disasters, and that is proved by
numerous trials. For instance the fox^ born of a mare
certainly foretold to Xerxes that his kingdom would be
broken up. To Alexander likewise the monstrous off-
spring of a woman, the upper parts of its body the parts
of a man but dead, the lower parts those of different
animals but living, signified his sudden murder ; for, he
says, the worse elements had outlived the better. But
these prodigies, which are given by way of signs, do not
live long, but die directly they are born. *
He then points out the difference between prodigies
and deformities, the former being wholly changed, as
is related of a woman in Umbria who gave birth to a
serpent " ; the latter, however, only show a slight change,
'Text ia Migne, Palnlegia, vol cxi, moaimnii child for hii utraDomcr to tee.
coL 195. In MS. 10 A. T ind Hirl. 4979 it ii dnwn
■ if Netara dtorum, lib. ii, chip. iii. u a child M to Ibe upper lulf, uid below
* Herodotut, TJi, J7, > h>n : lee alio V>1- u a wild bnit having Uon-Ukc Icgi ind nil.
eriut Maiimiu, lib. i, ch. 6, is Prodipii. Ia MS. 19 D. i it it 1 dinunutive centiur-
* In the minuKiipt Romiincci thcic arc like creatuie.
minutufti of Alexander holding out thit * Plin;, bk. ni, ch. 3.
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146 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
as the man born with six fingers. Other instances are
giants, as Tityos, who when lying stretched out covered
a space of nine acres ; or dwarfs, or those whom the Greeks
call Pygmies. Others have certain parts of abnormal
size, or a misshapen head, or superfluous limbs, as men
with two heads and three hands, or the Cynodontes with
their two pairs of projecting teeth. Others again have
limbs unequal in size, such as hands or feet, or show the
complete absence of some part, as creatures born without
a hand or a head ; or again where a head or leg is born
alone, thanks to Numeria. ^ One or two instances are then
given of transformations in part only, as those who have
the countenance of a lion or dog, or the head or body of a
bull, as the Minotaur to which they say Pasiphae gave birth ;
and lastly of others, which are wholly transformed into a
monstrous creation of a different kind, as the calf born
of a woman.
There is another class, namely those who have the
position of their organs transposed, as the eyes in the
breast or on the forenead, and there is the case of a man
who, Aristotle tells us, had his liver on the left side and
his spleen on the right. Others have too many fingers
on one hand and by some joining-up process too few on
the other ; and similarly with their toes. ^ Others again
who through premature and untimely growth are born
with teeth ready formed, or with beards or grey hair.
Then there are the hermaphrodites, with the right breast
of a man and left of a woman, who beget or bear children
in turn. Several of such figures we have seen illustrated
in the Westminster manuscript.
At this point the texts of the Westminster and other
manuscripts coincide with that of Rabanus so closely
that we may take them together. They begin with the
statement that as in every people there are said to be
abnormal men, so in the whole human race there are
monstrous peoples such as giants, dog-headed men, Cyclopes,
etc. The origin of giants is discussed, the alternatives.
being that they were reckoned by the etymology of their
name to be born of the earth, because the earth in giving
■ The goddeu of quick biTih. * Dc CiumaDt illuitratci a figure with hii.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I47
birth to them according to the fable produced them of
immense bulk hie herself ; or that they were the result
of the union of the sons of God and the daughters of men,
as recorded in Genesis vi, 1-4. The CynocephaU or dog-
headed men are then described. They are born in India,
and ' their feark betrays them to be beasts rather than
men.'
Pliny speaks of the CynocephaU both as apes and
men. He says that they are very fierce,^ and that there
is a race of Aethiopian nomads called the Menismim,
who live on their muk,^ which hardly seems compatible.
In the very same chapter he alludes to them as a tribe of
men who have the heads of dogs, and clothe themselves
with the skins of wild beasts. Instead of speaking they
bark, and being furnished with claws, they live by hunting
and catching birds. Solinus (ch. xxx) describes them as
a kind of ape numerous in parts of Aethiopia, and adds
that they bite savagely, take tremendous leaps, and cannot
be tamed. This passed into the bestiaries, but there do
not seem to be any pictures. A Cynocephalus is however
illustrated in the manuscript of Mandeville and in Harl.
2799 ; it is treated as a man, and in the latter manuscript
is tailed and is eating a small animal (fig. 2).' It is
recognbed in nature as the baboon. There is a good
carving upon a bench-end at UfEord, Suffolk, where it
is treated as an ape.
The Cyclopes come next, with a single eye in their
foreheads : then the Blemyae ; the people in the far East
with the strange faces ; the Panothii, with the large ears ;
and the Artabatitae, who walk like cattle. These have
already been noticed.
The account proceeds with a description of the Satyrs,
who are ' little men with hooked noses, horns on the fore-
head, and goats' feet, like that one which Saint Anthony
saw in the desert, who having been asked by the servant
of God what he was, replied ; " I am a mortal, one of the
' U. Tiii, So (54). Ion) et con giuC et gicUnt flambE pirmi li
,,..., ' bouche.' Thej an drawn u Daked men,
■bt. nt, ch. 2. ^jj, jj^,j, KKmbUng ho™.' rathrt than
* Id the RoDunce of AleMnder die dogi', and large while boin' tiula (i.e.
CTnoccpbali appear geDcrall; ai ' lei quj- canioe teeth). In MS. HatL 4979 the/ an
niNofalia ' or ' c)u<nii>kefail1i.' The text uji anncd with dubi and the fonmott i>
thcjhave 'teitetianiblablciachevaletdeni pieiccd bj Alexandct'i ipeir.
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148 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
inhabitants of the desert, whom the pagans, obsessed by
a strange delusion, worship as fauns and satyrs." ' ^ Then
we get a reference to wild men : ' And there are certain
men of the woods (silvcstres homines) spoken of, whom
some people call a race of quasi-fauns.'* This is taken
from Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah, ch. xiii, 20-2a.
Then follows a reference to the Hippopodes, a race of
Scythia who have a human figure and horses' feet,' and
the Antipodes in Lybla, who have the soles of their feet
turned behind their legs, * and eight toes on the soles,'
The question is discussed why they are so called, namely
whether it is due to their feet, or whether to their
supposed situation on the opposite side of the earth.
The latter is regarded as a fable, and quite impossible
on physical grounds. Tlie author seems to have mixed
up the description given by Pliny in bk. vii, ch. 2 (taken
from Megasthenes), of a race of men who dwelt upon
a mountain called Nulo and had their feet turned back-
ward and eight toes on each foot, with the account of
the ' Antipodes ' in bk. ii, ch. 65. In the latter Pliny
makes no mention of the eight toes, but discusses the
problem generally as to whether the Antipodes exist ;
and says that there is a great contest between the learned
and the vulgar on the point. Augustine too* argues
the matter and treats the existence of the Antipodes
as a fable, saying that it is not credible that there are men
on the opposite side of the earth, where the sun rises when
it sets to us, men who walk with their feet the opposite way
to ours. Isidore takes the same view,^ and so it passed
through to our manuscripts. There is an illustration
of one of them with reversed feet and nine toes in MS.
Harl, 2799. He holds a short hammer (fig. 2).'
' From Jeroroc'i Lift 0/ Saint Paul. itrii^. Women with harm' feet arc
■ ' Fiunoi licariDi,' literally ' fig-Cree Hluttnced in Alexander'! Roounce. In
fminL" In Andrew." Dicliaiiary (1861] it MS. lo A. v and 1; E. vi thej are naked ;
ii luggeiced that (he rank growtb dI the lig in MS. 19 D. i they are drawn u bearded
it uied hy Jerome Co illuitiatF the luxuriant men in tunica ; all have honti' hoofi.
babiti of fauDi i but we have prefemd to * dc Civitati Dei, bk. ivi, ch, 9.
take fUariu a> equal Co vicaTuu ; the wordi ■ Elym. bk. ii, ch. I.
' faunoi ' or ' laCuoi vicarioi ' might then ' Mr. P. M. Johnaton hai dnwa 017
be rendered ' quaii-fauni.' aCtenCion to the iculpcurei of human mon-
' He Hippopodei, according to PliiiT, icraaitiei on the doorway of the narthei
Vladeleine, VfieLay, of which iketchei
ed in Tbi BuiUiT far Decen^i,
Some of the Gguiet have loit Cheii
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I49
The account of the sciapod follows, then the Macrobii,
the Pigmies, and the Brachmaoi, all of whom have been
dealt with. In Rabanus alone there is a curious item
added about the Pigmies, to the effect that the common
people call them ' septemcaulinos ' or ' seven cabbage
men,' because seven of them rest under a single cabbage-
leaf. This may be an interpolation.
After a reference to a race of women in India, who
bear children at five years of age and do not live beyond
eight years, we leave the manuscripts and follow Rabanus
alone, who says that we are told of other human prodigies
which do not really exist, but are inventions and can be
explained by natural causes. For example Geryon, the
king of Spain, who is represented with three bodies. For
there were three brothers of a nature so harmonious that
there was in their three bodies as it were but one soul. The
Gorgons too, harlots with snakes for hair, who had between
them but one eye, which they used in turn. They were
three sisters of a uniform beauty, single-eyed as it were,
who so fascinated those who looked at them that they
were thought to turn them into stones. We have already
remarked on the possibility of the figure with the triple
face in the Westminster manuscript being Geryon. The
Gorgon sisters are illustrated in the Cambridge manuscript.
The miniature shows them seated side by side holding
a large eye between them. They have eyes in their heads
as well. ^ One of them points to some ugly faces on the
border which may perhaps represent those who are turned
into stones. The remaining subjects dealt with in the
chapter are the Siren, Scylla, Cerberus, Hydra, Chimaera,.
Minotaur and Centaur.
RELIGIOUS SIGNIFICANCE OF PRODIGIES.
Rabanus as a theologian naturally seeks to push his
argument in a religious sense. He says it should be noted
beadi, but amoog chcm ate the Panothii, about to mouat a hone bj meuu of a
man, woman and child, with eaonnoiuean; ladder let agaicit it, and a group of thne
a rata and woman with pigi' mouu ; two mm - in clogi couTeniag ; tbejr all have
Cfnocfphali, one of whom holdi a iwoid ; club). Neaiiy all thete figurei are clothed,
and oChcr figurei in pain geiticulacing and ' The arbtt here perhapt had the Giaeae id
maldng tigni mth their handi, who mMj mind: thef had but oneefc between them.
peiiupi be the people without tongnei. No doubt he mixed up two cpitodei in
Tlicn it abo a cuiiotu icnlpnire of a man the legend of Perteua.
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150 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
that sometimes acts of the prophets are called portents
when they predict something about future events, and
he quotes the passage in which the Lord addresses Ezelciel
as ' Son of man, I have given thee for a sign and portent
to the house of Israel ' ^ ; and how the prophet was com-
manded to sleep at one time on his right side, and at
another on his left, to predict the vengeance of the Lord
on the people of Israel.' Again Isaiah vns commanded
to walk naked and barefoot as a sign of the devastation
of the country of the Jews and the captivity of Israel.'
The passage in Joel, * rejieated in the Acts, " is also quoted
in full. And then, in his role as moralist, he winds up
to the effect that it is not necessary for us to discuss more
closely the wonders which the books of the heathen
narrate ; but this we should surely believe, that what-
soever strange things really and truly come into existence
and are described as changes from the ordinary course
of nature cannot be produced without the planning and
vrill of God, who performs and disposes all things rightly
and properly, since ' the Lord is righteous in all his ways
and holy in all his works.''
Although no specific symbolism is attached to any of
the prodigies surveyed by Rabanus, an attempt is made in
the Westminster group of manuscripts to give a meaning
to some of them. Giants for instance, being larger than
the usual size of men, are a type of proud men who like
to be especially noticed, as those who make a show as long
as you praise them ; as it is said of proud Saul, that he
was taller by a shoulder and more than all the people.
Humility however is shown in David (the pigmy) who was
the least of all the brethren. The Cynocephali with
heads like dogs typify detractors and quarrelsome persons.
The Panothii have big ears for hearing evil. Those who
cover themselves with the lower lip are those of whom
it is said ; ' Let the mischief of their own Ups cover
them.'' As for the remaining kinds the curious reader
may write them down more fuHy either in black or golden
letters as he pleases.
> Eiek. xii, 6. *u, tj-ta.
-Ex.1. It, 4-6. .ft.cd,, ,7.
*u,»8-Ji. 'Pi.cil,^
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\F. H. Cnsslty, pbet.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 151
That the early Christian theologians were exercised
in mind as to the dangers of belief in these prodigies is
evident from the chapter in the de CivitaU Dei of
Augustine, ^ where he discusses the question fully whether
certain monstrous races of men spoken of in secular history
were derived from the stock of Adam or Noah's sons. He
reviews most of the prodigies which we meet again in
Rabanus, and advises us that we are not bound to believe
all we hear about them. ' But whoever is anywhere born a
man, that ts, a rational mortal animal, no matter what
unusual appearance he presents in colour, movement,
sound, nor how peculiar he is in some power, part, or
quality of his nature, no Christian can doubt that he
springs from that one protoplast. We can distinguish
the common human nature from that which is peculiar,
and therefore wonderful.'
Isidore was well acquainted with Augustine's writings,
for in his description of the Cynocephali he uses the same
words ; and the very first sentence of the account in the
Westminster manuscript accords with that of the second
paragraph in Augustine, showing how his views had been
passed down.
USE OF THE MANUSCRIPTS BY CARVERS.
From this survey we may well understand that the
carvers had abundant justification for employing these
figures in ecclesiastical buildings. They no doubt made
full use of the miniatures in the manuscripts as models.
Many of these monstrous forms are now difficult to find,
but it is to be hoped that in time more wiU be recognised
among the enormous number of carvings in stone and wood
that we have in our churches. We know that subjects from
the Romance o£ Alexander were deemed suitable, for there
are several examples of his flight into the sky on misericords. *
The companion subject of his descent into the sea in a glass
barrel is however not yet recorded. Possibly the former
scene was regarded in a symbolic light denied to the latter.
' bk. xvi, i. and two Gloucnter eximpkt >r iUutCnwd
* BcTtrl^ St. M«y, Ckutcr, DarliiigtoQ, in P. Bond, Mutiictrit (1910), 78-80,
'"oln. The Lincoln, Chettcr
Digitized r,yGOOgIe
152 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
THE SATYR.
One of the human prodigies mentioned in the West-
minster manuscript is the satyr. Satyrs are described as
' homunciones,' i.e. little men, with hooked noses, horns
on the forehead, and goats' feet. They are very difficult
to find in mediaeval church sculpture, but there is a
good carving of the twelfth century on a cap in the
cloisters at Moissac (Tarn-et -Garonne), where it is enclosed
in the fohage and bears an axe. We are disposed to think
it is here intended for a human monstrosity. The re-
naissance brought the classical satyr into favour, and
examples are numerous on late misericords in French
churches, as at Saint-Sernin, Toulouse. There is a good
instance in Dordrecht cathedral church, where the stalls
date from about 1540 ; it is holding a dragon.
The only figures approximating in form to the satyr
known to us in mediaeval architecture in this country are
on misericords at Chichester, one at the cathedral church
and the other at St. Mary's hospital. Both date from
the end of the thirteenth or the beginning of the fourteenth
century. In the example at the cathedral (plate iv, no. i)
the figure has a man's bearded face with a somewhat benign
expression, human arms and hands, and the body, legs, hoofed
feet, and tail of a horse. The arms are raised in a very
awkward manner, due to the necessity of composing the
subject conveniently under the ledge ; and it is holding
its tail. It has no horns. The figure at St. Mary's hospital
is on the same lines, but has feet with three toes instead
of hoofs ; it is in the attitude of holding its tail, but the
latter is not visible. The identity of these creatures will
be discussed shortly.
There is a good reason for the absence of the satyr as
such from mediaeval architecture, for it was the model
upon which the demon of the West was founded, and it
is in this guise that we have it. Take for instance an
illustration in the Cotton MS. Nero C. iv (B.M.) of the
twelfth century.^ It is a scene of hell-torments. The
demons are of a revolting character. They have the
horns, hairy bodies, and tails of the satyr ; their feet
< lUiulntcd ID Ardaal. Jm. Urii, ju, ud Svrty Arcb. CnU. ixiii, 13.
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NO. I. SATyiiua(?): cHicHEtTEit cathedral
. 2. (ATYRUS :
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE, I53
are either cloven or clawed, and they have snub-noses,
a fringe of hair round the face, and grinning mouths.
The two principal demons are chopping a man's hands
off ; others are attending to a cauldron in which a party
of souls is being tortured. One of them has fallen out
and is being pulled back by a demon with a hook.
Such demons are numerous both in manuscripts and
carving. Three of them may be seen upon a tympanum
of the twelfth century now preserved in the Yorkshire
Philosophical Society's museum at York, where they are
engaged in securing the soul of a dying man which is
escaping through his mouth (fig. 3).
ONS ON A TYMPANUM :
■HicAL society's museum, yokk.
While the bodily form of the demon follows the satyr
closely, there is often variety of treatment in the head.
In the great painting at Chaldon church, Surrey, c. 1200
in date, there is another hell-torment scene. The three
large demons there have almond-shaped eyes, ears erect,
and grinning mouths with protruding tongues. They
have also hoofed or clawed feet and tails. ^
This grinning face with tongue out was not a fanciful
mode of making the demon appear more repulsive, but
was adopted from a classical source. It reproduces the
Gorgon's head, or more particularly the head of Medusa.
Such heads are common in classical art on shields, coins,
etc. and a variety may be seen on antefixes or roof-tiles
' llluilnted in Artbatd. ytarn. Uvi, 31J and Sunry Arcb. Ctll. xxiii, 1,
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154 ^'^^^ ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
in the British Museum,* They have the features before
mentioned : the wide mouth, projecting tongue and hair
round the face. Some have fangs, and a minor feature
which should be noted is the mark down the middle of the
tongue. There was every reason for the adoption of the
Gorgon head, for Medusa was one of the inhabitants of
Hades. The terrible nature of her appearance is a common
theme with the Greek poets, and it was the object of the
mediaeval artist to make his demons as terrifying as possible.
The masks worn by men at the Bacchanalian festivals
were on the same lines, as may be seen on gems. ^ They
were dressed to represent satyrs, and had the same grinning
mouth, protruding tongue, and horns on the head.
These demon faces are common on misericords and
bosses, for which they were suitable as compositions. For
instance, upon a misericord at Minster in Thanet both
the wing subjects are demon faces of the Medusa type,
with ears and fringe, wide mouth and mark upon the
tongue.^ An excellent example may be seen on a boss
in the cloisters at Lincoln minster (fig. 4). The demon
' lUuimtrd in Sarrty Arch. Call, i:
It. - iiiuttntea ini
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 155
face is quite typical, and very expressive. There are
others at Southwark cathedral church, on bosses piled up
in the north transept.^ On one of them the Medusa
type is faithfully portrayed ; on another the subject is
treated in satirical fashion, for in place of the protruding
tongue the artist has represented the skirt and boots
of a woman whom the demon is swallowing. The details
correspond closely with the two twelfth-century carvings
of St. Margaret at Bretforton in Worcestershire and
Cotham in Yorkshire, where she is swallowed by a dragon.
Having considered the development of the demon
of the West out of the satyr from the point of view of
art, we may now see how far it is supported by documentary
evidence. Clement of Alexandria^ alludes to the dramas
and poets as intoxicated in Bacchic fashion, and couples
them with * satyrs and the frenzied rabble and the rest
of the demon crew.' Jerome associates satyrs and fauns
with demons in his commentary on Isaiah, xiii, 21, and
xixiv, 14, in which the prophet predicts the desolation
of Babylon. Various creatures frequent the ruins, among
them those called ' pilosi.' The passages run ; ' Et
pilosi saltabunt ibi ' (and hairy creatures shall dance there)
and ' Et pilosus clamabit alter ad alterum ' (and the
hairy creature shall call to his fellow). The words ' sa'ir,*
* sdrim,* in the Hebrew are usual for buck-goats, but are
used in Lev. xvii, 7, and 2 Chron. xi, 15, for demon-gods
of a semi-human semi-goat form, i.e. the form of a satyr.
These gods would be known to the Israelites from their
sojourn in Egypt. Jerome comments on the rendering
of the first passage by the Septuagint and other translators,
and says ; ' Hairy creatures shall dance there,' they
understand them to be either spirits, or satyrs, or certain
men of the woods (silvestres homines) whom some people
call quasi-fauns,^ or kinds of demons. Gregory in his
Moralia also discusses the nature of the * pilosi ' thus :
'HbuOtttdiaSiirrtyArci.Ctll. udii.ii. wonhipped i
* EtibirUliaK u tbt bieibn, di. i. whereupon t
' Hiu we hive teen repeated in llie d^ of Aleuodiii and eickimed ;
WeitminMer nuDiucripL Jerome alw to thee, Aleimdiu, who wonhippnt
anocutei utjn with demow in hii account wonden (portenu] initeid of God; woe
of the meeting of St. Anthoay with the to thee, thou impure dt}', in whiii the
larft ID the dcMit. The titter told demoni of the whole world at gathered
Antbonf that lie and hit companioiu wen togtthet.'
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156 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
' Now demons consort with onocentaurs, because
malignant spirits are most zealously and willingly devoted
to those whom they observe to rejoice over those things
which they ought to lament. And so it is suitably added :
*' And the hairy creature calls to his fellow." For what
others are indicated by the name " pilosi " than those
creatures which the Greeks call " panas " (fauns) and the
Latins " incubos," for their form certainly commences
with the human figure, but ends in the lower limbs of
a beast. ' *
FIC. 5. APES AS SATYRS : MS. HAUL. 3244 (B.M.)
THE SATYRUS.
The two figures at Chichester, although resembling
satyrs, are certainly not intended for demons. There
is nothing repulsive about them. They may either
■ The ononnUur irill be dcKiibed fiu- m^diologj [HcCurcd to itMlf wtie i^rim.
chcr on. DeLiluch pgintt out the difficulty Viigil, likt luUh, c*Ui thttn lailaaui
of dtGniag the minitU in thete dupura uiyroi.' And igiin : ' But the utjn and
and U71 : ' At Rich heud in Bi^d, the the liUth, which were only the aifipiing
luini are itill regarded ai a rendeivaua foi of tlie popular behel, what of them ? Thej
gboalt : tair, when coolnited with aituJ, too would he there ^ for in the mum in-
■ignifiei the full'grown ahaggj buck-goat) tended hj the prophet Chej were acnial
but here itlnm ii applied to demoni in the deviLi, which he merelj' call> bj weU-
thspe of goiti (■■ in chap, xxaiv. 14). known popular namei to produce a iptctnl
According to the Kripturea, the deacrt it impcrHion.' (ClaA'i JbiaUgical Liirary,
the abode of unclean tpiiiii, and >uch 4ih acriei, vol. liv, 304, and voL it, 73.)
unclean apiritt ai the papular belief or
D,„i,z.d, Google
D,„i,z.d , Google
\G. C. D.
CREAT APE (i) : WINCHESTIR CATHEDRAL CHUBCH.
. Z. SAClTTARtUS AND SAVAGE MAN ; WEST
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I57
represent the satyr or faun as a human monstrosity,
following the manuscripts, or there is another alternative :
they may be apes. This might appear somewhat far-
fetched were it not that there is a great ape recorded by
classical writers called the ' satyrus.' Pliny, Solinus, and
Aeiian all tell us about it, and it is also described and
illustrated in the bestiaries immediately after the ' simiae,'
or common apes. It was called the satyrus because of
its supposed likeness in appearance and habits to the
classical satyr. As the artists had no other description
and did not itnow what it was lite, they drew it as a satyr,
in fact so much the same that it is impossible to tell which
is which. Thus we see them appearing in the bestiaries as
naked bearded men with horns, human or goat legs and feet,
and horse tail, holding various objects such as a knobbed
staff, suggestive of the thyrsus,^ a branch," a serpent,^
a wine cup,* axe and shield,^ or drinking from a cup.'
MS. Harl. 3244 (B.M.) affords a typical illustration
(tig. 5). The heading in this manuscript runs : ' de
satiris monstruosis,* showing that the scribe had the
satyr in mind. The text is taken from SoUnus, ' where he
describes several apes : ' And there are those which they call
satyrs, with faces after a manner pleasing, but in gesture and
movement restless.' Pliny ^ says : ' In the mountainous
districts of the eastern parts of India, in what is called
the country of the Catharcludi, we find the satyr, an
animal of extraordinary swiftness. These go sometimes
on four feet and sometimes walk erect ; they have also the
features of a human being. On account of their swiftness
they are never to be caught except when they are either
old or sickly.' Also, that it is very fierce,* and again
that it stows away food in the pouches of its cheeks, and
takes it out piece by piece and eats it.^" In other passages
(fHN iiultad of II qm. Tbc uliit wu
MS. 61, St, jDhn'i Coll. Oiford.
■MS. 11 C.iii(B.M.)-
■H«1.3i44(B.M.)i MS. .78, Si. John'.
an animal more 01 leu Uke a hone in r
CoU.
with a pair of long honu and the iIot
*MS. Bodl.76+.
oi the eatyr.
•MS.H«Lj244-
' PolybiHar, ch. ixi, d, Afrua.
'MS. HacL *7si. Thert u a curioai
'lA.rii,di.a.
• W. Tiii, So (S4).
The Kribt made 1 mittalce and wrote
'•bk. I, 93(71).
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158 SOME ABNORMAI. AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
he alludes to * men born with long hairy tails and of
remarkable swiftness of foot,' * which presumably refers
to them, and speaks of ' a people in Aethiopia called the
Satyri, who beyond their figure have nothing in common
with the human race.'' Aelian* gives an interesting
account of their habits : ' When you have crossed the
farthest mountains of India, you come to a place of deep
valleys, where live animals having the appearance and
form of satyrs, with bodies all hairy, and said to be
furnished with tails like horses. When they are undis-
turbed by hunters, they live in the thickets and woods
and feed on leaves and fruit ; but when they hear the
sound of the hunters and barking of the dogs, they
run up to the tops of the hills with incredible smftness,
and fight those who follow them by rolling down rocks
upon them, by which means many persons have been
caught and killed. So they are captured with difficulty,
only those being taken which are sick or heavy with
young.'
There is a remarkable carving of this creature in a
panel of the stalls at Lincoln minster, of late fourteenth-
century date, which displays some of the details illustrated
in the bestiaries combined with natural features (plate iv,
no. 2). It is holding its tail exactly as the figure in
Chichester cathedral church. Its form and attitude are
sufficiently like a natural ape of the orang-utan class to
suggest that the carver had seen one. Yet he was evidently
influenced by conventional treatment, for he has given it
a wonderful pair of horns, which must have been borrowed
from a sheep. In view of the fact that this ape holds its
tail it seems likely that the two figures at Chichester are
intended for apes.*
The satyrus is generally recognised as the orang-utan.
In the Malayan language ' orang-utan ' means ' wild msin
of the woods,' and we would venture the opinion that
all the creatures known to the ancients as satyrs, fauns,
and wild men were originally anthropoid apes of some
kind.
> bk. V, ck. s.
•bk. ni, <h. 21.
* At St. Nieholu, King'i Ljnn, there
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I59
Apes are common in church carving, and are as a
rule naturally drawti. Their form was well known, as they
were kept as pets. A great ape was, however, probably
a rare visitor. There is a carving upon a misericord in
Winchester cathedral church, c. 1300 in date (plate v,
no. i), and others at Edlesborough (Bucks.) and Saint-
Marcel, near Argenton-sur-Creuse (Indre), about two
hundred years later, which may represent anthropoid
apes. An alternative is that they are wild men.^
THE SAVAGE MAN.
We may now pass on to consider the ' homo silvestris '
or wild man of the woods, of whom there are many
carvings in churches. References in classical authors
are few and vague in character. Herodotus' says that
in the western parts of Libya ' there are enormous serpents,
and lions, and monsters with dogs' heads, and without
heads, who have eyes in their breasts, at least as the
Libyans say, and wild men and wild women (ol ayptot,
avSpii Koi yvwtiKes aypujn), and many other wild beasts
(which are) not fabulous.'
Pliny ^ speaks of ' silvestres homines' in a country
called Abarimon situate in a certain great valley of mount
Imaus,* with feet turned backward relatively to their
legs, and of wonderful velocity. They wander about
indiscriminately with the wild beasts. Also in the same
chapter, of a nation called the Choromandae which dwell
in the woods, that have no proper voice, but screech
horribly. Their bodies are covered with hair, their eyes
are sea-green, and their teeth are those of a dog. As this
follows immediately after an account of the satyr, which
'In Wo muiuicripW, Harl. 4751 and
th«ir native place. The aitiiti have dnmi
BooL 7«4. tl« ■ aliitrich«,' or fine-h.i«d
them wth a mane of fine hair niching
half-way down thf body and with an
animal rather than a human fan ; other-
of Ihem immediately loUowing that of the
wi« they reatmblc the wtyrt. One of
latyrui, and ihitit ttpetud in the biitiariei.
theie apci appean upon the aame bench-
The leit layt that th» ' callitriebM ' i«
and ha. a mane of fine hair.
ihey have a beard, a bu.hy tall, and ate
'bk. i», 191.
cuj to catch, but difficult to rear; and
■ bfc. vii, ch. 2.
they cannot li»t anywhen but in Atthiopia,
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l6o SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
he calls an animal, it must refer to the Cynocephali, or
baboons. There is little doubt that all the above creatures
described by Pliny are apes. * Later on we have Jerome's
opinion that ' silvestres homines ' were held to be a kind
of faun. Mandeville's description is clearly taken from
classical sources and is based on the satyr or faun : ' In
that desert (of India) there be many wild men, that be
hideous to look upon ; for they be horned and speak
nought, but they grunt as pigs.'
Despite this association with the satyr or faun, it is
certain that the * homo silvestris ' did not follow them
in being converted into a demon in ecclesiastical art. In
both manuscripts and carvings he bears no resemblance
to a demon, but remains a man. This is probably due
to the fact that he is not represented in classical art as
the satyr is, so far as we know. The nearest approach
that we have been able to find is a so-called ' Panno-
seilenos ' on a lamp of the first century a.d. (B.M.), who
appears as a hairy human figure holding a long knobbed
staff.
There are two sources from which we get news and
illustrations of the savage man in the middle ages, namely
from a French bestiary^ in the Arsenal library, Paris, and
manuscripts of Alexander's Romance, both dating from
about 1300. In the former he appears as a quite virtuous
character, and fights with a centaur. The story is entitled,
' Del sagittaire et del salvage home,' and runs as follows :
The Natural Philoiopher tells lu that in one part of the deterts of
India there is a race of men who have a horn upon their foreheads and
who ate savage men. These people make war continuall}' against the
Sagittarii, and the Sagittarii against them. These people star in the top)
of the trees of their own will, on account of the wild animals, of which
there ii ' a great plenty ' about them ; serpents and dragons, and griflins,
and bean, and lions, and all other kinds of vermin. The savage man is
quite naked, unless he has at some time or other fought with » lion and
killed it, and has clothed himself with the skin of the lion.
The Natural Philosopher says that the Christian man is typified hv
the Sagittarius, and the soul is typified by the savage man. For the soul
makes war always against the body and the body against it. They are
always in opposition the one to the other. The soul wishes to be miatreii
of the body, and the body mshes to be master of the soul, because it is
'HotttXtjfriPaiaca, 391, UKt the ward) 'MS. ]Si6.
indicatr undviliud nun or fotciten.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCI* ARCHITECTURE. l6l
desirous of the pleasures of the world. What the savage man's flight to the
trees for fear of the beasts sigmfies is the soul which is always peaceable and
always shrinks from war, and cries to and loves its creator. Aa to the savage
man fighting with the lion and tilling it, and clothing himself with the
Aia of the lion, this signifies that the soul fights so hard against its body
that it conquers it, and that it kills its body and destroys all the vanities
Jind the delights that it is wont to love in the world. So the soul escapes
from the hands of its enemy by the grace that God has given it, just as the
savage man conquers the lion by grace, and by his courage, and by the
endurance with which God has endowed him.
And thou, O man, who livest in sin, despise the world, make confession
to the priest, do penance ; and believe that God is so merciful that he
FlC. 6 SACITTARlUa AND SAVAGE MAN : MS. 3516 AKSENAL LIBRARY, PARIS.
receives all those who pray to him for mercy from a good heart and with
true repentance and fills them with everlasting joy. He deUvers them
from their adversaries who seek to destroy them, as he delivers the savage
man from the lion.
The miniature shows the savage man with a large
horn upon his forehead and clothed in a lion's sldn,
attacking a centaur with a spear. The centaur shoots
an arrow at him; hence his name 'Sagittarius' (fig. 6).
This story occurs in no other existing bestiary that
we are acquainted with, but must have been based on
one of the earlier Latin or Greek versions, as ' Physiologus '
is quoted. The details suggest that the savage man was
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l62 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
derived from the accounts of wild men g^ven in the classical
writers already mentioned. He lives in the trees in India,
and is associated with wild beasts. His horn is presumably
that of the faun and his figure copied from a monstrosity
illustrated in a manuscript of the Westminster class. For
reasons that will be given presently, it is likely that the
centaur here is an ass-centaur and not a horse-centaur.
The scene is represented on the twelfth-century font at
West Rounton, Yorkshire, but the composition is crude.
The savage man is indicated merely by a bearded head and
shoulders, and he holds the bow of the centaur, who points
his arrow at him (plate v, no. z).
FIG. 7. HERCULES AHD LION: FROM A LAMP.
From Smith's CUmcal Ditiimary, p. 30B, cd. ig;S.
It is difficult to understand the character of the savage
man in this story. He is altogether the opposite of his
dissolute confrere, the satyr. It is possible that the
author, anxious to find a suitable character to champion
the spiritual element in man, was attracted by the primitive
nature and habits of the * homo silvestris,' whether man
or ape, and adopted him for his purpose. There are,
however, elements in the story which are deserving of
notice. The first part is devoted to the savage man's
fight with the centaur, the remainder to his fight vrith
the lion. When he has killed the lion, he wears its skin.
In both respects we have a close analogy vrith exploits of
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. l6$
Heicules. He is represented as naked ; he fought with
the centaurs who were dissolute creatures, and with other
monsters or animals, including a lion, and wore its sUn.
The latter scene appears on lamps and vases. In the
illustration from a lamp here reproduced (fig. 7) Hercules
has thrown away his club, which is behind him, and is
strangling the lion. He has got its head under his right
arm, while the lion is clawing his leg. These details are
mentioned because in the crypt at Canterbury cathedral
church there is a twelfth-century capital which shows the
same features (tig. 8). A naked man is fighting a lion.
FIC. 8. SAVAGE MAN (?) AND LIOH : CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL CHURCH.
The head of the Hon is under his right arm, and its paw
rests on his leg as before, but its tail is difEerently com-
posed in order to fill the space on the capital. In place
of the club the man has a large tail, the foUated end of
which is carried up to balance the end of the hen's tail.
The question is, whom does this figure represent i Although
it is clearly an adaptation from one of the labours of
Hercules, it cannot be intended for him, for he is not
directly represented in mediaeval Christian art, so far
as we know, and he has no tail, although on some of the
Greek vases the tail of his lion's skin hangs in such a way
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164 SOME ABNORMAL AKD COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
that it might well be his. The alternatives are that it
is either a satyr, ape, or wild man. We know of no in-
stance of a satyr fighting with a lion in church carving,
and, as we have seen, the satyr became a demon. Nor
can we recall any instance of a great ape fighting with a
lion. The savage or wild man is left, but why should
he have a tail ? The carver perhaps had in mind Pliny's
descriptions, and the association oi the wild man with
the satyrs and fauns, and so gave him a tail ; it gave him
too the advantage of balancing his composition. If this
carving is any guide, it gives colour to the view that the
author of the story in the bestiary had Hercules in mind.
It might perhaps explain the virtuous character of the
savage man, as Hercules was regarded by the Greeks as
a hero and a type of manly endurance.
There are other carvings of m_en fighting vrith animals
which might bear the same signification, as the savage
man had so many and varied enemies, but it is difficult
to be sure about them. On the twelfth-century font at
Darenth, Kent, a nearly naked bearded man armed with a
club is seizing a vringed dragon. The early misericords
at Exeter, Wells, and Chichester do not provide examples,
but upon one at Winchester there is a pair of naked men
seated in oak foliage with a lion between them. On a
later misericord in Henry VII's chapel at Westminster
a naked bearded man is contending with a bear, and at
Faversham, upon a misericord of the fifteenth century,
a naked man armed with a spear and an enormous shield
hung by a thong round his neck is fighting a griffin. This
shield IS worthy of notice : it is composed of a wooden
frame covered with hides, and has a large central boss.
THE SAVAGE MAN IN THE ROMANCE OF ALEXANDER..
In addition to the Arsenal bestiary the French versions
of Alexander's Romance provide a description and illus-
trations of the savage man. He is burnt for being a
person of no understanding and like a beast. The heading
m MS. Harl. 4979 runs thus : ' Coment Alixandres
trouva un home sauvage et le fist ardoir pour ce que il
navoit point dentendement mais estoit ansi comme une
D,gH,zed.y Google
i DRAGON : CAILLC9LE
{F. H. Cmaliy, pb»l.
L : WHALLEr CHURCH.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 165
beste.' He is drawn as an immense naked bearded hairy
man lying bound to a stake in a fire. An attendant in a
tunic is holding him down with a pronged fork, and
Alexander and his party of knights look on. In MS.
19 D. i he resembles a hairy ape, and stands in a large
fire with hands crossed as if bound. In MS. 20 A. v he is.
dressed in a tunic, and in no way differs from the attendant
who holds him down in the fire ; this is due to the artist
drawing his figures to a type. In MS. 15 E. vi, of the
fifteenth century, he is naked and bearded, but not hairy,
and is seated bound to a post in a fire, which is stoked by
a man. There is no suggestion in any of the illustrations
that he is like a demon.
CHANGE IN TREATMENT OF THE SAVAGE MAN.
So far we have seen the savage man represented in
manuscripts and carving as a naked and generally a hairy
individual, apparently akin in his origin to the satyr and
laun. During the first half of the fourteenth century
a change in his appearance took place. He suddenly
becomes conventionalised, we may say almost standardised
in appearance, and blossoms out into great prominence
under his English name of ' wodewose.' Instead of
being naked or covered with rough hair, he appears as
if clothed in tightly-fitting sheep-skins, and generally
bears a knotted branch or club. His earlier form has
been noted in the Arsenal bestiary and Romance of
Alexander of the beginning of the fourteenth century,
and it is also seen in queen Mary's Psalter,^ of about
the same date, where a savage or wild man is being
worried by three dogs. He is naked and bearded, and
covered with rough hair. On the other hand, in Roy.
MS. 10 E. iv (B.M.) a book of Decretals of Gregory IX,
also early in the fourteenth century, there are many illus-
trations of savage or wild men and women as characters
in stories, which are all of the later or * wodewose ' type.
The time of the change may thus be narrowed down.
In MS. 20 B. XX, a fifteenth-century version of Alexander's
Romance, in the episode where the savage man is burnt
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l66 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
and where there can be no question of his identity, he is
twice drawn according to the new type, but in 15 E. vi,
another manuscript of the Romance of similar date, the
old type is retained. ^
Examples of the savage man or * wodewose * are
numerous, on fonts, corbels, misericords and benches of
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. He is usually
associated with animals, either fighting or controlling
them. At Carlisle he is rending a dragon's mouth with
both hands and so has no club (plate vi, no. i) ; at Lincoln
and Boston he fights a lion or griffin and also rides on a
chained lion ; at Chester a pair of them are astride dragons ' ;
at Norwich he holds a pair of lions as it were in leash
{plate VII, no. i) ; at Ripon he stands in a wood knocking
down acorns. These are on misericords. At Burwell,
Cambridgeshire, on the wooden cornice of the south aisle
he is leading an antelope by a rope. In stone carving,
upon a corbel at Tring, his body is partly wreathed and
he has a club. In the fifteenth-century churches of the
eastern counties he appears in the spandrils of porches, as
at Badingham, Parham, Yaxley, Swefling, and Cratfield,
the last named being particularly good. The savage man
armed with branch or club, in one spandril, faces his
opponent, generally a dragon, in the other. In the same
districts savage men, alternating with lions, serve as
supporters or buttresses to the stems of fifteenth-century
octagonal fonts as at Framlingham, Wymondhara, Orford,
Sazmundham, and Halesworth ; at the last named he is
bearded and wreathed, and holds a club and small buckler
(plate VII, no. z).'
There are a few instances in carving where the * wode-
wose ' occurs othervrise than associated with animals, but
his treatment is the same. In Chester cathedral church
upon a misericord there are three of them, apparently
in a jovial frame of mind. One is seated upon an
unfortunate wight, on whom he is playing a practical joke.
' It bu been luggeited tluC tbe ' wade- * lUuitntcd b; Band, Mittrittrii, 15.
WOK ' i> 1 different penon iltagetber from
the ' unge man,' but we cm we no ground * There ii ■ (oat of chii tjpe at Suple,
for luch a view. See a paper bf H. D. Kent ; and a modem vettion at Hillingdon,
Ellii on ' The WodewoH in Eail-Angliin MiddleKX, with both MTage men and
church decoration,' JoHm. Sugtli InilittiU women on the ttem.
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s =
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 167
At Whalley, Lancashire, the ' wodewose ' faces a girl who
holds a scroll bearing the legend in Norman French :
' Pensez molte, partez pou * (plate vi, no, 2). Whether
such carvings can be held to show that the wild man of
the woods was regarded as a real person, that he waylaid
passers by and had dealings with ordinary folk, is difficult
to say. It is quite likely that there were solitary dwellers
in the forests, and that they were regarded with some
degree otawe.
The question arises, what was the cause of this outburst
of popularity and change in treatment of the savage man.
Upon these points we have no definite evidence to offer.
Possible explanations may be either foreign or legendary
influence, or use in heraldry. The savage man was an
international personage. He appears in painting, c. 1380,
in the hall of the Alhambra ; on German tapestries ; and
on caskets. The scenes usually show him attempting to
carry off a lady, who is saved by a knight. On the Levesque
casket a party of wild men attack ladies in a castle and
knights come to the rescue.^
The savage man is a character in numerous legends.
In the story of Grisandole Merhn the enchanter poses
as a stag with a white foot and as a savage man, who
interprets the incomprehensible dream of Julius Caesar.*
In Roy. MS. 10 E. iv and the Taymouth Horae,' where
several stories are illustrated, there are many figures of
savage men and women of the later type, but nothing to
throw light on their development.
The influence of heraldry might be expected to count
for much, for instance, if the device had been adopted
as a badge by some prominent person such as royalty,
as was the case with the heraldic antelope. ' Wodewoses '
are mentioned in the wardrobe accounts of Edward III
in 1348 as having been used by him as an ornament :
For making thiee harnenes for the king, two of wUch were of white
Telret, worked with blue garters, and diapered thioughont with wodewosea,
and the third of cerulean relvet, with lapkin cniuaget and lioK worked with
garter*.
For making ' vizards,' twelve of which were men's heads having above
bj Mi. Rogci L. publiotioDi of the Modem
LdODUi. AuociadoD of America,
* Set L.A.P»toa, Jit lury of GriuaJtit, ' MS. 57, Yi ""
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l68 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
them a lion's head, twelve of men's heads sunnounted by elephaQtt*
heads, twelve of men's heads with bats' wings, twelve of heads of wodewoses,
seventeen of virgins' heads, ... for the king's pUys at Otford at Chtistmat
(I348).>
If the device had been systematically used by the king as a
badge, we should expect it to appear in can'ing on some
building with which he was specially connected, in the way
that the antelope appears on the vaulting of Henry V's
chapel at Westminster. ^ The savage man became very
popular as a supporter for armorial shields,^ and we find
him at the feet of effigies, as at Aldbury (Herts.) on the
tomb of Sir Robert Whitingham, who was killed at the
battle of Tewkesbury in 1471.
The savage man seems subsequently to have become a
popular celebrity, like Robin Hood or Gog and Magog,
and appeared in pageants and shows. In a beautiful
manuscript of Froissart in the British Museum (MS. Harl.
4380) there is a miniature of four men dressed as savages
or wild men of the later type dancing or posturing before
the ladies of the court. Their clubs lie on the ground-
in Gascoigne's * Princely Pleasures ' and Laneham's Letter
we read that when the earl of Leicester entertained
queen Ehzabeth at Kenilworth castle in 1575, on her
return one day from hunting there came out of the woods
an ' hombre salvagio,' all covered with moss and ivy and
bearing an oaken plant plucked up by the roots, ' who
for parsonage, gesture, and vtterauns beside, cooun-
tenaunst the matter too very good liking.' He made a
speech, and after alluding to reports of many strange things
of which he was ignorant, he called upon ' his familiarz
& companionz, the fawnz, satyres, * nymphs, dryardes, and
hamadryades,' who did not however answer ; so in
his ' vtter grief and extreem refuge ' he called upon
his old friend Echo ' that he wist would hyde nothing
from him, but tell him aU if she wear heer.' After such
diversions he "broke his tree asunder and cast away the
1 ilrfAiinib^'a, 1x11,41,4], III. We are
indebted to Sir William Sc J. Hope tot
clicK relcRncei.
'Then ii no lurviving inilance of the 'The coonciiDn between the
vodewoKitStKatnarine'ichapFl.Regent'f and tal^ ii obKTved by Ciiton in hit
Puk, where parciaiti of Edward III and FaiUi v/ Avian, izii (14S4), ia the pauage :
Pbilippa ate carved upon the italli. ' The wodewoK or aa^re kdde the
'At Mortain in Nomund; upon ■ pflgiym in (0 hit p^ttc.'
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 169
top in such a way that it nearly fell on the head of
the queen's horse, which became restive and caused the
company an anxious moment. Savages or ' green men '
are recorded as taking part in the lord mayor's show in
the eighteenth century, and letting off fireworks to keep
the people back. ^ ,
THE SIREN AND THE CENTAUR.
There are two subjects remaining to be dealt vrith, the
siren and the centaur. They occur freely in church
architecture. Both are human composites, and are
thus included among the prodigies in the chapter ' de
Portentis ' of Rabanus. They go hand in hand in the
bestiaries as symbolic subjects owing to the author having
made use of the Septuagint version of Isaiah, xiii, 2i-22>
and xxxiv, 11^14, where they are associated in the passages
in which the prophet predicts the desolation of Babylon. *
THE BIRD-SIREN.
Jerome in his commentary discusses the nature of the
' sirenae ' in Isaiah thus : * The sirens which are called
in the Hebrew Thennim we understand to be either
demons, or a kind of mon,ster, or at least great dragons
which are crested and fly ; by all of these creatures the
signs of devastation and solitude are indicated.'' He
does not apparently refer here to the classical siren.
Possibly he had in mind certain serpents with a similar
name, said to exist in Arabia. These ' syrenae ' are de-
scribed and illustrated in the Latin bestiaries. They are
drawn as winged dragons and sometimes have horns, as in
MSS. 12 C. xix and Sloane 3544 (B.M.).
Jerome's definition of sirens was not adopted by the
' About 1762 ; KC Nia Enfliii Diciitn-
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170 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
later commentators, such as Isidore and Rabanus. They
took for granted that the ' strenes ' of the Vulgate were
the creatures inhabiting the sea with which ttey were
familiar in classical art, and the bestiary-writers followed
them.
The texts of the ^arly Latin bestiaries, represented
by MS. 10074 °' *^* tenth century at Brussels, compience
with the quotation from Isaiah thus :
luUh the prophet safi : ' Sirens and demoiu shall dance in Babylon, '
and hedgehogs and onocentaurs shall dwell in their houses.' The Natural
Philosopher discourses on the nature of each. The sireni, he sajrg, are
death-dealing animals which from the head down to the waist have a human
form* but the lower parts to the feet have the form of birds. And they
ting a certain musical and most sweetly melodious song; so that by the
charm of their voice they enchant the ears of men who arc sailing a long
way off, and draw them to them, and seduce their can and senses by the
extraordinary rhythm and sweetness (of their song) and lull them to sleep.
Then at length when they see them sunk in a deep sleep, they suddenly
attack them and tear their fiesh in pieces, and thus by the influence of their
voice they deceive ignorant and careless men and do them to death.
Thus then are deceived those who find their enjoyments in the delights
and pomps (of this world) and in theatres and other pleasures, that Is, who
are enervated with the comedies and tragedies and different kinds of muucal
tunes ; and as though in a deep sleep, lose all the vigour of their minds ; and
suddenly become a prey to the power of their most greedy adversaries.
The part which follows about the onocentaur will
be given presently. In the miniature accompanying this
account the three sirens are drawn in semi-bird form
(plate VIII, no. l). Two of them are tearing the unfor-
tunate sailor to pieces with their claw-like fingers, while
the third plays a musical instrument resembling a citole.
There are two legends above : ' Ubi syrene musica sonant
ad decipiendos homines,' and : * Ubi dilaniant eos jam
mortuos.'
The sirens of the bestiary were of course derived from
a classical source, the story of Ulysses, On the well-known
vase at the British Museum they are in the form of birds. ^
There is little to be learnt about their appearance from
■ iatyltv, but MS. i]j i( B«me readi * Fot in account of the urcn in Crtti ir
bMuttant. uc iiticic \iy Mim Jane Haniion, 'Tfa
■isiii>iRi=ahuinanbniig. but pnttically Myth pI Odyucui lod the Sireni,' in Tl
tU TcnioDi lay ' o{ 1 WODUO.' MoganiH e/ Art, Fib. 18S7.
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: MS. 10074, *'**" '
lO. 2. BIRD AND FIJH sirens: MS. 35lti, ARSENAL LIBRARY, PARIS.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I7I
classical writers, most of the references being to their place
of abode, but Ovid ^ describes them as ' having feathers
and the feet of birds and faces of maidens.' Fliny' includes
them with the fabulous birds and has but little to say in
their favour : * Nor yet do the sirens obtain any greater
credit with me, although Dinon, the father of Clearchus,
asserts that they exist in India and that they charm men
by their sohg ; and having first lulled them to sleep, tear
them to pieces.'
The symbolism of the siren from the Christian point
of view is clearly expressed by Qement of Alexandria,'
who says :
Let lu avoid custom as we would a dangeroui headland, or the threatening
Charybdis, or the mythical sirens. . . . Urge the ship beyond that smoke
;md billow.' . . . Let ui shun, fellow mamters, let us shun this billow;
it vomits forth fire ; it is a wicked island, heaped with bones and corpses,
and in it sings a fair courtesan, Pleasure, delighting with music for the
common ear. . . . Let not a woman with flowing train cheat you of your
aentes. . . . Sail past the song ; it wotks death ; exert youi will, and yon
have overcome rain ; bound to the wood of the Cross, you shall be freed
from destruction. The Word of God will be your pilot, and the Holy
Spirit will bring you to anchor in the haven of heaven.'
In the early twelfth-century bestiary of Philip de
Thaun,* the siren is described as having the form of a
woman down to the waist, the feet of a falcon, and the
tail of a fish. In this version sirens symbolise the riches
of the world, and the evils which arise out of them :
Serainet ki sunt richeises sunt del mund ;
La mer muitre cest mund, b nef gent ki i sunt,
E laneme est notuner, e la nef cots que dait nager ;
Sacez maintet faiez funt 11 riche ki sunt el mund
Lanme el cors pecher, . . .
The metrical version of GuiUaume made in the thir-
teenth century says that the siren has a very strange shape ;
* For from the waist upwards it is the most beautiful
thing in the world, formed in the guise of a woman ; and
' Mil. 1, ;5]. * Odyi. xii, 116.
* bk. :i, th. 70 (49). * Anu-Nicnu tii. vol. iv, p. 106.
'Exbarlalim M ibi Htalbn, ch. xii. • Coiron MS. Nero A. v (B.M.).
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lyZ SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
the other parts are shaped like a. fish and like a bird.' The
sirens are a type of the delights of the world, * luxury,
gluttony, drunkenness, women and sleek horses, and rich
clothes,' to which we are inclined. ' There is however many
a mariner who knows how to keep guard and watch when
he goes sailing on the sea ; he stops up his ears, so that he
does not hear the siren's song. Just the same should the
wise man do, who passes through the world ; he should
keep himself chaste, and his ears and eyes from hearing and
seeing anything that may bring him into sin.'
In the thirteenth-century poem of Gautier de Metz,
Ulmage du monde, the siren is described thus : ' Others
there are with heads and bodies of maidens as far as the
breasts, below as fish, and with the wings of birds ; and
their song is very sweet and beautiful.'
There are a few instances in manuscripts of sirens in
this triple form. In MS. Kk. 4-25 in the university
library, Cambridge, one of the three has bird's wings and
feet, and a fish tail. In MS. Douce 88 (first bestiary)
the siren has large bird's wings and claws, but the feathered
lower body and tail resemble the hind part of a fish. ^ In
Harl. 3244, and other manuscripts, although in fish form,
she has wings.
There are many illustrations of the bird-siren in the
bestiaries. In MS. Bodl. 602 there are three. One of
them has webbed feet and holds up her hands ; the other
two play triple pipes and harp. In MS. Douce 88 there
are two miniatures. The first shows four men in a
boat ; one man is rowing and two of the others point
to three sirens of semi-bird form floating in the water.
These hold out their hands and are evidently singing.
In the second they hold up their hands and play double
pipes and harp. This gesture of holding up the hands
may be a signal to the sailors. In MS. 1444 Frangais
(Bibl. Nat. Paris), Guillaume's version, there are two
men in the ship and two sirens in bird form. One raises
her pipe or horn as if to strike the ship, the other plays
a harp. In the Bestiaire d'Amour in the same manu-
script there are three scenes. In the third there are
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■IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I73
three men rowing, and at either end of the ship a siren
is hitting a man on the head with her horn.
Examples of the triple form, or in fact of any bird form
of siren, are very scarce in carving. We can only recall two
instances in this country, namely at Carlisle and All Saints',
Hereford, both on misericords. In the Carlisle example
(plate II, no. i) the siren has the feathered body and feet
of a bird and the tail of a fish. Her right hand is broken
off, but it probably held a comb as she has a mirror in her
left. At Hereford there are two, each of whom holds
a (?) stick. They also have feathered bodies, birds' feet,
and fish tails, but their tails appear to be covered with
feathers rather than scales. In carving, tips of feathers
and scales are often much alike.
There is an exceptional detail in MS. Douce 132 (Bodl.)
and MS. 178 (St. John's College, Oxford,) where the siren
grasps a dragon. In each case she is in bird form, and in
the first has human feet. The dragon's head appears
over her left shoulder, its body and twisted tail falling
behind. The origin of this feature is unknown to us, but
it is presumably based on a classical model. ^
In a few miniatures the sirens are mixed. In queen
Mary's Psalter there are two scenes : in the first
there are two sirens, one of whom is in bird form and
holds up her hands, and the other is in fish form and holds
a mirror. The ship appears with four men in it, two of
whom are overcome with sleep. In the second scene
the sirens bend over the side of the ship and seize the
sleeping men.
In the French prose bestiary in the Arsenal library,
Paris, there are three sirens, one in bird form and flying,
the other two in the water (plate viii, no. 2). The form of
the latter is not very clear, but they are probably intended
to be semi-fish, llie first blows a horn, the second plays
a harp, and the third sings. The text of this manuscript
commences with the same quotation from Isaiah, and then
says that there are three kinds of sirens, of whom two are
partly woman partly fish, and the third partly woman partly
LKiicord Che linn holdi
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174 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
bird ; and they all three sing, les unes en buisines ' et
les autres en harpes et les autres en droite vois.' The
account does not difier materially from the Latin manu-
scripts, but the phraseology is varied. The melody of
the sirens' song is so pleasing that however far off the
sailors are they cannot help coming. It makes them so
forgetful that when they are drawn there, they fall asleep,
and so are attacked and killed treacherously, because they
have not been on their guard. The sirens are a type of
those women who by their blandishments and deceits
attract men to themselves and bring them to poverty
and death. And the moralist winds up seutentiously vrith ;
' Like the wings of the siren is the love of woman, which
goes and comes quickly.'
As regards the musical instruments Isidore was probably
followed, as he is a good deal quoted in the French versions.
In his Etymology (lib. xi, ch. iii) he repeats the passage
in the commentary of Servius on the Aemid, v. 864, to
the effect that ' the three sirens are represented to have
been partly women, partly birds, having wings and claws ;
of whom one sang, another played on the pipes, and the
third on the lyre. . . . They are depicted as having wings
and claws, because love both flies and wounds. And for
this reason they are said to have dwelt in the waves, because
the waves gave birth to Venus.' TTiis last passage is
repeated in MS. Bodl. 602.
THE FISH-SIREN.
The siren in fish form," usually termed the mermaid,
is extremely common both in manuscripts and carving.
It also came from a classical source, being based on the
female triton. In the gallery of casts at the British Museum
there is a mosaic pavement from a Roman villa at Hali-
carnassus, probably of the third century a.d. It shows
Venus rising from the sea supported by a pair of female
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I75
tritons or mermaids, who have curled fish tails. Venus
holds a mirror in one hand, her locks in the other. This
scene accords with Isidore's statement ; and the mirror
in the hand of Venus is likely to have been the forerunner
of the numerous mirrors seen in the hands of mer-
maids.
The siren in fish form is illustrated in many manu-
scripts. In MSS. Add. 11283 and Harl. 3244 she holds
a mh ; in MS. Sloane 3544 and MS. 14969 Fran^ais
(Bibl. Nat.) two fish ; in MS. Bodl. 764, where there are
three sirens, one holds a fish and the other two the ship ; in
MSS. Douce 151 and Ashmole 1511 they each hold a
double comb and fish ; and in MS. 14970 Fran^ais the
siren is blowing a long horn. In MS. Harl. 4751 she
hovers above the ship and holds its prow and a fish (plate x,
no. 1) ; the mast and sail have fallen overboard and the
vessel appears to be sinking. One sailor is rowing or
steering, and another is standing stopping up his ears with
his fingers, in accordance vnth the legend. In MS.
Sloane 278 (B.M.) the vessel has neither mast nor sail
(plate X, no. 2). There are three sailors, all of whom
are rowing or steering with crutch-headed oars. One of
them, who is standing, holds his hand to his ear as before,
while the third is being dragged overboard by the hair
by the siren. In MS. Sloane 3544 the sailors are asleep
in the ship with their heads resting on their hands.
Sirens are also made use of in Alexander's Romance
to illustrate * women who always live in the water ; and
who, when they see people coming, retire into the water
so that they cannot be seen in any way.' In MS. 20 A. v
there are three of them of semi-fish form dressed in tunics.
They look at and hold out their hands towards two knights
standing on the bank. This behaviour, while compatible
with the character of sirens, hardly accords with the
professions of the ladies in the Romance.
The earliest example of the siren known to us in church
architecture is on a capital of the eleventh century in the
chapel at Durham castle (fig. 9). It is rudely incised
and shows her in fish form holding up her hands as in
the manuscripts. She is in the same attitude on the
twelfth-century tympanum at Stow Longa, Huntingdon-
shire, and abroad on the west doorway at Loches. We
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\'j6 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
have seen that this gesture is especially associated with
the siren who sings, but the carvers were no doubt not
particular. In stone carving at Barfreston, Kent, the
siren holds a fish ; at Nately Scares, Hants, and at
the church of Saint-Michel d'Aiguilhe, Le Puy, her
tresses.
In woodwork, there are three sirens of the thirteenth
centuiy on misericords at Exeter cathedral church. They
are in hsh form, and in one case a pair of them, symmetrically
arranged, are beating a tabor over a mask-like head below
(plate IX, no. 2). The latter may be intended for the
head of the sailor, but if it should be regarded merely as
a mask, perhaps it denotes the comedies and tragedies
mentioned in the bestiaries. In the other case the siren
holds a fish. Their tails terminate in foliage. Examples
in later woodwork are so numerous that it is difficult to
select them for mention. On a misericord of the fourteenth
century at Gloucester cathedral church there is a tine
siren supporting a fish with either hand. In the fifteenth
century the mirror is commonly balanced by a doable
comb, but the siren frequently holds her locks. A late
example in an unusual setting of rocks and trees may be
seen on the north side of Henry VII's chapel, West-
minster. ^
' lUiutntcd in Bond, Miuricordi. ti.
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. 177
The ship is very scarce in carving, and we can only
recall one instance, namely, upon a misericord at Boston
(plate XI, no. i). It is a simple boat. There are two
sailors, both of whom appear to be asleep, although one
holds an oar. On the right is the siren, in tish form,
playing a pipe. It is very rare for her to be playing any
musical instrument in carving.
An interesting variant may occasionally be found,
namely, where she has a double fish-tail. The finest
example of this type is at Cartmel (plate xi, no. 2).
The details indicate that the carver was a person of some
originality or had an unusual model to work from, for he
has composed his siren as a garish female with long and
wavy hair, that on her left hand being plaited, and that
on her right loose. She holds an ornamental comb with
fine and coarse teeth, ^ and a mirror with richly-chased
rim. Her divided tail was adopted from a classical source,
either the triton or Scylla, and is more common on the
continent than here, especially as a heraldic device. There
are good instances upon a sculptured stone of the twelfth
century at the priory of Sainte-Enimie (Lozere) on the
Tarn, and on a misericord of the sixteenth century at Saint-
Sernin, Toulouse. It is suitable as a comer composition,
and appears in this way on the fonts at St. Peter's, Cam-
bridge, and Anstcy, Herts.
There are three examples of a siren suckling a lion,
on misericords at WeUs, Norwich (plate xii, no. l), and
Edlesborough, Bucks. So far we have been unable to
ascertain the source and meaning of this feature. In
Lincoln minster, there is a misericord with a siren in the
centre holding a mirror and comb, and a lion on either
side of her, which may possibly be another form of it.
THE MERMAN OR TRITON.
The merman or triton is sometimes met with in
churches. At Long Marton, Westmorland, he appears on
a tympanum of the twelfth century, in company with a
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lyS SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
dragon. ^ The finest example we have in wood-carving
is upon a misericord at St. Mary's hospital, Chichester
(plate xii, no. 2), where he is hooded and holds his fish-
tail. He does not seem to be described in the bestiaries,
but is illustrated in Alexander's Romance. In MS. 20
A. V he appears in the sea in company with the mermaid
in the scene where Alexander descends in a glass barrel, and
in another scene where men and women are mentioned who
live in water. In two cases at least the merman and
mermaid occur together on misericords ; at Winchester
they balance each other as wing subjects, and at Stratford-
on-Avon they are side by side in the centre. Abroad both
at Loches and Remagen * they are found together in
twelfth-century work. They are common in heraldry
and may be seen as supporters in armorial glass at Brasted,
Kent.
THE ONOCENTAUR.
We must now consider the centaur. It has already
been pointed out that, in the form of the onocentaur, it
was associated vrith the siren in the bestiaries through
the author making use of the Septuagint rendering of
Isaiah, xiii, 21-22, and xxxiv, 11-14. Jerome tells us that
the Septuagint alone translated the Hebrew word a&
ovoKfVTavpoi, but that Aquila, Symmachus, and Theo-
dotius, as wdl as he himself, favoured the rendering ululae,
which appears in the Vulgate. The word onocentauri, how-
ever, is retained in the Vulgate in Isaiah, xxxiv, 14, Jerome
adds that when the Septuagint rendered the Hebrew
word as onocentaur, ' they copied the fables of the heathen,
who say that there were hippocentaurs.' ' The name of
' onocentaur ' would imply that the creature was a com-
pound of the ass, but in its origin it was not so. It must
not be confounded in ecclesiastical an with the hippo-
centaur, which was drawn from a different source and
has a different symbolic meaning.
' AUeo, Cbralian Symitliim, p. j6q, the Veicin von AltenhuowficuadcD i:
RbeialiDdeD, Bona. 1859.
■ Das Farlal sh Rtmagtn. ProcerdiDgt cf * ConunniUi7 on luufa, lib. v.
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IN EMGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I79
The onocentaur has a curious history. How did the
Septuagint come to use such a word in the passages in
Isaiah, and what did they mean by it ? For this we must
turn to Aelian's description of the creature,^ the only
one that we have in classical authors. He says :
There is an animal which they call ' onocentaur,' and whoever see* it
legards ai by no meanB incredible what has been circulated about it in story,
namely that there are nations of centaurs, and that neither those who have
carved or painted it have been false in their descriptions ; nor will he deny
that such creatures have been produced by lapse of time, and that two
bodies of diverse natures have coalesced into one. But whether they really
exuted, 01 whether hearsay, more flexible and more skilful for fashioning
anything than any wax, has fashioned them with two bodies commingled,
one half of a man and the other of a horse, and vrith one soul for the
harmonised bodies, I wiU not diKuss.
Now about the onocentaur I have it in my mind to explain those
things that I have collected in conversation and by report, namely that
it is like a man in the face ; and that its face is surrounded with long hair ;
its neck and chest have a likeness to those of a human being ; its brealts
project in front ; its shoulders, arms, elbows, and hands, and its chest down
to the loins are of human form ; its back, fianks, belly, arid hind feet
resemble an ass, and it is of a giey colour as an ass, but under the belly (at
the flanks) it approaches to white. Their hands display a double use, for
when there is need of swftness, they use them as forefeet to run ; and so
it comes about that it is not surpassed in speed by other quadrupeds ; and
again when it is necessary for it to take food or pick up anything, lay it down,
or seize or gather anything together which may be in front of its feet, they
become hands again ; and then it does not move, but sits down. It is an
animal of a hard and bitter spirit, for if it is caught, it does not endure
captivity, but the desire for freedom causes it to refuse all food, and prefer
death by hunger. It is Crates of Pergamum in Myua who says that
Pythagoras narrates this about the onocentaur.
There is no doubt that the creature here described
is an anthropoid ape, and that its ' likeness to a man
in the face,' and to an ass in colour and body when on
all fours, caused it to receive the name of ass-centaur,
following the example of the hippo-centaur. The Septua-
gint doubtless knew of the description in Pythagoras
and employed the word in its true sense to indicate
an ape, or a demon like an ape, a suitable creature to haunt
the ruins of Babylon. The name of onocentaiu- was
however too near that of the better known hippo-
D,gH,zed.y Google
l80 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
centaur to escape misunderstanding, and it came to be
regarded as a similar kind of creature. Jerome accepts it
as such and gives it the following symbolic interpreta-
tion : ' Furthermore the name of onocentaur, being
composed of asses and centaurs, appears to me to signify
those people, who on the one hand are possessed of human
intelligence, and on the other are drawn away by illicit
pleasures and filthy lust to (all kinds of) vices.' ^
Gregory, in his ' Moralia,' * commenting on Isaiah,
ixxiv, 14, takes the onocentaur for granted, but sadly
twists its etymology. He says :
But what are signified b^ the name of ass-centaurs other than deceitful
persons and proud i In the Greek lang;uage certainly Stm is the name
for ass, and by the name of ais vice is indicated, as the prophet teatifiei who
saj^ : ' Their fioh is as the fiesh of asies ' (Eieit. niii, ao). Now by the
name of bull (taurus) the neck of pride is understood ; as it is told by the
Toice of the Lord about the pride of the Jews through the Psahnist: ' Fat
bull) have beset me ' (Ps. zxii, 11). Ass-centaurs then are those persons -
who are given up to the vices of luxury and so lift up their neck (in pride)
when they ought to luve bowed their head. And these being sub-
serrient to the pleasures of their flesh, all feeling of ihame having been
banished, not only do not grieve for the loss of all uprightneii, but go so
far as to rejoice over the work of deception. *
This collective view of the onocentaur passed into the
bestiaries. In the early manuscript at Brussels, from
which the part about the siren has already been given, the
onocentaur is described thus :
Similarly the Natural Philosopher asserts that the onocentaur possesses
a double nature, that a the upper part of it is like a man, but the lower
part has the limbs of an ais.* These animab are a type of fooUsh and
double-tongued men, who in their morals are double alio ; as says the
apostle : ' Having indeed a profeasioit of goodness, but denying the power
thereof ' (2 Tim. iii, 5). Ctf whom also the prophet David say* : ' Man
when he was in honour did not understand ; he is compared to the beasts
that are foolish, and is made like unto them ' (Fs. xlix, 20).
1 CoiiuDtataiy oa Itaiah, lib. 1. ijmbo] of unclcannew u
' Cngory f uidier tceatt of the im u a ncMdiiigljF brutiih bjr nitun ' (Ciliiel).
D,„i,z.d , Google
[G. C. D.
SIREN SVCKLINC LION : NORWICH CATHEDRAL CHURCH.
[G. C. D.
KO. 3. CENTAUR : EXETER CATHEDRAL CHURCH,
D,gH,zed.y Google
D,„i,z.d , Google
IN ENGLISH CHURCH AKCHITECTURE. l8l
The miniature shows the onocentaur as a compound
of man and ass. He holds up a hare by the hind legs
and pierces it with a spear, an exceptional feature. AUen*
connects it with maps of the stars, but it may be noted
that the hare was regarded as a symbol of uncleanness
as it was thought to be double-sezed and capable of
superfoetation. ^ The lesson itself is also illustrated in
the form of two men having a lively discussion which
involves much gesticulation. Above them is the legend :
' Ubi bilinguis diversis modis fallitur.' They are dressed
in tunics, one having a mantle in addition fastened by a
brooch op the right shoulder.
The miniature in MS. Sloane 278 (plate x, no. 2)
embraces both the siren (who is puUing the sailor overboard
by the hair) and the onocentaur. Their titles are written
on the ground. The text is that of Hugo de Folieto,
which, with another version, is given in the de Bestiis et
aliis rebus in the appendix to the Opera dogmatica of Hugo
de Sancto Victore. From one of them we learn that
the onocentaur is partly compounded of onager, the wild
ass. It says :
The Natural Philotophei aiserts that the onocentaur combinei two
nataret in one ; foi the upper part it like the centaur, that ii, the equine
man, but the limb* of the bwer part are those of the wild ais, ' onagri , id est.
This use of the wild ass as a symbol of evil passions is
probably due to the descriptions in Pliny and Solinus, for
they tell us that in the herds of wild asses in Africa each
male rules jealously over a number of females, and that
fearing the young males as their rivals they mutilate them
with their teeth when born. The mothers therefore hide
them. This is repeated by Isidore and Rabanus, the latter
basing a learned disquisition upon it.'
< Early Cbrntian Symbtlitm, p. 364. panagc in Job, n, { : * Doth the wild tm.
* Pliny, bk. nil, 8t (55). bnj when he hatfa giau t' It ii uid to
'Tbe mutihtioD of the young milci it bnjr twelve tiinei in the nigbc of 15111
illuitnted in K>me of the bettiiriei, notably March, lod the ume in the dij, hy which
in MSS. Bodl. 764,Douce 131, H11I.4751, people know that it it [be time of the
and la F. aiiij end there aie picture! in eijuinoi. The wild tM hen lymboliiet the
othcrt ol the dam with the foal, and an deril, who, when he teei the night and the
■dutt male watching Lbcm. The lym- day tq be equal, that ii, when he leet the
boHim in the bcitiiiiei it founded on the people who wete vaUciog in darbien turned
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l82 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
The early French version of Philip de Thaun does
not present any fresh feature regarding the onocentaur.
It is derived from Isidore. The Arsenal bestiary gives but
a short description with title * Sagittarius,' and adds : ' Of
these creatures Isaiah says ; " Men bear a likeness to them,
who have double hearts and speak double words " (Ps.
xii, 2) ; it is when they speak well in front and ill behind.'
TTiere is a very curious miniature in Bodl. 602, in
which appear two onocentaurs, male and female. The
male holdi a sword and has the lower half of a man's body
suspended by the legs from his ass-body. A man on
the left is piercing him near the right shoulder vrith a
spear. On the right is the female onocentaur, who has
the upper half of a man suspended by the hands from
her ass-body, and is being pierced in the breast with an
arrow shot by a man perched in a tree. Both the men
are clothed. The text throws no light on thb scene, but
it may well illustrate a fight between savage men and
centaurs. ^ We may recall here the account in the Arsenal
bestiary of the fight between Sagittarius and the savage
man. There is no doubt that in view of its character,
it is the onocentaur with which he is fighting, and the
same applies to the carving on the font at West Rounton.
There are many carvings of centaurs in twelfth-century
work, and a few in the thirteenth century. After that
it seems to have gone out of favour, whereas its com-
panion, the siren, remained in use until the sixteenth
century.* When the centaur bears a bow and arrow,
it is often inscribed with the name ' Sagittarius,' as upon
the font at Hook Norton (plate xiii, no. i) and the west
doorway at Kencott, both in Oxfordshire, and at Stoke-
to th< true light, ChriiC, ind Co be eqiul
il, 6, 'All fledi it giu>,' it brought in in
in faith with the juit, then he roan day
■upport of hit argument.
and night it t'cry hour md goei about
leebing food ; and the pauage in I Peter,
V, a quoted in illiutration, Gregory in hii
' Mile and female centaun painted at
Pompeii ire illui Crated in John Aihtoo'i
Curimu CTtamti in ZmiUgy, pp. 8l, 81.
the wUd an ii a type of the Gentile people
'A locnewhac groteKjue focm of centaur
who, like the an which hai obtained put,
ippean upon 1 fourteenCh-centuiy miieri-
have been turned from their career of
unnalraioed pleaiure by receiving (he
Park. It wai formerly balanced by a liten,
u thown in Ducarel't plite. Tliii aiHidi-
which both they (and the Jew,) are together
tioQ and the detail) would incUcate the
filled to Che fuU. The p—ge in Iui»h,
D,„i,z.d , Google
i
9
DigMizPd.yCOO^jIC
D,„i,z.d , Google
IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I83
sub-Hamdon, Somersetshire, As the name is applied
equally to both onocentaur and h^pocentaur, and where
they occur singly or without definite association with
other figures, there is no means of distinguishing them.
THE HIPPOCEJJTAUR.
The hippocentaur is described in a few of the bestiaries,
notably in the group of which the Westminster manuscript
is a member. The account came from Isidore, and no
symbolism is given. He says :
The hippoceotaur ii a kind of animal the name of which indicatet
that it ii » mizture of man and horse. Some people say that the horsemen
of the Thessaloniaiu were such, because when they nuhed into the battle
they appeared to have a single body, partly horse and partly man. It ii
from this circumstance that they have asierted that hippocentaur* were
imagined. ^
The miniature in the Westminster bestiary probably
represents the hippocentaur, but we cannot be quite sure.
In Douce 88 the corresponding miniature shows a hippo-
centaur shooting an arrow at the chimaera, but in the
Westminster manuscript they are on difEerent pages. In
the Cambridge manuscript both hippocentaur and ono-
centaur are Ulustrated ; the former is vested in a shirt
and is shooting with a bow ; the latter is of a leaden grey
colour, the human figure being of a boorish nature and
bearing a (f) club and shield.
In architecture the hippocentaur is frequently
associated with other animals, as upon the font at Luppitt,
Devon,* and on a capital at Barfreston, Kent, where it holds
a spear, and on the font at Bridekirk, Cumberland, where it
strangles two dragons ; or it shoots an arrow at another
'CfyJB. bk. a, ch. 3. In hit chapter pining of human life, became
Jt Fabida {Eiym. i, xl), he addi : And w chat the hnne ii an exceci
■C wu that the >toi7 of the hippocenuur animal.
wu invented, chat ii, the man combined
with the hone, for eitpreuing the njnd * UbiiUattiia Arciaial. ym
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184 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS
animal, such as a dragon on the chancel arch at Adel in
Yorkshire, a griffin oa the font at Darenth, Kent, or a
monster on the doorway at Kencott, the arrow frequently
going down the animal's throat.^
The hippocentaur as Sagittarius in ecclesiastical art
probably has its source in the sign of the zodiac, of which
there are many illustrations in the calendars. The
symbolism is given in the Livres des Creatures of Philip
de Thaun. " He states on the authority of one Helpericus
that the Egyptians gave the ninth sign (for November)
the name of Sagittarius, ' because it is an animal which
knows how to shoot ; and that it got this name on account
. of the hail that we have in that season, which causes us
sores on the nose and chin. Our books of arms say that
God made Sagittarius, that it has a human figure down
to the waist and is a horse behind ; it holds a bow drawn
behind it.' Then the symbolic interpretation is given.
The human part of the centaur is a type of Christ when
on earth, and the horse his vengeance on the Jews for
having betrayed him and sinned against him. The bow
signifies that when he was on the Cross and his body struck,
his holy spirit departed to those whom he loved, and
who were in hell awaiting his help ; and the direction of
the arrow signifies the way of the Cross. *
The details and symbolism here correspond with the
scene usually termed the Harrowing of Hell, of which
there are many miniatures in manuscripts, and carvings
in churches. Christ appears thrusting a cross down the
throat of a dragon or other monster, which typifies
hell.
During the recent repairs to Winchester cathedral, a
twelfth-century capital was unearthed, on which are two
centaurs shooting arrows, one down the throat of a
dragon-like monster holding a trident, and the other
down the throat of a winged beast resembling a griffin.*
Centaurs are scarce in woodwork, but there are two
*l]i\unattAiDATcbaul.JoiiTn.-^<A.\rn, 'See tniulition in Wright') Papidar
311. Sagittariui iluwdng an airo* down a Trteliiti n Sdtiur, 1S41, pp. jS, 43.
dngoo'i throac maj be kcd on tila id the
muMum at Maim. * Commanioited by Sic Thok G. Jh^wd,
» Cotton MS. Nero A, v, CweUtli ccn- R.A,
tutj; and Slouie ijSo, thirteenth centuiy
(B.M.).
