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THE 



$rd)aeologtcal Stromal* 

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 

THE COUNCIL 

OF 

2Tfje Eorjal &rc])aeoloc$ical Institute of ©teat Britain anti 

Erelanti, 

FOR THE ENCOURAGEMENT AND PROSECUTION OF 

RESEARCHES INTO THE ARTS AND MONUMENTS 



Ci)r early anti jTOtile Sltjes. 




VOLUME XLI. 




LONDON : 

PUBLISHED AT THE OFFICE OF THE INSTITUTE, OXFORD MANSION 
OXFORD STREET, W. 

(distributed gratuitously to subscribing members 

to be obtained through all booksellers. 

MDCCCLXXXIV. 



The Council of the Royal Arcreological Institute desire that it should he 
distinctly understood that they are not responsible for any statements or opinions 
expressed in the Archaeological Journal, the authors of the several memoirs and 
c immunications being alone answerable for the same. 



;CATE 
■ tiRQER 

LIBRARY COMMITTEE 
Vft !.T.Jtf-2U 




CONTENTS. 



The Architectural History of the Cluniac Priory of St. Pancras at Lewes. By 

W. H. St. John Hope, B.A., F.8.A. ..... i 

Traces of Teutonic Settlements in Sussex, as illustrated by Laud Tenure and 

Place Names. By F. E. Sawyer, F. Met. Soc. - - - -35 

On some Pottery, Flint Weapons, and other objects from British Honduras. By 

General Sir Henry Lekkoy, R.A., F.K.S. - - - - -47 

Saxon Remains in Minster Church, Isle of Sheppy. By J. Park-Harrison, M.A. 54 

Address of Major- General Pitt-Rivers to the Antiquarian Section at the Annual 

Meeting of the Institute, held at Lewes - - - - - 58 

The Friar Preachers, or Black Friars of Kings Lynn. By the Rev. C. F. R. 

Palmer - - -,.--. - - - . - 79 

The Gallo-Roman Monuments of Reims. By Bunnell Lewis, M.A., F.S.A. - 105 

On the methods used by the Romans for extinguishing conflagrations. By the 

Rev. JosErH Hirst - - - - - • - - 155 

Jewish Seal found at Woodbridge. By C. W. King, M.A. - - 168 

Roman Pottery found at Worthing. By A. J. Fenton - - - 171 

Roman Inscriptions discovered in Britain in 1883. By W. Thompson Watkin - 173 

The Battle of Lewes. By the Rev. W. R. W. Stephens, M.A. - - .189 

Some Remarks on the Pfahlgraben and Saalburg Camp in Germany, in relation 

to the Roman Wall and Camps in Northumberland. By James Hilton, F.S.A. 203 

Presidential Address of His Grace the Duke of Northumberland, at the New- 
castle Meeting ........ 223 

Un the Religious Symbolism of the Unicorn. By the Rev. JOSEPH HlRST - 230 

Roman Jewish Seal. By C. W. Kino, M.A. - - - • - 242 



IV 



CONTENTS. 



The Roman Forces in Britain. By W. Thompson Watkin 

On Gauntlets. By the Baron de CossON - 

Swan Marks By Edward Peacock', F.S.A. ..... 

An attempt to discover the meaning of the Shears combined with Clerical Symbols 
on incised grave-slabs at Dearham and Melmerby. By the Rev. Thomas 
Lees, M.A. ------- 

Gundrada de Warrenne. By Edmond Chester Waters 

Recent Roman discoveries at Lincoln. By Rev. Precentor Venables 

The Discoveries at Lauuvium. By R. P. PULLAN, F.R.I.B.A. - 

The Percies in Scotland. By J. Bain, F.S.A. Scot. 

Roman Antiquities from San. By W. M. Flinders Petrie 

Repton Priory, Derbyshire. By W. H. St. John Hope, M.A. F.S.A. 

Civic Maces. By R. S. Ferguson, F.S.A. 

On the difference in plan alleged to exist between churches of Austin canons 
and those of monks, and the frequency with which such churches were 
parochial. By the Rev. J. F. Hodgson - - 



PAGE 

244 



272 
291 



297 
300 
313 
327 
335 
342 
349 
370 

374 



Original Documents : — 

Inventory of Plate in the Refectory of Battle Abbey, 1420; printed in 
Mr. Macray's " Notes from the Muniments of Magdalen College, 
Oxford." Communicated by R. W. Banks - - - - 87 

Inventory of Plate in the Refectory of Battle Abbey, 1437 - - 88 

Inventory of Relics from Suppressed Monasteries - - - 89 

Proceedings at Meetings of the Royal Archaeological Institute, November, 1883, 

to July, 1884 92,211,323 

Balance Sheet for 1883 -------- 322 

Report of Annual Meeting at Newcastle - - - - - - 415 

Memorandum of Association of the Royal Archaeological Institute of Great 

Britain and Ireland .»••••-■ 451 



CONTENTS. V 

Notes of Archaeological Publications : — 

History and Description of Corfe Castle in the Isle of Purbeck, Dorset. 

By Thomas Bond, B.A. - - . . . - 97 

Church Plate in the Archdeaconry of Worcester. By William Lea, M.A., 

Archdeacon of Worcester ----.. 220 

Ancient Glass in the Church of St. Mary, Credenhill, by Rev. K. T. 
Havergal, M. A.; together with A Description of the Roman Camps and 

Stations in Herefordshire, by H. G. Bull, M.D. - - . 326 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTELLIGENCE ------. 222 

Index to Vol. XLI. - - - - - . . - 458 

List of Members - - - - - . . - 461 




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PACK 

Ground Plan of Lewes Priory, Sussex - - - - - To face 24 

Antiquities from Honduras - - - - - „ 50 

(The Institute is indebted to General Sir Henry Lefroy for half the cost of 

this illustration.) 

Early Window in the north wall of Minster Church, Sheppey - - „ 54 

(The Institute is indebted to Mr. Park Harrison for this illustration.) 

Corfe Castle. The Keep or Dungeon Tower, from the south - - „ 98 

Corfe Castle. Herring-bone Masonry in the Chapel - - - 100 

(The Institute is indebted to Mr. Bond for the loan of these two blocks.) 

The Porta Martis at Reims - - - - - - To face 105 

(The Institute is indebted to Professor Bunnell Lewis for half the cost of this 

illustration.) 

Gauntlets. Plate I - - - - - - „ 272 

— - Plate II - - - - - - 275 

Plate III ■ - - - - - 277 

Plate IV To follow 2S2 

Ground [Plan and Sections of Roman Remains discovered in the Bail, Lincoln, 

June, 18S4 To face 318 

Horses' Heads from Lanuvium ----.. 33] 

Horse's Head from the Parthenon and Warrior from Lanuvium - 333 

(The Institute is indebted to Mr. Pullan for this illustration). 

Ground plan of Repton Priory, Derbyshire - 351 

Repton Priory. Plans of bases ----.. 352 

Repton Priory. Sections of base moldings. - 

Repton Priory. Capital, base, and section of shaft of pillar. - - 351 

Illustrations of Civic Maces. Plate I. - - - . . 370 

Plate II. . . . .. ., r] 

MacesatWinchcom.be. Plate III. - ■ >-., 

(The Institute is indebted to Messrs. Chatto and Windus and to Mr. Llewellyn 
Jewitt for the loan of these blocks). 



Cl)e grrftaenlogtcal Sfoumal. 



MARCH, 1884. 



THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE CLUNIAC PRIORY 
OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 1 

By W. H. ST. JOHN HOPE, B.A., F.S.A. 

There are probably few religious houses the account of 
whose foundation is so clearly set forth as that of the 
great Cluniac monastery of St. Pancras, established at 
Lewes by William de Warenne, earl of Surrey, eight 
centuries ago. Here we are not dependent on the 
written tradition of some medieval chronicler, nor on the 
coloured narrative of an inmate of the house, but the 
whole history is unaffectedly laid down for us by the 
founder himself." 

At some time between the accession of William Rufus 
in 1087, and his own decease in the following year, on 
the representation of his Lewes monks that the original 
charter of 1077 founding the Priory had been sent to 
the mother house of Cluny, and that the prior and 
convent of Lewes had no title deeds or muniments to 
produce in evidence of their rights and privileges if any 
dispute arose consequent upon the unsettled state of the 
kingdom, earl Warenne drew up a second charter, 
confirming to the monks of Lewes the grants and gifts he 
had made eleven years before. It is from tins most 
singularly interesting document that we learn how and 
under what circumstances the monastery was founded. 

No better account of the foundation can be written 
than an English version of earl Warenne's own words.' 

1 Read in the Architectural Section at Archaeological Collections." 

the Lewes Meeting, August 1st, 1883 3 For a transcript of the original in the 

2 A very good account of the Priory Chartulary, made expressly for this paper, 
will be found in Vol. II of " Sussex see Appendix, Note A. 

VOL. XLI. (No. 161.) B 



2 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

" In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. 
Amen. I, William de Warenne, and Gnndrada my wife, wishing to 
journey to Saint Peter at Rome, proceeded through many monasteries in 
France and Burgundy for the sake of prayer. And when we had come 
into Burgundy, we learned that we could not safely pass through on 
account of the war that was at that time between the pope and the 
emperor. And then we turned to the monastery of Cluny, a great and 
holy abbey in honour of St. Peter, and there we adored and sought St. 
Peter. And because we found the sanctity, the religion, and the charity 
it there, and the honour towards us from the good prior and all the 
holy convent who received us into their society and fraternity, we began 
to have a love and devotion towards that Order and to that house 
above all other houses which we had seen. But Dan Hugh, their holy 
abbot, was not then at home. And because long before, and more so 
then, by the advice of the lord archbishop Lanfranc, I and my wife had 
it in purpose and desire to found some house of religion for our sins and 
the safety of our souls, it then seemed to us that we wished to make it of 
no other Order so gladly as the Cluniac. So we sent and asked 
of Dan Hugh the abbot and of all the holy congregation to grant us two 
or three or four monks of their holy flock, to whom we would give a 
church, which we built of stone in place of a wooden one, below our 
castle of Lewes, that was of old time in honour of St. Pancras, and this 
(church) we would give them, and so much lands and beasts and property 
to begin with whence twelve monks 1 could be there sustained. But the 
holy abbot was at first very adverse to us to hear our petition, on account 
of the distance of the foreign land and especially by reason of the sea. 
But after that we asked for licence from our lord king William to bring 
the Cluniac monks to England and the abbot on his part asked the king's 
will, then at length he gave and sent, us four of his monks, Dan Lanzo 
and his three fellows | to whom we gave all the things which we promised 
in the beginning ami confirmed them by our writing; which we sent to 
the abbot and convent of Cluny, because they would not send us the 
monks before they had our confirmation and the king's, which Ave 
promised them of all the things that we gave them. And so the Cluniac 
monks were given to me and my wife in England. But after the death 
of my lord king William, when his son William had come to England 
for the kingdom and there had been much discord concerning the 
kingdom and doubt about the end, ami I myself in many dangers daily : 
Dan Lanzo the prior and my monks shewed me that my confirmation 
which 1 had made of the things that 1 had given them at first was at 
< luny, and that they themselves had since no protection, and that by 
reason of the doubtful and future times I ought to make them every 
security for my gifts and grants. Which I willingly made by the advice 
of my faithful ones by this my other charter :" 

'I hen follows a recapitulation of various manors, tithes, 
|»nyi <-('s, jinimmities, etc., granted to the priory, after 
which the earl continues : 

" Besides I will that my monks and my heirs know that when I and 
< " 1 " ,1, '" la Mked Dan Hu g° tlieabbot, who had come into Normandy 
*A iwual number, representing with their head, Christ and the twelve Apostles. 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 3 

to speak with my lord the king, to restore us Dan Lanzo our prior, whom 
he hail kept a whole year at (Jinny whence we were so incensed that we 
almost proposed to give up our undertaking, or to withdraw from them 
and give our church to a greater monastery the ahhot then also granted 
us, and promised with much deprecation, that if God should increase our 
house, he would make it as one of the great (houses of the Order) after 
Dan Lanzo's death, or promotion to any higher dignity ; that when the 
monks of Saint Pancras should send to Clunv for a prior, they would send 
to them as prior one of their better monks of the whole congregation, whom 
they knew to he more pious towards the Order and the ruling of souls 
according to God, anil wiser towards governing the house according to Ins 
age, saving the greater prior of Clunv and the prior of Caritas. And that 
he should remain, and at no time he removed, unless there should be so 
just and manifest a reason that no one could reasonably gainsay ; and 
thereupon he made for us his writing with his seal, which I have. And 
these things we asked for, because we feared that Dan Lanzo, when he 
returned, would soon be taken away from us, because the king exalted to 
the dignities of the church the better men whom he could find, and, in 
our hearing, asked the abbot to send him twelve of his holy monks, and 
he would make them all bishops and abbots in the land of his inheritance 
which God had given him. And Ave also considered beforehand that if the 
still new and tender house often had a new prior and came into new 
hands, it would never attain to great growth." 

As in the case of many other great houses the later history 
of Lewes Priory is remarkably scanty. Sundry items may 
be gathered from theChartulary, 1 and others from a volume 
among the Cotton MSS. known as the ' Annals of Lewes.' - 
The latter work, however, chronicles events relating to 
other monasteries of the Cluniac Order, both in England 
and on the continent, and it is not always clear that Lewes 
is the house referred to. 

It will be more convenient to divide this paper into two 
sections — the first describing the church ; the second the 
conventual buildings. Curiously enough, of the church 
itself we have hardly any actual fragments, at any rate 
above ground, though almost all the historical evidence 
relates to it ; while of the conventual buildings very con- 
siderable remains exist, of whose documentary history 
we are utterly ignorant. Another feature worthy of atten- 
tion is the remarkably clear way in which, even from the 
mere fragment of the entire ground plan we have been able 
to survey, it is possible to trace how the monastery was 
enlarged in various directions to meet the requirements of 

1 Cott. MS, Vespasian. F. xv. 2 n , , ___ I Tiberius A.x. 

3 Cott. Mb. { v,, , . ■ r» 
y riutarch xxix. D, 



4 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

increased numbers, and this, too, at periods very little 
distant from one another. 

There seems no reason to doubt that the first church of 
the priory was the one given by the founder to the first 
monks, which he describes as "the church which we 
built of stone in place of a wooden one, below our castle 
of Lewes, that was of old time in honour of St. Pancras." 

As earl William came to England with the duke of 
Normandy, William the Great, in 100G, this church in 
1077 when the priory was founded — could not have been 
more than a few years old, and it was doubtless large 
enough for the handful of monks who formed the new con- 
vent. Since, however, the founder had endowed the 
prior)- for twelve monks, the first church would not long 
suffice for the services of an increased number of brethren, 
neither was it furnished with the necessary conventual 
buildings. And as it was the custom in all the Orders, 
first to build themselves an oratorium, or church, and that 
of such a plan that the cloister and surrounding buildings 
could conveniently be added thereto, the founder's stone 
church, if not rebuilt, was probably enlarged by the 
addition of a choir and transepts, and a permanent circuit 
of offices attached to it. 

According to a charter of the second earl Warenne l 
this enlarged church w r as dedicated by bishops Ralph of 
Chichester, Walkelin of Winchester, and Gundulf of 
Rochester, that is between 1091 and 1098 ; a date that 
agrees well with the remains of those portions of the con- 
ventual buildings which were a continuation of the same 
work. 

Further endowments furnished the means for, and more 
monks necessitated, additional accommodation ; the church 
was therefore again enlarged and a corresponding exten- 
sion made of the conventual buildings. This took place 
during the life of the third earl, and the church was dedi- 
cated between 1142 and 1147. 

In 1 2'29 the Annals record "the chapel of the Blessed 
Mary was constructed anew, and the first mass celebrated 
in it on the vigil of St, Nicholas."-' But we are not told 
whether it was at Lewes or not. 

1 Sec Appendix, Note li. ' For references to thu,so and uthur 

eutrius see posted. 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 5 

In 1 243 occurs another dubious entry. " On the day 
of the anniversary of lord William the earl, the founda- 
tion was laid in the new work of our church." The men- 
tion of the founder's name seems to identify this with 
Lewes, though the place is not named, and a charter of 
1247 mentions one John who was magister operum ecclesie. 

Passing by sundry records of burials, to which I shall 
return shortly, we come to the year 1208, when prior 
William de Foville died, leaving amongst other bequests 
200 marks " to the finishing the two towers in the front 
of the church." 

This is the last record of any addition to, or alteration 
in the church, and the next step in its history with which 
we are concerned is its destruction. 

The priory was suppressed on November 16, 1537 (29 
Hen. VIII.) and three months afterwards by deed dated 
Feb. 16, 1537-8, the King granted the whole of the site 
to Thomas, lord Cromwell. ' The too infamous malleus 
monachorum thereupon promptly proceeded to pull down 
the church, as being part of the monastery that could not 
easily be converted into cowsheds and piggeries. A 
most graphic account of the melancholy destruction of 
the great church has come down to us in a letter 2 written 
to Cromwell by one of his agents, who calls himself " John 
Portinari," but whose handwriting is strangely similar to 
that of Richard Moryson, a well-known creature of Crom- 
well's. The letter not only describes the mode of 
destruction, but is especially valuable from giving the 
approximate size and extent of the church. No apology 
is therefore necessary for giving it in full. 

My lord, I humbly coined my selfe unto y or lordshyp. The laste, I 
wrote unto y or lordshyp, was the xx th daye of thys present monith, by 
the handes of Mr Wyliamson, by the whych 1 advertised y or lordshyp, 
of the lengthe and greatenes of thys churche, and how we had begon to 
pull the hole down to the ground, and what maner and fashion they used 
in pulling it down. I told y or lordshyp, of a vaute, on the ryghte syde 
of the hyghe altare, that was born up, w h fower greate pillars, having 
abowt it, v chappelles, whych be compased in w th the walles, lxx. stepes 
of lengthe, that is, fete ccx. All thys is down a Thursday and fryday 
last; Now we are pluckyg down an hygher vaute, born up by fower 
thicke & grose pillars, xiiij fote fro syde to syde, abowt in circuferecc 

1 See Appendix, Note D. Society by Thomas Wright, 1843, but as 

2 Cott. MS. Cleopatra. E. iv. 232. The the printed copy contains several errors, 
letter has already been printed in "Letters an entirely new, and it is hoped, correct 
relating to the Suppression of the Monas- transcript has been made for this paper, 
teries" (p. 180), edited for the Camden 



G THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OP THE 

xlv. fote. Thys shall dowfi for r .second worke. 1 As it goth forward, 
1 woll advise v" Lordshyp from tyme to tyme, and that y or lordshyp may 
knowe w* 4 how many me, we have don thys, we browght from London, 
xvij. persons, •'? carpetars, 2 smythes, 2 plummars, and on that kepith the 
fornace. ev'y of these, attendith to hys own office, x, of them, hewed 
the walles ahowte, amoge the whyche, ther were 3 carpentars . thiese 
made proctes to undersette wher the other cutte away, thother brake and 
cutte the waules. Thiese are me exercised, moch better than the me 
thai we i'ynd here in the contrey. Wherfor we must both have mo me, 
ami other thinges also, that we have nede of, all the whych I woll w*in 
thys i.i "l- thre dayes show y or lordshyp by mouthe. A tuesday, they 
began t" casl the ledde, and it shalbe don w* such diligece & savyg as 
may be, so that "'' trust is y" 1 lordshyp, shall be moch satisfied w* that 
we dip, unto whom, I most humbly coined my selfe, moch desiringe God, 
to mainteyn v" helth, v'"' hono r , yo r hartes ease, at Lewes the xxiiij of 
March 1537. 
y w lurdshyps servant John portinari. 

Under nethe here, y or lordshyp 

shall see, a iuste mesure 
of the hole abbey 
The churche is in lengthe, CL fote. 
The heygthe, Ixiij fote. 
The circuferece abowte it, M.D. lviij fote. 
The wall of the forefronte, thicke x. fote. 
The thyckenes of the stepil wall x. fote. 
The thickenes of the waules interno, v. fo. 

Ther be in the churche xxxij. pillars, standyg equally from the walles. 
An hyghe Roufe, 1 made for the belles. 
Eyghf pillars verry bygge, thicke xiiij. fo, abowte xlv. fo. 
Thother xxiiij, ar for the moste parte x fote thicke, & xxv. abowght. 
The heygthe of the greater sorte, is xlij. fo. of thother xviij fote. 
The heygthe of the route before the hyghe altare, is lxxxxiij fote. 
In the middes of the church, where the belles dyd hange, an CV fote. 
Tie' heygthe of the stepil at the fronte is lxxxx fote. 

So complete does the demolition of the church appear 
iw have been, that its very site passed out of recollection ; 
and it was not until three centuries had elapsed that mere 
accident again brought it to light. 

In 1845, during the construction of the railway from 
Brighton to Lewes, a wide cutting was carried across part 
of the site of the priory. It ran in an oblique direction 
from south west to north east, passing over the sites of 
the kitchen, fratry, cloister, chapter house, and part of 
the church. Sundry curious discoveries were made during 
its construction — amongst other finds being the leaden 
cists containing the bones of the founder and his wife — 

1 It ha been Buggested that the de- Bhow of destruction in the shortest time, 
oommenced with the loftiest 2 Vautc craned. 

portion to make the greatest 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 7 

but at present we are only concerned with such as relate 
to the fabric. 

Mr. M. A. Lower, in a report to the British Archaeo- 
logical Association, 1 after describing the discovery of 
various graves, continues : 

" Up to this point no regular foundations of buildings could be made 
out. In several places, masses of chalk have been introduced into the 
natural soil for the purpose of making a hard bottom ; but though of 
vast extent and depth, it does not appear what kind of masonry they 
supported. At the distance of some yards to the south-east, however, 
the traces of masonry became more intelligible, and at length remains of 
walls became distinctly visible. The first regular apartment discovered 
was a room 26 ft. 6 ins. square, with a semicircular apsis on the east side. 
From the foundation of the square basis of a pillar in the centre, and 
some appearances on the walls, it is pretty certain that this room had a 
vaulted roof. At the demolition of the conventual buildings, it would 
seem that undermining was one of the means of destruction resorted to. 
It seems that the earth was excavated beneath the south-east angle of this 
apartment, and hence that portion of the wall was thrown out of the 
horizontal line. Here was found the stone which formed the base of the 
central column ; it is of Sussex marble, 2£ feet square. The floor of the 
apsis was raised above the general floor of the apartment. The former 
had been covered with concrete, and the latter with figured tiles, some 
remains of which existed, but in so decayed a state, that they could not 
be removed entire. On a part of the wall of the apsis which remained, 
there were some slight traces of painting, representing the lower portion 
of a sacerdotal robe. Near the middle of the wall of the apsis was an 
oblong well, neatly lined with chalk, measuring 3 ft. 4 ins. by 2 ft. 9 ins., 
and 22 feet in depth. It had been filled up with earth and rubble, and 
must have been disused before the building was erected. 

" After this room, which may have been the baptistery or the treasury 
of the convent, had been fully developed, the workmen employed by the 
Committee began, under my direction, to explore the ground to the 
northward, and soon laid open the apsis or chapel, bounded on the north 
by a vast mass of flint work, apparently designed to support one of the 
piers of a tower. Proceeding in an easterly direction from this, three 
other semicircular chapels presented themselves. In some places three 
courses of ashlar were exposed, placed upon the loamy soil, and unsup- 
ported by any foundation. From the general direction of the walls, it 
can scarcely be doubted that they enclosed the choir of the great church 
of the priory. When the course of these walls had been explored as far 
as the chapel, all traces of building suddenly disappeared, and we have 
not been able to recover them. There are two steps rising towards the 
north, apparently into the nave of the church." 

Thus far Mr. Lower. We have also a more valuable 
record even than his report in a very careful ground plan 
of the discoveries made at the time by Mr. J. L. Parsons, 

1 Journal of the British Arclucological Association, i, 355. 



8 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

who has most kindly placed it at our disposal. But for 
his energy and foresight all precise information would have 
been lost for ever, for the site of the buildings discovered 
now hangs in mid-air ; the line having been laid some 
feet below the foundations. 

Since the discovery of the east end, a large fragment 
of the opposite extremity of the church was laid bare by 
the late Mr. John Blaker in 1849 or 1850 ; and the south 
jamb of the west door of the north aisle was discovered 
by us last year. 

From these portions and Mr. Parsons' plan, aided by 
an analysis of Portinari's letter, the entire plan of the 
great church has been laid down with some probable 
degree of accuracy by my friend Mr. Somers Clarke, 
Jim., f.s.a., who has ingeniously interpreted the vague 
language of the letter by a careful comparison of con- 
temporary buildings. 

Beginning at the east end, Portinari speaks of 
" a vaute, on the ryghte syde of the hyghe altare, that 
was borne up, with fower greate pillars, having abowt it, 
v chappelles, whych be compased in with the vvalles, lxx 
stepes of lengthe, that is, fete ccx," and it continues, "Now 
we are pluckyng downe an hygher vaute, borne up by 
fower thicke & grosse pillars, xiiij fote from syde to 
syde, abowt in circumference xlv. fote." It is clear, 
therefore, that the church had a. greater and a lesser 
transept, and the two sets of four piers supported the two 
crossings. The eastern transept we know, from excava- 
tions, to have been about 106 feet long, with an apsidal 
chapel opening out of each arm. The crossing itself was 
apparently surmounted by a lantern 93 feet high to the 
vaulting, or :}0 feet higher than the main vault. Eastward 
of the crossing the church terminated in a semicircular 
apse encircled by an aisle, with the beautiful feature, so 
rare in England, of a corona of apsidal chapels, five in 
number. The discovery of three of these is described by 
Mr. Lower. 

At the south end of the eastern transept was the 
apartment described as the baptistery or treasury. There 
are, however, no grounds whatever for identifying it with 
either building, and there is little doubt that it was the 
sacristy. It was furnished as usual with an altar, and 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OV SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. ( J 

opened by a narrow doorway into a passage nine feet 
wide, forming a covered way from the infirmary to the 
church, into which there was an ascent of several steps. 

Proceeding westward four bays from the eastern 
crossing, we reach the great transept ; but before de- 
scribing it a digression is necessary to say a few words 
about the high altar. 

In attempting to fix the position of this important 
feature, we are confronted - with a difficulty. Port- 
inari's letter describes the vault of the upper crossing as 
" on the ryghte syde of the hyghe altare." Now it is 
possible to make " ryghte syde " east or west of any 
point according as one faces south or north. Supposing 
then that the worthy visitor entered the church by the 
passage from the infirmary (where he was doubtless living 
at the expense of the convent on the fat of the land) ; if 
the altar stood on the line of the first bay west of the 
upper crossing, where it probably did originally, then the 
crossing would be on his right hand, and beyond the 
altar. But one of the items at the end of the letter, 
giving a "juste mesure of the hole abbey," states that 
" the heygthe of the roufe before the hyghe altare is 
lxxxxiij fote," and since the list itself seems fairly trust- 
worthy, from analogy with other churches having double 
transepts, such as Canterbury, Lincoln, and Salisbury, we 
must place the high altar at Lewes beneath the eastern 
arch of the upper crossing : the vault will then be before, 
that is, in front of the altar. The difficulty lies in 
reconciling two apparently contradictory statements. We 
must either look upon the text of the letter as written 
solely for the purpose of creating a favourable impression 
on Cromwell of the zeal with which his miscreants were 
destroying God's sanctuary, and therefore as being more 
or less loosely worded as to details ; or we must interpret 
the phrase " ryghte side " to mean the front of the altar 
in contradistinction to the " back syde " or " wrong side." 
The table of dimensions was probably added from a 
careful survey made to ascertain the exact value of the 
lead and ashlar, and may therefore be looked upon as 
fairly correct. 

The great transept was about 116 feet long, and 
probably aisleless, with an apse opening out of each wing. 
VOL, xli. o 



10 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

The piers supporting the main crossing are described as 
forty-two feet high, and the vault above them " in the 
middes of the church, where the belles dyd hange" as 105 
feet. 

Of the nave we at present know nothing. Its site lies 
beneath a lawn and a kitchen garden, and some day we 
may hope to excavate there. Meanwhile we must rely 
upon Portinari's dimensions. He says " Ther be in 
the churche xxxij. pillars, standyng equally from the 
walles," and proceeds to describe them as " Eyght pillars 
verry bygge, thicke xiiij fo, abowte xlv fo. Thother xxiiij, 
ar for the moste part x fote thicke, & xxv abowght. The 
heygthe of the greater sorte is xlij. fo. of thother xviij fote. 
The thickenes of the waules interno, v fo." 

The eight great piers undoubtedly belong to the two 
crossings. They were forty-two feet high and probably 
carried semicircular arches, which from the width of the 
church measured about fifty-four feet from the crown to 
the pavement. 

To satisfactorily dispose of the remaining twenty-four 
piers, we must take the evidence of a contemporary build- 
ing, the cathedral church of Chichester. From the length 
of the church of Lewes, and the dimensions assigned to 
the piers and walls, it seems that, like Chichester, the 
arches were practically holes cut through a wall, and the 
piers intermediate solid masses of masonry about ten feet 
through from east to west and five feet thick, or approxi- 
mately, as Portinari, says " xxv abowght." Allowing 
twenty feet from centre to centre of each bay, we dispose 
of our twenty-four piers thus : allotting four piers to the 
great apse, and six to the inter-transeptal area, there are 
fourteen left for the nave — which exactly fulfil our re- 
quirements. 

The nave and choir would originally be covered with a 
flat wooden ceiling, afterwards replaced by a pointed vault 
sixty -three feet to the ridge, or nine feet higher than the 
crown of the tower arches. 

The last item in the list of dimensions states that " The 
heygthe of the stepil at the fronte is lxxxx fote." This 
' stepil' was a western tower occupying the centre of the 
front as at Ely and Bury St. Edmund's. The southern 
half of its base was uncovered by the late Mr. John Blaker 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 1 t 

some thirty years ago, and is still open for inspection in a 
garden at the back of the Crescent now in Mr. Parsons' 
occupation. It is very much thrown over and distorted, 
consequent upon the treatment the building met with at 
the hands of the worthies who destroyed it. The door 
jamb at the west end of the north aisle, which we laid 
bare last year, had a massive Purbeck marble plinth, 
carved with a kind of arcade, from which the jamb shafts 
rose. While however this marble block, being outside the 
door, was in a perfect state of preservation, the Caen 
stone ashlar work within was in many places shivered 
and reddened by the action of fire. It seems there- 
fore that Portinari's minions wrought their work of 
destruction in the manner he describes, " x, of them, 
hewed the walles abowte, amonge the whyche, ther were 
3 carpentars. thiese made proctes to undersette wher the 
other cutte away, thother brake and cutte the waules ; " 
the wooden props were then set fire to, and the under- 
mined walls fell in with a crash, which must have been 
music to their sacrilegious minds. The western tower 
stood within the last bay of the nave, and the remaining 
fragment shews that it was not open to the aisles, but 
the solid walls were covered with an arcade. 

The ground plan so far as we have now gone consisted 
of a nave and aisles of eight bays with a western tower 
in the middle of the front ; a great transept, aisleless, 
with an apse in each wing, and over the crossing the bell - 
tower ; a choir and aisles four bays long ; an eastern 
transept with an apse in each wing ; and beyond this the 
great apse, with an aisle surrounded by five apsidal 
chapels. This eastern part of the church must have been 
a thing of exceeding beauty, both from within and with- 
out. 

The whole church was 405 feet long internally, or 
almost exactly equal in length to Lichfield cathedral 
church. 

We must not lose sight of the fact that this was a 
building of gradual growth. It is almost certain that at 
first the monks' church was the newly built one dedicated 
to St. Pancras, which was given them by the founder. It 
is also more than probable that this was found too small 
an oratory for an increased number of monks, and con- 



12 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

verted into a monastic church by building a choir and 
transepts. Now one striking feature about this great 
church of Lewes is its narrowness in proportion to its 
length. Most of our large Norman churches exceed 
thirty feet in the width of their naves, but Lewes could 
not have exceeded twenty-four feet ; dimensions only 
approached by the sister houses of Castle Acre and Thet- 
ford, and the cathedral church of Chichester, which 
measure twenty-five feet. But while Castle Acre and 
Thetford have a total width, including the aisles, of sixty 
feet, Lewes was only fifty-four. Since we have not yet 
seen any remains of the nave, the question must rest 
entirely upon conjecture, but it occurred to me, while 
looking about for a reason, that the cause of this narrow- 
ness was the pre-existence of the founder's church, with 
which the earliest additions were incorporated, before it 
was itself re-built. 

As the only actual portions of the great church to 
which we have as yet had access in our time are the 
extreme east and west ends of it as finally reconstructed, 
we cannot ascertain the exact point where the building 
was first enlarged. From analogy with contemporary 
buildings, we should expect the church, after the first 
additions to the founder's, to consist of an eastern arm 
with aisles, three bays long, with an apse (cp. Chichester); 
an aisleless transept with apse in each wing, and a bell 
tower at the crossing ; and a nave and aisles six bays 
long — the whole being a little over 200 feet long inter- 
nally, or an average sized monastic church. The evidence 
for the extent of the nave seems to rest on slightly 
stronger grounds than analogy. In examining the ground 
plan one thing which is at once seen to be anomalous is the 
decided oblong shape of the cloister, for, with the exception 
of a few instances due to exigencies of site the cloister of 
a monastery is invariably as nearly as possible square. 
Looking at the fact too, that the fratry had obviously 
been lengthened, as well as the church at its western end, 
vidence becomes tolerably conclusive that the Lewes 
cloister was originally square, or nearly so, and that, as at 
Castle Acre, the nave was only equal in length to the 
cloister alley, or at most did not extend more than one 
bay to the west of it. This gives us a nave of five or six 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 13 

bays, which, though it sounds a small number for a 
Norman church, where the average number is seven or 
eight, yet if the relative dimensions of pier and arch be 
borne in mind, the live or six bays will be found to take 
up as much length as seven or eight of such work as we 
see at Rochester or Southwell. According; to a charter of 
William, the second earl of Warenne, this first monastic 
church was dedicated by bishops Ralph of Chichester, 
Walkelin of Winchester, and Gundulf of Rochester — that 
is between 1091 and 1098, the actual year not being 
given. ! 

About the same time that Lewes was being enlarged 
from the little church of St. Pancras into a more convenient 
monastic one, the mother church of Cluny was undergoing 
extension. The new works, which were dedicated in 1131, 
included that feature so exceedingly rare out of England, 
an eastern transept, with two apses to each wing, and a 
great apse with corona of chapels. The increasing import- 
ance of the priory of Lewes soon made the monks desire 
to enlarge and glorify their church too. So they began, 
as usual, at the east end, and taking the new work of the 
abbey of Cluny as a desirable model, added to their 
presbytery an eastern transept, with an apse in each arm 
and a lofty lantern at the crossing ; and beyond this an 
apse with five apsidal chapels encircling its aisle. The nave 
was also extended westwards four bays, and a massive 
tower built in the last bay, thus occupying the centre of 
the front. Then the church was solemnly dedicated, so we 
learn from a charter of the third earl of Warenne,' 2 the 
consecrators being Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury ; 
Henry de Blois, bishop of Winchester ; Robert, bishop of 
Bath, who was once a monk of Lewes ; and Ascelin, 
bishop of Rochester. The exact year is not given, but 
the consecrators' dates fix it between 1142 and 1148. 

In 1229, according to the Annals "the chapel of the 
Blessed Mary was constructed anew, and the first mass 
celebrated in it on the vigil of St. Nicholas 3 "; but it is not 
said to be at Lewes, and as before noted, the entry may 
refer to another house altogether. Still, we know there 

1 See Appendix, Note B. capella beate marie & in vigilia sancti 

8 See Appendix, Note C. Nicolai prima missa celebrata est in ea. 

3 in°.cc°xxix°. Constructa est de novo f. 168a. 



14 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

was a chapel of our Lady here, and further its approximate 
site, for the will of Richard, third earl of Arundel and 
Surrey, dated December 5th, 1375, directs mass to be 
said daily in the priory of Lewes, for the repose of his soul, 
" in the chapel of St. Thomas the Martyr, or else in the 
chapel of our Lady on the north of the great church." ] 
Probably this beautiful Early English chapel lay east of 
the north arm of the great transept, as at the sister house 
of Thetford and at Canterbury, or it may have followed 
such arrangements as those of Ely and Tewkesbury. 

In 1243, "on the day of the anniversary of lord William 
the earl, was placed the foundation in the new work of 
our church." ' 2 Thus the Annals, but though Lewes is not 
mentioned, the founder's name probably points to this 
house, and we find in 1247 one John, magister operum 
ecclesie, witnessing a Lewes charter. 3 We do not know 
what this novum opus was. 

In 1268, Dan William de Foville, prior of Lewes, died 
and bequeathed to the monastery, amongst other items, 
" two hundred marks sterling towards finishing* the two 
towers at the front of the church." All previous writers 
have assumed these to be a pair of western towers. But 
we know there was only one western tower, and that in 
the centre of the front. Unless, therefore, a pair of stair 
turrets flanking the west front, like those at Ely and Lin- 
coln, be meant, the word " front " must be restricted, in 
its medieval sense, to the east end, and the two turrets 
may be a pair flanking the great apse. Compare the 
towers in a similar position at Canterbury. 

We have now come to an end of both our documentary 
and architectural history of the fabric, but there remain a 
few records of burials, &c, which throw a little light on 
the arrangement of the church. 

The previous mention of chapels of St. Thomas and the 
Blessed Virgin Mary implies the existence of altars to 
those saints. In 1238 we meet with the gift of a 
messuage to the altar of the Holy Cross in the great 



1 Test. Vetust. p. 94. > Chartulary, f. 

- m°.ec°.xliij . In die anniversarij 4 "Item ad duasturres in fronte ecclesie 

domini Willelmi Comitia positum est perficiendaa cc marcaa-sterling.' " Annals, 

funilaini'iituin in novo opere ecclesio f. 1706. 
nostre. f. 1686. 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 15 

church. 1 This altar doubtless stood against the centre of 
the roodloft. It was the scene of a miraculous cure in 
1250, in which year, on the day of SS. Processus and 
Martinian, a certain infirm man who was crippled in an 
arm and both knees was made whole at the Holy Cross of 
St. Pancras at Lewes." In 12G2 the Annals record 3 the 
death of one John de Gatesdene who was buried before 
the altar of St. James, but the name of the monastery is 
not given. In 1341, Sir Edward St. John was buried in 
the chapel of St. Martin. 4 By his will, dated 1374, 
William Laxman desires his body to be buried " before 
the image of the Crucifix situated in the north part of 
the same church, and which has been newly painted." 5 In 
1379 Sir John de Arundel wills to be buried "in the 
priory at Lewes in the great church there under an arch 
near the funeral chapel." In 1385 Dame Joan St. John 
desires to be buried in the chapel of St. Mary near her 
husband. 7 The will of George Neville. Lord of Aberga- 
venny, dated July 1, 1491, desires his body to be buried 
on the south side of the altar, " where I have lately made 
a tomb for my body." 8 A bull's head in brass, part of 
the heraldic decoration of this tomb, was discovered 
during the excavations of 1845. Under the south arch 
of the eastern crossing was also found a grave with the 
leaden bulla of pope Clement VI, beneath the skull of 
the deceased. It has been suggested that this marks the 
sepulchre of John, the last earl of Warenne, who died in 
1347, and had been excommunicated by the archbishop 
for gross immorality. Dugdale records that he " lieth 
buried alone under a raised Tomb, near the High Altar." 9 
In 1492 Sir John Falvesley is said to have been buried 

1 " Ad altare sancte cruris in magna coram ymagine cru.dfi.zi situata in parte 
ecclesia."— Chartulary, f, 55. boriali eiusdem ecclesie et que noviter est 

2 m°cc°l°. In hoc anno die sanctorum depicta." — -Sussex Arch. Coll., xxv, 149. 
processi & martiniani quidam infirmus * Test Vetust., 105. 

quasi contractus de brachio et ambabus 7 Test Vetust., 120. 

( sic Igenibus sanabatur ad sanctamcrucem 8 Test Vetust., 406. 

sancti pancracij de lewes. — Annals, f. 9 Dugdale's Baronage, p. 82. This and 

169 a. other entries are given by Dugdale as 

3 m c cc° lxij. " Obiit Johannes de from the Register of Lewes in Bibl. Scldcn 
Gatesdene in vigilia sancti pasche & in An. 1650 ; but I have not been able to 
die mercurii postea positus ftut in terra trace the MS. The Editors of the last 
ante altare sancti iacobi."— f, 170 a. edition of the Monasticon state it isiden- 

* Add. MS. (Bun-ell) 5706, f, 177. tical with the Chartulary in the Cotton 

5 " Corpusque meum ad sepeliendum MSS., but this is an error, 
in ecclesia Prioratus de Lewes videlicet 



16 TFTE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

on the left hand of the image of St. Pancras. 1 We have 
also record of the burials of numerous persons before or 
mar the high altar. In 1240 Maud, second wife of 
William, fifth earl of Warenne, "was buried in the midst 
of the Quire in the Abbey of Lewes before the High 
Altar." 3 In 1255, the countess Alicia, widow of the 
sixth earl, was buried before the high altar; 3 and in 
1286, her son, Sir William de Warenne, was buried by 
the archbishop of Canterbury ''before the high altar on 
i lie left side beside his mother." 4 Dugdale also records 
the burials of Joan, wife of the last-named Sir William, 
who died L293, "and lieth buried with her husband 
before the High Altar at Lewes, under a high Tomb"; 5 of 
John, the seventh earl, who died 32 Edward I, "and was 
buried in the midst of the Pavement in the Quire of the 
Abbey of Lewes, before the High Altar, with this Epitaph 
upon his Tombstone : 

" ' Yous qc passer on bouche close, 
Prier pur cely ke cy repose : 
En vie come vous estijadis fu, 
Et vous tiel, ferretz come je su ; 
Sir Johan Count de Garenne gist ycy ; 
Dieu de sa alme eit mercy. 
Ky pur sa alme priera. 
Troiz mill jours de pardon avera." 6 

We now come to the conventual buildings, the remains 
of which are fairly extensive. They have an especial 
interest as affording us an excellent illustration of the 
manner in which the growing needs of an increasing 
convent were met by adding to and reconstructing an 
existing group of buildings. 

It is however somewhat curious that no systematic 
attempt has hitherto been made to describe either the 
buildings themselves or their architectural history. 

The original site granted by the founder to his monks 
appears to have consisted mainly of an elevated ridge, of 
no great width, running east and west, and lying between 
a \ alley on the north, and a great alluvial flat, probably 
more or less under water most of the year, on the south. 

A>M IIS." Bnrrell), 5706,/177. iuxtamatremsuam."— "Annals," f 178a. 



: " I tugd. Bar.," p. 77. 

■ Annate," I L69 b. 
1 "Ante magnum altare in sinistra parte 



" Baronage," ]>. SO. 
"Ibid," p. SO 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 17 

In fact, the founder mentions " the island on which the 
monastery is situated " in his charter. 1 On this ridge was 
placed the church, with the conventual buildings to the 
south. This side appears to have been chosen, not because 
of the water supply, for there was a stream on each side of 
the ridge ; but because a main thoroughfare ran along the 
top of the ridge, to the south of which stood the little 
church of St. Pancras already described as being the first 
oratorium of the priory. Owing therefore to the narrow 
width thus left, there was not room on the ridge for the 
whole of the buildings, and they were accordingly carried 
southward on a series of undercrofts. 2 It is necessary to 
bear this in mind to explain certain apparent anomalies 
which arise as we proceed. 

The arrangement of a Cluniac house seems to differ 
in no important point from the regular Benedictine plan. 

Thus the claustrum (cloister) was placed on the south 
side of the nave of the church ; with the great transept, 
the capitulum (chapter house), and the apartment called 
by most Orders of religious the calef actor ium, forming the 
range on its east side. Over the capitulum and calefac- 
torium was the dormitorium, extending right up to the 
transept, and having at its south end the domils neces- 
saries, a detached building approached by a bridge. 
South of the cloister were the refectorium (fratry) and 
coquina regularis (regular kitchen) ; and on the west the 
range under the care of the cellarer called the cellar turn. 
The domus infirmorum, or abode of sick and infirm 
monks, was placed to the east of the claustral buildings. 
All the other offices, such as the almonry, guest houses, 
bakery, brewery, and stables, lay to the west in the outer 
court, which was entered by a large gatehouse set in the 
precinct wall encompassing the whole of the monastery. 
The prior seems to have slept in the common dormitory, 
at any rate at first, and did not occupy a separate 
dwelling. I cannot say whether the novices had a special 
portion of the buildings allotted to them or not. 

The cloister of Lewes Priory, unlike the generality of 

1 " Insulam in qua monasterium situm altar was fixed by the place of Harold's 

est." See Appendix. death, on the famous hill of Senlac. Here 

2 A precisely parallel case occurs at the whole of the dormitory is carried on 

Battle Abbey, where the site of the high a magnificent series of undercrofts. 

VOL. XLI. D 



18 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

examples, which are more or less square, was decidedly an 
oblong. The south east angle was opened out in the 
railway embankment during our diggings last year, and 
the south-west angle in 1845 ; the other two remain 
buried. We can nevertheless ascertain the extent with 
tolerable certainty from other data, and find it measured 
about 90 feet from north to south, and 130 feet from east 
to west. There is however no doubt that originally the 
cloister was square ; but why was it enlarged ? and why 
was its shape altered ? The first question is easily 
answered ; because the increased number of monks made 
it necessary to provide more room for them in the cloister, 
where they actually lived and spent much of their time, 
and which had been built of too small a size in the first 
place for a large convent. For the explanation of its 
altered shape we must return to the description of the 
site. Between the south wall of the nave, and the 
abrupt descent of the ridge on which the priory stood to 
the alluvial flat, there was only sufficient room for the 
cloister ; for even the fratry had been built out on an 
undercroft. When therefore the enlargement of the 
cloister was projected, it was evident that if, simply to 
preserve its square form, an extension was made south- 
ward as well as westward, too great expense would be 
incurred in rebuilding or otherwise altering the fratry, as 
well as the cellarium. The cloister was therefore extended 
by rebuilding the cellarium further west and lengthening 
the fratry ; thus altering the square form into an oblong. 
And since the alley of the cloister which adjoined the 
nave of the church was the monks' day apartment, this 
way of meeting the case gave the needed accommodation 
for the brethren. These alterations must have taken 
place about the middle of the twelfth century, in continu- 
ation of the work of enlarging the church. The 1845 
excavations shewed that the cloister alleys were fourteen 
feet wide, and the wall enclosing the garth four feet 
thick. 

The site of the capituhim or chapter-house now hangs 
in mid air, having been completely swept away in the 
construction of the railway. Unfortunately the remains 
of the walls then discovered were so fragmentary that we 
cannot recover its width. According to Mr. Parsons' 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES 19 

plan it was originally about fifty feet long. But the chief 
interest in the chapter-house centres round the extra- 
ordinary collection of interments discovered in 1845. 
The first coffin disturbed was a leaden one with an arched 
top, containing the bones of a woman. She had been 
buried in the cloister alley before the chapter-house door. 
In the chapter-house itself were found no less than 
thirteen graves. 

The first two contained two small leaden cists, about 
3 ft. long, 1 foot wide, and 9 inches deep, which were 
identified by inscriptions as the coffins of William de 
Warenne, the founder, and his wife Gundrada. From 
the small size of these receptacles it is evident that the 
bodies had been removed from some other spot. The 
most likely one seems to have been behind the high altar 
of the first conventual church. The removal may there- 
fore be assigned to about 1140, when the extension of 
the eastern limb of the church took place. These cists 
are now in Southover church, and the bones have been 
reburied under Gundrada's own tombstone in the so-called 
"Warenne chapel." Dugdale, 1 quoting from the missing 
Register of Lewes, gives this epitaph as engraved on a 
white stone over the founder's grave: 

Hie Gulielmi Conies, locus est laudis tibi fomes, 
Hujus fundator, et largus sedis amator. 

Iste tuuni funus decorat, placuit quia munus 

Pauperibus Christi, quod prompta mente dedisti. 
Ule tuos cineres servat Pancratius hteres, 
Sanctorum Castris, qui te sociabit in astris. 

Optime Pancrati, fer openi te glorificanti ; 

Daque poli sedem, talem tibi qui dedit redem. 

The inscription on Gundrada's tombstone is as follows : 

*lt STIRPS GUNDRADA. DVCV DEC' EVI. NOBILE GERMEN I 

INTVLIT. ECCLESIIS ANGLORV BALSAMA MORV : 

MARTHA PVIT MISERIS PVIT EX PIETATE MARIA 

PARS OBIIT MARTHE SVp[er]eST PARS MAGNA MARIE. 

O PIE PANCRATI TESTIS PIETATIS ET EQVI. 

TE PACIT HEREDE TV CLEMENS SVSCIPE MATREM 

SEXTA KALENDARV IVNII LVX OBVIA CARNIS 

IFREGIT ALABASTRVM 

1 Baronage, p. 74. 



20 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

A third grave contained the remains of a monk in his 
black habit ; doubtless a prior. Part of his cowl is pre- 
served in a box in Southover church. 

Of the remaining graves one contained the bones of a 
boy, a second the skeleton of a gigantic man, a third that 
of a woman and a very young infant. Nothing, however, 
was found to identify them. At the foot of one coffin 
was a small lead cylindrical case about one foot high and 
eleven inches in diameter, 1 containing human viscera in 
a saline fluid. Probably the body was embalmed and 
buried elsewhere. Many members of the families of 
Warenne and Arundel, beside the founder and his wife, 
are known to have been buried here. Among them were 
William the second earl, who died 1135, and "was 
buried in the Chapter House at Lewes, at the feet of his 
Father." 2 

The Visitation of Sussex by Benolte, temp. H. VIII, 8 
has the following notes on interments in the chapter house 
of the priory of Lewes : 

" William the firste Erie Waryne & Surrey furste founder of the House 
of Saynt Pancras assytuate within the towne of Lewys, in the countye 
of Sussex, which Wiilyam & Gondrede his wyffe lieth huryed in the 
( Jhapytre of the same howse, which Gondrede was daughter unto Kynge 
Wyllyam Conqueror. 

"Also in the same place adjoynyng unto hys father lyeth buried 
Wyllyam his sone & his wyffe. 

" Item in the same places lyes Willyam the fourth Erie of Waryne and 
Maulde his wyffe daughter to the Erie of ArundeU. 

" Itm in the same howse lyeth Hamelyne brother unto King Henry the 
seconde & Erie of Waryne by marynge Isabell daughter to Willyam the 
iij' 1 '' Erie Waryne. 

" It™ more in the same place lyes Richard the first of that name erle 
Arundel] & of Sureye next whome lyeth in a nother tombe Alianor the 
Buster of Henry Duke * of Lancaster. 

" Under a playne stone adjoynyng to the sayd thombes lyes John sone 
to Richard the seconde Erie of Arondell & Surrey & PhiUippe his second 
wyffe dowghter to Edmond Erie of Marche and next unto the sayd John 
Will via sone to Richard e erle of ArundeU & of Surrey second of that 
name & Elizabeth his wyffe dowghter to Lord Wil. Bowne erle of Northe 
hampton.'" 

On the north side of the nave of Chichester cathedral 
cl nirch are the effigies of an earl and countess of Arundel 

1 Now in Southover church. Esq., Surrey Herald Extraordinary, for 

I Baronage, p. 74. this extract and for drawing my attention 

! M.S. Coll of Anna. D. 13. f. 456. I to the Chichester effigies. 
am much indebted to Charles A, Buckler, 4 Should be Earl, 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 21 

and Surrey, which are believed to have been removed from 
Lewes Priory at the Suppression. They are thus described 
by Dallaway. 1 

" In the Arundel Chantry now the additional north aisle, is a monu- 
ment of stone, affixed to the wall, consisting of two tables and effigies, 
which appear to have been originally one and insulated. Both the figures 
are of the age of Edward 3 rd . The man has the sharp conical helmet and 
the chain gorget, and on his surcoat a lion rampant. Such were worn by 
Richard Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel — in the early part of that reign — and 
to whom a cenotaph was erected in the Chapel of Lewes Priory. Might 
it not have been brought here at the Suppression, and then so divided for 
convenience of space 1" 

If these effigies did come from Lewes they are probably 
those of Richard Fitz Alan, earl of Arundel and Surrey, 
who died in 1376, and his countess, lady Eleanor 
Plantagenet, daughter of Henry, earl of Lancaster, whose 
tombs Benolte describes as being in the chapter house of 
Lewes Priory. 

If we may assume that the chapter house was of a 
regulation width — say twenty-seven feet — and if these 
dimensions be laid down symmetrically with respect to 
the graves, a narrow space seven feet wide will be left 
between the north wall and the wall of the transept. We 
cannot now say that such a space existed, though measure- 
ments seem to show that it did, but had it done so it 
would very well have held the day stairs to the dormitory 
which otherwise it will be difficult to assign a place for. 

On the south side of the chapter house was a slype or 
covered passage leading from the cloister to the infirmary 
on the east. 

Next to it was an apartment about 44 feet long and 35 
feet wide, corresponding in position with the Benedictine 
common-house or calefactorium. In a Cluniac house it 
appears to be identical with the ojjicina sanguinis 
minuendi, or bleeding-house. A thickening of the east 
wall seems to shew that the usual fireplace stood there, 
from whence the apartment derived its name of calefac- 
torium. 

Over the whole of this range and extending right up 
to the transept of the church was the dormitorium. No 
remains of it exist, but judging from the undercrofts it 
was 102 feet long and 35 feet wide. At the south east 

1 " History of Western Sussex," i, 134. 



22 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

angle was a projecting square building measuring 10 feet 
by 8 J feet within. 

At the south end of the dormitory range, but separated 
from it by a space some 30 feet wide, was the structure 
called by the Cluniacs domfis necessarice — a name 
sufficiently descriptive of its purpose. Only the base- 
ment now remains, but we are able from it to make out 
tlif arrangements pretty clearly. It was a long hall, 96 
feet by 25 feet, divided by a longitudinal wall 4 feet 
thick, pierced at regular intervals by round headed 
openings about 2 -J- feet wide, into two unequal divisions, 
the greater 18 feet, the lesser 3 feet wide. The narrow 
portion formed a fosse or channel, at the bottom of which 
ran a stream of water, bridged over some 15 feet above 
by a row of seats. Between each of the external 
buttresses of the south wall was a narrow window for 
ventilation. The sides of the main hall were also pierced 
with window openings — the three at the east end are 
wonderfully perfect and were found by us last year 
together with three of those in the north wall. Owing to 
the great fall in the ground south of the dormitory, the 
building just described does not seem to have exceeded 
two stories in height, and its first floor, instead of being, 
as was customary, on a level with the dormitory floor, 
was si line fifteen feet lower — or on the same line with the 
floor of the dormitory undercroft. It was however 
necessary that direct communication should be provided 
between it and the dormitory, and this seems to have 
been effected thus : the intervening thirty feet was 
spanned by a bridge, 35 feet broad, at the calefactorium 
floor level, which was reached from the dormitory by a 
flight of steps placed in the small square chamber at its 
soutli angle mentioned above. 

The great drain which conveyed the waste water of the 
monastery through the necessarium may be traced some 
distance on the west. It is a well-built tunnel 5 feet 
\ ide and at least 5 feet high, lined with stone and covered 
barrel vault. At a distance of about ninety feet 
from where it passed under the buildings it was open to 
the aii- some distance and furnished with a sluice gate for 
flushing purposes. The many absurd stories in circulation 
at Lewes about subterranean passages to the castle and 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 23 

elsewhere, derive their origin from this elaborately con- 
structed drain. 

Owing to the already-explained difficulty of site — 
which only left room to the south of the church for the 
actual cloister — -the Lewes refectory, or fratry as il should 
be more correctly termed, contrary to the usual custom 
amongst monks, is built upon an undercroft. The fratry 
itself has quite gone, but we are able to recover certain 
data from its sub- vault. Originally it seems to have 
consisted of five bays, measuring about 97 feet long by 
37£ feet wide ; but as we may see from the variation in 
the line of the south wall, and other indications, it has 
been partly rebuilt and lengthened to 145 feet. The 
undercroft was divided by a row of columns into two 
alleys, covered by a quadripartite vault springing from flat 
engaged pilaster-shafts. Each of the angles at the east 
end contains a circular stair or vice. That to the south, 
which has an external door only, has been long open ; the 
other, which opens into the undercroft, was discovered 
last year in the railway embankment, and by the com- 
mendable care of the authorities has been left as we found 
it, and railed round. The only portions of the undercroft 
that have escaped demolition are the east end and most 
of the south wall. The wall space between the first three 
buttresses of the latter appears to have been spanned by 
a shallow arch. Query, was this to thicken the wall 
above for the reader's pulpit ? In the first bay is a 
curious skew passage through the wall, the respective 
positions of the vaulting pilaster within and the external 
buttress having prevented its being pierced in a direct line. 
The next bay has an opening with a straight flight of steps. 
These must have opened on to the floor of the fratry itself, 
but I cannot say why. Whatever their use, they are 
undoubtedly an insertion of much later date than the 
walls. Between the second and third bays there appears 
to be a join of two walls of slightly different dates ; the 
later one pertaining to the extension of the fratry. Each 
bay of the newer portion was pierced by a pair of windows, 
the actual openings being set in the middle of the thick- 
ness of the walls. The flight of stairs above-mentioned 
is inserted in the place of one of the pair of windows in 
that bay. 



24 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

Opening out of the north wall of the fratry sub-vault 
was an arched subterranean passage, 3 feet wide and 
about 6 feet high, much of which still remains. It first 
goes straight for a short distance ; then turns at a right 
angle for a few feet, and again bending at a small angle, 
terminates in a domed chamber 4 feet 3 inches in 
diameter. In the first turn is a manhole. Various 
fanciful suggestions have been made concerning this 
mysterious funnel ; but it appears to have been built 
for no more remarkable purpose than to carry the 
leaden pipes to the conduit which stood above the 
dome in the cloister garth, and supplied water to the 
various lavatories. A small portion of the passage was 
removed during the construction of the railway ; but the 
remainder has escaped other mutilation than a hole in 
right angle, by which it may be entered from the garden 
it now runs under. 1 

Of the kitchen only the fragments of three fifteenth 
century added buttresses remain. These are adorned 
with Hint chequer work, and it is curious that the but- 
tresses stuck against the walls to keep them up should be 
left while the whole of the kitchen itself has been swept 
away. Sir William Burrell has the following note on this 
part of the buildings : " Sept. 13, 1772. I measured 
part of the Remains of this Priory and found them to be 
as follow. The Oven was 17 feet diameter, near half 
of it is standing the Roof is composed of Tyles set 
perpendicularly, 2 each 6 h broad, ii long, i thick." 3 This 
"oven" was demolished in 1845. 

Nothing is left above ground to shew the plan and 
extent of the western range, or cellarer's buildings. 

A few fragments of the infirmary remain to the east of 
the dormitory range ; but until the application of pick 
and spade we are quite in the dark as to the disposition 
of the buildings. According to the Annals, 4 " the great 
infirmary was built" in 1218, and the following year, 
" two houses of the infirmarer were made towards the 
north after Easter by William de Buckby ; " but the 

1 See extract from Woollgnr's MSS. in 4 m° cc° xviij. Magna infirmaria facta 
'• Horsneld'a History <>f LeweB," p. 250, est. 

aud Archaeological Journal, xii, pp. 103,104 m° cc" xix c . Due doinus infirm' ver- 

2 edgewise erased. sua norht facte sunt post pascham. a 
* Add. MS., 5706, /85. Willelmo de buckebi.— /. 167 a. 



ALT A R N 

OPICINAL - 

c3'- 




u: 




CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 25 

entries can hardly refer to Lewes, for the infirmary is 
named in charters of the second earl of Warenne, who 
died in 1135, by which time all the temporary buildings 
must have been replaced by others of stone. 

Either at the same time as the final extension of the 
church circa 1145, or immediately afterwards — at any 
rate within half a century of the erection of the first 
permanent circuit of offices — the whole of the conventual 
buildings were enlarged. Not by the costly process of an 
entire rebuild, but by adding to some and altering others. 
The reason of the extension, as before, was to obtain 
increased accommodation. 

So far we have been able only to make out the details 
of the dormitory range — to which our excavations last 
year were strictly limited — but it is probable that the 
extension was carried out everywhere. 

The great dormitory was evidently thought too small ; 
it was accordingly lengthened from 102 to 213 feet, and 
its width increased from 35 feet to 69 feet at the south 
end, and 75 feet at the north end, the two outer walls 
not being parallel. This enlargement, which was made 
towards the south and east, was effected in the following 
manner : the space beneath the bridge to the necessarium, 
and the sub-vault of the latter, were disused, and more or 
less blocked up with strengthening arches, and in several 
places filled in solid with earth and chalk ; an additional 
sub-vault was then built on the south of the necessarium, 
consisting of a wide hall 69 feet long with a north aisle. 