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IN ENGLISH CHURCH ARCHITECTURE. I85
good examples on misericords of the thirteenth century
at Exeter cathedral. In one instance a male centaur
has shot an arrow into a dragon (plate xii, no. 3). The
other is a female holding a bow. Female cenuurs are
rare. Perhaps the best recorded example is upon a twelfth-
century capital at IfHey, where she is suckhng her young
one (plate xiii, no. 2). Abroad, in woodwork, a centaur
is carved upon the thirteenth-century staUs in the cathedral
church at Poitiers.
There is another variety occasionally met with, namely
where the centaur holds a plant or branch, as upon the
twelfth-century tympanum at Ault Hucknall, Derbyshire. ^
This seems to have been based on the figure of Chiron.
In an eleventh-century herbal* at the British Museum
there is a fine miniature, in which Chiron as a centaur
holds up a plant. He has a human head and breast,
forked beard, and horse's body and tail. Chiron is also
illustrated on the Ebstorf map. In MS. Harl. 4.986, a
German herbal of the twelfth century, there is an illus-
tration of the plant ' centaury major,' with the foUowing
legend : . ' Chiron centaurus has herbas invenisse fertur,
unde et tenent nomen centaurie.' In herbals the shapes
of plants are frequently drawn to imitate animals vnth
similar names.
It is not suggested that this varied treatment of the
centaur is evidence of a correspondingly varied symbolism,
but rather that the artists and carvers took advantage
of the numerous models existing in classical art. This
would be sufficient to account for the diversity found
in ecclesiastical buildings.
The presence of these apparently anomalous forms
in ecclesiastical carving may dius be held to be quite
logical. The early theologians and commentators adopted
them from classical writers, and used them for Christian
teaching. Their views were repeated, accompanied by
pictures, in the bestiaries and other manuscripts, which,
if not always expressly of a religious nature, at least were
produced in a religious atmosphere. That was sufficient
D,gH,zed.y Google
l86 SOME ABNORMAL AND COMPOSITE HUMAN FORMS.
justification for the ecclesiastical carvers, who were in
need of suitable models for decorative purposes.
As on previous occasions, I must gratefully acknow-
ledge the valuable assistance rendered me by Mr. Chas. D,
Olive in connexion with the texts. My thanks are also
due to the Rev. H. F. Westlake for the facilities afforded
me for studying the Westminster bestiaries, and to Mr. F.
H. Crossley, Mr. Arthur Gardner, Mr. P. M. Johnston,
the Rev. A. H. Collins, and Mr. S. Smith for kindly
placing photographs at my disposal.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
THE VALLUM: A SUGGESTION.
By R. H. FORSTER, M.A- LL.B. F.S.A.
Many theories have been propounded with regard to
the Vallum, as the earthworks which lie at the back ■ of
Hadrian's Wall are usually called. None of the current
theories, however, is entirely satisfactory, and no harm
can be done by adding another to the list.
I was at Corbridge when the war began, and heard
a good deal of what was happening on Tyneslde and
thereabouts. A large force of recently-embodied
Territorials was quartered near the mouth of the Tyne,
and for some time they were engaged in constructing
coast-defence earthworks of considerable size and extent —
these were ostensibly designed to prevent invasion by a
German raiding force, but there is no doubt that their
real purpose was to get the men into hard physical con-
dition ; nor could any better way of attaining that object
have been found.
The suggestion here put forward is that the Vallum
served a similar purpose in connexion with the garrison
of the Roman Wall, that the ditch was dug and the earth-
worb thrown up, not as a single operation, like the
building of the Wall, but gradually and systematically,
not so much to get the men into hard condition, as to
keep them so continuously.
Something of the kind must have been needed : a
' fit ' man cannot be idle and retain his fitness ; and the
garrisons of the Wall forts might at any moment have
been called on to do work which would be a severe test
of their strength and powers of endurance. Ordinary
drill and sentry-go would not have been sufficient ; route-
marching can hardly have been practicable to any great
D,gH,zed.y Google
I88 THE VALLUM : A SUGGESTION.
extent ; but a regular sj^tem of pick-and-shovel exercise
would meet every requirement, and it could be carried
out close to the quarters of each particular troop.
If this theory be correct, the VaUum becomes a com-
paratively unimportant work. Its main usefulness lay
in the labour which its construction involved, and it
has probably been left incomplete, at any rate in some
places. It is not necessary to suppose that the suggested
system of exercise was kept up for a long period ; possibly
it came to an end when the frontier was advanced in
A.D. 140. Nor is this theory inconsistent with others.
The Vallum may have been laid out with a general idea
that it might prove useful in case of an attack from the
south, and it may in practice have served as a civil ' limes ' ;
but its main object would be the provision of physical
work for the troops, and for that it was admirably adapted.
The great ditch through the basalt at Limestone Bank
must have given the men that made it — probably the
* Cohors I Batavorum ' of Procolitia — an immense amount
of exercise, even though the work was not so extraordinary
as some have imagined. Prismatic basalt has natural
joints, horizontally as well as vertically ; no special skill
would be needed for quarrying it, and the principal work
must have been the removal of large fragments, a matter
of ropes, planks, rollers and adequate man -power. At
Corbridge the large Calpurnius Agricola slab, weighing
about 18 hundredweight, was brought up out of a hole
nearly six feet deep m a couple of minutes by a team
of thirty men. With similar tackle and plenty of time
a single ' centuria ' of the First Batavians could have
raised the largest fragment that remains at Limestone
Bank, and the exercise would have been as good as
At any rate this theory will explain some facts and
features which do not readily fit in with any other. The
late Mr. J. P. Gibson, F.S.A. claimed to have found
places where there were gaps in the Vallum. If this be so,
the theory here put forward explains their occurrence :
indeed, they are just what we should expect to find.
It also explains the shape of the ditch, whicn, being flat-
bottomed, and not a ' fossa fastigata ' or V-shaped cutting,
would give room for a double line of workers. The
D,gnzed.yGOOgIe
THE VALLUM : A SUGGESTION. I89
lip-mound, which generally occurs on the southern edge
of the ditch, but sometimes on the north side, becomes
not part of the design, but merely the last remnant of
the earth cast up from the ditch, the rest having been
shovelled baclc to form the north or south mound, as
the case may be. If the Vallum was not of first-rate
importance, except as a means of exercising the troops,
the removal of this earth would be left to the last, and
the existence of the Hp-mound may be evidence of the
incomplete state in which the work was left.
D,gH,zed.y Google
PROCEEDINGS AT MONTHLY MEETINGS OF THE
ROYAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE.
Wednetday, 5lh May, 1915.
Sir Heniy H. Howorth, K.C.LE. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A. Pre»ident,
in the Chair.
Mr. A. Hadrian Allcroft, MA. read a paper entitled ' Some new light
on Roman roads in Sussex,' illustrated by plani and diagrams.
The paper wiQ be printed In the Jofirnal.
In the discussion there spoke the ChaiTman, Prof. W. Boyd Danlins,
and Sir William St. John Hope.
Prof. Boyd Dawkins said the paper was very welcome because of its
local interest. The outstanding feature of prehistoric Sussex was the
dense population of the Downs as compared with the uninhabited and
impassable forest of the Weald. In the planning of their road-system in
Britain the evidence proved that the Romans made use of the earlier track-
ways. Their general direction was retained but they were straightened,
and the principle of point-to-point lines was adopted.
Sir William St. John Hope expressed surprise that no trace existed of a
Roman road either to Chanctonbury Ring or to Fevensey.
The Chairman agreed in the main with certain criticisms of Stukeley
made by Mr, Allcroft ; but though fanciful and inaccurate, he fell that
Stukeley't merits as a pioneer were often overlooked.
Wednesday, 2nd June, 1915.
Sir Heniy H. Howorth, President, in the Chair.
Mr. C. H. Bothamley, M.Sc. read a paper on Carcassonne, the Citf and
the BasK-ville, with numerous Ian tern -illustrations.
It is hoped that this paper will be printed in the Journal.
In the discussion there spdce Sir William St. John Hope and the
Chairman.
Sir William St. John Hope remarked that Vi<^t-te-Duc had not
' restored ' away quite so much of Carcassonne as might be supposed, but
that the work carried out since his time was in a great measure purely con-
jecturaL The mediaeval scheme of fortification seemed to have required
the lowering of the ground below the inner line of walls, an alterarion
which exposed the fonndarions of the Roman masonry and necessitated
their being underpinned. This, he thought, accounted for the apparent
superimposition in places of Roman walling above work of a later period.
The Chairman emphasised the continuous history of Carcassonne from
the earliest times. Some of the ttone-work at the foot of the walls seemed
to him almost megalithic in character, and if that were so it would be con-
D,gH,zed.y Google
PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS. 191
temporary with the pre-Roman waXs of Saguntum in Spain ; as Catalonia
at one time embraced Carcawmne, this view did not seem bo improbable
at it appeared at first sight. He also drew an appropriate comparison
between Carcassonne and the Smss town of Mont, a wonderful example
of late mediaeval fortification which had no doubt influenced the nineteenth-
century restorers of Carcassonne.
ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
Wednesday, 30th June, 1915.
The summer meeting having beeti cancelled this year owing to the war,
the usual annual general meeiing for the transactioo of ordinary butineti
was held in London, Sir Heniy H. Howorth, President, in the Chair.
The report of the Council being taken as read, and the accounts for the
year 1914. having been presented, the Chairman proposed and Sir William
Martin Conway seconded the adoption of both, which was carried
unanimously. The report and accounts will be printed at the end of the
current volume.
The Chairman expressed the Council's regret that it had not been found
potsible to hold a summer meeting at Norwich as had been intended. Not
only was it felt that at so critical a time few members would wish to attend
it, but the difficulty of making arrangements in advance for accommodation
in trains and motor-cars had proved an insuperable obstacle.
The formal business having been concluded. Prof, G. Baldwin Brown
read a paper entitled ' Was the Anglo-Sazon an artist ) ' with many lantern-
illustrations. It is hoped that the paper may be printed ii) the fovfnal.
The Chairman and Mr. W. W. Watts joined in the discnsiion that
followed the paper.
D,gH,zed.y Google
NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
Following upon the authoi's treatise on pre-Conquest ardiitectuie in
Hants and Surrey, reviewed in this JoumiU (Ixiti, 93), comes a companion
booklet dealing with similar early remains in the important county of Suiiex.
The title used in the former, ' Pre-Conquest,' would have been preferable
in the case of Sussex also, as the early church architecture, especially in the
case of Bosham and Lewes, must probably be more Danish than Saxon.
One sympathises with the author's dilemma, as in the case of Sussex
especially there is so much work which is on the border-line, pre-Conquest
in character, yet possibly post-Conquest in actual date, though executed
by native builders. To meet this difficulty, apart from the question of a
tide, Colonel Jessep has followed the classificadon adopted in the article
on ecclesiastical architecture in the Fiftorta History of Sussex, vol. ii, by
which three groups of early churches are recognised, viz. (a) the fifteen
churches whose pre-Conquest dale is now generally admitted by authorities ;
(b) nineteen where the evidence, although not so clear, is favourable to
a pre-Conquest date ; and (c) ten, * number that might be extended,
where, though the date may be post-Conquest, the technique is not that
of the early Norman builders, but rather that of the Sarons. As might
be expected, the first group merges into the second, and the second into
the third. It is impossible to draw hard and fast lines ; but taking the
three classes together for the purpose of critical study, we have between
thirty and forty churches, a far higher total than any other county can
show. It should be lemembered, on the other hand, that the earlier
Saxon building period, c. 60a to c. S50, of which thirty examples remain
in England, has left us no buildings in Sussex (save, perhaps, the remarkable
' aula ' lately diuntetred from farm- buildings at Nyedmber, Pagham) ;
and that the earliest churches in the county are probably not older than
the end of the ninth or tenth century. Colonel Jessep remarks that the
great majority of pre-Conquest churches belong to three building periods ;
' (!) to the reign of Ine (688-728) ; {2) to that of Edgar (959-975) ; and
(3) to the reigns of Canute and Edward the Confessor.' He might have
added the last twenty yean of the reign of Alfred, c. SSo to 901, when,
the Danes being more or less subdued, there was some chance for the
peaceful arts to flourish. Moreover, tradidon connects Alfred with certain
places in west Sussex, such as Aldingbourne and Arundel ; and Athelstan
(925-940) is credited with the founding of a nunnery at Lyminster, some
walls of which were traced in recent excavations.
St. Olave's Chichester (in spite of its Danish dedication, which would
suggest the reign of Cnut), placed by Colonel Jessep in list B, is probably on
the site of a Roman Christian church, and should be in list A. In the destruc-
tive restoration through which it passed in the 'fittiei its walls were shown
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. I93
to be \ugtly of Roman bricks, and an arch of the same was brought to Ught.
Its south wall still retains a very narrow early doorway. It may be noted
here that St. Andrew's, Chichester, beneath whose churchyard is a tessellated
piTement, and St. Fancnis are both of very early foundation.
Roman brickt, not perhaps an infallible test of the highest antiquity,
occur in sii out of the fifteen churches in list A,' and in five in Ust B,* but
in none of those in list C ; and in some cases, such as St. Olave's, Chichester,
Rumbotdswyke, Westhampnett, Eastergate and Walberton, all within a
length of ten miles, they form a very prominent feature in the construction.
Hypocauit flue-tiles were found used in the building of the chancel arch at
Westhampnett, when that feature was destroyed to make way for one of
early French design (!) in 1868. When this reviewer watched the cold-
blooded destructioa of large parts of Walberton church in 1903, he noted
that the south-west angle of the nave was composed of large and carefnlly-
laid Roman bricks, and in the demolished gable-end was found the pre-
Conquest gable-cross mentioned by Colonel Jessep, perhaps the only one
remaining in England. When last seen it decorated the vicarage rockety !
A curious feature, not noticed in this work, is the triangular-headed
tabernacle, in the southern half of the east wall at Ovingdean. These
triangular-headed openings, a marked feature of Anglo-Saxon architecture,
occur at Sompting (windows and piscina), Bosham and Singleton (doorways
in upper stage of towers) and Jevington (tower window). Hiere b also
one in the west gable of Old Shoreham church, in what was evidently )
Saxon ' porticus,' but this has been embellished with a moulding in the
fourteenth century, which marb its real date. Colonel Jessep notes in
two churches, Ovingdean and Westhampnett, an upward ' scoop ' in the
circular heads of the narrow lights (tui^ng the outline into an ovoid form^ :
the same peculiarity, never found in Norman windows, has been noted by
the writer in the early windows of Hardham and of Wcstdean, near Seaford.
It is also very noticeable that the jambs of all these ilit-like openings incline
as they go upward, so that they are considerably narrower at the springing
line than at the sill. At Eastdean (east Sussex), in the early semi-attached
north tower, which originally had an apse on its east face, are windows
displaying this peculiarity, but there the work is perhaps post-Conquest. In
this case and at Ovingdean the internal, as well as external, jambs incline
upward.
It is interesting to contrast with these ovoid arches the instances of
horse-shoe shapes. These are most marked in the tower arch, Bosham, and
in the chancel arches of Bosham, Stoughton, Elsted and Chithurst, all of
the eleventh century, and the two last probably post -Conquest, built by
Saxon workmen. Colonel Jessep comments upon another peculiarity noted
by the present writer— the ' through ' openings of certain early doorway*
derived no doubt from those of the mud and rubble cabins still found in
England and Irebnd, where the wooden doorcase is not rebated into the
I Arlington, Bothtm, Joington, Rum- archet ; e.g. Sonurfard Kryna, Witt*,
boldtwyfat, SomptlTIg ud WFttlumpnetc. Dorth doorwaj, Ljiniajter cliAnc«l arch, etc.
■ S(. Olin't (Chicheiter), Eutergite, It i( ■ pecullarit)' found also in early Iriib
Hatdhun, Ovingdean and Walberton. architecture, together wicti inclined jamb* ;
• This OToid (omi oecun in the iichn of and in eirlj apie-plini, ai at Rochnter and
tome pn-Conqiust doorwiTi and chancel Stoke d'Aberaan.
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194 NOTICES OF ARCH AEO LOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
inside angle of the opening, but planted up againtt it. So httt, in the
ingtances of the Saion ' aula ' at Nyetimber (perhaps as old a$ the beginning-
of the eighth eentuiy), and the north doorways of Lyminsier and Selham,'
we have unrebated, or ' through ' openings, and at Selham the wooden
door-frame is simply planted up against the inside edge of the doorway.
Earl's Barton, Northants. furnishes a piominent instance of this treatinent in
another county. No doubt one reason for this mode of forming the door-
way, so different from that of the Norman and later buildings, where the
door itself usually approaches the outside face of the opening, was to afford
a sort of porch or shelter, by reason of the thickness of the wall. Its whole
appearance is very suggestive of primitive usage*.
Colonel Jestep does not comment upon a peculiarity shared by the tower
arch of Boslum and the doorway of St. John-sub-Castro, Lewes, namely that
the lower courses of their arches above the springing are not jointed from
the arch-centre, but are laid almost horizontally, though cut to the arch-
form on their intrados. This method of building an arch of small compos*-
is of frequent occurrence in Ireland. So far as the doorway at Lewe* goe*
it suggest* the imitation of vrooden forms in stone. The ardi here is stilted,
a* well at eccentrically jointed. Its flatly rounded strip-work and beaded
impost are noteworthy.
Of other well-known feature* peculiar to pte-Conque*t work, such a*-
thin and unbuttretsed walls, double-splayed windows (which occur at
Singleton, Stoughton and Arlington), pilaster-strips (found at Worth,
Woolbeding and Somptin^, and long-and-shott work (at Arlington, Bishop-
stone, Bosham, Sompting ■ and Worth), Colonel Jessep make* mention.
He also describes the remarkable double windows at Bosham, Sompting and
Worth, the last high up in the north wall of the nave, with a rude mid-wall-
shaft of bellied cylinder form. He might have emphasised the great height
and span of the chancel arch here, the finest of its period in England, and the
astonishing height of its north doorway, which is 15 feet, with a width of
3 feet 8 inche*. Stress is rightly laid upon the great height of the walls,
in most pre-Conquest churches, such as Bishopstone, Bosham, Clayton,
Stoughton, Woolbeding and Worth, The details of the Sompting tower,
with its strange, square spire, the angles of which rise from the poinu of
four gables, a form common in the Rhenish country, but of which this is
the only English example, are perhaps hardly enou^ emphasised for their
extraordinaiy interest ; such as the shaft or rib ihat divides the upper
stages vertical^, with its voluted and Corinthian capitals ; tiie double
windows with their roll-mouldings and mid-wall shafts having corbel-capitals-
with voluted scrolls. It is a pity also that the loose statement of an
eighteenth-century writer that the spire has been reduced in height 25 feet
should be repeated : there is no evidence that this has been done, aAd on
the other hand the present writer can vouch for the probability that the
spire-timben remain much as they were left by the Saxon builders.
There is room for a few ground-plans in such a treatise as this, and it
necessarity suffers for the want of them. Space is found at the condnsioD
for a nonce of most of the carved fragments of early date, such as those at
Tangmere, Sompting, and Jerington ; but it ii unfortunate that Colonel
Jessep follows Rivoira (as in other of that writer's sweeping dicta) in assigning
the famous bas-reliefs from Selsey in Chichester cathedral church to the end.
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. I95
of the twelfth century. Whether pre- or poat-Conquest, probiblf the
former, they are certainty of eleventh-century date. The very remarkable
giave-ilab, perhaps of the eighth century, at Beibill, which the late Mr. J.
Romilty Allen deicribed aa ' by far the most intercEting monument of it*
kind in the south of England,' is noticed, as is alio that found by this reviewer
in a builder's yard at Walberton. Mention might also have been nude of
the veiy eailj slab recently restored to Steyning church, which may have
covered the grave of the eighth-centuiy founder, St. Cuthman ; also of the
fragments of what may have been an early cross-shaft built into the modem
porch of Selsey church. The rare instance of a Saxon sundial at Bishopstooe
is briefly recorded. Due mention is made of the quite numerous tub-
shaped fonts of west Suuez, of which it may be said that those of Walberton,
Yapton, Littlehampton, Tangmere, Selham and DidUng are probably of
pre-Conquest date. The numerous photographic illustratioiu are nsefnl,
but tome suSer from the tilting of the camera, which has distorted the
vertical lines.
A distinctly useful feature is the map of Sussex at the end, on which the
utoatioiu of the actual and conjectural pre-Conquest churches, together
with the principal towns, are marked. Iliis little book should be of solid
value to students.
Philip M. JoHHrroH.
LE LIVRE £NCHAIn£ OU LIVRE DES FONTAINES DE ROUEN, ijij.
PuBui nrrfoMLiHiNT fa* Vicroa Sahuk. Tiit 10K16, Si pp. and 14
ilhutntioiii in colour. PoitfoUo of Si plitn, iSxij. Rouen; Impiimnic
Lud«o Wolf, 1911.
In 1845 M. de Jolimont published a selection comprising forty-nine
lithographic reproductions with the title, ' Frincipaui Edifices de Rouen en
1515 ' ; and in 1892 twenty etchings were published ; but the work is now
for the first time reproduced in its entirety. It is indeed a most sumptuous
monument, quite out of the ordinary, even among special archaeological
publications. The plates numbering 79 (exclusive of the two key-charts
and two supplemeuuiy plates) are of the same size as the originals and aie
tinted by hand. So, too, are hand-coloured the illuminated portiona of
the text, which is reproduced faithfully in facsimile, not only as to its
ornaments, but even to its errors. No modern rectification nor editing
has been allowed to mar the freshness and ingenuousness of the early
sixteenth-century original.
The first recorded conduit was that anciently caUed ' Gaalor,' and later
the castle fountain, of which there were supplies at six or seven separate
spots in the city as far back as 1157. Cardinal Amboise established the
Fontaine de Carville in 1500. In 1510 the old market-place benefited by
the Fontaine de Yonville, and in 1515 the waier-system of the city was still
further extended. These three main supplies are dealt with in the body of
the book, which follows the course of each one in detail. Incidentally,
since it is impossible to describe the foimtains, conduits and diainage-system
without reference to streets and buildings, the work forms an invaluable
recordof the lopographyof Rouen at the beginning of the sixteenth century.
Many buildings, indudmg churches, are ilhistraied. Thus in plates jo and
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196 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOCICAL PUBLICATIONS.
51 are views of the fa^de of Saint-Maclou with ipiie complete, views which
'will show 3X » glance how far the existing recoiutructioii is or is not accurate.
In Rouen there is one spot which far exceeds even buildings in interest,
namely, the site of the burning of tKe inspired maid and deliverer of France,
Jeanne d'Arc. And strangely enough, though an inscribed stone now marks
the spot in the market-place where the tragedy is believed to have occurred,
there is no certain identification. ' It is stated that the execution took place
in front of the church of Saint- Sauvenr, and facing the principal street
which leads to the market-place, thus accommodating a larger number of
-fpectators than was possible in any other part of the place. . . . But as
the cemetery (of the church) was religious ground and the execution was,
nominally at least, a secular one, the ground chosen must have been on land
belonging to the municipality of Rouen. Probably this was in the Marchf
aux Veaui, as we find an order for the burning of a heretic there in 1511 :
lifu acfoutumi fairr ulUs exinitions.' Unfortunately one's curiosity on the
point remains unsatisfied by the work under notice ; for though the holy
See, by a process of inquiry in 1449, and again in 14.55-14.56, had complete^
vindicated the sanctity of the maid, the actual cultus of Jeanne d'Arc was
unknown in the time of the author, and he ignores her very existence. He
refers to the fountain by the wall of the cemetery of Saint-Sauveur, but not
to the death of the heroine. He refers to a certain ' reparation ' which took
place at a certain fountain, but it was only a material repair, not repara-
tion in the sense of restoring her good name, who had given her life for
France. Nevertheless Jacques le Lieur's work must have been held in high
etteem from the outset, for a note at the close records how it was written
on parchment, in a cover of black velvet enriched with mounts of latten gilt
and of fine gold, enclosed in a casket under lock and key, and in January,
1525-1516, solemnly offered by the author 10 the representatives of the
dty of Rouen, and accepted by them to be preserved among the p
of the municipality for all time.
Aymer Vallanci
THE ENGLISH PARISH CHURCH^ at ,
tXD OF THIIK HATiaiAU DDMNO KDd CEK
ux-t-JsS pp. 1 platct ind 271 illuitntioni in tht ti
The Rev. Dr. Cox is so well known as a writer a
and kindred subjects, that a new work by him is 1
tion. The subject of the present volume is in some important respects
novel, at least as regards its arrangement and peculiar treatment. Many books
have already been written about churches in general, but none has hitherto
dealt exclusively with the parochial church in all its aspects, at distinct
from the greater churches of cathedral, monastic, and collegiate status.
Even the parish churches of towns are to a great extent outside the scope
of Dr. Cox's book, the purpose of which, as he himself explains in his preface,
ii * to put into plain language the origin, development, and aims of the old
English parish church, more especiaUy in the country districts. Notwith-
standing the wear of time, the ravages of civil war, the fierce flames of
i«ligious bigotry, the devastating consequences of contemptuous neglect,
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. I97
or the iU-judged zeal of reconstiuction, oui ancient churcket remain the
envy of other partg of Christendom for their frequeacy, their innate beauty,
their marvelloiii adaptability to surrauadings, and more especially for the
way they reflect the life and devotion of successive generations of our fore-
fa then.*
This is a long extract, but no better nor more succinct account could
be found for setting forth the author's object and intention. While the
mediaeval church wa) always primarily a place of worship, it must be remem-
bered that the union of soul and body is so intimate that our fathers
habitually used the nave for purposes which, in our modern eyes, are regarded
as secular or civil. This fact is highly important, and help) to explain why
the parish church was the centre of the life of every parish community, the
house of houses in a village, which held a unique place in the esteem and
affection of every man, woman, and child in the place.
Special attention is directed by Dr. Cox to the materials out of which
churches weie constructed, and the local influences and conditions which
deteimined that a building should take this or that peculiar form in any
given locality. Thus, while the purpose of the church was one from end to.
end of the country, the expression of that purpose was necessarily subject
to almost infinite ntodifications and varieties. With this subject is more or
less closely associated that of the plan, which was at no time a fixed or
stereotyped entity, but continually in a state of growth and flux as special
needs or circumstances might dictate. The volume is admirably enriched
with plans which (with rare exceptions of unusually large buildings) have
been reproduced to a uniform scale of twenty-five feet to the inch. In a
work of this kind a short r±sum6 of architectural changes and developments-
could not altogether be omitted, but as the subject has been amply dealt
with by other writers, this particular section of the book has purposely
been compressed to the rurrowest Umits compatible with the elucidation
of the subject-matter as a whole. In this, the third chapter, which deals,
with architectural styles, the author, contraiy to the latest school of
archaeologists, favoun and defends the use of Rickman's classification of the
pointed styles, namely, * early EngUsh,' ' decorated ' and ' perpendicular.'
Only he would go further and supplement Rickman's terms with extra
subdivisioits, namely, ' transitional,' between Norman and ' early English,'
and ' geometrical,' between the latter and ' decorated.'
The last chapter, ' What to note in an old parish church,' deals in
Dr. Cox's peculiarly lucid way, one by one, with the various objects in
an ancient church. He is not least interesting and instrucdve when he
demolishes such cherished popular illusions as ' leper-windows,' ' sanctuary-
knockers,' or ' frescoes ' in English churches.
On page 297 may be noted a misprint, Byarsh for Ryarsh, in Kent ;
and there are two misprints in the rendering of Latin, ' quod idle ' for
' quotidie ' on page 307, and, in the final text, ' Domine dilexi decorum
domus tuae.' The middle word should, of course, read ' decorem.'
The book concludes mth two capital indexes, of which the one of the
illustratiflns, arranged according to counties, shows by its impartial distri-
bution how widely the writer Has travelled throughout the country, and how
well qualified he should be, therefore, to write the interesting v<duiiie
under norice.
A. V.
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I9S NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
RECORDS OF THE BOROUGH OF NOTTINGHAM. VoL vl (170M760). Pub-
liihed under the lutluiritjr of the CorpontiaD of Nottinghun. Edited hj E. L.
GniLTORD. ID X e}, lii + 390 pp. plate. Nottingham : Thai. Fomuui b Sou.
The municipal corporation of Nottingham wa* one of the tint to
publiih its early records, and five volumes of the teriei have already been
issued. After an interval of fourteen yean a sixth volume has now appeared,
covering the period from 1702 to 1760. These more recent records are verj
voluminous, and the value of the book depends upon the evident skill with
which the editoi, Mr. £. L. Guilford, has made his selection of documents.
Naturally the first object which has guided him' is the retention of all
that relates to the development of municipal institutions. There had been a
long-standing struggle of the burgesses against the close corporation of the
town council, which came to » head when the former in 1749 obtained a
mandamus for the restitution of their rights of admission to the control of
municipal afiairs.
The domestic life of the period la illustrated by references to old
customs, such as bull-baiting in 1710, and the use of the ducking-chair for
women in 1729. Licences are issued to a badger or fish-hawker, and a
kidder or provision- dealer. Three mazes are kept in order by the corporation,
one of them probably being St. Ann's Chemin dt "JinuaUm, described by
Camden, and perhaps parodied by the public-house sign, ' A Trip to
Jerusalem,' which still exists under the cliffs of Nottinghaitt castle. The
theriSs are evidently puzzled by the alteration of the calendar in 1751, and
apprehensive that the loss of eleven days may deprive them of thdr famous
goose- fair.
Echoes of what was passing in the larger world outside the town are
heard in the ringing of belli by the loyal citizens to celebrate the very fretjuent
victories of our forces by sea and land, on no less than eighteen occasions,
including the Prussian victories in 1757. The date of an entry on 17th
April, 174.7, of a payment for ringing for the victory at Culloden,isquestioned
in a footnote on the ground of the impossibility of the news reaching
Nottingham in one day. But as Culloden was fought on i6th April, 1746,
the obvious explanation is that the bells on this occasion were rung on ^e
anniversary of that date. Interesting matter is given in reference to the
Jacobite rising of 1745, when Nottingham is found preparing itself for attack,
and the rebels came as near as Derby.
Lists of mayors, aldermen, burgesses, etc. during the period covered
by the volume, are added ; there are three excellent indices to localities,
rumes, and subjects, and a reproduction of Deering's map of Nottingham tn
175 1-
A. D. a
This number of the Proceedings contains, for the moat part, articles
dealing with the classification of flint implements according to type. Unfor-
tunately these objects are either surface-finds or from localities in which
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. I99
no utociated relics are fonad to tltiow light on the people who made and
wed the implements.
In the absence of any better evidence, cUssi&cation according to form,
patination, etc. is all that can be hoped for, and it is useful especially when
the description is well and amply illustrated. The form of implements,
however, owing to recurrence of type, may be quite misleading as to the
period of their origin. An unfinished Implement of a later age may re-
produce, in an embryonic manner, its remote ancestor. ' Throw-badis '
also occur, as in the case of late highly- finished implements which have met
with disaster and been split into small rude forms, which, according to
their type, would be considered early. The tendency of ckstificatioQ
by type seems to make the once restricted cave-age assume vast proportions,
whik the former important neolithic period slirinks to insignificance.
The exanunation of living sites, and the extended observation of stratified
depotits may, in time, modify many conclusions based on the large quantities
of implements that have been collected vrithout reference to licir sur-
roundings.
It is interesting to notice that Mr. Rnd Moir admits the natural flaking
of flints in the ' Bull Head Bed.* It is doubtful if so much argument were
necessary to show that such chipping difiered from that on flints in the
gravels. Different forces, natural and artificial, as well as different con-
ditions of the flint, luturally produce different results. The difficulty in
accepting the dictum of those who claim to discriminate between the natural
and artificial is therefore increased.
The ' Drove * road is an interesting piece of topographical work, and if
the effort to prove it prehistoric is not very conclusive, it has many p<Hnti
in its favour. The authors admit at the outset that ' it is dif&cult to prove
that a road is prehistoric — in many cases more difficult to prove that it is not.'
An interesting find of a fiint workshop floor near Thetford is described
by Mr. Haward, and he (Usplays sufficient courage to confess that, in hit
opinion, this is a true neolithic site. Mr. Moir also describes a floor dis-
covered at Ipswich, with which are associated pottery fragments and bones.
The flints point to an earlier period than the pottery, and Mr. Moir wisely
leaves open the question of age, but makes a su^estive remark regarding the
flints : * If these floors are not of the Cave period, then they must be of
neolithic age, and if so then we must imagine that in this latter period there
occurred a remarkable recrudescence of the late palaeolithic cultures.'
It is possible that some of our former ideas on the prehistoric periods will
have to undergo great changes, but the recent lines of enquiry have shown
as much divergence from each other as they differ from the earlier concep-
tions, and until mora has been done by spade-work and observation of the
objects in situ, no wide speculations can be regarded as satisfactory.
F. W. R.
Mr. Eeles is wcU known to campanologists as the pioneer in the investi'
gation of Scottish bells. He has in fact the sole credit for the vrork done so
far is that country, for unfortunately no one else has yet followed the
D,gH,zed.y Google
200 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
excellent example he Kt with his admirable monograph on the church belli
of Kincardineshire, published in 1897. In the eighteen yean which have
rince elapsed he has collected much information from all parti of the countiy,
but we have had long to wait for the publication of another completed
county. Now that it hai come, it is but a little one, Ijinlithgowihire
being in size almost the smalle*t county in Scotland; but we arc not
ungrateful, for it contains more than one bell of special interest.
Linlithgowshire only contains twelve ancient pariahei, besides one formed
in I7i8;andinthe)c thirteen parish churches there are in all twenty-one belli,
of which nine are not older than the nineteenth century. The remaining
twelve Mr. Eelei claMifies ai follows : three mediaeval (two Scottish, one
doubtful) ; five seventeenth-century (two Scottish, three Dutch) ; four
eighteenth-century (one English, one Dutch, one Danish, one doubtfnQ.
The high percentage of mediaeval bells is to be noted ; it is about 14
per cent, a ratio surpassed by very few English counties. The three
mediaeval bells are, moreover, of exceptional interest. The oldest is at
Bo'ness, and though Mr. Eeles classes it as doubtful, it appears to the writer
to be untjucitionably of English, probably north- country, make. The
general character of the lettering resembles that found on bells of the northern
English counties, though it does not correspond exactly to any known
examples. The inscription ' En Katerina vocor ut me per virginls alme '
is obviously incomplete, and must have been continued on another beU. It
is difiicult to date bells of this north-of- England type, but the date is
probably about 1400.
The other two are a pair, from the same foundry, and (says Mr. Eelei,
who finds parallels in other counties) of undoubted Scottish casting. They
are, however, ornamented in the continental style, and both are dated, so
that the founder must have come under the foreign inSuencet alwayi so
powerful in mediaeval Scotland. One is at Linlithgow, a beautiful bell
dated 1496, with the inscription ' Lynlithqw me villa fecit vocor alma maria
turn lacobi quarti tempore magnifici seno milleno quadringeoo nooageno'
in Gothic minuscules. The other, at Uphall, is dated 1503. Both have as
founder's mark ' Xt * on a rectangular die.
The seventeenth- century bells include two by John Meikle of Edinburgh
and three of Dutch work ; among those of the oghteenth century we have
another Dutch bell, and a Danish bell of 1781 from Copenhagen. The
book concludes with an interesting section on ringing customs, and a iKite
on the belfries of the county, of which the beat example is at Kirkliston. It
is admirably printed, and forms a valuable record. Campanolo^sti should
not grudge the price, which works out at about a penny per page ! We
hope it will soon be followed by other monographs from the lame pen.
H B. W.
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D,„i,z.d , Google
THE RABBIT- WALK,
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.'
By A. HADRIAN ALLCROFT, M.A.
There was in Romano-British times a cemetery at
Seaford^; therefore presumably a settlement, and a road
or roads leading thereto. It has become almost traditional
to assert that one such road ran from Lewes by way of
the present Lewes-Newhaven road past Iford and
Rodmell to Southease, across the Ouse at or near Itford,
and so to Seaford. The origin of this assertion appears
to be Stukeley, who says* that a Roman road ran from
Lewes to Newhaven by way of Rodmell, admitting, how-
ever, that he had tiiis information on hearsay. He
imagined that one of the four ' royal roads ' began at
Newhaven, and that it continued past Lewes by way
of Isfield and Sharnbridge towards London, apparently
overlooking the fact that there was no port of Newhaven
until the eighteenth century. In support of his view
he cited the name of Rodmell, which he took to mean
* road-mill ' ; and later antiquaries, mostly accepting
this bad gTiess without comment, have sometimes improved
upon it by pointing also to the name of Iford. There
was, they argue, a ford here ; frgo, a road leading to the
ford ; ergo, a Roman road. Dealing in the same way
with Itford, they had a satisfactory sequence of three
place-names lying in the required line.
Now, though it is true that Iford appears so spelt
as early as 1278, the Domesday form of the name is
Niworth (Niworde), and the inference is that -ford is a
later substitute for the original -worth. Such substitu-
tion can be paralleled in several other cases,* though
perhaps not at so early a date. It is therefore unsafe to
draw from the later form of the name any inferences
* Ktxd before the Iiutitnte, 5CI1 M17, in a Ioom kdm, the preaent article will b«
191;. found to jiittify Stukeley in regard to ftur
■ F. G. Hilton Price and J. E. Price in raadi, if it fiili in any degree to juitifj the
JiuriMl AmbrofU. Immnu, ri, 300 (1S77) ; fifth.
J. E. Price in Sutitx Arcbaiel. Ctii. xudi, 'e.;;. Duiford {D.B. Doeheauuorde) «nd
167 (1S81). Pampiiford [D.B. Pampeiuuorde), both in
* IttT Cxruuum F. SCukelejt ckewhert Cambtidgeihire, and PtHlingford in SufioUi.
UKitt that fire Roman roadi met it Lewet. See Skeit, Place Ntmti of Sug^k {Cambi.
UadenUnding the exprenioD *it Levea' Antif. See. PuUiauKiit, ihi, p. Jj).
D,„i,z.d , Google
202 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
as to its meaning, quite apart from the fact that the
valley of the Ouse is here ij miles across, far too wide
to be negotiated by any ford at a date prior to the
embanking of the river. ^ The name of Rodmell (anciently
Raroelle, Rademeld, Rademylde, etc.*) cannot possibly
derive from anything meaning either a road or a mill,
and perhaps alludes to the markedly ' red mould ' of the
locality, in contrast with the lighter tints of the sur-
TOjnding chalky soil. ' There remains then only the
name of Itford. This, which to-day attaches to a
single farm and farm-house in Beddingham, appears as
Iteford in Feudal Aids of 1401, and nothing else seems
to be known about it. The house was once a manor-
house of the Lewknors. That there actually did eiist
a ford here in very early times is suggested by several
reasons. The hills on either side of the river here close
in, so as to leave only a narrow passage ; it is impossible
to believe that the manor, which lay immediately upon
the eastern bank of the river, was without some ready
means of access to the Lewes-Newhaven road, still
the only tolerable high-road in the valley, as it was in
Ogilby's time (1675) ; and to a ford at this spot points
an old road from the Long bridge at Alfriston along
the northern foothills of the Downs by Berwick, Alciston,
Bopeep, Charleston, West Firle, and The Lay. More-
over, here is to-day the only bridge over the river
between Lewes and Newhaven. There is, however, no
evidence that the ford was available in Roman times,
nor is the nature of the ground between Itford and
Seaford such as to suggest that a Roman road-engineer
would have chosen this course. After spending some
years in the fruitless effort to justify Stukeley, the
writer abandoned his theory and turned to the Downs
between Seaford and Firle. There the road sought for
was found at once, together with other matters which
may perhaps be thought worth consideration.
iR. C. Robertt, Ftatt-Kam*! tf Sauae hundred af Eucwritli, ni. IGnirdc and
(1914), dinmMing the Domeid*; form, Ifcweht {DtHiaJjty, Inwirdc, iKtrerit).
inteipKU the Dvm in the populir wij, *Redmi1e (Leicn.) wu alio ipck Radc-
'thc ford in the muihjr ground.' He mjlde in Che thinecDth to Gfteentb
farther confiuei the nutter by iniir»ding, * R. G. Roberti, op. i
■nd then iwi«r»K>ig u munt fai liord, two luggettion, which ii not by acj' meini
of the I>ODietd«j foimi of the name c^ the free from difficultiei,
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
D,„i,z.d, Google
'o fact fmge 203.
D,„i,z.d, Google
SOME ROMAN ROADS IM THE SOUTH DOWNS. 203
THE ROAD ON TOY FARM.
Firle beacon (718 ft.) is the apes of an insulated mass
of chalk which slopes gradually up to this point from
the coast at Seaford. The valleys of the Cucltmere and
of the Ouse form the boundaries on east and west, while
on the north the hills fall, with the abruptness which
characterises the whole length of the northern scarp of
the Downs, towards the Bitch river or Glynde reach,
the chief affluent of the Ouse. The scarp forms a pro-
nounced curve of 90°, about a centre at Bishopstone
(between Seaford and Newhaven), one end of the arc
lying upon the Cuckmere at Alfriston, the other on the
Ouse at Itford, Firle beacon being only a few yards east-
ward of the middle point of the arc. The down to the
immediate west of the Beacon is known as Firle hill, over-
hanging the village of West Firle, 400 feet below. Beyond
the village the foot-hills fall gently to the north, forming
a kind of promontory between the levels of Laughton
to the east and Beddingham to the west.
One and a half miles due south of West Firle church,
upon the southward slope of Firle hill, at 450 feet above
sea-level, lies a noticeable group of round barrows known
as Firle Lords' burghs. ^ One of them has been
destroyed recently for the sake of the flints of which it
was largely built, but the remaining two, ranged closely
together north and south, are of height and proportions
very unusual among the Downs. The * agger, now turf-
grown, of a Roman road of the first class overlies the
south-eastern base of the more southerly of these. From
this point it is intact for a distance of 230 paces, running
in a straight line 27** east of north, perfectly smooth except
where the material has been grubbed in parts near its
southern end. The relief is 12 inches, the crown 25 feet
in width, and on either side can be guessed, rather than
seen, the presence of a fosse.
By the kindness of the landowner. Viscount Gage,
and of the tenant, Mr. H. Stacey, I was able to cut a
section across the road in September, 1914. The actual
measurements proved to be as follows; crown of road,
1 0.S. (6-iBt.) Souei cut, Lx*n, i.i.
D,gH,zed.y Google
20^ SOME KOMAN KOADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
24 feet ; base (bottom of fosse to bottom of fosse),
30 feet. The road was built of smallish flints laid to a
depth of 12 to 15 inches upon a bed of chalt-rubble. The
surface was heavily cambered, and lying upon it, when
the turf was removed, were found scraps of the common
Romano-British pottery of this part of England.
A few yards to the south of Firle Lords' burghs the
road is lost in the cultivated land of Toy farm. To the
north also it has been ploughed out, but at a more remote
period : old plough-marks run up to the ' agger ' on
either side where it is still intaci;, while they are to be
found in numbers crossing the line of its northward
projection ; a few yards east of the line of this projection
there still remains a small barrow, and traces of the hard
bed of the road are discoverable in places where cart-ruts
have cut across the line. At a point only 300 yards to
the east was found in August, 1914, a Romano-British
cemetery* and 'ustrina.'* Nearer to the brow of the
down there is no visible trace of the road, the whole of
the ground hereabouts haying been disturbed by con-
tinual flint-digging, but the line (projected) reaches the
brow of Firle hill (600 ft.), midway between Firle
Borstall on the west and Firle beacon on the east, i.e.
some 500 yards west of the latter, at a point marked by
a second and much smaller pair of barrows. It would
seem that the two pairs of barrows were taken as sighting-
points when the road was laid out. At this spot the ground
commences to fall towards the north, gently for some
30 yards, thereafter with extreme abruptness, dropping
300 feet in 600 feet.
The existence of the Roman road on Toy farm is
an unassailable fact, and unless we are to suppose that
its makers, for whatever reason, left it unfinished, we
must conclude that it was carried further. There are
only two alternatives possible : either it swung east or
west along the ridge of the Downs, or it went immediately
down the hiU in more or less the original direction. The
former alternative is unlikely, for the ridge here swings
I Sum* ArcbaaL CeU. ha, iij (iqi;). heca ducDTCTed on the iDuChem ipur of
■Writiii^ in Susiix Artbatot. Coll. Firle beacon,' auodiled with Suniu
nii, 76 (1S70), the Rer. H. Smith mention! and other pottery. 1 can find no further
that * du nte of aoDK dwellingi hta dctnlt of tbia diKomy.
D,„i,z.d, Google
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 205
round on a curve of a quarter-circle, the Roman road
striking the arc pretty much at the middle point ; and
a road carried along the ridge could have gone only to
Seaford or to Itford. It will be shown presently that a
Roman road does so run from this spot to Seaford, though
there is no evidence for any running to Itford ; but that
a Roman engineer, starting from any point between
Newhaven and Toy farm, should have laid cut a road
to either Seaford or Itford on the zig-zag course assumed
by this alternative, is incredible. If his road had
descended the hill at any other point of the arc, it woxJd
be just as difficult to understand why he laid it out as
he did ; and the face of the hill being for the most part
elsewhere little less steep than at this particular spot,
the problem of getting down to the lowlands would still
remain to be solved. One must fall back upon the other
alternative, namely, that the road was somehow carried
down the hill at diis precise spot, continuing as nearly
as might be upon its original line of direction.
THE TWO FORDS AT GLYNDE.
Facing Firle hill, across' the valley through which
runs the Ritch river, rises two miles away to the north-
west the isolated massif of Mount Caburn ; and under
the eastern slopes of Mount Caburn, on the north bank of
the river, lies the village of Glynde, its single street running
north and south to the bridge. Towards this spot run
out the lower foothills of Mount Caburn on the one side
and of Firle hill on the other, here reducing to their
narrowest the water-meadows — anciently the bed of the
now embanked river — which to east and west broaden
out into wide stretches of land still flooded every winter.
The bridge stands upon the site of a far older ford, ^ for
the sake of clearness to be referred to as ford (B), and
before the construction, about the year 1821, of the
modern Lewes-Eastbourne high-road by way of
Beddingham, the traffic east and west for many centuries
1 MS. of W. Wltdom. He wai 1 iriuel- pilei for i bridge. Tbt MS. ii, bf gift of
wright and caipcnter of Gljnde, aod be Maik Anton; Lowei, the propcrlj o{ tlie
fotmd th« ford in 1774, wtule uoldDg tlie paiiih of GXjadt.
D,gH,zed.y Google
2o6
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE 30TJTH DOWNS.
passed by this route, there being not more than some
400 feet of wet ground to traverse. Some of the large
stones^ which served either as stepping-stones, or more
probably perhaps as marks to guide the traffic," are said
to lie buried beneath the grass upon the northern bant.
But 600 yards further to the east there was another ford,
which I shall refer to as ford (A), at a point where the
northern bank (the Rise) was higher and firmer, although
the passage across the tidal flats was longer (1,000 ft.);
and at a spot about one mile below the point now reached
by ordinary tides there remains a straight, level, and
boldly-cambered causeway, with a width of 32 feet and
a relief of 2 feet, running south-east from this ford and
pointing to a spot upon the Lewes-Eastbourne road
known as Wick street. Both elements of this name are
suggestive. Both ford and causeway are understood to
be Roman,' and the last 200 yards of the line coincide
with an ancient roadway, now disused, of characteristic
Roman appearance, twdve feet wide, with a well-pre-
served fosse on either side. The original edition of the
one-inch ordnance survey in 1813 shows this roadway
continued in a straight line beyond Wick street and across
Firle park (of which at that time it formed the north-east
boundary) until it fell into the road which now forms
the eastern limit of the park. The point of junction
still bears the name of Heighton street, and upon the line
of the old road hence to Wick street stood the lost village
of Heighton St. Clere, of which Uttle is now traceable
but the site of the church.
The true objectives of this road have been over-
looked owing to the prevalence of the belief that it con-
nected a Roman settlement at Lewes with Anderida,
and was therefore supposed to have joined up in some
way with the east-to-west road along the foot-hills from
Itford to the bridge at Alfriston. Against this belief
must be set the facts that there, is no evidence what-
ever for the existence of any settlement at Lewes in
Odtoa, * St Cnni, Hia. tj ClyaJt (printed in
Swim Ar^. CsU.). Mr. T. Colgate, Ex-
it the pendltar ol the Oum Lcreb, inlorroi me
■pot vhen the bridge wai conicmcled, but that he hia Km the ictiuJ paTiDg of thii
there ii □□ endence that the ford «u io (ord in the rivet-bed.
D,„i,z.d, Google
SOME KOMAN K0AD3 IN THE SOITTH DOWNS. ZOJ
Roman times, ^ and therefore no likehood of any roads
thereto ; and that there is no showing the road along the
foot-hills to be of Roman date.
J-HE RABBIT-WALK.
The road now forming the eastern boundary of Firle
park from end to end, originally went no further north
than Heighton street, and was doubtless extended north-
east to the Lewes-Eastbourne road only when the older
road direct to Wick street was blocked and the north-
eastern part of the park annexed. Its southern terminus
at the present day is its junction with the old trail along
the foot-hills from Itford to the bridge at Alfriston ;
but if projected, it would reach the steep slope of Firle
hill at a point identical with the easternmost comer of
Firle plantation. There are four reasons for the in-
ference that originally it was thus projected : firstly,
there are plain indications of the hard bed of the road
under the grass at the point last named ; secondly, the
facts suggest that such a roadway was taken as the eastern
limit of the plantation, exactly as the surviving portion
of the road served to demarcate the park ; thirdly,
there still remains, precisely at the required spot in the
field-fence crossing the line about midway, an old gate-
way, for which there is no other means of accounting ;
and fourthly, the line thus projected coincides exactly
with the lower end of the so-called ' Rabbit -walk.'*
This is a remarkable green terrace-way which climbs
the hill and emerges on the crest precisely at the spot
upon which falls the projection of the Roman road on
Toy farm. That it should coincide so aptly at either
end with what is required is in itself enough to raise the
question whether it be not itself a Roman work and part
of the original Roman road. When further there are
taken into account the peculiarities of its construction,
peculiarities which difEerentiate it at once from the typical
hill-ways of the chalk area, there should remain very
' Tbe ideDdGodDQ of Lenu with upon tbc ipot ii uid to be coiiu of Athelitin
Mutuantonii of tht KaTcnna Ceognphei rniDtcd here (tenth centuij).
hu nothing to juidf^ ic The cuheit ■ Not nuiked on O.S. (64nt.) SuMCi
eridcDCe for the exutence of > tcttlemait out, lxtii, h.i.
D,gH,zed.y Google
208
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
little doubt of its Roman origin. On the degree to which
this can be estabhshed depends the entire argument of
this article.
The normal hill-way of the South Downs is some-
thing that has grown with usage. In gradient, in widlii,
in siurface, it is merely what the circumstances have made
■WAY (' BABBIT-WALK *) (
it ; steeper or less steep, broader or narrower, smoother
or rougher, its qualities vary with every few yards of its
course, and if it has one abiding characteristic, it is that
the roadway is almost invariably a ' holloway.' It is
a mere rut worn in the face of the hill by years of traffic
and weather, and in consequence it is as invariably
bounded by banks on both sides, the height of which is
more or less according as the trail has been much or little
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 209
med. In every one of these respects the ' Rabbit -walk '
is difEerent. It descends the hill, which is an exceptionally
steep one with a fall of i tn 2, by a gradient of mathematical
regularity (i in 5) ; it has a normal width of 8 feet ^ ;
its surface is smooth and unbroken turf, save that along
its inner edge the passing of occasional horsemen has
broken the usual 20-inch tread which a horse requires.
Nowhere from top to bottom does it show the slightest
tendency to become a ' holloway ' ; and so far from
having any sort of bank upon its down-hill side, its edge
on that side is clean-cut like a step. It is, in fact a step
cut out of the hill's face, the material removed from the
up-hill side having been thrown down upon the other
to form a wider roadway. The form of its section (fig. 2) is
incontestable proof that it was so made, and the point to
which the hill was cut back is still distinctly observable at
many parts of its length. Lastly, the test of the spirit-
level brings out the fact that throughout its course the
floor of the roadway has a slight, but decided and uniform,
slope from the up-hill to the down-hill side, this being
rather less than i inch in the foot. No one accustomed
to notice the character of his path can fail to be struck
by the unusual features of the ' Rabbit-walk,' and the
unfailing test of level and measuring-rod must convince
any one that the thing is artificial, the work of engineers
concerned to make a negotiable roadway down a hill by
nature impracticable, and to safeguard their road from
the destructive effects of scour by giving it just sufficient
tilt to throw off all surface-water. Who were the
engineers f The writer has asked himself this question
insistently from the day when he first happened upon the
' Rabbit -walk ' until, five years later, the answer was
furnished by his finding the Roman road on Toy farm.
It is suggested that the * Rabbit -walk ' is Roman work,
and probably as perfect a piece of Roman road-engineering
as Sussex can shov/. Two views of the terrace-way are
given in plate i.
There is no reason to deny it such an origin, for it is
an accepted fact that the Roman efigineers habitually
constructed terrace-ways up and down the steeper hills
D,gH,zed.y Google
210 SOME KOMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
which barred their roads. TTiere was indeed no other
plan to be followed, unless they had avoided the hills ;
and not the least remarkable feature of their work is the
boldness with which they laid out their roads so as to
traverse the very highest, or all but the very highest,
hUls along the line. Tlie Toy farm road is a case in
point, and another at the Devil's dyke will be dealt with
presently. In what precise manner the terrace-way was
constructed might and did vary with the circumstances.
In Craven, for instance, the Roman terrace-ways are
wide and cambered, whereas here at Firle the roadway
is narrow and void of camber. The reason is purely a
matter of geology ; what was at once necessary and satis-
factory upon the precipitous chalk slope of Firle hill
would have been neither satisfactory nor necessary upon
the gentler shoulders of a limestone ridge in Craven.
To have attempted to construct a twenty-foot road on
the face of Firle hill, which slopes in places at an angle
of 29°, would have been as wasteful an economy as to
have attempted to hew a smooth terrace-way out of the
intractable Craven limestone.
A glance at the printed descriptions of other known
Reman roads of the chalk area v/m furnish proof enough
that such terraces are common there. Tlius, to cite one
instance only, Codrington, speaking of the road from
Silchester to Bath, writes : ' on Morgan's hill it is carried
on a terrace about 5 yards wide, cut into and embanked
upon the slope of the hill ' ^ ; and he has a similar, if less
precise, description of the road from Winchester to
Cunetio. But Sussex itself provides a yet more con-
vincing example in the course by which the Stane street
descends Glatting down towards Hardham and the Weald.
This, an unquestionable piece of Roman work, and in
some ways me most remarkable Roman road in the
country, upon reaching the brow of the down, suddenly
' abandons the extraordinary triple form observable on the
ridge of the hill, and takes the shape of a simple terrace,
in some places 3c or even 35 feet wide.* This is vastly
wider than is the * Rabbit -walk,' but on the one hand
the Stane street, between Chichester and Hardham, is
' The terrace wu fanned hj cuttiDg bldt
thf alape of the hilL'
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 211
both in plan and in dimensions exceptional, and on the
other hand the slope of the ground on Glatting down
(13° to 15°) is only half as steep as that of Firle hill.
The ' Rabbit-walk,' in pursuing its carefully graded
course along the contours of the hill, describes a curve
approaching 90°. Its upper end coincides, as has been
said, with the projection of the Toy farm road ; its lower
portion, if projected, would lead direct into the lane
skirting Firle park, and so on by Heighten street and
Wick street to the Roman ford at Glynde. The double
coincidence can hardly be explained away, and any one
who endeavours to do so must also provide some alter-
native course whereby the Toy farm road may have
descended the hill. The topography does not admit of
any alternative course.
The variations in the gauge of the various sections
of the line here traced are remarkable. Thus :
Causeway to ford (A) at Glynde 32 ft.
Road near Wick street 12 ft.
Rabbit-walk 8 ft.
T07 farm road . . . . . . . . . . 24 ft.
Such variations, however, are in no way unusual. TTie
width of the Fosse way, for example, one of the four ' royal
roads,' varies from 6 or 7 feet at Radstock to as many
yards near Jackment's Bottom, Cirencester. ^ The narrow
dimensions of the ' Rabbit -walk,' at any rate, were imposed
upon the engineers by physical facts — by the steepness
of the hill.
A fortunate accident diverted the traffic of post-
Roman times, perhaps because of the rise of Lewes to
importance. Travellers thereafter naturally made Lewes
a halting-place, and continued their journey by the
nearest way to Glynde. Tliis brought them to the
alternative ford (B) near the present railway-station and
bridge, and crossing the Ritch river there, they pushed
on direct towards the hill" by way of Little Dene and
New Elm to Firle Borstall, a typical downland ' holloway '
which emerges upon the ridge about 500 yards west of
the ' Rabbit -walk.' Thence they followed the greenway
* Cadiingtan, Raman Readi in BrilatH,
D,gH,zed.y Google
212 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
along the ridge to a point just beyond Firle beacon,
where it forked. One branch went straight on to the
bridge near Alfriston, the other swung southward
to reach the bridge at £:xceat. Both trails ultimately
reunited in Eastbourne.^ The earlier Roman route
being abandoned, the ' Rabbit-walk ' also went out of
use, and this explains its remarkable state of preservation.
It is too narrow to have invited any wheeled traffic, when
wheeled traffic after many centuries revisited the Downs.
The pack-horses of the intervening centuries went by
way of Firle Borstall, The ' Rabbit -walk ' itself was
deserted, and when once those sections of the road which
formed the immediate approaches to north and south
had been obliterated, there remained nothing to guide
the few wayfarers to what is stiU by far the easiest way
up and down the hill. It was forgotten and deserted,
and therefore undisturbed.
THE ROAD TO SEAFORD.
On the brow of the hill the upper end of the * Rabbit-
walk ' makes a junction vnxh. the Toy farm road, at some-
thing like a right-angle, but the direct line was also pro-
jected straight on towards Firle beacon, quickly fafling
into the mediaeval greenway and coincidmg for some
2j miles with that branch of it which went to Exceat
bridge. Traffic, and the continued activities of flint-
diggers, have erased all external traces of this road
between the ' Rabbit -walk ' and the Beacon, but there
remains on the line a broad, shallow trench extending
for some distance, and suggesting that the metal has been
grubbed. Further on the trail becomes again a
recognisable road, although there is no ' agger,' heading
due south for the site of the Roman cemetery at Seaford.
From the barrow called Firle Lords' burgh onward to
Black Stone the road coincides with a parish-boundary
(Alciston-Bishopstone). At Black Stone the mediaeval
trail diverges to the south-east, but the Roman road,
although entirely obliterated for three-quarters of a
mile by the East Blatchington golf links, is presently
' K. Budgm'i Af<9 ff Sutitx (1724).
D,„i,z.d, Google
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 213
represented by the line of a fence, and a little further
on reappears in its proper form just where a ruined cattle-
shed abuts upon the fence. From this point onward
it is easily traceable, passing beside Sutton place, and
through the adjacent farm-yard, whence it is incorporated
in a modern road direct to its destination.^ Where
the original Roman work remains measurable it has a width
of ID feet, and it is to be noticed that its presence un-
questionably determined the position both of Sutton
farm and of the cattle-shed, the builders obviously availing
themselves of so hard and clean an approach. Other
examples of the same thing will be cited presently.
TOY FARM TO PORTSLADE.
The measurements and construction of this line of
road show that it was in no sense as important as that
which ran across Toy farm, and the reason is plain. It
served only a small settlement, which was moreover a
terminus, and for such purposes a second-grade road
would be sufhcient. The Toy farm road, however, from
its dimensions, was one of the first rank, a ' via publica,'
and although it has not as yet been possible to make out
its actual course south of Firle Lords' burghs, a glance
at the map will show that it can have had but one
objective ; it must have crossed the Ouse and continued
along the coast by way of Newhaven and Rottingdean,
through Brighton to Portslade. In all likelihood it went
straight on thence to Chichester, its western course being
more than hinted at by various discoveries made near
Chichester and Aldingbourne, by the lie of parish
boundaries, and by the name of the village of Ford.
Roman remains are ubiquitous upon the line all the way
from Portslade to Newhaven, but thereafter they are
lacking, obliterated one must suppose by the alterations
in the course of the Ouse, by the construction of the
railway, and by the operations of cement-workers and
jerry-builders at Denton and South Heighton. Never-
theless there remain certain facts which, taken collectively,
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
214 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
are sufficient to justify the belief that this was the course
of the Roman road. Before the coming of the railway
altered its character, Newhaven (Meeching, as it was
originally called) was a tiny village straggling along one
street down to the river, which was crossed, not by the
present bridge beside the station, but by another lying
in the direct hne a little way to the north, where the
construction of a recent cut has made what to-day is called
' the Island.' ^ The Island is covered by warehouses,
and between this and the railway lies a labyrinth of sidings,
but the line is at once resumed in a road leading direct
to the foot-hills at Denton. This road originally joined
Denton directly with the old bridge, and at this point
the passage of the Hat lands is shortest, about 1,050 yards
only. At Denton an opening in the hills leads up to
a long and gradual ascent known as Gardener's hill, along
which is carried another road north-eastward by Norton
hovel , towards Alciston. Norton hovel stands upon
what appears to have been the site of a Romano-British
settlement, and certain features in the construction of
the road, no less than its course, suggest that it is certainly
as old as the Roman time. It was therefore a branch
thrown off at Denton by the trimk-line, which would
pass naturally up the valley on the north of Gardener's
hill to Toy farm. It is true that, the bottom of the
Ouse being hard throughout its lower course, the river
might have been crossed anywhere between Itford and
Newhaven, but that it was so crossed is unlikely in view
of the increasing width of the flat land as one goes north
from Newhaven, the lie of the hills on the eastern side of
the valley, and the orientation of the fragment of the
road surviving on Toy farm. Moreover there is no trace
of any corresponding road upon the western side of the
valley save that suggested," namely the original street
of old Meeching, which continued pretty well in the
required line towards Rottingdean.
1 Map ef ihi thtr Oat, tagtand for the nothing about it to luggnt Ronun «ori^
CommiiHontn of the Lcvelt, by J. W. ind there it no menu oi bringing it into
W(oolgit), 1841. It contiiiu an iniet relicion with the T07 film road. The
pUn of NewhiTcn. UUK lugguu that it wu lued by the
• Old mapt ahow a totimj leadinl iheep-fannen of ■ centuiy or two ago, to
■ctou the flat! by way of Duibam fam, move their flocb from one pattunge to
nurting it u ' Stod feny.' Then it uuthct.
Digitized .yCOOgle
z.d, Google
215.
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
THE BRIDLE-PATH AT THE DEVIL S DYKE.
Portslade means ' Port's road.* TTie explanation is
an old one, and has the support of the latest authority.'
Whether or not it ever bore the name of Portus Adurni,
it was unquestionably a place of importance in Roman
times, for it was the starting-point of Another road* wliich
ran northward by Hangleton house in a straight line to
the Dj-ke hovel and onwards. From a point half a mile
north of Hangleton house the road coincides with a
parish-boundary for i^ miles, and there are several barrows
along its course. Five hundred yards short of Poynings
place farm the direct line is lost in cultivated land, but
the writer in the Gentleman's Magazine says that it went
on to descend the northern face of the Downs ' con-
siderably to the left (i.e. west) of the Devil's dyke, or
Poor man's wall, on the descent of the old road to Claydon
(sc. Clayton).* He uses the term Devil's dyke in its proper
sense, denoting the great south-western ' vallum ' of the
British camp, the ' Poor man ' being a Sussex euphemism
for the devil. That the road did continue in this direc-
tion is highly probable, for the point at which it would
reach the brow of the hill coincides with the point reached
by the projection of another ancient (? Roman) road
coming by way of Mount Sion and Fulking corner ; and
I believe it descended the hill by the line of what is now
knovm as Fulking Borstall.
From the otiier side of the county comes another
accepted Roman road from the neighbourhood of London
by way of the Caterham valley to Godstone, and thence
by Wakehurst place to St. John's common, Burgess HiU. ^
Although its precise course from that point southward
has not been proved, there are the best of reasons for
believing that it ran in a straight line on past the Roman
cemetery at Stonepound (Hassocks) straight to Cold-
harbour farm under the northern slopes of Wolstonbury
hill. There is an old road in the grass field immediately
' R. G. Robciti, Platt-Kama tf Smitx. conunon in 17711, ' iS-io it. wide, ind nude
CMtl»H>«->MdEd>nM, i8ig,pp. 107-!. ^j^,, ^ ^^^^J to p.Te th« pi»tiit
*Gt»tUmaiii Mtfoaiiu, 17S1, pp. London-BrightoD road by mj' of CUjtoa
306-307. It wu found on St. John'* tUL
D,„i,z.d , Google
2l6 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
north of this farm, which lies in the required line, and
passing through the farm-yard continues as a metalled
lane to the east-to-west road now connecting Clayton
with Danny park. That its ultimate objective was at
Portslade has never been questioned, but how it was
carried up and over the Downs, and where, if one existed,
was the missing link connecting it with the road from
Portslade by Hangleton house towards the Devil's dyke,
are problems which have never been satisfactorily
answered, in spite of the efforts of the antiquaries of a
century and a quarter.^ The analogies provided by
the ' Rabbit-walk furnish at once the answers required.
From the point, just north of the Dyke hovel, at
which the direct Une of the Portslade-Hangleton road
is lost, a hard cart-way diverges to the right passing
through the yard of Poynings place farm. Projected
for a few yards it would fall direct into the modern hi^-
road to oaddlescombe and coincide therewith for some
300 yards, i.e. to the point at the head of the Devil's
dyke valley where that high-road swings to the right to
descend the slope of Summer Down into Saddlescombe.
Precisely at this point commences a green terrace-way*
which threads the entire length of the eastern side of the
vaUey, and crossing the little stream at its mouth, con-
tinues on round the foot of Newtimber hill to Poynings.
Here it traverses the grass field in which stands Poynings
place, and the evidence of the ground suggests that the
original house once stood actually upon the road, pre-
cisely as do Poynings place farm and Hangleton house,
the three being the only old homesteads on the whole
line between Coldharbour farm and Portslade For some
hundreds of yards it continues as a foot-path overgrown
with coppice, and so runs direct into the road (Beggar's
lane) leading to Newtimber. Beggar's lane is a modern
reconstruction of the older road. Passing Newtimber
park it crosses the high-road (from Brighton to London
by way of Bolney) near a spot known as Cherry hurst,
where an immense chalk-quarry has destroyed it for some
> In Suaa ArchatcL Ctll, xri, 1 76 who wai the author of the thtmj, nor
(1S61), ii mentioned t tbtarj thit the it any evidence adduced to tupport it.
road paued bj my of the Deril't dyke
and Siddkuombe, bat it ii not itated 'O.S. (fr-iiu.) Snwex e»t, Ul,t.i.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 2I7
distance ; but on the eastern edge of the quarry it reappears
as a narrow gamekeeper's foot-path, skirted on either side
by the relics of very ancient hedges, and pointing almost
due east continues straight on under the slopes of
Wolstonbury hill until it falls into the east-to-west road
from Clayton to Danny park, and so reaches the St. John's
common-Coldharbour road. A parish boundary follows
this line from the head of the Devil's dyke valley to its
junction with Beggar's lane ; another coincides with it
from Cherry hurst onward to its junction with the Cold-
harbour road. From the slopes of Newtimber hill
immediately overlooking Poynings place has come a
remarkable earthenware costrel in the form of a barrel,^
and other Roman pottery, building tiles, plaster, etc.
For long stretches this is a hard road of unmistakably
ancient make, and excepting where, modern work has
overlaid it, it may be seen and trodden almost from end
to end. Nor is its course so devious as it sounds : the
crow-flight line from Coldharbour farm to the road-
head by the Dyke hovel is 3J miles, while the route by ■
Cherry hurst and Poynings adds only a quarter of a
mile to this total. On the other hand, the aggregate of
the ascents to be negotiated along the crow-flight line is
more than 1,000 feet, whereas that of the Cherry hurst-
Poynings road is not 600 feet.
TTie total length of the terrace along the side of the
Devil's dyke valley is over 1,000 yards. At the lower
end, where the fall of the hill-side is comparatively gentle,
the floor is 24 feet across, and well preserved. As it
ascends the terrace grows narrower, because the fall of
the hill becomes more and more abrupt, until it is almost
lost near the head of the valley. Of its being identical
in origin with its companion on Firle hill I feel no doubt
whatever : it shows the same careful gradient, the same
clean edge on the outer side, the same absence of any
retaining bank, the same slight slope from inner to outer
edge, and like the ' Rabbit-walk ' it is cut out and
embanked upon the slope of the hill. That this is so is
proved in a remarkable fashion at a point about midway,
where the made earth has slipped for several feet, dividing
' Detcribcd ind iUnttntcd in Brifbtt» tnJ Hen* Jrebt/dtgut {igii),p.^
D,„i,z.d , Google
2l8 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
the floor of the road lengthwise into two strips : one of
these preserves the proper gradient, and represents that
part of the terrace whidi is cut out of the solid hill-side ;
the other represents the part embanked upon the hill.
It will not be out of place to remark that the precise
course of this road north of Godstone towards Croydon
has not been satisfactorily determined. It has been
suggested to me by Mr. Albany Major that it followed
the line of a terrace-way observable for some miles along
the eastern side of the valley. In places this measures
upwards of 30 feet wide, and it is so smooth that, where
it passes through the gardens of the villas about
Waningham, it is sometimes made use of as a lawn.
That it is of artificial origin there is as little reason to
doubt as in the case of the Devil's dyke terrace-way ;
and if sufficient reason can be adduced for believing
that to be Roman work, the Warlingham terrace may
reasonably be referred to the same orgin.
The local name for the terrace-way at the Devil's
dyke is the ' Bridle-path.' It is nowhere so well pre-
served as is the ' Rabbit-walk,' and the reason is not far
to seek : it has carried, and still carries, very much more
traffic. Iliis has never been wheeled traffic, as the
smooth surface at the lower end testifles, and from this
fact one infers that at its upper end it was never wide
enough to invite a modem cart, or at any rate that it had
ceased to be so wide when wheeled traffic was revived.
Horses have done most of the damage here, abetted
by the tendency of the chalk lull to ' creep.' * Creep *
may develop on any steep slope, and that it has not
occurred at Firle hJl is a fortunate accident. At the
Devil's dyke it did occur, and naturally where the
slope was steepest, i.e. at the upper end of the terrace.
In consequence the roadway became blocked to such
an extent that no cart could use it ; and the face of
the valley being from one end to the other too steep
to aUow of any deviation from the path, the entire terrace
went out of use save for pedestrians and a few horse-folk
coming over from Brighton for a gallop. Also the terrace
proved a convenient means of access to the arables on
the hill-top. These, the land of Poynings place farm,
have long been farmed by the occupant of Saddlescombe,
and his heavy teams have tramped up and down it for
DrrizPd.yGOOgle
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 219
years going to and from tKeir work. This alone, would
have wrought great damage, but the mischief has been
aggravated tenfold by the action of the roadman who
deliberately diverted the surface-water from the modern
Saddlescombe road so that it ran into the terrace-way.*
The scour of this water has played havoc with the floor
of the terrace, cutting as deep as 3 feet in places. If
there had been no horse-traffic to break the turf, the
water would have drained off direct into the valley below,
and this is why the Roman engineer sloped his terrace
from up-hill to down-hill side ; but horse-traffic having
once broken the turf and formed ever so narrow a tread
in the surface, the water of necessity followed this, and
scoured it into an ever-deepening channel. About mid-
way, however, as the map shows, the valley makes almost
a right-angled bend. This bend prevented the further
spread of the damage, for it gave the water a chance at
last to get off the road. From the top of the vall^ to
the bend the terrace is mauled almost beyond recognition ;
below the bend it is little damaged, and near the mouth
of the valley, as has been said, it is virtually intact. Even
the passing of the cart-horses has not broken it there,
because the width of the terrace is such that it is not
needful for the animals to follow exactly in one another's
tracks. Their footfalls, scattered over a surface 24 feet
wide, have not even broken the turf.
Budgen's map (1724) shows diat the head of the
Devil's dyke valley was an important junction of the
traffic of the time, the great east-to-west trunk-route
here intersecting other trails which came up from
Clayton and Pyecombe by Saddlescombe and so on to
the passage of the Adur at Old Shoreham. Luckily
this traffic aU avoided the Roman terrace-way, and
followed a line more or less identical vrith that of the
modem Saddlescombe high road. Otherwise the * Bridle-
path * would have lost even more of those features which
stamp it the fellow of the ' Rabbit-walk.'
Here then is a second case in which a terrace-way
of peculiar construction provides the connecting link
between two otherwise disconnected sections of Roman
road. This may justifiably be claimed as proof of the
argument that both terrace-ways are Roman work, nor iff
there any sufficient reason why their Roman origin should
y Google
220 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOtJTH DOWNS.
be denied. Even if it were still maintained that both
are natural formations, though their character and con-
struction is wholly opposed to such an origin, it would
still, I think, have to De admitted that the Roman availed
himself of them and incorporated them in lus road-
system.
BRIGHTON KINGSTON HILL GLYNDEBOURNE CROSSWAY.
Since the writer first drew attention to the matter
there have been brought to his notice some half-dozen
other hill-roads upon the South Downs, which, upon
examination, may very possibly prove to be of the same
origin. It is certainly a curious fact that in all but one
case they are situated exactly where other evidence
suggested that one should look for a Roman road. The
one exception deserves consideration, because it seems
to bear out the writer's beUef that the recognition of
such terrace-ways may quite possibly lead to the
determination of other Roman roads where they have
never been suspected.
The case in question is on Kingston htll,^ i^ miles
south-west of Lewes. The hill juts out squarely like
the corner of a box from the mass of downs behind
Rottingdean, and after falling steeply for 300 feet trends
more gradually downward, throwing out a long outUer,
known as Ashcombe ridge, in the direction of Southerham
and the massif of Mount Caburn. An old road, known
by the name of 'Jugg's road,' follows this ridge." At
the one end it runs into the main street of Southover,
skirting the site of the ancient priory of St. Pancras ; at
the other end it runs up to the commencement of the
steeper slope of Kingston hill. Here, however, it divides :
one branch (' Jugg's road ') cUmbs up its northern face
and continues westwards over the downs to Brighton
by way of Newmarket farm and the Race hill' ; the other
chmbs the eastern face and points southward as if making
> O.S. (6-iiu.) Suuex cut, Lxvi, HJ. 'It probably coatinucd on the line of
' * Ji'K ' ■■ **>(' to be 1 [dciI mine for vrhit ue now Elm gtore ind New EngUod
the BiigbCon fiihcimni, ind Che tnil ii road into the prewnt Old Shorthaiii road,
■lid to bave got iti name from the fact that leepini to the diy ground noith of the
thoae fi^nntn uMd it when bringing tbeir old arm of the lea now repmented hf lh«
liak for Mk in Lnrca. That traffic miut Old Steine.
hare ctaKd to be of anjt importance nearly
• centuirafo.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 221
for Newhaven or for Rottingdean. There are several
barrows on Kingston hill, and It is noteworthy that the
two largest lie just where the two terraces reach the brow
of the hill.
Neither of these terraces bears at first sight the
slightest resemblance to the ' Rabbit-walk,' or even to
its less well preserved fellow the ' Bridle-path.' On the
contrary boui are superficially very like the average
hill-way, differing one from the other only in that,
whereas the western branch is still occasionally used for
wheeled traffic, and is therefore in places worn deeply,
into the chalk, the eastern branch has long since reverted
to the turf. A more careful examination, however.
FIC. 4. SECTION OF TERRACE-WAY OH KINGSTON HILL, WEaT.
discloses in both certain peculiarities which justify a
different conclusion.
Of the western branch, badly mutilated as it is, little
will be said. At the upper and the lower end alike it is
deeply sunk in the hill, but whereas the ' holloway ' at
the lower end is the natural and obvious result of wheeled
traffic, that at the upper end is to all seeming due for
the most part to the original engineers. The smooth
contour of the hill-side is here broken by a sort of buttress.
The ordinary * holloway ' would simply have climbed
over this obstacle ; the Roman, it might be supposed,
would have carried his terrace-way round its face. The
actual road takes neither course, but is carried through
the buttress by a deliberate cutting sunk sufficiently deep
:y Google
2ZZ SOME ROMAN ROADS IH THE SOUTH DOWNS.
to maintain the average gradient of the whole terrace.
Another example of such a cutting will be described in
the sequel, and a better-known parallel may be found
on the admitted line of the Fortslade-London road at
Godstone. Here, just north of the village, the Roman
road is carried through a much larger cutting for a
distance of three furlongs, with much less reason than
was present at Kingston hill.^ Here is given (fig. 4)
a section of the western terrace-way on Kingston hill
at a point immediately below the cutting, and it will
be seen that it shows the same clean-cut edge, and the
same absence of parapet, as were noticed in the ' Rabbit-
walk ' and the ' Bridle-path,' while traffic has at this
spot done but little damage to the floor.