The west wall of the new undercroft was in line with 
the west wall of the old dormitory ; but the east wall 
extended as far as the east end of the necessarium, in 
continuation of which a new wall was carried right up to 
the transept. Upon the enlarged area thus obtained was 
erected — either entirely de novo, or by alteration of what 
already existed — a building of two stories, the upper one 
being the dormitory. Owing to its great width, it was 
divided, at any rate so far as the first floor was concerned, 
into three alleys by a double row of columns. It will be 
seen on referring to the plan that the various blocking 
arches in the sub-vaults are in the lines of these arcades 
to carry their weight. The east wall of the extension 

VOL. XLI. E 



26 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

had a projecting fire-place in the middle of its length, and 
a few feet north of this a small circular stair. 

We have nothing to show that the dormitory occupied 
the whole of this great space, 213 feet long and 72 feet 
wide. Even the huge dormitory at Canterbury only 
measured 148 feet by 78 feet — though there existed a 
second dormitory 112 feet long and 22 feet wide. 

From certain foundations uncovered in 1845, it seems 
that the chapter house was included in the enlargement of 
the range of which it forms part, otherwise its east windows 
would have been rendered useless. It would be in- 
teresting to know whether the chapter house was not 
only lengthened and widened, but also increased in height 
by absorbing a portion of the length of the dormitory. 

To the south of the great dormitory, but separated from 
it by a space 10 feet wide, is a large structure 158 feet 
long and 24 J feet wide, to which various uses have been 
assigned. It is often dubbed the ' refectory,' but a careful 
examination makes its real purpose apparent. We have 
already seen that the necessarium at the end of the first 
group of buildings was rendered useless during the 
construction of the second group by the various strength- 
ening arches and filling in inserted to carry the new super- 
structure ; the monks were therefore compelled to erect a 
new one. Bearing in mind the arrangements of the first 
one and its relative position with regard to the dormitory, 
there will be no difficulty whatever in shewing the 
identity of use of the two buildings. 

The one used at Canterbury for the same purpose, and 
known as the "third dormitory," was a huge enough 
structure, being 14 5 feet long and 25 feet wide, but the 
new necessarium at Lewes exceeds it in length by 13 
feet. The upper of its two stories has been pulled down, 
but so much remains above ground that it is perfectly 
easy to make out the whole arrangement. A strong wall 
5 feet thick divided it longitudinally into two unequal 
divisions; the northern one being a large hall 14 feet 
wide, and the southern a narrow space only 5 feet 9 
inches wide. Through the latter ran from end to end a 
stream of water, inn king it in point of fact a great drain 
or fosse. This was ventilated by four small square headed 
windows in the south wall. The space above the drain 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OP SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 27 

was bridged over by a series of sixty arches, each 1 foot 
wide, and separated by an interval of 1 foot 7 inches. 
The crowns of these arches were about 15 feet from 
the ground floor line. Upon these arches were carried 
the wooden partitions separating the sixty-one compart- 
ments, each of which was 2 feet 6 inches wide. The 
longitudinal wall has been removed, but its junction 
at each end is easily seen ; and the springers of the 
small bridging arches which are left in the south wall 
may be identified by the square notch cut out at the 
lower edge for fixing the centering timbers while they 
were being built. The remains of a window at the 
east end of the first floor level shew that the longi- 
tudinal division wall did not rise above the wooden 
ceiling of the basement. After the suppression of the 
priory this building was converted into a malt-house, 
which explains the removal of the dividing wall, and the 
existence of the joist holes for the new floor timbers. 
The water course was only filled up about forty years ago. 

As in the case of the first necessarium, the first floor 
line was on the level of the floor of the apartments below 
the dormitory, and the intervening space was spanned 
by a bridge 24 feet broad. In later times, the area 
beneath this bridge was utilized for some purpose, the 
east end having been filled up by a wall ; and there are 
traces of a flue in one angle, and of a spiral stair up to the 
bridge. 

The new necessarium being so much further to the 
south than the original one, a new tunnel for the water 
course was constructed, of similar design to the one before 
described, and the old one disused The directions taken 
by both are carefully laid down on the plan. 

At some late period a great smash seems to have been 
feared at the south end of the buildings, for the added 
sub-vault beneath the dormitory had most of its arches 
filled up with solid chalk, and the groining of the end 
compartments strengthened by a lining of the same 
material. The great buttresses outside the great neces- 
sarium were added at the same time. 

During the excavations of 1882, we found, just outside 
the east wall of the great dormitory, a covered drain, 
nearly two feet square in section, running from north to 



28 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

south. Curiously enough, the majority of the stones 
which constituted the roof were worked fragments, com- 
prising portions of carved pilasters and spirally fluted 
jamb shafts, slabs of marble, &c, and part of a large 
shallow lavatory basin. 

Of the buildings of the outer court, such as the almonry, 
etc., not a trace remains above ground, except part of the 
gatehouse. This was of the usual type — a hall with 
double entrance, a large one for horses and vehicles, and 
a small one for foot passengers. The arches were standing 
until this century. The south jamb of the great arch still 
exists in situ at the east end of Southover church, while 
the smaller arch has been taken down and rebuilt at right 
angles to its former position on another site a few yards 
away. The gatehouse was of late twelfth century date. 

The whole of the buildings and their arrangements 
have been laid down as carefully as possible on the plan, 
two colours being used to distinguish the periods. A 
section is also given of the whole of the eastern range to 
shew as far as practicable the various levels, &c. 

In conclusion, I can only express a hope that future 
excavations may be made to lay bare the relics of the 
grea^t church, three-fifths of which still lies buried ; also 
of the great infirmary in the field to the east of our late 
excavations. 

The thanks of archaeologists are especially due to the 
owner, Mr. E. B. Blaker, for so kindly permitting the 
excavations ; and to Mr. Somers Clarke, Jun., f.s.a., by 
whom the work was initiated, and through whose energy 
and perseverance most of the necessary funds were 
obtained from sympathetic friends. 



Appendix. — Note A. 

Carta Willelmi Primi fundatoris Prioratus do lcwes. 

In nomine patris & filii & Spiritus Sancti. Amen. Ego Willelmus de 
Warenna & Gundrada uxor mea volentes peregrinationem facere ad 
sanctum Petrum in Roma . perreximus per plura monasteria que sunt in 
francia & Burgundia causa orationis. Et cum venissemus in burgun- 
diam. didicimus quod non potuimua secure transire propter guerram que 
[nit tunc inter papam & imperatorem. Et tunc divertimus ad Cluniacum 
monaaterium . magnam & sanctam abbaciam in honore sancti Petri. & ibi 
adoravimue & requisivimus sanctum Petrum. Et quia invenimus sancti- 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 29 

tatem & religionem & caritatem tarn magnam ibi & honorem erga nos a 
bono Priore & a toto sancto convontu . qui recopcrunt nos in societatem & 
fraternitatem suam : incepimus habere amorem & devotionem erga ilium 
ordinem & illam domum: super omnes alias domos quas videramus. Sed 
dominus Hugo sanctus abbas eorum tunc domi mni fuit. Et quia longe 
auto & tunc magis habuimus in proposito & voluntate per consilium 
doinini Lanfranci arcbiepiscopi ego & uxor mea quod faceremus aliquam 
domum religionis pro peccatis nostris& salute animarum nostrarum. tunc 
visum fuit nobis quod de nullo alio ordine tarn libenter quam de Clunia- 
censi earn facere vellemus. Et ideo misimus & requisivimus a domino 
hugone abbate & a tota sancta congregatione quod concodercnt nobis duns 
vel tres vol iiij or monachos de sancto grege suo quibus daremus ecclesiam 
unam quam de lignea lapideam fecimus sub castro nostro Lewiarum quo 
fuit ab antiquo tempore in honore sancti Pancracij & illam daremus eis. 
Et tantum in principio terrarum & animalium & rerum : undo duodecim 
monachi possent ibi sustentari. Sed sanctus abbas prius valde nobis fuit 
durus ad audiendum (sic) petitionem nostram propter longinquitatem 
aliene terre & maxime propter mare. Sed postquam nos perquisivimus 
licenciam a domino nostro Rege Willelmo adducendi monachos Clunia- 
censes in anglicam terrain . & abbas ex sua parte requisivit voluntatem 
Regis: tunc tandem donavit & misit nobis. iiij or . de monacbis suis domi- 
num lanzonem & tres socios suos quibus donavimus in principio omnia 
que eis promisimus & confirmavimus per scriptum nostrum quod misimus 
abbati Cluniacensi & conventui quia noluerunt nobis ante monacbos 
mittere : quam . haberent confirmationem nostram & Regis quam eis per- 
quisivimus de omnibus rebus quas eis donavimus. Et sic dati sunt 
michi & uxori mee monachi Cluniacenses in Anglicam terrain. Post 
mortem vero doinini mei Willelmi Regis cum filius suus venisset Willel- 
mus in Anglicam terrain propter regnum . & multa fuisset discordia de 
regne & dubitatio de fine. & ego in multis periculis cotidie : monstraverunt 
michi dominus lanzo prior & monachi mei quod apud Cluniacum esset 
confirmacio mea quam fcceram de rebus quas illis dederam in principio & 
quod ipsi inde nullum munimentum haberent & quod propter dubia 
& futura tempora deberem eis omnem securitatem de ireis donis & con- 
cessis facere . quod feci libenter consilio fidelium meorum per hanc 
alteram cartam meam Volo ergo quod sciant qui sunt & qui futuri sunt 
quod ego "Willelmus de Warenna Surreie comes donavi & confirmavi deo 
& sancto Petro & abbati & conventui de Cluniaco ecclesiam sancti 
Pancracij que sita est sub castro meo Lewiarum & eidem sancto Pancracio 
& monachis Cluniacensibus quicunquo in ipsa ecclesia sancti Pancracij 
deo servient inperpetuum : donavi pro salute anime mee & anime 
Gundrade uxoris mee & pro anima domini mei "Willelmi Regis qui me in 
anglicam terrain adduxit & per cuius licenciam monachos venire feci & 
qui meam Priorem donacionem confirmavit & pro salute domine mee 
Matildis Regine matris uxoris mee & pro salute domini mei Willelmi 
Regis filii sui post cuius adventum in Anglicam terram hanc cartam feci 
& qui mo comitem Surregie fecit & pro salute omnium heredum meorum 
& omnium fidelium christi vivorum & mortuorum in sustentacionem pre- 
dictorum monachorum Sancti Pancracii mansionem ffalemokm nomine 
totum quicquid ibi in dominio habui cum hida terre quam Eustachius in 
burgemola tenet & ad ipsam mansionem pertinet. Mansionem quoque 
Carlentonam nomine quam domina mea Matildis Regina dedit Gundrade 



30 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

axon mee & miclii. ft hoc concessit & confimiavit dominus metis Kex 
"Willelnius in auxilium ad fundandum novos monachos nostros totum 
quod ibi habuinms. Et in Swamberga quinque hidas & dimidiam terrain 
eciam que vocatur insula iuxta monasterium cum pratis & pascuis. 
Totam eciam terrain quam ego in dominio habui intra insulam in qua 
monasterium situni est cum molendino super stagnum quod ibi juxta est 
posito & cum uno suburbano ibi juxta posito lewino nomine In tuniaco 
terrain que fuit normanni . virgam terre que vocatur Redrewelle & alteram 
virgam nomine Stanforde In Westedena duas bydas cum iiij or villanis 
rato I >ecimas quoque terrarum mearum & illas nominatim qnas 
Richardus presbyter tenet & tenebit in vita sua. ita quod post mortem 
eius monachis remanebuht. Concessionem feci etiain omnium decimarum 
quas homines mei ibi dederunt vol postea daturi sunt. Postea vero 
donavi eis Waltonam cum omnibus liberis liominibus quos Gundrada cum 
ipsa mansione ibi de me tenuit. quicquid ibi habui tunc inter duas aquas 
de limea & de Wellestream in terris & mariscis & pascuis & aquis 
cum liominibus & omnibus eorum serviciis & cum omnibus rebus 
ita (juod duo hospicia michi & lieredibus meis ibi per annum 
retinui . unum in eundo in Evenviksire & alteram in redeundo pro 
omnibus serviciis que michi facere solebant homines de marisco 
in vecturis & summagiis per terram ft aquam hue & illuc & pro 
omnibus aliis serviciis . unde volo quod liberi & quieti sint erga me & 
heredes meos de onini servicio imperpetuum. Et si ibi hospitamur plus 
quam bis in anno : totum quod ibi de suo vel nos vel homines nostri 
quicumque illuc per annum per nos venerint super duo predicta hospicia 
expendimus : computabunt & redclemus eis de nostro in fine anni 
super periculum animarum nostrarum. Sic facio ego & sic faciam 
& sic volo quod faciant heredes mei. ne propter banc causam vertant 
elemosiuam meam & suam in servitutem & rapinam sicut volunt salvari in 
die judicii. Preterea donavi eis eeclesiam de Acra cum duabus carrucis 
terre ubi ego tv; Gundrada adhuc vivens proposuimus facere monasterium 
cv; domos & ponere monachos de monachis nostris sancti Pancracij 
de quibus eciam posuimus primo in ecclesia castelli nostri de Acra & 
hec promisit michi dominus lanzo quod faceret sic tamen quod Prior & 
monachi de Acra semper subditi sint & in libera ordinacione Prions sancti 
Pancracij Et Prior & Conventus sancti Pancracii habeant & disponant 
domum de Acra sine omni contradictione sicut proprios monachos suos de 
claustro suo . & sic faciam si dens servaverit miclii vitam cv; sanitatem . & si 
non possum perncere : volo quod heres meus perficiat. Et si heredes mei 
post me in suo tempore aliquam elemosiuam fundaverint volo quod earn 
sancto Pancracio submittant & semper sanctum Pancracium capud honoris 
sui habeant & ibi sc mecum reddant ubi iacet Gundrada uxor mea & ego 
cum ea reddidi corpus meum & ipsi similiter mecum faciant Omnes has 
antedictas res dedi deo & sancto Pancracio & monachis ibi deo servituris 
viventc & volentc Gundrada uxorc mea & "Willclmo & Reynaldo filiis & 
lieredibus meis. Sed post mortem Gundrade feci eis hanc cartam Post cuius 
mortem donavi eciam eis pro anima illius & mea & omnium heredum 
meornm mansionem in Norfolk hecham nomine totum quod ibi habui 
cum terra pagani prepositi & cum omnibus liberis hominibus quorum cen- 
Bum idem paganus ibi recipiebat Et banc donacionem meam volo quod 
heredes mei concessam & nrmatam habeant quia & earn concessit & connr- 
mavit dominus meus Rex Willelmus sicut alias fecerat pater suus. Has 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 31 

omnes supradictas res donavi monachis ad habendum inperpetuum tain 
liberas & quietas ab omnibus causia & custumis & serviciis sicut eas liberas 
habui & sicut aliquis liber homo habet vel habere potest suum dominium 
vel dare suam elemosinam. Et si eveniat quod rex terre aliquid inde 
querat vel hidagium vel danegeldum vel qualecumque geldumveUervicium 
vel quamcumque rem ego quam diu vivam eas liberatas & acquietatas 
faciam sicut meum dominium. & heres meus post me & sui post eum 
similiter inperpetuum faciant de omnibus rebus quecumque solent vel 
poterunt vel umquam continget inposterum ab aliquo domino vel honiine 
requiri erga Eegem & omnes homines ut nionachi semper sint in pace & sui 
omnes & omnia sua. Pro qua re volo quod si aliqua contencio vel dissensio 
vel lesura vel aliqua iniuria surgat inter homines sancti Pancracij & me 
vel meos unde forisfactura eveniat : Prior Sancti Pancracii semper capiat 
& habeat pro me forisfacturam & emendacionem de hominibus suis ne per 
hanc causam possint qui venturi sunt ledere & confundere homines sancti 
& sic volo quod faciant heredes mei Et si ego aliqua adhuc addidero vel 
heredes mei post me : volo quod omnia ilia tarn libere donentur & 
habeantur sicut ego ista omnia donavi & quod ipsi similiter velint & 
faciant. Et volo quod sicut ego cresco. crescant & res monachorum. 
& sicut crescunt res & bona eorum. quod crescat numerus eorum 
& sic volo & laudo & precipio quod velint & faciant & servent heredes 
mei & firmum & stabile habeant quod ego feci & ego firmum & stabile 
habeo quod ipsi facturi sunt. Et quicumque contra hanc donacionem 
meam venerit vel earn in aliquo minuerit vel in peius mutaverit iram & 
malediccionem dei omnipotentis & celerem vindictam in corde & in anima 
in hoc mundo & in die iudicij incurrat. Et tota malediccio quam pater 
potest dare nialis filiis suis ex parte mea super ilium veniat fiat fiat. Et 
quicumque hanc meam donacionem servaverit & defenderit & accreverit : 
benedictionem dei omnipotentis & graciam in hac vita & in alia in corpore 
& in anima super se habeat Et tota benediccio quam pater potest dare 
bonis filiis suis : ex parte mea super eum veniat & maneat sine fine Amen 
Amen. Similiter precor Deum ut eveniat si heres meus post me vel suus 
post eum vel quicumque ex successoribus meis aliqua bona addiderit ad 
ea que ego donavi quicumque post eos contra illorum donacionem venerit 
in malum veniat deus contra ilium in malum & quicumque earn defenderit 
& servaverit : defendat eum deus ab omni malo. Preterea volo quod 
sciant nionachi mei & heredes mei quod quando ego & Gundrada per- 
quisivimus a domino hugone abbate qui venerat ad loquendum cum 
domino meo Rege in Xormanniam quod redderet nobis dominum lan- 
zonem Priorem nostrum quern toto anno apud Cluniacum retinuerat unde 
tarn commoti fuimus quod pene proposuimus dimittere inceptum nostrum 
vel auferre eis & dare ecclesiam nostram maiori monasterio. tunc eciam 
concessit nobis & promisit abbas ad multam deprecacionem quod si deus 
cresceret domum nostram faceret earn sicut unam ex magnis post mortem 
domini lanzonis vel promocionem in aliquam maiorem dignitatem. 
quando monachi Sancti pancracij mitterent ad Cluniacum propter 
Priorem : mitterent eis in priorem unum ex melioribus monachis suis de 
tota congregacione quern scirent sanctiorem ad ordinem & ad anima s 
regendas secundum deum & sapienciorem ad domum gubernandam 
secundum seculum preter maiorem Priorem de Cluniaco & Priorem de 
Caritate. & quod ipse foret ad remanendum & nunquam removeretur nisi 
tarn iusta & manifesta esset causa, quod nemo rationabiliter deberet 



32 THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF THE 

contradicere & inde fecit nobis scriptum suum cum sigillo suo quod habeo. 
Et hec perquisivimus quia timuimus ne dominus lanzo cum redisset cito 
auferretur nobis quia rex quos meliores invenire potuit : in dignitates 
ecclesie exaltavit Et nobis audientibus requisivit ab abbate quod mitteret 
ei duodecim de Sanctis monacliis suis & eos omnes faceret episcopos & 
abbates in terra hereditatis sue quam ei dederat deus. Et eciam pre- 
eogitavimus quod si nova adhuc domus & tenera sepe novum Priorem 
habeiet & in novas manus veniret nunquam ad magnum profectum 
perveniret Et quia noluinms quod elemosina nostra inposterum in secu- 
laicni servitutem vcrteretur : tunc constitutum est inter nos & abbatem 
quod Cluniacum habeat omni anno .1. solidos monete Anglice de dono 
sancti Pancracij & sic libera sit ab omni alia servitute & exaccione & geldo 
Et abbas de nulla ordinacione domus se intromittat super Priorem nisi de 
observancia vel emendacione ordinis ubi Prior emendare non potuerit per 
bo. neque de domibus suis si aliquas unquam per graciam dei sub se 
lial merit Sed Prior Sancti Pancracij & Conventus semper eas liberas 
habeant in sua ordinacione sicut eis fuerint donate & hoc voluimus & 
fecimus quia in desiderio semper & spe fuimus facere domum & ponere 
monachos apud Acram castellum nostrum quam nolumus alibi nisi Sancto 
Pancracio esse subiectam. Hanc donacionem & cartam meam feci 
dominum meum Begem Willelmum apud Wincestriam in consilio con- 
cedeiv & testimonial! per signura sancte crucis de manu sua & per signa 
& testimonia episcoporum & Comitum & Baronum qui ibi tunc fuerunt 
feliciter Amen Venientibus contra bee & destruentibus ea occurat deus 
in gladio ire & furoris & vindicte & malediccionis eterne Servantibus 
autem hec: & defendentibus ea . occurrat deus in pace gracia & miseri- 
coidia & salute eterna Amen Amen Amen. 1 



Note B. 

Extract from charter of "William, the second earl of Warenne. 

" Postea vero non post multum tern pus cum perfecta fuisset ecclesia 
sancti Pancracij invitatus sum a Priore Lanzone et a cunctis fratribus 
eiusdem ecclesie et rogatus ab eis ut earn facerem dedicare . quod libenter 
et letius concessi et convocavi ipsius diocese episcopum dominum Radul- 
fum et Walkelinum Wintoniefl et (lundulfum Rovecestr' episcopos ad 
tuiu dedicandom. Et facta dedicatione cum ad missam ventum fuisset. 
vocatus sum ab episcopis ad magnum altare et adinonitus ab eis ut 
secundum consuetudinem sancte ecclesie : providerem dotem ecclesie. 
De qua eciam re ante fui prsemuniter et provisus. Monstraverunt 
quoque michi id ipsum quod micbi visum (fuit) non esse magnum 
daic quod ipse in manu mea vel expensas meas habere non potui 
sicut ecclesias et docimas. Recogitavi eciam quod non fuit mea nee 
pura elemosina quam feceram eis de hexcham quam pater meus 
eis prius donaverat et quantum ad me magis videbatur commutacio 
quedam quam mea donacio & quia de meo propiio quod michi potuissem 
semper libere retinere volui sancto Pancracio sicut paterno meo et eius 
monasterio sicul capituli honoris mei aliquod crementum facere in ilia die 
dedication^ ecclesie et bora <■(, loco dedi deo et sancto Pancracio et mona- 
chis suis inperpetuum decimam meam non solum omnino decimorum 

1 MS. Cott. Vesp. F. xv. f. 10-11. 



CLUNIAC PRIORY OF SAINT PANCRAS AT LEWES. 33 

meorum tocius torre mee de omnibus rebus undecumque decimam dari 
debet : Sed eciam totam decimam omnium denariorura meorum de Anglia 
do. redditibus de eventibus de omnibus omnino rebus undecumque et 
quibuscumque modus micbi proveniant de n-bus meis Anglie Et banc 
decimam denariorum meorum optuli de super altare inperpetuum dotem 
ecclesie." l 

Since tbe consecrators of the church were Ralph Luffa, bishop of Chic- 
hester 1091—1123; Walkelin, bishop of Winchester 1070—1098 ; and 
Gundulf, bishop of Rochester 1077 — 1108, the dedication must have 
occurred between 1091 and 1098. 



Note C. 



Extract from charter of William, the third earl of Warenne, relative to 
the second dedication of the church. 

"Hec supradicta ego pro salute anime mee et pro animabus antecessorum 
meorum predictis monachis concessi et de. c sol' in burgo de lewes quum 
feci dedicare ecclesiam sancti Pancracii et de decima denariorum de 
omnibus redditibus meis de Anglia dotam ipsam ecclesiam et inde saisivi 
earn per capillos capitis mei et fratris mei Radulfi de Warenna quos 
abscidit de capitibus nostris cum cultello ante altare Henricus episcopus 
Wintoh. Teste Theobaldo Archiepiscopo Cantuar' Henrico episcopo 
Wintoh Rodberto episcopo bad' Ascelino episcopo Rovescestr' qui eandem 
ecclesiam dedicaverunt." 2 

The prelates here named are Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury 
1139—1161 ; Henry de Blois, bishop of Winchester 1129—1171 ; 
Robert, bishop of Bath 1136— 1166 ; and Ascelin, bishop of Rochester 
1142 — 1148. The second dedication must therefore fall between 1142 
and 1148. 

Note D. 

Grant of the site of the priory of Lewes by Henry VIII. to Thomas 
Cromwell, lord Cromwell, 16 Febr., 29 Hen. VIII. (1537-8). 

" Rex omnibus ad quos, etc, Salutem. Cum quidam finis coram 
Iusticiariis nostris in Curia nostra de communi Banco apud Westmonas- 
terium in Crastino Sancti Martini Anno regni nostri vicesimo nono levat' 
fuit inter nos querent' et Robertum nuper Priorem monasterii Sancti 
Pancratii de lewes in Comitatu nostro Sussex' per nomen Roberti prioris 
monasterij sancti Pancratij de lewes in comitatu nostro Sussex' deforciant 
inter alia de Maneriis de Swanbergh Kyngeston iuxta lewes Southover," 
etc., etc. 

After enumerating all the manors and advowsons possessed by the 
priories of Lewes and Castle Acre, the grant proceeds : 

" Sciatis quod nos in consideracione boni vi' et fidelis servicij nobis per 
dilectum Consiliarium nostrum Thomatn Crumwell militem doininum 
Crumwell Custodem privati Sigilli nostri ante hec tempora fact' et impens' 
de gratia nostra speciali et ex certa scientia et mero motu nostris dedimus 
et concessimus ac per presentes pro nobis heredibus & successoribus nostris 

1 Chartulary, f. 14. a Ib ij_ f, 16 j t 

VOL. XLI. F 



34 HISTORY OF LEWES PRIORY. 

ilamus ft concedimus eidem Thome Crumwell militi domino Crumwell 
totum dictum nupei monasterium sive prioratum de lewes predictum in 
dicto Comitatu nostra Sussex' ac totum scitum fundum circuitum et pre- 
cinctum eiusdem nupei monasterij sive prioratus de lewes Necnon totam 
ecclesiam Campanile ei Cemitorium eiusdem nuper Monasterij de lewes ac 
omnia inesuagia domos edificia orrea grangeas stabula Columbaria aquas 
magna pomaria gardina terrain et solum nostra tarn infra quani extra ac 
iuxta et prope scitum septum circuitum ambitum et precinctum eiusdem 
nuper monasterij de lewes predict! in southover Kyngeston iuxta lewes et 
lewes in predicto Comitatu nostra Sussex vcl in earum aliqua Ac etiam 
omnia predicta maneria de Swanbergli," etc., etc. 1 



1 Uot. Pat. 29 Hen. VIII., para 2. 



TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX AS 
ILLUSTRATED BY LAND TENURE AND PLACE NAMES.' 

By FREDERICK ERNEST SAWYER, F. Met. Soc. 

This difficult and important subject has been dealt with by Kemble, 
by Canon Stubbs, and the late Mr. J. R. Green, so far as it affected their 
important works, but there remains yet very much more to be done in the 
way of local investigations. It is, therefore, now proposed briefly to 
consider the matter, not so much in minute detail, but generally, and to 
sketch out the lines for further research. 

The first recorded landing of Teutonic settlers in Britain is that of 
Hengist and Horsa, in 449, in Kent. The Saxon Chronicle' 1 states that the 
first settlers, who were Jutes, sent to invite other tribes to land, and men 
came from three tribes, viz., Old Saxons, Angles and Jutes. The men of 
Essex, Sussex, and Wcssex were Old-Saxons, the Kentish-men and 
Wightwarians (or inhabitants of the Isle of Wight), and a tribe of the 
West Saxons in Hampshire, were Jutes, and the Amjles occupied East 
Anglia, Middle Anglia and Northumbria. 

The next landing was that of iEUe with his sons Cymen, Wlencing, 
and Cissa in 477, at Cymenes-ora (or Keynor) near Chichester, in Sussex. 
In 485 the fight at Mearcredsbum (I Seaford) took place. " It was, ' says 
Mr. Green, " only after fourteen years of struggle that the Saxons reached 
the point where the South Downs abut on the sea at Beachy Head."' 
The siege and capture of Anderida followed in 491, and this resulted in 
the establishment of the Kingdom of Sussex. Lappenberg, indeed, 
remarks that " it is the echo of iElle's name alone to which Sussex is 
indebted for a place in the Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy." 4 

Physical Features. 

Before considering the early settlements, it will be well to glance at the 
physical condition of the county, which, beyond dispute, affected the 
position of the settlements to a great degree. This question is very 
material, as it raises the point whether the Rapes in Sussex are of great 
antiquity, or not. There can be little doubt that the present division of 
Sussex into six rapes is owing more to physical reasons than any other. 
In early times Arundel, Bramber, and Lewes were situated at the head of 
large estuaries of the sea, and Pevensey was in a somewhat similar posi- 

1 Read in the Antiquarian Section at 4 " A History of England under the 

the Lewes Meeting, August 3, 1883. Anglo-Saxon Kings " (Thorpe's trans.), 

*A.D. 449. p. 248. 
3 " The Making of England," p. 42. 



3G TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 

tion, but surrounded by a small archipelago (Mountney, Manxey, Chillye, 
Horse Eye, Glynleigb, Langney, &c.) Now Camden tells us, that each 
Rape in Sussex had its castle, river, and forest, and there is some reason 
for thinking that this division is very little earlier in date than the Nor- 
man Conquest, for we do not find entire physical boundaries for any 
Rapes, though perhaps the line of watershed may have formed the 
boundaries. The names of the Rapes moreover, are derived from the castles. 
The boundaries of the county were no doubt determined by the dense 
forest of Andredesweald on the north, and, at the east by the Bother, then 
having a different mouth, which even now forms in great part the 
eastern boundary of the county. On the west the boundary was ill- 
defined, as will be presently shewn. It is quite possible also that some 
part of East Sussex was formerly included in Kent. The unmistakeable 
South-Saxon kingdom was that part of the coast of the present county 
which extends from Selsey to Anderida (now Pevensey.) Now, in this 
coast district, there may have been divisions ; but only one survives, i.e., 
the Ouse, which, as far as Barcombe, separates the rapes of Lewes and 
Pevensey. 

The estuary of the Ouse was the widest and most difficult to cross, 
which accounts for this separation. Attention should also be directed to 
the remarks of Major-General Lane-Fox Pitt Kivers who says the flat 
ridges of the downs were formerly the great thoroughfares, and points out 
that the existence of large estuaries is opposed to a connected system of 
defence in the hill-forts, which are of British origin. He considers that 
each group had a stronghold of its own, intended, no doubt, to contain the 
inhabitants of the surrounding district, who dwelt in the valleys beneath, 
where fuel and water were obtainable, where traces of their cultivation 
still exist, and who, like the savages of Africa ami many other parts of the 
world, resorted to their stronghold in times of danger, each man carrying 
with him fuel, water, and provisions sufficient to sustain him during a 
predatory attack. 1 This tends to shew that the districts between each 
estuary were in early times distinct. 

The only roads northward from the county were the old Roman road, 
Stane Street, running N.E. from Chichester, and possibly another road 
going N.W. from Hastings. For some centuries these were the only 
approaches to the county, and, indeed, we find attacks at various periods, 
commencing at the extremities, except in case of sea invasion. 

Grouping of Settlements. 

There is some difficulty in grouping the early Teutonic settlements 
in Sussex, but assuming that they were influenced by the estuaries, which 
is not improbable, they may lie considered in six groups, corresponding 
very much with the Rapes, viz. : — 

A. Jute settlement. Hundred of Manhood. 

B. The ings or Poling group (Arun to Adur.) 

C. Steyning group ('continuation of last.) 

I). The Brighton group, or sheep farms (Adur to Ouse.) 
EL Lot-land and Dole group. (Ouse to Pevensey). 
1''. Semi-Jutish, Hastings group. 

A. The fact of the existence of a Jutish settlement in West Sussex 
has generally escaped notice Beds states'" 1 that Wulfhere, king of Mercia, 

1 " Archaoologia," xlii, p. 51 2 " Ecclesiastical History," Book iv, chap. 13. 



TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 37 

godfather of /Ethelwalch, king of Sussex, gave the latter on his "baptism 
" two provinces, viz. : — the Isle of Wight and the province of Mearrwara 
in the nation of the West Saxons." The name of Meanwara (/>., 
the descendants of Mean) is still preserved in the name of Mcansborough, 
Kast Meon, West Meon, and Meon Stoke, &c, in Hampshire. 1 Now, 
iEthelwalch, when S. Wil frith visited Sussex in 681, gave him a large 
grant of land, and Csedwalla (who conquered and killed .Lthclwalch two 
or three years later) made an extensive gift to Wilfrith, 5 which included 
the Hundred of Manhood, then Manwode or Meonude, and a [name 
obviously derived from the Meanwara. It is also probable that Wittering 
(then Wightring). a place in this Hundred, is a Jutish settlement, and 
derived its name from the same source as Wight (Isle of.) Very curious 
cultivation customs long prevailed in this district. 

The traces of personal influence of the invaders in West Sussex are 
more distinct than in other parts of the county. Thus Gisna has left his 
name in Chichester and Cissbury. Offa in Ofiham and Offington. Gerdic 
in Kirdford(?), &c, and there can be little doubt that the Royal Saxon 
residence was in the west of the county. Another feature in the extreme 
west of Sussex is the occurrence of tithings which are not to be found 
farther east. 

B. The next group of settlements is those in which the patronymic 
syllable " ing " occurs, which, as Canon Stubbs says, " were originally 
colonised by communities united either really by blood or by the belief 
in a common descent." 3 Kef erring to Pol (Baldr or Baldseg) the son of 
Woden, Kemble says, " Last, but not least, we have in Poling in Sussex 
the record of a race of Polingas who may possibly have carried up their 
genealogy to Baldasg in this form." 4 

Now, it is somewhat remarkable that the Hundred of Poling contains 
more parishes with names terminating in the patronymic " ing " than any 
other Hundred in Sussex, viz., Poling, An.gm.enng, Yawing, Goving, 
Hustington, also Warmw^camp, a tything, all on or near the coast. This 
district is one of the most fertile in Sussex, and had probably (as Mr. 
Green points out) been occupied by the Komans from the date of their 
first settlement in Britain. 5 

C. The next group is virtually a continuation of the last. The numerous 
settlements with names terminating in "ing" extend some distance into 
the county, in fact, as far as Billingshurst. On the north of the Downs 
in Arundel and Bramber Rape are : — Storr/w/ton, Sull/wyton, Washtrep- 
ton, Ashington, WornuV/hurst, Billingshurst, Itchingfteld, West Chilting- 
ton, Tottington, Steyning, livringham, &c. 

' I). A curious group of settlements is to be found near Brighton and 
may conveniently be termed "the Brighton group." Taking a line from 
Brighton to Hurstpierpoint, thence to Lewes and down to Newhaven, a 
group of places with names ending in den, dene, or dean, is traced. This 
small district includes no less than one hundred, three parishes, and thirty- 
three hamlet or place-names, with these terminations, viz., Dean Hundred, 
Ovingdean, Rottingdean, and Denton, Parishes. Roedean and Wooden- 
dean in Ovingdean — Balsdean, Saltdean, Standean, Roedean, and Broom- 

1 "Suss. Arch. Coll.," xxxiii * " The Saxons in England" (1876 

2 " Suss Arch. Coll.," xxxiii. edit.), i, p. 367. 

:< " The Constitutional History of Eng- 5 '' The Making of England," p. 44. 

land," p. 81. 



38 TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 

den 1 in RotbingcL an — Barndean in Trfscombe — Eeade's Dene and Aple- 

,1. an.- in RodmeU — Withdean, Vamdean, Lower Tongdean, Upper Roe- 

and Lower Roedean in Patcham — Hollingdean" and Raddingdeane in 

/' .■-•■■.-- Tin- Upper Dean and the Lower Dean in Kingstnn-near-Lewes 

— Houndene 4 and Haredene in St. Ami's, Lewes — Deaneland and Denny 

or Danny; in Hurstpierpoint — Pangdean and Upper Standean in 

mbe— Lower Standean in LHtckling — Bevendean, Upper Bevendean, 

Cold ! "ran, House Dean, Crane Dean, and Novingden 5 in Falmer — 

Standean in Stanmer — and Peter Deane 8 in Aldringion just outside the 

dislri< . T sse places were presumably pastures for sheep (the Anglo- 

Saxon denu means pasture), and the broken character of the country 

nted cultivation here, whilst the downs afforded excellent pasture. 

The parishes in this district arc all small, as also the hundreds. The 

Mark system is here well illustrated. 

E. The next group is destitute of any places of importance, but contains 
many slice]) pastures, and traces of the Mark in its "Lot-lands" and 
'• Dole-lands" (Angl. Sax. Delan to divide.) Round Pevensey are to he 
found several islands or eyes already mentioned. 

V. The last district contains less traces of Teutonic settlements. Jutish 
influence possibly extended from Kent into this part of Sussex, and 
certainly gavelkind tenure can be found in some places here, notably 
in the large and important manor of Brede, and in Coustard, a manor in 
Brede parish, also (as Camden says) in Rye. It was probably not settled 
until long after the western parts of the county, and its desolate condition 
even at the time of the Norman Conquest is well known. 

Reviewing, then, the groups, it seems that the Teutonic settlements are 
mosl numerous in the fertile plains to the south of the Downs, and near 
Poling, and thai l here, these extended northwards for some distance. That 
farther east the land was used for small sheep farms ; and the field, and 
down names corroborate this view. The hill-forts of the British were, no 
doubt, used by the new settlers for defence, for some received names from 
tie' Angles, thus, Gissbury from Cissa, Wolstanbury irom Wulstan, 
Hollingbury from the tribe of Hollingas, &c. 

Surviving Tribal Names. 

The number of Teutonic tribal names still perpetuated in Sussex place- 
names is very great. Kemble 7 enumerates sixty-eight marks, or early 
settlements in Sussex, inferred from local names containing the syllable 
"ing," but a careful search by the. writer has resulted in increasing the 
total to 145, and further investigation will, no doubt, produce a still 
larger total. This, perhaps, shews that the tribes were small but numerous, 
for there is only one Rape (Hastings) with a patronymic title, and six 
Hundreds, viz., Guestling in Hastings Rape, Buttinghill and Poynings in 
Lewes Rape, Steyning and Tarring in Bramber Rape, and Poling in 
Arundel Rape. Except in two instances (1) that of the Hollingas 
or Hollings, whose name appears in Hollingbury, the hill-fortress in the 
rear (if Brighton, and Hollington a parish near Hastings, and possibly also 

1 " Siisb. Arch. Coll.," vii, 14. ,; Ex eh. Pep. by Comm. Sussex,MicliB. 

- A.M. .M.S. (Brit Mub.) aOs-J, p. 230. 1653, No. 27. 

■■ A.I.I. MS. (Brit Mub.), 5684, \>. 379. 7 "The Saxons in England," vol. i, 

1 A. 1.1. MS. 5683, ]>. 368. App. I. 

3 Add MS., p. 268. 



TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 39 

in Hellingly a parish near llailsham, and (2) that of the Toringas or 
Tarrings, who name coast parishes in Lewes and Bramber Rapes 
respectively, no tribal name appears more than once in the county. 

It is somewhat remarkable that many tribal names can still be found 
in surnames in use in Sussex, and a few of those are shewn in the follow- 
ing list, the surnames being taken from Kelly's Post Office Directory : — 

Tribal Names. Place-Names. Surnames. 

Billingas Billingshurst Billinghurst, Bellingham, Bollinger, 

Goringas Goring Gorringe (numerous), Goringe, Goring, 

Gorring. 

Hollingas Hollingbury and Hollingham (formerly numerous), Holling- 

Hollington dale, Hollingsworth, Hollendale. 

PiECdNGAS Patching Patching, Patchin,Packham,andPeckham. 

Stveningas Steyning Stenning (very numerous), Stening. 

PiELLiNGAS Palingham and Polling, Pullinger, Pillinger. 

Pellingworth 

Byttingas Buttinghitt Botting (numerous) 

The Billingas were probably a numerous tribe, for several places com- 
mencing with the name are to be found in Norway (see Btedelcer). 

Territorial Divisions. 

.We now arrive at the territorial divisions of the county, the chief 
being the entire district or shire possibly perpetuated in Schiremanbur' 1 
(Shermanbury), the abode of the Scirman (or Sheriff) as he is termed in 
the laws of the Ini. 8 It is somewhat difficult to tell why the sheriff 
selected this Wealden parish for his burh or town, and it is remarkable 
that until 9th to 13th Elizabeth and after 12th Chas. I, there were joint 
sheriffs of Sussex and Surrey. 

The next division is the Rape, which is peculiar to Sussex and has 
already been mentioned. The suggestion of a different origin of the 
Eape may appear bold after so much discussion, but there seems little or 
no evidence for the conclusion of Lappenberg that, " to the first German 
population belongs apparently the singular division of Sussex into six 
rapes, each of which is again divided into Hundreds. These districts 
were probably intended for military purposes." 3 Robertson was inclined 
to trace the trithing in Kent and Sussex, remarking that Sussex was 
divided into east and west, each again being divided into three rapes. 
There is apparently nothing to shew that any distinction between East 
and West Sussex existed until long after the Conquest, when, for con- 
venience, the County Court was appointed to be held at Lewes, as well 
as at Chichester. The word Rape does not appear in any record before 
Domesday Book, and (except in the case of Pevensey) it is doubtful 
whether any of the castles, which gave names to the Rapes, existed 
before the Conquest. 

The Hundreds are smaller divisions which go to make up the; Rapes, 
and it is undesirable to discuss their origin fully as this is done by 
Stubbs, Green and others. Canon Jenkins, quoting S. Augustine, 
attributes to them a Roman origin. 4 Kemble points out that the coast 

1 Tax. Pope Nicholas. Anglo-Saxon Kings," i, 107. 

2 See note 3, Stubbs' "Constitutional 4 " Diocesan Histories," Canterbury, 
History, i, p. 113 p. 57, cit, Augustine Serum, l.J ; " De 

3 " History of England under the verbis Lsaise," c. 57. 



40 TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 

hundreds, which he regarded as representing the settlements of the free 
settlers, were smaller and thicker than those of the interior. This is very 
well illustrated in Sussex, especially in the Hundreds of the Brighton 
district, /.<., between the Ouse, the Adur, and the Downs. The Sussex 
Hundreds have been altered to some extent, for fifty-eight are mentioned 
in Domesday while there are seventy-one now. Mr. Gemma, in his 
valuable book on Primitive Folk Moots, states that thirty-eight of the 
Sussex Hundreds still retain the names given in Domesday. Much more 
research is desirable as to the origin of the names, &c. 

The next smaller division is the tithing which still exists in a few 
parishes in West Sussex. This is possibly due to Jutish influence. Its 
origin is obscure. 

The Mark System. 

" The unit," says Mr. E. A. Freeman, " is the Mark, roughly repre- 
sented by the modern parish or manor." 1 This system is to a great 
extent the discovery of recent years, and is fully described by Sir Henry 
S. .Maine in his work on Village Communities in the East and West. It 
seems to have consisted of a number of families standing in a certain 
proprietary relation to a district, divided into three parts. These portions 
were: — 1. The Marl: of the Village (i.e., the inhabited part) ; 2. The 
Arable Marl; or cultivated district ; 3. The Common Mark, or waste 
lands, on which cattle were pastured, &c. Sir H. Maine states that the 
cultivated land appears to have been almost invariably divided into three 
great fields, separated by baulks of turf, and having a rude rotation of 
crops, so that each field should lie fallow once in three years. Each 
householder, however, had his lot in the common fields, but must con- 
form to the will of the rest of the. community as to cultivation and leaving 
land fallow, with the right of the common flock to graze over the fallow. 
The Arable Marl:, according to this view, was originally cut off the C>m- 
mon Mark, and, in some cases, shifted from one part of the general 
domain to another. The system well illustrates the transition from 
collective properly to individual property, when certain lands were 
alloted to certain persons ; and a further step when the system of "shift- 
in.; severalties " came to an end, and each one enjoyed his land in per- 
petuity. 

The Mark system did not last long in England, aud Professor Stubbs 
says that it cannot be safely affirmed that the German settlers in Britain 
brought with them the entire system of the Mark organisation. '- 

Sussex Marks. 

In Sussex the traces of the Mark are singularly distinct, especially in 
the coast parishes from Brighton to Eastbourne, and bounded on the 
north by the South Downs, and the Mark was nowhere better developed 
than at Brighton, ami possibly this is due to the fact that the first settle- 
ments of the Angles were in Sussex, when the system was most fresh. 
There was a constant tendency in this system to modify itself in the 
jtion of feudalism, and we accordingly find the Marks incorporated in 
or forming the manors of later times. The boundaries of the Sussex 
manors are ill-defined, except in the Weald, and it is impossible here to 

1 "Norman Conquest," i, 104. - "Constitutional History," i, 83. 



TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 41 

speak of the "ambit" of a manor, as almost invariably we find portions 
completely outlying from the bulk of the manor, where it is of any 
extent anil the lands of other manors are strangely intermixed. 1 The 
small manor of Atlingworth in Brighton consisted, early in this century, 
of no less than eighty-three detached pieces all situate in different parts of 
Brighton. Coast manors had outlying parts in the Weald, thus the Manor 
of Ernley, which formed part of the present parish of Brighton, was also 
partly situated at Edburton, at the foot of the Downs ; Hove and Preston 
formed one large manor, of which the Wealden parish of Bolney, fourteen 
miles distant, was held ; Broadwater Manor had outlying parts in Sedg- 
wick, Horsham, and Nuthurst ; J Horton Manor lies at the foot of the 
Downs near Edburton and in Beeding parish, but extends into the coast 
parishes of Kingston Bowzey and Southwick; 3 the Manor of West Tarring 
possesses land at Marlpost (near Horsham), and is now called Tarring- 
with-Marlpost. Almost without exception the manors lying under the 
South Downs between Lewes and Newhaven have lands held of them in 
the Weald, in the neighbourhood of Chailey and Newick. These detached 
parts of manors are probably relics of the Common Mark and were used for 
pasture, possibly for swine which were extensively kept in Sussex (see 
Domesday.) In East Sussex we find the large Manor of Brede extending 
into no less than ten parishes ; Filsham Manor into eight ; and Buckholt 
Manor into four parishes. 4 

The word Mark only appears in three Sussex place-names, i.e., Mark 
Cross in Laughton ; Marklij in Warbleton ; and Mark Stakes Common 
in Chailey ; and it is worthy of note that these are all Wealden parishes 
and not far apart. 



Sussex Folk-Moots. 

The Teutonic settlers regulated the affairs of the primitive Settlements 
or Marks, and also decided questions of law and government, in popular 
open-air assemblies, known as Moots or Motes, the growth and develop- 
ment of which are traced by Professor Stubbs, whilst Mr. Gomme has 
endeavoured 5 to identify the sites of some early moots. The Hundred 
Court of Younsmere was within living memory held on the open downs 
at a place known as " Younsmere Pit."« Hundred House Farm in 
Framfield and Hundred Steddle Farm in East Wittering, no doubt, 
indicate the position of other Hundred Courts, whilst at Hastings we find, 
from a Charter dated 1356, that the Commonalty assembled in the Hundred 
Place, which is at the bottom of High Street, to choose bailiffs and for 
other purposes. 7 They were summoned by sounding a horn (the Burgh- 
Moot Horn). 8 At Rye the Hundred Court met on Sundays (temp. 
Henry VI), and the Mayor was chosen on the Sunday after the Feast of 
S. Bartholomew at an open-air meeting at the cross in the churchyard. 
The Commonalty were summoned by ringing a bell on the top of the 



1 This information was kindly supplied 6 " Suss. Arch.. Coll.," xxiii, 226, 231. 
by E. A. Nicholson, Esq., of Lewes. 7 " Suss. Arch. Coll.," xiv, 72. 

2 " Suss. Arch. Coll.," xxv, 45. ' On the entry of Archbishop Benson 

3 Add. M.S., 5685, p. 172. into Canterbury, the day before his in- 

4 Add. MS., 5679, pp. 131, 381, & 149. stallation in 1883, the Times states that 

5 Primitive Folk Moots. the old Burghmote horn was blown. 

VOL. XLI. G 



42 TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 

Court Hall, but at Winchelsea a horn was blown. 1 One of the meetings 
of the Cinque Ports is termed a " Brotherhood and Guestling," but the 
connection between the parish, and the Hundred of Guestling, and this 
meeting is obscure. 

M< it combe Laine, a group of fields in a hollow near Eastbourne, was, 
perhaps, the site of a primitive moot, whilst we find a Court Hill in 
Slindon parish, near Slindon House, and another Court Hill on the 
boundary line of Singleton and East Dean parishes. Moots were often 
held at the extremities of Marks, qr parishes, on a kind of neutral terri- 
tory between the Marks, and the last mentioned place is perhaps an illus- 
tration of this, whilst pieces of land called " No Man's Land" occur in 
several places in Sussex. In Finden parish there ia a " No Man's Land " 
at the junction of Sompting, Bramber, Steyning, and Finden parishes, and 
u Four Lords Burgh" at the junction of Falmer parish, with detached 
parts of the parishes of Westmeston, Chailey, and S. John-sub-Castro, 
Lewes. Both of these were obviously Moot places. At Cessan Beech 
Field, Halting, there was formerly a clump of trees under which the Lord 
of the Manor used to receive petitions, complaints, &c, from his tenants 
on his road from Lady Holt to Harting. This is, perhaps, a representa- 
tive of the Moot Hill and Sacred Tree. 2 

Of the Mark-Moots we find in Sussex the names preserved in the 
Sin i in mot i- (or Wood Court) of Ashdown Forest; the Woodmote Court in 
Duddleswell Manor ; the Halimote Court (that of the Lord of Brighton 
Maimr, 1656); the Aves Courts in Duddleswell and Southmalling Manors 
respectively ; the Paroc, " a court-like" meeting in Mayfield Manor ; 
Le Lath'.', a Court of the Eape of Hastings; and the Forest Court for 
Endlewick Manor. » The Swainmote and Woodmote related to the 
Forest, whilst the Aves Court and Paroc were held in connection with 
the keeping of swine in the forest. The Last Court, held at Westham in 
reference to the fisheries, 4 perhaps originated Andrew Borde's stories of 
the Wise Men of Gotham, Gotham being a manor in the adjoining parish 
of Pevensey, where Borde resided for some time. 

Kemble states that a striking example of the Mark jurisdiction is the 
" Court of Dens " in Kent which met to regulate the rights of the Mark 
men in the dens or pastures. 5 A few dens in East Sussex were under the 
jurisdiction of the Kentish court but it does not appear whether the large 
group of dens round Brighton were regulated by any court, though it is 
most probable, and Dean Hundred (which includes Patcham parish) may 
have been the chief place of the dens. The, Brighton dens, moreover, 
were situate in the Downs, and not in the Weald, as is the case in Kent. 

The VnJiAGE Community in Brighton. 

It would not be easy to find a better exemplification of the early 
Village < Community, or Marl:, than can be traced in Brighton. From its 
lack of tangible relics of antiquity Brighton has been the butt of the 
archaeologist and antiquary, but it preserved until about the first quarter 

1 Holloway'B "History of Rye," pp. xxiii, 302 ; Add. MSS., 5705, p. 109 and 

159 and L60. 5701, p. 167; Somner, "Treatise on 

3 " The History of Harting " (Hev. H. Gavelkind " ; "Suss. Arch. Col.," iv, 151. 

I >. Gordon), p. 223. 4 " Suss. Arch. Coll.," vi, 207. 

;| " Suss. Arch. Coll.," xiv, 51, and *'' The Saxons in England," i, 481. 



TKACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 43 

of the present century all the features of a primitive Teutonic village, 
or settlement. This was dues to its comparative isolation, not 
being on a main road, or navigable river, and having no harbour or forti- 
fications, though for centuries it has been a populous place. 

The Old Town of Brighton was situated almost entirely below the cliffs 
but in time extended above. This was the Marl: of the village. The 
ground was probably first broken up between East Street and West 
Street and possibly on the hill sides also, thus converting the Common 
Mark into the Arable Mark. It is difficult to trace the early history of 
the Mark in Brighton, but in the year 1738 a Terrier (or land survey) of 
" the Common Fields" was made by Budgen, and another in 1792 by 
another surveyor, and to the owners at these dates the titles to property 
in the town can still be traced with great accuracy We find that outside 
of the Old Town (which was bounded by Xorth Street, East Street, and 
West Street) were five large tracts of land known as the Tenantry Laines, 
and called the East Laine, Little Laine, Hilly Laine, North Lainc, and 
West Laine. These laines were again divided into furlongs, which were, 
however, separated from each other by narrow roads called leakway roads. 
The land in the furlongs was in its turn sub-divided into long and 
narrow strips called pauls, running at right angles from the leakway 
roads. In some cases the strips, or paid-pieces, were of double width at 
one end ; this increased width extending for only half the length. These 
pieces were from their shape termed hatchets. The laines were situated 
on the hill-sides, and the furlongs extended upwards, the leakways were 
thus at right angles with the. hill-side, and the paul-picces parallel to it. 
This mode of land division has had a singular effect on building opera- 
tions in Brighton, for the leakways have become main streets, as St. 
James's Street, Edward Street, Church Street, Trafalgar Street, Glo'ster 
Koad, &c, whilst the smaller streets run parallel to the paul-pieces. The 
primitive boundaries of the furlongs, &c, are thus permanently preserved. 
The reference to the Common Field is still kept up in the majority of 
conveyances of land in Brighton by giving, after the description of the 
land and its abuttals, the name of the owner at the time of one or both 
Terriers, thus, "part of 4- pauls of land late Friend's, before Gunn's, 
situate in the 3rd furlong in the Hilly Laine in Brighton" 

The divisions of land, with the names of the Laines and Furlongs at 
Brighton, are more clearly shown in the accompanying map of the parish, 
which has been carefully compiled from three or four old maps. 

The term paid cannot be traced in any other parish in the county 
except Brighton. Professor Skeat has kindly furnished the following 
notes on the terms Paid and Laine. " Paul. Certainly from the Anglo- 
Saxon pal (long a, not pal), whence modern English pole and pan]. 
Paul or Pawl will be found in Webster's Dictionary in quite another 
sense, but it is the same word. Moreover, the Anglo-Saxon pal is not 
English at all, but a mere corruption of Latin pdlus, a stake. So the 
sense is "stake." Laine would rather suggest some such Anglo-Saxon 
form as ken (pronounced lain) which in Anglo-Saxon commonly means 
" a gift ;" but the corresponding Norse word ten, pronounced precisely 
the same as Laine, is the regular legal word for a fief, fee, grant, or 
holding." 

The Tenantry Laines of Brighton contained, according to the 1738 
terrier, 921 acres 1 rood, or 7,370 pauls (eight pauls in the tenantry 



44 TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 

measure being equal to an acre)- This quantity of land was divided into 
no less than 1,258 paul-pieces, but these were only held by 25 persons, 
as many had paul-pieces in various parts of the same furlong. There was 
also another measurement by yardlands, the total number being 84. 

The parish of Brighton consisted of the Old Town, the Tenantry Laines, 
and the Eastern and Western Tenantry Downs, and over the latter the 
owners of land in the laines had certain rights of pasture termed leazes, 
so named from the Anglo-Saxon lossu, pasture, or common. 

From an affidavit made early in the present century by Nathaniel 
Kemp, Esq., of Ovingdean, it appears that the Eastern Tenantry Down 
had then for many years been considered as appurtenant to 68 yardlands, 
comprising all the laines, except the West Laine. The latter consisted of 
1G yardlands, which had an exclusive right of pasture over certain tracts 
of land known as Black Kock, and West Hill. 

It is very difficult to trace how the right of pasture became exclusively 
vested in the owners of land in the laines, for there is no doubt that in 
earlier times the inhabitants of the town generally had some rights. The 
Brighton Costumal of 1580 provided that the constable should have a 
horse lease, and the two headboroughs one cow lease and twenty-five 
sheep leases, "for their pains and troubles in their office." The com- 
mon flock of sheep Avas kept on the Tenantry Downs. About the year 
1750, on the Eastern Down, 20 sheep in summer and 15 sheep in winter 
were allowed to be kept in respect of each yardland, and the common 
shepherd, in consideration of his labours, could pasture 80 sheep in 
summer and 70 in winter. 

It appears that the custom of Tenantry Laines prevailed also in most 
of the South Down parishes near Brighton, and is found in the parishes 
of Kottingdean, Rodmill, Alfriston, Denton, Berwick, Beeding, and 
and Kingston-near-Lewes, and can probably be traced in all the South 
J >< iwn parishes from Brighton to Eastbourne. Amongst these, the laines 
were best developed in Kingston parish, where we find, in the Swan- 
borough and West Laines, no less than 60 furlongs, and many other 
furlongs in the Brooks, &c. 

It seems probable that the land in the Brighton Laines was cultivated on 
the "Common Field.'' system, especially as the earlier Court Rolls contain 
frequent allusions to the Common Fields, and the Terrier of 1738 is 
expressly termed "Terrier of the Common Fields of Brighton." The 
pauls, pals, or stakes were probably placed at the edges of the furlongs 
and indicated the parts of the crop to be reaped by each owner. The 
leajeways apparently took the place of the baulks of turf, which, in other 
places under the Mark cultivation, separated the fields. The Tenantry 
flock was (as Mr. Kemp's affidavit shews) usually kept on the Sheep 
Down, but when taken from the Down invariably kept on the fallow 
lands, or grattens, in the Tenantry Laines. 

Professor Nassc, referring to the development of village communities 
into manors, remarks that, in very many cases, the lord of the manor 
shared in the communism, and his land had to be tilled according to the 
common rules, Avas subject to the same rights of pasture, and his cattle 
grazed with those of his tenants upon the common pasture land. 1 This, 
perhaps, accounts for the number of divisions of Atlir.gworth Manor 
already mentioned. 

1 " Village Communities," sec the Contemporary Review, May, 1872, p. 751. 




Sfioll\ 



TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 45 

Amongst the northern nations the homestead of the original settler, 
with his rights in the arable and common marks, hove the name of Odal 
or Edhel, and the owner was an Athelbonde; the same word Adel, or 
Athel, signified also nobility of descent, and an Addling was a nobleman. 1 
The latter term is doubtless preserved in the name of the Manor of Atling- 
worth in Brighton. Od or Odh signifies proprietorship, and al-od entire 
property, as distinguished from fe-od (from " film " or " fiu " cattle) the 
cattle property. 2 We have a further illustration of the ancient and 
peculiar land holdings found in Brighton, in Domesday, which expressly 
mentions allodial tenure as then existing in one manor in Brighton, 
" Tres aloarij tenner do rege. E. fy potuer ire qlibet ;" and Sir Henry Ellis 
in his " General Introduction to Domesday Book " draws special attention 
to the existence of allodial tenure in Brighton and as " of a more qualified 
nature than Sir William Blackstone allows." 

Lot-Lands and Doles. 

Another curious feature of the Mark Cultivation was the system of 
" shifting severalties" whereby the landowners received different pastures, 
&c, from year to year. In some cases the rights over the arable and 
pasture were determined by lot. There are many illustrations of this in 
Sussex, as Dole-ham in Westfield, livoke-dohn in West Firle, Lot's Pond 
in Stanmer, and Small Dole in Upper Beeding, &c. The Dole-lands 
(i.e., lands divided by lot, Anglo-Saxon delan to divide) are well illus- 
trated in Berwick, where the lots were put in a hat and then drawn. 
The curious customs of " the Drinker Acre " are fully described in 
" Suss. Arch. Coll.," vol. iv, in which it will be seen that the curious 
carved stakes or sticks bear a distinct relationship to the pals or pawls 
before mentioned, and in Twineham by Hickstead lands are still laid 
out for hay and termed " cuts," being stumped out with small stakes 
three inches square and painted white. 3 

Marshall in his " Rural Economy of the Southern Counties, comprising 
Kent, Surrey, and Sussex," observes 4 that, " The Townships (on the 
coast) are below the middle size. This is a strong circumstantial evidence 
that the lands of the district were not only brought into their present 
form, but cultivated, before the laying out of Townships. It is probably 
one of those rich plots of country that were early cultivated and full of 
inhabitants, while the mountain swamps and less genial soils remained 
in a state of nature." 

Common Flocks. 

The Common Flocks of sheep have already been mentioned in reference 
to Brighton and we find three Scabe's Castles in this district (Anglo-Saxon 
semp, a sheep), presumably places into which the sheep were driven for 
safety on warlike attacks ; one of these is situate to the south-east of the 
Brighton cemeteries, just below the Workhouse, and close to the hill 
fortress of White Hawk Down; another is in Portslade parish, not far 
from the Devil's Dyke ; and a third near Mount Caburn, another hill 
fortress. Scab Brow (a hill) occurs in Stanmer parish. 

1 Stubbs's " Constitutional History," 3 This information is furnished by Mr. 
pp. 52 and 53. Kensett, of Ditchling. 

2 Sir Henry Maine, " Early Law and 4 London, 1788, p, 230. 
Custom," p. 346. 



46 TRACES OF TEUTONIC SETTLEMENTS IN SUSSEX. 

The Sussex place-names connected with Saxon deities have already 
been considered by the writer in "Suss. Arch. ColL," vol. xxxiii. 