For the purposes of this article the other (eastern)
terrace is more illuminating, because less excepti6nal
and less altered. The first of its peculiarities to strike
the eye is its perfect gradient, much too perfect to be the
outcome of any accident. The second is the presence,
upon the down-hill side, of a continuous bank or parapet,
smooth and even, with a clean-cut outer edge, and of a
uniform width of some 3 feet only (fig. 5). Now the
presence of an outer bank is an invariable feature of
every accidental hill-way. Such hill-ways being merely
exaggerated ruts worn into the face of the hill, like any
other rut they must of necessity have two sides enclosing
them. Occasionally also the outer bank or parapet of
such a hill-way, having been found to be a convenient
footway, will be trodden to a certain degree of flatness
and smoothness. But no amount of tread could possibly
produce a continuous strip of lavm-like turf, smooth
as a floor and of one uniform width for many scores of
yards, uniform too in its gradient, and always presenting
the same unbroken edge. Still less could it produce
another feature, namely, a uniform, if slight, slope from
the up-hill to the down-hill side. TTie spirit-level proves
the existence of such a slope here, exactly as it proves
it in the ' Rabbit -walk.'
In fig. 6 are given two sections of the Roman terrace-
way on Glatting down (Stane street), which at once
< HiUire Bclloc nodcei two timibi ind Pctwortli, the othei between Alfoldeui
cnttiiigt an the coune of the Stuie itnit, and Doikidg (Tbt SUMt Stml, pp. 136,
the one it Athum between Coldmlthim ijS'i5()).
,GoogIe
SOME ROMAH KOADS IK THE SOUTH DOWNS. 22}
explain what has occurred on Kingston hill. At some
period not very remote the terrace-way on Glatting
down was found to be a convenient means of approach
to a large chalk-pit, and the passing of carts to and fro
had the inevitable consequence : it broke through the
original floor of the terrace and gradually wore out a
' hollowa^ * along it, in some places as much as five feet
deep ; but the slope of Glatting down being relatively
no. 5. tzcnoHt
TMtRACE-WAy ON KINCrrON HILL, BAIT.
gentle, the Roman had here been able to construct so
spacious a terrace, that there still remains unbroken a
part of the original floor. One of the sections in fig. 6
shows this surviving only upon the outer side of the
roadway, the other shows it surviving on both sides ;
and a dotted line joining the two would represent the
original - appearance of the Roman's work.
Something similar has occurred in the case of the
.y Google
224
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
eastern terrace on Kingston hill, of which three sec-
tions are given (fig. 5). The peculiar stepping of the
* hoUoway ' is the result of horse-traffic, for there is no
sign, and no memory, of an^ wheeled vehicle having
ever used this path. The tread of horses has worn away
the surface of what was once a terrace like the ' Rabbit-
walk' or like that on Glatting dovm, leaving intact a
strip of it only. Upon a steep slope the trafHc in-
stinctively hugs the up-hill side, exactly as is illustrated
by the position of the horse-tread on the ' Rabbit -walk,'
and in consequence the destruction of the original surface
proceeds gradually from the inner to the outer edge of
the roadway. Happily it ceased on Kingston hill, while
there yet remained that tell-tale 3-foot strip of the
original floor which now forms the parapet of the resultant
' holloway.' Incidentally the sections illustrate another
.y Google
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 225
feature of all hill-ways, namely, that a ' holloway ' de-
creases in depth as one nears the top of the hill. And
it will be noticed also that here, as in the case of the
' Bridle-path,' the original terrace-way was much wider
at the lower end than at the upper, because of the
diminishing steepness of the hill-side.
If this reasoning is sound, the eastern terrace on
Kingston hill is another example of Roman engineering.
How far do other facts corroborate this conclusion ? At
the foot of the hill the two terraces unite, as has been
said, in the old road along Ashcombe ridge. This road
has all the characteristics of Roman work; it is hard,
straight, and laid out to follow the axis of a ridge leading
towards the river Ouse at Southerham. A parish-
boundary runs beside the road for a mile. The road
passes the priory of St. Pancras, a fact of a certain signifi-
cance ; and on the site of the priory, or along the line
of the road thereto, have been picked up a large proportion
of the few Roman coins preserved in the museum of
the Sussex Archaeological Society at Lewes. Between
the priory and the river the road is represented by the
modern Ham lane, which is to-day a cul-de-sac, the low
ground between this and the foot-hills beyond the river
having been entirely altered by the embanking of the
river and the construction of the railway. On the
opposite bank, however, commences another road, in the
required line, which threads the long valley running up
through the Cabum massif towards Saxon down. In
this valley (Oxteddle* bottom) Gideon Mantell dug up
a large number of Roman urns about 1820,^ and its
slopes are still covered with that peculiar type of small
and rectangular lynchet which, in this part of Sussex,
is generally associated with Romano-Brirish remains.
Here, too, is the undated rectangular earthwork known
1 So nuncd from ici hiving once con- a Ungth fji 96 f^ct^ t.e. to iccommodate
tiincd an oi-ttall {atiiU, Lino, and Kent, twelrc pain of oien. It it to b« noticed
' I (UU "), the foundaciotii of which ate tint the luU in Oxtcddk bottom liei
(till Tinble in the (onn of a thm^nded actually upm the Roman road, Hke the
rectingiilir euthwaik, at the noithem byre at Sutton and the farm-building of
foot of Ranicombe hill. The work meuurei Hangleton bouie and Poyningi place farm-
So feet in len^ and 14 feet broad,
i.e. it repnaenti itall-room for ten pain
of oxen allowing to each pair the itandard
(pace of 8 (ect. There ii another of
then woib on the floor of the Devil'i
dyk* Talley, of the lame breadth, but of
' Hortfield,
Hat. e
5u
K,
,+8.
Un-
happily it lee
9ia impo
ubl
trace
what
theie,
and
Ihei
diic
verel
, Google
2X6
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
anciently as ' The Devil's book ' and latterly as * The
Bible,' while the Late-Celtic fortress on Mount Caburn,
and its older fellow Ranscombe camp, overhang the valley
from the south. The roadway is in some places a turf-
grown terrace and in others visibly metalled ; a section
cut across it disclosed a well-made bed of fUnt, 6 feet
wide and 6-g inches in thiclaiess. It crosses the saddle
of the hill at Saxon down by a cutting some 90 yards
in length and 12 feet in depth at the maximum ; and
this cutting is the purposed work of engineers, no
accidental ' holloway.' llie tread of the later mediaeval
pack-trails which cross the line has fiUed up the cutting
to a depth of 3 to 4 feet, proving the latter to be very
much the older work ; and if the silting is removed,
the original floor of the cutting (which was not metalled)
is at once exposed, smoothly cut in the solid chalk, 8 feet
wide, and having the angles at either side still clean and
unbroken. Beyond the cutting the road continues for
a short distance as a terrace-way very similar to that on
Kingston hill, passes immediately beside another rec-
tangular earthwork of which the maps take no account,^
and falls direct into a remarkable straight green-road
known by the suggestive name of ' Week lane,' 550 yards in
length and 22 feet wide,* so reaching the Glynde-Ringmer
road at the point called Glyndebourne crossway. Week
lane is a parish-boundary. Beyond the crossway the
road is continued in the same line, pointing for the high
groimd of Crowborough.' At the crossway were found
m 1879 a series of Saxon interments,* and the surface-
mould is full of fragments of Romano-British pottery.
It can hardly be that the road from Kingston hill
to the western bank of the Ouse, and that from its
eastern bank to Glyndebourne crossway, should so aptly
correspond unless ihey were parts of one and the same
route, and connected by a ford or ferry upon the river.
The position of the priory of St. Pancras certainly suggests
' Leed opinion dcctiro tfaii oithwoA * It w» required bf lav tbit a Roman
to be the tite of a mcdiacTal homatead, road •hould be vtry much wider ac a ctom-
but it ia powiblf my much older, for (i) the w*j or ocher tumiog.
toad appean to ovtrlie the foMe of the ■ O.S. (6-iiu.) Stuaei eait, tsr, a.t The
work, (1) the (oil it full of Romano-Bcitiih oalj portion of the line ahown upon die
potteiy, and (3) the woi^ eadoaei a perfect O.S. ii that eaitward along Week lane.
Uttle barrow. Thtre appean, however, to The yarioua tractwap and earthworti about
have ttood wichio it a veij recent foim- Mount Cabum are for the matt pan ignored.
buildins. * Suitx Arcbaal. CM. miii (1SS3).
yCoogle
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS. 22/
that in mediaeval times there existed at this point some
such means of reaching the other bank ; and what was
practicable in mediaeval times cannot have been im-
practicable to the Romans. It is perhaps hopeless to
expect that actual proof of the matter will ever be forth-
coming, seeing that the railway has caused, and the river
has suffered, so many alterations ; but it must be remem-
bered that the Roman was quite familiar with other
means of crossing a stream than bridges and fords. Ovid
speaks of that form of ferry-boat famiUar to University
men as a ' grind ' :
u oWte rip..,
Ad dominam propcro ;
■itCc parump«r iquu.
Nee tibi rant pontei, ».
pf jua*, n« rmifis irii
nulnu vtbat.
It is at any rate matter of history that at no very remote
period the river traffic of Lewes was centred just at this
spot, a long way from the modern bridge ; while yet more
recently (about 1820) there was a strong movement in
favour of constructing a bridge here and carrying the
traffic of the Eastbourne-Lewes road direct across the
river into Southover, so as to avoid the awkward approaches
and narrow dimensions of the Cliffe bridge. The ex-
treme distance between the river bank at Southerham
and the present termination of Ham lane is some 500
yards. ^
GLYNDE — GLYNDEBOURNE CROSSWAY HAMSEY.
The present-day Glynde-Rlngmer road represents
a series of reconstructions. The original Roman road
appears to have connected, almost upon the site of the
present church of Glynde, with that leading to ford (A)
and the causevray and so towards Firle hill. From this
point it followed in the other direction a course slightly
west of north almost direct to Glyndebourne crossway.
Bishop Trevor, who rebuilt the church (1763-1765), aUo
deflected this road so that it now lies a little to the west
1 Immeilialilf ccndguoui Co the road, ' matte,' and if it be idmicted tbat the read
wbcK it pau«« I.ewet railway-*ution, it indeed Roman, the otherwiie unaceount-
Uei the Urge mound called Che Mount, able poiition of >uch a work ii at once
commonly auerted to have been coniCrucIed »plauied. In Suuex, at in^ nCe, Norman
b7 the monkt of St. Paaciai prioi? ai a cutle-mounCi, like Domeidaf manon, are
calraij. To all appeaiance it i> ■ Norman Tahiable chie* Co the courte of RoDun roidi.
.Google
ZZ8 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
of the original line, the latter being preserved in the private
road (the ' Bishop's walk ') through the grounds of Glynde
place, with which the older buildings and ofhces of the
mansion are aligned. At Lacy's corner the two lines
coalesce again for some 300 yards, when the modern road
turns to the right and presently curves back towards
the crossway along the western wall of the grounds of
Glypdebourne house. The older road ran straight on,
and is to-day represented by a field-way passing just
west of Glyndeboume farm, where it comes to a stop.
There is no reason to doubt that it was continued in the
same line across the fields to the crossway, but this ground
having been long under cultivation before it was parked,
no trace of the road is visible, unless it be the presence
of a gateway in the fence to the north, exactly at the
point assumed. Again coalescing with the modern road
it crossed Week lane and descended the further side of
Glyndeboume hill in a due north-west direction.
A fragment of the old road — a terrace-way — can be seen
close beside * Reservoir cottages.' The cottages were
built to accord with it, and like it they stand some feet
above the new road. The new road now again bears
to the right, but the old road projected follows the course
of an old hedge, a parish boundary, and a field-road, as
far as the modern Lewes-Ringmer road, and crossing
this, reappears as the remarkably straight by-road leading
to Upper and Lower Stoneham. ^ Here it reaches the
water-meadows of the Ouse immediately opposite to the
rising ground on the other side of the river where stands
Hamsey church. There must have been a ford or ferry
here in Roman times, as there is to-day. There are
men alive now who were wont to drive their cattle across
at that spot. The line, if continued, wo\ild aim direct
for the vUlage of Street. This village occurs as Estrat in
Domesday, and unquestionably points to the presence of
a ' street ' in the locality. I find in the Manuscript of
W. Wisdom the statement that in his time (about 1800)
the tradition of Glynde was that 'the Romans crossed
the Ouse at Hamsey.' '
> From Gl^dcboumc croMwij ODWird * Thit ii i few jirdi iboTC the pnnt oo
the field-lencti arc all hid out in nUtian tht Oufe marked u ' hi^at Umit of
to thit Um of roid, and without Tcgird to oidintcj tido.'
the coune of the modern highwap.
,GoogIe
SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOIITH DOWNS. 229
GLYNDEBOURNE CBOSSWAY CROWBOROUGH.
It can hardly be supposed that a Roman road running
from Portslade by Newhaven over Toy farm should have
had for its real objective such a point as Street. The
line from Glyndebourne crossway by Hamsey must re-
present merely a cross-road, and the course of the main
road must be looked for at the crossway, in the north-
eastward continuation of Week lane, which is intact for
some 500 yards, demarcated by old hedgerows long since
overgrown so as to cover the whole road. Where this
road is measurable it is 14 feet across, but it is evident
that it has at this point been encroached upon by the
plough, for the over-all width of the double hedgerow
elsewhere is as much as 36 feet. Fragments of pottery
are numerous all along its course. As marked upon the
ordnance map the bearing of this line is 27° e. of n, which
is identical vnth that of the road on Toy farm. The
reason for the devious course of the road from Firle hill
to the crossway is to be foimd in the two facts that,
firstly, the low ground of Laughton level prevented, and
still prevents, the construction of any firm way in the
direct line, and secondly, only from this north-eastern side
was there any approach to the insulated high ground about
Mount Caburn which was permanently secure from flood.
GLTNDE — SOUTH MAILING (MEDIAEVAL ?).
Local antiquaries, as has been remarked, commonly
assert that the ford (A) and causeway at Glynde form
part of a line of Roman road running from Lewes to
Eastbourne or Pevensey. They suppose the road to
have crossed the Ouse where now is the Gliffe bridge,
to have climbed immediately up the face of ClifFe hill
by way of the existing ' holloway,' and, following the
high ground to Saxon down, to have swung thence to
the right and descended direct into Glynde along another
deep holloway, pointing directly to ford (A). Without
committing oneself to the assertion that there was no
such line of road in Roman times, it is quite permissible
to point out reasons against it. In the first place, there
being no evidence for the existence of a settlement on
the site of Lewes in Roman times, there is no ground
for assuming the existence of a road along this course;
and the existence of such a road is the less likely if satis-
:y Google
230 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOtJTH DOWNS.
factory evidence has been produced for the probable
exbtence of others immediately to the north (Hamsey)
and the south (Southerham). In the second place, it is
extremely unlikely that there existed any regular means
of passing the river at the foot of Qiffe hiU. The present
bridge cannot be shown to have existed before the thirteenth
century, and the river here making a considerable loop
to the east, the force of the current and the depth of the
water must have been at their greatest at just this spot.
To make a landing on the abrupt eastern bank here must
have been a matter only more difficult than to find a
way up the face of the hill. The bridge once constructed,
and the river by implication more or less embanked, the
case was completely altered, and mediaeval traffic
gradually wore the existing holloway which leads up to
file golf-links. But this holloway preserves no smgle
feature to suggest a Roman origin. TTiere is moreover
a significant scarcity of barrows along the line proposed
from the holloway to Saxon down. Of the mounds
along the line from Saxon down towards Glynde the
principal are merely the steads of old windmills, though
It is quite possible that some of these were originaUy
barrows, subsequently utilised as steads for mills ; and
the fact that there once were windmills on this hill
as well as an old chalk-pit upon its eastern face, goes far
to account for the depth of the holloway leading into
Glynde. If any Roman roadway existed where is now
that holloway, the joint trafficking of mediaeval pack-
horses and later-day carts has cut it entirely away. The
one argument in favour of the theory is the fact that
the holloway aims direct for the Roman ford (A) ; but as
there is no means of knowing at what date that ford
went out of use in favour of the later ford (B) on the
site of the modern bridge, it is quite conceivable that
the trail had become already well defined and the holloway
formed before the later ford came into use. It is, how-
ever, quite possible that a Roman by-way did take this
course, to avoid the long detour by Glyndebourne cross-
way ; and it may quite conceivably have been continued
beyond Saxon dowm, its objective being not Lewes, but
the promontory of South Mailing, where there was at
one time a ford leading to Landport farm. The banks
of the Ouse at this point offer no obstacle, the breadth'
. ryCOOgle
SOME ROMAN ROADS IK THE SOUTH DOWNS. 23I
of flat land to be crossed is small, and the river-bed is
hard. Along this line there occur, on the ridge of the hill,
a large number of barrows, but the character of the track
on the descent of Mailing hill is that of a mediaeval road
only. ^ The. hne was continued behind the north-western
extension of Lewes known as the Wallands, whence have
come a few Roman coins, and so up the downs past Mount
Harry, as local antiquaries (e.g. Horsfield) have asserted. •
Those who are accustomed to the painful, if enthral-
ling, amusement of endeavouring to trace Roman roads,
will at once ask why there has not been taken the
obvious first step towards proving these terrace-ways on
Firle hill and at the Devil's dyke to be Roman ways,
why no sections have been cut across them to lay
bare the road-metal. The answer b, that apparently
they never were metalled, so that this seemingly facile
and conclusive method of proof is not here apphcable.
Experimental investigation of the Glatting down terrace
has revealed nothing that could properly be called
metalling,* and if tms be the case with so important
a trunk-Une as the Stane street, it need be no matter of
surprise to find it so in the case of lesser roads. Neither
the ' Bridle-path ' nor the ' Rabbit-walk ' shows any signs
of metal, unless it were the very thinnest sprinkling of
gravel or small flints beaten into the surface. Nor is it
possible to believe that they were once more heavily
metalled, and that the metal has been grubbed, because
in the first place it is not credible that such grubbing
could have left a terrace so smooth, uniform, and regular,
as is the ' Rabbit-walk,' and in the second place there was
no room for much metal. So narrow is that terrace-way
that, even if it were not systematically constructed with
a slope to the down-hill side, the metal, if laid to any
appreciable depth, would simply have rolled off down-
hill. TTie only means to prevent this would have been
to dig out the terrace as a holloway, leaving on the outer
■ The church of St. Michael, SouCh St. Pincru in SauthoKT. It VM pn>b*b^
Milling, ii reputed originallj to have been to their picience that thii line of tMd
founded bf Cradwalla of WetKX In 6SS, wu due.
a date long prior to any known evidence ' ' lu lurface wii appareotly not coiered
for the eiiitence of Lewei u a town. The with a lajei of itonei, foi in no part of it
manor, which wat an imporUnt one, eiamined did we find anjr evidence that the
belonged Co the ue of Canterbury, and lurface had been nude up in anj way.'
the Benedictine monb of South Mailing Eliot Curwen, in Skiux Arcbaal. CilL
long ante-dated the Cluniac prioiy of hii, 145.
, Google
232 SOME ROMAN ROADS IN THE SOUTH DOWNS.
edge a balk of chalk to serve as a retaining-bank to hold
the metal in place. Had this been done, one of two
results must have followed : either the metal, if ungrubbed,
would be found in situ, or if grubbed, would have left
a holloway. But there is no metal in situ, and the terraces
show no sign of hollovmess, except such as can be other-
wise accounted for. It is difficult to see any other
alternative. By what means the traffic of Roman times
negotiated in wet weather a terrace-way carved upon
the slope of a chalk hill, however gentle its gradient, is
a question more easy to ask than to answer. It has been
suggested that the floor was possibly covered with timbers
laid transversely in the fashion of a corduroy-track. So far
there is forthcoming no evidence either for or against
this theory. It is not impossible that the original turf
of the hill, removed in the process of making the terrace-
way, may have been replaced thereafter. That such a
course would be eminently practical is proven by the fact
that, at the present time, these smooth and sloping track-
ways with their carpet of ancient turf are yet the easiest
ways up and down the hills, be the weather never so bad.
Postscript. — Since the foregoing was completed there liaa mushed
beyond recovery one important piece of evidence, namely the strip of
original Koman road-surface which, as shewn in fig. 6, had until then sur-
vived intact upon the inner (up-hill) side of the Stane street terrace-way,
proving what had been its original form and dimensions. It hai been entirely
destroyed within the measure of a single year by the unhappy, and mostly
futile, method adopted in ' repairing ' these deep-worn hoUowayi of tlw
chalk hills, that is, by pulling down further material from their sides to
fill up the ruts. Fortunately the secrion, for which I am indebted to
Dr. Eliot Curwen, was made (1914) before the mischief was done, and, I
may add, at a time when neither Dr. Curwen nor I suspected how
valuable it was to prove in suggesring the Roman origin of the terrace-ways
on Kingston hill, and, by consequence, of the line of road thence to
Glyndeboume crossway.
Nor is this all. The ' Rabbit-walk ' itself, which a twelvemonth ago
vras virtually intact as the Romans left it, has now been discovered by the
military, and there have passed up and dovm it during a single summer
more horsemen than ever came and went in a century before. That they
should have preferred it beyond any other of the hill-ways about may
be taken as testimony to its admirable engineering, but this preference
has already done great damage to the surface, and will probably do more.
Within another five yean the ' Rabbit-walk ' may very likely be as sadly
cut up as is the ' Bridle-path,' but as yet it still shows all the essential
peculiarities noticed in the text.
Seftmier 1915.
D,gH,zed.yGOOl^Ie ■
THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE, ARCHDEACON
OF LEICESTER.!
Bf A. HAMILTON THOMPSON, MJL F.S.A.
The last will stnd testament of an archdeacon has
formed the subject of at least one paper read before the
Institute. At one of its earliest annual meetings some
account was given of the will of Richard Ravenser, the
famous archdeacon of Lincoln in the reigns of Edward III
and Richard II.' The document with which the present
paper is concerned is even more remarkable for the light
which it throws upon the character and habits of another
of the archdeacons of the church of Lincoln, belonging to
the generation preceding that of Ravenser.' Only one
copy of this will appears to be extant, and this unfortunately
laclo its beginning and end. It is contained in a thick
volume of miscellaneous documents, common forms,
papal buUs, patterns of formal correspondence, drafts of
legal processes, model harangues and sermons, and other
useful material for the use of an ecclesiastical lawyer,
which found its way into the diocesan registry at
Peterborough in the sixties of the last century. The
book appears to have been bought by the late Mr. Gates,
then diocesan registrar, at a second-hand book-stall in
the market-place. It was examined by the late bishop
Jeune and Mr. H. O. Coxe, then Bodley's librarian, in
1866, and, being in a very tattered condition, was mended
and bound. No suggestion has hitherto been made,
within the knowledge of the present writer, as to its origin. *
It was compiled for the most part early in the fifteenth
century. Tne bulk of the documents which it contains,
drawn from a variety of sources, belong to the period
between 1380 and 1402, and none appears to be much
later than 1405. On one of the last leaves are the comferta
of a visitation of the rural deanery of Rochford in Essex,
' Read befoK the lutitute, 3rd Nor. William Doune'i deich. He died in i]S6
191;. (Le Nete, Fatti, ed. Kaidj, ii, 44].
■ e^p J I i!..~.i...M .S.I ™, i.._.. *It hM been enmined witMo the lut
See ILAJ. Lincoh toL 1848, pp. J12-17. ,^^ ^^^ ^^ jj^ ^ ^ p^^,^ ^^ ^^^^^^
'Riventer did not become aicbdeacon concluuDiii lien luggetced u to lU origin
of Lincoln until 136S, laiiie jcm altei arctlieprcKncwiiteT'taim.
234 "^"^ WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
held at a date not given ; and from these, evidently noted
hastily upon a spare leaf, and from the fact that the
larger part of its contents consists of documents relating
to the ecclesiastical business of the southern dioceses of
the province of Canterbury, it may have been compiled
in part by or for Richard Prentys, archdeacon of Essex
from 1400 to 1420.* This is put forward merely as a
suggestion which is as incapable of being fully proved
as it is of being rejected.
Large portions of the first third of this register,
amounting to more than a hundred leaves, have entirely
disappeared. Fo. 153, now numbered fo. 55, concludes
a curious series of medical prescriptions, partly in French
and partly in Latin. The next three leaves are gone,
and on fo. 157, now fo. 56, we arrive at the middle of a
sentence in a will, the orJy document of the kind in the
book. The detailed nature of its legal provisions shews
that it was regarded by the compiler of the volume as
a model of its kind. It occupies six closely-written leaves,
twelve small folio pages, and as fo. 163 [62] is missing,
breaks off abruptly again in the middle of a sentence,
to give place to elegant letters of condolence upon the
death of a bishop and other persons of consequence,
which may be recommended to those whose stock of
unction, whether from overmuch use or natural defect,
is apt to run dry on such occasions. The testator's name
and place of burial. are thus wanting, together with the
date of the will and the place and date of probate, and
the missing portions amount to nearly a quarter of the
document. On reading the will, however, it soon becomes
clear that the testator was an archdeacon of Leicester,
and, on going somewhat further, it is obvious that the
archdeacon in question was William Doune, who held the
' Tie ami of Richud Prtntfi ii nlidng Co Ebe noithem piovincc ii oat-
lomEirhac complinCeil hy the Iict that cenicd witli [he duptcr of Southmll
there wu a canumponij cleik at the (S. i6S, 169), of which the elder Richard
ume Dime, probably hii uncle, canoo of PrenCyi wii a member, holding the prebcad
Sahibuij and prebcndai; luccewTely of of Dunham, c. 1410-16 (Le NcTe, iii, 4(9).
Stntford and South Grantham, who died A Urge number refer to the diocoet of
in 1416 (lincohi ipii. reg. liv, f. 83 : cf. Wlncheitei and London, and Saliibuiy
Jona, Foiri Ecc. Sar. 386, CaL Par. 1416- and Worceitet dioccKi fumiah nanj; but
1411, 49). NewGOurt, Sipirtiirium, i, 71, the evidence it too general to piDve more
■hewt that the archdeacaa eichan^d hii than that the book belonged to a dcrk,
jTchdeaconij for the chuich of Winfrith mint likel)' an archdeacon, in one of the
Newbuigh, Donel, in September, 1410. loutheii] dioccK*, probably Ijndon.
One of the few documenti in the legiiter
,GoogIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 235
office in the middle of the fourteenth century. If any
doubt remains, it is cleared by one of the marginal notes
in which his name is mentioned ; and, on testing the
details of the will by the corroborative evidence afforded
by the Lincoln and Exeter registers, this becomes certain.
After transcribing the document, which was copied
somewhat mechanically and is not free from a good number
of small textual errors, the present writer examined those
sources with the result that it is possible to fix the date
of the original will in the early part of the year 1361 and
to co-ordinate some hitherto unnoticed facts relative to
the hfe of the testator. Neither at Lincoln, Exeter, nor
at Worcester, the centres of the three dioceses with which
William Doune was connected, is there -any copy of
the document, nor is there one among the early wills
at Somerset house or in the archiepiscopal registers at
Lambeth. It is probable therefore that, wherever he
obtained it, the care of a later clerk, who desired to model
his own win on similarly thorough and careful lines, has
been the sole preservative of this memorial of a dignitary
of whom the few notices are singularly barren and
inaccurate.
Some notes upon this will, with extracts, have already
formed the subject of a paper in the Associated
Architectural Societies' Reports for 1904, by the late
Mr. A. Percival Moore, to whose researches in the
Peterborough registry antiquaries are greatly indebted.^
While, however, his notes, as became an excellent lawyer
and antiquary, are of considerable value, he made no
attempt to do anything more with regard to the testator
himself than repeat the information given by Nichols,
^Le Neve and others, assuming that his name was Donne
and that he lived till J385, and, in spite of the abundant
evidence of the will regarding his Devon origin, was
inclined to think that he was a Buckinghamshire man.
Mr. Moore's extracts, moreover, were evidently made
hurriedly and are sometimes Uttle more than an abstract,
occasionally inaccurate, of the original, which the printers
have further clouded by a multitude of small typographical
errors. With characteristic modesty, Mr. Moore dis-
claimed any attempt to give his notes a complete and
D,gH,zed.y Google
236 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
final fonn, and, in giving the result of his own independent
wort upon the document to the Institute, together with
a transcript the accuracy of which he has recently put
to the closest test, the writer is aware that there are
several points whidi await fuller investigation.
It is clear that William Doune was a native of Devon
and that he was of gentle birth ; but the actual place of
his origin is uncertain. His father may have been Thomas
Doune or Estdoune, who presented to the rectory of
East Down, between Barnstaple and Combe Martin, in
1339*; but William refers to his father's son and heir
by die name of Thomas, whereas the patron who presented
to the same Hving in 1363, not long after William's death,
is called Philip Doune. ^ Down Thomas, in the parish
of Wembury, south Devon, is another possible place to
which he may be assigned.^ During the early part of
the fourteenth century, there were several clerks of
his name beneficed in the diocese of Exeter. John and
Richard Doune were successive rectors of Lympstone,
a church in the ^t of the Courtenays of Powderham,
earls of Devon. * Robert Doune was rector of Ringmore,
on the south coast of Devon, in 1328-29,^ and about
the same period Thomas Doune held the living of
St. John's-in-Cornwall, on the west side of Plymouth
sound.' None of these can be connected with any
certainty with William, and all of them apparently belonged
to an older generation. Whoever his father was, it appears
from a papal dispensation obtained by William in 1343
that he was illegitimate. ' His mother, whether at the
time of his birth or later, was the wife of a member of
the family of Fitzwaryn, which held property in north
Devon. Her son was Aymer Fitzwaryn, who seems to •
be identical with the escheator in Devon c. 1349-54,
sheriff of the county at a later date,* and owned the
advowson and part of the manor of Quainton, Bucks, in
' Exiur tpU. Ttg. Graiidiam, ti. * Rig. Grandim*, ul rap. i, 475, 513 }
HinsHtoa RiiidDlph, iii, 1314. iii, 1330.
■IWd. iii, I494. For > notice ol thii .ibid, i, 470.
■John Pipitd w» jo'O 01 Vomtt j(_. j,-,^ „ „etO[» of Stokt Clinulind,
Inbd Pipird, wime name &gura Uigelr VTT - . ,
in thew.%w»c«rttii#.n™ «!.(»; ' Cot P-^J t*B«, in, . 1 J.
ofWiUUm. • Cat Ci««Jl»a», 1360-64,460.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OP LEICESTER. 237
1349. She also had a daughter Alice, who married one
Robert Marchaunt and lived at Exeter. In addition to
Thomas, already mentioned, William Doune refers to
Thomas, son of Joan atte Pitte, ^ as his brother by blood.
Three sisters, as well as the half-sister Alice, occur in the
will, viz. Alice, married to one Bozoun of Dartmouth,
by whom she had two sons ; Thomasine Lovecotof Oxford^
and Joan Waryn, each of whom had one son. All these
three were dead when William made his will. His father's
sister, Joan Lynham, was at that time still alive and had
a son John and two daughters, Thomasine and Margaret.
It is probable that William Doune was bom early in
the fourteenth century, that he studied at Oxford and
was a member of Merton college,' and that he became
attached to the household of John Grandisson, or, as his
contemporaries called him, Graunson, a few years after
he became bishop of Exeter in 1327. As one of the
bishop's clerks he became familiar with the procedure of
the episcopal chancery, and among his bequests to the
notary master Thomas Pepir, to wiom he left his silver
pen and inkhorn, was ' a quire [of paper] covered outside
vrith white leather containing commissions made out in the
court of Rome, letters apostolic, the procedure and terms
used in causes in the court of Rome, propositions, articles
and much other useful matter written almost entirely
with my own hand, and containing in part a membrane
of parchment wherein are written letters or copies of
letters of commission and other letters of bishops, and
certain other things which I got together in the days of
my youth, when I was in the service of my lord bishop of
Exeter.' The first mention of his name in Graunson's
register is found in November 1332, when he was appointed
in conjunction with the vicar of Sidmouth to hold a
commission of inquiry into the vacancy of the church
of Rockbeare. * He is here called ' donzel ' {domicellus),
which implies his gentle birth, and literatus, meaning
that he had proved himself by examination of some
' Biiliap Gnuiuoii appoinud one John 'Thii ippean ftom i beqnnt in the
' dictua «tt KCM ' to act ai hii attomer in vilL Mr. Moon (ice aboic] noted, from
dunceij in i]]4 {Rr^. Granimaa, ut Brodritl, Minuriali of Mtrm tollifi, 176,
■up. ii, 747). the record of ;i pennon of zot. paid b/
■ Her huibaud, John Lovecol^ Menu U the >ub-«arden to nuiut WiUiim Dovoe
be mentioned at of Oxford in the will in IJ51.
See text below. * K^. GranJintn, ut rap. ii, 664.
, Google
230 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
capacity in letters. From this time onwards he is men-
tioned frequently as in attendance upon the bishop,
attesting probate of wills and accompanying him upon Hs
journeys. In July 1336, for example, he was witli
Graunson on his visit of reconciliation to the church of
St. Buryan near Penzance, where the bishop addressed
the penitent parishioners who had opposed his jurisdiction
from the text ' Ye were as sheep going astray, but are now
returned unto the Shepherd and Bishop of your souls.' ^
About 1340 he received his commission from the apostolic
see as notary public and appears as Graunson's registrar.
It is dated 17th June,' 1340.' He signed the probate
of the will of Hugh, earl of Devon, in February, 1340-41,
as ' clerk, of the diocese of Exeter, notary public, and
scribe of my lord of Exeter.' ' While still in minor
orders he began to receive the benefices which were the
reward of a promising ecclesiastical lawyer. On 12th May,
1342, he was admitted to one of the portions in the
church of St. Endellion, a sinecure without obHgation
of residence.* Soon after, on 27th June, he obtained
a dispensation from the pope empowering him to hold
an extra benefice,^ and on 4th July, 1343, another dis-
pensation permitted him, notwithstanding his illegitimacy,
to hold three compatible benefices.' On 4th November,
1344, he obtained a cure of souls, being instituted to
to the church of Georgeham, a few miles west of East
Down, on the presentation of Sir Robert Cruwes and
Jordan Vautord, the lords of Over and Nether Ham
and Fickwell. ^ It seems that this institution was revoked
until he had proceeded to further orders ; for he was
again instituted on 20th April, 1 345, when we hear
of him for the first time as a deacon. He had leave of
absence for some eighteen months in order to study,*
and, as this dispensation was renewed year after year till
1 348, ' during which time we hear little of him at Exeter,
the fruits of the church of Georgeham, a remote parish
unfavourable to the ambitions of a rising jurist, probably
served to support its rector's legal studies at Oxford.
' ib!d. ii, til. 'ibid, iii, iii.
I i"^- ^ff'^h"'^'' ". W;. ' «,. Cr^uxm, ut .op. iii, .34s.
' Ra. Craudittim, ut tap. 11, a^a. ^ t r i jtj
*ibid. iii, ijjj. •ibid.u, w*.
*C^ Fafd LauTt, iii, 67. *ibid. ii, locn, 1009, loji, :oes.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. Z59
Such an arrangement, unnatural in our own day, was
then a common practice. William Doune no doubt paid
a curate a small stipend to look after his flock, and the
curate, being necessarily in priest's orders, could perform the
duties of his cure more satisfactorily than an erudite deacon.
Although his will gives a prominent place to Georgeham,
he seems to have quitted the living about 1349. He had
now graduated at Oxford as licentiate in civil law. During
the great pestilence of 1349 the church of Quainton
in Buckinghamshire, which was in the gift of his half-
brother Aymcr Fitzwaryn, fell vacant. He was presented
to the living and instituted on ist September at Thame
in Oxfordshire.^ Although he had been instituted to
Georgeham as a deacon, he now appears only as an acolyte.
On 1 8th October follovring he received papal provision
of a canoniy of Exeter, in which his church of Quainton
and portion in St. Endellion are mentioned, but Georgeham
finds no place. ^ The provision of the canonry, as regards
a prebend and stall in quire, was merely expectative and
does not seem to have taken full effect, as there is no
further mention of it after the earlier part of 135 1.' At
Quainton Doune was in the diocese of Lincoln, and his
merits as a lawyer received recognition from bishop
Gynewell. Soon after 1349 he proceeded to his doctor s
degree in civil law and to priest's orders. His long
experience of diocesan routine at Exeter qualified him for
the post of official of the bishop of Lincoln, which he
obtained somewhere between 1349 and 1354. A papal
indult of i6th June, 1351, excused him from residence in
his benefices for five years, while studying at a university
or residing at the Roman court or elsewhere ; and on
the same day he had licence to hold another benefice with
his cure of souls, in extension of the dispensation of 1343,
or even to be elected bishop.* There was no immediate
sequel to this new licence ; but he probably took advan-
tage of his leave of non-residence to proceed to his doctorate
in canon law; for, on loth February, 1353-4, when his
fellow-countryman, Reynold Brian, bishop of Worcester,
created him his official, he is called LL.D. ° He combined
* ibid, iii, 417, 431.
' Wnrcoler ep. ng. Brim, i, f. ^.
D,„i,z.d , Google
240 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
this new office with that of official of Lincoln, but was
never beneficed in Worcester diocese. On 12th May,
1354, Gynewell appointed him to the archdeaconry of
Leicester, then vacant by the death of Henry Chaddesden. ^
The office, however, had been reserved by the pope,
from whom Doune received a provision ratifying
Gynewell's action on 12th October following." Mean-
while, the archdeaconry was claimed by a clerk of the
diocese of Bazas, Arnauld de Gavarret, and, while the
dispute continued, Doune, on nth December, 1354, was
dispensed to hold Quainton with the archdeaconry till
All Saints' day, 1355.' Eventually, by papal letters of
loth December, 1355, the dispute was concluded in his
favour.* He had already begun to exercise his juris-
diction as archdeacon, for his name appears on 24th March,
1354-5, second among the four archdeacons of Richmond,
Leicester, Lewes and Stafford, who witnessed the
foundation of the new college at Leicester by Henry,
duke of Lancaster.^ It does not appear that, beyond
his formal connexion with him as archdeacon of Leicester,
he ever came into close relationship with the duke of
Lancaster, the most powerful magnate in the archdeaconry ;
nor did he ever obtain service, Tike so many clerks, under
the Crown. His activities were devoted to the service
of prelates ; and to him might be applied the character
given of himself in 1366 by his friend Roger Otery :
' industriosus in temporalibus et spiritualibus, et potissime
circa correccionem et reformacionem morum subditorum
episcoporum iuzta morem ecclesie Anghcane et Wallie,
prout experiencia docet et docuit iam multis annis.'*
Of his tenure of the archdeaconry, which included
the county of Leicester, then di\'ided into rather more
than 200 parishes, there is little to record beyond what
is contained in his vrill. He held it for some seven years
from the time of its collation to him by Gynewell.
Instead of resigning Quainton in 1355, he continued
to hold it with the archdeaconry till 1359-60. The
church of Swalcliffe, Oxon. then fell vacant by the death
of Richard Whitewell, canon of Lincoln. Doune now
I Lincoln ep. reg. ii, f. Jtg d. * ibid, iii, j66.
' Cat. Papal Laurt, iii, 517. ■ Lincoln Ep. r^. ix, f. iSl d.
■ ibid, iii, 514- * Lambeth irduep. reg. Ijnghim, f. 26.
D,„i,z.d, Google
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 24!
resigned Quainton and, accepting SwalcUife instead, at
the presentation of Thomas Logis, vicar of Pinchbeck,
Lines, was instituted on i6thFebruary, 1359-60.^ Heheld
this living for about eighteen months. In 1361 there
was a return of the great pestilence, which, though the
mortality was not so great as before, worked havoc in the
midlands.* It was probably about the beginning of this
second pestilence tlwt Doune made his will. The date
cannot be limited within a narrow period, but he had
evidently been rector of Swalcliffe for some little time.
Its careful provisions and its general tone indicate that
he was in fair health but in some apprehension of the
immediate future. He died before 9th August, 1361,
when the institution of his successor to Swalcliffe is
recorded.^ With regard to the archdeaconry it is dis-
appointing that no record remains. His career, though
little more can be recovered of it than barren facts and
dates, is that of the typical ecclesiastical lawyer of the
middle ages, rising in the service of a bishop, studying
in a university upon the fruits of his benefices, and
obtaining the reward of his ambition in an archdeaconry
which might lead, as it led in the case of Graunson and
Gynewell, to a bishopric.
It may be said at this point that the functions of a
mediaeval archdeacon, though nominally spiritual, required
little more of him than that he should be a practical man
of affairs, expert in legal and financial matters. The more
valuable English archdeaconries, especially in the later
thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, were frequently
perquisites of cardinals and well-bom satellites of the
papal court ; and at all times it was not uncommon for
an archdeacon, especially if he were occupied, as was often
the case, in the royal chancery or other offices at West-
minster, to perform his duties exclusively through an
official and the official's clerb. Wlliam Doune, however,
was, as we have seen, one of those archdeacons who,
beginning their career in the service of a diocesan bishop,
devoted his attention to diocesan as distinct from national
' Line ep. reg. ii, f. 114 d. Hit nicccwor ibt faautaih ctiiuiry 1* iht dittai tf Ttrk,
It QuiinUa wu inicitutcd on 17th Miy, hj the pioent writer, AtAooI. Jnm. kxi,
ij6ofibid.f. iTod.) 97-'S4-
*Fat loiiie account of thii pnlilciia in
uodurputDfEnglindKcTtiPfinimcMf/ ■ Line ep. tt%. ii, f. aaS.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
242
THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
administration. The duties of an archdeacon, as defined
by canon law,^ were practically uniform in all dioceses.
In the sphere of his jurisdiction he was oculus efiscofi,
the bishop's eye, charged with a vigilant watch over all
that was in need of correction or reform. The same book
into which WiUiam Doune's will was copied contains
a copy of an appeal by Richard Ravenser against bishop
BucBngham's sequestrator, which defines the jurisdiction
of the archdeacon of Lincoln and applies to the other
archdeacons of the same church. ' To Ravenser belonged,
as of established custom, the primary hearing and decision
of all cases coming under the cognisance of the ecclesiastical
court in his archdeaconry, and the correction and punish-
ment of offenders. He was empowered to appoint, admit
and depose his various rural deans and other officers,'
to prove wills and demand, audit and acquit the accounts
of executors. He had to visit his archdeaconry yearly,
and, in so doing, collected the procurations or fees which
constituted the staple emoluments of his office. ' Ravenser
' E>ecnul. Greg.IX, i, tit. niii, apediUf debtta et connieti, ad dictum domiDiim
cip. 7, Ad bic, whidi containi the con- archidiacouum ipoiuque pnccMotci (nc)
■ticution of Innoctnl III, nUciTe to tbc qui pro tempore fueiint lohun ec LuaUduin
ofHcc of archdeacon. et nuUatenui ad epiicopum LincohucnKm
'fl. 100 d. lol : -Quodque de antiqua
eiuiTB ofBciarioi leu miniitTM notoiie
legitiine pieicriptii et obtenta haetenutque
paciEce obicniaM cootuetudine omnium
lueuenmt, viotacione dicti domini epiimpi
de tiiennio in triennium in dirto ttchi-
diaconitu fadenda dumtuat except*.'
'Decretal, i, iiiii, 7, ut nip, ^6,
ecclenaiticam tpectandum primaria cog-
definei the appointment, etc. of aidl-
piieiti DT rural deaot a> beiongioE to the
'Decretal. 1, nLii, cap. 6, Mandama,
forbidi an archdeacon to riait more than
once a year. Ibid, ill, mii, cap. 13,
deputacio et admi«io ac ab huiuwno*
hat no right to demand procuntioiu,
which muit be moderate. The coMti-
ofEdaiiorumTc luonim arbittium, teita-
tutloQ of the legate Otbo Dt arcbUitutmU
otden • eccleiiai autem non grauent auper-
fluii eipenui, led procuradona eiigaiit
chief duaea ai rioton are let forth in the
tunctonim ciaudicio ac fiualii acquietande
Langton Ct arcbiiiacoid, PecUiam Eitiim
■tood to be paid in victiuli and lodpog,
eicludiog the eipeiuc of the nator'i
D,„i,z,d, Google
ARCHDEACON OT LEICESTER. 243
does not mention the examination of presentees to benefices
or their induction after institution.^ In some cases
at any rate, when a benefice fell vacant, the archdeacon
was entitled to a share in its fruits during its vacancy. ^
It is obvious that the fees which fell to his share in con-
nexion with all these duties were considerable. The
emoluments of the great archdeaconry of Lincoln were
estimated at an average varying from 300 to as much as
600 marks a year, an enormous sum in money of our day. ^
The archdeaconry of Richmond, whose holders enjoyed
the right of institution to benefices and other quasi-
episcopal privileges, was probably even more valuable.*
"nxere was no ecclesiastical office in which a man was more
able to make money or was less hampered by purely
spiritual considerations. The popular character borne
by archdeacons two centuries b^ore William Doune's
day was expressed in famous words by John of Salisbury,
who writes to a correspondent : * There was, as I remember,
a class of men, who in the church of God are counted by
the name of archdeacons. From these your discretion
used to complain that the whole way of salvation was
utterly barred, for, as you were wont to say, they love
gifts, they follow rewards, they give a prize to injustice,
they rejoice in false accusations, they feed upon the sins
of the people. Their living is by rapine, so that no
host is safe from his guest.' ^ This account, which paints
the mediaeval archdeacon in his least amiable light, is
corroborated from other sources, and we shall see that
hoiMi and carriagti, and Gicgoiy X at the the avenge annual value of the *Tch-
coundl of Lyoni forbade procuntiotu in dea«ini7 of Lincoln, which he then held,
laoaej; thcM, however, wen pennitted ai £2^0 iceiling, i.e. JiJ maiki (Lambeth
by Boniface VIII (S«iti decretal, ill, a, archiep. reg. Langham, f. 11 d). But e«ti-
eap, 3, Fiiicit) and were regulated by loatH varji at diffeient timea.
Boiediet XII in 1336 (Eicravag. Comnmn. * For the ipecial privilegn of the arch'
ti, X, for tUcairmi). The viiitalioD pro- deacon of Richmond lee Hilt. Cb. Ttrk
grammei of 1441 and 1441 in Yoii archiep. (RoJU tcr.), iii, 24S-i;o.
rtg. Kempe ihow that, uvc in certain *Ep. 156, quoted by Ducange, %,y,
•pecial cut*, the archbiihop and hii com- Arcbidiscaua. ' Erat, ut memini, genui
miiBiin rated their piocuradoni at loot. boiiiinum,quiinecdeiiaDeiatchidiacDnorum
■ day. centencui nomine, quibui veiEn diicredo
1 Thii ii ordered, e.g. in Decretal. 1, onmeni lalutii viam querebatur cue
™<<i 7i ^ S> where induction ■• defined at precluiam; nam, ut dicere coniuevittii,
■Mn'tHCU etrptraiit. diligunt munen, lequuntur retribucionei,
■ Another document b the Pelerbaroagh ad ioiuriai premium fariunl, calumniii
book (f. 106) itatei Chii of the archdeacon of
Surrey, who claimed a m<aet7 of the fruita
of bniefictt during Ticincf.
' In 1366 William of Wjdcebam ittnmed
D,gH,zed.y Google
244 'TH^ WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
William Doune was acutely conscious of the temptations
of his office and its unpopularity.
The defective state of the will prevents us from
estimating the full value of the archdeacon's estate. No
statement of his real property is given, the bequests dealing
purely with property of a personal nature. His relations,
servants and personal friends received a number of small
legacies. His half-brother and sister, Aymer Fitzwaryn
and Alice Marchaunt, were probably well provided for
already. To Alice he left three marks (£2), to Aymer
twenty marks {£1^ 6s. 8d.), and to each tvrelve silver
spoons. His own brother Thomas had four pounds and
four silver spoons. His aunt Jane Lynham had three
marks and six silver spoons : her son had three marks.
Of his nephews the Bozouns, Robert, .the elder, had ten
pounds towards his studies at a university, while the
younger brother had five pounds ; to these legacies there
was an addition of which mention will be made later.
The nephew at Oxford, already studying there, received
another ten pounds. Another nephew, Thomas Waryn,
received five marks. To the two daughters of Jane
Lynham he left ten pounds and five pounds respectively
in aid of their marriage portions, and to a certain Isabel,
daughter of Margaret Pipard, who was born in Exeter
and lived there with his sister Alice Marchaunt, he left
the generous sum of ^^40 to the same end. TTie most
interesting features of these legacies are the stringent
conditions attached to some of them. Aymer Fitzwaryn
had a doubtful reputation in the law-courts for false
swearing and the offence of barretry.^ The archdeacon
left him twenty marb * on condition that he shall never
in his lifetime stand on any jury, or take an oath before
the king's justices or any other sectJar persons or be one
of twelve jurors, or ever induce any one to be such, but,
' Bairetrj u ' the offtnce of fnquently appellmtiir vitiUtigito™, litium qucreto-
exdtiiig and itining up luiti and quiireli fumi|uc conununium fotom.' Dints coo-
between hii majnty'i lubjecU, either dunned baraltiiri to the fifth MfU of
St law or otherwiie ' (Blacbtone). See the eighth drcle of the Inftnm {Inf. rdi).
Docinge, i.t. Baratum .' ' Baraterii lunt The gffence of baneny ii well dcKiibcd
qui nimis preCorium fiequentant ... bj Cnbbe in the ehiraetei) of the t«ra
Cbicaiuuri, vitilitigatorei . . . luLii Bitat- SwiUdwi, 7bi Btraigb, letter vi ; and
tieri dicuntur, qui en lordido lucro d. the chaiacter of Bichird Mondi^, Tbt
vitam agunt, vel qui judicn pecunia Pmtb RtgiiUr, part i :
eoiTumpunt, atquc ideo ipii judicet comipti In all diiputet, on either part he lied,
. . . BuTCton . . . Anglii a Barrttimr And freely gave hit oath on either uda.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. Z45
abaodoning and giving up such abuses of law, of which
he is gravely suspect, to say nothing further, shall serve
God as a Qiristian man and faithful and repent worthily
of his past deeds, and find sufHcient surety touching this
to my executors . . . Otherwise, if he make not
sufficient surety touching the fulfilment of such condition,
concerning which it should be carefully noted that his
lands be not bound, charged upon, or made over to
Thomas Missenden, * for ex^^nple, or any other by the
statute of merchants or other means, he shall wholly and
altogether go without such legacy.' Isabel Pipard's ^^40
were also carefully hedged about with conditions which
indicate that the archdeacon was anxious for her welfare. *
Her future husband, when the time came, could receive
the money only by entering into a bond with the executors
which, if he were under the disadvantage of a previous
contract of marriage or under any other impediment,
would be if JO facto null and void, but, in case he ill-treated
her after marriage, would remain in full effect. On the
other hand, if, in certain circumstances, she should not b^
able to make a good marriage, but became the wife of
some abject and mean person whose goods did not amount
to 100 shillings, she would lose two-thirds of the j^40 ;
while, if her behaviour was such that she should neither
want to marry nor be worth marrying, the legacy was
reduced to forty shillings. Similarly, in leaving her some
clothes and his great red bed with all its furniture, the
archdeacon provided that, in case of her misconducj, she
should forfeit them. The bequests forfeited in this way
were to be used in aid of the dowry of honest unmarried
women, preferably of the testator's own blood. .
Among legacies to persons not of his kin to whom the
archdeacon was bound by ties of gratitude are three
pounds to William Stanley of Stamford and Agnes his
I llonui Mioenden or CaphctuK lud attorncjri. MlMcDden bimKlf died thortlf
bciught m «tau in the manor of Quxinton iftei : hii widow Iiabel, diughtcr of
from the co-brin of Robert Millet (d. Bernard Brocii, nunied Sir John GoUfn
1347). In 1351 he had acquired a third of Sanden, Oion, who at hii death (1379)
ol the roanoT and Che advowioa of the wu leited of the manor and advowton
church from Ajmer Fltzwaryn and Tiabel jurt uxoru (Lipicomb, HuIm Buckie I, 394)-
hii wile, who wat apparently a daughter
of Robert Mallet. He lubKquenclf * Her niacionihip to bim it nawbete
■cquind the whole manor. When William itated ; but the pniniinent place which
Domie Rogned Qnamton church in 136a, ihe occupiea in the wiU luggeitt the in-
hii racccMor wu prcKnted hj MiNenden't fcrence that the wh hit own daughter.
D,„i,z.d , Google
24^6 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
wife, with wiiom some of the archdeacon's clothes and
furniture were stored,* forty shillings to William their
son, eight pounds to be divided among the three sons of
John Deneys of Gidcote, and five pounds to his daughter
in aid of her dowry. Walter Asche, his donzel and notaiy,
and Simon Bulkyngton, his serving-man, had five marks
each ; and Walter Achym, another serving-man, had three
marks. Richard Saunders, his bailiff at Swalcliffe, had
two marb or the same amount in spices or wheat. Small
legacies of three marks each were left to some of his
clerical friends in Devon and Cornwall, John Shareshull,
precentor of Exeter,' Richard Norys, canon of Exeter,*
John Oldestowe, rector of St. Mabyn,* Benet Paston,
formerly one of the portioners of St. Probus,* and the
> I£t BCtual cdiinEiion inth Stamford
ii noiriieii lUtcd. It wu not, of coune,
in hil irchdeuonij -, but he muit tmc
been there fmjuently on hi> way from
the louth to LioCDln or in hil capidty
It biihop CTnewell'i offidaL StainlDrd
\aj on tht gnMt tnde routt from I/iadoD
CO Bnton ind Co the north of England,
■nd it it pmbible thit the ■rchdeicon
□ude hil purchun of dotb ind other
goodi at Stamfoid fair, which continued
to be one of the leading Engliih annual
maikect till ■ much latii date (cf. Shake-
tpeire, i H. IF, iii, ii, 41-43), and itored
them in the town. The geognphical
and commercial importance of Stamford
wai no doubt the main reaaon for the
ipaimodic migratioiu from Oxford and
Cambridge wfiich had taken place then.
■ Shirgahull, who probabl; took hif
name from Shiirahill, Stafft. near Wol-
Tethampton, exchanged the church of
Wnjiburj, Buckl. for Che precentonhip
of Exeter with the weltinown Adam
Murimuch in 1337. Hia inabtutiDn to
Wn7>bui7 it not recorded, unlcn he majr
be idendGed with John Staunton, priett,
ioatituted 13th October, 1313 (Liucobi
ep. reg. iv, f. 329 d). IIm exchange
wa> effected bj the biihop of Lincoh,
lit September, 1337 (ibid. fl. 349 d,
3;d], and ShareihuU wu initalled it
Exeter on ijih September following,
William Doune being one of thoie pmeat
(Exiur ep, rtf. CrrmJiuM, ut nip. iii,
131S). Me alio had collation of a dnonry
and prebend of Exeter, I9ih June, ijjS,
which he quitted for another on ijth
December, ino !fbii. iii, 1311, i]i9).
He held the precentonhip for 35 feiri,
dying in 1372 (Le Neve, i, 410).
'Muter Richard Noraa, clerk, wai
initituted Rctor of Inwardleigh, near
Okehamplon, iiit Jafy, 1317 (fiutv ef.
rif. Stapdian, nt lup. 114], and appean
aa lubdeacon in the following March
^bld. 515). He waa at a later date rector of
Ugborou^ near Totnei ftbid. Grandiatm,
i, J07 ; ii, 774) i but there Kcmt to be no
record of the date at wluch he obtained
thii or hia canoDr; at Exeter. He muit
hiTc died loon after WUiim Doune, for
hia canonrf wii filled }>j 1 new collation
on 3rd Fcbruaij, 1361-1, in coniequencc
of hil deith fibid. iii, 147s).
* John AJdeaCowc wu initituted to
the church of St. Ruan Lanihome, neat
Truro, on the prtaentation of Sir John
Lercedekne, ijtb Norember, 1340 fibid.
iii, 1 318), but realgned it on bring pre-
•cnted thortlf after b^ dame Miud
Lercedekne to St. Mabjn, near Bodmin,
to which he wai initituted 9th Januaij,
1340-1 Qbid. iii, 1319)- He obtained ■
prebend in die churdi of Glatney, iKii
Pentyn, 3rd May, 1349 ^bid. iii, 13**)»
holding thii with St. Mibya till hia death,
which took place before 17th ^nil, 1361
fibid.iii, 14S1: cf. 14S4).
'Muter Benet Paiton obtained the
church of Blockley, Worcei. by papal
provinon, 30th September, 1310 (Nuh,
Hm. Waca. i, 104). He lacated it by
17th January, 1330^1, and appean uon
after to have tranifened hii energiea to
the diocne of Exeter, where he had
collation of a prebend in Probiu church,
loth February, 1331-3 {Eiiur tp. rtg.
Crafdiugn, ut lUp. iii, IZ92), and became
chancellor of Exeter after 133;, apparently
reuguing hefare 15th March, 1346 (Le
Neve, ii, 418). He rebgned hil prebend
by III May, 1352, when it wat collated to
Halford (fog. " "'
1422-3).
yCoogle
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER.
247
archdeacon's kinsman, Ralph Halford, who had succeeded
Paston in his benefice in 1352.'^ Walter Bokelond, one
of the canons of Missenden abbey, had thirty shillings,
Alexander Sporman, chantry priest of St. Anne in all
Saints*, Oxford,' a pound; while the vicar of Sleaford*
had three shillings, lliese smaller legacies probably
covered the expense of masses for the testator's soiu.
By far the greater amount of the archdeacon's money
was left for reugious purposes. Two sums of ^40 each
were left to the building of the chancels, for which as
rector he had been responsible, of Georgeham and
Quainton churches. In each case the present rector was
obliged to bind himself to the executors for double the
amount to use the money within a certain time for the
prescribed purposes, under pain of excommunication.
If he failed to enter into the bond within six months of
receiving notice of the legacy, it was to be applied to other
purposes. The ^40 bequeathed to Georgeham was in
this case to be divided thus : five sums of ten marks
each were to be given, one to the fabric* or repair of
the nave and churchyard wall at Georgeham, one to
be divided among the poorer and more infirm folk of the
archdeaconries of Totnes, Barnstaple and Exeter, one to
the fabric of the Cistercian abbey of Newenham near
* He T^citcd hii prebend bj death
before 4th ^ril, 1362 (ibid, iii, 1480)-
St. Piobui, attr Tiun, vu one of tbtxe
chuichei, common in the wett ind Moth-
wot of EngUnd, which are ofteo reckoned
It collegiate, but were more propetl;
dinrchei of which the rector? wu divided
among 1 number of portionen. St. Cran'
tock, St. Teath and St. Endellion are
Idadred eianipki in Coinwill ; Chuhnleigh,
TiTCtlon «nd the caitle chapel it Exeter
in Deroa. An initructiTe dacument ei-
plaining the technical diSerence between
ffuch cbutchct and cx>llcgiate churchet
occult in Hittftri tp. ng. Gi&irl (Cant, and
York Soc.) 60, 61, relating to die nmilai
churdiei of Bromjard and LedbuTj. Gnotlll,
Staff*, and Darlmjton, Norton and otherr
in CO. Durham, mtj be cited in the lame
coonadon. It ii noleworthj that of all
the collegiate and qua>-collegiate cburchea
in Exeter dioccK onlf one beaidei Exeter,
viz. the ro^l free chapel of St. ButTan,
near Pe.-mnee, hid a dean. Ac Crediton,
Glame? and Otter? St. Mary, collegiate
foundatiDni in the ordinar}' taut, the
biahopa appear to hare reierved to chcm-
•elvea an honorary and purely nonunal
headihip of the chapter, akin to ti>e
relationship of the irdibiihop of York to
hit deanleti chapten of Beverkj, Ripoa
and Southwell.
'Doubtleit identical with Alemndei
of St. Albant, tiulituted to thii chantrj
2]rd September, 1351, on the preaenta-
tion of John Fille, John Carj and John
Langcruiche, eiecuEon of Xichard Car;
(Lincoln ep. reg. ii, i. 1C4 A). The
chantry, for the loul of Nicholal Burceitre,
dliien of Oxford, had been ordained on
zGth June prenoutly Qbid. S. 199-100 d).
There it no further mention of Alexander 1
the next initilulian took place on 27th
Febnuiy, 1369-70, on the rriignation of
John aerc of Caitelacre (Reg. x, f. 347 d).
* Ptobablj John Whittelegh, inttitnted
lothAuguiC, 1349 (Reg. ix, f. I]). Sleaford
cattle wat one of the rctidencet of the biihop
of Lincoln, which Doune would have
viaitedin ditchargc of diocetan buaincn.
* FiArica in thit and limilar conteiti
generally ugnifiet a pcimanenc fabric fund
and doei not neccuarily imply that buildii^
WBi in actual progrett.
,GoogIe
148 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
Azminster, another to the fabric of the priory of Austin
canons at Launceston, and the fifth to be distributed
among the poorer scholars of the university of Oxford.
Of the remaining ten marks, five were to be devoted to
the fabric or repair of the Greyfriars church at Exeter,
and five to the lilce uses of the black friars and other friars
throughout England. In the case of Quainton, ten marks
Were to go to the fabric or repair of the nave or its windows
or to the making of a stone wall or a good hedge of quick-
thorn round the church, five marks to the poorer
parishioners, five marb to poor priests who could not
celebrate, five marks to the repair of the church and
cloister of St. Frideswide's at Oxford, with ten marks
more for its necessary buildings, five marks to the similar
uses of the abbey of Austin canons at Nutley in
Buckinghamshire, and five marks to each of the four
orders of friars at Oxford.
At Swalcliffe, with its chapelries of Epwell, Shutford
and Lee, villages on the elevated ground to the south of
Edgehill, the archdeacon, during, his short tenure of the
living, had spent money freely, and even, in his opinion,
excessively upon the rectory house and its buildings. To
further work of this Hnd, however, he left forty marks
(^^26 13s. 4d.), requiring a sufficient bond from the rector
for its proper application within one or two years. The
rector was also to bind himself in 100 marb to the executors
not to harass or sue them or the executors of Doune's
predecessor, Richard Whitewell,^ for dilapidations, but
to absolve them of any responsibility.
Ten pounds were bequeathed to the church of
St. Endellion for the fabric or repair of the chancel. If
the rector or portioner who held the cure of souls and ■
his fellow portioners failed to enter into the requisite
bond, five pounds were to be applied to the nave of the
church una the remaining five to buying clothes for the
poorer and more wretched parishioners of the same church.
Towards boob and vestments for St. Endellion the arch-
deacon left three marb, with similar legacies to Quainton
and Georgeham of ten and five marb respecrivdy.
■-Richard WhitwcU oi WUteweU m litcd in Linaila Wilh, ed. Foatn (Lincala
cuum of Lincoln, with the pRbend of Record Soc), i, 7-ti, where detailt of
Zmpingham (Le Nne, ii, 146). Hit viU, hia ateet iriU be found,
dated iitb DecembcT, 1359, i* tniM-
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 249
A further keacf of lOO marb {£66 13!. 4d.) to be
distributed for me repair of the chancels of the diurches
in the archdeaconry of Leicester recalls the fact that an
archdeaconry was regarded canonically as a benefice with
a cure of souls. ^ An archdeacon was morally responsible
for the spiritual welfare of his archdeaconry, and Doxme's
legacy was intended to relieve in some degree the rectors
and appropriators over whom he was set of their legal
responsibihty for part of the fabric of their churches.
Ten pounds of tlus sum were to be set apart for the
chancels of churches appropriated to the abbey of St. Mary
of the Meadows by Leicester,^ and five marb for those
appropriated to the priory of Austin canons at Laund,
in the highlands of south-east Leicestershire.' Thus he
secured a place in the prayers of these two convents.
Further, he left twenty marks to the repair of the nave
of the poorer churches, and ten marb to the upkeep and
enclosure of their churchyards, viith a sum of twenty
pounds to the purchase and repair of boob and vestments
in churches standing most in need of them. His
archdeaconry thus benefited by his will to the amount of
j^io6 13s. 4d. which may have been approximately equiva-
lent to its value to the archdeacon in a good year.* Some
of its individual incumbents also profited by bequests of vary-
ing amounts and kinds, the vicar of Melton Mowbray, "
'See DecTcUL i, niii, cap. i, tiken 'Aliketlleby in Fnmlind deuieiy ;
fnm the Ordo Rnaama .- ' Ut aicbidiaroDut Welham in GaiUee deiaeiy ; Aihbj
Folville, Friiby, Loddington and TUton
!n CoKoCe deanerj ; and 0(db; in Gutb-
laiCoQ deanetf, la Lincoln cp. ng. iii,
f. 295, xban ii a ntificalion by biibop
Kmneie; me oe eorum conTCtuaane, Dildeiby, zoth Jan. 1313-1314, of letten
uve de hoDoR eC mtiundone ecdciianim, patent of blihop Graveund, vith Not. ia6o,
nTe doctrinaeccleuaaticonun Tcl ceCennim confirming the appropcialian to Laund
lenim itudio, et delinquenciiun radcnem prioiy of the chucdiei of Friibjr, Loddin^on,
coram Deo reddiCunii eit.' Tllton and Welham with tbo« of Aihbf
■ Thete were Bamnr-an-Soar, Locking- St. I«dgen and Weaton-by-Welland in
ton and Shepthed in Akeley deaneiy ; Noithanti.
the churchei of All Sainti, St. Clement, ,, , j ■ t n it«„
St. Leonard, St. Martin, St. Mary, , ,,. t i „ m i^ v. ""l r^'
St. Michael, St. Nichola. and St. Peter bl "^ ^"t'J^ P^"" '=°^: ^^^
the deuiety of the Chii.tianity of Lei«.ter, ™ P'°^^^^ on a veiy loo* reekomn*.
Eaton and Thoqw Arnold, ia Frimkad 'Robert Scotfaom, rector of Aifordb;
deanetj; Billetdon, Enngton, Thedding- 5th October, 1337 (Lincoln ep. reg. It,
worth and Thuml^ in Gartree deanciy; f. i;o). He exchanged Aafordby for the
BelgraTC, Humberitone, Hungarton and vicarage of Melton Mowbray, in the gift
Queniboiough in GoKote deanery ; of the prior and convent of Lewe*, totb
Bitteiwell, Coiby and Endeiby in Gnth- October, 135] (ibid, ix, f. 314 d). It doe)
laxton deanery; and Thornton in Spatfcenboe not appear when ot how he quitted tlui
deanery. bwefice.
D,gH,zed.y Google
250 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
the jectors of Kibworth^ and Nailstone,' and a priest
who, though called rector of Shackerstone, had not
legally obtained the benefice.' One clause of the arch-
deacon's will shews that these large legacies were in the
nature of an amende honerabU. An archdeacon's atti-
tude to his cure of souls was not wholly benevolent, and
there is abundant evidence for the fact, stated in very
succinct terms by Chaucer,^ that his procurations and
other dues were often levied extortionately by himself
and his officers. ' Doune prays the clergy whom he
mentions specially by name ' and any others soever in my
archdeaconry of Leicester that they forgive me those
sums which I have unduly received of them by myself
or my servants. And, for the love of God,' he proceeds,
■* let there be made within a month after my death,
especially in my archdeaconry of Leicester, and then
in the whole diocese of Lincoln, a general proclamation
that whosoever shall have felt at any time that he has been
unduly oppressed or vexed by me, or can say or shew, at
any rate with probability, that I have extorted or taken
anything from him contrary to justice and good conscience,
excepting only my procurations as archdeacon, which I
have sometimes taken in the aforesaid archdeaconry
without performing the office of visitation,* on account
' Kibworth Beiuchamp. Gilei, Che rector Ulia igtn prefumpieriot, lic eitofU ia
the Lincoln regiiten. epiicopi compelkntur, nlva oihilominui
• Peter Ayleiton eichanged the church alii peni canonica contra loi.' la tpit*
of Welford, Berln. for Naiktone, i6th of the prDviiion of the ume coDibtution
July, I3J7 (Line. ep.reg.ix,f. 148 d). He againit exorbitant chargei »t viutationi
died b; loth November, i]6i (ibid, ii, (lee note 4 on p. 141 above) and a ipccial
i. 334). clauie, ' non ducant ucum eitraneoi, (ed
* Hu name waa Alexander. The legal modeite le habeaat tam in familia quam
occupant of the church, however, wai in equii,' their retinue and equipage were
Bartholomew Wendovere, ioiututed i6tli often aerioui loorcn of eipenie to their
July, 1349 (Lincohi ep. rtg. ix, f. 397), vrho cJirg)'. See, e.g. a complaint of the clelgy
exchanged it for BeiChoipc, Norfolk, of the deanery of Holdemen, c. laSi, to
i6thAuguu,l384fibid.ii,f. 197). archbiihop Wickwane agalnat the larje
*'"Pur> ii the ercheddme) belle," train of ofiiceri and carriagn brought
K7dehe'(CdiU. Ta;ci,A.658). bj the archdeacon'i official on viuution.
'Varioui unjuit exaction! are noted ' Kodie non lolum eat [ecclesa] ablactata
and forbidden in Decretal, i, xxiii, cap. 6, immo veriui adbicau et abjecta,
of Otho Di artbiduunii .' ' Cum autem iniolitii onirata, et vix eit qui conioletut
viaitent, corrigant, aut erimioa puniant, earn ex onmibui curii ejui ' (Tatk arcbitp.
aliquid ab ahquo ridpere non pmumant, rtg. Wickaani, ed. Brown [Surteei loc.]
nee Mnteaciit aliquoi bvolvant iniuiCe, 14^).
quod lb eit potiint pecuniii Eitorquere ; ' For the obligation of penoaal viiita-
cum cnim hec et talia •7inoniacam tion, tee note 4 on p. 142 above. Papal
upiant praiitatem. Decemimui, ut qui dlipeniationi abaolving archdeacoiu from
D,„i,z.d, Google
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. Zjl
of which I have above ordained other devout works of
piety* and alms to be done in the same archdeaconry, in
such recompense as I can at present make — if (I say) he
can shew probable evidence of such wrongful and unlawful
extorsion and receipt, and swear that his affirmation in
this behalf is true, then my executors shall restore and
make good, so far as is honest and right, aU and sundry
the sums so extorted and received unlawfully, in so far
as my goods not bequeathed in the present will to other
uses or to persons certain or uncertain may suffice herein.
And, touching the value or otherwise of such evidence
and oath or their sufficiency or insufficiency, I wish it
to be determined at the will and by the conscience of my
executors, weighing and considering the quality of the
persons and the amount of the sums, inasmucn as at present
no such matter in special occurs to me excepting certain
sums received by my servants, as they have told me, from
the vicar of Melton Mowbray,^ in recompense for which
I have made bequests to him above of a considerably
greater value, and, because I perhaps extorted from the
same vicar against the honesty of my conscience a bond
of ten pounds, I have remitted it to him above and do
remit it. And I pray him to forgive me therefor, for that
I now bitterly consider in mysdf that many who are in
authority do bear themselves very ill with them that are
set under them, yea, they do slaughter them, and of the
nxunber of these I have been and am one, God of his
unspeakable pity be merciful to me for it ! ' ^
We have seen that the archdeacon acquired a claim
to the masses .and prayers of the canons of Leicester and
of Laund. He was lavish of special benefactions to other
religious houses for the same purpose. These bequests
were made chiefly to the fabric funds of the various houses.
thii duty are cammon. See, e.g. indulti nfao uyt tint thcii itudy of cxaoa Iiv ii
(jotli November, 14.14) granltd for ieyoui Co the queit of it malajtiu fien,
Kveo jean to John Stooe, Brchdeacan *Cbe accuned fioiin' ;
of Northampton, and to Richard Elvet, p„ queito I'ETangelio t i dottor' migni
Brchdeacon of Leieetler, to viiit by deputy, Son dereHtti, e solo il DecreMli
tvtn thrw or four churchei a day, and to si ,tudia i\ cht pare ai lor vivigni, etc
i™... iM. f .,., £-„;,, ., .^,. il 'g;;^-f- -' " "■ "■• ■■■-»■.«■
' S«e note 5 on P- 149 "bove. che I'uno e I'altro foro
' The avarice of eccleuattical lawyen AiulJ il che piaee in paradiio.
it denounced by Dance, Par. in, 133 iqq. (Far, x, 104-5].
D,„i,z.d , Google
252 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DODHE,
Laund priory received three pounds towards the fabric
of its cloister,^ but no other reUgious house within the
archdeaconry of Leicester is mentioned. Of houses in
Devon, Newenham abbey benefited to the extent of ten
marks, Torre abbey to that of five pounds, Ford abbey
and Plympton priory five marks each, Tavistock abbey,
two pounds. Of three Gloucestershire houses, Winch-
combe abbey and Llanthony priory — the second Llanthony,
hard by Gloucester — had five pounds each, and Cirencester
abbey five marks. Spalding priory in Lincolnshire had
five marks. Nutley abbey in BucHnghamshire had three
pounds, Missenden abbey two pounds. Of the monas-
teries in and round Oxford, the archdeacon left ten pounds
to St. Frideswide's priory, ten marks to Eynsham abbey,
five pounds each to Abingdon ahhey and Bicester priory.
Of the prior of Bicester* and the abbot of Winchcombe'
he entertained some suspicion, charging his legacies with
the condition that they should not be pocketed by these
gentlemen. He made the same provision regardmg the
prior of St. Frideswide's.*
For two monasteries, Launceston priory and Oseney
abbey, he seems to have had a special affection, leaving
twenty marks to each of them. The legacy to Oseney
was divided proportionately between the abbot ^ and
canons, with a further three marks to their household.
That to Launceston was appropriated to the fabric fund,
with additional gifts of half a mark to each canon, and
a whole mark to one David Hole." The abbot and
convent of Oseney had in their keeping certain strong-
boxes and chests which contained money, boob and silver
cups, with other belongings of the archdeacon ; and their
l^cy was conditional upon their safe custody of this
property according to the terms of an indenture made
' TMt ipecial bcqueit luggeiU that the
ekiittr vu being rebuilt it thii time ;
but xe note 4 on p. 247 above. The
nte of the eloiteer ii now covered hj the
nuiuioa called Laund abbey, partly con-
(CnicCed of the material of the priory
building!, for a notice at which lee J. A. * Thomai Cudelyngton, abbot 1330-73
Gotch, F.S.A. Ti« Rtiuiilimtt in Lticesttr- (ibid, vi, 149).
tbiri {Aunt. Archil. Sec. Rtporu, nvii,
496-501). * The prior of Liuncston at thii time
■ Robert Btalet, prioi 13J4-S3 {Maui- vn probably Thomai Boardon, dected
tiaa vi, 433). 1346 Cibid. vi, i\i).
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 255
between them and the owner. He also remitted to them
a debt of ^^20 which they had borrowed from him and
the arrears of an annual pension of ^2, with the interest,
asking them to enrol him in their martilogium^ among the
benefactors of the house and to remember him for ever
in their prayers. The abbot* and convent of Ford also
held some of his goods. If they did not account
satisfactorily for these, his executors were empowered
to sue them in the secular court for eleven years' arrears of
a pension of two marks and a yearly suit of clothes, for
which his executors would find a bond in the great strong-
box deposited in the dorter at Oseney. He remitted to
them a debt of ten marks for which there was a bond
in the same place. While the executors were to deal
mercifully wim them in circumstances over which the
abbot and convent had no control, the terms of this legacy
and acquittal were safeguarded by conditions which made
it difficult for the abbot and convent to evade the
fulfilment of their duty.
In leaving the large sum of two hundred marks for
the endowment of two perpetual chantries for himself,
his parents, his benefactors, those to whom he was in
debt and those whose goods he had justly or unjustly
received, he apparently wished that such chantries should
be served by secular priests in cathedral or parish churches
or a chapel. In case, however, the foundation should
be difficult, the executors were instructed to found one
in Launceston priory and the other in Oseney abbey,
or, in default of these, at Nutley, Torre, or wherever
they should see fit, augmenting the sum, if necessary,
out of the residue of his goods not included in his various
bequests. ^
To poor friars throughout England he left twenty
marks, ten for the raiment and habits of ' friars who are
old and weak and of mean condition and small reputation
' The mariiJtgiim, properly xuriyrv- in agreement between the ibbeji of
^■iini, VH Che Tolume conuining tbe Kiiiateid ind Bardnej reliting Co madoir-
c*lend>r dI laisu' diyi ind the rule of land on the bank of the Wicham ira>
the order, with the nuaet of beneiacEon intcribed in the mariilagiiim of Bardiif7
uid the ditct of their obiti, 1 mm which (Cotton MS. Veip. E. xx,{. 171 d).
a lelection wai read dail^ at the bcgioniag ' Adam, elected 1354 (Mnooicn v,
of ■ chapter. Occauonallf not mcrel; 3W);_
notei of beneiactiont, but the chutert
tbcmaelTet were copied into it : thu*
D,„i,z.d,GoosIc
254
THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOVNE,
among them, and yet are honest and devout, wherever
such may most be found in England,' and ten for the
repair and roofing of the churches and buildings of
the more necessitous houses. Some churches of secular
canons are also mentioned. Five marks were to go to
the fabric fund of Exeter cathedral, or at any rate to the
glazing of a window in his memory in the church or
cloister,^ while the fabric funds of the collegiate churches
of Crediton, Ottery St. Mary, and Glasney in Cornwall^
received forty shillings each, and that of Lincoln
cathedral five pounds. Various bequests were made to
the poor priests and clerb of Lincoln and Exeter cathedrals,
and to die household and chaplains of the bishops of
Exeter, Lincoln and Worcester.^ To the warden and
'Tlie fabric of the aavc ot ExcMr
cachednl wu piohMy finiihed c. 1351 :
the cloiilen, howevtr, which no longer
Temain, were finiihed ind glazed in i]So-i
{Oliver, Liva of tbi BUbopI of Exiter, 386,
quoted bj P. Freeman, Arcbit. Hilt, irf
Exeter Cetb. neiT ed. iSSg, S9].
*The three collegiate diuichei u
diitinct from churchei of portioaen in
Exeter dioceie 1 kb note [ on p. 147
[money] valu
Roger Olery, who abidei with my lord
of Worcetter." Roger Otery wai one of
the clerki of Devonian origin who, hhe
Doune himtelf, wen introduced into the
dioceK of Worceiter by biihop Reynold
Brian. An interetling perianal declaration
of fail bencGcei, a pauage from which hai
already been quoted (p. 240 above),
imong the retumi of pluraUlti in
Lambeth archiirt
teg. Lan
, f. .
Between 1241 and 1344 biihop Graun
bad appointed him to the prebend of
St. CroH in Crediton, in conKqueocc of
* papal reiervation of benefices for poor
clerin, and lubiequently had pven him
the eighth prebend in Otteiy St. Mary.
No record of theie collation! remain! in
the E«ter tegi«en. He wai in the !ervice
of biihop Brian, probably at St. David'i and
certainly at Worceiter, On iSthJune, ijjS,
he wat inilituted to the church oi Sytton,
near Briitol (Worce.. ep. reg. Brian, i, f. z;).
In 1361 John Brun, rectgr of Hatfield,
Heni. and prebendaiy of Goodringhill in
Wacbury-on-Tiym, nai appointed bjr hii
relation the biihop to the rectory of Biihop'i
Cieeve, Gloucn. and retigned the church
of Bledlow, Bucb, to which Ocery mi
preiented by the Crown, 15th April, 1361
\Cid.Pau i36i'4,4.]. HevrailnititutedoD
[4th May (Lincoln ep. teg. ix, f. 317 d].
Liptcomb, Hitt. Bach, ii, 117, give) the
date ai 1344 without a ihadow of eridence.
Biihop Brian, thortly before hii death, gave
Otery a prebend in Weitbuty-on-Trym,
and on the lame day, loth November,
1361, collated to him or granted him the
cuitody of the vacuit Ticarage of Henbuiy,
Gloocei. (Worcei. ep reg. Brian, i, (. 40),
Theie entriei are both imperfect. Tlie
prebend would appear to be that known at
Henbury, but from Otery'i own itatement
and from other uurcei we know that before
Brian'i death, a month later, he had
obtained Weiton St. Lawrence prebend io
Wcitbury j lo that richer the entry in the
miilalK, at the bithop ihortly
alterw
a. only a
ubdeaci
I of
had another benefice with cure of loub,
he wai diiqualified from holdinga vicarage,
and any connerion he had with Henbury
ceaied by ind January, 1361-2 (Iftrcaitr
rig. ltd. vac. ed. WUlit-Bund [Wore. Hiit.
IOC.], p. lo;). The preient writer hat
not noticed when he vacated Sytton.
After Brian'i death, Otety patted into
the lervice of Lewis Charlton, Inthop of
Hereford, by whom he wai ordained deacon
at Bromyard, i6th April, 1361 (Hrr*.
farJ ep. reg. L. CbarllBH [Cant, and
York loc], 83). Subiequenely he became
Chatlcon'i chancellor, obtaining from him
the prebend of Hunderton in Hertford,
14th December, 1363 (ibid. 66), a prieat-
prebend in Holdgate, Salop, I4tli Jn^,
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OP LEICESTER.
scholars of Merton hall, for their common uses other
than victuals, he left five marks ; while ten pounds were
to be divided among notably poor masters in arts and
theology at Oxford, the masters in theology to receive
a double portion.
The remainder of the legacies consist of clothes,
plate, furniture and books. Though it would be too
much to call the archdeacon a dressy man, he had an
abundant supply of useful clothes, some at SwalcHffe,
others stored at Stamford and elsewhere. Some thirteen
robes or suits of clothes are mentioned, consisting of
tunic, supertunic, tabard long or short, and one or two
tippets to match.* Some of these were perquisites or
liveries which the archdeacon obtained from his patrons
or from religious houses, to whom he had doubtless proved
useful. ^ Thus to the vicar of Melton Mowbray he
bequeathed a suit furred with the expensive fur called
1364 (ETton, Antij. Sbrnpibiri, it, 73) ud
Middle court or Middleton portioa in
Bromyard, lolh Januai?, 13 64-; {R*g-
Cbarltm, ut lup. 67}. la bii return of
btae&cei in ijfifi [ice above) be deiciibea
bjnuelf ai pripit and LL.B. Hii beneficei
at Hereford and Bromyard were at thii time
in diipute (cf. Rtg. Cbarltim, uc tup. 66
u regardi Hunderton preb.) and on 3rd
NoTember, 1369, he received new grand
of tliem from the Crown duiing the victaej
of the lee of Hereford (Ca/. Pot. IJS7-70,
317). Ini37o,ontheproinotionofThomai
Brantjmgham to the %et of Exeter, and
the revocation of a grant to Henry
Wake&eld, afterward) bishop of Worceiter,
he obtained the deanery of Bridgnorth
from the Crown (ibid. 1367-70, 401). He
KcmB to have vacated hii prebend in
Holdgate in 1371 (Eytoc, ut lup.), but
to have held hii deanery with Bledlow
■ud hit Wcttbury prebend till hii death,
which took pbce before 24th September,
1387 (Lincob ep. reg. li, f. 387 ; cf.
Co;. Pat. 1385-9, 361)' A document in
Worcet. ep, reg. Wbiitleiey, f. i and d,
printed by Dr. H. J. WiHini, yebti is
IVyiligt, etc. 191;, 1S-16 (f. i d ii photo-
graphed ai a frontiipiece of the lame
volume), tcttign to lui neglect of hii
prebend at Wettbury. He wag a benefactor
in i]6i CO the chantry of our Lady in
Kempiey church, near Worceiter {Cai. Pal.
IJ61-4. 1J7).
It Ii intemliog to note that a John
Doune had collation of Hartlebury church,
Worcet. from biihop Brian, ;th May, 1361,
but exchanged it for St. Helen'i, Worceiter,
on Che lime day [Worcet. ep, reg. Brian,
'1 '■ 33)'
' cf. the foundation itatutei of Eliing
ipital in the city o( London, Mmasticm
vi, 706: 'ita, vii. quod quilibet de
quatuor preibyteri) dicii hoipitalii hAeat
unam robam inlegram, viz. tunicam, luper-
tunicam, longum tabardum et capuciuni
cum futrura ad lupertunicam et capudum.'
In the reviled ttatutei of the Newaike
college at Leiceiter, iitued by biihop
Ruoell in 1490, occun the preicripcion,
' Vlantui eciam [ic. canooici] lupertunidi,
id eit togii talaribui tunidtque con.
gruentibui et decentibui honeitati dericali,"
etc. (Lincobi ep. reg. uii, I. loS).
' Nothing ii more common in epitcopal
mention of the corradiei,1iverietorpsntioni
with which the common fund wat charged
to Dutiiden. Doubtlen the biibopi of
Lincoln and Worceiter undertook to find
their official in a luit of clothoi every year
St part of hit laLaiy ; and Doune'i libiratt
from monaitetiei were probably annual,
ipliei a payment of any land,
by the
, • in thii I
not imply that the archdeacoc
were of any ipeda! cut or ec
merely that they were given hi
penoni mentioned. The will mei
that the abbot and convent of Ford
him a peniton of two raaiii and a '
yearly.
D,gH,zed.y Google
256 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
pelure,^ consisting of a closed or buttoned supertnmc
a tabard, two furred tippets, and a furred gamage or
over-mantle* of the livery of the bishop of Worcester.
Isabel Pipard became the possessor of an almost new suit
furred with pelure, with a long tabard and a furred hood
of the livery of the bishop of Lincoln, This was at
Stamford, but at Swalclifie there was a remnant of two
ells of new cloth from the piece out of which the robe
had been made. Another suit with a tippet furred with
good pelure, and a long cloal of the same suit furred with
grey fur were also left to Isabel. Such clothes might be
more easily adapted to a lady's use than the clerical clothes
of our own day. The archdeacon's aunt was provided
with a handsome ' robe ' well furred with good pelure,
with a long furred tabard, a closed supertunic, a furred
and a lined tippet, which after her death was to be divided
among her married daughters. Alice Marchaunt had
one of her half-brother's summer suits, lined with blue
cambric, with a long tabard and two tippets, one lined,
the other unlined. A piece of new cloth, not cut, for a
' robe * of the livery of the abbot of Oseney was left to
the archdeacon's nephew at Oxford, while one of his
Dartmouth nephews had a similar piece of the livery
of the abbot of Torre, who, it may be remembered, was
the rector of Townstall, the parish in which Dartmouth
is situated. If the yoimger of these nephews went to
Oxford, he was to have a coat furred with black fur and
a lined tippet of the same suit, which otherwise was to
belong to his elder brother.
The description of all these garments is somewhat
similar. Their colour is not often stated. A new blue
robe furred with pelure and a long cloak furred with
vair of the same suit were bequeathed to Alexander Sporman,
the chantry priest of All Saints', Oxford,^ on condition
that he paid the furrier, Nicholas Garland, or his servant
Henry a bill of fifty shillings. Robert Saundres, the
archdeacon's bailifi at Swalcliffe, would find a red robe
1 Id Viiuii «/ Fi*ri Pltumm, piMui lii ■ Sc« Ducu^, %.i. Cinuchu. It wu
(ed. Wright, L 13793), pelutt ii ipakcn > long tlecTcleu nuntlc won otci the othei
ol u ■ till ippRipiutc to nrdiiuUi I 'And clothei. A French accaont of 1351, dted
i*eckrke>,ivhaiitheicaiiic,FoTluiaiinuD« hj Ducuge, definci it u 'one gifiKchc,
piicth, For hir pelun and hit ftUajtt ou long numtel feadn i un coMt.'
mete, And piloun that hem folweth.' * See note i on p. 147 ibore.
D,„i,z.d , Google
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER.
furred with pelure in the keeping of master Richard
Medmenham, the rector of Upton-on-Severn. ^ John,
vicar of All Saints', Stamford, ' was to have a blue over-
mantle furred, with a tippet not furred of the same ; while
one Adam Snarteford had a similar legacy of red colour.
The archdeacon's favourite fur was pelure, but some of
his suits and coats were furred with the grey fur known
as gris.^ William, a chaplain in Oseney aobey, had a
suit furred with this material. A long coat left to a
poor chaplain and a coat and tippet left to the vicar of
St. Andrew's, Stamford,* were similarly furred. The
executors were to present a blue robe furred with gris
to any poor rector in the archdeaconry of Leicester, while
a poor vicar in the same v?as to have a cloak furred vrith
gris and a lined tippet. To Henry, the vicar who served
the cure of souls at Swalcliffe,^ was bequeathed a robe
lined with red cambric or lawn, while a furred tunic and
supertunic with two tippets, furred and lined, of the bishop
of Worcester's livery, came to the share of the chaplain
I Medmaiiiuu wu, u will be leen, one
(if Dounc'i uccuton. He wai probably an
Oxford fiicnil of the in^deicon'i, ai, on
zind Januuj, I3S[-I3J1, he wu imiicutcd
to the fm chapel of Kibvarth Hircourt,
Leicet. at the prcMnCation of the wacden
and icholan of Mciton hall (Lincola ep.
leg. ii, f. 354 d). Hii migiution ii aoC
recorded. Biihop Brian collated the church
of Alvechurch Co him, Sth April, 1359
(WotcM. ep. reg. Brian, i, f. x6 d), but he
nctunged it for Upton-on-ScTem on
md Maj following (ibid. f. 17). On
;th Maj, 1361, he exchanged Upton for
Si. Heleo'i, Worceiter Cibid. f. 33), aad
thii church he eichanged on the Mine day
irith John Dounc (lee note ] on p. 154
above) for Hartltbur^ (ibid.). He appean
to have died before i6ct) October, 1361,
when 1 vacancy at Hartlebury wai Elled
up (ibid. {. 38 d). It will be noticed that
the jrear of peititence, 1361, wu fatal to
many of Doune'i fiiendt ai well u to
himMlf. NaA {Hul. Wcrcti. u, 44S)
omit! Medmenhain'i name from hii liat
ot the rector) of Upton.
'John, lou af Roger WadTngworth,
wu initiCuted Ijtb April, 1360 (Lincok
ep. [eg. ii, i. 91). John Norniaaton,
probablf the tame penon, vacated the
vicarage by death before 12th July, 1361
(ibid. f. 9!! d).
■ cf. Ouucer'i monk. Cam. T^u, A, 194 ;
I teigb hii ilevei puifiled at the houd
With gryi, and that the fynette of 1 load.
< John Cutieton, inttituted itt May,
1359 (Liocok ep. reg. ii, f. SK). He died
by 5th January, 1363-4 [ibid, x, f. 5).
' Henry Wiyght of Tichmanh, priMt,
initituCed to Che vicatige on the preienta-
tion of Richard Whitewell, rector (tee
note I on p. 148 above), 30th January,
■349-5° ('^'<1' "1 '' '9^ ^)- "^^ ""*
inidtucion to the vicarage wai on loth
March, 1379-So : no reaiou of vacancy
given (ibid, i, f. 370). The vicarage, which
had long exiited (cf. Souli Hug. W^ti
[Cant. andYoikSoc.] ii,9),na>apieMnbibU
beneSce with a fixed endowment out of
the fruiu of the living, and the vicar could
not thenfore be nmoved at the will of the
rector; cf. Decretal, i, ixviii, cap. 3,
Ad. tic. It ihould alio be noted that,
although there wai a vicar at SwalcUfie,
who held hii office at the preientacioa at
the rector, the rector wai not thereby
wholly abnlved from the cure of loult.
Lyndewode, commenting upon Peckham'i
itindoa Priuria, diitiuguiihei in uich
■ ai SwalcUSe, where the church wu
annexed to a piebend or dignity but
an independent benefice, between the
: of Hjuli incumbent on the teetoi hMm
vtad fnpnttattm, and that incumbent
he vitu qtiead tiOTntiitm it tfftctum.
D,„i,z,d, Google
258 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
at Epwell. More exceptional is the coat lined with Irish
hare-sHns left, with other clothing, to the archdeacon's
servant, Walter Achvm. Another robe furred with
pelure, with a long tabard and two tippets, one furred,
the other lined, was left to some devout priest unbeneficed,
a student in theology at Oxford, even if he happened to
be domiciled in some * perpetual hall ' in that university
or was a bachelor of theology. Generous provision was
made for the poor. Thirty ells of linen cloth deposited
at Stamford and 63J ells of canvas cloth with more of the
same were to be divided among weak and impotent poor
folk. The poorer of these were to have at any rate
enough to make them a small linen sheet, a shirt and
breeches, whUe the distribution to the others was to be
regulated in proportion to their poverw-- Similarly all
his own body-linen and all linen clothes not already-
bequeathed were left for division among the poor. In
this distribution his old parishioners at Quainton were
to have the preference. His partiality for Stamford^ is
again shown in his bequest of a red Irish mantle to some
poor old man of that place.
It is rather significant of his calling that he left no
vestments for use in church, unless these appeared in
one of the lost portions of his will. An archdeacon was
a busy man of affairs, little to be distinguished from a lay
lawyer except that he was in holy orders and was chiefly
concerned with the ecclesiastical side of his profession.
It is even now necessary to remind people that the
mediaeval clergy did not walk about the streets in copes
and chasubles, and that the mitre was not the only head-
gear of a bishop. Master WUliam Doune's clerical career
is seen purely in its legal and worldly aspect, and it is
evident that he did not take the trouble to amass those
costly collections of chapel furniture, altar^hangings,
service-books, and vestments, which are features of the
wills and inventories of some of the higher clergy and
nobility of his day. The ornaments of his everyday
dress were sparing, and all that he mentions in this
connexion are three girdles — his best girdle of black silk
with silver gilt ornaments, fastened by a clasp in the middle
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 259-
vnth an enamelled pendant, a second best one with
harnessings unspecified, and a third of silk harnessed with
sUver engraved with figures of birds.
We have seen that Doune disposed of his silver spoons
to his relations. Of the rest of his plate and jewels, he
left to the prior of Launceston a silver cup, which had
belonged to his father, with a cover which he himself had
had made for it. On the foot of the cup was his father's
shield. To the abbot of Eynsham, the original donor,
he left a silver-gilt and enamelled cup, the foot of which
he had broken. With this cup went a cover and finger-
bowl to match. Master John Belvoir,^ one of his
executors, was to choose the best mazer for himself ;
master Richard Medmenham, the other, was to have
the second best; Belvoir also was to keep a knife with
an ivory handle which he had given to the archdeacon,
and a cup of fine glass. All the other silver cups and
vessels were to be broken up and made into chalices, of
which three were to be given to the churches of Quainton,
Georgeham and St. Endellion respectively. Of six rings,
the bishop of Exeter was to have the best, the bishop of
Lincoln the second, the bishop of Worcester the third
best : the remaining three were to go to the executors.
A ' nouche ' * with a ring which was in the great coffer
in the dorter at Oseney was left to the Cistercian abbey
of Dore in Herefordshire, for reasons which it is difficult
to divine, as it lay outside the region of his activities.
'John BelToii (Johannei dc BelTcro], Ma7,i36S,biihopBuckinghuncomimuioned
Doune'i oilicial and tiecutor, wai initituted the abbot of Lciceiter to eSecC aa cxclunge
to the church of Faldlngworth, between of the churchei of Lutterworth ind Charlton
Lincoki and Market Raien, 17th Septcmbei, between the rector of the Gnt of (heie and
ijji (Lincobep. reg. ix, f, 116). This he John Belvoir [ibid. lii, f. $9). There ii
exchanged for Bratoft, near Spiliby, in no record that thii wai aecompUihed ; but
September, 1353 (ibid. f. ;S), cichaDgiag Gllet Cloune, previouilf rector of Lutter-
thii in the laroe month (no day ii givea] worth, reiigned Charlton in 1369 (ibid, i,
forKirkbyMallory.Leicn. (ibid. f. 314. and S. 24; d, 336J, and Belvoir may hate
d). He retigned Kirkbf Mallorj hj lEth reilgned Lutterworth on obtatniog Crick.
December, 1361 fibid. (. 33+ d), having He exchanged Crick and hii Lincohi
been initituted to Charlton-on-Otmoor, prebend for the lubdeaner? of Lincoln,
Oion. on nth October previouily (ibid. 6th May, 137S (ibid, x, i. 110 d], which be
f. 177 d). On 15th January, 1 361-1, he may have vacated iholtly afterwardi
had collation of St. Botolph'i prebend in (Le Neve, ii, 39), but probably kept till
Lincohi (ibid. f. 446 d), which he vacated hit death in 1391 (Lincoln ep. reg. xi, f. 435],
by death before 6th Auguit, ijgi (ibid, id, 'i.e. a claip or other letting for a jewel.
f.435). He had collation of Crick, Northanti. cf. Chaucer, H«u «/ /'<Mu, i3Ja ; ' nouchit-
ijth March, 1368-9 (ibid, j, f. [74 d). FuUe of the fyneit itonei (aire, That men
It it probable that he reiignrd CharltoD'on- rede in the Lapidaire.' See alio Eiodui 11111,
Otmoor in 136E. At any rate, on 9th 6: ' onyiitonei incloiedinouchei of gold.'
D,„i,z.d , Google
26o THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
Neither the plate and jewels nor the furn'ture make
a very imposing list. The archdeacon's new ■ ' dorser,'
the tapestry hanging behind his chair in the rectory at
Swalcliffe, ^ with three * bankers,' ' or coverings for benches
to match, were to pass to his successor in that benefice.
Bed-furniture at Swalcliffe, consisting of a coverlet and
tester or canopy of the same suit, with two ' whytels '
or blankets and two linen shisets in indifferent condition,
was left to his nephew Thomas Waryn. His best bed
— that is to say, the coverlet and tester — worked with
saffron-coloured roses, became the property of his brother
Thomas. This appears to have been one of the three
beds deposited vriui the Stanleys at Stamford. Another
of these, dark blue in colour, was bequeathed to William
and Agnes Stanley ; while, as already stated, the great
red bed formed part of Isabel Pipard's conditional legacy.
An old coverlet without a tester, also at Stamford, was
left to Emmot SHlyngton, a poor woman of that place,
whose son became the owner of a small piece of russet
cloth. Possibly these two were William Star\ley's servants.
A few other blankets and linen sheets, left to Walter
Achym and others, concludes the furniture mentioned
in the will. It is possible that other pieces occurred in
the missing portion at the end, and we know that the
usual inventory of goods and furniture was attached to
the original document.
The archdeacon's dispositions regarding hb books
form one of the most interesting portions of the will. There
is possibly no more extensive list of the working library
of an ecclesiastical lawyer, or one which gives so much
evidence of the owner's industry jn the pursuit of his
chosen study. The foundation of his library was, of
course, the texts which compose the corpus of the civil
and canon laws. The names of these are well known to
all students of mediaeval historj' and law. The Codex of
imperial constitutions issued by Justinian, the Pandects
or Digest, which was the result of the collation of the
' Dotine't pndeccuoi it SmldiSc, ' Gcoffrej Scrope, tuvm ol l.infnin,
Riclurd Whinrell, bei]ucithed to miitei bequeathed to Thomu hit chunbcilun hit
John Curkon, reetoi of Sutton, hit aula Norfolk bed worked with bitdi, with iti
or hxUing of Jnw widi doner {doiiiriiim) carped and ' boiquen ' (ibid. 17].
ind cotten or lide-lungiiigi (Linco/* WiUi,
ot np. 9).
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. zSl
various text -books of the Roman common law, ^ the
Institutes or summary of law for students, and the Novellae
or imperial constitutions of Justinian and some of his
immediate successors, formed the body of civil law. The
division of the canon law was also fourfold, consisting
of the Decrelum of Gratian, the Decretals codified by
Gregory IX (1227-41), with the sixth book added by
Boniface VIII (1295-1305), the Clementine constitutions
issued by Clement V at the council of Vienne (1311),
and the Extravagants or additional constitutions.' To
these a multitude of mediaeval jurists had added glosses
or comments which, to lawyers practising in the
ecclesiastical couns, were of equal value with the original
texts ; and of these commentaries or digests the arch-
deacon possessed a considerable number. His copy of
the Summa of A20 of Bologna, the most celebrated mediaeval
text- book of Roman law, composed early in the thirteenth
century, had been borrowed from Torre abbey, and he
held a book of decretals in pawn from the abbot of
Eynsham. These, with several other borrowed books,
he restored to their owners. The rest of his books were
disposed of as foUows. To yoimg William Stanley of
Stamford he bequeathed a book of decretals with an
apparat-us or commentary, the sixth book of the decretals
with a like supplement and the gloss of the cardinal — ■
that is, the commentary of Henry of Susa,' cardinal
bishop of Ostia, on the decretals — all in one volume,
together with a corrected copy of the similar commentary
of Innocent IV,* in the beginning of which the arch-
deacon had written with his own hand his directions
for its disposal. A set of volumes of civil and canon
law profusely annotated by himself were left for the
use of one of his nephews, either Robert Bozoun or the
> The DigHE w» uiuallj dindcd in dine buhop of Siitcnm it4i-$o, arcfabiiluip of
uctioni, vii. (1) DlgatumveCui, comprinng Embniu i2;o-6i, oirdiiul biihop of Ottit
tit. i-xxiv. 2; (2) DigHtum iafoitiatum, 1262-71, known u faa it ifltidar jsrit.
tit. xni, 3-TiciTiiii (]) DigciCum Donim, Hii chief woik, Summa uttiasqut jurii, ma
tit. mii-l (Hunter, Exptiitun tf JionMii CDHunonl^ known ai the Aurta Mmma
lots, loi). HtititHtii.
'Now divided into the Cwenl]' Ex^ ^Soltmu apfarauu Imuctudi fapt
travaganut of John XXII ([]i(>-34) >nd jaarti iitptr qiiiitqiu librm itertutixm.
the Extravaganui cemmMiui of Tuioui Taaocent IV [Sinibildo de' HeKhi) ww
le date of the L^tr ttxtui iicTttaiiHm. copy of the fifth
' Uenii de Suie (Heniicut dc Seguiio), [R.A.I. Lineohi 11
D,„i,z.d , Google
■262 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
young scholar Lovecok at Oxford. Within four years
after his death, his executors and the abbot of Oseney
were to decide which of the two was the fitter and more
promising student. They were then to supply the young
man with a little volume of civil law, and, when he had
mastered this, he was to have copies, variously described,
of the Codex and Digests. After studying in civil law for
five years, he would receive a volume of the decretals, an
' Innocent,' a sixth book of the decretals with three glosses
of commentaries; with which were bound up the com-
mentary of Dtno da Mugello ^ and part of the Novellae of
■Giovanni di Andrea of Bologna, ^ and a volume containing
the Clementine constitutions with five glosses and the
Extravagants with one gloss. He • was not, however,
to become the owner of these volumes. He must give
surety, in case he could or would not use them or any
of them, or in case he did not prosper in his studies, to
leturn them to the real proprietors. In any case, when
he reached the age of sixty, or, if he did not live to that
age, some time, allowing that this were possible, before
his death, or at any rate within a month after his death,
the books were to be given up. Meanwhile he must
keep and preserve them safe, untorn, unbroken, un-
trodden on, vnthout deterioration or the possibility of it,
so far as he was able ; nor must he alienate, pawn, or lend
them. The permanent proprietorship was left to the
abbot and convent of Oseney under these conditions.
If neither of the boys proved apt for ^he study of law,
or if neither received the books, or both died within the
prescribed time, the books were to be sold by the abbot,
and the money employed for pious uses, a hundred
with tlic gloH of John {\.t. Giaitata di
Andiea), and the gloii of Dino upon the
reoaccjQn or ldc i,ioer sexius atcrftaivim. dtle Dt reguiii juris^ while in the lame
He died in [313. book Tiu 3 cop)' of the ClenuntiDe conititu- '
tiotii with Giovanni'! glou. See Tut.
■Johannct Andieae, periiapi the moit Ebor. (Suiceei loc.) i, 3Z4, for a bccjuelt
funout fouiteenth-centuiy canoniit, called of a copf of 'Joannii Aadree in Novell*
-txitrtim tt moruTca doctor and subtiluiimus luper Decretalibut et ttxto ' in three voli,
ponlificii juris inurpra, who taught at Ac theend of a longmanuictipt lilt ol juiiiU
Bologna 1303-48. Hii ivnidlae formed part written in 1551 hy one Hem; G^bboni at
of tui commentary on the decretali. The the beginning of a legal note-boolt, which it
on the TiluJw iJ( n^uJii r'urii, which fotmt 'Joanne! Andieat in iure ciaaoico et
the coacluding tection ol the Libir Mxiut, Bartolui in iure ciuili, numquam enavere aut
.Among Ravenier'i booln wat a Liber itxtus laiiut quam ccteri interpretei.'
D,„i,z.d, Google
Tl
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 263
shillings of it being reserved to the common uses of the
monastery. But if the provisions regarding the use of
the books by one of his young kinsmen were fulfilled,
then, after the use or usufruct prescribed by the terms
of the will had expired, the books were to be given in
the same way to another young student of the archdeacon's
blood. As each usufruct expired, the books were to be
handed on upon the same terms to other kinsmen of his
own blood or of the blood of either of his parents until
the sixth usufruct was concluded. Then the usufruct
and proprietorship were to be consolidated and the books
were to remain to the abbot and convent for ever, to be
applied to their common use. In order, however, that
the proprietors might obtain some immediate benefit
from this bequest, each student who enjoyed the usufruct
must guarantee to pay forty shillings to the abbot within
a month after the' books were returned, and promise to
;ive counsel and aid to the monastery as long as he lived. *
The archdeacon had already left ^lo to each of the
nephews in question. The one who should go to the
umvcrsity was bequeathed ^7 in addition. This sum,
with the original £10, was to be placed in the hands of
the abbot of Oseney, who, after paying the student £•}
to begin with, was directed to supply him at the rate of
£1 a year during the seven years covered by his legal
studies. It is possible that Robert Bozoun was the
eventual beneficiary in the matter of the books and seven
pounds : there is at any rate some reason to connect
him with the Robert Bozoun who was chancellor of
Exeter from about 1383 to 1388. ^
The abbot of Oseney was also the final depositary of
the books the usufruct of which was left by the arch-
deacon to his executors, master Richard Medmenham and
master John Belvoir, his official, then rector of Kirkby
Mallory.^ Medmenham's books included a copy of
Giovanni di Andrea's commentary upon the old decretals, *
a text of, the sixth book of the decretals, a text of
< The nmaitable ingenuity oi thoe obtaining and quitdog the chancellanhip
ptOTinaw, which are uncomman, if not are not known.
vniquc for that date, ii woithr ol noticr. . <-
Ti. ™ i,.»n.r i. ,313-, (««.« ^J^' "'"• •• '■ '"• "^ '. r- "Ss
tf^ reg. Brantyngbam^ cd- Randolph^ 51^1
but gcncial infonnation ai to his career < i.e hii Summa upon the £nC fire boobi
Menu to be wanting, and the date) of hit of the decretali.
, Google
264 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
the Clementine constitutions in the archdeacon's own
hand, the provincial constitutions of the archbishops of
Canterbury,^ the legatine constitutions of Oddo and
Ottobuono, the statutes of the court of arches, various
copies of bulls and other documents very useful for a
pleader in the ecclesiastical courts. Medmenham also
had the use of two of the archdeacon's commonplace
books, repertories of forms similar to the book in which
the copy of the will exists. One of these is described
as ' a great and very thick book containing many reasons
and allegations of advocates in causes at issue in the
apostolic palace, and many things of high advantage to
a pleader, especially in the court of Rome.' The other
was ' the great quire or book which I was wont to carry
about with me, written partly on parchment and partly
on paper, wherein I have noted and arranged the matter
under headings, as it were alphabetically ; and here will be
found the sayings of Innocent and of the archdeacon
in rosario^ and the matters written in the said thick book,
and I make frequent reference to my own speeches and
lectures written on paper, the which I also leave to him.'
These books, at the expiry of Medmenham's tenure,
were to be sold by the abbot, who was to keep 40s. out
of the profits for himself, and 40s. for the common uses
of the monastery.
Master John Belvoir's books were the Summa of the
cardinal of Ostia, the commentaries of Mandegodus, who,
like the cardinal, had been archbishop of Embrun,^both
well corrected and annotated by the archdeacon, and a
book of sermons which had been a present from master
John himself. These also were to revert to the abbot,
who after the sale was to keep a mark for himself. The
> The lubordinatc relation of tbe text- mx, in piimarily concerned with Eogliib
booki at Engliih canon Ian mcntioucd here caKi.
CO the Tuc bodjr of juriitic literature to 'i.e. the Rmarium, t comnunUr3r oa
which thej ue a tmall tupplement fat the decntali, bf Guido da Baiw, irch-
local UK hai been pointed out by Maitland, deacon of Bologna tn the later part of (he
CanaH Laa in England, It ihould he thirteenth aamrj. Thii glaii of the
noted that a tctj cooiiderahle proportion archdeacon par ixciOijici wu one of the
of thedecretaliarefounded uponprecedenti molt funoui ticatiiea of canon la« :
relating to the affain of Engliih dioceiei RareDier, e.g. left a copy of Arcbiiiatmm
which came before the popci. Thut four in Rosario tuptr itcratalibia.
out oini chapter! of I, tit. uviii, Z)< BJEcw ' CuiUaume de Mandegol, one of
vicatii, and eight out of eighteen of [it. Boniface VIII'* axiitantt in compiling
ini, Di iHiit fmHunrum trdiHaniiii vit the Liitt tfxuii.
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ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 265
same conditions of reversion and sale applied to the
commonplace book which has been already described as
compiled hy William Doune while in the service of the
bishop of Exeter, and to a copy of the Novellae of Giovanni
di Andrea upon the sixth book of the decretals, which were
left to master Thomas Pepir, apparently the archdeacon's
notary. This Novellae lacked the portion deaUng with
the title or division De regulis juris, which had been left
with the other law-books to the young student. The
lectures of Clynus on the old digest^ and Petrus sufer
inforciato^ were left to master Richard Medmenham,
if he became an inceptor in civil law : otherwise they
were to pass to master John Derworth, without any
condition of reversion. Clynus on the codex, however,
was left for the use of master John Derworth,' as long
as he studied at a university or practised in the papal
court or the court of Canterbury \ after which it was to
be returned to the abbot of Oseney and to be sold by
him, retaining half a mark for his own use. The arch-
deacon's boolw of sermons were left to Robert, prior of
Oseney, with reversion to the monastery.
A few other boob were directed to be sold by the
executors, all good volumes with corrections. These
were two copies of the Decretum, the Rosarium of
archdeacon Guy, the Lectura of the cardinal of Ostia
in two volumes, the Speculum juris of Guillaume Durand,
bishop of Mende,* and the Addiciones or supplements
of Giovanni di Andrea to the old decretals. The money
from these was to be devoted to the fulfilment of the
purposes of the will, and especially to the foundation of
the two chantries. But, if this could be done out of his
' CJjmut i> nn author difiicolt to identif]'. aigument xenu Co fivour Italy aad i dace
The word Clyni, mjiread by Mr. A. P. not far (lom 1075' (H. O. Morgan, Tbi
Moore ai g/yn, ii peifecCly dear in the Mrdiaevat MM, 1911, ii, iji). The
original. Probably it it a miitake eidiei inftrcialum ii the tecoad poition of the
for Cyni, in which eaie the luthor i< the Digeit ! lee note _i, on p. 26r above,
famout juriit and poet, Cino da n>toia, 'The wriCer'hat diicovered nothing
01 for DyK, i.e. Dino da Mugello, who, rcbting to chii dcrk.
however, ii alto referred to in the will ai ' Guilbume Durand de Saint-Pourtain,
'Dignm.' bom 1231, bishop of Mende 1186-96,
'Tht Petri ExctpiiauiltgumRagaHanim, best known to-day ai the author of the
dedicated ti Odilo, 'Valentine civitatii litaoai Ranndt iiviiarum officiorum. The
magittio magnitico,' was a compilation of SpiadBmJHrii,3\soallitiSficiiismiudiciali,
legal caiei founded on the Corfui jurii waioneof thechicfrcpertorieiol canon law,
civilii. The auChonhip and date are The indefatigable Giovanni di Andrea
uncertain : ' on the whole, the weight of wrote additiana to ic.
.y Google
266 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
Other goods, as he hoped, the executors were ordered
to apply the money at their discretion to pious and
meritorious uses. For his pains as- executor Medmenham
inherited ten pounds, and Belvoir ten marks.
Those who have studied such invaluable collections
of wiUs as the Testamenta Eboracensia, which we owe to
the Surtees Society, know of what value these documents
are for the illustration of mediaeval life. The Institute
has lately been able to appreciate the fulness of the
information which can be gleaned from them upon one
subject alone in the extracts gleaned from Northampton-
shire wills by Mr, Serjeantson and Mr. Longden.* But
William Doune's wiU, in addition to the numerous details
which it contains relating to clothes, books and the
testator's other possessions, was composed with a revelation
of personal character which comparatively few wills contain.
It belongs to the earliest period at which EngHsh wills
be^n to be plentiful. While such wills often help,
especially in the case of the higher clergy, to add to our
knowledge of the testators, there is none which does this
with equal fulness, and certainly none which so thoroughly
fulfils its ultimate use, after five and a half centuries, of
bringing before us the man in his habit as he lived. We
can only regret that the document is in so fragmentary a
condition ; it is much to be hoped that by some fortunate
chance a perfect copy may be found to exist. The careful
inclusion of the text in a book compiled some fifty years
after the testator's death leads one to think it possible
that other clerks thought a copy worth preserving.
Perhaps the most curious incident in the history of the
document is the unexplained chance which brought the
book to Peterborough and into the registry of the diocese
in which the archdeaconry of Leicester is at present
included.
The account here given of William Doune's bequests
does not exhaust the contents of the will, which may
be studied at length in the text which follows. To this,
>Sce ^rciaal. ^HTD. Ixi, Ii7-4S1 : 7bi to SiUKi churchei, and Mr. LeUnd L.
Patiii Cburcba el Ntrlbamfimibirt : ^lir DuDcao, F.S^. hii pubU^d liinilir in-
ieiicttitia, attari, images and ligba. Mi. tonnatiim nUtiog to Writ Kent chutchci
R. Garnwif Rice, F.S.A. hai alto collected in the Transaciimu if ibi Si. PatTi Ealait-
nnck infoiinition trom iriU> with legiid b(tMl StcUiy.
D,„i,z.d, Google
AKCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. Z67
where necessary, additional notes have been appended.
The writer desires to express his thanks to the officials
of the diocesan' registry at Peterborough, and especially
to Mr. A. Hill, for the facilities given him for access at aU
times to the valuable volume in their custody. Mr. G. G.
Coulton has also aided him in the interpretation of some
of the more obscure passages.
TEXT OF THE WILL.
The full Latin text of the document i> added here. The marginal
notes of the name* of legatee) have in part disappeared, owing to the damage
which the book has suffered, but can easily be restored where they partiaUy
temain. In its present state the will begins abruptly as follows : •
[Fo. 157] in Tsum ad quem legantur conuerti faciei fideliter et insolidum
applicari, vel saltem se obliget in duplo simpliciter eiecutoribus meis,
recepta eorum defetancia,' vt de religioeis premisi, vel ad ultimum iuret
vt prediii ; et eciam sub pena late excommunicacionis sentencie quam
incuirat si hoc con fecerit ipso facto, ad conuenendum et applicandum
die tarn partem legatam in v»um construccionis cancelli infra dictum tempus
per juicem competentem ecclesiasticum condempneiur, et ab ei non
possit absolui donee ipsa tota pecunia fuerit in vsum huiusmodi insolidum
applicata ; et possit, eo non vocato nee atidito, ad solam assercionem eciam
verbalem eciam vnius executonim meorum dicentis alicuf seu cuicumque
judici ecclesiattico quod dictus rector condempnacioni huiusmodi non
panierit, ezcommunicatus publice eciam vbicumque in Anglia nunciari ;
et ad premissa consenciat expresse et iuret ea non impedire, et super hits
habeantur publica documeata. Si vero vltra annum dimidium a die
notificacionis dicti legati et adempcionis quam infia faciam et fonnis'
ac modis vtriusque earum* facte dicto lectori, eciant per relacionem
litteralem vel verbalem eciam vnius executorum meorum,^ securitatem
talem facere distulerit et quilibet eoruodem, ex nunc prout ex tunc et
e converso huiusmodi legatum reuoco, subduco, et volo in ilium euentnm
quod X marce de ipso legato sic adempto in fabricam seu reparacionem
niuis ipsius ecclcsie de Hamme et cUusuram cimiterij sui, i marce inter
pauperiores et debiliorespresbiteros archidiaconatuum Tottonie, Barnestapolie
et Eionie in ecclesia Exonienai, x marce ad fabricam monasterij ecclesie*
de Niweham, Exoniensis diocesis, el x marce ad fabricam ecdesie monasterij
Lancestonie, quinque marce ad fabricam seu reparacionem ecclesie fratnim
minomm Exonie, et quinque ad vsus similes predicatorum et abiectonim
' The opening obviouily itfen to ■ null and void in ttte of their own failure
leg«ej of 60 marU {£^0) towirdi the to fulfil the conditioM.
conicnicCion of the chincel of G<;orgehain ' Sic : lut jensis a needed.
church. * Sic : larvm rtfere to Ufali tt aitmp-
* i.e. the tiecuton were bound, ai their eitnis. taking the gendei of the Kcond woid.
p»rt of the contract, to eiecuie a deed of ' Wriitid mirum in original
e, rendering the rector'i obligation . ,* Sic : for iccUiii oiiiBi
, Google
268
THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
fratrum mendicancium vndecumque fuerint
pauperioies scolares vniueisitatii Ozonieiuis i
tribuantur. *
Item eodem modo per omnia lego zl 11. ad ci
l^lvMiMi'. """^ cancelli in dicta ecdesia de Queyntono, solucndat
tub condidone et modo predictis' adiecds in coiudmili
legato relicto ad vsum simiJem, vt premisi. £t eodem modo adimo lioc
legaium sicut a quo et quali ademi illud ; in quem euentum adcmpciomi
volo quod z marce ex ipso legato ad fabricam seu reparacionem nauis seu
fenestrarum nauii ipsius ecclesie rel ad facturam muri kpidei vel fosute
Bpinee bone drca cimiterium ipsius ecclesie, item quinque marce inter
paupeiioTei paroduanos eiusdem, et t marce inter paupeies presbiteroi
nequeuntei eelebrare, quinque marce in reparacionem ecdesie et claustri
monasterij sancte Fredeswyde, et i marce ad fabricam leu reparacionem'
domorum necessariarum eiusdem, v marce ad vsum consimilem monasterij
de Nottle, t marce ad veus similes iratrum minorum Oxonie, v marce ad
vtum similem fratrum predicatorum, v fratrum carmelitarum, et relique
V marce ad vsus similei fratrum Augmtiuensium Oxonie conuertantur et
eciam appUcentur.
, Item lego ad construccionem et teparadonem domomm
' ' uecessariarum ac dauBurarum rectorie de Swaldyue' et de
Eppelwell', Shutteford et la Lee, nou ob stantibus sumptibus edam
excessiais et vtitibus per me oppositis in hac parte, il marcas sterlingorum
toluendas, ai et vt rector eiusdem ecdesie de Swalcljnie pro tempore mens
)ucce93or suffidenter caueat de tota huiusmodi pecuuia in vsus huiusmodi
infra annum vel biennium ex causa tantummodo et inaoKdum applicanda,
et sic caueat infra dimidium annum a die notiftcacionis Luiusmodi legad
ubi facte sub forma quam de notificacione facienda lectori ecdesie de
Hamme superius expressaui. SufGdenciam vero huiusmodi caucjonis volo
per eiecutorum meorum arbitrium declarari, et aon sicut in iure cauetur,
qui consideradonem habeant ad condicionem et qualitatem persone ipsltis
rectoris, et alias iuita discrecionem eis adeo datam. Huic edam legato
banc condidonem appono, videlicet, si et dummodo ipse rector eiecutores
meos absoluat et quietet super defectibus pretensis seu pretendendjs forte
per eum inucniendis in dictis locis et domibus et clausuris tempore mortis
mee, et non veiet eos nccconueniat super dsaut eorum occasione [fo. 157 d],
et si et dummodo caueat sufficienter, saltern litterali obligadone c marcarum
simplid, recepta correspondent! et conuenienti defeaancia, vt in tali bus
superius eiplicaui, quod executores testamenti domini Ricardi de Whitewell'
predeceasoris mci occasione huiusmodi defectuum suo tempore iminer.cium
seu contingendum non veiabit nee coaueniet, nee agat quomodolibet
contra cos nee aliquem eorundem, set ipsos eciam consimiliter absoluat
et quietet ; et tuac huiusmodi obligado c marcarum nullius penitus sit
momenti : alioquin in sua plena retnancat firmitate.
Item lego z li. sterlingorum ad fabricam seu reparadonem
'' cancelli dicte ecdesie sancte Endeliente, si et dummodo
rector curatus ipsius ecdesie et sui comporcionarij ibidem s
:y Google
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 269
prout de tectore de Hamme superius prelibaui : alioquin pais udus legiti
in repatadonem et vium nauis ipsias eccletie, et alia dimidia pars in
empcionem pannonim pro pauperioribiu et nuBersbilioribua paTOchianit
ipsius ecdesie conuertantur.
Item lego ad emendadoaem et reparacionem cancellonim^ ecclesiarum
ardiidiaconatu) Leycwtrie c marcas iterlingornm iuita irbitrium
executorum meonim in periculo animanim suarum distribnenda) ; de
qnibua I li. in cancellorum, videlicet lectoium, muronim el feneatrarum
cancellorum huiusmodi ecdesiarum Tnitaram monatteiio beatc Marie de
Pratit iuzta Leycestriam in&a enndem archidiaconatum, et quinque marce
in TSUI similea cancellorum ecclesianim lie Tnitarum' monasterio de Landa,
eiusdem arctudiaconatus, precipue connertaotur. Item lego ad repandonem
nauium ecclesiamm pauperiorum dicti aTchidiaconaiui zx marcae, et ad
emendadonem et dauiuram cimiteriorum eccloiarum Kuiusmodi x marcas.
Item ad empdonem et reparadonem librorum et vestimcntorum ecclesianim
in quibus maior defectua talium iam existit, zi li.
lR\immi Item ad vsum similem ecclesie de Hamme quinque
mSj™ marcas, et ad vsnm similem ecdesie de Quejmtone pre-
iMriit^' dictanim x marcas, et ad vsum similem* ecdesie sancte
aiumtntii. Endeliente predicte xia.
[Fmiiurlu (( Item pauperioribus presbiieria celebrantibns in ecdesia
eUricuin I.incolniensi deuotit et honestis indigentibns c t. vt pro
[tccUi]ia me orent, et pauperibus dericis deuotis et castis mimstiantibus
[£r]inu<iui Item talibui presbiteris celebrantibns in ecclesia
MMuiMTM. Exoniensi xls. et consimilibus ckricii in eadem miniatrantibus
XI 5, sub modis similibus. Item presbiteris non promotia
tB^ati' capelle domini mei Eioniensis xls. disiribuendoa secundum
gaat^m. arbitrium suum. Item famille sue Ixs. distribuendoi eodem
[Cbrifii] Item presbiteris non promotis clericia et familiaribus
Min«pj_ ^ ceteris domini mei epiacopi Lincolniensis iuita eiua arbitrium
lAtueliutittu. diitribuendaa^ quinque marcas, et spedaliter domino
Henrico capellano capellc sue xis. qui in legato generis' non concuirat.
[Cltriiii] Item pieabiteris non promotis et familie domini mei
tpitcopi ^ Wygorniensis quinque marcas; et inde spedaliter domini
Wygvnitiuu. Edwardus Hunt xa. et Augustinua presbiteri capelle sue
xs, de legato generaK huiuamodi habeant et perdpiant.
Item lego pauperibua notabiliter magistris in artibus
rMBjm'^S" *' aliqualiter pauperibua talibus mapstris in theologia
Oxmu. Oxonie studentibua xli. ita quod ipsi in theologia duplum
respectum perdpiant regendum in hoc canendum. ^
' buiusmtii follam, expunged. ' Thii ii a curioua paiiage and ii ptobablf
* WricteD mronim. cottupt. The wotdt in b' can' (in btc
' WhttCD limilt. caiitniium) loolf ai though they may be a
*Th* word ii alio uied below with copyiit'i error for in iurt lanlmiia], Mr.
KfcKDoe to liacob in the general leiue A. P, Moore noted the difficulty among hit
of ' minitei.' Ezet«t and LinCDb wen eitiacti from the will, hut without com*
ol connc chuichei of lecular canoiu. menting upon the textual error. Di.
* Written ditlihinJM. Andrew Claik luggeitid to him that the
•Sic: gmtrali ii meant, though gtiurii double allowance wai left to co<er 'the
n not impoidble. eipenie of a compulioiy entertainment
D,„i,z.d , Google
2/0
THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUKE,
Tfiatbam
\Ahy\nisM.
{Wyneyucmbi.
Item lego priori et conaennii monasttrij Linceatonie
ad fabricam monaiterij aui zz marcu, et abbati et connentni
monasterij de Neweham ad vsum gimilem z marcas. Item
priori et conuentui Flymptonie ad viam similem, v marcai.
Item abbati et conuentui monaiterij de Torre ad fabricam
clauitri 9ui ibidem, a. Item abbati et coanentui de
Tauystok ad wum limtlem, zls. Item abbati el coouentui
monasierij Abjndonie ad rsum gimilem, cs. Priori et
conuentui de Buiceatria ad v)um umilem, ai et dummodo
prior ibidem pecnniam Don imbunet, set in solidum in
VBum huiusmodi conuertatur, ca. Abbati et conuentoi
monuterij de Wjnchecombe ad num umilem et sub con-
djdone et modo limilibus, ca.
[Fo. 15S] Abbari et conuentui monaiterij de Nottele ad
vaum similem, Iza. Priori et conuentui de Landa ad mun
similem, Izs.
Item abbati et conuentui* monaiterij de Cirencestria,
Wygornieniia diocetii, act vsum communem et nece«urium
eoTum, V marcas.
Item priori* bono et grato ac conuentui monaaterij de
Lantony ad reparadonem clauitri lui ibidem, ct.
Priori et conuentui de Spalding ad fabricam ecctene
monaaterij sui, t marcas.
Abbati et conaentui de EjrnesKam ad vsum ecdetie,
clauBtri, dotmitorij et refectorij, z marcas.
Item priori sancte Fredeswyde ad fabricam tea
Fndaavit necesiariam reparacionem ecclesie, clauatri, refectorij,
dormitorij et officinaium necessariarum ibidem, si et
dummodo frater Nictolaus ibi prior pecuniam Kuiusmodl non inbunet
nee in alios tsui applicet, et de hoc securitatem faciat ezecutoribus meia, xli.
Item abbati et conuentui monaaterij de Forde,
Exoniensis dioceaia, ad vsua communes ipsiua mains'
neceaaarioa, quinqoe marcas, et liberadonem omnium que michi debeat,*
dumtaxat si fideliter custodierint et liberauerint ezecutoribui meis' bona
mea ibidem deposita, de quibus habeo indenturam aub si^o abbatis ibidem :
tnncet non aliter habeani Itec legata et eia gaudeant, et alias non, set
executoiei mei eos conueniant in curia aecolari pro duabns nurcis annne
pensionia et j roba omni anno per zj annos aretro eiiatentibus* et non
aoluda, que' obligacio aub sigiUo suo communi ejt inter aliis in magna
coffra mea itante in dormitorio Oseneye. Lego veto eiadem de Forde
abbati et conuentui liberacionem i marcarum eis aliaa mutuo datarusi
per me, de quibus eat eciam in dicta cofira obligado qui ' ille mihi, vt estim^
SpaUynf.
Eyiuibam.
Farit.
giTcn hy a new D.D. on the dccuIod oi
hit idmiiiion to Rcj;ec^ (technically cjUcd
Inception)'; ind thitciplanition, rejected
bj Mi. Moore, who took rttpeOum io ■
wioDg Kue, hii bcoi luggnted bde-
pendently to the pfuent writer by Mr,
Coulton.
I Jt expunged.
• <t cenvumii eipunged.
■ Sic : for nugit,
* Sic ; for iiittia.
* Wiitten mtu, probibly b; incomplete
alteration from turn.
* Written tmtibia.
' WriCtea qm.
* The paiMge down to ialii» ii printed u
it itind* in the muiuKript, but the oiiginil
copTiit eridentl; made > miiuke. The
propet reading would be ' quod iUe mihi,
■n eitimi}, lunt toluend: ' : thii ii, it iaj
ntc, the reading which comci neaieit ti
the wotdt in their preienc foim.
D,„i,z.d, Google
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 27I
mat solute. Volo vero eoideiii ibbatem et conuentuni per ct propter
casus fortuitos incendij cuiuicumque et qualttercumque proueiiientes
et furti tatronum et rapine, siue frauds et culpa abbatii et conucntui eorundem
teu alicuioi penone singularis eonim si euenerint, a i«ititucione dictorum'
bonorum, et vt legitii huiuimodi non careant propter noa liberacionem,
fore touliter excusatot : aliam eciam partem dicti debiti lui in quo mihi
tenentur remittere valeant eis dicti eiecutorea, prout pro anima mea vidcrint
expedite, quia reuera eis nichil vel modicum desertiiui. Set volo sentire
quod si indentura super bonis depositis non aufficiat ad recuperadonem
nee illam titneant, ad restitucionem eciant illonim cogantur per obligacionem,
et lie peoaio et roba huiuitnodi ab eis, si male tidei fuerint, exigantur.
Item legtJ fratri Thome, abbati, et conuentui monaster]]
^^' Oseneye ad vsus communes necessarioi ipaus, xx marca>
conuertendat iuxta discrecionem abbatii, et abbati eiusdem monasterij
xls, et cailibet canonico ipsius monasteiij vnam marcam, et priori, fratri
videlicet Roberto, ij marcas, et Ricardo de Comenore zis, et Henrico de
Elsham xls, et fratri WiUelmo de Westone, canonico ipsius monasterij,
dimidiam marcam ; qui Ricardus, Henricus et WiUelmus in dicto legato
general!, quo singulis vnam marcam reliqui, debeant comprehendi. Item
lego familie eorundem abbatis et conuentua xls. diatribuendoi iuxta
discrecionem abbatis. Hec legata abbati et coauentui de Osney, singulis
peraonis et canonicis ac familiaribus suis iam relicta, et quecumque alia
eis facta, per me volo dumtaxat solui eis, et alias non nee alicui eorum,
li videlicet et duromodo abbas et conuentus ipsi fideliter custodierint et
plene ac fideliter Uberauerint pecuniam, libros, cipbos argenteos et alia
bona mea penes eos depoiita, sicul saltern patet in genere in indentura
ttgillo suo communi signata, et secundum quod ea fideliter specifico^
in memoriali sine inuentario in hac parte per me facto et in present!
testamento iniixo et incluso, et secundum exigenciam dicte indenture in
qua bona huiusmodi non specificantur, set ciste et coffre sigillantur sigillo
meo et scrantur cum clauibus quas habeo. Item lego eisdem abbati et
conuentui liberacionem ix li. quas mihi debent ei causi mutui et cuiusdant
annue pensionis xls. que pro iiij vel iij annis est a retro, et omnium que
michi debent ex mutuo vel ex causa dlcte pensionis sub condicionc predicta,
et Don aliter neque vltra, et vt inter ceteros benefactoies domus sue me
iirotulent in maitilogio et me ascribant, et imperpetuum pro me vt pro
talibus orent.
Mbiou baiu. [Fo. 1 58 dj Item lego custodi et scolaribus de Mettonhalle
in Tsus communes alios quam ad victum, v marcas.
Item ad fabricam vel reparacionem ecclesie collegiate
" sancte Crucis Criditonie, xls.
. , Item ad vsu* simiks, vel saltem ad vnam fenestriam'
HHwIt^. vitream in ecclesia sen claustro ecclesie Exonienris in
memoriam roeam faciendam, v marcas.
LinainUatt Item ad fabricam seu reparacionem ecclesie Lincolnienjit,
""*' "' cs. Item ad vsus similes ecclerie collegiate sancti Thome
Gtatntyt. martins Glasnej-e in Comubia, xls. Item ad vsum magis
Qury vrilem ecclesje collegiate sancte Marie de Otery in
Deuonia, ils.
D,gH,zed.y Google
ZJ2 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
_ . . Item lego omnibw « singulis religious et aliis qui'
michi tenentur in aliquibus pensionibut Uberacionem
omnium atieragiorum et Tcliquonim que michi debeot
ex causa fauiusmodi pensionum, exceptii abbatibut et conventibui
monasteriorum de Oseneye et de Forde predictonmi, de quibus specialiter
in hac parte supra disposui nominatim ; quos non volo propter condicionei'
in Icgatis eis lelictis per me appositas in presenti legato generali com-
prehendi, $et volo quod ille condicioiies omnino itent et in sui vigoie
remaneant et subsistant.
„. . ., , Item lego Alicie Marchaunt Tiori Roberti Marehaunt
Allan Marchmnt.. t\ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■» 1
in Deuonia, soron mee vtenne, ii me snpenuxent, xu.
sterlingonim et xij coclearia argentea.
Item lego Almarico fitz Waryn, fratri meo vtcrino,
Atmarinfii' mb condicione si Dumquam tempore rite sue stet in aliqua
*^"^"' iurata, nee iuret coram Justiciariis repis vcl aliis seculatibns
personii, nee ut aliqtus de xij iuratis, nee vnquam aliquem inducet,* set
dimissis et derelictis talibiu barataiiis, de quibug est multum luspectus,
ne aliter loquar, sicut cbiistianus et £delis Deo deseruiat, et de preteiitit
digne peniteat, et de istii sufEcientem securifatem reperiat executoribus
meis, xz marcas sterlingonim et xij coclearia argentea. Alias si de implecione
condicionis huiusmodi suScientem non fecerit securitatem, de qtu est
Talde cauendnm ne terre sue unt Ttpote Thome de Missendene vel alij
pet (tatutum mercatorum vel alias ligate, onerate et afiecte, huiusmodi
legato ex toto careat et omnino.
Item lego Isabelle filie quondam Margarete Pipard,
[/»4]4*fl« Pi^orJi. que Isabella rau fuit in ciuitate Eionie et iim moratni
cum prefata Alicia sorore mea, ad laaritandum eam, xl li
sterlingonim. Et est aduertendum quod quicumque cum ea matrimonium
contraxerit et dictam pecuniam pro oneribus ferendi' matrimonij huiusmodi
recipere voluerit, securitatem reperiat quod non precontraierat cum aliqua
alia, nee precognouerat aliquam dicte Isabelle consanguineam, et quod
a>illum ex parte ipsius mariti futuri impedimentum subfuit vel subest,
propter quod matrimonium inter eum et laabellam eandem lubsistere
non valeret, et quod eam eciam maritali aSeccione pertractabat, * et quod
limpliciter per itatntum mercatorum vel obligadonem de compoto super
dnpio quasi ex mutuo recepto vel ad mercandizandum sibi tradito se obliget
solempniter executoribus meis, recepta ab eu defesancia ; quod si premissa
et ipse obligans ea obseruet, nulla lit huiusmodi obligacio, set
t inanu. Alioquin si huiusmodi matrimocium propter precon-
1 cum alia vel impedimentum aliud ex parte viri eueniens vel
condngens aut subsistens resoluatur et non procedat, vel si maiinis ipse
per maliciam suam ipsam Isabellam male pertiact^uerit contra eSeccionem'
et rinculum federit coiuugalis, ipsa obligado in pleno suo remaneat robore
et vigore. Et si ipsa Isabella propter foniicacionem quam commisit uel
comnuttit antequam in vxorem ducatur nullum uimm ualentem habere
> Written fM. ■ Sic : ftrnUii i> nideatl; meant.
• tmmiu lUM eipangcd. • Sic i" foe ptrlraclabit.
* Sic ' Sie : for iff4tlinH or pouiblj for
'Kc for iniaeau sfftteitium.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 2/3
possit, uel 91 ab aliqua abiecta et modica persona, c solidos in bonis propriis
Don habente, in TTOrem ducta fucrit, xl marcas de Toto hniusmodi legato
libi relicto eoipso perdat. Si »utem, pro eo quod meretrix esse elegerit
et fuerit, in viorem duci non voluerit ncc valuerit, il habeat taatum solidoi
de legato kuiusmodi steiUngoram. In quot euentus quicquid ad vBom
ipgius Isabelle in hac parte solutum de x) li. huitumodi non fuent in vtw
maritagiorum honettarnm mulierom, et preteitim ac masime de meo
ungaine, coQuertatur.
„.,. „. . , FFo. 150.1 Item leeo Roberto Bozoun filio quondam
Btaean AUcie Bozoun quondam' sorons mee' luita Dert-
mnthiam in.Devonia, scolari, x li. ad iuuandum eum ad
in studio litteranim.
Item lego fratri juo minoii cs. Item lego filio quondam
Thomesie Louecol, Tzori) Johannis Louecok de Oxonia,
Kolari,* ad iuaandum eum in ezpensis suis ad studendum, x li.
_.,. .. ,. Item leco partui qui est ad presens in ventre Alicie,
iaULt. Txons Ricardi de la Lee de parochia de Swaldif, si natcatui
masculus et vocetur post me WiUelmus, lis.
Item lego Willchno de Stanley et Agneti viori sue de
SfMith Stamfordia, lis. sterlingonim, et lectum quendam, videlicet
vnum couerlet cum testere qui deponitui apud eos nigrum
blodium, qui est minoris valoiis quam aliquis de duobus aliis lectis consimiliter
depositis penet ipsum Willelmum. Item Willelmo filio eonindem, xls.
et vnum librum decrctaliiim apparitatum, et seitum librum decrctalium
cum glosa cardinalit in vno volunune, et Innocendum antiquum correctum,
in quo in principio ipsius libri scripsi mann mea et feci de voluntate mea
in Bac parte mencionem. Hec autem legata Willelmo patri et eius vxori
ac Willelmo eorum filio sic relicta dari et prestari volo sub condicione si
ipse Willelmus pater et Agnes fideliter custodierint bona mea penes ipsum
Willelmum deposita, et plene ac fideliter libeiauerint executoribus meis
secundum eiigenciam indenture inter ipsum Willelmum et me de bonis
buiusmodi facte, cuius altera pan sigillo ipiius Willelmi sigillata penes
me remanet, et secundum quod bona buiusmodi quasi in totum spedfico
in memoriali sine inuentario supradicto.
Item lego pio duabus cantariis perpetuit habendis,
l^ «"""" f'ciendij et fundandis pro animabus mea et parentum et
/WfliJii. benefactorum meorum et illorum quorum sum debitor et
quorum bona iuste ve! iniuste recepi, cc marcas sterlingorum ;
et si aliter cito vel commode fieri non possit, in domibus religiosis
possessionatis cantarie huiusmodi habeantur. Et vellem quod TUa ' in
monasteiio Osneye, . et altera in monasterio Lancestonie predictis
haberentui. Et si non possint ibi haberi, alibi, vt in monaiteiiis de Nottele,
Torre, sen vbi executores mei magis sccurum el vtile viderint, procurent
et faciant eag fieri et firmari. Et si pro tanta summa non possint haberi,
plus addatur de bonis meis, quatenus sufficere poterunt non legatis.
' Written AW. ' The Kale iii»^ be ii Omnia icolari,
rtlening to ymuig Lovecok, but Che
order of the wordi juitifiei the pnncCuicion
adopted abore.
D,„i,z.d , Google
274 "^"^ WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
Siparacit Item lego ad reparadonem pondum et viarum ac
^sii[fiiiKi] ti itinenun in lods ubi roagii meritorium fuerit, i marcai.
vianm. 1^^^ \^^ cuilibet canonico monuteiij Lancotonic
Latutiun. dimidiam tnarcain, et domino Dauid at Hole canonico
vltra pordonem eum inde contingentem mam iliam
Rtgtre. dimidiam marcam. Item lego domino Rogero de Dorset,
diacono, ipsius Dauid conunguineo, portifonum meom
tea manuale quod nt in coffra sine cista maiori apud Forde, Item lego
, priori monasterij Lancestonie qusndam dphum argenteum
qui ftiit quondam patris mei, qui est Stamfordie penei
dominum' Willelmum de Steanley, in cuiut dphi fundo eiterius eculpttui
tantum Tnnm scutum sine icochoune pitria mei, vna cum cooperculo quod
ego fed fieri dpho huiusmodi correspondenti, remansurum imperpetuum
in prioratu Lancestonie penes priorem qui ibidem fuerit pro tempore, iia
quod eitra prioratum non accomodctur nee impignoretut* nee alieneiui,
nisi maior et ineuitabilii etlndissimilata vtilitas vel necessitai alienacionem
ipsius fieri suaderet, cogeret et vrgeret. Item lego domino meo abbati
Enabam monaBterij de Enesham * ciphum ilium argenteum deauratum
et deamelatum cum pede suo per me fraeto et cum cooperculo
de eadem secta, et lauatorium de eadem secta de dono eJusdemdomim
abbatii, ita quod rcmancit ipsi monasterio imperpetuum, et non alienetur
nee impigooTetur,* vt supra de alio dpho argenteo premiu, nm maior
necesritas quam* fieri ezposceret, requireret et artaret.
DtfJix Item lego meliorem anulum meum domino meo
Ezoniensi et eecundo meliorem domino meo Lincolnienn
et terdo mdiorem domino meo Wigornienri epiicopis, et eiecutoribns
meii tret alios anulos.
Item lego monasterio de Dora vnum nonche [qiti]*
Of: est cum aaulis in dicta magna coSra stante in dormilorio
Oscncye.
Item 1^0 magistro Ricardo Oeangre zonam meam
Ricarit CliMgrt. sericam harshiatam cum argento in quo aues scolpuntur
in tota zona, que e^t Staunfordie.
Item bibliam pulcram quam ' kabui ex acomodato
priori) de Lantenj"* pcope Glouccstriam, et alios libros
m prinripio scripsi sen inntulaui ipsius monasterij fore, eidem
meam volo et logo reititui indilate.
Item decretales quo* olim impingnorauit mihi frater
Nicholaut de Vpton, tunc abbas monasterij de Enesham,
■ Pnibiblir (or iienn. Wotenter, though exempt from the bitbop't
' Wricten impugturtmr. juiiidiction. The abbot of Eve*bun M
' Enabam below ii aituiil)> Efiuham, u chii time «m Wlliim Bo^, 1345--^
Nicholu Upton, elected abbot 133S, (ibid, u, 6).
deprived 1 344, and >bbot agiio c. 1 349-5+, ' Written inijiijmreBir.
belonged to that monutety. Geofirey 'Sic.
Lunbutn wu abbot it the time when the ■ Omitted in ori^aaL
wiU *!■ made (Wnwiwcm iii, 1). But ' Written jmmj- .- powiblr > oUtleM
the word in thit caie aaj be Eunbam, error (or jnam fumdau.
t. Eveihini, locatlf in the dioceie of * Sic
D,gH,zed.y Google
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER.
275
eodem modo restitui volo et idem fiat amore^ statim de Ubris aliorum,
T»Tt. ^ de summa Azonis que at monasterij de Toire, ij libros*
TiMtoSary. sermonum qui sunt monasteiij de Teulcesbuiy, ij libroa*
Fifi*- jermonum qui lunt monastcrij de Forde, de epistolia Petri
Blesensit que sunt domini epijcopi Eioniensi*, et sic de ceteris. Tales
tamen pans! sunt aliorum nisi sicut lignantur et ezplicaui in memoriali
predictD per me scripto et facto, vno et alio tcripto in papiio
neum predictum et per me digesto et approbato et facto,
Tt textus Inforciati et vnus alius liber minimi piecij qui
fuit magistri Rogeri de Otery, qui stat cum domino meo
Wygomiensi.
[Fo. iS9d.] Item lego tribu* filiia Johannis Denej-s
de Gydecote, inter quos hercdem ipsius non volo numerari
nee eciam comprehendi, lij marcaa Bterliogorum, videlicet
iiij marcas, et voi de iiliabus suis non maritate in subsidium
i. ateilingorum, quos ci. veto in alium vsum applicari.
Item lego Johanne Lynham quondam sorori patrls
mei, si ipsa me Bupeniixeiit, zls. et vj coclearia aigentea,
et Johanni filio suo, xls, et Thomasye filie sue in subsidium
(li. et Margarete filie sue in vsum similem, cs.
Item lego Waltero Asche, domicello et notario meo,
V marcas, Simoni de Bulkyngtone seruienti meo, t marcat,
et Walteio Achym seruienti meo, ils, si michi rsque ad
mortem meam fidelitei seniierint et in meo seruicio
t ad uel in mortem meam non conspicauerint' nee earn
procurauerint : alioquin iUo' et quiscumque qui secus fecerit vel de seruicio
meo recessetit buiusmodi legato aibt relicto cateat penitus et ex toto. Item
lego W, filio dicti Simonis xis.
_ , . „,, Item lego domino Johanni de Oldestow, rectori eedesie
'' sancce Mabene m Comubia, xls.
Raivu Miaurit. Item Roberto Mnstatde de Lanceitonia, li me super-
nixerit, xxs.
Item magistro Rlcardo Noiys caoonico Exoniensi,
si me supeniixerit, zls; et slbi restitui volo andqua sua'
ij magms quaternis in coffra mea stante in dormitorio meo*
Sgginu Ottry.
cuilibet e
maritagij
mantagi] sui,
Widuna Auhe
Ritarie Naryi,
reportona'
ytb. SbartulU.
Item lego magistro Johanni de Shateshulle, piecentoii
ecclesie Exoniensis, si me supcruixerit, xls.
Item Thome de Doune, filio Johanne atte Pitte, fratri
meo consanguineo se'" ei parte patris mei, ci.
Item magistro Benedicto Pastone, xls. Item domino
Radulpho consanguineo meo, porcionario in ecclesia sancti
lancci Frtbi. ^'°^^ '1 Comubia, lis. Item magistro Johanni Derworthe,
[D)Bwrir(i<. xls. ei V coclearia argeHtea.
[Ra\dulfbus
'Sic:
' Sic ; for conspiraarrint.
' * Sic : gtrmti probably oroincd.
D,„i,z.d , Google
276
THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
Item Thome de Douae, filio quondam' et nunc heredi
quondam pa tris mei, sex marcaj sterlingoram et quatuor
coclearia argentea, et meUorem lectum meum cum rosis croceis.
Item Thome Waryn, filio quondam Johanne sorotis
mee, y marcas et lectum, videlicet couerlet cum testeiio
de eadem' secta, et ij whytels et ij debilia lintheamina ; que omnia excepta
pecunia huiuamodi tJbi legata sunt apud SwalclTUe.
Item lego domino Alwandro S potman, presbitero
:te Anne in eccleaia omnium Sanctorum Oionie,
IS, et domino Waltero de Bokelonde canonico ad presens
monasterij de Mussendene, xixs. Et ipsi monasterio ad
fabiicam vel reparacionem ecclesie sue* eiusdem monasterij
uatum necessaiiamm, zls.
Item lego ad disrribuendum inter fratres mendicantes,
videlicet, pro vestibus et habitibus senium fratrum et
debilium et abiectorum et minoris reputacionia inter eos,
amen et deuotonim, vbicumque in Anglia tales magis
idigentes, z maicas. Item pro reparacione et coopertura
ecdesiarum et domorum necessarianmi talium fratrum ma^
indigencium, vbicumque verisimilis' tales fuerint' in
Anglia, X marca).
Item lego robam meam futratam cum pelara, habentem
supertunicam clau$am, tabardum et duo capicia furrata,
atque gamagium furratum de liberata dicti domini .
W^gomieuis, domino Roberto vicario ecclesie de Meltone Moubta/, si
me super uixerit ; et eciam sibi lego^ liberacionem omnium que mini
debet per quandam litteram obligatoriam, seu alias qualitercumque
sinodalibus^ et denariis sancti Petri. Si vero idem Robettua me*
piemoriatur, tunc lego tunicam, supertunicam et vnum capidum furratum
domino Philippo, nuper eapellano de Worthorpe iuxta Stamfordiam,^*
qui per prius fuit capellanus de Tynewelle, si me superuizerit : alias
alicui leni et debili et noQ valenti se iuuare honesto eapellano ; colobium
veto, garnagium et altcrum capicium [Fo. 160] furrata dicte robe
lego alicui alteri paupeti presbitero honesto et impotenti, vel non
valenti propter debilitatem, infirmiiatem vel aenectutem celebrare vel se
Daau.
Waryn.
AUxandrs
Spurman.
BoitltHd.
et domomm
honestorum
reperti fierant*
d have been eipunged.
* Sic 1 for jurrinl.
* Sic : tor dt viriiiiaiti or vtritimilih
' WHtten farranl.
'The wotdt 'yatm tunicam, ii
tUDicun et capicium lunatum do
Philippo, nupci capellaDD de Worthc
taken from below, ire added here Id
original copy, with vatat inleilined ii
nnial way.
■ Pn ttntddibia U needed.
• ' Wothofpe in the puith of Si. Martin,
Stamford. There w» i amaU nunnery here
wfaidi came to an end after the peiCilencc
of IJ49, and wai united to the prioiy of
St. Michael by Stamford, alio on the
Northantt ude of the Wetland. TirrKtW
ii in Rudand, weit of Stamford. It ii
imponible to identify lir Phihp, a cafdlaiai
caidaclivHi of a type which wai common in
molt Englitb pariihei, with certainty.
The chaplain who terved the chapel of
Epwelt in Swalcliffe patiib, mentioned
below, ii a umilir cite.
D,„i,z.d, Google
AKCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 277
Item lego mum gvnagiuro de blodeo fumtum cum
Sioi^'T" capicio Hon iurrato de eadcm secta domino 5objiiiii vicario
s B ttvui omnium Sanctorum Staunfordie. Item lego Simoni de
Bulkjngtonc predicto, aub condidone lub qua dbi lupeiius
legaui, Tnam garnagium fuiratum cum capido et curto tabaido furratis
de eadem tecta que sunt apud Staunfordiam.
Epttmllt ^^^^ '*?" capudum linitum edam de eadem *ecta,
fptaau. t^o^ f^i ibidem edam, et tunicam ct supcrtunicam furraiat
et capudum fuiratum de ilia tecta que >\int apud Swalcljue domino
Johanoi, capellano^ de Eppewelle, ti ibi michi et pro me seruierit anna
future* : alioquin iUi capellano qui ibi deaeruiet.
„ ^. Item lego vnam robam furratam cum griseo et curto
Otmeyt. tabardo et capudo furrato domiito Willelmo, capellano-
celebranti infra abbadam Oseneye, vel alteii deuoto pauper!
et impotenti capelkno sub elecdone abbatis ibidem.
Item lego quamdam cotam longam furratam cum gTTseo, que est pene»
magistrum Ricardum de Medmenliam, alicui valde pauperi et honesto
ac impotenti capellano iuzta arbitrium et consdendam dutdem Ricardi.
. . Et cotam funatam ac capudum eciim furratum ciun giiieo
Stmmfardu. 'I"* ""•* Staunfordie, lego vicario ecclesie lancti Andiee
Staunfordie, qui dudum fuit capellanui cdebiani, Tt estimo, in
prioratuunctiMichaeliBprope Staunfordiam,* qui estaliqualiterantiquui.*
Item lego quamdam cotam furratam per se cum pellibus
Wah^t Adym leporinis ybernicia Waltero Achym, et capudum linitum
Tbtmt Weryn. ^ longam clocam de secta ipsius cot: lego 'Hiome Waiyn.
Item vicario ecdeaie prebendalis de Lafforde alias dicte
yicaruLaSori4. j^ sieforde, tres wUdoi sterlingonim.
Snaruii>r\ii\ iKTti lego vnum garnagium rubeum furratum et
capudum nou {urratum de eadem secta predicto Ada de
Snalteforde, tub condicione sub qua sibi auperiu) legaui. *
^ Item vnum antiquum couerlite line testerio quod est
S*iiv»rtm« Staunfordie Emmote de Skilyngtonc, pauperi mulieri ,de
Staunfordia, et vnum pannum modicum grossum de russeto
qui est edam ibi &lio eiusdem .
Item lego quamdam robam quasi nouam, furratam com
/^^(^(^[ijflrJe]. pclura, cum longo tabardo ct capudo rnico funato de
liberata modo et pro nunc vltima' domini Lincolniensis,
que sunt apud Staunfordiam, et j remenaunt quandtatis ij vlnaram de nouo
panno tiusdem secte qui est apud Swalcl)Tie; item vnam robam cum
tunica, supertunica, colobio curto et vno capucio furrato cum pelura bona.
' The woiiit ' qui ibi dt>erui
t. Item
' S« note 10 on p. 176 »bo«.
'Written amiqai.
'Thii refers to a legacy in the earUer
ken from below, m added he
-ein the
lined u
figinal copy, with vacat inte
efoie.
' Thii cUuM i«™ to .how thi
t Doune
•Sic.
of death
' Thii phraic coiroboratil the itatement
hen" the wiU «u made. The
chaplain,
u to the regulii payment ol a liitrata
1 uiual in tuch OKI, wai appoi
nted and
m clothing hy the bi.hop of Lmcoln nude
emoied at the will af Che leccot
in note 2, p. i^s '^^t-
D,„i,z.d, Google
278 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
et vnam longim clocam de lecu iptiu) robe funatam cum giueo, que
'MiDt Staunfordie ; ac eciam maiorem lectam meum nibeum cum toto
tuo apparatu, ai per nbaldoi pluia tcI vnum cognita hactenui vel donee
in Tzorem ducu fuerit per aliquem competeatii itatui Tinun cogniu el
yiolau non fuerit, l^o dicte Isabelle, que moratUT cum dicta Alicia loiore
mea. Si antem lie cognita fuerit, tunc aibl adimo lotum hoc legatum et
Tclinquo aliii muUeribui honestii non maritadi de languine meo non
corruptia in subtidium maritagiorum luomm, videlicet, mi earum vnam
Tobam et alteri alteram mm niig parcel 1 13^ et tercie* dictum lectum. Si
Autem talet reperte non fnerint, tnnc panniet lectui huiuamodi vendantur in*
pecunia ex eit redigenda in tustentacionem et vesturam paupenim applicetnr.