Inheritance Customs in Sussex. 

One of the special features in connection with the customs of inherit- 
ance in Sussex is the extraordinary prevalence of Borough-English, />., 
inheritance by the youngest child. Mr. Geo. E, Corner, F.S.A., has 
catalogued no less than 140 Sussex manors in which this custom is 
found, 1 and it seems probable that the actual number is far greater than 
this. This custom is, no doubt, of Teutonic origin and its working has 
been lately fully illustrated by Sir Henry Maine, 2 in reference to the 
dissolution of tha Slavonic House Communities, which gives room for the 
working of inheritance rules. In Turkey, each son as he grows up and 
marries leaves his father's house, taking with him the share which, under 
developed law, he would have had at his father's death. Perhaps there 
are few things, which at first sight seem to have a more distant connection 
with one another, than the customs of Primogeniture, and Borough English, 
and the Scriptural Parable of the Prodigal Son. The customs vary as to 
which son stays at home, in the Scriptural account it is the eldest, but 
the youngest is most usual. It would seem that in Sussex the almost 
undue prevalence of Borough English is due to the early settlers, and this 
is further exemplified by the fact that, whereas in many Sussex Manors 
" the Bondland'' or old tenements descend according to this custom, in 
the assart or newly-cleared or ploughed lands descent takes place accord- 
ing to the common law rule, i.e. by primogeniture. The traces of gavel- 
kind have already been mentioned. 

The "Book of Ancient Customs of Brighton, 1580," supplies another 
curious illustration of one of the rules of the Mark System, viz., the 
necessity of consent to settlement in the Mark, in the provision that no 
owner or lessee of any house should admit any tenant, &c, except such 
tenant should, by the consent of the constable and churchwardens, first 
obtained in writing, be thought of sufficient ability to maintain himself 
without burdening the town. 

This is a further illustration of the singular customs of the Ancient 
Village Community in Brighton. 

In conclusion, want of time has prevented a more thorough discussion 
of many interesting points, and it is to be hoped, that further collections 
of place-names, customs of land tenure, &c, will throw much more light 
on the early Teutonic settlements in this county, and, very probably, enable 
the boundaries of some Marks to be discovered. 



Suss. Arch. Coll.," vi, 164, &c. - " Early Law and Cubtouo," p. 260. 



ON SOME POTTERY, FLINT WEAPONS, AND OTHER 
OBJECTS FROM BRITISH HONDURAS.' 

By General Sir HENRY LEFROY, RA., F.R.S. 

I need hardly remind the meeting that the Colony of 
British Honduras is only an arbitrary division of the great 
Peninsula which bounds the Gulf of Mexico on the south, 
and that it has no separate geographical or ethnographical 
unity of its own apart from Yucatan, Guatimala, and the 
other Hispano -Indian States which divide among them- 
selves what was once the seat of a great, a powerful, and 
a civilized race. The objects which I have the pleasure 
of bringing to the notice of the Society this evening, 
which I owe to the kindness of my friend the Hon. 
Henry fowler, Colonial Secretary of British Honduras, 
should be examined therefore in connection with the 
history of that region as a whole, and with no special 
reference to the corner of it that they happen to come 
from. The people that painted the beautiful frescoes of 
Chichen-itza, that reared the monuments of Palenque and 
Copan, that invented and used the elaborate and com- 
plicated hieroglyphics which still defy interpretation on so 
many half buried monuments, were a race, in some 
respects, far beyond the stage of advancement represented 
by such stone weapons as are before us. It would have 
been impossible to execute with them the really elegant 
carvings drawn by Catermole, and of which a specimen 
has been recently brought to England by Mr. Maudsley. 
Their splendid temples, their elaborate ritual, the power 
of their priests and monarchs, their knowledge of astro- 
nomy, shewn by the Calendar stones and by the accuracy 

1 Read at the Monthly Meeting of the Institute, May 3, 1833. 



48 ON SOME POTTERY, FLINT WEAPONS, ETC., 

of their lunar cycles, their graceful fresco paintings, 1 all 
appear to me to indicate great advances in the arts, such 
as no people have ever made while limited to the use of 
flint for their tools and weapons ; and we are driven to 
the conclusion either that these objects, if recent, are the 
evidences of an immense decline in the arts since the 
Spanish Conquest, that is to say, in about three centuries 
and a-half, or that they date back to a period long anterior 
to that event, and to an earlier race than the civilised 
people whom the Spaniards found in possession of the 
land. 

The first of these suppositions appears to me inconsistent 
with the excellence of some of these stone implements as 
such. They show a mastery in the art of cleaving and 
chipping the material such as comes of long practice and 
progressive improvement, a race which once possessed 
copper or other metallic tools, and lost them by conquest 
and reduction to a state of slavery, would not, as it 
appears to me, if driven by necessity to the use of flint, 
recover in a century or two such a lost art. There is 
among these objects a fine lanceolate weapon of yellow 
flint 8£ inches long, which resembles the blade of a 
sacrificial knife preserved, with its handle, in the British 
Museum. These are probably examples of the continued 
use of flint knives for sacred purposes, long after the dis- 
covery of metals, of which we have familiar instances in 
Exod. iv, 25 and in Herodotus (Euterpe lxxxvi) and do 
not prove that metals were unknown to the priests It is 
of course a possible thing that side by side with the 
civilised Azteks there may have existed Charib races 
never reclaimed, and who never abandoned the use of 
stone ; representatives of such races exist still, for we 
have the evidence of several recent travellers that 
spears, arrow-heads and axes of that material are in use 
among the Candones or unbaptized Indians of the interior 
of Guatimala ; but I have seen no evidence that they 
employ them extensively, or exhibit the skill evinced in 
the manufacture of some of the objects on the table. 
Moreover there is a curious evidence that the wearers of 

1 These are not represented by Cater- Society, 187S, in a paper by Mr. S. 
mole, an example -will be found in the Salisbury. 
Proceedings of the American Antiquarian 



FROM BRITISH HONDURAS. 49 

the rude ornaments that accompany the weapons were 
not unacquainted with copper, for three of the beads or 
cylinders of shell, before you are lined with that metal ; 
and we know from John de Verrazzano that at the period 
of the Spanish conquests this metal was much esteemed. 1 
It is more likely to have been put to such a use before 
than after that epoch. 

In Pottery we have here — 

1, 2. Two perfect vases of coarse red clay perforated 
at the bottom, probably for burning incense. (PI. No. 8.) 

These are of graceful shape, with a plaque or boss on 
one side only, representing a human face wearing an ex- 
pression more or less of agony, which is characteristic of 
Central American and Mexican art. 

3, 4. These are portions of two other similar vases. 

5. A bowl of very thin clay of elegant shape, covered 
with a rude design. It was much broken, but has been 
since imperfectly cemented together. 

All these are from a cave in the neighbourhood of 
Garbutt's Falls on the River Belize, and near the 
present boundary line. (Lat. 16° n. ; Lon. 89°). The one 
covered with a coating of limestone, " I found," says Mr. 
fowler, "in a large cave along side of a pile which once 
had served as an altar. The deposit had evidently 
accumulated from the lime contained in the drippings of 
the roof, and requires for its formation a considerable 
period of time." Mr. fowler entered this cave a long 
way. He thought half-a-mile, but estimates of distance 
under such circumstances are apt to be very deceptive. 

6. A curious small idol in a sitting position with a 
perforation which acts as a whistle on being blown into. 
Probably a child's toy. (PL No. 9.) 

This is from the banks of the Hiver Ulloa in Spanish 
Honduras. 

1 " Among whom (the Indians of some stones which they use instead of iron to 

Southern region) we saw many plates of cut trees." 

wrought copper which they esteem more " The land is situated in the Parallel of 

than gold, which for the colour they Rome in 41 degrees and 2 terces," p. 

make no account of, for that among all 362. 

others it is counted the basest : they " We saw many of them have bead- 
make no account of azure and red." stones of copper hanging at their cars," 

" The arrows which they use are made p. 363. 

with great cunning, and instead of iron The relation of John de Verrazzano, a 

they head them with flint, -with jasper Florentine, 1524, Hakluyt. 4to. edit 

stone and hard marble, and other sharp 1810, vol. iii, p. 357. 

VOL. XLI. H 



50 ON SOME POTTERY, FLINT WEAPONS, ETC., 

7. Leg and foot of a sitting figure with numerous other 
broken fragments ; animal heads, &c. 

These were found on the bank of the Belize river, some 
half dozen miles lower, evidently at a place of interment. 
A human body was also found here which had been buried 
in a sitting position with the chin on the knees, and 
facing south. The bones fell to pieces on an attempt to 
remove them. 

Many of the obsidian knives were found here, with some 
of the beads and fragments of pottery. Some of the 
latter, from the glaze upon them and their ornamentation, 
would appear to be old Spanish, rather than native, 
perhaps of the sixteenth century. 

With these were found several resinous lumps, ap- 
parently copal, which is the product of several species of 
Hymensea (Order Cmalpiniece), natives of Central America, 
and was much used by the Indians in their worship for 
incense. 

8. A vessel of good shape, but very coarse pottery, 
which holds about 1\ pints. The peculiarity is that it 
will not stand of itself, but must be supported on a stand 
or held in the hand, the bottom being coned down to a 
diameter of little over two inches, while the body is seven 
inches across. There were, in more convivial days, 
decanters in use which had the same form, but one 
hesitates to associate this vessel with the cult of any 
Indian Bacchus. 

Amonsf the beads are several of a preen mineral sus- 
ceptible of a high polish, evidently much prized, which 
has been pronounced by my friend, Professor Maskelyne, 
to be jadeite. It differs from jade in being slightly 
harder and heavier, and is in fact another mineral, 
first discovered in this very region. The greater part 
of the beads are cut out of the thick part of some 
large shell, probably the conch, and imperfectly rounded, 
or left as elongated prisms. There is one of rock crystal, 
and there are two of large size (one inch in diameter) 
of some heavy mineral substance not identified. It is 
of a chocolate colour, with a metallic lustre, and these, 
as well as the crystal bead and some of the green ones, are 
s<> well polished and regular in form that they might have 
been turned on a lathe, but the boring is very rude. One 
of them has been shaped into a conventional resemblance 



ANTIQUITIES FROM HONDURAS 



1-9 ONE THIRD LINFAR 







wL< 








, (f.*' ■ ■ 



-r „ 



10 








Real Size 



iM^ 



FROM BRITISH HONDURAS. 51 

to the human hand, which was a tribal or national emblem 
of some of the early American races. Lastly, there is a 
thin square plate of jacleite rounded at the angles ami 
highly polished, perforated with two holes, evidently for 
the purpose of attaching it to some article of dress or 
ornament; it measures I'l inch across. 

To these objects must be added about thirty ovoid 
stones, deeply groved at the opposite ends, they weigh 
from If ozs. down to less than ^oz. and were, as I conjec- 
ture, used in some way in weaving. 

The way in which the shell cylinders, which are ex- 
cessively hard, have been perforated is, by boring straight 
holes from the opposite ends, which do not always meet 
exactly. (PI. No. 10.) Some of them are lined with thin 
copper tubes, for no reason that I can imagine except to 
enhance their value. It did not in any way enhance their 
beauty, not being visible externally. Copper utensils and 
weapons, as I need hardly remind the meeting, occur not 
infrequently in the burial mounds of Ohio and Mississippi ; 
the metal was procured in great abundance on Lake 
Superior, but it was undoubtedly very rare in Central 
America. 

Mr. F. Boyle in his interesting paper on the Ancient 
Tombs of Nicaragua (i860) remarks that the ancient 
inhabitants of that region do not appear to have been 
acquainted with the use of any metal. 1 On the other 
hand the anonymous Portuguese cavalier called the Knight 
of Elvas, who has left an account of De Soto's expedition 
(1539-43) says that the Spaniards saw copper axes in the 
hands of the Indians of Florida. The observations relate 
to different epochs and perhaps to different peoples. All 
that I infer from the present examples is that a high 
value was attached to it at the epoch when these orna- 
ments were made. 

Reverting to the stone weapons, the most interesting 
of these are blue flint spear heads, beautifully formed, 
with shanks for their attachment to the handle from two 
to two and a-half inches long. One of these, shank and 
all, is eight inches long, and has been formed not by slow 
and laborious chipping or flaking, but by a few bold and 
masterly blows, cleaving it, as if on natural planes, to the 

1 Archaeological Journal, vol. xsiii, p. 48. 



52 ON SOME TOTTERY, FLINT WEAPONS, ETC., 

required shape. (PI. No. 2.) These were found at the 
mouth of the Pelize river, at a spot now submerged one 
or two feet below low water. It may be observed that 
some of them have portions of oyster shells and serpulse 
attached to them. It would, perhaps, be hazardous to 
assume that the land has subsided some two or three feet 
since they were lost or buried, but this is at least an open 
question ; their number is such that they can hardly be 
the result of the casual upsetting of a canoe. Mr. fowler 
informs me that there are many indications that the land 
has subsided in this quarter, and if that be indeed the 
case we may accept it as evidence of considerable anti- 
quity, because subsidence at the most rapid rate known 
is rarely perceptible in so short a period as two or three 
centuries. 

The weathering on the surfaces of many of the arrows 
and axes as compared with the fresh appearance of the 
fractures on others is also, I conceive, a sign of antiquity ; 
and the fact that we have among them hammer stones 
is against the accumulation being the casual result of the 
upsetting of a canoe. 

We have next some elegant scrapers or spears of a 
different form and a different quality of flint, of a yellow 
tint and texture approaching hornstone. (PI. Nos. 3-6.) 
These resemble objects found in Denmark, and have been 
formed by skilful chipping. They are from the estate of 
Regalia on the river Sittu, about 60 miles south of Belize. 
The smaller arrow or spear heads with shanks of a trans- 
verse form (PI. No. 6-7) are from different plantations in 
the northern part of Honduras towards Yucatan. These 
are of a material approaching agate. They appear to be 
too heavy for arrow heads, 2 but not heavy enough for spears. 
They might do for darts, but these are not used. If the 
former they imply strong bows and stout arms. I must 
not, however, omit to point out a dainty arrow-head of 
obsidian almost fit for Titania. There is one good 
specimen of a flint pebble laboriously rubbed down to 
a "neolithic" celt. 

Among these articles are knapping stones for making 
arrowheads, and a quantity of imperfect weapons, broken 

1 The threo lightest weigh respectively 149, 157, and 172 grains. 



FROM BRITISH HONDURAS. 53 

specimens, and flint flakes. These are from a spot near 
the coast, where there was evidently a manufactory. 

There are also stones, probably more modern, used in 
the preparation of food, a pistil and some fragments of 
trachyte worn smooth by friction, and two stones which, 
from the groving upon them, were apparently used for 
sharpening bone needles. 

The colony of British Honduras having been very little 
explored, and prehistoric remains from it being more rare 
as yet than they are from other parts of Central 
America, I have thought that this notice might not be 
unacceptable to collectors. I am not among those who 
expect a key to be found to the Maya hieroglyphics, or 
much information of a directly historical character to be 
derived from the few documents preserved, if they ever 
are deciphered. The number of elementary forcns 
employed in making groups or characters, and the varieties 
of their arrangement in combination, appears such as to 
preclude the idea that they were alphabetical. Certainly 
Bishop Landa's so called alphabet carries us but an 
infinitesimally small way towards the end ; and all that 
we know of the mode of preserving the national annals 
among other Indian races by knotted strings, belts of 
wampum and the like, points to a mnemonic system, 
assisted probably by association of ideas, an imperfect 
picture writing, of which the secret was in possession of a 
priestly caste alone, and perished with its last living 
depository. 



SAXON EEMAINS IN MINSTER CHURCH, ISLE OF 

SHEPPY. 

By J. PARK-HARRISON, M.A. 

Hearing that two early windows had hcen exposed to view during some 
repairs to the parish church of Minster, a village about three miles from 
Sheerness, on shortly afterwards paying a visit in the neighbourhood, I 
found that the hoarding behind the wall-pieces of the new roof, which in 
the interval had been put on the south nave, had been carried some four feet 
down the face of the north wall owing to the uneqiial height of the nave, 
and entirely concealed the old work in that part of the church. In the 
north nave, however, two irregularly formed blank arches, formed of 
Roman bricks and about five feet wide, were still visible, the new plaster- 
ing having not then been commenced. Their jambs, formed of rough 
stones, had been cut through in the Early English period by the arches 
which were inserted when the present nave was built. From the width 
of the brick arches being greater than that of the windows in the south 
nave (as described by the vicar and the clerk of the works), there could 
be but little doubt that they were interior window-arches, even if the 
original building which they once served to light had formed part of a 
church with side aisles. 

No corresponding brick arches occurring on the inside of the north 
wall of the church, it was at first thought that it might have been re- 
built : but on obtaining a ladder to search for early work outside, on 
removing some of the plaster with which the entire surface of the wall 
was covered, I detected part of a brick arch, adjoining a Perpendicular 
window, which proved to be nearly opposite the westernmost of the old 
windows in the south wall of the original nave; and, on further search 
being made, another window -head of the same kind was discovered close 
to a second Perpendicular window, and in a corresponding position as 
regards the second brick arch. The openings of the original windows had 
been utilised when the; Perpendicular windows were introduced; and this 
accounted for the absence of internal brick arches in the north wall of 
the church. Fortunately, the love of uniformity, which prevailed in 
the fifteenth century, led to the new windows being placed exactly opposite 
the centres of the Early English arches between the two naves. This 
preserved the west jambs, and half the brick arches of the old windows 
in the exterior wall, the new free-stone jambs being inserted in the 
existing openings and the walling cut away eastward for the introduction 
of the remainder of the new stonework. The height of the Perpen- 
dicular windows above the ground, which is much greater than would 
have been otherwise the case, viz: 14 ft., was also due to the use of the 
old openings. 

1 Read at the Monthly Meeting of the Institute, March 1, 1883. 







Early window in the north wall of Minster Church, Sheppey. 



SAXON REMAINS IN MINSTER CHURCH. 55 

Further examination of the exterior of the north wall led to an interest- 
ing discovery. A small piece of red tile was noticed as projecting hcyond 
the uniform coat of plaster with which the wall was covered. It was 
ahout twelve feet from the ground and on removing a portion of the 
plaster proved to be the upper corner of a Koman flue-tile, which had 
been slightly twisted in the burning, and but for this accident the flue- 
tile would have remained concealed beneath the plastering. The dis- 
covery led to a closer examination of the wall in the interior, when the 
end of a similar tile was found in the same position ; and, shortly after- 
wards, four others were detected at an average distance of six feet, 
measured from centre to centre, and about ten feet above the floor of the 
church. They had previously escaped notice owing to their being 
covered with the remains of the old plastering, which rendered them indis- 
tinguishable from the rubble forming the walls. All the flue-tiles were 
filled with small pieces of stone and mortar ; and, with the exception of 
one, which was concealed behind an Early English buttress, were found, 
by measuring equal distances of six feet, to occur also on the exterior, 
beneath the plastering, which was removed at these intervals for the 
purpose of ascertaining the fact. 

For what purpose these tiles were intended it is difficult to form any 
certain conclusion. The description of tile suggests that they may have 
been used to convey warm air into the church from an adjoining building; or 
they may have been employed for the purpose of conducting the sound of 
chants and services into a cloister or room on that side of the church ; 
and the remains of a rude string or weather-moulding along part of the 
exterior of the north wall, above the line of flue-tiles, would give some 
colour to either view. 

Another explanation of the tiles is that they served as " putlog" holes, to 
receive the ends of joists for the support of a gallery; but their clear internal 
dimensions (six inches by three inches) would appear insufficient for such 
a purpose. A fourth guess might be that they were intended as spy-holes 
to observe the approach of marauders, the inmates not being able to use 
the windows for that purpose owing to their height from the ground. 
They could only have been available, however, fur distant view. In an 
illumination shewing a Saxon church in Caxlmon's Gospels, there arc 
several square or slightly oblong holes, over a doorway, which is situated 
at some height above the ground. It is possible that they may have been 
for the same purpose as the holes at Minster. 

There is another perplexing feature at Minster Church, viz. : a series 
of seven square openings, each one foot three inches wide, with jambs 
one foot two inches high. They extend quite across the east Avail, at 
a height of about fifteen feet from the level of the pavement, and 
belonged apparently to the original chinch. As the wall above them was 
not an old one, the jambs may once have been higher, and the openings 
which retain the same width to the outside were possibly arched. No 
entirely satisfactory explanation has yet been given of this feature. In a 
record preserved at Canterbury, however, reference is made to an " upper 
choir " in Minster church which may possibly have been a loft or gallery 
for the nuns of the adjoining monastery. If so, light may have been 
originally obtained through these openings. The ends of two oak beams, 
black with age, which exist in the east wall, about seven feet below 
the brick jambs, seem to countenance the idea that there was once a 



56 SAXON REMAINS IN MINSTER CHURCH. 

gallery here, but there is nothing to show that it was of the date of the 
openings. It should be mentioned that until recently there was a school- 
room at this (east) end of the church approached by a wooden staircase at 
the south-east corner. Its supports were inserted at a somewhat lower 
level than the remains of the beams above alluded to; and the unusual 
position of this schoolroom may indicate that it was the successor of 
some other erection, the beams of which had decayed. 1 

"We have now to see what evidence history affords of a Saxon Church 
at Minster. This, owing to a Koyal personage having been the foundress 
of the monastery attached to it, is more definite than usual, though it is 
left somewhat uncertain whether there may not have been a British 
Church or Basilica already existing when the convent was established. 

Dugdale (Mon. ii, p. 49) informs us that Minster Abbey was founded 
by Sexberga, the widow of Ercombert, King of Kent, who obtained land 
from her son Egbert for the purpose. She became the first Abbess and 
took possession of the monastery, accompanied by seventy-seven nuns, in 
the year 675. 

Speed dates the foundation some years later, viz., in 710 ; but Tanner* 
and Leland 3 both point out that Sexberga obtained the endowment for 
the monastery, as well as the site, from Egbert, who is known to have 
died in 673. Also, a monastery is mentioned as existing at Minster in 
the Acts of the Council of Becanson, which was held in 694. 4 

On Sexberga subsequently resigning her office of Abbess she was suc- 
ceeded by her daughter Ermenilda, on the death of the King of the East 
Angles her husband. Nothing more is known of the history of Minster 
until the ninth century, when it is recorded that the nuns suffered much 
harm during the frequent incursions of the Danes. Dugdale, alluding to 
this, says this monastery was at last in a great measure destroyed by 
them ; 5 and, according to Hasted, the edifice remained in a ruinous con- 
dition till the latter part of the reign of William the Conqueror, who is said 
to have removed the nuns from a monastery near Sittingbourne to 
Minster, on account of their Abbess having been found strangled in her 
bed. Xothing much appears to have been done to the buildings at 
Minster, under the above circumstances ; for they are described as having 
continued " in a mean condition till the year 1130, when the monastery 
was re-edified, and replenished with Benedictine nuns" by William 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and dedicated to St. Mary and St. Sexberga. 

Leland, who gives this information, remarks that from the parish 
church at Minster retaining the same dedication, " it is supposed by some 
to have been the very church itself, but by others that it adjoined it."« 
Hasted states that the church formed part of the endowment of the 
monastery at its first foundation. Weever says, " some part of it is now 
converted into a parish church; 7 " but it appears to have been such long 
before the dissolution. 



1 A plain square - headed two - light 3 " Collect.," vol. i, p. 89. 
window, high up in the north wall, was 4 Tanuer, ed. 1815. 

probably introduced to light the school- 5 The first visit of the Danes to Sheppy 

room in the sixteenth century. A copy is said to have been in 830. 

of it has, unfortunately, been introduced ' Leland, " Coll.," v. i, p. 34. 

into the east gable wall during the recent 7 " Funeral Monuments," cd. 1631, p. 

restorations. 283. 

2 " Not. Mon.," Kent, liv. 



SAXON REMAINS IN MINSTER CHURCH. 57 

No Norman work is distinguishable in any part of the church, unless 
part of a circular-headed window in the north wall formed of stone, with 
no chamfers or mouldings, at the same, height as the windows with the 
brick arches, is considered to be of that date. It is filled in with coarse 
rubble, and partly concealed by ivy. The repairs effected by Archbishop 
William may have been confined to domestic buildings now destroyed. 
The length of the original church appears to have been 72 ft. internal 
dimensions, and the width, which was uniform throughout, 20 ft. 
The height of the walls externally on the north side are now as much as 
33 ft. In the exterior the floor is two feet above the level of the ground 
on the same side. 

An Early English arch was thrown across the old nave, 20 ft. from 
the east wall, at the time the arcade was introduced between the north 
and south naves. There is no structural division in the Early English 
nave. 

Minster Church is best known from its containing the monument of a 
Knight, whose effigy is accompanied by the head of his war charger, 
carved in stone. There are also other monuments of interest, but it was 
not suspected to contain Saxon remains. 



VOL. XLI 



ADDRESS OF MAJOR-GENERAL PITT-RIVERS TO THE 
ANTIQUARIAN SECTION AT THE ANNUAL MEETING 
OF THE INSTITUTE, HELD AT LEWES. 1 

Perhaps I cannot do better than to devote this address 
chiefly to a recapitulation of my own investigations and 
those of others with whom I have been associated, in 
Sussex and Kent. Although I have not the honor of 
being a native of either of these counties, I happen to 
have had the opportunity of making excavations from 
time to time in camps, tumuli, and other monuments of 
antiquity in this district. I cannot therefore plead entire 
ignorance of the antiquities of this part of the country 
as an excuse for any shortcomings that may be noticed 
in what I am about to say. I must rather ask your 
indulgence upon grounds of the pressure of other business, 
and the length of time which has elapsed since the 
excavations I speak of were discontinued, owing to change 
of residence to another part of the country 

Up to the present time, this meeting, under able 
guidance, has devoted its attention chiefly to the study 
of historic times and the history of this county in 
particular. For the majority of men and women this 
branch of archaeology must always have greater interest, 
because we all know something of the history of our 
country, and to visit the localities in which great events 
have occurred helps us to realise the scenes with the 
accounts of which we arc familiar. Antiquities — meaning, 
as I understand by that term, relics and objects of 
antiquity — in the study of historic times, serve only a 
secondary though still an important part, by giving us 
an insight into the life and habits of the people, the 
a mill events of whose career of war and conquest and 

1 Re;wl August 3rd, 1883. 



ADDRESS. 59 

political development are already known. But when we 
resolve ourselves into a section for the special study of 
antiquities, it appears natural that we should burn bo 
that portion of unwritten history in the knowledge of 
which antiquities play the chief part. In the study of 
pre-historic times antiquities are no longer to be regarded 
as accessories to a general knowledge of the people, they 
are the only evidence we have of them. 

When in the moat of some Norman fortress we come 
upon a hoard of weapons associated with relics of the 
age of the Conquest, we know that they belonged to the 
people who invaded our shores in the eleventh century 
and marched to Dover ; we know their language and that 
the stock from which they sprung was, roughly speaking, 
the same as that of the people with whom they fought, 
and that they introduced amongst us the names of some 
of the families that are living upon their estates at the 
present time. From the relics of this period little is to 
be learnt beyond the sphere of art and handicraft ; the 
interest which attaches to such subjects is more senti- 
mental than useful. The main outlines of the picture 
have already been built up in our minds through the 
agency of more reliable and direct evidence, and they do 
no more than supply some of the lights and shadows. 

Very different is the problem to be solved by the 
archaeologist when on the summit of some unfrequented 
down or heath, or on the sides of a river valley, a like 
discovery is made of the relics of pre-historic times, and 
far more complex are the requirements which have to be 
brought to bear on the discovery in order to reap from it 
the information which it is able to disclose. It so often 
happens that valuable evidence is lost, owing to the want 
of proper observation at the time of a discovery, that, as 
I am now addressing some who have not paid special 
attention to pre-historic archaeology, it may be useful, 
perhaps, if I dwell for a moment on the course of 
investigation which has to be pursued in dealing with 
this subject. 

Firstly, we have to put into requisition the services of 
the geologist, with his knowledge of the earth's crust, to 
examine the deposits and determine to what period of 
the earth's history the relics belong ; whether to the 



60 ADDRESS. 

river drift, or alluvium, or to the more recent surface 
period; whether to a time when the surface of the land 
bore the same or a different aspect to what it does at 
present, or, if discovered in artificial banks and earth- 
works, whether any evidence can be gleaned from the 
amount of denudation that has taken place since they 
were deposited there. 

Then comes the palaeontologist, who examines the 
animal bones that are found in the same deposit in 
association with the relics, and from his classification of 
them we have to judge whether the deposit was coeval 
with the existence of extinct or recent animals, wild or 
domesticated breeds. By the quality of the bones and 
horns the wild are distinguished from the tame animals. 
The presence of the dog marks a distinct phase in the 
hunter's existence. The constant use of the horse for 
food shews, perhaps, that the real merits of the animal 
had been insufficiently appreciated, the presence of certain . 
snails mark changes in the flora of the district, and 
the character of the woods employed for tools and weapons 
denote changes in the climate of the country, or, perhaps, 
the occasional presence of human bones amongst articles 
of food speaks of a condition of society that is different 
from our own. Nor does the work of the comparative 
anatomist end when it is discovered that the animals 
were domesticated, for up to quite the commencement 
of our era it is possible by a careful examination of the 
bones of domesticated animals to form some idea of the 
distribution of particular breeds. This was a part of 
the subject which occupied the attention of Professor 
liolleston up to the time of his lamented death. Although 
I am able to distinguish some of the principal animal 
bones, such as those of the horse, ox, sheep, deer, 
etc., yet not having sufficient knowledge of comparative 
osteology to be able to rely on my own identifications, I 
was in the habit of sending him the bones found in 
different excavations, properly ticketted, and from them 
he was gradually accumulating a mass of information 
bearing on the distribution of pre-historic domesticated 
breeds. 

After this the pre-historic archaeologist takes up the 
thread of the investigation, and brings his experience to 



ADDRESS. 61 

bear on the forms of the relics themselves, for experience 
has proved that the forms of human art and handicraft, 
no less than the strata of geological deposits, or the breeds 
of animals, develop in continuous sequence, and the 
accumulated experience of successive archaeologists enables 
us in many cases to determine at a glance by its form and 
material alone the place in sequence to which any object 
of antiquity belongs, If, for example, a bronze socket 
celt of the ordinary type, constructed to enable the bent 
handle to fit into a socket in such a way that every blow- 
given to it in use had the effect of tightening rather than 
of loosening the hafting, were to be brought to any 
archaeologist by a workman with a definite statement as 
to the position in which it was found, within certain limits 
it would be impossible that the archaeologist could be 
deceived by any misstatement, because we know that the 
history of this weapon has been marked by a succession 
of improvements both of material and form, commencing 
in the Neolithic or Later Stone Age, and continuing over 
the whole of the period of unknown duration until the 
Later Bronze Age was reached. During this time the 
material was converted from flint to bronze, and the 
succession of forms shew constant endeavour on the part 
of the fabricators to make the implement more useful as 
an axe and the hafting more secure and firm, until at last 
the socket celt was developed, and on it are sometimes 
found in its ornamentation traces of the intermediate 
stages through which the weapon passed on its road to 
perfection. During this development many varieties were 
produced, some of which led to no further improvement, 
just as in the development of species, varieties of breeds 
were sometimes produced, which dying out led to no 
further results, but in every case it is easy to see from 
what stage in the main stem of development these side 
shoots branched off, and to assign to them their proper 
places in the general progress of the art. 

If it had been possible, which of course it was not, 
that the varieties of art forms should have been as 
numerous and as complex in primitive times as they are 
at present, and that constant change without order or 
progress should have taken place, the difficulties of the 
archaeologist would have been greatly increased. It is 



62 ADDRESS. 

because progress has tended to advance uniformly from 
the simple to the complex that an element of certainty 
ha»s been introduced into our calculations, and this per- 
sistent tendency of primitive things to sameness must be 
held to be an answer to the observations frequently made 
by the opponents of archaeological research ; for archaeolo- 
gists, like all other bodies of men, have their enemies as 
well as their friends, who say to them, "you keep digging 
up the same thing over and over again, one of a kind will 
do as well as another without incessantly repeating the 
process." The things dug up are not absolutely the same, 
there are differences which are noticeable only to the 
expert, but it is the tendency of all primitive contrivances 
to sameness which gives so much importance to minute 
varieties as indications of the direction in which progress 
has been going on. 

But we should be wrong if we assumed that the 
changes in past time any more than at present were uni- 
formly in the direction of improvement, for we have 
degeneration as well as progress to take into account as a 
persistent element of change. Not only have there been 
in times past as there are at present, communities living- 
side by side with normal communities in a lower condition 
of culture than the average, using commoner and simpler 
things, but there is also a tendency for every form of art 
and industry to degenerate as soon as it is superseded by 
more advanced forms. 

We know that not only did there exist in the bronze 
age communities who used flint for tools, but in the iron 
age the same material appears still to have been employed 
by some of the poorer class of people for like purposes. 
But there is a character of degeneration about the imple- 
ments so constructed, and the same labour was not 
expended upon them as when flint was the only and best 
material of which tools could be made. Then again in 
studying the ornamentation of any given period upon 
which the archaeologist so much depends for fixing the 
age of any relics that may be submitted to him, it is 
found that the ornamentation of any given period is very 
frequently made up of survivals from the ornamentation 
of previous periods, or of imitations of contrivances no 
longer in use, but originally intended to serve useful 



ADDRESS. 63 

purposes ; and in the same way that the strata of any 
given geological period is made up of re-arrangements of 
previously existing strata, or the language of any race of 
men is made up of contractions, abbreviations, and 
phonetic decay of previously existing languages, or the 
written character of any age is composed of symbols 
derived from pictorial representations of an older age, so 
the ornamentation of any given race or time has been in 
a great measure produced by the realistic degeneration of 
forms of art of a period which preceded it, and this 
enables us to establish a sort of chronology by which 
within certain limits the age or place in sequence of any 
object of antiquity may be determined by its form alone, 
apart from the corresponding evidence of position and 
associated animal remains to which I have referred. 

After all has been done that is possible by these means 
to determine the age of the relics, then comes the 
question which for most people has greater interest, viz. : 
who were the people by whom the things were made and 
used ? and for this, in studying pre-historic antiquities, 
we are dependent entirely on the labours of the physical 
anthropologist. This is generally an investigation apart 
from the ordinary work of the archaeologist, and reference 
has frequently to be made to some one whose knowledge 
of anthropometry enables him to form an idea of the 
proportions of the various bones. By measuring the 
least circumference of any human bone that may be 
discovered in association with the relics, and comparing 
it with the greatest length of the bone, it is possible by 
the perimetral index thus obtained, to express in figures 
whether the individual to whom it belonged was a thick 
made or a slender person. The various processes have to 
be examined for indications of the peculiarities which are 
characteristic of race, the sections of the bones are looked 
at to see whether they are round, or have the flat 
platycnemic contour which is usual in some of the earlier 
breeds of men, the relative length of the arms and legs as 
compared with the trunk is also recognised as a distinct 
peculiarity. By a measurement of the length and height 
of the bony opening of the eye, the orbital index is 
obtained, which is a distinct racial test ; by the nasal 
index it is seen whether the race was characterized by a 



64 ADDRESS. 

broad or a narrow nose ; by the cephalic index, round- 
headed or brae hy cephalic are distinguished from dolicho- 
cephalic or long-headed types, and by the bony structure 
of the face we are able in some cases to distinguish the 
broad massive jaw and often aquiline nose of the Celt, 
from the rounder and less marked features of our Anglo- 
Saxon forefathers. 

By this means a very fair idea can be obtained of the 
racial peculiarities of the people, but in order to arrive at 
satisfactory results, it is often necessary to restore the 
bones with gelatine and re-construct them. A few 
skeletons are insufficient : they must be measured in 
sufficient number to obtain reliable averages, and this is a 
point in which the pre-historic archaeologist sometimes fails 
to receive adequate assistance from persons, who, as owners 
of property or otherwise, might be in a position to help 
him. It not unfrequently happens that well intentioned 
persons shew an irrational anxiety to have skeletons 
immediately re-interred, even sometimes with religious 
rites. I have known this claim set up by well-meaning 
Christians, on behalf of the remains of people who would 
certainly have eaten them if the suggestion had been 
made to them in life. It is right that every possible 
protection should be given to the remains of the dead as 
long as anything is known about the people that the bones 
belonged to. We respect the bones of the dead as a tribute 
to the memory of the people when they were living, and a 
due regard for the remains of the dead is a most 
necessary provision in aid of the law, but after all recol- 
lection of them has been wiped away, a morbid reverence 
for the calcareous portions of miscellaneous dead bodies is 
not only superstitious in itself, but it greatly impedes the 
advancement of knowledge. The difficulties of the 
subject are great enough without needless obstruction, 
for after all has been done that osteology can do to throw 
light on the races of pre-historic times, there is one point 
in which archaeological investigations must always fail us, 
and this arises from the fact that in the determination of 
Race, character, refinement, energy, beauty, and every 
human quality, the fleshy and perishable parts of the 
body are of far more importance than the bones. 

I have made these few general remarks rather for the 



ADDRESS. 65 

benefit of the uninitiated than for the information of 
archaeologists, who are familiar with the subject, in order 
to show how various are the qualifications which have to 
be brought to bear on a pre-hlstoric discovery, how easy 
it is for any intelligent person to assist, or for anyone not 
versed in these matters to thwart and hinder the investi- 
gations of the pre-historian. What is most to be desired 
is, that every discovery should at once be placed in the 
hands of some known and reliable man, who, if he does 
not possess all the requisite qualifications himself — and 
there are few who do — is at any rate in communication 
with others from whom the necessary identifications can be 
obtained, and with whose assistance the investigation can 
be worked out thoroughly. In the course of my wan- 
derings, either as Inspector of Ancient Monuments, 
recently, or at various other previous times, I have met 
with so many cases in which evidence of great value has 
been lost through these causes, that I think the matter 
cannot be too forcibly urged upon the attention of a local 
archaeological meeting, having for its object the spread of 
archaeological research. 

Having said this much upon the elementary part of 
the subject, I will now give a brief account of my own 
investigations and those of the archaeologists who have 
been associated with me in this neighbourhood. By 
taking this course you will know that what I speak of, if 
it does not. relate to the most recent or the most important 
discoveries, is, at any rate, original, and not liable to mis- 
interpretation through being delivered at second hand. 

Of all the vestiges of pre-historic times which remain 
to us, camps afford perhaps the most interesting and 
reliable evidence of the every day life of the people. But 
the examination of them is a work of great time and 
patience, and the relics generally discovered are of little 
intrinsic value beyond the actual evidence they convey ; 
and for this reason, camps have received comparatively 
little attention. 

From the tumuli we derive evidence of the things 
deposited with the dead during their funereal obsequies, 
but the relics found in camps and dwellings are the things 
that were in every day use, and, therefore, give us a 
better insight into the social condition of the people. 

VOL. XLI. K 



GG ADDRESS. 

But it is proved that of these camps, many continued to 
be occupied for a long time, perhaps for many generations 
after they were made, and in some cases by people of 
another race ; and it is always necessary, therefore, in 
making excavations, to distinguish between the original 
construction and ultimate occupation of the place. The 
way of doing this may be briefly explained. When an 
earthwork was about to be built, in those days when 
labour was cheap and abundant, a large number of people 
were probably congregated on the spot, and they left 
things about on the ground, and broke their rudely baked 
and fragile earthenware vessels, fragments of which soon 
became strewed upon the surface, and it was not thought 
worth while to pick them up again. When the ditch of 
the fortification was dug, the earth from it was thrown 
up behind to form the rampart, and all that was lying 
about on the surface of the ground was soon covered over, 
and by that means preserved for ever ; so that in ex- 
amining one of these camps, it is only necessary to cut a 
section through the rampart until the old surface line is 
reached, which in a chalk country is usually very dis- 
tinctly marked by a dark line, indicating the old line of 
turf. All that is found on this old surface line must be 
of the age of the construction of the camp, or earlier ; 
and from the quantities of fragments of pottery very 
often found, some with characteristic ornamentation upon 
it, is easy to distinguish what belongs to the age of the 
camp, as the result of a large congregation of people, from 
the few things of a different kind that may have 
been accidentally dropped there earlier. By this means 
a comparison is also able to be made between the relics 
which are of the age of the first construction of the camp 
and those found in pits or other excavations in the 
interior, which may, some of them, be of a later date. In 
this way, by noticing carefully the position in which 
things are found, the whole history of the camp may be 
worked out ; but it is a work of great time and patience, 
because it sometimes happens that several sections have 
to be dug before anything of the nature of evidence is 
obtained. 

In September 1867,1 walked over the greater part of the 
Sussex Downs, and examined the various camps that are 



ADDRESS. 67 

situated on the summits of the hills, including Beltout, 
Seaford, Newhaven, Mount Caburn, Hollingbury, White 
Hawk hill, Ditchling, Wolstanbury, Devil's Dyke, 
Chanctonbury, Highdown, St. Roche's Hill and Cissbury, 
which by some have been supposed to be a system of forts. 
combining for the defence of the coast. 

But this supposes a degree of civilization and organiza- 
tion for national purposes for which there is no warrant, 
either in the account which Caesar gives of the condition 
of the inhabitants of England, or in anything that is to be 
gleaned by analogy from other people in the same con- 
dition of culture. It seems more probable that these camps 
were the strongholds of independent tribes constantly at 
war with each other, and are the places to which they 
resorted with such goods, and perhaps cattle, as they could 
get together during a predatory neighbourly attack. The 
general absence of water, in connection with these camps, 
has been given as a reason for supposing that they were 
not fortifications or habitations of any kind, but this may 
be accounted for in two ways, either by supposing, what 
there is good reason for believing was the case, viz., that 
in early times the country being much more wooded, and 
consequently much wetter then at present, springs ran out 
at a higher level in the hills then they do now, or that, as 
the predatory attacks of uncivilized tribes generally last 
only a short time, and the attacking party seldom sit down 
to a protracted seige, the defenders may have carried with 
them in skins or other vessels sufficient water to last a few 
days. 

Little can be gained by a superficial examination of 
these camps beyond the fact that they are many of them 
associated in an especial manner with the occurrence of 
flint flakes on the surface. This gives rise to the questions 
to which I have already adverted, viz : up to what time 
was flint in use for certain of the rougher purposes of 
industry, and also may not the same sites have been 
occupied during successive periods by people using different 
kinds of tools. 

The art of war has been so uniform in its prevailing 
features throughout time, that there is little in the prin- 
ciples of military defence to distinguish the camps <>l one 
people in a primitive condition of life from those of another, 



68 ADDRESS. 

and although it is an established fact that the camps of 
the Britons •were thrown up more in accordance with 
recognised principles of defence than those of the Romans, 
this arose probably more from the contempt in which the 
latter people held their enemies, and their greater regard 
for interior economy, discipline, fuel and water supply, than 
from ignorance of the recpiirements of a good defensive 
position. Attempts have been made with some plausibility 
to classify these camps according to their outlines alone, 
apart from their associated relics, but I hardly think we 
have sufficient evidence at present for accepting any such 
classification, and I shall presently shew reason why we 
ought to be very careful in accepting any such theories. 

The only real method of throwing any light upon the 
subject is by means of excavations, and I will therefore 
give a brief account of the excavations conducted in Ciss- 
bury Camp by myself and others, which may be regarded 
as a good example of the way in which the work of suc- 
cessive explorers may be made to combine in producing 
satisfactory results. 

Up to the time of my first discovery of the great flint 
workshoj) there in 1867, nothing had been done to 
associate these Camps in any way with the fabrication of 
flint implements. The discovery of an isolated specimen 
of a flint celt here and there had been recorded but 
without further results. 

The interior of Cissbury Camp, as most people in this 
neighbourhood are now aware, is honeycombed with 
circular basin shaped depressions, almost touching each 
other in their circumference. They had given rise to various 
speculations, and by some had been supposed to be habi- 
tations, by others tanks for water and so forth. My 
attention having been especially drawn to the occurrence 
of flint flakes by the examination of other camps, I was 
struck with the enormous number of them in the neigh- 
bourhood of these pits, and, moreover, evidence of a flint 
workshop was shown by the different kinds of flakes that 
were seen in different spots. Whilst one place was 
scattered over with large flakes apparently thrown off in 
the first rough shaping of a celt, in other spots small chips 
collected together shewed where the tools had been trimmed 
to perfection by fine chipping. This led me to excavate a 



ADDRESS. 69 

number of the pits which resulted in the discovery of a 
large number of flint celts in various stages of perfection, 
most of them apparently abandoned and thrown away 
during the process of manufacture, perhaps from some flaw 
or defect in the composition of the material. The fact of 
its being a flint workshop was placed beyond doubt, and it 
became evident that the use of the pits was to obtain flint 
for the formation of these tools, which was further con- 
firmed by observing that seams of flint occur in this chalk 
at such a depth as to be easily reached by such basin- 
shaped depressions as were found there. The result was 
duly recorded by me in the Archaeologia. 1 Canon Green- 
well subsequently made excavations in these pits, and 
confirmed my discovery in every particular, but both 
Canon Greenwell and myself failed to discover the extent 
and depth of these flint mines at that time, owing to the 
great difficulty which always exists in distinguishing made 
chalk from the disintegrated portions of the natural chalk 
near the surface, and also to the fact that nothing had, up 
to that time, led us to suppose it likely that flint would be 
sought at such a distance beneath the surface as was after- 
wards found to be the case. Hardness of surface is no 
criterion of having reached the undisturbed chalk, for a 
made surface of chalk will become by the absorption of 
water in time even harder than a natural surface, and 
much valuable time has often been wasted before the 
question of having reached the undisturbed surface is 
decided, the only real proof being when the chalk flakes off 
in stratified layers, and this stratification is not reached in 
some cases, even in the natural chalk, until some depth 
beneath the surface. Although we reached the pure chalk, 
in every case it was only, as we now know, the hard sur- 
face of the filling of deep shafts which lay beneath, and in 
this way we missed an important discovery. 

The way in which this discovery was afterwards made 
is of interest. About the time that my first excavations 
were being made at Cissbury, a railway cutting was being 
made through the chalk between Frameries and Chinay, 
near Spiennes, in Belgium, and this laid bare several deep 
shafts, which were found to lead down from pits on the 
surface, similar to those of Cissbury, at the bottom of 

1 Vol. xlii, p. 27. 



70 ADDRESS. 

which galleries were found, which had been driven in 
different directions to work out the veins of flint. This 
gave a much more extended notion of the flint mining 
operations of the Neolithic people than had been before 
thought of, and specimens from Spiennes soon became 
common in all the museums of Europe. Shortly after 
this, Canon Greenwell happening to be carrying on his 
investigations near Brandon. 1 which has always been the 
great workshop of the gun flint manufactory, chanced to 
come upon a collection of pits similar to those of Spiennes 
and Cissbury, which were known in the locality as Grime's 
graves; and he decided to excavate them, in order to 
determine whether they also had shafts and galleries like 
the Spiennes pits. He was rewarded by the discovery of 
both shafts and galleries, and in the debris with which 
the pits had been filled up nearly to the top, the deer 
horn tools and picks were discovered with which the 
shafts had been made. This led him and those with 
whom he had been associated in the Grime's graves' exca- 
vations to believe that at Cissbury also similar shafts 
would be found if the excavations were carried deep 
enough, and, accordingly, Mr. Tynclale of Brighton 
excavated one of the collection of pits in which we had 
been digging, and found a shaft thirty- nine feet deep, 
beneath the superficial deposits. One of the chief points 
of interest connected with this discovery was the fact, 
that whereas in the superficial deposits Canon Greenwell 
and myself had found only the remains of domesticated 
animals, those at the bottom of the deep shaft discovered by 
Mr. Tyndale, after being examined by Professors Bolleston 
and Boyd Dawkins. were found to contain wild animals, 
including, amongst others, bos primigenus and wild boar. 
This determined the age of the flint mines to be of the 
true Neolithic period. Mr. Tyndale died shortly after 
making this discovery, but the excavations were carried 
on by Mr. Ernest Willett, 2 and, subsequently, by myself, 
without any further results of importance beyond con- 
firming the fact that the Cissbury pits corresponded in 
nearly every particular with those of Spiennes and Grime's 
graves. In the filling of one of the shafts near the surface 

1 Journ : Ethnological Soc. Lond., 1870, s Archaeologia, Soc. Antiq. Lond., vol 

v.,1. ii. p. 4U». xlv : 337-348. 



ADDRESS. 7l 

a few fragments of British pottery were found, and in the 
superficial deposits both British and Romano-British 
pottery was abundant ; but in the lower parts of the 
shafts none was found ; and if the flint workers used 
pottery at all it must have been used sparingly. 

But another important point still remained to be inves- 
tigated, and this, having resumed the excavations myself 
in 1875, it fell to my lot to be the means of elucidating. 
The pits, as has already been said, are entirely within the 
ramparts, the latter enclosing them within its circuit, 
except at one point, where they break through the line 
and are found outside of the camp, and the question arose 
as to whether any excavations could be made which 
would decide the relative age of the two works, and so 
set speculation at rest upon this point. I had previously 
cut two sections through the ditch and one through the 
rampart with this object, but without satisfactory results, 
beyond finding flint flakes in the silting of the ditch and 
two or three fragments of pottery beneath the rampart. 
I therefore determined to excavate the ditch at the place 
where it appeared most likely that shafts might be found 
beneath the rampart. Having decided the course to be 
pursued, as the result of my previous excavations, and 
being at the time President of the Anthropological 
Institute, I obtained the appointment of a committee to 
assist in the investigation, most of the members of which 
visited the spot during the excavations. 1 In the actual 
conduct of the excavations Mr. Park Harrison was present 
with me during the greater part of the time. The result 
was that shafts were found beneath the ditch and 
rampart, in such a position as to prove beyond all doubt 
that the flint works had been abandoned and the shafts 
filled in before the rampart was made. The hill had, 
therefore, been turned into a fortress after flint mines 
had been abandoned, but at what actual time, whether 
during the bronze or the iron age, must still be considered 
an open question, although its occupation in Roman times 
has been ascertained by pottery found on the surface. 

This settled a question which up to that time had 
always been much discussed, and although the probability 
had always been in favour of the result, as it turned out, 

1 Journ. Antlnop Inst. Gt. Britain, vol. v, p. 357 ; vol. vi, p. 263,430 ; vol. vii, p. 413. 



72 ADDRESS. 

the evidence, such as it was, had previously tended the 
other way. A model of these excavations is in the 
temporary museum here. 

In the shafts and galleries beneath the rampart, a 
skeleton of a female was found, one of the few certainly 
Neolithic skeletons that have been discovered in this 
country. 

After this, Mr. Park Harrison, who had previously 
assisted me, carried on some further excavations on his 
own account, 1 which resulted in the discovery of another 
skeleton in a shaft in the interior of the camp, and what 
was perhaps of equal consequence, in the material with 
which one of the shafts had been filled up to the top, it 
was found that small pits, believed to be connected with 
habitations, had been cut by subsequent occupants of the 
camp, thereby affording additional evidence of the occu- 
pation of the camp after the flint mines had been aban- 
doned. I shall have occasion to refer to these small pits, 
subsequently, when speaking of the excavations at Mount 
Caburn/ 

The two skeletons, both of which were those of adults, 
were remarkable for their small size, the height of the 
male being 4 feet 11 inches, and that of the female 4 feet 
9 inches, and both were dolichocephalic or long-headed, 
the cephalic index being '74 and '71 respectively. Both 
had platycnemic or flat tibiae. The skull of the female 
was remarkably large for the size of the skeleton. The 
measurements of these skeletons, which are recorded in 
detail by Professor Bolleston, 2 are of interest, but are 
insufficient, from the small number of individuals, to 
throw much light on the peculiarities of the race, and it 
is to be hoped that more skeletons will be found there. 

Shortly before this I had made some excavations in 
Highdown Camp, near Worthing, which led to my finding 
a human skeleton and a bronze knife in a position to 
show with great probability that the camp belongs to 
the Bronze Age. 

In 18G8, in conjunction with Mr. Park Harrison, Mr. 
Hilton Price, and others, I made a cutting through the 
rampart of the camp at Seaford, 3 which showed that it 

1 Journ. Anthrop. Inst.. Vol. vii, pages 2 lb., vi, 1879, and viii, 1879. 

412-433. :, Ib., vi, page 287. 



ADDRESS. 73 

was probably constructed in British times, which was also 
in accordance with discoveries made in a tumulus in the 
interior of the camp. The cemetery at the bottom of the 
hill was found to be of Itoman Age, and the more recent 
and extended excavations of Mr. Hilton Price and Mr. 
John Price, in the cemetery, tend to confirm this opinion. 1 
The camp itself probably originally surrounded the hill, 
part of which has been washed away by the sea. 

I ought not to omit to mention the opening of the 
Black Burgh Tumulus,' 2 about half way between the 
Devil's Dyke and Brighton, which took place in 1872, 
and which led to the discovery of a crouched up skeleton 
with a small urn, a neck-lace of shale beads, and a small 
thin triangular bronze knife dagger with two rivets to 
attach it to the handle, which latter had decayed, and it 
was associated in the grave with flakes and scrapers of 
flint. The occurrence of these small thin triangular 
bronze blades generally in round barrows, in various 
parts of England, goes far, in my judgment, towards 
proving the truth of Canon Greenwell's opinion, that they 
were in reality the earliest and perhaps the only bronze 
implement, except the small triangular axe, in use at the 
time of the round barrows, and that the occurrence of 
nothing else of bronze but these knives in the graves of 
this period, is not to be attributed to the poverty of any 
particular district in which they occur (as has been 
supposed by some), but to the rude culture of the people 
generally. From its small size, and simple form, this kind 
of blade would naturally be the kind of weapon used when 
bronze was scarce, and the more advanced and larger 
rapier and leaf-shaped forms of swords are certainly 
developments from this earlier form, and were introduced 
as the art of metallurgy improved. 

In 1877 and again in 1878, with the permission of Sir 
H. Brand, I made some excavations in Mount Caburn 
Camp, which is so well known to the inhabitants of 
Lewes, and concerning the age of which speculation had 
been rife for years. Of the fact of its being a defensive 
work there can, I think, be little doubt, because the 
stronger sides of the Camp on the south are fortified with 

1 Journ. Antkrop Inst., vol. x, p. 130, 8 lb., vol. vi, p. 280. 

VOL. XLI. L 



74 ADDRESS. 

a simple small ditch and rampart, which is enlarged and 
doubled on the weaker side, and this is a recognised 
feature in the art of defence of the Britons. I do not 
find that any notice had been taken by former writers of 
a number of small depressions in the interior of the Camp. 
These I opened, and found them to be small pits, three 
to five feet in diameter, and about the same average 
depth, too small to have been themselves used as pit- 
dwellings ; and if used in connection with habitations at 
all, they must probably have been used as cellars within 
the houses. They were certainly not graves. They were 
tilled to the top with rubble so as scarcely to be dis- 
tinguishable on the surface, and their contents consisted 
of quantities of fragments of pottery, some with a 
peculiar kind of scroll ornamentation upon it, and two 
entire pots of the shape of a saucepan without the handle, 
combs of deerhorn of the kind known to have been used 
in the process of weaving, deer-horn handles, iron knives, 
iron spearheads, an iron ploughshare, an iron spud, an iron 
hammer, an iron adze, an iron bill-hook, a bronze ring, 
iron door fastenings, and some curved iron objects, which 
have been since ascertained to be keys. Besides these, 
there were several weights of chalk with a hole bored at 
one end, evidently for suspension. These it is conjectured 
are weights used in weaving to hang down the warp, 
indeed it has been suggested from the number of objects 
connected with weaving found in the pits, spindlewhorls, 
combs, &c, that the pits may have been holes dug in the 
ground to admit of these weights hanging down beneath 
the surface of the ground whilst the weaving was going 
on above, an idea derived by analogy from certain looms 
used in India which are so constructed, and suggested by 
Col. Godwin Austen. If this was the case, however, the 
whole camp must have been one large weaving establish- 
ment, because the pits are within 20 or 30 feet of each 
other and some closer, all over the interior of the camp. 

All the objects found in these pits are recognised as 
belonging to the Iron Age of this country, by some called 
Late Celtic, extending from perhaps 300 B.C. to the time 
of the Roman Conquest. No trace of Samian pottery 
was found in these pits, except one or two minute frag- 
ments, and these quite on the surface, where they may 



ADDRESS. 75 

have been deposited after the pits were filled up, nor were 
any oyster shells found except in the same position, for 
the experience of many diggings has proved to me that, 
in this part of England at least, oysters were not eaten 
by the Britons before Roman times. An oyster shell is 
almost as certain an indication of the presence of the 
Romans in Sussex as a piece of Samian pottery. Snails 
seem to have been common British food at that time, and 
domesticated animals— the pig, short-horned ox, goat, 
horse, badger abounded, and the remains of fox was 
found : both calves and lambs were eaten, and some bones 
of the roe were found. But the red deer, although its 
horns were used as knife handles, seems to have been 
little used for food, and as the fallow deer had not been 
imported into England at that time, no trace of it was 
discovered, but a larger ram was identified by Professor 
Rolleston by its horns as being the same breed, which is 
now confined to the Shetlands and other northern districts. 

All these differ essentially from the wild animals found 
in the shafts at Cissbury, and denote a more recent period, 
but they correspond to the animal remains found in the 
surface deposits there. 

Amongst the animal remains found in the pits at 
Caburn must not be omitted, in separate pits, a human 
femer and a lower jaw of man, the latter a well-formed 
specimen, not unlike what might be expected to have 
belonged to a member of the Celtic race. How they came 
to be mixed up with the remains of animals used for food 
must be left to conjecture, unless we are to conclude that 
there existed in those days men so lost to all sense of pro- 
priety as to abstract human bones for the purpose of 
measurement which is hardly probable, it must be 
regarded as a sign of rough times, and perhaps even of 
famine during an extended siege. 

But the most noticeable relics for fixing the date of the 
work, found in these pits, consisted of several tin-coins, 
having on them the debased representation of some animal. 
They had been cast in strings, and had runlets of metal 
between the coins. They are ascribed by Mr. Evans in 
his work on British Coins to the Late Celtic period, that 
is, the period immediately preceding the Roman Conquest. 

Excavations in the ditch and rampart of this work 



76 ADDRESS. 

shewed that in all probability these parts were of an 
earlier date than the relics found in the pits. The pottery 
found beneath the rampart was of a ruder kind than that 
found in the interior of the camp. The remains of holes 
i n the solid chalk beneath the crest of the rampart shewed 
that it had originally been surmounted by apallisade, and 
beneath the second or outer rampart was found the 
remains of a wattled house, which had been daubed with 
a mixture of lime and mud. The house had probably been 
set fire to, and the daubing thus baked by the flames had 
preserved the impression of the wattles so clearly that the 
size and form of the basket work could be distinctly traced. 
The relics from Caburn are in the temporary Museum 
All these excavations were described by me in the 
Archceologia, 1 and the distribution of like relics in other 
parts of the country noted in much greater detail than 
the public could be expected to read or follow. It is 
enough for my present purpose to say that three precisely 
similar pits to those of Caburn, containing exactly the 
same class of relics, were afterwards found by Mr. Harrison 
in the camp at Cissbury, to which circumstance I have 
already referred. These pits contained a specimen of the 
chalk loom weight, an iron key similar to the one described 
from Caburn, a bone weaving comb, and pottery with the 
same ornamentation upon it, so that it is certain that 
both these camps were occupied at one time by people in 
a connected stage of culture habitually using the same 
things. Since then, at Winklebury camp, in Wiltshire, 
close to my own house, I have found a number of pits of 
the same character and dimensions, containing numbers 
of the same loom weights associated with pottery of a 
somewhat similar but more primitive kind, and a bone 
weaving comb ; and at Spettisbury camp, near Blandford, 
a curved key, of the peculiar Caburn type, was found 
some time ago, and is now in the British Museum ; so 
that we are now in a fair way of tracing, with some degree 
of certainty, the area inhabited by these particular people 
in the south of England, who, from the period which the 
relics assign to them, can certainly be none other than 
the Belga3, whom Cresar describes as inhabiting the 
southern parts of England in his time. 

1 Vol. xlvi, p. 423. 



ADDRESS. 77 

When these camps were first constructed is another 
question upon which further investigation may throw 
more light ; but the fact of their having been occupied 
up to Roman times is proved by Samian pottery and 
other relics of the Roman age having been discovered in 
nearly all of them in superficial deposits only. There can 
be very little reason to doubt, therefore, that these are 
the actual oppidce which Suetonius refers to as having 
been reduced by Vespasian during his conquest of this 
part of England. Excavations in the camp adjoining 
Caburn (called by me Ranscombe camp) proved that it 
also was British, but the evidence of Roman occupation 
is stronger than in the case of Caburn, so that in my 
paper on the subject I have been led to consider the 
possibility of its ramparts having been utilized by the 
Romans during an attack an Caburn. Whilst nothing 
but British pottery was found in the body of the rampart 
the surface deposits were thickly strewed with Samian 
pottery. 