Item lego vnam robam linitam cum undone mbeo
AlidtMvcbatau.axia ij c'apncdii, vno linito et alio non linito, que est apud
Staunfordiam, dicte Alicic sorori mee.
Item lego vnum remenaunt de albo panno qui est
IFabm Acbym. Staunfordie non taliatum Walteroi notario et domicelb
meo, et j whitel et j par lintheaminum nouorum.
Item lego mantellum meum rubeum de Hibemia alicui teni vd pauperi
notabiliter de villa Staunfordie.
Item lego j whitel dicto Ade et aliud whitel dicto Waltero Achym,
«t vtrique eorum par lintheaminum sub condicione [Fo. 160 d] quam
juprapotui in legato pei me teruientibus meii relicto.
^ ,. Item lego in vlnai panni linei qiu est Staunfordie et
fnfauftriim,. « ''"" "^ tres ct ] quartenam noui eanenacij de came*
et totum nouum pannum de caneuido qui eat Staunfordie
Ad diuidendum inter euidenter paupctes, debilea et impotcntes, videlicet
impotendotibui, ad faciendum eis vnum paruum saltern lintheamen et
«amiaiam et braccas, et aliia iuzta modum indigencie eorundem. Et eodem
modo lego diatribuendoa inter pauperes et edam impotentes omnes pannos
meot lineos pro corpore meo, et omnia lintheamina superiua non legata.
Item lego Roberto Saundres balliuo meo apud Swaldyue
g„,^f, robam illam meam lubeam furratam cum pelura, longo
tabardo cum capudo furato, que est penes magistrum
Ricardum Medmenham, et xls. in pecunia vel in aliis ipedebus seu bladia
bonorum meomm, si fideliter se habueiit et responderit executoribus mds
et de bonii meis custodie et administradoni sue commissis ; alioquin omni
careat legato, et fiat aibi rigor omnia ita quod insddam* rigoris aapentas
In distribudone vero facienda inter panperes in dictia
Oumitn. pannis lineo et de cancuado parochiani ecclesie predicte
de QneTntone ceteris preferantur ; ita videlicet quod a toto
prindpio dittribucionis huiusmodi aliqua notabilis quantitaa inibi pardatur.
Item lego mappam meam meliorem cum ruella libi
AHaii Oitiuy. correspondenti abbati monasterij Oseneye, sub condicione
in legatia sibi et confratribus auis per me factis apposita et adiecta.
■Written t^^it! poMibl^ an uror lor * Camt appein Co be ■ place, but in
ftrtinnunt. ideoticy ii oot dni.
,,„ . ' Written iiuiitiri. The copTiit prob-
WntWn UTOD. ^^,^ ^^^^j ^-^^.^ r^™, but moddfciJ
* Sc I Ita needed initcKl. liu wordt and ok*.
D,„i,z.d , Google
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 279
jji^ jiariinnJa ^^*™ ^8" fobam meam blodeam furrawm cum griieo,
fauperitKieri videlicet tunicam, supermnicam, cuitum tabardum et
vil tapiUauB capucium furratum alicui seni pauperiori recton sen
dcbiiiacenaiut capelkno^ et iadigcnciori arcbidiaconatus Leycestrie, ita
u-ycBine. quod paupcrtas et indigcncia a casu et non culpa sua, Tidelicei
si propter hoc quod concubinaritu et fornicator fuerit, vet tabernarius aut
gulotus pauper extitetit, nichil percipiat, processeiint et piocedant. Et
banc determinadonem, modificadonem et restricdonem * fado et pro
facdi haberi volo in omnibus et singulis legatis pauperibus et indigentibus
supeiius vcl infcrius relictis et eciam relinquendis.
Qlacatt Item lego docam furratam cum giisco de eadem et
CdfiMtm capucium linitum de eadcm secta alicui pauperi vicaiio
[i^irnhiWa eiusdem ardudiaconatus.
f™""- Item lego robam meam bonam bene furratam cum
Jthama Lynbam. (j^na pelura, habentem longum tabardum furratum, super-
tonicam dausam et capucium vnum funatum et a]iud linitum de eadem
secta dicte Jobanne de L/nham, si me superuixeril : alioquin inter £lias
■uis non maritatas pro rata diuidendam.
... . „ , Item lego robam meam linitam cum crndone blodeo,
cum longo tabardo et vno capucio hmto el alio non linito,
prefate Alide Marchaunt sorori tnee.
Item lego domino Aleiandro Sporman predicto nouam
gtfrmaH. robam blodeam furratam cum pelura, cum curto tabardo
el vno capudo furrato et alio non furrato, et clocam longam.
foiratam cum medio vario de eadem secta, si soluerit pellipario Nicholao
Gerlande seu Henrico famulo suo quinquaginta soHdos vel saltem untum
quantum petitur pro funura ipsiua'docc et pro furneatura ipsius robe,
de quo petito et ezistente a retro fed eidem Henrico memotiale sub manu
mea quod habet.
Item lego alteram robam furratam cum pelura, habentem
[*°l*f ^1". . longum tabardum et vnum capucium furratum et aliud
[(Wliww. "" I'n'™^'l="dem»ecta,que*otpeneseundem' Aleiandrum,
alicui deuoto presbitero non promote studenti Ozonte in
tfaeologia, eciam »i fuerit in aliqua aula perpetua ibidem et edam li fuerit
bacallaiius in theolo^a.
. , , , Item lego robam meam linitam cum cyndone viridi
iaJ*m\lUtita ^''^ garnagio in ommbus sms garnainentis aLcui paupeii
J mapstro' vel bakallario in theologia non promoto Ozonie.
' ' *tfn* jjyg igpj longjm clocam meam linitam cum panno et
capndum ntudem secte eodem modo et eodem panao Unilum que sunt
apud SwaldjTie Thome Warya predicto.
Vicariodt [Fo. 161.] Item robam meam linitam cum cyndone
SaMyiu. lubeo que est ibidem domino Henrico vicario meo ibidem.
Item lego pannum nouum pro vna roba non cisturo de
fiinlhmtnt. liberata abbatis Oseneye dicto scolari filio quondam sororit
mee Thomaiie.
' WlitMD cap^iani. ' Written landtm.
■Wiitteo rtilrsccuiuiii. ■ Tbil nurginil rcfercDce cinnot be
' ipiiw written a lecond time hj miitikt. reeovertd enetly.
'Written qua. ' Wrictm magiitri.
:yCOOgIe
JM<ris BeatM.
THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUNE,
Item derico pauperi aquebaiulo* de Swaldyue mum
' album coiselum qui est apud SwaldTue, et quinque lolido)
sterlingonim ad orandum pro me. Item lego pannum
Douum pro roba miclii fadenda non ctuum de liberata de
Tone qui est apud Swaldyue piedicto Bozooe quondam:
alio sororis mee.
Omnet tcio legataiios predicios et iofratcripto) onero et logo vt pro
jiAam Item cotam meam de skarleto cum capudo dasdem
Mamfiig. secte Johanni Mannyng.
Rtcttri it ^ica. lego nouum doiwrium meum cum tribo* banteriia
Saaiciyut. eidem quasi ieie corespondentibus futuro aucceuori meo
rectori de Swaldyue, sub condidone et modo quam et
quern in legato xl marcarum ad reparandum domot rectoiie et aliai ac
dauauras ipaios eccleaie tuperiut ezpicBsaui.
Item l^o vnam cotam furratam cum nigra furrura et
Rti^tiBmnu. capucio linito de cadem secta, que Bunt apud. Swaldyue,
dicto fratri prefati^ Roberti Bozone, si ad scolas iuerit et
acolari$ fuerit vel esse voluerit : alioquin eidem Roberto.
Item lego domino Egidio ad preseni tectori ecdesie de
KM«««^.. Kibbeworthe, i marcai. Item magistro Petro rectori
NayUitmt. ecdesie de Naylesione, vj marcai. Et domino Aleiandro,
" credo vocato rectori ecdesie ' de Shakestone, iis. stet-
lingorum. Et rogo eos et qnoslibet alios arcbidiacoaatus mei Leycestrie
quod micbi remittant ea que per me et meoa ministroa ab ds indebite
recepi.
... Et amore Dei infra mensem post mortem meam fiat
iaaaida. preapue in archidiaconatu meo Leycestne et ei tunc in
tota diocesi Lincolniensi prodamacio generalii, quod quis-
cumque vllo tempore lenierit se fuiiie indebite oppreuum per me vel
grauatum, vd dicere potuerit et ostendere, saltern probabiliter, quod ab
eo aliquid contra insticiam et bonam consdendam extorsi vel recepl, eiceptit
dumtaxat procuracionibus ardiidiaconalibus, quas in archidiaconatu predicto
recepi aliquociens visitadonia officio non impenso, propter quod alia pietads
et elemosinarum. ob-equia in recompensadonem talem qualem ad presens
possum facere superius in eodem archidiaconatu fadenda ordinaui, si de
eitorsione et recepcione iniuriosis et illicitit huiusmodi ostendant* probabilet
euidencias, et iuret id verum esse quod asserit in hac parte, super quarum
euidenciarum et iuramenti valorc vd non valore vd sufScienda seu
insuSidenda, attends et consideratis qualitadbus personaium et quantitate
summarum, stari voio arbitrio' et conidende executor
eo quod ad presens in specie tale aliquid non occunit, exceptia pei
meos quibusdam receptis de vicario, vt diierunt," de Mdtone Moubray,
pro quibus sibi superius legaui ad valorem notabilem vltra ea, et quia forte
contra bonum consciende extorsi ab eodem vicario quamdam obligadonem
I librarum, eam sibi superius remisi et remitto, et rogo quod ipse michi
remittat, quia iam amare recogito quod valde male multi superiorei
versantur, immo grassantur, cum subditis, de quorum numero fui et sum
' The aijutbaiidm ii the ' nater-caniei,' ' tccUiU repeated by mlitike.
i.e. the clerh v.hi carried holy mtti on 'Sic: lot onendat.
Sundiyi in the pariih church. ' Wiilten abiirio.
,GoogIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 281
Tniu, DeuB mihi indulgeat pro lua ineffabili pietate, tunc eiecntores ma '
mnnunt et resarciant* quatenus bonum et equum Euerit omnia et iingola
Kc eztorta illidte et recepta, quatenus bona mea in preMnti teitamento
ad Ttus ceterot leu penonig certit vel incertis non legata possint suSicere
in hac parte.
Item lego vsnm «o vsufructum, laitem talem qualem*
inferius describetur, librorum meoium corporii iurii ciuilis,
videlicet parui Toluminii digesti veterii, codids, digcfti noui et inforciati,
necnon decretalium meonun et Innocendj et libri texd decretalium cum
tribnigloiis, et Digno, ac Jotunmi'Andree in nouellii super titulo de leguli*
mm in tdo Tolumine, necnon Clenaentinamm cum quinque gloiis et
Johtnoimanim* cum vna glosa ic vno volumine, in quibuj libris multa
scripsi manu [Fo. 161 d] mea, Roberto Bozone predicto, quondam &Iio
Alide sororik mee, seu predicto Kolari, quondam filio Thomasie alterini
loiorit mee, videlicet Yoi iptorum qui apcior et moiigeiador executonim
meonun vel vniui eorum st abbatis monaiteiij OseneTe aibitrio infra
quadrienniuro a tempore mortii mee repertus fueiit ad «tudendum in
iure ; ita quod illi qui electus fuerit in hac parte prima paruum volumen,
et deinde libri alij iurii ciuilia, prout oportunum et vtile fuetit, successive,
et post quinque annos postquam illc in iure duili studuerit, libri ceteri
iuris, videlicet canonid, predict! tradantur ddem per proprietarioi eorundem,
si et dummodo tibi caucionem et securitatem possibiles faciat et reppeiiat,
quod cum librij huiusmodi seu aliquo eorum pro vsu peKone sue proprie
Tti efficaciier non voluerit vel non potucrit, vel in eis efficaciter non studuerit,
eos et quemlibet eorum, quibus leu quo sic vti non voluerit vel non potUerit,
vel in quibus seu quo efficaciter non studuerit, proprietariis eorundem
restituet plene et integre infra mensem, et nichilominus quod, quandocumque
ad etatem sezaginta annotum peruenerit, et alias, si tanto tempore non
vizeiit, ante mortem tuam, li fnerit sibi poisibile hoc, vel saltern infra'
mensem a tempore mortis sue, tpsos libros omnei et tingulos, casibus iortuids
incendi], furti et rapine dumtaxat eiceptit, plene restituet seu restitui fadet
cum eSectu, et preterea quod omnes libros dum apud ipsum fuerint custodiet
et conseruabit saluos et non dilaceratos nee f ractos,concnlcatos nee deterioratos
seu edam deteriorandos, quatenus fuerit sibi poesibile, et quod eos tea
aliquem eorum non alienabit nee impignorabit, nee edam extra mantw
tnas aeommodabit.
pTOprietatem veto libroram ipsorum lego abbati et
"«?'■ conuentui monasterij de Oseneye et ipsi mooasterio predictii,
li et ita, et modo ae forma infrascriptis, quod si videlicet neutec con-
tanguineorum raeorum predietorum habilis, aptus sen ydonens ad studendum
in iure repertui fueiit in hac parte infra tempus predictum, vel dictw
libros non receperit, vel si ambo eorum decesserint infra dictum tempus,
tune etexnunc pTOut ex tunc et e conueno tam legatum, vsus seu viufructus
quam eciam proprietatos' dictorum librorum huiusmodi adimo et reuoco
penitus ac lubduco ; et ex tunc omnes libros, quos dicta abbati statim'
post mortem meam liberari volo, vendi volo per abbatem dicti monasterij
qui tunc fuerit et pecuniam inde redigendam in pios vsus per manus ipsius
abbatis in consdencia sua distribui et canuerti, ita quod ei ea cs. tan mm
■ WrictCD rawclmn. * Sie : for JAtMunanm, Le. the Ex-
■Sic: farfKafti. tr«^4*Mi of John XXII.
■Sic: Jor^iioKU. . ' 'Si:: Ui frtfrittalli.
.y Google
282 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUKE,
in Tiui commnne) et TdW lui monaiterij nleat applkin. Finito too
viu sen viufmctn dictomm libroram nmul rel Kparatiln in pertona alterini
conunguineomm meoruin, in casu quo alteniter eoium ipsoi recepit, Tt
eat dictum, tunc libri predicd modo predicto alteii de languine meo quo
ad Ttum tea Tsufnictum similem tradaDtur et per proprietarioa liberentnr,
modis et formii ac condidonibtu, modificaciontbut et qnalitatibns lupradictit.
Et eztnnc finito Tsu&rttctn len ran in penona ipaina qui ydoneui fueiit
atque aptui, alteii taH de eodem tanguine et sic de cetem de sanguine
meo et parentum meorum ex vtroqne latere vsquead lex penonai tantnmmodo
incluiiue. Ex tunc vero finito vtu leu vniffractii kniuimodi In Mxta penona
huiwmodi, vtuffrucnu Luiusmodi iormalii inumul cum proprietate
contolidetur et expiret ex toto huiutmodi vtufiructui fonnalis, que propiieti*
)ic cum Tiufructn conaolidata et cum luo, n «c loqnar, Ttnffrnctu cauaali
abbati et conuentui dicti monatterij Oaene^e et ipai monajterio remaneat
impeipetuum in vtos propiios communea et vtiles conuertenda. Et
nichilominus, ne buiusmodi pioprietas dictorum libiorum aaliem interim
dicto monasterio inutilia penitua videatar, caneat et aecuret quilibet qw
Tiom aeu vauffmctum predictom receperit teu habebtt eorum, aaltem
quo modo eibi poaaibile fuerit, quod finito Ttu (en Tsuffmctu huinamodi
in peraoiu aua, zl aolidoa sterlingonim dibit et per ae ve! alium aoluet
abbati ipaiut monaaterij qui fuerit pro tempore infra menaem, et quod
consilium et [Fo. 162] auxilium auum dabit quoadoixerit et preatabit
eidem monaaterio vbicumque eibi proficere poterit aeu Talere.*-
Illi* preterea qui dictos libroa recipiet et T»um aea
vaufructum illorum babebit de dictis duobni filiii
aoroTum mearum lego, vltra id quod auperius legaui, vij li. ad expenaai auaa
in tttidio, quaa et edam x libiaa sibi supra legatai poai mortem meam aolui
Tolo abbati monaaterij, et per manua auaa quolibet anno de vij annit quibna
in iure atuduerit ddern il lolidoa liberari, et aexaginta aolidoa priua.
fi-^j Item lego magiatio Ricardo de Medmenham, Tecuii
Mtimaliam. eccleaia de Vptone auper Sabrinam, Wj'goriuentiB dioceaia,
vaum aeu vaufructnm aaltem modo qui aequitur iibri ma
Johannit Andree in nouellis auper antiquia decretalibus, et cuiusdam magnt
Iibri etapiaai Tilde continentis queitionea multaa et allegadones aduocatonim
in canaia vertentibu! in palacio apoatotico, et multa nunme rtilia pro factiata
et presertiin in Romans curia. Item magnum quatemum, immo libmm
quern aolebam mecum cariare acriptum in parte in percamcno et in parte
in papiro, in quo dgnaui et remiai per dicdonet quasi per alphabetum, vbi
reperientur dicta Innocencii et Archidiaconi in rosario et materie acripte
in dicto libro ipiaao, et sepe remitto ad repeticionet meaa propriaa et
lecturam meam acriptaa in papiro, quas eciam aibi lego et ectam Tiufructum
cuiuidam libri continentiB tcxtum aexti libri. Item textum Clemeotinuum
acriptum mann mea et constitndonea prouindales et legatonim et atatuta
curie de Arcubui et copiaa bullaium iudidalinm et gradosarum,'
inbibidonnm, arriculorum et multa rdlia pro factiita, ai et ita quodpoatquam
idem Ricardua ipaia libria vti non potuerit* vel non voluerit pro penona
sua propria, vel ai da Ttua fuerit vaque ad mortem anam, tunc eoa et quemlibet
' Writtea ealdr*. or inrolriiic defiiutiTc dcdugn of tbe
* Writtea !tOi, curia in tuch tut*, and bulla (noted a*
* Tlw diitiiutiaQ u betwtea bulb gncei or indultt.
delcgatuij conuniiwriet to Uj diiputed ciKi * WiitUn ftttriu.
,GoogIe
ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER. 283
coram liberet abbati predict! monuterii de Oineye qui tunc fuerit ; qui
abbas ipioa Ubioi Tcndit et pecnniam ndigendun diitribiut in pioi mu,
et xxs. ex ea in tius penone et xli. ex ea in vku communes et neceuarioi
monasterij lui tantum conuertere yaleat et non vlira. Item lego eidera
Ricardo zonam meim wcundo meliwem hanhiatam et raam de nuppia
mdt, videlicet terdo mdiorem, cnm taella libi e^respondente, et vnnm
dpbum de dphii md> de mesero,'- Tidelicet wcundo meliorem, et quern
pottquam magitter Johannes de Beluero elegeiit duxerit eligendom, et x li.
tterlingorum vltra eipen»i» radonabilel qua* facturus ett drca complecionem
piesentii teitamenti, et lub condidone iita, Tidelicet si fideliter custodieiit
bona mea apud eum deposita et de eii respondent et ea restituorit, saluia
et except!! caiibua fortuitia incendij, furti et rapine.
Ii»m lego magiatro Johanni de Beluen^ rectori ecdesie
ytiami Btlnrrii. de KjAbj Malloij, offidali meo, Tinm aeu Tsnfnictum
laltem talem qui tequitur libii mei Hottiensis in aumma
et Mandegodi md quern bene correxi et in quo multa acripai Ttilia, et
Hbnun quemdam sennonum qnem habui ei dono sqo, et quemdam
cnltellum cum manubrio ebumeo quem habui ex dono auo, et lonam meam
meliorem de aerico nigio harahiatam cum argento deaurato, et in medio
bairatam et pendentem amelatam, et ciphum meum de berillo et mappam
meam secundo melioiem cum tuella aibi corespondente, ct x marcaa
iterlingoium rltra omnes eipensat radonabilea qvas factuTua est dica
compledonem preaentis teatamenti et adminlstradonem bonorum meorum.
Et onero eum coram Deo quod, quatenua sduerit et poterit, fidelitatem
michi fadat in fructibua et piouentibui atqtie bonia receptia per eum de
archidiaconatu meo vel radone ipaius archidlaconatua ad me pertinentibus
et que deberent pertinere et michi debentur, sicut spero pro ceito quod
fedt et fadet aatis fideliter atque grate, Taufructum aeu vsum dictorum
Ubiorum aibi lego et ita quod, postquam eis non potuerit tcI non voluerit
Tti pro peraona aua propria, vel ai eia rsua fuerit vaque ad mortem, tunc
eos Itberari faciat cum eSectu abbati dicti monaaterij de Oaneye qui tunc
erit, qui abbas eoa vendat et pccuniam ex da redigendam diitribuat in piot
vma pro anima mea aecundum consdendam suam bonam, et [fo. 162 d]
mam marcam ex ea in vaum peisone sue propiie tantummodo conuertere
. valeat et non vltra. Item libros meos alios omnes et
liirtnm. singuloa auperina non legatoa, exceptia illis quoa atatim
legabo priori monaaterij Oseneye et magiatro Thome Pepir,
videlicet q^uo ad vsufructum aeu raum peraonalem pro temporibus eonindem,
videlicet decreta mea apparitata et bona, et vnum alium teitum decretorum,
■rchidiaconum Guidonem in rosario, boDum Hoatiensem in lectura in
duobua voluminibua, Speculatorem' et johannem Andree in addicionibus
aiue aupledonibua super antiquis decretalibua, qui sunt omnes libri optimi
et correct!, per ezecutorea meoa vend! volo et pecuniam ex eia redigendam
conuerti, si opus fuerit, ad compledonem presentia testamenti et maxime
ad opus dictanun duarum cantariarum perpetuarum. Si vero bona mea
aliunde auffidant, sicut apero quod fadant, tunc pecania huiusmodi que
ex vendidone dictorum librorum redacts fuerit in pios et meritorioa vsus
iuxta executonim roeonim arbitrium el in eorum conadenda celerina quo
fieri potent applicetnr.
See note 4, on p. 265
D,gH,zed.y Google
284 THE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM DOUKE.
Tiuuu _ . Predieto vero magistio Thome Pepir lego vmm »en
^^' Tsufructum libri mei Johannii Andree in nouellu tuper
TJ^ libro decretalium, toto excepto titulo de regulii iurie, et lego eidem
quemdam quaternum coopdtum cum albo corio exterius conttnentem
comEoiuiones facut in curia Romana et litteras apottoUcas et pracdcam
et terminos in caoiti in Romans curia et poiicionei et articuloi et mnlta
alia Ttilia tcripia quasi inwlidum manu mea et in parte continentem
membranam percameni in qua' icribuntni littere ten cofne littennuo
commistionnm et alia epitcoporum et quedam alia que recoUegi tempore
iauentutii mee qnando iteti in obiequiii domini epiicopi Ezonienaii. Item
lego eidem Thome pennarium menm argentenm cum comu. Item legatnm
nufructus seu Tiug'dicti* libri Johannit Andree tibi Toto solui et preatari,
li et dummodo poitquam ipio libro vti non potuerit tcI aon Toluerit pro
penona sua propria, vel ti eo tbui fuerit forte vtque ad mortem auam, tunc
tpinm librum dicto abbati Osneye modii omnibus infra meniem, ' qui abbai
ipnim librum vendat et de pecunia ez eo reddenda fadat Tt itqierius de
llbris aliis quorum viufructum seu Tium legaui dictii magiitrii Ricardo et
Johanoi pro anima mea auperius prelibaui. De et super impledone tamen
condicionum et roodomm in isds legatii vsufructuum seu nuum Ubrorum
predictorum relictorum eisdem Ricardo, Johanni et Thome caucio, securitaa
aut obligado quam* bona fides et consciencia eomndem minime esigatui.
Item lego repetidonea Clyni super digesto veteri magistro
Ricardo Medmenham si inceperit in iure ciuili, et Fetrum
meum super inforciato : alioquin magistro Johanni de Beluero. *
Item lego* vsum seu vsufmctum sic vt sequitur Clyni
Dirwct^. ™'' tuper codice magistro Johanni de' Derworthe «
quam diu idem Johannea stoduerit in vniuenitate sen
■tudio geneiali' vel dum in curia Romana fuerit, vel li et quamdiu aduocitns
in curia Cantuariensi fuerit, vaum dum tazat habeat eiui nudum, et si ac
dummodo lufficienter caueat quod poitquam deiierit in loco tali ttudere
vel in curia Romana non fuerit vel moram non traierit ibidem, »eu li et quando
in curia Cantuaricnai non fuerit aduocatus, ipsum librum Uberabit abbati
dicti monasterij Oseneye, qui abbas postquam receperit ilium vendat et
pecuniam exinde rcdigendam distribuat in vsus magia piot secundum
conscienciam suam cicius quo poterit bono modo, et de pecunia huiusmodi
retineat in vium pertone sue dtmidiam marcam et con vltra.
Item lego fratri Roberto priori monaiterij Oineye Tsum* »eo tiu-
fructum omnium librorum meomm propriorum termonum, aliquibui
superius aliii legatis ezceptia, et proprietatem eoium eidem monasterio.
[Dt c]ipbii Item omnei et lingulot ciphos meoi argenteos per me
orgtHitit (uperius non legatos et omnia alia vasa mea argentea htop
[caK]/[aiiJu. ^^ gf eonflari et ex eis calicea fieri, quorum TUim lego et
dari Tolo eccleiie predicte dc Queyntone, alium ecdene de Hamme et
terdam ecdesie sancte Endeli [ente].
At this point the will ends, as the next leaf ii mianng.
' Written jut. ' Written Itcgt.
■ Written AV«. 'V eipui^ed.
> Sic : riiliaial appcan to be omitted. * Wrilten gnttrtri,
* Sic : mUa juan n needed. * nniir expunged.
* Dnmrtbi vt j»tmii» eipnngtd.
,GoogIe
ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS: A SUGGESTION.
Br ALICE K£MP'WELCH.
In the Acta Sanctorum of the seventeenth century
we read the harrowing story of St. Sebastian's martyrdom ;
in the more critical Analecta Bollandiana of to-day we
are told that the story ' bears the stamp of a work of
imagination.' Yet even so, we believe, with Renan,
that although ' la legende n'est pas vraie comme fait,
elle est toujours vraie comme idee.' What is the idea
behind this legend of terrible torture f Why do We
find the legend associated with Rome of the third century f
To reply that St. Sebastian was a christianised Apollo,
the god of Light, whose arrows, shot amongst the Greeks,
brought pestilence and death, leaves us still questioning,
for although Apollo was, par excellence, the purifying
and expiatory god, to whom a temple — that of Apollo
Medicus, mentioned by Livy — was built in Rome as
early as 433-431 B.C. in performance of a vow made during
a plague, and although we know that St. Sebastian was
invoked under similar circumstances, especially during
the great cycle of epidemics in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, and that the familiar art-representa-
tions of him were inspired by those of Apollo, it would
seem as if the details of the legend can only be explained,
and the places specially associated with the saint accounted
for, if we see in St. Sebastian not merely a christianised
ApoUo, but a christianised Apollo-Mithras, and, in his
early cult as a Christian saint, the continuance of religious
tradition in certain places once consecrated to Mithras.
Let us first recall the legend itself, and then, before
examining it in order to see where it resembles and where
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286 ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION.
it differs from others, and whether in the differences
we can detect any Mithraic elements or reminiscences,
let us consider very briefly how Mithraism spread through-
out the Roman world in the second century a.d. and
what was its position in Rome itself in the third and
early fourth centuries. Scholars and students arc well
acquainted with the learned works on this subject,
especially M. Cumont's Textes et monuments figures
relatifi aux mysteres ie Mithra {1896-1899). It is only
necessary, therefore, to refer to such points as seem to
throw light upon the question here under consideration.
According to the legend, St. Sebastian was bom at
Narbonne, in Gaul, whilst his parents were citizens of
Milan, in which city he was brought up. Later, he
went to Rome, and came under the notice of the emperors
Diocletian and Maximian, who, ignorant of his Christian
piety, and highly esteeming him, made him an officer
in the imperial guard. Secretly he urged the Christians
to constancy in the faith, visiting those who were in
prison in the house of Nicostratus, keeper of the records.
There, whilst exhorting them to fight the good fight,
he was suddenly illumined for about the space of an
hour with an exceeding splendour coming down from
heaven, and, whilst thus illumined, was clothed by seven
most radiant angels with a pallium, dazzling white.
Discovered and denounced to the emperor Diocletian,
he was tied to a stake in the hippodrome on the Palatine
hill, and shot with arrows until he was thought to be
dead, but recovering a few days afterwards, he reproached
the emperors with their treatment of the Christians,
and, under their orders, was finally beaten to death with
rods, his body being thrown into the Cloaca maxima.
The following night he appeared in a dream to a saintly
woman, told her where his body was to be found, and
asked that it should be buried with the apostles on the
Appian way, a request said to have been fulfilled. These
events took place, according to tradition, about a.d. 287.
Mithraism, the cult of the Persian Mithras, god of
light and air, and, as such, mediator between heaven
and earth, god and man, spread to Rome and the Roman
world, from Rome's outlying provinces in eastern Asia
Minor, as early as the first century b.c. There the Greek
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ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION. 287
and Persian worlds had met, and, though superficially'
indeed, since there could be nothing more than com-
promise between two such divergent peoples, they had
intermingled. One of the results of this intermingling
was that some of the gods were invested with a double
title ; hence the title Apollo-Mithras.
Towards the close of the second century of our era,
that is, from the reign of Commodus, Mithraism assumed
great importance in the empire, partly because of the
encouragement given to sun-worship, under its various
forms, by the emperors, who courted the support it gave
to the idea of divme right, and partly because Mithraism
was pre-eminently the creed of the soldier, and Rome
largely recruited her legions and auxiliary forces from
Cappadocia and Pontus, both Mithraic centres ; and
further because of the number of oriental slaves and
traders who found their way to Rome. The track of
the soldier and of the trader was the track of the god.
When Christianity was taking shape, there were various
forms of worship in Rome more or less similar to, and
overlapping, each other ; their votaries even worshiping
in adjacent sanctuaries. Mithraism, one of such forms,
for a time rivalled nascent Christianity. Hence it was
possible for a Christian legend to take its name from one of
these cults, and some of its legendary lore from others, and
to unite them all around a Christian ideal. The first
Christian mention of St. Sebastian goes back to the
Defosiiio Martyrum in the Philocalian calendar of the
year 354, where his burial on the Appian way is thus
recorded : ' Jan. 20th. Sebastian in the Catacombs.'
In the fourth century Christianity and Mithraism were
overlapping, Christianity consolidating, Mithraism dis-
integrating. An example of such overlapping may be
recalled in the ridicule of a minor Latin poet of the late
fourth century, who derides Nicomachus Flavianus for
trying, after the death of Valentinian (a.d. 392), to
revive the cults of the Magna Mater, Isis, and Mithra,
saying that he ' goes in winter to look for the sun in
some peasant's silo,' thus designating the underground
Mithraea.
In the year 274 sun-worship was established with
great pomp as the national rdigion by the emperor
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■^288 ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION.
Aurelian, who, we may remember, was the son of a peasant
■of Pannonia, a province specially devoted to the Mithraic
cult, though it would seem that Aurelian adopted the
Syrian form of sun-worship, centred at . Emesa.* In
284 Diocletian, a native of Illyria, where also Mithraism
found many adherents, was proclaimed emperor. From
the various forms of sun-worship prevailing he ' selected
the Persian Mithraic system, because he was more
oriental than wegtern.'* Two years later he took as his
colleague Maximian, also a Pannonian peasant, and the
worship of Mithras became predominant, attaining
almost to the dignity of an imperial religion. Many
temples were dedicated to the god. Discoveries under
the church of San Clemente seem to indicate that some
portion of an early building, which perhaps formed part
of the dwelling of St. Clement himself, was adapted for
the exercise of the Mithraic mysteries. This predominance,
however, was not to endure for long. With the accession
of Constantine, and his celebrated victory under the
banner of the Cross in 312, the triumph of Christianity
was assured, though it was left for his nephew, the
emperor Julian, to be the last of the imperial sun-
worshipers. St. Basil, at the end of the fourth century,
attests that the worship of the sun-god still persisted,
and it was not until the middle of the fifth century that
an almost complete silence enveloped this once powerful
cult, though doubtless it still lingered on in outlying
districts and the more unfrequented parts of the empire.
It is easy to imagine how difficult it must have been to
shake off so powerful a tradition, since even Christian
art could not free itself from its dominance, but adopted
and adapted its motives.
Near to the church of San Clemente, with its Mithraeum,
is that of the ' Quattro Coronati,' which once possessed
a silver and enamel reliquary,^ said to contain the head
of St. Sebastian. These ' Quattro Coronati,' in whose
honour the church is dedicated, and who suffered
martyrdom under Diocletian, are associated viith the
' A. L. Frotbinghun, DutUiiaii end * Now in the Muieo CriitUno of ihc
Mitbra, Amir. Jmr. a) Artb. lod Kt. Vicion : A. Munoi, SmJV JtmaH, inno I
CTui (1914), no. 1. {,9,3), pp. 197-107.
■ Frothmghun, op. ac
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ST. SEBASTIiN AND MITHRAS ; A SUGGESTION. 209
■five martyr-sculptors of Pannonia, and indeed do not
seem to be definitely distinguished from them ^ ; legend
assigns to them the same date as it does to St. Sebastian.
Pannonia was an important Mithraic centre, and from
its marble quarries votive offerings for Mithraic devotees
■everywhere were produced in large quantities. Thus
here again we seeni to find a link between St. Sebastian
ind the cult of Mithras.
. The reliquary referred to was given to the church
in the ninth century by pope Gregory IV (827-844),
though there is another tradition that the head of
:St. Sebastian, in the seventh century, was given by
pope Sergius I (687-701) to St. Willibrord, and that it is
now kept at Echtemach, in the duchy of Luxemburg.^
This latter tradition is perhaps the earliest discoverable
reference to a gift of relics of the saint. Thus far we
find no power over plague ascribed to St. Sebastian or
•his relics, but Paulus Diaconus,' vmtin^ in the eighth
century, records how, during the plague in Pavia in 680j
relics of St. Sebastian (because of a dream) were asked
for from Rome to stay the visitation, and how an altar
■was set up in the church of San Pietro-in-Vincoli, Pavia,
for their reception, and how the plague was stayed. The
mosaic over the altar of St. Sebastian in San Pietro-in-
Vincoli, Rome, is said to have been dedicated in the
same year, though now, at the suggestion of De' Rossi,
the inscription is considered to be of the fifteenth century,
and to be only a borrowing of the Pavia tradition. This
latter conclusion is in part deduced from the fact that
whilst the plague happened during the pontificate of
tope Agathon (678-682), and b recorded in the authentic
ife of this pope, no mention is there made of the erection
of the altar. We may notice that in this representation
of St. Sebastian there is between his feet a disk marked
with crossed bars, and De' Rossi has suggested that this
may be a reminiscence of the disks given in the amphi-
theatre as prizes, and in remembrance of the hippodrome
on the Palatine as the scene of the martyrdom. This
idea can no longer be entertained if, as modern scholar-
ship suggests, this so-called hippodrome, instead of being
S
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290 ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION.
a place for chariot races and games, was in reality a sunk-
garden, with statues and green alleys, vine-covered porticoes
and fountains, and a spacious exedra on the east side
commanding a view of the garden.^ If, however, the
relationship between St. Sebastian and Mithras is admitted,
this disk suggests comparison with the small loaves
represented in the Mithraic communion on the Konjica
relief, thus appropriately symbolising the celestial food.
In this connexion the disk marked with a cross, carved on
the corner of a decorated triangular stone found at
Vindolana,' may likewise be recalled, and the sphere,
intersected by transverse bands, found in various Mithraic
reliefs, may also be cited.
St. Sebastian, as a plague-saint, may be grouped with
SS. Cosmo and Damian, eastern saints, physicians, and
likewise stayers of plague and pestilence, whose legend
was introduced into the West in the early centuries of
Christianity. Their connexion with the Dioscuri, who
are associated with Mithras, has been considered and
rejected,' but even if wc accept this conclusion, the
association between these saints and St. Sebastian seems
worth noting, since they also were stayers of plague, and
share with him the torture of being shot at with arrows.*
We turn now to St. Sebastian and his legend, and
first of all to his name. Father Delehaye' says that the
names of many saints are mere transformations of topo-
graphical names, Sebastian, from Sebaste in Armenia
Minor, bordering on Pontus and Cappadocia, among
the number, though later* he suggests that this name
may have been derived from Sehastos, the Greek name
for Augustus, when the deus loci of some temple erf
Augustus was christianised.^
■ Ft. Mux, Jabrb. d. Init. 189;, 136; not come unjir conjidendoD here, nna
Jordin-HiilKn, 7af, itr Stadt Rtm. (1907], he ii of the miiUie age*, ind in hiitorinl
I, iii, p. 94. penonagc.
■ Cumont, TtxM, ilc. it, 434. ' Writiog in the A»aUcta BtUamdiait,
>W. Wcfh, Dii tyriicbt Kumat and nv (1906), p. 94.
Damian Ltgtndt, iQuj-igio; ako Ana. 'xxxi (191 1), pp. 343-344.
BtU. xitii, 213 ; bcubner, Birlinir pbil, ' For anathei niggeitian, we Konld
WKbtncbr. 1910, no. 41. refei leiden to in iitide by S. Minocehi,
* Se. Edmund, king of Fait Anglii in II martiria di San Sthaiiiaiu, Niuvt
the ninth centucj, uid Co hire been ihat Attttltgia, iit Auguit, 1911, ud to the
CO deich with irrowi b7 the Danei, and notice olit bf H. D. in the leriew columu
ippeuing in liter iTt lile a St. Sebutiin, of the Atdieu BalUndiana, mi (1911)1
but crowned to mark hit ro^ lank, doe> pp. 343 and 344.
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ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION. 29I
Sebaste was an important city, and was made the
capital of Armenia by Diocletian. It was a focus for
Ruthraic worship, and at the same time the home of
many Christians, who naturally suffered persecution, and
even martyrdom, in a land where the legions were largely
recruited, and where those who would not join the army
lest they should have to sacrifice to the false god were
treated as deserters.
The fact that, according to the legend, St. Sebastian
was born at Narbonne, though his parents were citizens
of Milan, at once makes us pause. Why should the pious
writer of the legend, whoever he was, have chosen Narbonne
as the place of his birth i What do we know of its history
to help us in any way to an answer ? Narbonne was a
flourishing oriental colony before the Romans (in ii8 b.c.)
there founded their first colony in Gaul. By the third
century of our era it was an important centre of Mithraic
rites, which, as inscriptions verify, spread thence through
the Narbonnaise, and also into Spain, where there was
an organised cult in the valleys of the Asturias and Galicia.
Traces of the god's popularity, though rare in Spain, have
also been found near San Juan, not far from Silos, in
Old Castile. In this connexion it is interesting and sug-
gestive to recall the famous chalice in the treasury of that
abbey, on which is an inscription recording that the
abbot Santo Domingo (1041-1073) dedicated it in honour
of St. Sebastian, at that time patron of the abbey, ' In
nomine Domini, in honorem Sancti Sebastian! Dominicus
abbas fecit.' ^ The origin of the monastery seems to be
quite obscure, since the earliest certain reference to it
is in a charter of the year 919." We would hazard the
suggestion that this may at one time have been a Mithraic
shrine, adapted later to Christian purposes. In Narbonne
itself,' in a wall near the church of St. Sebastian, may
be seen a mutilated bas-rehef, representing a Mithraic
torch-bearer.
Turning to Milan, the home of St. Sebastian and
his parents, we remember that here, in the third century.
'According to the Analtcta BollanJUiu, * Pin HoiStio, Triisr Ji Silat, ?tn*, i^i
it ir» not till the eleventh century thit
St. Sebutiu ippean ii » patron Mint. * Cumont, Tixtti, tic. i, p. 36J,
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292 ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A 3UCCE3TION.
was established the court of the emperor of the West,
and that the emperor at this time was Maximian, a
devotee to ^Mithras, whilst Milan seems to have been tb,c
place in the whole valley of the Po where the worship
of the sun-god had official protection, though the
dedication at Como (c. 300) of a temple to the sun, by
order of Diocletian and Maicimian,^ is recorded.
From Milan, St. Sebastian is said to have gone to
Rome, where, greatly regarded by the emperors Diocletian
and Maximian, he was raised to a command in the
Ealatine guard. History, however, tells us that whilst
fiocletian visited Rome to celebrate the twentieth
anniversary of his accession, he otherwise hardly saw it,
preferring, when not on the march, his eastern capital
of Nicomedia in Bithynia. There follows the account of
the saint's secret visits to Christian prisoners, of his
exhortations to them, of his illumination from heaven,
and of his discovery by his enemies, his martyrdom, and .
his burial. The more we consider some of these details
the more they seem to suggest that perhaps we have
here, though only hinted at, a fragmentary account "of
an initiation into the rites of Mithras, distorted purposely,
or, as is more likely, misunderstood, since the greatest
secrecy prevailed concerning them. As M. Cumont
has remarked, ' Les mysteres pai'ens 6taient parfois de
simples mystifications.' To this fragmentary account
was added local colouring, memories of the Diocletian
persecution, and the ordinary material that went to the
making of stories of edification. Even in the fifth century,
when the Acts of St. Sebastian are thought to have
been written, many similar compositions of doubtful
authenticity must have been in circulation, since in the
Roman synod, held under pope Gelasius in 494, many
of the Acts of the martyrs were excluded from the number
of authentic works in the decretal de Recifiendis.^
The legends of many prominent saints so much
resemble one another in important features as to appear
to issue from a common mould. The interest of each
consists, however, in the features peculiar to itself, and
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ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION. 293
not in those possessed in common with others. Thus
St. Sebastian, in the legend, must needs occupy a position
of importance, and therefore he is represented as an
officer in the imperial guard ; by his reproaches he
provokes his persecutor ; after martyrdom, his dead
body is treated with contumely, and then rescued and
given honourable burial by a devout woman. These'
features are coijimon to the stories of many a martyr,
but where the present case differs from others is in the
account of the saint's prolonged illumination from heaven,
during which time he is arrayed in dazzling splendour,
and in the special form of ■ his martyrdom. Another
incident in the legend, the curing by the saint of a Roman
prefect from mortal sickness on the condition of his con-
senting to the destruction of a secret chamber in his
house, used for magical purposes, where was represented
the stellar system, also seems suggestive, and to throw-
some light upon the problem. In the Mithraic mysteries,
considerable prominence was given to astrology, and
remains have been found in private houses of vaulted
chambers dedicated to the cult, and perhaps originally
painted (as we know the vaults of Mithraic caves were)
to resemble the starry heavens. Many legends record
the destruction of sacred images used in idolatrous worship,
but in the legend of St. Sebastian alone, it would seem,
do we read of the destruction, not of idols, but of a star-
strewn magical chamber.
Let us consider the death and the return to life of
St. Sebastian as a ceremony of initiation, and see how
far the details of the legend bear out this conjecture.
We know that Mithraea, like the one beneath the lower
church of San Clemente, in Rome, were sometimes lighted
from the roof. * Now in the story, St. Sebastian
is said to have been illumined, whilst preaching, with
a great splendour, coming down from heaven, in which
splendour — and let us recall that rays of light are some-
times represented by arrows — he was clothed by seven
angels with a pallium exceeding white. There were
seven grades of initiation, ' and in one of them the initiate
' St. Jetvme, Epiii. c vii.
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294 ^'^' SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION.
bore the title of miUs. ^ May not the pallium be either the
cloak assumed at this grade, seeing that members of the
different grades assumed at the sacred ceremonies the
disguise appropriate to the title awarded to them, ' or may
it not be reminiscent of the Kosmos garment, the mj'stic
starry mantle, in which Mithras is sometimes arrayed, and
which is sometimes represented as adorned with seven
stars i And may not the seven angels be representative
of either of the seven grades, or the seven stars ? We
may remember that in canto ixxi of the Purgatorio,
the four cardinal virtues to whom Dante is led after his
plunge into Lethe, exclaim, * here we are nymphs, and
m heaven are stars.'
Mithras was pre-eminently a military divinity, and
it is as a soldier that we first meet with Sta Sebastian.
In what is perhaps the earliest known representation
of him, a fifth-century painting in the crypt of St. CeciUa,
as well as in the before-mentioned seventh-century mosaic
in San Pietro-in-Vincoli in Rome, near to which was once
a Mithraeum,^ the saint is portrayed as a soldier with
a pallium. Furthermore, just as the initiate remained
for a season in seclusion, during which time he was thought
to die unto his old life and to rise again unto a new one,
so St. Sebastian is thought to be dead, and to come to
life again, and is finally said to be beaten to death with
rods. In this connexion we may recall the fact that
in some part of the mysterious Mithraic ceremonial, as
in other initiations, a sacred rod, made of a bundle
of twigs, was used. Again, we read that he suffered
martyrdom in the hippodrome or garden of the palace.*
Near this traditional spot on the Palatine, not far from
which was once a temple of Apollo, " there now exists a
church" dedicated to the saint, and, on the same hill, a
•An inJcription by Wo 'toUittt' of * Cumont, 7«Ia, (U.i, p. 353.
Mithm hu litiljr been found it Patiu : * Joidin ind HUlten, Ttpepapbu ia
tee Avezou and Koicd, R.HJt.T. Mj Sbtdf in .IZurtiiim, i, jcc. Abt. 1907, p. 94.
(1911), pp. 179-18]. 'O. L. Richmond, 'The Augiutm
■ See bu-relief of Konjici : Cumont, Pilitium,' Joarn. of Rrnun Stadia, it,
TmM, 'ic.i, p. 175, Gg. 10. Compaie ilw, pp. 193-116.
for ccTemoaial diiguUe, Che prieit of the * "tbtn ii no biiCoiicil meation of t}ui
Babj-loniin fiih-god Humi-Oumet, who, chuich before a.d. iooi, but i unall church
whoi oBiditing, wu dad in the tlon and wm built in the eighth centuij io honoui
head of the holj fiih : Eiiler, Sfitunnainil of the taint : Mirucchi, Lt /onm Sammu
mUHimmdiult, loio.i.o. 8a. a li Palaiin, looa.
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ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION. 295
temple of the Magna Mater, whose worship was associated
ivith that of Mithras. An inscription of the time of Sererus
records that there once existed on the Palatine a Mithraeum
which must have been in close proximity to the imperial
palace, though its site has not yet been discovered,* and in
connexion with this, we may recall that in his Orations,
the emperor Julian, in the Hymn of king Helios (153 d),
whom he identifies with Mithras, says : ' Apollo also
dwells on the Palatine hill, and Helios himself,' thus
indicating the existence of a Mithraeum.
Here we have two references to a Mithraeum on the
Palatine, and here also on the Palatine we find the important
church of St. Sebastian. In the light of these two references
and as there must have been a Mithraeum in connexion
with the palace, is it presuming too much to surmise that
this church of the saint may have been the site of the
imperial Mithraeum ? ^ This would naturally take pre-
cedence over all other shrines in Rome consecrated to
Mithras, and doubtless later, when this sun-temple was
adapted to Christian purposes, such prestige might attach
to the church.
Even the name of the church itself, San Sebastian
in Palladio, or Pallara, is significant. It has been suggested'
that probably the name Palladio, Pallara, may be derived
from the Palladium Falatinum of the temple of Elagabalus,
said by tradition to have stood near by, but is it not
. possible that it may have taken this name from the pallium
of Mithras f
This suggested association of the three temples, to
the sun-god of Emesa (temple of Elagabalus), to Mithras,
and to Apollo, in close proximity, seems worth noting
when we remember the three forms of sun-worship
respectively honoured by the emperors Aurelian, Dio-
cletian, and Constantine. *
Leaving the Palatine, and going by way of the Porta
San Sebastiano, near to the Catacomb of St. Calixtus (with
I Jordan lad HOIkd, op. dt. p. 104, note ]£i it Aloundrii (he pitrUtch George
Mithraeum ; C.I.l^ n, 1171 : L. Sepdmiu pcoToked * lioC in attempting to erect a
Augg. Hb. ArcbrUia pour 11 Sacirdm church on the mini of > Mithtaeuro i
iiiBicti Mitbrat iamat Aupatama. CumonC, Myiuria tf Mitbrn, 190], p. lot.
■ Ai an example, among man^, that tuch * ArmeUini, Lt cbiiti ii Roma, p. 515.
dcdicalioM were ponibk, we note that in * Ftothingham, op. dt.
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296 ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION.
its early painting of St. Sebastian) and to the eliurch
of St. Sebastian on the Appian way, we come to the
Catacomb of Pretextatus, where, in an adjoining passage;
there have been discovered Mithraic frescoes of the end
of the second or beginning of the third century, repre-
senting, among other subjects, a celestial banquet. This
yet further shows that places we now connect with
St. Sebastian were, in early centuries, Mithraic centres.*
It therefore seems reasonable to conclude that both the
place on the Palatine where tradition says he was shot
with arrows, and the place on the Appian way where
tradition says he was buried, were on the site of, or close
to, Mithraic temples.
Gradually legend, as happened in the case of many
saints, crystallised about these places. A legend, once
formed and accepted, may, in course of centuries, appeal
to the faithful in different ways. If at first St. Sebastian'
was nothing more than a christianised Apollo-Mithras,,
it by no means follows that in mediaev^ days, when
his original status was forgotten, or at least confused,
he should be primarily thought of as a saint with a radiant
pallium. When, after the tenth century, it became the
custom, with ever increasing frequency, to set up images
of the saints, and, as time went on, to provide each saint
with such consistent forms or emblems as made his image
immediately recognisable, the distinguishing feature for
any particular saint might be taken from any part of
his legend. Thus St. Sebastian might have been repre->
sented as a soldier in shining pallium, or as a martyr
beaten to death with rods, just as well as a man tied to
a stake and shot with arrows.* The fact, however, that
it was this last form that ultimately prevailed need not
be regarded as mere accident. It was, in fact, the b^
expression of the fundamental idea of the legend. In the
image thus composed, when Mithras had faded from
memory, and Christian art had inherited what Gre^
art had attained to, the youthful sun-god, as Apollo,
re-emerges, no longer, however, as the archer slinging
' Midiel, Hiti. dt VAn, J, pt. : , p. a;. ftrmtt itt St. StitiiUn in itr luluniicbtt
* Foi tttij TcpraenUtioni KC Von UaUrti tit UMi ifwfoi^ Jti QaaUrtentt,
Hxkb, Dit WicbtiflUa DatilMboii- 1906. ^
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ST. SEBASTIAN AND MITHRAS : A SUGGESTION. 297
his arrows over the world, but as a divine, or semi-divine,
personage, whom arrows might pierce but could not
slay. *
So Apollo-Mithras, god of light, whose rays are some-
times likened to, and depicted as, arrows, was, by an
inverse process as he became christianised, transformed
from ' the divine archer * into the arrow-stricken saint,
and the legend of St. Sebastian is, it would seem, the
result of this process.
■ For an earljr eiampte of thii jrouthful RopI MS. lo, p
St. Sebaitism lee Via It Pauiimt ia Bib. Nat. MS. fr. .
SainUf thirteenth ccntui]', Brit. Miu.
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
Some five years ago Mr. Hill read a paper before the Society of
Andquideg, which, printed in Arrhaeologia (Ixij, 137-190), has beea revised
and expanded into this useful volume. Although the question of the
origin of Arabic numerals has been frequently and fully discussed, no previous
attempt of so comprehenjive a character has been made to exhibit the
development of their forms. While a number of German examples, almost
exclusively, as Mr. Hill points out, from the monumental evidence of a
comparatively small district, were collected by Mauch and formed the
subject of his articles in jinzeiger fur Kuitde der Dtutsfhtn Forzeit for 1861,
Mr. HiU has brought together a thousand examples from a number of
countries and a large variety of sources, among which manuscripts take an
important place. The fifty-one tables of drawings of numerals which
appeared in Artbaeidogia, with some rearrangement of four of them, have
been increased to sixty-four, and to these is prefixed an explanatory intro-
duction and a list of some doubtful examples. Between 976, the date ol
a series of numerals in the Spanish Codex Vigilanus in the Escorial, and
1500 Mr. Hill has included all or most of the examples which he has noticed.
After ijoo the u»e of Arabic numerals becomes so frequent that he hai
given only selected examples from his collection, which amount to between
a quarter and a third of the whole number.
Although thoroughly representative, this collection of instances doe*
not profess to be a complete eotfus of its subject The six tables (xvii-
xxn) of examples from British monuments, brasses and bells, are admitted
by Mr. Hill not to cover all the known cases of Arabic numerals in such
connexions ; and he mentions four dates of the late fifteenth century,
two from Fountains and two from Ripon, which he has had no opportunity
of verifying or using. Sixteen tables are devoted to manuscripts, three
(ti, Ttti and n) being taken from English manuscripts ranging from the
third decade of the fourteenth century to 1460. German monuments,
seals, paintings, printed books, engravings, coins, etc., occupy no less than
twenty-three table* (xxhi-xlv) ; this is due to the abundant evidence,
espedidly from Austria and Bavaria, for examples ol authentic date*. Of
the remaining tables, six (xlvii-lii) are from coins and paintings of the
Low countries, nine (liv-lxii) are from Italian source*, one each from
Swiss coin* (xlvi), French medals (uii) and inscription* in Rhode* (iJdtt),
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NOTICES OF AKCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 299
while the last (i^it) is a mucellaneoug collectioa from varioiu objecta
between 1301 aod 1521. It is lurpiising to find no monumental examples
from a countiy bo rich in mediaeval architecture as France. Of the eight
dates selected from French medals more than hali appear to be due
to Italian inQuence, While it seems that no adequate attempt has been
made by French antiquaries to collect examples and their poverty may be
only apparent, one may on the other hand conjecture with Mr. Hill that
this lack of material cannot ' be wholly due to accidents of search or
A comparison between the contents of the German and Italian tables
■nbstantiates Mr. HlU't concluuon that ' of the two countries ... it
ii racially characteristic that while the Germans seem to be ahead in the
practical use of the numerals, the Italians lead the way in the development
of tlieir forms.' British examples, though backward in derelopment,
display considerable varie^ of form, espetnally in the case of j, the last
of the nnmerab to attain its present nomul shape, and at all timet
•nsceptible of various treatment. The selection provided in this volume
will be of the utmost asustance to students of manuscripts and inscrip-
tions, who, as the ' black list ' at the end of the iotroduction shows, are
somewhat easily misled by the gradual but perplexing changes ia the form
of the numerals, and should be an incitement to the discovery and record
* u yet unnoticed.
A. a T.
CITIES IN EVOLUTION : an lNTn>i>DcnoN t<
AMD TO THi SnjDT Or Civio. Bj Patiici Giddu
London : William) and Norgale, I9r4. 71. 6d. n
Professor Geddes, in this survey of the town-planning movement,
writes from the standpoint of the cultured sociologist who, taking' the
broadest view of his subject, appeals to every section of the community to
co-operate in the work of realising the ideal city of the new age. Much
of his work lies outside the province of this Jomtial, and with the social
and economic theories with which his enthusiasm is largely concerned we
have little to do- The town-planning movement is a mod^in development
whose ultimate success depends upon a complete revolution in the existing
otder of things. Its pioneers are still looking about them, giving their
consciousness free play amid circumstances which are at present anything
but wholly favourable to their efforts, and feeling their way in cautious
and, so far as our own country is concerned, comparatively insignificant
experiments. To those who regard the movement mainly from the point
of view of its connexion with present-day phases of architectural activity,
this essay will be a revelation of the many-sidedness and complexity of the
problem which its advocates, with earnestness and conviction, have set
themselves to solve.
With ultra-modern and progresuve views Professor Geddes combines
a sense of the importance of the history of the past, and among the ci
D,gH,zed.y Google
30O .KOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
of the city of the future he finds a place for the arehaeologiat and historian.
It is a favourable augury for hi» Utopia that, Instead of being ' pinnacled
dim in the intense inane,' it is founded upon a careful observation of local
conditions. He himself belongs to the class of thinkers who are occupied
primarily with the philosophy of civic science. But this class, to give
practical shape to its thought, needs the help and guidance of the architect
and antiquary alike and in its turn directs their work into new channels.
In such surveys of cities as that which is in progress in the Outlodc tower
at Edinburgh, and in the various town-planning exhibirions which Professor
Geddes has helped to promote, these three classes of workers are drawn
more closely together and ezerdse their mutual influence. Other sdencei,
of course, have theii contributions to add to the sum total of observation
which is a necessaiy starting-point for the regeneration of the modem
dly, and the plan and description of the exhibition organised at the
Exfosition univmeiit at Ghent in 1913 illustrate the variety of interest)
wluch it is possible to enlist to this end. No influence, however, can be
more important than that of the well-infoimed antiquary, whose sense
of the local spirit of his town and knowledge and love of its history and
older buildings may be used at once to inspire modern improvements and
restrain unsuitable developments.
While Professor Geddes' historical studies have naturally been merely
subsidiary to his other work, they bear fruit in some of the most interesting
passages of a book which is lively throughout. The historical generalisa-
tions in which he indulges are admirably expressed and for the most part
rest on a sound basis of truth. Profoundly impressed by the modem
activity of Germany in town-planning, he nevertheless sees clearly the
distinction between the old burgher spirit which was responsible for the
beauty of the mediaeval cities of Germany and the spirit of imperial
centralisation which has created Berlin and has impressed itself upon the
civic architecture of other towns. He sees and describes with some humour
the variety of influences at work upon the buildings of a great modem
dty like Dflsteldorf. While such abundant evidence of progressive energy
has its fascination for him, he readily recognises its less promising elements.
His ideal city is an individual growth, taking its life and colour from its
spedal conditions of climate and natural surroundings and expressing its
idiosyncrasies in buildings of local material. The grandiose and often
pretentious architecture of the modern capital, with its dominating influence
upon the lesser dties of the state, is hostile to such individuality, and the
' Caesarist ' ambitions of the gieat world-dties, of which the Hausmannisa-
tion of Paris was the prototype in our own day, are to Professor Geddes
a step in the wrong direction. Of the modifications in town-planning
which have been due to war he has much to say. The present war broke
out after his book was in type, and, although he admits courageously that
he has altered nothing on that account, we imapnc that, had the tide of
Prussian aggression broken over Europe at the time of writing, some of
his conclusions might have been considerably qualified in the light of recent
events. The ruthless destruction by German artillery of the cloth-hall
at Ypres, the most magnificent monument of the dvic spirit in weatem
Europe, confirms his conviction of the intolerance of Caesarism for bis
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 3OJ
own ideali, while it can hardly encourage hia optimism for an immediate
future in which an age of war and devastation is to ^ve way to an era of
peace and dvic reconstruction. In a concluding paragraph the adverse
influence of the war upon the town-planning movement is acknowledged,
but the spirit of the enthusiast rises superior to depression.
The book contains scveril allusions to mediaeval town-planning, the sur-
vival of which is illustrated hy reproductions of plans of Salisbury in the
nghtccnth century and Oxford in 157S. The first of these is on too small
a scale to be adequate, which is also the case with several other plans at
various points in the teit. It is pcanted out that the open spaces and
gardens of the mediaeval town have been built over and crowded out by the
ntilitarian energy of the industrial age which is now passing, the ' paleotechnic '
age, as Professor Geddes calls it in contrast to the ' neotechnic ' age heralded
by fresh applications of the forces of nature. Aj a vivid example of ' the
change from the old regime to modern paleotechnic condition) ' he cites
the view of Durham from the railway. While the view in quesdon certainly
exhibits a remarkable andtheus between mediaeval beauty and modern
ughness, the ' vast development of the modern mining town ' is aa
exaggerated phrase. As Professor Baldwin Brown has pointed out {The
Arts in Early England, i, 95), we have only to ' think away railway and
railway quarter,' and 'mediaeval Durham stiU lies before us.' The view
of Lincoln from Canwick hill and of Norwich from Mousehold heath
strike us as better instances of the engulfing of a mediaeval city by modem
industrial surroundings, although neither is perhaps quite so striking or
as familiar to the ordinary traveller. Durham is not ' a beauty-spot of
the coal age.' It is a spot whose old-world beauty the coal age has indeed
invaded, but has been powerless to destroy.
A new science must to some extent coin its own terms, and these for
a rime cannot but seem outlandish and obscure to all but their inventors.
Doubriess we shall become reconciled, as dme goes on, to the curious
substantives and idjecdves, usuaUy compounded from the serviceable
languages of Greece and Rome, which help Professor Geddes to formulate
his ideas. Even the infima Latinitas of such a word as ' conurbation,'
used to describe the various congeries of industrial dries for which he
coins the English terms Lancaston, Midlandton, Waleston, etc may become
familiar and even cease to be obnoxious. TTiis delight in neo-sdentific
phraseology is frequendy too apparent, and neither enUvcns Pro-
fessor Geddes' style nor enlightens the reader. His writing at its best
is clear and attractive. While the cautious student of his pages will hardly
be ready to discover in the town-planning movement all that he claims
for it and will lay due stress on certain elements inridental to human
progress which seem scarcely to enter within his ken, it is impossible not
to admire the enthusiasm and vivadousness of his view of the past, present
and future of our dties. RuskJn and William Morris are naturally among
the modern writers who have affected his thought, and the book contains
at least one attempt to convey an idea in the characteristic manner of
Ruskin's later years, which, detached from its context, might be well taken
as serious parody. Its style is also not free from a certain amount of vague-
neu and repetition, but, as the careful arrangement of its component parts
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302 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
begins to be seen, these defects become less noticeable. Much that at first
appears to be merely vague and fluid writing is more firmly defined, and
repetitiona and recapitulations are recognised as inalienable from the
novelty and difficulty of the subject. Clear print and short summaries
at the head of each chapter add to the teadablencss and intelligibility of
the volume : there is a useful index ; and the illustrations, where they
are not too small to be more than visible, form an agreeable commeat on
portions of the text,
A.H.T.
THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION. By the Ut»
W.T.AiHOLD. Third edition [cvUed by E. S. BoucHiEK. 71^5, 1+284 pp. With
a nup. Oiford 1 B. H. BlaekweU, 1914. ji. n.
Mr. Arnold's original essay was written in 1870, and, however much
modern archaeological research has expanded our conception of the subject,
this booV is probably still, as the late Dr. Shuckburgh claimed it to be ten
years ago, the best introduction to the subject that could be put in the
hands of a student when beginning a serious study of Roman history. The
treatment is somewhat disconnected, but the author's main estimate of the
fabric of the Roman empire is alwap clear, showing, as he does, the funda-
mental flaw of ruling an immense empire without federation and without
any representative system, the flaw of excessive centralisation, substituting
machinery for organism, until the old and genuine municipal consdtutions
were tinaUy and inevitably broken up. In this new edition Mr. Bouchier
has wisely confined his notes and alterations to the needs of University
students. He has added an appendix in which the provinces are arranged,
ti^ether with a brief summary of their history, in the order of their
acquisition ; and he has brought the bibliography up to date, and at the
lime rime removed from it many of its less important references.
A. M. W.
BYGONE HASLEMERE. A thart fditory of the ancient borough and it> inuncdiaCe
ncighbauriiood from earUat tinui. Edited by E. W. Swaittiih, aided by P. Woods,
C.E. SJx;}, XTi+}94 pp. 43 platei with plam and other illuttTationi. London :
Newman & Co. 19T4. 71. 6d.
The editor of this carefully compiled and attractively produced volume
has been for eighteen years curator of the educational museum established at
Haslemere by the late Sir Jonathan Hutchinson. His preface bears witness
to the active interest ta]cen in his work by local residents, and the result of
this co-operation is a valuable collection from a large variety of sources of the
chief facts in the history of the place. The earliest mention of Haslemere
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 3O3
occnn in a precept to the sheiiS of Surrey (Ook roll 5 Hen. Ill, m. 12) to
deliver the manor and hundred of Godalming and the market of ' Heselmere,'
then fonniDg part of the manor, to Richard Poore, bishop of Salisbury ;
but the chapel of Piperham, which represents the later parochial chapel of
Haslemere, is mentioned in the register of St. Osmund among the possessions
of the church of Salisbury as early as the last quarter of the twelfth century.
Evidence for the mediaeval history of the place is somewhat scanty. Piper-
ham waa a chapeliy of Chiddingfold, which seems originally to have been a
chapelry of Godalming, and there can be httle doubt that the chapel of
Haslemere, which, with its churchyard, was hcensed for consecration by
bishop Edington of Winchester in June, 1363 — a period at which, owing
to the crowding of churchyards in consequence of recent pestilences, such
licences are common — was the twelfth-century chapel already mentioned.
The independent growth of the market town of Haslemere is obscure. In
1393-4 hishop Waltham of Salisbury obtained a grant of a weekly market
on Wednesday and a yearly fair from 1 3th to 17th September. The borough,
with the hundred and manor of Godalming, was conveyed in 154.1 to Sir
Thomas Paston, who on loth April in that year exchanged them inUr alia
with the Crown for property in Norfolk. By charter of Z4th May, 1596,
queen Elizabeth granted a weekly Tuesday market and two yearly fairs,
one at before and the other from 1st to 3rd May, to the bailifi and burgesses.
Earlier than this, in 1584, the borough, though in no flourishing condition
at the time, began to send two members to parliament. The Mores of
Loseley, to whom the hundred and manor of Godalming were granted in
1601, subsequently influenced the representation, but not without con-
siderable and successful opposition. After the disfranchisement of the
borouj^ in 1832 the history of Haslemere was uneventful. Its position
on the Portsmouth road prevented it from lapsing into complete obscurity,
and situated in unusually beautiful and healthy country and on one of die
main lines of the London and South-Western raUway, it developed gradoally
into the centre of a large residential district.
In addition to a survey of its history, the twenty-eight chapters of this
book contain some account of the older buildings and antiquities of Haslemere,
the local industries, local folk-lore and legend, and the cricket club. From
the sketches reproduced among the illustrations, the old church appears to
have been much altered internally during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. A plain oat arcade, cased with lath and plaster, remained till
the later thirties of the last century, when it was superseded by iron pillars
and arches. At the same time what remained of the old rood-screen was
removed, and the plain rectangular east window, which in 1801 had been
filled with nine panels of early sixteenth-century stained glass, brought
from a house in Kent, was enlarged. Haslemere became a separate parish
in 1868, and in 1870 the old church, except the base of the tower and some
part of the north wall, was taken down and the present church built. Eight
of the old glass panels have been placed in two of the modern windows, but
the ninth and an alleged tenth have vanished. The new building is in the
* Early English ' manner then 'fashionable ; and at the present day the old
church, injured though it had been in 1S36-7 and even earlier, would
posubly have met with more conservatiTe treatment. It would seem from
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304 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
the sketches of the interior that the woodwoii remored in 1S70, particukrly
the westein gallery, was not without merit, and it is certainty matter for
regret, to say the least of it, that the old font was allowed to disappear.
The volume it dedicate] to the memoiy of the architect of the new
church and editor of the parish legisten, Mr. J. W. Penfold, a member of
an old local family, whose collections for the history of the parliamentary
borough and transcripts of the monumental inscripiionj in church and
churchyard have been utilised by the editors. Portraits of him and other
modern celebrities of Haalemere are included among the illustrations,
which aleo include several views and drawings of local interest and some
clear and excellent photographs of documents from the dose and charter
tolls, the Loseley monuments, and one or two other «ources. A plan of
the parliamentary borough in 1735 is also given, with a sketch-plan by
Mr. Penfold of die church and churchyard, and a map of the' parish with
field-names. The utmost pains have evidently been taken to ensure
accuracy, and such errors as we have noticed appear to be mainly the fault
of the printer. Local histories frcquendy suffer from want of proportkia
and a somewhat bald presentation of facts. In this case some of the
wealth of information crowded into the text — e.g. the biography of general
Oglethorpe in chapter zvii — might have been put mth advantage in an
appendix. Ilie book as a whole lacks that clarity and compression of itrle
which, by ^ving its proper value to each necessary detail, makes even the
driest material readable. Its editors, however, may be congratulated upon
producing a highly valuable work of reference, which should be gratefully
appreciated by their ne^hbours and by Surrey aritiqiuries in general.
A. H. T.
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ii
i
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MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAI- CHURCH OF
SAINT-SAUVEUR, BRUGES. >
By A. ABRAM, D.Sc. F.R.Hut.S.
The misericords in the cathedral church of Saint-
Sauveur at Bruges have considerable artistic merit ; it
is not, however, primarily as works of art that I wish to
deal with them, but as illustrations of life and manners ;
and from this point of view I venture to think that their
value could hardly be surpassed by any similar set of
carvings. They are records of the life of the people of
Bruges during the period when it was one of the most
important cities of northern Europe, and they have a
special interest for us because at that time intercourse
between England and Bruges, and indeed between England
and the whole of Flanders, was very frequent. Many
English traders visited Flanders, and many Flemish artisans
settled in England, and the two countries were bound
together by the most intimate political and commercial
ties.
M. L. Maeterlinck, the Conservateur of the Musee de
Gand, in his study of Le Genre satirique dans la sculpture
ftamandgy claims that Flemish influence is visible in a
large number of beautiful stalls in Enghsh churches, and
that many of them were actually executed by Flemings.*
It is also said that many of the misericords in Norfolk
and Kent, counties especially rich in wood-carving, were
chiefly the work of Flemish artists who came over to
England in the reign of Edward III.' A discussion of
the general effects of the immigration of these craftsmen
lies outside the- limits of this paper, but in the course of
it attention will be drawn to some English examples
analogous to those at Bruges, so that we may see whether
there is sufficient resemblance between them to suggest
that they emanated from workmen of the same nation,
or whether they merely indicate a similarity between the
manners and customs of England and Flanders. Re-
semblances are sometimes due to the use of common
■ Rod before the Inilitute, 6ch Dto
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3o6 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
lources such as bestiaries and sacred legends, or to the
employment of recognised conventional methods. We
ought not to attach much importance to anything which
can be explained in this way ; but we must be on the
watch for features, however trivial and commonplace they
may be, which have been taken from life.
The Bruges misericords are made of brown oak, and
are forty-three in number, arranged in two rows on the
north side of the quire, and two on the south, the back
rows being raised above the front. There are eleven in
the back row on the north side and twelve in the front,
and ten in each row on the south side. Three seats on
the north and two on the south are plain. Some return
stalls were removed in 1679, so probably at one time
there were several more than there are now. Unfortunately
many of those that remain have been injured, some very
badly, some only slightly, and it is to be feared that they
may fare even worse in the future.
There are slight differences of opinion as to the date
of the misericords. The custodians give it as 1430;
M. Maeterlinck says that they were certainly executed in
the first half of the fifteenth century, but thinks that
some of them were remade in 1608^; M. Weale and
M. Verhaegen believe that they were put up in 1478,
when the thirteenth chapter of the Order of the Golden
Fleece was held in Saint -Sauveur. ^ Unfortunately I have
not been able to communicate with any of these gentle-
men, or to obtain first-hand documentary evidence on the
point, but by comparing the mbericords with pictures
and illuminations in manuscripts whose history is well
authenticated we can, I think, satisfactorily settle the
question.
They deal with a great variety of subjects, and throw
much light upon the physiognomy, taste, and costume
of the people for whom they were made, and upon their
manner of living. I have classified them under eight
heads : those depicting (i) everyday life, (2) child life,
(3) trades or occupations, (4) traveling, (5) amusements,
(6) foliage, (7) those inculcating moral lessons, and (8) sacred
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
SAINT-SAUVEUR, BRUGES. JO/
subjects. Some of them are very difficult to understand,
and I may have interpreted them wrongly, while others
could be placed equally well under one or two of the
heads.
They have some general characteristics whjch are
very striking ; foremost amongst them an extreme
simplicity in composition and treatment, which is
heightened by the fact that each consists of one piece
of carving only, without supporters. This arrangement
is common abroad, but it is particularly noticeable here
because the centrepiece is very small in comparison with
the size of the seat, its width ranging from ii| to
13^ inches, while the seats measure 2 feet 5-}- inches in
width. In England supporters are not often omitted, .
but are frequently important adjuncts, and occasionally
integral parts of the design, adding greatly to the richness
of the effect. The simplicity of the misericords in the
church of Saint-Sauveur is the more remarkable because,
although the dechne of Bruges had reaUy begun, the city
appeared during the first half of the fifteenth century
to be at the very height of its prosperity. Its wealthy
citizens, following the example of their rulers, the great
dukes of Burgundy, were lavishing enormous sums of
money on luxuries of all kinds : their buildings, their
dress, their food, their jewellery, their pageants were as
gorgeous as they could possibly be, ^ and their splendour
was reflected in other forms of art. Nevertheless there
seems to have been good reasons for the simplicity of our
misericords. At this time Saint-Sauveur was not a
cathedral : it did not attain to that dignity until the
nineteenth century, after the destruction of Saint-Donatien.
It was a collegiate foundation,' but it was also a parish
church. The misericords were designed to suit the
taste of the parishioners, for an entry in the archives
of the city concerning a dispute between two laymen as
to the ownership of a stall in the quire proves that in
some cases at least the seats were used by members of the
' H. Fi«reii»-G«vaerc, PtycbaltgU i'une a document lUted t4;;-6 in which it ia
vilU, Esiai sur Bruges, chapi. tv ud Tvi ; mentioned, and alto ipeaki of Lt in reference
H. Pitenne, Hutoiri ie Bdpqut, ii, 392-393. to an event which tool: placr in 1419 :
' M. Veihaegcn (op, dt. 1) layt that Lomi Gillioedti Tan Seyeiin, ImVHttirr
Saiot-SauTCUT * ett derenue colUgiile en iti arcbivti d* la villi it Bntg4t QMitaiter
1501/ but M. Gtlliafdti vanScvenn quotM cited »i Attbwa),f, 474, 3J4 n.
Digitized .yCOOgle
308 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
congregation. ^ There is much in the misericords them-
selves which leads us to think that the models studied by
the carver were for the most part persons of somewhat
humble position ; moreover the smallness of the space
at his disposal and the hardness of his material rendered
elaboration of detail difhcult and out of place, and, with
the instinct of a true artist, he respected the limitations
imposed upon him. His work, however, though simple,
is never weak or lacking in character ; on the contrary
it is extraordinarily vigorous and expressive. It must
be admitted that it sometimes appears rough and lacking
in finish, but this is largely due to the coarse grain of the
wood of which the misericords are made, and to the bad
treatment which they have received. Not only are they
broken, but they have been so badly rubbed that some
of the faces are almost featureless, and in addition the
wood has been varnished, and the varnish has peeled off,
leaving irregular patches.
Another very noticeable characteristic of the Bruges
misericords is their realism ; many of the personages
depicted are so natural that they seem copied straight
from life. The carver was obliged occasionally to con-
form to the conventions of his craft, but on the whole
there is extremely little of what Mr. Bond has called the
standardisation of persons and animals.^ In this, I think,
they are typically Flemish ; the Flemings when left to
themselves were fond of realism, and much of their idealism
was the result of foreign influence. The woodcarvers
seem to have been a class apart by themselves, not in
touch with foreign artists ; and this gives their work
unique value as a revelation of the tastes and character of
the Flemish people, especially those of the lower classes.
It is greatly to the credit of whoever is responsible for
the Bruges carvings that their naturalness, judging by
what remains of them, never degenerates into impropriety
or vulgarity. I must confess, however, that M. Maeter-
linck suggests that some of those which are missing may
' Sulk wen apparenlly a lourcc of
and one of the witneiKi lUted thai it hi
nTCDue, and thi< one nsm, to have been
been boughl by a vomin ; >o lex w
■old to 1 lecotid penon while the owner
was (till alive: Arcbiva, ii, 319. A
(imibi diipuCe regarding a itall in the
>F. Bond, ITsed Cani-^, in E*gl
«hurch of Silnl-Gillei ii alio recorded,
Cburcbu, UiuriiBrdi, loi-ioz.'
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SAINT-SAUVEUR, BRUGES. 3O9
have been removed because their character was not in
keeping with the sanctity of the place, ^ and his extensive
knowledge of Flemish sculpture gives his opinion great
weight.
Another quality which renders the work of the Bruges
carver very pleasing is his intense feeling for light and
shade. The contrast between them is sometimes so
strong that the effect is almost Rembrandtesque. This
must, I think, be attributed mainly to the skilful placing
and deep undercutting of the misericords, as the cathedral
is very dark, and upon some of them hardly any light
falls even on a bright day. This peculiarity, however, has
its disadvantages, as a good deal which we should like
to see is blotted out by shadows.
Several of the carvings seem to be illustrations of
tales ; M. Maeterlinck thinb that they are probably
French or Provencal fabliaux, but they may be Flemish
stories.' Unfortunately I have not been able to identify
them, but even without the context they are valuable
as pictures of everyday life, showing what the people
of Bruges liked to see. On the first (plate i, no. i) we
have a young man, hat in hand, standing in a very
deferential attitude before an aged man who is seated
in a low-backed arm-chair. M. Maeterlinck describes
them as a young noble and a hermit. He may be right
as to the old man, but I do not think that the younger
can be a noble, as his clothes are extremely plain, quite
as plain as those of the working men we shall see later.