Before concluding this address, let me briefly allude to 
excavations made in one other camp, in order to show 
how careful we must be in assigning a date to any of 
these structures without proper excavations. 

On the top of the Downs above Folkestone is a large 
earthwork commonly called Caesar's Camp, consisting of 
a ditch and rampart following the defensive line of the 
hill, and strengthened by an inner circle or keep in one 
corner, [t resembles in every respect other camps that 
are to be found all over the country, and it was supposed 
by all who have described it to be British, the name of 
Caesar being one commonly given to any ancient forti- 
fication about which nothing is known. Several cuttings 
made through the ramparts in 1878, in conjunction with 
Mr. Hilton Price, however, proved beyond doubt that it 
was not British but Norman. 1 The objects found beneath 
the ramparts tallied with those found in the interior. A 
coin of Stephen, horse-shoes, buckles, spear heads, and 
even fragments of stone with Norman carving upon them, 
proved that it could not, with any probability, be set 
down to an earlier period than the time of the Conquest. 
It is known that the Normans of that time often lived 

1 Archaeologia, vol. xlvii, p 429. 



78 ADDRESS. 

on earthen mounds, with nothing more than wooden 
buildings upon them, and it would not surprise me, after 
this discovery, to find that many of the camps which have 
an inner and outer intrenchment, the former situated in 
one corner like a keep, and which are supposed to be 
British, are in reality no earlier than this date. I may 
therefore conclude this address by reiterating that in my 
(.pinion nothing but careful and patient digging can throw 
further light upon these camps, and they afford ample 
field for the investigation of independent archaeologists, 
without treading upon each other's heels. 

In conclusion it may perhaps interest the meeting to 
know that during the past year, the long contemplated 
Bill for the Preservation of Ancient Monuments, so per- 
severingly advocated by Sir John Lubbock, has come 
into operation with some modification of its original scope 
and intention. Having been appointed Government In- 
spector of Ancient Monuments in Great Britain, it has 
been my business to see its provisions carried out. It is 
now purely permissive, that is to say, it only enables the 
owners of certain of the more important monuments 
(mentioned in a Schedule), to place them under the pro- 
tection of the Act, if they think proper. It is not com- 
pulsory, but when once registered by the voluntary act 
of the owner, neither he nor his successors, nor any one 
else can destroy or damage them without incurring the 
penalty of a fine. It in no way interferes with rights 
of ownership, and the monuments can be sold or dealt 
with by their owners as heretofore, barring this one 
power of destruction, which ceases with the registration 
of the monument under the Act. 

Owing to its permissive character the Act will no doubt 
fail to include all the mouuments which it is desirable to 
protect, but the operation of the Bill has been encouraging 
up to the present time. About a third of the scheduled 
monuments in England have been already registered, and 
are for ever saved from destruction, and there is every 
reason to believe that the greater part of the remainder 
will also be shortly included. 



THE FRIAR-PREACHERS, OR BLACK FRIARS, OF 
KING'S LYNN. 

By the Rev. C. F. R. PALMER. 

Before the Reformation the town of Lynn Regis, or King's Lynn, in 
Norfolk, was called Lynn Episcopi, or Bishop's Lynn ; for it was wholly 
subject to the spiritual and temporal jurisdiction of the bishops of 
Norwich, who had a palace here. But Henry VIII deprived these 
bishops of this feudal superiority, took the fief entirely into the hands 
of the crown, and gave the town its present name. The priory of the 
friar-preachers here was founded by Thomas Gedney, a person of great 
consideration in those parts at the end of Henry Ill's reign. Some 
authors say that it was established about the year 1272, whilst others 
carry it back to about the same time that the friar-minors settled here, 
which was before the year 1264 ; and the latter opinion seems to be the 
more probable one. Leland states that in his time the house was in the 
patronage of Thomas Earl of Rutland. 1 This nobleman was Thomas 
Manners, eighteenth Baron Ross of Hamlake, who received the earldom 
in 1525, and died in 1543. It is difficult to proffer any other conjecture 
for his being the patron besides the one put forth in Blomefield's " His- 
tory of Norfolk," that the right must have passed to the Earl as Lord 
of Wrongay. In the thirteenth century the manor of Wrongay or Worm- 
gay was held by William Lord Bardolfj and he was at least a great 
benefactor to this house. 

The priory stood in the east part of the town, between Clow lane and 
Skinner lane, and not far from Clow bridge spanning one of the fleets or 
narrow streams which run through the town. The church was dedicated 
to St. Dominic, and the house accommodated upwards of forty religious, 
for there was that number here at the beginning of Edward I's reign. A 
comparison of the possessions of the friars at the dissolution of their 
community with all that was acquired after the establishment leads to a 
conclusion that the first site was not considerable in extent ; but no 
calculation can be definitely made, unless it is made clearly evident that 
the additions to the landed property subsequently contemplated were 
actually carried into effect. An inquisition taken, June 16th, 1310, at 
Lynn, returned that John de Thorneden and Murielle his wife might be 
allowed to assign a plot of land to the friars. In the writ for the 
enquiry dated May 28th the plot is described as 180 ft. long, while the 
jurors of the inquisition estimated it at 183 ft. ; but both writ and jury 
agreed in saying that it was 21 ft. broad : it was held of Robert de Lenn, 
heir of Nicholas Countur, by the yearly service of a clove, and was valued 

1 Leland's Itin., vol i. 



80 THE FRIAR-PREACHERS OF KING'S LYNN. 

in all issue9 at I8d. a-year : Robert de Lenn held it of the bishop of 
Norwich and the bishop held it of the king. 1 A mortmain license for 
the transfer of the plot does not appear on record ; but a royal license 
was granted, July 26th, 1356, for the fine of 13s. id. to William Duraunt 
of Seeche (Setchy), Robert Braunche, Robert de Cokesford, Clement de 
Aldeburgh, and Reginald de Sisterun, burgesses of Lynn Episcopi, to 
assign a messuage comprising land 18 perticates 10 ft. in length, and 
10 perticates 2 ft. in breadth, to the friars for enlarging their home- 
stead. 5 

The priory was supplied with fresh water from a spring called Brokwell 
at Middleton, about four miles distant from the town. This spring, with 
two acres of land in which it was situated, was given to the friars by 
William Bardolf, who has been already mentioned. In 1293 it was 
found by inquisition taken April 22nd, at Fly...aburg, (in answer to a 
writ of April 4th) that the friars might retain this spring and make a 
conduit from it to their house: 3 so the royal license was granted, May 
17th, according to the tenor of the enquiry. 4 

As these friar-preachers belonged to a mendicant order, they partook 
of the largess of kings, the bounty of their fellow-townsmen, and testa- 
mentary gifts. A few instances of such alms fall under especial notice. 
Edward I being at Gaywood, Mar. 19th, 1276-7, sent them 13s. id. for 
a day's food, and also 12d\ for another day. 5 John de St. Omer, while 
he was mayor of Lynn, gave, on the part of the town, wine to the 
value of lis. for the feast of St. Dominic (Aug. 5th) ; this appears to 
have been in 13 Edw. I (1285J, in which year the friar-minors had 
also, for their Feast of St. Francis (Oct. 4th) six flagons of wine which 
cost 18d.'' The executors of Queen Eleanor of Castile, shortly after 
Michaelmas, 1291, gave 100s. for this convent to E. William de Hotham 
provincial, through J. de Berewj'k. 7 At the beginning of May, 1300, 
Edward I passed through Lynn, and on the 16th, being again at Gay- 
wood, sent an alms of 15s. through E. William de Lynn, for a day's 
food. 8 Edward II arriving at Lynn, Feb. 8th, 1325-6, gave 15,-?. to 
forty-five friars of this house, through F. Robert de Elme, for a day's 
food. 9 Edward III in passing through the town, Sept. 18th, 1328, gave 
14s. 8d. to the forty-four religious here, by the hand of F. Henry de 
Wysebech. 10 

Thomas de Wyngfeld (lord of Lethingham) July 17th, 1378, 
bequeathed five marks to each convent of mendicants in Norfolk and 



1 Inquis. ad. q.d. 3 Edw. II, No. 57. Avende, Nich. Swetyneof Clenthewaricon, 
Jurors : Lambert de St. Omer, Pet. Lomb, Nich. fitz John of Wygenh', Phil, de 
John de Keteleston, Elias de Warham, Boynake, and Will, de Bosco of Mid- 
Tho. de Barston, Geoffr. Baud, Pet le delton. 

Berchere, Pet. Dice, Will. Ty..., Will, de 4 Pat. 21 Ed. I, m. 17. 

Whinebergh, Rich, de Dersinghain, and 5 Rot. garder. de oblat. et eleni. regis, 

Will, de Barston. 5 Edw. I. 

2 Pat. 30 Edw. Ill, p. 2, m. 9. Rot. fin., fi Blomefield. 

30 Edw., Ill, m. 2. 7 Rot (garder.) liberat. pro regina etc., 

2 Escaet, 21 Edw. I, No. 71. Jurors: 19-20 Edw. I. 

... le Clerk of Wotton, Hen. de Woken', 8 Lib. quotid. contrarot. garder., 28 

<;>"tf. de Geycon', Rog. le Hyriche of Edw. I. 

Wotton, Walt, de Petgrave of Wygenh', 9 Rot. garder. de part, expens. forinsec. 

Steph. Fitz Walter of Tylneye, John 19 Edw. II. 

Skot of Cryrueston', Rog. de Langham of 10 Contrarot, cust. garder. regis, 2 Ed. III. 



THE FRIAR-PREACHERS OF KING'S LYNN. 81 

Suffolk, to celebrate for his soul : will proved Sept. 27th. Sir John de 
Plat (of Weting, Norfolk, who died June 2nd, 1388) June 22nd, 1385, 
bequeathed to all the houses of friars in Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and 
Cambridgeshire, to every house five marks : will pr. July 16th, 1389. 
Robert Howard, knt., in 1389, bequeathed 20*. to the friar-preachers of 
Lenn : will pr. in July. John Mvered, rector of Oxburgh, Oct. 1st, 
141 G, bequeathed 20*. to every order of friars at Lynn. Elizabeth 
widow of William, Elmham, knit., Dec. 1st, 1419, assigned forty marks to 
the convents of friars in the counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cam- 
bridge, to perform the trental of St. Gregory for her soul, and for the 
souls of all to whom she was beholden : will pr. Feb. 14th, 1419-20. 
Katharine Braunch, Aug. 3rd, 1420, bequeathed 40s. to the August ini;m 
friars of Lenn, and 20s. to every house of friars in the town: will pr. 
Sept. 5th. Richard Peverell of Tylneye, esq., Mar. 15th, 1423-4, 
bequeathed 6*'. 8d. to each convent of mendicant friars in Lenn and 
Southlenn, to pray and celebrate for his soul, and the souls to which he 
was beholden: will pr. May 15th, 1424. Nicholas Beaupre of Outwell, 
Sept. 24th, 1428, bequeathed il. to the four orders of friars at Lenn, to 
celebrate eight trentals of St. Gregory for his soul ; and 40s. to F. 
Thomas Draytone, of the order of friar-preachers, to celebrate for his soul : 
will pr. Mar. 9th, 1429-30. Simon Parche alias Tyler of Watlington, 
Norfolk, in 1442, willed to be buried in the chancel of the friar-preachers 
or black-friars of Lyn, and gave 161. to the fabric of the stalls to be new 
made. Jane lady de Bardoff, widow, Sept. 7th, 1446, assigned five 
marks to each order of friars within the diocese of Norwich, for the souls 
of her parents, benefactors, and especially for her deceased husband 
mercifully to obtain grace for his soul : svill^r. Apr. 3rd, 1447. Henry 
Inglose, knt, June 20th, 1451, bequeathed 20s. to every house of friar- 
minors, preachers, Carmelites, and Augustinians in Norfolk : will pr. 
July 4th. Thomas Shuidham of Narburgh, Jan. 15th, 1471-2, bequeathed 
6s. 8d. to every order of mendicant friars in Lenn : will pr. Apr. 14th. 
Thomas Constantyn of Lenn Episcopi, gent., Oct. 8th, 1476, bequeathed 
to the four orders of mendicant friars in Lenn and Suthlenn to each 
house by itself four rams : will pr. Nov. 14th, 1477. John Heyden, 
Mar. 24th, 1476-7, bequeathed to each house of mendicant friars in 
Norwich, Lenn, Brunham, Walsyngham, Thetford, Blakeney, and Jerne- 
muth, five marks for five years, for an anniversary by their convents : 
will pr. June 20th, 1480. Cecily Weyland of Oxeburgh, Mar. 28th, 
1484, bequeathed 15s. to the friars of the order of preachers of Lenn 
Episcopi : will pr. Sept. 6th. Margaret Odeham of Bury Seynt 
Edmunds, widow, Oct. 8th, 1492, bequeathed to every house of friars in 
Cainbrege, Lynne, Norwiche, Thetford, Clare, Sudbury, to each of these 
houses 6s. 8d. : will pr. Nov. 8th. Elizabeth Clere of Takeueston, widow 
of Robert Clere, esq., Jan. 13th, 1492-3, bequeathed to every house and 
convent of friars in Norfolk, 20s., and also every order and convent of 
the four orders of friars in Norfolk were to say dirge and mass by note 
for two years, on her year-day or within three days after in their own 
churches, for her soul and the souls of her husband and her friends to 
whom she was beholden ; every order to have therefore 10s. a-year: will 
pr. Mar. 6th. John Byrcl, parson of Old Lynn, by will in 1505, gave " a 
rede dole in Geywode to the black friars of Lynn." 1 

1 Harl. MSS., cod. x. Blomefield. Wills inunds (Camden Society.) 
from the commissary of Bury St. Ed- 

VOL. XLI. M 



82 THE FRIAR-PREACHERS OF KING'S LYNN. 

The provincial chapters, which frequently assembled in various 
priories for the good government of the friar-preachers of England and 
Wales, were celebrated at Lynn, in 1304, at the Nativity of the Blessed 
Virgin, in 1344 and 1365, at the Assumption; and without doubt would 
be found here in several other years, if the records of these assemblies 
could be brought to light. The expenses of the three chapters were 
partly defrayed by the pension which was regularly paid out of the 
royal exchequer. Edward I gave, July 8th, 1304, twenty marks, being 
five marks more than the usual allowance, on account of the number of 
friars to be present being doubled. 1 Edward III gave, July 9th, 1344, 
15/. ; and May 21st, 1365, 10/. 2 

The priory of Lynn lay within the division of the Dominican province 
called the visitation of Cambridge. Very few names of the priors can 
be collected. F. William de Bagthorpe or Bakthorp, who governed the 
community in Richard II's reign, was a man of note in his time. He 
was appointed by the master-general of the order, Apr. 1st, 1393, visi- 
tator of the visitations of Cambridge and York, for suppressing some 
discontents which had been stirred up, on account of private favours 
granted and ordinations promulgated by the master : by the master's 
letters of Apr. 4th, he was released from his priorship, as soon as they 
were read in chapter before the assembled brethren, while at the same 
time he was assigned to Lynn (as he had been elected prior from another 
house) and was also confirmed in the favours and cell conceded for his 
use here. If thus deposed, Bagthorpe was immediately reinstalled in the 
office ; and being S. Th. Mag. was also professor of Sacred Scripture to 
the students of the house. As commissary of the master-general, he was 
deputed, Nov. 29th, 1395, to institute enquiries into nine articles charged 
against the provincial, F. Thomas Palmer, and Feb. 4th following, was 
empowered to displace him, if six of the articles were proved, being then 
also made vicar-general in case the province became thus deprived of a 
head, rainier was removed, June 28th ; and Bagthorpe ruled the pro- 
vince till another provincial, elected August 15th, 1397, at Xewcastle-on- 
Tyne, was confirmed, Oct. 20th, by the master. 3 In 1488, F. John 
Braynes occurs as prior. 4 

Besides F. "William already mentioned in 1300, there were two other 
religious who bore the family name of Lenn or Lynn. F. John de Lenn, 
in 1320, was a black-friar of London. From 1329, F. Thomas de Lenn 
was the companion of F. Nicholas de Ilerle who, being in favour with 
Edward III, was employed in state affairs and embassies ; in 1335, going 
to the Holy Land, F. Thomas had a gift of 40*'. from the king, Apr. 25th, 
for the expenses of the way, and thus he disappears from view. 
1'. Richard Wi&lm (Wisbech?) was assigned to this house at Lynn as 
lector, .June 20th, 1397, by the master-general. In a similar manner, at 
the same time, F. John de Merton was made a conventual here, and 
was not to be removed without the consent of F. Master William 
Bagthorpe.* 

Among religious were found a scanty few, who led a more ascetic life 

'Lib. garder. (elemos.) 32 Edw. I: 3 Reg. mag. gen. ord. Romae asservat. 

Addit. MSS. cod. 88:3.'. Exit. scac. paaoh. * Blomefield. 

32 Edw. I. m. 3. 6 Lib. garder. 14 Edw. II. Rot. garder, 

- Exit. scac. paach. 18 Edw. Ill, m. 10, 3-4 Edw. III. Contrarot. garder. dui 

and 39 Edw. Ill, m. 11. regis. 8-9 Edw. III. Reg. mag. gen. ord. 



THE FEIAR-PBEACHERS OF KING'S LYNN. 83 

than the rest of the brethren, and amidst a community united to their 
rule the seclusion of the anchorite. Hence sprang the usage of construct- 
ing a solitary cell in the midst of a cloister. Such an anchoretage existed 
in the Dominican priory at Lynn; and about the year 14 10, it was 
occupied by F. Richard Fraunces, better known (probably under a //"/// 
deplume) as "Galfridus Gram maticus dictus, f rater ordinis 8. Dominici." 
He was bred if" not born in Norfolk. Tanner thinks Ids name might 
have been Geoffrey Starkey ; but he .was probably only a former owner 
of the codex which fell into Tanner's hands. This F. Richard Fraunces, 
"inter quatuor parietes pro Christo inclusus," spent his spare time in 
writing and compiling several works chiefly of a philological character. 
He produced the following: — In doctriuale Alexandri ', lib, 3, In Joannis 
Garlandi Synonyma, lib. 1. Garland's Synonyma was printed by 
Richard Pynson in 1496, 1500, 1509, " cum expositione magistri G-alfridi 
Anglici ;" and by Wynkyn de Worde in 1500, 1505, 1510, 1514, 1517, 
1518. In JEquivoca ejusdem, lib. 1 ; printed as Multorum Verborum 
Equivocorum Interpretatio, by W. de Worde in 1490, 1506, 1514 ; and 
by Pynson in 1514. Expositiones Hymnorum, lib. 1. Hurt as Vocabu- 
lorum, lib. 1, printed by W. de Worde, in 1500. Medulla Grammatices, 
lib. 1, which is a Latin-English Dictionary. Pneceptiones Pueriles, lib. 
1. His English-Latin Dictionary was printed by Pynson in 1499, and 
has again appeared among the publications of the Camden Society : 
Prompdorium Parvulorum nice Glericorum, Lexicon Anglo-Latinum 
(Didionarius Anglo-Latinm) Princeps, auctore fratre Galfrido Gram- 
matics dicta e praedicatoribus (ex online Fratrum PradicatorumJ 
Lenne Episcopi, Northfolciensi (circiter) A.D. circa MCCCCXL olim 
e prelis Pynsonianis (ex officina Pymoniana) edit/cm, nunc ab integro, 
commentariolis mbjectis, ad fidem codicum recensuit Albertus Wat/ (A.M.J, 
Londiiti: sumptibus Societatis Camdensis. The first vol. was published 
in 1843, the second in 1853, and the third (with the variations in the 
title bracketed above) in 1863; containing altogether 563 pages, 4to. 
This work is the earliest English-Latin Dictionary in existence, and is in- 
valuable to the archaeologist in explaining obsolete English words and 
curious provincialisms. The direction of F. Geoffrey's literary labours 
seems to point to the conclusion that the Dominicans of Lynn taught a 
grammar school as they did at Yarm, and probably at other houses. In 
1497, F. John Lot was the recluse. 

About the year 1456 the priory, which had become decayed and even 
partly ruinous by time, was also devastated by fire. The cause of this 
accident is unknown, but the extent of it must have been considerable, 
for twenty years later the buildings were not fully restored. The master- 
general, June 24th, 1476, empowered the prior for five years from that 
date to admit as many as he would to the benefits and suffrages of the 
order, provided that the alms thus accruing were applied to the repair of 
the convent. 1 

The registers of the masters of the order, about this time, contain 
various notices concerning members of the community at Lynn. 

Dec. 13th, 1475. F. Nicholas Meryell* who out of the alms of his 

1 Reg. mag. gen. ord. changes FitzgibLon into Fissboue ; and 

2 M'yell. But the contraction is the while studiously copying the alphabetical 
common one for tis. It is often difficult letters before him writes Sthronysbyrie, 
to recognise proper names in these regis- where he evidently has Schrewysbyrie 
ters. The Italian scribe is guided either (Shrewsbury) before him. 

by his tongue or his eye : for instance, he 



84 THE FRIAR-PREACHERS OF KING'S LYNN. 

friends and kinsfolk lias done much in the order, lias this, that all the 
friends and benefactors, of whom according to his conscience he gives the 
names of a good many, are received, whether living or dead, to the partici- 
pation of all the goods and suffrages of the whole order : and also the 
chamber, garden, and other goods conceded to him by the order are con- 
finned to him, and no one can occupy them without his leave ; and all 
other favours justly granted to him are confirmed. 

June 24th, 1476. F. John Hille, or de Monte, is assigned to his convent 
of Lenia Episcopi, and as long as he lives cannot be removed by anyone 
except the master-general ; as he was assigned by the general chapter of 
the order, in 1468, to read the Sentences in the convent of Oxford, and 
has not yet complied with the decree, he is again assigned there " ad 
legendum sententias pro gradu et forma magisterii," according to the 
custom of his province and that convent. Master John Goldysborow has 
this grace, on account of the king and queen of England and other 
nobles, that he may accept any bishopric or dignity to which he may be 
chosen by the apostolic see, with the benediction, favour, and suffrages of 
the order ; resigning, however, the goods of the order, according to custom, 
or giving security if he is allowed the use of them for life : and he may 
remain in the service of the king and queen at court. 

July 8th, 1489. F. Eobert Stephensum has license to eat flesh-meat, to 
wear linen, and to dwell in any convent. 

June 20th, 1490. F. John Wetherell may dwell in any convent, with 
the good Avill of the president. 

May 29th, 1491, F. John Londem, of the convent of London, is 
assigned here. 

July 29th, 30th, 1497. F. Robert Stowerson has license to be "extra 
ordinem" {i.e., in a benefice or chaplaincy.) The prior has license to 
dispense F. Thomas Lambard and F. Richard Cchersfort, for the priest- 
hood. F. John Lot, the recluse, is empowered to choose a confessor, who 
may hear his confession once a month. The prior may, under the con- 
vent seal, receive and inscribe brethren and sisters to the suffrages of the 
order. F. William Videnhus prior cannot be forced to accept office. 
And under no date of day, F. John Becclys, Avith the license of the 
sovereign pontiff, is received into the order from that of the Cistertians, 
and is assigned to this convent. 

In 1497, mention is made of a chapel of St. Catharine in this conventual 
church, and in the body of the church was an image of our Lady. 1 

"When the valuation of all ecclesiastical property in England and Wales 
Avas taken in 1535, F. Thomas Lomll being prior, the friar-preachers of 
Lynn held a tenement let at 10s. a-year, and a parcel of meadow at 8s. : 
total 18s. (not 18*. l^d, as Speed says) a-year ; the tenth to the croAvn 
being 21|rf. 2 The community Avas destroyed in 1538, Avhen the house 
was surrendered to the king by deed in 30th Henry VIII, but dateless 
as to day, which was executed by the prior and eleven religious. Willis 
gives the date of the surrender, Sept, 30th. The parties avIio subscribed 
the deed were, Thomas Lovett prior, Robert Skott bachelor, Thomas 
Rooss, Lawrence Curteys, John llarbard, Thomas Carton, William 
Iw ucster, Thomas Becke, Anketin Grays, John Tyndele, Thomas 
Wincent, and Reginald Bobynson.' 

1 Ulomefiulcl. • Valor EccleeiaetlcUB, vul. iii. ' Surrenders, Exchequer, No. 143. 



THE FRIAR-PREACHERS OF KINO'S LYNN. 85 

The site and lands of this priory were soon all let to tenants. The sito 
with the gardens, orchards, &e., was taken by Thomas Waters for 5a a- 
year. The tenement already demised for a term of years continued to 
he held hy John Hollis or Hills, at Kx. a-year; to whom also the conduit 
of spring-water had been Leased Eor 13*. id. a-year. The meadow 
remained in the occupation of Cicily Some, for 10*. a-year, and 
the land in Middleton from whence the. water-spring flowed was let 
to Richard Wall for 2.s. id. a-year. Total yearly rents, 38*. Hd. ' A 
lease of the whole (with the reservation of trees, woods, and superfluous 
buildings) was granted, Nov. 12th, 1539, to Thomas Ellys, of Attle- 
horough, for twenty-one years from the previous Michaelmas, at the same 
rents. 2 The particulars for the grant of all the possessions of the black- 
friars of Dunwich and Lynn were made out, Nov. 10th, 1544, to John 
Eyre or Eyer, who soon completed the purchase ; and the property was 
gB&nteer? Feh. 20th following, to him and his heirs and assigns, by fealty 
only and not in capite, with the issues from the previous Michaelmas.' 

John Eyre, esq. was one of the king's auditors of the court of augmenta- 
tions, and hecame a great receiver and trafficker in monastic lands. He 
married Margaret, daughter of Sir Thomas Blenerhasset, widow of Sir 
John Spelman, eldest son of Sir John Spelman, and died without issue. 
From Mr. Eyre the Blackfriars of Lynn passed to a priest, who conveyed 

it to Thomas Waters of , and he had a son Edward Waters, and 

a daughter married to George Baker. Edward died without issue male, 
and left it to his daughter Elizabeth, who was married, 1st, to Nicholas 
Killingtree, but was soon divorced ; 2nd, to Edward Bacon who had 
issue by her ; and 3rd, to Sir John Bolls or Bowles, hart., of Scampton, 
co. Lincoln. Sir John Bowles and Elizabeth his wife sold this Friary to 
Nicholas Killingtree, who left it to his son William, and he sold it to 
Henry Barkenham, miller, who sold it to John Rivet, about the year 
1646. So far the descent of the property is traced by Sir Henry Spelman 
in his History and Fate of Sacrilege. 

In the Iconograplda Burgi perantiqui Lennce Regis, Anno 
mdccxxv, the site of the Blackfriars is represented by an oblong 
piece of land, enclosed by four walls with a house in the north-west 
corner of them. In 1738, Mackerell, speaking of the religious houses of 
Lynn, says, " Here remains nothing now to be seen of these Friaries ami 
Religious Houses, but Ruins and Rubbish, being long since utterly 
demolished, notwithstanding the Places of their Situation are still 
apparent, being separately walled in round, and commonly known at this 
Day by their several Denominations." 4 In 1812, Richards says of the 
Blackfriars, " Of this convent (once perhaps inferior to none of the rest, 
if indeed it did not exceed them all, both in size and magnificence) 
nothing is now to be seen but some old walls, whose thickness and 
massy appearance seem to indicate that they once sustained a large and 
sumptuous fabric." " The said site at present is thought to be partly 
the property of the corporation, and partly that of the Carey family. 
About the garden of the chief mansion of that family are several 

1 Ministers' Accounts, 31-32 Hen. VIII, :i Particulars for grants (John Kyre) 35 
No. 118. Hen. V1I1. Pat. 36 Hen. VIII, p. 26, in. 

2 Miscellaneous Books of Court of 38(12.) 

Augm^ vol. ccxii, foL 16. 4 Mackerell's Hist, and Antitj. of Lynn. 



86 the friar-Preachers of king's lynn. 

scattered remains of this ancient edifice." 1 The magnificence, which the 
imagination of this writer has conjured up, may well be called into 
question in a ruin painfully rebuilt through a long interval of time 
(luring the disastrous Wars of the Roses. In 1821, Taylor says, that the 
corporation of Lynn and sundry proprietors held the ancient site, and 
that " few traces of the original priory are now perceptible." 2 

About forty years ago, even these scanty remains were swept away. 
There is preserved, however, a ground plan of the Avails of the cloistral 
cemetery, which was 115 feet long and 96 feet broad, and the kitchen on 
the north. On the same side too was probably the refectory, where the 
wall showed traces of groining. It may be conjectured that the church 
stood on the south side, as many stone coffins and bones have been found 
there from time to time ; the dorter or dormitory with other offices was 
on the east. The gate-house points out the entrance from the street. A 
drawing of part of the west wall is interesting, as the square-headed 
window was probably inserted when the priory was rebuilt after it had 
been desolated by fire. 



1 Richards' History uf Lynn. '• Taylor's Index Monasticus (of the Dio- 

cese of Norwich.) 



Original Documents. 

INVENTORY OF PLATE IN THE REFECTORY OF BATTLE 
ABBEY, 1420 : printed in Mr. Macraijs Notes from the Muniments 
of Magdalen College, Oxford.* 

Communicated by R. W. BANKS. 

Presens indentura testatur quod deliberatum est per Dominum Thoniam 
abbatem <le Bello et Conuentum Fratri Ricardo Dertyniovth Refeetorario 
Anno regni Regis Henrici quinti post conquestum viij°. In primis 
Cocliaria argentea xxxvj . de vna secta pro conuentu. Item, ij . cocliaria 
magna pro salsiamentis. Item Ciphi argentei x . vnde iiij eorum cum 
scutis Regis Anglie. Et duo de armis comitis Herefordie. Et ij cum 
ymagine sancti Martini equitantis. Et j . cum homine equitante lanceam 
argenteam gerente. Item ex dono Galfridi de Keningtone, j. Item j 
cuppa argentea et deaurata cum diuersis scutis et armis et lauatorio 
deaurato De dono Episcopi Rofencis. Item j Cuppa argentea cum 
cooperculo ex dono Johannis Sapirton Item j Cuppa argentea cum 
cooperculo ex dono Johannis Krecy cum scuto infundo de propriis armis 
Item j Cuppa cum cooperculo bypartito auro et argento ex dono Symonis 
Brewdon. Item iij Cuppe quondam Sybille de Iklesham quarum due 
earum sunt deaurate et sine cooperculis et vna de argento et cum cooper- 
culo de argento. Item j Nux argentea cum cooperculo argenti. Item 
alia Nux nigra cum cooperculo argenteo et deaurato. Item iiij Cuppe de 
mirra 8 cum cooperculis et argenteis ligaturis. Item iij. coopercula de Mirra 
sine Ciphis. Item parua Cuppa de Mirra cum cooperculo argenteo ligato. 
Item j parua Cuppa interius argentea et cum. pede de argento. Item 
Cyphus argenteus cum cooperculo argenteo quondam Rectoris de Bram- 
ham. Item j paruus ciphus corneus argento ligatus. Item iiij or cornua. 
vnde j cum cooperculo et pede de argento ex dono quondam Rectoris de 
Hauwkherst. Item j cuppa vna cum cooperculo ex dono Rectoris de 
Hawkherst Thome de Ofiynton de argento. Item ij ciphi argentei plani 
et ampli cum cooperculo argenteo in cuius superficie est fabrifacta ymago 
Sancti Laurencij ex dono quondam Magistri Johannis Krane Rectoris do 
Hawkherst. Item vi Magni ciphi Haraldi de Mirra Item ciphus magnus 
de Mirra qui vocatur fenix. Item xx ciphi de Mirra non ligati. Item 
xxxiij ciphi de Mirra et ligati vinculis argenteis et deauratis. Item viij 
olle stannee vnde iij potelli. Item iiij olle de coreo et noue. Item ij 
vitresC?) ex dono Fratris Willelmi Chyllam et [fu'r?] quod Medewey. \_A 
few words are erased liereJ] 

Item iiij olle de coreo veteri [space here'] in (?) custodia * * * * 
in municione Fratris Johannis Waller, 'prio de bello cuius ligatuura (sic) 
remanet cum domino abbate. 

1 Magd. Coll. Muniments, Misc., 233. 2 Mirra, or murra, the heart of wood, 

perhaps box, used by turners. 



88 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 



INVENTORY OF PLATE IN THE REFECTORY OF BATTLE 

ABBEY, 1437. 1 

Hec indenture testatur de iocalibus refectorij deliberatis Roberto 
Haldene in presencia doinpni Willelmi Mersch' prions claustralis J 
Exceter J Walden' videlicet dominica prima post festum Sancte Luce 
Eiumgeliste Anno Regni regis Henrici Sexti post conquestum xvj mo . 

In primis xxxvi coclearia argentea de vna secta. Item 2° coclearia 
magna pro salciamentis. Item decern crateres argenti vnde quatuor cum 
armis regis Anglie et duo cum arniis Comitis Herefordie et 2° cum ymagine 
Sancti Martini equitantis. Et vnum cum homine equitante cum lancea 
argentea in manu et vnum ex dono Galfridi de Kenyngtone. Item vnus 
ciphus argenteus et planus cum cooperculo piano in cuius fundo est ymago 
Sancti Martini equitantis et circa eum ille versus Diuido non 
totum etc. Item j cuppa argentea et deaurata cum diuersis armis. Et j 
lauacrum argenteum et deauratum ex dono Episcopi Rofensis. Item j 
cuppa argentea et plana cum cooperculo ex dono Johannis Sapirtone. Item 
j cuppa argentea cum cooperculo ex dono Johannis Grecy cum scuto in 
fundo de propriis armis. Item j cuppa cum cooperculo bipartito auro et 
argento ex dono Symonis Brudon in cuius cooperculo sunt 3 a folia 
. ]. Item iij cuppe quondam Sibille de Ikilsam quarum due 
sunt deaurate et sine cooperculis et j de argento cum cooperculis argenteo. 
Item j mix argentea cum cooperculo argenteo. Item alia mix nigra cum 
cooperculo argenteo et deaurato. Item j ciphus argenteus cum cooperculo 
argenteo quondam rectoris de Braham. Item j cuppa cum cooperculo 
argenteo cum iij (?) pedibus de leopardis argenteis et deauratis [ . . . 
John 2 de Fynton . ]. 

Item ij ciphi argentei plani et ampli cum j cooperculo argenteo in cuius 
summitate est ymago Sancti Laurencii. ex dono Magistri Johannis Crane 
quondam Rectoris de Haukherst. Item iiij cuppe de murra cum cooper- 
culo argenteo et deaurato. Item iij coopercula sine ciphis. Item j parua 
cuppa de murra cum cooperculo argenti et ligata. Item j parua cuppa 
] argenti [about four words erased here]. Item j paruus 
ciphus cornuus [about three words erased here]. Item iiij cornua vnde j 
cum cooperculo et [ . . . ] de argento quondam rectoris de Haukherst. 
Item vj magni ciphi Haraldi de murra vnde duo ligantur bene cum argento 
et deaurato et in fundo scutum de arniis J Gaynesford et in fundo alterius 
ymago Sancte Marie sub cuius pede scribitur Ricardus Bryd. Item j 
magnus ciphus de murra qui vocatur fenix Item xx li ciphi tie murra non 
ligati. Item xxxii ciphi non ligati cum circula argentea et deaurata. 
Item [1 olle ' . . . iij potelli . . . ]. 



1 Magd. Coll. Munim., 234. This in- of Battle Abbey, founded by Bernard 

ventory is written on the back of the right Newmarch. 

hand half of a deed dated 1435, relating a Inserted in the same hand, 

to the election of a prior of the Priory ot 3 The words in brackets are eith«r 

St John the Evangelist, Brecon, a cell erased or illegible. 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 



89 



INVENTORY OK RELICS FROM SUPPRESSED 
MONASTERIES. 1 



Not d the warrant for de- 
lyuery of these relikkes is 
expressed in the warrant of 
MWM'M 1 K paid to M r 
Gostwike which warrant 
remayneth on this ffile. 



This Indenture made the second© daye of 
June in the xxix u * yere of the reigne of our 
soueraigne lord Kyng Henry the viiij th 
hytwyne Thomas Pope, Esquyer, Tresorer 
of the Augmentacions of the Revenues of 
the Crown one the one parte & Rohert Lord, 
gent, one the other partie, Wittenessith 
that the same Rohert haith receyved of the 
seid Thomas Pope to the vse of our seid soueraigne lord the Kyng all the 
garnisshing of siluer & gilt beyng aboutt all the Relikes comyng from the 
Supprest Monasteries vnder written that is to saye 

ffirst the siluer of one litell crose w fc Relikkes 
comyng from the Monasterie of Bissham parcell giltt 

Item the siluer of three relikkes comyng from the 
Monasterie of Hurleye Whitt | Weyng | 

Item the siluer of a longe Boxe of Cristall full of" 
relikkes | & the syluer of ij smale Cristall Boxis wt 
relikkes comyng from the Monasterie of Sawtreye 
giltt Weyng < in all 

Item the siluer of a relike lyke a Pixe w* a pece of " 
cristall ffull of relikkes | the syluer of ij Relikkes w l ■ — 
cristalles I the syluer of a frlower w* serpenttes }>xxvioz!nde. < 



ij oz parcell giltt. 

j oz j quarter 
whitt. 



xxviij oz giltt. 



r giltt- 
l 



-xvinj oz. 



Tongges & counterfett stones outt of the Monasterye 
of Kyrkbve Bellowes 

The xvi fch Relikk which 
was named to be a pece of 
the Holy crosse which by a 
warrant directed to me by 
the Kinges Highnes bers 
date the xxviij th day of May 
A xxix shold have byn 
delyuered to the hondes of 
M r Henage | was the ix th 
day of June A xxix de- 
lyuered to the Kynges owne 
hondes by the hondes of my 
lord privey seale as my lord 
Chauncelor of England & 
y e Chauncellor of the Aug- 
mentacions can witnes. 



L Whitt — viij oz. 



xxx u oz di. 
parcell giltt. 



Item the siluer of xv~) 
Relikkes of dyuerce sorts 
some of Cristall comyng [ 
outt of the Monasterie j 
of Stratfford at Bowe | 
contenyng | J 

Item the siluer of iij ^ 
Relykkes sett in Cristall ( . ■-,,, 

4.J. I 4.1 f IX OZ giltt 

comyng outt ot the I ° 

Monasterie of Colne ) 
Item the syluer of the " 
Image of our ladye | the 
syluer of ij birralles j 
the syluer of a ribbe of 
a seyntt | the syluer of 
ij virgens heddes the }■ ■' 



siluer of a Crismetorye 
w* relikes | the syluer of a crose of wood w* relikes | 
the gawdies of a pare of grett beades of Jeatt | the 
gawdies of a paire of Almes Beades comyng outt of 
the Monasterie of Couerham 



a oz parcell 
nltt. 



Duke of Manchester's MSS., No. 29. 



VOL. XLI. 



90 



ORIGINAL DOCOMENTS. 



xvj oz parcell 
giltt. 



xxx u oz giltt. 



ij oz di. 

giltt. 



parcell 



iij oz parcell giltt. 



xxxix oz parcell 

giltt. 



Item the siluer of ij Eelykes sett wt Cristalles stones \ 
the syluer of ij Tabelettes of woodd av 1 relikkes iiij f 
square garnysshod w* cristall stones owtt of the i 
Monasterie of Brekenocke ' 

Item the syluer of ij Crosses giltt, the one wt j 
Counterfett stones, and the other plane outt of the 
Monasterie of Tynttourne ) 

Item the syluer of seyntt Benettes Arme sett wt"] 
Counterfett stones, and the syluer of a crosse of wood j 
garnysshed w* counterfett stones | the Arme of seynt > 
Benett comyng ffrom Stratfford at Bowe & the crosse j 
of wodd comyng ffrom Kylbourne j 

Item the syluer of a dobill crosse broken & a leve , 
sett w l a lyon one the Bakke syde & counterfett i 
stones owtt of the Monasterie of seyntt Michelles I 
beside Stampford ) 

Item the Syluer of a cristall boxe w* a bage of Ke- "] 
lykkes owtt of the Monasterie of Mayden Bradleye j 
the Syluer of ffyve cristall Boxes the syluer of a 
Crowne sette w l relikkes outt of the Monasterie of 
Letteleye | the sylver of a cristall Boxe w* relikkes in ^ 
it owtt of the Monasterie of Quarre | the syluer of a 
relykke w* a ffotte sette w 1 Counterfett stones outt of 
the Monasterie of Mottcsone 

Item the syluer of ij litell coffers w l relikkes the "] 
syluer of a relike in a cristall, the syluer of a cer- I 
penttes tonge | the siluer of an other cristall w* the j> xiiij oz giltt. 
Holye lambe one the bake syde, outt of the Monasterie | 
of Kyrkbye Bellowes J 

Item the syluer of a Pixe sett in Birrall & giltt wt ") 
relykkes & Counterffett stones the syluer of a smale 
Pixe parcell giltt w* relikkes of seyntt Thomas of 
Caunterburye the syluer of a lytell Pixe w* relykes 
the syluer of iij smale crosses of wodd giltt & sett w l 
Counterfett stones | the syluer of a bone of seyntt 
Blase giltt with Counterfett stones the syluer of a 
litell coffer of severye | the syluer of a litell coffer of 
syluer parcell giltt | the syluer of ix smale oches w fc ' 
relykkes in theym | the syluer of a signed of syluer | 
the syluer of xviij peces of syluer vpon seyntt Six- 
borowe sieve the syluer of one half arme & a handd 
of woodd | the syluer of a grett old Paxe of wodd & 
counterfett Stones, the syluer of an other Paxe of 
wood w* ij bones sette in it & Counterfett stone owtt 
of the Monasterie of seyntt Sixborowe. 

Item the syluer of ij litell crosses of wood outt of 
the Monasterie of Pelle 



-giltt- 



xxv oz Inde. •{ 

r : — ' 

I parcell gdtt — 
l- xv oz. 



Item the syluer of one Tabill giltt w* Kelykkes 
owtt of the Monasterie of Tortyngton the syluer of 
one Kelykke of seyntt John & seynt Blase owtt of 
the Monasterie of Boxegrave, weying in all 



1 i 



oz giltt. 



i-giltt- 

I 



-ij oz. 



iiij oz Inde. 



parcell giltt — 
J u ij oz. 



ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 91 

Item the syluer of a crosse of wood sett w* cristall } 
& Counterfett stones & the ffote therof Coper outt of >x oz parcell giltt. 
the Monasterie of Garoden, Weyng | ) 

Item the syluer of a litell crosse of woild & relikkes \ . , ... ,1] ,,']it 
in it corny ng owtt of the Monasterie of Langley j ■* ' ' 

Prohatur. ( Giltt cxiij oz j Ex r per Auditores 

Summa of all the Plate { Parcell giltt cci oz j- cccxxiii oz j quarter. 

( Whitt ix oz j quarter ) 

per me Robertum Lorde. 

Endorsed : " An Inventory for delyuery of Relikkes to M 1 ' Lord by the 
Kinges Warrant. 

the Warrant is conteyned in the Warrant uppon 1 payd 
WM. 1 W M 1 li for the Kinges affayers in Irland." 



^roccrtJings at iHcrtmcjs of tije ftoual grrijarological 

Institute. 

November 1, 1883. 
The Right Hon. the Earl Percy, M.P., President, in the Chair. 

In taking his seat for the first time as President of the Institute, and 
on opening the new session, the chairman expressed his thanks to the 
members for the honour they had conferred upon him, and his desire to 
follow, however distantly, in the footsteps of his predecessor, Lord Talbot 
de Malahide, and to consult, as he did, the best interests of the Institute. 
"While he congratulated the members upon the success of the Lewes 
meeting, he had much pleasure in knowing that the next annual ren- 
dezvous would be at Newcastle ; and he could assure them of a hearty 
welcome in that city, and in his own county. He regretted much that 
Mr. Hartshorne had resigned his position of Secretary to the Institute, 
but hoped that the Society would continue, in other ways, to have the 
benefit of his advice and assistance. Lord Percy then spoke with 
satisfaction of the appointment of Mr. W. H. St. John Hope as editor of 
the Journal, and of Mr. Hellier Gosselin as Secretary of the Institute. 

Mr. J. T. Irvine sent a paper " On Recent Discoveries in the Central 
Tower of Peterborough Cathedral." The removal of the lantern and its 
two eastern piers has brought to light so many of the moulded stones of 
the original Norman lantern that it would be quite possible to rebuild the 
lower portion of it with its own stones. Some fragments of Saxon date 
have also been discovered, but of no special importance. In excavating 
to examine the condition of the sleeper walls of the Norman piers, beneath 
the western arch of the crux was found a thick wall, of Saxon date, 
running east and west ; another portion of which, but running at right 
angles, was uncovered in the south transept, having a stone bench on its 
western face, with part of a plaster iioor in front of it. This floor covers 
a still older Saxon wall, parallel in direction with that beneath the 
western arch. Of Roman materials only two fragments have come to 
light ; one high up in the lantern, a mere bit of plinth ; the other in the 
heart of tbe foundations of the north-east pier. This has been part of a 
carved pilaster, a half circle in plan, entirely covered with foliage of a 
kind of oak leaf pattern, carved in shallow relief. A remarkable Roman 
tile, of peculiar form, resembling the seat of a chair, and inscribed leg ix 
his, was spoken of as having been brought to light at Barnack, and 
deposited in the Natural History Museum at Peterborough. 

Mr. Edwin A. Baebbe communicated the following notes on "Some 
Fragments of Pre-historic Pottery from the Pueblo Ruins of Utah": — 

" This Pueblo pottery is found in great abundance in the vicinity of 



PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS OF THE INSTITUTE. 93 

the ancient ruined buildings in the valley of the Kio San Juan, which 
separates Utah and Colorado on the north, from New Mexico and Arizona 
on the south. In the summer of 1875 I had the opportunity of accom- 
panying a branch of the United States Geological and Geographical 
Survey, in charge of Professor F. V. Hayden, through that interesting 
and somewhat inaccessible country. 

" Amongst the large number of pieces of broken pottery which I col- 
lected, only two were in a state of entirety. The ware is of three kinds : 
1st, the corrugated; 2nd, the red (resembling some of the Samian ware 
found in Great Britain) ; and 3rd, the white pottery, with black or 
coloured ornamentation. Pueblo pottery is remarkable as being the only 
ware found in the United States which possesses a gloss, or polish, nearly 
approaching a glaze. The ornamentation consists of geometrical designs 
in black, buff, or red, on a white or cream coloured ground. In very rare 
instances this pottery was decorated with paintings of animals. In one 
specimen, which I picked up in Southern Utah, an elk or deer was 
painted. Another fragment of a water jar was moulck j d in the form of a 
frog. These, with two or three other examples, are the only specimens 
yet found which exhibit any artistic skill in the moulding or decoration 
of the surfaces. The Moqui Indians of Arizona and the Pueblo and Zuhi 
peoples of New Mexico still manufacture a similar ware, but of inferior 
composition and workmanship." 

Antiquities anrj ISSorks of &tt ffihtrjitetr. 

By the Baron de Cosson. — A collection of upwards of forty gauntlets, 
ranging from the fifteenth to the early part of the seventeenth century, 
lent by himself, Mr. F. Weekes, Mr. S. Lucas, and others. The develop- 
ment of the gauntlet, from the simple mail pouch for the hand, of the 
time of Richard I, to the elaborate and beautiful workmanship of the 
gauntlet of the early part of the sixteenth century, was most clearly and 
lucidly explained by the Baron himself, and illustrated by references to a 
series of full-sized drawings and to monumental effigies and brasses. 
Perhaps the most interesting features of the exhibition were certain left- 
handed gauntlets, explained to be part of the equipment of duellers in the 
sword and dagger conflicts so usual in Italy in the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries. 

By the Rev. J. Beck and Mr. Hartshorne. — A collection of watch 
cases, showing different examples of old shagreen, and horn painted with 
foliage and pastoral subjects ; and a quantity of " watch-cocks," or verge 
covers — objects of silver and brasswork of the greatest delicacy and 
beauty, which have only lately attracted the attention of connoisseurs. 



December 6, 1 883. 

The Rev. Sir Talbot Baker, Bart. , in the Chair. 

The Rev. Joseph Hirst read a paper " On the Methods used by the 
Ancient Romans for Extinguishing Conflagrations." After instancing 
the discoveries of the excubitoria or guard-houses of the Vigiles or 
firemen of the city of Rome, made in 1820, 1858, 1866, 1873, and in 
August of the present year, it was briefly shown what light was thereby 
thrown on the organization and tactics of that useful corps. The bulk of 



94 PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS OF 

the paper read was devoted to illustrating, by numerous quotations from 
the Greek and Latin classics, the sparse allusions that can alone be 
gathered from ancient authors and from chance inscriptions as to the use 
made by the Roman firemen, of whom there were 7,000, of cloths wetted 
by water or steeped in vinegar, of the double-action forcing pump called 
nipho, of ladders, of axes, of poles, and of water buckets. Great use 
seems to have been made by the Roman firemen of Esparto grass, 
procured, says Pliny, from Spain ; but for what purpose is unknown. In 
conclusion, attention was drawn to some graffiti inscriptions, made as an 
idle freak by some Roman firemen on the walls of the Transtiberine 
guardhouse recently discovered, which reveal the names of two of the 
lower officials of the corps not hitherto known, and about the interpreta- 
tion of which the learned differ. 

After some remarks by Mr. Baylis on the large number of men 
employed, and the various methods of extinguishing fires, the chairman 
proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Hirst. 

The Rev. E. McClure than read an able and masterly paper " On 
Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Personal Nomenclature," the result of twenty 
years' labour in that field of archaeology ; for which a vote of thanks was 
passed to the author. 

&nttqmttrs anU W,ax\i& of &rt 3SiftibitrtJ. 

By Mr. W. G. B. Lewis. — Rubbings of brasses from Harefield Church, 
Middlesex, of Sir John Newdegate (died 19th June, 1545), his wife, and 
children ; and of Editha, wife of William Newdegate, who died 9th 
September, 1444. Also a full-size drawing of a late fourteenth century 
bassinet, adapted for use in the sixteenth century by having a visor 
attached, and which is supposed to have belonged to Sir John Newdegate, 
It is now preserved on his tomb. The Institute is indebted to Mr. Lewis 
for the following notes on the church which contains these memorials : — 

" Harefield Church consists of chancel, nave, and north and south 
aisles, with tower and north porch. 

" The chancel and Brackenbury chapel contain many monuments to 
the Newdegate family. In the chancel, which is raised six steep steps 
above the nave, against the east wall and on either side of the com- 
munion table are large monuments. That on the north is in memory of 
Sir Richard Newdegate, Bart, (eldest son to the first baronet of that 
name), who died in 1710, and Mary his wife (daughter of Sir Edward 
Bagot, Bart.), who died in 1692. It is the work of Grinling Gibbons, 
who probably executed the interesting open carved woodwork behind the 
communion table. The background of it requires gilding, which would 
add great richness and enable it to be seen. 

" On the south side of the communion table is a monument to the 
memory of Alice, Countess Dowager of Derby, who died in 1637. It is 
in two stories. The front of the lower part has three arched recesses 
containing representations of her daughters, with shields on the piers ; 
the upper is a canopy supported on Corinthian columns, with curtains 
tied to them in the very questionable taste of the time. Under this 
canopy is an effigy of the countess. The whole is painted and decorated. 

On the south side of the chancel ifl an altar tomb, with a very ilat four 
centred arched canopy, in memory of John Newdegate, who died 19 June, 
1545, and Anne his wife. Against the back of the recess are brasses of 



THE ROYAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE. 95 

Sir John, his wife, and children. I send you a rough rubbing of them. 
On the top of the altar tomb are sundry pieces of armour, helmets and 
gauntlets, some genuine and some of only sheet iron. Amongst them is 
the helmet of which I have the honor to send a full-size drawing of the 
side. It is supposed to have belonged to Sir John Newdegate, and is 
very interesting as exhibiting an early fifteenth century bassinet adapted 
for use in the sixteenth century by having a visor attached. This 
addition would appear to have been made about the second quarter or 
middle of the sixteenth century ; and would therefore be favourable to 
the supposition that it belonged to Sir John Newdegate. 

" The total length from the front of visor to the back of head-piece, 
1 ft. 2-| ins. ; height, 1 ft. ; weight about 6£ lbs. 

" The other rubbing I submit is from a brass to Editha, wife of William 
Newdegate, who died 9th September, 1444 ; and was the motlier of John 
Newdegate, Esq., Sergeant-at-law, who died in 1528, whose memorial and 
that of Amphilicia his wife (died 1544) is in the Brack enbury Chapel at 
the east end of south aisle. This John Newdegate was father to the 
supposed owner of the helmet." 

By Miss Louisa Wale. — Sketches of the old Sunning Hill Wells 
posting inn, which was built about 1545, or earlier. It was erected near 
a chalybeate spring, situate between two hills, and is now in a very neg- 
lected state. 

By Mrs. Kerr. — Seals of some members of Sir William Draper's 
family, temp. Cromwell. 



February 7, 1884. 
The President in the Chair. 

Mr. Gosselin read a paper by the Rev. C. W. King " On a Jewish Seal 
found at Woodbridge." This is a circular seal of brass, 1 J in. in diameter 
bearing the device of a wyvern regardant looking at a star. The legend, 
which is in the lettering of the twelfth or thirteenth century, and some 7 
what defaced in parts, seems to read : 4- snathifedericialexndriivd, 
which may be translated, " Seal of Nathan, son of F(r)ederic, son of 
Alexander, the Jew." 

Mr. King thinks the device may either astrologically represent the 
horoscope of the individual, or refer to his nationality, inasmuch as the 
planet Saturn — typified by the serpent, or mediaeval dragon — is the 
guardian of the Jewish race ; the Sabbath itself being merely the dies 
Satumi ; and their long-expected Messiah is to make his appearance 
when that star is in the sign Pisces. The legend deserves notice as 
describing the owner of the seal in the names of his father and grand- 
father. The omission, too, of the r in the second name argues an 
Italian origin. The circumstance of our Nathan's boldly proclaiming his 
nationality, by the addition, " Judeeus," is important, as pointing to a 
period of our history when " the chosen people " enjoyed as much con- 
sideration and real influence in the communities as in the present day. 
Again, the magnitude of the seal, according to the rule of the age, bore a 
defined relation to the status of the sealer. The appearance of the cross 
prefixed to the signature of a Jew may be got over by supposing that 
from its perpetual use in such a position the symbol had lost all religious 



96 PROCEEDINGS AT MEETINGS OF THE INSTITUTE. 

meaning when so placed, and was come to be considered as merely the 
mark of commencement. 

Mr. W. H. St. John Hope then read a paper on " The Augustinian 
Priory of the Holy Trinity at Repton, Derbyshire." After giving a brief 
outline of the various ecclesiastical establishments at Repton since the 
seventh century, Mr. Hope described the result of recent excavations on 
the site of a Priory of Black Canons founded here in the twelfth century. 
The discoveries made included the lower portion of the nave walls, with 
the bases of the arcades and central tower piers, with part of the pulpitum 
at the entrance to the choir. The whole of the excavated area has been 
cleared out to the floor line, and amongst the debris were found many 
beautiful fragments of carving retaining their original coloring and 
gilding. Very many of the mouldings were coated with whitewash. 
Numerous fine specimens of floor tiles have also been uncovered, and in 
some parts portions of the pavement still lie in situ to give the original 
levels. 

In proposing a vote of thanks to Messrs. King and Hope, the Presi- 
dent spoke in feeling terms of the great loss the Institute had sustained 
by the death of Mr. John Henry Parker, C.B., and on the motion of 
Mr. Baylis, seconded by Mr. Church, it was unanimously resolved that 
an expression of sjinpathy and condolence with the family be communi- 
cated from the Institute by the Secretary. 

^ntiquttteg ant Morks of &rt (EifitbitcU 

By Rev. C. W. King. — Impression of the seal of Nathan, son of 
Frederick, son of Alexander, the Jew, found at Woodbridge, Suffolk. 

By Mr. W. H. St. John Hope. — Plans of bases of nave piers from 
Repton Priory, Derbyshire. 

By Rev. Prebendary Scarth. — A photograph of the recent excavations 
at Bath. 

By Mrs. Kerr — A set of photographs of silver vessels found at 
Hildesheim, Germany. 1 

By Mr. Soden Smith. — A small goa stone in a silk bag, which doubt- 
less was carried as a preservative against plague. The stone has once 
been gilt. 



NOTE. 

Mr. Roach Smith wishes it to be stated that the position in which his name 
stands on page 433 of the preceding volume of the Journal is altogether a mistake 
and can in no way be justified. 



See also Arcluzological Journal, xxvi, 298. 



Hotfces of llrcljacologtcnl publications. 

HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF CORFE CASTLE IN THE ISLE OF 
PURBECK, DORSET. By Thomas Bond, b.a. London : Edward Stanford. 
Bournemouth : E. M. & A. Sydenham. 

Iii the volume of the Journal for 1865 ' will be found an able paper 
on Corfe Castle from Mr. Bond's pen, followed l>y a description of the 
building by Mr. G. T. Clark. The work before us embodies these two 
papers, with such emendations and improvements as further researches 
during the last twenty years have rendered necessary. It may fairly be 
said, that the author has published probably as complete a monograph of 
a castle as has yet appeared. 

The three principal points noticed by Mr. Bond on which there may be 
some difference of opinion are (1) the date of the keep, (2) the position of 
the chapel of St. Mary, and (3) the age and object of the herring-bone 
work. 

The difficulty with regard to the date of the keep has been discussed 
before. It arises from the apparently contradictory evidence of two such 
important authorities as the Domesday Survey and the Testa de Nevill. 
The former states that, " of the manor of Kingston, the king has one hide 
in which he made the castle of Wareham, and for that he gave to St. 
Mary's of Shaftesbury the church of Gillingham with its appurtenances;" 
the latter, that the advowson of the church of Gillingham was given in 
exchange to the Abbot of St. Edward's (Shaftesbury) for the land where 
the castle of Corfe is placed. 

If the scribes of the Domesday Survey inadvertently Avrotc Wareham 
for Corfe then the discrepancy disappears ; or the castle may have been 
considered as a kind of out-post to the then important town of Wareham 
— in fact, the castle of Wareham at Corfe — and they therefore gave it the 
name of the town. 

In construction the keep has many features in common with the White 
Tower of London, which, according to the Textus Roffensix, was built by 
Bishop Gundulf before the close of the Conqueror's reign ; and if there 
is no inconsistent architectural peculiarity about the castle of Corfe, 
William the Conqueror may justly be claimed as its founder. The 
incarceration here of Robert, Duke of Normandy, by Henry I, in HOG 
speaks of the existence of a castle at Corfe as early as that date. 

The chapel of St. Mary is identified by Mr. Bond with the upper 
chamber of the annexe on the south side of the keep. Both the architec- 
tural and documentary evidence point to the identity of it with the chapel ; 
but owing to its inaccessibility, and the difficulty of examining any of its 
details from below, it is possible there may be some who will hesitate to 
accept the author's deductions without personal investigation on the spot. 

The question of the age and object of the herringbone work is one of 
1 Arch. Jour., xxii, 200. 
VOL. XLI O 



98 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 

great interest. According to Mr. Bond, the south-west tower of the 
second ward "is partially built up against the outside of afar more 
ancient wall, constructed in the peculiar style of masonry known as 
'herringbone work.' The stones are flat and thin, and set on edge, 
inclining diagonally. They are so arranged that the stones of each course 
incline inversely to those of the courses above and below. 

" A. curtain wall, about seven feet six inches thick, has been built up 
outside and against the herringbone wall, and exl ends westwards from the 
mural tower last described, till it joins another tower of octagonal shape, 
crowning the extreme western spur of the castle hill, and which, from its 
prominent situation, was denominated the ' Butavant ' tower. 

" The herringbone wall ceases about twenty-six feet ten inches short of 
the Butavant and is about three feet three inches thick, so that, as far as 
it extends, the two combined walls measure ten feet eight inches in thick- 
ness. The herringbone wall is constructed in similar style in both its 
faces, and originally measured from end to end about seventy-one feet 
inside measure. It had three small windows, about equidistant from each 
other, two of which are still perfect, though one of them has been wholly, 
and the other partly, built up with masonry. The third is partially 
destroyed. They are of similar form and size. The opening of the 
windows was six inches in width and about two feet six inches in height; 
but they are splayed within to two feet in width and four feet six inches 
in height. The windows are square-headed, but the splays carry semi- 
circular arches ; the whole being neatly executed in ashlar. The two 
outer windows of the three are eacli about equidistant, viz., about eighteen 
feet, from the respective ends of the building. 

" The peculiar character of this wall, and its extremely weatherbeaten 
appearance indicate great antiquity, and render it worthy of special 
notice. It evidently could not have originally formed part of the military 
defences of the castle ; and it must therefore be a fragment of some 
building of either an ecclesiastical or civil character. 