Next we have a group of five (plate i, no. 2), amongst
them the two we have already seen, who appear to be
lending their support to a suppliant kneeling at the feet
of two seated men. From this group we can gain a good
idea of the masculine costume of the period : it consists
of a fairly full gown reaching about three quarters of
the way down the leg, or further in some cases, with a
V-shaped opening at the neck, and held in place by a band
round the waist. The sleeves are tight at the wrist, but
loose and baggy above it. The young man, the one whose
feet we can see best, is wearing low boots or buskins,
slightly pointed, and fastened across the front by a strap,
■ Maettrlinck, op, at. S; and 90. 'ibid. R7.
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5IO MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
and is carrying a round hat with a brim. The old man
has a hood, and as he has a large mantle over his other
clothes, he may be dressed for travelling, or perhaps his
age makes it necessary for him to be protected against
the cold. One of the seated men seems to be wearing a
tight cap, which may be some kind of coif, but on the
other hand may be intended to represent closely-cropped
hair. The other seated figure has short stiff hair, but the
young man's is long and wavy ; they are all clean-shaven,
with the exception of the old man.
In one of the side panels of Roger van der Weyden's
celebrated picture of the Seven Sacraments some of the .
men have closely- cropped hair, and baggy sleeves, and
their gowns are not unlike these, though they do not
fall negligently, but are pleated down the back and front.
The frame of this picture bears the arms of the bishopric
of Tournay, and of Jean Chevrot, bishop from 1437 to
1460, and we may safely conclude that it was painted
between these dates. ^ Baggy sleeves occur a few times
in a beautiful late fifteenth-century manuscript of the
Romance of the Rose,' and also in a manuscript' written
at Bruges about the same date, but the costume is
otherwise very different from what we have here, and
we ought not to attach too much importance to a single
feature, which may be a survival from an earlier period.
Fashions, if they caught the public fancy, often lasted a
very long time in the middle ages : one of the characters
in the Romance of the Rose, the Lover, who always wears
baggy sleeves, also has shoes with very pointed toes, which
we blow were quite out of date at the end of the fiiteenth
century, and all the other characters have broad ones.
Both these manuscripts are now in, the British Museum.
A misericord from Beverley St. Mary's (plate 1, no. 3),
executed in 1445, enables us to compare English and Flemish
costume ; it depicts an episode from the story of Valentine
and Orson. Tne twin brothers, who had been carried
off in their infancy, meet unexpectedly in a forest. One
has been brought up at court, and the other is a woodman,
and each is dressed according to his station ; their hanging
sleeves and Valentine's hat have no counterparts at Bruges,
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SAINT-8AUVEUR, BRUGES. JI I
but in other respects there is a good deal of resemblance
between the styles of dress in the two countries. The
workmanship of the carvers, however, presents a great
contrast, and the lightness and delicacy of the Beverley
work makes the Bruges misericords look somewhat heavy.
We cannot see the hair of either of the brothers : probably
it was too short to be visible, as close cropping was
fashionable in England at this time. A manuscript in
the British Museum,^ written in 1445, contains a picture
of John Talbot, earl of Shrewsbury, offering the book
in which it appears to Margaret of Anjou, and some of
the onlookers have the short coif-like hair which we have
already noticed at Bruges. Other Hnds of hair-dressing
can also be found in England ; on a fifteenth-century
misericord at St. Gregory's, Norwich, we have a curious
example of a very stiff beard.
The third of our misericords (plate i, no. 4) intro-
duces new personages. The young man kneeling in the
foreground seems to be reading some communication
to the lady ; perhaps he is a messenger, and the object
that she is holding in her hand a token which he has
brought as credentials. He is clad in armour, but as
it is only very slightly indicated, and there is another
better rendering of it, I will not comment upon it now.
The man standing behind the messenger, listening to
what he is reading, is possibly one of the lady's retainers ;
he is dressed in a pleated or quilted jacket, with buttons
down the front. The lady affords an illustration of
Flemish female costume : she has a very long voluminous
robe, cut low at the neck, with an edging, or a turned-
dovra collar, round the opening ; the band placed only
a little way below the bottom of it gives a high-waisted
effect. Her head-dress is formed of a veil draped over
large cauls. The humility of the messenger conveys the
impression that she is a person of high rank, but her
appearance is by no means aristocratic : her figure is
very portly, she wears no jewellery, and her gown is of
homely material. In style the gown is somewhat similar
to that of St. Barbara in Jan van EycFs unfinished study
of the girl martyr, which is signed by him, and dated
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312 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
1437.^ St. Barbara's skirts and sleeves, however, are
much fuller ; she is bare-headed, but Jan van Eyck's wife,
as we see her in a picture he painted in 1439,* wears cauls.
They were common in England for a considerable time ;
a pair on a misericord at Sherborne, carved in 1436,^ and
another at RothweU described by Miss Plupson as
belonpng to the fifteenth century,* are very like the
specimen we have here. Low-necked, high-waisted,
trailing gowns were popular in England during the reigns
of Henry V and Henry VI.
On the fourth misericord (plate 11, no. i) the lady
is having a meal with the aged man and the young one
whom we saw on the first and second ; the trestle-
table is of the usual mediaeval type, but extraordinarily
massive, and the extreme simpUcity, if not poverty, of
its equipment confirms us in the view that the carver,
even if he wished to present persons of high rank, has
really given us people in a humble way of life. There
b no cloth, and not even a knife on the table, although
there is a big jug under it. The diners have their hands
on the table, but that was not thought bad manners in
the middle ages. There is abo a representation of this
scene in the Gruuthuus, a fifteenth-century mansion,
preserved as a municipal museum ; and there the table
has a long cloth, a knife is lying in front of the woman,
and either a plate or a saucer, and what seems to be a
fowl before the old man. This piece of work was done
for an aristocratic patron, and possibly the designer had
the chance of seeing society of a higher grade. The lady
looks older than in the group in the cathedral, and the
young man wears a hat.
The fifth misericord (plate 11, no. 2) is very like the
fourth, but two persons are seated at the table instead
of three.
Another, which is very badly broken, bears traces of
two figures moving towards each other, one of them,
perhaps, carrying something, but so little is left that it
IS impossible to speak with certainty.
■'lohet de EjA me fecit 1437'! 'Reproduced in Wii^t, Hiiaty «/
Fiemu-GcTKn, £4 Piimiirt n B^qiu, CaricMurt, 114.
i, Ij. <Phip»n, op. ci(. p. 43 ""^ pl»** 3°-
* Od the Inme u written ' Conjui meiu
Ji^wi me compkrit iSo 1439 ' : ibid. 16.
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SAINT-SAUVZUR, BRUGES. 3I3:
Children are prominent upon no less than four of the
comparatively perfect misericords, and they may also
have figured upon two or three that are much injured.
This is an unusually large proportion, as child-study was
not general in mediaeval times. The first of the four
(plate II, no. 3) shows us a tiny child learning to walk
with the help of a prop ridiculously like the ' sH-cycle '
so loved by the children of to-day. Its mother is
watching over it and gently guiding its steps. They are
not idealised, and they must. both have been copied from
life ; the mother is too short and plump to be graceful^
and the child has no neck. Nevertheless they make a
tender and charming picture. In the second (plate 11,
no. 4) a little boy is standing by a table at which is
seated an elderly man, perhaps our old friend. The child
is evidently making himself useful ; he has just handed
food of some kind to the old man, or else is going to take
it from him. It was quite in accordance with the ideas
of the age that children should wait upon their elders.
The boy, as is customary in mediaeval art, is dressed as
if he were a man, except that his gown is a little longer,
and it makes him look very dwarfish. The third of this
little set (plate iii, no. i) ought perhaps to be placed
amongst sacred subjects ; it depicts Abraham about to
offer up Isaac, but it is appropriate here as an example
of filial obedience. M. Maeterlinck tells us that the
sacrifice of Isaac is also to be found on a misericord in the
church of Notre-Dame at Aerschot, and that it was
intended to show the cruelty of the Jews in sacrificing
little children.^ It is extremely improbable that such a
meaning was attached to it here: m 1438 Bruges sub-
mitted to the duke of Burgundy, after a very severe
struggle against him ; two years later he entered the city
in triumph, and to welcome him the people put up gaily-
decked arches, and arranged allegorical groups, conspicuous
amongst which was the sacrifice of Isaac, meant to typify
the absolute obedience they owed to him,* In England
the subject was very popular ; there are plays, or frag-
ments of plays, on it included in the Chester, York,
Tovraeley, and Coventry mysteries, and in the Brome
' MaetetUnck, op. dt. i6i. ■ E. G. Smith, Braga, 145.
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314 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
manuscript. In all of them Abraham is presented as a
most affectionate father, and in none of them b there
a hint of disapproval of his conduct. At Worcester two
misericords illustrate the episode.* Here Isaac is a well-
made and well-proportioned child, much superior to the
others we have seen.
Next we have a schoolmaster and two pupils (plate iii,
no, z) : he is seated, and one of the boys is kneeling
before him repeating a lesson, while the other is
assiduously studying a book. His face is so full of
character that we cannot help wondering whether it is
a portrait of some distinguished teacher of Bruges. There
was a school connected with Saint-Sauveur, ^ and he may
well have been one of its masters ; or perhaps he was
a doctor of divinity, or of some other faculty.' His cap
is not unlike that worn by some of the cathedral clergy
at the present day, and it bears a decided resemblance to
one on the head of a doctor attending patients carved on
a panel of a sixteenth-century chest in a room leading out
of the dispensary at the hospital of Saint-Jean. He is
pulling the ear of the kneeling pupil, but this form of
correction is mild compared with that often inflicted by
mediaeval schoolmasters. One of the early Chancery
Proceedings relates to an action for damages brought
against a priest for beating a child whom he was teaching,
and the defendant replied that ' he had never hurt ne
bete the child but as a child ought to be chastised for
bis lernyng.'* This point of view is well exemplified by
a very interesting piece of carving in Norwich cathedral
church (plate 111, no. 3), apparently a monastic school held
in the open air, for the master is a monk, and trees are
growing in the background ; perhaps the children are
having their lessons in the garden instead of in the cloister.
On another misericord at Sherborne a master is also
inflicting corporal punishment on a pupil. ^ It is re-
markable that in all three cases almost every one of the
> Bond, ap. cit. i]i. chancclloi to gavein the tchool, and at
*.4rcAi<»i, intrtid. 45S, 481. Lincoln the dirinitf-icbgol ii known u tbe
'It it >uggcM«dlhaE thecbaDallorof the 'ichoUe canctUatii ' : SlalvUi ef Lmeda
chapter [oimed Chi model for thii repre- Caibidrai, ed. Bndihaw and Wordiwordi,
•entation of a teacher. Hi> ipecilic dut; part ii. lo, 158, 687.
would be to look after the education of the . g^t, cbancm JV*:«di«gi, 46, (61.
joung clerk) ai m man^ chapten. Both at
Lichfield and Lincoln !t wa> the office of * Reproduced in Wiight, op. dc ill.
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PLATE III.
is
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3l6 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
of the period. Although the building is so small, we can
_gain some idea of the style, and of the material of which
it was made. It is probably a house, but it might equally
well be the porch of a church : it bears a strong resem-
blance to one which we shall see on another seat.
Domestic and ecclesiastical buildings were very similar in
those days, and perhaps the similarity was typical of the
attitude of the mediaeval mind, which drew no distinction
between things secular and things sacred.
The third of this series (plate iv, no. 2) has been
much injured, but we can tell its meaning ; on a trestle
table lies the statue or effigy of a man, and the figure
behind it was doubtless the sculptor who was shaping it.
In Rouen cathedral church are three misericords showing
carvers at work,^ and there is one at the Architectural
Museum, Tufton Street, formerly at Lynn St. Nicholas,
of an English carver. Methods of work in England,
France, and Flanders seem to have been very similar.
The next (plate iv, no. 3) is difficult to understand.
The man with his hand on his knee is absurdly like a
modern shoe-black. He is in exactly the right attitude,
and might easily be holding a boot-brush, but this is,
of course, an impossible interpretation, and one can only
suggest that he is selling something, or collecting alms,
as the man standing opposite to him seems to be giving
money.
The last of this set (plate iv, no. 4) is on the face
of it quite simple, but it may have some secondary-
meaning. We take it to be a boatman and his passenger,
perhaps one of the ferrymen of Bruges, but it might be
■Charon. From an artistic point of view it is one of the
best of the misericords. The boat, its occupant, and the
water are all excellently rendered ; the craftsman had
many opportunities of studying boats and boatmen, for
the harbours of Bruges and of its port of Damme, three
miles away, were full of shipping. In the first half of
the fifteenth -century the Zwin, an arm of the sea, came
right up to the city, although unfortunately the sand was
silting up and threatening to block it. This misericord
serves to remind us of the great value of waterways in the
■ E.-H. l.aD(k)ii, iidSn dt la clbiirtdi it Rmtn, pi. i*, no. iS, p. Zl ; pL t, do*, h
and 16, pp. 140 and 141.
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Tt faa pagt ;,7.
NO. 3. FALCONER
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SAINT-SAUVEUR, BRUGES. 3I7
middle ages, when much traffic was carried on by means
of them.
We also have examples of other methods of travelling.
A venerable old man (plate v, no. i) with a long beard,
in clothes fit to withstand any weather, is hurrying along
as if he had a long way to go, and a woman (plate v, no. 2),
a nun it seems from her hood, but possibly merely a
countrywoman, has tucked up her skirt in a most business-
like manner, as if in preparation for a journey. . It is very
tantalising to see only part of these two misericords ; in
both cases the missing figures seem to have been short,
and in the first the feet are evidently those of a small
person, and may have belonged to a child ; but the outline
of the second does not suggest a human being at all.
Religious motives inspired many persons to undertake
journeys to shrines far and near, and this characteristic
of mediaeval life is embodied in a delightful carving
of a stalwart pilgrim (plate v, no. 3), staff in one hand,
and a bag for provisions in the other, resolutely making
his way up a steep rock to a town perched on the top of
it, perhaps intended to be one of the holy places. Its
architectural features and the strength of its walls are
well indicated, and it is interesting to compare it with
an equally good bui somewhat more detailed representa-
tion of the Walls of a city, from Ripon minster, executed
about 1 490, which serve as a background for Samson
carrying away the gates of Gaza. Zeal for pilgrimages
seems to have lasted longer in Flanders and the 8\ir-
rounding district than elsewhere : it had almost died out
in England by this time ; but in 1447 the relics at
tix-la-Chapelle attracted so many worshippers that the
tats de Liege could not assemble. ^ At Bruges pilgrims
were housed for the night at the hospice of Saint-Julien,
and if they fell ill they were taken to the hospital of
Saint-Jean.' At the very end of the fifteenth century
we find the city setting aside money for gifts to help those
who were going to the holy Sepulchre.'
A very clever rendering of the conversion of St. Paul
(plate V, no. 4) illustrates the ordinary mode of travelling
amongst the well-to-do. We call to mind the descrip-
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3l8 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
tion of St. Paul's horse in the Digby mystery play which
deals with his conversion :
Tbttt cm 00 man i better bettiTde.
It is so much more life-like than any other animal at
Bruges, and the details of the carving are so much more
carefully elaborated than those of the other misericords,
that one is inclined to regard it as by a different hand.
Its date can be approximately fixed by an article of
St. Paul's costume, for turbans similar to the one he is
wearing occur in Lydgate's metrical Life of St. Edmund,^
written for Henry VI in 1433, and in a Flemish Bible
belonging to the Huth collection in the British Museum, '
said to have been executed about the middle of the
fifteenth century. They are also to be seen in a picture
of the Martyrdom of St. Sebastian painted by Memlinc
about 1470,* in his Martyrdom of St. Ursula, which is
slightly later, * and in a rather more elaborate form in his
Beheading of St. John Baptist (one of the wings of the
Mariage mystique, at the hospital of Saint-Jean, Bruges)
begun about 1473.* The date of our carving shoidd
therefore lie between 1433 and 1475 to 1480. Fortunately
there is another indication of the date in the shortness of
St. Paul's spur ; long ones, sometimes inordinately long,
were in use until about 1460, and then shorter ones became
general,* so we shall probably not go far wrong if we
attribute the carving to the third quarter of the fifteenth
century.
Our misericords give us some idea of the sports and
pastimes of the Flemings. They were evidently very-
fond of hawking ; two represent a couple of men carrying
falcons. One (plate vi, no. 1) is riding through a wood.
It is difficult to believe that the uncouth beast on which
he is mounted is by the same artist as St. Paul's magnificent
horse ; moreover his spur is much longer than St. Paul's,
which points to the two carvings being of different dates
The spur has no rowel, and oddly enough there is no
sign of there ever having been one. The otHer hawk
is carried by a falconer (plate vi, no. 2). This misericord
' H>rL MS. »i78. ' ibid. pL 102, p. i jj,
■Add. MS. iS, III. ,.... , g, g
■H™D.^J^n, Lc P»n,ur. ™ ' .bid. pL 86, p. .rf.
gtlpi**, ii, plitc 83 and p. 116. ■ PhncU, Cydtpatiia tf Cutmmt, i, 478.
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SAINT-SAUTZUR, BRUGES. 319
is an example of the beautiful effects produced by sharp
contrasts of light and shade, and it is also worthy of praise
for the masterly way in which swift motion is suggested.
Hawking was a favourite subject for misericords in England,
and many phases of the sport are illustrated upon them.
In Winchester college chapel we have a hawk killing its
prey ; at Beverley minster (plate vi, no. 3) a falconer is
feeding his bird ; and at Sherborne two men, one on
horseback and the other on foot, are following the hawk.
The next subject (plate vi, no. 4) though badly
mutilated, is still recognisable : two men are seated on
the ground face to face, their feet pressed together,
struggling for the possession of a stick which^ they hold
between them. Tlie same game is depicted on a miseri-
cord in the cathedral church at Rouen, and M. Langlois
calls it ' le panoye.' * Strutt has a picture of it, but he
terms it an exercise derived from the quintain. ' This
misericord affords a second illustration of the armour
worn at Bruges at this time, and we are surprised to find
it so plain, as we know from manuscripts that extremely
elaborate suits were in general use. Among the most
noticeable features here are the little fastenings ap-
parently holding the upper and lower parts together ;
they are very like the arming points fastening ailettes
on an effigy of a knight of the Pembridge family, of the
time of Edward II, in Clehonger church, Herefordshire.'
They also remind us somewhat of the straps which
sometimes join tuiUes to the lowest hoops of tassets.
There are several of these on English brasses, the earliest
being on that of John Leventhorpe, in Sawbridgeworth
church, Hertfordshire (1433),* and one of the latest on
a brass of Sir Anthony Grey, who died in 1480, and is
buried at St. Albans". It was perhaps rather difficult
to give the effect of armour in wood, but it could be done.
In an example from Norwich cathedral (plate vii, no. i)
we see the devices adopted to protect different parts of
the body, the head, neck, chest, elbows, knees, feet, in
the ' camail period,' and another from Beverley St. Mary's
' Lanlku, op. dt. pL xii, no. Sj ind * PUochf, Cydtpatditi ef Cmtumt, i, 4,
p. IjS. and pLatc ii.
'J. Hewitt, ^™n and Armour, luppk-
■Stratt, Spam aaJ Pmtimtt, ti* lod ment, 4}6.
pL IT. * HUU Mom. Camm. jtr Umi. 183.
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320 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
gives US a specimen of fully-developed plate armour, but
this is not so satisfactory.
A carving of a young girl with her eyes bandaged and
two young men beside her (plate vii, no. 2) is rather
curious. It appears to be a game of Blind Man's Buff,
but in that case it is difficult to explain why she should
be holding anything in her hand. M. Maeterlinck thinks
the object is a dagger and that she intends to kill herself
or one of her companions with it, but their attitudes are
so playful that the subject can hardly be tragic, but is
more likely to be a game of some sort. The girl has a
long trailing robe like a matron, but her hair, as was usual
at her age^ is hanging down over her shoulders.
The next (plate vii, no. 3) is also somewhat difficult
to understand. It is a man's head with either flames or
leaves issuing from his mouth. The former recall the
fire-eating tricks of Indian ju^lers, and the type of face
seems rather Asiatic, but probably the more prosaic
interpretation is the right one. At Beverley St. Mary's
there is a man, who looks like an African, with bunches of
fruit hanging out of his mouth, and another at Cley church,
Norfolk (plate vii, no. 4), has leaves coming out of his :
fancies of this kind pleased the mediaeval mind, and were
possibly borrowed from travellers' tales.
Ten misericords deal with foliage, fruit, or flowers.
One is a branch of a vine (plate viii, no. i) which recalls
the grape-gatherers we have already seen. It may have
some symbolical meaning, or perhaps is an allusion to a
verse in the Bible, ' I am the vine, ye are the branches.'
Another consists of a bunch of flowers (plate viii, no. 2),
possibly roses and tulips, but they are not a.t all natural.
The rest are fohage of a conventional type (plate viii,
no. 3), bold and not ineffective, but somewhat coarse ;
they vary slightly, but are aU of the same style. They
are so different from the other misericords that it seems
probable that they were executed at a later date, and
possibly were some of those which, as M. Maeterhnck
suggests, were remade in 1608. The only piece of EngUsh
work at all like any of them that I have discovered is
some fruit on an elbow-rest in Sail church, Norfolk, which
bears a faint resemblance to the vine-branch.
Four or five misericords inculcate moral lessons, and
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SAINT-SAUTEUR, BRUGES. 32I
these are particularly interesting. A stag emerging from
a forest (plate viii, no, 4) may be a reminiscence of the
chase, but is more likely to be of symbolical import. Such
a subject sometimes signifies solitude and poverty of life^
and sometimes baptism.^ Both the stag and the forest
are poor and conventional ; this carver was at his worst
when he attempted animals. Stags or harts very often
appear on stalls or on other parts of churches in England ;
there are two on the back of the early fifteenth-century
watching-gallery at St. Albans, and each has a tree behind
it, perhaps intended to do duty for a forest. At Cawston^
Norfolk, we have a stag with leaves issuing from the top
of its head and from its mouth. In addition to thest
there are many carvings of stags forming heraldic bearings,
and also of stag-hunts.
A very curious hybrid (plate ix, no. i), having the head,
arms and body of a man joined to the hind quarters of a
hoofed animal, teaches the evil effects of giving way to-
animal passions. Mediaeval artists were fond of grotesque
hybrids, and there are numbers of them on elbow-rests
and misericords, and in miniatures in manuscripts. This
one looks particularly comical because it is clothed, and
its oddity is increased by the quaintness of the weapons,
it bears, a knife which might have come out of the kitchen,
and a very crude shield or buckler. This is the only really
funny carving among our misericords, but probably its.
humour is unconscious. As the human part of the creature
wears a cowl we may assume that it belongs to a monk,
and somewhat analogous mixtures of monks and animals,
are to be found on elbow-rests in Norwich cathedral
church (plate ii, no. 2), and at Cley in Norfolk. There
is also a centaur on a bench-end in Ripon minster, but it
is very dignified, quite different in spirit from any of these.
On another misericord an awe - inspiring monster
(plate IX, no. 3) is pouring coins from a bag into a large
coffer, while a man standing by is apparently making
notes about them on a tablet or a piece of parchment.
M. Maeterlinck thinks that the monster is a devd, and that
perhaps this is an illustration of one of the tales current at
this period of men obtaining money from demons and
cheatmg them out of repayment. It might, however,
equally well be an ape, as in Flanders the ape was the
* Pfaipton, Dp. cit. 109.
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322 MISERICORDS IN THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH OF
symbol of avarice or of a usurer, and the word ' aap *
meant both an ape and a treasure. ^ In either case the
moral is the same, the hideousness of avarice.
On the next (plate ix, no. 4.) an old man, rosary in
hand, is about to enter a church, but a devU is trying
to drag him back. It is not so alarming as the monster
on the last, but nevertheless, it is sufficiently unpleasant
to show that the Bruges carver took devils seriously.
English artists, although they gave their demons hoofs,
tails, and other attributes which they no doubt thought
calculated to strike terror into the beholder, often intro-
duced some humorous touch which makes us suspect
that they were slyly laughing in their sleeves.
Another warning to the vricked is conveyed by the
spectacle of a nun (plate x, no. i) being wheeled to Hell
in a wheelbarrow, her humiliation increased by the
lowliness of her vehicle. Only the feet of the person
wheeling her remain, but they are enough to prove that
it was a human being and not a devil as we might have
expected. In England Hell was generally represented
under the form of a monster's wide-open jaws, into which
the condemned were thrown, and a good ezample of it
is to be found on a misericord in Ludlow church, where
a fraudulent ale-wife is meeting her doom,^ but the con-
ception of it as a flaming house was not unusual in the Low
Countries. Sir William Martin Conway, in his interesting
account of the Woodcutters of the Netherlands, telis us that the
normal Dutch type may be seen in Gerard Leeu's quarto,
and the picture of the Alkmaar roof. Here the mouth of
Hell is open on one side, and in the background is a building
filled with flames, and souls in torments are at the windows. '
Four of the Bruges misericords appear to deal with
sacred subjects : two, the sacrifice of Isaac, and the con-
version of St. Paul, we have already considered ; the
third (plate x, no. 2), a seated man writing on a 1 ong
scroll, 18 possibly one of the evangelists, or a prophet,
copied perhaps from a stained-glass wandow, or from a
mmiature in a manuscript. Like Abraham, he is clothed^
not in the costume of the period, but in a long shapeless
robe, which the carver, who seems to have possessed a
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8AI NT-SAUVEUR, BRUGES. 323
sense of the fitness of things very unusual in the middle
ages, doubtless thought more in keeping with his sacred
character. A piece of furniture in the background gives
us some idea of a mediaeval bookcase or bureau. Un-
fortunately time or rough usage has almost obliterated
the writer's features, which greatly lessens his dignity.
The fourth (plate x, no. 3) , an Annunciation, has
also suffered terribly, but the spirit which inspired its
maker still lives in it and reveals something of the religious
aspirations of the people for whom it was wrought. The
Flemings of the fifteenth century, in spite of all their
moral laxity, their luxurj', their wild pursuit of pleasure,
were at heart deeply religious, and the Virgin was the
special object of their adoration. ^ Every year a procession,
in which the Chapter of Saint-Sauveur took part, wended
its way to the Bourg, and made three genuflexions before
a statue of the Virgin which stood there. ^ Our artist's
conception of the Annunciation is a little out of the
ordinary ; in pictures the Virgin is almost invariably
represented kneeling at a prayer-desk, but here she is
sitting reading, and the plainness of her dress and sur-
roundings is remarkable when we remember the splendour
with which they are generally depicted.
The most beautiful of all the carvings (plate x, no. 4J
has been left to the last because it naturally stands apart
from the rest, and seems worthy of special notice. Whether
it be intended for a saint, the personification of some
Christian virtue, or simply a lady of the period, it is im-
possible to decide, but we certainly have in this seated
figure a most magnificent specimen of womanhood, and,
what is most extraordinary, her face is of a pure Greek
type, a fact which it is most difficult to explain except
on the supposition that it was copied from some classical
work of art which the carver had seen.^ There is very
little in her dress to help us to determine her date, but
tight sleeves such as she wears, with the addition of cuffs,
are to be found in both the late-fifteenth-century manu-
scripts already quoted.*
The impression left by an examination of these carvings
may be summed up as follows. We may be fairly certain
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324 MISERICORDS IN 3AINT-SAUTEUR, BRUGES.
that all the misericords depicting persons, with the ex-
ception of the last and the conversion of St. Paul, were
executed in the first half of the fifteenth centmy, probably
in the second quarter of it, or at the latest a few years
after the middle of the century, since the costume both of
the men and women corresponds in the main with that
found in pictures and on carvings of this date. St. Paul
and the seated lady (plate x, no. 4) may possibly belong
to the third or fourth quarter of the century.
The similarity between English and Flemish misericords
in choice of subjects and conception seems quite sufficient
to prove that there was a similarity in social customs and
in thought in England and Flanders, but the workmanship
and technique are so different that one cannot bdieve
that they came from the hand of craftsmen of the same
nation.
The physiognomy of the people of Bruges in the
fifteenth century appears to have been very much what
it is now ; they were short, sturdy, and vigorous, like the
Belgians who are in our midst to-day. Their plain,
sensible clothing, free from the fantastic extravagances
which we see elsewhere at this time, marks them out as
persons of much common sense, with an eye to utility and
convenience rather than to beauty and grace. Judging
from the subjects represented, their tastes were simple,
th^ had a love of home life, respect for women, and a
special tenderness for children. It is surprising to find
so few traces of conscious humour, or of skill in depicting
animals, as these two qualities were so general in the
middle ages, but they had the mediaeval liking for drawing
a moral in a very pronounced degree.
These seem the chief characteristics revealed by our
misericords. From historical records we do not gain quite
the same impression of the Flemings, but this is perhaps
largely because there we have more information about
the upper than the lower classes, and deal with them
rather in a public than in a private capacity, whereas here
the conditions are exactly reversed. No doubt our carvers'
point of view was somewhat one-sided, but they have
given us a true picture of one aspect of Flemish life and
character which may serve to supplement what we already
know of them from other sources.
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MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
Bf PHILIP MAINWAKING JOHNSTON, F.S.A. P.ILI.B.A.
The following notes are based upon a lecture given
in the old church of St. Mary, Merton, to the parbhiooers
and others at the request of the vicar, as part of the
celebration of the eight hundredth anniversary of the
foundation of Merton priory, with the fortunes of which
the parish church was closedy linked for half that long
period. Although only some seven or eight miles from
Liondon, the place is still wonderfully rural and little
known to Londoners.
The name Merton is obviously ' Mere-tun ' (the
town on the marsh) : it is a settlement not only of Saxon,
but of Roman, and probably of British and prehistoric
antiquity. Roman remains have been met with in the
parish, including bricks in the walls of the parish church.
Domesday records the existence of a church in 1086.
It was probably of timber, and may even then have been
several hundred years old ; as in the year 784, when
Cynewulf, king of Wessex, was murdered at Merton
by Cyneheard the Atheling, a semi-fortified house, with
gates, is indicated as the scene of the cruel deed, and
this house Cyneheard is said to have defended with his
eighty-four followers. * There must thus have been a
considerable settlement for those times, and therefore,
very probably, a Christian church. In this connexion
it is interesting to note that the Anglo-Saxon word for
' to build ' was getimbrian. The rank and file of our
earlier Saxon churches must have been built by carpenters
of the timber that was so plentiful in those days all over
England. The raids and burnings by the Danes, and
the consequent need for a village sanctuary which should
also serve as a place of safety in troublous times, would
> In S71 X gnu bank toA pbc« bcnrcen tbe Suou lod Duut at Mciton.
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MERTON PARISH CHURCH. 327
cause these primitive structures to give place gradually
to more permanent and less combustible buildings of
flint and stone, the materials gathered, where such were
close at hand, from the ruined Roman tov^-ns and country-
side villas. It is not without a practical meaning that
the walls of such stone churches as have come dovm to
us from the time before the Norman conquest of 1066
are found to be disproportionately high for the size of
the building (as in the case of Stoke d'Abernon, a few
miles to the west), for by keeping the eaves of the thatched
or oak-shingled roofs at a great height from the ground
the risk of incendiary fires would be greatly lessened. It
is worth noting also that, although these early stone
churches were built without buttresses, and their lofty
walls were often only two feet or less in thickness (as in
the chancel. Stoke d'Abernon), they have survived in
many cases the heavily built but careless work of the
Norman period. Their foundations were laid deep, their
mortar was as good as that of the Romans, and they selected
their stone and other materials with sound judgment.
Moreover they built slowly, and allowed time for their
work to settle and consolidate. There is evidence that
the Normans, like the Germans of to-day, were ' young
men in a hurry,' which explains, together with their
scamped foundations, the fall and failure of many a tower
and wall.
We must, then, in the absence of any structural
evidence to the contrary, imagine the first church on
this site to have been of wood, perhaps, like the still
existing church of Greenstead, Essex — built of split
sections of oak-trees, and already a building of some
antiquity when the body of St. Edmund the martyred
king rested therein on its way to Bury St. Edmunds.
Even the first Norman church and buildings of Merton
priory are recorded to have been of wood.
It is most likely that this timber parish church
remained until after the Norman conquest, and then,
in that disturbed period, fell into decay, or was burned.
The church indicated by the entry in Domesday, * Ibi
ecclesia,' was probably this same wooden building. This
would account for a statement in the Arundel MS. no. 28
(preserved in the College of Heralds), that Gilbert the
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328 MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
Norman, high sheriff of Surrey, to whom the manor
of Merton had been granted hy Hemy I, in or before
the year 1 1 14, * built a church there at his own cost '
(i.e. a -parish church, on the site, doubtless, of the destroyed
Saxon one), * before which time the inhabitants were
obliged to carry their dead to the adjacent villages.'
The same manuscript, which was evidently written by
some one with first-hand knowledge, if not an actual
eye-witness, relates that Gilbert, as lord of the manor,
continued to benefit the place, and having, in 1 1 1 4,
founded the priory of Austin Canons, built their church,
sumptuously ornamented it with paintings and statues,
as was customary, and caused it to be dedicated, with
great magnificence, to the honour of the most blessed
Mother of God and ever Virgin Mary. William Gif&rd,
bishop of Winchester (1107-1129), came to consecrate it,
and was received with great hospitality. On his progress
thither he intervened to save a boy, who, for theft, had
been condemned to the barbarous punishment of having
his eyes put out, foreshadowing by this interposition of
mercy that in the church which he was about to consecrate
many should be rescued from the darkness of vice, and
brought by the power of discipline to the light of justice.
In dealing with these old records, it is not easy to keep
distinct the parish church, which still remains, and the
church of the priory, also founded by Gilbert and levelled
to the ground in 1538 by Henry VIII, who used its stones
in the building of his palace of Nonsuch, a few miles away.
The confusion, which more than one modern writer has
fallen into, between the two foundations arises partly
from both churches being dedicated to St. Mary the
Virgin, and also from the fact that the first, or temporary,
buildings of the prioiy are stated to have occupied a
site hard by the parish church.* Indeed, it seems not
altogether improbable that the nave of the present church
represents the parochial building, and that a timber
church on the site of the existing thirteenth-century
chancel, shut off by an arch and screen from the other,
may have served temporarily as the church of the priory.
Sriiih a twin-church was not uncommon, and the curioudy
' It u tbougbt to the eiK of tht churcbjud, wbcic Daw uc the tdioo] bnilding*.
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MERTOK PARISH CHURCH. J^V
elongated plan of the existing nave and chancel ma^ be
owing to such an original disposition. ^ This hypothesis,
which has not, I believe, been suggested before, would also
account for the fact that not a stone with Norman tooling
or moulding is to be traced in the present chancel, which,
soon after the beginning of the thirteenth century, would
have been built with fresh stonework and flints, on the
site occupied by the timber chancel or priory church. '
Of the latter it is recorded that it remamed a timber
structure till the year 1 130, when on a new site, that is,
within the still remaining boundary-walls of the priory,
three quarters of a mile to the eastward, the priory church
was built anew on a grand scale, and the various buildings
of the new work gradually grew up around it, occupying,
as can even now be seen, a very large area. In 1236 a
parliament was held within the walls of the priory, the
famous ' Parliament of Merton.'
So complete was the destruction of the priory buildings
wrought by Henry VHI, that, with the exception of the
low boundary-walls and a gabled building with a fourteenth-
century tracery window, little remained aboveground in
the beginning of the nineteenth century. As recently,
however, as June, 1914, when a housebreaker was let
loose upon a dilapidated house, known as Abbey house,
near Merton abbey station, a very beautiful archway
of the latest period of Norman work was brought to
light, and most fortunately escaped the demolition that
seemed inevitable, through the prompt intervention of
the Rev. J. E. Jagger, vicar of Merton, Mr. Hadfield,
and other public-spirited individuals. Sir Arthur Liberty,
to whom this part of the site belongs, promptly ratified
the intervention and took further steps to preserve the
arch and what was left of the shell of this relic, which
I have conjectured' to be the hospitium of the priory.
. To return to the parish church. Down to the middle
of the last century it had preserved unbroken its aisleless
plan (fig. l) consisting simply of a chancel (44 ft. 6 ins.
by 14 ft.) and nave (about 73 ft. 6 ins. by 20 ft. 3 ins.).
' Lynuniur, Sun«x, ii a curiooil)' rimilar pirucliial. Thtre wu » Beacdicdac nuniKiT
cboTch u itgaiit the ctoDgitfd tuve and iherc ffom Suoa timn (Sum Arcb. CtU.
dunctl, ind here alio the uitcm iim acenu xlvi, I95-)
to hiTe been amvrntuit, the weiten) * SvrTry Arcb. CtU. xxm, ti%.
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H COEVAL DOOR (kettored).
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FIC. 3. WOKING CHURCH, SURREY: W
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33* MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
It has in a wonderful way retained its ancient and rural
characteristics, in spite of the addition of a. south aisle in
about 1857 and a wider north aisle in 1866. Fortunately
these were not carried to the west end of the nave, but
stop short of it by about 15 feet, so that the nave west
wall and the north and south walls immediately adjoining
are actually those of the twelfth-century church. The
internal arch and jambs of both the window and doorway
in the west wall are of this date, as is also the wide round-
headed window in the north wall, the only survivor of
four such Norman windows that remained in the nave
walls prior to the nineteenth-century enlargements. The
eastern quoins of the nave also remain, though entirely
concealed by plaster and rough-cast. When the south
aisle was added two early-thirteenth-century lancets
and two or three fourteenth-century two-light windows
in the old south wall were also destroyed (plate 11) : while
on the addition of the corresponding north aisle two
thirteenth-century lancets and two Norman windows dis-
appeared. Happily, the interesting Norman north doorway
(tigs. 2 and 4), though clumsily put together, was rebuilt
in the north wall of the new aisle. It retains its circular
head, with an early form of double zigzag moulding, its
shafts and a modern copy of the plain tympanum in the
head, but the shaft-capitals have been put up without
their abaci, and there are no bases to the shafts. More-
over, it is evident that the doorway must originally have had
two orders to each jamb, where now there is only one,
and that the arch could not have overset the jambs as it
now does. There was also a label to the arch, of which
no trace remains (fig. 2, in which I have restored the
stonework). The internal arch, of circular form, and the
jambs are ancient, though the wall has lost 6 ins. of its
original thickness. The old stonework of the doorway
is in the greenish calcareous sandstone, from Gatton,
Merstham or Reigate, which was extensively used by the
mediaeval builders in Surrey and London. The capitals
have the double scallop and rather heavy chamfered
neckings ; and on the crown of the arch is a mutilated
carving of a lion, with its back to the spectator. It has
lost its head, but the front paws, and the tail curled across
its back, can be distingubhed. Hitherto it has been
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MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
335
supposed to be a mutilated human head, but there is no
doubt it is a small lion (fig. 4).
More interesting even than the doorway is the coeval
door, which hangs therein, and on which is displayed the
original twelfth-century ironwork (fig. 2 and plate in). The
door is of heavy oat plants, hewn with an adze, furrowed
and seamed with age. It retains part of a plain marginal
strip of iron, two C-shaped hinges with scrolled terminals.
and twelve horizontal straps, also with scrolled ends of the
ram's-horn pattern. The Norman door in Woking church,
probably some fifty years earlier (here reproduced for
comparison as fig. 3), and that of about 1195 in the tower
doorway at Merstham are the only other Surrey examples
to compete in interest with this door at Merton ; and it
is much to be wished that the doorway in which it hangs
could be taten down and put together again in such a
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334 MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
manner as to give back its lost proportions. The sub-
stitution of oak for modern deal in the internal backing
of the door is also very desirable.
The early-thirteenth-century priests' doorway on
the south of the chancel also retains its original oak
door with four similar scrolled iron straps, preserved,
perhaps, from a still older doonvay, and a very perfect
latch and drop-ring, possibly coeval. My friend,
Mr. G. C. Druce, has kindly photographed this door,
which is reproduced in plate iv, no. 2. It is not often
that one can point to a latch-spindle as old as the thirteenth
century.
The antiquity of the chancel walls is hidden by a
thick coat of flint-dashing applied like rough-cast plaster.
Some such coating is shown in the old views of the church,
such as Cracklow's lithograph of 1824 (plate i). In this
way the stone quoins are entirely covered up, and the
outer stonework of the east window and most of the
other chancel windows have been renewed in Bath stone.
The exceptions are a beautiful little two-light window in
the south wall of the chancel, western bay, and the larger
window of the corresponding bay on the north side,
which has been rebuilt in the east wall of the organ-
chamber (plate IV, no. i). Both date from about 1340,
and are worked in the Surrey firestone, which has weathered
very badly. It is both possible and desirable to indurate
the stonework with a chemical process, so that they may
still be preserved as interesting relics of the mediaeval
building. The window on the north retains its original
iron bars, and the quarry-glazing is also ancient. These
windows take the place of narrow lancets, which are still
found in the two eastern bays on the north side. The
peculiarity of these windows, apparent only on the inside,
IS that they are pierced through a thin wall within an
arch. Tliere are in both north and south walls of the
chancel four of these pointed arches, blind arches, never
intended to be carried through the wall, to open into
an aisle, as has been mistakenly supposed, and they are
of one simple order with a narrow chamfer, crowned by
a double-chamfered label (plate vii) They have no
capitals or bases, but the narrow pier (only o ins. wide)
is continuous, and is chamfered like the arch, all the work
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MERTON PARISH CHURCH. 335
being in Surrey firestone, which has preserved the broad
chisel-tooled surface of the early thirteenth century.
Originally each of the four bays on either side had its
lancet window (plate i), and an original lancet, shown in a
view of about 1800, still survives on the south side, though
blocked by some tablets. Its head is visible in the vestry,
and it would be a gain to open it out. In the next bay
to the eastward the early lancet also remains, but is largely
concealed on the inside by the fine monument of Gregory
Lovell. Its outer opening remains beneath a modern
coat of plaster within the vestry, and the top of an internal
opening, blocked, appears above the Lovell monument
(plate vii). The easternmost bay on this side is occupied
by a restored fourteenth-century window.
The three-light east window, with cinquefoiled heads
and super-tracery, under a two-centred arch, is a
Perpendicular replacement of about 1400. The outer
stonework is a modern restoration on the old lines.
Originally there was probably a pair of lancets, with a
circular opening over : there is hardly room for a triplet
in this exceptionally narrow chancel.
It should be noted before passing on that the lofty
blind arcades, like those in the Merton chancel, occur
in six other Surrey churches, namely, at Bletchingley,
Chaldon, Charlwood, Chertsey, Coulsdon, and Merstham :
and, with the exception of Coulsdon (c, 1250) and Chertsey
(c. 1350), they are all of early-thirteenth-century date.
A group of Kentish churches, that must have been built
by the same guild of masons, comprises St. Mary Cray
(tower, ground story), Horton Kirby (eastern arm),
Dartford (chancel), Brasted, CUffe-at-Hoo (eastern arm),
Rainham (chancel). Nevrington (chancel), Sittingbourne
(chancel), Upchurch (chancel) ; Hartlip church is a
Transition-Norman predecessor ; and in all these cases
the relieving or blind arches are used both for practical
and aesthetic reasons. At Merton they add materially
to the space in a very narrow chancel, and this was
probably the main reason why they were introduced
m the thirteenth-century rebuilding. The walls in
which they stand are three feet thick, and, as the recesses
are one foot in depth, it follovw that the walling of the
interspaces is only two feet in thickness. The piscina
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33^ MERTOH PARISH CHURCH.
and aumbry in the chancel are unfortunately hidden by
the modern dado of alabaster.
Besides its ancient walls, the chancel retains in an
almost perfect state one of the most beautiful and orna-
mental roofs in the south of England, dating between
1380 and 1410.^ It is in three bays, instead of the four
into which the walls are divided, and is of a modified
hammer-beam type of construction, very rarely met
with, and unique in this county. This roof has a bold
boarded cove above the wall-plate, framed into panels
by moulded ribs and corbels, and crovraed by a battle-
mented cornice, which intersects with a similar suite
of mouldings on the cambered hammer-bea^is. The
upper space in the central area is of open raftered con-
struction, with curved braces forming a pointed arch,
and producing a barrel-roof, boarded or plastered till
1866. Within this arch, over each of the four principals,
is a beautiful screen of slender pierced tracery, with
■ogee-shaped and cinquefoiled arches. An architect of
no mean skill must have devised such a gem of a roof,
and while we may give the credit to the priory, to whom
belonged the chancel and who kept it in repair, we may
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338 MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
pay a well-merited tribute to the forgotten genius who
designed the work.
TTie chancel arch, of early-thirteenth-century date,
is a plain, pointed opening, without capitals or imposts,
of two chamfered orders, the outer of which is continuous
with the jambs. Norman masonry may perhaps be
traced in the lower part of the jambs. Doubtless there
were small altars right and left of the arch, or in front
of the rood-screen, but no trace remains of them or of
the screen.
The roof of the nave, probably of about 1400, is of
braced-collar construction with hollow-moulded tie-beams
and exceptionally large wall-plates, also hollow-moulded.
On the north side this plate is doubled — perhaps to
remedy a mistake in setting out. It is at present almost
entirely concealed by plaster, and it would be a great
improvement if this were removed and the old timbers
expose^. The spaces between could then be plastered,
or filled with fibrous plaster slabs, and if one or two
dormer windows of suitable design were re-introduced
in the old positions, as shown in early views, the gain
both in appearance and lighting, as well as increased
ventilation, would be very great. In this way also the
peculiarly hideous skylights that now disfigure the roof
could be abolished. It is interesting to note that the
fifteenth-century bell-frame and spirelet have survived
all the last-century changes,^ and that one of the four
bells is inscribed, ►!< ^aitita iWargareta ®va pro
^Obid* with a shield of the royal arms, uncrowned.
Another bears the inscription, BRYAN ELDRIDGE
MADE MEE. 1601.
Another feature of altogether exceptional value and
interest is the beautiful open-traceried porch on the
north side of the church, dating from the end of the
fourteenth century, which was moved to its present
position when the north aisle was thrown out in 1866.
By the kindness of the vicar I am enabled here to reproduce
a photograph of this porch taken in 1857 (plate v). The
woodwork was then set upon a clumsy stone and flint
plinth, and the corner and doorposts were probably
shortened where their ends had decayed, to the great
' The ipire limben an inodeni, but tbt fraine from which thcf lue ii indait.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
NORTH PORCH OP C. 1390, PRIOR TO IT9 BEMOVAL TO THE NEW AISLE.
(Prom a photograph dated 1 Sj; in the potMMon of (he Rev. J. £. Jagget).
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MERTON PARISH CHURCH. 33
loss of the original proportions. The doorway is mani-
festly quite six inches less than its proper height. Un-
happily also the beautiful tracery and bargeboard (the
latter, especially, very precious for its early date) were
coated with dark brown graining, which most certainly
ought to be pickled off. The open tracery panels of the
front and sides, imitating the stone windows of the period ;
the doorhead, with four-centred arch, carried up into an
ogee with foliage spandrel, and pierced quatrefoils enclosing
heater-shaped shields ; and the elaborately designed open-
tracery bargeboard, are all very excellent. ^ In the triangle
formed in the apex of the bargeboards is carved a very
life-like head, which may well have been a portrait of
the prior of Merton for the time being, or else of the
craftsman or donor of the porch (fig. 5). The face seems
to be that of an old man, and there is a cowl, or hood,
falling back over his shoulders.
The west doorway (fig. 6) and the window over it,
as already stated, are of twelfth-century date on the inside,
but the outer cases are fourteenth-century replacements,
the window being a modem copy and the doorway
ancient. The latter has a two-centred head of two
orders, with continuous hollow mouldings and a label
of coarse section, having for its terminal the heads of
a king and queen (plate vi). The king's head,* which
is bearded, with full eyes, rather wide apart, is worked
in the same stone with a length of the arched label. It
probably represents Edward III in middle life, that is, in
about 1340, the probable date of the outer doorcase. The
queen's head has the square metal caul, gilt and jewelled,
on either side of the face, in which ladies of the period
were wont to enclose their hair. Both heads, though
mutilated and weather-worn, sufficiently resemble those
of contemporary carved and painted representations of
these monarchs — as, for instance, the effigies in Westminster
abbey and the paintings formerly in St. Stephen's chapel,
Westminster. The suggestion that they may be twelfth-
century heads of Henry I and his queen is, in my humble
opinion, quite impossible, though put forward by so
have Hmcwiut nttond the king*)
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340 MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
eminent an authority as Bishop Forrest Browne, F.S.A.
On the northern jamb is a small votive cross. The panelled
door vdthin is of late-seventeenth-century date, and an
excellent piece of plain joinery. It is in two leaves, and
has an ancient key-escutcheon on the right leaf.
. In the circular gable window of the north aisle some
fragments of ancient glass are gathered together. These
include a shield of the royal arms (lions and fleurs-de^lys)
and another of Gilbert the Norman — afterwards adopted
as the arms of his priory — gold, at the crossings of a fret
azure, eagles silver. There is also a pretty piece of white
drapery — the knee of a seated figure of some size, probably
of the fourteenth century, as are the shields. In the
quatrefoil of the south-east window of the chancel is
a beautiful head of our Lord, in white glass, with silver
stain, producing a gold tint, and very finely painted.
It has the usual cruciferous nimbus. Of the modem
stained glass which fills nearly every window of the church,
there is good, bad and indifferent work, and the same
description may be applied to the fittings, which, including
the font, all date from the last half century or so. Un-
fortunately, the modern aisle roofs, with thdr skinny
stained deal timbers, almost amount to a disfigurement.
An eighteenth-century west gallery was removed in
1897 and a stone arch built across the belfry-space, partly
with a view of providing a more stable seating for the
bell-frame. Apart from this object its insertion is to
be regretted, as confusing the plan of the church. The
spire is recorded to have been re-shingled in 1791, and
again in about 1856.
Of the ancient monuments, the oldest is a stone
coffin-slab in the churchyard, bearing a floreated cross
of fourteenth-century date. The next is the singularly
beautiful monument in alabaster, marbles and freestone
—one of the best of its period in Surrey — of Gregory
Lovell, who died in 1597 (plate vii). Within two circular-
arched alcoves are the painted kneeling figures of Gregory
and his two wives facing each other. At each angle is a
marble shaft with Corinthian capital, supporting a frieze
and entablature, above which are three armorial shields in
scrolled frames. In the plinth are two groups, also facing
each other, representing the progeny by the two wives —
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[C. C. DnKt, fbii.
MEITON CHURCH : CUnOKY LOTEli's MONUMENT, WITH WALL-AKCADE
AND BLOCKED WINDOW OF C. IZia
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MERTON PARISH CHURCH. 34I
one son and three daughters on the left, and five sons
on the right. Beneath is an elaborately fluted moulding,
surmounting the inscription : ' Here lieth Gregory Lovefl,
of Merton abbey Esquyre Cofferer of Her Majesties
Houshold, second son to S' Frances Lovell of Harlinge
Norff'. He had two wyves Joane daughter of . . .
Whithead by whome he had issue Thomas Mildred
Elizabethe and Frances . . . and Dorothye daughter of
Michaell Greene by whom he had issue S' Robert Lovell
Henry Thomas William and Gregory. He lived to the
age of threescore and XV. and dyed the XV. of Marche
in the yeare of our Lorde IS97-'
It was to thb Gregory Lovell that queen Elizabeth,
in 1586-1587, granted a twenty-one years' lease of Merton
priory, ' all that house and scite of the late priory of
Merton (alias) Marten, alias Marton), in the county of
Surrey, there dissolved ; and all houses, edifices, barns,
stables, dovecotes, garden-grounds, orchards, gardens,
mills, land and soU within the scite and precinct of the
said late dissolved priory. . . .'
In the chancel floor, now at the western end, but
formerly within the communion rails, are two handsome
black marble slabs bearing shields of arms and heraldic
mantlings in low rehef. They are inscribed to Sir Henry
Stapleton, bart. who died in 1679, and to his daughter,
the wife of Thomas Robinson, who died in 1676. The
church also contains monuments of eighteenth and early
nineteenth century dates, amongst which may be named
the finely carved medallions erected by ' Mrs. EUzabeth
Cook, wife of Captain James Cook the circumnavigator,'
to commemorate Admiral Isaac Smith and Isaac Craig
Smith. Beneath the second is the figure of his beautiful
wife, sister of R. J. Wyatt, the sculptor, who was the
author of the work. A quaint and unusual feature is
the row of hatchments suspended over the columns of
the nave arcades, among them being that of the great
lord Nelson, who, with the fair and frail Emma, worshipped
within these walls. The seat he is said to have occupied
is preserved as a bench in the vestry.
In the large and beautifully tended churchyard are
some old and quaint stones. On the north side is the
Rutlish table-tomb. William Rutlish, a native of Merton,
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34^ MERTON PARISH CHURCH.
' imbroiderer to long Charles the second,' who died in
1687, left houses in the parish 'to. the value of 400jf
for the putting out poor children bom in this parish
apprentices.' The modern Rutlish school has been erected
and endowed out of the greatly increased funds.
It is a pleasure to acknowledge much kind help supplied
by the vicar of Merton, the Rev. J. E. Jagger, ana hy
my friend, Mr. G. C. Druce, F.S.A. whose admirable
photographs accompany this paper.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.*
Br IAN C. HANtfAH, M.A.
The ancient cathedrals of Ireland seem hardly to
have attracted from antiquaries the attention which is
certainly their due. In architectural splendour doubtless
they are surpassed by the cathedrals of England, evea
by those of Scotland and Wales, but still they have a
very distinct national character of their own, and much
of the story of Ireland is written in their stones.
Variety is their prevailing note. In this they are
altogether unsurpassed. St. Patrick's, Dublin, is not
unworthy to rank among the mediaeval cathedrals of
England, being a little larger than Carlisle,^ while Aghadoe
might almost put in a claim to be the smallest church
in the land. The others in size are graded all the way
between. Glendalough and Ardmore are good specimens
of the ancient architecture of Ireland before the Anglo-
Normans came : at Derry the cathedral is in some respects
one of the best examples we possess of the Gothic of the
Jacobean age. The work of no intermediate period is
altogether undisplayed by the other cathedrals of the
island : they are mostly of the thirteenth century.
So far, indeed, does diversity extend that Ireland
cannot be said to possess a cathedral type as do England
and France. Her mother churches are of almost every
conceivable form, allowing no possibility of generalisation.
Not one possesses the triple-tower plan that is the usual
arrangement for important cathedrals in England. Only
the two in DubUn are adorned with triforia, vaulted
clerestories and chapels east of the quires, though these
are features that emphatically belong to the cathedral
type wherever Gothic architecture is known. Cashel,
whose ground plan is extraordinary, is the only one which
'Kcad before die Inititute, i>[ December, itiUiaUct and the fourteenth-century quire
19)5. The liae dnwlngt are all by Edith wu completed the CumbnaQ church wa>.
Bnnd Hannah. probably larger than the Iiiih. St. PiOick'*
* Coniidenbl)' iaifct than the original ii jutt a little bigger than Ripon miiuler,
Norman church, larger chan the cathedral which became a cathedral on the rciCon-
thit itandt to-day ; but when ^ nate mi tionof theMein 1836.
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344 IKISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
Sossesses a second steeple, save that in many cases a
etached round tower stands by,
Nor is the position of the cathedral a fixed thing in
the cities of Ireland. On hill-tops at Kilkenny and Armagh
an English close is reproduced to a certain extent ; at
Cashel the cathedral stands apart on its glorious rock,
like the Parthenon crowning the Acropolis with the
streets spread out below. The precincts of the two
cathedrals in Dublin are pressed close by the houses of
the city, but no Irish bishop's church stands beside the
market-place like so many cathedrals on the continent
and so many parish churches in England. In most cases
there is a very ordinary churchyard, for most of the
bishops' sees, which were very numerous, were placed in
villages or small country towns. In Scotland Celtic
influence was strangely shovm by the fact that practically
every cathedral was situated in a village or a little town.
Hardly one of the chief places in mediaeval Scotland,
not even Edinburgh, Stirling, Perth, Dunfermline,
Bervrick and Inverness, possessed a cathedral church.
In Ireland, although in other ways the influence of the
Celts was still stronger, there was a cathedral in every
town of any importance with a few exceptions, such as
Galway and Drogheda.
A few of the Irish cathedrals were the churches of
regular canons or monks ; most of them, however, have
always been served by secular chapters, and this though
in some cases, as at Clonmacnoise and Kildare, they were
surrounded by the dwellings of regulars. Both in size
and in beauty the cathedrals must have been fully equalled
by several of the monastic churches that contained no
bishops' chairs, but this was likevnse the case both in
England and Scotland and other parts of Europe as well.
On the whole the Irish cathedrals have suffered worse
from the excessive zeal of the restorer than the English
ones, though perhaps hardly so badly as the French.
Many of the most important have been almost entirely
rebuilt, but this was a necessity from the neglect of ages
past.
In describing these most interesting churches it will
be best to take them roughly in chronological order,
as suggested by the most prominent existing features.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 345
To avoid confusion, however, each church will be treated
as a whole, and later additions to the fabric will be men-
tioned in connexion with its earlier features, instead of
being placed in a chronological order of their own.
The ancient Celtic church, possessing so many features
borrowed from the east, did not greatly emphasise the
distinction between cathedrals and other places of worship,
either in ritual or architecture. Of the ancient Irish
words for church none is used exclusively for a cathedral.
' Daimhliag ' is simply a great church built of stone ;
it seems never to be used in any technical sense, and it
appears to have depended entirely on the speaker whether
any particular church was described by the expression
or not.
Four existing cathedrals, three roofless ruins, and the
fourth not used, were already in existence before the
Anglo-Normans came.
The chancel of Ardmore is an excellent specimen
of the Cyclopean masonry with large shapeless blocks,
and widish joints that is one of the distinctive architectural
features brought to Ireland from the Levant (fig. i).
It is of early character, and may be of any period from
the seventh century to the eleventh. All the details
that survive are later. In the churchyard is the little cell
of St. Declan, founder of the church, a chamber of similar
Cyclopean masonry, 13 ft. 4 ins. by 8 ft. 9 ins. the walls
2 ft. 5 ins. thick, with antae at either end. This tiny
sanctuary has an older look than the cathedral, and may
■possibly date back to the days of St. Declan himself and
belong to the fifth century. We have really no means of
dating these ancient buildings of Ireland except in the
most general way^ ; till recently the tendency has been
to assign their erection to periods most improbably early.
Shortly after the Anglo-Welsh invasion of Ireland,
' or possibly before, there was added a Norman nave, a
small plain structure with two splayed windows on either
side : both inside and out a string runs along at the level
' One or two only can be dated by n
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l^V\
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 347
of the arch-springs ; it bends round the window-heads,
and also bends needlessly half-way between as if for
windows that never were built. This nave has a later
western bay, only a little more recent than the rest, but
the masoniy is very clearly to be distinguished, the stones
being smaller, the joints equally wide, the string-course
discontinued. The west wall is pierced only by a narrow
window in the gable ; this is splayed within and its shafts
have rough leaf capitals. The space below on the exterior
is covered with very remarkable ornament, which is
obviously not in its original position. It consists of two
very wide round arches and an arcade of thirteen niches
above. These openings are largely filled in with the
rudest of bas-rehefs, representing both animals and men.
Among them are Adam and Eve, the judgment of
Solomon, the Virgin and Child, and the conversion of
an Irish chief who bows before the Christian missionary
while still holding his spear. The work shows on the
whole a lamentable falling off from the really excellent
details of earlier Celtic crosses, to say nothing of the
superb ornament of the world-known book of Kefls.
The chancel arch is an insertion of the fourteenth
century with round responds and capitals displaying
simple leaves. On the south side may still be seen a
little bit of the cushion capital of the original Romanesque
opening. In the modern church, which stands on another
site lower down the hill, is the old font, a late piece of
work, not earlier than 1500. Both bowl and base are
octagonal, and the former has flat arches with nothing
but pendants to spring from. Each side has an incised
panel with foliage in low reUef.
Close by the old cathedral on the south side and on
slightly higher ground there rises nearly a hundred feet
into the air one of the latest of the famous round towers
that still exist, apparently the work of the twelfth century. ^
The masonry is excellent ashlar, kept in regular courses,
in place of the neat rubble characteristic of the work
of earlier days. Thrice the structure is banded, and
above each string the diameter is slightly reduced, this
I Raand towcn \nit >tiU buUt for jtm it Annaghdoini, on tka borden of Longh
iflct the Aoglo-Noiman coDquOt. The Conib, u lite u 123S.
/'fur AfiuMrt Kcoid the erection at one
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34^ IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
being distinct from the battering of the walls. The
conical cap is entire, and just below are the usual four
windows provided to command the view ; their sides
are inclined and their triangular heads are simply pierced
through the masonry without the ordinary sloping stones.
The smaller windows lower down are square-headed or
round with single stone lintels. On the north-east side
(as usual facing the churches of the house and placed
some feet above the ground) is pierced a door with round
arch and sloping jambs. The tall round tower and the
httle roofless church (flg. i), looking over the village at
the foot of the hillside to the rippling waters of the bay,
form a delightful group, though it seems strange that
we must give the designation of cathedral to what in
any other land would be small for a village church.
GLEKDALOUGH.
At Glendalough the cathedral is merely one of a
considerable number of Uttle churches^ whose charm
is vastly heightened by the delightful scenery of the
valley in which they are built. The twin lakes, from
which the place is named, shut out from the world by
the wooded hillsides, form an ideal setting for the ancient
ruins, which owe quite as much to their sites as do
Fountains and Rievaulz themselves.
The nave of the cathedral is a very fine specimen of
ancient Irish work, remarkable for the massiveness of
its construction. * Though its dimensions are but 48^-
by 3c feet, the walls are no less than 3J feet in thickness ;
their lower portions with the antae and the western door
> Tbtj att called the leveD chuichet, ind the Tempul-na-duUig oc dupcl of
bat in the chief endoiure there ire but the rock. Lower down are two more '
four (the cathedral of SS. Peter and Paul, diurchn, St. Saviour'i on the bask of
the tempul Chaimhghin or St. Kevin'i Che itream and Ttiul^ on the (lope of
kitchen, a tiuj imnamed chapel cloie to the hiU. Thua there are nioe in all, in
it, and the to-called prieit't hoaie). The nun evei? one.
precinct) alio contain a large nibble round * The excellent pretervatioD of the
tower, whoK upper tquare-headed window) churdiei at Gleadalough ii
mn arranged to command the valei of in new of the deplorable condition of the
Glendalough and Glendaun from a height place throughout the later nuddle agea.
of OTei loo feet; the^ are entered bj a In the arduvet of ChiiiCchuich, DubHn,
remarkable gateway whole archet alinotc u the original Liiira Pailitnan miiurum im
•uggeet the work of imperial Rome. Cloie Hiheiaam, In 1114 ' Datainut Johmnei
bj, a little higher up, it the tempul Muirt Papiron, l^iitut,' found 1 biahop in DubBn
01 church of our Lady. Still aboTt, on and alio a rural biibop among the mount^na,
the ^re> of the lakea, are Reefeit church and artanged fat the anion of tbdr Mca.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
349
are built of large ashlar blocks of the local mica-slate,
no pains having been taken to place these with horizontal
bedding. On the south side are two original windows,
both round-headed, one with a rubble arch, the head
of the other cut in a single stone. The west door has
a projecting lintel, and over it is a relieving arch. There
are holes for hinges and for a wooden bar. The height
is 7 ft. 4 ins. and the jambs as usual slope together, the
CHURCH : CHANCEt ARCH.
width being 3 ft. 11 ins. at bottom and just 5 ins. less
at the top.
On the plain ashlar jambs at the east end a later
Romanesque arch ^ with zigzag has been raised (fig. 2) ;
'PciKtcrea ilia uncu cccloia, quie cit
quite, the priett'i home and St. Saviout't
to St. Laurence O'Toolc (abbot of Clen-
hlbentur ab intiquii propter unctum
dilough, ii!7-ii6i) on the itrength ol
a pauage in cap. ii of Meoingham'i
Done umen iu dcMrta at ct duoUla p«i
Flailegium to the effect that he tpeni
qiudnginU fen annoi, quod de ccclena
lacu en ipclunca Ucronum, foTCi f unim ;
alicat Archiumrc tj Ireland, p. 1 17. The
iU> »llc qium in liio loco Hibemiie
cathedral eatl window, with lome cirred
work 0! unuiual character {which ha>
peiithed), ii engrayed in E. Ledwidi'l
' In I letwr to Lord DunnTtn during
Antiqyina of JrtUml, Dublin, 17^^
1S64 Dr. Pitri* attributci the cathednl
pUte ii, fadng p. 39. )^^'^
1 .i K 1
. .,fo
'Hit
'^i'
' ■ . . 1.
^$0 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
its middle part is broken dovm. The Norman quire
(25 by 22 feet) is probably a little larger than the original
one. It is perfectly plain, with the familiar splayed
windows, a long aumbry rebated for shutter and a round
piscina drain. A linteUed doorway on the south opens
to a little chapel. In the north wall of the nave a
Romanesque door is also inserted ; it has three shafts
on each side without, and another in the inner edge.
The general character and mouldings of the Nonnan
parts exactly suit the date 1160.
CLONMACNOI8E.
While the churches of Gleodalough, like so many
English abbeys, owe much of their fascination to the
unexcelled beauty of their sites, those of Cloimiacnoise
^eem to be in surroundings not less appropriate and
certainly far more individual amid the desohite wastes
of the Irish bogs by the broad and winding Shannon,
the treeless dreariness relieved only by a few old ashes
almost destitute of leaves. Here also the cathedral is
one of numerous chapels in a group, all in ruin except
the tempul Conor, stiU in use. There appears to be no
good reason for doubting that the walb of the existing
cathedral are those referred to by the Four Masters under
date 924 : ' Oilman, son of Ailill, abbot of Cluain-Iraird
and Cluain-mic-nois, a bishop and wise doctor, died. It
was by him the daimhliag of Cluain-mic-nois was built.'
In fact it would seem to be the earUest of Irish churches
to which anything like an exact date can be assigned.
The only original features, however, are the antae or
continuations of the side walls that form buttresses to
the east and west fronts. In 1 104 the Four Masters
mention the completion of the shingling of the roof,
and they give us the very long names of those by
whom the work was done. The shingles presumably
were deemed an immense improvement on the primaeval
thatch.
How the rudeness of the actual building was as usual
compensated by the splendid and costly ornaments of
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IwaH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 3SI
the interior is interestingly set forth in a further entry
of 1 129 :
The alui of the grwt cburch of Clutin-mic-nois wm robbed, uid
jewels were carried off from thence, nftmely ike curican (model) of
Solomon's lemple, which had been presented bj Maelseachlainn, ion of
Domhnall . . . ; and the three jewels which Toirdhealbhach Ua
Conchobhair had presented, i.e. a silver cup with a gold cross over it,
and a drinking horn with gold ; the drinking cup of Ua Riada, king of
Aradh ; a silver chalice, with a burnishing of gold upon it, with an
engraving by the daughter of Ruaidhri Ua Conchobhair ; and the silver
cup of CealUch, successor of Patrick.
The altars of the ancient Irish church were usually
of wood, as is still the case in the eastern church. By
constitutions and canons made by archbishop John Comyn
at a provincial synod at Dublin in 1186,^ wooden altars
according to the usage of Ireland are forbidden; at the
least a slab of stone must be inlaid. There is on the
whole a marked absence of any remains of stone altars
in ancient Irish churches, though some do exist, for
example in the little unnamed church close by St. Kevin's
kitchen at Glendalough (p. 348). They are perhaps of
post-conquest date.
Though never enlarged (except by the erection of
a tunnel-vaulted vestry on the south with chamber above,
whose octagonal chimney with its domed top is still
a conspicuous feature of the ruins), the cathedral at
Clonmacnoise was considerably enriched in later days.
An ornate Romanesque doorway in five orders, now much
broken about, pierces the western wall. The outer order
projects, and has remarkable octagonal shafts with damaged
scallop caps.
In the middle of the fifteenth century a large north
door was pierced with rather ornate mouldings, showing
a cable pattern, and round the outer order foliage with
interlacing twigs, a dragon on either side. There are
figures of 5S. Patrick, Francis and Dominic, and the in-
scription : ' Doms Odo Decanus Cluanni fieri fecit.'
A register preserved at Armagh says that Odo, pretended
dean of Clonmacnoise, was in 1460 deprived by the primate, •
but in recording his death in the next year the Four
Masters teU us that Odo was ' the most learned man
* ClumpiiC7>, p. iSj.
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35^ IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
in all Ireland.' It was apparently as part of the same
improvement that the east end was altered by the odd
insertion of a vaulted roof openir^ by three arches and
two bays deep. There remain the very plain semi-
octagonal responds. These rather clumsily break into
a sedile niche with red stone shafts and just pointed arch,
work probably of about a century before. Above the
vault, within the original limits of the church, was con-
structed a chamber connected with that over the transept
vestry. ^
The large and late round tower (O'Rourke's) that
dominates the ruins at Clonmacnoise is interesting from
the fact that its present condition can be exactly explained
from documents. The lower part of good sandstone
ashlar, with round arched doorway, was finished in 1124;
the upper part, of rough limestone rubble, with eight rude
square-headed top windows only a little over fifty feet
from the ground, dates from a restoration after the tower
was struck by lightning in 1135.*
At Killaloe, close to where the Shannon issues from
Lough Derg, we may see the ancient architecture of
Ireland gradually becoming less rude and adopting
Romanesque details while still preserving the essential
features of such buildings as St. Columba's house at Kells
and St. Kevin's kitchen at Glendalough. In the yard
of Killaloe cathedral still stands a little chapel, which
was probably the bishop's church, with double roof of
stone' (fig. 3). The inner roof is a plain tunnel-vault,
' Dwelling-icmiiu fanning put of i Co m»[ of the old Iriih monumenO. It
ehuich »n frequently to be met with in ippean to me thit the eailiut powbk
Inlmd, Arcbaml. Jmit. iiv, 49. A plan date ii that of the famoui Brian Boni,
of the churchca at Clonmacnoiie ii given irboie pabce aC Kincora wa> cloM bf,
on page 109 of thii volume, and who ii recorded in a hiitoiy l,Wtr tf
* ThoK darei are irom liit Fair Masiai. tht Gail wilt ibi Caill, edited from the
Each ii pvtn hj the Cbrmxam Scelsmm Book if Leimur, copied c 1 1 50) qiMted
four year* carUer. bj Dr. Hyde {Literary Hitttry al Irdami,
*Dt. Petiie (EccUiiaiiical Ardntecturi 1899, pp. 439, 44]) to have built churdM*
if Inland, ampriiing an aiay en Tbi Round at KjUaloe and Inniicaltn, and a round
itatri, 1S4;, p. 176) originally aiugncd tower at Tomgrtncy in the uily yean
if buildini to St. Flinnan. who became al the elcTcndi century. More probably,
ai Champiuy> auggnti, the chapel ww
built mud) later in the uine centoiy.
D,„i,z.d, Google
FIG. 3. KILLALOE : CHAPEL AND CATHEDRAL CHUKCH,
D,gH,zed.y Google
354 I'^'S" CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
the outer one is of solid stone-work and extremely steep,
its straight sides of ashlar very well smoothed, though
not in quite regular courses ; along the eaves each side
is a projection just sufficient to throw the water off the
walls. These, as is fitting from the great weight they
have to bear, are exceedingly massive, 3 ft. 8 ins. thick,
though the internal dimensions are but 29 ft. 4 ins. by
18 ft. The facing stones are squared and smoothed, though
not very regularly laid, but there is hardly a suggestion
of the rudeness of the ancient Irish walls of rubble or
Cyclopean stones. The west and only doorway has a
plain round arch with chamfered abacus ; an outer order
is formed by ordinary ' Norman ' mouldings, the drip-
stone having billet ; there are rather large shafts, the
northern having rude Ionic volutes, the southern two
animals with a common head. The chancel arch with
plain chamfered abaci is nearly seven feet wide, but,
though the rest of the structure is in very good repair,
the chancel has completely vanished. The lower chapel
is dimly lit by a triangular-headed opening on either
side ; the upper chamber, only to be gained by a ladder,
has a similar window looking east and a round-arched
opening facing west. The sloping jambs of these upper
openings are very pronounced.
CASHEL : CORMAC 8 CHAPEL.
A great advance in every way is marked by the famous
chapel of Cormac on the rock of Cashel, which was
consecrated in 1135 (fig. 11). Except in dimensions,
indeed, it has much of the character of a real cathedral.
The extremely simple plan, nave, chancel and square-
ended altar recess, is acimirably relieved by the transept
towers. The very lofty and extremely steep-pitched
roofs of well smoothed limestone are most effective
features, while the outline is admirably varied by the
fact that the towers are not both alike, either in height
or in design. The northern one is lower than the south
and less enriched by arcading ; it is capped by a pyramidal
roof entirely of stone. The southern tower is divided
by stringcourses into no less than eight little stages, and
D,gH,zed.yGOOglC
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 355
it has a flat roof of flagstones. It contains a newel stair
to the chambers between the roofs, while the other tower
is open to the top.*
The tunnel-roof of the nave is sustained by heavy
arches springing from closely-set responds ; the chancel has
a ribbed quadripartite vault. The Hiberno-Romanesque
details, both within and without, are of the most beautiful
and ornate description.* At the east end of the chamber
over the nave are three arches, rather reminding one
of the entrance to a chapter-house : through the middle
one, down some steps, is the approach to the room over
the chancel. The upper part of the former chamber
was divided by a floor (as is so often the case in Scottish
castles) and the loft had its windows unsplayed, east
and west. The outer roofs are sustained by very sharply
pointed arches of tufa ; the whole workmanship is
surprisingly good and the water does not seem ever to
have soaked through. Very considerable engineering skill
is displayed in the construction of the building, more
than in contemporary structures elsewhere, despite the
smallness of the scale.
No church in the world of the same dimensions,
perhaps, is more beautiful than this most striking little
chapel. It displays the native architecture developing
in such a hopeful direction that one cannot help feeling
the profoundest regret that the conquest should so
abruptly have destroyed it. If. let alone the Irish might
have developed a style entirely their own, not merely
a national variety of mediaeval Gothic, but a mode of
construction as different from it on one side as Byzantine
work on the other. It is certainly strange that, while
adopting so many features of their delightful detail from
the east, they never borrowed its most distinguishing
feature, the dome, as the central object of a church. The
form had been familiar for untold generations in the
sepulchral chambers of their tumuli (such as New Grange),.
' Id clauic and renaiiraDce ^Tchitccturt, briutiful Chan vhcre, u at Notn-Dime,
iritb tlieir idcaU of perfect lymmetTy, Lc they arc both exactly alike.
u natural and pemap Inevitable that
nhtu twin >C«epIet arc tmplojFed (bey * They hara been fully deacribed by
■hould be of identical dengn. Gothic Dr. Petrie, EccUiiaitical ArditicUiri </
iritb il> greater latitude can allow iticlC Irdani, pp. 283-301. Comuc'i clupel i*
moR fcecdom in cbia mptct, and vhere at illuttraCed and panly detciibed in ArcbaaL
at LineuT, the twin towen differ widely Jtuni. vol. iii, 1813-181, and pp. 93-97 of
in dcBgn, the effect ii incompanbly man thii volume.
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35^ IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
though built on the principle of the corbel instead of
the arch.
On a hill that overlooks to the southward the beautiful
mountains and lakes of Killarney, at Aghadoe (the field
of the two yews), is a most interesting little roofless
church ; it bore the , name of cathedral, and, though
built in Anglo-Norman days, preserved the spirit of
the Celt, being close to an old round tower. ^ The
original founder was St. Finian the leper, but, although
a far higher antiquity has usually been claimed for it,
there seems to be no doubt that in the ruined nave we
have the structure whose erection in 1158 by AuliSe
Mor O'Donoghue is mentioned in the Aiinals of
Innisfallen. It is a structure of the usual form of Irish
Romanesque ; the walls are rubble, though formed of
largish stones ; they are pierced by small windows, splayed^
and in one case (on the north) a deep hne surrounds the
little monolithic arch. The only remarkable feature is
the ornate western door, which is shafted and furnished
with rather elaborate mouldings. The shafts have zigzag
lines with pellets, and the inner order on each side is
dented with ornaments adapted from Irish step-battle-
ments (fig. 4), 3 method of working details of which the
Irish were always rather fond. The arch over the battle-
ment moulding has zigzag, that over the shafts has lines
and balls ; still further out, over the projecting pilasters,
is an arch built up of fragments, balls and zigzag prominent
among them.
From the Annals of Innisfallen we likewise learn
that in 1234 the great church of St. Canice at Aghadoe
was raised by the successor of St. Kieran of Saigher.
This structure forms a sort of chancel to the same church
(fig. 7), but instead of piercing a suitable opening through
the eastern wall, the buUders provided a rough rubble-
> About bttj feet to the north'WCM of
the nthednl ii tlie lower part of a more
indeot round tower, now icircel; two
fulNmi hifb. It it built of wide jointed
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. J57
arched doorway in its northern part, completely
destroying one of the two original windows and taking
away the splay from one side of the other. The new
chancel is extremely plain ; its east wall is pierced by
two splayed lancets with a round relieving arch above.