" "With a view to ascertain, if possible, what was the nature and 
purpose of the building of which this fragment once formed a part, I have, 
by permission of the owner, searched for foundations, commencing at the 
west end of the existing wall, where a section shows that it originally 
turned at right angles! At four feet below the turf the set-off of the 
ancient foundation Avas reached ; and following its course, the whole was 
laid open to its full extent. At the distance of nearly twenty-two feet 
from the corner where the section is seen, the foundation turns again, 
and runs parallel to the existing wall to about the same length as the 
latter, and then turning again at right angles, it met the southern wall 
near its present termination. The set-off of the foundation at the east 
end, where there is no superstructure, is about six feet wide ; elsewhere 
it is less, the width of what remains of the wall itself being about three 
feet six inches. Buttresses about three feet eight inches Avide, and pro- 
jecting about ten and a half inches, terminated the west ends of both the 
north ami south walls ; but then; is no appearance of there having been 
any in the lateral walls. The height of the herringbone wall towards the 
west cud is eleven feet above the turf, and four feet four inches below it, 
making iifteen feet four inches in all. It was no doubt once somewhat 
higher. The left-hand jamb of a doorway is apparent in the northern 
foundation at fourteen feet nine inches from the face of the buttress. 







Corfe Castle. 
The Keep, or Dungeon Tower, from the south. 



NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 99 

Fragments of herringbone work here and there show that the whole 
building was constructed in the same fashion both inside and out. No 
indication was met with in the masonry that there were ever any original 

cross walls, neither are there any original joist, holes, which might have 
shown that the building had contained two or more stories. Additional 
evidence that there never was an upper story is found in the position of 
the single row of windows. The sill of the western one seems to have 
been about ten feet five inches above the set-off of the foundation, but 
that near the other extremity is about seven feet ten inches above it. At 
about twenty-seven feet nine inches eastward from the outside of the 
west wall is a comparatively recent cross wall, three feet three inches 
thick, which, leaping over a fragment of tire herringbone, here six feet 
high, is carried on northwards some way outside the older work. An 
excavation to the foundation of this cross wall seems to show that three 
successive walls have been built at different times on tins spot ; but as 
there are straight joints, and no bonds where they meet the older walls, it 
would appear that neither of them was carried up simultaneously with 
the original building. On the east side of this cross wall the earth has 
been raised as much as six feet six inches above the set-off of the founda- 
tion, burying the old herringbone work, and rising nearly to the sills of 
the windows. This cross wall, the lower part of which is rudely con- 
structed, and is manifestly older than the superstructure, seems to have 
been placed here partly for the purpose of supporting the earth heaped 
up in forming the eastern platform, and partly, perhaps, to check the 
advance of the enemy, in case of the outer works of this part of the castle 
falling into his hands. There are no positive indications of any junction 
of the exterior walls with any other building ; and it would seem, there- 
fore, from the above description, that we have here the remains of a 
single isolated building, forming one long, narrow apartment of some 
kind, measuring internally about seventy-one feet by sixteen feet eleven 
nches. 

" One remarkable feature of this building is that the set-off of the 
foundation slopes upwards about six feet seven inches from west to east, 
and the floor of the apartment, therefore, no doubt, followed the same 
inclination. But the slope is not continuous in the same plane through- 
out, as west of the cross wall it is very slight, whilst at the spot where 
that wall now stands there seems to have been a sudden rise of about two 
feet nine inches. Here, therefore, there may possibly have been steps. 
The windows, in a great measure, corresponded with the slope of the floor, 
as they rise in the same direction about nine inches, one above the other. 
No pavement has been met with, but the ground seems to have been 
covered with mortar, in which a pavement might have been originally 
laid. 

" Near the west end of the existing herringbone wall, at about three 
feet six inches above the bottom of the foundation, is what looks much 
like a drain, neatly constructed of ashlar. It does not penetrate beyond 
the herringbone Avail, and runs in a somewhat diagonal direction. It is 
evidently an insertion of -more recent date than the wall itself, but what 
purpose it was intended to serve is difficult to decide. It is shown in the 
accompanying wood-cut, which represents the western portion of the 
herringbone wall as far as the cross wall. The original window on the 
left of the engraving is partly ruined, but sufficient of it remains to show 



100 NOTICES OF AKCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 

that it was identical in form and size with the others, which are perfect' 
The artist, therefore, has transferred one of the latter to this place in the 
engraving. 




" Some portion of the herringbone work is concealed by plaster, as is 
shown in the accompanying view. 

"For what purpose was this building erected? To what use was it 
appropriated 1 The question is one which the evidence hardly warrants 
our answering with absolute certainty, and we are therefore driven to 
conjecture. On the whole, however, I am inclined to think it was a 
church. Could it have been the same which was built by the great St. 
Aldhelm, then abbot of Malmesbury, but afterwards bishop of Sherborne, 
in the decade of the seventh century? If such was really the case, this 
time-worn fragment and this hallowed spot cannot fail to awaken the 
most lively interest." — pp. 59-63. 

" It seems that this building must have been either a hall or a church, 
for it is pretty certain from what has been stated in the text that it could 
not have been a dwelling-house. The sloping floor would render it 
extremely inconvenient for a hall, even with such scanty furniture as 
might be found in an Anglo-Saxon residence, and its great length in 
proportion to the width would be but ill suited for a hall. Moreover, a 
hall must have formed part of a dwelling-house, whereas this building 
seems to have been detached and isolated. If an Anglo- Saxon mansion 
requiring a hall of these dimensions — and such a residence we may fairly 
assume would be in some degree made capable of defence — had adjoined 
this ruin, it would have been completely dominated by the hill im- 
mediately overhanging it. I think there can be little doubt, therefore, 
that whenever there was such a mansion at Corfe it was situated on the 
summit of the castle hill, and not on this spot ; and it is not likely to 
have extended as far as to the platform below, for Anglo-Saxon houses 
were not very large. 

" Before laying open the foundations, I rather expected to meet with 
traces of a chancel of narrower dimensions than the body of the building, 



NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 101 

which would have afforded unequivocal evidence that this was a church. 
None, however, were found ; but such an arrangement was not necessary 
or always adopted in very early churches, some of which are built of 
uniform width, after the Roman manner. 

"The nave and chancel of Deerhurst church, in Gloucestershire, which 
have herringbone work, and are supposed to have been erected before the 
Norman Conquest, are of equal width. They measure together fifty-nine 
feet in length by twenty feet six inches in breadth, and the chancel was 
originally still longer. The chancel of Morley St. Botolph, in Norfolk, 
is only three inches narrower in the inside than the nave, the whole 
measuring internally eighty-seven feet six inches by eighteen feet three 
inches. 

"The roof of the building at Corfe must have been of timber, as there 
is no indication of there having been any arches, or any responds from 
which vaulting might have sprung. None such are mentioned by Bede 
and other ancient authorities in many churches which they describe. 

"The sloping floor of this building seems more indicative of a church 
than of a hall, for there are many examples of sloping floors in ancient 
churches in England. The floor of the nave of Badingham church, in 
Suffolk, is an inclined plane, rising about six feet in sixty, from west to 
east. The chancel, likewise, originally inclined, but less rapidly. The 
windows rise with the floor of the nave, as they do at Corfe. There was 
a church at Badingham when Domesday was compiled, and probably, 
therefore, it was built before the Conquest. The church now standing 
was most likely erected on the same spot as the original, and the sloping 
floor, therefore, may date from the Anglo-Saxon period. The floor of 
Berkeswell church, in Warwickshire, rises from the west end to the altar 
about three feet, and consists of several platforms with one or more steps 
between them. The second and third platforms are inclined planes, 
rising about one in twenty. The chancel is still more elevated. The 
floor of the church of St. Mary, at Guildford, in Surrey, is also an 
inclined plane, and has a very imposing appearance. Part of the church 
is said to date from before the Conquest. 

" These sloping floors of churches are in most cases accounted for by 
the slope of the ground on which they are built ; and at Corfe it is 
evident that this part of the castle hill originally fell rapidly from east to 
west, though it has since been artificially formed so as to make two nearly 
level platforms, one of which is several feet below the other. 

" I am inclined to think that where the floor rose rapidly, on the site 
of the cross wall in the Corfe building, there must have originally been 
steps, as at Berkeswell. 

" The orientation of this building at Corfe is as true as the ground 
will admit, being in the direction of E.S.E. by WN.W., so that on the 
whole the evidence seems strongly to point to its having been a church." 
— Appendix, pp. 137-9. 

The author supposes this to be the church built in Purbeck by St. 
Aldhelm soon after the year 690, and which William of Malmesbury says 
was at Corfe. Mr. Bond continues : — 

" There is nothing in the architecture of this fragment which is incon- 
sistent with the theory that it is the remains of St. Aldhelm's church. 
Its very weather-beaten appearance, and peculiar method of construction, 
evidence its great antiquity ; and its very small windows, though of lesa 



102 NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS. 

dimensions, are not unlike in character those of the ' ecclesiola ' at 
Bradford-on-Avon, which is still standing, and is admitted to have been 
built by St. Aldhelm, who has been described as ' one of the greatest 
builders of his time.' 

" But there is no similarity between the masonry of the church at 
Bradford and the wall at Corfe. This, however, is easily accounted for. 
Masonry in all ages and in all countries has been influenced by local 
circumstances. Flint was generally used for facing walls in the eastern 
counties, and brick and wood intermixed were employed in Cheshire; 
but in Somersetshire and the adjacent part of Wiltshire, where admirable 
building stone, easily worked, was at hand, ashlar generally prevailed. 
At Bradford this facility led the builder of the ' ecclesiola ' to adopt the 
later mode of construction, whilst in the remote district of Purbeck, 
though good building stone abounds, it lies deeply buried in the hills, 
and is for the most part very hard and difficult to work. It is possible, 
therefore, that in the seventh and eighth centuries few, if any, quarries 
might yet have been opened. But stone, thin and flat bedded, requiring 
no tooling, such as is used in herringbone work, is found near the surface, 
and is consequently easily acquired. The joints in Anglo-Saxon ashlar 
work were usually closer than in Norman buildings, and the worked 
stone of the windows of this building at Corfe is neatly tooled and closely 
fitted. 

" The preservation of the building — possibly in its integrity, but at all 
events its southern side when the more recent Avail was built up against 
it — may not be without significance as indicating that some superior 
sanctity' or importance was attached to it, arising, it is natural to suppose, 
from the miracle said to have been wrought there. Its retention could 
be of little use in strengthening the fortification, for the more recent wall 
outside it is seven feet six inches thick, and is on the very brink of the 
castle hill, which is there too precipitous for a beseiging force to find 
fruiting for attack, and, therefore, no extraordinary strength of wall was 
required at this spot. That the additional wall was of itself considered 
sufficiently strong is shown by its thickness not being increased after it 
quits the herringbone in its course towards the Butavant. 

"If, then, St. Aldhelm did build a church at Corfe, and if the very 
ancient building which has been described was really a church, is it 
unreasonable to conjecture that it may possibly have been the very same 
as that of which St. Aldhelm was the founder 1 The question is one 
which can never be conclusively answered ; but whatever may have been 
the real date and destination of this building, its great antiquity admits 
of no doubt ; and whether it is the remains of St. Aldhelm's church or 
not, I think it may be fairly assumed that Queen Elfrida herself either 
piayed or feasted within its walls." — Appendix, pp. 141-3. 

There is one point on which we. agree with Air. Bond most emphatically, 
and that is, on the evil of permitting the growth of the "baleful plant," as 
Mr. Freeman rightly terms it, known as ivy. The enormous rate at which 
this horrid parasite grows is astonishing ; and in a few years the noble 
keep at Corfe will be reduced to a huge ivy bush. Besides the damage 
inflicted by the plant itself, the increased surface it affords to the wind is 
often highly dangerous to the stability of lofty pieces of ruin, and it is 
incredible what beautiful fragments are yearly sacrificed to the ivy god on 
the plea of its picturesqueness. 



NOTICES OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS 103 

The facsimiles of the Kingston Lacey plans which illustrate this 
volume have already appeared in the Arcluvological Journal, 1 ,'hut the 
author has added several new and interesting woodcuts, two of which, 
by his courtesy, we are able to reproduce here. 

r Mr. Bond's work treats of the history of Corfe Castle, both archi- 
tectural and documentary, in a most exhaustive way, and it is diflicult 
to see Avhat further can be said about it in its present condition. 

The work reflects not only great credit on its author, but also on the 
local firm of printers who publish it. 



1 Vol. xxii. 



Cl)e 3rci)aealogtcal Journal. 



JUNE, 1884 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 
By BUNNELL LEWIS, M.A., F.S.A. 

Eeims 1 is well known as a place of historical interest : 
the French kings for many centuries were crowned there, 
but this ceremony was peculiarly imposing when Charles 
VII received the rite of consecration, and Joan of Arc 
stood by with her victorious banner unfurled. 2 The cathe- 
dral in which these celebrations took place has a world- 
wide fame ; architectural grandeur, gorgeous colouring in 
the windows, and statuesque decoration outside, form a 
combination unsurpassed in France, I might even say, in 
the world. 3 On the other hand, comparatively few are 



1 In the Middle Ages the name of this 
city was written Rains ; in the sixteenth 
century the form Reims was adopted ; at 
the beginning of the present century 
it was changed to Rheims, but the letter 
h is now rejected by the French univer- 
sally. 

The modern spelling agrees with classi- 
cal usage, as we find in Caesar Remi ; De 
Bell. Gall, ii, 3, &c. A distinguished 
contributor has, I presume, inadvertently, 
prefixed Rheims as a heading to his 
article in the Saturday Revieio, February 
5, 1879, vol. xxix, p. 181. 

From Rains, which resembles rained 
and raineeau (rinceau) i.e., foliage, the 
armorial bearings of the city are derived ; 
they consist of a branch covered with 
leaves, and may be seen figured on the 
title-page of the Congres Scientifique de 
France, treizieme session, Septembre, 
1845 : Notices sur Reims et ses Envi- 
rons, p. 95 sq., Memoir by Mons. Ch. 
Loriquet, on Reims, ses principales Insti- 
tutions et ses Accroissements successifs. 
These armet parlantes "canting arms," 
resemble the devices on Greek coins, 
which symbolize the name of the city 
where they were struck. Compare 
BoutelTs Heraldry, pp. 15-18, Allusive 

vol. xu. (No. 162). 



quality of Early Armory ; p. 139, 
Mottoes ; pp. 148 sq., Rebus. 

2 The Cathedral at Reims was the 
Westminster Abbey of France. Moreau's 
admirable engraving of the Sacre de 
Louis XVI exhibits a display of feudal 
magnificence then witnessed for the 
last time ; it contains 485 figures, many 
of which are portraits. This celebrated 
artist is known as Moreau le Jeune ; his 
works are described by Portalis et 
Beraldi, Graveurs du Dix-Huitieine 
Siecle, 1882, vol. hi, p. 137 ; Edmond et 
Jules de Goncourt, L'Art du Dix-Hui- 
tieme Siecle, Onzieme Fascicule, 1883, 
sec. vii, pp. 192-195 ; H. Draibel, 
OZuvre de J. M. Moreau le Jeune, 1874. 
In some books the reference for the coro- 
nation of Louis XVI is given under 
Serment, the oath which the king took. 

3 Amiens Cathedral has been often 
praised as the finest in France, but the 
writer in the Saturday Review, loc. cit., 
justly remarks that " Amiens outside is 
simply shapeless, Rheims forms as well 
designed a whole as any church can that 
lacks that crown of the central tower, 
which English and Norman eyes will 
always crave as indispensable to a perfect 
outline." 



106 THE GAXLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

acquainted with the early history of this city, or with the 
monuments still existing that bear witness to its political 
importance and advanced civilization at a period long 
antecedent to the erection of that magnificent temple. 1 
These remains of Gallo-Poman times I shall now attempt 
to describe, and I hope to show that from various points 
of view they deserve to be considered attentively. 

I. Among them the Porta Martis is indisputably the 
most conspicuous, and holds the same position at Eeims as 
the gates of Arroux and St. Andre at Autun. It stands in 
the north-eastern part of the Promenade Publiques, and at 
the north end of the Eue de Mars, or, if we describe it 
with reference to ancient topography, at the beginning of 
a street which traversed the town and ended at the gate 
called Basilicaris. The facade towards the country is 33 
metres wide, and 13 metres 50 centimetres high. There 
are three large arches with a cornice above them, which is 
supported by eight fluted Corinthian columns on bases. 
The superstructure that surmounted this order has alto- 
gether perished. In each intercolumniation we see a 
rectangular niche with a pediment, and above it a 
medallion enclosing a bust. This latter ornament reminds 
us of Constantine's Arch at Eome, belonging, I think, to 
the same period ; 2 where two medallions are placed over 

1 Previously to the Roman occupation Some have absurdly explained Duro- 

the city bore the name of Durocortorum, cortorum by referring to Durocordum 

and Caesar, Bell. Gall., vi, 44, is the first which occurs in a text of the ninth 

author to mention it. We have here a century ; according to this interpreta- 

compound of two Gallic words, dour and tion Reims would be the city of hard- 

cort, the former signifying water, and hearted people ; Durocort ou les Remois 

the latter an enclosure. This etymology sous les Romains par feu Jean Lacourt, 

suits the position of Reims, which is pp. 95 and 262 (note J) ; conf. ib. pp. 

situated on the river Vesle (sometimes 83-87. Many valuable notes have been 

written Vele), a tributary of the Aisne. added to Lacourt's work by the editor, L. 

Dour appears in Adour and Douro ; Paris. 

cort is only another form of the Gaelic We learn from Strabo that Reims was 

cuairt, more nearly related to the Greek a nourishing city in the early days of the 

Xopros and the Latin cohors. Durum, Empire; Geogr. Lib. iv, cap. iii fin. 

like dunum, occurs both as a prefix and 'A^toAoydrarov d'effrlv tQvos ra>v rainy 

as a suffix ; Durocortorum resembles 'Pr/fxoi, koItj unTpdvoMs avrSiv AovpinopTdpa 

Durobrivse (Rochester), Durolipons (God- fxaXuna rrvvoiKeiTou, km 8tx erou robs icav 

manchester) and other places in our own 'Puifxaiwv rryefxSvas. 

country; but Divodurum (Metz) is formed 2 Texier and Pullan think that the 

like Batavodurum, Boiodurum, &c, see Porta Martis was erected in honour of 

Armstrong's Gaelic Dictionary, s.v. Dur, the Emperor Julian, to commemorate his 

<luir. This author improperly writes great victory gained over eight allied 

Durocortum., and Bergier makes the same German Kings near Argentoratum (Stras- 

rnistake ; Durocortorum is supported by bourg); and cite Ammianus Marcellinus 

the authority of Strabo, Ptolemy, xv, 8 ; xviii, 2 ; xxi, 1 : Byzantine 

Stephanus Byzantinus, the Itinerary of Architecture, illustrated by examples of 

Antoninus and the Peutingerian Table edifices erected in the east during the 

(segm. I. c.) earliest ages of Christianity . , by Charles 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 107 

each of the side entrances, taken from an earlier building 
erected in Trajan's reign, and representing scenes in the 
private life of that emperor. The remainder of the space 
between the columns is filled with winged genii (perhaps 
Victories), drapery, and caducei or standards arranged 
cross-wise. 1 

One architectural feature in this monument should be 
specially mentioned, as it is rare, if not unparalleled. 
Though the central vault is higher and broader than tin 1 
other two, its imposts are in the same horizontal line as 
those of the lateral ones. 

Considered as a whole, the facade hears marks of 
decadence, especially in the profusion of its ornaments ; 
but on the other hand, both the proportions and the 
execution of details show that the precedents of a better 
age had not yet become obsolete. The soffits, or lower 
surfaces of the arches, are the parts most interesting to the 
student of art and antiquity, because they contain designs, 
of which the middle one is, as might be expected, more 
elaborate than the other two. (1) The principal group 
occupies a square inscribed in a circle, it consists of a seated 
personage holding a cornucopiae in each hand, and four 
surrounding figures, two standing and two seated, the lat 1 <t 
pair offering baskets of fruit. According to Monsieur 
Loriquet we have here Vertumnus and the four seasons, but 
in an old engraving by Colin the seated figure is more like a 
female, and is so described in the accompanying text. 2 

Texier and R. Popplewell Pullan, p. 15. platform : Rich, Companion to the Latin 

According to these writers the foliage Dictionary s.v.; C. 0. Miiller, Denkmaler, 

and mouldings and ornaments of the Part I, PI. LXV, No. 345 d, from 

interior of the arches have all the Bartoli and Bellori, Arcus triumphales ; 

character of Byzantine art ; but this tab. 4-8. 

view seems to me exaggerated. They " Miiller, Archaologie der Kunst, Eng- 

apply the word ferculum to the circular lish translation, p. 540, sec. 404, says 

discs or bucklers on which heads are that Vertumnus has not yet been any- 

carved ; clipeus would be more appro- where recognized with certainty. It is 

priate here. difficult to distinguish him from Silvanus, 

1 With these sculptures compare devices who is usually represented with pruning 

on denarii : Cohen, Medailles Consulages, knife, stem of a young tree and 

Planche, x, Carisia, Nos. 11 and 12, pine wreath : Cf. Hirt. Bilderbucb fur 

trophy with spears crossed ; PI. xx, Julia, Mythologie, Zweites Heft, S. 172 sq., PI. 

Nos. 11 and 12, trophy with two Gallic XXIV, 10. 

trumpets in opposite directions, the Texier and Pullan explain the central 

specific name for which is carnyx. personage in the soffit as the Genius of 

(«apv£, K&pvov) ; PL xxxv, Postumia Abundance. 

Junia, No. 9. In cases of this sort, old engravings, 

In the bas-reliefs on the Arch of Titus, through their inaccuracy, afford very 

trumpets are similarly placed, together imperfect assistance towards identifying 

with a table on a ferculum or portable the subjects. Similarly, whiged genii 



108 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

A coin of Commodus bears on the reverse two cornucopiae 
and the legend tempor. felic. 1 which suggests the notion 
that the artist may have intended to personify prosperity. 
It should be observed that in these reliefs there are two 
adults and two children, which makes it doubtful whether 
the seasons are here represented ; in that case we should 
expect them to be of uniform size, as they appear on 
another coin of Commodus which is well known. 2 The 
interstices between the square and enclosing circle are 
tilled up with foliage ; ornamentation of the same kind 
and a maeander pattern form two concentric borders 
within an outer square, the spaces between the curves 
and right lines, like spandrils in architecture, being 
decorated with branches and leaves, arranged as scrolls. 
Around this design there were originally twelve com- 
partments, each containing a separate scene, and supposed 
by some to correspond with the twelve months of the 
year — a subject that occurs frequently in mediaeval 
churches and cathedrals. 3 But this seems doubtful, 
because we cannot trace that sequence of occupations 
which such a supposition requires. 4 Perhaps we have 
here only res rusticce, agricultural labours, that an in- 
habitant of Eeims would see in the country about him. 
Seven groups are all that remain in Colin's engraving, 
the rest being totally effaced ; viz., (1) breeding of horses ; 
(2) mowing with a scythe, and reaping with a sickle ; (3) 
harrowing the ground ; (4) hunting, man on horseback 
hurling a dart at a stag ; (5) the vintage, man treading 

have been mentioned above, who sustain TEMPORVM FELICITAS (legend in the 

the medallions inclosing long - haired exergue), " Quatre enfants debout avec 

heads, probably of barbarian chiefs ; but les attributs des quatre saisons ; trois 

these figures may be Victories — an inter- sont nus ; celui qui represente l'hiver 

pretatiou whieh would agree with the est habille." This coin is engraved in 

analogy of other triumphal arches ; see Milman's edition of Horace, p. 209. 

the Plates in Montfaucon, Antiquitee Carm. iv, 7, "from the French collec- 

Expliquee, tome iv, p. 170, Restes de tion." 

l'Arc de Cavaillon, Arc de Tite, and p. 3 See my paper on the Antiquities of 

172; Supplement, tome iv, p. 78, L'Arc Autun, Archczotogical Journal, vol. xl. 

de St. Remi en Provence. pp. 115, 119, 120 and foot-notes ; also 

1 Cohen, Description Historique des Archmologia, vol. xliv, pp. 137-224. 

Monnaies frappees sous L'Empire Romain, Memoir on Mediaeval Representations of 

tome hi, p. 170 sq., Nob. 753, 754. Com- the Months and Seasons, by James 

pare the Egyptian series, where the Fowler, Esq., F.S. A. ; ibid., vol. xlvii, p. 

cornucopia) occurs frequently ; it is seen 360. PI. IX, Eleven Signs of the Zodiac, 

double on the coins of Arsinoe, wife of from the Porch of St. Margaret's Church, 

Ptolemy II, Philadelphia: Green, Atlas York. 

Numismatique de l'Hifltoire Ancieune, 4 It is possible that the variation from 

PI. VII. chronological order may have been caused 

: Cohen, ibid., p. 171, Noa 755-758, by copying some original carelessly. 



THE 0ALL0-R0MAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 109 

grapes, and others holding fruits ; (6) two men shearing 
sheep ; (7) a waggoner driving a cart drawn by an ox. 
The space in the soffit on both sides is filled with half- 
length genii, who support long fillets and festoons on 
which birds are perched, some of them pecking fruits. 

The general arrangement of the central portion of this 
design reminds us of mosaic pavements ; for example, in 
the tessellated floor at Corinium (Cirencester) we also find 
concentric circles inscribed in a square, and the " triangles 
at the corners relieved by leaves." 1 

II. Jupiter, in the form of a swan visiting Leda, is the 
subject that adorns the arch to the spectator's left. She 
reclines, leaning on an urn from which water issues — an 
attitude which is quite usual for river gods and similar 
deities, but not particularly appropriate here. Cupid 
hovers above, and holds a blazing torch. With this action 
we may compare a gem in the Stosch collection, where 
Cupid appears in the air, shooting an arrow at Leda. 2 An 
old French antiquary has given an allegorical, I might 
almost say rationalistic, interpretation of the group in this 
vault : it may at least amuse, if it does not instruct us. 
He says that the city of Eeims is symbolized ; as Leda 
was the mother of Castor and Pollux who presided over 
laws, so Reims was the mother of the judges who com- 
posed the Council ; the torch of Cupid shows the need of 
a burning zeal for equity, and of enlightenment to 
penetrate the obscurities of litigation. 3 The design is 
enclosed, as it were, in a rectangular frame decorated 
with rosettes in squares and octagons, arranged alternately. 
Next comes a broad border covered with arms of different 
kinds, defensive and offensive — helmets, shields, cuirasses, 
battle-axes and swords ; at each corner there is a winged 
Victory seated, carving with a mallet and chisel an 
inscription upon a shield. 4 This part of the sculptures 
at Eeims resembles the reliefs on the arch at Orange, 
where, as in the monument now under consideration, the 

1 Buckman and Nevvmarch. Remains M; skelyne, pp. 3, 4, Nos. 17, 19. 

of Roman Art in Cirencester, p. 32, 3 This absurd attempt at an explana- 

coloured engraving, Barton Pavement. tion is appended at the foot of Colin's 

2 Winckelmann Pierres Gravees du engraving. 

feu Baron de Stosch Mythologie Sacree, 4 A fine example of tins subject is 

pp. 55, 56, sec. xi, Les amours de supplied by W. Froehner's great work, 

Jupiter ; Tassie's Gems, PI. XXI, Nos. La Colonne Trajanne . . . reproduite 

1195, 1199, 1211 ; Marlborough Gems, en phototypographie, vol. iv, PL III. 
catalogued by M. H. Nevil Story- 



110 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

side facing the country is better preserved. Speaking 
generally, the style of ornamentation is the same in both 
cases ; but in the southern example, naval as well as 
military subjects are introduced over the lateral entrances; 
besides arms, trophies and standards, we see tridents and 
the uphtstr'ui of vessels. 1 

3. Romulus and Eemus, suckled by a she-wolf, are 
figured in the arch on the right ; behind this group are 
Faustulus and another shepherd. This central design is 
surrounded by the same kind of borders as those in the 
left entrance ; but the cornice on both sides of this arch 
is supported by three half-length Caryatides on pedestals. 
The wolf and twins were adopted by the Romans as an 
emblem of their empire, and repeated on their monuments 
like the lion and unicorn on our own. They are specially 
frequent in colonial coins and gems, so that we need not 
be surprized to find them at Reims, far away from the 
capital. - 

No better illustration of these reliefs can be given than 
that which the pierres gravees of the Florentine museum 
supply, as described by Gori ; for they show us not only 
the principal figures, but accessories corresponding with 
Livy's narrative — Larentia, the wife of Faustulus; the 
Lupercal or cave of Mars ; the Ficus Euminalis, and the 
woodpecker perched thereon. 3 

It is not difficult to fix, at least approximately, the 

1 Monuments Antique* a Orange, plus interessants de la suite consulaire." 
arc de triornphe et theatre . . . par Winckelmann, Op. Cit., pp. 429, 430, 
Auguste Caristie ; Montfaucon, Ant. Histoire Romaine, Nos. * 129-138, vide 
Expl., tome iv, PI. CVIII, p. 170. Gallic esp. * 136. 

shields occur on the denarii of the gens 3 Gori, Gemmae Antiqupo Musei 

Julia ; Cohen, Mddailles Consulaires, PI. Florentini, tome ii, Tabula XIX, Fig. 1. 

XX, Nos. 11-16, pp. 156-58, 170. Colonia; militum Romanorum ex Legione 

2 Millin, Galerie Mythologique, Ex- XI in Africam, iEgyptum et Hispaniam 
plication des Planches 655-7, especially deductse. For the explanation of this 
656. PI. CLXXVIII. La louve de Mars elaborate design, cf. ibid., p. 51. The 
nourrit Roniulus et Remus clans la grotte provinces are indicated by female heads, 
du Mont Palatin, appelee le Lupercal ; with appropriate symbols ; the letters 
deux bergers, coiffes de galerus, sont LX1CPF signify Legio Undecima 
etonne"s de ce spectacle. Eckhel, Doct. Claudia Pia Felix. 

Num. Vet., vol. vii, p. 31 srj, s.v. Antoni- Tab. LIV contains five engraved gems; 

nus Pius, Lupa in antro gemellus lactam it exhibits the same subject and aecoui- 

Prodigium . . . innumeris publice panying figures ; in one case the head of 

monumentis consecratum, et quoddam Mars, father of Roniulus and Remus, is 

velut rei Ronianaesymbolum habitum, ac added ; vide pp. 101, 105. 

speciatim coloniarum. Cohen, Med. See also a Memoir by Professor Bursian 

Cons., PL XXX1I1, Pompeia, No. 1, p. on Aventicum (Avench.es), Mittheilungen 

259, ,Rev.SEX.PO.FOSTLVS.ROMA;p. der AntiquarischenGesellschaftinZiirioh, 

264 (Eclaircissements) he calls attention Land XVI. Abtheilung I, Heft 3, Taf. 

to the device, a.-, being " mi des km is lea IX. 



THE GALLO-ROMAX MONTMEXTS OF REIMS. Ill 

date at which this monumen: - S me have 

attributed its court s < sac, but this 

exaggeratiuii of antiqui is & . be u we need not 

attempt to refute it. I should be is aed saign the 

Porta Alanis at Eeims to the same period as the o 
tun, viz.. the fourth century. In the forme 
however, we have evidence which is wanting in the latter: 
the multiplicity of orname:."- - we line of art. 

and contrasts strongly with the simplicity .able at 

Anton, where the purer style of an earlier age has been 
retained. Besides this argument from the general ap- 
pearance of the structure, proof can be adduced relating 
to the chronology more directly. An inscription is 
h records that the baths (Thermae t in this city 
were built by Constantine II. who reigned a.d. 3< '■■'-■ 

eover, coins of this emperor and of his brother 
Constantius were found in 1752. when the Porte Bazee 

demolished because it obstructed a much-frequented 
thoroughfar-.- . - C nstantius Chlorus and his more famous 

1 stantine the Great, resided at Treves, which will, 
to some extent, account for the architectural activity that 
prevailed during the fourth century in this part of Gaul. 

The hist ; f the Porta Mar::-, from the middle ages 
down to our own days, can be traced accurately. 

:-rding to Flodoard. in the tenth century. i r was used 
as a gate of the city : in the twelfth, it was walled up and 

1 This inscription is given at length this place the name seems to be derived, 

by lions. Ch. Loriquet at p. 274 of L: - - called 

treatise, Ttpima pendant la domination r ,-riea. because it looked to- 

romaine dapres les inscriptions, •which wards 1 

occupies pages 46-339 of the Travaux at the present time there is a Porta 

de 1" Academic Imperiale de Bam^ voL Romana at Milan^ and a Koln Thor at 

txt 1S59-60. We may observe in it the Aix-la-Chapelle. M. Loriquet discusses 

fulsome flattery of a degenerate age: -rmology a-. . 278- 

after an enumeration of the Emperor asOia is mentioned in the Antonine 

titles, the following words are added, Itinerary as the first station on the road 

toto orbe victoriis suis semper ac feK<»itpir from Darocortorum 'Reims) to Divodu- 

eelebrandus. This city is no longer ram (Metz), and ten Roman miles from 

Remoram fcederata crvitas, but chitas the former, p. 364, ed. • 

sua : Loriquet. j | 22 279 ed. Parthey and Pinder. This place 

Inscriptions, voL i. p. dxxvm, S I must be distinguished from Basilia (Bale 

Orelli, CoQectio Inscc Lat, Xo. 109<L or Basel) in B 

ii^-t:- :: ?, .. -tt- : ,; ; ii-_:,r .-. A fragme;- rte Razee may be 

ttfjirasj a. fact which seems to be proved seen in the 

by numerous remains of drains and inserted in the east wall of the Lycee, 

aqueducts : Congres SeJentiuque de and consists of a bas-relief in Eton 

France, Treizieme Session, tenue a Reims. presenting a Roman personage b 

lea Environs, 

* The Porte Ba&ee stood m the Tn .... and plan at the end of the 

Onaiea which led to Basilia, and from book, H 



112 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

buried under the defences of the archbishop's castle: a 
circumstance which, as in the case of Pompeii, contributed 
to its preservation. This fortress having been demolished 
in 1595, the arch of Romulus and Remus was disinterred ; 
and the remainder of the upper half was cleared in 1677 
by order of M. ,Dallier, Lieutenant of Reims, the council 
and aldermen (Echevins). A reprint of an old engraving 
in my possession shows the building as it then appeared, 
partially exposed to view. 1 This state of things continued 
till 1812, when some progress was made in removing the 
soil; at last, in 1857, the structure was completely un- 
covered. 

A long period of neglect was followed by nimia diligentia, 
too much restoration ; and this was carried, in spite of 
many remonstrances, to such an extent that the visitor 
hardly knows whether he is looking at an antique or a 
modern edifice. 

Recent excavations prove that there was a large Roman 
quarter extending towards the north ; hence it is most 
probable that the Porta Martis was not originally, as its 
name might seem to imply, a gate of the city, but a 
triumphal or commemorative arch, bestriding one of the 
principal streets. 2 

II. No less than twenty mosaics have been discovered 
at Reims, seventeen ancient and three mediaeval. Of the 
latter, the most curious existed at St. Remi till the great 
Revolution, and deserves a passing notice, because it was 
a kind of encyclopaedia in stone, comprising all branches 
of human knowledge. Besides scriptural subjects, such 

1 In Colin's engraving of the Porta l'Hotel de FArquebuse, defilent dans la 

Martis an irregular line drawn across the Rue Large pour se rendre aux Promenades 

middle of the plate marks the part which ou devait avoir lieu le tir general." The 

was then above ground. municipality allowed M. Quentin Dailly 

Colin was not a great celebrity, for to reprint Colin's four engravings of the 

Nagler's Kunst-Lexicon only says of him, Porta Martis from the old plates which 

Kupferstecher zu Reims, stach von were preserved in the Cartulaire. 
1660-96 verschiedene Bildnisse. A full - Similarly, there were two arches at 

account of his works will be found in the Pompeii near the centre of the town, 

Acaddmie ImpeYiale de Reims, vol. xxix, placed one at each end of the Strada del 

annee 1858-1859, pp. 43-52, " Jean Colin Foro ; they are marked E.B., i.e., Ehren- 

Graveur Remois au xvii e Siecle par bogen in the Plan der Stadt Pompeii, 

M. Max Sutaine, membre titulaire." His Resultat der Ausgrabungen von 1748- 

chef-d'couvre seems to have been " La 1865, at the end of Overbeck's second 

Marche observe a la Moutre de Messieurs volume ; see also vol. i, p. 65 sq., and 

les Chevaliers de toutes les villes venu au Fig. 33, Aeussere Ansicht des s.g. 

prix generate. Faict a Reims, le 15 Juin, Triumphbogens. Sir H. Ellis, Pompeii, 

1687. Le tout par Alphabet." M. Sutaine voL i, pp. 103 sq., 106-108. Sir W. 

remarks, " L' artiste a choisi le moment Gell, Pompeiana, vol. i, Plan of Excava- 

ou les diversea confreries, sortant de tions opposite p. i, and c/. p. 29. 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 113 

as Paradise, Moses, and the writers of the Old and Xew 
Testaments, it exhibited the four cardinal virtues and the 
seven liberal art^ urivium et quadrivium). 1 But the 
mosaic of the Promenades transcends all the rest in im- 
portance : and as an illustration of Gladiatorial combats 
will sustain a comparison with those discovered elsewhere. 
Though there has been much discussion about its removal, 
it still remain- in situ, half way between the railway 
station and the Porte de Mar-.-' For the protection of 
this beautiful pavement a booth (baraque) has been 
erected, which is lighted only from above. The public 
are excluded, and I only obtained admission by presenting 
an official introduction at the Maine. These precautions, 
however, are quite insufficient to preserve the mosaic ; 
for, as most householders know by their own experience, 
a skylight or glass roof cannot be kept perfectly water- 
tight. I paid my visit on a very wet day, and was eye 
witness of the mischief caused by rain dropping on the 
medallions. The gamins aggravate this evil by stone- 
throwing, there being no custodian to check them. It 
would be a great advantage if a gallery were erected, at a 
slight elevation, round the mosaic, which would enable 
visitors to inspect it without walking upon it. and would 
prevent injuries from sticks and umbrellas. But the best 
plan would be to remove all that is left of the monument 
to the museum at the Hotel de Ville. 

In the year 1860 the municipality were improving the 
approaches to the railway station, and laying out those 
beautiful gardens which every traveller admires as -oon 
as he alights. Deep trenches were cut in order to plant 
trees or drain off water ; and in the course of their 
operations the workmen found the mosaic. 3 It is eleven 
metres long by eight broad, including the borders, and 
consists of thirty-five pictures in squares and lozenges 
placed alternately. The usual cable pattern encloses not 

1 For details, see Congres Areheolo- In the Arched. Journ.. voL xi. pp. 38- 
gique de France, xxviii Session tenue a ii, there is a Notice of a Decorative 
Reims, 1861, pp. 15-18. There is an Pavement in the Church of St. Reini at 
engraving of the " Mosaique trouvee sur Reims, by the Rev. Edward Trollope 
la Promenade " facing p. 18. W.9JL It should be observed that tiia 

2 It is marked No. 15 in the Plan is not a mosaic. Forty-eight slabs re- 
appended tc Reims et aea E:.. ir^us. main, containing Scriptural subjects, 

3 Vide ibid. p. 198. At the same "the design on each quarry has been 
time the statue of Colbert, near the incised, and then filled in with melted 
gart, was erected. lead." 

VOL. XU. Q 



114 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

only each compartment, but also the whole composition. 
This is succeeded by a foliated scroll carried round the 
four sides, and forming by its graceful curves an agreeable 
contrast to the rectilinear designs within. A maeander, 
or Greek fret, added at the top and bottom completes the 
symmetrical arrangement . 

I shall not attempt to describe all these subjects in 
detail, because this has been already done with minute 
accuracy by Monsieur Loriquet ; ' but I propose to notice 
some important particulars, and to consider them specially 
with reference to the Satires of Juvenal and the Epigrams 
of Martial. The numbers in the following account are 
reckoned from right to left and left to right alternately, 
beginning with the design at the right-hand extremity of 
the lowest row. 2 

Nos. 1 and 2 are combatants who wear feathers (pimiEe) 
in their helmets. So when Juvenal, Sat. iii, 158, is 
speaking of the sons of gladiators who sat on the cushioned 
benches appropriated to the knights, he uses the word 
pinnirapus, i.e., one who carried off the plume as a trophy. 
An inscription in Henzen's Supplement to Orelli has 
pinnensis in juxtaposition with s.v., i.e., spectatus victor ; 
hence it would appear that the first term denotes a 
victorious gladiator decorated as we see him in the 
mosaic. 3 

JSTo. 3 is said to be a Myrmillo. He has a crested 
helmet, a vambrace on the right arm which was not pro- 
tected by the shield, a girdle, and a covering for the front 
half of the left leg. These details correspond exactly with 
Juvenal's description of the accoutrements of a female 
gladiator : — 



1 The title of M. Loriquet'a elaborate Hicks, Manual of Greek Historical In- 
work is La Mosaitqne des Promenades scriptions, Nos. 5 - 7, Bockh, Corp. 
et autres trouvees a. Reims, Etude sur les Inscc. Gnec., vol. i, No. 1, p. 2; No. 8 
Mogai'quea et sur les Jeux de l'Amphi- (Sigean), p. 14 sqq. ; C T. Newton, Dis- 
theatre, 18G2. coveries at Halicarnassus, Cnidus and 

The photograph at p. 345 (Planche Branchid.-e, vol. ii, Part II, Text, p. 784 

xviii) is a Reduction au quarantieme No. 72, PI. XCVII, and p. 787, No 72 a ' 
d'apres le dessin de M. E. Deperthes. :i Orelli, Inscc. Lat., vol. iii, p.' 230, 

- We, therefore, look at these pictures No. 6171. On the stone the line stands 

as we read early Greek inscriptions of thus: THRPINNESISSV. See Hen- 

tbe class called ^ovarpo^Uv (ox-turning- zen's note, in which he refers to Actt. 

wise) "in which the direction of the Acad. arch. pont. Romte, 1845, cf. Prof, 

lines alternated, as in the course of a Major's Juvenal, 2nd edit., loc. cit, vol 

plough." Key, ou the Alphabet, p. 29 ; i, p. 199. 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 115 

" Balteus et manicae ct crista? crurisquo sinistri 
Diinidium tegimen," 

where the meaning of the last words is made clearer by 
their being opposed to ocreoB (greaves), mentioned im- 
mediately afterwards. 1 

No. 7 is a Eetiarius. He wears a close-lilting jacket 
(Justaucorps), and holds a Indent in the right hand, a short 
dagger in the left. But the inquirer may ask, Where is 
the net (rete) from which he derives his specific name? 
Juvenal supplies us with an answer: 

" Movet ecce tridentem, 
Postquam librata pendentia retia dextra 
Nequidquam elTudit ;" a 

after having cast his net in vain, he prepares to defend 
himself with his trident against the advancing foe. 
English antiquaries may be interested in observing that 
the peculiar weapon which is absent here appears con- 
spicuously in the very curious tessellaled pavement at 
Bignor, described by Lysons, Archceologia, vol. xviii, p. 
211. The short upper garment of the Eetiarius at Beims 
is only a diminutive tunic, and therefore corresponds with 
Juvenal's epithet tunicatus? 

No. 8 is called by M. Loriquet, with great probability, 
a Eabdophorus. This figure occupies the middle position 

1 Sat. vi, v. 256. 177, Das Amphitheater ; Fig. 129, 

2 Sat. viii, v. 203. Glatliatorenkarupfe von einem Grabrelief ; 
'■' Sat. ii, v. 143 Tunieati. fuscina Fig. 130, Fortsetzung des vorigen Reliefs. 

Gracchi. Cf. Suetonius, Caligula, c. xxx. Vol. ii, p. 36, Die Griiber unci Grab- 

Retiarii tunieati quinque numero grega- denkmahler ; Fig. 236, Grab des Scaurus. 

tim dimicantes, sine certamine ullo, Winckehnann, Monumenti Inediti, Tomo 

totidem secutoribus succubuerant ; cum ii, Parte IV, Capitolo x, Gladiatori, pp. 

occidi juberentur, unus, resumta fuscina, 258-260, Taw. 197-199. The names of 

omnes victores interemit. gladiators are appended — Astianax, Ca- 

Lysons' article extends from p. 203 to lendio, Bato, &c. As an illustration of 

p. 221 ; PI. xix at p. 203 contains a plan the feathers on helmets mentioned above 

of the buildings, and figures of gladiators comp. a figure in the lower row, Taw 

at foot. A similar mosaic was discovered 198, and p. 259, " Inoltre l'elmo d'uno 

at Avenches in 1708, and is noticed by de' gladiatori e guarnito di due ali." 

De Schmidt, Recueil d'Antiquitds de la Mazois, Ruines de Pornpei, Part II. 
Suisse, 1771. The resemblance between We find in inscriptions the abbrevia- 

these two pavements is so close that tions RET. TR. MVR. for Retiarius, 

Lysons says " there seems good ground Threx, and Myrmillo ; Mons. J. G. 

for conjecturing that they are the work Bulliot gives examples, La , Stele 

of the same artist." I may add that Funeraire du Gladiateur Eduen 

remains of this class in Switzerland Columbus, ccraservee an Musee de la 

deserve more attention than they have Maison-C'arrce, a Nimes (with fac- 

received hitherto. simile). / Extrait des Memoires de la 

For the dress and arms of gladiators Societe Eduenne (Nouvelle Serie), Tome 

see Overbeck Pompeii, Vol. i, pp. 174- xi. 



1 16 THE GALL0-R0MAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

between the Betiarius and the Secutor, whom he is trying 
to separate. He holds a curved rod that extends above 
his head. There can be little doubt that we have here an 
officer appointed to keep order in the arena, and acting 
like a constable or policeman in a place of public enter- 
tainment. Such a functionary is sometimes called 'PafiSovyog 
— the term used by St. Luke for the attendants on the 
riiilippian magistrates, and translated " Serjeants" in our 
authorised version. The Bignor mosaic presents some 
examples exactly like the one before us ; but Lysons 
explains them as Eudiarii, veteran gladiators who superin- 
tended the combatants. 1 

No. 10 differs widely from all the other designs in the 
series ; it is a Hermes or terminal statue, consisting of a 
bust and truncated arms on a long pedestal. The head is 
decorated with a crown of leaves and red ribbons hanging 
down on the shoulders. On the left side, a large angular 
shield leans against the pillar, and a palm branch is placed 
between them; on the right, there is a helmet with visor 
closed, holes for the eyes, and a conical crest. The 
Augsburg mosaic contains a similar Hermes and a trident 
in front of it. 2 It is unnecessary to prove that this 
medallion represents the rewards offered to victorious 
combatants ; but we ma}' remark that the garland of foliage 
at Reims is the corruptible crown contrasted by St. Paul 
with that which fadeth not away. 3 

No. 11, Agitator, so called. This figure holds a whip 
and chases a wild beast, which a pikeman prepares to 
pierce with his spear. From the prominence of the breast 
one might suppose that the artist intended to portray a 
female; and this supposition would agree with many 
passages where women are mentioned as fighting on the 

1 Stephani Thesaurus Lingua? Grajcse, occupies the lowest compartment on the 
edit. Didot, vol. v, p. 605. MaariyScpopoi. the right-hand side, pp. 83-89. Premii 
Flagelliferi, Lictores qui agonothetas hi degli Atleti vincitori expressi nel Musaico 
sacris certaminibus coniitabantur ad sum- Antoniniano. 

movendas turba.s et cohibenda-s seditiones, 3 First Epistle to the Corinthians, ix, 

Cf. fiacrr iy ovufios. Act. Apost., xvi. 35, 25, iKtivoi fitv ohv 'Iva (pQaprhv (ni<pa.vov 

'Hfitpas 5e ytvopiivr\s arreareiKav &i CTpajt]- Kd^waiv, ri/j.e7s 8* &<pdaprov. M. Bulliot, 

yol rovs paji5ovx°vs- '>]'■ citat, p. 7, mentions an inscription 

2 Gruter, Inscriptions Romans, vol. in which the words COR TBIVM occur, 
i, p. cccxxxvi, with full-page engraving. " Ces couronnes etaient une guirlande de 
P. Giampietro Secchi, II Mosaico Antoni- fleursentortilleederubans delaine appeles 
niano rappresentante la scuola degli kmni&quts, qui etaient placees sur la tete 
atleti, Roma. 1843 in 4to. In this pave- du gladiateur dont on voulait honorer la 
uient, now preserved at the Lateran, there bravoure." 

is a Hermes like the one at Reims ; it 



THE OALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 117 

arena against animals.' Il is doubtful whether Monsieur 
Loriquet has in this case chosen the best appellation ; I 
should be inclined to prefer Provocator, one who excites 
or irritates, as in Orelli's Inscriptions, No. 2566, we read 
bakovs. pkov. vet., i.e., Provocator Veteranus, the gladiator 
apparently deriving his name from the leopard whom he 
challenged or provoked.* On the other hand, Agitator 
is specially applied to the driver of an animal or chariot. 
Gruter, vol. i, p. 337, has Agitator Circensis ; and Virgil 
uses the same word when he describes the rustic loading 
his slow donkey with oil and apples. 3 Besides the whip. 
we see at the feet of this figure a large spherical object, 
probably the ball (pila) mentioned by Martial, which 
would make the creature still more infuriated. 4 

No. 14. A bear rushes at the Bestiarius with agitated 
ears and open mouth, as if going to devour him. The 
head and forepart are drawn with great spirit, but the hind 
quarters are carelessly executed. Though the Eomans 
were very familiar with this animal's appearance, from 
seeing great numbers and various kinds in the arena, 
representations of it are comparatively infrequent. Unlike 
the graceful forms of the lion, antelope, or swan, this ugly 
creature does not readily lend itself to artistic purposes. 
However, we meet with it on the arch of Constantine, 
where the Emperor Trajan appears taking part in a bear 
hunt ; 5 and in a coin struck by Orgetorix, generalissimo 
of the Helvetians, the Alpine bear is depicted with 
admirable realism. 6 But our medallion is more appositely 

1 Juvenal. Sat. i, v. 22 — . tionary, s.V. Agitator, and woodcuts. 

Mecvia Tuscum 4 Spect. xix, Sustulerat raptas taurus 

Figat aprum, et nuda teneat venabula in astra pilas. C'f. ibid., xxii, fin. 

mamma ; 5 Montfaucon, Antiquite Expliquee, 

and the bold fair English Translation by Humphreys, 

Tilts at the Tuscan boar, with bosom vol. iv, p. 108, double-page engraving, 

bare ; Emil. Braun, Ruins and Museums of 

Gifford's translation. Rome, p. 6. 

See also Ruperti's Commentary and foot- • LArt Gaulois : ou les Gaulois 

note. Martial, De Spectaculis, vi, d'apres leurs Medailles par Eugene 

Femince in Amphitheatro cum leone certa- Hueher, PI. LXXII, No. 1, p. 27. The 

men. legend on the obverse is EDVIS ; on 

- Mart. Spect,, xv— the reverse ORGETTIUX. We have, 

Et volucrem longo porrexit vulnere therefore, here a Monument historiquc. 

pardum; corroborating Caisar's account of the 

Pr?emia cum laudis ferret, adhuc league formed between the Helvetian* 

poterat. and the Gauls, Bell. Gall., i, 2-4. In 

3 Georgic i, 273 — Mons. Hueher 's work the engravings are 

Saepe oleo tardi costas agitator aselli on a very large scale, which often gives 

Vilibus aut onerat pomis. occasion to inaccuracy. 

Cf. Rich, Companion to the Latin Die- The bear is the Heraldic device of 



118 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

illustrated by a similar one of octagonal form in a mosaic 
pavement discovered at Nennig near Treves. The group 
consists of three combatants and a bear. The men are 
armed with whips, and hold small narrow shields in their 
left hands ; one of them who has fallen is being trampled 
on bv the bear, but defends himself with his shield, while 
his comrades are trying to drive the animal away. 1 

The keeper was called ursarius — a word which is not 
found in classical authors or in the Latin dictionaries 
generally used, but in an inscription at Xanten (Castra 
Vetera), on a stone dedicated to the god Silvanus. This 
term is said to have been applied to those who had the 
charge of other animals also, that were kept in a menagerie 
(armamentarium) till they were required for the amphi- 
theatre.-' 

No. 1G is a man seen in profile, holding a bow unbent, 
and running to right. He is preceded by two dogs (17, 
18), who bark and pursue a buck with branching antlers 
and a doe (19, 20). It should be observed that five con- 
secutive compartments, forming an entire row of subjects, 
are devoted to a hunting scene, which, as we know from 
the poets and historians, was a very popular spectacle 

Bern, and frequently meets the traveller's ursorum custos ; he quotes from the 
eye in that city, but it would be difficult above-mentioned Rhenish inscription in- 
to trace hie descent from the ancient correctly, 
prototype. For examples of the bear in ancient 

1 J. N. Von Wilmowsky. Die Riimische art, .see ArchcBol. Journ., vol. xxxv, pp. 
Villa zu Nennig und ihr Mosai'k, Bonn, 103-105, Memoir by the Rev. C. W. King, 
1865, folio, with fine coloured plate. On an antique cameo found at South 
Allgemeine Geschichte in Einzeldar- Shields ; Ibid. 402, sq., my remarks on 
Btellirngen, edit. W. Oncken, Abtheilung the Polar bear. 

64, Mosaikfussboden in der romischen With the existing monuments compare 

villa zu Nennig bei Trier, double-page the following passages : Martial, Spect. 

engraving. vii, Nuda Caledonio sic pectora praebu.it 

2 Brambach. Inscriptiones Rhenanie, urso ; Ibid., xi, and xv, 

No. 211. Ille et prtocipiti venabula condidit urso, 

DEO SILVANO Primus in Arcto'i qui fuit arce poli. 

CESSORINIVS Capitolimus, Gordiani Tres, c. hi, Feras 

AMMAVS1VS Libycas una die centum exhibuit, ursos 

VRSARIVS LEG. una die mille. Vopiscus in Probo, c. xix, 

XXXV . V • S . A . V.S.L.M. Venationem in Circo amplissimam dedit 

where V.V.S.A. Ulpise Victricis Seve- — Addidit alia die in .A mphitheatro una 

rianse Alexandrians?, v Orelli Inscc. No. missione centum jubatos leones — Editi 

3395, and comp. Henzen's Supplement, p ursi siniul trecenti. 

335. " Cf. cum custodc vivarii, Or. "_!2.' Turning from classical to mediaeval art, 
Ibid. No. 6148, ursos quoque crudelea we find that in the symbolical systems of 
occidit X, No. 6170; Orelli Inscc, No. the latter the bear appears as the emblem 
2252, Propositus armamentario Ludi of luxury, violence, or anger ; Sketch- 
magni. book of VVilars <le Ho'neoort, an architect 
Ursarius is omitted by Forcellini, but of the thirteenth century, edited by Pro- 
will be found in Quicberat, Addenda fessor Willis, p. 31, PI. VI, Note i. 
Lexicis Latinis, with tin explanation 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 119 

with the Romans. However, I need not enlarge on the 
Venationes, because Gibbon has described them with such 
power of word-painting, and such fulness of details, as 
leave his successors but little to add. 1 

No. 21, a pikeman waving a cloth. This is one of the 
best preserved figures in the whole series. The cloth 
must be explained with reference to the lion in the next 
compartment ; the man has held it up either to frighten 
the beast, or to protect himself by covering its eyes. 

Nos. 24, 25, bull and toreador, a group that reminds us 
of Spain. The bull, with head lowered, butts at his 
adversary, who was called Taurarius or Taurocenta, for 
both names occur in the same inscription (Orelli, No. 2530). 
The movement of the animal is very similar to what we 
see on a coin of Thurium ; there a Victory appears flying 
down from heaven, with a palm branch and crown to 
reward the conqueror, as in the medallion of Hermes 
mentioned above. The man holds in his left hand a shield, 
curved and oval in the lower part ; in his right a short 
dart with a broad iron head, which would cause a large 
wound. 2 

No. 26, a stag wounded in the breast by a spear which 
he has broken in his flight. The soil below is reddened 
with blood. 

No. 27, Mansuetarius (tamer) holds in his left hand a 
ring, possibly to entangle the head or foot of the animal 
in the next medallion ; in his right hand there is a piece 
of cloth for the same purpose as before, No. 21. I should 
be inclined to call this figure circulator, iuggler or mounte- 
bank, who was so named from rings (circuit) used in tricks 
performed by trained animals, bears, dogs, monkeys, &c. 

1 Decline and Fall, chap, xii, vol. ii, 2 So Mons. Loriquet explains the coin : 

p. 58 sq., edit. Dr. Wm, Smith. Over- " la couronne et la palme destinees an 

beck, Pompeii, vol. i, p. 168, Fig. 126'. toreador vainqueur de l'animal, p. 316. 

Gemalde an der Brustungsrnauer. Thier- Carelli, Numi Italiae Veteris, PI. 

kampf — eines Stiers mit einer gewaltigen CLXVII, No. 27, p. 91 ; but comp. the 

Molosserdogge ; ibid., pp. 177-180, Figs. British Museum Catalogue of Greek 

131-135. Uebung eines Bestiarius, Coins, Italy, s.v. Thurium, Nos. 96, 

Kampf mit dem Biiren, Thierkampf, 113, 115, 122, 143, "Nike crowning a 

Jagdscenen ; comp, Tomb of Scaurus bull," whence it might be supposed that 

mentioned above. the artist intended to represent the 

On a coin of L. Livineius Regulus we animal as victorious, 

see two gladiators fighting — one with a Merovingian javelins have been found 

lion, the other with a tiger— and a resembling that in No. 25 ; one of them 

wounded bull in the background : is preserved in the Museum at Reims, 

Cohen, Med. Consulaires, p. 187, PI. Loriquet, p. 317, Note 1. 
XXIV, Livineia, No. 1. 



120 



THE GALLO-KOMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 



A good example may be seen in Rich's Dictionary, copied 
from an ancient terra-cotta lamp. Exercises of this sort 
were carried by the ancients to great perfection, as we 
learn from the monuments and the authors. Suetonius 
relates that the Emperor Gralba in his prastorship exhibited 
elephants walking on a tight rope. 1 

No. 30, a wild boar pierced on the side by a spear. He 
is represented in profile, thrown down upon the ground, 
with eye closed, mouth open, tongue projecting, and 
blood streaming from the wound. A similar figure of a 
boar is given by Caylus, Recueil d'Antiquites, vol. i, pi. 
xxx, No. I, with the addition of a pikeman, who faces the 
animal, and attacks him with his lance. Hence it is doubtful 
whether the mosaicist meant to convey the idea that the 
spear on the side was the cause of death. In lightness of 
limbs and length of dorsal ridge this figure resembles the 
famous Erymanthian boar, as he appears in Greek sculpture 
and painting ; but it is said that the modern varieties 
differ widely from those with which the ancients were 
familiar. - 



1 Martial, Spect. xvii, De Supplice 
elephante, Non facit hoc jussus, nullocpie 
doceute magisfcro. xviii, Lambere 
securi dextram consueta magistri. 
Tigris, ab Hyrcano gloria rara jugo. 
Lampridius, Heliogabalus, c. 21. Habuit 
et leones et leopardos exarmatos in 
deliciis (as pets) ; quos edoctos per man- 
suetarios subito ad secundam et tertiam 
mensam jubebat accumbere. 

Gori, Museum Florentinum, vol. 2, 
Tab. XVIII, No. 2, p. 49 sq., has an 
engraving of a remarkable gem (perrara) ; 
the subject is a trainer who exhibits a 
dancing bear. Rich has copied the plate, 
but omitted the inscriptions on both sides 
of the stone, ETTTXI (for ETTTXE1) 
MAEKEAAE, Felix csto, Marcelle; EIPHNH, 
Pax; and ATHEI TTXH ANTIOXEnN, 
Crescit fortuna, Antiochensium. Gori 
refers to a curious inscription in 
Gruter's Thesaurus, vol. i, p. 637, No. 
1, which begins thus : 

Ursus togatus vitrea qui primus pila 
Lusi decenter cum meis lusoribus, 
Laudante populo nmximis clamoribus 
Thermi8 Trajani Thermis Agrippa; et 
Titi. 
Ibid., the bear is called pilicrepus, ball- 
player ; scholasticus, learned ; exodiarius, 
actor in a comic interlude. 

For the performances of elephants, see 
Suetonius, Galba c. vi, Novum spectaculi 



genus, elephantos funambulos, edidit : 
^Elian, De Animalium Natura, lib. ii, c. 
ii, translated by Sir Emerson Tennent in 
his Natural History of Ceylon, Appendix 
to chap, vii, pp. 237-240. 

1 Caylus explains the Plate ibid. p. 
90 sq. Representations of the boar and 
boar-hunts will be found in the following 
works: — Panofka, Rilder Antiken Lebens, 
Tafel V, No. 1, Eberjagd, No. 2, Trans- 
port des erlegten Ebers. Millin, Galerie 
Mytlu.logique, PL CLXXII, No. 628; 
Explication des Planches, vol. ii, p. 108. 
Rev. C. W. King's Antique Gems and 
Rings, vol. i, p. 453, woodcut in the 
text, described p. xix, Combat between 
Hound and Wild Boar of prodigious size: 
ibid., vol. ii, PI. XL, No. 1 ; PI. LIV, Nos. 
1, 2, 3, and Description of woodcuts. 
Bellori, Pictime Antiqiuc Sepulcri 
Masnnum, RomaB MDCCCTX, Tab. XXIX, 
p. 60 sq. Apri Venatio, a most important 
illustration of the subject. Catalogue 
of Roman Medallions in the British 
Museum by Mr. H. A. Grueber, Hadrian, 
No. 10, PL IV, Fig. 3 ; Marcus Aurelius, 
No. 2, PL XVIII, Fig. 3. In both cases 
the Emperor is hurling a javelin at a 
wild boar before him. 

My Paper on Constantinople, Section 
IV, sec. 5. Archceol. Jour., vol. xxxix, p. 
148 sq., gives many references, especially 
f< 'l- the Calydonian Hunt. 



THE GALLOROMAN MONUMENTS OF RETMS. 121 

No. 31, pikeman advancing towards a panther or leopard 
against whom he points his spear. The transverse bar 
immediately below the head of the weapon should be 
noticed; it was placed there to prevent the lance 
penetrating too far, and so bringing the animal too close 
to his adversary. This appendage was sometimes, as in 
the present instance, of a crescent shape; sometimes, on 
the contrary, it widened at both ends. Rich, in his 
Dictionary, explains it well, s.v. Mora} 

No. 34, lion rushing to left, with tail elevated. He is 
not a mere repetition of No. 5, as his body is longer and 
his mane less strongly marked. In the mosaic a man 
contends with the lion ; but this part, as we know from 
Martial, was sometimes performed by a woman. 2 The 
monarch of the forests afforded entertainment to the 
Eomans by his ferocity and his docility. We have an 
example of both in the pavement at Nennig, where a 
medallion represents the end of the venatio. A lion has 
devoured a wild ass (onager), of which only the head is 
left; he places his paw angrily upon it, but submits to be 
led away by his keeper, an old slave who strokes him on 
the back. 3 Martial has written six epigrams on a lion 
carrying a hare in his mouth without hurting it — a subject 
which became so popular that it was repeated as an 
ornament on terra cotta vases. 4 

III. Before describing the tomb of Jovinus, a few words 
concerning his biography seem necessary by way of 
explanation. His birthplace is not certainly known, 
though, according to an ancient tradition, he was a native 
of Eeims. He played a conspicuous part in the political 
history of the fourth century ; and, if not on the throne 

At Reims the boar is seen not only in are the kvuSovtcs ; the straight ones 

the Mosaic but also on the tomb of with widening ends, like wings, the 

Jovinus, cf. infra. irrtpvyes ; . . . . they are included 

Professor Hartog has suggested that by the Latin writers under the one 

the difference between the modern general name of mora." 

animal and his representative in ancient 2 Spectac. VI. Femince in Amphi- 

monuments may arise from a conventional theatro cum leone certamen. 

treatment that copied inaccuracies. Dr. Haje jam feminea vidimus acta manu. 

Giinther tells me that the bear in the 8 Allgemeine Geschichte in Einzeldar- 

Mosaic at Reims is the same as that which stellungen, edit, W. Oncken. Abtheilung 

is common throughout Europe, except 64. The engraving from Wilmowsky is 

the British Isles. very well executed. 

1 The man holds his spear level as in 4 Epigr., i, 7, — 

Caylus's Plate mentioned above. See Nunc sua Ca?sareos exorat prseda leones, 

the spear-heads engraved by Rich, loc. Tutus et ingenti ludit in ore lepus. 

cit. "The sharp curved points, like teeth, Loriquet, Op. Cit. p. 253 sq. and note. 

VOL. XLI. R 



122 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

itself, he mounted the steps that led to it. Under Julian 
the Apostate (or Philosopher, as some have called him), 
Jovinus commanded armies in Gaul and Illyricum ; but he 
stained his highest distinction in the war against the 
Alemanni, whom he defeated in three battles — at Scar- 
ponna (Charpoigne), on the banks of the Moselle, and in 
the Catalaunian plains (Chalons-sur-Marne). This last 
victory was a most decisive one. and long remembered in 
that part of Gaul, as we infer from frequent allusions 
made to it. The Emperor Valentinian not only came 
from Paris to meet Jovinus, but as a reward for his 
services, raised him to the consulship in the following 
year, a.d. 367. According to Gibbon, Jovinus assumed 
the imperial purple at Mainz, a.d. 411, and was soon 
afterwards put to death by Adolphus, king of the Goths. 
But there is surely some mistake here, for we can hardly 
believe that Jovinus was commander-in-chief in a most 
important campaign, that he disappeared for a period of 
forty-four years, and then re-appeared as a pretender to 
the throne. Gibbon might well say that every circum- 
stance in this short reign is dark and extraordinary. It 
is far more probable that the usurper was a member of 
the same family, who belonged to the following generation. 1 

Jovinus is supposed to have fixed his residence for 
some time at Reims, partly from laws dated there, which 
he himself may have suggested. 2 partly from the fact that 
he built in this city the church of Saints Agricola and 
Vitalis, and selected it as his burial place. It may be 
observed, in passing, that the importance of Reims is also 
shown by the long stay of the Emperor Valentinian, who 
must have remained there in the year 367 until August 
6th, at least. 

Inscriptions throw little light on the family of Jovinus. 

1 Decline and Fall, Chaps, xxii. xxv, Britain, and sends Provertuides thither 

xxxi, vol. lii, pp. 115, 119, 126, 258 sq., before him, lxxiii, 2." 
ed. Dr. Win. Smith. The chief ancient :! Dom. Bouquet. Becueil des His- 

authority for the life of .Jovinus is toriens des Gaules et de la France, vol. i, 

Ammianus Mareellinus, lib. xxi passim ; p. 7. r >4, Ex Codice Theodosiana. — Anno 

xxii, 3; xxv, 8; xxvii, 2, 10 ; Cf. Chriati 370. [mpp. Valentinianus, Valens 

Orosius, vii. 12. Tillemont, Histoire <les et Gratianus AAA. ad Jovinum Magis- 

Empereurs, vol. v, p. 33 sq., p. fa'80, fcrum rnilitum. Commoneat tua Sinceritas 

note xxv. hac Sanctione Veteranos ut loca absen- 

Jovinus is connected with the history tium squalida . . . quantum vires 

of our own country : Monumenta His- unius cujusque patientur, exerceant. 

torica Britannica, vol. i, p. 140. "A.D. The object of the statute is to encourage 

367, Jovinun is appointed Trsefect in the cultivation of land by the Veterans. 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 123 

There is one at Kome, where Jovina, a female infant, is 
mentioned : — 

>P< 

FL.IOVINA. QUAE VIXIT 

AXNIS. TRIBVS. 1). XXXII. DEPOS 
NKOFITA. IN. PACE. XL KAL. OCTOB. 1 

Another gives us the name of Flavins Jovinus, genera] 
of an army in Istria ; il was found in Hungary, and the 
forms of the letters prove that it belongs to a late period." 

This sarcophagus is 2 metres 84 centimetres long. 1 
metre 40 centimetres broad, and 1 metre 50 centimetres 
high; it consists of one block of white marble, which is 
not good in colour and unequal in grain : a crack in front 
extends to nearly two-thirds of the height. The figures 
on this side stand out in high relief, but those a1 the ends. 
though they form a part of the same subject, are only 
sketched, perhaps by some inferior artist. This com- 
position contains fourteen statues, differing in age. sex, 
condition and dress; but they all wear a mantle (sagum), 
which a brooch on the right shoulder fastens. 

The chief personage occupies the last place but one to 
the spectator's left. He has short hair and no beard ; his 
costume indicates a military officer of high rank. Like 
the soldiers in the bas-reliefs on Trajan's Column, he wears 
drawers (feminalia), 3 extending a little below the knees, 
and a tunic (colobium), which also is short, and only covers 
the upper part of the arms. His cuirass is of the kind 
called -plumata or squamata, because it imitates the feathers 
of a bird or the scales of a fish ; a double row of leather 
straps is appended to it, as a protection for the thighs; 
and on the shoulders there are similar straps, nearly cor- 
responding to our epaulettes. This part of the armour 

1 Gruter, p. 1504, No. 1. Ducange account, to which I am greatly in- 

in his Glossary gives the form Neophytu.s debted, of this monument in the Tra- 

also, Cf. Suidas, viuxnX (pvrevdeis. Sec vaux de l'Academie Imperiale dc Reims. 

Smith's Dictionary of Christian Anti- Trentieme Volume, Anuee, 1 859-1 S60 ; 

entities, art. Neophyte. The newly it forma parts of his treatise, Reims 

baptized for eight days wore a white pendant la Domination Romaine d'aprea 

dress, hence we find the expressions in les Inscriptions, and has been published 

albia and albatus; Fabretti, Inscriptions, separately, with the title. LeTombeau de 

pp. 577 sq., 735. • Jovin. He sometimes uses forms of Latin 

- Orelli, Inscc. Lat., vol. iii. p. 345, words which are not strictly correct, e.g., 

Xci. Vu-'A, Supplement by Henzen. In femoralia for feminalia, clypeus for 

Pannonia, in comitatu StvMweissenhur- clipeus or clupeus. Pharetrce occurs for 

ijcvm Hungarise; . . . littene sevi recentis. pJwilerce, through a typographical error, 

3 Mons. Loriquet has given a full Acad, dc Reims. Op. citat, p. 1 80. 



124 THE GALLO-KOMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

may be very well setn in the figure of Caracalla, so called, 
at Constantinople, a photograph of which I exhibited two 
years ago. The Byzantine example, however, is more 
ornate than the present one. 1 A short mantle, fastened 
in the usual manner, is thrown over the lorica. The boots 
resemble the cothurnus, but. having the toes exposed, they 
would be more correctly designated by the term campagus; 
at the top they are decorated with the heads of animals 
and foliage, a fashion of which Montfaucon supplies many 
instances. 2 Of the right hand the fingers are broken off, 
but the left arm is preserved only as far as the wrist. 

Around this figure four others are grouped : a young 
man, with flowing curls and wearing a Phrygian cap, 
holds by the bridle a horse ready for his master to mount ; 
another, on the left end of the sarcophagus, whose tunic 
has long sleeves (manicata), presents a helmet with chin 
pieces ; a naked child looks up to the chief personage, and 
also offers a helmet — a repetition which seems meaning- 
less ; in the back-ground a man with a curly beard is 
talking to the one first mentioned. 

Xext, to the right, we see a young female standing in a 
firm commanding - attitude, and looking towards the 
principal action as if she were prepared to take part in it. 
She wears a crested helmet, from which one lock of hair 
escapes, descending on her shoulder. Her right arm and 
breast are exposed {expa/pillata), her left shoulder is 
.covered by a garment which forms many folds there. 
This Amazon's tunic, like those of her male companions, 
does not quite reach to the knees. 3 Her boots also 

1 See my Paper on C mstantinople, cuirass in particular, Hope's Costume of 
Archvol. Jaurh,, vol. xxxix, p. 143 sq., the Ancients may be consulted with 
with engraving of Roman Emperor. advantage, vol. i, p. 46 sq. ; vol. ii, Plates 

2 Montfaucon, Ant. Expl., tome iii, CCLII, CCLVI. 

Part 1, pp. 54-66, Plates XXXIII-XXXV, 3 The general appearance of this 

see especially lib. ii, c. v, sec. vi. Le figure recalls to mind the goddess Roma 

campagus chaussure des Empereurs et on large brass coins, e.g., those of Ves- 

des principalis omciers de l'armee — qui pasian, Cohen, Med. Imp., tome i. frontis- 

differait pen de la caligc des Boldats ; piece, and p. 315, Rome assise a droite, 

sec. vii, qui par intervalles laissaient uhe adossce ;i sept collihes, tenant un para- 

partie du pied decouvert : Cf. ibid, tome zonium. Better illustrations are supplied 

v, Parti, p. 158, lib. iv, c. x, Apotheose by Hirt, Bilderbueli fiir Mythologie, pp. 

d'Auguste dans l'agathe de la Sainte- 183-185, Die Diimonen der Stiidte ; the 

Chapelle (now in the Bibliotheque latter part of the section gives a full 

Nationale.) account of the personification of Rome in 

1 tucange, b.v. Campagus, explains the ancient art : Cf. Taf. xvi, 2, Sculptures 

derivation, a Gneco Ka^nri eras, quod n presenting the apotheosis of Antoninus 

crura tegeret. and Faustina ; also Taf. xxv, 15-19. 

F"r Roman armour generally and the Auf dem Bogen Constantin't ist sie 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 125 

resemble the campagns, previously described; they are 
pierced with eyelets (ansce), through which ;i thong 
\obstragulum) passes. In her right hand she holds ;i spear 
(venabulum), of which a small portion is visible, and in 
her left a large oval shield (clipeus). Below, there are 
two animals, a wild boar and a creature that seems inter- 
mediate between a stag and a reindeer. 

The central place in these bas-reliefs is occupied by a 
man on horseback; he has hair cut close, is beardless, and 
wears a tunic with long sleeves; his left hand holds the 
reins, his right a short spear which does not projeel 
beyond the hunter's breast; with it he is going to pierce 
a lion who advances towards him, though already wounded 
by another weapon. 1 In front of the rider a man who 
has been thrown down, now half erect, is defending him- 
self with a shield against the lion, who plants his fore-paws 
upon it. The dress of this figure should be noticed, as il 
differs from all the rest. He wears long trousers (bracae), 
the ends of which are tucked inside his shoes (calcei). His 
countenance accords with his costume; both alike indicate 
a barbarian. 2 

In the back-ground there is a second personage on 
horseback, clothed like the first; his action also is the 
same, as he hurls a javelin at the lion ; but his face 
presents a decided contrast, for his hair is long and in 
disorder; moreover he has a beard and moustache. Then 
come two men on foot; the one with an open tunic 
(exomis) seems to be an assistant of the horseman; the 

(Roma) in Relief gleich einer Amazone to distinguish her from Minerva. The 

gebildet, wo sie den von Dacien ruckkeh- engraved gems exhibit the single luck oi 

renden Traian stehend empfangt, p. 1S5. hair escaping from the helmet, as mi the 

In the celebrated Vienna Cameo the sarcophagus at Reims, 
helmeted female seated beside Augustus x A liou-hunt appears on a coin of 

is usually considered to be the goddess Hadrian ; Grueber, Op. citat, p. 6, No. 

Roma, but Mr. King calls her Livia, 18 (No. 8 is a mistake in index IV), 

Antique Gems and Rings, vol. ii, p. 70, Reverse, VIRTVTI AVGVSTI: Empercr 

Description of Woodcuts, Plate LII, 1 wearing paludamentum, on horse 

(Gemma Augustea). The subject is galloping r. ; he hurls, with r. hand, 

discussed by Wieseler, notes added to javelin at lion running before him. 
C. 0. Muller's Denkmaler, Part I, No. '-' Froshner, La Coloune Trajane, Paria, 

377. Tassie's Catalogue, vol i, Nos. 1865, 8vo, p. 8b' : un pantalon de fcoile 

8295-8325. Grueber's Roman Medallions, plisse parlebaset serre dans la chaussure: 

Antoninus Pius, No. 13, p. 9, and Plate Note (I) ibid, and Fig. 11: <>vi.l, Trisfcia 

XI, Fig. 1 (Autotype process); comp. IV, 6, 47. Vulgus adest Scythicum, brac- 

Index IV, Types, s.v. Roma. cataque turba Getarum. V, 7, 49. Pellibus 

In some cases the identification of Roma et laxis arcent male frigora braccis. 

is easy, because a special attribute has Fabretti, La Colouna Trajana, Tav. viii, 

been inserted ; in others it is difficult &c. 



126 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

second, like the child who presents a helmet, has a mantle 
for his only covering ; his left arm is broken off in the 
upper part. These men are separated by some foliage ; 
the interval between them and the second horseman is 
filled by a head which has short hair and no beard. 

At tin- right end of the sarcophagus we see two figures 
clothed in tunic and mantle; one of them holds a spear 
and leads a dog by a string, the other appears to be 
departing. There are three other dogs in the composition, 
but as their noses are mutilated, the species cannot easily 
be determined; each of them wears a collar ornamented 
with borders and projecting studs. The horses are 
caparisoned with the skin of an animal (stragulum), whose 
head has been divided into two parts and re-united in 
front of the chest; the bridles are decorated with lace, 
studs, and metal pendants on the head stall ; at their necks 
is a kind of martingale from which hang a crescent 
(lumula), bells, and ivy leaves alternating with trefoils. 
This part of the harness is like the crepundia oil the breast 
of a child, as figured by Rich in his Companion to the 
Latin Dictionary, s. v.' 

At the left hand corner of these bas-reliefs a pilaster, 
covered with a scroll-pattern and ivy leaves, supports a 
cornice. The capital is adorned with reeds, in the midst 
of which a river-god reclines in a semi-recumbent posture, 
as usual ; his right hand holds some aquatic plant, his left 
arm leans upon an inverted urn, from which water issues: 
a cataract is also descending in front of him. M. Loriquet 
endeavours to explain this subject by reference to an old 
cosmogony thai regarded water as the origin of all things; 
he thinks that it symbolized life and continued existence, 



1 Loriquet, Acad, de lieinis, vol. xxv. antiquity was found ill Tkorsbjerg, and 

p. 189. 11 y a aussi lets details, dans lo is represented in Plate XIII, Fig. 1. Borne 

harnachement des chevaux, par exemple, details being drawn full-size in No. I s to 

qui se retrouveront but la colonne d' l d , p. 60. A very great number of 

Antonin (?), sur celle de Marc-Aurele, ornamental Studs and bosses for placing 

sur l'arc de Septime-Severe it d'autres along the leather straps, as maybe seen 

monuments du 11° Siecle, mais pas an- in our figure of the complete headstall, 

dela, ijue nous aachions. and in representations of such objects on 

Engelhardt, Denmark in the Early Iron Roman sculptures of the first centuries 

Age, Chap. III. sec. 7. pp 59-62. liar after Christ. They occur in a great 

h.-- ThorBbierg, Plates XIII to XVI, variety of shapes, figured in Plate XIII, 

and Nydam, Plate XIV. Many interest- Kg. 2-11, p 61." Index to the Plates, 

ing particulars are m( this Horse Harness and biding and Driving 

section. "'I'll'- "lily tolerably well Gear, p. 79 
preserved hmd-stall which is kit from 



THE OALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF HEIMS. 127 

and was therefore adopted as a funereal emblem. 1 But 
this interpretation seems far-fetched ; it reminds one of 
those German critics who always find some deep sig- 
nificance where nothing of the kind was ever intended. 
Montfaucon, Tome V, p. 148, PI. cxxv, describes a similar 
figure painted on a tomb as the Styx, and though M. 
Loriquet calls his reasons inadequate, this opinion is sup- 
ported by a comparison with other groups in the same 
plate. However, it is possible that we have here neither 
a symbol of perpetuity nor the Styx, but only a river-god 
introduced by way of ornament, just as we see sometimes 
in ancient mosaics marine deities or monsters which are 
not specially appropriate. 2 

This sarcophagus was formerly deposited in the church 
of St. Nicaise, now demolished, on the right side of the 
principal door; it was supported by three columns of gre) r 
marine, as shewn in an old print which I exhibit. In 
1540 a storm threw down the window over the grand 
portal, and covered the interior of the church with frag- 
ments of stone : probably this was the cause of the fracture 
in the monument which has been noticed above. In 1800, 
it was removed to the Cathedral, of which only a part was 
then used for Divine Service, in order that it might be 
more accessible to the public. Last September (1882) I 
saw it in the crypt (chapelle basse) under the great hall 
of the Archeveche, a vault so cold and damp that it was 
impossible to remain and examine the sculptures carefully. 

The tomb of Jovinus formerly bore this inscription : 

".Verna Dei basis ficlei jacet hie Jovianus, 
Restituit quod destituit nequam Julianas. " 

1 Comp. the coins of Smyrna, Hunter's M. Loriquet, op. citat. p. 181, refers, 

Catalogue. Tab. li, No. 4, Figura fluvii as illustrations, to two bronze medallions 

decumbens ad sinistram, destra arundi- struck at Ephesus in honour of Antoni- 

nem, sinistra urme innixa ; see also Nos. nus, where there is a similar personifica- 

5 and 8 ; the latter has on the reverse tion of a river, with Jupiter above, hurling 

MEAHC, whence Homer was called a thunderbolt and pouring down rain 

Melesigenes ; Cambridge Antiquarian upon the earth. 

Society, Report and Communications, " So in the mosaic at Junmcon, near 

1880-1881, No. 23, p. 46, Memoir on Pau, and therefore remote from the sea, 

the Portrait of Homer upon an unpub- we meet with a colossal bust of Neptune, 

lished Coin of Nicaa in Bithynia, by the Nereids, dolphins, fish and anchors ; My 

Rev. S. S. Lewis, M.A., Corpus Christi Paper on Antiquities in the South West 

College. of France, Archccol. Journ., vol. xsxvi, 

According to Thales, wetter, or some p. 18 sq. : Le Cueur, Mosaiques de Juran« 

liquid element, was the origin of all things: con et Bielle (Basses-Pyrenees), Notices et 

Thirlwall, History of Greece, Chap. XII, Dessins, Plate III coloured, 
p. 132, edit. 1838. 



128 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

These lines are evidently mediaeval, and Jovianus has 
been substituted for Jovinus on account of the rhyme. 
They cannot, therefore, afford evidence to prove in whose 
honour the monument was erected. 1 

Some say that the subject here is Jovinus killing a lion 
in Persia, though we have no proof that he ever was in 
that country ; others, with as little reason, think that the 
design refers to his three victories over the Germans. 
The excellence of the workmanship sufficiently refutes 
both hypotheses. For the same reason we must reject the 
fanciful absurdities of Lacourt, who saw in this monument 
a whole imperial family. Valentinian, according to him, 
pierces the lion, an emblem of the barbarians ; the 
Emperor's wife, Valeria Severa, stands by his side, accom- 
panied by young Gratian who received the title of 
Augustus when he was only eight years old; Valens is at 
the end on loot ; and the general on horseback near 
Valentinian is Jovinus. 2 

M. Colin, a friend of Bergier, 3 author of the celebrated 
work on Roman Roads, thought the man killing a lion was 
Hadrian, and the child holding a helmet Antinous. This 
theory is not, like the preceding, contradicted by the style 
of art. but it would require the Emperor's favourite to be 
represented much older. 

The chase is a common subject on sarcophagi. We 
have a fine example in the Cathedral of Girgenti (Agri- 
gentum), usually explained as relating to Hippolytus and 
Phasdra ; 4 but M. Loriquet finds in it only allegorical 
portraiture of the brevity of life and the suddenness of 

1 Moreover, a false quantity is made Reims et ses Environs, p. 153. Comp. 

by lengthening the first syllable of basis: Congres Scientifique de France, Trei- 

Uf. Morell, Lexicon Grreco-Prosodiacum, zicme Session, 1845, Circulaire de la 

edit. Dr. Maltby. /3d<ris, gressus. 2, pes. 3, Commission d'Organization, p. xiii. Grre- 

fundamentum. vius's Thesaurus, vol. x, contains a Latin 

Jovianus was quite a different person translation with notes by Henninius, of 

from Jovinus. The former immediately Bergier's book entitled, Ilistoire des grands 

succeeded the Emperor Julian, and ckemins de V Empire romain : Dictionary 

reigned a.d. 363-364: Gibbon, Chap. of Antiquities, ed. Dr. W. Smith, s.v. 

XXIV, vol. hi. pp. 216-232, ed. Dr. Via. 
Win. Smith. 4 These sculptures are well described 

- Tillemout, Histoire des Empereurs, by Gsell-Fels, Unter-Italien und Sicilien, 

vol. v, p. 31, Gratian is called nobilissi- in Meyers Reisebucher, second edition, 

mus puer ; Of. Gibbon, Chap. xxv. 1877, p. 418, s.v. Dom S. Gerlando. 

3 Bergier also wrote a History of Vordere Langseite : Hi])polyt in Begleit- 

Reims ; Brunet, Manuel du Libraire, No. ung von Jagern erlegt den Eber — Unten 

24506, table methodique. lie figures in am Sockel in den Ecken 

the Alphabetical List of Celebrities, Lowen, Tiger, Greifen, Hunde, Hirsch- 

born at or near the city. Notices sur kampfe. 



THE GALL0-R0MAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 129 

death ! For other instances we may consult Spoil's Mis- 
cellanea Erudites Antiquitatis, p. 312 ; Caylus, Recueil 
d'Antiquites, tome iv, pi. cix ; l and the collections of 
the Louvre. 2 Such comparisons have given rise to 
mythological explanations ; accordingly some have dis- 
covered here the Calydonian boar hunt, with Meleager 
and Atalanta sustaining the principal parts. On the 
other hand we may remark that the lion is too prominent, 
and the costume is not exclusively Greek. 

The Abbe Pierret says that the sculptures exhibit life 
contending against, and triumphing over, death ; and that 
the former principle is represented by human beings, the 
latter by animals. This view is too subtle ; it may 
harmonize with Christian ideas ; but we must remember 
that the design and execution of these bas-reliefs are 
altogether pagan. 

Lastly, M. Loriquet, rejecting all these interpretations, 
endeavours to show that we. have here a funereal hi ml 
(chasse funebre). In the earliest times slaves and captives 
were immolated at the pyre of the deceased; at a later 
period gladiatorial fights were substituted for human 
sacrifices ; other entertainments were also provided in 
honour of the departed — dramatic performances, boar 
hunts, combats of men (bestiarii) with wild beasts, and of 
animals with each other. Thus, although at first sight the 
chase appears to have no connection with mortality and 
burial, when we consider these ancient usages, we under- 
stand why subjects of this class are frequently introduced 
on sarcophagi and sepulchral urns. 

The great variety of persons and dress observable here 
is quite in accordance with the accounts of exhibitions in 
the amphitheatre by writers of the first and second 
centuries. One example of this correspondence must 
suffice. The Amazon in these reliefs by her costume 
calls to mind the Msevia of Juvenal (Sat. i, 22 sq.) : — 



1 The bas-reliefs on this monument., words " Si ce Bas Relief est en effet de 

which was at Barcelona when Caylus Jovien, il a ete execute par un Artiste 

wrote, " sous la Porte du Grand Archidi- plus scavant que ceux de son siecle, dont 

acre de la Cathedrale," represented nous connoissons les ouvrages." 
four scenes quite distinct in character. 2 Clarac. Musee de Sculpture, Texte, 

Ibid., Plate CXIX is the Tombeau de tome ii, pp. 475-478, Nos. 1S3 bis, 188, 

Jovin, so called: Caylus discusses the where references to the volume of Platei 

attribution in his text, p. 390 sq. and will be found, 
concludes his remarks with the following 

VOL. XIJ, S 



1 30 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

" Maevia Tuscum 
Figat aprum et nuda teneat venabula mamma." 

" And the bold fair 
Tilts at the Tuscan boar, with bosom bare." 

These scenes on sarcophagi are similar to what we find 
on lamps and vases of red glazed pottery ; for the former 
class compare Montfaucon, Antiquite Eaepliquee, 1 and for 
the latter Mr. Roach Smith. Illustrations of Roman London} 
But it would be absurd to imagine that these representa- 
tions were in all cases funereal. 

M. Loriquefs view has the merit of ingenuity, lmt I 
think we are dealing with a case where certainty is un- 
attainable. As many passages in ancient authors contain 
obscure allusions to persons and events now unknown, 
so the sculptural monuments present problems which baffle 
all attempts at a solution. The subject here may be some 
historical incident, of which no record exists ; or it maj^ 
be some mythological story, into which successive artists 
have introduced additions and alterations until its original 
features can no longer be traced. 3 

TV. The Eoman Inscriptions found at Reims itself are 
not as numerous as might be expected, seeing that it was 
the capital of a nation second only to the Aeduans among 
the allies of Caesar, and that it became under the Empire 
the residence of a provincial governor. On the other 
hand, many stones are still extant in various parts of 
Europe, bearing the name of Remi. From them I have 
selected some which specially illustrate our own Romano- 



1 Tome v, Part II, CXC PI. a la Io. Petri Bellorii illustrata, No. 24, 
228 page, Fig. 3, and CXCI PI. a la 230 Primo loco, Balbinus, ut videtur, Imperator 
page. militari habitu conapicuus, utraque maim 

2 P. 94, Scenes from the Sports of pugioneru seu parazonium tenet, quern 
the Amphitheatre frequently occur : Roma, palnue ramum gerens, comitatur. 
Plates XXIV, 1 ; XXVI, 5 ; XXVIII, 3: Capitolini Maximus et Balbinus, cap. 
Dr. Birch, On Ancient Pottery, vol. ii, viii, Augustan History, vol. ii, p. 149, 
p. 344. edit. Lugd. Batav., 1671. Unde autem 

3 On reconsideration, I am Btrongly mos tractus sit ut proficiscentes adbellum 
inclined to think that the subject is Imperatores munus gladiatorium et 
Imperial, and 1 draw this conclusion from venatus darent, breviter dicendum est. 
the Amazon and the principal male figure M. Alphonse Gosset in his dissertation 
in juxta-position with her. A comparison on Reims Monumental, Reims et Ses 
with other monuments goes far to prove Environs, p. 217, assigns the Tombeau 
that these personages are the goddess de Jovin to the fourth century ; I should 
Roma and an Emperor: Of. omnino be disposed to date it earlier, and this 
Admiranda Romanarum Antiquitatum ac opinion is supported by the authority of 
ceteris sculpturse vestigia . . . aPetro Caylus, loc. citat, 

Sancti Bartolo delineata incisa . . . notis 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 131 

British antiquities. 1 Considered from this poinl of view 
the following seems most interesting. 

(1) MAKTI-CaMVLo 

SACKVM-PRO 

SALVTE-TIBERI] 

CLAVDI-CAESARIS 

AVG-GERMANICi-IMP 

/ / / / IVES-REMI-QV] 

/ / / / EMPLVM-CoNSTiTv 

ERVNT 

OCS. 

"Marti Camvlo sacrvm pro salvte Tiberii Clandi 
Caesaris Avgvsti Germanici imperatoris cives Remi qvii 
templvm constitvervnt. 

Ob cives servatos." 
" Dedicated to Mars Camulus for the safety of Tiberius 
Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Emperor by 
citizens of Keims, who have erected a temple (in his 
honour). 

On account of the preservation of citizens." 

Following the reading of the earlier editors I thought 
that we had here mention of the Emperor Claudius and of 
the god Camulus, as they are in juxta-position, so to speak, 
at Colchester, a place whose antiquities were carefully 
investigated by the Institute on the spot in 1876. After 
all that has been said and written on the subject, I need 
not now stay to prove that this town is on the same site as 
Camulodunum, which means the Hill of Mars, and is 
therefore equivalent to Areopagus. 2 A magnificent temple 
was erected there in honour of Claudius, and Tacitus, in 
relating the fact, uses the very word with which our 
inscription terminates. 

Templum, divo Claudio constitutum, quasi arx seternae 
dominationis aspiciebatur. 3 

1 I have endeavoured to call attention which shows strange neglect of existing 
in this branch of international archaeology monuments at Colchester, identifies Ca- 
in my Paper on Autun, section iii, Ceramic muloduuum with Maldon ; and Orelli re- 
Inscriptions, ArckcBol. Juurn., vol. xl, pp. produces the same opinion in his note on 
4(5-48. Tacitus, Ann. xii, 32 : both these writers 

2 Act. Apostol., xvii, 22. Iradels 5e 6 seem to have been deceived by false de- 
Uav\os iv fxeaw roii ' Aptiov Trdyov 'icpri. Hvation. The absence of remains of 
Conybeare and Howson. Life and Epistles Roman buildings at Maldon maybe re- 
of St. Paul. Mil. i, pp. 440-443, ed. 8vo. garded as conclusive. See two excellent 

3 Annals, Book XIV, chap. 31. Dr. Papers in the Archceol. Jowrn., Camulo- 
Latham in his article Colonia (Smith's dunum, by the Rev. Prebendary Scarth, 
Diet, of Gttassical Geography, vol. i, p. 645; vol. xxxiii, pp. <i'2o-o61 ; and Roman In- 



132 



THE GALLO-ROMAX MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 



But on closer examination, it seems almost certain thai 
instead of Tiberii in the third line we ought to substitute 
Neronis. Brambach in the Corpus Inscriptionum Ehenana- 
rum states that the surface of the stone where Tiberii is 
engraved shows a depression and marks of some tool that 
lias been employed to alter the letters: moreover, the 
genitive case Tiberii is formed differently from Claudi. 1 

Camulus, according to one reading, occurs in an inscrip- 
tion preserved at Eome ; it is placed over a figure of Mars 
with attributes, and immediately follows Arduinne, the 
Gallic Diana, who carries a bow and quiver. 2 

The Eonian monuments of England, as far as I know, 
supply no example of this name in its simple form ; we 
have only the compound mentioned above, but an altar 
found near Kilsyth in Scotland, and now in the Hunterian 
collection at Glasgow, was erected to Mars Camidus? At 
lirst sight the abbreviation camvl on the coins of 
Cunobeline might be taken for Camulus, but a comparison 
of many instances shows that it stands for the name of the 
town Camulodunum.* 



Bcriptions at Colchester, by W. Thompson 
Watkin, voL xxxiv, pp. 76-82 : also Mr. 
Freeman's Opening Address, ib., p. 49 
sq. ; and Evans, Ancient British Coins, p. 
291 sq. 

1 Index iv, s.v. Mars Camulus, No. 164 ; 
p. 49, s.v. Rindern. Gruter, vol. i, p. lvi, 
No. 12, gives the same inscription, but less 
accurately. Camulia Attica occurs in 
Reinesius, Nov. Repert. inscript. antiq. 
Append., p. 809, quoted by Loriquet, p. 
73 ; and Camulinius Oledo in Brambach, 
ib., No. 825, p. 166 (Trier, pars antica saxi 
quadrati). 

In Romano-British epigraphy we find the 
names of a legate and of an emperor, 
probably Elagabalus, effaced : Bruce, Ro- 
il tan Wall, edit, 4to., pp. 320-322 ; De- 
scriptive Catalogue of Antiquities at 
Alnwick Castle, pp. 166-168. But the 
Arch of Severus at Rome supplies the 
most remarkable instance of an erasure, 
Caracalla having removed the name of his 
brother Geta from the inscription on the 
attic. 

- This form of the name appears in 
Loriquet's engraving opposite p. 53 ; 
Gruter, vol. i, p. xl, No. 9, has Ardoinne ; 
the editors of Caesar's Commentaries 
adopt Arduenna, v. Oudendorp, Bell. Call, 
v, 3. The modern varieties are Ardennen, 
Ardennes, and Arden in Shakespearc'i 
As Y'.>u Like It. Fabretti add.- some 



details not mentioned by Gruter, Inscr 
Domest., Emendationes Gruterianae, p. 1 
Henzen, Supplement p. 168, note on No. 
1960 of Orelli's Inscriptions, says : 
Ardoinnam Ligorius videtur introduxisse, 
ut Gallicam deam Remo Gallo adjungeret. 

The etymology of Arduenna is obscure ; 
it is evidently a Celtic word, and the first 
syllable suggests a comparison with the 
Armoricae civitates of Crcsar, De Bell. 
Gall., vii, 75 ; the second may be related 
to the Gaelic, domhainn, deep, profound, 
which seems to be the same with don in 
Bas Breton. 

It is said that the worship of Diana 
continued in the Ardennes down to a late 
period of the Middle Ages ; if this state- 
ment is correct, it would be a curious 
illustration of the word pagan, which 
means primarily, one who lives in a rural 
district, v. Ducange, s.v. paganus. 

8 Hubner, Inscriptiones Britannia? 
Latime, c. lxvi, Vallum Pii, sec. v. Wes- 
terwood, Statio per lineam valli tertia I 
No. 1103. Comp. Map of Britain, and 
Map of the Antonine Wall on an enlarged 
scale (1,500,000) at the end of the volume. 

4 On the gold coins of Cunobeline the 
word Camulodunum is more or less ab- 
breviate! ; on a copper coin we have 
C.\ M V I .-< 1 1 1 V NO. in two compartments 
"I a tabled : Evans, Op. Citat., p. 337 ; 
Plates, IX, 1-14; XI, 1-4; XII, 9-14; 



THE GALL0-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 



133 



Similarly, a British deity Cocidius was ^identified with 
Mars. The combination of these two names was firs! 
discovered at Lancaster upon an altar, which Mr. 
Thompson Watkin has engraved and described in his 
interesting work entitled Roman Lancashire. 1 The Lapi- 
darinm Septentrionale records the name of another deity, 
Belatucader, as associated with Mars; though worshipped 
in the north of England, if we would seek his origin, lie 
must be traced back to the far distant East. 2 

On the back of the altar are the letters O.C.S. within a 
wreath of oak-leaves, which form the civic crown. The 
medals of Roman Emperors, notwithstanding their limited 
space, enable us to expand what is here abbreviated, for 
on them we sometimes read in full the words ob ctves 
servatos with the same surroundings. 3 

This inscription w T as found at Rindern, not far from 
Cleves, to which place it was transported in 1793; it was 



XIII, 1-4, PI. XII no 9 and esp. Lelewel, 
Monnaie.s Gauloise et Celtique, PL VIII, 
51-56. 

Hiibner, Op. citat., p. -33, quotes 
passages relating to Camulodunum from 
Pliny, Dio, Tacitus, and Seneca in divi 
Claudii aTroKoAoKwrdxrei ; ibid., p. 34. 
Nomen vero oppidi vetustum ejusdem 
stirpis esse atque Camuli Gallorum et 
Britannorum dei cum Marte Romanorum 
componi soliti recte a multis observatum 
est. Gruter is mistaken when he says, 
vol. i, p. lvi, No. 11, Lingua Sabina sic 
(i.e. Camulum) appellari Martem constat 
ex inscriptione 9, folii xl. 

The Catalogue of the Slade Collection, 
now in the British Museum, contains a 
notice of a curious specimen of embossed 
glass, recently found at Colchester ; Part 
I, sec. II c, Roman Glass blown in a 
mould, p. 33, No. 198. It is an entire 
cup. Over four charioteers are their 
names ; the conqueror is addressed AVE, 
the three others VALE. 

In the Colchester museum the follow- 
ing objects deserve special attention : — 
an earthenware vase ornamented with 
bas-reliefs and bearing an inscription, a 
Sphinx in oolite, a bronze head of Silenus, 
and large glass cinerary urns. For a 
description of the sepulchral monument 
of a centurion, found 1868, see a pam- 
phlet by Rev. B. Lodge ; with the vine 
branch in his right hand comp. Juvenal, 
viii, 247 ; xiv, 193 ; Tacitus Ann., i, 23. 

Mons. Hucher, L'Art Gaulois, p. 20, 
notices a very curious medal, with the 
legend CAMVLU, ligured PL 101, No. 6. 



It is attributed, with great probability, 
to Camulogenus, chief of the Aulerci 
Cenomani, who played a prominent part 
in the final contest (la lutte supreme) 
with Julius Caesar : Bell. Gall, vii, 57, 
Suinma imperii transditur Camulogeno 
Aulerco, qui, prope confectus jctatc, 
tamen propter singularem scientiam rei 
militaris ad eura est honorem evocatue ; 
of. ibid. cc. 59, 62. M. Hucher remarks 
on the type of the reverse, on y retrouve 
l'idee d'independance caracterisee par le 
cheval bondissaut en liberte. 

1 Chap, vi, Lancaster, p. 170. This 
altar was found 1797, in clearing away 
some earth for improving and enlarging 
the Castle. 

2 Nos. 309, 310, D[E]0 MARTI BE- 
LATVCADRO. " From the name of the 
god we are necessarily led to suppose that 
he was allied to the Baal of the Syrians:" 
cf. No. 182, and Index I, Names and 
Attributes of Deities, s.v. Belatucadrus. 

Cf. Apollo Maponus, Mr. Thomp. >n 
Watkin's Roman Lancashire, pp. 131-135, 
esp. p. 134. 

; * These words appear on the copper 
coinage of Caligula and Claudius I, Cohen, 
Med. Imp., vol. i, p. 150, No. 22 ; ib.. p. 
164, 77. A reverse of Vitellius exhibits 
the phrase abridged, OB CIVIS SERV.. 
being inscribed upon a shield placed 
against a palm tree, Cohen, ib., p. 265, 
No. 92. We also find OB CIV SER. 
Admiral Smyth, Descriptive Catalogue of 
Roman Imperial Large-Brass Medals, pp. 
30, 34, 53. 



134 THE &ALLO-BOMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

still there in L866, when Brambach wrote. Whatever 
may be the situation of the. stone at present, it certainly 
remained for many years in the Castle at Cleves, where 
the Princess Anne. Henry the Eighth's "Flanders Mare," 
was born. 1 

We cannot say with certainty on what occasion, or by 
whom this altar was erected. Some suppose that the 
whole body of citizens resident at Eeims dedicated it to 
Claudius out of gratitude for the privileges he had con- 
ferred on the Gauls ; but why should the Kemois have 
chosen for this purpose a site so remote from their capital? 
ll seems more probable that the cives Benii here 
mentioned were colonists who lived near Cleves, on the 
banks of the Rhine. 

(2) DEO- MERCVRIO- ET ROS 

MERTE- CANTIVS. //////// T / / / 
FILIVS- EX- V / / / T I I I I I 

Deo Mercurio et Eosmertae Cantius Titi films exvoto. 

Erected in honour of the god Mercury and Eosmerta by 
( :iu! ins, son of Titus, according to a vow. 

Montfaucon, who seems to have been badly informed by 
his correspondent at Langres, reads forte, verte, i.e., 
Fortunae revertenti, to returning Fortune. 2 Grater has 
POSTVERTE instead of ROSMERTE; his mistake in the firsl 
letter was probably caused by a part of the r being 
obliterated. 3 

That Rosmerta is here associated with Mercury, the 
patron of traders, and so we find them together in an 
inscription at Sion, Senita Leucorum;* and in Henzen's 
Supplement to Orelli, N°. 5 ( J08, Rosmerta is called 
Mercurialis; moreover the dedicator of the last monument 
was an adjutor tabulariorum, and therefore was employed 



1 See memoir on "'The Remonstrance," . . . parturientibus propitia," Orelli. 

of Anne of Cleves in the Arelneologia, loc. citat : but this interpretation is 

vol. xlvii, pp. 249-2'i 1. doubtful. See Forcintili, Lex. s.v. 

8 Ant. EzpL tome ii, p. 415. Orelli, ' Discovered in 1820 ; Memories de la 

Inacc. Lat. No. 1415, gives another expla- Socie*te* des Antiquaries de France, t. iii, 

nation, Vertenti, instabili. p. 475 ; t. XIII, p. 208, ap. Loriquet, p. 7s. 

Montfaucon says that the two heads in Cf. Revue Archeologique, Nouvelle 

i emi-circular receBB above the inscription Serie, vol. xl. p. 81 ; "Rosmerta, si 

are those of Mercury and Fortune souvent associle a Mercure dans les ex- 

; 1'. !.. No. 9. ! 'POSTVERTA Dea voto desVosges." 



THE GALLO-TIOMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 



135 



to keep accounts. 1 From these circumstances we may 
infer that Eosmerta was a commercial deity. 2 

This inscription was found at Langres {Andemantum) ; 
others containing the name of the same goddess are to be 
seen at Treves and Luxemburg; so that the provenance 
shows the origin of her worship to be Celtic. 

For Cantius Gruter reads C. Antius, 3 but Cantius 
occurs on a leaden pipe of an aqueduct at Aries, of which 
Mont fan con gives a full-page engraving, Antiquit. Expl, 
Supplem., Tome III, p. 165, plate LXI ; upon it the 
following words are inscribed, c. cantivs. poiiiixvs. fac. 4 
As in the case of the last inscription, so here again we are 
reminded of our own country, the part, of it nearest to 
France being called by Caesar Cantium. lie also remarks 
that the manners and customs of the inhabitants resembled 
those of the Gauls — neque multum a Gallica di Hermit 
consuetudine. 5 These words afford the clue that should 
be followed in our enquiries : the two countries are so 
closely connected by their historical monuments that 
neither can be thoroughly studied apart from the other. 



1 Cf. Nos. 5907, and 5909 which also 
contains the word tabularius. 

2 M. Loriquet, p. 78, places Rosmerta 
in the same category with Nundina, " qui, 
dans d'autres contrees, a ete trouvoe 
egalement associue au dieu des march- 
ands." Classical scholars are familiar 
with nuiulinae (the ninth day, the market 
day) and derivatives such as nundinatio, 
nundinari, See., and the phrase trinum 
nundinum ; Keightley's second edition of 
Ovid's Fasti, Introduction, p. xv ; in the 
Fasti that have been discovered the letters 
on the left A — H denote the nundinae ; 
ib., after p. xviii, Tabula Maffeiana : Orelli, 
Inscc. Lat., vol ii, chap. xxii. Kalendaria 
Antiqua, pp. 379-413 esp., p. 406 sq. 
Arguing from analogy one might expect 
to find Nundina, goddess of markets, as 
M. Loriquet implies, but I have not met 
with this divinity in any ancient author 
or inscription. The Nundina mentioned 
by Macrobius is a totally different per- 
sonage, and not in any way connected 
with trade : Saturnalia I, xvi, 36. Est 
etiam Nundina Romauorum dea a nono 
die nascentium nuncupata, qui lustricus 
dicitur. Est autem dies lustricus quo 
infantes lustrantur et nomen accipiunt ; 
sed is maribus nonus, octavus est feminis. 
On this passage Ludov. Janus, a recent 
editor, has the following note : Hsec hoc 



solo loco commemoratur a scripture vetere, 
cf. Hartung (Die Religion der Romer) i, 
p. 151, et ii, p. 244. The Dies lustricus 
when the child was named is like £he 
Jewish Circumcision and our Christening : 
St. Luke, i, 59-63 ; my Paper on Con- 
stantinople, Archoeol. J"itrn., vol. xxxix. 
p. 148, and note on p. 148, des- 
cription of reliefs on a sarcophagus 
in the Museum. With these rites compare 
the Attic festival 'Afj.<pL8pdfj.ia, (Diet. 
of Antiquities and Liddell and Scott, 
s.v.) : Plato, Theaetetus, 160 E, ixera 5e 
rhv tokov rot a/j.<piSp6fua avrov o>s <xA7)#a>r eV 
kvkAoj Trept9p€KT4ov t<£ \oycf>, Schol. and 
Heindorf's note. 

:! Similarly the earlier editors, e.g. 
Lambinus and Taubmann, write M. 
Accius Plautus, but Ritschl calls this 
author T. Maccius Plautus; so he reads 
in the Mercator, prolog, v. 6. Eade*m 
latine Mdrcator Macci Titi. Tlie line as 
it stands in Bentley's note on Terence, 
Phormio, Prol. 26. Eademlatine Mercator 
Mactici is metrically defective. 

4 Montfaucon remarks, "Ce qui est 
certain, est que Poihinus ne se peut 
souffrir," and proposes to substitute 
Pothinus, which seems very plausible. 
Gruter, vol. i, p. clxxxiii, No. 9, has C. 

CANTHIVS PONTINVS. FAC. 

5 Bell. Gall., v. 14 unit. 



136 THE GALLO-KOMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

(3) D. IVL. D. FIL////// 

CAPITONI 

FLAM IVI EN. IIIVIR 

///// PVBLIC. PER 

///IVIR.AERA ////// 

PRAEF. FABRV. TRIE 

MIL. L /////////////////////// 

GEM//////////////////////////// 

REMI. FOEDERATA 

T). D. D. 

Decimo IVLio Decimi FIL(io VOLTINia) || CAPITONI, || FLAMini 

IVvENtutis, IIlVIRo fl (locoram) PVBLICorum PER sequendorum 

|| IIVIRo AERA(RII),|| PRAEFecto FABRVm, TRIBuno||MILItum 

L(EGionis II ADIVTricis)|| GEM(inae CIVITates VIENNa COLonia 

|| ET) REMI FOEDERATA || (Loco) Dato Decreto Decurionum. 1 

Erected in honour of Decimus Julius son of Decimus, of 
the Voltinian tribe, surnamed Capito, priest of the goddess 
Youth, triumvir for inspecting public places, duumvir of 
the treasury, president of artizans, military tribune of the 
second legion (assistant), by two states, the colony of 
Vienne and the confederate city of Eeims. 

The site was granted by a decree of the decurions. 

There is some doubt about the interpretation of the 
word Geminae. I have followed Monsieur Loriquet who 
connects it with Civitates ; but Chorier supposes that it is 
an epithet qualifying Legionis. 

This inscription has been selected for consideration on 
account of the words Praefectus Fabrum, which correspond 
with similar expressions on a sepulchral stone found at 
Bath, and engraved by the Eev. H. M. Scarth in his work 
entitled Aquae Solis, PL xxi, p. 59. 2 What is wanting in 

1 This inscription and the expansion of that the letters were carved on the pedestal 

it are given by M. Loriquet on pages 80 of a statue of Capito. 
and 83 respectively : the attentive reader 2 Mr. Scarth discusses the ancient name 

will observe that they do not harmonize of Bath, pp. 3, 4, and writes Aqua> Solis, 

exactly, but the lacunae are so numerous following the Antonine Itinerary, ed. 

that we must be contented with a probable Wesseling, p. 486, ed. Parthey and Pinder, 

interpretation. The original was formerly p. 233; but Hiibner, Inscriptiones Bri- 

at Vienne (Dauphine) and has been lost ; tanniae Latina;, cap. ix, p. 24, with good 

its deficiencies are supplied, to a great reason, I think, prefers Aquae Sulis, " ex 

extent, from another inscribed stone still titulis dere Sulis Minerva; ibi cultee," 

extant in the Museum at the same place. Nos. 38-44, 53 : and so Lysons, Reliq. 

Spun, who wrote at Lyons and saw the Brit. Rom. i, 1813, p. 9, adn. c, " Sed neg- 

monument, in his Miscellanea Eruditre lexit veritatem is quoque qui nuperrime 

Antiquitatis, p. 203, Sectio v, Geographica urbis monimenta composuit (Scarth)." 

&c, corrects the mistakes of Gruter, vol. Sul Minerva is another example of a 

i, p. 421, No. 8 : " Hanc ibi ultimam In- barbarian identified with a Roman divi- 

scriptionem foede apud Gruterum muti- nity, like Mars Camulus mentioned above, 

latum restituit et explicat (Chorier) : " of. Apollo Toutiorix, and Diana Abnoba ; 

Orelli, No. 3841 and note. It is evident Scarth, p. 47, McCaul, Britanno-Roman 

Inscriptions, p. 191. 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 1 ?>7 

the French monument is supplied by the English, and 
vice-versa. The latter records the burial of Julius Vital is, 
an armourer (fabricensis), who was attached to tjhe 20 th 
legion, and states that he was interred at the expense of 
his guild (ex colegio fabrice elatus). Fabricensis here has 
a military meaning, as in the Theodosian Code, 1 but fabri 
in the French inscription are probably work-people 
employed for the purposes of civil life, and their president 
(praefectus) would in most cases be some influential person 
who held other municipal offices. M. Loriquet calls 
Vitalis un Beige, but this may mislead the reader : he was 
not a Belgian in the usual acceptation of the word, but 
one of the British Belgae, a tribe inhabiting Hampshire, 
Wiltshire and Somersetshire. 2 

The latest archaeological novelty at Eeims, as far as I 
know, is an inscription communicated by the Baron J. de 
Baye to the French Society of Antiquaries, and discussed 
in their Proceedings on October 5, 1881. 3 It is on a 
cippus of the ordinary form, and 60 centimetres high. 
Besides the stone, a skeleton was discovered in good 
preservation, together with a cinerary urn containing 
human bones imperfectly burnt. The words are as 
follow : — 



. . MECA- MEMO 
RIATVAM 

M. Heron de Villefosse expands it thus: [a] meca?, 
memoria tuam, for am[i]ca(?), memoria[m] tuani [feci]. 
The form of the letters shows that they belong to a late 
period. Memoria is not used here as in classical Latinity, 
but means a memorial or monument ; so Ducange, 
Glossary s.v., explains it by monumentum sepulcrum, 
pvypeiov ; he gives examples from Jerome and Augustine, 

1 Codex Justinianus, Cod. XI, Tit. X vol. ii, No. 4079, who explains fabricensis, 
(IX), De Fabricensibus ; Corpus Juris ex fabrica ferraria s. officina armamentaria 
Civilis, ed. Beck, vol. ii, p. 357. Cf Wil- legioni cuique adscripta : cf Henzen. 
manns,ExemplaInscriptionumLatinarum, Suppl. No. 6751. Prrefectus Fabrica;, sc. 
vol. ii, p. 663, Index x, Collegia, s. v. armorum. McCaul, Op. Citat. p. 187, 
Fabrum. notes, has some observations on the 

2 Wright. The Celt, the Roman and words fabri, fabricensis, fabrica, elatus 
the Saxon, pp. 22, 40. and collegium. 

The inscription at Bath is given by 3 It was found near the Goods' Depart- 

Hiibner, Op. Cit. No. 49, p. 27, who thinks ment of the Railway Station. Remarks 

it belongs to the second century. He says on the Baron de Baye's letter were made 

that the device in the triangular top is by M. Heron de Villefosse : Memoires de 

Medusa's head ; according to Mr. Scarth, la Societe Nationale des Antiquaires de 

it consists of fruit and flowers. See Orelli, France, tome xlii, Bulletin, p. 241. 

VOL. XLI. T 



138 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

and notices their frequent occurrence in ancient inscrip- 
tions. 1 Titulus has the same signification in the phrase 
titvlum ponere, which we meet with on a slab near 
Brougham Castle : this expression is rare in Britain, but 
the German museums afford many instances of it. 2 

From Epigraphy we pass by an easy transition to coins 
bearing legends. Speaking generally, those of the Eemi 
are not remarkable; in variety of types and beauty of 
execution they must yield to other tribes, especially to the 
Arverni and Aedui. But one of them deserves notice, 
partly on account of the controversy about it. The 
obverse exhibits three male heads, conjugated, with their 
hair cut close in Eoman fashion ; the device of the reverse 
is a winged victory in a biga, holding a whip, and the 
reins in both hands: the legend bemo appears on either 
side of the coin. Some connoisseurs see here the trice- 
phalous deity that has been found on altars at Eeims and 
in the neighbourhood. This theory may be rejected, 
because the resemblance is not sufficiently close. 3 M. 
Loriquet thinks that the three heads represent three 
provinces, Belgica, Germania Inferior and Germania 
Superior ; in support of his opinion he refers to a medal 
of Galba, on which there are three heads in a horizontal 
line with the legend tres galliae. 4 But it should be 
observed that in this latter case the personification of the 



1 In Orelli, Nos. 4469, 4512, 4536, No. 6 three heads are united, having three 
4549, we find the phrases, memoriam noses and three mouths, but only two 
t'acere alicui, and comparare sibi memo- eyes. M. Bertrand connects the coin 
rias IT. above-mentioned with the Tricdphales, 

2 See my Paper in the Proceedings of and cites M. Hucher as an authority in 
the Society of Antiquaries, Second Series, favour of this view, but does not represent 
vol. vi, p. 388 sq., and reference in a him correctly ; for, though in the Art 
foot-note to Zehetmajer, Lexicon Etymo- Gaulois, Part I, p. 41, he says " trois t&tes 
logicum Comparativum, s.v. Titulus. ... qui nous avaient semble offrir l'efngie 

3 Six of these altars (or rather stelae d'uu Dieu Tricephale tres-honore a. 
shaped like altars) are in the Collection of Reims," in Part II, p. 103, he shows 
M. Duquenelle et Reims, one is in the himself disposed to call them the Trium- 
Musee retrospectif at the Hotel do Ville ; virate. 

Loriquet Op. Citat. p. 62, note 1. Cf.omn. 4 Cohen, Medailles Imperiales, vol. i 

the memoirs by M. Alexandre Bertrand, p. 219, s.v. Galba. Trois tetes de femme 

entitled LAutel de Saintes et les Trades £v droite. (Les Gaules aquitaine, narbon- 

Gauloisesin the Revue Arrhdoloyiqur, 1880, naise et lyonnaise.) PL XIV, No. 8. It 

Nouvelle Serie, vol. xxxix, pp. 337-347, will be remarked that this account of the 

vol. xl, pp. 1-18, 70-84, with engravings provinces differs from M. Loriquet's inter- 

and photographs, esp. pp. 6-13 La Triade pretation. He also thinks that Galba's 

et les Tricephales ; the latter part of this coin was imitated by the Remi (p. 236, 

section is devoted to the pays rtmois, the note), but the altered arrangement of the 

district which has been hitherto most heads seems a fatal objection to tlus 

fertile in monuments of this kind. In view. 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF RETMS. 139 

provinces is, as usual, female, so thai the analogy fails. 1 
Lastly, M. Hucher in his A it Gaulois calls attention to 
some features which render it probable thai we have here 
the effigies of the Roman Triumvirate. He says thai the 
face on the right has an aquiline nose, like that of Mark 
Anthony as it appears in his denarii, but thai the face on 
the left does not show any nasal curve, and in this respect 
agrees with the likeness of Octavian: also thai the time of 
life here indicated suits very well with the Triumvirs, as 
one head is youthful and the other two middle-aged; for 
when this coalition was formed, Octavian was only twenty 
years old, Mark Antony was about fort}', and Lepidus 
could not have been much younger, as he held the office 
of praetor six years previously. 2 

Another coin of the Eemi is interesting, because it 
illustrates an important passage in Caesar, and assists us 
to correct the text. The device of the obverse is a head 
with curls arranged in large masses ; that of the reverse is 
a horse galloping and a wild boar underneath. Here, as 
in the preceding example, the legend is repeated, 
ANDECOM — ANDECOMBO. At first sight we might suppose 
that this is the name of a chief not mentioned by Caesar, 
for no such word occurs in the editions commonly used. 
But where they read Antebrogium, Oudendorp gives 
among the variae lectiones Andocium Borium, Andecum- 
borium, . Indecomborium, Andocumborium, Anodocuburium. 
The true reading Andecomborium is therefore, I think, 
ascertained by comparing the coin with the manuscripts, 
though Monsr. Hucher prefers Andecombogius : see the 
learned note in his Art Gaulois, Part I, p. 63. 3 

1 Hirt, Bilderbuck fur Mythologie, rev., ...TILOS. With the Victory on 

Zweites Heft, p. 178, Tab. XXV, XXVI, the Remish coin we may compare a 

Die Damonen bestimmter Lander, Gegen- denarius of the gens Afrania, Cohen, 

den, 6'rter, &c., esp. p. 179. Stattliche M <^- Consulages, PI. II, p. 14, Victoire 

Frauen, nut der Thurmkrone auf dem dan? mi bige au galop a droit.-, tenant uu 

Haupte, und das Szepter tragend. fouet. The features of Mark Antony are 

- In the Art Gaulois, Part II, p. 103, ^ well known to us as those oi Augustus 

we have, " une bonne representation de himself, see Cohen, ibid., s.v. Antonia, 

la eharrmnte medalille de Reims ; " it Pls..IV, V, pp. 23-34 ; the head of Lepidus 

has been, I think injudiciously, enlarged, appears, s.v. .Emilia, PL Q, No. 18. 
which detracts from the value of the M. Hucher's explanation of the coin at 

evidence it supplies. The repetition of Reims is corroborated by one struck at 

the legend is not uncommon ; Rollin and Ephesus, which has the beads of the 

Feuardent's Catalogue gives many ex- triumvirs similarly placed : it may be 

amples; e.q p. 8, No. 101, TOGIR1X, seen m the British Museum, 
reverse, TOGIR; p. H, No. 166, COAIMA, 3 Bel1 - tJrt11 - lib - [I - a •''• e(llt ( "" 1 '"' 

rev., COMMA; p. 25, No. 284, PIXT... dorp; Remi, qui proximi Galhac ex 



140 



THE GALLO- ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 



V. It would be impossible on the present occasion to 
describe in detail the Cathedral which presents so many 
interesting features of different kinds, but I beg permission 
to notice the external sculptures, because they excite the 
curiosity of the most superficial observer, and neither 
ordinary guide-books nor general works on architecture 
will afford the information he desires. My account, is 
chiefly derived from an unpretending, but very instruc- 
tive, work by the Abbe Tourneur, entitled Description 
Historique et Archeologujue de Notre Dame de Eeims. 1 

The north transept has three arches ; the central and 
that on the left are richly decorated, that on the right is 
walled up. 2 In the former the middle place between the 
two doors is occupied by a figure of colossal size wearing 
long robes, a conical cap and a cope fastened by a breast- 
plate in which tw T elve precious stones are set. 3 This 



Belgis sunt, ad enm (Cicsarein) legates, 
Iccium et Antebrogium, primos civitatis, 
miserunt. With the former part of the 
word Andecombogius, Hucher compares 
Andes (Anjou), Andematunum, Ande- 
camulum ; and with the termination, 
Vercombogius (Gruter, p. DCCLVin ; No. 
11), &c. Lelewel, Monnaies Gauloise et 
Celtique, PL III, Nos. 44, 45. Hucher, Art 
Gaulois, Pt. I, p. 29 ; PI. 62, fig. 1 ; Pt. 
II, p. 103, and p. 139, Catalogue Critique 
des Legendes des Monnaies Gauloises. 