The possession of cathedral status by such minute
chapels as those of which we have been speaking is
characteristically Irish, a legacy from earliest days. It
is almost unique in western Europe, for even the two
Icelandic cathedrals at Holar and Skalholt, though built of
timber, were of far more ample size, and the only parallel
AGHADOE : DETAILS
known to the writer is the old cathedral for the diocese
of Argyll on the island of Lismore near Oban. In the
east of Europe, however, whence Ireland's faith was
brought, cathedrals are frequently of most restricted
dimensions. The church of St. Eleutherios (nearly always
called the old cathedral or * metropolis ') at Athens,
measures only about 40 by 25 feet.
DUBLIN : CHRISTCHURCH.
Before the Anglo-Norman conquest of the land had
been even so much as proposed, other invaders of northern
stock had turned their dragon-prowed vessels toward
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35^ IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
Ireland, had founded cities and buiJt churches in a style
of their own on her fjords. The only fragment of their
work that has lasted to our day seems to be the exceedingly
interesting crypt of Christchurch in Dublin, part of
the structure raised in 1038 at the expense of Sigtryg
Silkbeard, Danish king of the city, by Donat, its first
Ostman bishop.* The Scandinavians evolved a veiy
distinctive form of Gothic of their own,' but that was
in later days. This structure displays no trace of
its influence, though it is not very IJJce contemporary
Romanesque work elsewhere. The plan is cruciform
with aisles to the five-bay nave; each transept extends
two bays, and the short quire of a single bay has
a most irregular three-sided apse with ambulatory
round. The south side bends inward considerably more
than the north ; the work is so very rough that this is
probably to be attributed simply to careless building.
The piers are very low, shapeless and huge ; the vaulting
is extremely solid, roughly round-arched. All is of rubble,
and from its resemblance to imdoubtedly native work
it seems likely that the actual workmen were Irish, though
the whole design, and particularly the existence of tie
apse, mark a great departure from the Celtic past. ^
The upper church was rebuilt by the renowned Richard
Strongbow, * with the help of archbishop Laurence O'Toole
(p. 349) and others about the year 1170. It seems,
' Dr. A. G. Rfdei, in hii notet oa Clihit- opponu p. 51;), it evidently hul nirc uid
dniTch, <litcd Ftbnuir, 18S4, ippEnded nila of eiglu h»jt, 1 low uid heiTf town
to Canon Lccper't Huuriad HaiUbiiak U linng over the fiftb bi; fmn the wot
St. Patrick't Caihtirai, uyi the ciypt it on the north tidt. Etttwud the cithednl
put of Stiongbow'i ehurchjbut, in company wu eitcodcd three btfi bj' the lower
with Sir Tliomw Drew >nd othen, I feel Tiini^ diurch. The weW front wu
Hire that he i* .wrong. irideoed \>j two chapelt, north and louth ;
. . . , , , ;. 1 ■ on the northein lide ptojected other
'" '","■', '■■»"• ■"/■«"l«'l - ^,,1^ l,d„dbi tbit l=i.M b, J»»
eipedallr p. ifi; mij.
t remiini in the ante-chapel of the
' Of the Diniih cathedral at Waterford euiting church. According to a borriUe
nothing now turrivet except the bottom occanonal cuttom of the age, fiogi and
of a thirteenth-centUTj cluitered column, woimi ire reprcKnted crawhng from the
which nu7 iCiU be acen under the floor decaying corpac.
of the church which replaced it in 177}- ' Among the ytif lew mediaenl monn-
The lofty and leij luiking apire of Ihii menCa are eSgiei nippoMd to repmcat
fine clatnc biuldingf deiigned hj John Strongbow and bit ion, whom be ilcw
Roberta, dominatea the whole city. Prom for cowardit« in fight. Aa the larger
the pbo and viewi of the mediaeral church, effigy bean the arma of FitaOtmond, it
gireu in Hanit' edition of Ware') Hiilay hai clearly been nibititated for the orj^nal
tf ttt BiUnifi Bf Irtlewi (DubUn, 1739, one.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 359
however, that they desired to remove the old church
rather because th^ felt that they could improve upon
its form than because it showed signs of decay. If it
resembled its crypt, its massive fabric might have with-
stood the badness of the foundation on a peaty bog and
the neglect of centuries better than the structure that
actually rose upon its site. The existing transepts, though
very much restored, are part of this first English church
(fig. 5). They are good examples of Gothic first emerging
from Romanesque. TTieir rubble walls are pierced by a
Norman south door with shafts,* and a plain arch of
ItTO-TtnMkur^tUn
FIC. 5. PLAH OF CHKICT<;BDKCH, DUBLIN.
the same character leads into the rebuilt chapel of
St. Laurence O'TooIe* (archbishop, 1162-1180) on the
east of the south transept ; the end windows are in the
same style. The side wails are pierced by round blindstory
arches, each enclosing two little pointed openings. In
the clerestory are grouped lancets, and the roofs are plain
quadripartite vaults.
The nave is rather later in date, having been built
in the early part of the thirteenth century, that golden
' Thu doarynj ini mo*cd from the Triuitatii,' but thii don not tern to
north tnnwpt id iSji. hive lOccted the n»c. Hie prewnt
toner u pncticiU}' modeni. Tke church,
* Gnce'i Aiaali of Irdand record in like othen, wu cdled Ttini^ or ChriM-
Tz^j : ' AnitDubliniu pm ct cunp*nile cburcb intercbuigaUiIj.
,GoogIe
360 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
age of Gothic art that enriched Europe with so many
glorious fanes. The large piers are lightened by banded
shafts whose foliage capitals with frequent heads do
much to recall local peculiarities in Somerset. Above
the well-moulded arches rise blindstory and clerestory,
both comprised under one arch and each pierced by
triple lancet arches, each middle one trefoiled. Of the
original work only the north wall and arcade remain,
and there are indications that the sixth and last bay on
the west, beyond the crypt, was not part of the first design :
the whole leans outward about a couple of feet. This
may have been intended, but it seems more likely that
it was caused by the slippery foundations which caused
the whole south part to collapse in the reign of Elizabeth.
This disaster and the subsequent rebuilding are recorded
in an inscription :
THE : RIGHT : HONORABL : T : ERL : OF : SUSSEX : L : LEVTNT :
THIS : WAL : FEL : DOWN : IN : AN : 1562 X the : bilding
OF : THIS : WAL : was : in : an : 1570.
Though this lettering was preserved, the whole of the
sixteenth-century work (which seems to have justified
Edmund Spenser's criticisms of church restoration in
Ireland^) was destroyed by Street when he restored or
rather rebuilt the church.^ So anxious was he to bring
back, and even to improve upon, the original appearance
in the thirteenth century, that he raised and greatly
enriched the arches of the tower, and destroyed a long
square-ended extension of the quire' that in the fourteenth
century had taken the place of the apse, re-erecting the
apse itself with the three square-ended vaulted chapek*
that open from the ambulatory to the east. The work
' 'Nat are in leligion ii to buiMe up tlitre u nothing in the Kemelfe fome,
and rt-ptjK all the ruinoui churchci, where- uut GonKlf orden of tike church ' {Fieu t)
of the matt put lyt even with the grouDdc, the Halt if Irdamd : we Wtria, Globe tA.
and tome that hive bene litelj' repijred p. 6So).
ireioeunhandKimetTepatchedandthatdied, 'In it-jo-itjf at the eipeme of Mr.
that men doe even ibunite the pUcei lor Heniy Roe.
the uDCOmelinea therof ; theifoie I > The work of John de St. Paul, aich-
would wiih that there were order taken biihop, 1349-1362. The itructure ii aid
to hire them builte in totnt better forme, to ha*e been verj poor. It tayi muck
■ccording to the cburchei of Eogluid ; for for the nUHiTeaeu of the ciypt that »
the outward ihewe (anure 70U1 ulfe) doth care wu taken to itrengtheo iti rault betore
greatVe dnwe the rode people to the building willi and piUara npoa it
mcrendng and fiequentiDg therof, what * St Edmund, St. Marj the WUtc ami
e of OUT late to nice fooie* aajc, St. L
D,„i,z.d, Google
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 561.
is extremely well done, many of the original carved stones
are fitted in,* and the interior effect is most striKng,
giving the character of a noble cathedral with the
dimensions of a moderate-sized church. The original
appearance of the nave was rather unusually elaborate,
especially the lancets of the aisles with their five-times-
banded shafts.
^
FIG. 6. CHKI3TCHVKCH, DUBLIN : SOVTH SIDE.
The exterior is almost entirely renewed, and the
effect of the low central tower and extremely short quire
(with its mbshapen apse, having the east wall much
longer than the north and south) is by no means very
' Maaj wen mUMt lying ucultc tlic iOrU left b; the fall of the Mutb aieide,
■uie floor, which had been nuied in lertl nultiiig, etc.
to iToid the trouble of cleuing nnj the
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
362 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
satisfactory (fig. 6), though greater importance is given
to the building by the new chapter-house and library
extending on the site of an ancient chapel set irregularly
to the north-east, a baptistery on the north side of the
nave, and the synod-hall approached by a covered passage
across the street. This fast occupies the site and in-
corporates the tower of the church of St. Michael, a
fine fourteenth-century structure with four square turrets
very nearly as large as the cathedral tower itself.
By St. Laurence O'Toole the cathedral was placed
in charge of Austin canons of the congregation of Arrouaise.
The cloister was on the south side of the nave ; little
remains except the foundations of the beautiful rectangular
chapter-house. It was vaulted in four bays with clustered
shafts. Eastward was a large triplet ; westward a door
with window aside opened into the cloisters, all of early
thirteenth-century character. ^
DUBLIN : ST. PATRICK S,
In a spot known as the Insula between two branches
of the little stream of Poddle, a tributary of the LifFey,
archbishop John Comyn founded a coUegiate church
which took its name from an old parochial one on the
site. It was consecrated on St. Patrick's day, iigi.
Tradition, reinforced by the discovery in 1901 of an
ancient Celtic cross of granite on the site, claims for this
church an origin in the very earliest times. ' Here, without
the city walls of Dublin, the primate was lord of the
manor, and in his new foundation he looked forward
to ampler control than he could exercise in the monastic
< Tbe origiiul Four couiQ were built ■ Pcifaipt founded by St. Pitridc kinuelf ,
wbcn the cloitter had been, uid one of for, at Dr. Bcnuird {fotmeilj dean, now
the approachei wii through a diik purage iriiibuhop) pointi out in hit cictlkat
from the cut called Hell. Thii hai bittoiy lad deKiiptioD of the cathednl
gEnenlly been nippoied to hive been the (G. Bell A Soto, IJ03), p. 4, 'io Celtic
^fpe between the chaptet-hDUK lod the timei churchei were sever dedicated Ca
tnniept wiU, on north of the cbapCei- nori'Scriptunl taioti except in the cue
houie, but Groee'i dnifiag {Ami^lui af of the actual fouodtn.' The ground mnat
Jriildmt, i79r, vol. i, p. ;)thowi the chapter- indeed have been holy when IieUnd'i
house iCiclf forming a paiiage, the batei freatett church wai built on nich a quaJdog
of ill ihaftt, etc. covered up with earth. bog. The oiigiual St. Patiick'i well wn
The aaine hell origiiuted from ■ blackened dote to the towci ; there it another
old figure which tome one pretended to within the church at the entrance to the
miitike for the denL touth quire aiile.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 363
cathedral of the Trinity. Beside the new church he
buiJt a palace for himself which, in the true spirit of that
crusading age, he named after the Holy Sepulchre.
By his successor, Henry de Loundres, St. Patrick's
was made a second cathedral, in 121 3 ; its relation to
the older one is somewhat bafHing. An arrangement,
called ' Pacis compositio,' was arranged by archbkhop
Ferings in 1300. The archbishops were to be consecrated
and enthroned in Christ church and it was ordained
' quod ecclesiae predictae sint ad invicem cathedrales
etiam metropoliticae : ita quod ecclesia S. Trinitatis
tanquam major, matrix, et senior, in omnibus iuribus
ecclesiae seu negotiis praeponatur.'^
Despite its name, St. Patrick's resembled many other
f:eat foundations on Irish soil in being very exclusively
nglish. In 1514, by a 'compositio realis' between
the archbishop and the dean and chapter, ' the ancient
custom of this church is confirmed and ratified that all
Irishmen by blood and nation, and all who conform to
them in mode of life, are shut out from being members
of this cathedral.' We need not then be surprbed to
find this feature very strongly reflected in the architecture
of the building itself ; indeed, excepting its name and
its site, there is hardly anything Irish about it, not even
the greater part of its materials.
The two west bays of the south aisle of the nave
(fig. 7*) seem to date from about the time of the foundation
of Comyn. They are simply vaulted with stone ribs
rising from quaint little shafts whose capitals resemble
Norman scallop work. This part is so much lower than
' Tbt documtnc ii piinud in Monck Chriitt Church, which in ill recoidt hith
Muon'i Hillary of St. Patruh'i Caibtdrat, the pKheminen^ of place.'
iSzo, p. viii. Joha Allen, archbithop I am not aware of laj eiact panllel lot
temp Henij VIII, laya St. Patrick'! u thia duplicalian of alhednU for tht ume
'united with the cathedral of the Hot; diocoe in the ume citf, though iti appareat
Ttinit]' in one ipouie, unng to the other caute — atnincd leLationi between a hiihop
charch the prerdgative of honour.' and hii chapter — ww bf no meani unknown
Campioa'i History of InLadj under date eltewhere. There i> lome reaembiaace in
I iSz, ajt, ' Diven contention! were railed the badlicM at Rome and the cilbedrala in
between Chiiia Church and it for aatiquit; Moacow.
wherein thej of St. Patrick'! are (no doubt] * On thii plan I have thought it belt
inieriour, u iludl appeaie. The^ are both toigsoretheiactthatmntoftliethirteenth-
written Catfaedrall Churchea, and both ceatui; work, including the whole natth
■re the Biiliop'! Chapiter, in whoie elecrion cranaept, hai been rebuilt. It ii moat
tiitj both ought to convent mthin the difficult to i<i»f;nj«i!.t. preciaelj between
Church of the bleaaed Trim^, ctUed the old and new building.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
364 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
the rest that a chapter-house is provided above it, and
Sir Thomas Drew conjectured that it formed the original
gateway ; this does not seem very lilcelv.
Henry had been present at the consecration of
Salisbury cathedral in 1225, and the influence of that
church on the design is exceedingly marked, especially
in die arrangement of the lady chapel, perhaps in the
absence of a central tower, * but St. Patrick's is on a con-
FIC. 7. THE LARGEST AND IMALLEST IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES
COMPARED : ST. FATUCE'S (DUBLIN) AND ACHADOE.
siderably smaller scale, its total length being but 300 feet
instead of 473. Nave, transepts and quire are all
shortened, the nave from ten bays to eight, the transepts
from four to three, the quire from seven to four. The
east transept of Salbbury and also the great north porch*
are at St. Patrick's omitted, but on the other hand the
> M SiHaburj' the belli were bung in
a gnat detached toircT which mi dcttroyed
in the cighUcnCh centucy bj Wyitt. If
one may judge ftam che trcho that now
witb difficulty nuUin tlie loftieU of Engliih
ijm, little in the ynj of a middle neeple
u originally coDtempIated.
■Bath lh« St. Pitrid') porcbn aie
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 36$
great transept has aisles both east and west, instead of
(as at Salisbury) eastern alone. Both churches are built
of West of England oolite stone.
As Dr. Bernard points out (p. 9), the first documentary
notice of the building of St. Patrick's is in the Patent
roll for 1225, when a protection * was issued for four
years for the preachers of the fabric of the church of
St. Patrick's, Dublin, going through Ireland to beg alms
for that fabric' TTie exterior is severely plain, as is
not unusual in great thirteenth-century churches ; the
original windows are all lancets, the buttresses are gable-
topped, the parapets have Irish step-battlements ; on
the north of the nave and on both sides of the quire are
a few pinnacles and flying buttresses ; the west front
has large and rather heavy square turrets, the transepts
have smaller ones also square, while the quire has octagonal
turrets, but from old prints it is clear that much of all
this is new. Eastward of the quire is a superb lady-chapel
of four bays, the two western of which are of five aisles,
continuing the full width of the church, but the two
east bays are of three aisles only. As at Salisbury the
triforium arcade is carried across the east wall of the
quire ^ with five arches above at the clerestory level. All
liiese in St. Patrick's are pierced ; at Salisbury, only three.
While behind the altar at Salbbury three arches open
to the lady-chapel and its aisles, there is at St. Patrick's
only one, with a niche on either hand, so that only the
middle part of the chapel is seen. In both cases, however,
the view is enriched by a sight of the eastern triplet
of the lady-chapel above the reredos of the high altar.
The St. Patricks lady-chapel is traditionally assigned to
archbishop Eulk de Saundford (c. 1270), and its erection
probably marked the completion of the church in general
accordance with the original design.
The interior is spacious and striking, and though in
its present form it is mainly modem,* the general character
of the original is fairly well preserved. The central
arches and the vaulting between them, with some of the
> At St. PiCrick'i three aTchn, each ' CarptDtir
mbdividcd into two, with a nidie hif^ reipoiuibk, bi
up on either lide ; at Saliiburj fire ample done without <
■rdm rinng from diuUred ■baiti.
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366 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
Stone roofing of the aisles, are the genuine work of the
thirteenth century : other parts have been largely rebuilt,
and the nave vault is lath and plaster, as a heavier weight
could hardly be borne. Most of the pillars are octagonal.
with three shafts to support each arch and one each for
the vaulting of centre and aisles (fig. 8), but there is some
variety : the pillars of the east aisle of the transept are
oblong and have their shafts differently arranged. Above
the large and well-moulded lancet arches the blindstory
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 367
has in each bay two small arches comprised under a larger
one, and the clerestory is lit by single lancets, except
that the middle bay of each transept, which is slighdy
wider than the other two, has triplets both east and
west ; this b also the case in the quire, where, however,
only the central lancet is pierced. In the nave the two
upper stories in each bay, as at Christchurch, are com-
prised under a single arch,^ but in the quire and the
transepts they are divided by a string.
The beautiful lady-chapel was once gutted, so that
practically everything is modern, though the original
design has been fairly preserved. There is a distinct
reminder of the quire of the Temple church in the way
that the vaulting springs Irom the slender clustered shafts
without any intermediate arches.*
Partly from the very bad foundations and partly
because of fires, the structure has frequently been a source
of much anxiety to its guardians. C5nly about a century
after the original building, a fire in 1362 necessitated
the reconstruction by archbishop Minot of the four west
bays on the north of the nave. This was carried out
with a certain amount of variety in plan. The plain
octagonal pillars of the new work have shafts against
them only for the vaulting of the aisles and to carry
the inner orders of the elaborately moulded arches.
These are higher than the others (fig. 8) ; the two eastern
ones reach the stringcourse under the blindstory, and
the two western ones cause it to be a few inches higher
than elsewhere. The stories above are very much the
same in design as in the rest of the nave, except that the
vaulting shafts rest on corbels between the blindstory
■ A ikctdi by S. O'C. Nemnluin in »me idea ol the extent of nbuilding thit
itaS (Bemird, p. ai) ihowi tlie blindttoiy bad to be done. ' All tbe iTcha in tbe
Mcket entirel;r Eoue, )0 that the pauage choir were encinir cloKd, and four in the
along the clereitoiy it intertuptcd in each other paiE of the building. Moaumentt
hwf. The nare hta a timber roof, and the filled lome and gallcriei cut acroH othen,
piUan are deprived of mott of their ihafta. for the lupport of which the capital) of the
Tlie weat window ii a laije five-light pillan were cut away to let in joitti. , , .
apeninginthei^le of thefifteenth century, The lomt windovn of the choir were of
though it only dated from the end of the all lorti of ihapci and hetghti ; aome to
aetenteenth. It Eui been lupeneded by >uit oveni put into them by Ohvei Crom-
thne great lancet! to match the other arm irell, Kime to make vaulta. . . . lie
of the church ; but thii ii a veiy qucatioa- lady-dupel wia in ao diigiaceful a itate
^le improvement. that, after having had all the origiiLal liae»
* A Utter by dean Pakenham, publiifaed taken accurately by Mr. Carpenter, the
in vol. vii (1S50) of the EcdniolifUt, give* old building wit totally taken down.'
D,„i,z.d , Google
368 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
Openings instead of reaching the ground. The beautiftil
fourteenth-century window of three lights with flowing
traceiy at the west end of the aisle dates from the same
time, and to Minot is also attributed the great tower
with four square turrets which still bears his name. ■• It
appears certain that in reality this was a much older tower,
against which the church was originally built,' and that
what the archbishop really did was to re-face and to
heighten it. It is extremely massive, the walls are ten
feet thick and the work is extremely plain except fw
the two-light upper windows in the style of the fourteenth
century. A most unflattering account of the masons is
to be gleaned from a register of St. Patrick's, commencing
1367, among the manuscripts quoted by Ware*: 'After
the burning of St. Patrick's church, sixty stragUng and
idle fellows were taken up, and obliged to assist in re-
pairing the church and building the steeple ; who when
the work was over returned to their old trade of begging ;
but were banished out of the diocese in 1376, by Robert
de \Wkef ord ' (archbishop 1375-1390). The octagonal
franite spire was added in 1749 from a design by George
emple (the builder of the old Essex bridge over the
Liffey), money for the purpose having been left by John
Stearne, dean 1704-1713, and atterwards bishop of
Dromore (1713) and Clogher (1717-1745).
Few great churches have experienced stranger vicissi-
tudes. As early as 1320 archbishop Alexander de Bicknor
set up a university in the cathedral, whose work seems
to have consisted chiefly of lectures given by its own
clergy; but, as Ware* says, 'for want of a sufficient
' He Cook u bii ki1 ■ biibop holding bat it it niMt unlikelj tlut a town wooU
■ Meeplc. be aiitd in luch ■ poudoii], (z) from tkt
' Mt. p. M. Johutoa writei to me : huge nuunienea of the Cower, friiich
'I think the con of the lower pirt of woulil hive been mon niiubk for milioiy
St. Patridfi tower ii probablj Dinith of purpoiei, but hu no apparent leuon is
the eleventh unniry.' I ara inclined to a bell'tower ol a church, {3) fnun the bet
attribute it to about that date from iti thac the tower openi bf 1 mete iaomuf
genenl character and the four lai^e round- and not hj an arch, (4] from tbe gieu
arched receuea in the walli of the tinging improbabilitr that » important a bnildiag
chamber. That it ia at anf rate older ai St. Patiick'i would lack a tower for u
than the church leeou evident (i) from mxaj jan, while there i« no trace el zttf
it> not joining at right-angle>, but nuking other hiving eiiited. llie itair ia bnilt
an awkward projection into the aiale (kc on the corbel principle, without ■ cotial
plan, fig. 7), [Deaire tor lome particular newel, but auch are uinal in Ireland boA
ui> to the cbuich or carelenneu in aetdng in militarr and eccleaiutical bniUSngi.
it out might obXj put the cathedral at a * Biibtfi, p. jj],
ali^t i^Ie Co iQ tlittAj eiiiting tower, * Bubtpi, p. 330.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 369
fund to maintain the students, by degrees it dwindled
to nothing.' In the reign of Edward VI part of the
church was turned into a law-court. In that of Elizabeth
it was very nearly decided to make the cathedral the
seat of a new university, but this unsatisfactory plan
was defeated, largely, by the opposition of archbishop
Loftus, who secured instead the far more suitable site
of the Augustinian house of All Hallows, still occupied
by Trinity college. The cathedral chapter was preserved,
one day to be presided over by Jonathan Swift, the
chief of the worthies of Dublin. The lady-chapel has at
different times been used as a church for conformist
Huguenots and for the inauguration of the knights of
St. Patrick. 1
The church possesses hardly any mediaeval monu-
ments, but there are some late brasses^ as well as really
striking and interesting memorials of more recent date
that do much for the appearance of the aisles. By far
the most remarkable is the huge four-storied seventeenth-
century monument erected on the site of the high altar
by Richard Boyle, first earl of Cork.*
The only Irish cathedral whose architectural history
is as complicated and difiicult to disentangle as are those
of most of the English ones is St. Miary's at Limerick
(fig- 9)' A small building, about i6o feet long and with
the only tower at the west end, its external appearance
is that of a mere parish church, but within the long line
of stalls,* extending to the west end of the nave, and the
' Tlku order d*tei 011I7 from 1 783 ; iltar antigoiuKd ■ powerful fimUji, ud
nnce 1871 it hii had notluDg lo do with grtatlj contributed to hii fall. It it now
the churdi, but mtaj of iti bnnen hang at the witi end of the nave. For the good
over the quiie ttalk. order in which the church appcan to-daj
■ Dean Sutton, 1 51S : dean Fjchc, 1J37 ; the world » indebted to the demotion of
Sir Henry Wallop, 1599; Sir Edward Fitton, Sir Benjamin Guinneu and Lord Iieagh.
of Gawiworth, Cheihire, 1 579. ' Many of them are oak-work of the
* Thii ii one of the very Snett of it) Efleenth centuiy with caned mi»ericordi
kind i there are the uiual columni and of lotoe tpirit, interating u being amoBg
csmicei with figurei on four ieieli. One the eitremely aouily tpecimeni of mediaeril
of tbe unalleit repruenti the famoui woodwork that Ireland bu to ihow. They
Robert afterward! detciibed ai ' father of are figured by T. J. Weitiopp : Roy. Sk.
Pnemnatic Fhilonphy and brother of the ^iir, IriUnd, 1S91, p. 74.. Help from hii
Earl of Coik.' Stiafford't thare in getting plan of the cburdi it very gratefully
thit itnictuFe remored from behind the acknowledged.
D,„i,z.d , Google
370 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
added transepts, so numerous as to present the effect
■of double aisles, give much of the character of a cathedral,
the appearance being rather continental. Lavish restora-
tion with a Uberal use of plaster has done very much
to obscure the history of the building.
The church was founded by Domhnall O'Brien, king
of Munster (d. 1194) ; he lies at rest in the quire under
a slab vfiih ornate cross, animals and interlacing scrolls.
His work evidently consisted of an oblong west tower,
nave of three bays, with narrow aisles engaging the tower,
square transepts and very short quire. The heavy square
piers have corner-shafts with very simple capitd^, mere
L»«I5""»i.e».rlyl6^
LIUEUCE CATHEDBAI. CHOTICH.
abaci with little pieces of carving here and there. On each
side of the nave are three plain pointed arches vrith flat
soffits, and above them five round-headed clerestory
windows with a passage along. There still remain plain
scallop-cap corbels for arches across the aisles, and other
plainer little blocks of stone to sustain their wooden
roofs. The only further existing detail which seems
contemporary is the west door of the tower, which has
four orders, the two outer ones with detached shafts.
Some of the capitals have characteristic Celtic interlacing
work.
The solemn gloom of this primitive Gothic was un-
satisfactory to later ages : in the fourteenth century an
inserted tall arch with filleted shafts opened more widdy
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 37 1
to the nave the three large kncets in the west wall of
the tower, the upper part of which appears to date from
about the same tirne. The two-hght windows have
their tracery varied. The turrets and battlements are
modem ; the old summit was destroyed in the siege of
1690-1691.
During the fourteenth century also the quire was
slightly lengthened (or possibly only rebuilt) : in its
north and south walls remain rather poor windows of
the period. The great east triplet is modern. The
sedile bench is open below, and in the back of the recess
is a round window. At or about the same time as the
lengthening of the quire, there was built on the south a
chapel open to it by a plain ogee-headed door, and to the
transept by two arches : this is now turned into a vestry
and modernised. In the transept are a double piscina
under a trefoil arch, a sepulchral recess with cinquefoiled
arch and pinnacles, and three most beautiful sedifia, their
trefoiled arches resting on shafts with spiral fluting, while
a merchant's mart is worked into the base of two arches.
This seems a late use of spiral fluting, which in England
is generaUy Norman, ^ though it reappeared in renaissance
ornament.
Probably in the early fifteenth century, a chapel was
added on the north of the quire, opening by a fine archway
with triple shafts aside, and by an ogee-headed door
similar to that on the other side. The arch, which breaks
one of the side windows of the quire, is now blocked by a
large and rather fine renaissance monument to an earl
of Thomond, restored after damage in wars by an earl
of Limerick in the late seventeenth century. A house
stands on the site of the chapel.
During the first part of the fifteenth century also
very wide and lofty new transept arches were inserted,
elongated corbels carrying their thin inner orders. The
object of this rather questionable improvement was
evidently to throw open the remarkable end windows
of the transepts, each of which consists of three great
' It ii not veiy comnuiQ ; there I> an
ciuupk It FocUingtOD, Yo A>. on * iluft now
tooM in the north dupcL Chunpneji
data the beiutiiul acdilU at Limeiick
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
372 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
trefoiled lancets under a single arch, and another lancet
on either side. They appear to be insertions of the
fourteenth century, for m Ireland lancets are common
in every period.
During the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries
were added those peculiarly Irish transept chapels that
give the building its special character. On the south
the three eastern ones are open to each other to form
C.
LIMERICK CATHEDRAL CHURCH I
an outer aisle, and the old vt^aU of the inner aisle is pierced
by three pointed arches which are perfectly plam and
covered with modern plaster except the capitals, which
look like an imitation of Norman work. The chapel
furthest east has a very remarkable five-light window,
whose head is pierced by a multitude of little openings,
like net-work stretched with perfectly vertical divisions
(fig. lo). The other windows are of the familiar inter-
secting muUion type, one of three lights and the other of
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 373
two. In the corner south of the tower is another chapel
with chamber above. This has ornate modern fittings
with recumbent effigy for lord Glentworth (d. 1844).
To the great transept on the north side is added
westward another chapel in the form of a still larger
and more protuberant transept, which has happily never
been thrown open by an arch to the nave, but looks into
it through the original arcade and clerestory windows.
Its end wall is pierced by five huge lancets, and under
them are some square-headed windows in the style of the
late fourteenth century. In this, known as the Arthur
chapel, is a very large stone altar slab, with the usual five
crosses, standing on small stone legs. The Arthur chapel
occupies two bays, and two smaller chapels continue its
projection to the west face of the tower. These now
form lady-chapel and baptistery, and have modern vaults
in plaster and wood.* No part of the church is vaulted
in stone. *
CASHEL : THE CATHEDRAL.
The situation of the cathedral, which looks down
upon the golden vale of Tipperary from the renowned
rock of Cashel, is entirely unrivalled in Ireland, and the
building itself is one of the most original and impressive
in the island. It consists of a very massive central tower
with long and lofty quire and transepts, each having two
east chapels, a very short nave of only two bays' originally
' Fiom J. Fenar'a Huury tf Limtrick the front >t the wut. The whaU centnl
(1787) it tppean that the church had pocdoii tui diwppcared. The wctt p>rt
fonntrly Elaboiite muisancc fitting! with lecmi ilightlj Utei than the cut ; it>
Corinthian column) lumunding the altai vaulting ihaiti an filleted and (piiog itom
ind throDC. The mtoration alwuc ig6a ttruigeljr curving corbekj each tide will
under Mr, Slater'i direction it deicribed had a paiaage on two levelsf and a paiug«
b the EccUiUltpit, im'im. The cathedral pauet along the wett gable. The icaffoldiDg
in ici preient condition ii deicribed by halei are coatpicuDua. The altar pbtform
Mr. T. J. Wntropp in J{. S«. .4fil. /rfianJ, itiU lurvivei; there are two moulded
1S9S, pp. iil-ili. round-headed tediha. A clumtjr tiaceried
'At Newtown Trim are the ruini at a window replaced the beiutihil eaitem
remarkable monaitic cathedral of the early triplet, but Tciy little urriTci.
thiiteenth centuty, a church forming a * It ti not eaij to account for thi> rather
ample oblong, 136 by ]o feet, and vaulted capridoua reduction of the nave to a mere
throughout. It ii particularly deicribed veitibule of the trauept. From tbt
with iketch plan on p. loS of chii Tolume. aeithetic point of view it waaanqueitioiiabljF
There are pilaater bnttreuei both on the a miatake, ai it placei the two great towen
front and lidei at the eait end ; only on lo dote tt^ethet that they fre<]uently
, Google
374
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
with large north and south porches, of which only the
south porch remains, and a military west tower which
formed the residence of the primate of Munster. There
are no aisles (fig. ii).
A very fine old round tower* joins the north tran-
sept in its north-east comer ; Cormac's chapel extends
irregularly between the south transept and the quire. Its
west wall is clumsily incorporated with the east wall of
the transept, reducing its eastern chapels to mere recesses
instead of their being quite deep projections, as on the
north. The north tower of the chapel just touches the
south wall of the quire, leaving a little open court in
the angle of the transept (west of the tower) ; a short
wall connects the north-east corner of the chapel with
the quire, and the space enclosed (east of the tower) was
roofed to form a Uttle chapel.
appear joined is a ntfaer eonfuied and
inaitiitic nuH. Tlie nuumet lii which the
round tower and Comuc'i chapel ire
incorporated alto leiTn modi to be deured.
Ai a general rule the happy blending d[
the work of different aget ii a great glory
of Bfidih architecture. Here, howeTer,
the general effect i> almoit at incongruout
■tinthecathednl it Aii-Ia-chipelle, vhoie
later quire and namcrout chapelt lecin to
cling to the octagon vrith lixteeD-iided
ambubtarj built hj Charlei the great like
■hell-fiih to a ttone.
' The lower part it rubbk, the rot nrj
good athUr in imall regular lacditone
blocb. Tlie door, louth-eaic, it luoal
tome feet {rom the ground, hai a round
arch; the other openingt have linteli
except the tap windowt which haie tri-
angular beadt cut in eingle ttonei. Tiic
conical roof it perfect. The tower riiet
Co the height of 77 feet.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 375
Ware^ says that the founder of Limerict cathedral
* built a new church there (at Cashel) from the foundation,
about the time of the arrival of the English, in the reign
of Henry II, which he endowed with lands, and converted
Cormac's old church into a chapel or chapter-house, on
the south side of the choir.' This is puzzling ; for the
whole of the present building is clearly half a century
later. The middle tower rests on lancet arches (each
of three orders and bevelled) that rise from filleted shafts,
aU banded except the central ones ; little heads look out
from the foliage of their caps in a manner characteristic
of Somerset. The space between is covered by a simple
quadripartite vault with a central bell-hole. All the
four arms had high timber roofs ; the corbels to support
them still remain. The windows are tall lancets with
banded shafts, quire and transepts having triplets at
their ends. The chapels of the north transept have
lancets in pairs, separated by mullions. In the spandrels
of the side lancets of the quire are strange Uttle additional
windows, quatrefoils without and within, moulded
segmental arches above and below, shafts at the sides.
Among other enrichments are trefoiled and gabled niches
in the corner pilaster buttresses of the transepts, and
high up in their gables, above the great triplets, rose
windows of which only the centres are pierced. These
were open to the church on account of the tall timber
roofs, and one result they have is slightly to depress the
inner arches over the middle lancets. The lancets them-
selves have been rather clumsily reduced in height.
The western of the two narrow little bays of the nave
was roofed over by a vaulted stone gallery, but little
more remains than a clustered respond in the centre
of the west wall and the lower part of a flight of steps.
The vestibule below the gallery was extended north and
south by two porches opening by arches (with filleted
shafts and foliage caps) like transepts, recalling, though
on a smaller scale, the ante-chapels of New college,
Magdalen, Merton, and AU Souls' at Oxford. The north
porch has entirely disappeared ; the other one is still
perfect.
' Bidapt, p. 464.
D,gH,zed.y Google
^y6 IRISH CATBEDRAL CBURCHES.
Ware^ tells us that archbishop Richard O'Hedian
(1406-1450) ' built a hall for his vicars choral, whom
he also endowtd. ... He repaired some of the archi-
episcopal palaces in his manors ; and (which ought not
to be concealed) new-built the cathedral of St. Patricl, ;
or at least repaired it from a very ruinous condition in
which it then was.' The vicars' hall vrith other chambers
adjoin the curtain-wall of the rock on tht south. They
are very plain, and some of the windows are enclosed by
ogee arches. It is very evident that the works under-
taken on the cathedral itself included the building of
the upper part of the middle tower and the reconstruction
of the west tower, practically from the ground. The
former is a great, square, military-looking structure,
rather low, for it is overtopped by the round tower, and has
a most unusually large stair-turret to the top, south-west.
Round the summit is a flagged parapet-passage with
frequent little gargoyles, and, as is frequently the case
in Ireland, the gables, east and west, are thin walls kept
within it. Immediately below the gable-marks for
four great arms of the church are little windows, each
of two trefoiled lights, no hood of any kind above
them.
Above the south porch are chambers with two large
hooded fire-places : at the end of one of the projecting
hoods is a quarter stone ring connecting it with the wall,
a very strange feature. These rooms formed a portion
of the fortified mansion of the primate of Munster, most
of which was contained in the oblong west tower, which
had gables north and south, its vast saddle-roof being
thus at right-angles to that of the central tower, only
thirty-five feet away. The chief apartment was a hall
with tunnel-vaulted roof, about half of which remains,
and basement chambers below. Above are two stages
of rather cheerful rooms approached by straight stairwayt
in the massive walls. ' TTieir windows command fine
views over the golden vale, and one of them has a large
^ Bitbtpi, p. ^So.f tht Hoipitillen' dmrch at Toqihidua
' Poatiblj luch ■ combiniition al churdi are dw^ling-rMiiiu with Grc-plica (m
and dwelling wat a legacy from Celtic Btrmct and Laibian C«dii, hj I. C. Hanod,
daji, but it ii bj do meuii uncommon pp. 319, 34;). Roomi otci- parcha ut
elKwhen. In the middle towen of commoD in EngUad, puticubrl/ Eait
Cumelite church at South Queeoifeny uid AngUa. One at Cromer hu a guderabe.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 377
hooded fire-place. Despite its strange position at the
west end of a cathedral, this structure is exactly similar
to the numerous fortalices, many of them belonging to
the same period, which are to be found in every part of
Ireland (fig. 12).^
The fact that the episcopal residence was an integral
part of the cathedral makes more intelligible the frequently
quoted story of how Gerald FitzGerald, earl of Kildare,
tried before Henry VII for burning the church, suddenly
confessed himself guilty, but added in explanation : ' By
Jesus, I would never have done it, had it not been told
me the archbishop was within,' However, the thick
walls, heavy vault and indestructible stairway of the
tower would seem to make it most unlikely that any one
who happened to be within would perish in a conflagration,
unless, perhaps, he were asleep at the time.^
■ A itriliDg eiuuple of ■ dmlling-lioiue middle of the eighteenth ccntaiy, a duiicil
it to be teen becweeo the touth title tad church down in the tomi being built vrith
tower (tonth-wett) *t Teningtim St. John, tome of the miCcriali. Riiing over the
NoHalk. iquaie •Eoqc on which the kingt oi Muniter
were crowned ii 1 curiooa lite croa with ■
■The nthednl conttini 1 few ancient figure of St. I^trick and tiacerj on each
tombi excluding that of archbithop Meiler ude undei the crou-piece. Ic it leea h^ the
IMignth, d. 1611), nthei plain tcdilia and touth-wFtC comer of the cianKptin fig. la.
Rndi7 fntgmenti of caning, etpeciall]' in The whole lock ii defended hy a curtain
the north traniept. It wat dintuntled wall, » that the cathedral fonned a nit
bj irchbiihop Fnce (1744-1752} in the of keep.
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3/8 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
Beside the holy fire of St. Bridget at Kildare an English
bishop, Ralph de Bristol (1223-1232), erected another
fortified cathedral on a site which, like the rock of Cashel,
is still dominated by a Celtic round tower (fig. 13). This
structure rises to a height of over a hundred feet, but
its appearance is very much spoilt by the fact that modern
battlements have replaced the ancient cap. The lower
part is very substantially built of granite asmar with simple
plinth ; this only extends for nine or ten feet, and the
■^i^f t'. [;>/
rest is limestone rubble, largely overgrown by plants.
Beside the doorway, some fifteen feet from the ground,
the walling is partly of red sandstone ashlar, including
a gable line above the arch. The door is round-headed
in three orders, each having a kind of zigzag. The inner
one has a very remarkable ornament, a sort of diaper
formed by placing eight-petalled flowers within the
diamonds made by two lines of zigzag coming together
at the angles. This inner order alone has rough shafts,
two aside in the same plane, but only carved in low relief.
The four top windows are very wide and round-headed ;
the other openings are also round-headed or triangular-
topped.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 3/9
In the churchyard are very shght foundations of two
Celtic chapels, one of which was traditionally the site
of the holy fire. In the south transept is a very plain
old oblong font of a common Irish form ; in 1891 an
unsculptured wheel-cross was re-erected to the south-
west of the church (fig. 14).
The cathedral consists simply of nave, transepts and
quire ; there is no aisle, but a chapel once extended east-
ward from the south transept. By far the most striking
featiure of the building is the series of arches that spring
from buttress to buttress to carry the parapet walks along
KILDAKE CATHEDRAL CHUKCH F
the eaves of nave and quire. At first sight one might
conclude that aisles had existed and that the arches that
opened to them were walled up. It is a form of building
very rare in the British isles, though found sometimes
in castellated churches on the continent, for example in
the very striking and vast Santa Chiara at Naples. There
are six such arches on each side of the nave, two and a
half ^ in the quire. The parapet walks, protected by Irish
battlements, rest upon these arches, but are upon the top
of the archless walls of the transepts ; they are continued
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380 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
by Steps over the four gables. As both walls of the nave
and the west walls of the transepts are built outside
the lines of the walls of the tower, the walk is continuous
from the south-east to the north-east corner of the tower,
over the west end of the church, but the watts of the
quire are separate, as there are no openings through the
eastern corners of the tower. Through the soffits of
the arches there are machicolation holes, except (where
one would imagine them most in point) over the south
door ; but in truth the fortification is far more in appearance
than in substance.
The interior is extremely impressive from the
dignified simplicity and the good effect of the low lantern
over the arches of the tower. There are no piers on
the east where the arches rest on the corners of the quire
and transept walls, but on the west are provided the
plainest of projecting blocks, necessitated by the arrange-
ment already mentioned, the nave being a little wider
than the other arms, and the transept walls being slightly
west of the west wall of the tower. The arches are of
lancet form and of the very simplest design ; in the centre
of each flat soffit is a thin inner order resting on a filleted
shaft. These are largely of granite, and the caps and
bases suggest that this work may be owing to the recorded
repairs carried out by bishop Lane in 1482.
The rubble walls are unplastered ; the windows are
all lancets, triplets at the ends, except that in the east
bay of the nave there are simple openings of double lights.*
The moulded inner arches rest on shafts which in some
cases terminate in knots of foliage, in the beautiful and
not unusual Irish way, instead of being continued to the
sill. All the roofs are modern timber. Some of the
modern glass is unusually good, with groundwork of Celtic
coils instead of the more usual canopy patterns.
The quire was rebuilt and the rest restored from
ruin by Street. Harris' edition of Ware's Bishops (1739)'
says : ' The church of Kildare is for the most part in
ruins, yet the walls are still standing, together with the
south side of the steeple.' Grose' publishes a view of
' Kildare abbey ' showing the south transept, the south
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1 FROM THE *OUTH-WEST.
DERRY CATHEDRAL CHURCH L
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 381
side of the nave and the south wall of the tower intact.
T. M. Fallow^ gives an illustration showing the quire
rebuilt by bishop Moreton in 1683 as very similar to
work of about the same time still existing at Lbmore" ;
there is a wretched ' gothic revival ' steeple in the angle
of the quire and north transept, touching the ruined
middle tower. Though the church at present has a very
modern look, it seems that the original lines have been
strictly followed.
The pecuUarity of heavy external arches under the
parapet is also found in the early-fourteenth-century
quire of the cathedral at Tuam,' but on a less bold scale
than at Kildare. This church is of much earlier origin,
claiming St. Jarlath as its founder in the sixth century.*
The oldest existing part is a small sanctuary that almost
certainly belonged to the church built by O'Hoisin, abbot
II 28-1 1 50, and afterwards first archbishop. The sanctuary
has a tunnel-vault of rubble in the ancient Irish style.
In the east wall are three round-headed windows of equal
height. Without they have a simple roll-moulding, and
within they are splayed with plain Celtic patterns in low
reUef. The arch of triumph, as the approach to the
chancel is still in Ireland sometimes called, is a well-known
structure in five orders, built of red sandstone with large
shafts and very rich ornament, including various mouldings,
grotesque heads and interlacing coils. This arch long
formed the chief entrance to the church and is much
weathered, but it now opens into the sanctuary of the fine
modern cathedral designed by Sir Thomas Deane in the
style of the thirteenth century, a cruciform structure with
central spire whose altar stands in the original position.
In the early years of the fourteenth century there
was erected east of the chancel the quire already referred
to. It is unconnected vnth the older part by an arch
or even by a door. The three east windows of the older
'CalUJral CbtrAti if Inland (tS^f), *T1iough it ii dediuEed to St. M»7,
repiinted liom the Rdifaary, p. 16. Tcmpul Jiriith it 1 ruined chuich of the
'ibid, pp. G4-67. ttunecnCh centnij, itindtiig a ibott dii-
' It occur* elicwhcrc in IrtUnd, for tmce to the cut.
cnmpk at H0I7CIOM abbcj.
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382 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
sanctuary look straight into a narrow vestibule that forms
a sort of low tower, open to the three bays of the quire
by a very massive arch (in three chamfered orders without
caps). The large windows have modern tracery,* and
the roof is a plaster vault, but there remain an original
wide sedile opening and a beautiful double piscina with
foliage caps and deep-cut mouldings.^ The appearance
without is semi-military : the buttresses are very heavy
with off-sets, and on the south trefoU-headed niches.
Between them extend massive segmental arches on plain
corbels, five across the east, and three between each pair
of buttresses at the sides. ^
KILKENNY.
Outside Dublin the finest of Irish cathedrals is the
beautiful church of St. Canice at Kilkenny, a structure
worthy of note from the way in which it produces much
of the true cathedral effect without either triforium or
vaulting. Its site, on a low hill, does not seem to be
mentioned in Irish records before 1085, when the Four
MasUrs say : ' Ceall-Cainnigh was for the most part
burned.' The round tower, which still stands by the
south transept (fig. 15), is, however, in all probability
I century or so earlier than that, while excavations in
1847 showed that it is built over graves which the workers
did not wish to destroy. It is a structure of rubble, though
of largish stones. Eight stories are marked by internal
off-sets ; the doorway, which faces away from the
cathedral, has a round arch formed of three large stones
that extend through the wall ; all the other openings,
including six wide windows at the top, are covered with
lititels. The original cap has disappeared, and the present
roof, which seems to be not much later than the rest, is
of stone, constructed on the principle of a dome, but
very nearly fiat.
' Wluck ii prolMbl]i ■ copy of the old. of inlaid walk from lUly i Cbej ire dated
1740.
* Tlui pirt now fomu the duptei* * For i time thii quiic wu u*ed n ■
home, uid i> fitted with beiutilul ttaDi fomeu. See p. i zS of tbi) Tolume.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 38J
Preserved in the porch and built into waUs of the
existing cathedral are some fragments of an earlier
Romanesque church whose foundations were found in
1845 at the east end, when they were cut through for the
present walls. ^ The fragments display a sort of magnified
nail-head, Celtic interlacing work and other patterns.
The church is a fine cruciform structure with aisles to the
nave and west part of the quire, south porch and transept
chapels (fig. i6). It appears to have been built during
the later part of the thirteenth century ; the general
CATHEDIUU. CHURCH FEOM THE i
design being preserved, but the details greatly modified
as the masons worked from east to west.'
The structure is of extreme simplicity and the rubble
walls are unbuttressed except by corner pilasters, over which
^Hiiury, ArcbiltetuTt onJ Amuailiii quuiuiqueidfincin niit mignitnunpcibui,
«/ ibt CdlitJral ff Si. Canict, KiUuimy, liboiibut, eC expeoiu oput perfrat.'
bj Rer. Junet Gnvei ind J. G. Auguttui OtoSrej St. Leger (biiLop, 1160-1186),
Vnaii Dublia : Hodgct, Smith ind Co. ' Mignamque pittem opehi ecclnie iiciut-
(■8{7), ]i. I have nude cotuidenble um Cinici piiui pcrHugoncm Miplcton iacepti
of dua voit cooitnmt/ md id wai called ' Setundu*
' ' Hugo de MipilCon (biihop of Ouory , funditot dicte ccclnic' JVtniiu tpUc,
ilSi-ii;6) huiut nomine Koiodui, piimoi OmritH. E j, 1], foL SS, Tnnitf ccdl^e,
fnodMor cccieoe iitiui Cinid Ki^ennie Dublin,
qui eudcm piimo edifiare inctpit, et ClumpaeTt, howeret (ippeadu Y, p. IJ7),.
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384 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
in the nave only rise little octagonal stone spires. The
material is chiefly a local slate-coloured carboniferous
limestone, which can be polished to look rather likePurbeck
marble, but the details are largely of sandstone and there
is no attempt at colour effects. In fact the limestone
is hardly used for detail except in the tombs. The east
end of the quire has a really magnificent effect ; east, south
and north three tall lancets pierce the walls, enriched
KILKENNY CATHEDRAL CHUKCH.
with banded shafts and trefoil arches with dog-tooth on
a large scale ; the side lancets have round outer arches.
pgjnti out thai tliii nunutcripl Kit of tkt
biihopi it due to biibop Rotbc (d. [6;o),
who hu certamljr nude nme miitakei ^
and he iddi : ' ft would be incredible that
Tnuiicion work wai bang built (not
ceftored) after iijo a.o. at Kilkenny by
1 biihop of Engliih ori^n ; to be attribute!
the quire and tntuepti of the cithedn!
to the fint Englith biibop of the tee,
Hugh Rufut, 1 101-11 1 S.
Fram to ter^ high an authority at
Champnera, who hai done more periupt
Chan anj one elte to increaae our knowledge
of Iiiah architecture, I differ with the
atmcHt fthictance
leemi to me Chat the work it not ' TmB-
tion ' but dereloped Gothic, detpite Ac
louad-headed ' lincett ' and the coiner
pilaiter buttreiMi. The litter occur it
Cathel with linceti that are almul nnad-
headed (fig. 11), and in ItcLuid, at id
Scotland, round archei can occur at anj
period. At Church Fenton, Yorkahire,
the toutb tianiept hat pilatter bnttmut
in coaneuon with a window eonaitting af
two ianccti with a quatrefoil above (toJ
like Che aiile windowi at KitkEanf) thii
muit be pretty lace in the tUrteentk
Digitized r,yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 38$
The arches that open to the aisles both from transepts
and quire are exceedingly plain, shafts or corbels to their
inner orders and with the simplest block-piers. The
transepts are lighted by tall shafted lancets in pairs,
the side ones round-arched. The north transept is entered
by a very remarkable door (plate i, no. a). A well-
moulded outer lancet arch rests on shafts with foliage-
caps, and within it, surmounted by a quatrefoil, is a round-
arched opening surrounded by a thirteen-times-banded
roll.
The five-bayed nave has beautiful quatrefoil pillars
whose bases show a very pronounced water-moulding
at the east end, but it gradually dies away toward the
west. Some of the arch-mouldings are filleted. The
clerestory is lighted by rather ineffective quatrefoils ;
the aisles by two-light windows, each a couple of lancets
with quatrefoil above, and the comprising arches are
trefoiled and rather flat within. A great triplet pierces the
western wall ; its middle lancet does not extend to the
sill, but has below it, within, a little two-light opening,
with shafts carrying trefoiled arches and a quatrefoil
above, and three quatrefoils without (plate i, no. i).
The only wall-passage in the church runs along this
window (approached by a stair at the south-west corner
of the aisle), but the tower is approached by a gable-topped
turret that runs up the south transept from the south-east
corner of the aisle. Under the west window is a very
fine double doorway ; the enclosing lancet -arch is sustained
by double shafts with foliage-capitals ; in the spandril
between this arch and the two inner arches is a quatrefoil
with an angel in a circle on each side, and each doorway
has a cinquefoiled arch. Both porch doors and the north
door of the nave have shafts, but they are much less-
ornate.
The transept chapels have the air of being after-
thoughts, but they were evidently erected with the rest
of the work. The northern one is small and very plain ;
in the north and east walls are double lancets, and in the
south a remarkable piscina with the peculiarly Irish step-
head. The southern chapel is a most strikmg piece of
building from its lamp-like effect. Three triple lancets
imder Urge arches pierce the south wall and three two-
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386 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
light openings the east : all the arches rest on banded
shafts. ^
A common mediaeval misfortune befell the cathedral
in 1332. ' Cecidit campanile Sancti Kannici, Kilkennie, et
magnam partem chori, vestibulum capellarum, et campanas,
et meremium confregit, die Veneris ii kal. Junii, unde
horribile et miserabile spectaculum erat contuentibus.* '
The necessary repairs, with much additional enrichment,
were carried out in a very conservative spirit by bbhop
Ledred.' The present tower piers are clearly his wort,
parts of the original being retained, llie shafts are
nlleted and have plain moulded caps except that thin
extra corner shafts towards the nave have foliage. The
arch mouldings die into the chamferings of the piers.
Much later the space within the arches was vaulted with
very complicated ribs (fig. 16) by bishop Hactet (1460-
1478).* The tower at present rises only just above the
ridges of the roofs. A low shingled spire, that seems to
have been part of bishop Williams' restoration after 1 660,
appears in Grose's view (i, 33), but it was removed in
1851. John Pooley, bishop of Raphoe (d. 1712), left
^120 towards raising the steeple thirty feet and repointing
1 Thii clupcl appem to bin influenced
the ilill more ornate UdjMJiapcl of tlic
priory of St. John in the dtj, which ii
oiled the lamp of Irelud. Iti walk,
caniiitiog of little moic thin hnceti in
tiipleU with banded ihatU beCweea, produce
much the ume effect u tome EngUih
work of the fifteenth aatuty (for iniUuce
St. Mary'i, Notcingham), different though
the detaili are. It* date li eiactlj known.
' Anno m" cc° noiuigeiimo die annunciadonii
beate nurie celrbrata fait prinu miua
iohlnnii m krlkenn;.' Liitr Primia ef
KiHunny, in Gilbert, Faciim^ if NeiiaMl
MSS. if hdand, quoted bj Champneji,
p. 159. The chapel it now the otAj part
of the church in uie. The xart arcadei
of the cathedral teem iLio to have been
imitated in the paiiih church of Thomai-
town, near Jerpoint abbej.
* Atauitt aj Irdand )>j Friar John 070,
p. 14.
* Ledted ' utcunque, tub Snem anni
I] 54, in giatiam leceptul etC, et bic
■ ledata (a quarrel ^th the
a lorceiy tiial), reSquuDi aetatia
cathednlem hi
mullum omarit, omneiqw
feneitrai de n
TO erent, ae vitro obduiit.
inter quat
□ituit feneatra orientahi
open: Urn enl
nio adoniata, ut in uniTcna
Hiberaiaparei
aooinTenitetur'! HOtnU
.«ra, p. 144.
Any repair! made to the
actual ttonew
to have been
carried out without chann
of detail The 'anuui glau latted till
the diyi of the c
" the great, and famoui, coott bemtiftil
Cathedral church of taint Keney, they
have utterly defaced and ruined, thrown
down all the Roof of it, taken away &*e
great and goodly Bella, broken down all
the windowt, and carried away enxj bit
oi glau, that, they lay, wat worth a very
great deal ; and all the doon of it "
Biahop Gi^th Williamt, Frefaiory Rtnum-
stranii; Saitn Triaiiia. Vtty mttatry
to br obstTBtd in thoe vtry tad dayi .'
London, 1661.
■hop Hacket ' tettudinem ptaetciea
'" ~ ' ' " leanae, e poEto
HiiaTOa tacra,
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 387
the round tower, ^ but nothiog much seems to have been
done, though in 1722 ' Mr. Dean having produced in
chapter several draughts of a dome to be erected over ye
belfry, drawn by Captain Portall,' was desired to wnte
him a letter of thanks. ^
The burial of the dead within the walls of places of
worship is distinctively Christian. From the sanitary
point of view it may be open to objections, but aesthetically
It has contributed enormously to the effectiveness of
Gothic architecture. Most great churches in that style
owe very much of their beauty to the stately tombs with
their canopies and screens that do honour to the illustrious
dead. Many sumptuous mosques suffer somewhat from
the absence of anything of the Und. Of Irish cathedrals
Killcenny alone is rich In sepulchral memorials, and
although these as individual works are rather crudely
carved and in most cases moved from their original positions,
the general effect they produce is superb. " Very little is
before the sixteenth century.
The whole structure has been admirably restored to
something like its original appearance and the new fittings
and stained glass do much to enhance the general effect.^
Notwithstanding, it is impossible not to mourn that
the former classical fittings of the quire have been replaced
by the work of the nineteenth century that tries to look six
centuries older than it is. The modern timber roof seems
a poor substitute for the one which Ware describes:
* Tne compass ceiling of the choir is chiefly remarkable for
its fine fretwork ; in which are a great number of curious
modillions ; and in the centre a group of foliage, festoons
and cherubins ; that excells anything of the find I have
seen.' 5 The combination of mediaeval and renaissance
IChipterbook A,p. 116. •The mediwvil fitringi kcid to b*
* Chapter book, T721, p. 1S6. conGnrd to Che font — nUch hu fludng
■An eitraorduuhlj crude effigj to all round the iquaii bowt, and erode
Honona Schortlub with Ui^ two-peaked conveatioail leal-pattemi in the cornen
head-dnu it dated ' mccccc,' left an- by the round opening, evidently a leKc
fimihcd but ifteiwaidi filled in ' 96.' The of the old church — and a ilonc Kat with
gmtei part of Meun. GiaTci and Prim'i arrai that wai ponibly the throne. It
woA it taken up with a deiciiption of ii thinecnth-centuiy noik and called
the monumenti, which weie Teiy neglected St. Chiaiain'i chair. Till the bit rt-
it the time thej wrote. Then ii a moit ilaiatiDn the eitt tower arch wai filled by
interticiag collection of Celtic cronei ■ tcone tcreen pierced by a narrow door,
md interlacing pattemi. Some moDUmeati ' Biibrft, p. 434. The rtnaiiunce
which Gniei and Prim do not mention work in the quire wai the work of biihop
were pretumibly concealed io their day. Tbomit Otway (1679-1692).
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388 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
work is not in the least more incongruous than that of
Romanesque and later Gothic, and the desperate and
untruthful effort to deny in stone and wood that the
renabsance ever touched Ireland seems a matter extremely
to be deplored.
For beauty of thirteenth-century detail the cathedral
of St. Flannan at Killaloe is certainly unsiirpassed in
Ireland.^ The building* is usually attributed to the
same king of Munster who founded the cathedral at
Limerick (p. 370), and Lord Dunraven quotes a letter
to Petrie alleging that in 1827 the date 1182 was found
on the east window. The triplet in question has the
curious arrangement within that the two detached shafts
which divide the lancets are carried straight up to the
soffit of the great arch, which is adorned with a sort of
herring-bone moulding. The jamb-moulds practically
form clustered shafts and there are foliage-caps. A couple
of shafted niches on either side, a string along the four
lancets of both north and south walls, and roof-corbels
with foliage and interlacing patterns all combine to produce
a very ridi effect.* The east lancets of quire and south
' Piit of th« church it eailUr, but the that it led to hit tomb hu not much element
onlj detail mmving ii a ittj onute of piobtbiH^.
Hiberna-Romaoeique doorwaj in the touch 'WUch i> Etuofonn irithout uf
wall of the ditc, richly adomed in four clupela or aitlea, i«6 feet long; the north
orden with ligiag having pellet* and door of the aaie openi outward and Im
other complicatioai, Tirioua floral deiigni, a bige bar-hole. Poinblr it led into
giotetque inimali, chain moulding and wme chamhei or other.
carved ihafti. ' There ire good drawing* of the det^b,
Thi* ii Ciaditionall}' cooDfcted wirh the pUOi etc. io an article on thii <iniich bf
•overeign whoie death i* recorded in [II9 T. J. Weitmpp, in R. Sk. Ami. af IriUiU,
hj the Four Maturi : ' MuIrchearCach 1893, pp. 187-101. Although the central
Ui Bnain, Idng of Ir«Und, prop of the eaitem 'lancet' i* round-headed and
glory and magnificence at the weit of the cornen of the wall* hare pilaatcr-
the world, died, after the victory of reign huttreiae* (forming quau-turtet*) it would
and penance, on the fetcival of Machiembog not be eaiy to belieic that the work wa*
of Loath, on the 6th of the Idei of March, ai early ai 1 l8z even if it were in EoglaiKL
and wai interred in the church of Cill- It i* quite incredible that by the can of
Dalaa.' He had bees crowned at Tara the tame king thete light and weU-derelopcd
in 1 100. The dace exactly luiu the ttyle laoceti were being built at the lame tine*
of the eniting door, whidi *eem* to hive a* the heavy and eminentfy ' TnmaitioD'
been moved from it* otigini] poiitian, ai wotfc of the far mort important cadtednl
what wu evidently the outer face it within of Limeiid. TTie f
if t - repeated ttatement tniuept ■■ laffcr than the north, with
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IRISH CATHEDRAI. CHURCHES. 389
transept have on the exterior very deeply cut early
twelfth-century mouldings. AU the other windows are
lancets, and the west door has deep mouldings and banded
shafts. The nave turrets have similar comer mouldings ; on
the east these mouldings are more like regular shafts and
the quire has a sloping pUnth.
The four middle arches are extremely plain, starting
from the corners of the walls, and corbels sustain their
thin inner orders, no larger than the ribs of the very plain
quadripartite vault. A curious feature is that the nave
and quire being wider than the transepts the central
space is oblong, but the low tower (whose upper stage
is modern) is carried up square, thus having a gallery just
above the ridges of the roofs both north and south (fig. 3).
The cathedral of St. Carthach at Lismore is a small
and aisleless cruciform building ; the oldest part of which,
the remains of a plinth and wall shaft incorporated into
the south wall of the rather long quire, seems to date
from about 1160. The far earlier original foundation is
evidenced by various ancient stones built into the west
wall, including a very tiny Celtic cross in memory of
bishop Gsrmac who died in gi8, and inscriptions for
abbots of the century before. A very rude and small
square font without a drain, which is still in use, is supposed
to have belonged to the seventh century founder, Carthach.
The existing walls seem largely to be the work of the
fourteenth century, although all the details except the
buttresses and the four central arches are later. ^ The
eastern arch appears to be the earliest, probably of the
» thirteenth century ; it is pointed and springs from clustered
shafts with dog-tooth on a very small scale. The other
three arches are strangely varied but seem all to have been
other indiatioiu, Kcm to ifaow that tliii "Hie cathedral of Linnciie hat cntirelj
cburdi wu ciot all built together. The duappeared,' nor ii it potable tot the
Ffur Mamn record a burning of the modem ntudent to agree wth hii con-
ehnrchei at Kilkaloe in 1 185. temptuoui renurka about Irith architecture,
< I cannot underttand Fergamn'i itale- however much he may admin FelgiWMn't
ment (ffooJ^MA ej Arcbiuctfri, ii, 915), admirable work.
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590 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
erected in the course of the fourteenth century. The
southern one is pointed and has clustered shafts with
capitals carved in low relief. The west and north arches
spring from semi-octagonal responds, but the latter b
pointed and the former round. These arches would be
greatly improved both in appearance and interest if thsy
could be relieved from the thick whitewash by which
they are encrusted.
A Magrath table-tomb of 154.8 in the nave is an
admirable example of the vigorous, but very rude, sculpture
usual in Ireland of that date. On top is a large floreated
cross and St. Gregory with the triple papal crown : the
crucifixion, SS. Patrick, Katharine and Carthach with
the apostles extend along the sides.
The restoration of the church in the early seventeenth
century by Sir Richard Boyle, first earl of Cork, is
interestingly set forth in his letters. On loth January,
1633, he wrote : ' God bless my good intendments
and endeavors in this work. This day I resolved, with
the assistance of my good God, to re-edifie the ancient
cathedral ch. of Lismore wch was demolished by
Edmund FitzGibbon, called the White Knight, and
other traitors in the late rebellion of Mownster. The
chancel of wch ch. I did at my own charges of
j^ccxvi. 13 and gd. rebuyld, & put a new rooff, covered
with slatt, and plaislered & glazed : then furnishing
it with seated pews & pulpit : And now have given
order to have the ruyns of the body and ile of that church
cleered, & to have the same new built and re-edified,
as fair, or fairer than ever it was before.' TTie orders
were apparently not obeyed with much alacrity, and on
?th AprU, 1638, he wrote : ' God bless my good intencions.
this day began to enter on the pulling down of the ruyns
of the old defaced chapels of Lismore wh was so ordered
to be done by an act of the bp. dean and chap, with a
godly resolucion to rebuyld the demolished cathl. ch.
of Lismore.'^
Unfortunately it is impossible to discover any existing
work that can be referred to this rebuilding, though the
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 39I
side windows of the transepts' are of late seventeenth-
century character and it is evident some further works
were undertaken at that time. Bishop Gore of Waterford
in 1690 left /200 to provide a ring of bells and to beautify
the quire. A view of 1739 shows a central octagon in
the style of the period wMch has disappeared in another
view of 1774.* Nearly all the existing details, including
the plaster vaults and the western spire, belong to "the
early years of the nineteenth century.
The marvellous beauty of the best work of the
fourteenth century in England, so superbly represented,
for instance, in the quire of Selby abbey, is in Ireland
almost unknown, and the commonplace and towerless
cathedral at Cloyne,. built within that period, is remark-
able as showing how very poor a stucture could sufHce
for the mother church of an ancient and not unimportani
diocese. The fabric is a sort of reduced reproduction
of the coUe^ate church of Youghal (fig. 17). It consists
of nave and aisles of four bays, transepts and quire. The
plain chapter-house, projecting northwards from the last,
is entered by a narrow door skewed through the wall
as far east as possible to avoid interference vrith the
stalls. The whole exterior is refaced, and the monotonous
expanse of slate roof, unbroken by any clerestory, gives
a very poor general effect : the removal of all the battle-
mented parapets, which was done in 1705,^ still further
spoils the look of the church.
The interior is entirely plastered and hardly an original
feature is to be seen. TTie nave is separated from its
aisles by plain pointed arches simply pierced through
the walls, the square piers between being vrithout capitals
S Co. CdA, iSBi), p. II. No piR of
the catltBg ehurdi icEau to nu culler
thin Che Utter part of the louiteenth
century, though a higher aotiqait^ hat
been diltned. The lefadog or plucerlng
of ereiTthing nu^et it ouiK difficult to
•peak with mnj predHOD.
>Eich with tco louod-heided lighti
■nd a circle under ■ round areh.
andM.
CUy»t, by Dr. Canlfield, F
Si. Cd,^^,
S.A. (PnrctU
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392 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
or any other feature save that the edges are bevelled off.
There are arches from the central space to nave and
transepts but not to the quire. The east window is of
five lights with net tracery ; all the other windows are
lancets, mostly grouped, the end wall of the south transept
having apparently been pierced originally by five lancets
divided by muUions, the central one trefoiled. TTie
veiy plain north door of the nave is marked by a little
head, a tiny quatrefoil within a quatrefoil, and very simple
ornaments at the foot of the bevelling, here reproduced
(fig. 17). These seem more like the idle and extempore
E CATHBDRAL
embellishments of a mason than any serious part of the
design. ^
In the eighteenth century there was erected under
the arch opening from the nave to the transept a striking
screen with gateway surmounted by a gable and fur-
nished with large Ionic pilasters, a feature reminding
one of several college chapels at Oxford and Cambridge.
Fallow (p. 43) gives an illustration of this work in its
original position ; it has most unhappily been removed
to the west end to form a rather meaningless porch. Its
1S97, pp. 334-J40. I tm indebted to
, Google
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
date must be about the time of the famous George Berkeley,
who was bishop here 1734-1753. ^
A very great diaappointment is in store for the
antiquary who, without previous knowledge, visits the
metropolitan church of all Ireland, the primatial cathedral
at Armagh, the burial place of the renowned Brian Boru,
where was preserved the famous bachal Isa or staff of
Jesus, which had been used as a crozier by St. Patrick
himself.
The Four Masters, under the year 457, relate the
building of the town by St. Patrick's care. He ordered
twelve men ' to erect an archbishop's city there, and
a church for monks, for nuns, and for the other orders
in general, for he perceived that it would be the head
and chief of the churches of Ireland in general.' The
tripartite life of St. Patrick (said to have been written
by St. Evin in the sixth century) adds the information
that the form, style and length of the chilrch were
prescribed by an angel.* In 1 125 the Four Masters tell
of the complete re-roofing of the church after 130 years
of partial ruin. In 1268 they relate a rebuilding by
primate Gillapatrick O'Scanlain, whose work is evidently
to be found in the existing transepts. They have lancets
at the sides and three-light traceried windows at the ends.
One lancet on the south, very plain, splayed but without
shafts, seems to be original ; all the rest is concealed by
'A luptrb recuinbeiit tffigy of thii
aihlat. The .tone ii of reddiah colour,
pteUte, by Bruce J07, wii placed in the
but two-third* of the way up a band ia
north traiuept in 1890.
made by about three counei ofgieyerttone.
In tlie yard are foundalioni of a Celtic
The doorway (on the touth - eait, f adog
cbapel, about 34 bf 23 feet- It it called
the cathednl], m uiuaL >ome feet aboTe
St. Cobnui'i finhouw, from the founder,
the ground, and the four look-out windowt
whoK death the Fssr Masreri record in
at the top are covered by linlelii lome
600. In the north trantcpt ii 1 not vei^
earlr ba^reUel of the crudfijion found
beaded. Initead of the proper cap the
on the nte of Che dupel. A more m-
tereatiDg relic of Celtic timea ii a round
that teem to date from rcpain made in
tower, w«t of the church, leparated from
■ 683. It it a.tonithing how iaeffectiTe
the yard hj a toad. The maioniy it a
Cheie round towen become when deprind
of their approptiate roofa.
laid in fiirly regular courKt but giriag
*Ttie length w» to be 14a feet.
D,„i,z.d , Google
394
IRISH CATHEDRAL CRimCHES.
the refacing without and plastering within that was
carried out in 1834 by primate lord J. G. Beresford.'
Besides the transept the church consists of quire of three
bays and nave with aisles of five (fig. 18). The quire
is in the style of the fourteenth century and may have
been erected by primate Miles Sweetman (d. 138a). The
nave and its aisles form a good specimen of the style of
the early fifteenth century. The oblong clustered pillars
have ten shafts apiece, the outer ones filleted as is so
commonly the case in Ireland. The arches are weD
moulded and even in their present plastered condition
by no means without a certain dignity. The aisles have
' A member of the chapter Cold me
that it wai recently propoKd to itteinpt
to ttttore the original iConewatk in the
interior, but that the removal of the
plaiter ihowed that it wai in a very
decayed condition and that it had been
covered with a thick co)I ol tar to beep
in the damp. Almott the only parti
of the interior that look old are the
north and tauth archei of the tower,
the othen having not long ago been re-
built to open out the neir. Primal*
RabinKm, lord Rokeby of Armagh (1765-
1794), however, in the late eighteenth
century cried Co build a replia of MagdaleD
tower iQ the middle of the church, but
wai obliged to detiit, ai the north-weat
In 17S6 he built the prtieni low and
feeble tower and unfortunately never
began hii icheme of erecting hii Magdalen
iteeple »% an addition to the weat end-
He wai a grekt bmefacCor to the dty,
foonding the Ubnuj and the obterratoij.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
three-light windows ; those of the clerestory are of two
lights and splayed downwards.^
DOWNPATRICK. .
The cathedral at Downpatrickj notable for its
association with the three most famed of Irish saints,*
formed the church of a great Benedictine house that
stood just west of the town. The whole of the buildings
have disappeared except that there still stand the waUs
of the clerestory and aisles o( the quire, dating from about
1400.* These were incorporated when in 1789 the
rebuilding was commenced in the bastard Gothic of that
time, chiefly by the care of the earl of Hillsborough, first
marquess of Downshire. It had lain in ruin since the
abbey was burned in 1538, by a lord deputy of Ireland.
The east front is supported by heavy square stair
turrets between centre and aisles ; between them a door
opens to a small vault-like crypt, and above the window,
which, like all the rest, is of nondescript Gothic type,
are three trefoiled niches with statues of SS. Patricl^
Bridget and Columba. The block piers within have
single jamb shafts and ornately moulded arches ; the
east responds have triple shafts. Some of the capitals
are of the greatest beauty with very natural foliage,
grotesque animals and so on, certainly unsurpassed in
Ireland. Unfortunately plaster and whitewash make it
difficult to distinguish what is really mediaeval and what
dates from the restoration. The present vaulting is
but lath and plaster, and the restorers showed deplorable
ignorance of the style in which they essayed to build ;
nevertheless the west screen surmounted by the organ,
and the stalls extending the whole length, giving the
effect of a college chapel, brightened up by some fair glass
and coloured coats of arms, all combine to produce so
cheerful and striking a general impression that criticism
is largely disarmed. One would hardly credit how far
' A number of fine maoumenti, none * I aniTed iC thii period from i careful
of uidcnt date, inch Kveral flaga help itudyof the bate-mouldiiigt. FaUoiv(p. 13)
to give the intehoi a cheerful effect. givei tbe date about 141 x, but unfortuaatel^
doet not mention hu authority. PieiuBub^
' See p. IC7 of thii vahime. he had dacnmentuy eYidence.
D,„i,z.d , Google
396 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
the spirit of a Gothic interior could be realised mth
details so shockingly bad. In some ways at least the
effect is superior to that of the pitch-pine and machine-
made details that were so much admired in the sixties.'
While the restoration works were actually in progress,
during 1793, the ancient round tower was destroyed in
a rowdy election riot ^ ; its place is most indifferently
supplied by the square steeple which in 1826 was erected,
partly on the site of the old middle tower.
LEIGHLIN.
A most interesting example of very Gothic work is
presented in the small and rather remotely situated
cathedral of Old Leighlin (co. Carlow), a church which
was remodelled and to a great extent rebuilt by Matthew
Sanders, bishop 1527-1549, a prelate who supported the
reformation, though he had been appointed by the pope.
The most curious feature of the building Qjlate 11, no. l)
is that it exactly follows theplan which in Ireland is usual
in the churches of friars. The aisleless nave has transepts
at its eastern end ; a ' tunnel tower ' rises over the west
end of the quire whose very large north chapel com-
municates only by a, door. The original building is
usually attributed to bishop Donat (1158-1185), but the
only detail which suits his period is a plain lancet in the
south wall of the quire which at present lights the lower
part of the tower. There are some very beautiful details
of the thirteenth century. The quire has four trefoiled
sedilia with shafts and exquisite deep-cut mouldings.
In the south wall are two three-light windows, one of
them having three lancets under a larger arch and the
other intersecting mullions. The west door of the nave
has deep mouldings in two orders with shafts to the outer
one ; this is worked in granite, as is much of the other
detail.
> The parith church ol HiUiboiough, other tone
built fiom the grmuul by the uioe noble- tnuepl*, t
nun who reitond the cathedral in 1774^ It deiign-
ilio ■ tuipiiusgly good piece of eighteenth- * The towei appean in the view of the
centuij Gothic. A ititely aTCQUC of building given hj Gnue on the title-pi|e
tieci leiib up to the till vcit )piie, uid ' of hii fint volume.
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IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES. 397
The dark and nearly windowless nave is divided into
three bays by buttresses ; in the furthest bay east are
lancet arches with plain bevelled double orders, the inner
rising from filleted shafts. Of the south transept
nothing remains : the north transept is a roofless ruin. A
western lancet and an eastern shafted niche are doubtless
original; three later windows were probably inserted
when the church was reconstructed by bishop Sanders.
Leaving the eastern banded shafts that enclosed the
original east window, probably a triplet, he inserted between
them a structure of four lights, transomed and with
intersecting mullions, flat round-arched heads to the
TOWER VAULT.
lights being provided below. The outer dripstone rises
to a little figure.
At or about the same time a large and very lofty chapel
was added on the north side of the quire. It is extremely
plain but remarkable for the possession of a very unusual
east window of three lights, the central one ogee-headed,
the others round and without any cusps.* The tracery
seems an attempt to revert to the forms of the fourteenth
century, and there are shafts within. The exterior is
illustrated in fig. 19.
which *Ua iliowi * low tpiie vith Urtc
D,„i,z.d , Google
39^ IKlSli CAIHEDRAL CHURCHES.
It seems to have been bishop Sanders who inserted
a ' tunnel tower ' over the west end of the quire. It
is very similar to those steeples that in nearly every case
were erected within the churches of Irish friaries. So
much narrower is it than the church as to have a little
sloping roof each side, and under these are the usual arched
recesses north and south. It was not desired, however,
to shut off the view more than could be helped, and the
east and west arches have their jambs cut away, so to
speak, as far as was considered safe (fig. 20). A very
ornate vault, ^ exactly reproducing that erected by bishop
Hacket in the cathedral of Kilkenny (p. 386), only a few
miles off, except that being considerably smaller the
Leighlin vault omits one pair of ribs in each segment
(fig. 21). In front of this tower, but not (as is usual in
friary churches) extending into it, was a large timber
rood-loft which blocked up the west tower arch and both
the arches that open into the transepts. Two of thp
corbels that supported it are still to be seen on each side
of the tower arch and also, on a lower level, two others
west of the transept arches.
The cathedral at Lisburn, built in 1622, is a poor
and uninteresting structure on the whole, but the tower
is a fairly good specimen of the revived Gothic of the age.
Its windows have three lancets each, under single arches, the
top of the central lancet joined to the keystone by a short
bar.' This particular form of window was reproduced
at the neighbouring cathedral at Dromore, Duilt by
bishop Jeremy Taylor (d. 1667), but all except his southern
wall and part of the tower have been renewed in the
dreariest style.
1 For •ome rather inicruCable reiun * In the dghtccnth ceataiy were iddcd
the dengn of the toWer vault it one of lour tjikj piiuuda and ■ till (tone ipin.
the omameuu on the altar-tomb of WUIiun Tbe churdk hai been tiuufonoal once
O'Brien, who died I7lh Jaaua[7,i569-[570, it w» bulk and i> ■ nniple oblong chambet
Hit wife waa a Kavanigh, but the date with galleiio od three ddet. Tbc oalf
of bet death a left blaok. A loou itone object of ipedal inteteat it a bat-relief
lun a mote ornate plan for the vault. to the inemoiy of John Nidu>lwfi.
D,„i,z.d, Google
IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
In the cathedral of St. Columb at Deny, erected
by the citizens of London in 1633, we have one of the
most interesting examples that exist of the restored Gothic
of Jacobean age. ^ In type it is an ordinary parish church,
vest tower and nave with aisles. The most distinguishing
feature is the existence of rood turrets at so late a date.
These project from the aisle walls and seem to have
contained stairs to the galleries. * The parapets of ' both
aisles and clerestory have battlements of English character ;
the windows are under very flat arches and have cusped
lights, triple everywhere except in the south aisle where
they are quadruple. The exterior might at first sight
be talcen for a church in the last age of true Gothic, say
about 1500.
The arcades vrithin seek to reproduce the work of a
rather earlier age ; the arches are of lancet form with
rather thin mouldings. The octagonal pillars have rather
lean moulded caps and bases, with the curious peculiarity of
being banded about a foot below the caps^ (plate 11, no. 2).
The five-light transomed east window has a sharpty
pointed arch and rather good tracery of fifteenth-century
type. The original stonework is set up in the present
chancel, which is modem. The tower dates only from
1805 ; it contains the famous ' No surrender ' cannon-
ball.
The ancient cathedral at Cork has entirely disappeared,
and on its site stands a beautiful structure by W. BurgeSjS
which, except for its three taU spires, seems largely to
be modelled on Lisieux. The Roman Catholic cathedral
*Ili chief rinl U St, John'* dnudi dated 1584-1589,11111 thcdeUik iict moM
at L«edt. carioai mixnite of Gothic and Ruuimnce.
* The latot eniDpIe of lood buret) ' Powibly thac band* (how Iruh influence,
leading to a ngulat lood-lofc, aparc inim for thi> kind of thing ii mudi mote unial
modem tevii^, Kemi to be in the in Irith than in Engliih mediaeval wait
eitnniely incereiting Eliiabethan cbutdi Otberwiie the church ihowi no dedphenbU
at Standilh, Lanci. DiSetent part* an natiTs featum.
D,gH,zed.y Google
400 IRISH CATHEDRAL CHURCHES.
at KiUarney, a severe example of the English thirteenth-
century style, cruciform with tall central spire, is on the
whole Pugin's most satisfactory piece of work. Other
cathedrals, both Anglican and Roman, are of considerable
interest to the student of the Gothic revival, but the
antiquary is not otherwise concerned with them than in
so far as he must sincerely regret the fact that they are
all alike in utterly refusing to be influenced by the ancient
architecture of Ireland.
The wayfarer whose ideal of a mediaeval cathedral
refuses to move far from the stately structures of Lincdn
and Notre-Dame may leave Ireland entirely unsatisfied,
but whoever b wiUing to see in the cathedrals of a natioD
aome echo of that nation's past, and realises the vast diversity
in the circumstances of different European lands in
mediaeval days, will find the ancient cathedrals of Ireland
as interesting a collection of churches as is to be found
on the surface of the globe.
D,gH,zed.y Google
PROCEEDINGS AT MONTHLY MEETINGS OF THE
ROYAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE.
Wednesday, 3rd November, 1915.
Sir Henry H. Howorth, K.C.I.E. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A. President, in
the Chair.
Mr. A. Hamihon Thompson, M.A. F.S.A. read a paper on the will of
Master William Doune, archdeacon of Leicester, which is printed at page
233 of the Journal.
In the discussion there spoke Archdeacon Hutton, Mr. L. M. May,
Mr. R. Garraway Rice. Mr. H. D. Ellis and the Chairman.
Mr. May drew attention to the testator's attempts to create succesuve
limited interests in his beqneeti of books. Such a practice was unknown to the
common law, as an action for detinue would not lie, and so far as he knew
no provision for such dispositions was to be found in the canon law.
Mr. Rice thought it impossible to say with certainty that tlie testator
possessed no real property. In the middle ages it was the practice to dispose .
of land by a will and to bequeath personalty by testament, the two having
gradually become merged into one instrument before the middle of the
seventeenth century.
Wednesday, ist December, 1915.
Sir Henry H. Howorth, President, in the Chair.
Mr. Ian C. Hannah, M.A. read a paper on Irish Cathedrals, with lantern
illustrations.
Iliis paper is printed in the Journal at page 343.
D,gH,zed.y Google
NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
BAMFF CHARTERS a.d. 1232-
EdiCcd bf Sir Jamti H. Ra
Oirford UnivcrnCy Prcu, 1915
Bamfi, which the Southron any be warned not to confuse with tike
count}' town of Banfi, lies some three to four miles north of Aljth, near the
boundary of the counties of Perth and Forfar. B7 charter of 9th October,
1232, the lands of Kynkel, Fetdreyne, Aidormyne and Banefe in the fee of
Alyth, and the lands of Foyl were granted to master Nds, the king's physician,
by Alexander II. Neia, a name which appears in these charten in the
Latin forms Nessus, Nisius and Nicasiua, and in the vernacular forms Neis,
Neache, Nethe or Neche and Nech, is reported to have obtained this reward
for the service of cutting a hair-ball from his royal master's heart. In 1534,
when, in the time of his descendant in the twelfth generation, Alexander
Ramsay of BamS, a dispute arose concerning the boundary between Bamff
and the hill of Alyth, it was stated that upon the north side of a cross called
the Red cross, standing upon that hill, there was ' ane picture of ane scheir
with the manner of ane ball within the plaits and schering of the sheiris
with ane flourdely^e assendand up to the pictour of ane mans heid at the
hycht of the croas.' Whatever may be the truth of this legend, and although
the actual rektionship between Neis and his immediate descendants cannot
be stated with absolute certainty, there is at any rate a strong probability
that the Ramsayi of Bamfi, now represented by the historian Sir James
Henry Ramsay, tenth baronet, originally came into Scotland from Ramsey
in Huntingd(Kuhire in the service of king David l,who was earl of Huntingdon,
and that master Neis founded the fortunes of the family as landed propiieton.
Their ' place of Banf ' appears, from the inventory of the goods of Alexander
Ramsay, who died in or about 1535, to have been a small' manor- house with
the plainest appointments ; but George, the grandson of Alexander, seems,
after his accession to the estate in 15S0, to have enlarged or rebuilt the
house. In 1595 the chief estate is described as ' the Manes of Banff, tour,
fortales, maner place, ortcheardes ' ; and the tower here mentioned fbnns
the nucleus of the present mansion. In the Crown charter granted to
George Ramsay in the same year, the annual value of the barony of Bamff,
hitherto rated at £^, is doubled. Gilbert, the grandson of George, was
made a baronet in 1666, as a reward for the deeds of his son James at the
battle of Rullion green.
The documents calendared by Sir James Ramsay in this handsome and
well-printed volume begin with the charter granted to master Neis, of
which an excellent photographic facsimile is given, and end in the year
1703, some six years after the death of Sir Gilbert Ramsay. They are
arranged in chronological order and in sixteen sections corresponding to
the sixteen heads of the family during the four and a half to five centuries
which they cover. No documents of the second and fourth generationt
remain, and it is at these points that the pedigree becomes somewhat obscure.
., Cookie
NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 4.O3
From the beginning of the fifteenth century they begin to inereaae in number,
and those of the neit two hundred years are full of interest. Each section
is prefaced by biographical and explanatory notes, succinct and full of
information, which are invaluable as connecting and elucidating the variotit
documents.
Much of the material thus collected from the BamS muniments is
mainly of interest to the Scotdsh genealogist and topographer. The general
student, however, will be glad to possess a volume which sets forth so clearly,
bya judicious arrangement of theactualinstruments, the descent and growth
of a Scottish estate. Sir James calls attention to such differences between
English and Scottish feudal law as the payment of avail by a tenant-in-chief
upon his heir's marriage, aa specified in the Crown charter of 159;. The
book naturally abounds in legal terms unfamiliar to the English reader, and,
although many of these are explained in the prefatory matter to each section,
a short glossary and index of the mote uncommon might have been added
to the indices of names and places with advantage. Much matter is fur-
nished illustrative of agricultural prices, particularly with regard to oats
and barley, and a comparative table of the values of English and Scots
currency from 1355 to 1601, taken from R. W. Gx:hran-Pa trick's Records
of the Coinage of Seotland, is given in an appendix. More personal interest
is supplied by some of the documents. No. 13, a marriage- contract between
Gilbert, son of Alexander Ramsay of Woodwrae and grandson of Finlay .
Ramsay of Bamff, and Margaret, daughter of Sir James Ogilvy of Airlie,
in 148Z, provides for the payment of 190 marks of dower by the bride's
father, the first fifty marks of which were to go to the redemption of the
bnds of Easter Mawes, to be settled on the young couple. The parents
of both parties engage to pay forty marks in equal shares of twenty each
' to the suportadon of the said Gilbert and Margaret to fill a tyk to thair
owne ouse utilite and prophet,' and Sir James Ogilvy undertakes to board
the pair and keep his daughter in clothes for a year after the marriage. An
inventory (no 47a) of the goods of Gilbert and Margaret's grandson
Alexander illustrates the extreme simplicity of the appointments of a small
' manor pbce ' early in the sixteenth century, and may be compared in-
(tructively with the much mote elaborate inventory, some hundred years
later, of master Samuel Ramsay, minister of Montrose, presumably a great-
grandson of the austerely provided Alexander {no. 195). Perhaps the
most curious di>cument printed here, occurring at a time when the general
interest of the family deeds has decUned in proportion to their plentifulness,
is a contract (no. 278) made in 1667 between the first baronet and his son
James, by which the father, ' for cettane good deid done be the said James
to the said Sir Gilbert' and for other causes, undertakes, in case of the
pre-decease of his wife Elizabeth, to give the son possession of the lands and
barony of Bamfi, and reduce the life-rent of the estate reserved to himself
in his son's marriage-contract of the previous year to a sum of 800 marks
and ' thrie chaldera meall victuall ' yearly. It appears that at any rate
James Ramsay was prepared to exact a price for the baronetcy which his
doings had gained for his father in 1666. Whether Sir Gilbert was actually
willing to dispossess himself is uncertain, but it is significant that a pro-
vision is made whereby, if he ' after his said Ladyes decease can nocht agrie
in familie with his said sone, in that caice it shall be leisume and laufull to
him to mak choyse oB any manet dueUiog place and house upon any part
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404 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
of the said lands.' Dame Elizabeth died some twenty-one to twenty-fiTC
yeais later : her husband survived till 1696 or 1697.
It has already been noted that a glossary of legal tenns would be a desirable
addition, and this applies also to other obsolete words in which the text
abounds. Some of these terms are insuffidently explained, and the inter-
pretation of ' post pan and gryt tymmer,' mentioned in a tack or lease of
the lands of Easter Mawes in 1636 (no. 218), as referring to the door-posts,
wall-plates and rafters of the houses on the estate is too summary. ' Post '
more probably is a general term for the upright timbers or the framewoA
of the building, ' pan ' is the boarding for panelling or wainscot, while
' gryt tymmer ' corresponds to the Latin grouum meremium, large timbers
for the coling and other necessary uses. Some of the terms in Samuel
Ramsay's inventory (no. 195) need further comment. The ' twa great
tables wrocht wnll in Holland, the ane of the historie of Abrahame feasting
the angells, the ather of the historie of Isaak and Jacob ' were probably
tapestries. The ' Flanders back ' u more likely to have been a Flemish
fire-back than a Dutch oven, ' Twa aasters,' explained as possibly^dishei
or ashets, look more like bowls or saucers. ' Damas dimik ' is interpreted
as ' diaper-damask ' : it might have been noted that the actual meaning
is Tournai damask, ' dimik ' being one of the many forms, such as ' domick '
and ' darnex,' into which the Flemish Doomyt was corrupted in English.
A strange passage occurs in the certificate of the pedigree of one John
Ramsay, who in 1623 was in the service of Gustavus Adolphui (no. 181).
It is stated that lus father was captain Alexander Ramsay, ' qui regiaa secutns
partes bello civili virtutis documenta egiegia dedit, maxime quod arcem
Britanne (sic) diruensem munitissimam ezpngnevit.' There can be little
doubt that the somewhat indefinite wording may be taken to mean that
Alexander had served on the side of Henry IV in the French civil war and
had taken part in the storming of a strong fortress in Brittany. The
modem copy from which the document is printed is not unimpeadubly
accurate, and the word ' diruensem ' is obviously wrong. Sir James Ramsay
on p. 187 quotes it at ' dimcnsem,' while failing to eiplain it. Probably
the word is really ' diniensem,' and the allusion is evidently to the storming
of Dinan, which would be appropriately described as * arcem Britannie
munitissimam,'bythefotcesof Henry IV of France in 1598. 'Dinanensem'
would be the more correct form, and probably ' diniensem ' was the originaJ
copyist's error.
The documents, Latin and English, appear to be transcribed with great
accuracy. Comparing the grant to master Neis in 1232 with the repro-
duction of the original charter, we notice a want of uniformity in the
extension of proper names. If * Petdreyn' ' and ' Ardormyn' ' ate extended
as ' Petdrcyne ' and ' Ardormyne,' ' Banef ' should not be left as ' Banef,'
and ' Meyners' ' as ' Meyners,' while the extension of ' Mar" ' is not ' Mart "
but ' Mare.' In addition to the reproduction of this charter, illustrations
of three seals are given. There is an excellent index of persons, but we
observe the omisnon of several names from the index of places. On p. 36
an unnecessary question b raised vrith regard to the pontifical year of pope
Innocent VIII mentioned in the text. If the pontificate of Innocent is
reckoned from his coronation on I2th September, 14S4, he had entered upon
his fourth year in November, 1487, and the text is therefore perfectly
right. Those who remember Ramorny, the villain ^f Scott's Tbt Fmir
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL FUBLICATIOKS. 4O5
Maid of Perth, will remark with intercBt the name of ' Dominum Johaonem
de RemoTgeny militem' in a charter (no. 10) granted by Robert, duke
of Albany, at Falkland, namet which ako recall the incidentsof the romance.
BYZANTINE AND ROMANESQUE ARCHITECTURE. By Sw Tbom*i C«hju€
Jackkin, R.A. 9tX7}, ii-)-i74+nu+iS5 pp. t6j pUta ind 148 iDaitntian* in
the text. Cunbiidge ; Unirfnilj Prm. 1913. 41). d.
Beginning with an introduction, the author deals first with Roman
aichitectuie, especially in its later stages, tracing its decline, and the rise of
B)'zantine architecture, especially as exemplified in Santa Sophia. He then
deals with the Iconoclast movement, later Byzantine, Italo-Byzantine,
Lombardic and Venetian architecture; notices of Pisa, Florence and Lticca
brining the first volume to a close. The second volume begins with German
Romanetque and passes on to French Romanesque, divided under the local
heads of Aquitaine, Provence, Toulouse, Burgundy, Auvergne, Normandy
and the Ile-de- France. Neit the author treats of English Romanesque,
both before and after the Norman conquest, and then sums up, his work
ending with a chronological list of examples, and finally an index.
A highly important feature of the work consists of the illustrations, a large
proportion of which is from original drawings, some few of them by the
author's son, but the greater number by himself. Some of them were
drawn more than fifty years ago, and thus furnish valuable records of buildings
since altered or improved away. Thus a drawing of the exterior of the
south side of Le Puy cathedral shows a charming Uttlc chapel of the four-
teenth century, no longer in existence. DeUghtful, indeed, are the
facsimile reproductions of pencil sketches ; and there are four in colour
from water-colour drawings, namely, details of the interiors of St. Demetrius
at Salonica, of San Vit^le at Ravenna and of the apse at Parenzo, and lastly
of the exterior of the cloister at Le Puy cathedral. To do justice to the
chromatic decoration in each of these cases coloured illustrations areabtolutely
indispensable. A limited quantity of the illustrations is from photographs ;
and the work includes a certain number of sections and plans to scale.
Plate III in the first volume, a capital from St. Demetrius at Salonica,
gives an excellent representation of two characteristic Byzantine features,
(i) the so-called ' wind-blown ' foliage of the capital, and (2) the impost-
block (technically known as the dosseret, or pulvino) planted on the summit
of the capital and intervening between the latter and the superstructure.
The author attributes the introduction of the dosseret to the necessity of
making a shaft, with a Corinthian, or Corinthianesque capital, carry a bulk
of wall in excess of the diameter of its own abacus. Such a motive may
indeed have stereotyped the dosseret, when once its structural possibilities
had been recognised, but is it not rather a survival of the moribund entabla-
ture of classic dmeg { Such certainly is the meaning of the strange, late-
Roman congbmeration at the springing of the vaults in the baths of Caracalla
Oitgaa A.D. Z16), the baths of Diocletian (t. 300), and the baaiUca of
Maxentios (30Q. Compare the feature in question with the similar detail
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406 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
of the facade of the irch of Constantine (a.b. 313), and the identity of the
entablature in all four cases alike will admit of no doubt whatever. And jet
from these to the dosseret of San Vitale at RaTenna (begun 541) is but a step.
Mr. Statham, in hii Short Critical History of Arrhitertxre, oSen another
explanation of the dosseret. According to him it was in origin only a
device to bring capitals on columns of various heights to one level, a ver7
necessary expedient when the practice became common of re-uwng colnmru,
etc. from older despoiled buildings.
The impossibility of dating with absolute confidence buildings produced
under such ultra-conservative traditions as those of Byzandum is exemplified
by the famous Church of the Apostles at Salonica, which is variously ascribed
by Teiier to the seventh, by Rivoira to the eleventh, and by Diehl to the
fourteenth century — a difierence of seven centuries. One or other of these
three attributions must be very wide of the mark. The question is, which.
In the course of his work Sir Thomas Jackson repeatedly has occa^on to
speak of mosaics ; and in volume i, chapter 4, trenchantly exposes the
futility * of the plan, common in modern dmes, of tracing the pattern
reversed on linen, and glueing the tesserae face downwards on it, and then
pressing the whole into the cement, so that till the mosaic is set and the
linen removed, the ardsl never sees the face of his work.' Mosaic is essen-
tially a mobile art, and every separate cube has a relation to the rest, and
should be fixed, not with mechanical precision in one even plane, but jut
where it may catch the glint of light and display most effectually its radiant
qualities. Such work necessarily demands to be executed by an artist who
not only watches all the time the effect of what he is doing but work* in
littt. No other method of eiecuting mosaic is of the smallest avail.
In his preface the writer remarks that whenever he has to describe a
building that he has not personally seen, the fact will usually be noted, rince
second-hand information is unprofitable. He is careful to point out that
the reason why he has omitted all reference to buildings in Sicily and south
Italy is because he has never visited those parts. In some cases, however,
of buildings which he has visited, he seems to tel^ on memory, proverbially
treacherous, instead of on written memoranda. Thus, speaking of the church
of Notre- Dam e-du- Port at Clermont-Ferrand, he calls the windovrs of the
triforium gallery ' small slits.' Now this description might lead one to
suppose that the vrindows are mere narrow loops, whereas they are in
fact of the respectable width of some iz or 15 inches. Again he speaks of
the triforium arcade in the same building as consisting of ' horse-shoe trc-
foiled' arches,' in such a way that might imply that the triforium arcade is
of this pattern throughout ; whereas it occurs only in some of the bays on the
louth side, and not at all on the north side of the building. He rightly
records the presence of the same feature also at Issoire.
The artisric effects obtained by the grouping of external parts, though not,
of course, a point which the Romanesque builders had parricularly in view,
ii, nevertheless, a subject not to be overlooked. ' Six towers is the full
complement of a Rhenish church of the first rank, and this is the number at
Worms, Speyer, Laach and Mainz. All these churches (except Laach, which
is a little later) date from the first half of the eleventh century, though
they have been altered to some extent in the twelfth century and after-
wards.* The pbn reached its culminarion in the seven-tower scheme in
two buildings of very different character, but 'rirtuaUy contempoiaty, viz.
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 407
limburg on the Lahn (1213-1242) and Rheims cathedral (1311-1295)..
Both thcK churches, however, are outwde the icope of the present work.
Refeiriag incideatall7 (vol. ii, p. 190) to the church of St. Regulus, or
Rule, at St. Andrews, Fife, the author says : ' The tower . . . has a
strange litenesa to the Lombard campanile, and might have been trans-
planted bodily from Italy.* The resemblance, however, is rather superficial
than real. That which differentiates the Scottith example is the fact not
only that it is not a detached towei but also that it is a middle tower between
nave and chancel. The nave, it is true, no longer exists, but that it did exist
and that it did form an integral part of the scheme of the building does
not admit of doubt. From the context the author would obviously imply
that St, Regolus' tower sunds at the west end of the nave.
[n the matter of the vaulting of Durham cathedral nave. Sir Thomas
Jackson observes that ' the stone vault, which is thoroughly developed
with lib and panel construction, ia supposed by some to have been
finished before 1133. I think it mote probably dates from the thirteenth
century, or at the earliest from the time of bishop Pudsey (1153-1195}.
the builder of the GaUlee.' Incidentally there never was a bishop of
Durham of the name of Pudsey. His name was de Puiset, and it is only
due to pedigree-foTgers of Elizabethan days that the bishop ever came to be
misnamed. As to the early date for the vaulting, Sir Thomas Jackson only
Dame* one authority, viz. Canon Greenwcll. The point is one of particular
interest to members of the Institute, who have been wont to pride them-
»elves that a distinguished member of their body, Mr. John Bilton, had
conclusively vindicated the claims of the Durham builders to have intro-
duced rib vaulting — the quire of the cathedra) being vaulted between
1099 and 1 104, and the nave between iiaS and 1133. Sir Thomas Jackson's
book reopens the question, which may yet need further elucidation and
argument before it is finally settled and uiuversal agreement reached.
A. V.
ENGLISH COURTlHAND, k.o. io6« to ijoo. lUiutntal dutBj from the pubUc
ncorib. BjlCBAtut Johhioh and Hiuit Jdckimoh. Vol. 1, Tcit : idx6),
ilviii + iso pp. Vol II, PhtM-. loixisi, 44 plitfi. Oxford: Clarendon Pren,
1915. a Tob. 151. □. or lepaiatelj : toL I, lOi. 6d. n. ; ToL II, IIL n.
These volumes deserve the heartiest of welcomes alike from the.
palaeographer and from the student of original docnments to whom their
palaeography is, comparatively speaking, a matter of secondary importance.
One of the compilers of the present wotk, Mr. Jenkinson, has shovm us in &
previous essay what differences may exist in the handwriting of mediaeval
documents composed during the same period and within a short distance
of each Other. He now essays with the aid of Mr. Johnson, one of his col-
leagues in the Public Record office, to trace the progress of the formal and
more or less stereotyped style of writing which, taking its original shape,
like the common forms of legal documents for which it was used, amid the
procedure of mediaeval law-courts, ia distinguished as court hand from the
bo^ hand employed by the writers and transcribers of mannscripu in
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408 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
inonuteTies and other tats of learned Idntre. The woik coren a mote
limited period than Wrist's English Court-Httnd Reitored and other Tolnme*
familiar to the itudent, but it coven that period with more thorou^ue**
and with a more complete schoUrlj equipment than earlier works. At * a
good practice-book for the itudent and a conveiuent collection of material
for the teacher,' to quote the modeat worda of the introduction, it is unlikely
to be lupcTseded.
The compilers have provided the teacher and pnpil with a series of
photc^aphic reproductions of examples covering a period from about 1070
to 1501, which form the volume of plate* and axe arranged in chronological
order. The greater part of the volume of text (pp. 79-250) i» devoted to
full^ extended transcript* of the documents illuttrated, each of which ii
preceded by a general note upon the handwriting of the o^inal and iu
■clauifi cation, and by further comment upon the formation of individual
letters, the use of abbreviations, ligature* and stops, and upon occauonal
peculiarities which call for notice. These eluddations are prefaced by a
treatise on the history of individual letters, illustrated by a carefully prepared
•et of facsimiles to show the development in the court hand form of each
of the letters of the alphabet, for which it is justly claimed that they ' are
on a scale and of an accuracy which have not been attempted before.' The
object and scope of the work are thus strictly limited to the evolution of
one particular type of handwriting : the development of ' bo<A hand,' and
that part of the subject ioclf, save in so far as it is related to the earlier fbrros
of court hand, are left untouched. While any attempt to trace the history
of abbreviations of words is strictly avoided, fourteen pages of the intro-
duction contain a short practical discussion of this subject and a list of
ordinary contractions, the brevity of which is in inverse proportion to its
excellence and representarive value. Dictionaries of abbreviations, as the
-compilers point out, have obvious disadvantages, and a list such as is given
here is of more profit to the beginner than many dictionaries. The intro-
duction is marked throughout by pregnancy and power of compression :
the three pages of hints on transcription, for example, cover most of the
erron which, especially in the case of proper names, may be fatal to the
most careful traoscribeis, and are not unknown, it may be remarked in
passing, even in official calendars of historical documents. In addition to
these and other general remarks, the introduction prorides a useful
bibliography and a conspectus of documents from which the plates have
been selected.
The plates themselves, which have been made as large as possible with
-only very shght reductions, where necessary, in the size of the handwriting,
are admirably clear and afiord no cause for the reproach, often incuired
justly by reproductions of manuscripts, that they are more difficult to read
than their originals. Although their editors disclaim any endeavout to have
chosen examples of special historical or artistic value, their presentation of
' specimens of the average humdrum material of historical research ' it
attractive enough to give even the stranger 10 such material some idea
-of the peculiar charm which it exercises over its devotees. The collection,
moreover, of so large a number of specimen documents, eighty-two in aS,
from the most r^resentative sources, charters, ^pe rolls, patent and
-dose lolls, plea roUs, charter rolls, etc., has a double value in addition
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 4O9
TO its Bpecifically palaeographical interest. A beginner who masten the
contcDti of tiese pUtcs with the aid of tie full and accurate iranscript*
provided will find himself in a fair way to deal inteUigently and independently
with original documents belonging to these various ciasses and to others not
repmented here ; while the ordinary student of history who, with small
opportunities foi original reteaich, has largely to depend upon the labour
of others for hia information, will be happy in the possession of a book which
gives so comprehensive an object-lesson in the nature of the documentary
sources of English histoiy.
At a time when the custody and preservation of records is something of a
burning question, it is gTatif;ring to find work of so thoroughly competent
and scholarly a character proceeding from two of the assbtants in the Public
Record office. Their work, by its eihibition of actual examples of the
documents under their care, cannot but have the efiect of spreading more
widely the knowledge of the unparalleled value of the treasures of that great
storehouse of the materials of national and local history. Their claim is
perhaps too exclusive when they say that ' no other repository in this country
possesses unbroken series of homologous documents stretching from the
middle of the twelfth century to the middle of the nineteenth, or from the-
beginning of the thirteenth century to the present day.' A modest excep-
tion might be made in favour of the great series of episcopal registers at York
and Lincoln, which are, it is true, not absolutely unbroken, but with
comparatively slight intervals are continuous from the first quarter of the
thirteenth century and afiord abundant opportunities for the study of the
progress of a secretarial handwriting hardly to be differentiated from court
hand during most of the period covered by these volumes. The student
will gratefully remember that it is also to one of the officials of the Record
office that he owes the late Mr. C. Trice Martin's Recori InUrpreUr. The
primary object of that book was different from that pursued by Mr. Johnson
and Mi. Jenkinson ; the two works are complementary to one another, his as-
an aid to the interpretation of records, theirs as a study in their formal
characteristics. While they lay stress upon the empirical rather than the
scientific nature of thur conclusions, and while it is possible that thoae
conclusions may be modified in some d^ee by future writers, thor labours
must inevitably form the starting-point for any stricter investigation of ■
' similar kind.
The printing of the text throughout is as free from erron as we should
expect of writers so cautious, accurate, and well-informed as Mr. Johnson
and his colleague. If they have any fault, it is the too cotisdenrious purism
which induces them to such pracdces as the use of the unfamiliar metH»gi%n
instead of mesvagitim and the consistent latinisarion of place-names whose
declensions the original compilers of these documents, especially in the
later middle ages, did not tronble to consider. To the list of Latin glossaries
in the bibliography might have been added that of Maigne d'Amis, published
in connexion with Migne's Patrelogia Latina, which is more easily pro-
curable by the student than the more voluminous and valuable Du Cange ;
while, among the smaller hand-books of chronology. Sir Harris Nicolas's
Chronology aj History should not be omitted where Bond's Handy Book finds
a place.
A.H.T.
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410 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
MEMORIALS AND MONUMENTS, OLD AND NEW : two bwikid RTBjicn
cmomi noM nviH cmnum. Bf LAwnNci Wunm. 9x6,479 pp. 15S illoMn-
tioDL LondoDi Conntiy Liie, 1915.
Mr. Lawrence Weavei has to a large eztect brdcen new grouod in giving
-us thi> portly and well illuttrated volume. His object is ' to provide an
historical account of tke development of those t^pea of memorials which
-are the most luitable for present use ' , . . ' to focus attention on good
-ecamples, old and new,' and to save our churches, churchyards, cemeteries
and public buildings fiom the melancholy disftgurement that followed in
the wake of the South African war. Mr. Weaver feats, not without reason,
that this disfigurement may be repeated, on an altogether vaster scale, as a
retnlt of the present world-wide conflict, ard such a book as this not only
meets a want, but its avowed aim should heartily commend it to antiqnaiiea,
architects, the clergy and people of cultivated taste.
In a field so vast it is inevitable that many omissions must suggest them-
■selves to the critical eye. Why is no mention made of such magnificent
.early Gothic monuments as those of Aymer de Valence, Edmund Crouchback
and Aveline couDtex of Lancaster, in the lacrarium of Westminster abbey I
•or that noble series of tombs, contemporary or (lightly later, representing
the climax of Gothic art in \^nchelsea church, Sussex F or a hundred
other peerless triumphs, the joint creative labour of artist, sculptor and
stonemason f They rise before one's mental vision in serried ranks, those
'Cano^ed recumbent praying figures of man and woman, child, warrior,
'great lady, ecclesiastic, king and queen ; at Canterbury, ^^^chester,
Salisbury, Tei^esbury, Gloucester, Lincoln, Ely, Wells and numberlett
cathedral, conventual, collegiate and parish churches. Can we beat such
works for beauty to-day I And then there are the brasses : Mr. Weaver
might perhaps have dealt more fully with some of the lovely ancient examples,
to well worth study and adaptation to modern needs.
This is, in fact, the weak side of an othervrise admirable book, that it
-suggests a bias in^favoui of renaissance, classical, and even * new art,' to the
neglect of the Gothic school of monumental sculpture and design.
Simibrly, such a beautiful, simple and inexpensive memorial as the stone
■or marble coffin-slab might well have been illustrated and commended.
Why should it be tadly assumed that Gothic art is dead, 01 outworn, and
that the classical styles, with their modem developments, are, for practical
purposes, alone worth going to for inspiration by our latter-day designers.
If one may judge merely by the enormous preponderance of illustrations
in this book that may be classed under the latter headings, that would appear
to represent Mr. Weaver's conscious or unconsciouB conclusion.
W'hat, for eiample, could be more charming, natural, and suitable to
a Gothic church of fourteenth-century style than the monument (illustrated
<on p. 183) of the Hon. Francis Meynell, with its ogee crocketed canopy
and the dignified figure in court dress kneeling at a faldstool ? And what,
per contra, more oddly inappropriate than the bust of Bodley, one of the
-most eminent of our neo-Gothic architects, set in an elaborate Jacobean
monument of alabaster and coloured marbles, with the inevitable pagan
obelisks crowning the entablature I '^ Bodley's own work, in fifteenth-
t Stntford-on-Avon, but not a
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NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 4I I
centuiy aty\e (p. 193), ia a sufficient refutation of the modern heresy that
Gothic act is inapplicable to wall-tablets. Feihaps Sir Thomas Jackson's
similar tablet design (p. 195) is hardly so successful, with its eruption of
paterae, and others of this school, like Sir Robert Lorimer's designs ^p, 233,
245, 313), are too strongly tinged with the weird fancies of die * new ait'
nightmare to be pleasing to a sober taste. What could be more beautiful
and satisfying than the South African memorial at York, as an outdoor
memorial (G. F, Bodley, p. 385), founded as it it on the Eleanor crosses
of the late thirteenth century, but translated into a latcf phase of our
national Gothic ? Excellent old examples of Gothic wall-memorialt are
given on pp. 35 and 37. It seems allowable to enumerate these example*,
because they not unfairly represent the somewhat meagre selection of
Gothic that Mr, Weaver aUows us. In chap, xiii he gives some excellent
ancient and modem graveyard crosses, but none of the characteristic Irish
spedmens, marveb of beauty.
The very much larger number of renaissance and classical monuments
which are set before us are, in their difEcrent way, full of instrucrion and
interest, though often unconscious witnesses of what to avoid. Among
the ancient, Torrigiano's gorgeous tomb of Henry VII, dated 1517 (p. 307),
in black marble and gilt bronze, can hold its own with anything modem
in the same class and style. So will the similar monument by the same
artist, put up some seven yean earlier in Westminster abbey, to Margaret
Beaufort.
The examples of seventeenth-century wall-tablets and monuments
of more elaborate design, chiefly from Westminster abbey and London
churches (Chelsea, Cripplegate, etc.), and some few from the provinces,
as e.g. Robert Aldwortlk's tomb in St. Peter's, Bristol, are exceedingly
good and interesting renaissance work. One misses any reference to such
fine things as the monuments at Sanderstead and Horsham, and the series
of the Evelyn family at Wotton, Surrey, but it isimposiible to mention a dthe
of the many beautiful examples, early and late, which our andent churches
afford. Nicholas Stone's legacy of work comesin for due notice and praise;
so does the magnificent figure-sculpture of Flaxman and Chantrey.
Mr. Weaver gives us many modern works in a style of their own. The
chapters on the use of heraldry, lettering, outdoor memorials, and tablets its
historical buildings, are well done and most useful
Philip M. Johnston.
THE CHURCH BELLS OF SUSSEX, with the Intcripdoiu of lU the BcUi m the Coun^
in 1K64, and a jubilee irticle diercon written in 1914. Bj AHuiitsT D. Ttium.
H^Sfc ai5 pp. 51 illuilntioni. Lewei ! Famcombe & Co. 191;. (Reprinted
from vok Inii and it! dI the Suiitx Aribaalogicdl Sociity'i CcUiciiaia.)
It is not often given to a man to produce a jubilee edition of his own
work, and Dr. Tyascn's must be almost a unique performance. He was
the first to bring out a complete description of the bells of an English
county (Lukis' ff'ilti. in 1857 was only a partial account of that <»tmrr),
D,gH,zed.y Google
412 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS.
and tie has now been given the opponuniiy to lue the laboon of hU feUoW'
worken during the interveoiDg fiftjr years. The original book of 1864
wai in its way a tour de force, written as it was by a yanng man (we beliere
Dr. Tyssen was then at Oiford) letting out to explore a virgin territory ;
and it is remarkable that so much which he then wrote ttill holds good.
After fifty yean Dr. Tyssen's hand has ikot lost its cunning, and while be
naturally owes much to other writers, he has contributed much new and
original matter.
Thia new edition deals mainty with the mediaeval bell*, which, from
the problems they present to investigators, are naturally of more interest
than those of later date. Most of the mediaeval bells in Sussei: ire the
wotk of London founders, and here Dr. Tyssen has had the advantage of
the late J. C. L. Stahlschmidt's labours ; but though in the main accepting
Stahlschmidt's results, he has some interesting and almost revolutionary
theories of his own to propound. The most startling is the disposseasios
of Henry Jordan, whom most writers have regarded as the maker of a
large and widely-distributed group of bells, distii^uished by two trade-
mariu known as the ' cross-keys ' and ' banner ' shields. Dr. Tyssen brings
forward several ingenious arguments for assigning these to one Wlliam
Chamberbin, of whom indeed we know little. We are not sure that he
has proved his case, but at all events the argument for pladng these bells
earher than the wars of the Roses (the time of Jordan's activity) canie*
much weight. We have also new views on the bells assigned to Walgiave,
Crouch, and Danyell, all London founders of the fifteenth century, iriiich
are worked out with remarkable »H11 and knowledge. But unfortunately
■pace forbids us to discuss these questions in detail.
The full discussion of the mediaeval bells and their founders is followed
by some notes contributing more up-to-date information about the post-
Reformation bells, and an interesting description of the method of casting
bells and the imprinting of the inscriptions. An entirely new feature,
laiung some points of interest, is the table, which must have entailed
immense labour to compile, of the number of bells cast all over En^nd
in each year between 1560 (when bells first began ngai»Ay to be dateiQ
and i860. The historical events of each year are also noted, the author's
object being to show how far these affected the industry. Except for
the time of the Civil wars (1644 to 1649), when hardly any bells were cast
in England, Uttle difference seems to be observable. But one curious
result of these researches ia to show that during three centuries the most
pToUfic years are 1624, 1723, and 1824, and next to these, 1636 and 1737.
The illustrations reproduced from the old edition are supplemented
by some useful plates of the lettering on the mediaeval belts ; these are
very welcome, as previous writers have for some reason neglected to give
the same attention to the forms of letters, capital or small, which they
have paid to the initia) crosses, trade-marks, and other stamps.
In one respect the book might have been improved, lumely by some
notes ^ a full list were impossible) on the change* in Sussex belfries during
the last fifty years. Some of the old bellt of which Dr. Tyssen writes,
e.g. those at Findon, Fitdeworth, Pevensey, Rotherfield, and doubtless
other places, have now gone into the melting-pot, and in many other cases
the rings of bells have been enlarged or renewed. Some mention might
alto have been made of Mr. Garraway Rice's discovery, recently con-
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 4I3
tributed to tke Sussex Archaeological Sodely, that the well-known founder,
Samuel Knight, spent some time at Arundel when he left Reading about
1705, and that the Samuel Knight who nibsequentl}' worked in London
(1720 to 1738) was not this man but his son.
H. B. W,
A PICTURE BOOK. OF BRITISH HISTORY. Vol.ii, I4g;-i68g. Bj S. C. Roaun.
ij^Kioi, lii+Topp. aooilluitiationi. Cambridge UoiTcnitr Prat, 1915. ]i. 6d. □■
Mr. Roberts has alreadj given proof of his skill and judgment in the
selection of historical Ulustration in the first volume of this picture book.
In the present volume, the material for which is much more abundant, he
must have exercised considerable self-restraint amid the variety of con-
temporary sources of which he has made use. The result is a series of
pictures, several of which are familiar but none hackneyed by constant
repetition, arranged in thirty-four sections, each with a clearly defined
heading, and supplemented by brief and interesting notes. Where several
illustrations have to be brought together on a single page, clearness of detail
must occasionally be sacrificed ; but this is only now and then the case,
and the excellence of the reproduction of such portraits as that of Henry VIII,
attributed to L. Hornebolt, the print of the Marian martyrs called ' Faiths
victorie in Romes erueltie,' and the engraving of the portrait of Hampden,
at Port Eliot, deserves the highest praise. The book is especially rich in
well-chosen portraits and pictures of historical groups, and some of these,
particularly the marriage-feast of Sir Henry Unton and the picture at
Holyrood of the young James VI and the Lennox family at the tomb of
Darnley, are well calculated to excite tie curiosity and interest of the young
student for whom they are intended. The architectural iUustrationi
are chiefly taken from photographs. Of the five depicting Tudor
architecture and the early renaissance, the beautifid spire of Louth church,
although built in the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII, has nothing
about it which is characteristically Tudor, and we should prefer to see in its
place a photograph of some such early Tudor house as Compton Wynyates or
East Barsham. The renaissance detail of the Salisbury chantry-chapel at
Christchurch is too delicate to be effective in a small illustration ; Gardiner's'
tomb-chapel at Winchester, though later in date, would have conveyed
the lesson of Gothic construction with subsidiary renaissance ornament more
successfully in the same space. The seven illustrations of Elizabethan and
Jacobean architecture include Moreton old hall and the market-hall at
Ledbury as examples of timber building : Wollaton, Blickling and Holland
house are the noblemen's palaces selected ; while the Schools tower at
Oxford and the Banqueting hall at Whitehall offer a contrast between
picturesque pseudo-classical work and the genuine architecture of the
renaissance. Wren is represented by Temple bar, St. Mary-lc-Bow, the
Monument and Trinity college library at Cambridge, while his chapel at
Pembroke college, Cambridge, is weU shown in a good reproduction of
Loggan's view of the college, illustrating the subject of education under
the Stewarts. The notes are printed in a bold and attractive type, and
necessary facts and dates are given briefly and accurately. It is perhaps
.y Google
414 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIOHS.
too tweeping a generaliaatton to stj that ' praciieallj' no churches were
built in Ei^land ' between 1539 and the lime of Wren. St. John's, Leeds,
is cited in a note ai the chief exception, but there was more building and
rebuilding in country places dining the interral than is often recognised,
and the Gothic work of the first half of the seTcnteenth century still awaits
its historian. To speak of the Salisbury chapel at Christchurch as a ' chapel
or chantry ' is somewhat misleading. Henry VII's chapel, illustrated on
the same page, may equally be called a chantry. A chantry is primarily
a service, and not a building, and the use of the word, as applied to a building
in which a chantry was founded, while it has tended to obscure the original
meaning, is not exclusively applicable to any special architectural type.
A-RT.
A valuable and important addition to our knowledge of these marks.
Mr. Hudd has illustrated and described no fewer than 483 examples ranging
in date from 1284 to 1635, all from Bristol deeds, and the paper may be
compared with that published many years ago by the late Mr. C. Muskett
on the Norwich marks, the only other paper dealing with marks in a pven
district. Comparatively few examples have come down to us on buil^ngs,
monumcnta, portraits, or in glass, etc. and it is to the deeds andseals that we
have to look for new light to clear up many still doubtful punts. The
bbour of going through masses of deeds is great, and all antiquaries are
indebted to Mr. Hudd for the time and labour he has spent on these Bristol
examples. In the introduction Mr. Hudd briefly sums up the story of the
marks and gives a list of the collections of deeds from which his example*
have been drawn. Looking through the illustrations one is struck b^ the
number of combinations it is possible to make out of a simple device like
a cross and streamers, which forms the basis for most of these mark*.
M. S.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
SEVENTY-THIRD REPORT OF THE COUNCIL
For the Year 1914.
The Council have the honour to present to the members of the Institute
thai tcpoit for the ytit 1914.
Although its effect* are a yet hardly reflected in the worldng of the
Inititute, the Eutopean war must necessarily influence its fortune*. It
has delayed the iuue of the Journal, it has interrupted for the time being,
at any rate, the flow of subscriptions from public libraries abroad, it has
led to some rengnatioiu, and it has diverted the interest and the activitie*
of archaeological workers.
Its effects in 1915 will most probably be far more marked, and the Council
feel the need of prudence in flnance and the importance of the co-operation
of its members in an endeavout to make the woric of the Institute more
widely known.
From the accounts, which are appended, it will be seen that the total
recdpts for the year amount to £758 is. gd, while the expenditure incurred
was ^546 i6s. lod.
The securities now standing in the names of the trustees arc set forth
n the balance sheet.
The sum of £1 1 6s. od. has been granted towards research during the
The senior Vice-President, Mr. Mill Stephenson, B.A. F.S.A. retires-
by rotation, and the Council recommend that Mr. A. Hamilton Thompson,
M.A. F.SA. be appointed a \^ce-President in his stead.
The members of the Council who retire in rotation aire Messrs. ]. A.
Gotch, F.S.A ; Cobnel J. W. Parker, C.B. D.L. F.SA ; C. R. Peers, M.A.
Sec. S.A ; Walter Rowley, F.S.A. M.Inst.C.E ; the Rev. R. M. Serjeantson,
MJV. F.S.A ; and A. Hamilton Thompson, M.A. F.S.A.
To take their places the Council reconunend the Rev. D. H S. Cranage,
Litt.D. F.S.A; the Rev. E. S. Dcwick, M.A. F.S.A; M. S. Giuseppi,
F.S.A ; Philip Norman, LL.D. F.S.A ; H. Plowman, F.S.A ; and Prof. E. S.
Prior, MA A.R.A. F.SJL
It is also recommended that Sir William St. John Hope, Lin.D. D.C.L.
and Mr. A. H Lyell, M.A. F.S.A. be appointed Director and Auditor
respective^'.
The loss of members during the period under review by resignation is
fifteen, and by death five, of whom two were life-compounders. Four
libraries have ceased to subscribe. Twenty-five new members have been
elected, and four libraries have been added to the list, making a net it
<d five memben and subscribers.
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AbtUita, a KoDua fort near Codeimautli, So.
Abuiinoil, PHdt'i icfeiencc to ' lilveitrei
bomiiiu' iolubiting, i;^
Abnun, Miw, an Miurinrdi in lii Calhiirtl
Church ef Scinl-Stttrniir, Bragit, 3o5-]i4.
Account! of tb* Imtitute for the jtti 1914,
4.6.
Aduc, tbe tfane fiiinea at, lzo-ti6.
Addeitiutj, St. Mity't, arred nbiu on
torbtl-tiblB «t, 7.
Adel, Yolki. Roman road at, So ; rcpicHnta-
tion of hippoccntaur il, 184.
Aefiao, hii deiehption of the Satjri, i;8;
of the onocentaun, 179.
Acnchot, miKticord illuitrating the laciificc
of II
t,_3ij-
Aethiopii, I
from, i;6.
Agludoe ntbednl church deiciibed, JS^-j^y.
AUxanitT, Ramaaci «/, huQUUi pnidigiti in-
tniduced into French veimon) of the, 137,
140 ; deiciiptioD of laTigi man in, 164.
Allcroft, A. Hadiiaa, on Stmt RmicH Soa^
in thi Smtb Dtaiu, loi-iji.
jfmiauma Ctdtn ; lU biilery aui iwiptr-
una, by Sir Heniy H. Howoith, 49-68.
Androgjni, Phnj^i deacription of, 139-
AogFn, twtUth-centurj irindowi at Yoil
produced at, 37.
At^le-Saxsn Cbarct Archiltttm in SnilBc,
by Col. H. L. Jenep, nolind, 191.
Annali of InnialaUen, nferencci to A^hldoc
in the, 356.
Annual Geaeral Meeting, 191.
Antipodei in Lybia, Plin]>'i dcaciiptioh of
the, 14S.
AstDDine idneraij, 77-84.
Antiinl, foitified paiiih church at, 133.
Apei, repreientation of in mediienl
betdaiie), 156!.
ApoUo, connexion with St. Scbaitiui, 185 f.
Appian waj, Mtthnic renuini on the, 196.
Arabic Numtrali, the Dmlefmtnl of, in
Euraft, bj G. F. Hill, noticed, 298.
Archdeacon, the functioni and dutiea of a
mediaeval, 241 f.
Ardmore cacbedral church deicribed, 345~-34S,
Aigenton-nir-CreuK (Indre), reprcKDUtion
of anthropoid ape at Saint-Marcel, 159.
Armagh, fortified church of the Friart
Miitor at, 118; the cathedral church
deicribed, 393-395-
Arnold, W. T, hii Raman Sytum tf Prt-
mneiiU AJminiitralian, noticed, 302.
Artabatitae, Pliny'i deicription of the, 136.
Atberitone, Auitin fiiiij at, 113.
Arthur chapel, Limetiii cathedral, 373.
Auguttine'i ducuuion on prodigiei in da
Civiuu Dei, iji.
Aulc Uudauil, Derbjihirc, repretentation of
Aurehan, cult of Mitbtie in n
f, 187.
Babooni, 111 CTnocephaU.
Bicbal Iia or iCaff of Jenia foimerlr preaerred
■t Armigb, 39].
Bigpipei, repreKntationof,iD Eietet cathedral
Baldwin Brown, G, on ' Wu the Anglo-Suon
anarti.t?'.9..
Bemg Cherttri, 1231-170], by Sir J. H.
RdTTuay, bart. noticed, 402.
BarfratoD, Kent, repmentatioii of a hippo-
centaur on capital at, 183.
Bectiie, mini of the CLiterdan abbey at, |»9.
Bede, hii refercncei to codicei made for
abbot Ceolfrid, 49.
Bell) : Cburcb-kdU af Linlilbgombirt, by
F. C. Eelei, noticfd, 199; Cbarcb-hdU ef
Siasix, by A. D. TytieQ, noticed, 411.
BeUoir, John, eiecutor and legatee of William
of, 4
Bettiariei containing detcripriona of human
prodigiei, 133.
Beverley miaiter, carringi of bagpipen it,
14 ; miiericord illuitrating itoiy of
Valentine and Onon, 310.
Bird-iiren, i69f.
Birdonrald, So.
BUckfrian : Viacount DiUon on A Prxantu
if Qnitn Eliaaielb tt Blackfrian, 69-74.
Blemyae, Pliny'i deicripdoD of the, 137.
Bo'ntu, mediacTil bell at, 200.
Botran'i Ring, Roman fort at, 79.
D,gH,zed.y Google
Bolton chuich, Lino. repmcaUtion of ihip
Bothamltjr, C. H, an Circawmnc, the Gtt
uid BuM-ViUe, 190.
Bortc, Sir R, flnt carl of Cork, hii tomb in
St. Patrick'!, Dublin, 369; Liimore
lathed ral mtored by, 390.
Boioun, Robert, law booki hequMthed by
WLlliam Doune to, 262.
Bnchnuni, deicriptioni in mediatral MSS.
of, 141.
Biaiud, Kent, nunnen at nipparten in
annorial glui at, 17S.
Bremcteniucuin, ■ Roman fort near Praton,
77-
Bntforton, Worceittnhire, repntenCaliaa of
St. Margarft iwallowed by a dngaa at, 1 ;;.
Brian, Reynold, bithop of Woiceiter, patron
icrland, repreientatioD 0
Bridekiik, Cum)
hippocentaur i _
frills/ Mtrcbant Maria, by A. E. Hudd,
Champn
y., A.
c.
hit IriA EcdesUttic
Archil
rtmqu
oted
9 If, 3491.
Cbantiie
dby
WilUam Doune, ijj.
CbiilrrfitCd Ar
in ibe Mrtnpclitm,
Jlfu»
nojAr
Nta
r>rk, by the Vitcooai
Dillon
75-76
Chiciieit
r, repteient«tion of aitim on
151.
Chiron repieiented in
r, .85.
Citiii 1
£kJ
litn.
by Patrick Geddei,
noticed, .99.
Citoleo
ribed, 11-11.
Clanoven
ta, the Roman icabDn at RaTcagUn,
77, Si
Clement
urenq
of Ale
noted,
jndn
a, hit nference to Cbe
Cloomac
tic renuiot at, IIO;
cathed
alchul
hde.
crihed, 350-351-
Cbyne c
arhedn
cbuich described, 391-393-
Cocdum
theR
tation at Wipui, 77.
Codringt
on, hi
R-m
a* Rtads in Britti»
Brougham cajUe, 79.
Brugii, Mi^rricotdi in tbt Call
aj SaiHl-Sammr, by Miu
Bumbarbe, a btf^e ihawn, 15.
Buiinc, an early type of trumpet
Bygeni Hmltmere, by E. W.
P. Woodi, noticed, 301,
C.
Can on, inicmmenc of the pulterj clait,
detcribed, 31.
Carcanonne, C. U. Bothamie)' on, 190.
Citraig-an-chluil, take of KiUimey, ale of
MuckroM abbey, 116.
Carthage, early organ found at, 12.
Cartmel chuich, caived example of triple face
on miiericord at, 140; repreientation of
double-i
laid in.
'77-.
Quddetdea, Hentj, William Douae'i
deceuor at archdeacon of Ldceiter, 14
Chaldon church, Surrey, lepretenUCior
le for, :
V in Ken
r of MitbcaiuD i
• of •
aUare'io Irebnd forbidden by, 351.
Conway, Sir W. M, hit Wttdcmtr, ej tie
Nilbirianis quoted, 322.
Cook, Elizabeth, medaliiOlU in Mertsn dnmh
erected by, 341.
Cork cathedral cbuich detcribed, 399.
Cornett, lepreientatioii on tomb of Matthew
Godwin at Exetei, 34.
Cdurc Hand, Engli^, by C. JohntOD and
H. Jenkinton, noticed, 407.
Cox, J. Charlet, hit En^liii Paritb Cbarcb
noticed, 196.
Cumont, M, hit Ttxtes tt mtnummu fig*ris
ritaiifi aiix myiUrii di Milbra lefentd to.
Cyclop
the, 137.
Cymbals detcribed
Cynewulf, king 1
MercoD, 315.
Cynocephali or bal
:i of India, Pliay'i iccoiiBt a
iied, 17.
Wenei, murdered a
oni, Pliny't lefeieoce to
Darenth, Kent, reprcMiitatiai
centaur at, 1S4.
Dennington, Suffolk,
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
42t
De'Row and the Codci Amiatinut, ;o.
Deny cathedral church deicribed, 399.
Dcvil'i djkt, Porttlade, ii;.
DevoD, Hugh carl of, WiUiim Douae ligiu
probau of hii wilt, zjS.
Dillon, the Viicount, on A Prxmian of Quern
Eliaabitb le Biackfiiari, 69-74; oa Tb/
CbaurfitU Armov tn ibt MirepllitaH
Miatum of An, Sea Tork, 75-76.
Diocletian, manyrdom of St. Sebaitian in
nif^ of, zS6.
Domeiday Book, TefereDcei to Mcrton church
in, 317-
Dttau, Tbt wm of Mmiit William, Arct-
itacm ef Leicester, hy A. MiTnilton Thomp-
>on, 233-284.
Dowapatrick, Benedictine canieat ac, 107 {
cathedral church dHciibed, 395.
Drogheda, remaini of friary church at, II].
Druce, G. C, on Some Abmrmal and Com-
ptsile Human Fermi in Engtiib Cbiircb
ArdiiuctuTi, 135-186.
Dublin : Chriitchurch cathedral, remain! of
apK in, 98 ; detcribed, 3S7-361 ; St.
Patrick') cathedral church daicribed,
361-369. .
Daldmer detcribed, ]i.
Durham caatle chapel, repreientation of mer-
Etarham cathedral gtaied by biihop Pudiey,
47-
Dorrow, early round tower at, 8q.
Eail Anglitf Proceedings o/ 'the Prebitlaric
Stcitiy of, noticed, 198.
Echtemach, Luxemburg, reputed head of
St. Sebaitian kept at, 189.
Edward III, head of, in Merton church, 339.
Eelet, F. C, hii Cbiircb Bells of Liniitbgmsbire,
noticed, 199.
Edktborough, Buckt, repreientation of
anthropoid ipc ac, ijq.
Elizabeth : A Procession nf Qmn Etiaabeib u
Blackfriart, by the Viicouat Dillon, 69-74.
Emeia, a centre of Syrian lun-wonhip, iS3.
Engliib Pafiib Cbnrcb, Tbe, by J. C. Coi,
Etynulagy of Iiidore quoted, 139-183 pawm,
Eulenitein, Charlei, and the Jew'i harp, lo.
Exettr Catbeital Cbtireb, Tbi Carvings of
Mediaeval Musical Instmmenis in, by
Edith K. PrideauT, 1-36.
Fiiblire
Filz Gibbon, Edmund, Litmorc cathedral.
church demotithed by, 390.
Fitiwityn, Aymer, eieheator and ihetiff of
Devon, 136.
Folter, R. H, on Tbi Valliim .' a suggesHtH,
187-1B9.
Fmr Masters, reference! to Clonmacnoite in
the, 3jo; to Armagh, 393.
Friatiet, remaini of Iriib, iii.
Frian, WlUiam Doune'i bequau to, 253.
Galpin, Rev. F, hi> Old Englisb InstrmunU
of Music referred to, 1 I.
OaTarreC, Anuuld de, claimant to arch-
deaconry of Leicciter, 240.
Oeddei, Patrick, hii Cititt in Evolmtitn
noticed, 299.
Ceorgeham, Devon, William Doune preunted
to church of, 238 ; hii bequeaci to, 147.
Gerald earl of KUdare, Caihel cathedral
burnt by, 377.
Geiyon, repRtenCation of in Weitminater *
beitiary, 140.
raffatd, WiUiam, blihop of Winchetter, and
Merton church, 32S.
Gilbert the Norman, founder of Merton
church, 318.
Glao of Che twelfth century in York cathedral
deicribed, 41 f.
, Glattingdown, Subci, Romas terrace-way at,
i Glendalough cathedral church, detcribed,
' 348-JSO' . .
Glentworth, lord, hii monument in Limend
cathedral church, 373.
Gloucester cathedral church, repruentacioa of
mermaid on a miiericord in, 176.
Glvnde, 227 -y fordi and tracei of Roman road
it, 205.
Glyndebourne, Ranun road at, 217.
Grandiuon, John, biihop of Eietei, hit
connexion with WiUiam Doune, 137.
Griiandole, lavage man in the itoiy of, 167.
Guillaume, reference to lireni in metrical
venion of, .71.
Guthlic roll (B.M.), deD^oi fot itained glan
medallioni in the, 48.
Gynewell, biihop of Lincoln, promotion of
Vntliam Doune by, 239.
Halicamauut, repreientation of mermaidi on
moiaic pavement from, 174.
Hamtey, Suiiex, Roman ford or feny at, izS.
, Google
422 IN
Hnuuh, lu C, on Seme Iritt Sttifieti
Haiaa, 90-1 n ; on IriA CalMral CbiirAet,
343-400.
'Hiipt, early EngHib icpreKiiUticnii of, 4.
Hetttmert, Bygeiu, hj E. W, Smuton and
P. Wood), noticed, yoi.
HttfitU Papm, kcttre rctatiiig 10 miiriige of
lord Herbert and Aone RuncD, quoted,
70 f.
HiuCbo7, 1 liter form of ihawm, 25.
Hivctfield, Prof, on Tbi Semme-Briiuk
mmti ef Ravmglaii and Borratu {Mmcaiur
and AmbUnde), 77-84.
Hanking, suKncordt M Bmgei cuchednl
Kith TepietcntBtioDi of, 31S.
Heighton itreet, Glynde, Romia origin of,
206.
Herculei, meditenl uTige man analogoiu
to, 161.
Hennaphroditci or AndrogTni, [39-
Herodonu, hiirefeicncc lo ' uiige men,' IJ9.
Higham Ferren church, pipe and tabor on
vindaw-hcad in, a.
Hiil, G, F, hil DnJefment uf Arabic NumtraU
in Earopt noticed, 19!.
Mippocentaur, repreMnutioni of the, 183 f.
Kippopodet, Plin/i ducription of the, 148.
Hook Norton, tepreientation of onoceotaar on
fonlit, iSa.
Horr abhe^ mint detctibed, 106.
Howorth, Sir Henry H, on T*« Ceiex
Amitttinui : iu bittay and trnpertanti,
49-6S-
Hudd, A. E, hil Briiul Mtrebanl Markt
nodced, 414.
Hunun prodigiet in Engliib church aicbi-
tectnre, 13$ t.
Ifiley ehutch, repreKutitioD of hippocentaur
at, 185.
Iford, a cormptioD of Niworth, aoi.
lonitfallen, annali of, 356.
Irisb Caiti^al Cho'ebei, bj Ian C. Haniiab,
M3-4"-
iriit Rilipeiu Hoiati, bj Im C. Hannah,
90-134.
Irrelagh (Mucbow), tunnel-tower im friary
church at, 114; the building* deicribed,
116.
Itford, Suiiei, DO eridence of ford in Roman
Jicban, Sir T. G, hi> B^aantine tad
Rementtqai Anbiltctari noticed, 40J.
Jeanne d'Arc, pbce of execolioD in Roocn,
196.
JenUnwn, H, an En^Ui Cmm Hmi,
noticed, 407.
Jerome, hit reference! to utjn, f 55.
Jerpoint abbey detcribed, lox.
Jene window in york catbednl dnrch
deKiihed, 44.
Jenep, CoL H. L, hii At^USaxt Cbant
Ardnudurt ia &itiu noticed, 19X.
Jew'a harp deicribed, 19.
Jocelin, bithop of Saliibuiy, letter to biibop
Snger, quoted, 43,
John»n, C, on Ea^id Cearl Head, nMiccd,
407.
Johnitoa, P. M, on Kenem Pviib Cbrd,
3»S-34a-
JuKan, Ml Hymn ef Xiag Hdie$ quoted, 19;.
Kemp-Welch, Alice, Si. Stiiiicn amd Milbri:
a iuggritien^ x8 5-197.
Kencott, Oion. repreicntation of onoceatnir
at, iSj; hippocentaur It, 184.
Kildare othednl church deactibed, Tft-fix-
Kilkennj, detcripcion of cathedrml darcht
381 ; of Dominican abbey, 113.
KiDaloe : diapet, 3;i-3;4; cathedral church,
3S8, 389,
Kingtton hill, Lcwei, Komm road orcr, ate.
LaunceitoD priory, WlHim Donne'i beqwMi
to, 252.
Laund, William Donne'i bequeM* to the
cauoniof, 149.
Lee, Sir Henry, K.C, preaent at maniagc of
lord Herbert and Anne Ruawll, 72.
Leicnter, Henry of Lancaitcr*! new college at,
240 ; WiQiam Doune'i bequeat to chunhea
in archdeaconry of, 149.
Leighhn, grant by Richard II to Carmelite
,i3'-.
tie. Fen
Le Livre Enebaini w Lia
Raua, par Victor Sanaon, notiecd, 195.
Lethaby, W. R, on ArMiAtf Xe^i
Catbiiral at Terk and iu Suiaad Glaa,
37^.
Lewei, no evidence of Roman aettlemeot at,
L'Image du Humdt, of Gautier
Ijmericli cathedral church deicribed, 369-373.
Lincoln miniter, demon iacei of Meduaa type
at, 154 ; repretentation of Mtymi at, 15s.
lindiafame Goipeli, thdr text dctind truai
the Codei Ainiatinut, 58.
D,gH,zed.yGOOgIe
ibire, ibi Cbartt Billi it, iij
F. CT Eelei, uotictd, 199.
Litbum eathcdral church deicribcd, 39S.
Liimore cBChednl chuichdc«ciibcd,3S9-3i|i.
Linn ii Criaturii of Philip dc Thiun,
■TmboUim of the hippocenuur eiplaiiud
ta, .!«.
Long Mirton, WnUnortind, repKtenUtian of
.'77-
Lovell, Gngoij, hii n
Micnibii, dcKiibed in Indon'i Etymologj,
Magrcphu, an early type of otgin meati
in the Tibnud, 22.
Mandore or imiU lute dcKiibed, Jo.
Muicuniuiii, the Raman fort it Manchi
'39-
Mediotanuin, 77.
Medmeoham, Richard, eiecuCor and legatee
of WilliiiD Daune, 16].
Midiui, face of mcdianal demani derived
from head of, 153.
MeetiDg*, pnceeditigiat : the monthly meet-
ing 3rd Februiiy and 3rd March, 85 ;
31K March, 86 j ;lh May and and June,
190; 30th June (Annual General Meedog),
191 i 3rd November and lit December,
401,
Meltifont abbey deicribed, 99 f ; iti fortified
Melton Mowbray, William Doune'i beqaeil
to vicar of, 149.
Memben.Uitof, lii.
Mtmerials and MnumnU, OU aai Nta,
by L. Weivet, noticed, 4,10.
Memimini, a race of AechiopiaD nomidi, 147.
Merchant marki, 414.
Mennaidt 01 Gih-tirenii 174 !.
Mennen or tritooi, repmeDtatioiu of,
Mentham church, towei doorway at, 333.
Meiton Hall, William Douce'a heqaeit to,
423
Minatet, Thaoet, demon facei of Mednu
type at, 154.
Minatreii' gallery, EieteT cathedral church,
deitribed, B-io.
Mistricordi in tbt Calbtirai Cburcb if
Saint-SamtHT, Briigei, by Mia A. Abnin,
305-314.
Mithrai, the cult of, 186 f.
Moimc (Tam-et-Garoiuie), repmcntatioii of
satyr in eloiiten at, 1 51.
Moore, A. Percival, referred to on W. Doune'i
wiU,ijs.
Mtralia of CtEgoiy, reference to ntyti in
the, 155.
MackroM, i« Irrelagh.
Miaical /ulnimniU, Tbt Caroimp ef
Mediatval, in Exittr Catbidrai Cburcb, by
Edith K. Prideiax, 1-36.
'arbonne, reputed ^rthplace of St.
Newtown Trim, ruini of moDutic church at,
108, 37 J n.
Norwich cathedra] church, repreKntationi
of Blcmyaeat, i]8.
Nantich, fortified monatCeiiea at, iiy.
Neniia Digmialum, lid of Roman forti in
the, 80.
lialiiiigbaiK, Raarii aj tbi Buroagb of, edited
by E. L. Guilford, noticed, 19S.
' Nouche,' or letting for a jewel, bequeatlMd by
William Doune, 159.
O'Brien, Domlmall, 370.
O'Donoghuc, AuUffe Mot, 356.
O'Median, Richard, benefactor of Caibel
cathedral, 376.
O'MelaghUn, Murcbard, founder of Bective
abbey, 119.
OU Engliib Inilrumenii af Mime, by the
Rer. F. Gaipin, referred to, i f.
Old Leighhn cathedral church deicribed, 396.
Onocentaun, 178 f.
Orang-utan, mediaeial tagrrut probably
identical with the, 15S.
Organi, early typei of, 21.
Oieney abbey, William Doune'i bequeiti to,
2S2.
D,gH,zed.y Google
PiUtine, referenct Co a Mithiieum on
Pannania, ind Michniim, iSS.
Pinothit, 147-
Piriie-le-Chltel (Niivre), teprtKJitation of
aiciapod at, 141.
FaiiBH LtttiTt referred to, 1 17,
Philip At Thaun, reference to lireni in
Pickering, armour at Windior made b^, 76.
PicOtTi bock of BrilUb Hilli-ry, hj S. C.
Robcru, noticed, 4r].
Pigmiei, illugttationi in mediaeval MSS. ol.
Pipe and tabor player repreicnted on nuKii'
cord in Exeter cathedral. 1.
Pliny, hii dficription) of human prodigici
PttbUtoric London, its Moundt and CircUi.
by E. O. Gordon, noticed, 87.
Prentyi, Richard, archdeacnn of Euci, 134.
Mtdie.
Edith K,
i Musi
ol Insi
. Til Car
I Extic
joi; B^mff Cbarttri, A.D. ixji-ijoj, va :
Byxanlini and Semantljue Ardiilaxutt,
by Sir Thomat Graham Jackson, R.A, 405
Englitb Court Hand, a.d. io66-i;oo, b;
Cbatlei Joluuon and Hilary Jenkinaon, 407 ,
Mimoriili and Mtnummi, Old and '■ m,
by LawRnci Wearer, 410 ; 7b* Cbirtb
AiJfie/Siuiex, byAmhent D.Ty»m,4it ;
J Ficiuri Btak of Briliib Hittary, by S. C
Robrrti, 4IJ; Bristol Mtrcbaml Mailu,\lf
Alfred £.Hudd, 414.
PudMy, biihop, windo*) in Durham cithcdnl
church glared by, 47.
Quiinton, Bucb. William Doune prcHntrd to
chuichof, Z}9 ; hit bequeitt to, 147.
Quattro Corontti, reliquary uid to contain
head of St. Sebaatian in church of, 1S8.
Rabanu), Mautus, hii dc Unhtrjo referred to,
■43 f-
' Rabbit Walk,' Fiile Hill, Susui, a Roman
Ralph de Briitol, founder of Kildare cathedral
church, 378.
Ramtay, Sir J. U, on Bamg Cbarirrs, noticed.
Calbtdral Cbnr
Princdy Fleaiura of Ca.coignc, reference In I
■aiage man at Kenilworth in, l6g. I
Proceedingi at meeting! of the Inicitucc, stt
Meeting!.
Pialceiy, vaiiou) formt of, described, ]of.
Publication!, noticei of archaeological. Pre-
biuoric London : in Mouadi and Cinhi,
by E. O. Gordon, S7 ; An^lo-Saxon Churd
Artbitenari in Siasix, by Col. H. L.
Jcwep, R.E. 191 i Lt Livrt Encbainr oir
Livri da Fontainei di Roiun, 151;, publit'
int^^lement par Victor Sanion, 191;:
Tbi Engtiib Parub Cb»cb, by J. Charle.
Coi, 196; Rtcordi of tbi Borougb o/
Nouiagbam, Tot. vi, edited by E. L. Guil-
ford, 198 i Proiiidings of the Prtbiiteric
Society of Eall ilngUa, I9[3-I9I4, i^S ;
Til Cburcb BiOi of LinliligoKiiirl, by
F. C. Eel«, 199; Tie Devthpmeni of ,
Arabic Numerali in Enrope, bj G. F. Hill, ,
198 i Ciliet in Evolution, by PilrJck I
Geddei, 199; Tie Roman Syilem of
Provincial Adminiilralion, by the late
W. T. Arnold, 301; Bygoiu Hailimtre,
edited by E. W. Swanton and P. Wood., '
Rathkcalc, c
. 109'
< of Auguitinian
Ravenget, Richard, arcbdeacoa of Lincoln,
wiU of, ,33.
Ravcnglau, T£< RomanB-Britiib noma of
Ravenffaii and Borrajo (MancaittT and
AmbUside), by Prof. Havtrfield, 77-S4.
Reefeit, Glendalough, ancient chureh at, 93.
Reimt, Aymcr Vallance on. E;.
Relig-na-Cailleach ; or church of the Nunt,
96.
Report of the Council 415.
Ribch
r, Roms
t,79.
Ripon cathedral church, rcpreientaiioa of
Blemyae at, i jg.
Riienhall, E»ei, twelfcb-century glau from
Angen at, 47.
Roberta, S. C, hii Picluri Botk of Brilidi
Hiitary noticed, 413.
Rocbfort, Simon, biihop ot Meith, founder
of Newtown Trim abbey, loE.
Rodmell, Suuei, derivation 0! the name, 101.
Roger : Arcbbiibop Roger'i Cathedral at
Tork and iu Stained Glaa, by W. R.
Lethaby, 37-48-
Roman milia panuum, length of, 84.
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Roman Brilaia : Prof. HiTcifield on Romui
nadi in Cumberland ud Wettmoriaiid,
77-84 ; Samf SamaH Ruadi m tht Sealh
Duaiu, bj A. Hadrian AUcrofl, 101-21
Tbi Vallum : a mggaiiai, by R, H. Fort!
1B7-1B9.
Riman Sysltm g/ Pravtneial Aiminutrati
Tie, by W. T. Arnold, noticed, 302.
Rutliib, \^lli>in, hii monument in MerCon
churchTard, 341.
Rjrbrbe or rubcbt, an early form of tidI, 5.
St. Buiyan, Peniance, riait te the puiih in
i]]6of biihop Giaunaon, 138.
St. Carthhach, founder of Liunole catbednl
church, 389.
St. ClemenCe, Rouini ol Mithraeum in eufy
church oi, 1S8.
St. Dcclan, cell of, at Ardmore, 345.
Sainc-Denia, Khool of glau painting at, 46.
St. Dunitan, repnwntation of at Eieter, 8.
St. Endellion, William Doune admitted to
one of the portion! in the church of, ijS ;
hii btqunta to, 14B,
St. Finiaa the leper, founder of Aghadoe
cathedral church, 356.
St. JatUch, reputed foander of Tuam
cathedral church, 381.
St. Malachj of Bangor, hit influence on Iriih
$1. Sttailiati and Miltrai : a Sagiatisn, \>j
Alice Kemp-Wekh, 1 £5-297.
Sagittariua, a centaur armed vith bow and
Saliiburj, John of, hii account of mediaeval
archdeacon) quoted, 24].
Satyr, a human ptodigj' mentioned in
Weitmintter MS. iji.
Satyrui or great ape, 157.
Sanden, Matthew, biahop, rebnilder of
Old Lnghlin cathedral, 396.
Savage man, mediaeval church caningi of,
■ Ml-
Sdapod, reprcKntationt of the, 141 f.
Scudamore, Sir Jamei, armoui made for, in
New York, 7S.
Scyllacium, the moDUtery of, 61.
Sebatte, Armeoia, 190.
SepCemcaulinoi at pagmiea, 149.
Servandut, the Italian acribe of the Codex
Amiatinui, 67.
Slane, remaina of friary at, 131.
Shawm deuribed, IJ.
Shorthab, Jamei, benefactor of Kilkeony
Sigtiyg Silkbeard, builder of crypt of Chtiit-
church caCbedral, Dublin, 358.
X. 425
Sireni in mediaeval hettiariea, 169 f.
Stmt Abaermal and Cvrnptnu Human Fena in
Englitb Cbnrcb Aribiuclurt, by C, C.
Druce, 135-186.
Souvigny (Alliei), monattout human figure
Spenier, Edmund, quoted on Iriab church
ratoration, 360.
Stane Street, Suuei, zio.
Stapleton, Sir Henry, bii monument n
MerCon church, 341,
Stoke-iub^Hamdon, repRKntatioa of ono-
cmt .1, ,!j.
Stow I.onga,Huuti. repreientatian of mermaid
at, 175.
Sttongbow, Richard, portion! of Chriitchurch,
Dublin, rebuilt by, 3^8.
Stukeley, hia Ittr Curmum referred to, 201.
Suuei, Roman roadi in, A. H. AUcrolt on,
190; chutch-belli of, 411.
Swalcliffe, Oxon. WilUam Doune accepii
living of, 140 ; hi> bequeiti to, 248.
Swanton, E. W, hit 5y;g« MojjflHCr* noticed,
3=2.
T.
ThompiOQ, A. Hamilton, on Tht Will if
Maiur WiUiam thw, ArebtUaam »f
Leicaler, 233-284.
Thomond, monument to an earl of, in
Limerick cathedral, 371.
Timbrel or tambourine deicribed, 16.
Tomgraney, co. Clare, church of SS. Colman
andCronanal, 91.
Topf, Jacob, portion, ot luita of armour
made by, 75.
ToulouK, repreientation ol aatyn in church
of Saint-Semin, i;z.
Toy farm, Firle hiU, Suoei, remaina of
Romin road at, 204.
Trim, Augutlinian abbey at, :o8.
Triton, j« Merman.
Trumpet of early type repretented at Eietet
cathedral church, 20.
Tuam, O'Hoiriu'a church at, 95, 128; the
cathedral church deachbed, 3S1.
Tuam. ruini of the great church at, 95, i aS.
T^n, A. D, on Cbwcb Bilh g/ Suatx,
URord, Suffolk, repreaentalion of ■ cyno-
cephalua at, 147.
Uphall, fifteenth-cenuly bell at, 200.
.y Google
426
UtRcht Pidter, fnpnenu of early Coda
bound up with, 6x.
Uiellodimum, Koraan aime of MaiypDrt,
go, 8].
VdUnce, Aymer, on Reinu, Sj.
VJlum, Tbi : a maarian, hj R. H. For
\^d1, RpRtcnution of, at Eieter, 5.
W.
Warlingham, tcmce-wiy at, 11!.
Wiiwick cMtk, eatlj gittein at, 24.
Witerford, the Fnadican friaij at, 11;.
Weaver, L, hii Mmtrialt ani AfamiMiui,
OU and Nta, doticed, 410.
Weatmiiutei, beatiiij in chapter libniy oi.
I Wett RouDtim, Yoilt. repreaentatian of
I uva^ maa on font at, iGi.
WhUtle-flute or Gpple-Buce docribed, 17.
White, H. J, refeired to on Codex Amialinul,
I Will of Williun Donne, aichdcacon of
I LeicCiter, text of, xe7-iS4.
I Willia, R, hii AtdiiuttKr^ Hiiury tf Yuk
I Colbtirai quoted, 37.
Wmcheiter cathedral church, repmentatian
' Wodewoie ' or UTage
man, .*!■
WoUng church, Nonni
in door It, 33J.
Wollatdn, IcTc. of on.
of Ctolfrid't codicei
.t,6i.
Wykehani, William 0.
Yolk, ArdUibtp Sagtr-i CaAtJrai atTrnk mU
iu Itaiiud GImi, by W. R. Letbaby, jj^fS ;
leprewQtatioa of latjn an tjmpanum in
*" '' ' ' ' Sodetj'i Muaciun at, 153.
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