A general account of the coins of 
the Remi is given by Barthclemy, Nu- 
mismatique Ancienne (Manuels-Roret), 
Gaules, Belgica, p. 100. 

" Types : Trois bustes de profil, dans 
une couronne de feuillage ; bige ; tote 
imberbe tournee a, droite ; lion arrete, la 
queue passee entre les pattes. 

Uganda : REMO ; REMOS. 

Metal : Bronze. On lit but les mon- 
naies des Remi le nom du chef ATISIOS." 

Rollin and Feuardent in their Catalogue 
de Medailles de la Gaule, Chefs Remois, 
p. 32, Nos. 354-358 give, besides ATISIOS, 
the followhig names : — A0IIAIAC (sic), 
ECCAIOS, and VENECTOS. For the 
first of these De Saulcy reads A0HDI AC, 
and ingeniously conjectures that it is the 
Greek form of ATISIOS, cf Caesar Bell. 
Gall., I, 29: in the last case he prefers 
VENEXTOS : Hucher, Op. citat., Catal. 
Crit. 

1 The fourth edition of this book was 
published at Rf.-ims in 1880. See also flic 
[conograpbie interieure de 1m Cathedrale 
ete Reims. Histore et Description des 



Vitraux et des Statues by the same 
author; and for the Liturgy of angels, 
Mrs. Jameson's Sacred and Legendary 
Art, p. 36. 

2 On this side, previously to 1793, a 
door opened on a hall named Pretiosa, 
because the canons assembled there to 
hear the martyrology read, and the service 
began with the words, Pretiosa in con- 
spectu Domini mors sanctorum ejus. 
Precious in the sight of the Lord is the 
death of his saints, Psalm cxvi, 15. 

3 This part of the vestment is derived 
from the "breast-plate of judgment" 
mentioned among Aaron's garments, Ex- 
odus xxviii, 2-4, 1 5. It is called in the 
Septuagint Xoytiov riiov Kpiaecav or rrjs 
Kpiaews, and ■n*pi(Tri)Qiov ; and in the Vul- 
gate rationale. Cf. Isaiah lix, 17, eVeSiWro 
diKaioawrjv us OaipaKa ; Ephes. vi, 14, I 
Thess. v, 8. B. Cyrilli Archiepiscopi 
Alexandrini De Adoratione in Spiritu et 
Veritate, lib. xi, p. 384 sq., edit Aubert, 
Paris, 1638. Philo Judaeus De Vita 
Mosis, lib. iii, p. 670, Paris, 1640. Red 
Kara to crTr/dos &Woi Aldoi iroAvrtteh 
Sia<pepovT(s ra?s xpjais, o~(ppayio~iv 4oik6t(s, 
4k rpiwv T6Tpa<TTotx € '> ib., p. 672. 

Ducange's article Rationale extends 
over more than three columns in Hens- 
chel's edition. The Rev. Wharton B. 
Marriott in his Vcstiarium Christianum 
quotes and translates many passages from 
ancient authors : Introduction p. iv, sr/., 
pp. 1, 5, 17, 22, etc. 

The Vakass, a vestment peculiar to the 
Armenian ('lunch, has a breast-plate 
attached to it : Smith's Dictionary of 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF HEIMS. 141 

personage raises his right hand to bless, and holds a book 
in his left. Some suppose that St. Sixtus, others thai St. 
Peter is here represented. The figurines on the pedestal 
symbolize the episcopal virtues, gentleness, fortitude and 
charity. There are three statues on each side of the 
porch : on the left, St. Nicaise, head in hand, between an 
angel perfuming him with incense and his sister Eutropia : 
on the right, a corresponding group, St. Eemi holding the 
Sainte- Ampoule {holy vial) said to have descended from 
heaven, between an angel and Clovis who wears (lie dress 
of a catechumen. 

The Tympanum contains live rows of sculptures :— 

1. St. Nicaise kneels before an altar on which his head 
is deposited ; this subject is repeated, but in the second 
case the saint presents his head to the barbarians for 
decapitation ; Eutropia stands by, and strikes the Vandal 
king in the face, that she may share her brother's martyr- 
dom. Proceeding towards the right we see the baptism 
of Clovis by St. Eemi : the former is in the font, behind 
him are his wife Clotilde and Frankish lords ; the latter 
receives from heaven the Sainte Ampoule, and is followed 
by his clergy. 

2. An angel announces to Mont anus the birth of St. 
Eemi; Montanus in his turn informs Cilinia. St. Eemi, 
while yet an infant, commences his thaumaturgic career ; 
on his mother's knees he restores sight to the aged 
Montanus, anointing him with his mother's milk. Clad in 
episcopal robes, the saint expels a demon from a girl at 
Toulouse, and on this occasion is attended by two acolytes, 
one of whom scatters holy water with a brush ; he also 
chases evil spirits, three adults and a young one, from the 
City of Eeims. The devils form the most animated group 
in the whole composition ; amazement and terror are 

Christian Antiquities, s.v. It is said that 0. Me-ro Se rb Sevrepov KarairiTacrna. 
the Rationale adorned with precious stones aKyv^ rj keyofxtvri "Ayia "A71W, ib., vi, 19 ; 
is a sign of a papal legate, and therefore x, 20, and the By-Altar of Proposition, 
appears on Archbishops of Reims, in Upodeais (Ducange, GloBsarium Grroci- 
sculpture and glass-painting. tatis), corresponds with the table of shew- 
Similarly in the Greek Church some bread, for which the same word is used in 
parts of the ritual may be traced back to the LXX. Dr. Covel's account of the Greek 
a Jewish origin ; the wooden screen Church, Camb. 1722 ; his Plates are 
('EiKovdaraati), for which a curtain would derived from Goar's Notes on the Greek 
be a temporary substitute, reproduces the Ritual (F.vxo\6yiov). 
veil that hung before the Holy of Holies The Rev. VV. R. Churton, B.D., favoured 
at Jerusalem : Epistle to the Hebrews, ix. me with some of the foregoing references. 



142 THE GALLO- ROMAN MONUMENTS OP REIMS. 

depicted in the countenances of the elders, but the juvenile 
like an impudent gamin, looks up at the saint defiantly. 
These grotesque beings contrast well with the solemn 
gravity of the ecclesiastics. 

o. Job appears as the chief personage; he is seated on 
a dunghill or heap of ashes, for it is not easy to determine 
which of the two is intended: Satan lays one hand on the 
patriarch's head, and with the other raises his left leg. 
These gestures correspond with the Biblical text: "So vent 
Satan forth from the presence of the Lord, and smote Job 
with sore boils from the sole of his foot unto his crown." 1 
Behind Job his three friends are consulting together ; then 
comes a repetition of this group, with a tree between; 2 
Job's wife closes her mouth with both hands. In front of 
Job the same persons are reproduced, but the wife's 
attitude is different, for she now stops up her ear. The 
remaining space is filled by the maid of Toulouse and 
friends who surround her. The story from the Old 
Testament has been introduced out of place; it breaks the 
continuous series of the acts of St. Remi. 

4. The Saint restores to life the Toulousaine, who died 
after the demon had been expelled. To the right, he 
makes the sign of the cross before a cask from which wine 
issues, the butler on the other side of it expresses astonish- 
ment hx his uplifted hand. We have here a representation 
of the miracle worked at Celtus {Cernay). According to 
the Acta Sanctorum there was a deficiency of wine, when 
St. Remi visited this place; but while he was praying for 
a larger supply, and before he had risen from his knees 
the wine overflowed the pavement, so that the servant 
exclaimed, " In the name of Christ who ever saw such a 
thing (In nomine Christi quis unquam tale vidit)!" 3 

1 Job, chap, ii, v. 7. at great length in the Acta Sanctorum 

2 Comp. The Bayeux Tapestry eluci- (Oct. 1st) vol. 47, pp. 59-187. Xancti 
dated by Dr. Bruce, Plate I opposite p. nativitaaaSanctoMontanopr8edicta,p. 65; 
23, II p. 40, III p. 45, etc. ; and C. 0. historia energumena* Tolosana* per Sanc- 
Muller, Denkmaler der Alten Kunst, part turn liberate et vita.' reddite, p. 71. 
i, PL LXX, No. 382, Trajan's Column, 'Evepyov/xevos means a demoniac in eccle 
Die beidem Baumstiimme zur Rechten siastical writers ; whence comes the Finn h 
und Linken trennen die scene von andern word encrgumene, now commonly used 
Kriegsbegenheiten. See also the illus- lb. p. 133 (Vetus Capitum Partitio Qua- 
trated works of Fabretti and Froehner liter de parvo liquore in villa Celtovinum 
passim. redundare fecit ex vasculo non modicse 

:i This legend Beems to 1»- an absurd quantitatis. These exploits of Saint Remi 

exaggerate >n < if the turning of water into were too wonderful even for the Bollandisl 

wine :'t the marriage-feast in Cana of editors; accordingly they describe his life 

Galilee. The Life of Saint Remi is related written by Hincmar as prolixim- fabulis 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 143 

5. The triangular space at the top is occupied by Our 
Lord seated, holding the book of the Gospels, between two 
angels who kneel and oiler crowns. 

Most of the figures in the tympanum are erect; in the 
voussoirs, on the contrary, they are all seated. These 
latter occupy three bands, viz: twelve bishops on the 
interior, fourteen patriarchs on the middle, and sixteen 
popes with tiaras on the exterior. 1 

Under the left arch of the North Transept colossal 
statues are arranged on the basement in the same manner 
as those previously mentioned. Our Lord stands in 1 lie 
centre, raising his right hand in benediction, holding the 
globe of the world in his left, and treading on a basilisk. 2 
This statue is so beautifully executed that it goes by the 
name of Le Beau Dieu. On the side-walls we see six 
apostles distinguished by characteristic signs. Our Lord 
also appears in the summit of the tympanum seated as a 
judge, his feet resting on a stool, which indicates his 
power. The Virgin and St. John the Baptist adore him, 
while two angels display the instruments of his passion. 
Below this group are two rows of figures rising from their 
tombs; but the repetition does not produce satiety, 
because their attitudes are sufficiently varied. The third 
row is divided into two compartments by a tree in the 
centre ; on the left are three theological and the four 
cardinal virtues, on the right impure vices, greatly 
mutilated. Immediately over the lintel the souls of the 
righteous are represented by infantile forms which angels 
carry to Abraham's bosom ; the wicked, amongst whom 
there is a bishop and a king, are dragged by Satan to a 
cauldron ; two demons fill it with the spirits of the lost, 
and a hideous toad climbs up on its edge, while the flames 
are blazing all around. 3 On the voussoirs, angels blow 

respersa. To use Gibbon's phrase, of transept is admirable, while on the other 

which a friend has reminded me, we may hand the nude figures are very inferior, 

read these pretended miracles " with a The excellence in the former case arose 

smile or a sigh." from imitation of the antique ; the defect 

For the Church of St. Remi at Reims in the latter from ignorance of anatomy. 

v. Congres Arche"ol. de France, 1861, pp. For this remark I am indebted to the 

87-102, and Congres Scientif., 1846, pp. Rev. C. W. King. 

276-278. 2 Psalm xei, 13. Thou shalt tread 

Hincmari Archiepiscopi Remensis An- upon the Hon and adder : the young lion 

r.ales, A.D. 861-882, are contained in and the dragon shalt thou trample under 

Pertz, Monumenta Germanise Historica, foot, 

torn i, pp. 455-515. 3 There is a similar scene in the tyni- 

1 The treatment of drapery in this panum of the Cathedral at Autun : see 



144 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

trumpets or hold the book of judgment ; the wise and 
foolish virgins have their place next the tympanum; at 
the top are two temples, one open for the former, the 
other closed against the latter, with the awful announce- 
ment, Clausa est janua, the door is shut ! 

The sculptures of the West front are of course far more 
numerous and elaborate than those in the transept, but in 
many cases, the subjects being of frequent occurrence, less 
explanation is required. Four young men emptying urns 
surmount the abutments of the porches ; they are supposed 
to be the four rivers of Paradise, mentioned in Genesis. 1 
As the Cathedral bears the name of Notre Dame, we 
cannot be surprised to find the design of the chief entrance 
specially Mariolatrous : everything here from the rez de 
chaussee to the apex is consecrated to the Virgin's honour. 
She stands in the middle under the rose window presenting 
the Divine Child to the worshippers as they approach. At 
her feet Adam and Eve eat the forbidden fruit, and are 
driven from Paradise. On the exterior surfaces of the 
jambs the twelve months are represented by appropriate 
labours ; on the inner, thirty angels, in various habits, 
form the cortege d'honneur that waits on the Queen of 
Heaven. Twelve colossal statues are grouped round her ; 
eight of them relate to the Annunciation, Visitation and 
Purification ; the meaning of the other four has not been 
ascertained. Originally the lintel exhibited the Nativity, 
Presentation and Death of Mary, but in 1802 a Latin 
inscription was placed here which still remains. 2 The 
tympanum is filled up by a rose window, 3 and the gable 



my Memoir on the Antiquities of that ' Deo optimo Maximo, sub invocatione 

city, Archceol. Joum., vol. xl, p. 118, with Beatte Marine Deiparae Virginia, templum 

illustration. xiii s?eculo reeedificatum. These words 

1 Chap, ii, w. 11-14; Pison, Gihon, are legible in M. Trompette's photograph, 

Hiddekel (or Tigris) and Euphrates. With Vue d' ensemble du grand Portail. 

the symbolism here compare the river- 3 This substitution of a window and 

god in the Tom beau de Jovin mentioned openwork (a jour etvitre) for a tympanum 

above : Loriquet, Reims pendant la Dom- covered with figures is an unusual arrange- 

ination Romaine, PI. opposite p. 125, fig. 9, ment, but it has the advantage of causing 

and p. 180 sq. See also Hirt Bilderbuch the interior to be as well lighted at the 

fur Mythologie, die Gewasser des festen west end as at the apse : Tourneur, Des- 

Landes — p. 156, Gewisse Attribute sind cription, p. 29. The statues seem as if 

hnen gemeinschaftlich . . . ein Schilf rohr they had mounted into the pedimenta 

und ein umgesturzter Krug, aus dem above the doors. Speaking generally, 

Wasser stromt ; p. 1 58, a painting at Her- throughout this facade the proportions of 

culaneum is described, where the river the various members and the details of 

Ascanius appears together with a group of decoration are equally admirable, 
nymphs who carry off Hylas, PI. XX, fig. 5. 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF HEIMS. 145 

end over it contains the principal subject — the Coronal ion 
of the Virgin by Our Lord in the presence of Seraphim 
and Angels. She is seated, with the sun overhead and the 
moon at her feet, as the woman is described in the 
Apocalypse, xii, 1. A series of canopies, rising to the 
summit of the pediment, however beautiful in themselves, 
produce a bad effect, because they interfere with the 
architectural lines. There are no less than seventy-five 
statues on the voussoirs. Beginning with the interior row, 
the sequence is as follows — Angels and kings with musical 
instruments ; prophets and typical personages of the Old 
Testament ; martyrs, saints and virgins of the Christian 
dispensation. Many figures here were clumsily restored 
between the years 1742 and 1792. 

Left Porch — eleven colossal figures adorn the side-walls 
of the entrance ; amongst them are St. Nicaise, St. Eemi 1 
and Eutropia. On the lintel the conversion of St. Paid is 
represented ; dazzled by a supernatural light he falls from 
his horse at the gates of Damascus. On the inner surface 
of the door-cases there are sixteen guardian angels ; on 
the outer, arts and sciences corresponding to the manual 
labours of the central porch. The gable contains the 
Crucifixion of Our Lord, the executioner piercing his side, 
and the soldier presenting a sponge. St. John and the 
Virgin stand at opposite sides lower down. The sculptures 
on the lateral arch at the extreme left and on the 
voussoirs of this porch exhibit scenes in the life of Christ, 
from the Temptation to the Ascension, together with the 
discovery of the cross by St. Helena. Above this legend 
we see a female of great size, probably intended for the 
Synagogue and as counterpart of the Church at the other 
end of the facade. 

Eight Porch — In the basement statues of Abel, Abra- 
ham, Moses and Isaiah occupy one side ; Simeon and St. 
John the Baptist are fitly placed with them, because they 
announced the mission of Jesus. On the other side 
of the entrance we have the saints who first preached 



1 St. Remi (Remigius) must be dis- b.v. ; and Remigius first Norman bishop 

languished from others who bore the same of Lincoln, shortly after the Conquest; 

name : — St. Remi, archbishop of Lyons Art. on the Architectural History of 

in the 9th century, who had a controversy Lincoln Cathedral by the Rev. Precentor 

with Hincmar about predestination and Venables in the Archc'ol. Journ., vol. xl, 

grace ; Nouvelle Biographie Generate, p. 160. 

VOL. XLI. U 



146 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

Christianity in Gaul. The lintel continues the history of 
St. Paul; Ananias restores his sight, and baptizes him. 
The jambs also continue subjects previously noticed, and 
express the idea of moral culture by means of virtues, 
opposite vices, and lawful amusements. 1 The designs on 
the voussoirs resemble those in the left tympanum of the 
North Transept, but they follow the Apocalyptic vision 
more closely. They include St. John writing his 
Revelation, the Seven Churches, heresies, the tree of life, 
angels beheading the wicked, hell, the book of judgment, 
Michael contending with Satan and the Son of man, from 
whose mouth a two-edged sword goes forth. 2 In the 
gable Our Lord, as judge, pronounces sentence, attended 
by angels. The side-arch may be regarded as an 
appendage to the porch, both in architecture and in 
sculptural decorations ; the latter exhibit the bottomless 
pit, Christ victorious, the book with seven seals and the 
souls crying beneath the altar. A similar arch, turned 
towards the Archeveche, contains the legend of St. John : 
he is plunged into boiling oil which has no effect on him, 
drinks poison unhurt, and is carried up into heaven. 

First Story of the Facade — We admire here four 
colossal statues placed on the buttresses ; Our Lord and 
St. John on the spectator's left hand, the Virgin and St. 
Peter on the right. David and Solomon beneath the great 
rose window, and scenes from their history on the arch 
immediately above it. In the spandrils David slings a stone 
at Goliath, and cuts off his head. 3 



1 These amusements are appropriate - Rev. i, 16, Kai 4/t rov crrdfiaTos avrov 
to the seasons of the year. e.g. summer- pofx<paia SiWo/uos o|€7a eKiroptvo/j.evri. See 
heat is indicated by a naked figure, pre- Forcellini's Lexicon, and Rich's Com- 
paring to bathe : as, on the contrary, pauion to the Latin Dictionary, s.v. 
winter is draped on a coin of Commotlus Rhomphsca. 

to which reference has already been made. 'The Abbe Tournier, Description p. 

Here, as in many other cases, the tra- 41, says that David and Solomon are here 

ditions of classical art were closely as ancestors of Mary ; but I should rather 

followed. Sketch-book of Wilars do think that they have been inserted in the 

Honecort, an Architect of the Xlllth composition, because they were the most 

Century, edit. Professor Willis, p. 39, PL famous kings of the Old Testament, and 

X, Divine honours paid to an Emperor. therefore are fitly j>laced next the kings 

" This drawing shows that mediaeval of France in the facade of a building, 

artists had more respect for works of where the latter were crowned for many 

antiquity than is generally supposed, and generations. David is dressed as a shep- 

that architects attempted to imitate them herd: Goliath holds a spear and shield, 

in their constructions, as the troubadours and wears a coat of mail, like a knight of 

did in their poems." Cf, ibid., p. 33, PI, the Middle Ages. 
VII. 



THE GALLO -ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 



147 



Second Story. Fifty-six personages adorn this £tage; 
the scries of figures form as it were a diadem, crowning 
the edifice, and conspicuous from afar. 1 The baptism of 
Clovis fills the space between the towers.- The king 
stands nude in the font, his Queen Clotilda and Montanus 
are on his right, the latter holding royal robes; on his left 
St. Eemi receives the Sainte Ampoule, and St. Thierry 
carries the metropolitan cross ; a sceptred king occupies 
a niche at each of the corners. 3 

On some former occasions T have had the honour to 
read before the Institute memoirs on Antiquities situated 
in remote localities and difficult of access; to day I have 
invited your attention to objects lying on a most 
frequented route, on the direct line between London and 
Switzerland. The majority of travellers pass through 



1 From their superior elevation the 
regal statues at Eeims produce a better 
effect than at Notre-Dame, Paris, where 
they are arranged immediately over the 
three entrances of the West front : Galig- 
nani's Guide, p. 313 sq., Galerie des Rois. 

2 Mr. M. L. Rule informed me that 
Clovis was prepared for baptism by St. 
Vedast (Vaast) Bishop of Arras (Atreba- 
tensis) : he is commemorated on Feb. 
6th, Acta Sanctorum, vol. iii, pp. 782-815 ; 
see also vol. lxvii, pp. 77cdf, 78a. In- 
terim Rex Chlodoveus ... apud Tullum 
oppidum eum (Vedastum) agnovit : eoque 
socio itineris assumpto ad Sanctum Remi- 
gium baptizandus properavit, p. 783. Cf. 
ibid., p 792, Vita brevior, cap. 3. Two 
other saints of the same name are men- 
tioned by Potthast, Wegweiser durch die 
Geschichtswerke Europaischen Mittelal- 
ters von 375-1500 ; Vollstandigeres Ver- 
zeichniss der Heiligen, ihrer Tage und 
Feste, p. 254, Vedastus episcopus 1 Oct., 
Vedastus martyr 26 Oct. 

A church in Foster Lane, Cheapside, 
the work of Sir Christopher Wren (1697), 
is dedicated to St. Vedast. " The spire 
is a charming composition of varieties ; 
the square, the concave, the convex, and 
the square repeated in the pyramidal 
termination give hard and soft shadows 
must agreeably distributed :" Roy. Inst. 
Brit. Architects, paper by John Clayton, 
Assoc, April 5th and 26th, 1S52. Comp. 
Pictorial Handbook of London in Bohn's 
Illustrated Library, p. 195, sq. (woodcut). 

Clovis I is well known, but historians 



give a meagre account of Clovis II and 
III (Martin, Histoire de France, vol. ii, 
p. 141 sq., 146, 159, 171). The last of 
these kings is said to have reigned A.D. 
691-696 ; but on this subject see a 
brochure by M. Charles Grellet-Balquerie 
published in 1882, "Deux Decouvertes 
Historiques. Histoire de Clovis III, 
nouveau Roi de France, 672 ou 673 a 
677-678. Authenticite et date precise 
de la translation du Corps de St. Benoit 
en France an I er de Clovis III," with fac- 
simile of inscription on the tomb of St. 
Mummole or Mummolenus (end of seventh 
century). 

Clovis is called in Latin Chlodoveus; 
Martin, in his index, uses the form 
Chlodowig. 

3 St. Remi himself relates that after 
baptism he anointed Clovis with holy oil 
(sacri chrismatis unctione ordinavi in 
Regem), but the story of the descent of 
the Sainte Ampoule from heaven was 
invented by Hincmar 360 years after- 
wards. This vial was broken in 1794 ; it 
seems to have been one of the kind im- 
properly called lachrymatories, which were 
used to perfume the ashes of the dead : 
Biographie Universelle, vol. ix, p. 135, 
note 3 ; Art. Clovis by Walckenaer. 

It is recorded that the baptism of Clovis 
was solemnized with extraordinary pomp 
and magnificence, and hence perhaps we 
may, in some measure, account for the 
scene being twice figured among the ex- 
terior sculptures at Reims. 



148 THE fJALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

Eeims without stopping, and some devote only a single 
day to it. My remarks have by no means exhausted the 
subject, but I trust they may induce archaeologists to stay 
a little loimer, and (though they mav forget "the drudge 
and pioneer ") to explore more carefully the monuments 
of the city, both classical and mediaeval. 



APPENDIX. 

Besides the Inscriptions investigated above, there are some others 
connected with Reims, by their provenance or contents which deserve 
attention. M. Loriquet, Op. Citat., p. 308, says that the following 
letters are inscribed in relief on glass — 

FIRM 
HILARI 
ATYLAR 

which he expands thus : — Firmi Hilari dvrl rvXioa-eas dpcuas, Collyre de 
Firmus Hilaris contre les callosites naissantes de l'oeil. 

The bottle was found at Clairmarais, near Reims : see Figs. 16 and 17 
of Plate opposite p. 125. M. Loriquet derives his interpretation from a 
passage in a treatise ascribed to Galen, and entitled, KiVaywy?), 7} Tar/ads, 
Introductio, sou Medicus (c. 15). He has mis-spelt the name of the 
Greek physician, calling him Gallien, i.e., Gallienus ; he has also mis- 
read the inscription. A notice of the corrections by Count Conestabile 
and M. Detlessen, with ample references, is contained in the Catalogue of 
the Slade Collections, p. 32, No. 192 (Roman glass blown in a mould.) 
The true reading is firmi hilari hylae, which is simply the glass- 
maker's mark. This inscription, therefore, must not be placed in the 
same category with two oculists' stamps (pierres sigillaires) discovered at 
Reims, which resemble those described by Von Sacken und Kenner, Das 
K. K. Miinz-und Antiken-Cabinet, Oculisten-oder Aliptensteine, p. 127 

For this subject, in addition to the authorities cited by Dr. McCaul, 
Britanno-Roman Inscriptions, p. 176, see the Revue Archeoloyique, 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 149 

Nouvelle Serie, vol. xxxix, pp. 178-182. Un nouveau cachel d'oi uli te 
Romain : the article ends with a list of books (Bibliographie), amongsl 
which the works of Grotefencl and Desjaidins are particularly important ; 
it also included Memoirs by the Abbe Thedenat, and M. Duquenelle, an 
antiquary resident at Reims. Cf. AVilmanns, Exempla Enscriptionum 
Latinarum, vol. ii, p. 665 sq., Index XIII Notabilia Varia, s.v. BledicinaB. 

Caylus, Recueil d' Antiquities, vol vii, pp. 260-262, PL LXXIY, Fig. 
TV, notices an inscribed vase belonging to this class. From the o 
ness of the material and workmanship he infers thai the contents were 
used to cure diseases of the eye, not in human beings, but in the inferior 
animals. 

M. Loriquet, p. 308, says that marks on glass are very rare, bul the 
Catalogue of the Slade Collection supplies nine examples, pp. 25, 31-33, 
and 51 ; one of them found at Colchester has been mentioned above, bul 
the most interesting is the handle of a Poculurn of sapphire-blue glass, 
bearing the stamp APTAC - C6IAai on one side, and ARTAS - SI IX >N 
on the other. This fragment shows that the vessel was made by Artas 
in Roman times at Sidon, where the manufacture of glass was said to 
have been invented, No. 199, p. 33. 

Another inscription is remarkable because it contains the names of 
Crescens and Briton — 

T • FLAVTVS 
CRENSCES 

EQV • ALE 

TAMVE 

X • BRIT • AN • XXX • STIP ■ XV 

DOM • DVROCORREM 

H • S • E • FLAVIVS ■ SILVANVS ■ DEC • A / / / / / FYS D 

H • F • F 

T. Flavius Crescens, eques alae Tamianae vexillarius Britonum, annis 
xxx, stipendiis xv, domo Durocortoro Remus hie situs est. Flavius 
Silvanus decurionum a(dministrandorum) funerum sententia defuncti 
haeres factus fecit. Loriquet, p. 144. 

The expansion of the foregoing inscription is somewhat doubtful. 
Borghesi reads VExillationis BRiTannicae ; another critic has proposed tam 
pianae ; and Henzen thinks that dvrocorrem is some town in Britain. 
otherwise unknown, Suppl. to Orelli, No. 5253. 

Crensces is an unusual form of Crescent; ; with this variety we may 
compare conjnx and cojunx ; the latter I have seen on a sarcophagus- 
shaped cinerary urn. 

In an affecting passage of St. Paul's Epistle to Timothy, 1 written 
during his second and more severe imprisonment' at Rome, Crescens is 
mentioned among the friends who had deserted the Apostle. Crescens, a 
freedman of Nero (Tacitus, Hist., i, 76), and Tarquitius Crescens, a cen- 
turion who served in the war with Vologeses (Tac. Ann., xv, ii) 
belonged to the same period, and in the middle of the second century 

1 iv, 10. Atj/xccs . . . iwopevOr] els " lb. ii, 9. iv f KaKOwadco /ut'x/n Stfffiwv 

Qiffaa\oviKrjv. Kp?';<XK))s els ra.Acniai', 'cos KaKovpyos. 



150 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

Crescens, a cynic philosopher was refuted by Justin Martyr; Burton's 
Church History, p. 214. Hence we may infer that this name was not 
uncommon in Ancient Eome. 

Similarly Euodia and Trophimus appear in Palermitan inscriptions and 
in the Onomasticon of the New Testament ; see my remarks on this 
subject in the Archceol Journ., vol. xxxviii, p. 159, Notes 3-5, p. 160, 
Note 2. 

1 possess a coin attributed to the Rcini, which resembles one of 
Tenedos, and may have been copied from it. The device on the obverse 
is a head with two faces, female on the left and male on the right : in 
the Greek example the relative positions are reversed. Some have called 
this head (caput bifrons) Janus, but he is represented with two faces 
looking in opposite directions, both bearded, as in the oldest Koman ases, 
Bee the engraving, Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, second edition, p. 
140. Com]). Mionnet, Description de Medailles antiques, grecques et 
romaines, vol. ii, p. 672, Nos, 266, 267. Double tete, l'unc barbue et 
lauree l'autre de femme avec un diademe. Rev. TENEAION, Hache a 
2 tranchans ; dans le champ, mouehe et grappe de raisin; le tout dans un 
earre creux. Hunter's Catalogue, p. 318, tab. lvii, Fig. 7, with a 
reference to Pellerin, tab. cxiii, Fig. 4. Aristotle in his Teve6<W IIoAn-eia 
says that the double head represents parties convicted of adultery, but 
Eckhel thinks that it is an allusion to the story of Tennes and Hemithea, 
Doct. Num. Vet., vol. ii, p. 488 sq. Leake, justly rejecting these inter- 
pretations, supposes that the Janiform heads are Jupiter and Juno, 
Numismata Hellenica, Insular Greece, iEgaean Sea, p. 42 sq., s.v. 
Tenedus. Perhaps Dione is intended, a female Titan, and mother of 
Aphrodite ; her name is only a feminine form of Zeus (genitive Aids), 
compare " Dianus or Janus, the god of light (dies) in Roman mythology ; 
1 )iana or Jana, the goddess of light." Key on the Alphabet, p. 56, ib. 
p. 70 sq. In the Guide to the Coins of the Ancients published by the 
British Museum, it is suggested that the two faces are Bacchus Dimor- 
phus, but this theory seems to me improbable. Rollin and Fenardcnt, 
Catalogue de Medailles de la Gaule, Kernes, p. 32, No. 353, mention 
" Double tete imberbe"; the account is incorrect if meant for the coin 
described above. They add that it may be assigned to the Leuci, a nation 
between the Remi and the Sequani (Franche Comte). Whatever 
explanations we give of the device, it may be regarded as a testimony to 
the strong Greek influence in Gaul, which I have already noticed ; see 
my Paper on Autun, sec. ii, Archceol. Journ., vol. xl, p. 43 sqq. 

With this combination on the coin we may compare the not infrequent 
case of deities sharing the same temple or altar — arvvvaoi dtoi, o-v/xfittifAoi., 
also Trap&poi (assessors or associates), and in Latin contubemales \ 
Ernesti, Clavi.s Ciceroniana, Index Graeco-Latinus, s.v. <xiWaoi. So at 
Dodona Zeus was associated with Dione, a fact which is abundantly 
proved by inscriptions recently discovered there, and published by Cara- 
panos in his work entitled Dodone et ses Ruines ; v. Texte, p. 39 sqq., 
Quatrieme categoric, Divers Ex-voto et fragments d'ex-voto en bronze 
portant des inscriptions dedicatoires a Jupiter Dodoneen et Naios et a 
Dion6, &c ; p. 68 sqq. Sixieme categorie. Planches, fac-similes, Inscrip- 
tions de l'oracle sur plaques de plomb, e.g., xxxiv, No. 2 ; xxxvi, No. 2 
Av/iH'tti' {sic) Many of the inscriptions are in dotted lines, au pointille. 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 151 

Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. i, pp. 228-241, esp. p. 231, and notes to 
p. 233 sqq. ; vol. ii, pp. 106-108. 

Strabo, lib. vii, c. vii, sec. 12. crtWaos tw Ait irpoo-aire&eixdii kul ■>) 

Ata')V7y. 

I am indebted to Professor Ridgeway for this illustration of the subject, 
and for the following reference, Dowson's Classical Dictionary of Hindu 
Mythology and Religion, Geography, History, and Literature, p. 274. 
" Sakti, the wife or the female energy of a Deity, but especially of Siva." 
Sec Devi, p. 86 and Tantra, p. 317. Compare Monier Williams, Indian 
"Wisdom, ]>. 101 sq., and Index, s.v. Skati : and Sayce's Herodotus, p. 
414 sq., Appendix on the Phoenicians. 

See also Birdwood, The Industrial Arts of India ; Part I, The Hindu 
Pantheon, with illustrations at the end, esp. pp. 54, 56, 58. 

Much curious information concerning the Cathedral of Reims will be 
found in the Sketch-book of Wilars de Honecort, edited by Professor 
Willis ; it is doubly interesting because the writer not 'only lived in the 
thirteenth century, but also, as we learn from internal evidence, resided 
for some time in the city. At the end of the volume is a set of drawings 
of the eastern part of Reims Cathedral (Plates lix-lxiii, pp. 20- r >-230), 
which was to be taken as a model for Cambray, the dependence of the 
latter see on the former being "expressed architecturally by similarity of 
plan or style " v. Plate xxvu. The following particulars deserve notice ; 
PI. in, p. xxv, is a warrior in mailed and hooded hauberk, like Goliath 
in the west front at Reims ; PI. v, p. 29, exhibits a contrast of virtues 
and vices, as we see them in the door-cases (chambranles) of the right 
porch of the facade. Mr. Hartshorne has done good service by mention- 
ing this book, Archceol. Jour., vol. xl., p. 301, note Art. on Kirkstead 
Abbey, Lincolnshire ; he rightly calls it " the most important volume in 
the world upon Gothic architecture." 

Among recent authorities one of the most important is Viollet-le-Duc, 
Dictionnaire Raisonne de 1' Architecture francaise, du xi e au xvi e siecle, 
vol. ii, p. 316, Plan of Reims Cathedral, ibid. p. 322; vol. vii, p. 424, 
Cependant, parfois, les tympans des portes furent perces de clairesvoies, 
de veritables fenetres vitrees . . . C'est la une particularite qui semble 
appartenir a l'ecole champenoise, &c. Cf. omn. Index (Table), vol. x, s.v. 
Reims. 

See also the Abbe J. J. Bourasse, Chanoine de l'eglise metropolitans 
de Tours, Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Sacree, royal 8vo, 2 vols., Paris 
1862-63, article Cathedrale (Eglise) pp. 723-895, Reims, pp. 794-797; 
Les Cathedrales de France, 8vo., Tours 1843, Notre Dame de Reims, 
pp. 56-69. 

In the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, there is a manu- 
script which came from Reims, and in which we find the so-called 
Athanasian Creed. The Rev. S. S. Lewis has favoured me with a 
description of it. " No. cclxxii, 0, 5, — Psalter and Litany written at — 
or in the diocese of — Reims shortly before the end of 884 A.D. ; the 
names of S. Remigius and S. Abundus are given in golden letters. It 
contains a prayer for Marinus (Pope 882-884) and for Carloman II (King 
881-885.) After the canticles and ' hymnus angelicus ' occurs the 
' fides catholica,' and Ave Maria gratia? plena added by a much later 
hand, probably of the fourteenth century." The date of this invocation, 
which is in the margin, should be observed. The words See Remigi are 



1 52 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

in gold capitals. See Dr. Swainson, The Xicene and Apostles' Creeds, 
<Src, 1875, pp. 357-9, sec. 7. He also gives some account of Hincmar, 
Archbishop of Reims, and of his controversy with the Saxon Godeschalk, 
chap, xxviii, pp. 302, 326, 414-422. Dr. Swainson describes Hincmar 
as an ambitions and arrogant prelate, who sought to maintain in his own 
person the independence of the Church of his Province against the grow- 
ing encroachments of the Church of Rome. 

A beautiful example of mediaeval sculpture and street-architecture is 
supplied by the Maison des Musiciens, Rue Tambour, near the Hotel de 
Ville. There are live ogival niches, with a seated statue in each — four 
musicians and a central figure which formerly held a falcon. This bird, 
with other projecting ornaments, was removed when Charles X was 
crowned at Reims. The violinist is the chef d'ceuvre in this facade. 
Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire Raisonne du Mobilier francais de l'epoque, 
carlovingienne a la Renaissance ; vol. ii, quatrieme partie, Instruments de 
Musique-Viele (Viole), Figs. 1-6, pp. 319-327. Fig. 3, p. 322, Le Vieleur. 
" La forme de l'archet, qui est ancien, est interessante ; c'est un progres 
sur les formes adoptees au xii e siecle. 

Congres Archeologique de France, xxviii e session a Reims, 1861 ; 
Relation de la visite faite par le Congr. Archeol. des vieilles maisons de 
Reims, par. M. Ch. Givelet, pp. 273-279; Reims et ses Environs, p. 223 
sij. with references. 



Bibliography. 

Flodoardus (sometimes written Frodoardus), Ecclesiae Remensis 
Historia and Chronicon, v. Dom Bouquet, Recueil des Ilistoriens des 
Gaules et de la France, folio, vols. 5-8, esp. vol. 8, Hist., pp. 154-175, 
Chron., pp. 176-215. Most readers will be able to satisfy their require- 
ments by consulting Dom Bouquet's Indices. Flodoard's History extends 
to 949 a.d. 

Marlot, Histoire de la ville, cite et universite de Reims, contenant 
l'etat civil et ecclesiastique du pays, 1843-45. This work appeared pre- 
viously in Latin, 1666, 1679. 

Archives legislatives de la ville de Reims. 

Archives administratives de la ville de Reims. 

Augustin Thierry, Lettres sur l'Histoire de France, Paris, 1846, Xos. 
xx and xxi. Histoire de la commune de Reims. 

J. B. F. Gerusez, Description historique et statistique de la ville de 
Reims, 1817, 2 vols., 20 plates: Antiquites Romaines, vol. i, chap, ix, 
pp. 259-292 ; p. 264, PL, Reste de la Porte Baree, demolie en 1752. 
This book contains notices of many monuments which have disappeared. 
La Chronique de Champagne. 

The following authors may be consulted as illustrating the great mosaic 
of the Promenade at Reims : — II Musaico Antoniniano rappresentante la 
Scuola degli Atleti, Trasferito . . . dalle Ternie di Caracalla al Palazzo 
Lateranese, descritto e illustrato dal P. Giampietro Secchi, Roma, 1843, 
4to. Tavola II shows the whole mosaic, like the one at Reims, it exhibits 
single figures or busts in compartments, but names are annexed, iobianvs, 



THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF "REIMS. 153 

iovinvs, AiiVMNva, &c ; the French pavement, on the other hand, ia 
anipigraphe. 

\Y. Eenzen, Explicatio mueivi in villa Burghesia asservati, quo cer- 
tamina amphitheatri repraesentantur, Roma, 1845. 

Dissertazioni della Pontificia Accademia Romanadi Archeologia, tome 
xii, pp. 73-157 ; Plates with figures of the original size. We have here 
many examples of the Venatio — combats with animal, the panther, bull, 
goat, stag, lion, &c. Praemissae sunt breves de ludorum amphitheatri 
origine atqUe historia, deque ipsorum gladiatorum conditione, generibus, 
armaturis commentationes. 

Gruter's Inscriptions, voL i, p. 337, Augustae Vindelicorum (Augsburg) 
.... pavimentum . . . tessellatum soctile, with full-page engra- 
ving. There are pairs of gladiators in the medallions, and in one of 
them a group of three figures. "Ex Velsero, a quo petenda horum 
uberior interpretatio, " 

Johann Leonardy, Panorama von Trier und dessen TJmgebungen, 
Description of the Mosaic at Nennig, pp. 117-125. 

Collectanea Archaeologica, vol. ii, pp. 303-310, Paper on the Roman 
villa at Nennig by J. W. Grover, compiled from the German of V. Wil- 
mowsky. The engraving is very inferior to that given by the latter 
author. 

Catalogue de la Vente Charvet, with chromo-lithograph and vignette, 
Paris, 1883, p. 159, No. 1716, Poterie Gallo-Romaine ; Grand 
vase spherique (uter) sans anses, decore do reliefs a la barbotine. II 
represente deux Gaulois nus, combattant des taureaux dans l'amphithe&tre. 
V A la naissance du goulot inscription, escipe (excipe) ' bt ■ trade 
sodali vtre (utrem.) C'est le plus grand vase connu de cette fabrique. 
Bonner Jahrbiicher def Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande; 
Ueber ein barbotingefass der ehemaliger Sammlung Disch, t. lxvi, pp. 
110-112, PI. in, 1. This object is remarkable, not only for its size, but 
also for its form and good preservation. It is now in the collection of 
the Rev. S. S. Lewis. 

Gori, Gemmae Antiquae Musei Florentini, vol. ii, tab. xvii, Figs. 1 , 4, 
p. 47 sq. ; tab. lxxii, Fig. 5, p. 120. 

For recent discoveries see : — 

Auguste Nicaise, Le Cimetiere Gallo-Romain de la Fosse Jean Fat, 
Urnes a visage, Steles funeraires avec inscriptions et sculptures, a Reims, 
1883. A ce texte est joint un album renfermant quatre planches in- 
folio, dont trois en chromo-lithographie. 

Bulletin de la Societe Nationale des Antiquaries de France, 2 e Tri- 
mestre, 1883, p. 71 sq. Sepulchral inscriptions on a quadrangular cippus, 
found September, 1882, in excavations made near the Porte de Mars; 
communicated by the Abbe Thedenat. 

Ibid, 3 e Trimestre, 1883, Paper by M. A. Heron de Villefosse on a small 
bronze plate, formerly attached to a wooden casket (area aerata). Globules 
of different sizes, imitating heads of nails, form a rectangular frame, 
enclosing the inscription, utere pbltx in dotted lines, au pointille. De 
Villefosse, Inscriptions de Reims, de Stenay et de Mouron. 

Excellent photographs may be obtained from M. Trompette, 29 Rue 
des Tapissiers, Reims : he has published 48 of the city and its monu- 
ments ; 117 of the exterior, interior, and furniture of the Cathedral ; 90 
of the treasure (tresor de Notre Dame). 



154 THE GALLO-ROMAN MONUMENTS OF REIMS. 

On some points I have differed from M. Loriquet's conclusions, but I 
am hound to acknowledge my great obligations to his learned writings, 
especially to the Mosaiques trouvees a Reims. The least satisfactory part 
of the work is that relating to Natural History : e.g. M. Loriquet 
describes the animal in compartment no. 12 (Lozenge) as Leopard or 
Jaguar. The latter is impossible, being neo-tropical, or, in other words, 
unknown before the discovery of America. Cuvier, Le Regne Animal, 
Tome 1. Les Mammiferes, p. 191, says Tigre d'Amerique, just as the 
puma is called a lion. Compare St. George Mivart, The Cat, p. 397 ; and 
Darwin, Naturalist's Journal, Habits of the Jaguar, p. 135. sq. 

M. Loriquet has also published an account of the Tapestry of the 
( 'athcdral, in atlas shape, with illustrations : the principal subjects 
represented are the Life of the Virgin and the History of Olovis. 



()X THE METHODS USED BY THE ROMANS EOR 
EXTINGUISHING ; CONFLAGRATIONS.' 

By the Rev. JOSEPH HIRST. 

From sparse and brief allusions scattered here and there 
we may gather that amongst the chief contrivances 
employed by the Soman Yigh.es or Fire-men were wet 
cloths, pumps, ropes, poles, axes, ladders and buckets. 

That rags or cloths were wetted and sometimes steeped 
in vinegar, we know from the words of Ulpian in the 
Digest. 2 Cloths steeped in vinegar were thrown over 
the ships in naval warfare to protect them from missiles 
and from fire. 3 Caesar, in his " Commentary on the Civil 
War,"' speaks of these cloths being used as a protection 
for the walls of a wooden and brick tower against the 
darts shots by a machine; 4 and in another place he tells 
us that his soldiers improvised for themselves out of these 
cloths garments and shields, or coverlets, as a protection 
against the rain of arrows from the enemy. 5 

Hence Biicheler, in the " Eheinisches Museum fur 
Philologie " for 1879, p. 342, explaining a proverb of 
Plautus says, "Veteribus lintea similiaque tegumenta, 
centones, saga cilicia, in usu fuisse ad domandos ignes 
arcendumque incendium volgo notum est, quin etiam 

1 Read at the Monthly Meeting of missa tabulationem perfringerent, am 

the Institute, Dee. 6th, 1883. saxa ex catapultis lateritium discuterent 

- Acetum quoque quod incendh ex- . . . Super lateres coria iuducuntur. 

stinguendi causa paratur, item centones, ne canalibus aqua immissa lateres diluerc 

siphones, perticse, scala?. (Digest, 33, 12, posset. Coria autem, ne rursus igni ac 

18.) lapidibus corrumpantur, centonibus con- 

3 Puppes aceto madefaotis centonibus teguntur (De B. 0. ii, 9, 10.) 
inteu,untur (Sisenna in Xonins Marcellus, '■ Magnusque incesserat timor sagit- 
ii, 177). tai'um, atque mmies fere milites aut ex 

4 Earnque contabulationem Bummam coactis {felted cloth), aut ex coriis tunicaa 
lateribus lutoque constraverunt. ne quid aut tegimenta feceraut quibus tela 
ignis hostium uocereposset : centouesque vitarent (Ibid, iii, ii.) 

insuper injecerunt. ne aut tela tormenti- 



15G on the methods used uy the Romans 

centonarii appellati sunt nomine ab illo apparatu ducto 
penes quos cura ftrit incendioruin sedandorum." 

Among the lower officials of the Roman Fire-Brigades, 
whose names have been left recorded on some marble 
blocks discovered in 1820 at one of their stations on 
Monte Celio, are certain Siponarii and Aquarii. The 
former, we can only conjecture, made use of the pumps, 
or directed the hose which threw water on the buildings 
that were on fire. These were probably helped by the 
Aquarii, who kept the Siponarii supplied with water. 
If the Siponarii, who were so-called from the use of the 
sipho, really employed what we in modern language 
understand by a siphon, this fact will show how an ex- 
pedient, commonly had recourse to by sailors in modern 
days on the occurrence of a fire at sea, was known and 
understood in very early times. ' 

As was shewn by quotations in my article on a Soman 
Fire-Brigade in Britain," the Roman Viands were called 
by the common people Sparteoli. It is difficult to trace 
the origin of this denomination. The common opinion is 
that the name was derived from the Esparto grass, of 
which the Roman Vigiles appear to have made some par- 
ticular use. It is well-known that the Romans obtained 
this material from the coast of Spain near Carthagena, 
hence called by Pliny (H. N. xxxi, 43, 2) Espartaria, and 
by Appian <77ra/ora-yEv?k- 3 In the eighth chapter of the nine- 
teenth book of his Natural History, Pliny after speaking 
of hempen cords — In sicco prseferunt e cannabi funes — 
proceeds to speak of Esparto grass, which was brought 
from Spain. He says, it is simply marvellous, how 
common its use has become in every country, for the 
rigging of ships, for builders' scaffolding, and for other 
wants of daily life. At Spartum aliter etiam demersum, 
velut natalium sitim pensans. Est quidem ejus natura 
interpolis ; rursusque quain libeat vetustum novo misce- 
tur. Verumtamen complectatur animo, qui volet miracu- 
lum aestimare, quanto sit in usu, omnibus terris, navium 

1 Langius, in his notes on the younger nosed to have been used for pumping 

Pliny, quotes the definition of a siphon up water into the public baths of that 

from Hesychius : 2i(pa>y ' opyavov rt sis town. 

wp6((Tiv vSoltcov (v rots ifxirprjcrixois. A - Arch. Jour., vol. xl, p. 333. 

double-aetioned forcing-pump was dis- * De Rebus Hisp., xii. Vide De Vit's 

ed in the last century at Castrum Onomasticon, torn, ii, p. 1 16, col. 2, sub 

Novum, near Civita Vecchia, and it is sup- voce Carthago in Hispania. 



FOR EXTINGUISHING CONFLAGRATIONS. 157 

armamentis, machinis aedificationum, aliisque desideriis 
vitae. Ad hos oinnes usus quae sufficiant, minus triginta 
millia passuum in latitudinem a littore Carthaginis novae, 
minusque C in longitudinem esse reperientur. Strabo 
also speaks of the arid soil suitable for the growth of 

Esparto, tovto osoti fxkya /cat UvvBpov, ttiv a^oivoTrXoKthciiv 

<pvov (TTraprov. (Lib. iii, ]). GO). 

Some think that the name Sparteoli was giveu to the 
Roman Firemen on account of the shoes or tunics made of 
Esparto grass, which were worn by them. Pliny tells us 
that peasants wore both shoes and clothes made of Esparto 
grass. Hinc strata rusticis eorum, hinc ignes facesque, 
hinc calceamina, et pastorum vestes (Hist., xix, 7). Cf. 
Vegetius (I Veterin, xxvi, 3) Spartea calciare curabis, and 
Columella, Bos spartea calciata (De Ee Eustica, vi, 15). 
Others derive the name Sparteoli from the ropes of 
Esparto grass, of which it is said the Vigiles made great 
use. Cato, de Ee Eustica, iii, in fine, and Columella, lib. 
xii, cap. 52, speak of Funes cannabini et spartei. Appuleius 
also speaks of traces, ropes or breast-straps made of 
Esparto grass : Defectum alioqui me, helcio sparteo 
dimoto, nexu machina liberatum applicant praesepio 
(Metamorphoses, ix). Helcio tandem absolutus (ibid., 
<i rued). In Spain and on the Mediterranean reins are 
even now sometimes made of the twisted fibres of the 
aloe. 

. The origin however of the word Esparto is as old as 
Homer. It comes from the Greek word avdpuv, which, 
like the Latin word severe, means not only to put seed in 
the earth, but also to plait or join together. Hence 
Homer's mention of the plaited ropes used by the Grecian 

Sailors : Kat ojj Bovpa <7£coj7r£ veojv, /cat (nrapra Xf'Auvrot (Iliad. 

ii, 135). Paley refers to Aeschylus's Agamemnon, 1. 188. 
and renders air a pro. or Truapara, in the sense of ropes, 
cordage, which have become loose, unravelled and in- 
secure, or being made of some coarse vegetable material, 
perhaps. "Sapped is the timber of our ships and rotted 
is the tackle" (Newman). 

From the fact that the word vn-dpTr) means not only the 
city of Lacedaemon but also a rope 1 we have EveXwiBtjq 

1 Vossius has a bed-cord. Nicht meiner Bettstatt, wenn's noch 

Etwas von Spart aubinden soil' Ich anrlcrs Garten giebt. 

meiner iStadt ? 



158 THE METHODS USED BY THE ROMANS 

exclaiming in the Birds of Aristophanes (815-6), ^vdpTt]v 

yap uv Qt'ifx^v eyuj tjj^ujj ttoAh ; uvo av ^uptvvri iravv -ye Ktipiuv 

t'^wv. Spartam nomen ut ego imponam urbi meae ? ne 
grabato quidem Sparteos funiculos, si modo junceos 
habeam (Brunckius). 

In Meinike's Fragments of Greek comic poets we have 
in the Nemesis of Cratinus, n. 9 (ed. Didot. p. 25), Hirapr^v 
\eyuj -i)v ^irapTid^\ ov ti)v aTrapTtvriv, which is thus rendered, 
Spartam dico Spartanam, non funem Sparteum. 

Du Cange however in his Mediaeval Glossary 1 thinks the 
name Spakteoli derived from vessels made of Esparto and 
covered with pitch, in which they carried water. The 
ancient Greeks, it is well known, had acquired the art of 
weaving basket or wicker work so finely and closely as to 
make it capable of holding liquids, as wine and oil. 
Thus in Homer (Iliad, xviii, 568) Polyphemos lets the milk 
coagulate to cheese in baskets (TaXapog -n-XtKrog). 

The use of the ropes may have been either to haul 
buckets on to the walls or to afford a means of escape. 
They may also have been used as cordons for keeping oil' 
the people, and for tying the wetted sheets on to the parts 
of the building that were enkindled. 

The use of the axe was evidently for breaking an 
entrance into places on fire or for cutting away connect- 
ing links, as beams, between one part of a building and 
another. The ladders were no doubt used for gaining 
access to the higher parts of the buildings whence to cast 
down water, or to afford a means of escape. The poles 
may have been used for throwing the cloths on to parts 
that could not otherwise be reached, or for unfolding and 
arranging them on the parts they were intended to cover. 
They may also have been used for keeping back the 
people. Perhaps also they were used for affording a 
means of escape. 

The most frequent mention, however, is made of the 
water-buckets, with which the vigiles had to perambulate 
the town. The Eoman jurisconsult Paullus says in the 
Pandects (i, 15, 3) : Sciendum est, prcefectum Vigilum per 
tut 1 1 in noctem vigilare debere et ccerrare calciatum cum 

' Sparteoli a vasi Sparteis pice illitis. Bpatteas sex, amphoras eparteas quattuor. 
Cato (Dc Be Ruatica, xi; speaks of urnaa 



FOR EXTINGUISHING CONFLAGRATIONS. 150 

amis et dolabris, tyc. Hence Petronius, in the seventy- 
eighth chapter of his Satyricon, where he narrates thai as 
the Koman Firemen were passing near the house of 
Trimalchio, and heard an unusual noise, says they imme- 
diately rushed on the sccuc with buckets of water and 
axes, and busily began to break down the gate: Vigiles 
qui custodiebant vicinam regionem, rati ardere Trimal- 
chionis domum effregerunt januam subito et cum aqua 
securibusque tumultuari suo jure coeperunt. 

There are two very curious graffiti inscriptions made 
perhaps in jest by one of the vigiles on the walls of the 
guard-house belonging to the seventh cohort, which was 
discovered in 1866 by Baron Visconti 1 in the Piazza di 
Monte Fiore near the church of S. Grisogono in the 
Trastevere, on the site of an ancient church, hence called 
San Salvatore de Curte (viz., de cohorte), which is now 
called Santa Maria della Luce. The first of these in- 
scriptions belongs to the year 219, the Emperor M. 
Aurelius Antoninus Heliogabalus and Q. Tineius Sacerdos 
both being consuls for the second time. It concludes ;is 
follows : — 

FLAVIVS ROGATIANVS MIL COH ET.> SS 
SEBACIARIA FECIT. MEN MAI 
SCRIPSI Im KAL JUNIAS TVTA 
AGO GRATIAS EMITVLIARlO. 

The second inscription appears to have been scratched 
upon the wall a few years later, namely, under the con- 
sulship of M. Aurelius Severus Alexander. It concludes 
thus : 

RVBRIVS DEXTER 

SEBACIARIA FECIT MEN 

SE MAIO NOMINE 

CLAVDII (FORTU ?) 

NATI 

OMNIA TUTA 

SALVO EMITVLIARlO 

FELICITER. 

It will be observed that these two inscriptions give us 
the names of two officials of the Vigiles, the Sebaciarius 

1 The result of his discoveries was recordi storiei segnati a graffito nelle 
published for the first time in 1867 at pareti di essa. See also the Corpus In- 
Borne in an octavo volume entitled La scriptionum Latinarum, vol. i, u. 2998- 
stazione della Coorte VII de' Vigili e i 3091, p. 748, &c. 



160 ON THE METHODS USED BY THE ROMANS 

and the Emituliarius. If not for the freak of idle 
soldiers who amused themselves in scratching these words 
upon the plaster of the walls in this out-lying station of 
the Roman Vigiles these two names would never have 
been handed down to us. The former occurs, however, 
about a dozen times in these graffiti, the latter only twice. 
The Sebaciarius was the soldier who was appointed 
during one month to make the links or torches, that were 
carried bv the Vigiles through the streets of Eome on dark 
nights. h\ the first inscription he comes in and reports 
all safe, and gives thanks to the Emituliarius. In the 
second inscription another man made the lights during 
the same month of Ma}' and reports all safe and well 
done, and amongst his comrades he makes special mention 
of the safety of the Emituliarius. In another inscription 
mention is made of the safety of his comrades in general : 
Salvius Dativus 7. Deodori Sebaciaria fecit mense Augusto, 
salvis commanupulis. In another it is : Sevacia (the 
mistaken spelling of an illiterate soldier) tuta fecit, salvis 
commannuculis suis mense Augusto omnia tuta. These 
frequently repeated expressions of delight, or records 
of a safe return home, without any untoward accident, 
give an insight into the feelings of common men 
engaged upon an arduous duty, which will be appreciated 
by the well-tried and energetic members of a modern 
metropolitan fire-1 )rigade . 

But what was the Emituliarius ? This new word was 
taken to De Vit, the learned lexicographer, who has spent 
the whole of his long life in the preparation of the largest 
Latin dictionary in existence, which it took him more than 
twenty years to carry through the press. After due 
examination he pronounced the word as a derivative from 
amus and tulo, just as opitulo is derived from opem and 
tulo. How amus or hamus could take the form of emi, 
was not difficult to show. In Latin words a and e are 
often found convertible, whence we find for edax, egens, 
vesperascit, adax, agens, vesperescit. Thus in the version 
of Holy Scripture called the Ancient Itala, we read in the 
apocryphal third book of Esdras, ch. i, v. 12, Et hostias 
coxerunt in emolis et ollis. Here the word emola certainly 
stands for amola or amula, the diminutive of ama, a 
bucket. Now, if instead of amula we may say emola, 



FOR EXTINGUISHING CONFLAGRATIONS. 1G1 

there is nothing surprising, if instead of ama the vulgar 
may have said ema, and therefore in place of Amitularius. 
the soldier who carried the water-bucket, they may have 
said Emituiarius, or Emituliarius, the custom of introduc- 
ing the i before arius having become common in the 
second age of the Empire. 1 

This explanation of the learned Eosminian did not 
convince critics of the German school. Hence Dr. Lowe 
of Gottingen tried to derive the word emituiarius from 
the Greek ruxiov and ™Aoc, half and cushion, and the 
present writer during one of the weekly meetings of the 
German Institute near the Capitol in Eome, which he had 
the good fortune to attend during the year 1881-1882, 
heard a discussion on the subject between such authorities 
as Henzen, Mommsen, De Eossi, and Barnabei, when the 
venerable Professor Ussing of Copenhagen •seriously pro- 
posed to solve the difficulty by suggesting that the 
Emituliarius was the soldier who shared the couch with, 
or was the bed-fellow of the Sebaciarius, the soldier who 
carried the torch. After the brisk correspondence and 
pamphlet warfare that has been carried on upon the 
subject between De Vit and his opponents, the former 
may well be considered to remain master of the field. For 
if the Sebaciarius means the man who in the nightly 
rounds of the ViGn.ES carried the light to shew the way, 
surely history, analogy and philology point to the con- 
clusion, that emituiarius was a comrade who carried the 
appointed water-bucket. 2 

From a passage in the Eoman Digest it appears that the 
Prefect of the Vigiles was enjoined to keep a strict watch 

1 Thus for Arbitrarius we have Arbitri- de lui attribuer le sens de compagnon de 
arius, for triticarius, triticiarius, for Cir- corvee. Dr. Lowe's derivation from 
censes we find circienses, as for calcarien- 77/uicru and tv\t), tvXos or vvAelov is in 
sis we have calcarensis. So also for sacer- itself more reasonable, and is based on 
dotalia we have sacerdotialia, and for analogy with the words tritolium and 
fulgurator, fulguriator. epitohum (one MS., the Wolfenbiittel, 

2 Still more strangely than the German has emitolium) read in the Tironiau notes 
philologists the learned Frenchman Des- first published by Gruter in his Thesaurus 
jardins (M em. de V Academie d' inscriptions, Inscriptionum, p. 158. The northern 
1. xxviii, 2 C partie, p. 13) supposes the philologist thinks the cushions thus 
word Emituiarius may be a hybrid, made spoken of may have been used not only 
up of the Greek fjiutrv and of the Latin for spreading on the ground and thus 
verb fero, and thus makes it mean the breaking the shock of those who fell upon 
man who did half the work of the sebaci- them from the upper storeys, but also 
arius : II nous semble, d'apres le contextc like the centoncs for throwing on the 
des deux documents epigrapkiques ov ce mot flames. 

est employe, qu'U n'est pat trop temeraire 

VOL. XLI. X 



1G2 OX THE METHODS USED BY THE ROMANS 

over the inhabitants, and if he found any careless in the use 
of tire, he was to give them a severe reprimand, and even 
administer chastisement with the rod. Moreover they 
were to warn all householders lest any danger of fire 
should arise through their negligence, and that each 
one should have a supply of water in his dining-room 
(coenaculum). 1 

An institution like that of the Eoman Fire-brigades so 
calculated to give a sense of security to the inhabitants, 
and of such obvious utility, could not fail of being widely 
adopted in other cities besides those of Borne, Constan- 
tinople, Eavenna, Ostia, Pozzuoli, Nismes, Cirta, Turuza, 
where their existence has been indicated to us by a record 
so scant and accidental, that, in the case of the two last- 
mentioned, the evidence in hand does scarcely more than 
point to a probability. That the streets of the Jewish cities 
were patrolled at night by watchmen, we may gather from 
the words of the Beloved in the Song of Solomon, " The 
watchmen, who guard the city, found me." 2 No doubt, 
in case of fire these night-patrols would render valuable 
services, and after the organization given them by Augustus 
with special appliances for extinguishing sudden confla- 
grations, the system must have approved itself to large 
communities, and have come perhaps pretty generally into 
use. However, there is a letter of Pliny touching this 
matter which cannot fail to be of the highest interest to 
anyone treating of the present subject. 

Pliny relates how, while on a progress in a distant part 
of the province intrusted to his charge, a great fire broke 
out in Nicomedia, by which many private dwellings 
together with the senate and the temple of Isis were totally 
destroyed. The flames seemed quickly to have spread on 
every side, partly owing to the strong wind then blowing, 
and partly owing to the supineness of the inhabitants, who 
stood by motionless and paralyzed by fear on discovering 
that there was no public water-pump kept in readiness, 
and not a bucket or instrument of any kind for putting a 

1 Et quia plerurnque incendia culpa ornnes iiiquilinos admonere, ne negligentia 

fiunt inhabitantium, sub fustibus castigat aliqua incendii casus oriatur, praterea ut 

eos, qui negligentius ignem habuerunt, aqua unusquisque inquilinus iu coeuaculo 

ant severa interlocutione commotos fus- habeat, jubetur admonere. 
tium casiigatione rernittit (L. i, tit. 15,iii). - Iuvenerunt me Vigiles, qui cu»to- 

And again, seo. 4, Ut curam adhibeant diunt civitatem (Vulg., Cant, iii, 3). 



FOR EXTINGUISHING CONFLAGRATIONS. 163 

check to the conflagration. These appliances, however, 
Pliny promises, shall be forthwith provided, lie then 
appeals to the emperor, urging him to establish a local 
fire-brigade, if only of a hundred and fifty men. 1 No 
doubt, the well-informed governor was aware, that such 
bodies of men were already provided at I he public cosl 
at Kome, and perhaps in many of the chief cities of 
tlie empire. The existence of Fire-brigades in various 
nmnicipia of the empire is proved from many passages 
and allusions in the Digest. 2 

Trajan, however, his austere master, thought otherwise, 
and hence he wrote in reply: "It has seemed good to you, 
after the example of many others, that a bod}' of artizans 
with a special constitution should be established in 
Nicomedia. But we cannot but bear in mind, that this 
province in particular, especially in the towns, lias been 
caused some trouble by the factions spirit hence engen- 
dered .... Let it therefore be enough for you in this case 
to provide those things which may be of use for suppressing 
fires, and to admonish all landlords that they exert them- 
selves in the matter to the utmost ; and then, if necessary, 
let the common people be made use of." 

We find from various inscriptions preserved to us, that 
there were so called collegia fabrorum with a Ptaef&ctus 
Fahrorum, established in many cities for the purpose of 
extinguishing any fire that might break out. 3 Trajan, 
however, was afraid lest these artizans thus enrolled 
should be diverted from their original constitution, and 
become nothing else than what the Greeks called 'eraipoi or 
associates banded together for mere purposes of pleasure, 
or should make use of their organization for political 
intrigue. 

It has already been stated that the Eoman Firemen 
were distributed in seven cohorts, which occupied four- 

1 Est autem latins sparsuni [incen- nequis, nisi faber, recipiatur, neve jure 

rlium] ; primum violentia venti, deinde concesso in aliud utatur. Nee erit difficile 

inertia hominum, quod satis constat custodire tam paucos. Lib. x. Ep. xlii 

otiosos et immobiles tanti mali spectatores (xxxiv). 

perstitisse : et alioqui nullus usquam in " The Prefects of the Vigiles in the 

publico sipho, nulla hama, nullum denique Municipia were also called NyctostrategL 
iiistruinentum ad incendia compescendfe. 3 Hence Synniiaelius says (x, Ep. i'l 

Et haec qiiidem, ut jam praecepi, alius M), Sunt qui fabriles manua augus- 

parabuntur. Tu, Domine, dispice, an tis operibus accommodant, per alios- 

institiH'iKluiii putes collegium fabrorum. fortuita arcrntiir incendia. 
dumtaxat honitnum CL ; ego atteudam 



164 ON THE METHODS USED BY THE ROMANS 

teen different stations, one for each of the fourteen regions 
into which the Imperial City was divided. The inscrip- 
tions found at the Villa Mattei on Monte Celio in 1820, 
have brought us in these latter days a curious monumental 
confirmation of what we learn from history as to the 
strength of a cohort of Roman Vigiles. It is known that 
the Emperor Caracalla very much favoured this institu- 
tion, and in the discoveries in question Ave have evidence 
of this fact in the pedestals of two statues erected to that 
Emperor by the grateful members of the fifth cohort, 
which had there its head-quarters. 1 On the three sides of 
each of these pyramidal blocks of marble we have included 
in a dedicatory inscription the names of every one of the 
officers and common men then on duty. On one of these 
pedestals are the names of 110 officers and of 815 rank and 
file, bringing up the full strength of a cohort to 925. On 
another pedestal erected by the same cohort a few years 
later, we read the names of 104 officers and of 904 com- 
mon soldiers, to which must be added that of the tribune 
and of four physicians or surgeons (medici), making in all 
a total of 1015. 

Each cohort, as we see by these inscriptions, was com- 
manded by three chief officers, a Prefect, a Sub-Prefect, 
and a Tribune, just as in an English regiment, we have a 
colonel, lieutenant-colonel and a major. .In each cohort 
were seven centurions, a centurion being the equivalent 
of an English captain of a company. As regards the rest 
of the corps, Kellermann 1 has established a comparison 
between the titles borne by the same men on the two 
stones, one erected a few years later than the other, by 
which he has been led very ingeniously to establish the 
following order of promotion which had taken place in 
the interim. 

1. Miles — the common soldier or private. 

2. Codicillarius Tribuni — perhaps quarter-master's ser- 
geant, orderly-room clerk, or secretary to the Tribune. 

?>. Secutor Tribuni — attendant on the Tribune — an 
orderly. 

1 Similar dedicatory inscriptions to as inscriptions have been found in them 

Caracalla have been found in the 1st, lielonging respectively to the years 111, 

'-'nd, and 4th Stations of the Roman 113, 156 and 191. 

Vigiles, though these stations were in ' Latcrcula duo Coeli Montana, p. 22, 24. 

existence before th<:- time of that Emperor, 



FOR EXTINGUISHING CONFLAGRATIONS. 165 

4. Beneficiarius Tribuni — one exempted from ordinary 
duties, or designed for promotion by favour of the 
Tribune. 1 

5. Tesserarius Centurionis — he who receives and dis- 
tributes the watch- word from the Centurion. 

6. Optio Centurionis — a lieutenant or assistant of the 
Centurion. 

7. Vexillarius — standard-bearer or ensign. 

8. Optio Balnearii — deputy-keeper of the baths. 

9. Beneficiarius Subpraefecti — exempted by favour of 
the Subprefect. 

Other officers, the names of whom have been disinterred 
by Kellermann, were cacus, an orderly, and cornicularius, 
adjutant of the prefect or of the subprefect, or sergeant- 
major. The fact of surgeons or physicians being attached 
to each cohort of Vigiles is an evidence of the efficient 
manner in which the Komans carried out any organization 
they undertook. The mention of the four medici on the 
dedicatory marble pedestal discovered in 1820 is not the 
only record of this interesting circumstance. Gruter, in 
his Inscriptions, records other instances, in which the 
medici of the Vigiles are mentioned, at page 128, 5 ; and 
p. 293, 3. 2 

From certain Graffiti found in the Trans-Tiberine guard- 
house of the Vigiles discovered in 1866, it would appear 
that a certain number of the Vigiles were on horseback. 
These horsemen were no doubt used for giving alarm and 
for carrying messages from one part of the city to another. 

1 It is unknown whether the Benefici- and Muratori, p, 876, n. 3 ; 877 n. 1 . 

arius was one who was exempt from Cf. Medicus legionum apud Orelli, 148, 

sentry-duty, as is to the present day the and 4996. After Machaon and Pola- 

servant of an English officer, or was deirius, the two sons of ^Esculapiue, the 

exempt in the sense of a gentleman leeches of the Grecian army who are 

yeoman of the guard, or of the henchman mentioned by Homer as being highly 

of a highland chief who was exempt from prized and consulted by all the wounded 

military duties in consideration of the chiefs in the early age of the Trojan war 

personal services he rendered his master. (Iliad ii, 730), the first mention of army- 

The adjunct Tribune or Prefect denotes surgeons in any extant Greek writer 

the officer to whom he looked for all seems to be where Xenophon speaks of 

promotion. Tacitus in his life of Agricola eight surgeons being appointed on the 

(c. 19) mentions how this general would arrival of the ten thousand at certain 

never consent to advance soldiers (ascire villages where they halted for three days 

milites) from private or particular views, that they might dress the wounds of the 

nor upon the recommendation or soldiers (Anabasis, /. iii, c. 4, s. 30.) 

entreaty of the captains. Dioscorides was a medicus who followed 

- See Marini, in bis lscrizioni Albanesi, the Roman legions in the age of Pliny, 

in Ho., Rome, 1785, p. 207, where he uuder Nero, 
quote* Gori, Inscr. Etr., t. i, p. 125, 129, 



166 ON THE METHODS USED BY THE ROMANS 

Dr. Henzen puts down the Trans-Til )erine inscriptions as 
dating from a.d. 215 to 245, from (Jaracalla to Philip. 1 

Before reading the paper so far written, as it stands, 
some mention was made by me at the meeting, of some 
recent discoveries made during the month of August last 
in Rome, which brought up the number of the hitherto 
discovered sites of the Stationes or headquarters of the 
Roman Vigiles to six. In a letter, however, which I 
have since received from Commendatore de Rossi (dated 
Dec. 16, 1883), I am informed that the discovery of the 
third station near the present Ministry of War between 
the Quirinal and Porta Pia, which was notified as probable 
by Sig. Lanciani in the Athenaeum of August 18, 1883, 
p. 218, does not seem to justify the expectations there 
raised. It may be well, therefore, in conclusion, to set 
down the Stationes or head-quarters of the Roman Yigiles 
that have been so far identified. 

1st Station. — At the foot of the Quirinal near the 
Dataria. 

2xn Station. — Near the walls of Servius at the Trivium 
of S. Eusebio on the Esqniline. 

3rd Station. — In the district of the Aha Semita. 

4th Station. — On the Aventine. 

5th Station. — On Monte Coelio, in the grounds of Villa 
Mattei. 

The 6th and 7th Stations have not yet been dis- 
covered, but the former probably held watch over the 
Roman Forum, says de Rossi, and had its head-quarters 
near at hand ; while the latter, says Henzen, was perhaps 
in the 9th Region, where it probably had one of its guard 
houses, with another in the Trastevere which was one 
of its Regions, the excubitorium discovered by Visconti in 
1866. Of the above Stations, the 1st, 2nd, 4th, and 5th 
were clearly identified by de Rossi in 1858 (the 5th 
1 laving been made known by the discoveries of 1820), 
while he suspected that the 3rd Station would be found in 
the Sixth Region of the Imperial City, probably to the 
south of the Viminal. This conjecture was verified by 
I.ancianie, the learned director of the excavations under- 

1 See the Annali dell' Institute di for De Rossi's and Henzen's communis- 
correBpondenza archeolo^ica, the German tions. 
Institute of Home, vols, for 1858 and 1874, 



FOR EXTINGUISHING CONFLAGRATIONS. 16 

taken by the Roman municipality, by the discovery in 
1874 of the remains of the 3rd Station as given above. 
Each cohort of Vigiles then had separate castra, like 
the Prsetorians, called Stations or headquarters, which 
must not be confounded with the outlying guardhouses or 
Ezcubitoria, the proportions of which were on a very 
modest scale and had nothing of the grandeur and magni- 
ficence of the /Stations. 



JEWISH SEAL FOUND AT WOODBRLDGE.* 
By C. W. KING, M.A. 

Its connection with the subject of Mr. Davis' very 
interesting memoir " The medieval Jews of Lincoln," 
lately published in this Journal (xxxviii, p. 178), may be 
thought to give some importance to the little memorial 
of that people, now brought under the notice of the 
Institute : and which besides, claims attention of itself as 
the most elaborate specimen of the kind that has ever yet 
offered itself to my examination. It is a circular seal of 
brass, 1 J inch in diameter ; device, a Wyvern regardant, 
looking at a star: the legend in the lettering of the twelfth 
or thirteenth century, somewhat defaced in parts, seems 
to read 

-f- S NATllITEDERICIALE^HDRIIVD, 

which may be translated as " Seal of Nathan, son of 
F(r)ederic, son of Alexander, the Jew." 

The planet Saturn is regularly typified in Eoman 
Astrolooy by a serpent, in allusion to his serpent-drawn 
car, and in that form takes his place amongst the emblems 
of the other days of the week as seen upon that frequent 
antique amulet against the Evil Eye — and the serpent of 
the ancient was naturally converted into the mediaeval 
dragon. The device, therefore, may either astrologically 
represent the horoscope of the individual ; or it may refer 
to his nationality, inasmuch as the planet Saturn is the 
guardian of the Jewish race : the Sabbath itself being 
merely the dies Saturni ; and their long-expected Messiah 
is to make his appearance when that star is in the Sign 
Pisces. The mediaeval Jews were the world's astrologers, 
and were most careful in keeping record of their nativities ; 

1 Read at the Monthly Meeting of the Institute, February 7th, 1884. 



JEWISH SEAL FOUND AT WOODBRIDGE. 1G9 

as a curious proof of which care, the celebrated Kimchi 

has gone out of his way to insert the horoscopes of his 
successive children in his Commentary on the Psalms. 

The legend of the seal offers some points worthy of 
attention. The owner registers himself in the names of 
his father and grandfather : and my learned friend. Rabbi 
Schiller-Szinessy informs me that a Jew is not allowed to 
designate himself by more than three descents, however 
far back he may be able to trace his genealogy. In the 
second name, the omission of the E, seemingly a reminis- 
cence of " Federigo," argues an Italian origin for Our 
Suffolk Nathan. As Hebrews, even in the present day, 
are fond of disguising their scriptural appellations under 
christian equivalents of the same sense as "Alfred" (Alle 
Friedc) for " Solomon," it is possible that the mediaeval 
" Solomon " might have gone about his business with less 
molestation from the Gentiles, and continue to enjoy the 
lucky omen of his name, in the form of the "Teutonic 
Friede-Keich," equally signifying " Eich in Peace." From 
Macedonian times, "Alexander" has been admitted into 
the list of "Holy Names " that may lawfully be borne by 
a Jew, according to tradition, in virtue of the favour 
shown by the great conqueror to the High Priest. Onias ; 
but more probably, on account of the encouragement 
given by the enlightened Ptolemies to the race of traders 
attracted to their dominions. It was a Tiberius Alexander, 
the " iEgyptius atque Alabarches " of the indignant 
Juvenal, who acted the part of a Eothschild to the hard- 
pressed Vespasian on his taking possession of the utterly 
exhausted empire. The circumstance of our Nathan's 
boldly proclaiming his nationality by the addition 
"Judaeus,"is important, as pointing to a period of our 
history when " the Chosen People " enjoyed as much 
consideration and real influence in the community as at 
the present day. Nay, taking into account the now almost 
inconceivable impecuniosity of Norman times, the Jewish 
money lender, with his sackful of ill-favoured silver 
pennies (for gold coin even he had never seen, save 
perchance a stray bezant or Arab dinar, mounted as a 
priceless jewel) was really a mightier man amongsl the 
penniless borrowers than his modern representative, the 
millionaire, rich only in invisible bonds and paper wealth, 

VOL. XLI. V 



170 JEWISH SEAL FOUND AT WOODBRIDGE. 

that vanish like smoke with a fall of the market. And 
again, as the magnitude of the seal, according to the rule 
of the age, bore a defined relation to the status of the 
sealer; according to this criterion, "Nathan, Ben FederiiK), 
Ben Alexander " must have been a merchant of note in 
his day (like his possible contemporary, Isaac of York) to 
be entitled to a seal of the dimensions of the present 
specimen. And to conclude : the apparent anomaly of 
the Cross prefixed to the signature of a Jew may be got 
over by supposing that from its perpetual use in such a 
position, the symbol had lost all religions meaning when so 
placed, and was come to be considered as merely the 
mark of commencement. 

This seal is said to have been picked up at Woodbridge, 
Suffolk, and accidentally came into my possession in the 
course of the present autumn. 



ROMAN POTTERY FOUND AT WORTHING. 
By A. J. FENTON. 

The Roman pottery exhibited on the table on the stage 1 was found 
some two years or more ago at the East Chess-wood Estate at Worthing, 
on land of Mr. Robert Piper, in the occupation of Messrs. Webster Ov Co., 
of the Ladydell Nurseries. The find is a good one, both for the number 
and condition of the pieces, but unfortunately the vessels now preserved 
represent only a part, and 1 am afraid only a small part of those found 
by the workmen. Previously to the erection of Messrs. Webster's 
vineries a house was built a little to the south-cast, and I afterwards 
heard that in making the drains the workmen dug into and broke many 
pieces of pottery which they stated were like those we have left. The 
same happened with the pottery on Messrs. Webster's land, till one day 
a coarse drinking vessel was brought to me, and from that time the 
progress of preparing the ground for the vines, &c. , which consisted of 
digging it to a depth of about three feet, Avas watched. The result was 
that the pottery we now have, consisting of some five-and-twenty distinct 
pieces, was found and preserved. 

There are nine paterae of Samian ware, nearly all perfect with the 
exception of the glazing, which is defective. Only two hare any orna- 
mentation, and they have the conventional ivy leaf pattern (mentioned 
by Wright in his "Celt, Roman, and Saxon") round the rim. Two 
others have the Potter's mark— one is illegible, the other is 

" seaerim(axv) " — 

one of the marks to be found in the list at the end of Wright's 
book. These nine bowls are each about seven inches in diameter. There 
is also another larger bowl of Samian ware, KM- inches in diameter, with 
no ornamentation except a few wavy lines some distance from the centre 
from which they radiate. One of the cinerary urns was found standing 
in it. There is another small bowl of yellow ware, which has been glazed 
red in imitation of Samian. 

We have only three pocula?. One is of a coarse reddish ware, which 
has been colored black. It is 5^- inches high, and the sides are pressed 
in vertically in six places. Another pocula is somewhat smaller, of thin 
yellow ware, glazed outside with a satiny black glaze. Its sides are 
pressed in like the last vessel's, and it is doubtless of Castor ware, and is 
similar to one of the vessels of that manufacture figured in Wright. 

Besides these patera and pocuke there is the lower part of a small 
amphora shaped vessel. The broadest part (which is surrounded with an 
ornamentation something like a series of the letter S placed horizontally 
and overlapping each other) is three inches in diameter, and the vessel 
tapers away gradually to the foot, which is about one inch across. 

There are some fragments of black ware — saucer shaped — also of 
similar vessels, of a dark grey or brown ware, very full of grit ; a bottle 

1 At the Montague Hall. Worthing, on the occasion of the visit of the Institute, 
August i, 1883. 



172 ROMAN POTTERY FOUND AT WORTHING. 

shaped vessel of yellow ware, broad, with a very narrow neck (in fact in 
color and shape very like a large turnip upside down), found standing in 
one of the Samian bowls; a fragment of another similar vessel, and a few 
other pieces of necks, &&, of vessels and a small bowl of a yellowish red 
ware. 

The urns we have perfect, or nearly so, are four. One in comparison 
with the others is narrow for its height — of a very dark colour — nearly 
black, and shows signs of a pattern of diagonally intersecting lines 
round the broadest part. Its height is 8^ mches, and its breadth 6] 
inches. The three other urns are of a light grey ware, averaging about 
(3 or 7 inches in height and eight inches in breadth. Two have lines 
drawn round the circumference. They are all sun baked — show the marks 
of the lathe inside — are a little different in shape, and contained calcined 
bones. One of the ivy-leafed Samian bowls was inverted over one of 
these urns, and the little bowl of the yellowish red ware was inverted 
over the foot of the Samian bowl. 

Besides the pieces exhibited, there is a basket full of fragments of urns, 
and indeed, the ground which had been dug by the workmen before I 
found what was being done, Avas strewn with bits of rims and other 
parts of cinerary urns. 

It is stated that when the present railway was made some years ago, 
"funereal vessels were disinterred a little to the west of Ham Bridge.'' 
The spot where the pottery exhibited was found is about 300 or 400 
yards west of Ham Bridge, and a few feet only south of the railway. The 
pottery exhibited was found in a line of some breadth, running from 
north-west to south-east, exactly between Cissbury and the spot on the 
Forty Acre Field, where the bronze Celts were found some years ago. In 
all probability, if the land north of the railway were explored, more 
pottery would be found. 

About the beginning of this century Roman coins and pottery were 
found at the other end of Worthing, and Roman remains have been 
found at Cissbury. At Chanctonbury, one of the highest points of the 
South Downs, I have lately found fragments of Roman bricks, Samian 
and other ware and tessera?. At Bignor, some few miles westward, is the 
well-known Roman villa, and on the Downs behind Lancing, a little to 
the east, a tesselated pavement was discovered, and unfortunately 
destroyed many years ago. In fact, there are abundant remains of Roman 
times in the neighbourhood, but, so far as 1 know, no remains of any 
habitation have been discovered south of the Downs. 

The spot where this pottery was found lies only a short distance west 
of the low marsh ground or brooklands, between Lancing and "Worthing, 
protected from the sea by banks, and considering this fact — the number 
of the burials that must have taken place — and the Roman custom of 
burying by the loads — it is perhaps not unreasonable to suppose that a 
road led by this spot from the seashore to the fortress on Cissbury. 

The seven bronze Celts exhibited are all I have been able to get 
together, out of about (I have been told) as many as 40 found in an 
earthen vessel, some 18 inches high on the Forty Acre Field some years 
ago. The vessel was broken and destroyed. The Celts are similar in form 
to those figured in Wright. Some are of solid metal ; others are hollow. 
There U also th mass of metal — the residuum left at the bottom of the 
vessel — frequently found under such circumstances. 



ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS DISCOVERED IN BRITAIN 

IN 1883. 

By W. THOMPSON WATKIX. 

The number of inscriptions found during the pasl year 
is considerable, and in interest they exceed the average. 

The first discovery occurred on the 21st of February, 

when some labourers who were searching for si ones to 

build a field wall in a field called Caegwag (or empty field) 

on the farm of Rhiwian-uchaf. in the parish of Llanfair- 

fechan, between Bangor and Conway in Carnarvonshire, 

dug up a Roman miliarium or mile stone, six feet seven 

inches high, and sixteen inches in diameter. It bore the 

following inscription : — 

IMP. caes. trai 

ANVS. HADRIANVS 

AVG. P.M. Tli. I". 

P.P. COS. III. 

A. KANOVIO 

M. P. VIII. 

i.e. Imp(erator) Cces(ar) Trajanus Hadrianus Augustus 
P(ontifex) M(aximus) Tr(ibunitia) Pfotestate) P(ater) 
P(atrice) Co(n)s(ul) III. A. Kanovio mfilia) p(assuum) 
VIII. 

This is the earliest inscription, bearing a date, as ye\ 
found in either North or South Wales, and was erected 
after the third consulate of Hadrian a.d. 119, between 
that year and the death of the Emperor in a.d. 138, for lie 
was only Consul three times. From the nominative case 
being used, we may fairly assume that it was set up in 
a.d. 120, when the Emperor was in Britain. The field in 
which it was found is high up on the mountain side, and 
it is uncertain whether the Roman road from Conovium 
(Caerhun) to Segontium (Caernarvon) passed close to the 
site, though it could not be far off. The name of the 
former station occurs on the stone as Kaiwrium, whilst 



174 ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS 

the anonymous chorographer Ravennas styles it Canubium, 
and the Antonine Itinerary Conovium. The eight miles 
marked a^ree well with the distance of the site of the 
discovery from Caerhun, which is about seven English or 
eight Roman miles. The owner of the ground, Major 
Piatt of Gorddinog, has presented the stone to the British 
Museum. This inscription was first given to the public 
by the present writer in the Academy of March 3, 1883. 
The letters composing it vary from 2J to 2J inches in 
height. It is the fourth milestone of the reign of Hadrian 
found in Britain. 

In July the upper part of a second miliarium dedicated 
to Severus, Caracalla, and Get a was found about ten 
yards from the former one. The extant portion of the 
inscription was: — 

IMPP. CAES(S) 
L. SEP. SEVERVS 
P.P. ET. M. .AVR. 

ANTOXINYS 
AVGG. ET. P. 

Iii the original there is a stop after the first p. in impp. 
which is a palpable error. This military, like the other, 
is of gritstone, and of the same diameter (16 inches), but 
only 1 foot 11 inches in height. The extant portion of 
the inscription reads: " Imp(eratores) Cces(ares) L(ueius) 
Sep(timius) Severus P(ater) I\<ttri<t>) et M(arcus) Aur(elius) 
Antoninus Aug(usti) et P(ublius)" whilst its continuation 
has no doubt been " Sep(timius) (J eta Nob(lissimiis) 
Cces(ar). A Kanovio M(Ulia) P{asswam) VIII" The 
stone has probably been broken in the attempt to erase 
the name and titles of Geta from the inscription, after the 
assassination of that Emperor in a.d. 212. As only two 
Augusti are named (avgg) the stone must have been 
erected between a.d. li)8 when Severus created Caracalla 
joint Augustus, and a.d. 209 when Geta received the 
same title, probably in a.d. 208, when these Emperors 
came over to Britain, which seems again confirmed by 
the nominative case being used. It is most probable that 
both Hadrian and Severus personally visited this neigh- 
bourhood. Like its companion this stone has been 
deposited in the British Museum. 

In April there was discovered at Chester, during some 
operations for making a new passage through the walls, a 



DISCOVERED IN BRITAIN IN 3883. 175 

portion of a highly ornamented tombstone, which in its 
present state is a cube of two feet, of which thickness it 
has originally been, though its height and width cannot 
exactly be determined. The right side is sculptured with 
a wreath extending between two fluted columns, the back 
is also sculptured, the right side has been broken off, 
whilst the portion of the front remaining bears the fol- 
lowing inscription: — 

D. M. 
M. APRO 
M. F. FA 

which I would read as D(iis) M(anibus). M(arcus) Apro- 

(nius) 3I(arci) F(iluis) Fa(bia\tribii~\), or 

translated, " To the Divine Shades. Marcus Apronius 

the son of Marcus, of the Fabian family." 

The cognomen of Apronius is unfortunately on the lost 
portion of the stone. It is possible that the letters fa. 
may be the commencement of it, and that it was some 
such name as fa(cilis), but I prefer to take those letters as 
the commencement of the name of the tribus as they are 
in the normal position. The letters are very fine and 
2^ inches high, the stops are triangular. 1 

I also found in the Chester Museum the upper portion 
of a fine altar, and two centurial stones, which had re- 
mained undescribed until I noticed them in the Academy? 
The former is at present 2 feet 2 inches high, by 1 foot 
3 inches broad, and bears the following inscription : — 

DEO 

MARTI 

CONSERV 

VS. 



The commencement of the third line is worn off owing to 
the soft nature of the stone, and there have probably been 
two lines on the lower and lost portion. There is on the 
right side of the altar, a representation of a head eared 
and horned, on the left a prwfericid'um, and it has a large 
focus for the offering. The altar was found about 1875 
at the foot of Newgate Street, close to its junction with 
Pepper Street, and just inside the city walls, on the pre- 
mises of Mr. Storrar, a veterinary surgeon, when he was 

1 See my letter in Academy, May 5, 1883. 
* See Academy, May 5 and Sep. 1, 1883. 



17 6 ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS 

levelling some raised ground in his yard, which was full 
of ancient debris. It remained lying about this yard for 
several years until noticed by Mr. Frederick Potts of 
Chester, who obtained it, and has presented it to the 
Museum. The reading is undoubtedly Deo Marti Con- 
servatori, " To the god Mars, the preserver," followed by 
the name of the dedicator, &c. It is the first altar to 
JIars Conservator found in Britain, and they are com- 
paratively rare in the Eoman Empire. 

The centurial stones are inscribed as follows : — 

(l.) (2.) 

> Q. MAX. . Q. TERN. 

No. 1 reads Centuria Qiiiintii) 2fax(imi). No. 2 is 
apparently Centuria Q(uinti) Teren(tii.) The E in this 
last stone is ligulate with the R. 

On the fragment of a large amphora found near St. 
John's Church, Chester, by Mr. Potts, in a heap of 
rubbish, and now in the Museum, is the graffiti inscrip- 
tion : — 

CELERIC. 

The name, probably Celericus, has a decidedly Saxon 
sound. 

The station at South Shields has produced three 
inscriptions. The first is on a walling stone two feet 
square and six inches thick, and is the mark of the Sixth 
Legion — 

LEG. VI. 

i.e., Legionis Sextae. The letters are within a moulding 
with ansce at each end. The second inscription is 
somewhat similar, but is upon a tile and reads — 

LE. VI. v. 

i.e., Legionis Sextae Victricis. The letters are in relief 
and very rude. These are the first traces of the Sixth 
Legion at South Shields. The third inscription is also on 
a tile, and in what is called a " cursive style." Drs. 
Hiibner and Zangemeister thus read it: — 

CALVI 
FILIA.X. 

They translate it as meaning that the daughter of Calvus 
credited the owner with a pint (sextarius) of wine or some 
other liquor. 



DISCOVERED IN BRITAIN IN 1883. 177 

A graffiti inscription upon a fragment of an amphora 
has also been found. It is simply — 

victori . . . 

and probably when complete was victownvs. 

I am indebted to the Eev. E. E. Hooppell, ll.d., for 
particulars of several inscribed stones found in recenl 
years at Ebchester (Vindomora) but which have been 
overlooked by antiquaries. They are: — 

(1.) (2.) (3.) 
LEG.VI.V. I. 0. M. 



L. M. 



DIA. 

DVB 

IRITI 



V. S. L. M. 

(5.) (6.) 

VAIA . . NVMINIBVS I. 0. M. 

.... AVGVSTORVM. ET. GENIO 

. X. R . . EQVITVM. 



Of these, No. 1 occurs on two tiles, one preserved at 
the Vicarage, Ebchester, and the other by John Clayton, 
Esq., at Chester s. No traces of the Sixth Legion had 
been previously found at the station. 

No. 2 is on an altar three feet high, discovered in the 
foundations of the west end of the church, on its restora- 
tion in 1876, and now cemented to the pavement on the 
left hand of the path from the recfcuy to the church. 
According to Dr. Hooppell it bore an inscription of five 
lines, now almost entirely obliterated, but traces of the 
first and last lines, as above, may be distinguished. The 
altar has one side sculptured with the representation of an 
eagle and above it the " culter ?" the other side bears the 
"patera " and " prcefericulum." 

No. 3 is on the lower portion of an altar built up into 
the western wall of the porch of the church. Only traces 
of the upper line are visible, of the lower the letters l.m. 
part of the usual formula v.s.l.m. may be detected. 

No. 4 is a much worn and nearly illegible inscription 
on two stones which fit each other, also built up into the 
wall of the church porch. It is possible that at the end 
of the first and commencement of the second lines we have 
(abbreviated) Vixit A{nnum) /., M(enses) x D(ies) V. 
In that case the opening letters of the inscription would 
vol. xli. '/■ 



178 ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS 

be the name of the child commemorated, and after Dies V. 
would be the name of the parent who erected it. He was 
probably either in the first or fourth cohort of the 
Brittones, traces of both of which have been found at 
the station. I infer this from the * rit. of the third 
line. 

Nos. 5 and 6 are on two altars found at Ebchester many 
years since, and now preserved at Minsteracres, the seat 
of H. C. Silvertop, Esq. about five miles from Ebchester, 
They are engraved by Dr. Bruce in the Lapidarium 
Septentrionale (Nos. GG7 and GG8) who, however, says that 
they are " uninscribed." Such is, however, not the case, 
though the inscriptions are almost obliterated, but the 
carvings on the sides of the altars are, most singularly, 
almost intact. The readings, of what remains of the 
inscriptions, are those of Dr. Hoopell. No. 5 should be 
translated " To the divinities of the Emperors," &c. ; 
whilst No. 6 is T(ovi) O(ptimo) Maximo et Genio Equi- 
tum" " To Jupiter the best and greatest, and the Genius 
of the Cavalry," &c. 

At Corbridge (Corstopitu m) four inscriptions have 
occurred, as follows: — 



(1.) 


(2.) 


(3.) 


(40 


LEG. II 


LEG. II. AVG 


D. M. 


CEI 


AVG 


COH . . . 


MILES 


G 1 


)H. III. F. 




LEG . . . 





Nos. 1 and 2, which are each about one foot square, 
are ordinary centurial stones, the first which has, above 
the lettering, the figures of a Pegasus and sea-goat, should 
be expanded Leg(ionis) Secundae Augiustae) Coh{prs) 
tertia fecit ; No. 2 reads Leg(ionis) Secundae Aug(ustae) 
Cohors .... The number of the cohort is lost by 
obliteration. No. 3 is the upper part of a tombstone. 
and is unique in Britain, as giving the occupation of the 
deceased previously to giving his name, though there are 
instances on the Continent. It reads J){iis) M{anibus) 
Miles Leg(ionis) .... The number of the Legion 
is lost, but it was probably like the two previous inscrip- 
tions — ii. avg., though two walling stones and tiles of 
the Sixth Legion have been found here. The name of 
the individual commemorated was on the lost lower 
portion of the stone. The letters d. m. are within a pedi- 



DISCOVERED IN BRITAIN IN 1383. 179 

ment. No. 4 is probably the sole remnant of a Long and 
important inscription of which it formed the Lower right 
hand corner. The moulding containing the inscription 

appears to have been Hanked with ornaments. All of 
these inscriptions are now in the Newcastle Museum. 

During some repairs at the church of Hale (or Ilaile) 
in the west portion of the county of Cumberland, there 

was found an altar bearing the following inscription: — 

DiBVS 
HERCVLI 

K 'I 1 

SI I WAX O 

FL. E. 

PRIM VS. CVAR. 

PRO. SE. ET 

VEXLATIONE 

V. S. L. M. 

When publishing this inscription in Academy (Sept. 1, 
1883), 1 gave the fifth line as F. e. (it being thus in the 
copy of the inscription I first received), and expanded it 
as Felicius: M. Eobert Mowat in an article in the 
Bulletin Epigraphique <l<' In (tunic (vol. iii, p. *246), 
however, raised the question whether the letters were not 
F.L. I accordingly obtained a more correct copy, and 
found that the first letter was fl ligulate, with a stop 
after it, and then the letter e. In the sixth line the letters 
which I have given as cv. are Ligulate, and T think are 
meant for qv. In the seventh line it is doubtful whether 
the fourth letter is meant for i or l, but the word is un- 
doubtedly meant for vexi(ll)atione. The letters cvar. 
or qvar. I expanded as qvarias, thinking the dedication 
was of the tribe of the Quariates, a people of Gallia Nar- 
bonensis. M. Mowat, however, prefers to read Quar- 
(quernus), considering the dedicator to be of the tribe of 
the Quarquerni (or Querquerni) a people of Lusitania, 
neighbours to the Astures, and in this he ma} r probably 
be right. There are many instances of cv. and qv. being 
synonymous in inscriptions. M. Mowat quotes a well- 
known one. The full expansion of the inscription would 
therefore be : Dibits Herculi et Silvano Fl{avius) E(nnius) 
Primus Quar{quernus) pro se et vexi(lt)atione V{ptum) 
S(olvit) L(ibens) M[eritis). " To the gods Hercules and 
Silvanus, Flavius Ennius Primus a Quarquernian for 
himself and the vexillation performs his vow willingly 



180 kOMAfc INSCUii'TtoXS 

to deserving objects.'' The stop between E and T in the 
third line is singular, though we have similar instances. 
The name of Ennius Primus in full, occurs upon an 
inscription at Llanio in Cardiganshire. I am indebted to 
Mr. R. S. Ferguson, F.S.A., for the cop}' of this inscrip- 
tion. 

On the wall itself there has been found, built up in its 
southern face, near to an exploratory turret at Greenhead, 
a centurial stone, of which only the first line is legible. 
It reads : — 

COH. III. 

At Over Denton another centurial stone has been found, 
for a copy of the inscription on which I am indebted 
to the Eev. Dr. Hooppell. It is now preserved in the 
vicarage garden. The inscription is, according to Dr. 
Hooppell : — 

COH. I 
>0FSILI. 

"With the exception of the centurion's name all is plain, 
(i.e., Cohortis primae, centuria . . .) but the name is 
puzzling. 

At Birdoswald (Amboglanna) Dr. Hooppell informs me 
that a fragment which he saw, still preserved there, is 
inscribed : — 

AI 

QQV 

OCLI 

but unless qq are part of the abbreviation eqq for Equites, 
nothing can be made of it. 

But the greatest discovery of the year in this neigh- 
bourhood took place on the 17th of November at House- 
steads (Borcovicus). On a slight eminence on the south 
side of this station, amongst the ruins of the suburban 
buildings, about a quarter of a mile distant, may be 
traced the foundations of a temple. On the northern 
slope of this eminence were dug out two large altars and 
the half of a sculptured stone which, wdien entire, had 
been semi-circular, as if forming the head of a gatewa}^. 
The altars bore the following inscriptions : — 



DISCOVERED IN BRITAIN IN 1883. 181 

(No. 1.) (No. 2.) 

DEO DEO 

MARTI MARTI KTDVABVS 

THINCSO ALAISIAGJSETNAVG 

ETDVABVS GERCI VEST V 1 1 1 A NTI 

ALAESIAGIS CVNEIFR1SIOKYM 

BEDEETF1 VER.SER.ALEXAND 

MMILENE RIAN1V0TVM 

ETNAVGGER SOLVERV . . 

MCIVESTV LIBENT .... 
IHANTI 
VSLM. 

Iii my paper on these altars, recently communicated to 
the Newcastle Society of Antiquaries, I slated thai the 
T. in tiiincso was doubtful, and that the form which 
seems two m's conjoined at the commencement of ihe 
seventh line of the same inscription might possibly 
be km or min. I am, however, assured thai the 
latter is plainly mm and that t is clearly visible before 
niNcso. Such being the case, I would expand No. 1 altar 
thus: — Deo Marti Thincso et Duabus Alaesiagis Bed(a)e 
et Fimmilen{a)e et N{umini) Aug{usti) Germ(ani) Cives 
Tuihanti V(otum) S(olverunt) Liibentes) Jl(eritis), the 
translation being, "To the god Mars Thincsus and to 
the two Alaesiagae, Beda and Fimmilena and to the 
divinity of the Emperor, the Germans (who are) Tuihan- 
tian citizens perform their vow willingly to deserving 
objects." 

No. 2 should be expanded Deo Marti et Duabus 
Alaisiagis et Niumini) Aug(usti) Germani Cives Tui- 
hanti Cunei Frisiorum Ver(lutionensiiuu) Se(ve)r(iani) 
Alexandriani Votum Solverunt Libentes (Meritis). " To 
the god Mars and to the two Alaisiagae, and to the 
divinity of the Emperor, the Germans (who are) Tuihantian 
citizens, of the Cuneus of Frisians, (styled) the Ver- 
lutionensian, and Severianus Alexandrianus, perform their 
vow willingly to deserving objects." The epithet of 
Thincsus, or Hincsus, has, I believe, occurred previously 
upon a Roman inscription found in Holland, but I 
must admit I cannot at the moment find the authority. 
The altars are both dedicated to " the two Alaisiagae." 1 
In No. 1 the names of the deities are given, "Beda and 
Fimmilena." They were, I apprehend, local goddesses of 
Continental pagi. The first named probably took her 
name from a vieus bearing the name of Beda which 

1 Or as in No. 1, Alaesiagae. 



182 ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS 

occurs in the Itinerary of Antoninus between Treves and 
Cologne, being now represented by the modern Bidbnrg. 
When in a.d. 870 the territories of Lothaire were divided, 
this neighbourhood was styled " Pa^us Bedensis," and was 
probably in Roman times within the territories of the 
Tungri, the first cohort of which people occupied the 
station at Housesteads. These Tungri originally bore the 
name of Germani. So Tacitus, Germania (c. 2), informs 
us. I understand the phrase " Tuihantian citizens " as 
being introduced, to point out which particular branch 
of the Germani, the dedicators belonged to. 1 I have 
expanded ver. in the second inscription as VEB.(lutionen~ 
sium) from the fact that the anonymous chorographer 
Ravennas, apparently gives us the name of the station at 
Housesteads as velvrtion(e), but his orthography has 
been proved so incorrect with regard to the neighbour- 
ing stations ; e.g., he gives Serduno for Segeduno, Onno 
for Hunno, Celunno for Cilurno, &c, that I have little 
doubt Velurtion(e) should be Verlution{e) especially as we 
have a lioman station in Wiltshire bearing a similar name. 
I at one time thought the it in veh might be tr ligulate, and 
the abbreviation be that for vet(e)k (anorvm), but inspec- 
tion of photographs of the stone convinced me such was 
not the case. The dedicators of No. 1 altar may not have 
been in the Cuneus (for that corps is not mentioned) but 
possibly in the Tungrian cohort. It is hardly necessary to 
say that there are many instances in inscriptions of bodies 
of men of one nationality serving in a corps bearing the 
name of another nationality. This is the third instance of 
a cuneus of Frisians being named in inscriptions found in 
the north of England. At Papcastle (Aballava) we have a 
" Cuneus Frisio/mm Aballevensium," and at Binchester 
(Vinovium) a '' Cuneus Frisiorum Vinoviensinm" (see 
Archaeological Journal, vol. xxviii, p. 131). The former 
was at Papcastle in the reign of Gordian (a.d. 241), whilst 
the newly discovered inscription, from bearing the name 
of Alexander Severus, would seem to be of that Emperor's 
rei<>n (a.d. 222-235). I think we have a trace of the 
Alaisiagae in an impeded inscription now preserved m 
the Newcastle Museum which also came from Borcovicus 

1 They may be the same tribe as the Ptolemy, and Valiarius. 
Tubattii, Tubantii, or Tubantes of Tacitus, 



DISCOVERED IN BRITAIN IN 1883. 183 

or Verlutio (for the .station bore apparently the two 
names). It is Dr. Elibner's No. G54. If so, they are 
conjoined with a goddess whose name commences nem . . . 
We have a male deity of the name of Bedaius in two 
Continental inscriptions (Orelli 1964 and Henzen 5614), 
but he probably derived his name from Bedaium, a town 
of Norioum. I cannot find any trace of the name of 
"Alsatia" occurring in a classical author, but may we not 
in the name of these deities have its germ ? 

The altar No. 1 is over six feet high, and upon its right 
side bears the representation of a robed female figure, 
standing with outstretched right hand. 

No. 2 altar has the culter and securis engraved upon the 
left side. It is four feet two inches in height. 1 

At Leicester, at the very close of the year (28 Decem- 
ber), there was found, at a depth of ten feet in excavating 
in the grounds of Wigston's School, High Cross street, a 
Roman flue tile, of the usual shape, seventeen inches in 
length, which bore upon its side the words — 

PRIMVS 
FECIT 

in what may be called " fluted" letters. Other Roman 
remains, including a large mortarium bearing the stamp 
cenni . f . (four times repeated), were found at the same 
time. They are all in the Leicester Museum. 

The only other inscription to be noticed as recently 
discovered is the word — 

DVBITI 

scratched upon a fragment of " Samian" ware, found at 
Sittingbourne in Kent, and preserved in the collection of 
Mr. George Payne, which has been recently purchased by 
the British Museum. 

During the year also, an altar of the same dimensions 
and bearing the same inscription as Horsley's No. 67 
Northumberland (found at Caervorran) was discovered 
among a heap of stones in a field at Shotton near Castle 
Eden, co. Durham. It is probably the same altar as 
that named by Horsley, which was in his possession. 

1 Dr. Hiibner also communicated a sequent to mine, In the main he agrees 
paper on these altars to the Newcastle with me. 
Society of Antiquaries, two months sub- 



184 ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS 

Hutchinson in his History of Cumberland states that it was 
preserved at Netherby by the Graham family. How it got 
to the place of its rediscovery is singular. 

At the meeting of the Institute, 1 November, 1883, 
Mr. J. T. Irvine made a communication on the subject of a 
Eoman tile inscribed leg. ix. his. " found near Barnack," 
which had been recently presented to the Peterborough 
Museum. Upon enquiry I find that it is the identical tile 
which I described in the Archaeological Journal, vol. xxxi, 
p. 356, found in 1867 at " Hilly Wood," two miles east of 
Woodcroft, Northants. 

A few inscriptions overlooked by Dr. Htibner when 
publishing vol. vii of the Corpus Inscriptionwm Latinarum 
have to be added. 

In Ward's copy of Horsley's Britannia Romana, in the 
British Museum (806. i. I), a number of inscriptions found 
subsequently to the publication of that work, are given on 
the fly sheets and on added leaves. Amongst them are 
two which do not appear to have been published. The 
first is : — 

MATRI 

BVSTP 

MAP 

It is described in a latter dated December 28, 1748, 
from Eichard Gilpen, Esq. of Scaleby, in Cumberland, and 
was found at Walton House Station, " Casteeds" a short 
time previously. It occurred on the upper half of a small 
portable altar, the bottom of which had been broken off 
before discovery. Its height was twelve inches by nine ; and 
the end of the second line, instead of tp, has been no doubt 
tra (the last letter being worn or broken off); whilst the 
p of the third line has been r, followed by m, the whole 
forming the dedication, Matribus Tramarin(is), several 
similar examples having been found in England. 

The second inscription was found at Barhill, on the 
Wall of Antoninus Pius, on an altar bearing on one side a 
sculpture of the sacrificing knife, and on the other of the 
patera. Only the commencement was visible, which ran — 

DEO. MARTI 
CAMILLVS. C 



It is possible it may be the same as Dr. Htibner 's No. 
1103, but this hardly seems probable. Added to the de- 



DISCOVERED IN BRITAIN IN 1883. 185 

scription of it, as a note, " See Daily Advertiser, Sept. 7, 

iob. 

In the second edition of Dr. Stukeley's " Itinerarimn 
Cnriosum " (1776), he says at p. 45 of the " Iter $oreale," 
that on the stone built up into the house, at Clifton Hall, 
near Brougham [Lap. Sept., No 816. Hiibner in Eph. 
Epig., vol. iii, p. 126, No. 88), the words 

IMPER . LEGAT . AVG . IN . AFRICA . 

were visible. On the same page he also gives the in- 
scription on a bronze vessel, found near Clifton, as 

taliof . 

On the peak of a helmet found at St. Alban's some 

years since, and now preserved in the Colchester Museum 

is the name 

papirivs . 

In the Eawlinson MSS., C. 907, preserved in the 
Bodleian Library at Oxford there is a collection of 103 
Eoman inscriptions made by Samuel Woodford of Wad- 
ham College about 1658. With the exception of four they 
are all given by Horsley or other writers. Two of these 
inscriptions read : — 

No. 1. (No. 2.) 

I. 0. M I. . M . 

PRO . SALVTE TARAMI 

IMP . CAES . DOMITIANI BELATUCABRO (sic) 

AVG MOGVNTO 

C . SALLVSTIVS . LVCVLLVS MOVNO 

LEG . AVG DEABVS MATRIBVS 

PR . PR . PROV . BRITANNIAE DEAE . SVRIAE 

POSVIT FORTVNAE 

V . S . L . M . CETERISQ . BKITANNORVM 

DIS . DEABVSQ 

C . VERIVS . FORTIS 

TRIB . COH . I . AEL . BRITONN . 

V.S. 

No place of discovery is named for either of the inscrip- 
tions. No. 1 is on fo. 4, No. 2 on fo. Ab. They were 
both communicated to Woodford by " Henry Babington," 
but this latter individual I cannot trace. At first sight 
they appear to be forgeries, for the reason tliat as regards 
No. 2 it is on the same folio (4) as the inscription 
I . o . m . tanaro found at Chester in 1653, and the whole 
of the other deities named in it are given by Camden in 
the 1607 edition of his Britannia, as having been found on 
inscriptions previously discovered in Britain. With regard 

VOL. XII. 2 A 



186 ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS 

to No. 1. Sallustius Lucullus was we know put to death 
by Domitian, whilst he was legate of Britain, for allowing 
some lances to be named after him "Lucullean," but we 

are quite ignorant of the date of his tenure of office. lie 
is generally supposed to have succeeded Agricola. But 
there is no other instance, in Britain at least, of an 
imperial legate having erected or dedicated an altar. On 
the other hand, it is improbable that a forger could have 
had information as to the existence of a Cohors /. Aelia. 
Brittonum, no trace of which has been elsewhere found in 
this country. 1 

That there was such a cohort is certain from inscrip- 
tions found on the Continent. It is difficult to decide 
how far these inscriptions of Woodford's are genuine. 
That they have at least a basis of fact is probable, that 
they are accurate copies is possible, though, so far, we 
have nothing like them in Britain. 

Another inscription, No. 79, in the same list reads : — 

COH. IV BRE 

LEG. II. AVG 

FECIT. 

There is more probability in this, for we have a con. 
mi. bre. occurring on tiles at Slack {Cambodunum), 
whilst the Legio Secunda Augusta, as is well known, has 
left memorials of its presence, all over Britain. Fecit 
instead of Fecerunt at the close is puzzling, if both the 
auxiliary cohort and the legion erected the stone. Perhaps 
the explanation is, that the stone was not entire, and that 
some individual who was an officer of the legion and at 
the same time commander of the cohort, erected it. 

The last inscription in this list, which seems to be 
unpublished, is No. 60, and reads, though it is but a 
fragment : — 

M . AVRELIO . ANT0NIN0 . PIO 

FEL . AVG . GERMAN ICO . RM. 

TR . POT . X . IMP . . . COS . IIII . P . . . 

PRO . PIETATE . AED 

At first I concluded thai this was a portion of the well 

1 In a short Latin preface to the col- except the four I have given, can be 

lection, Woodford says that the copies of identified, and this identification of nine ty- 

all the inscriptions are exact, and that lie nine out of a total of 103, coupled with 

will mark both the places where the the fact I have mentioned of the oocur- 

inflcriptiona were found, and the persona rence of the Cohors .1. Aelia Brittonum, 

in whose possession they were, but he speaks strongly in favour of the other 

fails to do this. However, all of them, four inscriptions being genuine. 



DISCOVERED IX BRITAIN IN 1883. 187 

known inscription found ai Whitley Castle, and given by 
Dr. Hiibner, No 310 (Horsley, Cumberland cxiii), Inn I 
find thai inscription is given entire by Woodford, No. 54. 
It is evidently part of an inscription to Caracalla, bul like 
the others, its place of discovery is uncertain. 

In addition to these inscriptions, Woodford's MBS. give 
variae /ret/ones of many other well known inscriptions 
from all parts of Britain, but as these would extend this 
[taper to a much greater Length, I at presenl forbear to 
give them. Dr. Hiibner does not seem to have been 
aware of this collection. 

In Murray's "Handbook for South Wales. - ' p. 29, il 
said that near Marram, 'Glamorganshire, a Roman mile 
stone exists, or existed, bearing the inscription : senatvs 

POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS VEROMANVS DVO. TITO. 1>IVI YKSl'ASIAM . 
F . VESPASD\NO . AVGVSTO. 

If a mile stone with an inscription, anything approach- 
ing to this, ever existed near Margam, it would be the 
earliest in date found in Britain, for it would appear to 
be dedicated to the Emperor Titus, circa a.d. 81. But to 
make an\ sense of the inscription (which, as will be seen, 
is given very erroneously) it is necessary to eliminate 
veromanvs., which I take to be simply an accidental 
repetition of the letters following Q in POPVLVSq(ve), made 
by the copyist, and the word DVO should be altered to 
divo. The inscription would then run, translated, " The 
Roman Senate and People, to the deified Titus Vespasianus 
Augustus, son of the deified Vespasianus." But I think it 
highly improbable that an inscription, to Titus worded as 
above, would be found in Britain. 

A few corrections, &c, of published inscriptions, will 
be necessary before closing this list. Dr. Htibner's No. 
833 is, owing to being copied from the engraving in the 
Lapidarium Septentrional c No. 386, deficient of two 
remarkable sigla, at the commencement of the second 
line. I am indebted to the Rev. Dr. Hooppell for the 
correct reading of the line. It is remarkable that Dr. 
Bruce has not represented these sigla in his engraving. 
The inscription is, divested of ligatures — 

VBCVR 
-2 siMAX 

RDO 

MP.D 



188 roma:n inscriptions. 

Zell iii his Delectus, p. <33, gives example of the sign z 
as standing for centurio. I should, therefore, opine that 
in this instance two centurions, whose cognomina were 
Maximus and Sacerdos, are named in the shattered 
inscription. 

At p. 73, vol. xxxv of the Archaeological Journal, I gave 

a copy of a much worn inscription (Xo. 1), found at 

Chester. From recent close inspection of the stone, in 

different lights, I have not only been able to correct the 

reading of one or two letters, but to add others. I find it 

should be read — 

ivs . cv 

.VL SECV 
ND . HE 

The last letters he are ligulate, and probably stand for 
1 feres, they are evidently preceded by Jul(ius) Secund(us). 

In the list of inscriptions for 1881, Archceological Jour- 
nal, vol. xxxix, p. 3G2, the inscription on the tile found 
at Lincoln (c. vib. exo.), is expanded by M. Eobert 
Mowat, the celebrated French archaeologist, in a recent 
communication to me, as C\aii) Vib(ii) Exo(rati.) This 
seems the most correct reading yet proposed. 

Another inscription has to be added to the list of those 
found and lost again, before they could be copied. In the 
Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, vol. i, 
p. 28, is an account of a large Roman inscribed slab, 
four feet long, found lying, face upwards, in the wall of 
Haydon Church, Northumberland, during the restoration 
of the building. It was ascertained that it could not be 
extracted without much expense and injury to the wall, 
so was left in situ, the wall being built up again around it. 
As the nearest Roman station was Housesteads (Borcovicus) 
it probably came from that site. 

p.S. — The tile bearing the inscription alsb, given by 
Dr. Htibner, No. 1240, and of the place of discovery of 
which he was unaware, was one of a series similarly 
stamped, and forming a remarkable tile tornb found at 
Lancaster in 1752, and described in a letter from Samuel 
Peele of that town to Dr. Stukeley (shortly to be pub- 
lished). Its reading is undoubtedly Al(ae) S(e)b(osianae). 



THE BATTLE OF LEWES.' 
By Rev. W. R. W. STEPHENS, M.A.. Rector of Woolbedrag. 

Htec Angli de prselio legite Lewensi 

Cujus patrocinio vivitis defensi. 
Quia si victoria jam victis cessisset 
Anglorum meinoria victa viluisset. 

— Political Sony (Camden Society). 

Our interest in all the details of the great battle which was fought six 
hundred and twenty years ago upon the hills ahove this town will be 
much deepened if we bear in mind the vast importance of the principles 
which hung upon the issue of that memorable day. The battle was only 
one event, although a most critical one, in a long struggle which lasted 
through the whole reign of Henry III. — the struggle of the English 
people to maintain their rights, their freedom, and their honour, against 
the exactions of the Papacy, the greed and arrogance of foreign adven- 
turers, and the follies of a weak, perfidious, and wilful king who was not 
consistent in anything except in mismanaging the affairs of his kingdom. 

During the minority, indeed, of the King, which lasted from 1216 to 
1227, the patriotic party in the State kept the upper hand. William 
Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, who was Regent till his death in 1219, 
re-adjusted the machinery of government which had fallen to pieces 
during the confusions of John's misrule : Hubert de Burgh, the Justiciar, 
and Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, strove to place the 
whole administrative system which William Marshall had repaired in the 
hands of Englishmen. These able and upright men were more than a 
match for Peter des Roches, the Poictevin Bishop of Winchester, who 
was the head of the foreign party. Magna Carta (though with some 
omissions) and the other Charters were continued ; the royal castles were 
one by one wrested from the aliens to whom they had been entrusted by 
John, and Langton obtained a promise from Rome that during his life- 
time no new Legate should be appointed. In January, 1227, in a 
council held at Oxford, Henry being nearly twenty years of age, 
announced his intention of governing for himself, and under his mis- 
management for thirty years the pile of national wrongs, national 
discontent, national distress was steadily heaped up. The charters sealed 
during his minority were declared to be cancelled, and their re-confirma- 
tion had to be bought. Stephen Langton died in 1228: Hubert de 
Burgh was dismissed in 1232: Peter des Roches, who had been absent 
on a four years' crusade, returned : a new troop of foreigners was invited 
and put in possession of the royal castles: the great officers of State were 

1 Head on the Castle Hill, at Lewi-,--, at July 01st, 1S83. 
the annual meeting of the Institute, 



190 THE BATTLE OF LEWES. 

appointed by the King without consulting the great council of the 
nation. As we are in the South Saxon diocese it is fitting to remind 
you that Ealph Neville, Bishop of Chichester, who had been made 
Chancellor in 1226, was ordered by the King to surrender the Great Seal, 
but he bravely refused to give it up except at the bidding of the national 
assembly by which he had been appointed, Henry wrested the Seal 
from him in 1238, but he retained the income and title of Chancellor till 
his death in 1244. The Justiciar Stephen de Segrave, the Treasurer 
Peter de Rivaulx, and his agent Robert Passilew, were tools of Peter 
des Roches. The King tried to force Robert Passilew into the See of 
Chichester on the death of Ralph Xevdle. The Chapter yielded : hut 
Robert Grosseteste, the great and good Bishop of Lincoln, who had 
examined Passilew, pronounced him to be incompetent and unfit, and 
Richard of "Wych, afterwards canonized, was appointed in his stead, to 
the great annoyance of the King, who for a long time withheld the 
temporalities of the See. 

The successors of Archbishop Stephen Langton, Richard Grant, and 
the saintly Edmund of Abingdon, were able for a time to stem the foreign 
influence, and Peter des Roches was dismissed from power, but after the 
marriage of the King with Eleanor of Provence in 1236, the old evils 
recurred in greater force ; fresh swarms of foreigners arrived, the kinsfolk 
partly of the Queen, partly of the King's mother, who had married the 
Count de la Marehe. Tier daughter Alicia, the King's half sister, was 
married to the Earl of Warren, to whom this castle in which we are now 
assembled belonged, and the custody of the castles of Pevensy and 
Hastings were bestowed on Peter of Savoy, an uncle of the Queen, and 
afterwards on the King's half brother, William of Valence. Thus nearly 
one half of Sussex was in the hands of those who were attached to the 
King's side, which no doubt was one chief reason why he drew his forces 
into these parts to fight the most decisive battle of the war with his 
subjects. 

Archbishop Edmund, who had retired to France, where he died 
brokemhearted at Soissy in 1240, was succeeded by an uncle of the Queen, 
Boniface of Savoy, a man of violent temper and little learning. The 
Papal exactions now became more and more monstrous : First a share was 
demanded in the property of every Cathedral Church and every Monastic 
House, then a tenth of all moveables, then all preferment of natives to 
ecclesiastical henefices was forbidden until 300 Italians had been provided 
for. Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, was the courageous exponent of 
these abuses, and in a great measure the guiding mind of the national 
resistance to mis-government. 

The king's mismanagement of domestic and foreign affairs continually 
plunged him deeper into debt ; he was constantly asking for money which 
the great Council refused, unless the Charters were re-affirmed. Henry 
repeatedly swore to observe them and repeatedly broke his oath. The 
Pope and the King were, it was said, to the